The Mongolian Collections. Retracing Hans Leder 9783700175209, 3700175205

Citation preview

Austrian Academy of Sciences

The Mongolian Collections Retracing Hans Leder

edited by Maria-Katharina Lang and Stefan Bauer

Imprint This publication was realised within the project “Mongolian Ethnographica of the Austrian Collector Hans Leder in European Museums”, supported by the research programme forMuse (Research at Museums) of the Austrian Federal Ministry for Science and Research (2010­–2012) Maria-Katharina Lang (project director) / Institute for Social Anthropology of the Austrian Academy of Sciences in cooperation with Weltmuseum Wien Cooperation partners Grassi Museum für Völkerkunde zu Leipzig Linden-Museum, Staatliches Museum für Völkerkunde, Stuttgart Naturhistorisches Museum, Vienna Náprstek Museum, Prague Néprajzi Múzeum, Budapest Völkerkundemuseum der J. & E. von Portheim Stiftung, Heidelberg Eötvös Loránd University (ELTE), Department of Inner Asian Studies, Budapest National University of Mongolia, Department for Social Anthropology, Ulaanbaatar Object Photographs Weltmuseum Wien Photos: Fotoatelier KHM (Andreas Uldrich and Georg Molterer) and Maria-Katharina Lang © KHM with MVK and ÖTM Völkerkundemuseum der J. & E. von Portheim Stiftung, Heidelberg / Grassi Museum für Völkerkunde zu Leipzig Photos: Jan Seifert (Leipzig) Linden-Museum, Staatliches Museum für Völkerkunde, Stuttgart Photos: Linden-Museum and Jan Seifert Néprajzi Múzeum, Budapest Photos: Néprajzi Múzeum (Wilhelm Gábor) © Museums concerned or Austrian Academy of Sciences Cover illustration: Stūpa, inv. no. 33479, Völkerkundemuseum der J. & E. von Portheim Stiftung Photographs, inside cover: © Stefan Bauer, Maria-Katharina Lang and Christian Sturminger All rights reserved ISBN: 978-3-7001-7520-9 © 2013 by Austrian Academy of Sciences, Vienna Graphic Design: Johannes Heuer Printing: Holzhausen Druck GmbH, Wienerfeldstraße 9, A-2120 Wolkersdorf http://hw.oeaw.ac.at/7520-9 http://verlag.oeaw.ac.at Printed and bound in the EU

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Contents Preface Maria-Katharina Lang...................................................................................................................................

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I The Collector and the Collections Maria-Katharina Lang........................................................................

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II Mongolian Buddhism: Identity, Practice and Politics Lhagvademchig Jadamba.....................

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Artefacts - Specific Groups and Figures

III Tsakli, Thangkas, Prints, Amulets and Manuscripts Olaf Czaja..........................................................

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IV Types of Votive Plaque [tshatsha] in the Leder Collections Béla Kelényi....................................

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V A Maitreya [tshatsha] in the Leder Collections Béla Kelényi................................................................

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VI The Tsam Figures in Leder’s Collections – A Reunion Maria-Katharina Lang...........................

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VII The Khüree-Tsam and its Relations with the Tsam Figures of the Leder Collections Krisztina Teleki............................................................................................................

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VIII Cagān Öwgön – The White Old Man in the Leder Collections The Textual and Iconographic Tradition of the Cult of the White Old Man among the Mongols Ágnes Birtalan......................................................................................................................

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IX The Depictions of the Five Personal Protective Deities in the Leder Collections Béla Kelényi...................................................................................................................

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X Equestrian Warrior Deities in the Leder Collections Some Aspects of the Mongolian War God Ágnes Birtalan.....................................................................

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XI Various Depictions of Zanabazar Maria-Katharina Lang ........................................................................

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XII Different Types of Prayer Flag in the Leder Collections Béla Kelényi.............................................

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XIII The Stronghold of Good Luck A Unique Representation Connecting to the Cult of Prayer Flag Béla Kelényi.........................

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List of Contributors...........................................................................................................................................................

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References.............................................................................................................................................................................

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Figures......................................................................................................................................................................................

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Imprint/Contents

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Preface Maria-Katharina Lang his project publication is a result of the involvement with the Mongolian collections of the research T traveller Hans Leder. In 1996 I selected one artefact at the Weltmuseum Wien – the former Museum of Ethnology Vienna – a pendant that had been part of the elaborate headdress worn by women in northern Mongolia, to narrate the histories related to this item, most importantly the life stories of Mongolian women in the 20th century. During the research it turned out that the piece and the collection in Vienna was one part of the collector’s far larger collection of more than 4,000 objects, mostly Mongolian Buddhist ritual artefacts, held in several ethnographic museums in Europe. The research funding programme forMuse (“Research at Museums”, Austrian Federal Ministry for Science and Research) exactly fitted frame to realise the idea of reconnecting these collections in several ways. On closer regard, the scope, authenticity and integrity make the Mongolian collections of Hans Leder unique, and this imposes a certain responsibility: to conserve them, as one task for the museums, and when doing research to try to relate them more closely to the histories they are connected to. One way to do this is to tell “what” they are through their iconography. Another way is to let them “re-travel” and document the contexts they were made for and of which they had been part, to learn what these things might have meant to people and re-trace the artefact’s (life-) histories in their place of origin, in Mongolia. The focus of this compilation is on the artefacts themselves. They are presented in selected object groups as part of larger collections – through which their histories in connection and interaction with people become visible. This volume brings together multiple points of view on artefacts: those of the Tibetologist, the Mongolist, the religious-studies scholar, the artist and the social and cultural anthropologist. The first chapter, by myself, offers an approach to the collection’s histories and relations by shedding light on the collector’s biography and the movement of artefacts. Lhagvademchig S. Jadamba draws upon past and recent developments of Buddhism in Mongolia from an insider perspective. Olaf Czaja chose to overview the large group of painted and printed images in the collections: thangkas, paintings and tsakli as well as amulets and manuscripts. Béla Kelényi elaborates on the specific object groups of votive tablets (tshatsha), representations of the Five Personal Protective Deities and prayer flags. In our contributions, Krisztina Teleki and I reunited and analysed the scattered groups of wooden figures of the characters of the Mongolian Tsam dance. Ágnes Birtalan examined representations of the “White Old Man” and the equestrian warrior deities in their textual and iconographic traditions as well as their specific Mongolian characters. I would like to express my gratitude to all those who contributed to and supported the project, especially: Lhagvademchig Jadamba, Chuluunbat Purvee, Bumochir Dulam and Munkh-Erdene Lkhamsuren (Institute of Social Anthropology at the National University of Mongolia / Ulaanbaatar), Natsagnyam Ch. (Karkhorum Museum / Kharkhorin), Otgonsuren D. (Choijin Lama Temple Museum / Ulaanbaatar), Mendsaikhan O. (Bogd Khan Palace Museum / Ulaanbaatar), Abbot Baasansuren and ex-Abbot Enkhbat, Lama Osorkhuu (Erdene Zuu Monastery / Kharkhorin), Khishigjargal and family (near Khara Balgas), Dawaa (Khogno Khan Monastery), Abbot Baasanjargal, Junsh (Tsetserleg Monastery), Dolmaa, Dondog, Mendbayar (Bayan Olgii).

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Thanks are also due to Steven Engelsman, Christian Feest, John D. Marshall, Barbara Plankensteiner and Christian Schicklgruber (Weltmuseum Wien / former Museum of Ethnology Vienna), Margareta Pavaloi and Stefan Dietrich (Völkerkundemuseum der J. & E. von Portheim Stiftung Heidelberg), Marita Andó, Claus Deimel, Erhart Schwerin (Grassi Museum für Völkerkunde zu Leipzig), Inés de Castro, Uta Werlich (Stuttgart Linden-Museum), Wulf Köpke, Susanne Knödel (Museum für Völkerkunde Hamburg), Birgit Kantzenbach (Ethnologisches Museum Berlin), Helena Heroldová (Náprstek-Museum Prague), Gábor Wilhelm (Néprajzi Múzeum Budapest), Andre Gingrich and Christian Jahoda (Institute for Social Anthropology, Austrian Academy of Sciences). Additionally we would like to thank in particular David Westacott for his proof-reading and translations. Note on Transliterations In this publication different forms of transliteration are used according to the specific focus of the individual authors (philologists, social anthropologists, Tibetologists etc.). Popular spellings are used for established names and notions: for example “Chinggis Khan” instead of “Činggis Khan”. There is no widely shared well-established system for transliterating Mongolian. Nevertheless, the editors have tried to harmonise the text where reasonable. In general we have oriented ourselves on more common terminology within Mongolian studies to provide the reader with a more comprehensive readability. Illustrations Where the object photographs were of poor quality we have used them only in the preview images accompanying the articles and not in the “Figures” section.

Preface

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Hans Leder at the age of 61 (1904; Jisl 1963: 53)

I The Collector and the Collections Maria-Katharina Lang The Collector

ans Leder (1843–1921) was born in Jauernig / Javornik near Troppau, the capital of Austrian Silesia, H then part of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy, today Opava in the Czech Republic. He is described by his contemporaries as having a distinct passion for nature sciences and already collecting at an early age. Modest family circumstances and the lack of support from his father (his mother died when he was eight) did not allow him to complete his studies at the Mountain Academy in Schemnitz. In 1867 he left Europe for northern Africa to study French and Arabic and started collecting entomologica, which he sent to his friend and colleague the entomologist Edmund Reitter to Paskau in Austro-Hungary for further specification and classification (Hetschko 1922: 95). In 1872 he returned home and cooperated with Reitter in entomological studies, until leaving again in 1875 for a two-year research expedition to the Caucasus. This journey turned out to be unexpectedly successful: Leder discovered a variety of hitherto unknown insect species, which were later classified by European specialists. They all bear the name of the collector, “Lederi”. (Fig. I/1) Leder returned to the Caucasus nearly every year to continue entomological activities. In 1882, after his marriage, he and his young wife moved to the German settlement of Helenendorf near Elisabethpol.1 The family stayed there until their return to Austria in 1888. Helenendorf was Leder’s starting point for several exploration trips to nearer and more distant regions. Some explorations were joint ventures together with Gustav Radde, director of the Caucasus Museum in Tbilisi (Tiflis) or with the Russian General A. W. Komarow, head of the Bergvölkerverwaltung im Kaukasus. Gustav Radde (1831–1903) was an important contact person in Tbilisi for European travellers and researchers at that time; several relations and networks were established through him. During a visit to Radde’s summer residence in Borjomi (Borshom) in the mid 1870s Leder met the sons of Prince Michael Nikolaievich of Russia, then Viceroy of the Caucasus. The three of them were eagerly collecting insects and presenting their finds to Leder. One of them, Nikolai Mikhailovich (1859–1919), became an eminent scholar and historian. As passionate lepidopterist, he published a ten-volume work entitled Mèmoires sur les Lépidoptères (Romanoff 1884). In his preface to volume one he thanks Leder for his collecting endeavours; several specimens collected by Leder are published in this work. Some years later – in 1891 – Prince Nikolai Mikhailovich of Russia, by then president of the Imperial Russian Geographical Society, sent Leder to southern Siberia primarily to continue his entomological work. This is how he came nearer to Mongolia.

Fig. I/1 Philontus Lederi Museum of Natural History Vienna (photo by H. Schillhammer)

I have spent the entire summer of 1891 almost exclusively in the forest and soon pitched my tent in a glade at the bottom of a valley, then in the dense forests of the middle mountainsides or on the alps above the tree line and on the shores of the iced lakes of the upper tundra. Sometimes I found it rather lonesome, sad and dull. But this was not the fault of the at times indeed unfriendly and harsh, but even then and maybe just therefore, magnificent and overwhelming countryside. These were simply just moods, not surprising for anyone trying to understand just for an instant my isolated situation at

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Fig. I/2 Forest near Irkutsk (Leder, Globus 1893: 320)

that time. And in these cases each time it was just the selection and observation of the life surrounding me that distracted me again from dark thoughts and elevated and delighted me. […] Anyone who observes his surroundings carefully and closely will always still find something that completely escapes the unpractised eye of someone used to more crude and obvious appearances. (Leder 1894c: 152f.; translation by the author.)2 Ich habe den ganzen Sommer des Jahres 1891 fast ausschließlich im Walde gelebt und mein Zelt bald auf der Lichtung der Thalsohle, bald in den dichten Beständen der mittleren Berghänge oder auf den Alpen über der Waldzone und an den Ufern der beeisten Seen der Hochtundren aufgeschlagen. Ich habe es gar manches Mal recht einsam, traurig und öde gefunden. Aber daran war nicht die zwar bisweilen unfreundliche und raue, aber auch selbst dann und vielleicht gerade darum immer noch großartige und überwältigende Natur schuld. Das waren eben nur Stimmungen, die jedem, der in meine damalige isolierte Lage sich nur einen Augenblick hineinzudenken vermag, nicht überraschend sein werden. Und in solchen Fällen war es jedes Mal gerade die Aussuchung und Beobachtung des Lebens um mich, welches mich wieder von dem düsteren Gedankengange ablenkte und mich erhob und erfreute. […] Wer jedoch aufmerksam und scharfen Blickes seine Umgebung beobachtet, wird immer noch etwas finden, was dem an mehr grobe und augenfällige Erscheinungen gewöhnten oder ungeübten Auge eines Anderen ganz entgeht. (Leder 1894c: 152f.) (Fig. I/2) After some months in the Sajan mountains, he was not too satisfied with his new findings and decided to move southwards to get to know “the mystical land of the Mongols” more closely (Leder 1893: 319). In April 1892 he left Irkutsk and reached Urga (Ikh Khüree; present-day Ulaanbaatar) on 5 May 1892. There he recruited a small caravan to travel westwards to the Erdene Zuu Monastery, built in 1586 under the rule of Abadai Khan at Karakorum (Kharkhorin), the former centre of the Mongolian empire founded by Chinggis Khan’s successor Ögödei (1186/1189–1241). (Fig. I/3-4) Leder returned to Mongolia several times: his stays can be retraced for the years 1899/1900, 1902, and 1904/05. On his first Mongolian journey he was still mainly collecting insects and zoologica – today these are part of the collections in the natural history museums in Vienna and Budapest. Afterwards, his collecting focus drifted gradually from entomologica to ethnographica. By 1905 he had become a renowned collector of Mongolian ethnographic items, mainly Buddhist ritual artefacts. After his last journey to Mongolia – Leder was over sixty – he desperately tried to make a living by selling his collections. He died in 1921 in Katharein / Troppau.

Fig. I/3 Erdene Zuu (Leder 1909: plate IX)

Fig. I/4 Stūpas at Erdene Zuu (Leder 1909: plate V)

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Travels in Mongolia 1892 Leder describes his first journey, taking about four months, in several articles and tells of his passage by sledge via Lake Baikal, further to Kyakhta and from there to Ikh Khüree, known as Urga by Europeans at the time. He spent some days in Urga before and after his journey to the countryside. Even then he noted many details of the Mongolian lifestyle and countryside he experienced. Leder described the site of Ikh Khüree with its main monasteries, the market and the residence of the Jebtsundamba Khutugtu (Bogdo Gegeen; Fig. I/5), the spiritual head of the Mongolian Buddhists, which was then in the process of construction, as the former residence had been destroyed by a fire the preceding winter. Leder mentions several temples, one of them the Maidar temple (Maidariin süm), which according to him was constructed according to Tibetan design and represented the Tibeto-Mongolian style of architecture. He comments on the colossal statue of burkhan Maidar (Maitreya), produced by Chinese artists, and notes the main architectural forms of Ikh Khüree. Immediately on entering through the gate one stands in front of a colossal statue of the Burkhan Maidari, the halo of which reaches to just below the roof of the cupola and which takes up nearly all the space inside. The deity is shown sitting, not as usual with crossed legs, but in the way we usually sit, made entirely of copper, gilded, nostrils, eyes painted accordingly. The figure is probably 30 m high. The idol is a product of Chinese imagery and artistically rather worthless. (Leder 1894a: 53)

Fig I/5 The Eighth Bogdo Gegeen (Coll. Leder; Néprajzi Múzeum Budapest, inv. no. 59734)

Unmittelbar nach dem Eintritte durch die Pforte steht man vor einer riesigen Statue des Burchans Maidari, welche mit dem Strahlenkranze des Kopfes bis unmittelbar unter das Dach der Kuppel reicht und deren Masse fast den ganzen Innenraum einnimmt. Der Gott ist sitzend dargestellt, nicht mit untergeschlagenen Beinen, wie gewöhnlich, sondern in der Weise, wie wir zu sitzen pflegen, ganz aus Kupfer, vergoldet, die Lippen, Nasenlöcher, Augen entsprechend gemalt. Die Höhe der Figur beträgt wohl an die 30 m. Das Idol ist ein Produkt chinesischer Bildnerei und künstlerisch ziemlich wertlos. (Leder 1894a: 53) Like most of the temples and monasteries in Urga, the Maidar temple with its statue and artefacts was destroyed during the purges in 1938 (cf. Teleki 2011). For his research trip to the countryside Leder organised a caravan consisting of five camels, seven horses, two Mongolian monks as guides and two Russian companions from Siberia as translators. He hired the animals and the crew for a period of five months (Leder 1895: 27). In his preparations to travel to the countryside he was supported by Shishmarev, the Russian consul in Ikh Khüree and a crucial player in the upcoming political events towards the declaration of independence in 1911. Even during his first journey Leder was repeatedly suspected of being a Russian spy – which in his opinion never had a negative connotation – on the contrary, Leder noticed the Mongolians’ desire to exchange the reign of the Emperor of China for the reign of the “zagan chan” or “white tsar” (Leder 1895: 113–114). This underlines the strong pro-Russian tendencies as early as 1892, which were increasingly reinforced by the Tibetan side. The caravan headed west, to Erdene Zuu Monastery. The journey, partly on routes not previously taken by foreign scholars, took about a month. Leder describes the Erdene Zuu Monastery complex with its more than sixty buildings as a lively and active place. He notes the ruins very close to the monastery gates and rightly assumes that they concern the ancient remains of the former Mongolian capital Karakorum. From

