The Paintings of Korean Shaman Gods: History, Relevance and Role as Religious Icons 9781898823780

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THE PAINTINGS OF KOREAN SHAMAN GODS

The Paintings of Korean Shaman Gods HISTORY, RELEVANCE AND ROLE AS RELIGIOUS ICONS

By

Kim Tae-gon Translation and Introduction by Christina Han

Renaissance Books Korean Literature Series ISSN 2398-9866- Volume 2 THE PAINTINGS OF KOREAN SHAMAN GODS HISTORY, RELEVANCE AND ROLE AS RELIGIOUS ICONS

By Kim Tae-gon. Translated by Christina Han ©1989 Kim Tae-gon

This English translation [excluding Introduction by Christina Han] was originally published in 1989 as Paintings of Shaman Gods of Korea by Youlwhadang Publishers, Paju Bookcity, Gwanginsa-gil 25, Paju-si, Gyeonggi-Do, 10881, Korea www.youlhwadang.co.kr The Paintings of Korean Shaman Gods is published with the support of the Literature Translation Institute of Korea (LTI Korea) First English edition published 2018 by RENNAISANCE BOOKS PO Box 219 Folkestone Kent CT20 2WP Renaissance Books is an imprint of Global Books Ltd © Renaissance Books 2018 ISBN 978-1-898823-77-3 [Hardback] ISBN 978-1-898823-78-0 [e-Book] All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any electronic, mechanical or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without prior permission in writing from the publishers. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A CIP catalogue entry for this book is available from the British Library

Set in Adobe Garamond Pro 11.5 on 13.0 pt by Dataworks Printed in England by CPI Group (UK) Ltd., Croydon CR0 4YY

Contents À Translator’s Preface List of Figures List of Plates Introduction VISIONS, IMAGES, PERFORMANCE: UNDERSTANDING KOREAN SHAMAN ART By Christina Han ‡ ‡ ‡ ‡ ‡ ‡ ‡

Two Origin Stories Shamanism in Korea Korean Shaman Gods Representing the Gods Relationship between Shamans and Shaman Paintings Shaman Ritual and Shaman Paintings SigniÀFanFe of Korean Shamanist Paintings in the Context of the Ritual

Chapter 1 PAINTINGS OF KOREAN SHAMAN GODS By Kim Tae-gon ‡ ‡ ‡ ‡ ‡ ‡

Paintings of Shaman Gods: A Note on Terminology The History and Formation of Shaman God Paintings Types, Functions, Distribution Display and Worship Forms, Composition, Styles Shaman God Paintings and Shaman Spirituality

vii ix xi

1 1 2 4 5 6 7 11 13 13 14 22 33 35 37

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THE PAINTINGS OF KOREAN SHAMAN GODS

Chapter 2 THE SHAMAN GOD PAINTING AS AN ICON AND ITS ARTISTIC QUALITIES By Bak Yong-suk ‡ ‡ ‡ ‡

General ReÁections on Shamanism The Characteristics of Shaman Gods and Shaman God Paintings Shaman God Paintings and Icons Artistic Forms of Shaman God Paintings

IMAGES OF KOREAN SHAMAN GODS Glossary of Terms

45 45 50 58 63 73 205

Translator’s Preface À THIS IS AN ENGLISH translation of the Korean book Hanguk Musindo 䞲ῃⶊ㔶☚G(Paintings of Korean Shaman Gods), a seminal work in the study of Korean shaman art published in 1989. The author Kim Tae-gon (1937–1996) was an ethnographer specializing in Korean shamanism. Throughout his professional life, Kim worked tirelessly as a professor and director of museums and research centres and served as the president of Korean Folklore Society. He authored many scholarly books on shamanism in Korea, China and Mongolia. In his chapter, ´ReÁections on Shaman God Paintings and Shamanism,µ Kim presents the Àndings of his life-long research on the paintings of Korean shaman gods, namely, their history and distribution as well as their connection to shaman spirituality. During his research, Kim travelled extensively throughout South Korea to rediscover these sacred images that once played an important role in the religious life of Koreans. The paintings illustrated in this book show some of the works he located and studied. Bak Yong-suk (b.1935) was a professor of art history at Dongduk Women’s University and a proliÀc author in the Àeld of Korean art history and religions. In her chapter, “The Shaman God Paintings as an Icon and Its Artistic 4ualities,µ Bak examines prehistorical evidence and historical records concerning the origins, functions, and symbolic signiÀcance of the paintings. Thirty years have passed since the original publication of the book, but the information and images contained in it are still valuable and inÁuential in the study of Korean art history and shamanism. The book was instrumental in my own work and research as a Curatorial Consultant for the Korean Collection at the Royal Ontario Museum (ROM) in Canada. The ROM’s collection includes a number of paintings of Korean shaman gods from the late nineteenth and early twentieth century. When I learned that the Literature Translation

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THE PAINTINGS OF KOREAN SHAMAN GODS

Institute of Korea was looking to produce an English translation of the book, I embraced the opportunity. My introductory chapter, “Visions, Images, Performance: Understanding Korean Shaman Art,µ is based on a keynote address I delivered at the ROM’s Bishop White Annual Lecture in 2007. The publication of this book would not have been possible without the generous support from the Literature Translation Institute of Korea. I want to express special thanks to the original publisher Youlhwadang and to Paul Norbury at Renaissance Books. Christina Han Associate Professor at Wilfrid Laurier University, Canada Curatorial Consultant and Research Associate, Royal Ontario Museum

List of Figures À Fig. 1 Mudang The illustrations (Figures 1–4) are of Bucheon-based mudang, Kim Mi-suk. Image courtesy of Kim Mi-suk

3

Fig. 2 Shaman as God of Smallpox Image courtesy of Kim Mi-suk

8

Fig. 3 Great Lord (Daegam) Image courtesy of Kim Mi-suk

11

Fig. 4 Walking on the straw cleaver Image courtesy of Kim Mi-suk

11

Fig. 5 Tutelary Shrine (Seonangdang ㍲⌃╏) in Yeongdeok, Gyeongju. 1960s.

15

Fig. 6 An interior view of the Guksadang Shrine, Mt. Namsan. Early 1900s.

16

Fig. 7 The altar at General Nam I’s Shrine, Seoul, 1964.

17

Fig. 8 General Gwan U’s Shrine in Ganghwa, Gyeonggi Province. At the center of the altar is enshrined the deiÀed image of General Gwan U.

19

Fig. 9 The painting of General Choe Yeong’s Wife in the Lady’s Shrine in Deongmul Mountain, Gyeonggi Province. Because of their unhappy marriage during lifetime, two separate shrines were built for the general and his wife.

19

Fig. 10 Suwang gut 㑮㢫῕ (Ritual for the Ten Gods of the Underworld) in Pyeongan Province. A mudang rips the long cotton fabric as a symbolic act of preparing the road to the underworld for the spirit of the deceased. Envoy’s Tutelary Shrine (Sasin Seonangdang ֯㠓㍲⌃╏), Seoul.

21

Fig. 11 The altar at the Supuldang Shrine, Seoul. Three gods, including the Dragon Queen, the Three Buddhist Gods, and the Seven Star God are enshrined.

27

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THE PAINTINGS OF KOREAN SHAMAN GODS

Fig. 12 Painting of General Im Gyeong-eop. Colors on paper. 1900s, Hwanghae Province, Yeonbaek.

28

Fig. 13 Tutelary Shrine. Early 1900s.

34

Fig. 14 Interior view of the Guksadang Shrine, Mt. Namsan. Early 1900s.

35

Fig. 15 Jinogwi gut 㰖⏎‖῕. A mudang chants the shaman song “Princess Bariµ to prepare the spirit of the deceased to enter the underworld. Guksadang Shrine, Seoul.

39

Fig. 16 Geumjul ⁞㭚 (straw rope) in Andong, North Gyeongsang Province, 1930s. Geumjul, decorated with pine branches, was hung around the house to ward off evil and usher in good fortune.

42

Fig. 17 Giju ₆㭒 (Tutelary God) in Buyeo, South Chungcheong Province, 1930s. Giju, a tutelary god, was worshipped in the backyard. Marking the sacred space is geumjul. Freshly drawn water was offered to the god.

42

Fig. 18 No. 4 Mural in the Left Chamber of the Wu Family Shrine Jiaxiang County, Shandong Province, China Fuxi and Nüwa hold a ruler and a compass, respectively. Both of them have the bodies of snakes.

55

Fig. 19 Aphrodite Bronze mirror stand, Greece, cir. 550 BCE

57

Fig. 20 Snake Goddess Excavated in Knossos, cir. 1600–1500 BCE

57

Fig. 21 Snake God (Sito) Papyrus, Egypt, 1300 BCE Sito is sometimes shown with legs or with a coiled body.

59

Fig.s 22 and 23 Goddess Hathor and King Seti I Thebae, cir. 1320–1200 BCE The Egyptian gods wore the snake ornament on their heads as a sign of their divinity.

61

Fig. 24 Anak Tomb No. 3 (Dongsu Tomb), Front West Chamber Portrait of the Male Tomb Occupant

64

Fig. 25 Portrait of the Fox Immortal The veneration of the portrait is an important part of Manchurian New Year’s celebration.

64

List of Plates À

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20.

God of Smallpox (Byeolsang), Deep colors on silk, 91x61cm, 1700s ?, Seoul God of Smallpox (Byeolsang), Deep colors on silk, 94x62cm, 1700s ?, Seoul God of Smallpox (Byeolsang), Deep colors on silk, 88x51cm, 1900s, Seoul God of Smallpox (Byeolsang), Mineral colors on silk, 87x52cm, 1900s, Seoul God of Smallpox (Byeolsang), Mineral colors on silk, 106x60cm, 1900s, Seoul Daughter of the God of Smallpox (Byeolsang Aegissi), Mineral colors on silk, 90x55cm, 1800s ?, Seoul God and Goddess of Smallpox (Byeolsang Bubu), Mineral colors on silk, 106x61cm, 1800s ?, Seoul Tutelary God (Seonang), Deep colors on cotton, 90x56cm, 1800s, Seoul Tutelary God (Seonang), Deep colors on silk, 104x61cm, 1800s, Seoul Dragon King of the Four Seas (Sahae Yongwang), Mineral colors on silk, 97x53cm, 1800s ?, Seoul The Sun-Moon-Star God (Irwolseonggun), Deep colors on silk, 88x57cm, 1700s ?, Seoul The Sun-Moon-Star Gods (Irwolseongsin), Mineral colors on silk, 87x52cm, 1800s, Seoul The Sun-Moon-Star Gods (Irwolseongsin), Detail of Plate 12 Fairy Goddess of the Sun and Moon (Irwol Seonnyeo), Light colors on paper, 101x76cm, 1900s, Haeju, Hwanghae Province Grandfather Ondang (Ondang Harabeoji; Master Spirit of the Shrine), Deep colors on paper, 89x58cm, 1700s ?, Seoul Grandmother Im (Imssi Halmeoni; Spirit of the Shrine), Deep colors on paper, 69x47cm, 1700s ?, Seoul Grandmother Bak (Bakssi Halmeoni; Spirit of the Shrine), Deep colors on paper, 75x47cm, 1700s ?, Seoul Bodhisattva (Bosal), Light colors on paper, 80x67cm, 1900s, Haeju, Hwanghae Province Grandmother Ondang Spirit (Ondang Daesin Halmeoni; Supreme Spirit of Ancestor of Shamans), Deep colors on silk, 88x57cm, 1700s, Seoul Female Buddhist Master (Bulsa Halmeoni), Mineral colors on silk, 97x58cm, 1800s ?, Seoul

75 76 77 78 79 80 81 82 83 84 85 86 87 88 89 90 91 92 93 94

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21. Mother of Shamans (Daesin Manura), Mineral colors on silk, 87x52cm, 1900s, Seoul 22. Grandmother of Shamans (Daesin Halmeoni), Mineral colors on cotton, 82x58cm, 1900s, Pyeongyang, South Pyeongan Province 23. Grandmother of Shamans (Daesin Halmeoni), Mineral colors on silk, 88x52cm, 1900s, Seoul 24. Mountain God (Sansin), Deep colors on paper, 92x51cm, 1800s, Seoul 25. Mountain God (Sansin), Deep colors on silk, 88x51cm, 1800s ?, Seoul 26. Mountain God of the Head Shrine (Dodang Sansin), Mineral colors on silk, 87x75cm, 1800s, Seoul 27. Mountain God (Sansin), Mineral colors on silk, 87x52cm, 1900s, Seoul 28. Mountain God (Sansin), Mineral colors on silk, 104x59cm, 1800s ?, Seoul 29. Mountain God (Sansin), Mineral colors on silk, 95x56cm, 1900s, Gyeonggi Province 30. Mountain God (Sansin), Detail of Plate 31 31. Mountain God (Sansin), Mineral colors on silk, 82x53cm, 1900s, Pyeongyang, South Pyeongan Province 32. Dragon God (Yongsin), Deep colors on silk, 110x100cm, 1700s, Seoul 33. Dragon King (Yongwang), Mineral colors on silk, 88x51cm, 1800s ?, Seoul 34. Dragon Queen (Yonggung Buin), Deep colors on silk, 97x62cm, 1700s, Seoul 35. Dragon Queen (Yonggung Buin), Deep colors on silk, 88x57cm, 1700s, Seoul 36. Dragon Queen of the Four Seas (Sahae Yonggung Buin), Mineral colors on silk, 95x50cm, 1800s, Seoul 37. Dragon Queen (Yonggung Buin), Mineral colors on silk, 87x52cm, 1900s, Seoul 38. Dragon Queen (Yonggung Buin), Mineral colors on silk, 90x55cm, 1800s ?, Seoul 39. Dragon Queen (Yongtae Buin), Light colors on paper, 98x76cm, 1900s, Yeonbaek, Hwanghae Province 40. Great Lord Hong (Hongssi Daegam), Deep colors on silk, 96x72cm, 1700s, Seoul 41. Great Lord Hong (Hongssi Daegam), Detail of Plate 40 42. Seven Star God (Chilseong), Detail of Plate 43 43. Seven Star God (Chilseong), Deep colors on silk, 96x70cm, 1700s, Seoul 44. Seven Star God (Chilseong), Mineral colors on silk, 88x51cm, 1800s ?, Seoul 45. Seven Star God (Chilseong), Mineral colors on silk, 105x58cm, 1800s ?, Seoul 46. Seven Star God (Chilseong), Mineral colors on silk, 99x61cm, 1800s ?, Seoul 47. Seven Star God (Chilseong), Mineral colors on silk, 90x54cm, 1800s ?, Seoul 48. Seven Star God (Chilseong), Deep colors on silk, 99x62cm, 1700s ?, Seoul 49. Seven Star God (Chilseong), Light colors on paper, 103x78cm, 1900s, Haeju, Hwanghae Province 50. Lady Song (Songssi Buin), Mineral colors on silk, 98x131cm, 1800s, Seoul 51. Lady Song (Songssi Buin), Detail of Plate 50 52. Lady Hong (Hongssi Daegam Buin; Wife of Great Lord Hong), Deep colors on silk, 97x72cm, 1700s, Seoul

95 96 97 98 99 100 101 102 103 104 105 106 107 108 109 110 111 112 113 114 115 116 117 118 119 120 121 122 123 124 125 126

LIST OF PLATES

53. Lady/Princess of Goryeo (Aegissi/Goryeo Gongju), Deep colors on silk, 90x58cm, 1700s, Seoul 54. Princess Bari (Bari Gongju), Deep colors on paper, 92x51cm, 1800s, Seoul 55. Grandmother of Shamans (Daesin Halmeoni), Deep colors on silk, 90x58cm, 1700s, Seoul 56. Spirit of the Main Shrine (Bongwanwi), Deep colors on paper, 62x40cm, 1800s, Jeju Island 57. God of Smallpox (Hong-a), Deep colors on paper, 62x40cm, 1800s, Jeju Island 58. Lady Hogu (Hogu Assi; Goddess of Smallpox), Mineral colors on silk, 89x54cm, 1900s, Seoul 59. Lady Hogu (Hogu Assi; Goddess of Smallpox), Mineral colors on silk, 106x60cm, 1800s, Seoul 60. Great Lord (Daegam), Mineral colors on silk, 104x58cm, 1800s ?, Seoul 61. Heavenly God of the Head Shrine (Dodang Cheonsin), Mineral colors on silk, 95x53cm, 1800s ?, Seoul 62. Envoy-General (Sasin Janggun), Mineral colors on silk, 91x51cm, 1800s, Seoul 63. God of Fire (Hwadeok Jingun), Deep colors on silk, 92x59cm, 1700s, Seoul 64. Great Lord (Daegam), Mineral colors on cotton, 82x53cm, 1900s, Pyeongyang, South Pyeongan Province 65. Envoy (Sasin), Mineral colors on cotton, 74x51cm, 1800s ?, Seoul 66. Jegal Ryang (Jegal Ryang), Deep colors on silk, 153x51cm, 1800s, Namwon, North Jeolla Province 67. General Yu Bi (Yu Bi), Deep colors on silk, 153x51cm, 1800s, Namwon, North Jeolla Province 68. Heavenly Lord (Cheonsin Daegam), Mineral colors on silk, 106x60cm, 1800s ?, Seoul 69. Chief God of House (Toju Gwanjang), Mineral colors on silk, 107x61cm, 1800s, Seoul 70. Chief God of House (Toju Gwanjang), Detail of Plate 69 71. Lady Jeong of Jeongju (Jeongju Jeongssi Buin), Mineral colors on silk, 106x61cm, 1800s, Seoul 72. Jeong of Jeongju (Jeongju Jeongssi), Mineral colors on silk, 106x61cm, 1800s, Seoul 73. Responding Spirit (Gameung Sillyeong), Light colors on paper, 98x77cm, 1900s, Yeonbaek, Hwanghae Province 74. God of Love (Sangsawi), Deep colors on paper, 62x40cm, 1800s, Jeju Island 75. God of Five Cardinal Points (Obang Sinjang), Mineral colors on silk, 92x61cm, 1800s, Seoul 76. God of Five Cardinal Points (Obang Sinjang), Detail of Plate 75 77. God of Five Cardinal Points (Obang Sinjang), Deep colors on silk, 88x54cm, 1700s, Seoul 78. God of Five Cardinal Points (Obang Sinjang), Mineral colors on silk, 88x51cm, 1800s ?, Seoul

xiii

127 128 129 130 131 132 133 134 135 136 137 138 139 140 141 142 143 144 145 146 147 148 149 150 151 152

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THE PAINTINGS OF KOREAN SHAMAN GODS

79. God of Five Cardinal Points (Obang Sinjang), Mineral colors on silk, 87x52cm, 1800s ?, Seoul 80. Buddhist God (Jeseogwi), Deep colors on paper, 62x40cm, 1800s, Jeju Island 81. Three Buddhist Gods (Sambul Jeseok), Deep colors on silk, 88x53cm, 1700s, Seoul 82. Three Buddhist Gods (Sambul Jeseok), Deep colors on silk, 94x55cm, 1700s, Seoul 83. Three Buddhist Gods (Sambul Jeseok), Detail of Plate 84 84. Three Buddhist Gods (Sambul Jeseok), Mineral colors on silk, 98x59cm, 1800s ?, Seoul 85. Three Buddhist Gods (Sambul Jeseok), Mineral colors on silk, 105x59cm, 1800s ?, Seoul 86. Three Buddhist Gods (Sambul Jeseok), Mineral colors on silk, 106x60cm, 1800s, Seoul 87. Three Buddhist Gods (Sambul Jeseok), Deep colors on silk, 95x58cm, 1800s, Seoul 88. Three Buddhist Gods (Sambul Jeseok), Mineral colors on silk, 88x51cm, 1900s, Seoul 89. General (Janggun), Mineral colors on silk, 105x59cm, 1800s ?, Seoul 90. Two Generals (Yang Janggun), Mineral colors on silk, 92x61cm, 1800s, Seoul 91. General Choe Il/General Choe Yeong (Choe Il Janggun/ Choe Yeong Janggun), Deep colors on paper, 92x51cm, 1800s, Seoul 92. General Jang (Jang Janggun), Mineral colors on silk, 92x55cm, 1800s, Seoul 93. General of Fire (Hwadeok Janggun), Mineral colors on silk, 88x51cm, 1800s ?, Seoul 94. Dragon General (Yong Janggun), Mineral colors on silk, 96x53cm, 1800s ?, Seoul 95. General Jo (Jo Janggun), Mineral colors on silk, 82x53cm, 1900s, Pyeongyang, South Pyeongan Province 96. General Gwan U (Gwan U), Deep colors on silk, 153x51cm, 1800s, Namwon, North Jeolla Province 97. General Jang Bi (Jang Bi), Deep colors on silk, 153x51cm, 1800s, Seoul 98. General on White Horse (Baengma Janggun), Light colors on paper, 103x78cm, 1900s, Haeju, Hwanghae Province 99. General on Dragon Horse (Yongma Janggun), Light colors on paper, 101x78cm, 1900s, Yeonbaek, Hwanghae Province 100. General Hong and His Wife (Hong Janggun Bubu), Mineral colors on silk, 96x53cm, 1800s ?, Seoul 101. General Gwanseong (Gwanseong Jegun), Deep colors on silk, 86x53cm, 1700s, Gyeonggi Province 102. General Gwanseong (Gwanseong Jegun), Mineral colors on silk, 87x52cm, 1900s, Seoul 103. General Gwanseong (Gwanseong Jegun), Deep colors on silk, 97x64cm, 1700s, Seoul

