The Oxford Handbook of Modern Greek Politics 9780198825104, 0198825102
This volume is the authoritative Handbook guide to the development of Greek politics, economy, and society from the peri
579 102 4MB
English Pages 738 Year 2020
Cover
The Oxford Handbook of Modern Greek Politics
Copyright
Preface
Contents
List of Figures
List of Tables
List of Abbreviations
List of Contributors
Introduction
Chapter 1: Introduction: Identifying Greece
1.1 Introduction
1.2 Greece as a Focus
1.3 Identifying Greece
1.4 State-Economy
1.5 The State and its Institutions
1.6 State and Society
1.7 The State and the Party System
1.8 The State and the Crisis
1.9 System Complementarities and Imbalances
1.10 Segmented Society, Dependent State
1.11 Conclusion
References
Section 1: The Frame
Chapter 2: The Developmental Trajectory of the Greek State
2.1 Introduction: The Greek Puzzle
2.2 Unravelling the Puzzle
2.2.1 Seven Booms
2.2.2 Seven Busts
2.2.3 Seven Bailouts
2.3 Key Insight: Early Late Modernization
2.4 Conclusion: Where Next?
References
Chapter 3: State–Society Relations in Greece
3.1 Introduction
3.2 The State in Focus
3.3 Society Associated eith the State Through Political Clientelism and State Corporatism
3.3.1 Rampant Political Clientelism
3.3.2 Particularistic State Corporatism
3.4 Society Mobilizing Against the State
3.5 Society's Detachment from and Avoidance of the State
3.6 Conclusions
References
Chapter 4: State–Market Relations
4.1 Introduction: The Evolution of State–Market Relations
4.2 Evolving Contexts and Comparative Frameworks
4.2.1 Developmentalism
4.2.2 Democratization
4.2.3 Europeanization
4.2.4 From Nationalization to Privatization
4.2.5 EMU Crisis and Forced Adjustment
4.3 Greek Exceptionalism and its Limits
4.4 'Varieties of Capitalism' and Greece
4.5 Conclusions and Challenges for Future Research
References
Chapter 5: The Politics of Europeanization
5.1 Introduction
5.2 Images and Meanings of Europe in Greece
5.3 The Impact of Europeanization
5.4 Conclusion
References
Chapter 6: Church, State, and Hellenism
Introduction
6.1 Autocephaly and Nation-Building
6.2 One Nation-State, Multiple Ecclesiastical Jurisdictions
6.3 The Church of Greece as a National Church
References
Section 2: Political Institutions
Chapter 7: Greek Constitutionalism and Patterns of Government
7.1 Introduction
7.2 The Sparkling Aspect of the Past
7.3 The Dark Aspect of Greek Constitutionalism's Historical Trajectory
7.4 Government and the Economic Crisis
7.5 The Scope of Constitutional Reform
7.6 Conclusion
References
Chapter 8: The Judiciary
8.1 Introduction
8.2 Basic Elements in Comparative Context
8.3 Courts and Politics: Elements of the Greek Rule-of-Law Paradigm
8.3.1 When Judges Rule Beyond Legal Standards: Judicial Activism and Judicialization of Politics
Economy during the Eurozone Crisis
National and Religious Identity
Environmental Issues
8.3.2 When Politics Rule instead of Law: Judicial (In)Dependence
8.3.3 When the Law Does Not Rule: Judicial Ineffectiveness
8.4 Research Agendas for the Future
References
Chapter 9: The Prime Minister and the Core Executive
9.1 Introduction
9.2 Entering the Labyrinth of the Greek Core Executive
9.3 The Historical Evolution of the Greek Core Executive
9.4 Leadership Styles and Institutionalization
9.5 The System's Nemesis?
9.6 Conclusions
References
Chapter 10: The Parliament
10.1 Introduction
10.2 The Parliament within the Constitutional Architecture
10.3 Privileges and Immunities
10.4 System Interpolarity and Functional Distinctiveness
10.4.1 Vis-à-Vis the Executive
10.4.2 Vis-à-Vis the President of the Republic
10.4.3 Vis-à-Vis the Judiciary
10.4.4 Vis-à-Vis International Organisations
10.5 Parliament and Political Practice
10.5.1 Majoritarian and Divisive Parliamentarism
10.5.2 Clientelism and Nepotism
10.6 Imbalanced Parliamentarism
10.7 Conclusion
References
Chapter 11: Public Administration
11.1 Introduction
11.2 The legacies: A 'Quasi-Weberian' Bureaucracy
11.3 Three Deficits: Legitimacy, Efficiency, Institutionalization
11.4 Politicization and Symbiosis
11.5 The Rise and Fall of the Modernization Narrative
11.6 Towards a Neo-Weberian State?
11.7 Drivers for Reform: Europeanization as an External Constraint
11.8 Change and Continuity: Administrative Reform in Times of Crisis
11.9 Memoranda Agenda and Selected Reforms
11.10 Flaws, Resistance and Side Effects
11.11 Conclusion
References
Chapter 12: Local Government and Regional Administration
12.1 Introduction
12.2 The Constitutional Status of Local Government
12.3 Sub-National Democracy
12.4 The Structure of Local and Regional Public Administration
12.5 Administrative Functions
12.6 Conclusion
References
Chapter 13: The Electoral System
13.1 Introduction
13.2 The Six (plus one) Lives of the Electoral System in the Third Greek Republic
13.1.1 Life 1: The 1974 Election
13.1.2 Life 2: The 1977 and 1981 Elections
13.1.3 Life 3: The 1985 Election
13.1.4 Life 4: The 1989 and 1990 Elections
13.1.5 Life 5: The 1993, 1996, 2000, and 2004 Elections
13.1.6 Life 6 (Plus One): The 2007, 2009, 2012, and 2015 Elections
13.2 A New Equilibrium?
13.3 Conclusion: The Life After
References
Chapter 14: The Party System
14.1 Introduction
14.2 Main Issues and Concepts
14.3 The Historical Course of the Greek Party System
14.3.1 The Pre-History, 1915–1967
14.3.2 The History: After the Dictatorship, beforethe Crisis. 1974–2009
14.4 The Greek Party System During the Economic Crisis: Continuities and Ruptures with the Past
14.5 Conclusion: The Future of the Greek Party System and Future Research
References
Section 3: Political Traditions
Chapter 15: The Far Right
15.1 Introduction: The Electoral Dynamics of the Far Right in Greece
15.2 The Breeding Ground for Greece's Far Right