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Erdene Zuu Monastery they departed for the ruins of Khara Balgas – about 25 km north of Erdene Zuu – which at the time some Western scholars held to be the remains of Karakorum – seeing the location and the ruins Leder had his doubts. The caravan moved further west to Sain Gegeen Monastery (today in Tsetserleg). On their way they passed hot mineral springs, used by the locals as thermal baths. Not far from the hot springs Leder recognised ruins smaller but similar to those of Khara Balgas. These were called “Bulgas” by the locals and had not previously been marked on any maps. Leder interpreted them as being the remains of the former encampment of the Uighur Kagan “Tschin-tschu-Pi-kia”. The caravan stayed for some days near Sain Gegeen Monastery before moving further south, passing the ruins of the ancient Uliastai (Uliyasutai), until they reached the Ongiin river at the border of the Gobi region. From there they moved northwards again, back to Erdene Zuu Monastery. On 21 August Leder witnessed a Tsam dance performance in Erdene Zuu (cf. Lang in this publication p. 59) Leder returned to Siberia by the end of September. Though not always correct or precise, a map of the route taken in 1892 is an important source for the identification of places visited by Leder and helps to retrace them. (Fig. I/6)

Fig. I/6 Map of Leder´s Journey in 1892 (Jisl 1963)

As a result of lectures and publications on his first stay in Mongolia, Leder was encouraged by colleagues to travel to Mongolia again, this time with a special emphasis on ethnographic topics. It may have been that it was additionally the upcoming interest and the quest for ethnographic items for the emerging ethnographic museums in the European museum landscape that led him to return to Mongolia with this additional focus alongside the entomological interests. 1899/1900 During his second journey to Mongolia Leder acquired the first larger collections of ethnographica for the imperial Naturhistorische Hofmuseum in Vienna. In November 1899 he sent a list of objects to the museum. Some of these items, with 210 inventory numbers, were purchased by the museum in 1899. Besides collecting ethnographic items and studying Mongolian Buddhism, one of Leder’s declared

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aims was to travel to Tibet disguised as a pilgrim – this plan failed. Another intention was to clarify the location of the historic Mongolian capital, Karakorum. Not only by visual inspection but also by documents he recovered, he was able to verify that the ruins of Khara Balgas were definitely not the location of Karakorum. Leder again visited Erdene Zuu Monastery and spent the winter in Urga. As well as him, other Europeans were staying in Urga at that time: the later well-known Finnish linguist Dr. Ramstedt (1873–1950) and his family and the Norwegian missionary Westegard. In March 1900 Leder travelled with a caravan to Irkutsk together with Ramstedt’s wife and young child. There he met his servant, a Cossack called Maxim, and together they travelled to the Altai region. They returned from the mountains in August (cf. Leder 1908/1909). 1902 On 8 July Leder left Troppau by train. He arrived in Kyakhta after a nineteen-day journey, changing trains four times. This time Leder was already focused on collecting ethnographica, especially additional artefacts as an extension to a collection he had sold to Graf von Linden, director of the Linden-Museum in Stuttgart, in April 1902. To collect exclusively for Linden he had asked him for credit in advance. Several letters in the archive of the Linden-Museum document Leder’s endeavours. The collection purchased was packed into three trunks and taken by Leder by train to Verkhne-Udinsk (Ulaan Ude) from where they were forwarded to Europe. Leder returned to Urga, where he learned that his consignment had got as far as Irkustk before being held up. Leder returned home by end of November 1902, while his collections reached their final destination, Stuttgart, only in April 1903 after tedious interventions. 1904/1905 In 1904–05, spending the winter months in Urga, Leder witnessed important historical events unfolding in Mongolia. He had arrived there in October and was lodging in the complex of the Russian consulate. On 27 November he witnessed the arrival of the Thirteenth Dalai Lama, Thubten Gyatso (1876– 1933) in Urga. The Dalai Lama had left Lhasa on 30 July shortly before the invasion by British troops. Disguised as a Mongolian trader, he journeyed north to Mongolia (cf. Goldstein 1989, Andreyev 2003, Brauen 2005, Shakabpa 2010). Urga / Ikh Khüree was chosen as a place of exile due to existing religious and cultural ties as well as for political reasons: the Tibetan leadership wanted to avoid further influence from China, and communications with the Russian tsar were easier from there. Leder noticed the growing excitement after the rumour of the impending arrival of the head of the Tibetan Buddhists and his envoys spread. According to Leder the news “was like a bombshell” and excited every believer “in Mongolia and Transbaikalia with a pure flush of joy” (Leder 1909: 4–5). Leder witnessed the arrival of the caravan accompanying the Dalai Lama and his and their reception by the clerics, Mongolian princes, Mongolian and Chinese (Manchu) dignitaries and ordinary people from all over Mongolia. Notably, only the Eighth Bogdo Gegeen, Jebtsundamba (1870–1924), was absent at this extraordinary event – a fact commented on in different ways and by Leder as follows (according to him, Jebtsundamba Khutugtu had already travelled towards of the convoy some days earlier to welcome the Dalai Lama personally): But it was an official secret that the [Bogdo] Gegeen was not content with the presence of the Schenresig. There were sufficient minor indications that clearly expressed his jealousy. He had even expressed his plan to move to another monastery, from which he wisely refrained. (Leder 1909: 5–6). Trotzdem war es ein öffentliches Geheimnis, dass der Göggen mit der Anwesenheit des Schenresig durchaus nicht zufrieden war. Es gab der kleinen Züge genug, die seine Eifersucht deutlich zum

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Ausdruck brachten. Soll er doch sogar einmal die Absicht ausgesprochen haben, nach einem anderen Kloster zu verziehen, was er aber wohlweislich unterließ. (Leder 1909: 5–6) Tibetan sources such as the biography of the Thirteenth Dalai Lama and the recollections of his minister of finance, Shakabpa (Shakabpa 2010), document the animosities that led to a personal break between him and Jebtsundamba Khutugtu. Additionally, the requests for support from Russian side were not successful; all this led to an early departure. According to Leder, the Dalai Lama stayed in Urga until autumn 1905 before moving to Erdene Zuu Monastery for the winter.3 Concerning the Eighth Bogdo Gegeen, Leder writes that he met him for the first time when he was in his twenties, while he was going for a horse ride escorted by his favourite wife. As Leder noted, his relations with women were completely accepted by the people. In Leder’s opinion, documented retrospectively in his book (Leder 1909), the Bogdo Gegeen had no political influence; he had once been capable but was increasingly inclined to alcohol, specifically champagne and cognac. Of course one has to consider that Leder’s recollections were written from a specific point of view – sometimes expressing eurocentric ideas. Another of Leder’s meetings with a political player in the events on the eve on Mongolia’s independence was with Agvan Dorjiev (1854–1938), Buryat lama, a close associate and mentor of the Dalai Lama, who probably convinced the Dalai Lama to flee to Mongolia in 1904 and played an instrumental role in building relations with the Russian Tsar. Leder described his first meeting with Dorjiev in the Mongolian steppe, which led to further meetings and discussions. Leder saw Dorjiev as highly influential. He notes: “he actually combines the highest power in his hands, which he naturally can only exercise through the medium of the Dalai Lama.” (Leder 1909: 72). Leder emphasised Dorjiev’s sympathy for Russia; regarding their conversations Leder comments: The idea, of declaring Tibet as a neutral state on the model of Belgium or Switzerland and permitting entry to all people equally has to remain a dream. Not only this, but other plans were also discussed in my presence in all seriousness. (Leder 1909: 73) Ein politischer Traum aber muß für immer die Idee bleiben, Tibet nach dem Muster von Belgien oder der Schweiz als neutralen Staat zu erklären und allen Völkern gleicherweise den Zutritt zu gestatten. Es wurde nicht nur dieser, sondern auch noch manche andere Pläne in meiner Gegenwart allen Ernstes erörtert. (Leder 1909: 73) Supported by his meanwhile growing recognition within the entourage of the Dalai Lama, Leder finally managed to take part at an official audience with the Thirteenth Dalai Lama and met him face to face, receiving a personal gift. In spring of 1905 Leder travelled once more to Erdene Zuu Monastery and to the Khangai mountain range. In July he returned to Troppau – he had reached the age of 62. By then his “Mongolian Collections” were extensive and it was to take great efforts to sell these in the way he had imagined. Finally his financial situation forced him to sell the collections well below his asking price and – even more importantly – this led him to divide his collections, often reluctantly. As a result today they are held in ethnographic museums in Vienna, Prague, Budapest, Heidelberg, Leipzig, Hamburg, Berlin and Stuttgart. Leder’s reminiscences were naturally biased and written from the viewpoint of a European “in the field”. Nonetheless, his recollections enrich the understanding of the prevailing atmosphere and the political cli-

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Retracing Hans Leder

mate in and around Mongolia at that time – and they are the historic matrix for the material collections assembled. Furthermore, his collections of Mongolian ethnographic artefacts are tangible evidence that enables us to establish a direct link to the past. History, beliefs and individual lives are encoded within these items. Collecting Places of Collecting For the collector Hans Leder it was important to state that most of the objects in his collections came directly from people’s daily usage, whether from their house altars in the Mongolian yurts (ger) or from public sacred ritual places such as stupas and sacrificial stone cairns (owoo, oboo). Leder described his collections as follows: As a very special feature of most of the collection items it should be mentioned that, originating either directly from the temples and altars or from the property of priests and believers, they may be regarded as being of high cultural value, as they are still in exactly the same condition and have all the specific characteristics as are demanded by the liturgy and religious prescription. (Leder Manuscript, 1902, Archive Linden-Museum Stuttgart) Als ein ganz besonderer Vorzug der weitaus meisten der in dieser Sammlung enthaltenen Gegenstände verdient aber auch der Umstand erwähnt zu werden, dass sie, als entweder direkt aus den Tempeln und von den Altären oder aus dem Besitze von Priestern und Gläubigen stammend, als kulturell durchaus vollwertig angesehen werden müssen, da sie noch in genau demselben Zustand sich befinden und mit all den Eigentümlichkeiten versehen sind, wie es die Liturgie und die religiöse Vorschrift eben verlangt. (Leder Manuscript, 1902, Archive Linden-Museum Stuttgart) Apparently, their being taken from direct use provided these items with unique value in the eyes of the collector. Perhaps something like “lived Mongolian culture” or their “aura” could be sensed and conveyed by them or even something of their intrinsic efficacy might still be felt. Dislocated Objects Leder himself made detailed inventories of most his collection. His original inventories are archived at the Weltmuseum Wien, the Linden-Museum in Stuttgart and the Grassi Museum in Leipzig. Some interesting notes concerning the use of the objects or their acquisition can be found in these inventories, such as the following connected with the small votive clay images, the tshatsha, which pilgrims left in sacred places in the countryside and in temples and stupas. Some of the tshatsha and other items in the collection were apparently taken from these sacred places by Leder. In the object list he sent from Urga to Vienna in November 1899 he comments: On the public altars and obos, the pious pilgrims, who come together here from practically the whole of Asia, frequently leave various things such as clay plaques and figures, images, prayer flags, stones and other incredible things as offerings. The small items that form a part of the collection described above come from these places. This way of collecting can only take place in a limited way and with extreme care, because it is very dangerous. If I were once to be caught in my pious zeal for Buddhist treasures, it would be the worst for me. But on the other hand there is certainly no other way for me to obtain these items, so I will continue to collect carefully. May the burkhans [gods] forgive this sin;

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I only do it to allow their wondrousness to shine under other heavens. (Leder Manuscript, 1899; Archive Weltmuseum Wien) Auf den öffentlichen Churds, den öffentlichen Altären, Suburganen und Obos legen die frommen Pilger, die aus fast ganz Asien hier zusammenströmen, häufig verschiedene Dinge, Tontäfelchen und Figuren, Dartschiks, Bilder, Gebete, Fetzen aller Art, Steine u. unglaubliche Dinge als Opfer nieder. Von diesen Orten stammen die kleinen Sachen, die unter den oben aufgeführten Nummern in der Sammlung enthalten sind. Diese Art des Sammelns kann aber nur in gewißen Grenzen u. mit alleräußerster Vorsicht geschehen, denn sie ist sehr gefährlich. Wenn ich einmal in meinem frommen Eifer für buddhistische Kostbarkeiten ertappt würde, könnte es mir sehr schlecht ergehen. Andererseits aber gibt es sicher keine andere Möglichkeit mir diese Gegenstände zu verschaffen, ich werde vorsichtig weiter sammeln, mögen mir die Burchanen meinen Frevel verzeihen, ich tue es ja nur, um ihre Herrlichkeit auch unter einem anderen Himmel leuchten zu lassen. (Leder Manuscript, 1899; Archive Weltmuseum Wien) Leder mentions public altar places and shrines as places of origin for other items as prayer flags, manuscripts (Weltmuseum Wien inv. no. 65017–65027) and amulets. Other sacred natural places were the “Lappenbäume” [rag trees] – Leder collected prayer flags, for example, from these consecrated trees. Here he adds the remark: Anyone who is going on a journey and wants to seek protection of Burkhans [deities] for himself and his animals goes to the lama of his district and in return for payment has such pieces of cloth printed with various emblems and prayers, which will guarantee safe protection if on dangerous or difficult passages he attaches them to trees or obos [stone cairns] while praying and making incense offerings. (Leder Manuscript, Archives Weltmuseum Wien and Linden-Museum Stuttgart) Wer auf die Reise geht und sich selbst wie seine Tiere unter den Schutz der Burchane stellen will, geht zum Lama seines Bezirkes u. lässt sich gegen Entgelt ein solches Zeugstück geben, das mit verschiedenen Emblemen u. Gebeten bedruckt ist, die ihm sicheren Schutz gewährleisten, wenn er sie an gefährlichen oder schwierigen Wegstellen an Bäumen oder Obos, die sich auf den Pässen aller Berge finden, anbringt, dabei betet u. ein Rauchopfer bringt. (Leder Manuscript, Archives Weltmuseum Wien and Linden-Museum Stuttgart) In the museum inventories we mostly find “Urga” given as place of origin for the artefacts in the Leder collections. In the correspondence archived in the Linden-Museum in Stuttgart, Leder notes that the artefacts offered to the museum in 1902 were mostly collected from the largest monasteries of Mongolia in “DaKhüree” (Urga) and have their origin in many different monasteries. Some items, such as amulets originating from Lhasa and consecrated by the Dalai Lama, had been brought by with pilgrim monks. Sometimes places such as Baruun Khüree, Amarbayasgalant Monastery, Erdene Zuu Monastery, a temple of the Monastery Baruun Khüree in the Gobi and Kumbum Monastery are given as provenance. Some items such as a handdrum (ḍamaru) originate from the estate of a deceased monk. Indeed it must have been very difficult to acquire certain items, and considering the size of Leder’s collections as a whole (more than 4,500 items in the museums researched), it seems rather astonishing that he was able to amass such an immense collection. Apparently, small things such as tsakli and tshatsha, which make

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up the largest groups within the collections, were on the one hand less difficult and expensive to transport and on the other hand easier to acquire. Maybe they were even sold at workshops in Urga and other places. As usual in Buddhist art, the artists or monk-artists in most cases remain anonymous, so Leder does not give their names. Only sometimes does he comment that items such as sculptures and thangkas were made by Mongolian monk-artists; he seldom mentions Chinese artists (in one case he seemes to have purchased a painting depicting Wutai shan mountain from a Chinese artist (Leder Manuscript, 1902, Archive Linden-Museum Stuttgart). For the scattered groups of carved wooden figures of characters of the Mongolian Tsam ceremony (cf. contributions by Lang p. 58 and Teleki p. 76 in this publication) Leder provides the information that he ordered them to be made by a monk near Urga, at least some of them by the same artist-monk who had carried out a similar assignment for the collections of the Kunstkamera in St Petersburg. Modes of collecting It seems that the low budget Leder was provided with, together with the difficulties of transportation, led him to acquire objects that were small and inexpensive, at least in those days. We have also seen that in some cases Leder was involved in methods of acquisition that we would consider “dubious” today. Leder was not a mere collector selling and earning a living from this occupation, his interest went far beyond that. He studied the relevant literature available in his time, wrote several articles and a small book (Leder 1909). A further work on Mongolian belief systems probably planned for publication remained a manuscript in fragments and could not be realised (cf. Lang 2010: 38). Leder is described by his contemporaries as having a gift for creating a synoptic view in his research work, expressed in the mode of collecting and the consistency of his collections – the quest for curiosities was not his concern. I have always been in close contact with the ordinary people and with the priests or lamas, low and high ranking. So it was just natural that I was primarily interested, yes indeed had to be interested in their religious life, as I could only gain an understanding for the thousands of things associated with ritual that I was collecting by insistent questioning and getting explanations. In this I was supported by one of the outstanding characteristics of Buddhists – the complete lack of any kind of intolerance and fanaticism towards people of other religions. (Leder 1909: V) Ich befand mich stets in innigem Kontakt mit dem gewöhnlichen Volke sowohl, wie mit den Priestern oder Lamen, mit niederen und hohen. Es war da ganz natürlich, daß ich mich vor allem für ihr religiöses Leben interessierte, ja geradezu interessieren mußte, da ich nur durch beständiges Ausfragen und Erklärenlassen ein Verständnis für die tausenderlei mit dem Kulte zusammenhängenden Gegenstände, die ich sammelte, gewinnen konnte. Hierbei unterstützte mich einer der hervorragendsten Züge aller Buddhisten, der vollständigen Mangel jeder Art von Intoleranz und Fanatismus Andersgläubigen gegenüber. (Leder 1909: V) During his travels in Mongolia Leder cooperated with or was supported by locals. Mostly, Mongolian monks accompanied him. At the time of his first journey he could speak Russian but later he acquired some knowledge of Mongolian. Monks assisted him when writing down the local names of the collected items – these are quoted in his inventories, which include the following categories for each item: number of pieces, condition, local name, size and additional comments. Leder collected systematically, maybe partly according to the demands of ethnographic museums of that time. He sent handwritten copies of his inventories to the museums, identifying most of the items collected with small paper labels – some are still visible today. His