153 154 155 156 157 158 159 160 161 162 163 164 165 166 167 168 169 170 171 172 173 174 175 176 177

LIST OF PLATES

104. General Gwanseong (Gwanseong Jegun), Detail of Plate 105 105. General Gwanseong (Gwanseong Jegun), Deep colors on silk, 95x56cm, 1700s ?, Seoul 106. General Gwanseong (Gwanseong Jegun), Deep colors on silk, 88x55cm, 1700s ?, Gyeonggi Province 107. General Gwanseong (Gwanseong Jegun), Mineral colors on silk, 112x64cm, 1800s, Seoul 108. General Gwanseong (Gwanseong Jegun), Mineral colors on silk, 88x51cm, 1900s, Seoul 109. General Gwan U (Gwangong), Mineral colors on silk, 99x63cm, 1800s, Seoul 110. All Generals (Jejang), Mineral colors on silk, 92x75cm, 1800s, Seoul 111. All Generals (Jejang), Mineral colors on silk, 92x75cm, 1800s, Seoul 112. All Generals (Jejang), Mineral colors on silk, 75x58cm, 1800s, Seoul 113. All Generals (Jejang), Mineral colors on silk, 75x58cm, 1800s, Seoul 114. Jade Emperor of Heaven (Okhwang Cheonjon), Mineral colors on silk, 91x53cm, 1800s, Seoul 115. Jade Emperor (Okhwang Sangje), Light colors on paper, 101x77cm, 1900s, Haeju, Hwanghae Province 116. King Taejo (Taejo Daewang), Mineral colors on silk, 87x52cm, 1900s, Seoul 117. Ten Kings of the Underworld (Sip Daewang), Light colors on paper, 105x75cm, 1900s, Yeonbaek, Hwanghae Province 118. Buddha (Bucheonim), Deep colors on silk, 84x56cm, 1700s, Seoul 119. Buddha (Bucheonim), Light colors on paper, 100x54cm, 1900s, Seoul 120. Great Master Muhak (Muhak Daesa), Mineral colors on silk, 104x58cm, 1800s ?, Seoul 121. Great Master Muhak (Muhak Daesa), Deep colors on silk, 100x60cm, 1800s ?, Seoul 122. Great Master Samyeong (Samyeong Daesa), Mineral colors on paper, 88x51cm, 1800s ?, Seoul 123. Master Waryong (Waryong Seonsaeng), Deep colors on paper, 92x51cm, 1800s, Seoul 124. Blind Fortune Teller Couple (Maeng-in Naeoe), Mineral colors on silk, 106x60cm, 1800s, Seoul 125. Blind Fortune Teller (Maeng-in), Light colors on cotton, 82x53cm, 1900s, Pyeongyang, South Pyeongan Province 126. Male Entertainer (Changbu), Deep colors on silk, 93x53cm, 1800s, Seoul 127. Male Entertainer (Changbu), Mineral colors on cotton, 80x51cm, 1900s, Seoul 128. The Great Lord of the Spirit Mountain (Yeongsan Daegam), Light colors on paper, 99x77cm, Yeonbaek, Hwanghae Province 129. Bachelor (Doryeong), Light colors on paper, 79x55cm, 1900s, Pyeongyang, South Pyeongan Province 130. Fan of the Ancestor of Shamans (Manseongsu Buchae), Light colors on paper, 61cm wide, 1900s, Yeonbaek, Hwanghae Province

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178 179 180 181 182 183 184 185 186 187 188 189 190 191 192 193 194 195 196 197 198 199 200 201 202 203 204

Introduction

Visions, Images, Performance: Understanding Korean Shaman Art CHRISTINA HAN

À

Let’s start with two stories that illustrate the origins of shamanism in Korea. Long ago, there was a king who had many daughters but no son. When the seventh daughter was born, he became greatly incensed. He placed her in a stone box and cast it in a pond. But heaven sent Dragon King who rescued her and took her to heaven. When she was about fourteen years of age, she came down to earth and learned that her mother was critically ill. She travelled far to the Western Sky and brought medicine water and saved her mother. Since then people have visited the princess’ spring of medicine water and listened to the bubbling water as though it were the voice of the princess. The princess was an ancestor of Korean shamans. Once upon a time, there was a princess who lost her sanity. After being forced out of the palace, she settled in Mt. Namsan in the vicinity of Seoul. She caused much disturbance in Seoul, so the king sent her off with enough food and a maid to the highest peak of Mt. Diamond. At the mountain, the princess had a vision of a crane with blue and white wings coming into her mouth. She closed her mouth tightly so that the crane would be kept in her body. Later she conceived a baby by the crane and gave birth to twin boys. They grew up and became great ministers under her father’s rule. Both of them married and each had four girls. All the eight girls became shamans and were sent in different directions to assist the people through their acts of healing and their professions of faith on the spirits. Since then the rejected princess, their grandmother, was honored as an ancestor of shamans.

2

THE PAINTINGS OF KOREAN SHAMAN GODS

These stories are two of many legends about the origins of Korean shamanism. Although simple, in them we can identify some of the key characteristics of Korean shamanism. First, those who are deemed to be ancestors of shamans had direct experiences of heavenly spirits, the Dragon King in the Àrst story and the crane in the second story. Second, the shamans trace their origins to the royal lineage, an interesting point since the shamans for a long period in Korean history were considered as outcasts, the lowest class of people. Third, the stories highlight the personal tragedy of those who became initiated into shamanism. This is in line with the continuing practice that charismatic shamans (mudang ⶊ╏) undergo a kind of psychic transformation through a serious illness or vision (Fig. 1). Lastly, the legends concerning the origins of shamans in Korea demonstrate the predominance of women. In fact, to this day most Korean shamans are female, and the high proportion of female leadership has distinguished shamanism from other traditional male-dominated religions in Korea, such as Confucianism and Buddhism. Shamanism in Korea

Shamanism is the most ancient form of spirituality in Korea. Bronze mirrors and bells excavated in prehistoric sites testify to the presence of shamanic practices in the context of early agricultural communities. In its earliest stage, shamanism in Korea developed without a structured system or a deÀnite set of religious tenets or ethical standards.1 Contrary to the widespread tendency to dismiss shamanism as an unorganized and unsophisticated superstition, Bak Yong-suk’s chapter in this book shows that shamanism in Korea did develop a substantial institutional and textual tradition during the Three Kingdoms period although it was gradually undermined by the systematic oppression of shamanism during the Joseon dynasty. The spread of shamanism in Korea relied heavily on oral transmission from one shaman to another. The absence of strong institutional and textual tradition enabled shamanism to transform itself throughout history, despite its ancient origin. Elements of Confucianism, Buddhism, 1

Kim Tae-kon, Korean Shamanism – Muism (Seoul: Jimoondang Publishing Company, 1998), 94.

VISIONS, IMAGES, PERFORMANCE: UNDERSTANDING KOREAN SHAMAN ART

Fig. 1 Mudang The illustrations are of Bucheon-based mudang, Kim Mi-suk. Image courtesy of Kim Mi-suk

3

4

THE PAINTINGS OF KOREAN SHAMAN GODS

and Daoism, the religions that were later introduced to Korea from China, became absorbed into shamanic practices, reÁecting the power and inclusiveness of Korean shamanism to amalgamate diverse religious traditions and adapt to the changing sociopolitical and religious environments. According to the fundamental beliefs in Korean shamanism, the world is Àlled with the living, the dead, and the gods of all kinds, and the relationships they share are believed to inÁuence the life of the living. The goal of shamanism, therefore, is to mediate between the living, the dead, and the gods to create peaceful and mutually beneÀcial relationships. The act of mediation usually takes place in the ritual setting called gut ῕. The gut can be described as a feast for the gods designed for the purpose of appeasing them. It is hoped that the gods will respond favorably to the feast by granting speciÀc wishes presented by the shaman during the ritual. Shamans function as mediators between the three realms. They assume multiple roles as priest, healer, prophet, as well as the promoter and transmitter of local culture.2 Kim Tae-gon’s chapter discusses in detail the four types of shamans found throughout the Korean peninsula, namely, the mudang, dangol ┾Ἶ, simbang 㕂⹿, and myeongdu ⳛ⚦. Of the four, the mudang (charismatic female shamans) is the most important for our discussion of Korean shaman paintings, which are the portraits of gods the mudang saw in their spiritual initiations and whom the mudang embody during the ritual process. Korean Shaman Gods

There are over 270 popular shaman deities in Korea, and all of them assume human forms. The Korean shaman gods are not omnipotent or omnipresent deities. They are localized gods who are only invoked for certain reasons. Generally, the gods are venerated in order to fulÀll basic human desires, such as health and longevity. Kim Tae-gon’s chapter provides a comprehensive list of the types of gods and their functions. Important to note in the Korean shaman pantheon is the overwhelming female presence. In contrast to Confucianism and Buddhism that 2

Yu Chai-shin and Rick Guisso, eds., Shamanism: The Spirit World of Korea (Berkeley: Asian Humanities Press, 1988), 30.

VISIONS, IMAGES, PERFORMANCE: UNDERSTANDING KOREAN SHAMAN ART

5

mostly venerate male sages and deities, in Korean shamanism, just as shamans themselves are mostly women, many of the gods they worshipped were also female. Moreover, most female gods revered in Korean shamanism appear in the form of ordinary women, much like the shamans and worshippers themselves. The paintings of ancestors of shamans (Plates 19, 21-23) and shrine spirits (Plates 16-17) are examples that represent these gods as women from the commoner’s class. The pantheon also includes gods from other religions. Buddhist deities like the Buddha, Maitreya, and Avalokitesvara, and Daoist deities like the Jade Emperor and Laozi are worshipped as key shaman gods. Confucian sages like Confucius and Mencius and Christian deities like Jesus and Mary are also venerated in Korean shamanism. A long list of historical Àgures, especially military heroes, was also incorporated into the pantheon over the long history of Korean shamanism. This open-ended list of pantheon, in fact, is one central feature of Korean shamanism which has allowed for a continuing emergence of new gods. Depending on the needs of time, particularly in times of social and political upheavals, as new challenges and evils emerged, new gods also surfaced. The gods also adapted to the changing realities. For instance, in the past the gods of smallpox were frequently invoked to seek protection from the devastating disease. With the introduction of modern medicine, however, smallpox is no longer considered a major threat. The gods of smallpox then were transformed into gods in charge of other types of modern diseases, and not simply limited to curing smallpox. The Korean shaman pantheon also expanded by adding the gods emerging from personal visions. While most shamans are initiated by and communicate with already identiÀed gods, there are also many who experience hitherto unknown gods in their initiation trance. These new gods then join the ever-expanding pantheon of Korean shamanism. Representing the Gods

The Korean shaman paintings represent the images of gods who communicate with shamans. Shamans commission local artists to produce the portraits of gods and venerate the images in the shrines dedicated to them. From the point of view of shamans and believers, however, the

6

THE PAINTINGS OF KOREAN SHAMAN GODS

paintings are more than simple representations of gods but rather the gods themselves. The gods are believed to be embodied in the paintings, and the shamans treat them as the very presence of gods. The actual act of portraying the gods, therefore, is distinguished from an ordinary act of painting. The Korean shamans explain the process of painting as an ¶adorning’ or ¶framing’ of gods, indicating that the Ànished products are not mere representations but rather true gods adorned and framed inside the physical medium of painting. The distinction between representation and reality is therefore blurred, the full expression of which is manifested in the ritual process of gut. The process of painting also involves many taboos. Prior to commencing the work, the commissioned painters would undergo ablutions to purify their desires and thoughts. The painters also have to follow dietary restrictions and abstain from consuming meat during the course of their work. Once complete, the paintings are displayed in the shrine belonging to the shaman. Relationship between Shamans and Shaman Paintings

Little is known about the history of Korean shaman paintings. Very few shaman paintings from early period have survived, and most extant works date from the early twentieth century. Considering that shamanism was the earliest form of spirituality in Korea, such paucity of visual evidence might seem surprising. The scarcity of surviving works is attributed to the particular understanding of shaman paintings shared among shamans and the role the paintings played within the larger ritual context. As a result of having an open pantheon, the visual canonization of shaman icons was not as rigorous and rigid as other religious counterparts. Compared to Buddhist or Daoist religious images which through history developed into a widely shared iconic tradition, the visual tradition of Korean shamanism relied heavily on individual shamans’ personal visions of gods. This did not mean that there were no prototypes of the images of Korean shaman gods. Prototypes were important as far as correct identiÀcation of deities was concerned, but in the end what really mattered was particular manifestations of gods to shamans, the images of gods revealed to individual shamans through personal spiritual ecstasy. The value of the paintings therefore was found in that they were a proof and reminder of a shaman’s personal encounter with the gods.

VISIONS, IMAGES, PERFORMANCE: UNDERSTANDING KOREAN SHAMAN ART

7

The fact that these paintings were unique manifestations of gods revealed to speciÀc shamans indicated that the paintings were meaningful only in the context of this mutual relationship between the gods and the shaman. Hence, the tradition dictates that before their death, the shamans have to bury or burn all their ritual objects, including various instruments, clothing, and paintings once used by them. If they die before successfully destroying them, their family members would carry out the act. Passing on the ritual objects, including paintings, to their own disciples was deemed problematic since the gods themselves had to agree to this decision. The gods’ disapproval would jeopardize the new shaman’s career, therefore, inheriting the possessions of senior shamans was rarely practiced. Interestingly, sometimes these secretly buried and forgotten ritual objects were brought to light again. There are many stories about how women suffering from psychic disruptions or serious illnesses were led by gods to places where the buried objects were located. The unearthing of the objects was viewed as the re-emergence of old gods. In the past, newly initiated charismatic shamans had to demonstrate their spiritual potencies by bringing to light the interred objects used by earlier shamans. If a painting of a god was among the exhumed objects, that particular god represented in the painting would become the principal god to dwell in the shaman. However, it was rare that those unearthed items, particularly paintings, were used again by the new shamans who preferred to have new images of the gods to be painted. Shaman Ritual and Shaman Paintings

To understand and appreciate the paintings of Korean shaman gods, we must examine them in their natural environment, that is, in the context of the shaman ritual, gut. The paintings are an indispensible part of the gut as they symbolize and embody the spiritual presence of the gods. Performed when a patron (a family or community) faces an unfortunate event or simply wishes for divine blessings, a gut serves both curative and preventive functions. The gut can take place both indoors and outdoors. In both cases, a spirit altar is set up on which are placed food offerings to the gods as well as various ritual objects. Surrounding the spirit altar are numerous paintings of shaman gods, displayed in an almost overlapping fashion.

8

THE PAINTINGS OF KOREAN SHAMAN GODS

Fig. 2 Shaman as God of Smallpox Image courtesy of Kim Mi-suk

VISIONS, IMAGES, PERFORMANCE: UNDERSTANDING KOREAN SHAMAN ART

9

The basic placement of the paintings is as follows: tutelary gods and the ten Buddhist deities on the far left corner; mountain gods and heaven-earth-sun-moon gods on the far right corner; the seven stars and harvest gods in the center. Once the borders are set, starting from the far right corner, the paintings are hung in a layered fashion so that the right edge of the painting is exposed and the left is covered. The layered display is due to the large number of paintings and limited display space. A gut usually unfolds in twelve stages. In each stage, different gods are invited, and by the twelfth stage, all shaman gods we see in the paintings would have been invited and taken part in the celebration. Each stage begins with the invitation of gods. Together with the shaman, the family head or the village chief calls on the names of the gods and implores them to take part in the ritual feast. To invoke the deities, the shaman would sing hymns that were orally transmitted to her. Even though she has to memorize certain central passages associated with each stage of the ritual, it is expected that she adds her personal reÁections at particular moments in the gut. Spontaneity is stressed, and a rote recitation of written texts is not encouraged as it is believed to undermine naturalness. Shamanic hymns contributed to the development of folk music and literature in Korea. Below is an example of a hymn to Daegam (Great Lord), the god of fortune. The Worship of Daegam Come, Daegam, the great god of everything! The Daegam of four positions and three altars, The Daegam of the inner mountains, The Daegam of the outer mountains, The Daegam of coming and going from both the inner and outer mountains, … The Daegam of this house, The Daegam of the front door, The Daegam of the rear door, The Daegam of the master of the house, The Daegam of the heavenly dragon in the living trees,

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THE PAINTINGS OF KOREAN SHAMAN GODS

The Daegam of the dry wood in the dead trees, The Daegam of the water gate on the shore, The Daegam of the open market place, Bestow upon us more food and wealth than we can consume. Are you not the Daegam of jades and wealth? Bless this family and its children and grandchildren. May everlasting blessing be upon them. May they live 80, 90, 100 years to come. May they know the destiny of the new moon in the East, And the riches of the richest man. May they receive immeasurable blessings and prosperity. Help us all, for you are our Daegam.3

Accompanied by the music of gongs, cymbals, drums, and various lutes, the hymns are sung to call upon particular gods. The gods then physically appear in the body of the shaman through spirit possession. The possessed shaman would change her appearance by dressing like the gods portrayed in the paintings to signify the arrival of the deities who would speak, act, dance, and sing through the shaman. (Fig. 3) Once the gods become present in the shaman’s body, the participants of the ritual would entertain the gods and seek divine revelations and favors. After the bestowing of blessings, the gods are sent away, which would mark the end of each stage. All four stages of the ritual showcase colorful costumes, dramatic dances and storytelling. The gut offers an excellent opportunity for people to see various types of Korean costumes. Charismatic shamans change into about twenty different outÀts during their ritual performance, personifying the gods they invoke. Their outÀts include men’s attires, such as the dragon robe, ofÀcial’s robe, gentleman’s robe, man’s overcoat, military ofÀcial’s dress and armor; women’s attires, including various skirts and tops, wedding robe, palace lady’s robe; religious outÀts, such as Buddhist monk’s robe and overcoat; and headdresses, such as golden crown, man’s wedding cap, gentleman’s cylindrical hat, Buddhist monk’s conical hat, straw hat, and Chinese style hats. One of the highlights of the ritual is the performance of the God of Straw Cleaver. The shaman possessed by the God of Straw Cleaver would demonstrate the dangerous show of walking on the sharp blade 3

Jung Young Lee, Korean Shamanistic Rituals (The Hague: Mouton Publishers, 1981), 55-56.

VISIONS, IMAGES, PERFORMANCE: UNDERSTANDING KOREAN SHAMAN ART 11

Fig. 3 Great Lord (Daegam) Image courtesy of Kim Mi-suk

Fig. 4 Walking on the straw cleaver Image courtesy of Kim Mi-suk

of a cleaver without hurting herself. This performance proves the supernatural power of the god and the shaman performing the act. (Fig. 4) Conclusion: Shamanic Visions, Paintings, and Ritual

Most studies on Korean shamanist paintings to date have concentrated on the issue of ‘perception,’ elucidating the impact of two-dimensional medium, painting, on the visual experience of the viewers. However, as Hans Belting also notes, “perception alone does not explain the interaction of body and medium that takes place in the transmission of images.µ4 This is particularly true of Korean shamanic images of gods. In the ritual process, images and bodies interact, and “bodies perform 4

Hans Belting, “Image, medium, body: A new approach to Iconology,µ Critical Inquiry 31.2 (2005), 311.

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THE PAINTINGS OF KOREAN SHAMAN GODS

images as much as they perceive outside images.µ5 The interplay between image and performance is pivotal to understanding the Áuid relationship between aesthetic experience and spiritual manifestation that is manifest in Korean shamanic rituals. I hope that the readers will remember that every single painting of shaman god illustrated in this book once came alive through the body of the shaman, and spoke, sang and danced to the amazement of an audience of believers.

5

Ibid.

Chapter 1

ReÁections on Shaman God Paintings and Shamanism KIM TAE-GON

À

1. PAINTINGS OF SHAMAN GODS – A NOTE ON TERMINOLOGY

Paintings of shaman gods (musindo 肐葃繪) are realistic portrayals of deities venerated by shamans on the Korean peninsula. They are regarded as portraits of gods, but their sacred attributes distinguish them from portraits in general. Their connection to shamanism sets them apart from other religious paintings. From time to time, the paintings of shaman gods are also called “shaman paintings (muhwa 肐骍)µ or “shamanism paintings (musokhwa 肐荱骍).µ Since these divergent expressions can lead to confusion, I would like to start with a terminological inquiry. The expression “shaman paintingsµ can be used to describe paintings about shamans, as well as paintings used by shamans in ritual and worship. In addition to portraits of gods, the inclusive term “shaman paintingsµ can also denote shamans’ painted fans which are used by shamans during ritual performance, as well as simple drawings produced during the exorcism ritual.1 An even broader concept, “shamanism paintings,µ refers to genre paintings depicting scenes from shaman rituals and other activities, as well as to paintings that fall under the category of “shaman paintings.µ The genre paintings of Sin Yun-bok (b. 1758) depicting shaman rituals are excellent examples of shamanism paintings. 1

Translator’s note: See Plate 130 for an example of a fan painting.