15.2.1 Demand-Side Factors: Grievances
15.2.2 Supply-Side Factors: Ideological—Communicational—Organizational
15.3 The Far Right-Wing Party Stage: Populist-Radical and Extremist Components
15.3.1 The Populist-Radical Right ‘LAOS’
15.3.2 A Militia-Like Neo-Nazi Party: Golden Dawn
15.4 Conclusions
References
Chapter 16: The Conservatives
16.1 Introduction
16.2 The Creation and the Early Years of the New Democracy Party
16.3 New Democracy after its Founder's Withdrawal: The Liberal Experiment
16.4 The Long Opposition Years: A Lost Chance for ND's Reform and Modernization
16.5 ND's Return to Office: Economic Crisis, and the Critical 2012 Election
16.6 Concluding Remarks
References
Chapter 17: The Centre
17.1 Introduction: The Historical Background
17.2 The 1970s and the Disintegration of the Centre
17.3 The Era of PASOK and the Centre-Left
17.4 A Revival or a New Centre?
17.5 Conclusion
References
Chapter 18: The Socialists
18.1 Introduction
18.2 Setting the Scene
18.3 PASOK in Power
18.4 From Opposition to the Management of the Economic Crisis
18.5 The Return of Populism
18.6 Conclusions: Greek Social Democracy in Search of its Identity
References
Chapter 19: The Radical Left
19.1 Introduction
19.2 SYRIZA and the European Radical Left
19.3 Turbulent History
19.4 The Rise to Government: The Structure of Political Opportunities
19.5 A 'Seller of Hope': Agency Matters
19.6 The Radical Left in Office: Contradictions and Limitations
19.7 The Party and Government
19.8 Conclusions: Politics of Symbolism and Defence
References
Chapter 20: The Communists
20.1 Introduction
20.2 The Greek Communist Strategy and its Historical Legacies
20.3 Ideological Orientation and Programmatic References
20.4 Organization and Mobilization
20.5 Conclusions
References
Section 4: Political and Social Interests
Chapter 21: Political Culture
21.1 Introduction
21.2 Greece's Cultural Dualism
21.3 Types of Engagement
21.4 Citizenship and Political (In) Equality
21.5 Solidarity and the Politics of Consensus
21.6 Social Structures of Cooperation
21.7 Illiberal Orientations of Greek Political Culture
21.8 Greek Political Culture in the Context of Crisis
21.9 Conclusion
References
Chapter 22: Civil Society
22.1 Introduction
22.2 Causes of Civil Society's Weakness
22.3 The Relationship of Civil Society with State and EU Authorities
22.4 The Economic Crisis
22.5 Philanthropy vs Social Solidarity
22.6 Post-Crisis Civil Society
22.7 Conclusions
References
Chapter 23: Social Movements
23.1 Introduction
23.2 The Student Movement
23.3 The Feminist Movement
23.4 The Green Spectrum
23.5 The Alter-Globalization Movement
23.6 The Civil Unrest of December 2008
23.7 Anti-Austerity Protests and the Movement of the Squares (or the Greek Indignados)
23.8 Conclusions
References
Chapter 24: Interest Group Politics
24.1 Introduction
24.2 Authoritarian Legacy: State Corporatism
24.2.1 Labour Unions
24.2.2 Farmers’ Associations
24.3 Beyond State Corporatism
24.4 The Economic Crisis: 2010–2018
24.4.1 The Enacted Reform Measures
24.4.2 The Impact of the Crisis on Interest Group Organization
24.5 Conclusions
References
Chapter 25: Voting Behaviour
25.1 Introduction
25.2 Social Divisions
25.3 Can we turn this into Context and Voter Characteristics
25.4 Sociological and Psychological Determinants of Voting
25.5 Economic Voting
25.6 Conclusions
References
Chapter 26: The Media
26.1 Introduction
26.2 Low Levels of Newspaper Circulation
26.3 Political Parallelism
26.4 Instrumentalization of Media
26.5 Governmental Control over Public Broadcasting
26.6 Savage Deregulation and the Politics of the TV Licences
26.7 Limited Professionalization
26.8 The Rise of the New Media
26.9 Conclusions
References
Chapter 27: Terrorism
27.1 Introduction
27.2 Greek Political Violence in Context
27.3 The Metapolitefsi Terrorists
27.4 The End of the Metapolitefsi Terrorism
27.5 The Post-17N Generation
27.6 Why Does Greek Terrorism Persist?
References
Section 5: Policy-Making
Chapter 28: Government Policy-Making
28.1 Introduction
28.2 Pre-Crisis Government Policy-Making
28.3 Government Policy-Making during the Crisis
28.4 The Changing Role of Expertise
28.4.1 University Departments
28.4.2 Government-funded Research Institutes
28.4.3 In-House Research Structures
28.4.4 Policy Research Institutes and Think Tanks
28.4.5 Research Institutes Affiliated to Political Actors
28.5 Conclusions
References
Chapter 29: The State and Economic Development
29.1 Introduction
29.2 Long-Term Determinants of Greece's Post-War Economic Development
29.2.1 The Ambivalent Role of the State
29.2.2 The Persistent External Deficits and the Weak Technological, Innovation, and Knowledge Capabilities
29.2.3 Macro-Economic Imbalances and Economic Development
29.2.4 The Increasing Weight of Public Debt
29.2.5 The Pension System Deficits and Their Impact on Growth
29.3 The Six Stages of Greece's Post-War Economic Development
29.3.1 Greece’s ‘Easy Development’ Phase (1955–73)
29.3.2 Development After the First Post-War Crisis (1974–81)
29.3.3 Socialist Governance and World Market Integration (1982–93)
29.3.4 From Structural Imbalances to a New Growth Cycle and to Euro Area Participation (1994–2003)
29.3.5 The Build-Up to the Crisis (2004–9)
29.3.6 The Crisis of 2008/09 and its Aftermath
29.4 Conclusion
References
Chapter 30: The Politics of the Public Finances
30.1 Introduction
30.2 The Pre-Crisis Fiscal Governance Framework
30.3 Fiscal Governance in the Memorandum Era
30.4 Challenges Ahead
References
Chapter 31: Pensions in the Greek Political Economy
31.1 Introduction
31.2 ‘Method behind Madness’—The Logics of Pensions
31.3 Structural Implications of Pension Dysfunctionality
31.3.1 Pensions and Sectional Politics