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collections open a comprehensive view of the Mongolian Buddhist pantheon shown in the artworks. Concerning some paintings in his inventories Leder remarks: Images of various size and design painted on canvas by monks in Urga. The combined ones as well as the images of only one deity are in no sense arbitrary compositions by the artists, but mainly established, recurring portrayals that are consecrated by the cult everywhere within the scope of Lamaism, which have their specific names and meanings. Thus the images serve us as a kind of classification index to recognise figures and other images easily. Each of the images has a number on the back, the corresponding names of which follow here. (Leder Manuscript, 1902, Archive Linden-Museum Stuttgart) Auf Leinwand von Lamen in Urga gemalte Bilder von verschiedener Größe u. Ausführung. Die zusammengesetzten sowohl, wie die nur eine Gottheit enthaltenden Bilder sind in keinem Falle willkürliche Compositionen der Künstler, sondern in der Hauptsache feststehende, durch den Kult geheiligte, überall im Geltungsbereiche des Lamaismus wiederkehrende Darstellungen, die ihre besonderen Benennungen u. Bedeutungen haben. Die Bilder dienen deshalb für uns als eine Art Bestimmungstabelle, nach welcher sowohl Figuren als andere Bilder leicht erkannt werden können. Jedes dieser Bilder trägt auf der Rückseite eine Nummer deren entsprechende Namen hier folgen. (Leder Manuscript, 1902, Archive Linden-Museum Stuttgart) Collections of Buddhist, namely Lamaist, art (a notion common in Leder’s time) were rare at that time, Tibet was seen a mysterious destination. In the correspondence in the archive of the Linden-Museum in Stuttgart Leder’s collections are compared with the collection of Count Ukhtomskij and the collection at the Museum of Russian Imperial Geographic Society in Irkutsk and regarded as equally important – furthermore they were the first of this kind in the European west. Edmund W. Braun, director of the Kaiser Franz Joseph Museum in Troppau, a supporter of Leder, even considered them to be culturally and quantitatively more significant (Letter Braun, 31.3.1902, Archive Linden-Museum Stuttgart). Ways of the Collections The branching and yet interwoven histories of Leder’s collections, accumulated during his journeys in Mongolia between 1882 and 1905, lead to several ethnographic museums in Europe, where these stories have been reconstructed through the still existing correspondence with Leder. Here it becomes apparent that the collector and his collection were subject to a transnational network of relations dominated by research interests, collecting strategies, museum policies and their diverse power relations. The correspondence between the collector and museum employees or directors sheds light on Leder’s desperate ­financial situation, which on the one hand led him to sell his collections well below his asking price and on the other hand – even more importantly – forced him to divide his collections, often against his own wishes. As a result the collections are scattered over several ethnographic museums in Europe (Weltmuseum Wien, Linden-Museum Stuttgart, Völkerkundemuseum der J. & E. von Portheim Stiftung Heidelberg, Grassimuseum für Völkerkunde zu Leipzig, Völkerkundemuseum Hamburg, Néprajzi Múzeum Budapest and Náprstek Museum Prague). Research at the museums concerned has made the histories of the Leder collections, the individual biography of the collector, collecting policies and ethnographic museum histories more transparent (cf. Lang 2010b)

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Weltmuseum Wien Leder’s collections in the Vienna museum include 811 identified pieces – eight of them are assigned to western Asia and originate from Leder’s travels in the Caucasus and Transcaucasus. The first ethnographic collection acquired from Leder by the museum, then the imperial Naturhistorische Hofmuseum, are 34 votive clay plaques (tshatsha), a snuff bottle from Urga, a tea brick, two silver ingots and two ritual silk scarves (khadag) – these items (inv. no. 63428–63466) were inventoried in 1898 and were therefore most probably collected by Leder in 1892. The second acquisition, of 210 inventory numbers, is recorded in 1899 (inv. no. 64833–65043). The last acquisition, in 1905/1906, was the most extensive, including 576 items (inv. no. 74648–75223). Complicated and tedious negotiations preceded this acquisition as can be gathered from the correspondence in the museum archive (cf. Lang 2010b: 85 ff.). Leder’s handwritten inventories for the acquisitions in 1899 and 1905/1906 reveal that items not chosen by the Vienna museum at that time were later sold or offered to other museums and probably to the Umlauff trading company. Náprstek Museum Prague The Kaiser Franz Joseph Museum in Troppau (today the Silesian Museum in Opava) once housed 123 artefacts of Leder’s Mongolian collections. Most of these were destroyed by fire at the end of WW II; 24 tshatsha and stūpas survived and were transferred to the Náprstek Museum in Prague. Today these are held in a museum depository outside of Prague. Linden-Museum Stuttgart On intervention of Director Braun (Kaiser Franz Joseph Museum / Troppau) in April 1902 Leder sold a collection of more than 1,500 artefacts to the Württembergische Verein für Handelsgeographie, managed by Karl Graf von Linden, director of the museum. The Museum for Ethnography in Budapest had also shown an interest in buying the collection, but Braun intervened in favour of Graf Linden. In May 1902 the collection arrived in Stuttgart, and Linden was enthusiastic about the quality of the pieces. When Leder left for Mongolia again in July 1902 they had agreed that he would collect exclusively for Linden to complement the first collection. For this reason Leder received a requested credit from Linden in advance. The correspondence between Graf Linden and Leder (05.1902 – 09.1904) reflects the complications Leder became involved in after this positive start. First, after the second collection had arrived in Stuttgart by April 1903, Linden was again extremely satisfied. But when it came to the account from Leder, misunderstanding and insufficient agreement became obvious and led to controversies: in Linden’s view the advance credit was already the payment for the collection. Leder however asked for and needed a larger amount for his expenses. Linden was not willing to buy the second collection; on the contrary Leder was in debt to him as he had to pay back the credit. Finally Leder, by then already in deep financial trouble, managed to sell the collection to Budapest. Néprajzi Múzeum Budapest In 1904 Leder agreed to sell the collection originally acquired for Stuttgart to the Néprajzi Múzeum in Budapest (at that time part of the National Museum and located in Budapest IX, Csillag utcza 3). The collection numbered 906 pieces and the museum paid in instalments. Although an inconvenient procedure for Leder, his personal situation meant he had to agree to this arrangement. In the course of the project, 664 locatable artefacts were documented and identified.4 In 2011 the archive of the museum did not have any of the collector’s original inventories or related data on the Leder collections. In 1963 Lumír Jisl recorded following objects from Leder’s collections at the museum: 207 tshatsha, two grand reliefs, 32 clay stūpas and one bronze one, 22 wooden figures of Tsam dancers, more than 50 small bronze sculptures, several printing plates, four prayer wheels, several papier-mâché figures, 89 chess figures, three

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vajra, one “Titim” crown, two skull-cups, 219 miniature paintings (tsakli) and many thangkas, woodprints and paintings (cf. Jisl 1963). Grassi Museum für Völkerkunde zu Leipzig In 1907 the museum acquired 1,235 artefacts from Leder’s collections, among them: 300 thangkas, four house altars with tshatsha, fourteen house altars with miniatures, 47small clay figures, 42 bronze figures, twelve wooden Tsam figures, five prayer wheels, twelve manuscripts and nine books. For 1912 there is a second entry of a few items purchased from Leder. As in Vienna and Stuttgart, handwritten inventories and the correspondence with the collector (1905–1912) are held in the museum archive. Leder tried to sell at least part of his by then three-part collections, temporarily held at the museum in Vienna. Due to its budget, the Naturhistorische Hofmuseum in Vienna had only been able to acquire a sixth of his collections. Before he could sell his collection, Leder brought the asking price down several times. Finally he expressed his despair: Fig I/7 White Mahākāla, Mongolia, begin 20th century, mineral pigments on cotton, 173 x 77 cm, Grassi Museum für Völkerkunde zu Leipzig, inv. no. 11281

It is indeed a bitter apple that I have to bite, but what can I do? My creditors surround me like a pack of hungry wolves. (Letter Leder, 10.06.1907, Archive Grassi Museum Leipzig) Es ist wohl ein etwas saurer Apfel, in den ich beißen muss, indeß was kann ich machen? Meine Gläubiger umlagern mich, wie eine Meute hungriger Wölfe. (Letter Leder, 10.06.1907, Archive Grassi Museum Leipzig) His last letter in the archive is dated the end of 1912; Leder is 70 years old and appeals for the purchase of some of his last and best pieces – one of them a thangka (Fig. I/7, inv. no. 11281). Völkerkundemuseum der J. & E. von Portheim Stiftung Heidelberg The founders of the museum, Leontine and Victor Goldschmidt, who were married cousins, started collecting ethnographic items during their world travels in 1894/95. Victor Mordechai Goldschmidt was an internationally recognised crystallographer and mineralogist with professional and family ties to Vienna. In 1919 the Goldschmidts founded the J. & E. von Portheim Stiftung – established in honour and memory of his mother and her father Josephine and Eduard von Portheim. The foundation consisted of several independent scientific institutes in Heidelberg, among them the Ethnographic Institute and Museum. This is in the Palais Weimar – open to public as a museum since 1929. The “aryanisation” of the foundation in 1933 and the death of the founders also led to the loss of several documents and artefacts.

Fig I/8 Sitātapatrā, Mongolia, 19th century, mineral pigments on cotton, 90 x 48 cm, Weltmuseum Wien, inv. no. 74968

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As no original inventories of the Leder Collections are preserved at the museum, it is sometimes difficult to reconstruct the provenance, but it can be assumed that most of the objects assigned to “Tibet” are from the Leder Collections. Most of them are inventoried as “Sammlung [Collection] Umlauff ”. The Umlauff trading company was the trading house for ethnographica at the turn of the 19th century and influenced collection activities in many museums in Germany and beyond (cf. Lange 2006). The first historic evidence for Leder’s collections is an inventory sent by the Umlauff company to Victor Goldschmidt in 1911, including some bronze sculptures and other items from “Urga”. These items that Goldschmidt bought are not traceable today. It is probable that most of the artefacts from Leder’s collections were sold to Goldschmidt via the Umlauff company. There is one undated typed inventory at the museum – the objects from Mongolia have the typical names given by Leder for items in his collections, some still have original paper labels, probably from Leder as well, as designations in his handwriting. The museum holds about 800 artefacts collected by

Retracing Hans Leder

Leder: about 150 thangkas (one refined piece seems to belong to one series of the same artist as the thangka in Vienna (Fig. I/8, inv. no. 74968), about 130 tshatsha, fourteen wooden Tsam figures, about 400 ritual cards / miniature paintings (tsakli), more than 30 framed tsakli, four clay statuettes and various ritual objects. Museum für Völkerkunde Hamburg Part of Leder’s collection entered the museum in 1909 – again the collection was acquired from the Umlauff trading company. A number of 293 artefacts are inventoried at the museum: four wooden figures of Tsam dancers (inv. no. 2603:09, 2602:09, 2601:09, 2824:09), bronze statues, thangkas (cf. Haderer 2004), tshatsha, amulets, paintings and manuscripts. The collection and archival data were not accessible in the course of the project. Some of the objects have been published by the museum (cf. Köpke and Schmelz 2005). Ethnologisches Museum Berlin Seven artefacts of the Leder Collections are housed in the museum; these are four metal amulets with tsakli and three small clay figures of Tārā.5 Groups of artefacts Leder’s collections are significant as they represent and convey a kind of snapshot of material culture connected to daily religious life in Mongolia around 1900. The collections – altogether more than 4,500 artefacts – housed in the museums in Vienna, Heidelberg, Leipzig, Stuttgart and Hamburg are composed of more or less similar object groups, such as: large groups of thangkas, ritual cards (tsakli) and clay votive offerings (tshatsha); various ritual items, a few monastic instruments, small sculptures, amulets , prints, house altars and a few household objects and items of daily life, some pieces of jewellery and groups of wooden figures depicting characters of the Mongolian Tsam. One main aim of research was to establish a first documentation and general view of the collections as a whole. In this way, once divided object groups are reunited in this publication, virtually on a database and homepage and in planed museum exhibitions. The past and present circulation of artefacts Collected artefacts circulate within socio-cultural and spatial relations and therefore leave traces. Following the traces of their transactions and migrations reveals the history of their movement: from their creation and consecration by the artist (in this case mostly male artists and monks) in many cases to altars or ritual places, from the altars into the hands of the collector, then wrapped and packed into crates and transferred through countries and institutions, finally to the storerooms of ethnographic museums or (rarely) into exhibition display cases. As these things move, their value is transformed. Apparently there are different phases in the histories or the social life of things (cf. Appadurai 1986): First, the objects are created by an artist. Buddhist ritual artefacts, the majority of the Leder collections, are consecrated by specific rites and are believed to have efficacy. For example, after the artist has completed a statue its hollow inside may be filled with prayer texts, sūtras, amulets, precious objects, special essences and a life stick. Usually it is consecrated with a ritual blessing, if possible by a person of high spiritual knowledge. By this the deity depicted is invited to enter into the work of art. Statues of deities are seen as beings containing the presence of the deity and thus having inherent power. The base of the statue is sealed, and as long as this is intact and the fillings remain inside the figure’s body it is consecrated and inhabited by the deity (Lipton 1996: 31ff.). The items are worshipped as part of the altar place; they may have been given offerings as milk and food and some are used in rituals. Inspirited

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artefacts in this sense are powerful, especially for the believer. They unfold their meaning and power in use by the practitioner (cf. Lang 2012: 54 ff.).

Fig I/9a Stūpa, Mongolia, 19th century, clay, ca. 5 cm, Völkerkundemuseum vPST Heidelberg, inv. no. 33479

The collector adds another value, temporarily transforming the artefacts into commodities by selling them to museums, where they are given inventory numbers and labels to be incorporated into a newly constructed system. In the case of the Leder collections, items have occasionally been given even four or five inventory numbers and labels, as in the collection artefacts in the Museum of Ethnography of the J. & E. von Portheim Foundation in Heidelberg (Fig. I/9a,b). One number was allocated by the collector Hans Leder himself, one number by the Umlauff trading house company, to whom Leder apparently sold objects that he did not manage to sell directly to ethnographic museums. The remaining numbers were allocated to the objects in the new museum context. Travelling back: retracing Hans Leder

Fig I/9b Underside of inv. no. 33479

At the turn of the 19th century, when Hans Leder travelled through northern Mongolia, approximately a thousand monasteries and temples were still intact and the landscape was dotted with larger or smaller monasteries and temples. These places represented constant places in the nomadic life of the animal herders. The monasteries served also in a way as cultural centres, including schools for monks, and workshops where artefacts were produced or books were printed. It is widely assumed that every family sent at least one son to a monastery to be educated as a monk. In the 1920s, out of a population of 700,000 to 800,000 it is estimated that there were about 100,000 monks, and even in 1929, despite the existence of state schools, the majority of children were being trained in the monasteries (cf. Atwood 2004: 46 ff.). This situation changed drastically starting from the 1920s, reaching a peak in the late 1930s. In a brief period of 18 months, starting in autumn 1937, between 22,000 and 38,000 people were killed, most of the Buddhist monasteries and monuments were closed and abandoned or destroyed, and numerous sacred books, manuscripts and countless Buddhist artefacts and objects of worship were annihilated. In late 1939 the major monasteries in Ulaanbaatar (former Urga) were closed. The silver religious articles were melted down (Atwood 2004: 48) and over the course of time wood and bricks from the destroyed monasteries were used as building material. Victims came from all levels of society – the majority of them being Buddhist lamas. Many of the high-ranking lamas were executed, medium-ranking ones were arrested and young novices were forced to disrobe and sent home or drafted into the army and retrained for lay professions, mostly working in communal handicraft cooperatives (artel) (cf. Moses 1977). The executions decreased after 1939, but political repression, harassment and arrests continued and reached a new peak in the 1960s (cf. Lang 2012: 52 ff.). Against the background of this part of Mongolian history, the Leder collections – conserved in museums in Europe while comparable artefacts forcefully disappeared in Mongolia – acquire a special meaning. Some main questions during field research were: during the periods of oppression what happened to artefacts comparable to those conserved in the museum, and how are these things related to the experiences of the people to whom they belonged? It was possible to identify some of the places such as monasteries and temples visited and described by Leder, and to compare them with their present condition. Showing object catalogues of the collections to herder families and monks living along Leder’s route, is a way of exchanging information concerning the objects

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and inherited artefacts similar to those in the collection. In this way artefacts are used as a bridge connecting to people’s memories of the past. Ties to sacral and superhuman spheres manifested in material culture must have been an irritating factor for the followers of the Communist Party line and hence had to be cut (at least officially). Destroying this transcendental bond was not an easy and controllable task. For believers, the destruction of sacred objects may have been felt as an additional act of violence. There were several ways of dealing with sacred objects. If not destroyed or confiscated, they were kept, removed, hidden or exhibited. Asked about inherited artefacts, people often say that they kept them inside drawers, wrapped in ritual silk scarves (khadag) or other cloths. As the past was officially veiled and shrouded in silence, so were the sacred items. Only occasionally were they taken out and used for rituals in secret, mostly at night. Monasteries’ property was confiscated or destroyed during the repressions, but in many cases monks buried and hid the monasteries’ precious items before they could be destroyed. Some were dug up again, some have never been found, because monks or others who knew the secret places had died or been killed, and some remain hidden, awaiting the “appropriate time” to reappear. In many cases the experience during field research was that, once started, people talked openly about family history and legendary accounts of related or well-known monks. Most families had kept their inherited religious items covered or hidden in their homes. An old man spontaneously started reading Tibetan texts and sūtras when I showed him my catalogue with examples of collection items in Europe. Basic knowledge of Tibetan had occasionally been passed on within the family by former lamas. People kept their family sūtras wrapped up inside drawers, even if any knowledge needed to read them had faded. Conceived as deities, they became an integral part of daily life in the gers of the laypeople (cf. Wallace 2010: 218ff.).Various stories are told about treasuries that were hidden in caves or buried, sometimes in the wide valleys, and then, after the death of the relatives who knew their location, were never found again. Some families took their home altars and ritual objects to the very few monasteries that remained partly functioning as museums, such as Gandan Monastery, as a “living museum” and the only functioning monastery in Ulaanbaatar, or Erdene Zuu Monastery in Kharkhorin. They thought the monks there would know how to handle them “correctly”. In Erdene Zuu Monastery these family house altars from the sacred spaces inside the yurts today form part of the monastery museum complex. The northern space opposite the entrance to a Mongolian ger is supposed to be the sacred space, khoimor. In “pre-Buddhist” times families kept their ancestor figures and spirit figures (onggot) here, as was described by early travellers in the 13th century, such as the Franciscan missionaries Johann de Plano Carpini and Wilhelm von Rubruck. With the Second Conversion to Buddhism, during the 16th century and onwards, these ancestor figures were increasingly (and often forcibly) replaced by figures and images of Buddhist transcendent beings and protector deities on a shrine (mostly depictions of six-armed Mahākāla deities) and were treated in a similar way. Onggot figurines were collected and burned. This iconoclastic purge and the substitution by Buddhist icons was the first action and reaction of the Buddhist missionaries to pre-Buddhist and shamanic beliefs that regarded the onggots as beings inspirited by magical forces (Heissig 1953, Tucci and Heissig 1970). The khoimor was also the place where genealogies were kept. During the communist period, the khoimor and altar place again underwent visible metamorphoses: Buddhist and ritual artefacts were replaced inter alia by photographs of political leaders (such as Lenin and Choibalsan). Framed photomontages, often class-photos, replaced old family genealogies, which were