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THE PAINTINGS OF KOREAN SHAMAN GODS

Compared to the Àrst two expressions, “paintings of shaman godsµ is a speciÀc term that describes the portraits of the gods worshipped by shamans. Since the expression has been widely used in the academic setting, I have adopted it in this book in order to avoid terminological confusion. 2. THE HISTORY AND FORMATION OF SHAMAN GOD PAINTINGS

The History of Shaman God Paintings in Korea

The origins and history of shaman god paintings are difÀcult to determine. The earliest written account of the paintings of shaman gods comes from the mid-Goryeo publication, Dongguk Yi Sangguk jip 纫糑 翎芴糑觛 (Collected Works of Minister Yi of Korea). In the preface to the chapter entitled “Old shaman,µ author Yi Gyu-bo (1168–1241) wrote: “the shaman plays the janggo 㧻ἶ (an hourglass-shaped drum) and dances before the altar. On the walls are hung colorful paintings of shaman gods.µ2 Although without a visual record we do not know what these paintings looked like, the “colorful paintings of shaman godsµ mentioned by Yi are generally believed to be the precursors to the paintings we see later in the Joseon dynasty. Accounts such as this tell us that the paintings of shaman gods were produced and venerated as early as the time of the Goryeo dynasty (918–1392). The production of the Buddhist-type shaman god paintings must have followed the introduction of Buddhism to Korea, but the paintings of the purely shamanic type were created by artisans and artistic shamans, possibly at an even earlier date. Among extant works, two groups whose sources are known to us are the paintings at the Guksadang Shrine 糑艗繊 in Mt. Inwangsan and the paintings presently in the author’s collection, which formerly belonged to the Bugundang Shrine 臉糗繊 of the Central Government Mint (Jeonhwanguk 術隝糒) of the Joseon Empire in the late nineteenth century. The Guksadang Shrine was originally located in present-day Mt. Namsan (previously Mt. Mongmyeoksan), and was moved to the current location around sixty years ago. Written accounts about the shaman shrine in Mt. Mongmyeoksan are found in the Joseon wangjo sillok 裧茗蘌裧葒罵 (Veritable 2

Yi Gyu-bo, Dongguk Yi Sangguk jip (Collected Works of Minister Yi of Korea), 1251, vol. 1, ch. 1.

REFLECTIONS ON SHAMAN GOD PAINTINGS AND SHAMANISM

Fig. 5 Tutelary Shrine (Seonangdang ㍲⌃╏) in Yeongdeok, Gyeongju. 1960s.

15

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THE PAINTINGS OF KOREAN SHAMAN GODS

Fig. 6 An interior view of the Guksadang Shrine, Mt. Namsan. Early 1900s.

Records of the Joseon Dynasty) as early as from the fourth year of King Taejo (1395), although there are no mentions of shaman god paintings. It is from the Oju yeonmun jangjeon sango 薺褺蕕肫蠃衩芅簈G (Collection of Writings on Various Topics by Oju Yi Gyu-gyeong) by early nineteenth-century scholar Yi Gyu-gyeong (b. 1788) that we learn that venerated shaman paintings of King Gongmin 簶胋蘌, Great Master Muhak 肚谷繗艗, Great Master Naong 绒藩繗艗, God of Smallpox, among others, were on the walls of the Guksadang Shrine. An image of the Guksadang paintings in a photographic postcard published in Japan (dated 1907) reveals that the paintings enshrined at the time differed signiÀcantly from those currently found in the shrine.3 From this, we can speculate that the current paintings appear to be new works added to the shrine after its relocation to Mt. Namsan. This is probable, because shaman practice dictates that instead of repairing the aged or damaged paintings, they should be burnt and replaced with new ones. Should this 3

The postcard is entitled “Scene 136µ “Famous Sites of Joseon, Gyeongseong, Mt. Namsan, Guksadang Shrine, Guardian Deities.µ An article on the postcard I authored was published in the Donga Ilbo 纫董螔膊G(East Asia Daily), July 23, 1987, 10.

REFLECTIONS ON SHAMAN GOD PAINTINGS AND SHAMANISM

17

Fig. 7 The altar at General Nam I’s Shrine, Seoul, 1964.

be the case, there is a possibility that the paintings mentioned in the Oju yeonmun janggeon sango were the paintings shown in the postcard. As for the paintings in the author’s collection, they do not appear to predate the photographed Guksadang examples. Even if they did, their production date cannot be earlier than the Joseon dynasty. In addition to the examples of Guksadang and Bugundang, the paintings at the Supuldang Shrine 㑮䛖╏ of Wangsip-ri and the Hwajudang Shrine 财褨繊 of Samseong-dong also appear to be older works. In summary, the earliest examples of shaman god paintings we now have date from the 1700s and 1800s. Types of Shamans in Korea

Before we further our discussion on shaman paintings, it is important to note that not all shamans in Korea venerate and make use of the paintings. Four distinct types of Korean shamans have been identiÀed, namely, mudang ⶊ╏, simbang 㕂⹿, dangol ┾Ἶ, and myeongdu ⳛ⚦. They are found in different regions of the peninsula, and of them it is mostly the mudang, who surpass the three other types in both number and popularity, that produce and use the paintings we examine in this book.

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THE PAINTINGS OF KOREAN SHAMAN GODS

Mudang

Found in the central and northern regions, the mudang are charismatic shamans. Their experiences of gods are very real and personal, and they set up altars to enshrine their deities. As shamans, they perform rituals combined with songs and dance, and also practice fortune-telling. Dangol

The hereditary shamans of the Honam and Yeongnam regions belong to this category. As members of a shaman family, their shamanship over designated areas is inherited, and their duties and spheres of inÁuence are deÀned and regulated by tradition. Since they do not undergo spirit possession, they also do not claim special spiritual abilities associated with particular gods. They do not set up altars, and they perform rituals combining songs and dance aimed toward unspeciÀed gods. Simbang

The simbang are shamans in Jeju Island. Although, as hereditary shamans, their shamanship is inherited and regulated, the simbang also hold spiritual abilities associated with speciÀc gods, much like charismatic shamans, although they do not set up altars. With the aid of divination instruments, they communicate with gods and practice divination. Myeongdu

The myeongdu are shamans who become initiated through possession by the spirits of dead children in their family. Those who received girls’ spirits are called myeongdu, and those with boys’ spirits are known as dongja 纲螲 or taeja 譭螲. The shamans belonging to this type are found spread across the central and northern regions of Korea, but they tend to be concentrated in the Honam and Yeongnam areas. The myeongdu specialize in telling fortunes through the spirits of dead children. They have the ability to communicate directly with the spirits, but do not practice traditional shaman rituals involving songs and dance.

REFLECTIONS ON SHAMAN GOD PAINTINGS AND SHAMANISM

Fig. 8 General Gwan U’s Shrine in Ganghwa, Gyeonggi Province. At the center of the altar is enshrined the deiÀed image of General Gwan U.

Fig. 9 The painting of General Choe Yeong’s Wife in the Lady’s Shrine in Deongmul Mountain, Gyeonggi Province. Because of their unhappy marriage during lifetime, two separate shrines were built for the general and his wife.

***

19

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THE PAINTINGS OF KOREAN SHAMAN GODS

In summary, the mudang and myeongdu, whose primary task is communication with gods via spirit possession, belong to the category of charismatic shamans, while the dangol and simbang, whose priestly shamanship is inherited, belong to the category of hereditary shamans. Charismatic shamans believe that their special spiritual abilities come from the gods who appointed them shamans. In contrast, hereditary shamans, who inherit their priestly career from their ancestors, that is, regardless of the will of gods, consider the performance of rituals to be their main task. The Nature of Korean Shaman Paintings

As representations of gods venerated by charismatic shamans, particularly by the mudang, the paintings of shaman gods are found in the central and northern regions of Korea where the mudang are concentrated. Instead of paintings, the myeongdu, another group of charismatic shamans, enshrine clothes, shoes, toys, candies, and mirrors associated with the dead children’s spirits with whom they communicate. However, occasionally, we do Ànd some cases of enshrinement of paintings by the myeongdu, who do so to display their spiritual potency. Hereditary shamans, who do not set up altars for particular gods, have no use for paintings in rituals. A shaman painting from the southern region, where hereditary shamans dominate, would most likely be a rare case of later development. A good example of this is that of the ten shaman paintings currently housed in the Jeju University Museum. Originally enshrined at the Naewatdang Shrine ⌊㢩╏, located in the outskirts of Jeju City, the paintings were relocated to the museum in December 1966, after discovery by a team of researchers. It is said that the paintings were originally enshrined by a local governor who offered a sacriÀce to the gods; that is, they do not appear to have been the possession of the simbang, Jeju Island’s hereditary shamans, but rather are a specially ordered production by artisans. Perhaps due to their ancient origin, the paintings markedly differ in style from those found in inland. In the portrayal of the Buddhist God, for example, one can even sense the inÁuence of Japanese-style fashion. (Plate 80) These ten paintings appear to be the only exception, since no other paintings of shaman gods have been found in Jeju Island.

REFLECTIONS ON SHAMAN GOD PAINTINGS AND SHAMANISM

21

Fig. 10 Suwang gut 㑮㢫῕ (Ritual for the Ten Gods of the Underworld) in Pyeongan Province. A mudang rips the long cotton fabric as a symbolic act of preparing the road to the underworld for the spirit of the deceased. Envoy’s Tutelary Shrine (Sasin Seonangdang 艈葆㍲⌃╏), Seoul.

The Development of Shaman God Paintings

The development of shaman god paintings in Korea can be categorized into three stages. At the earliest stage, the paintings were created by shamans themselves, who visually translated their spiritual experience onto paper or silk. This is evidenced by the fact that, even today, shamans in the state of trance write or draw the revealed divine message on the walls using charcoal. We can therefore speculate that the paintings of shaman gods originated together with charismatic shamans in the antiquity. In the second stage, the paintings were commissioned by shamans to local artisans. The ten paintings formerly enshrined in Jeju Island’s Naewatdang Shrine belong to this category. Devoid of any signs of Buddhist inÁuence, these paintings show marked difference from examples found inland. In the Ànal stage, the paintings were commissioned to monk-painters as is prevalent practice today. However, although painted by a professional hand, the accounts of shamans tell us that their spiritual visions

22

THE PAINTINGS OF KOREAN SHAMAN GODS

continue to play an important role in the creation of paintings of shaman gods. In an interview, Mun Deok-sun, a female shaman based in Seoul, claimed that she saw the glowing images of Sun and Moon Bodhisattvas during a spirit possession. After becoming a shaman, she hired a monk-painter to paint portraits of Àfteen shaman gods, including the two deities she encountered. Jang Myeong-hun, a Seoul-based male shaman, stated that he visited heaven while in a spirit possession, and descended on a white sandy beach, on which were written thirty words. Believing them to be the embodiments of gods, he ordered paintings of the thirty words from a monk-painter, and enshrined them at his altar. A monk-painter from Bongguksa Temple 膬糑艔 in Jeonneung-dong, Seoul, whom I met in 1959, was producing works on shaman subjects at —7000 per painting. From these examples, we learn that the a price of W shaman god paintings by monk-painters also reÁect shamans’ personal encounters with gods. 3. TYPES, FUNCTIONS, DISTRIBUTION

The common types of shaman god paintings are heavenly gods, sunmoon-star gods, tutelary gods, mountain gods, dragon gods, gods of Àve cardinal points, divine generals, gods of diseases, kings, military generals, shaman ancestors, gods of childbirth, Buddhist gods, and heroes. Based on the data collected from 1960 to 1988, I have identiÀed 134 types of shaman paintings. Most shaman paintings found throughout the country fall under these types, and the list may expand following the outcome of future research. We can further categorize these 170 types into two main groups: deiÀed objects and phenomena (21 types), and deiÀed humans (12 types).4 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 4

Mountain God of the Head Shrine (Dodang Sansin 纋繊芄葃) Heavenly God of the Head Shrine (Dodang Cheonsin 纋繊詏葃) Spirit of the Main Shrine (Bongwansin 膩籒葃/Bongwanwi 膩籒蚳) Head Temple Spirit (Bonsan Sillyeong 膩芄葃罗) Jade Emperor (Okhwang Sangje 藛赜芟裇) Jade Emperor of Heaven (Okhwang Cheonjon 藛赜詏褍)

Kim Tae-gon, Hanguk mingan sinyang yeongu 豈糑胐笋萺蒝◊粽 (Study of Korean Folk Religions) (Seoul: Jipmundang, 1983), 235–237. The 115 types of paintings were listed in the book. Since its publication, 20 new types have been discovered.

REFLECTIONS ON SHAMAN GOD PAINTINGS AND SHAMANISM

7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41. 42. 43. 44.

Heavenly Lord (Cheonsin Daegam 詏葃繗笣) Heavenly Spirit (Cheonsin Daesin 詏葃繗葃) Son of Heaven (Cheonja 詏螲) God of the Underworld (Yeomna Daewang 蕳绕繗蘌) Ten Kings of the Underworld (Sip Daewang 葟繗蘌) The Greatest General of the Underworld (Jihajeil Janggun 襽谨裎螐 蟧糛) The General of the Underworld, Divine General on Dragon Horse (Jiha Janggun Yongma Janggun 襽谨蟧糛羔翸蟧糛) The Sun-Moon-Star God (Irwolseonggun螔蚰茷糗/Irwolseongsin 螔蚰 茷葃), The Sun, Moon, Seven Stars (Irwolchilseong 螔蚰謥茷) Seven Star God (Chilseong ⚛ᗧⵏੋ) Seven Star God of Dragon Palace (Yonggung Chilseong 羔糡謥茷) God of Five Cardinal Points (Obang Sinjang 薺脙葃蟧) God of Fire (Hwadeok Jingun ⚛ᗧⵏੋ) Thunderbolt Spirit (Byeorak Daesin ⼒⧓繗葃) Water Spirit (Suryeong 莤罗) Holy Water God (Seongsusin 茾莤葃) Holy Water General (Seongsu Janggun 茾莤蟧糛) General (Janggun 蟧糛) Two Generals (Yang Janggun 缌蟧糛) All Generals (Jejang 裒蟧) Armored General (Tugap Janggun 䒂ṧ蟧糛) General Choe Il/Choe Yeong (Choe Il/Choe Yeong Janggun 諀螐/諀 薅蟧糛) General Deukje (Deukje Janggun 织裇蟧糛) General Gwan U/Gwanseong (Gwangong 籟簰/Gwanseong Jegun 籟茾 裇糗/Gwan Unjang 籟蚎蠃) General Heo (Heossi Janggun 貔葢蟧糛) General Hong (Hong Janggun 贜蟧糛) General Ma (Ma Janggun 翸蟧糛) General Im (Im Janggun 翪蟧糛) General Jang (Jang Janggun 蟪蟧糛) General Jang Bi (Jang Bi 蟪舮) General Jo (Jo Janggun 褀蟧糛) General Jo of Sangsan (Sangsan Jo Janggun 芟芄褀蟧糛) General Kim Eung-seo (Kim Eung-seo Janggun 綎箿苛蟧糛) General Kim of Cheongju (Cheongju Kimssi Janggun 箻褳綎葢蟧糛) General Nam I (Nam I Janggun 網蝕蟧糛) Military Heroes (Junung 糛蚔) General of Fire (Hwadeok Janggun账繥蟧糛) General of Fire and Thunderbolt (Hwadeok Byeorak Janggun 账繥⼒ ⧓蟧糛)

23

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THE PAINTINGS OF KOREAN SHAMAN GODS

45. The Greatest General Under Heaven (Cheonhajeil Janggun 詏谨裎螐 蟧糛) 46. General on White Horse (Baengma Janggun 腅翸蟧糛) 47. General on Dragon Horse (Yongma Janggun 羔翸蟧糛) 48. General on Heavenly Flying Horse (Cheonbima Janggun 詏舮翸蟧糛) 49. Divine General (Sinjang 葃蟧/ Sinjanggun 葃蟧糛) 50. Divine General on White Horse (Baengma Sinjang 腅翸葃蟧) 51. Divine General on Straw Cleaver (Jakdu Sinjang 㧧⚦葃蟧) 52. Divine General under Heaven (Cheonha Sinjanggun 詏谨葃蟧糛) 53. Divine General of the Sexagenary Cycle (Yukgap Sinjang 羰第葃蟧) 54. Dragon God (Yongsin 虙葃) 55. Dragon King (Yongwang 羔蘌) 56. Dragon King of the Four Seas (Sahae Yongwang 艏豸羔蘌) 57. Dragon Queen of the Four Seas (Sahae Yongsin Buin 艏豸羔葃臐蝸) 58. Dragon Queen (Yonggung Buin 羔糡臄蝸/Yongtae Buin 羔譯臄蝸/ Yongnyeo Buin 羔緎臄蝸) 59. Dragon General (Yong Janggun 羔蟧糛) 60. Dragon Palace Spirit (Yonggung Daesin 羔糡繗葃) 61. Dragon Boy (Yongja 羔螲) 62. The Great Lord and Dragon God of the Four Seas (Sahae Yongsin Daegam 艏豸羔葃繗笣) 63. Buddha (Bucheo ⿖㻮) 64. Maitreya (Mireuk 肺羾) 65. Shakyamuni (Seokgayeoraesejon 苶竧蔒缃荃褍) 66. Buddhist God (Jeseok 裇苶/Jeseogwi 裇苶蚳) 67. Three Buddhist Gods (Sambul Jeseok 芓臻裇苶) 68. Ten Thousand Buddhas of Holy Water (Man Seongsu Bucheo 耎茾 莤⿖㻮) 69. Bodhisattva Avalokitesva (Gwanseeom Bosal 籝荃蜮膓芒) 70. The Moon Bodhisattva (Wolgwang Bosal 蚰籦膓芒) 71. The Sun Bodhisattva (Ilgwang Bosal 螔籦膓芒) 72. Boy Bodhisattva (Dongjin Bosal 纲観膓芒) 73. Buddhist Master (Bulsa 臻艗) 74. Buddhist Master of the Dragon Palace (Yonggung Bulsa 羔糡臻艗) 75. Buddhist God of Dragon Palace (Yonggung Jeseok 羔糡裇苶) 76. Great Master Muhak (Muhak Daesa 肚谷繗艗) 77. Great Master Okcheon (Okcheon Daesa 藛詏繗艗) 78. Great Master Seosan (Seosan Daesa 苣芄繗艗) 79. Great Master Yukhwan (Yukhwan Daesa 㥷䢮繗艗) 80. Master Samyeongdang (Samyeongdang 艏聕繊) 81. Three Gods (Samsin 芓葃) 82. Mountain God (Sansin 芄葃) 83. Mountain Goddess (Yeosansin 緎芄葃) 84. Mountain Lord (San Daegam 芄繗笣)

REFLECTIONS ON SHAMAN GOD PAINTINGS AND SHAMANISM

85. 86. 87. 88.