31.3.2 Pension Governance, Trade Unions and Individuals
31.4 ‘Words without Actions’—Pre-Crisis Pension Reforms
31.5 'Actions Without Words' Bailout-Era Pension Reforms
31.6 Looking Ahead–Ageing and Continuity
References
Chapter 32: Health Policy and Politics
32.1 Introduction
32.2 What is Distinctive about the Greek Health-Care System?
32.3 Historical Background
32.4 The Incomplete Shift to a National Health System and the Failed Reform at the Turn of the Century
32.4.1 Process and Dynamics of Reform
32.4.2 Funding, Regulation, and Provision
32.5 The Crisis as a Watershed Moment for Health-Care Reform
32.5.1 Process and Dynamics of Reform
32.5.2 Funding, Regulation, and Provision
32.6 Concluding Remarks and Areas of Further Research
References
Chapter 33: Poverty and the Social Safety Net
33.1 Introduction
33.2 Policy Developments in 1974–2009
33.3 The Demand for Social Protection since 2010
33.4 The Supply of Social Protection under Austerity
33.5 Poverty and Social Exclusion
33.6 Conclusions
References
Chapter 34: Education
34.1 Introduction
34.2 Brief Overview of Greece's Education System
34.3 Concepts and Discourses in Greek Education Policy
34.4 The School as an Institution
34.5 Reform: A Grounded Approach or a Political Tool?
34.6 Excellence and Democratization of Education
34.7 The Politics of Higher Education
34.8 Concluding Remarks
References
Chapter 35: Migration in Greece
35.1 Introduction
35.2 Migrant Population in Greece
35.3 Greek Migration Policy Development
35.3.1 The Early Period: Migrants as Labour Force
35.3.2 The Later Period: Migration between Security and Humanitarian Concerns
35.4 Greek Citizenship Reform
35.5 Migrant Integration and Racism in Greece
35.6 Concluding Remarks
References
Section 6: External Relations
Chapter 36: Defence and Security Policy
36.1 Introduction
36.2 The Evolution of Greece's National Security Policy
36.3 The Transformation of Greece's Security Environment in the Late Twentieth and the Early Twenty-First Centuries
36.4 Security Challenges and Priorities
36.5 Soft/Asymmetric Security Threats
36.6 Greek Defence Doctrine
36.7 The Defence and Security Decision Making Mechanism
36.8 Defence Expenditures
36.9 Greek Security Policy in a Comparative Context
36.10 Greece's Contemporary Geostrategic Value and its Role in the Context of the EU and NATO
36.11 The European and Transatlantic Dimensions
36.12 State of the Art Regarding Research and Analysis in the Field of Greek Security Policy
36.13 Conclusion
References
Chapter 37: Greece and the European Union: strategic vision, diplomatic finesse and poor domestic delivery
37.1 Introduction
37.2 Early History
37.3 (Mal)Adjusting to Membership
37.4 Learning from Experience
37.5 What Went Wrong with the Euro?
37.6 In a State of Quarantine
37.7 A Country of Many Contradictions
References
Chapter 38: Greek Foreign Policy Since the Metapolitefsi
38.1 Introduction
38.2 Seeking Security; Seeking a Role: Between the US and the EU
38.3 The Determinism of the International Milieu
38.4 The Domestic Environment: The Primacy of Sentiment over System in Policy Formulation
38.5 Conclusion
References
Chapter 39: Greek–Turkish Relations
39.1 Introduction
39.2 The EU as a Novel Factor: The Road to Helsinki
39.3 The Helsinki Watershed: Recasting Greek–Turkish Relations
39.4 A Double Opportunity Missed in 2004
39.5 The Achievements of the Rapprochement
39.5.1 Economic Relations
39.5.2 Energy
39.5.3 Minority Rights
39.6 The Effects of the Crisis and the Arab Uprisings
39.6.1 Greece’s Strategic Puzzle
39.6.2 Balancing Turkey in the Region
39.6.3 Energy Cooperation and its Limits
39.6.4 Civil Society
39.6.5 Mental Barriers to Compromise
39.6.6 The Effect of Domestic Politics and Cyprus
39.7 Conclusion
References
Section 7: Leaders
Chapter 40: Constantine Keramanlis
40.1 Introduction
40.2 A Long Political Career
40.3 Popular Support Base
40.4 Style of Leadership and Ideology
40.5 Position within the party(ies)
40.6 Legacies
References
Chapter 41: Andreas Papandreou
41.1 Introduction
41.2 Emergence
41.3 The 'Establishment' and the 'Plots'
41.3.1 ‘Scheming’
41.3.2 Appropriation of ‘Progressive Nationalism’
41.4 The September 3 Manifesto and PASOK's National Liberation Character
41.5 The Experience of Governmental Power: Clashing with Reality
41.6 PASOK: Between Social Democracy and Populism?
41.7 Conclusion
References
Chapter 42: Costas Simitis
42.1 Introduction
42.2 Two Ideal Types of Culture and Leadership
42.3 Simitis's Leadership Style
42.4 Intense Loyalty and Differentness: A Delicate Balancing Exercise in Autonomy
42.5 A Comparative Perspective
42.6 Network-Building
42.7 The Post-Authoritarian Period (1974–)
42.8 Assessing Simitis's Leadership Style
42.9 The Downsides of Simitis's Leadership Style
42.10 Assessing Simitis's Legacy
References
Chapter 43: Alexis Tsipras
43.1 Introduction
43.2 Norms, Institutional Constraints and Political Leadership
43.3 Eurocommunism and the New Social Movements
43.4 Leadership style
43.4.1 Inclusive to Personalistic/Presidentialist Leadership
43.4.2 From Maverick to Mainstream Leadership
43.5 Policy Shifts
43.6 Legacy
References
Index of Names
Subject Index
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OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 5/9/2020, SPi
MODERN GREEK POLITICS
OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 5/9/2020, SPi
OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 5/9/2020, SPi
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MODERN GREEK POLITICS ................................................................................................................................................................................................