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banned. Other important family items and personal things were kept along with these new images (cf. Empson 2007). The political change in 1990 not only implied practical freedom of religion but also had an impact on the way spiritual and material culture was treated. Very soon altars were set up in the gers again, religious artefacts appeared and rituals, if passed on and remembered, could be openly practised. Images of communist leaders disappeared and photos of the Fourteenth Dalai Lama and of venerated reincarnate monks from one’s own family lineage were placed on the altars along with old family sūtras, ritual artefacts and the framed “genealogical” photo collections. It seems that the sacral function and structure of the khoimor had survived and therefore, after the democratic change, immediately became an altar place in the families’ gers again (cf. Birtalan 2003). But even in the last decades of communism, restrictions became less severe and altars with religious items could appear in the khoimor of the gers in some areas. Many families sold inherited items due to economic pressure, and often these were replaced by fake figures, often made in China, or paper copies of Buddhist paintings. These family items – often very similar to the items in the Leder collections – fill the antique shops in Ulaanbaatar or they make their way via the Internet to the hands of private collectors – mostly without leaving any trace – and in some cases even forming new collections. If not secured in the country, some of the remaining significant artefacts that survived the great purges disappeared or were stolen, then to reappear as commodities on the (national and international) market. The low budget with which Leder was provided, together with the transport difficulties, led him to acquire objects that were small and inexpensive, at least in those days. On the other hand, these “transportable things” represent the specific art that was an integral part of the Mongolian lifestyle, strongly shaped by mobility and multiple cultural influences. Leder’s collections provide a vast body of primary evidence for a part of Mongolian culture that has been considerably eroded since his time. Conserved in museums, mainly in storage, his collection has remained more or less unchanged, while in Mongolia itself the severe campaigns against Buddhism during the 1930s led to the destruction of most of the Buddhist monasteries, monuments and artefacts. In this sense the Hans Leder collections, unique in their scope and representation of Mongolian ritual art at the turn of century, have acquired a special importance. Leder’s collections provide key information on the iconography of the Mongolian pantheon and, in general, are representational of the religious art of daily life in northern Mongolia at the turn of the 19th century. Notes

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1

The available sources provide only scarce information on Leder’s family: Four of their six children were born in Helenendorf. Leder’s wife, whose name is not mentioned in the sources, apparently supported her husband diligently in his collecting activities; see Hetschko (1922: 95).

2

If not otherwise mentioned, Hans Leder‘s quotations have been translated into English by the author. The original German text is also given.

3

Shakabpa in contrast records his move to Wang-un Khüree in present-day Bulgan Aimag (Atwood 2004: 303). Shakabpa also notes that he moved because of the unbearable behaviour of Jebtsundamba Khutugtu towards him.

4

Working photos were generously provided by Gábor Wilhelm (Curator) and a first iconographic determination was undertaken by the project members in Budapest (Ágnes Birtalan, Béla Kelényi and Krisztina Teleki).

5

I am very grateful to Birgit Kantzenbach (Conservator; Ethnologisches Museum Berlin) for providing this information.

Retracing Hans Leder

II Mongolian Buddhism: Identity, Practice and Politics Lhagvademchig Jadamba Shastri Introduction Buddhism, once a dominant socio-cultural force in Mongolia, lost its power in the “battle” with the Marxist-Leninist ideology adopted by the Mongolian government in early 20th century. Starting from the early 1920s, the Mongolian government took a series of measures against the economic infrastructure and institutional structure of Mongolian Buddhism.1 The final government attack came in 1937, destroying hundreds of Buddhist monasteries, imprisoning and executing Buddhist monks. In the following period Buddhism was banned from public life, only re-emerging with the collapse of communism in Mongolia in 1990. Former monks started to re-open their home monasteries in their local areas, families started to send their sons to newly opened monasteries and the government of Mongolia supported a revival of Buddhism as a part of its policy of promoting Mongolian culture and national identity. Contemporary Mongolian Buddhism is now building its own identity in post-socialist Mongolia as well as in the wider Buddhist world. It has had to accommodate itself with a pluri-religious, post-socialist environment and it faces a number of institutional and geopolitical challenges. Historical background of Mongolian Buddhism Buddhism spread through Mongol territories2 over hundreds of years, with varying degrees of socio-cultural and political intensity. According to the scholar monk Zava Damdin (1998) and some Mongolian contemporary scholars, the earliest dissemination of Buddhism among proto-Mongols was in the period of the Hunnu state (Xiongnu) in the 3rd century BCE. It is recorded that a three-metre-high standing statue, perhaps of Buddha, was the main object of worship for inhabitants of south-western Hunnu state.3 Several Sanskrit loan words in Mongolian related to Buddhist thought and culture are taken as evidence of the early spread of Buddhism in Mongol territory.4 Buddhism continued to exist in the states founded in the region after the collapse of the Hunnu state. Buddhism was the state religion in the Toba Wei state (386–581), for example, and we know that a monk called Dharmapriya (Fa Ai) held the office of State Teacher (purohita) in the Joujan or Nirun state (402–555). Several Buddhist scriptures were translated in the 8th–9th century Uighur state. A more detailed historical picture of Buddhism in Mongolia dates from the period of the Mongol Empire in the 13th century. The Great Khans of the Mongol Empire supported Buddhism by granting tax exemption for Tibetan and Chinese Buddhist monasteries and monks, promoting Buddhist monks to the status of State Teachers and building Buddhist temples. During the Mongol Empire, Tibetan Buddhist monks became increasingly prominent and active at the courts of the Mongol Khans.

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After the disintegration of the Mongol Empire in the late 16th century, Altan Khan of Tumed invited the Tibetan lama Sonam Gyatso for a meeting and gave him the title of Dalai Lama. Reciprocally, the Third Dalai Lama recognised Altan Khan as the reincarnation of Khubilai Khan, the founder of the Mongolian Yuan Dynasty. Being recognised as the reincarnation of Khubilai Khan, Altan Khan became one of the first Mongols to be recognised as an incarnation. Later his great-grandson was recognised as an incarnation of the Third Dalai Lama. Since the late 16th century the teachings of the Tibetan Yellow Hat School (Gelug School), whose head is the Dalai Lama, gradually penetrated Mongolian culture and tradition. By the early 20th century, Buddhist ideology, belief and practice were central to the socio-cultural life of the Mongols. In 1911, the Mongols elevated the Eighth Jebtsundamba Khutugtu, the highest lama of Mongolia, to the throne of the Mongolian state. He became the first and the last theocratic king in Mongolian history. After his death in 1924, the government of Mongolia followed instructions from Moscow5 and took repressive action against the Buddhist monastic community, finally destroying the Buddhist institutions by violence.6 In 1977, Larry W. Moses, the author of The Political Role of Mongol Buddhism, observed that “by all available evidence, Buddhism no longer exists as a political, economic or spiritual form in the Mongolian Peoples’ Republic.” (Moses 1977: 265). He speculated that since Buddhism had disappeared in the way that it did, there was little evidence that there would ever be a revival. Buddhism and National Identity After the collapse of the Soviet Union and the success of peaceful democratic change in Mongolia, Buddhism emerged as a vital force in the symbolic of revival of Mongolian culture and nationalism. Mongolian nationalism is strongly present in two ways: the worship of Chinggis Khan and the Buddhist religious faith. It is now state policy to guarantee religious freedom7 and promote harmony among different religions. At the same time the state supports Buddhism and Buddhist culture as an integral part of Mongolian culture and tradition. Article 4.2 of the Law on Relationships between the State and Religion states that “Mongolia shall respect the dominant status of Buddhism with consideration of unity of Mongolian people and tradition of culture and civilization.”8 The revised National Security Concept specifies that it should: “Revive and develop Buddhist religion and culture. Encourage activities of monasteries and temples towards enlightenment of societal wisdom, strengthening national unity, alleviating poverty, disaster relief and protection of the natural environment” and “Maximize support for research and studies on Buddhism which protected and preserved for many centuries the Mongolian people’s intellectual civilization.”9 Within the framework of laws and legislation, state officials are involved in a variety of activities that are closely connected to Buddhist rituals and ceremonies. The Cultural Fund, a state agency, played an important role in the re-installation of the Migjed Janraisig (Avalokiteśvara) statue, for example, and the government gave financial support for the construction of the Mongolian Buddhist temple in Bodhgayā, India. On the first day of the Mongolian New Year,10 the speaker of parliament, the prime minister and the president visit the Migjed Janraisig temple11 and perform the Buddhist ceremony of offering maṇḍala.12 In 2007 N. Enkhbayar, the then president of Mongolia issued a decree commissioning an appliqué of Vajrapāṇi,13 who is believed to be the protector deity of the Mongols and whose reincarnation is considered to be Chinggis

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Khan. Buddhist monks frequently perform land-blessing (gazar avah)14 ceremonies before the construction of significant government buildings and facilities. The president of Mongolia issued a decree for the worship of state-venerated mountains and he participates in these ceremonies personally. The state-venerated Otgontenger mountain in Zavkhan aimag province is believed to be the dwelling place of Vajrapāṇi. The most significant support by the government was when it granted permission for the visit by the Dalai Lama,15 who Mongolian Buddhists regard as their spiritual master, at the risk of damaging relations between Mongolia and China.16 Some politicians and political parties have called for the installation of Buddhism as a state religion. In its platform for the 2008 parliamentary election, the National New Party17 (NNP) pledged to declare Buddhism the state religion.18 It argued that establishing Buddhism as a state religion would be important for the unity of the Mongolian people. Mongolian Buddhist leaders supported this proposal and expressed the view that “Religious (Buddhist) teaching is significant for the country’s development”19 and that “the state and the religion (Buddhism) is wisdom and method (arga bilig).20 The union between arga and bilig is more powerful.”21 Buddhism: Magic Stick In previous centuries, Buddhist monasteries functioned as centres of education and medical service for the public, in addition to conducting various religious ritual performances for believers. During the socialist period these educational and medical services for the public were replaced by the socialist welfare system, but religious performances associated with healing and divinations continued in secret.22 Today even former party leaders admit to having practised Buddhist rites and consulted monk astrologers during the period when the practice of religion was officially forbidden.23 In his interview, former president N. Enkhbayar said that he became a disciple of a Buddhist monk and started to receive Buddhist teaching when he was 26 years old.24 Most Mongolians practise Buddhism for the purposes of healing and divination and often see Buddhism as “a magic stick” for the difficulties of life and for guidance in some major life-time decisions. This sort of attitude is evidently linked to the characteristics of Tibetan tantric Buddhism, which conducts numerous rituals associated with exorcism, and a pragmatic approach to religion among the Mongols. According to a survey on religious belief and practice conducted in Darkhan Uul aimag, 60 per cent of people who claimed to be Buddhist said that they seek a variety of Buddhist rituals in order to gain success and prosperity in their lives. When a questionnaire asked respondents to write down some teachings of the Buddha, 90 per cent of respondents did not write anything. With regard to the general situation of Mongolian Buddhists concerning Buddhist knowledge and practice it could be concluded that Buddhist rituals and rites are prevalent among the population, but this is not the case when it comes to doctrinal understanding and daily religious practice (Ganbaatar, interview, 2008 and Ariunaa, personal communication, 2008). Monks often talk about people’s lack of understanding of Buddhist doctrine and emphasise its negative impact on public faith in Buddhism. Baljinnyam, a head monk of Buddhist monastery in Khentii aimag, said that “some people leave the Buddhist faith after several years of ritualistic practice that they have carried out in the hope of improving their life (amidralaa saijruulah). When they do not get what they wanted to achieve in material terms, they jump to the conclusion that Buddhism does not have a magical power to bring mate-

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rial prosperity and they abandon the faith with no understanding of Buddhist teaching of self-improvement and self-reliance” (personal communication, 2008). Talking about his monastery’s ritual performance for the candidates campaigning for the 2008 Mongolian parliamentary elections, another monk, Enkhbayar, said that “dealing with people of high social status and neglecting general public is not a good policy for the propagation of Buddhism” (interview, 2008). There are observable differences in the age and gender between Buddhists and other religious believers. The majority of people who attend public Buddhist teachings and lectures are women and elderly people, while in contrast, Christian congregations are mostly made up of young people of both genders. But in the case of attendees of Buddhist teaching at the Mahāyāna Centre it was interesting to note that these were mainly young girls in their early twenties. This could be explained by the centre’s offer of free English-language classes for young people. Female Buddhist Practitioners and Lay Buddhist Teachers One of the new features of Mongolian Buddhism is the emergence of ordained female Buddhists and lay Buddhist teachers. There is no historical evidence that I am aware of that Mongolian women took the sramanerika (novice)25 vow in the past, although travel books and oral historical sources indicate that there were female reincarnated lamas26 and female practitioners of jod.27 However, there was a tradition of women taking certain Buddhist vows. Such women were called chavgants. According to the Law and Regulations of the Bogdo Khanate of Mongolia, a woman under 60 was not allowed to become a chavgants. Following the re-opening of Buddhist monasteries after 1990, Mongolian Buddhist women sought to establish a women’s Buddhist centre. The first initiative was taken by Ts. Gantumur, who founded the first Mongolian women’s Buddhist centre in 1990. Currently, there are three women’s Buddhist centres and a nunnery28 in Mongolia. Over 60 women, including both upasika29 and sramanerika (novice) ordinands, have been performing religious ceremonies and rituals. There is little difference between these rites and those conducted by Buddhist monasteries of monks. However, more women tend to visit these centres and the nunneries than the Buddhist monasteries of the monks.30 Since female ordination was traditionally unknown in Mongolia, a number of Mongolian monks were opposed to it and to the performance of Buddhist rituals by women. In his speech the abbot of Gandantegchenling Monastery said that “some monasteries have been headed by lay persons who have not taken vows, and even by women. This is serious wrongdoing, which contradicts Vinaya rule (monastic rule).”31 By 2008, over twenty nuns32 were leading Buddhist religious lives in Mongolia. Most of them were ordained by Bakula Rinpoche,33 a Ladakhi lama, in early 2000 and a number of them studied in India.34 In July 2008, the 10th Sakyadhita International Conference on Buddhist women took place in Mongolia. A participant observed that Mongolian women are “passionately hungry for any information” on Buddhism and Buddhist practice.35 The major challenges to Mongolian Buddhist nuns and women are gaining access to Buddhist teachings and finding opportunities to study Buddhism (interview with a Gunzee nun and a Tuvdenchoying nun, Oct. 2008).