Mountain God of Homeland (Gohyangsan Sansin ᭵䜹ኡኡ⾎) God of Inner Do Mountain (An Dosan Nim 㞞纋芄┮) God of Outer Do Mountain (Bakk Dosan Nim ⹬纋芄┮) Husband and Wife Mountain Spirits (Sansillyeong Naeoebun ኡ⾎䵸 ޵ཆ⿚) 89. Guwol Mountain Spirit (Guwolsansin 粝蚰芄葃/Guwolsan Sillyeong 粝 蚰芄葃罗) 90. Triangle Mountain Spirit (Samgaksan Sillyeong 芓竲芄葃罗) 91. Suyang Mountain Baby (Suyangsan Muraegi 㑮㟧㌆ⶒ㞶₆) 92. The Great Lord of the Spirit Mountain (Yeongsan Daegam 罗芄繗笣) 93. The God of Smallpox (Byeolsang ⼚㌗) 94. Great Rock’s God of Smallpox (Daeam Byeolsang 繗蒓⼚㌗) 95. God of Smallpox (Hong-a 贞葥) 96. God and Goddess of Smallpox (Byeolsang Bubu ⼚㌗臄臅) 97. Daughter of the God of Smallpox (Byeolsang Aegissi ⼚㌗㞶₆㝾) 98. Grandfather Ondang (Ondang Harabeoji 㡾╏䞶㞚⻚㰖) 99. Mother of Shamans (Daesin Manura 繗葃Ⱎ⑚⧒) 100. Grandmother Spirit (Daesin Halmeoni 繗葃䞶Ⲏ┞) 101. Grandmother Shaman (Mansin Halmeoni 耎葃䞶Ⲏ┞) 102. Grandmother Bak (Bakssi Halmeoni ⹫㝾䞶Ⲏ┞P 103. Grandmother Im (Imssi Halmeoni 㧚㝾䞶Ⲏ┞P 104. Grandmother Ondang Spirit (Ondang Daesin Halmeoni 㡾╏╖㔶䞶 Ⲏ┞) 105. Grandmother of Shakyamuni (Goddess of Childbirth) (Sijun Halmeoni 㔲㭖䞶Ⲏ┞) 106. Grandmother at Palace (Daegwol Halmeoni ╖ῦ䞶Ⲏ┞) 107. Grandmother of the Head Shrine (Dodang Halmeoni 纋繊䞶Ⲏ┞) 108. Shamaness of Medicine (Yaksa Seongwan 蓌艗苸籒) 109. Shamaness Fairy (Seongwan Seonnyeo 苸籒苸緎) 110. Fairy Goddess of Jade Emperor (Okhwang Seonnyeo 藛赜苸緎) 111. Fairy Goddess of the Sun and Moon (Irwol Seonnyeo 螔蚰苸緎) 112. Female Buddhist Master (Bulsa Halmeoni 臻艗䞶Ⲏ┞) 113. Princess Bari (Bari Gongju ⹪Ⰲ簰褨) 114. Lady/Princess of Goryeo (Aegissi/Goryeo Gongju 㞶₆㝾/簙缧簰褨) 115. Lady Hogu (Hogu Assi 䢎ῂ㞚㝾) 116. Lady Dang (Dang Assi 繊㞚㝾) 117. Lady Gang (Gangssi Mama 笲葢錜錜) 118. Lady Hong (Hongssi Buin 贜葢臄蝸/Hongssi Daegam Buin 贜葢繗笣 臄蝸; Wife of Great Lord Hong) 119. Lady Malmyeong (Malmyeong Ⱖⳛ) 120. Lady Jeong of Hoengju (Hoengju Jeongssi Buin 䣷㭒㩫㝾臄蝸) 121. Lady Jeong of Jeongju (Jeongju Jeongssi Buin 㩫㭒㩫㝾臄蝸) 122. Lady Song (Songssi Buin 莁葢臄蝸)

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THE PAINTINGS OF KOREAN SHAMAN GODS

123. General’s Wife (Janggun Buin 蟧糛臄蝸) 124. General Choe Il’s Wife (Choe Il Janggun Manura 諀螐蟧糛Ⱎ⑚⧒) 125. Jeong Jeon’s Wife (Jeong Jeon Buin 袸鞜臄蝸) 126. First Lady (Keunassi 䋆㞚㝾) 127. Second Lady (Jageunassi 㧧㦖㞚㝾) 128. Dangun (Dangun 縟糗) 129. King Ogu (Ogu Daewang 㡺ῂ繗蘌) 130. King Taejo (Taejo Daewang 譭裲繗蘌) 131. Emperor Soyeol (Soyeol Hwangje 荖罀赜裇) 132. Master Waryong (Waryong Seonsaeng 藱羔苺苇) 133. Master Jeong of Hoengju (Hoengju Jeongssi 䣷㭒㩫㝾) 134. Master Gongmyeong (Gongmyeong Seonsaeng 簳聒苺苇) 135. Great Lord (Daegam 繗笣) 136. Great Lord Hong (Hongssi Daegam 贜葢繗笣) 137. The Queen (Jungjeon Mama 襦衟錜錜) 138. First Queen (Jungjeon 襦衟) 139. Prime Minister (Sanggun 芴糛) 140. Envoys (Sasin 艈葆) 141. Envoy-General (Sasin Janggun 艈葆蟧糛) 142. Foreign Lord (Oein Daegam 蘑蝸繗笣) 143. Inspector (Gamchal ⴓḕ) 144. Physician (Uiwon Seonsaeng 蝉蚗苺苇) 145. Geomancer (Jigwan Seonsaeng 襽籒苺苇) 146. Pharmacist (Yakguk Seonsaeng 蓌糒苺苇) 147. Sailor (Subu 莤臄) 148. Male Entertainer (Changbu 訖臄) 149. Wise Man (Toin 䏶㧎) 150. Bachelor (Doryeong ☚⪏) 151. Tutelary God (Seonang ㍲⌃) 152. Tutelary Goddess (Seonang Buin ㍲⌃臄蝸/ Huto Buin 趒讀臄蝸) 153. Homeland Spirit (Santo Sillyeong 芄讀葃罗) 154. Village God (Bugun 臉糗) 155. House God (Tojugwan 讀褨籒) 156. Chief God of House (Tojugwan Jangsin 讀褨籒蟧葃) 157. Kitchen God (Chowang 韲蘌) 158. The Great God of Rice Chest (Dwiju Daewang ⛺㭒繗蘌) 159. Straw Cleaver Spirit (Jakdu Daesin 㧧⚦繗葃) 160. Resentful Spirit (Wonmangsin 蚝耟葃) 161. God of Love (Sangsasin 芴艙葃/Sangsawi 芴艙蚳) 162. Responding God (Gameungsin 笚蜴葃/Gameung Maji Ṧ㦧Ⱎ㰖) 163. Responding Spirit (Gameung Sillyeong 笚蜴葃罗) 164. God of Culture and Literature (Munchang Jegun 肫訜裇糗) 165. The Blind Fortune-teller (Maeng-in 耽蝸)

REFLECTIONS ON SHAMAN GOD PAINTINGS AND SHAMANISM

Fig. 11 The altar at the Supuldang Shrine, Seoul. Three gods, including the Dragon Queen, the Three Buddhist Gods, and the Seven Star God are enshrined.

166. Fortune-teller Yi Seon-pung (Gwakgwak Seonsaeng Yi Seon-pung ὓ ὓ苺苇㧊㍶䛣) 167. Kim Geum-cheol (Kim Geum-cheol Seonsaeng ₖ⁞㻶苺苇) 168. Bachelor from Ganghwa (Ganghwa Doryeong 笹贫☚⪏) 169. Female Beggar (Yeogeollip 緎简翲) 170. Male Beggar (Namgeollip 綸简翲)

DeiÀed Objects 1. Sun Gods 2. Moon Gods 3. Star Gods 4. Road Gods 5. Water Gods 6. Fire Gods 7. Wind Gods 8. Rock Gods 9. Tree Gods 10. Gate Gods

DeiÀed Phenomena 1. Heavenly Gods 2. Tutelary Gods 3. Mountain Gods 4. Dragon Gods 5. Agriculture Gods 6. Gods of Five Cardinal Points 7. Divine Generals 8. Evil Spirits 9. Gods of Diseases 10. Gods of Childbirth 11. Gods of the Underworld

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12.

DeiÀed Humans Kings Queens Princesses Military Generals Wives of Military Generals High-ranking OfÀcials Women (Married and Single) Ancestors of Shamans Buddhist Gods Daoist Gods Heroes Common People

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THE PAINTINGS OF KOREAN SHAMAN GODS

Fig. 12 Painting of General Im Gyeong-eop. Colors on paper. 1900s, Hwanghae Province, Yeonbaek.

REFLECTIONS ON SHAMAN GOD PAINTINGS AND SHAMANISM

The shaman gods illustrated in this book and their functions are: God of Smallpox – Also called Byeolseong ⼚㎇, the God of Smallpox is worshipped to prevent disease. (Plates 1–7) Tutelary God – A deity residing at the approach to a village or atop a hilly pass to a village, the Tutelary God protects villagers and also ensures a safe journey for wayfarers. (Plates 8–9) The Sun-Moon-Star Gods – They ensure good fortune and longevity. (Plates 11–13) Shaman Ancestor – The Shaman Ancestor enhances the power of the shaman. (Plates 19, 21–23, 55) Mountain God – The Mountain God controls human destiny. It is sometimes worshipped as a village tutelary deity. (Plates 24–31) Dragon God – Responsible for safety at sea and a bumper catch, the Dragon God is also worshipped as a village tutelary deity in coastal areas. (Plates 32–39) Seven Star God – The Big Dipper or the Great Bear Constellation, Seven Star God controls life span. (Plates 42–49) Princess – As a deiÀed princess related to the region, her worship is often combined with local cult. (Plates 53–54) Lady Hogu – Goddess of Smallpox. As in the case of Byeolsang, she is worshipped to prevent disease. (Plates 58–59) Great Lord – He dispenses Ànancial blessings. (Plates 60–64) Gods of Five Cardinal Points – They guard the four directions (north, south, east, and west) as well as the center. (Plates 75–79) Three Buddhist Gods – They are Buddhist deities believed to be in the shamanic heaven. They bring Ànancial success, lengthen life spans and ensure conception. (Plates 80–88) Military Generals – Guardian deities. (Plates 89–95, 98–110) All Generals – Guardian deities. (Plates 110–113)

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THE PAINTINGS OF KOREAN SHAMAN GODS

Yu Bi, Gwan U, Jang Bi – Chinese military generals worshipped as tutelary deities. (Plates 67, 96–97, 101–109) Heavenly God – As the highest celestial deity in the heavenly hierarchy, he dispenses good and bad luck, wealth and disaster. (Plate 68) King Taejo – The founding king of the Joseon dynasty, he is worshipped as a tutelary god. (Plate 116) Jade Emperor –The highest god in Daoist religion, he is also the highest and most powerful god in Korean shamanism. He controls the fate and fortunes of human beings. (Plates 114–115) God of the Underworld – He controls life after death. Master Waryong (Jegal Ryang 裒笒缊 (Ch. Zhuge Liang)) – Jegal Ryang, Chinese statesman and military strategist, is worshipped as a guardian god. (Plates 66, 123) Shakyamuni – The historic Buddha. He is worshipped as a guardian god. (Plates 118–119) The Blind Fortune-teller – He cures eye diseases. (Plates 124–125) Male Entertainer – Male entertainer specializing in music. He fends off evil coming from outside. (Plates 126–127)

The regional distribution of shaman god paintings belonging to representative shamans is as follows: Seoul Area 1 5

The Sun Bodhisattva, The Moon Bodhisattva, General of Fire and Thunderbolt, General Gwanseong, General Choe Il/Choe Yeong, Dragon General, Dragon Queen, Village God, Great Master Samyeong, Great Master Seosan, Seven Star God, Three Buddhist Gods, Mountain God, God of Five Cardinal Points, Heavenly Lord.

5

March 10, 1964 report by Mun Deok-sun 肫繥菲 (female shaman, age 76): Dowondong 9–44, Yongsan-gu, Seoul.

REFLECTIONS ON SHAMAN GOD PAINTINGS AND SHAMANISM

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Seoul Area 2 6

Lady Song, Dragon Queen of the Four Seas, Dragon King of the Four Seas, Dragon General, General Gwan U, General Ma, General Jang, Two Generals, General Hong, God of Five Cardinal Points, General of Fire and Thunderbolt, Heavenly God of the Head Shrine, Mountain God of the Head Shrine, Jade Emperor of Heaven, Great Master Samyeong, Great Master Okcheon, Seven Star God, Village God-Three Buddhist Gods, Buddhist Master of the Dragon Palace, The Great Lord and Dragon God of the Four Seas, All Generals. Hwaseong Area, Gyeonggi Province 7

Jade Emperor, Shamaness, Seven Star God, Mountain God, Divine General, Shakyamuni, Three Buddhist Gods, God of Smallpox, Male Entertainer. Chuncheon Area, Gangwon Province 8

Seven Star God, Buddhist Master God, God of Smallpox, General Choe Yeong, Mountain God, Divine General, Dragon General, Physician, Geomancer, Pharmacist, Thunderbolt Spirit, Lady Gang, Three Buddhist Gods, Straw Cleaver Spirit, The Sun-Moon-Star Gods, General Gwan U. Yanggu Area, Gangwon Province 9

General, Three Buddhist Gods, Seven Star God, Mountain God, Divine General. 6 7

8

9

October 2, 1964 report by Bugundang: Wonhyo-ro 3 ga 206, Yongsan-gu, Seoul. January 10, 1973 report by Kim Su-hui 綎莕跔 (female shaman, age 45): Pyeong-ri 140, Hyangnam-myeon, Hwaseong-gun, Gyeonggi Province. January 13, 1968 report by Choe Jang-nyeo 諀蠃緎 (female shaman, age 50): Joyang-dong 146, Chuncheon-si, Gangwon Province. January 14, 1968 report by Bak Hye-suk 胞賜菒 (female shaman, age 37): Sang-ri 154, Yanggu-myeon, Yanggu-gun, Gangwon Province.

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THE PAINTINGS OF KOREAN SHAMAN GODS

Geojin Area, Gangwon Province 10

Dragon God, Dragon Boy, Mountain God, Seven Star God, Buddha, Great Lord, Lady Malmyeong, Divine General. Yeonbaek Area, Hwanghae Province 11

Responding Spirit, Shamaness of Medicine, Dragon Queen, Wise Man, Divine General of the Sun-Moon-Star, Seven Star God, Mother of Shamans, Holy Water General, Holy Water God, Great Master Yukhwan, Guwol Mountain Spirit, Responding God (Gameung Maji), Divine General of the Sexagenary Cycle, Three Buddhist Gods, Suyang Mountain Baby, General Heo, General Jang Bi, General Gwan U (Gwan Unjang), Master Gongmyeong, General Im, Homeland Spirit, Ten Kings of the Underworld, Mountain God of Homeland, Shamaness Fairy, Fairy Goddess of Jade Emperor, Goddess of Smallpox, The General of the Underworld-Divine General on Dragon Horse, The Great Lord of the Spirit Mountain, Ten Thousand Buddhas of Holy Water. Pyongyang, South Pyeongan Province 12

Heavenly Lord, Buddha, Seven Star God, Jade Emperor, The SunMoon-Star Gods, Head Temple Spirit, Triangle Mountain Spirit, General Kim of Cheongju, Foreign Lord, Grandmother of Shamans, Tutelary God, General Kim Eung-seo, God of Inner Do Mountain, God of Outer Do Mountain, Male Entertainer. 10

11

12

January 15, 1968 report by Bang Yeon-gi 脙蕘結 (female shaman, 55): Geojin-ri 4 gu 5 ho, Geojin-myeon, Goseong-gun, Gangwon Province. October 12, 1987 report by Kim Geum-hwa 綎紽贪 (female shaman, age 58): Seokgwan-dong 319–11, Seongbuk-gu, Seoul. Kim started her shaman practice in Bakhu-ri, Seoksan-myeon, Yeonbaek-gun, Hwanghae Province. During the Korean War, she moved to the south and since then has been working as shaman in the Seoul area. June 17, 1973 report by Jeong Dae-bok 袸繗膟 (female shaman, age 57): Itaewon-dong 260–25, Yongsan-gu, Seoul. Jeong started her shaman practice in Sinchang-ri, Pyeongan. During the Korean War, she moved south to Seoul.

REFLECTIONS ON SHAMAN GOD PAINTINGS AND SHAMANISM

33

Hamheung Area, South Hamgyeong Province 13

Buddhist Master, General, Great Lord, Mountain Spirit, Ancestor of Shamans. Jeju Island 14

Water Spirit, First Queen, Prime Minister, Resentful Spirit, Buddhist God, God of Smallpox, Spirit of the Main Shrine, God of Love, Inspector God, Son of Heaven. We notice regional preferences of certain types of shaman god paintings. Paintings of shaman ancestors are found in great numbers in the area of Hamgyeong Province, while paintings of military generals are popular in the regions of Pyeongan Province and Hwanghae Province. Paintings of General Choe Yeong, the brave general who remained loyal to the throne of Goryeo, are especially popular in the region of Seoul and the Gyeonggi Province, and residents of the coastal areas along the Yellow Sea worship portraits of General Im Gyeong-eop, the hero of the seventeenth-century Manchu invasion. 4. DISPLAY AND WORSHIP

The Korean shaman god paintings are enshrined in the residence of charismatic shaman above the altar for the worship of gods. The altar is set up in the cleanest and quietest part of the house – usually a room separated from the main chamber by a wooden-Áoored hall. When the house is small and has no such hall, the altar is set up in the room next to the main chamber. Only when there is no other room is the altar placed in the living room, and only in a thoroughly cleaned wall closet. The altar is set up against the wall facing the entrance. Paintings of shaman gods are hung on the wall, and a pine table, draped with red cloth trimmed with strings of beads that touch the Áoor, is placed under 13

14

June 26, 1964 report by Yi Go-bun 翎簙致 (female shaman, age 65): Namchangdong, Jung-gu, Seoul. Yi started her shaman practice in Jonghwa-ri, Hamheung-si, South Hamgyeong Province. During the Korean War, she moved to the south and since then has been working as shaman in the Seoul area. December 23, 1966 report from Jeju University Museum.

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THE PAINTINGS OF KOREAN SHAMAN GODS

Fig. 13 Tutelary Shrine. Early 1900s.

them. On the table are candles, a bowl of pure water, clustered bells, swords and three-pronged spears used in shaman rituals, a divination cylinder, and other shaman paraphernalia. Under the table, hidden by bead tassels, are a janggo, a gong, and a box containing the clothes worn by the shaman during rituals. As it is a sacred place where the gods reign, access to the altar is allowed only during times of worship and when rituals are under way. In fact, even the shaman does not approach it without good cause. The shaman thus bows reverentially and declares her reason for visiting the altar as she opens the door to the sinbang 葃脗, the sacred room. The shaman’s belief in the presence of gods in the sinbang is all the greater because of the paintings of the gods enshrined there. If there is reason to move the paintings, such as for house repairs, then the shaman begs the gods’ forgiveness with food offerings in advance. As the room is considered sacred, no personal belongings unrelated to shaman rituals are allowed there. Such disturbances or any other acts contrary to divine wishes are believed to cause the gods’ ire and result in physical illness, poor business, or some other misfortunes for the family and are thus avoided tenaciously.

REFLECTIONS ON SHAMAN GOD PAINTINGS AND SHAMANISM

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Fig. 14 Interior view of the Guksadang Shrine, Mt. Namsan. Early 1900s.

5. FORMS, COMPOSITION, STYLES

Paintings of shaman gods are usually created on unprocessed silk, Àne cotton cloth, or paper, and are mostly made in scrolls to unroll and hang on the wall. Their sizes vary, but most commonly they are about 60 cm wide and 110 cm long. Though not very often, some are longer in width than in length, and some are even square. Red, blue, and yellow dominate the color scheme with highlights of white, black, and green. Dangchae 繉設 (strong, bright pigments imported from China) and seokchae 苳設G(mineral colors made in Korea) are used, with the latter being more common. The paintings are characterized by their disregard for realistic composition and by their bold exaggeration of the god, the main Àgure. Although the image of the god at the center seems to be appropriate in size, the attending Àgures in the lower part of the paintings are depicted as being one-tenth or one-twentieth the size of the central Àgure, even though they are in the foreground.

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THE PAINTINGS OF KOREAN SHAMAN GODS

Consider, for example, the painting of the God and Goddess of Smallpox from the Seoul area. Flanking the central Àgures in a seated position are four attendants standing with clasped hands and they are depicted to be one-tenth the size of the goddess. (Plate 7) Another example from the Seoul area, the painting of Lady Song, shows four attendants seated with clasped hands; they are placed in the foreground, but their size is only one-thirtieth that of the central Àgure. (Plate 50) Since these examples of composition seem to display a lack of consideration for perspective, they might Àrst appear deÀcient in objectivity. While this may be so in terms of ordinary realism, this is not the case from the perspective of religious realism and the religious thinking of shamanism, where it is a natural expression of the gradation of importance of the Àgures. The gods are obviously very powerful, as they are up to thirty times larger than their attendants, who are only human. Shaman god paintings can also be classiÀed into two stylistic types: those of a purely shaman nature, and those inÁuenced by Buddhist art. The Àrst type is characterized by bold, crude delineation, without a great deal of stylization. Being the work of untrained painters, their composition tends to be poor, and the colors are not harmonized, often resulting in a rather disorganized impression. In contrast, the Buddhist type demonstrates delicate and elaborate delineation, reÀned composition, and harmonized colors. The sophisticated lines and abundant use of red pigment means they look more like paintings found in Buddhist temples. This is probably due to the fact that they were painted by Buddhist monk-painters who occasionally ventured into the secular world and painted shaman images upon request. It is quite natural that, despite the shamanic usage, their works should be reminiscent of the Buddhist paintings they normally executed in their temples. Compared to the Buddhist types, the purely shamanic paintings are dominated by white, deep blue, and yellow, and have little red. For example, white and blue dominate the painting enshrined in the aforementioned Supuldang Shrine. Some purely shamanic paintings, especially imitations of Buddhist paintings created by local artisans, are marked with an abundance of reddish colors, and, although they lack reÀned brushwork, exude a Buddhist air. The differences between the traditional Buddhist paintings and the Buddhist-type shaman paintings can sometimes be difÀcult to discern.