Edited by
KEVIN FEATHERSTONE and
DIMITRI A. SOTIROPOULOS
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Great Clarendon Street, Oxford, , United Kingdom Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education by publishing worldwide. Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University Press in the UK and in certain other countries © Oxford University Press The moral rights of the authors have been asserted First Edition published in Impression: All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press, or as expressly permitted by law, by licence or under terms agreed with the appropriate reprographics rights organization. Enquiries concerning reproduction outside the scope of the above should be sent to the Rights Department, Oxford University Press, at the address above You must not circulate this work in any other form and you must impose this same condition on any acquirer Published in the United States of America by Oxford University Press Madison Avenue, New York, NY , United States of America British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data Data available Library of Congress Control Number: ISBN –––– Printed and bound by CPI Group (UK) Ltd, Croydon, Links to third party websites are provided by Oxford in good faith and for information only. Oxford disclaims any responsibility for the materials contained in any third party website referenced in this work.
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Like others in this series, this volume aims to provide an authoritative reference appropriate to both current specialists in the field and those delving into the subject for the first time. The chapters here speak to those trained in the social sciences and/or those who have a contextual knowledge. As such, it is aimed at both a Greek and an international audience. The contributors are leading experts in their field and, as such, they are highly informed guides to Modern Greek politics. The authors are from a number of disciplines and their insights will be of value to those working in the cognate fields of law, economics, history, sociology, etc. The volume focusses on the years from to the present: what has been termed the ‘Metapolitefsi’ period since the fall of the Colonels’ junta. This is not a chronological history, however; rather, it is a reflective commentary and analysis across the key themes of development that have shaped Greece’s politics, institutions, and policies. As reflective essays, they critically assess the existing literature in specific fields and outline agendas for future research to build up knowledge and awareness—they identify themes and seek to shape research terrains. Analytically, they comprise conceptual and empirical dimensions to deepen the appreciation of developments and to connect them to a wider, international literature. The chapters address key changes over time: post- and the impact of the recent debt crisis, to assess change and continuity. While the chapters are able to reflect on the changes that have occurred, they were completed before the outbreak of the COVID- pandemic. The book, thus, offers no speculation on its still uncertain impact and, in general, covers the period to mid-. The individual chapters are structured in order to provide clarity and thematic coherence. The Introduction identifies the Greek case in comparison to other systems, attempting to highlight key distinguishing features of the state in relation to its institutional strength; its relations with the economy, society, and the party system; and, the complementarities and imbalances therein. The chapters in Section I explore further the features that frame the Greek case: its punctuated historical development (Kalyvas); the complex relationship between the Church, the State and ‘Hellenism’ since the early nineteenth century (Kitromilidis); its path as a developmental state and its model of capitalism (Pagoulatos); state–society relations (Sotiropoulos); and, the domestic impacts of ‘Europeanization’ (Featherstone and Papadimitriou). Later sections—constituting the bulk of the volume—examine developments in specific areas against this backdrop: political institutions; party political traditions; politics, social interests and change; politics and policy-making; external relations and foreign policy; and, the impact of political leaders and their legacies. The volume complements the structure of similar ‘country’ volumes in the Handbook series.
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The focus on Greece is apt for a number of important reasons. While there has been a sizeable literature on the history, politics, society, and foreign conflicts of modern Greece, there remains no single and authoritative source—in any language—that offers a comprehensive guide, bringing the ‘jigsaw’ together. Moreover, even in its distinct parts, the jigsaw is incomplete: there are significant gaps in crucial areas of understanding, such as institutions and public policy, if not others. Further, the recent debt crisis in Greece has drawn the attention of an international audience in seeking to understand its domestic causes and its capacity for exit. The Greek crisis was the first such eurozone crisis, proving much deeper in its loss of economic output and social pain, while continuing for a longer period. Such exceptionalism underscores the need to provide the international reader with a penetrating analysis of key areas, in order to understand the constraints on reform. Though, by reputation, Greece is a society that is deeply politicized and, although its debt crisis has created intense conflicts of interpretation, this volume does not adopt a common, collective stance on its current position. The contributors to this volume offer their expertise, drawn from diverse conceptual and disciplinary perspectives, to provide informed scholarly critiques that enable the reader to build up his/her own picture and to draw appropriate intellectual conclusions. They comprise a set the like of which has never before been brought together to make sense of the Greek ‘reality’. We hope that this volume may realize our original and essential purpose: to provide an informed and comprehensive guide to the politics of contemporary Greece that serves the needs of both an international and a Greek audience. In doing so, the volume is a platform for a rich scholarship that is not always readily accessible to the foreign reader. We cannot know when, or if, a similar volume such as this may be produced in the future, but if and until it is, we hope that this volume fulfils these objectives. A volume of this magnitude and ambition has been a major challenge and we are grateful for the help we have received. Dominic Byatt and his colleagues at Oxford University Press have supported us from the start, with encouragement and professionalism. The many contributors to the volume have accepted the demands of the venture and its schedule, while tolerating our numerous requests and edits. Michael Cottakis has been an excellent editorial assistant, ready to meet the challenges of a volume of this size and scope. The LSE’s Hellenic Observatory has provided support and funding for this project. Both Ismini Demades and Areti Chatzistergou have helped with administrative matters. We are very appreciative of all such support and assistance—the production of this volume could not have been realized without each such element. Finally, Kevin Featherstone wishes to dedicate this volume to his family and Dimitri A. Sotiropoulos to his daughters for their continued love and support. Kevin Featherstone London School of Economics and Political Science Dimitri A. Sotiropoulos National and Kapodistrian University of Athens
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List of Figures List of Tables List of Abbreviations List of Contributors
xi xiii xv xxi
INTRODUCTION . Introduction: Identifying Greece K F
S E C T I O N T H E FR A M E . The Developmental Trajectory of the Greek State
S N. K
. State–Society Relations in Greece
D A. S
. State–Market Relations
G P
. The Politics of Europeanization
K F D P
. Church, State, and Hellenism
P M. K
SECTION POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS . Greek Constitutionalism and Patterns of Government
N C. A
. The Judiciary M I
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. The Prime Minister and the Core Executive
K F D P
. The Parliament
G G
. Public Administration
C S
. Local Government and Regional Administration
N-K H
. The Electoral System
E D
. The Party System
Y T
S E C T I O N P O L I T I C A L TR A D I T I O N S . The Far Right
V G
. The Conservatives
M A
. The Centre
S R
. The Socialists
C L
. The Radical Left
Y K
. The Communists
G C
SECTION POLITICAL AND SOCIAL INTERESTS . Political Culture S V D H
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. Civil Society
ix
A H
. Social Movements
M S
. Interest Group Politics
S Z
. Voting Behaviour
S K
. The Media
S P
. Terrorism
G K
SECTION P O L I C Y - M A K I N G . Government Policy-Making
S L
. The State and Economic Development
T G
. The Politics of the Public Finances
V T. R G K
. Pensions in the Greek Political Economy
P T
. Health Policy and Politics
M P
. Poverty and the Social Safety Net
M M
. Education
T E
. Migration in Greece A T
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SECTION E X T E R N A L R E L A T I O N S . Defence and Security Policy
T D
. Greece and the European Union: Strategic Vision, Diplomatic Finesse and Poor Domestic Delivery
L T
. Greek Foreign Policy since the Metapolitefsi
S E
. Greek–Turkish Relations
I N. G
SECTION LEADERS . Constantine Karamanlis
E H
. Andreas Papandreou
A P
. Costas Simitis
P. N D
. Alexis Tsipras
M T
Index of Names Subject Index
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. The effective number of parties over time, Greece vs OECD
. Cumulative vote share of the two first parties over time, Greece vs OECD
. Party system institutionalization indicators, –
. Electoral results of LAOS and Golden Dawn
. The Greek communist organizational model
. Proportion of Greek voters feeling close to a specific political party
. Economic voting in Greece, –
. Expenditure on health by type of financing
. Poverty rates (–)
. Stay permits by gender and purpose
. Defence spending as a percentage of GDP
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L T ...................................................................