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Another new development within Mongolian Buddhism is the emergence of lay Buddhist teachers. Traditionally, the sangha, the spiritual community of monks, was responsible for maintaining and teaching Buddhism, while the lay Buddhist community was responsible for the support of the sangha by providing food and shelter; in return for which they received teachings and guidance in good Buddhist practice. This traditional division of roles and duties is now challenged by lay Buddhist teachers and practitioners. This challenge is quite evident in Western Buddhism and is now emerging in Mongolia. Ven. Bhikkhu Bodhi, an American Buddhist teacher, emphasised that “the monastic-lay distinction is being erased in the elevation of lay people to the position of Dharma teachers who can teach with an authority normally reserved for monks. Some of the most gifted teachers of Buddhism today, whether of theory or meditation, are lay people. Thus, when lay people want to learn the Dharma, they are no longer dependent on monastics.”36 Mongolian Buddhism and the Tibetan Global Network Within the Tibetan tradition, Indian Buddhist masters are generally seen as gurus, and in an analogous way Tibetan lamas play the role of originating exemplars in Mongolian Buddhist tradition. Since the 17th century, Mongolian monks have generally gone to one of three major Gelug (Yellow Hat) monasteries37 and received higher Buddhist training and education there. The practice of sending students to Tibetan monasteries (not those in Tibet under Chinese administration but ones established by Tibetans in exile in India) was re-continued in the early 1980s38 after the Dalai Lama’s first visit to Mongolia in 1979.39 Currently, over 300 Mongolian students have undertaken monastic education at Tibetan monastic colleges in India. Several monks described the eagerness with which Tibetan monastic colleges accepted young Mongolian monks because an increasing number of Tibetan families in exile no longer choose to send their boys to the monastery, preferring to place them in secular Indian colleges, which seem to offer better prospects.40 Tibetan Buddhist teachers started to visit Mongolia after the democratic change of the 1990s. The first two teachers were Jhado Rinpoche and Yelo Rinpoche, who came to Mongolia to teach Buddhist philosophy and Tibetan at the Buddhist University of Mongolia.41 Following them, several Tibetan monks came to Mongolia, some of whom established Buddhist centres in Mongolia.42 Alongside Tibetan lamas, Western Buddhist teachers have also been welcomed by the Buddhist establishment in Mongolia. The abbot of Gandantegchenling monastery once remarked that “we need a Western (Buddhist) face.” This reflects concerns that Buddhism is seen by many young people as an “outdated” and “backward” religion. They argue that Buddhist countries are poor in comparison with Christian countries. In her blog a Mongolian economics student wrote that “the income of a citizen of a Bible (Christian) country is 36 per cent higher than a citizen of a Buddhist country.”43 The presence of Western Buddhist teachers, it was felt by the abbot and others, would help negate such critical perceptions by demonstrating that since Western people from Christian countries value Buddhism and learn from it, so Mongols should not reject their Buddhist inheritance but preserve and study it. A Tibetan geshe made this point in his lecture tour in Mongolia, remarking that “Easterners, if they are not careful in learning what their culture is, then Eastern culture will become the culture of the West and Easterners may be left with empty hands” (Schittich et al. 2010: 83). In his speech at the International Conference on Tibetan Buddhism, the abbot of Gandanteg-

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chenling monastery extended his gratitude to the Hollywood actor Richard Gere, as “his presence created tremendous interest among the younger generation in the Buddha Dharma.”44 International Buddhism has been vital, then, to the Mongolian revival since its outset in the late 1980s, at first because advanced Gelug teaching was only available abroad, and more recently because the Buddhist establishment has recognised that it must operate within a public culture subject to a global flow of images and ideas including diverse strands and practices of Buddhism. Since its outset, it has also been sensitive to the geopolitical dimensions of these international entanglements; the Tibetan monasteries of China were decisively ignored in favour of Tibetan exile establishments, clearly placing the Mongolian sangha in the non-Chinese, international field of Tibetan-derived Buddhism. Mongolia and the Shugden Issue In 1996, during his spring teaching in Dharamsala, India, the Dalai Lama publicly advised “the Tibetan people against the practice of propitiating a spirit, known as Dorje Shugden. He said that this practice fosters religious intolerance and leads to the degeneration of Buddhism into a cult of spirit worship.”45 The Tibet government-in-exile stated that “Dorje Shugden was unheard of during the time of the historical Buddha. It was not even among those spirits whom Padmasambhava, the founder of the Nyingma school of Tibetan Buddhism, subdued and bound to the oath of protecting the dharma. Propitiation of Shugden goes against the wishes of His Holiness the Dalai Lama and is ultimately harmful to the Tibetan people. His Holiness personally abandoned any connection with Shugden in 1975.”46 In response to the public denouncement of the Shugden worship by the Dalai Lama, the Shugden followers have mounted campaigns both in India and abroad. The conflict between Shugden and non-Shugden worshipers escalated until the brutal murder of the principal of Tibetan Institute of Buddhist Dialectics and his two disciples in 1997, allegedly at the hands of Shugden devotees, and the resulting public petition and oath-taking campaigns run by the Tibetan government-in-exile “to make everybody swear not only to abandon every link to the deity but also to abandon any spiritual and material link of any kind with any adherent of Dorje Shugden.”47 This controversies surrounding Shugden worship has had a major impact on Mongolian Buddhism. When the Dalai Lama visited Mongolia in 2002, he refused to visit the Gungaachoiling monastic college of Gandantegchinling monastery, because of the presence of Shugden in the college. Whenever he receives and teaches Mongolian monks in India or in Mongolia, he asks people who worship Shugden to leave the teaching. The Shugden controversy is a complex issue in Mongolia, as both pro-Shugden and anti-Shugden groups are well connected to the wider Tibetan Buddhist network, and both sides continue to gain some support from them. The issue has not only involved monks but also Mongolian businessmen, politicians and academics. Several Tibetan Shugden lamas, such as Ganchen Rinpoche, Dagom Rinpoche, Shugden oracle and Daknak Dorje Chang Rinpoche, have visited Mongolia. Trijang Rinpoche, an incarnation of the tutor of the Dalai Lama, gave a ceremony of Shugden empowerment in Mongolia in 2012. The benefits of receiving Shugden empowerment are said to be that “worldly activities and business and jobs; everything becomes very

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successful”48 in addition to successful meditation and spiritual practice. The promise of success in one’s business and career has meant that the prospect of becoming wealthy is an attractive feature of Shugden worship for many Mongols. Alongside the promise of wealth, commitment and loyalty to one’s own Shugden guru are the central grounds for defending the Shugden practice among devotees in Mongolia. Guru Deva Rinpoche49 and Zava Rinpoche are two prominent Mongolian Shugden lamas who have many disciples, including wealthy businessmen and politicians. Some incarnations of Tibetan Shugden lamas have been recognised in Mongolia. In 2006, a Mongolian boy was recognised as an incarnation of the Tibetan Shugden lama Tendar Rinpoche.50 It is said that another Tibetan lama, Dagom Rinpoche, has also taken birth in Mongolia.51 In response to the continuing Shugden activities in Mongolia, the Mongolian translation52 of the Tibetan book The Dalai Lama’s Advice Concerning Dolgyal (Shugden) (Dolgyal sGor Lam sDon Ga sLob kNyi pa) was published in 2012 by the Jebstundamba Centre, whose spiritual master is Jhado Rinpoche, a supporter of the Dalai Lama’s line on the issue. Zopa Rinpoche, the spiritual director of the Foundation for the Preservation of the Mahāyāna, wrote the foreword to the book.53 Several websites and social network groups have been actively disseminating anti-Shugden information, including www.buddhism.mn, www.dalailama.mn, www.dalailambashugden.blogspot.com and its Facebook page Dalai lam ba Shugden (the Dalai Lama and Shugden).54 While some Mongolian monks and lay Buddhists disagree fiercely over the legitimacy of Shugden, some monks have reacted to the debate in nationalistic terms. One monk expressed the opinion that “we need a (Mongolian Buddhist) leader who has the courage to say that the question of whether to worship Dorj Shugden or not matters to Tibetans, but does not matter to Mongolians.” He went on to say that leader should state that “the Dalai Lama of Tibet and the Jebtsundamba of Mongolia are equal in their spiritual authority” (personal communication, 2012). A Tibeto-Mongolian Collaborative Project These sorts of challenges to the Dalai Lama’s spiritual authority in Mongolia and attempts to restrict the influence of India-based Tibetan lamas in Mongolian Buddhism can be seen in the light of the history of the recognition of the late Ninth Jebtsundamba, who was recognised by the Dalai Lama as the true incarnation of the Eighth Jebtsundamba55 in the early 1990s. After his first visit to Mongolia in 1999, he was not allowed to enter Mongolia for ten years as a result of power struggles among Mongolian Buddhist leaders, with apparent support from ruling political parties, as well as the more visible complications that his visit posed for Sino-Mongolian relations. However, on 2 Nov. 2011, the Ninth Jebtsundamba was enthroned as the head of Mongolian Buddhists.56 The Dalai Lama visited Mongolia five days after his enthronement. Four months after his enthronement the Ninth Jebtsundamba passed away. The abbot of Gandantegchenling monastery publicly made the statement at the press conference that “the Ninth Jebtsundamba said before his passing away that he would be re-born in Mongolia. His next reincarnations would not be involved in political affairs.” This was the summary of the deal made between the Ninth Jebtsundamba and the government of Mongolia; namely that a) his next incarnation would be Mongolian and not Tibetan and b) that the next incarnation would not be involved with Mongolian political affairs.

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Tibetan and Mongolian lamas are now engaged in a collaborative project to secure the next incarnation of the Jebtsundamba in the face of Chinese pressure on Mongolia to minimise the Dalai Lama’s involvement in the recognition of next Jebtsundamba and promote the China-based Panchen Lama’s influence in Mongolia. The Mongol sangha also collaborates with Tibetans and Tibetan Buddhists with regard to securing the next reincarnation of the Dalai Lama. At the 2010 International Conference on Tibetan Buddhism, which took place in Atlanta, US, the abbot of Gandantegchenling monastery said, that Mongolia was a “free and sovereign nation” and “we are keenly aware of the special responsibility that we must shoulder” regarding the Dalai Lama’s next reincarnation in light of the deep concerns of “the plight of the Panchen Rinpoche”. If this statement is born out of the Mongolian religious establishment’s position, it will effectively be in alliance with the Tibetan government-in-exile in resisting Chinese claims regarding the next Dalai Lama. However, a number of factors may lead to different outcomes. These include the Chinese promotion of the Panchen Lama57 in Mongolia, the presence of anti-Dalai Lama groups as a result of the anti-Shugden campaigns, the geopolitical considerations regarding China and the ever-changing dynamics of party politics. Tibetan activists are widely promoting the year 2013 as the centennial of Tibetan independence,58 commemorating the 1913 Treaty between Mongolia and Tibet under which the sovereign states of Mongolia and Tibet mutually acknowledged each other. In November 2010, an international symposium on The 1913 Treaty between Mongolia and Tibet was held in Ulaanbaatar.59 A month later a two-day discussion on the same theme was organised by the Tibetan government-in-exile.60 Tibet.net, the official Tibetan government-in-exile website reports that “the Government of Mongolia said it is not involved in any way in the symposium (on the Treaty that held in Ulaanbaatar), nor [does it take] any position on this issue.” The government of Mongolia is cautious in its official statements yet the recent history of its religious policy suggests that it has been remarkably daring in its treatment of the sensitive issues of Tibet, China and the Dalai Lama that emerge in the context of Mongolian Buddhism. Officially, the Chinese government sees Mongolia as a friendly state, declaring that the two countries will be “forever good neighbours, friends and partners” and expressing the belief “that Mongolia will follow the same principles and adopt the same attitude in handling its relations with China.”61 Looking back at the recent history of the Mongolian Buddhist establishment and the various currents of opinion within it, we can see that to date there has been remarkable unanimity on one point – the independence of the Mongolian sangha. Opinion has varied considerably on the authority of the Dalai Lama with respect to the Jebtsundamba, the merits of populist lay Buddhist teachers, the conduct of the senior management of the monastic establishment and the proper evaluation of Shugden worship. The debate over each of these issues has, from time to time, elicited a broadly national perspective, at least among certain circles of opinion, so that some have stressed the need for an independent Mongolian Buddhist resolution of these controversies, depending upon which side of the argument commentators find themselves. But such calls for doctrinal independence have generally been with respect to exiled Tibetan and international Buddhist establishments, since the original positioning of the Mongolian establishment has been firmly independent of China. But in view of the dynamic tensions within both the Buddhist establishment and the political elite it is difficult to predict the outcome of the next great international crisis in Tibetan Buddhism – the reincarnation of the Dalai Lama.

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Notes I would like to thank Dr. David Sneath for his critical review and help with this article. 1

Mongolian Buddhism and Buddhism in Mongolia are used interchangeably here with no specific acknowledgment that Buddhism in Mongolia is uniquely different from Buddhism in Tibet or Tibetan Buddhism, although there are certainly considerable differences between Buddhism in the two countries. The debate on whether Buddhism in Mongolia is either Mongolian Buddhism or Tibetan Buddhism is hot issue among Mongolian monks. Some scholars have proposed the term of Inner-Asian Buddhism, avoiding a country-specific term. In recent years, the Dalai Lama has preferred to refer to the Nālandā tradition rather than Tibetan Buddhism, but he actually used the term of Tibetan Buddhism (bod kyi nang chos) during his visit to Mongolia in 2011.

2

By “Mongol territories” I mean the present and historical territory of Mongolia.

3

The statue was recorded in the Chinese source as a golden man (jinren). Whether it was a statue of Buddha or a human figure is uncertain (Elverskog 2006: 112; Whitfield 2004: 283).

4

Sanskrit loan words in Mongolian language for example are updesha, abhisheka, mudra, punya, shloka, jataka, sutra, shastra, shashana, abhyasa, riddhi siddhi, adhishtana, upasaka and bodhisattva.

5

Joseph Stalin instructed Genden Peljid, the prime minister of Mongolia, during his meeting in Moscow that “Your government and monks cannot co-exist, finally one will win over another. Since it is not possible to have a coalition government with monks, fight and destroy them. Your enemy is monks.” (Unen newspaper issue no. 213, 1990).

6

50,000 monks were executed (Sandag 2000: 121).

7

Article 16.15 of the new constitution of Mongolia, ratified in 1992, guarantees freedom of religion and Article 9 specifies the relationship between the state and the religions as: “The State shall respect the religion(s) and the religion(s) shall honour the State” (Tör ni shashnaa hundetgej, shashin ni töröö deedelne).

8

www.legalinfo.mn/law/details/485?lawid=485 (in Mongolian) (accessed January 2013).

9

www.nsc.gov.mn/sites/default/files/National%20Security%20Concept%20of%20Mongolia%20EN.pdf and www.nsc.gov.mn/sites/default/files/images/National%20Security%20Concept%20of%20Mongolia%20MN.pdf (in Mongolian) (accessed January 2013).

10 The first day of spring month according to lunar calendar. 11 The temple houses the Buddhist deity Migjed Janraisig (Avalokiteśvara). 12 This ceremony of offering maṇḍala by the speaker of parliament, the prime minister and the president has ceased since Ts. Elbegdorj became president. This is partly owing to complaints from Mongolian Christians and Muslims that there were no comparable visits to churches and mosques during Christmas and Nowruz. 13 Vajrapāṇi is seen as the embodiment of all Buddhas’ power in Tibetan Buddhism. 14 Literally gazar avah means land-taking. In Mongolian as well as in Buddhist belief, the land is not owned by humans but by invisible land spirits (sabdag). The land blessing ceremony led by Buddhist monks also is performed prior to mining activities. 15 The Dalai Lama has visited Mongolia six times (1991, 1994, 1995, 2002, 2006 and 2011) since 1990. His first visit to Mongolia was in 1979 during Sino-Soviet split. 16 During the visit of the Dalai Lama in 2002, China temporarily closed its border. China is Mongolia’s largest trading partner and a major investor. 17 The National New Party (Ündesnii Shine Nam) was founded by M. Enkhsaikhan, former chairman of the Mongolian Democratic Party. In 2005, M. Enkhsaikhan was the candidate for the Mongolian Democratic Party, but received less than 20 per cent of the vote and lost to president N. Enkhbayar. His election platform pledged “to support policies of reviving the traditions of reincarnated lamas from Mongolia with respect to citizens’ rights and freedom of religion”. 18 www.forum.mn/index.php?sel=news&obj_id=2137 (accessed January 2013). 19 Interview with D. Choijamts, abbot of Gandantegchenling Monastery, the Centre of Mongolian Buddhists. http://zuuniimedee.mn/modules.php?name=News&file=article&sid=2931 (accessed December 2012). 20 Wisdom and method is connected to the ideology of unity and harmony between the state and religion. 21 D. Natsagdorj, abbot of Manba datsang http://news.gogo.mn/news/print/18846 (accessed January 2013).

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22 Religious performance was not allowed to take place outside of Gandantegchenling monastery, the sole sanctioned monastery during the communist era, but now ex-monks recollect that they often used to conduct religious rites secretly at night (interview with Dambajav and Purevbat, Ulaanbaatar, September 2010). 23 Kollmar-Paulenz 2003. 24 www.indianexpress.com/news/Dissatisfaction-should-always-be-there-it-keeps-you-going/322409/ (accessed January 2013). 25 According to an unconfirmed source there were nuns at the monastery of Danjanravjaa in Gobi (interview with Gunzee nun, Oct. 2008). 26 The Russian Mongolist Aleksei M. Pozdneev noted two Mongolian female reincarnated lamas, Tsagaan Dara Ekh (White Tārā) and Nogoon Dara Ekh (Green Tārā), in his book “Очерки быта будд. монастырей и будд. духовенства в Монголии в связи с отношениями сего последнего к народу”. 27 Jod (Tib. gcod) is a tantric practice in which a practitioner meditates on “non-selfness” or “emptiness of self existence”. 28 Tugs Bayasgalant töv, Narkhajid süm and Dulmaaling nunnery. 29 A female Buddhist practitioner who holds the Five Precepts: not killing, not taking what is not given, not engaging in sexual misconduct, not lying and not taking alcoholic drinks. 30 Interview with a female lay practitioner at Tögs Bayasgalant Centre, May 2008. 31 Shinzhleh Ukhaany Akademi Filosopi, Sotsiologi Erkhiin Khureelen, 1998. 32 There are two nuns in Tögsbayasgalant Centre, 15 in Dolmaling nunnery and four in Narkhajid süm. Interview with Tuvdenchoying, a nun at Dolmaling, Oct 2008, and Burnee, D. Mongolian Buddhist women: past and future. 10th Sakyadhita International Conference. 33 The Indian ambassador to Mongolia from 1989 to 2000 was a major player in revival of Buddhism in Mongolia after democratic change in Mongolia. He passed away in 2003 and his next reincarnation was found in 2005 in Ladakh, India. 34 The Gunzee nuns studied in India for 12 years and the Tuvdenchoying nuns studied for four years. 35 www.sandyboucher.net/mongolia.htm (accessed January 2013). 36 www.abhayagiri.org/index.php/main/article/the_challenge_of_the_future/ (accessed January 2013). 37 The monasteries of Sera, Gandan and Drepung. 38 Several Mongolian students went to study at the Institute of Buddhist Dialectics, Dharamsala, India for shorter term in the mid-1980s, including D. Choijamts, abbot of Gandantegchenling Monastery, Dambajav, abbot of Dashchoilin Monastery. 39 The Dalai Lama was invited to participate in the 5th International Conference of the Asian Buddhist Conference for Peace which took place in Ulaanbaatar. 40 A Tibetan monk also mentioned that the shortage of monks from exile families is now filled by refugees from Tibet and from Himalayan regions (personal communication, 2012). In the Tibetan movie Unpredictable Life (nges gtan med pa’i mi tshe), a father says that his young son “will be able to go university (slob grwa chen mo) in the future” not referring to monastic college. www.youtube.com/watch?v=enxttUJ7_jQ (accessed January 2013). 41 The Buddhist University of Mongolia was established in 1970 with 30 students and four lecturers with a six-year study programme. 42 Two major Buddhist centres founded by Tibetan lamas are the Mahāyāna Centre, the Mongolian centre of the Foundation for the Preservation the Mahāyāna Tradition is of Lama Yeshe, and the Asral centre (Jampaling) of Panchen Otrul Rinpoche. 43 http://biznetwork.mn/topic/show/34323/5. Some other debates in this topic can be seen in www.buddhism.mn/static/129/135 and https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RMEOnuQHx30v (accessed May 2013). 44 www.tibetanbuddhismconference.com/go/doc/3079/985703/ (accessed January 2013). 45 www.tibet.com/dholgyal/CTA-book/contents.html (accessed January 2013). 46 www.tibet.com/dholgyal/CTA-book/chapter-1.html (accessed January 2013). 47 www.shugdensociety.info/newsEN.html (accessed January 2013). 48 www.dorjeshugden.com/all-articles/features/trijang-rinpoche-conferred-dorje-shugden-initiation-in-mongolia-2011/ (accessed January 2013). 49 Guru Deva Rinpoche of Inner Mongolia (1908–2009) played a major role of restoring Buddhist sites, including Amarbayasgalant monastery, commissioning the Migjed Janraisig statue in Mongolia after the 1990s. He was awarded the Order

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of the Red Banner of Labour (Hüdülmüriin gaviyany ulaan tugiin odon) by the Mongolian government. He also became the permanent abbot (darkhan khamba) of Gandantegchenling monastery. 50 www.dorjeshugden.com/great-masters/recent-masters/geshe-tendar/ (accessed January 2013). 51 www.dorjeshugden.com/forum/index.php?topic=873.40;wap2 (accessed January 2013). 52 Translated by of the Idgaachoizinling monastic college of Gandantegchenling monastery. Many of the Idgaachoizinling monastic college monks received Buddhist education in Sera Jhe monastic college where Zopa Rinpoche studied.. 53 www.fpmt.org/images/stories/organization/announcements/shugden/Mongolian_shugden_ book_foreword_Engl.pdf (accessed January 2013). 54 https://www.facebook.com/dalailambashugden (accessed January 2013). 55 The Eighth Jebtsundamba was the first and last the Mongolian king who was Tibetan by birth. 56 A year before of his enthronement, he was granted Mongolian citizenship. 57 Some Mongolian lamas are well connected with the Chinese Panchen Lama. The Panchen Lama is ready to recognize Mongolian reincarnated lamas if Mongolian side asks him to do it (personal communication, 2012). 58 https://www.studentsforafreetibet.org/centennial-of-tibetan-independence-day-1913-2013 (accessed January 2013). 59 www.phayul.com/news/article.aspx?id=28397&t=1 (accessed January 2013). 60 http://tibet.net/2010/12/31/dharamsala-hosts-discussion-on-significance-of-1913-tibeto-mongol-treaty/ (accessed January 2013). 61 www.fmprc.gov.cn/eng/zxxx/t975488.htm (accessed January 2013).