REFLECTIONS ON SHAMAN GOD PAINTINGS AND SHAMANISM

37

Shaman paintings include portraits of Buddhist deities, such as Shakyamuni, Bodhisattvas, the Three Buddhist Gods, and Buddhist Masters. In addition, paintings of shaman gods, such as Mountain Gods and Seven Star Gods, are also venerated in Buddhist temples. Both in painting techniques and pigments used, the two types exhibit much similarity, making it an even more challenging task with regard to drawing the line between the two. Nevertheless, three main areas of difference can be identiÀed. First, while shaman paintings individually represent gods worshipped by shamans, Buddhist paintings tend to feature multiple Àgures, including the Buddha, Bodhisattvas, guardian deities, and ancestors, who are arranged in three levels of spatial hierarchy (upper, middle, and lower) on the surface of the painting. Buddhist paintings are also more narrative-based, illustrating scenes from the life of Buddha, as well as stories with religious signiÀcance. Second, there is also a difference in dimensions. On average, shaman paintings measure roughly 60 cm in width and 110 cm in height, whereas Buddhist paintings are much larger in size, measuring an average of 3 m in width and 2 m in height, although smaller and larger examples can also be found. Third, Buddhist paintings, which are created by professional monk-painters, display reÀned and detailed brushwork, and a somewhat consistent style. In contrast, paintings of shaman gods, often classiÀed as folk paintings created by non-professionals, show a wide range of brushwork and techniques. 6. SHAMAN GOD PAINTINGS AND SHAMAN SPIRITUALITY

The System of Shaman Spirituality

Although the paintings of shaman gods are based on an individual shaman’s spiritual vision, this does not lead to arbitrary determination of their contents. The diverse expressions and names of gods might give the impression of a lack of system, but it is important to recognize that such diversity is rooted in the shared shaman beliefs. In this section, we will examine the religious system of shamanism reÁected in the paintings.

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THE PAINTINGS OF KOREAN SHAMAN GODS

Shaman Cosmology

In Korean shamanism, the world-existence is observed to consist of three domains, namely, heaven, earth, and underworld. Each domain has its own sun, moon, and constellations. The Heavenly God and his attendants reside in the heavenly domain. It is a fairyland where there is no more death, disease, or want. The earthly domain is inhabited by humans, animals, and nature gods. The underworld is home to the spirits of the dead and the underworld deities that control them. It is further divided into paradise and hell, and, depending on the merits accumulated in one’s lifetime, one will enter either paradise or hell. The location of paradise is not clearly articulated. The transition from this life to the afterlife is often described as turning the corner, alluding to the fact that both the earthly domain and paradise are located on the same plane. In contrast, hell, a place of hunger, cold, and never-ending punishment, has a clear spatial location, that is, underground. Heaven exists in a vertical relationship with both earth and hell.15 The Shaman Understanding of Gods

The shaman gods depicted in paintings belong to three main categories, heavenly deities, earthly deities, and underworld deities, and these groups echo the shaman cosmology of the three-tiered world-existence. There are four levels of gods: the highest, high, middle, and low. Under the Heavenly God, the highest deities are the high gods, which include the sun, moon, constellations, and Buddhist gods. The middle gods are mostly earthly deities, such as mountains and dragons, and these are followed by the low gods, the miscellaneous spirits. These different hierarchies of gods each have their own domains and responsibilities, and as far as their own sphere of inÁuence is concerned, they are believed to have unlimited control. When the gods have discord, humans are believed to suffer as a consequence. Most shaman gods make their presence known and communicate their will through painful chastisement, rather than through gentle guidance and revelation. This is because of the shaman belief that the ulti15

Kim Tae-gon, Hanguk musok yeongu 七഻ᐛ؇⹄ウ (Study of Korean Shamanism) (Seoul: Jipmundang, 1981), 296–299.

REFLECTIONS ON SHAMAN GOD PAINTINGS AND SHAMANISM

Fig. 15 Jinogwi gut 㰖⏎‖῕. A mudang chants the shaman song “Princess Bariµ to prepare the spirit of the deceased to enter the underworld. Guksadang Shrine, Seoul.

39

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THE PAINTINGS OF KOREAN SHAMAN GODS

mate expression of divinity is found in the gods’ ability to create fear. Therefore, even guardian deities are viewed as agents of terror. The gods are in charge of all aspects of human life, including life and death, health and disease, and good and ill fortune.16 The Shaman Understanding of Spirits

In Korean shamanism, human beings are believed to be composed of the body and spirit. Spirit, the source of life, is a formless and life-giving energy. Death is understood as the departure of the spirit from the body. Upon separation from the body, the spirit, which is indestructible, either enters a new body or travels to the domain of the afterlife (heaven or hell). The spirit consists of two types: the dead spirit and the living spirit; the former describes the spirit of the deceased, and the latter that of the living. The dead spirit is further divided into ancestral spirit (good spirit) and resentful spirit (evil spirit). All spirits are treated as human individuals. Normally, spirits are formless and ethereal, but when encountered in dreams and trances, they take human forms. Unrestricted by temporal or spatial limitations, the spirits move around freely. They are believed to be imperishable, omnipresent, and omnipotent.17 Shaman Beliefs on the Afterlife

A popular Korean shaman belief dictates that, upon death, the spirit travels to the underworld, where it faces the judgment of the Ten Gods of the Underworld. The spirit whose life was characterized by good deeds will be allowed to spend eternity in paradise, while the spirit who committed evil deeds will suffer eternal punishment in hell. Closely resembling the Buddhist theory of the afterlife, this understanding of life after death appears to be a later adaptation. In contrast, the original shamanic view of the afterlife contains no discussion of heaven and hell. It only makes the distinction between “this world (the world of the living)µ and the “other world (the world of the dead).µ The “other worldµ is a world free from the worries of “this 16 17

Ibid., 279–296. Ibid., 300–307.

REFLECTIONS ON SHAMAN GOD PAINTINGS AND SHAMANISM

41

world,µ and an eternal paradise where life begins anew. After death, the spirit of the dead simply moves on to the “other world,µ the true home of the spirit. Therefore, the shaman beliefs on the afterlife do not include the religious concept of salvation. Unlike Buddhism and Christianity, which explain eternal life as a result of salviÀc deeds by deities, shamanism claims that eternal life is given to all, regardless of one’s religious faith. The afterlife is seen as a natural process in one’s existence, a return to the spiritual home where the spirit resided prior to assuming its corporeal existence. These ideas appear to reÁect earlier human understandings of the afterlife before the rise of more systematic religions.18 *** On the basis of our discussion of shaman spirituality, we can say that the shaman conception of gods as personal beings is reÁected in the paintings of shaman gods, in which various gods (both animate and inanimate) take on human forms. The three-tier cosmology of shamanism also inÁuenced the three-tier representations of gods as heavenly, earthly, and underworld deities. It is also important to note that shaman god paintings capture more than just passing spiritual visions of individual shamans. Rather, the paintings are profoundly rooted in the larger shaman spiritual system, and the personal imagination of individual shamans plays a secondary role. As a form of spirituality, shamanism speaks to the depth of human psychology and expresses itself in rituals, songs and stories, and paintings. Shaman God Paintings and the Principles of Shaman Spirituality

The belief in gods and the afterlife might appear unreasonable in the eyes of modern-day rational human beings. Despite this widespread skepticism towards superstition, shamans continue to believe in gods who transcend time and space, but who also coexist with humans in time and space. They build altars to venerate the gods and worship the portraits of these gods as the real embodiments of the deities themselves. The goal of shamanism is found in the transformation of all misfortune into good 18

Ibid., 307–332.

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Fig. 16 Geumjul ⁞㭚 (straw rope) in Andong, North Gyeongsang Province, 1930s. Geumjul, decorated with pine branches, was hung around the house to ward off evil and usher in good fortune.

Fig. 17 Giju ₆㭒 (Tutelary God) in Buyeo, South Chungcheong Province, 1930s. Giju, a tutelary god, was worshipped in the backyard. Marking the sacred space is geumjul. Freshly drawn water was offered to the god.

REFLECTIONS ON SHAMAN GOD PAINTINGS AND SHAMANISM

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fortune, turning poverty into wealth, illness into health, and untimely death into longevity. To achieve this end, shamans offer prayers and sacriÀces to gods and believe that their wishes will be granted through divine intervention. That is, shamans hold that all situations can be changed, regardless of what the realistic assessment of them might be. In contrast with the modernist faith in rationalism and realism, shamanism puts greater emphasis on what lies beyond the realm of reality, as well as the connection between the real and spiritual domains. Shamanic thinking is two-dimensional thinking, in which there is a Áuid transition back and forth from existence and non-existence. At the root of this mode of thinking is originism, a system of belief that argues that all life (both animate and inanimate) originates from a single indivisible source, and evolves through endless cycles of transformation.19 Originism views chaos as the origin of all things. Through a process of differentiation and classiÀcation, all things, including, space and time, cosmos and human beings, come into being. All things arising from chaos might assume spatial and temporal identities, but eventually they return to original chaos through death and destruction. Once reunited with original chaos, spatio-temporal entities will re-emerge after undergoing the process of differentiation and classiÀcation. This cyclical transformation (from chaos to being and then back to chaos) continues without ceasing. Therefore, in shamanic thinking no distinction is made between chaos and being, as the latter is an extension of the former. The human spirit, which originates from chaos, returns to chaos upon death, and from there either takes on a new physical form or enters into eternal rest. In the context of originism, shaman rituals are viewed as a way to aid in the continuing cyclical transformation from Ànitude to inÀnitude. The ideas of originism are also found in folk religions and customs, and folklore and folk art, but is most clearly manifest in the practice of shamanism.20 Artistic Characteristics of Shaman God Paintings

Korea’s indigenous religion, shamanism, existed before the introduction of Buddhism, Daoism, Confucianism, or Christianity. Korean art 19 20

Ibid., 162. Ibid., 462.

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is rooted in shaman music and dance, and the dramatic elements of the shaman’s exorcising ritual. Shaman paintings were the Àrst religious paintings in Korea. However, artistically they have not received the attention they deserve. It is high time that their artistic values, rather than their religious functions, were reviewed. Shaman paintings should be deemed as religious art, but with the qualiÀcation that they are not graphic presentations of religious dogma or narratives, but are portraits of shaman deities. They are primitive paintings, transmitted from generation to generation as icons of folk religion. In this context, shaman paintings are examples of folk art, although there has been considerable debate over the deÀnition of folk art. Shaman paintings possess both realistic and illusory qualities. Despite the meticulously faithful depiction of human attributes, these paintings of shaman deities with strong colors and simple lines have a surrealistic air about them. Logic is often ignored, as evidenced by the exaggerated magniÀcation of godly Àgures to imply their importance. Few contemporary Korean artists have been deÀnitely inÁuenced by shaman paintings to date, but it is expected that as greater attention is given to the paintings, increasing numbers of artists will be inspired by their rich colors and spiritual qualities.

Chapter 2

The Shaman God Painting as an Icon and Its Artistic Qualities BAK YONG-SUK

À

GENERAL REFLECTIONS ON SHAMANISM

Despite the worldwide scholarly interest in shamanism in the recent past, there is a need to further explore a constructive and systematic approach to the study of the subject. Shamanism is not to be regarded as superstition, but as a system of powerful and inÁuential religious customs that have shaped the world’s civilizations before and since the Axial Age. Shamanism had a signiÀcant inÁuence on the later development of the so-called high religions, including Buddhism, Confucianism, Zoroastrianism, and Christianity. In Korean history, for example, the period prior to the introduction of Buddhism and Confucianism in the sixth century CE can be characterized as the age of shamanism. The shamanistic era roughly coincided with the period of ancient tombs (ca. 2000 BCE-668 CE). Textual sources plainly indicate that shamanism was venerated as the state religion during the Samhan (Àrst century BCE to fourth century CE), and Three KingdomsG(57 BCE-668 CE) periods. The clearest evidence of shaman worship during the latter period is found in the Samguk yusa 芓糑蛿艃 (Memorabilia of the Three Kingdoms), which expounds that the rulers of Silla, one of the Three Kingdoms, were shaman-kings. Chachaung 触 触蚔, the Silla expression for “shaman,µ is even found within the name of the second Silla king Namhae chachaung 網豻触触蚔 (d. 24). In fact, a study conducted by Yi Neung-hwa (1869–1943) shows that, during Korea’s prehistoric times, all priestly Àgures (including shamans) who

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worshipped the Heavenly God were called Dangun 縣糗 (Sandalwood King), which was also the name of the legendary founder of Go-Joseon, the Àrst Korean kingdom (ca. 2333-108 BCE). Yi traces the inception of Korean shamanism to 2400 BCE, beginning with the arrival in the Korean peninsula of Hwanung, the Son of Heaven and the father of Dangun.1 This reveals a remarkably long history of Korean shamanism, especially when compared to the short 800-yearlong and 500-year-long histories of Buddhism and Confucianism, respectively, in Korea. In fact, as the early modern intellectual Sin Chae-ho (1880–1936) once asserted, overlooking the history of shamanism would be like denying the essence of Korean culture.2 It would therefore be reasonable to characterize Korean art, particularly ancient tomb art, prior to the introduction of Buddhism as a form of shaman art. However, since it was improperly identiÀed as miscellaneous and dismissed by art historian Go Yu-seop (1905–1944), Korean shaman art has failed to receive the attention that it deserves. This problem has been a difÀcult one to resolve, primarily due to the misconstrued and inadequately researched nature and structure of shamanism. Before moving on to discuss the paintings of shaman gods, we must Àrst understand shamanism and its differences from Buddhism and Confucianism. According to the generally agreed deÀnition of Uno Holmberg-Harva and Mircea Eliade, shamanism is as a religious phenomenon of Siberian and Central Asian origin.3 As psychopomps, shamans summon and guide the souls of the deceased. During a ritual, the shaman reaches a state of trance, generally while performing songs and dances that lead to spiritual possession.4 However, this kind of characterization only emphasizes lim1

2

3

4

Yi Neunghwa, Joseon musok go 裧茗肐荱簊 (A Study of Shamanism in Joseon) (Seoul: Baengnok chulpansa, 1976), 11. Sin Chae-ho, Joseon sanggosa 裧茗芟篴艋 (Ancient History of Korea) (Seoul: Bibong chulpansa, 2006). Translator’s note: Uno Holmberg-Harva (1882–1949) was a seminal ethnographer of Asia, particularly the area of Siberia. His work on Asian shamanism has been very inÁuential. See Uno Harva, Die Religiösen Vorstellungen der Altaischen Völker (Religious Beliefs of Altaic People) (Helsinki: Suomalainen Tiedeakatemia, 1938). Historian of religion, Mircea Eliade (1907–1986)’s study of shamanism explored the many forms of shamanism throughout the world. See Mircea Eliade, Le Chamanisme et les Techniques Archaïques de L’Extase (Shamanism: Archaic Techniques of Ecstasy) (Paris: Payot, 1951). Mircea Eliade, Shamanism: Archaic Techniques of Ecstasy (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1974), 4–5.

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47

ited aspects of shamanism, and, more importantly, fails to recognize it as a uniÀed religious system like Buddhism and Confucianism. Research has shown that shamanism in Korea was concerned with more than just mystical communication with spirits; rather, it was founded on textual and institutional authorities. For example, the research conducted by Akamatsu and Akiba in the 1930s revealed the existence of shaman scriptures in Korea.5 The “Era of Go-Joseonµ chapter in the Samguk yusa states that Hwanung received the Three Heavenly Seals and descended from heaven, together with the Rain God, Cloud God, and Wind God, to govern the world. The state-wide veneration of gods in Goguryeo, and the existence of shaman-rulers in Silla, all demonstrate that shamanism in Korea was far more than religious customs. It was a systematic religion, much like the high religions followed. The historicity of the shaman scriptures has been a contentious issue. Akiba argued that the shaman scriptures found in Korea appear to be later fabrications; a conclusion he came to on the basis that these orally transmitted texts contain expressions found in the Chinese classic Zhou Yi 褯 蔩 (The Book of Changes). However, such a conclusion fails to recognize the fact that the production of shamanistic texts in both China and Korea predated the publication of the Zhou Yi. Known to have been compiled by Confucius and his disciples, the Zhou Yi is a collection of ancient texts, including the eight cosmological diagrams (e.g. the “Yellow River Diagramµ and the “Luo River Diagramµ), and shamanistic divination texts found in the Oracle Bones. Indeed, the Zhou Yi is an important piece of evidence that proves Confucianism’s deep roots in shamanism. In other words, contrary to Akiba’s conclusion, the discovery of elements from the Zhou Yi in the Korean shaman scriptures is both reasonable and expected. Yi Neung-hwa also showed that the religious ideas of shamanism preceded the customs of the shaman religion, and located the essence of shamanism in divination techniques and the theory of Yin-Yang and Five Elements 蜭蓪薺貇.6 As a natural principle, the theory of Yin-Yang and Five Elements was applied to the discussion of human affairs, as well as cosmological phenomena and medicine. The principle formed the 5

6

Akamatsu ChijŇ and Akiba Tokashi, &KŇVHQIX]RNXQRNHQN\ş 裧茗肐荱࿾⹄粽G(A Study of Korean Shamanism) (Tokyo: ņsakayagŇ Shoten, 1933), 243–250. Yi Neung-hwa, Baek gyo hoe tong Ⲯᮉᴳ䙊 (Comparative Study of Religions) (Seoul: Boyeongak, 1973), 5–6.

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ideological basis of the ancient civilizations of China, Babylon, Egypt, and Greece, at least prior to the seventh century BCE.7 This overarching and down-to-earth principle gave shamanism its practical characteristics. The practical spirit of Korean shamanism was already being observed in the shaman-king Hwanung’s governance of over three hundred and sixty worldly affairs, including, food, illness, punishment, fate, and morality. The blending of politico-religious and practical knowledge and its relationship with shamanism is also clearly expressed in the early Daoist texts from China. The Shanhaijing 芄豸篏 (Classic of Mountains and Seas) describes shamans as gods who handled medicinal herbs. The legendary god-kings of China, the Three Sovereigns, are also portrayed as holders of medicinal knowledge.8 Other Daoist texts, namely the %DRSX]L诨胟螲 (Master Who Embraces Simplicity), and the 6KHQ[LDQ]KXDQ葃苸衑 (Biographies of Divine Immortals), record stories of gods who had the ability to control rain, clouds, and Àre; similar to the four gods of Hwanung. These early portrayals closely resemble the later images of shaman gods. The close connection between political power and religious power in shamanism is evidenced by the titles of political leaders during the Three Kingdoms period (57 BCE-668 CE). The expression “gan 竹µ (heavenly stems), a system of ordinals based on Yin-Yang and Five Elements theory, was employed to represent the highest political authority. Gaya’s gu gan 粝竹 (nine chieftains), Silla’s gak gan 竲竹 (the highest of the seventeen ofÀcial ranks), and Goguryeo’s o gan 薺竹 (Àve chieftains) are examples. These leaders possessed both political and religious expertise, as well as practical skills. For instance, Silla’s gak gan was an expert in scientiÀc knowledge at a level comparable to today’s scientists or engineers. The rulers’ fascination with foreign religions and the ensuing struggle for dominance among religions can be identiÀed as the key factors that led to the reduction of shaman religion to shaman customs during the Goryeo (918–1397) and Joseon (1392–1897) periods. Buddhism and Confucianism, both imported from China, posed serious challenges to the shaman religion of Korea. Buddhism preached the need for individ7

8

Tadao Iijima, 7HQPRQUHNLKŇWRLQ·J\ŇJRJ\ŇVHWVX 詏肫缪腟࿸蜭蓪薺貇茢 (The Cosmological Calendar and the Theory of Yin Yang and Five Elements) (Tokyo: KŇseisha, 1939), 116. Gernot Prunner, Jungguk ui sillyeong 襦糑㦮 葃罗 (The Gods of China), translated by Cho Heung-yun (Seoul: Jeonggeumsa, 1984), Àgure 15a.

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49

ual attainment of nirvana, as well as the fulÀllment of Buddhist ideals of mercy in the human world. Confucianism, as a religion of culture (mun 肫), focused on realizing the ideal of mean and ethical harmony advocated by Confucius. The adoption of Confucianism as dominant political ideology led to a reduction in the shaman’s social status, from a politico-religious leader to a skilled worker. Earlier ofÀcial titles with shaman association were abolished, as we can see in the abolition of the ofÀcial title gak gan after Silla’s adoption of Confucianism. Shamanism in Korea always served practical purposes, and even during the Joseon dynasty’s great persecution of shamanism, shamans continued to work as public servants. During the early Joseon period, the state shamans were positioned at the Hall of the Heavenly Bodies (Seongsucheong 茷菑詽). Their main tasks involved praying for the welfare of the country and leading state rituals. This practice appears to have started in the Goryeo. During the reign of King Sejong (r. 1418–1450), shamans were employed at the OfÀce of Medicine (Hwarinwon 赇蝸蚭), to assist in curing people’s illnesses, and during the reign of King Se-jo (r. 1455–1468) they were asked to help control epidemics. Although shamans were dismissed from government ofÀces in the late sixteenth century, due to zealous protests from the Confucians who opposed the worship of “obsceneµ religions, which included shamanism, they were reinstated during the reign of King Yeongjo (r. 1725–1776). Shamans even participated in the war effort against the Japanese forces during the Japanese invasions of Korea (1592–1598), mainly via handling the army’s gunpowder. Although a great number of shamans were degraded to mere entertainers during the Joseon period, they continued to draw on their earlier connection to the worship of gods and the healing of people to relieve the world with the spiritual and medical knowledge they had inherited from ancient times. Throughout Korean history, shamanism inspired intellectual and artistic developments. A shaman renaissance in the seventeenth century gave rise to the Practical Learning Movement. The genre paintings of Kim Hong-do (b. 1745) and Sin Yun-bok (b. 1758), which visually capture the daily customs of the time, also represent the long-awaited revival of shaman art. Their portrayal of shaman activities, along with various craft making scenes, illustrates the practical nature of shamanism in Korea at that time. Moreover, as we will see, the same practical spirit was also clearly manifested in the development of shaman gods and their images.