. Union Density in Greece in the Comparative Perspective of Southern Europe (% of salaried employees)
. Prime-ministerial power and the Greek core executive: A matrix of analysis
. The Greek core executive, –
. Number of parliamentary statutes per category (–)
. Contents of primary laws on the basis of the number of ministers signing the statutes
. Deconcentrated state administrations, regions (population, GDP, EU regional funding per capita –) and municipalities
. The evolution of the Greek party system, –
. Elections in Greece, from the restoration of democracy until the outbreak of the economic crisis (%)
. Crisis Elections in Greece (%)
. Voters’ attitudes towards far Right parties
. Synaspismos electoral results – (national elections)
. The performance of the KKE in Greek parliamentary elections, –
. Average annual growth rates or average values per period, in percentages (–)
. Periodization of the pension challenge and of pension reforms –
. Key indicators for primary providers following different ‘logics’
. Bailout era pension changes
. Health expenditure
. Stock of foreign population in Greece,
. Citizenship acquisition (–)
. Public opinion on immigration in Greece (–)
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N
Νοέμβρη The Revolutionary Organization ‘ November’
AADE
Ανεξάρτητη Αρχή Δημοσίων Εσόδων Independent Authority for Public Revenue
ADAE
Αρχή Διασφάλισης του Απορρήτου των Επικοινωνιών Hellenic Authority for Communication Security and Privacy
ADEDY
Ανώτατη Διοίκηση Ενώσεων Δημοσίων Υπαλλήλων Supreme Directorate of Unions of Civil Servants
AED
Ανώτατο Ειδικό Δικαστήριο Supreme Special Court
AKEL
Ανορθωτικό Κόμμα Εργαζομένου Λαού Cypriot Party of the Working People
AKOA
Ανανεωτική Κομμουνιστική Οικολογική Αριστερά Communist Renewal
ANEL
Ανεξάρτητοι Έλληνες Independent Greeks
ANTARSYA
Αντικαπιταλιστική Αριστερή Συνεργασία για την Ανατροπή Anti-capitalist Left Cooperation for the Overthrow
AP
Άρειος Πάγος Court of Cassation
APDPX
Αρχή Προστασίας Δεδομένων Προσωπικού Χαρακτήρα Hellenic Data Protection Authority
ASEP
Ανώτατο Συμβούλιο Επιλογής Προσωπικού Independent Authority for the Selection of Personnel
CCF
Συνωμοσία των Πυρήνων της Φωτιάς Conspiracy of Cells of Fire
DAKE
Δημοκρατική Ανεξάρτητη Κίνηση Εργαζομένων Independent Democratic Movement of Workers
DHANA
Δημοκρατική Ανανέωση Democratic Renewal
DHSY
Δημοκρατική Συμπαράταξη Democratic Alliance
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DIKKI
Δημοκρατικό Κοινωνικό Κίνημα Democratic Socialist Movement
DIMAR
Δημοκρατική Αριστερά Democratic Left
DPE
Δημοκρατική Περιφερειακή Ένωση Democratic Regional Union
EAM
Εθνικό Απελευθερωτικό Μέτωπο National Liberation Front
EAP
Ενιαία Αρχή Πληρωμής Unified Authority for Disbursements
EAR
Ελληνική Αριστερά The Greek Left
EDA
Ενιαία Δημοκρατική Αριστερά Unitified Democratic Left
EDIK
Ενωση Δημοκρατικού Κέντρου Union of Democratic Centre
EFEE
Eθνική Φοιτητική Ένωση Ελλάδας National Student Association of Greece
EPEK
Εθνική Προοδευτική Ένωσις Κέντρου National Progressive Centre Union
EGE
Ένωση Γυναικών Ελλάδας Union of Greek Women
ΕΚ
Ένωσις Κέντρου Centre Union
ΕΚΕΜ
Ελληνικό Κέντρο Ευρωπαϊκών Μελετών Hellenic Centre for European Studies
EKF
Ελληνικό Κοινωνικό Φόρουμ Greek Social Forum
EKKE
Εθνικό Κέντρο Κοινωνικών Ερευνών Hellenic National Center for Social Research
EK-ND
Ένωση Κέντρου-Νέες Δυνάμεις Centre Union-New Forces
ELA
Επαναστατικός Λαϊκός Αγώνας Revolutionary Popular Struggle
ELDYK
Ελληνική Δύναμη Κύπρου Military Force in Cyprus
ELIAMEP
Ελληνικό Ίδρυμα Ευρωπαϊκής και Εξωτερικής Πολιτικής Hellenic Foundation for European and Foreign Policy
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ELSTAT
Ελληνική Στατιστική Αρχή Hellenic Statistical Authority
EOPYY
Εθνικός Οργανισμός Παροχής Υπηρεσιών Υγείας National Organization for the Provision of Health Services
EPEK
Εθνική Προοδευτική Ένωσις Κέντρου National Progressive Centre Union
ERE
Εθνική Ριζοσπαστική Ένωσις National Radical Union
ERT
Ελληνική Ραδιοφωνία Τηλεόραση Hellenic Broadcasting Corporation
ES
Ελεγκτικό Συνέδριο Court of Auditors
ESR
Εθνικό Συμβούλιο Ραδιοτηλεόρασης Greek National Council for Radio and Television
ESSD
Εθνική Σχολή Δημόσιας Διοίκησης National School of Public Administration
ESY
Εθνικό Σύστημα Υγείας National Health System
FF
Φιλελεύθερο Φόρουμ Liberal Forum
GD
Χρυσή Αυγή Golden Dawn
GGK
Γενική Γραμματεία της Κυβέρνησης General Secretariat of the Government
GGP
Γενική Γραμματεία του Πρωθυπουργού General Secretariat to the Prime Minister
GGSK
Γενική Γραμματεία Συντονισμού General Secretariat for the Coordination of the Government
GGYS
Γενική Γραμματεία του Υπουργικού Συμβουλίου General Secretariat of the Cabinet
GLK
Γενικό Λογιστήριο του Κράτους General Accounting Office of the State
GSEE
Γενική Συνομοσπονδία Εργατών Ελλάδας General Confederation of Workers of Greece