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Artefacts Specific Groups and Figures

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III Tsakli, Thangkas, Prints, Amulets and Manuscripts Olaf Czaja T

he tsakli, thangkas, prints and amulets in the Leder Collections provide a precious glimpse into the religious practice and beliefs of the Mongols and Tibetans in the 18th and 19th centuries. Based on an abundance of images, to a certain degree one can assess the daily routine of rituals and meditation practices. They not only demonstrate how pervasive religion was but also how this demand on images was met at the time. One of the features that can be observed is a phenomenon that one might label as “art production”. This can be characterised as the use of standardised compositions for different fields of art, such as paintings (thangkas and tsakli), prints and even clay moulds (Tib. tsha tsha). For example, one might find a very similar composition of Śākyamuni and the 18 Arhats in all three fields of artistic activities. In addition, it was not uncommon to arrange various images together on an altar according to the religious background of the believer (see, for instance, Leipzig inv. no. 3974). This standardisation also made it possible to remove and add religious images easily, especially when they were small prints. The latter artistic form of printed image was very popular, probably because it could be produced cheaply and at a price that a large part of the population could afford. The production and distribution of such prints and similar items is not necessarily limited to Mongolian areas, even though Hans Leder purchased them there. Some of the images may also have been made in central and eastern Tibet and in northern China, as one may see, for instance, in the case of many small paintings that have the Chinese designation of the depicted deity written on the back (see, for instance, Heidelberg inv. no. 35096). On the other hand, it is known that there were Chinese-run workshops in Urga. In one case, a special sticker for brick tea (Chin. 復泰川记) is glued on the back of the wooden frame containing four small images of Avalokiteśvara and Vajrapāṇi (Leipzig inv. no. 4506). In another case, a Japanese newspaper, the Chūō Shinbun (Jp. 中央新聞), has been used to strengthen the back of a painting with the White Tārā and the Seven Medicine Buddhas (Leipzig inv. no. 3493). It might be interpreted that these were manufactured in or close to Beijing, but it is also possible that brick tea and newspaper found their way to Mongol regions. Furthermore, one can note that many prints were coloured in later, often making the image appear like a painting at a first glance (see, for instance, a coloured print of the Yellow Jambhala, (Leipzig inv. no. 3518). Indeed, it seems that the fixed boundaries between prints and paintings became blurred. This also had an effect on the composition, which was freely taken for prints and paintings alike, sometimes resulting in identical or very similar works, as one can see, for instance, on a print and a painting of the Buddha Akṣobhya (Heidelberg inv. no. 33615, 33651). One also notices a repetitive use of compositions, as in the case of the depictions of Mi la ras pa (1052–1135) (Heidelberg inv. no. 56009, 23753, 24370), or the arrangement of distinctive printed compositions on a single image. It was also normal for prints on cloth to be framed in the same way as one would with a painted image, giving it the character of a thangka.

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Tsakli One of the difficulties in Tibetan and Mongolian art is distinguishing between small thangkas and tsakli. Often this is not possible at all. In general, tsakli can be understood as cards used for a variety of purposes ranging from divination, ritual and initiation to meditation. Within these rough categories, one also encounters a multitude of further applications. Mostly, a deity or deities were depicted on them, but there are also many examples where symbols were painted according to the purpose for which they were chosen. Many of them were manufactured as sets, according to the particular need, but individual pieces might also be produced. They were mostly made for experts for rituals, divination and for religious teachers who intended to bestow initiations, but they were also used by the laity as an image of veneration and worship, put in a portable shrine or in an amulet box. The majority of tsakli are painted on cloth, but there are also some printed on paper, which, if desired, could later be coloured in. The themes chosen reflect the entire Buddhist pantheon and ritual sphere. It is very frequent for the consecration formula to be found on the back in three or five syllables, “Oṃ āḥ hūṃ” and “Oṃ āḥ hūṃ svā hā”, in red or black ink in normal or in mirror writing. However, it is also not uncommon for tsakli not just to have the mantra of the deity depicted on the front written on the back but also a brief wish that it may be auspicious (Heidelberg inv. no. 34975). Moreover, on a number of occasions, one can also find the long mantra written on the back. The wrathful deity Hayagrīva is evoked by the “Oṃ vajra padmanta kṛta vajrakrodha hayagrīva hulu hulu hūṃ phaṭ / oṃ āḥ hūṃ” (Heidelberg inv. no. 3758) or Mañjuśrī Nāgarākṣasa, an equally fierce guardian deity, is addressed with his four syllable mantra “Oṃ phe laṃ hūṃ” and his fierce mantra “Nag po tipaca rakṣa oṃ phe laṃ hūṃ” as well (Vienna inv. no. 75134). The magnificent powers of the goddess Śrīdevī are invoked by the mantra “bhyo rakmo bhyo rakmo bhyoḥ bhyoḥ rakmo mthun bhyo kha la rak chen mo rakmo a bya’i dra’i bya’i mthun bhyo ru lu ru lu hūṃ bhyoḥ hūṃ” (Leipzig inv. no. 3792, Fig. III/1). However, it was not just ritual cards of fierce deities that were needed but also those for the meditation practice, as is exemplified by a mantra of Tsong kha pa: “Oṃ āḥ guru vajradhara sumatikīrti siddhi hūṃ hūṃ” (Heidelberg inv. no. 34854, 34855). The bodhisattva Vajrapāṇi is invoked by “Oṃ vajrapāṇi hūṃ” and the additional line “Oṃ supratiṣṭha vajraye svāhā” (Leipzig inv. no. 3684). The last mantra often concludes rituals. It can also be found on a tsakli depicting the White Tārā but with the addition of the formula of the Buddhist creed and the prayer that if one fervently entreats her, based on this very image support, one may achieve the magic accomplishment of the power of one’s own lifespan and that of others (Leipzig inv. no. 3727).

Fig. III/1a,b Śrīdevī, Tsakli Reverse side of the Tsakli Mongolia, 19th century, mineral pigments, ca. 8 x 6 cm, Grassi Museum für Völkerkunde zu Leipzig, inv. no. 3792

While the majority of tsakli follow the standard usage of mantras, one also encounters some unconventional procedures, as in the case of an image of Mañjuśrī, who is, as expected, consecrated and invoked by “Oṃ āḥ hūṃ” and his mantra “Oṃ arapacana dhīḥ” written on the back, but also has the mantra “A āḥ sha sa ma ya” written on the front (Leipzig inv. no. 3679). The latter is often called the mantra of the Six Realms of Existence and usually associated with Avalokiteśvara. Why it was written on this image cannot be explained. It is fair to say that a great part of the tsakli are executed in a rather unrefined style, thus reflecting the high demand for such images and the aspect that it were indeed religious utensils actually used in rituals and daily practice and thus subject to wear. Nevertheless, there are a number of tsakli that exhibit superior craftsmanship and artistic skill. One may refer to a tsakli of the ḍākinī Siṃhamukhā, who is vividly caught in her

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fierce dance within the blazing fire (Leipzig inv. no. 4438, Fig. III/2). The delicate use of red and white on a black ground and the dynamic outlining of her figure in gold contributes to the intensity of the wrathful appearance of this impressive deity.

Fig. III/2a,b Siṃhamukhā, Tsakli Reverse side of the Tsakli Mongolia, 19th century, mineral pigments, ca. 8 x 6 cm, Grassi Museum für Völkerkunde zu Leipzig, inv. no. 4438

Fig. III/3a,b Mahākāla Barché künsel (Tib. Mgon po bar chad kun sel), Tsakli Reverse side of the Tsakli Mongolia, 19th century, mineral pigments, ca. 8 x 6 cm, Weltmuseum Wien, inv. no. 64971

Fig. III/4a,b Mahākāla Chinkhama (Tib. Gsang sgrub Mgon po mchin kha ma), Tsakli Reverse side of the Tsakli Mongolia, 19th century, mineral pigments, ca. 8 x 6 cm, Weltmuseum Wien, inv. no. 64966

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There are many small images in the collection that can justly be regarded as ritual cards. They sometimes belonged to a set of such cards. Three of them, depicting the Medicine Buddhas, Vaiśravaṇa and the Eight Lords of Horses and 13 forms of Mahākāla, will be briefly discussed in the following. The Seven Medicine Buddhas all have an individual hand gesture, body colour and a direction they occupy as exemplified by a tsakli showing the Medicine Buddha Sunāman (Tib. Mtshan legs) (Heidelberg inv. no. 34971). Actually, he is addressed on the back as Sunāmanratna (Tib. Mtshan legs rin chen) but this is a mistake, as his long name is Suparikīrtitanāmaśrīrāja (Tib. Mtshan legs yongs grags dpal gyi rgyal po). Moreover, the information on the back says that he is has a golden complexion (Tib. ser po) and resides in the north (Tib. byang). Characteristically, this Medicine Buddha displays the gesture granting protection, and one can assume that similar small depictions actually show this same Medicine Buddha (see Heidelberg inv. no. 35176, 3605, 4307). While all these are single tsakli from an original set, there are also some beautiful images from sets of which more than just one has survived. There is one printed set of Medicine Buddhas of which three images have been preserved, namely the golden Śākyamuni (Tib. Shākya thub), the white Dharmakīrti (Tib. Chos grags) and the golden Suvarṇabhadra (Tib. Gser bzang) (Leipzig inv. no. 4427, Vienna inv. no. 75142, 75143). All three were consecrated with the formula “Oṃ āḥ hūṃ”. A second set, an uncoloured print in red ink, offers many images of Buddha that ultimately break down to two specific Buddhas, possibly Śākyamuni and Sunāman, nine times (see, for instance inv. no. 75148) and seven (see, for instance inv. no. 75149). No names are given on these prints. A set of Vaiśravaṇa with the Eight Lords of Horses still consists of six cards (originally nine). Beside stylistic features, they all share an formula that invokes the deity and urges it to ensure a good harvest in their homeland. The ritual direction of the respective deities can still be seen on a few of them. All are consecrated with the three sacred syllables “Oṃ āḥ hūṃ”. They represent Vaiśravaṇa (Leipzig inv. no. 3811, Heidelberg inv. no. 35220), Kubera (Heidelberg inv. no. 35220), Pañcika (Heidelberg inv. no. 35221), Jambhala (Heidelberg inv. no. 35222), Picikuṇḍalini (Heidelberg inv. no. 35223) and Saṃjñeya (Heidelberg inv. no. 35224). (The latter is called Kubera on the card but this is probably a mistake and should be amended accordingly.) Another fascinating and indeed rare set is devoted to the 13 forms of the six-armed Mahākāla as transmitted by Khyung po rnal ’byor (1050–1127) of the Shangs pa Bka’ brgyud school. It seems that this teaching first entered the Dge lugs pa school through Tsong kha pa, who studied it under the famous Nam mkha’ rgyal mtshan (1326–1401). Tsong kha pa taught it to mkhas grub rje Dge legs dpal bzang (1385–1438). Later it also gained some popularity in eastern Tibet and in Mongolia. In academic literature on Tibetan and Mongolian art, this teaching, and hence these forms of Mahākāla, are often misidentified and its background is not understood (cf. Meinert 2011: no. 323–332, Fleming and Shastri 2011: no. 343–345). As this teaching cycle is still virtually unknown and not discussed, it is worth giving the full list of these 13 forms. According to Klong rdol bla ma Ngag dbang blo bzang (1719–1794), they are: (1) Mgon po bar chad kun sel, (2) Gtor dbang Bar chad kun sel, (3) Dbang bzhi byin rlabs kyi tshul du bskur ba, (4) Mgon po grib sel, (5) Rgyas pa bla mgon dbyer med, (6) Mkha’ ’gro dbang sdud dang gnas dbab gnyis gcig tu byas pa, (7) Gsang sgrub

Retracing Hans Leder

Mgon po mchin kha ma, (8) Nang sgrub rgyan can, (9) Mgon po dbang gi rgyal po, (10) Mgon po Tshe bdag, (11) Mgon po phrag ’thung of Saraha, (12) Mgon po Lha bzhi dril sgrub and (13) Mgon dkar Yid bzhin nor bu. The sequence and their names may differ slightly in the sources. There are seven cards in the Leder Collections depicting some of the forms of these 13, which undoubtedly adds to the particular importance of this collection as a repository of the religious culture of the 19th century. Each of these cards, which all belong to the same set, have the syllables “Oṃ āḥ hūṃ” in mirror writing on the back, together with the normally written name of the respective Mahākāla and the number of the particular form within the cycle. This clearly indicates that this set was used for initiation. The seven cards in the Leder Collections show: (1) Mgon po bar chad kun sel (Vienna inv. no. 64971, Fig. III/3), (7) Gsang sgrub Mgon po mchin kha ma (Vienna inv. no. 64966, Fig. III/4.), (8) Nang sgrub rgyan can (Vienna inv. no. 64968, Fig. III/5), (9) Mgon po Dbang gi rgyal po (Vienna inv. no. 64970, Fig. III/6), (10) Mgon po Tshe bdag (Vienna inv. no. 64972, Fig. III/7), (11) Mgon po phrag ’thung of Saraha (Vienna inv. no. 64969, Fig. III/8), and (12) Mgon po Lha bzhi dril sgrub (Vienna inv. no. 64967, Fig. III/9). For instance, the brown six-armed Mahākāla, the “King of Initiations” (Tib. Mgon po Dbang gi rgyal po), can be seen in tantric union with the red Jñanaḍākinī. In his six hands he holds a curved knife and a skull-cup (first pair of hands), a ḍamaru and a hook (second pair) and a khaṭvāṅga and a vajra (third pair). His consort holds a curved knife and a skull-cup in her hands. They are accompanied by the dark red Mahākālī at the front holding a curved knife and a skull-cup, to the right the smoke-coloured Kṣetrapālā holding a ḍamaru and making the threatening gesture, at the back the black Jinamitrā, holding a curved knife and a skull-cup, and on the left the usually yellow but in this image grey Ṭakkirājñī, brandishing a trident and threatening with his left hand. One may add that some of these Mahākāla also had some importance independent of the full teaching cycle, as can be seen on a thangka dedicated to long-life deities presided over by Amitāyus, where not just the White Tārā, Uṣṇīṣavijayā and the White Cakrasaṃvara, embracing his red consort, are depicted but also Mahākāla as “Lord of Life” (Tib. Mgon po Tshe bdag) (Heidelberg inv. no. 33564). Paintings

Fig. III/5a,b Mahākāla Gyenchen (Tib. Nang sgrub rgyan can), Tsakli Reverse side of the Tsakli Mongolia, 19th century, mineral pigments, ca. 8 x 6 cm, Weltmuseum Wien, inv. no. 64968

Fig. III/6a,b Mahākāla Wangyel (Tib. Mgon po Dbang gi rgyal po), Tsakli Reverse side of the Tsakli Mongolia, 19th century, mineral pigments, ca. 8 x 6 cm, Weltmuseum Wien, inv. no. 64970

As mentioned at the beginning, distinguishing clearly between small thangkas and tsaklis, or in other words paintings and ritual cards, can be complicated. One of the features that can make a difference is the textile frame for thangkas, but at a closer look it becomes evident that this can also apply for large prints. In fact, many prints were coloured later. Sometimes one can still discern the print beneath the layers of paint (a point further discussed in the passage on prints). All pictorial images – paintings, prints and rituals cards – could be arranged in a single altar, often just consisting of a wooden frame, as one might see for a painted image of the Green Tārā of the Kadira Forest with her attendants Mārīcī and Ekajaṭā (Stuttgart inv. no. 71594, Fig. III/10). Two small coloured prints were added to it, showing Śākyamuni and the Three Gods of Longevity. It was quite popular to arrange different images in this way. The pictorial themes in the Leder Collections cover any aspect of religious practice for the monastic and lay community, and would go well beyond the scope of this essay to discuss them in detail. A few interesting points should be addressed, however. A few pictorial themes are surprisingly underrepresented, such as depictions of Guan Di, the important god of war, often identified with Gesar, which only occur three times (Heidelberg inv. no. 38913, Stuttgart inv. no. 24460, Budapest inv. no. 56109 and Stuttgart inv. no. 100449),