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THE CHARACTERISTICS OF SHAMAN GODS AND SHAMAN GOD PAINTINGS

The age of shamanism was described by the monk-historian Il-yeon (1206– 1289), author of the Samguk yusa, as the “age of wonders.µ His account of this wondrous historical period includes the discussion of various mythical characters and events, such as the Dragon King, the Serpent Lady, the Mountain God, and dokkaebi ☚₾゚ (goblins), as well as the stories of human births from eggs; ideas that were deemed heretical by both the Buddhist and Confucian religions. As Sin Chae-ho argued, these ancient shaman myths from Korea should be considered commensurable to the mythologies of Babylon and Greece. As a branch of shamanism, Korean shamanism developed in close connection with shamanism in Siberia and Central Asia. Therefore, the development of shamanism in Korea should be examined within the context, and as a part, of a global evolution of ideas and beliefs that shaped the civilizations of the ancient worlds. Although the ancient religions of Egypt, Babylon, and Greece are often believed to be pantheistic,9 in essence they were all systematic religions with three chief deities; the sun, the moon, and the stars. The latter also appear as deiÀed Àgures in the popular legends of Korea. Historical records show that Korea also had three principal gods: Hwanin 贿蝾 (God of Heaven), Hwanung (Son of Heaven), and Dangun (Sandalwood King). If we also include the four gods who accompanied Hwanung to earth (Cloud, Rain, Wind, and Lightning),10 altogether seven gods controlled both the cosmic and human domains. The Samguk yusa records the accounts of various shaman gods. It tells us that the fourth King of Silla, Talhae (d. 80), was a descendent of the dragon race. He was one of the twenty-eight dragon kings who were born of a human womb. These kings were born with the eyes of wisdom, which gave them special discerning abilities. The dragon’s birth from the Arnold Toynbee made this argument in his A Study of History. See Arnold J. Toynbee, A Study of History (London: Oxford University Press, 1935–1961). 10 The Samguk yusa records that Hwanung was accompanied by three gods (Cloud, Rain, and Wind), but in the Samil singo 芓螐葃簓 (Trinitarian Divine Admonitions), one of the religious texts used in the indigenous Korean religion Daejonggyo 繗褑粊 (The Great Ancestral Religion), one more god (Thunder) is included. Considering that Four Guardian Spirits also appear in Buddhism, the addition of Thunder seems to be appropriate. 9

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human womb was criticized by Confucians as being an obscene idea of shamanism, although in the shaman religious tradition, it represents a special fertility and prenatal technique. Talhae exercised his supernatural power in his struggle against King Suro (d. 199),11 the founder of the Gaya Kingdom, and used his geomantic foresight to take possession of the land of good fortune. Another legendary Àgure from Silla, Cheoyong, was also a dragon’s descendent; his ability to gather and dispel mists and clouds greatly impressed the Silla king, who granted Cheoyong an ofÀce at his court. Other legends recorded in the Samguk yusa also illustrate the close interaction between dragons and humans. In the story of “The Flute That Calms Ten Thousand Waves,µ a dragon presents the king with a magical Áute and a jade belt. When played, the sound of the Áute has the power to make enemies Áee, to cure diseases, and to control the weather,12 and the jade belt protects its wearer in dangerous situations.13 It is also recorded that the famous Buddhist Master Myeongnang (ca. 650) learned the secret esoteric Buddhist technique of munduru in the Dragon Palace and, using this technique, which involved setting up a special altar and reciting special scriptures, he was capable of creating great storms that destroyed the invading Tang navy.14 The popularity of the dragon cult is further evidenced by the transformation of human kings into dragons. For instance, King Munmu of Silla (d. 681) is believed to have transformed into the Dragon of the East Sea.15 In addition to dragons, other shaman gods were also in close contact with humans. Popular legend suggests that the famous Silla general Kim Yu-sin (595–687) acquired secret magic in order to defeat enemies from the God of the South Mountain. Using this magic, he was capable of splitting rocks and causing jars full of explosives to fall from the sky, killing hundreds of enemy horses and soldiers. The gods were also involved in non-military actions. For example, in the story of “Lady Dohwa and 11

12 13 14 15

Ilyon, Samguk yusa: Legends and History of the Three Kingdoms of Ancient Korea, translated by Tae-Hung Ha and Grafton K. Mintz (Seoul: Yonsei University Press, 1972), 160. Ibid., 103–105. Ibid. 72–73. Ibid., 98–99. Ibid., 100.

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Prince Bihyeongµ the dokkaebi is a goblin builder god who constructs a stone bridge in the palace in a single night.16 These shaman gods, who actively assisted in human affairs with their divine powers, cannot be found in the religions introduced from China. Rather, the new religions, Buddhism and Confucianism, preached the message of goodness, mercy, and benevolence, as well as the privileged position of humans in the universe. Therefore, even in their visual representations, Buddhist gods and Confucian sages reveal human qualities. In contrast, the images of shaman gods emphasize their unusual and mysterious divine qualities, rather than their humanlike qualities. Gods bearing the images of animals are common in the world’s shaman religions. For instance, the Egyptian gods had the head of an ox or a snake and the wings of a bird. The early Chinese anthology of myths, the Shanhaijing (The Classic of Mountains and Seas), records that the creator god and goddess, Fuxi and Nüwa, had the bodies of snakes and the heads of humans.17 It also describes how the goddess Queen Mother of the West had the face of a human, the tail of a wolf, and the teeth of a tiger.18 The Three Daoist Gods depicted in the mural painting of the Han dynasty’s Wu Family Shrine also have the bodies of snakes. Likewise, the Korean shaman gods were often portrayed in the form of different animals (e.g. dragons, snakes, oxen, frogs, etc.). Their strange and diverse physical attributes were viewed as the visual manifestations of the gods’ special qualities and powers. Facial features were often exaggerated and dramatized in a similar manner to those of the Korean masks used in dramatic performances. As the Samguk yusa explains, the mask of the shaman god Cheoyong, which was designed to be worn during ritual dances, imitated the facial expressions of the gods of the South Mountain during their dance.19 These individualized portrayals of shaman gods highlight the practical essence of the shaman religion. As Kim Tae-gon’s study of 170 types of Korean shaman gods shows,20 in 16 17

18 19 20

Ibid., 69–71. Yuan Ke, Shanhaijing 芄豸篏 (The Classic of Mountains and Seas) (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1980), p. 389. See Guo Pu’s commentary. Ibid., 407. Ilyon, Samguk yusa, 126–128. Kim Tae-gon, Hanguk musok yeongu 七഻ᐛ؇⹄ウ (A Study of Korean Shamanism) (Seoul: Jipmundang, 1974), 260.

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order to enumerate and specify the distinct characteristics of these gods, more images, that is, more icons, had to be invented. The images of Greek and Buddhist gods, which began to emerge after the sixth century BCE, display youthful faces, archaic smiles, wellbuilt physiques, and androgynous features. These gods and their images symbolized harmony and perfection. Although these images visually express the gods’ distinct personalities, when compared to the highly individualized depictions of the Korean shaman gods, they certainly appear more generic. Shaman Goddesses in East Asia

The second-century Chinese dictionary, the 6KXRZHQMLH]L茢肫豻螳 (An Explication of Written Characters), makes the clear distinction between a male shaman (箖GC. xi ; K. gyeok) and a female shaman (肐GC. wu ; K. mu), suggesting that female shamans were shamans in their own right, not just surrogates for male shamans. Shaman goddesses also feature heavily in the Shanhaijing, which identiÀes Wuxian 肐豍 as the birthplace of shamanism and discusses the accounts of ten shaman goddesses.21 These records indicate that female shamans and shaman goddesses developed somewhat independently of their male counterparts in China. The Chinese shaman pantheon contains many goddesses, including the Fairy, the Heavenly Concubine, and the Midwife, not to mention the chief deity, the Mood Goddess. The shaman goddesses were represented in the same manner as the male shaman gods, both in deiÀed posture and in elaborate decoration, except that female gods were accompanied by female attendants, and male gods were accompanied by male attendants. Even the emperors venerated female shamans. For example, the Song Emperor Zhenzong (r. 997–1022) held in reverence a Daoist priestess on Mount Emei who cured his son of smallpox. She was later venerated as the Goddess of Smallpox, and people prayed before her image to seek healing from the disease.22

21

22

Translator’s note: The character wu in Wuxian is the same character as wu, the female shaman. Yi, 1973, 200.

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Shaman goddesses were also worshipped in ancient Japan, and the chief among them was Himiko (175–248), who became a reigning queen of the ancient kingdom, Yamataikoku. The Hou Han shu 趒豀苗 (History of the Later Han) records the following regarding Himiko: The country [Japan] formerly had a man as ruler. For some seventy or eighty years after that there were disturbances and warfare. Thereupon the people agreed upon a woman for their ruler. Her name was Himiko. She occupied herself with magic and sorcery, bewitching the people. Though mature in age, she remained unmarried. She had a younger brother who assisted her in ruling the country. After she became the ruler, there were few who saw her. She had one thousand women as attendants, but only one man. He served her food and drink and acted as a medium of communication. She resided in a palace surrounded by towers and stockades, with armed guards in a state of constant vigilance.23

The magic and sorcery practiced by Himiko appear to have been inÁuenced by the theory of Yin-Yang and Five Elements, as was the case in China and Korea. She was eventually deiÀed, becoming a chief shaman goddess in Japan. In Korea there was Saso, a Chinese princess, who obtained the technique of immortality. As popular legend suggests, Saso settled down in Silla after she left China. While she was away, her father, the emperor, sent her a letter tied to a black kite’s leg, requesting that she settle down wherever the bird rested. Following her father’s order, Saso became a tutelary goddess in Silla, where she performed many miraculous signs. It is said that she later gave birth to Bak Hyeokgeose (69 BCE-4 CE), the progenitor of Silla’s royal family. She came to be known by the name of the Holy Mother of the Peach of Immortality and was venerated as a chief shaman goddess, like the Moon Goddess in China, and Himiko in Japan. One of the three state sacriÀces in Silla was dedicated to her, and her image became an object of worship. In addition to Silla, the other Korean kingdoms also idolized shaman goddesses. For instance, we know that the image of the shaman goddess, Divine Mother, was venerated in Goguryeo. In Buyeo, where shaman fertility 23

Tsunoda Ryusaku, Japan in the Chinese Dynastic Histories: Later Han through Ming Dynasties, edited by L. Carrington Goodrich (South Pasadena, Calif: P.D. and I. Perkins, 1951), 13.

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Fig. 18 No. 4 Mural in the Left Chamber of the Wu Family Shrine Jiaxiang County, Shandong Province, China Fuxi and Nüwa hold a ruler and a compass, respectively. Both of them have the bodies of snakes.

and prenatal techniques were widely practiced,24 the procreation of offspring came to be believed as strictly women’s business, and something that could be controlled by the intervention of a shaman. Indeed, the idea of man-less procreation seems to have been prevalent among ancient Koreans, as suggested in the story of the women’s kingdom in Korea, which was recorded in the Hou Han shu, “The Treatise on the Eastern Yiµ: There is a kingdom of women under the sea, where not a single man can be found. The kingdom has a divine well. Just by looking into the well, one can conceive a male child.25

Another Korean shaman goddess introduced in the Samguk yusa is the Mother of Ocean’s Yardstick, who probably resembled the compass-holding Chinese shaman goddess Nüwa, who we see in the mural of the Wu Family Shrine from the Han dynasty. The most comprehensive account of female shaman practice during Korea’s Three Kingdoms period is found in the Samguk yusa’s discussion 24

25

Go Dong-yeong, tr. Hwandan gogi 贿縣篴絽 (Ancient Records of the Hwandan Period) (Seoul: Hanppuri, 1996), 119. Fan Ye, et al., Hou Han shu 趒豀苗 (History of the Later Han), juan 85, Dong yi lie zhuan, 1812.

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of Silla’s shaman youth organizations. In order to beneÀt the kingdom, King Jinheung of Silla (r. 579–632) established Pungwoldo 谓蚰纊 (The Way of the Wind and the Moon), an education program for female youths. Talented girls from noble families were appointed as the group’s leaders and were called wonhwa 蚤贪 (Original Flowers). Unfortunately, a conÁict between two wonhwa, Nammo and Chunjeong, led to the murder of the former by the latter, which eventually brought about the abolition of the organization. However, Pungwoldo was revived in the form of Hwarangdo 贪缂繲 (The Way of the Flower Youths), an organization for male youths. Yi Neung-hwa’s study reveals that the Flower Youths were male shamans who rose in power to replace their female wonhwa counterparts. This shift in leadership from female to male shamans signals the declining inÁuence of shamanism in Silla at the time. Prior to the abolition of wonhwa, the virgin girls chosen as wonhwa had been fated to bear the children of gods, and they were honored as the wives of gods. However, as the inÁuence of shamanism began to wane, these once-privileged female shamans came to be viewed merely as deserted women. From then on, the theme of female shamans as abandoned women began to prevail, and is illustrated in numerous accounts, including the story of the shaman goddess Princess Bari, which is found in the Mugajip 肐竛觛 (Collection of Korean Shaman Songs).26 Her very name, Bari, means “the abandoned one.µ As the seventh consecutive daughter of a king who desired a male heir, Bari was put into a chest and thrown into the ocean after her birth. She was rescued and raised by an old Àsherman and his wife. Upon learning about her real parents, Bari travelled to a faraway kingdom to Ànd a cure for the fatal disease with which her father, the king, had fallen ill. There, she got married and gave birth to seven male children, and eventually returned with a magic elixir to resuscitate her already-deceased parents, the king and queen. After these feats, she became a shaman goddess. Other shaman goddesses, such as Himiko and the wife of Cheoyong, resembled Princess Bari in the sense that they too had been abandoned by their families, as well as by society. We also recall that Saso had to leave her royal family in China to become a shaman goddess in Korea, 26

Translator’s note: Kim Tae-gon, Hanguk mugajip 豈糑肐竛觛 (Collection of Korean Shaman Songs) (Seoul: Chimmundang, 1980), vol. 4.

THE SHAMAN GOD PAINTING AS AN ICON AND ITS ARTISTIC QUALITIES

Fig. 19 Aphrodite Bronze mirror stand, Greece, cir. 550 BCE

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Fig. 20 Snake Goddess Excavated in Knossos, cir. 1600–1500 BCE

and gave birth to Bak Hyeokgeose without sexual intercourse. Therefore, whether in accordance with their will or against their will, a woman had to undergo an experience of painful separation from the world in order to become a shaman goddess. Similar stories about the birth of a goddess through rejection are also found in Greek mythology, with the myth of Aphrodite being the primary example. Uranus, who was married to Gaia, was notorious for his sexual promiscuity. Ultimately, he was castrated by his angry son Cronus, who threw the severed genitals into the sea. Aphrodite was born from the foam created as his genitals sank. After realizing that she was a rejected child, Aphrodite, together with other unwanted children of Uranus, attacked Olympus. Rejected by their fathers and thrown into the sea, both Aphrodite and Princess Bari were reborn as goddesses. It is interesting to note that, prior to the sixth century BCE, Aphrodite was regarded as a Moon Goddess and was portrayed by the image of a tiger. In shamanism, goddesses are believed to be reincarnations of tigers, foxes, and wolves. Tigers also feature heavily in Korean folk paintings,

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as representations of mountain goddesses and fertility goddesses who provide babies to families. SHAMAN GOD PAINTINGS AND ICONS

In order to properly appreciate the various types of shaman god paintings, we must Àrst understand the symbolic meanings of a shaman’s attire and the iconic signiÀcance of ritual artifacts. When comparing the images of shaman deities to their Buddhist and Confucian counterparts, we Ànd that the former emphasizes the iconic traits, while the latter emphasizes the personal traits, of deities. For instance, Korean shaman paintings often show female shamans bedecked in conical hats and kwaeja 䇢㧦 (long vests), and holding bells and fans, while male shamans are depicted carrying a three-pronged spear and a sword. These objects do not usually appear in the visual representations of gods in Buddhism or Confucianism, so they came to be identiÀed as shamanic icons. Kwaeja (Korean Long Vest)

Studies have shown that ritual objects used by shamans have special symbolic associations. For example, Eliade explained that the head ribbon, or bandana, worn by shamans from the Altai region, represents a snake. The snake images in Altaic shamanism often have two or three tails, and they were used to decorate a shaman’s ritual dresses. Indeed, Eliade described the case of a wealthy shaman who possessed a robe embellished with 1,070 snake ornaments. In addition to snakes, other shaman artifacts, such as arrows, bells, and mirrors, also acquired symbolic meanings. Arrows were used to ward off evil spirits; seven bells were used to summon the spirits of goddesses; and mirrors were viewed as tools that revealed both present and future events. Moreover, shamans’ clothes represented wings. Siberian shamans made their ritual outÀt, or at least a part of it, to resemble a bird. Mongolian shamans wore wings over their shoulders, believing that they could travel freely between the earthly and heavenly domains as the messengers of the divine will. In a similar manner, kwaeja, the long vests worn by Korean shamans, also represented birds’ wings. The kwaeja usually comes

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Fig. 21 Snake God (Sito) Papyrus, Egypt, 1300 BCE Sito is sometimes shown with legs or with a coiled body.

59

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down below the knees, and its back is separated by a long vertical cut that runs from the bottom and along the center. The separated ends Áap almost like wings during the ritual dance of the shaman. In the paintings of Korean shaman gods, the latter are often portrayed dressed in kwaeja or robes with long sleeves that symbolize wings. Conical Hat/Chignon

The image of the snake is also expressed in conical hats and chignons. Many Koreans might assume conical hats are an inÁuence from Buddhism, because they are worn during the performance of Korean Buddhist dances. However, in the context of shamanism, conical hats represent the triangular shape of the snake’s head. Snake goddesses play an important role in Korean shamanism, as we see in the stories of the Snake Woman, as recorded in the Samguk yusa. These goddesses, much like the Snake Goddess in Greek mythology, carry out multiple functions as healers, diviners, and alchemists. The chignon, often seen in Korean shaman paintings, is also a symbol of the snake, similar to the head ribbon worn by the Altaic shamans. Sometimes Korean shamans also put on a head ribbon or bandana during ritual performances. In various shaman religions, braided and coiled hair has represented the snake, a well-known example being the Greek goddess Kore whose head was covered with braids that resembled serpents.27 Images of women wearing braided buns also appear in the murals of Goguryeo and the paintings of the Joseon period. One can speculate a possible spiritual connection between this hairdo and the braided straw rope used in Korean shaman rituals. The Lotus

Although the lotus Áower is popularly known as a Buddhist icon, it is also a potent icon in shamanism. The lotus was the symbol of the Sun God in Egyptian shamanism, while in Korean shamanism this Áower often accompanies the shaman gods, and lotus patterns are used to decorate paintings of the gods. 27

Károly Kerényi and Carl Jung, Shinwa gaku monbon 葃贬谷螤肱 (Introduction to Mythology) (tr. Sugiura Tadao) (Tokyo: Shobun-sha, 1982), 146–149.

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Figs. 22 and 23 Goddess Hathor and King Seti I Thebae, cir. 1320–1200 BCE The Egyptian gods wore the snake ornament on their heads as a sign of their divinity.

In fact, Áowers as a whole take on a vital role in the conception and practice of shamanism in Korea. The titles of early Korean shamans, such as hwarang and wonhwa, all include the character “Áowerµ in their names, and a similar practice was also found in Chinese shamanism.28 In Korean shamanism, Áowers represent spirits and cosmic energy, the giver and sustainer of all life. Flowers are also linked to alchemy, as alchemy is also referred to as “the art of Áower.µ Korean shamans place the Áowers in a buru danji ⿖⬾┾㰖 (ancestor vase) and venerate them on the spirit altar. Songdae ㏷╖G(Ritual Staff) and Gyu 紃G(Ritual Scepter)

A variety of ritual artifacts are employed during the Korean shaman ritual, including a trident, sword, bell, spear, Áowers, fans, handkerchief, 28

In the Chu ci 誗艹 (Lyrics of Chu) by Qu Yuan (343–278 BCE), the names of shamans also include reference to Áowers.