GYP
Γραμματεία Υπουργικού Συμβουλίου Secretariat of the Cabinet
IKA
Ίδρυμα Κοινωνικών Ασφαλίσεων Social Insurance Fund
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IME
Ινστιτούτο Μικρών Επιχειρήσεων Institute of Small Enterprises
INE
Ινστιτούτο Εργασίας Labour Institute
IOBE
Ίδρυμα Οικονομικών και Βιομηχανικών Ερευνών Foundation for Economic and Industrial Research
ISTAME
Ινστιτούτο Στρατηγικών και Αναπτυξιακών Μελετών Institute of Strategic and Developmental Studies
KDG
Κίνηση Δημοκρατικών Γυναικών Movement of Democratic Women
KEP
Κίνημα Ελευθέρων Πολιτών Movement of Free Citizens
KEP
Κέντρα Εξυπηρέτησης Πολιτών Citizens’ Service Centres
ΚEPE
Κέντρο Προγραμματισμού και Οικονομικών Ερευνών Centre of Planning and Economic Research
KIDISO
Κίνημα Δημοκρατών Σοσιαλιστών Movement of Democratic Socialists
KKE
Κομμουνιστικό Κόμμα Ελλάδας Communist Party of Greece
KPEE
Κέντρο Πολιτικής Έρευνας και Ενημέρωσης Centre of Political Research and Information
KYSEA
Κυβερνητικό Συμβούλιο Εξωτερικών και Άμυνας Government Council on Foreign Affairs and Defence
LAE
Λαϊκή Ενότητα Popular Unity
LAOS
Λαϊκός Ορθόδοξος Συναγερμός People’s Orthodox Rally
ΜΑS
Μέτωπο Αγώνα Σπουδαστών Students’ Militant Front
ND
Νέα Δημοκρατία New Democracy
OAE
Οργανισμός Ανασυγκρότησης Επιχειρήσεων Organization for the Reconstruction of Enterprises
OGA
Οργανισμός Αγροτικών Ασφαλίσεων Social Security Fund for Farmers
OGE
Ομοσπονδία Γυναικών Ελλάδας Federation of Greek Women
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OKE
Οικονομική και Κοινωνική Επιτροπή Economic and Social Committee
OP
Οικολόγοι-Πράσινοι Ecologist-Greens
PAK
Πανελλήνιο Απελευθερωτικό Κίνημα Panhellenic Liberation Movement
PAME
Πανεργατικό Αγωνιστικό Μέτωπο All Workers Militant Front
PASEBE
Πανελλαδική Αντιμονοπωλιακή Συσπείρωση Pan-Hellenic Militant Rally of Professionals, Artisans, Merchants
PASEGES
Πανελλήνια Συνομοσπονδία Ενώσεων Γεωργικών Συνεταιρισμών Panhellenic Confederation of Farmers’ Cooperatives
PASKE
Πανελλήνια Αγωνιστική Συνδικαλιστική Κίνηση Εργαζομένων Panhellenic Militant Labour Union Movement
PASOK
Πανελλήνιο Σοσιαλιστικό Κίνημα Panhellenic Socialist Movement
PASY
Παναγροτική Αγωνιστική Συσπείρωση All Peasants Militant Rally
PBO
Γραφείο Προϋπολογισμού του Κράτους στη Βουλή State Budget Office in the Parliament
PEDY
Πρωτοβάθμιο Εθνικό Δίκτυο Υγείας National Primary Health Care Network
PESY
Περιφερειακά Συστήματα Υγείας Regional Health Systems
POLAN
Πολιτική Άνοιξη Political Spring
RS
Επαναστατικός Αγώνας Revolutionary Struggle
SASOEΕ
Σύνδεσμος Αγροτικών Συνεταιριστικών Οργανώσεων και Επιχειρήσεων Ελλάδας Association of Farmers Cooperatives and Enterprises
SOE
Συμβούλιο Οικονομικών Εμπειρογνωμόνων Council of Economic Experts
StE
Συμβούλιο της Επικρατείας Council of State
SYDASE
Συνομοσπονδία Αγροτικών Συλλόγων Ελλάδας Confederation of Democratic Farmers Associations
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SYN
Συνασπισμός της Αριστεράς και της Προόδου Coalition of the Left and Progress
SYRIZA
Συνασπισμός Ριζοσπαστικής Αριστεράς Coalition of the Radical Left
TEI
Τεχνολογικά Εκπαιδευτικά Ιδρύματα Technological Education Institutes
TOMY
Τοπικές Μονάδες Υγείας Local Units of Primary Health Care
YPE
Υγειονομικές Περιφέρειες Health Care Regional Authorities
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Manolis Alexakis Assistant Professor of Political Sociology, University of Crete Nicos C. Alivizatos Emeritus Professor of Constitutional Law, National and Kapodistrian University of Athens Giorgos Charalambous Assistant Professor of Political Science, University of Nicosia P. Nikiforos Diamandouros Emeritus Professor of Political Science, National and Kapodistrian University of Athens Elias Dinas Associate Professor in Comparative Politics, University of Oxford Thanos Dokos Director General, ELIAMEP Spyros Economides Associate Professor in International Relations and European Politics, London School of Economics and Political Science Theofanis Exadaktylos Senior Lecturer in European Politics, University of Surrey Kevin Featherstone Eleftherios Venizelos Chair of Contemporary Greek Studies, London School of Economics and Political Science Vasiliki Georgiadou Associate Professor of Politics, Panteion University George Gerapetritis Professor of Constitutional Law, National and Kapodistrian University of Athens Tassos Giannitsis Emeritus Professor of Economics, National and Kapodistrian University of Athens Ioannis N. Grigoriadis Jean Monnet Chair of European Studies, Bilkent University Daphne Halikiopoulou Professor in Comparative Politics, University of Reading Evanthis Hatzivassiliou Professor of Post-War History, National and Kapodistrian University of Athens Nikolaos-Komninos Hlepas Associate Professor of Administrative Science and Public Law, National and Kapodistrian University of Athens Asteris Huliaras Professor in Comparative Politics and International Relations, University of the Peloponnese