III Tsakli, Thangkas, Prints, Amulets and Manuscripts

Fig. III/7a,b Mahākāla Tsedak (Tib. Mgon po Tshe bdag), Tsakli Reverse side of the Tsakli Mongolia, 19th century, mineral pigments, ca. 8 x 6 cm, Weltmuseum Wien, inv. no. 64972

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and thangkas showing maṇḍalas in general but, seen as a whole, this is an exception. All the main themes are present in abundance, such as the group of deities like the Three Gods of Longevity (Amitāyus, White Tārā and Uṣṇīṣavijayā), the Lords of the Three Families (Avalokiteśvara, Mañjuśrī and Vajrapāṇi), the 21 Tārās and the Medicine Buddhas but also individual deities such as Mañjuśrī, Avalokiteśvara, Amitāyus, the Green Tārā and the White Tārā and guardians such as Yama Dharmarāja, the six-armed Mahākāla and so on. Fig. III/8a,b Mahākāla in the tradition of Saraha (Tib. Mgon po phrag ’thung of Saraha), Tsakli Reverse side of the Tsakli Mongolia, 19th century, mineral pigments, ca. 8 x 6 cm, Weltmuseum Wien, inv. no. 64969

Fig. III/9a,b Mahākāla Lhazhi drildrup (Tib. Mgon po Lha bzhi dril sgrub, Tsakli Reverse side of the Tsakli Mongolia, 19th century, mineral pigments, ca. 8 x 6 cm, Weltmuseum Wien, inv. no. 64967

Fig. III/10a,b Green Tārā of the Kadira Forest with her attendants Mārīcī and Ekajaṭā, Tsakli Reverse side of the Tsakli Mongolia, House Altar, 19th century, mineral pigments, ca. 8 x 6 cm, Linden-Museum Stuttgart, inv. no. 71594

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However, there are not just deities, as individuals or in groups, but also paintings of entire assemblages that represent a particular teaching especially favoured in the Dge lugs pa school. A prominent example are depictions of the “Hundreds of Gods of the Tuṣita Heaven” (Tib. Dga’ ldan lha brgya ma), a special form of meditation that belongs to the meditation practice of supplicating blessings and merging the mind of an enlightened master with one’s own (Tib. bla ma’i rnal ’byor, Skt. guruyoga). There are numerous forms of guruyoga known in all schools of Tibetan Buddhism. This particular teaching, which at first was handed down orally and later written down, is based on an eulogy composed by Tsong kha pa, in which he praises Maitreya and his realm. The practitioner meditated on his teacher in the form of Tsong kha pa, who is regarded as an embodiment of Avalokiteśvara, Mañjuśrī and Vajrapāṇi, in order to eliminate defilements and remove hindrances. In front of the believer, from the heart of Maitreya, who resides in his palace, a cloud emerges with Tsong kha pa and both his main disciples sitting on it. Maitreya is accompanied by two bodhisattvas, who are regarded as manifestations of Tsong kha pa and Atiśa, both said after their demise to be reborn in the heavenly realm of the future Buddha. Ultimately, this guruyoga aims enter the heaven of Maitreya, especially at the point of death. This eulogy and the associated rituals and meditation techniques were part of the liturgy and meditation practice of most Dge lugs pa monasteries. It is therefore no surprise to find paintings and prints depicting the assemblage of this teaching “Hundreds of Gods of the Tuṣita Heaven” (see, for instance, Leipzig inv. no. 3526). Similarly, the veneration and the rituals related to the Buddha Śākyamuni and the 18 Arhats and to the 35 Buddhas of Repentance were an important part of monastic life, as, for instance, their oaths were renewed regularly in front of such paintings or prints depicting such an assemblage (see, for instance, Heidelberg inv. no. 33556 and Leipzig inv. no. 3422). Equally important were prayers and meditations on the western paradise of Sukhāvatī. This was very popular among monks and laymen alike, reflected in the numerous thangkas devoted to this paradise of Amitābha in this collection. The Buddha of the Infinite Light could be depicted as a single figure (for instance, Leipzig inv. no. 3971, Heidelberg inv. no. 34968), with the two attending bodhisattvas Lokeśvara, an aspect of Avalokiteśvara, and Mahāsthāmaprāpta, an aspect of Vajrapāṇi (for instance, Heidelberg inv. no. 33548), which could also be enlarged by the inclusion of additional figures such as Buddha Śākyamuni, Amitāyus and Sitatāpatrā (Leipzig inv. no. 3428, Fig. III/11), with the six-armed Mahākāla and Zanabazar (Heidelberg inv. no. 35113), or with the Green Tārā and Zanabazar (Stuttgart inv. no. 23912), to name just a few of many combinations. A special topic was the depiction of Amitābha in his celestial realm. While there are several forms of depicting this paradise, one of them is clearly dominant in this collection, in which this realm is encircled by a circular, multi-coloured aureole (see, for instance, Heidelberg inv. no. 33709, 33695, 23926, Budapest inv. no. 57156, Vienna inv. no. 74951). A finely painted thangka even has a written text attached in the lower register (Heidelberg inv. no. 33629, Fig. III/12). This is four stanzas from an aspiration prayer (Tib. smon lam) that derives from a lengthy liturgical prayer of the Dge lugs pa school expressing the deep desire to be quickly reborn in the western paradise. The Dge lugs pa liturgy adhered to in the paintings in the Leder Collections is also revealed in the many paintings

Retracing Hans Leder

showing the “Assembly Field” (Tib. tshogs zhing), a depiction gathering important teachers and deities of this school, which is an important object of visualisation in guruyoga practice (see, for instance, Heidelberg inv. no. 33597). All these types of paintings could also be found in Central Tibet, especially in communities adhering to the Dge lugs pa creed, but there are some themes that are specific to Mongols and their form of Buddhism. One finds a single depiction of Arhat Rahula, holding his iconographic attribute, the jewel-spitting mongoose, which can be traced to newly developed rituals which were popular in Mongolia focusing on this particular Arhat, who became associated with wealth and prosperity (Budapest inv. no. 57199). This hope is also attached to the goddess Hārītī, often holding a vase of treasures and a plate filled with jewels, but with the significant addition of the wish for healthy offspring, as indicated by a small child she holds in her hand or on her lap. This combination of riches, prosperity and progeny and the poor social and health situation was surely the reason that this deity was so very popular among Mongols. There are numerous, slightly differing depictions in the Leder Collections (see, for instance, Heidelberg inv. no. 35135, 35164, Leipzig inv. no. 4341). Another female deity who obtained a certain status in the religious beliefs of the Mongols is the “Queen of Winter” (Tib. Dgun gyi rgyal mo, Skt. Hemantarājñī). Originally, she is just an attendant of Śrīdevī, together with the other three queens of spring, summer and autumn, but interestingly this goddess, who rides on a camel, a vehicle that is obviously more related to the nomadic life in Mongolia than in Tibet, became a focus of veneration and worship in its own right, resulting in many religious paintings (Vienna inv. no. 74984). Similarly related to animals is a particular form of Vasudhārā known as the cowherd (Tib. Nor rgyun ma ba lang rdzi), standing upright on two treasure vases, holding a picula fruit and a jewel ear of grain. Resting her back on a bodhi tree, she is surrounded by a herd of wish-granting cows (Leipzig inv. no. 4456, Heidelberg inv. no. 35143). Evidently she is worshipped in the wish that the cattle should increase and be protected from disease. Another theme unique to Mongolian art is the twins Bkra shis rtsegs pa and Bkra shis don grub, whose names can be rendered as “Piling up Good Fortune” and “Accomplished Good Fortune”. Both played a role in New Year ceremonies and in wedding rituals (Heidelberg inv. no. 35100) (cf. Meinert 2011: no. 377). One of the images includes a short prayer, asking for the blessing of all accomplishments and everything desirable (Leipzig inv. no. 11271). While these themes are neatly interwoven with the religious identity of the laity, there are also others linked with the monastic community as well, namely the famous Sandalwood Buddha and the eye-healing Avalokiteśvara. The former was one of the most famous statues in Beijing. It was housed in the Sandalwood Temple, which was destroyed during the Boxer uprising. The image was venerated by Tibetans and Mongols and thus a number of paintings emerged to commemorate their pilgrimage (see, for instance Leipzig inv. no. 3594). (For a full discussion, see Terentyev 2010) The latter, the eye-healing Avalokiteśvara, was probably created during the life-time of the Eighth Jebtsundamba Khutugtu Ngag dbang blo bzang chos kyi nyi ma bstan ’dzin dbang phyug (1870/1871–1924). The standing Avalokiteśvara holds an eye in his first pair of hands. He raises a water-pot with the right hand of his remaining pair of arms and a golden mirror with his left. A small head of Amitābha, his spiritual father, is protruding from his head. The iconographic or visionary sources for this form still need to be explored. It is said that a huge gilded bronze statue, about 26 metres high, was erected in the temple named after the main statue of this Avalokiteśvara in Gandan Monastery in Urga with the aim of restoring the failing eyesight of the Eighth Jebtsundamba Khutugtu, also called the Eighth Bogdo Gegeen, or of his younger brother, the

III Tsakli, Thangkas, Prints, Amulets and Manuscripts

Fig. III/11a Amitābha, Thangka Mongolia, 19th century, mineral pigments, silk, Grassi Museum für Völkerkunde zu Leipzig, inv. no. 3428

Fig. III/12a,b Amitābha Paradise, Thangka Mongolia, 19th century, mineral pigments on cotton, silk, 73(35,5) x 44(25,5) cm, Völkerkundemuseum vPST Heidelberg, inv. no. 33629

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Choijin Lama Luvsankhaidav (d. 1918), the then state oracle. Later this statue was dismantled and removed from the temple. The exact date of removal and the location where it was kept are not fully clear, though it is probable that it was transported to the USSR in 1940s. It is regarded as the national icon of Mongolia (see, Sanders 2010: 438). There are a number of images in this collection, indicating the great popularity of this form of Avalokiteśvara (see, for instance Stuttgart inv. no. 23687, Fig. III/13). Fig. III/13 Avalokiteśvara, Eye healing (Tib. Mig ’byed Spyan ras gzigs), Thangka Mongolia, around 1900, mineral pigments on cotton, 32 x 23,5 cm, Linden-Museum Stuttgart, inv. no. 23687

As this brief discussion shows, the Leder Collections offers a valuable insight into the religious life of Mongols and Tibetans a few hundred years ago, by bringing together pieces of their religious art that cover a wide thematic and stylistic range. A large number of these pieces owe their creation to the high demand for religious images, whether for the house altar or for amulet boxes, making it feasible to produce them quickly and in large quantities, often resulting in a crude, unrefined style. Today they represent a priceless resource for the study of compositional and iconographic development of Buddhist art in the regions populated by communities following the Tibetan form of Buddhism. Moreover, this collection has also many pieces that show a refined treatment in composition, style and material. For instance, a thangka of the Three Gods of Longevity gives Amitāyus an elegant, youthful and majestic appearance (Leipzig inv. no. 3431). Occasionally, the depictions of the figures, their faces and jewellery is reminiscent of the grace of the statues of the Zanabazar school, as can be seen in a thangka depicting the four-armed Avalokiteśvara (Leipzig inv. no. 11276). An exquisite handling of colour and decorative elements can also be observed in a painting of the 21 Tārās, giving it a particular brightness and grandeur (Leipzig inv. no. 3485, Fig. III/14).

Fig. III/14 The Twenty-one Tārās (Tib. Sgrol ma nyer gcig ma), Thangka Mongolia, 19th century, mineral pigments on cotton, silk, 72 x 38 cm, Grassi Museum für Völkerkunde zu Leipzig, inv. no. 3485

Prints A variety of prints collected by Leder document their huge importance for the faithful in the past. Clearly, one of the reasons for their popularity was the fact that they were reproduced in large quantities and were affordable for large sections of the population. Furthermore, they are light and easy to transport. Some of them were printed on cotton, others on paper. The figures chosen for depiction were not restricted by the choice of this medium but comprise Buddhist teachers, Buddhas, bodhisattvas, tantric meditation deities (Tib. yi dam) and further deities such as guardians of dharma and wealth deities taken from the wide range of the Buddhist pantheon, as is evident from the numerous prints in the Leder Collections. For example, alongside many depictions of the celebrated Öndör Gegeen Zanabazar (Blo bzang bstan pa’i rgyal mtshan) (1635–1723), the First Jebtsundamba Khutugtu, as could be expected, one also finds printed images of his successor, the Second Jebtsundamba Khutugtu Blo bzang bstan pa’i sgron me (1724–1757) (Heidelberg inv. no. 33590), and of the second Panchen Lama Blo bzang ye shes (1663–1737) (Heidelberg inv. no. 33533). Regarding tantric meditation deities (Tib. yi dam), the number of prints is very limited, given the huge importance these deities had for monastic Buddhism in Mongolia. For instance, there is only one image of Cakrasaṃvara (Budapest inv. no. 59739), one of Kālacakra (Leipzig inv. no. 3441) and none of Guhyasamāja. On the other hand, there can be no doubt that images of such tantric deities, so highly venerated in the Dge lugs pa school, were made and used for meditation purposes. One can only speculate about the reasons for this limited number in the Leder Collections. Perhaps it reflects the kind of assortment that the suppliers

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of religious images offered at the time Leder was in contact with them. Another explanation may be that it reflects the collector’s taste. Furthermore, Śākyamuni, Akṣobhya, Amitābha, Maitreya and Bhaiṣajyaguru seen on these prints surely represent the most popular Buddhas venerated by monks and laypeople. Śākyamuni is frequently depicted as a solitary figure in a landscape, clad in a monk’s robe and sitting in vajrāsana posture, displaying the earth-touching gesture with his right hand and holding an alms-bowl in his left (see, for instance Heidelberg inv. no. 34936, 34945, Budapest inv. no. 57207). He can, however, be also seen at the centre of sophisticated compositional arrangements, such as inv. no. 33657 (Heidelberg) and inv. no. 3559 (Leipzig), where he occupies the central position in the print, surrounded by other Buddhas, bodhisattvas and goddesses of major importance. For example, Buddha Śākyamuni can be seen at the centre of a coloured print / thangka accompanied by religious figures, persons and deities that are vital for the Dge lugs pa school (Leipzig inv. no. 3426, Fig. III/15). Directly above him is just another representation of this same Buddha, showing Śākyamuni as the Buddha of our present age. Dīpaṃkara, the Buddha of the Past, is placed below him on the left side of the painting (and still above the central Śākyamuni), while the Buddha of the Future, Maitreya, can be seen opposite on the right side of the painting. All three represent the Three Buddhas of the Three Ages. Above Dīpaṃkara and Maitreya, to the left and right of the Buddha of this age, are two unidentified monks. They are all sitting on a lotus, abundantly framed by leaves as are the remaining figures, such as Amitāyus (left) and Sarvavid Vairocana (right) in the middle of the painting, and Cakrasaṃvara on the left and Ṣaḍakṣarī Avalokiteśvara on the right in the lower register. This print also highlights the question of use of colours for printed images. Most of the prints are in black, but there are also several pieces in red, such as images of the 21 Tārās and Amitāyus (Leipzig inv. no. 23875, 4300). However, it was not uncommon for the prints later to be coloured by hand. Occasionally, these prints originally intended to be coloured in later have marks, Tibetan letters or numbers, to signify the colour to be applied in a specific area. A fine example is the famous depiction of Zanabazar (Leipzig inv. no. 3581, Fig. III/16), which can be compared with a coloured print showing with the same subject (Heidelberg inv. no. 33536, Fig. III/17). The former has the Tibetan letter “ma” on the second fold of the threefold canopy and the third folding “sa”. The letter on the first fold is missing, probably owing to the poor printing quality. However, the letters for colours can also be seen on other areas of this print. The letter “ma” is also found on the outer robe of Zanabazar. A letter, perhaps a “sa” or “a”, is written on his halo. If one compares this with the coloured print it becomes evident that it partly coincides with it. The second fold of the canopy of the coloured print is painted a yellow-golden colour, as is this dignitary’s outer robe. Thus it shows a parallel to the use of the letter “ma” for the uncoloured print. One should, however, note that the appearance of such marks, whether as letters or numbers, does not permit the conclusion that this very print was meant to be painted. It is very often that the prints made by means of a woodblock with carved colour-indicating marks simply bore these marks but were not used for colouring. These marks are often illegible because the woodblocks were worn out. In addition, in the Leder Collections it can be seen that it was not uncommon for more or less separate images to be arranged together. For a group of deities such as the Three Deities of Longevity – Amitāyus, the White Tārā and Uṣṇīṣavijayā – this was certainly a logical development, as here it is a block-print in red ink

III Tsakli, Thangkas, Prints, Amulets and Manuscripts

Fig. III/15 Śākyamuni, Thangka Mongolia, 19th century, c oloured print, mineral pigments, silk, 83 x 46 cm, Grassi Museum für Völkerkunde zu Leipzig, inv. no. 3426

Fig. III/16 Zanabazar, First Jebtsundamba (Tib. khal kha rje btsun dam pa sku phreng gcig pa), Thangka Mongolia, 19th century, print, pigment on cotton, 43 x 26 cm Grassi Museum für Völkerkunde zu Leipzig, inv. no. 3581

Fig. III/17 Zanabazar, First Jebtsundamba (Tib. khal kha rje btsun dam pa sku phreng gcig pa), Thangka Mongolia, 19th century, coloured print, pigment on cotton, 57 x 26 cm, Völkerkundemuseum vPST Heidelberg, inv. no. 33536