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and a songdae. A songdae, which resembles a duster in its appearance, is a ritual staff with braided paper strands attached to a wooden handle. During a ritual performance, it is passed around the audience who tie money to the paper strands. The shaman will sing while swinging the ritual staff, and declare that the money provided will help the shaman to reach the Dragon Palace. According to Eliade, Siberian shamans also used a ritual staff, which they called “snake (Kuliu).µ The staff had a horse’s head and a snake’s body, and the shamans rode the staff to reach the netherworld. In Korean shamanism songdae also fulÀlls a similar function; some Korean shamans describe it as a horse that carries them to the divine domain. The symbolic signiÀcance of the braided pattern and its connection to the snake are also manifested in the braided paper strands. In the paintings of Korean shaman gods, a gyu (ritual scepter) takes the place of the songdae. A short and Áat jade stick with a triangular top and square bottom, a gyu is a symbol of the snake, much like a songdae. A gyu is also believed to represent male genitals, and so is viewed as a symbol of fertility. Fans

Painted folding fans feature frequently in Korean shaman paintings. In Asia, fans have been used as a practical tool in daily life, but also in dramatic and musical, as well as religious, performances. Indeed, the fan dance has been popular all throughout Asia for many centuries. Korean shamans also use fans regularly in their ritual performance. Together with bells, fans have long been indispensable instruments in Korean shaman rituals. The fans used by Korean shamans are often painted with images of Buddha or the Three Buddhist Gods. In the case of the latter, Amitabha Buddha appears in the center, accompanied by Bodhisattva Avalokitesvra and Bodhisattva Mahasthamaprapta to his left and right, respectively. The shamans using these painted fans implore the Buddhist deities for help and guidance, demonstrating the blending of shamanism and Buddhism. The shamans’ fans are also unique in that they have a speciÀed number of slats (50), unlike ordinary fans. Fans also have important symbolic meanings. In Korean shamanism, fans and books symbolize the foreseeability and transformability

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of human destiny.29 The opening and closing of the fans represents the shaman belief that both human fate and worldly affairs can be changed by divine intervention. The slats of a fan spread out like sunrays. Fans (especially round fans) epitomize the cyclical workings of the cosmos, as well as the unity of heaven, earth, and human, as explained in the Daoist literature +XDLQDQ]L赮網螲 (The Master of Huainan).30 The shamans’ fans are often compared to the “palm scripture (iljanggyeong 螐蟫篏),µ the palm print that, according to geomancy, contains detailed information about one’s life. The unfolding of the fans is compared to the opening of Àve Àngers. According to the *XMLQ]KX 篴細褹 (Notes on Things New and Old), the Chinese sage-king Shun made a “Five Illumination Fan (Wumingshan 薺聒苾),µ as he believed it would bestow on him special vision and hearing to help his governance.31 Fans also symbolized heavenly gates. Placed inside tombs and caves, the fans were seen as the gates to the spiritual domain. Bows and Arrows

Another shaman instrument that often appears in the paintings is the bow and arrow. Holmberg-Harva showed that Siberian shamans believed these instruments were useful in divine healing, and Eliade described them as symbols of good harvest, good fortune, and miracles.32 The bows and arrows we Ànd in Korean shaman paintings also represent these spiritual qualities. ARTISTIC FORMS OF SHAMAN GOD PAINTINGS

Various historical records tell us that, much like in Buddhism, images of gods were created and worshipped in shamanism. According to the Dangi gosa 縣絓篴艋 (Ancient History of Dangun and Gija), the portraits 29 30 31 32

Yi Neung-hwa, Joseon musok go, 138–139, 145. +XDLQDQ]L, juan 3, tian wen xun. Cui Bao (12th century), *XMLQ]KX篴細褹 (Notes on Things New and Old), 1.1. Mircea Eliade, (ULDGHFKRVDNXVKş ံၸူၕ蠭蟇觛 (Collected Works of Eliade) vol. 13, trans. Nakamura KyŇko (Tokyo: Serika shobŇ, 1975), “Note on the symbolism of the arrow.µ

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Fig. 24 Anak Tomb No. 3 (Dongsu Tomb), Front West Chamber Portrait of the Male Tomb Occupant

Fig. 25 Portrait of the Fox Immortal The veneration of the portrait is an important part of Manchurian New Year’s celebration.

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of Dangun were venerated as early as 1000 BCE. Some examples from the Three Kingdoms period include the portrait of Dangun painted by the Silla painter Solgeo, the statue of Silla’s king Talhae made from his remains, and the shrines dedicated to Goguryeo’s founder, King Dongmyeong, and his mother, Lady Yuhwa. An early example of shaman painting from the Three Kingdoms period is found in the tomb murals from Goguryeo. The mural of Anak Tomb No. 3 includes a portrait of male and female tomb occupants, each seated in what looks like a shrine. Both Àgures gaze directly at the viewer. They are placed in the center of the panel, and are accompanied by two attendants, each to their left and right, who are represented in a smaller scale than the central Àgures. The frontal positioning and the relative size of the Àgure, as we see in the Àrst chapter by Kim Tae-gon, are important traits of Korean shaman paintings. The portrait of the male occupant bears an interesting resemblance to the painting of the Manchurian shaman god, Fox Immortal, which has been studied by Akamatsu and Akiba. In format, setting, and details (the headdress, hand gesture, and mustache), both paintings exhibit noticeable similarities.33 The portrait of the female occupant in the Anak mural can be compared to the painting of Niangniang, the Manchurian Goddess of Childbirth. In the Anak example, the central female Àgure is shown with two female attendants, while her Manchurian counterpart has two male attendants.34 While the details might be different, the two portraits are comparable in overall format. One later adaptation of these earlier examples is the shaman painting of Lady Song (Plate 51). In essence, when examining the portraits in the Anak mural and the portraits of the Manchurian shaman gods, we learn that the former was an earlier and more original form than the latter. The former provides a realistic and detailed representation of Àgures. In contrast, the latter’s Àgures are highly stylized and simpliÀed. This testiÀes to the long history of shamanism in Korea. As Yi Neung-hwa pointed out, even the Chinese regarded Korea as the home of shamanism. The expression “wanshen 耎 33

34

Akamatsu ChijŇ and Akiba Tokashi, 0DQPŇQRPLQ]RNXWRVKşN\Ň耊鍠࿾胐褈࿸褒ᮉ (Manchurian and Mongolian Races and Religions) (Osaka: YagŇ Shoten, 1942), 69. Ibid., 81.

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葃µ (a shrine for immortals and gods) was used by the Chinese to refer to the Korean peninsula.35 *** Compared to other religious paintings that show merciful and wise images of gods, shaman paintings focus on communicating the mystical powers of deities by way of iconic images. The God of Smallpox (Plate 1) wears a bow and a quiver on his back, and carries a staff and a sword in his hands. The special spiritual signiÀcance of bows and arrows has already been discussed, and the staff, resembling a staff carried by Daoist immortals, denotes magic and alchemy. The image of the Dipper on the sword represents cosmic principles, as well as the shaman god’s ability to predict and transform the future. The banner on his right shoulder can be seen as the wing of the heavenly god. The God of Fire (Plate 63) and the General of Fire (Plate 93) are powerful gods who punish the world with Àre. The image of Àre is also associated with the Dragon King as in Plate 33, which shows the deity holding a Àery Cintamani stone in his hand, and riding a dragon. Fans and bells appear as a pair in the paintings of the Ancestors of Shamans (Plates 21, 22, 23). The fans are painted with the images of the three Buddhist or shaman gods. Fans, and their connection to shaman cosmic worldview have been discussed above, and they also appear as an important icon in the shaman paintings of the Spirit of Main Shrine (Plate 56), Lady Hong (Plate 57), God of Love (Plate 74), and Buddhist God (Plate 80). Plates 56 and 74 show female and male shamans holding a fan in one hand and counting the sexagenary cycle with their other hand. The counting Àngers of both Àgures are highly animated. The two paintings wonderfully demonstrate the correspondence between the sexagenary cycle and the round fan, both symbols of shaman cosmology. The hat worn by the God of Love (Plate 74) resembles a coiled snake. In Plate 80, a fan appears as an icon in the background. On the staff of the Buddhist God sits a bird, another symbol of bells. The fan of the Ancestor of Shamans in Plate 130 makes a perfect circle, depicted on which are the three spiritual 35

Yi Neung-hwa, Joseon musok go, 137.

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realms: the heavenly gods (top), the earthly gods (bottom), and the sun and moon (middle). The portraits of the Three Buddhist Gods (Plates 81–82, 85–88) represent the deities wearing conical hats with three pointed ends. An example of a simple triangular hat is found in Plate 43. In Plates 86 and 87, the conical hats are transparent, revealing the heads they are covering. Plates 16 and 17 show two female shamans, Grandmother Im and Grandmother Bak, each sitting on a round cushion. The roundness of the cushion and the decorative lines that spread out from the center very much echo the theme of circle we previously examined with regard to the fan. In both paintings, the facial features of the shamans are greatly exaggerated. Wiggly lines run across the face, over the eyebrows, and from the outer corners of the eyes to the cheeks, creating a grotesque and distorted appearance. Similar techniques were also used in the painting of the Gods of Five Cardinal Points (Plate 75), where strong facial lines are visible. These highly exaggerated faces of shaman gods resemble the masks used in the Korean mask dance. The fact that these deformed faces, which were originally inspired by animal faces, are found in shaman paintings reveals to us the connection between shamanism and animism. In essence, by foregoing embellishment and concentrating on a few key features, the two paintings effectively capture the mystical qualities of the shamans. Wings, a symbol of the shaman gods’ role as mediators between the heavenly and earthly realms, are shown in the paintings of the Dragon King of the Four Seas (Plate 10), General Hong and His Wife (Plate 100), and General Gwan U (Plate 109). The decorations on the headdresses of the three gods also differ; an arrowhead, a trident, and a Àery Cintamani stone, respectively. In the paintings of the Mountain Gods (Plates 24–31), tigers are represented as a shaman icon. Tigers often appear as loving mothers in Korean folk tales and art. In a similar manner, the tigers in shaman paintings represent divine mothers who accompany the mountain gods. The pairing of the tiger and the mountain god expresses the harmony between yin and yang. However, in Plate 24 instead of a mountain god, we see a mountain goddess alongside a tiger. The image of the lotus is found in many types of shaman paintings. In Plate 18, a Bodhisattva is seated inside a lotus Áower, holding in her hands one half bloomed and one fully bloomed lotus Áower. In Plate 82,

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the Three Buddhist Gods stand on three lotus Áowers. The lotus Áowers in these paintings are more than just a platform; they symbolize rebirth. The lotus also featured as an icon of rebirth in the ancient art of Egypt, India, and Central Asia. The ocean is another important theme. In Korean shaman paintings, it is understood as the Dragon Palace. Dancheong ѩ䶂 (bright cinnabar and bright green paint), an essential feature in traditional Korean architecture, was inspired by the desire to represent and recreate the Dragon Palace. As I have discussed elsewhere, the connection between dancheong and the Dragon Palace is highlighted in Korean language itself: the etymological root of the Korean word “bada ⹪┺µ (ocean) is “balgda ⹳┺µ (bright). 36 The painting of the Seven Star Gods (Plate 49) shows seven identical deities standing in the ocean. The three in the back row are holding ritual scepters, while the four in the front row are carrying plates of peaches. Peaches are regarded as fruits from heaven in both shamanism and Daoism. Even the Samguk yusa records a story of King Suro who had to Ànd the peaches from heaven in order to marry his queen.37 The painting of the Fairy Goddesses of the Sun and Moon (Plate 14), and the painting of the Jade Emperor (Plate 15), show the deities standing and sitting in the ocean. The paintings of the Dragon Queen (Plates 35, 36, 38) also use the ocean as a background. The goddess demonstrates her power over the dragon by riding it, and by holding its horns in her hands. Mountains and landscapes also adorn the background of Korean shaman paintings (Plates 31, 55, 125). In the painting of the Ancestor of Shamans (Plate 55), the shaman god sits among the cliffs and cascades. The background of mountains in the painting of the Blind Man (Plate 125) is highly stylized, similar to what we Ànd in the tomb murals of Goguryeo. In short, just as the ocean was viewed as an icon, mountains too were understood as a shaman icon that represented the shaman god’s presence in nature. Plates 7, 8, 50, and 124 highlight the contrast between the central and attendant Àgures. Similar techniques were also employed in the murals of ancient Egypt and India, as well as in Christian art. The arrangement 36

37

Bak Yong-suk, Hanguk ui siwon sasang 䞲ῃ㦮 㔲㤦㌂㌗ (The Original Ideas of Korea) (Seoul: Munye chulpansa, 1985), Ch. 4. Ilyon, Samguk yusa, 162.

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of the gods and their attendants in the painting of the God and Goddess of Smallpox (Plate 7), and the painting of Lady Song (Plate 50), resembles the arrangement of the Anak mural. In the painting of the Village Tutelary God (Plate 8), the male attendant standing next to the god on horseback appears almost like a child. Plates 5, 66, 67, and 68 demonstrate detailed and realistic portrayals of faces. Shading techniques were utilized for the eyes, nose, mouth, and Àngers. In keeping with the Joseon dynasty portrait tradition, which stipulates the application of shading to the face, but not to the clothes, in order to highlight the face as the focal point, the deities’ dresses are shown without shading in most Korean shaman paintings. However, in Plates 5 and 68, we see the application of partial shading in the clothes. The various shading techniques employed reÁect the fact that these paintings were created by semi-professional painters. The painting of the Great Lord (Plate 64) is a good illustration of Korean shaman paintings’ intentional disregard for perspective. The painting shows the frontal image of the deity, but the desk in front is captured from the top-down angle. The items on the desk are also represented from different perspectives; for instance, books are shown from the top, but brush pots are shown from the side. The desk and stationery also feature in Chinese shaman paintings, but most Chinese examples do not violate perspective. However, in Korean shaman paintings linear perspective is deliberately ignored as a way to show the shaman god’s ability to perceive the world from multiple perspectives. *** The unique artistic qualities of Korean shaman paintings owe much to their original connection to tomb murals. As discussed earlier, the shaman paintings of Korea trace their roots to the ancient tomb murals of the Three Kingdoms period. As with the tomb murals, without exception the shaman paintings are found in the space of the shrine. That is, when studying these paintings, we must consider the architectural space in which the paintings reside. When we do, we realize that the artistic styles and techniques in these paintings were conscientious artistic choices that were made to make the best use of the special

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and enclosed religious space. Although they are known by different names, including Village God Shrine (Seonghwangdang 茱赢繊), Rock Mountain (Josan 褂芄), Pagoda (Tap 譣), Buddhist Master Shrine (Guksadang 糑艗繊), and Mountain God Shrine (Sansindang 芄葃繊), the shaman shrines in Korea have common roots in ancient tombs. The earliest shaman paintings, such as the tomb murals, were either drawn or hung on tomb walls. This calls for us to reÁect on the artistic techniques of shaman paintings and their relationship with the light. In the underground tomb or shrine, lighting was generally limited, and even if it entered through caves or other openings, illumination was often uneven and temporary. Therefore, to aid in the viewing of these paintings, torches or lamps were used. This special viewing condition explains why bright and deep colors were chosen for shaman paintings. Therefore, one of the reasons why shaman paintings appear overly colorful and amateurish in our eyes today is because of the change in how they are displayed and viewed. These paintings must be viewed in enclosed and dimly lit spaces, and only then can we approximate the original viewing experience. Korean shaman paintings made use of deep-color pigments in order to create an incandescent effect without the aid of strong lighting. Similar practice was also applied in the making of ancient Egyptian murals where strong primary colors, such as red, blue, green, white, and yellow, were favored in order to maximize the reÁection of light. In Korean shaman paintings, cinnabar, gold, animal bones, and shells were applied to produce that glowing effect. In particular, the high content of phosphorus in powdered bones and shells created a glow-inthe-dark viewing experience. This kind of light was popularly called the “ghost lightµ in Korean folk religions, and named the “spirit energyµ in Korean shamanism. The luminescent effect was not easily achieved. First, deep-color pigments were applied and cinnabar was used to outline and color in the faces. Once the pigments were completely dry, they were coated with clear water to enhance their gloss. When painting on rock surfaces or silk, a layer of glue was spread on before any pigments could be applied. The correct mixture and juxtaposition of glue and pigments produced a special glow, which many artists referred to as the life energy of portraiture. A similar glow can be found on the painted faces of the mummies of the Hellenistic period, which exude an aura of life under the candlelight.

THE SHAMAN GOD PAINTING AS AN ICON AND ITS ARTISTIC QUALITIES

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If the primary task of the tomb muralists was making the dead come to life, this was achieved by using deep-color pigments and reÁective materials, both in the cases of Korean shaman paintings and Hellenistic painted mummies. These artistic techniques of shaman paintings were also applied in the seventh-century. Buddhist mural paintings by Goguryeo painter Damjing are located in the Buddhist temple HŇryş-ji in Japan. On a surface of white clay, the artist used cinnabar and black ink to draw outlines and deep-pigment colors, such as green, yellow, and brown to Àll in these outlines. To add vitality, he used “wet-on-wet painting technique (seonyeombeop 茁蕫腟),µ by applying a layer of water on still wet paint. These techniques were later preserved by Buddhist painters. Therefore, the creators of shaman paintings inÁuenced monk painters and professional artisans of later periods in Korean history. The change in display setting, from underground to above-ground space, posed a serious threat to shaman paintings. Eventually, the paintings failed to adapt to this new viewing environment, and gradually lost their original artistic vitality. The use of primary colors in shaman paintings was a practical, but also a meaningful, choice that reÁected a system of beliefs of the early Koreans. Just as the color red came to represent good fortune, dignity, and marital felicity in China, and life and vitality in India, in Korea too, colors came to embody certain cultural values. The color palette in Korean shaman paintings is based on the traditional ideology of YinYang and Five Elements. In principle, not all colors are sacred, but the Àve principal colors (white, black, blue, red, and yellow), which laid the foundation of the universe together with the Five Elements (wood, Àre, earth, metal, and water), possess sacred and mysterious powers. The Àve principal colors appear in Korean shamans’ dresses, and also in various shamanic decorations. The thatched rope embellishing the Spirit Tree (Seonghwangsu 茱赢莢) dedicated to village deities is braided together with objects of four other colors to represent the Àve principal colors: paper (white), charcoal (black), pine needles (blue), red pepper (red), and braided rope (yellow). Finally, it should be noted that the frontal positions that the shaman gods occupy in paintings is mainly due to the fact that these images were created as objects of worship. The lack of attention paid to perspective also owes much to the particular viewing condition of these paintings, as discussed above. Since the introduction of linear perspective during the

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Renaissance, religious icons in the West have gradually transformed into more realistic images of gods. However, in Korean shaman paintings, the iconic signiÀcance still outweighs realistic representation. Through the simple, yet powerful, icons of Korean shaman gods, believers continue to experience the mysteries of the world and the divine.

Images of Korean Shaman Gods

LIST OF PLATES

1.

God of Smallpox (Byeolsang), Deep colors on silk, 91x61cm, 1700s?, Seoul

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76

2.

THE PAINTINGS OF KOREAN SHAMAN GODS

God of Smallpox (Byeolsang), Deep colors on silk, 94x62cm, 1700s?, Seoul

LIST OF PLATES

3.

God of Smallpox (Byeolsang), Deep colors on silk, 88x51cm, 1900s, Seoul

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4.

God of Smallpox (Byeolsang), Mineral colors on silk, 87x52cm, 1900s, Seoul

LIST OF PLATES

5.

God of Smallpox (Byeolsang), Mineral colors on silk, 106x60cm, 1900s, Seoul

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6.

Daughter of the God of Smallpox (Byeolsang Aegissi), Mineral colors on silk, 90x55cm, 1800s?, Seoul

LIST OF PLATES

7.