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Michael Ioannidis Senior Research Fellow, Max Planck Institute for Comparative Public Law and International Law Stathis N. Kalyvas Gladstone Professor of Government, University of Oxford Georgia Kaplanoglou Associate Professor in Public Finance and Sociology, National and Kapodistrian University of Athens George Kassimeris Chair in Security Studies, University of Wolverhampton Yiannos Katsourides Political Science, University of Nicosia Paschalis M. Kitromilides Emeritus Professor of Political Science, National and Kapodistrian University of Athens Spyros Kosmidis Lecturer in Quantitative Methods, University of Oxford Stella Ladi Senior Lecturer in Public Management, Queen Mary, University of London Christos Lyrintzis Professor of Political Science, National and Kapodistrian University of Athens Manos Matsaganis Professor of Public Finance, Politecnico di Milano George Pagoulatos Professor of European Politics and Economy, Athens University of Economics and Business Andreas Pantazopoulos Associate Professor of Political Science, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki Dimitris Papadimitriou Professor of Political Science, University of Manchester Stylianos Papathanassopoulos Professor of Management and Media Policy, National and Kapodistrian University of Athens Maria Petmesidou Professor of Social Policy, Democritus University of Thrace Vassilis T. Rapanos Emeritus Professor of Economics, National and Kapodistrian University of Athens Sotiris Rizas Director of Research, Centre for the Study of Modern Greek History, Academy of Athens Marilena Simiti Associate Professor of Political Sociology, University of Piraeus Dimitri A. Sotiropoulos Professor of Political Science, National and Kapodistrian University of Athens Calliope Spanou Professor of Administrative Science, National and Kapodistrian University of Athens Platon Tinios Associate Professor of Economics, University of Piraeus
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Anna Triandafyllidou Canada Excellence Research Chair on Migration and Integration, Ryerson University, Toronto Myrto Tsakatika Senior Lecturer in Politics, University of Glasgow Yannis Tsirbas Lecturer in Social Theory and Sociology, National and Kapodistrian University of Athens Loukas Tsoukalis Jean Monnet Professor of European Organization, National and Kapodistrian University of Athens Sofia Vasilopoulou Senior Lecturer in Politics, University of York Stella Zambarloukou Associate Professor of Sociology, University of Crete
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. I
.................................................................................................................................. I ‘Greece’ has often challenged scholars from different disciplines. No other contemporary European state seemingly requires the epithet ‘Modern’ to avoid confusion over the intended focus. Modern Greece has been equated with Europe’s south, the Balkans, or the Near East, whilst the weight of its historical inheritance has more generally placed it at the very core of understandings of what constitutes ‘Europe’ or, indeed, the ‘West’. It has been a case to define the divisions of the Cold War and, latterly, the vulnerabilities of the ‘eurozone’. Defining it from within or from without has elicited contestation. So, how might Greece be identified in the present? To introduce the volume, this chapter adopts a broad, comparative perspective. It does so across three sections. Firstly, it briefly outlines why Greece is of a wider interest to scholars, highlighting aspects of its history where it has appeared of larger significance than its size might normally warrant. Secondly, it proceeds to identify Greece’s development along a set of dimensions that serve to place it within comparative frames, addressing the question, ‘What type of case is Greece?’. These dimensions are necessarily selective, but still probably over-ambitious. Across each aspect, ‘headline’ identifications are given—and they stand as previews to the more detailed analyses that follow in this volume, setting their context. To draw these different aspects together, the third section attempts to identify ‘imbalances’ within the Greek system that give it its distinctive character and to sketch how these aspects are, in fact, interlinked. Their complementarities sustain a set of constraints that structure the system’s developmental path. The latter has been of continuing international interest: its capacity to exit the recent debt crisis has been the subject of much debate. The Conclusion reflects on this comparative perspective for future research on Greece.