God and Goddess of Smallpox (Byeolsang Bubu), Mineral colors on silk, 106x61cm, 1800s?, Seoul

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THE PAINTINGS OF KOREAN SHAMAN GODS

8. Tutelary God (Seonang), Deep colors on cotton, 90x56cm, 1800s, Seoul

LIST OF PLATES

9. Tutelary God (Seonang), Deep colors on silk, 104x61cm, 1800s, Seoul

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10. Dragon King of the Four Seas (Sahae Yongwang), Mineral colors on silk, 97x53cm, 1800s?, Seoul

LIST OF PLATES

11. The Sun-Moon-Star God (Irwolseonggun), Deep colors on silk, 88x57cm, 1700s?, Seoul

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12. The Sun-Moon-Star Gods (Irwolseongsin), Mineral colors on silk, 87x52cm, 1800s, Seoul

LIST OF PLATES

13. The Sun-Moon-Star Gods (Irwolseongsin), Detail of Plate 12

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14. Fairy Goddess of the Sun and Moon (Irwol Seonnyeo), Light colors on paper, 101x76cm, 1900s, Haeju, Hwanghae Province

LIST OF PLATES

15. Grandfather Ondang (Ondang Harabeoji; Master Spirit of the Shrine), Deep colors on paper, 89x58cm, 1700s ?, Seoul

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THE PAINTINGS OF KOREAN SHAMAN GODS

16. Grandmother Im (Imssi Halmeoni; Spirit of the Shrine), Deep colors on paper, 69x47cm, 1700s?, Seoul

LIST OF PLATES

17. Grandmother Bak (Bakssi Halmeoni; Spirit of the Shrine), Deep colors on paper, 75x47cm, 1700s?, Seoul

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THE PAINTINGS OF KOREAN SHAMAN GODS

18. Bodhisattva (Bosal), Light colors on paper, 80x67cm, 1900s, Haeju, Hwanghae Province

LIST OF PLATES

19. Grandmother Ondang Spirit (Ondang Daesin Halmeoni; Supreme Spirit of Ancestor of Shamans), Deep colors on silk, 88x57cm, 1700s, Seoul

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THE PAINTINGS OF KOREAN SHAMAN GODS

20. Female Buddhist Master (Bulsa Halmeoni), Mineral colors on silk, 97x58cm, 1800s?, Seoul

LIST OF PLATES

21. Mother of Shamans (Daesin Manura), Mineral colors on silk, 87x52cm, 1900s, Seoul

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THE PAINTINGS OF KOREAN SHAMAN GODS

22. Grandmother of Shamans (Daesin Halmeoni), Mineral colors on cotton, 82x58cm, 1900s, Pyeongyang, South Pyeongan Province

LIST OF PLATES

23. Grandmother of Shamans (Daesin Halmeoni), Mineral colors on silk, 88x52cm, 1900s, Seoul

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24. Mountain God (Sansin), Deep colors on paper, 92x51cm, 1800s, Seoul

LIST OF PLATES

25. Mountain God (Sansin), Deep colors on silk, 88x51cm, 1800s?, Seoul

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THE PAINTINGS OF KOREAN SHAMAN GODS

26. Mountain God of the Head Shrine (Dodang sansin), Mineral colors on silk, 87x75cm, 1800s, Seoul

LIST OF PLATES

27. Mountain God (Sansin), Mineral colors on silk, 87x52cm, 1900s, Seoul

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28. Mountain God (Sansin), Mineral colors on silk, 104x59cm, 1800s?, Seoul

LIST OF PLATES

29. Mountain God (Sansin), Mineral colors on silk, 95x56cm, 1900s, Gyeonggi Province

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30. Mountain God (Sansin), Detail of Plate 31

LIST OF PLATES

31. Mountain God (Sansin), Mineral colors on silk, 82x53cm, 1900s, Pyeongyang, South Pyeongan Province

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THE PAINTINGS OF KOREAN SHAMAN GODS

32. Dragon God (Yongsin), Deep colors on silk, 110x100cm, 1700s, Seoul

LIST OF PLATES

33. Dragon King (Yongwang), Mineral colors on silk, 88x51cm, 1800s?, Seoul

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34. Dragon Queen (Yonggung Buin), Deep colors on silk, 97x62cm, 1700s, Seoul

LIST OF PLATES

35. Dragon Queen (Yonggung Buin), Deep colors on silk, 88x57cm, 1700s, Seoul

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THE PAINTINGS OF KOREAN SHAMAN GODS

36. Dragon Queen of the Four Seas (Sahae Yonggung Buin), Mineral colors on silk, 95x50cm, 1800s, Seoul

LIST OF PLATES

37. Dragon Queen (Yonggung Buin), Mineral colors on silk, 87x52cm, 1900s, Seoul

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THE PAINTINGS OF KOREAN SHAMAN GODS

38. Dragon Queen (Yonggung Buin), Mineral colors on silk, 90x55cm, 1800s?, Seoul

LIST OF PLATES

39. Dragon Queen (Yongtae Buin), Light colors on paper, 98x76cm, 1900s, Yeonbaek, Hwanghae Province

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THE PAINTINGS OF KOREAN SHAMAN GODS

40. Great Lord Hong (Hongssi Daegam), Deep colors on silk, 96x72cm, 1700s, Seoul

LIST OF PLATES

41. Great Lord Hong (Hongssi Daegam), Detail of Plate 40

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THE PAINTINGS OF KOREAN SHAMAN GODS

42. Seven Star God (Chilseong), Detail of Plate 43

LIST OF PLATES

43. Seven Star God (Chilseong), Deep colors on silk, 96x70cm, 1700s, Seoul

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THE PAINTINGS OF KOREAN SHAMAN GODS

44. Seven Star God (Chilseong), Mineral colors on silk, 88x51cm, 1800s?, Seoul

LIST OF PLATES

45. Seven Star God (Chilseong), Mineral colors on silk, 105x58cm, 1800s?, Seoul

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THE PAINTINGS OF KOREAN SHAMAN GODS

46. Seven Star God (Chilseong), Mineral colors on silk, 99x61cm, 1800s?, Seoul

LIST OF PLATES

47. Seven Star God (Chilseong), Mineral colors on silk, 90x54cm, 1800s?, Seoul

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THE PAINTINGS OF KOREAN SHAMAN GODS

48. Seven Star God (Chilseong), Deep colors on silk, 99x62cm, 1700s?, Seoul

LIST OF PLATES

49. Seven Star God (Chilseong), Light colors on paper, 103x78cm, 1900s, Haeju, Hwanghae Province

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THE PAINTINGS OF KOREAN SHAMAN GODS

50. Lady Song (Songssi Buin), Mineral colors on silk, 98x131cm, 1800s, Seoul

LIST OF PLATES

51. Lady Song (Songssi Buin), Detail of Plate 50

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THE PAINTINGS OF KOREAN SHAMAN GODS

52. Lady Hong (Hongssi Daegam Buin; Wife of Great Lord Hong), Deep colors on silk, 97x72cm, 1700s, Seoul

LIST OF PLATES

53. Lady/Princess of Goryeo (Aegissi/Goryeo Gongju), Deep colors on silk, 90x58cm, 1700s, Seoul

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THE PAINTINGS OF KOREAN SHAMAN GODS

54. Princess Bari (Bari Gongju), Deep colors on paper, 92x51cm, 1800s, Seoul

LIST OF PLATES

55. Grandmother of Shamans (Daesin Halmeoni), Deep colors on silk, 90x58cm, 1700s, Seoul

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THE PAINTINGS OF KOREAN SHAMAN GODS

56. Spirit of the Main Shrine (Bongwanwi), Deep colors on paper, 62x40cm, 1800s, Jeju Island

LIST OF PLATES

57. God of Smallpox (Hong-a), Deep colors on paper, 62x40cm, 1800s, Jeju Island

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THE PAINTINGS OF KOREAN SHAMAN GODS

58. Lady Hogu (Hogu Assi; Goddess of Smallpox), Mineral colors on silk, 89x54cm, 1900s, Seoul

LIST OF PLATES

59. Lady Hogu (Hogu Assi; Goddess of Smallpox), Mineral colors on silk, 106x60cm, 1800s, Seoul

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THE PAINTINGS OF KOREAN SHAMAN GODS

60. Great Lord (Daegam), Mineral colors on silk, 104x58cm, 1800s?, Seoul

LIST OF PLATES

61. Heavenly God of the Head Shrine (Dodang Cheonsin), Mineral colors on silk, 95x53cm, 1800s?, Seoul

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THE PAINTINGS OF KOREAN SHAMAN GODS

62. Envoy-General (Sasin Janggun), Mineral colors on silk, 91x51cm, 1800s, Seoul

LIST OF PLATES

63. God of Fire (Hwadeok Jingun), Deep colors on silk, 92x59cm, 1700s, Seoul

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THE PAINTINGS OF KOREAN SHAMAN GODS

64. Great Lord (Daegam), Mineral colors on cotton, 82x53cm, 1900s, Pyeongyang, South Pyeongan Province

LIST OF PLATES

65. Envoy (Sasin), Mineral colors on cotton, 74x51cm, 1800s?, Seoul

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THE PAINTINGS OF KOREAN SHAMAN GODS

66. Jegal Ryang (Jegal Ryang), Deep colors on silk, 153x51cm, 1800s, Namwon, North Jeolla Province

LIST OF PLATES

67. General Yu Bi (Yu Bi), Deep colors on silk, 153x51cm, 1800s, Namwon, North Jeolla Province

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THE PAINTINGS OF KOREAN SHAMAN GODS

68. Heavenly Lord (Cheonsin Daegam), Mineral colors on silk, 106x60cm, 1800s?, Seoul

LIST OF PLATES

69. Chief God of House (Toju Gwanjang), Mineral colors on silk, 107x61cm, 1800s, Seoul

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THE PAINTINGS OF KOREAN SHAMAN GODS

70. Chief God of House (Toju Gwanjang), Detail of Plate 69

LIST OF PLATES

71. Lady Jeong of Jeongju (Jeongju Jeongssi Buin), Mineral colors on silk, 106x61cm, 1800s, Seoul

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THE PAINTINGS OF KOREAN SHAMAN GODS

72. Jeong of Jeongju (Jeongju Jeongssi), Deep colors on silk, 106x61cm, 1800s, Seoul

LIST OF PLATES

73. Responding Spirit (Gameung Sillyeong), Light colors on paper, 98x77cm, 1900s, Yeonbaek, Hwanghae Province

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THE PAINTINGS OF KOREAN SHAMAN GODS

74. God of Love (Sangsawi), Deep colors on paper, 62x40cm, 1800s, Jeju Island

LIST OF PLATES

75. God of Five Cardinal Points (Obang Sinjang), Mineral colors on silk, 92x61cm, 1800s, Seoul

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THE PAINTINGS OF KOREAN SHAMAN GODS

76. God of Five Cardinal Points (Obang Sinjang), Detail of Plate 75

LIST OF PLATES

77. God of Five Cardinal Points (Obang Sinjang), Deep colors on silk, 88x54cm, 1700s, Seoul

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THE PAINTINGS OF KOREAN SHAMAN GODS

78. God of Five Cardinal Points (Obang Sinjang), Mineral colors on silk, 88x51cm, 1800s?, Seoul

LIST OF PLATES

79. God of Five Cardinal Points (Obang Sinjang), Mineral colors on silk, 87x52cm, 1800s?, Seoul

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THE PAINTINGS OF KOREAN SHAMAN GODS

80. Buddhist God (Jeseogwi), Deep colors on paper, 62x40cm, 1800s, Jeju Island

LIST OF PLATES

81. Three Buddhist Gods (Sambul Jeseok), Deep colors on silk, 88x53cm, 1700s, Seoul

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THE PAINTINGS OF KOREAN SHAMAN GODS

82. Three Buddhist Gods (Sambul Jeseok), Deep colors on silk, 94x55cm, 1700s, Seoul

LIST OF PLATES

83. Three Buddhist Gods (Sambul Jeseok), Detail of Plate 84

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THE PAINTINGS OF KOREAN SHAMAN GODS

84. Three Buddhist Gods (Sambul Jeseok), Mineral colors on silk, 98x59cm, 1800s?, Seoul

LIST OF PLATES

85. Three Buddhist Gods (Sambul Jeseok), Mineral colors on silk, 105x59cm, 1800s?, Seoul

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THE PAINTINGS OF KOREAN SHAMAN GODS

86. Three Buddhist Gods (Sambul Jeseok), Mineral colors on silk, 106x60cm, 1800s, Seoul

LIST OF PLATES

87. Three Buddhist Gods (Sambul Jeseok), Deep colors on silk, 95x58cm, 1800s, Seoul

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THE PAINTINGS OF KOREAN SHAMAN GODS

88. Three Buddhist Gods (Sambul Jeseok), Mineral colors on silk, 88x51cm, 1900s, Seoul

LIST OF PLATES

89. General (Janggun), Mineral colors on silk, 105x59cm, 1800s?, Seoul

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THE PAINTINGS OF KOREAN SHAMAN GODS

90. Two Generals (Yang Janggun), Mineral colors on silk, 92x61cm, 1800s, Seoul

LIST OF PLATES

91. General Choe Il/General Choe Yeong (Choe Il Janggun/Choe Yeong Janggun), Deep colors on paper, 92x51cm, 1800s, Seoul

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THE PAINTINGS OF KOREAN SHAMAN GODS

92. General Jang (Jang Janggun), Mineral colors on silk, 92x55cm, 1800s, Seoul

LIST OF PLATES

93. General of Fire (Hwadeok Janggun), Mineral colors on silk, 88x51cm, 1800s?, Seoul

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THE PAINTINGS OF KOREAN SHAMAN GODS

94. Dragon General (Yong Janggun), Mineral colors on silk, 96x53cm, 1800s?, Seoul

LIST OF PLATES

95. General Jo (Jo Janggun), Mineral colors on silk, 82x53cm, 1900s, Pyeonygang, South Pyeongan Province

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THE PAINTINGS OF KOREAN SHAMAN GODS

96. General Gwan U (Gwan U), Deep colors on silk, 153x51cm, 1800s, Namwon, North Jeolla Province

LIST OF PLATES

97. General Jang Bi (Jang Bi), Deep colors on silk, 153x51cm, 1800s, Seoul

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THE PAINTINGS OF KOREAN SHAMAN GODS

98. General on White Horse (Baengma Janggun), Light colors on paper, 103x78cm, 1900s, Haeju, Hwanghae Province

LIST OF PLATES

99. General on Dragon Horse (Yongma Janggun), Light colors on paper, 101x78cm, 1900s, Yeonbaek, Hwanghae Province

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THE PAINTINGS OF KOREAN SHAMAN GODS

100. General Hong and His Wife (Hong Janggun Bubu), Mineral colors on silk, 96x53cm, 1800s?, Seoul

LIST OF PLATES

101. General Gwanseong (Gwanseong Jegun), Deep colors on silk, 86x53cm, 1700s, Gyeonggi Province

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THE PAINTINGS OF KOREAN SHAMAN GODS

102. General Gwanseong (Gwanseong Jegun), Mineral colors on silk, 87x52cm, 1900s, Seoul

LIST OF PLATES

103. General Gwanseong (Gwanseong Jegun), Deep colors on silk, 97x64cm, 1700s, Seoul

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THE PAINTINGS OF KOREAN SHAMAN GODS

104. General Gwanseong (Gwanseong Jegun), Detail of Plate 105

LIST OF PLATES

105. General Gwanseong (Gwanseong Jegun), Deep colors on silk, 95x56cm, 1700s?, Seoul

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THE PAINTINGS OF KOREAN SHAMAN GODS

106. General Gwanseong (Gwanseong Jegun), Deep colors on silk, 88x55cm, 1700s?, Gyeonggi Province

LIST OF PLATES

107. General Gwanseong (Gwanseong Jegun), Mineral colors on silk, 112x64cm, 1800s, Seoul

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THE PAINTINGS OF KOREAN SHAMAN GODS

108. General Gwanseong (Gwanseong Jegun), Mineral colors on silk, 88x51cm, 1900s, Seoul

LIST OF PLATES

109. General Gwan U (Gwangong), Mineral colors on silk, 99x63cm, 1800s, Seoul

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THE PAINTINGS OF KOREAN SHAMAN GODS

110. All Generals (Jejang), Mineral colors on silk, 92x75cm, 1800s, Seoul

LIST OF PLATES

111. All Generals (Jejang), Mineral colors on silk, 92x75cm, 1800s, Seoul

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THE PAINTINGS OF KOREAN SHAMAN GODS

112. All Generals (Jejang), Mineral colors on silk, 75x58cm, 1800s, Seoul

LIST OF PLATES

113. All Generals (Jejang), Mineral colors on silk, 75x58cm, 1800s, Seoul

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THE PAINTINGS OF KOREAN SHAMAN GODS

114. Jade Emperor of Heaven (Okhwang Cheonjon), Mineral colors on silk, 91x53cm, 1800s, Seoul

LIST OF PLATES

189

115. Jade Emperor (Okhwang Sangje), Light colors on paper, 101x77cm, 1900s, Haeju, Hwanghae Province

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THE PAINTINGS OF KOREAN SHAMAN GODS

116. King Taejo (Taejo Daewang), Mineral colors on silk, 87x52cm, 1900s, Seoul

LIST OF PLATES

117. Ten Kings of the Underworld (Sip Daewang), Light colors on paper, 105x75cm, 1900s, Yeonbaek, Hwanghae Province

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THE PAINTINGS OF KOREAN SHAMAN GODS

118. Buddha (Bucheonim), Deep colors on silk, 84x56cm, 1700s, Seoul

LIST OF PLATES

119. Buddha (Bucheonim), Light colors on paper, 100x54cm, 1900s, Seoul

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THE PAINTINGS OF KOREAN SHAMAN GODS

120. Great Master Muhak (Muhak Daesa), Mineral colors on silk, 104x58cm, 1800s?, Seoul

LIST OF PLATES

121. Great Master Muhak (Muhak Daesa), Deep colors on silk, 100x60cm, 1800s?, Seoul

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THE PAINTINGS OF KOREAN SHAMAN GODS

122. Great Master Samyeong (Samyeong Daesa), Mineral colors on paper, 88x51cm, 1800s?, Seoul

LIST OF PLATES

123. Master Waryong (Waryong Seonsaeng), Deep colors on paper, 92x51cm, 1800s, Seoul

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THE PAINTINGS OF KOREAN SHAMAN GODS

124. Blind Fortune-teller Couple (Maeng-in Naeoe), Mineral colors on silk, 106x60cm, 1800s, Seoul

LIST OF PLATES

125. Blind Fortune-teller (Maeng-in), Light colors on cotton, 82x53cm, 1900s, Pyeongyang, South Pyeongan Province

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THE PAINTINGS OF KOREAN SHAMAN GODS

126. Male Entertainer (Changbu), Deep colors on silk, 93x53cm, 1800s, Seoul

LIST OF PLATES

127. Male Entertainer (Changbu), Mineral colors on cotton, 80x51cm, 1900s, Seoul

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THE PAINTINGS OF KOREAN SHAMAN GODS

128. The Great Lord of the Spirit Mountain (Yeongsan Daegam), Light colors on paper, 99x77cm, Yeonbaek, Hwanghae Province

LIST OF PLATES

203

129. Bachelor (Doryeong), Light colors on paper, 79x55cm, 1900s, Pyeongyang, South Pyeongan Province

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THE PAINTINGS OF KOREAN SHAMAN GODS

130. Fan of the Ancestor of Shamans (Manseongsu Buchae), Light colors on paper, 61cm wide, 1900s, Yeonbaek, Hwanghae Province

Glossary of Korean Terms À Baopuzi 诨胟螲 (Master Who Embraces Simplicity) Bongguksa Temple ཹ഻ሪ Bugundang Shrine ᓌੋา buru danji ⿖⬾┾㰖 (ancestor vase) Chachaung 触触蚔 dancheong 縚䶂 (bright cinnabar and bright green paint) dangchae ၈ᙬ (pigments from China) Dangi gosa ᷄ወྂྐ (Ancient History of Dangun and Gija) Dangchae 繉設 dangol ┾Ἶ (a type of shaman) Dangun ₰ੋ dokkaebi ☚₾゚ (goblins) Dongguk Yi Sangguk jip 纫糑翎芴糑觛 (Collected Works of Minister Yi of Korea) dongja 纲螲 (a type of shaman) gak gan 竲竹 (Silla’s ofÀcial rank) gan 竹 (heavenly stems) Gaya խ٫ geumjul ⁞㭚 (straw rope) Giju ₆㭒 (tutelary god) Goguryeo 儈ਕ哇 Go-Joseon ਔᵍ凞 gu gan 粝竹 (nine chieftains) Gujinzhu ྂ௒ὀ (Notes on Things New and Old) Guksadang Shrine ഻ᑛา gyu ᆂ (ritual scepter)

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THE PAINTINGS OF KOREAN SHAMAN GODS

Huainanzi 赮網螲 (The Master of Huainan) Hwajudang Shrine ॆѫา Hwanin ẃഐ Hwanung ẃ䳴 Hwarangdo 贪缂繲 (The Way of the Flower Youths) Hwarinwon άே㝔 (OfÀce of Medicine) janggo 㧻ἶ (hourglass-shaped drum) Jeonhwanguk ިൌተ (Central Government Mint) Jinogwi gut 㰖⏎‖῕ Joseon wangjo sillok 裧茗蘌裧葒罵 (Veritable Records of the Joseon Dynasty) kwaeja 䇢㧦 (long vests) Mt. Inwangsan ӱ⦻ኡ Mt. Mongmyeoksan ᵘ㿃ኡ Mt. Namsan ইኡ mudang ⶊ╏ (charismatic shaman) Mugajip ᕩḷ㞟 (Collection of Korean Shaman Songs) muhwa ᕩ␓ (shaman paintings) mun 肫 (culture) musindo 肐葃繪 (paintings of shaman gods) musokhwa ᕩ಑␓ (shamanism paintings) myeongdu ⳛ⚦ (a type of shaman) Naewatdang Shrine ⌊㢩╏ o gan 薺竹 (Àve chieftains) Oju yeonmun jangjeon sango 薺褺蕕肫蠃衩芅簈 (Collection of Writings on Various Topics by Oju Yi Gyu-gyeong) Pungwoldo 谓蚰纊 (The Way of the Wind and the Moon) Samguk yusa 芓糑蛿艃 (Memorabilia of the Three Kingdoms) Samhan й七 Sansindang 芄葃繊 seokchae 苳設 (mineral colors)

GLOSSARY OF KOREAN TERMS

seonangdang ㍲⌃╏G(tutelary shrine) seonghwangdang 茱赢繊 (village god shrine) seonghwangsu ᇛ㝴ᶞ (spirit tree) Seongsucheong ᫍᐟᘍ (Hall of the Heavenly Bodies) seonyeombeop  ᰁἲ (wet-on-wet painting technique) Shanhaijing 芄豸篏 (Classic of Mountains and Seas) Shuowen jiezi 茢肫豻螳 (An Explication of Written Characters) Silla ᯠ㖵 simbang 㕂⹿ (a type of shaman) sinbang 葃脗 (sacred room) Songdae ㏷╖G(Ritual Staff) Supuldang Shrine 㑮䛖╏ Suwang gut 㑮㢫῕ (Ritual for the Ten Gods of the Underworld) taeja 譭螲(a type of shaman) Wonhwa 蚤贪 (Original Flowers) Zhou Yi 褯蔩 (The Book of Changes)

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