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. G F
.................................................................................................................................. Political, economic, and social change in Greece represents a fascinating focus (Beaton, ; Koliopoulos and Veremis, ; Clogg, ). Historians would properly begin with the establishment of the Modern Greek state in the s, following its War of Independence from subjugation under the Ottoman Empire. Indeed, the legacies of Ottoman rule and the extent of shared Balkan traits, consequent upon it, constitute rich seams of contemporary socio-cultural inquiry. Today, foreign readers are more likely to be aware of Greece fighting valiantly against the Axis Occupation during the Second World War (–) and of its subsequent descent into a bloody civil war (–). For Greece has been of strategic importance disproportionate to its own size, making it an exceptional case of vulnerability. Churchill fought Stalin at Yalta to keep it as part of the West, while Washington invented the ‘Truman Doctrine’ (), and its concomitant Marshall Plan, to rescue it (and others) from a communist-led takeover. It had passed from the protection of Britain to the US and it became a bulwark against the spread of communism in the Balkans. Its disputes with Turkey and its imbroglio over Cyprus from the s onwards, emphasized the tensions within the eastern Mediterranean part of the NATO alliance (see Section in this volume). Others will know of Greece having experienced periods of dictatorial rule—most recently, the Colonels’ junta ( April to July )—which prompted comparative studies of its post-authoritarian transition. In reality, modern Greece has endured only a limited number of years of dictatorship—as Alivizatos records in Chapter —and it was at the forefront of establishing parliamentary democracy, with universal male suffrage introduced in the Constitution of . Indeed, by the prevailing international standards of the time, it was primarily the authoritarianism of the Metaxas period (–) and of the Colonels, which set Greece apart. Yet, Greece’s political development had been marked over the twentieth century by challenges of polarization, instability, and contested legitimacy that have raised questions as to its systemic identity. An early schism had counterposed ‘royalists’ and ‘Venizelists’, when Eleftherios Venizelos, as prime minister, and King Constantine I clashed in over which side to ally with in the First World War. Venizelos triumphed and Greece joined the Anglo-French Entente. It was a schism that came to mark domestic political identities to the junta period and the referendum vote to abolish the monarchy. Foreign escapades and instability also came when Venizelos and his followers had taken up the ‘Megali Idea’, the irredentist ambition to unite all Greeks in a Greek state. Two Balkan Wars (–) doubled the nation’s size and territory in the space of two years. The ‘Megali Idea’ was abandoned, however, after an overambitious (Royalist) Greek army, trying to emulate Venizelos’ earlier successes, was routed in Asia Minor in at the hands of the forces of Kemal Ataturk’s newly emergent Republic of Turkey (Milton, ). The ‘Catastrophe’ led to the influx
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of some one and a half million refugees into mainland Greece, dispossessed and forming new settlements around her cities. Later, a questionable system legitimacy arose in the aftermath of the Civil War, when the pro-American/anti-communist regime was illiberal and non-inclusive—domestically, an ‘exclusivist political system’ (Diamandouros, : ). It is the return to parliamentary democracy in after the Colonels’ junta that marks the main starting-point for much of this volume. The transition—the ‘Metapolitefsi’ (Μεταπολίτευση: literally, polity or regime change)—represents a benchmark for the country’s development. The post- transition sought to overcome the longterm legacies of conflict and instability and the present is an appropriate point at which to assess its achievements. Greece’s entry into the then European Community (EC) on st January , later the European Union (EU), was an important milestone in the consolidation of this transition. It joined as the EC’s tenth member, before Spain and Portugal. By January , when the drachma was replaced by the ‘euro’ single currency, Greece had become a mainstream EU member, participating in all its major policies, and this was a period of ‘modernization’ as ‘Europeanization’ (see Chapter ). The hosting of a very successful Olympic Games that summer seemed to symbolize its new spirit. Yet, Greece hit the news headlines around the world in for a debt crisis that risked her defaulting on her loans and falling out of the eurozone. The crisis represented the biggest challenge to Greece in the period since : indeed, it wreaked havoc in the economy, society, and polity. The recession it engendered involved the loss of some per cent of its GDP, a magnitude comparable to that of the Wall Street crash in . In August , Greece exited the ‘bailout’ programmes established by institutions of the EU and the International Monetary Fund (IMF), overseen by their monitors in an ad hoc agency; for most of the period, the ‘Troika’. But Greece would continue to be subject to its loan agreements, with their conditions attached. While is the main starting point for this book, the impact of the crisis—its likely legacy—constitutes the conclusion of the period examined in the chapters of this volume. Authors address the twin themes of change and continuity over time, with special attention to how far the crisis disturbed the prior patterns of post- evolution. That throughout its severe debt crisis, the Greek political system remained open and democratic is testament to its post- strength. Beyond this realm, however, there are many unresolved issues to explore. For much of its modern history, the course taken by Greece has prompted a varied and complex set of questions about where it belongs (to the West? to Europe?) and its ability to converge and be a reliable partner. That Greece has received so much foreign attention over the years is symptomatic of the country looming large on many important strategic agendas (see Chapter ). At the same time, the expectations placed upon it—and the aspirations of some of its domestic elites—have conflicted with the realities of its own constraints. This capability–expectations gap—reminiscent of the disappointments of early foreign travellers to the new Greek state in the nineteenth century—has sustained a mix of ambition, frustration, and embarrassment on the part
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of those Greeks equating ‘modernity’ with emulating (Western) Europe. Those who, alternatively, have felt threatened by such modernization and sought solace in a separate Greek identity have constituted the other side of what Diamandouros () has identified as a long-term ‘cultural dualism’ within Greek society. It thus becomes a matter of identifying the constraints—internal and/or external— that have seemingly held the country back, and their malleability (Allison and Nicolaidis, ). The limits of economic resources may be relatively easily identified, but many would place these within a domestic context of socio-cultural norms, institutional weaknesses, and political choices. Added to these, may be the ill-fitting policy frames of the EU or, earlier, of impositions from a changing international system. These competing considerations feed into psychologies of irresponsibility or of victimhood. Further, national successes are apt to be identified with great leaders raising the country’s ambition; failures with a descent into the ‘populism’ of the masses. As such, the interplay of these different dimensions constitutes a fascinating case—a veritable Greek drama—of almost limitless depth and regression to better understand its potential and constraints.
. I G
.................................................................................................................................. Set against this varied and complex background, the core question becomes— crudely—‘What is Greece a case of?’ More substantively, how can Greece—in its key components across politics, society, and economy—be most accurately identified for comparative purposes? Some would find recourse in its exceptionalism: contextual factors set it apart and the task of locating it in international comparisons is foolhardy. Contemporary social science sets a higher ambition: the act of comparison delineates the key conditions of greatest significance, leading to a leaner and more robust explanatory frame. This short introduction must be selective—to clarify system-defining characteristics of particular relevance for the foreign or lay reader. The later chapters will give much greater depth and differentiation. Inevitably, the choice here interprets the Greek system in ways that others may not share. Indeed, from this selection I seek to further characterize the Greek system, its imbalances, and its scope for change. First, Greece can be identified within a comparative literature: • Political economy: Greece is akin to the ‘state capitalist’ (Schmidt, ); ‘mixed market economy’ (Molina and Rhodes, ); and southern European capitalism (Amable, ) models of capitalism—a complex hybrid Hall and Soskice () found difficult to distinguish. • The state and its institutions: Greece has lacked a distinct ‘state tradition’ (Dyson, ); its institutions display different influences: Napoleonic, Roman law, and German legalism (Herzfeld, ); the emerging administrative culture was
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