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that originates from a long tradition of printing and illustrating books (Leipzig inv. no. 3670). Sometimes distinct compositions and separate woodblocks were brought together on a single piece. There are various examples of this in the Leder Collections. Some follow a checkerboard-like pattern, such as the thangka showing Buddha with the 16 Arhats plus three additional motifs such as “The Four Friends”, making a total of 20 rectangles (Stuttgart inv. no. 23871). It seems that each of these images comes from separate blockprints that were brought together for this print. They were also employed for making series of prints and paintings, whether it was a set of tsakli of Śākyamuni with Arhats or separate prints of “The Four Friends”. Another type can be seen on a long hanging scroll with an image of the Green Tārā, where this female deity is repeated 24 times (Leipzig inv. no. 3562). Moreover, this way of arranging images provided an easy and less time-consuming method of assembling religious teachers and deities that were regarded as having a special relationship with the devotee. This becomes evident in some identical, poorly executed prints of showing what is probably the 13-deity maṇḍala of Vajrabhairava (Leipzig inv. no. 33503, 3573, Stuttgart inv. no. 23877). The upper section of this image is filled with a depiction of a monk with two attendants. A stūpa is shown on both sides. One can assume that this monk had a particular connection to this tantric deity and was most likely involved in its propagation and its meditation practices and rituals. However, the identity of this monk is unclear. It seems that there was an inscription below the throne giving his name, but it is illegible. One can therefore only speculate as to his identity, although one candidate might be the second ’Jam dbyangs bzhad pa Dkon mchog ’jigs med dbang po (1728–1791). Yet another example for this type of arrangement are prints showing Zanabazar with Siṃhamukhā, occasionally with the addition of symbolic offerings (Heidelberg inv. no. 33535, 33536, Leipzig inv. no. 3577, Stuttgart inv. no. 23927). On the religious side, it indicates this monk’s special bond with this ḍākinī and, seen from the perspective of the artistic and manufacturing process, it enabled the producers of such prints to combine depictions of such typical themes – the well-established conventional image of Zanabazar and of Siṃhamukhā – according to the taste of the potential purchaser. This is likewise obvious on a print of Buddha Śākyamuni, with various deities that were all printed separately (Heidelberg inv. no. 33560). It can also be seen on a print assembling the pictorial theme of Buddha with the eight stūpas and of Tsong kha pa, thus presenting the faithful with a more general overview of the Buddhist creed (Leipzig inv. no. 3580). Moreover, it is hardly surprising that this technique also merged popular and monastic motifs with themes usually found on amulet prints. This can be seen on a piece printed with a depiction of Kong rtse in his palace and images of Zanabazar and the Old White Man (Leipzig inv. no. 3567). Another example is a print with the Srid pa ho and Yama Dharmarāja (Leipzig inv. no. 3474). One can imagine that such arrangements were aimed at a broad section of the populace, as they combine topics favoured by the laity. Furthermore, this technique of combining themes also made the reproduction and inclusion of texts easy. The print dedicated to the miraculous birth of Tsong kha pa was supplemented by a long description of the event in an additional print (Stuttgart inv. no. 24332). Probably both parts were designed together but printed separately. Thus it can be seen that pictures and amulets were brought together in the image, as is documented by a fine print combining two compositions on the same ground (Leipzig inv. no. 3544). The upper two-thirds is used for a representation of the Seven Medicine Buddhas together with other figures, while the lower third is reserved for an amulet of Vaiśravaṇa. A comparable piece shows a similar arrangement (Heidelberg inv. no. 33655). Here the upper part is occupied by a depiction of the Five Personal Deities and the same amulet is

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printed on the lower part. This object is also noteworthy because it has dedication verses on the back written in red ink. Starting with the famous formula of Buddhist creed, the patron, whose name is unfortunately illegible, expresses his wish for a long life, glory and riches, and to enjoy many friends and much food, wealth and religious merit. Some of the prints originally belong to a set, similar to sets of thangkas. One fine example represents the central piece of a printing set depicting Buddha Śākyamuni and the 16 Arhats (Stuttgart inv. no. 24374, Fig. III/18). The fact that it is indeed the central piece can be inferred not just from its composition but also from an inscription found on a comparable piece in a private collection (HAR no. 59654). There the print is clearly labelled on the upper border as “middle thangka” (Tib. dkyil thang). Based on this print, it can also be assumed that the entire set consists of seven pieces. Where the original set came from remains unexplored. Such sets were designed in Central Tibet, and when they gained popularity they were copied and spread in regions populated by adherents of Tibetan Buddhism. Likewise, new compositions and types of prints and paintings were created in eastern Tibet and Mongolia. With regard to this print with Śākyamuni and the Arhats, it has still to be clarified where and how this type came into being. The print in the Leder Collections shows Buddha Śākyamuni on a magnificent lotus throne accompanied by his two close disciples Śāriputra (left) and Maudgalyāyana (right). Two of the 16 Arhats are placed above him on either side. The Arhat Aṅgaja holding a fly whisk and an incense burner can be seen on the left. The Arhat Bākula holding a mongoose is on the opposite side.

Fig. III/18 Śākyamuni with 16 Arhats (Tib. Thub pa gnas brtan bcu drug dang bcas pa), Thangka Mongolia, 19th century, coloured print, pigments on cotton, silk, ca. 52 x 40 cm, Linden-Museum Stuttgart, inv. no. 24374

Whereas this arrangement corresponds to the above-mentioned print in a private collection, the lower part of the print is completely different. The patrons and nobles who commissioned this series can be seen on the piece preserved in the private collection. Moreover, the same figures can be found on a set of block-prints on silk depicting the life story of Tsong kha pa that today is in the collection of the Tibet House Museum in New Delhi (HAR no. 72003). Inscriptions below these patrons give their names, enabling one to identify them as Bsod nams stobs rgyas (1689–1747), better known as Pho lha nas, the ruler of Tibet from 1728 to his death, and his two sons, ’Gyur med ye shes tshe brtan (d. 1750) and ’Gyur med rnam rgyal (d. 1750). In other words, this set showing Tsong kha pa’s life was commissioned before 1747. One can assume that the same applies to the original set of prints with Śākyamuni and the 16 Arhats. Its composition can therefore probably be traced to the 18th century and possibly earlier, and it was originally created in Central Tibet. In contrast to this particular print, in case of the Leder Collections the patrons have been completely left out and this space of the image is filled by narrative scenes showing some of Buddha’s previous births as told by Āryaśūra in his work “The Garland of Birth-Stories” (Skt. Jātakamālā). It begins with the story of “The Tigress”, found in the lower left-hand corner. The other stories follow clockwise. The previous birth as a king of the Śibi is depicted on the left side of the print, above the tale of the tigress. The next story, “A Small Portion of Gruel”, is arranged on the left, above the previous tale, with the story about his life as a merchant on the right. Below this, in the lower right-hand corner, is the story of “Aviṣahya, the Head of the Guild”. It is unclear whether the scene in the middle of the lower register represents another story of Buddha’s previous births. In Āryaśūra’s work the next story is the “The Story of the Hare”, followed by the “The Story of Agastya”. It is obvious that no hare is depicted on the print, but it shows a monk surrounded by disciples and adorers in a rocky meditation cave. Perhaps it follows a tradition that placed “The Story of Agastya” before

III Tsakli, Thangkas, Prints, Amulets and Manuscripts

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“The Story of the Hare”. However, it may also be that this scene does not depict a previous birth of Buddha but only illustrates the pious and serene character of entire scene. It is interesting to note that some graphic elements clearly correspond to a finely executed thangka in the Zanabazar Museum of Fine Arts (Fleming and Shastri 2011: no. 8). Despite the belief expressed in the catalogue that it is not possible to identify the scenes on this thangka, one can say that it undoubtedly shows the first nine stories of the Jātakamālā. For instance, the depiction of the merchant, his wife and Buddha in the tale of the merchant are evidently related in both the print of the Leder Collections and in the thangka in the Zanabazar Museum. Fig. III/19 Stūpa / Avalokiteśvara inside the Bodhnāth Stūpa (Tib. mchod rten), Thangka Mongolia, 19th century, coloured print, pigments on cotton, silk, painting: ca. 46 x 32 cm, Grassi Museum für Völkerkunde zu Leipzig, inv. no. 3444

Fig. III/20 Stūpa  / Avalokiteśvara inside the Bodhnāth Stūpa (Tib. mchod rten), Thangka Mongolia, 19th century, coloured print, pigments on cotton, silk, painting: 47 x 34 cm, Grassi Museum für Völkerkunde zu Leipzig, inv. no. 11261

Fig. III/21 Stūpa / Avalokiteśvara inside the Bodhnāth Stūpa (Tib. mchod rten), Thangka Mongolia, 19th century, coloured print, pigments on cotton, silk, ca. 80 x 45 cm, Linden-Museum Stuttgart, inv. no. 23934

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One of the many features making the material preserved in the Leder Collections so valuable is the fact that it offers precious insights new into the artistic tradition and forms of religious practice. For example, one can find images demonstrating the close association between Ekadaśamukha Mahākaruṇika, the eleven-headed Avalokiteśvara, and the Bodhnāth Stūpa in Kathmandu. This can be seen on prints dedicated to this deity, where there is a symbolic presentation of this stūpa (Leipzig inv. no. 3453, Stuttgart inv. no. 23895 and 24327), but there are also prints highlighting it even more sharply by focusing on the Bodhnāth stūpa with a small image of this Avalokiteśvara in the oval segment of the stūpa and mantras written on its terraces, including a brief description of its history and religious significance in the lower register of the print. There are several prints of varying quality in the Leder Collections (see, for instance Heidelberg inv. no. 33689), and there are also three thangkas with the same motif and a similar composition showing Avalokiteśvara inside the Bodhnāth Stūpa, which is covered with mantras in the ornamental Lantsa script (Leipzig inv. no. 3444, Fig. III/19; 11261, Fig. III/20 and Stuttgart inv. no. 23934, Fig. III/21). It is still unknown how exactly this association came about and was later developed or why it was so important for Tibetan and Mongolian believers in the 19th century. More research, using textual material, is necessary to investigate this phenomenon fully. In some contrast to this, more is known about the pilgrimage site in the Wutai Shan mountains that Buddhist believers from China, Tibet and Mongolia visited frequently. It was usually associated with Mañjuśrī, the Bodhisattva of Wisdom, whose abode it has been. In particular, according to the tradition it was at this site that this bodhisattva revealed and taught astrology, more accurately understood as a Sino-Tibetan divinatory calculation method (Tib. nag rtsis). The scholarly development of this calculation method contributed to the idea that the five peaks of this mountain were occupied by five manifestations of Mañjuśrī. This also resulted in a particular subject of paintings, showing these five manifestations in a rocky landscape with stūpas and shrines. There are several examples of this in the Leder Collections (Heidelberg inv. no. 33625, Leipzig inv. no. 3462, 3680, Stuttgart inv. no. 24335, 24453, Budapest inv. no. 57204). As these paintings document, the iconographic system in the colours of the bodies differs slightly. A printed and later coloured thangka shows Mañjuśrī Nātha in the middle of the painting on the central peak (Leipzig inv. no. 3462). The other aspects of this bodhisattva are on the remaining peaks in the four directions, such as white Mañjuśrī Vādisiṃha, sitting on a lion (lower left-hand corner), the blue Mañjuśrī Vimala (upper left), the yellow Mañjuśrī Tikṣṇa (upper, right) and the red Mañjuśrī Jñānasattva (lower left). The Buddhas of the Three Ages are depicted in the upper register. One thangka in this collection suggests that perhaps this group of five Mañjuśrī’s was not just depicted on a single painting but also in a series of paintings (Leipzig inv. no. 3464). Based on the attributes this bodhisattva is holding in his hands, the deity on this thangka is reminiscent of Mañjuśrī Nāmasaṃgīti, but the colour of his body would be highly unusual for this. It is therefore more likely that it represents Mañjuśrī Tikṣṇa, one of the Five Mañjuśrī associated with the Wutai

Retracing Hans Leder

Shan mountain. In this case, this painting would originally have belonged to a set of five thangkas showing this famous group. Not only were new themes and compositions created in the 18th and 19th century but the creator or the commissioner of such an innovative image was also explicitly named, a feature not completely unknown before but certainly increasing at that time. An interesting thangka was published in the recent catalogue Mongolian Buddhist Art (Fleming and Shastri 2011: no. 219). The description given there is erroneous. In fact, it shows Kālacakra with 25 kings of Śambhala and two monks, Tsong kha pa and Gser khang rin po che, together with a printed inscription in the lower register stating that all these images were commissioned by one kun spangs ’dul ’dzin a lags Sman bsgom at the mountain hermitage of Zab lung. This Gser khang rin po che can be identified as Blo bzang bstan ’dzin rgya mtsho (1780–1848), a prominent Dge lugs pa master in eastern Tibet. Obviously, one of his pupils commissioned this image out of deep veneration for his teacher and for the welfare of all believers. Notably, it was expected for him to give his name in the dedicatory verses on the front of the thangka. This development can be regarded as a special feature of that time. There are two comparable prints in the Leder Collections that both give the name of patron. One of them is a lovely print of Mañjuśrī (Budapest inv. no. 57085, Fig. III/22). The inscription informs any devotee that “By having faith and respect, this very image of the White Mañjughoṣa who will fully eliminate all ignorance was printed by Byams pa tshe ring. May one obtain the abode of Mañjuśrī by this virtue!” (Tib. dad gus tsam gyis ma rig rmongs mun kun / rtsad nas sel mdzad ’jam dbyangs dkar po yi / sku gzugs ’di nyid byams pa tshe ring gis / bar du bskrun dges ’jam dpal gnas thob shog). It is not known who this Byams pa tshe ring was. Similarly, the biographical details remain uncertain for an individual called dge tshul Dge legs yon tan, who commissioned an elaborate and finely detailed print of Jo bo Mi bskyod rdo rje at the college of Bshad bsgrub dar rgyas gling, the location of which is still unknown (Leipzig inv. no. 3469).

Fig. III/22 White Manjugoṣa (Tib. ‘Jam dbyangs dkar po), Thangka 19th century, print on silk, ca. 40 x 31 cm, Néprajzi Múzeum Budapest, inv. no. 57085

Amulets and Manuscripts There are a number of amulets in this collection, both printed on paper and on cloth. Some are highly elaborate arrangements, such as the amulet of Sitatāpatrā (Vienna inv. no. 75167, 65028, Stuttgart inv. no. 24048), while others are less complex and uncomplicated in structure, such as the formula of the Buddhist creed placed on an eight-petalled lotus flower (Vienna inv. no. 75146). The size of the objects differs accordingly. Some of the amulets are still in the amulet box with an small image of a deity. The number of amulets in such a container and their specific purpose can vary widely. In the case of an amulet with an image of the Buddha Śākyamuni in the Heidelberg museum, there were altogether four different amulets (Heidelberg inv. no. 33483, Fig. III/23a-f ). The first amulet is a prayer of two verses, written in different coloured ink, a custom very popular among Mongols, where it was not just employed to write short prayers but also entire religious books such as the Great Liberator Sūtra (Mong. Yekede tonilγaγči sudur) and others. The text was written on black paper with an ink made from precious substances known as the ”Seven Jewels” or “Nine Jewels”, which can contain gold, silver, copper, coral, lazurite, malachite, mother-of-pearl etc. The text on this small black card is probably part of a prayer to Mahākāla and the Guru, both seen as inseparable, requesting them to remove all afflictions (Tib. nyon mongs, Skt. kleśa) and obstacles (Tib. bar chad, Skt. antarāya). The same request can also be found in another amulet box (Heidelberg inv. no. 33513). This prayer, contained in the small box with the White Tārā, is accompanied by a paper print whose exact designation is

III Tsakli, Thangkas, Prints, Amulets and Manuscripts

Fig. III/23 a-f Śākyamuni, Amulet box Mongolia, 19th century, metal, pigments on cotton, 8,2 x 6,6 cm, Völkerkundemuseum vPST Heidelberg, inv. no. 33483

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unknown although it is obvious that it combines the eight auspicious symbols with some additional symbols such as the flaming jewel, all arranged on the outer rim. The inner part consists of a circle and a grid, basically following a maṇḍala design. The circle bears an inscription expressing the Buddhist creed and the wish for prosperity. The Sanskrit alphabet is written in the inner palace of this maṇḍala structure. A further oblong amulet is mainly intended to avert different types of defilement (Tib. grib). In a similar way, the bearer probably wished to avert all evil influences by including a last amulet, printed in red ink. It is still unsolved which deity it invokes, but the mantras of Hayagrīva and Guru Rinpoche (i.e. Padmasambhava) can be deciphered on both circles around the six "hūṃ" syllables placed in the centre. It is evident that a wide of range of hopes and expectations were associated with the magic of amulets and one can assume that any inclusion of an additional charm would enhance the potential protection and luck. However, there are also simpler examples with just a single charm added to the amulet container, as in the case of a small depiction with the Green Tārā (Heidelberg inv. no. 33740). The amulet added shows a “protective wheel” imposed on a male wild boar. The print is considerably damaged but there is another, well-preserved piece in the collection (Heidelberg inv. no. 65038). This object also still has the counterpart originally printed together, known as the female wild boar. These kinds of amulet are intended to protect against infectious diseases (Tib. rims) by means of the powerful Garuḍa deity. However, not all amulets were put into containers. Thanks to the tireless collecting activities of Hans Leder, there are a number of amulets folded and wrapped in leather and cloths (Stuttgart inv. no. 23946, 23968, 23979, 24360, 24361, 24362). One might speculate that such amulets were probably used by those who could not afford an amulet box or, having one that was possibly already full, wanted to carry yet another amulet for specific reasons. In any case, amulets in this form were not so well preserved as those stored in special boxes and were more exposed to damage, which may account for their comparative rarity in museums. As might be expected, the subjects of the amulets vary widely, covering all aspects of life and death. For example, the wish for a life of prosperity and wealth is impressively revealed in large size print showing Vaiśravaṇa sitting on a lioness and a big “protective wheel” filled with mantras and prayers in front of him (Stuttgart inv. no. 23882). In addition, a believer sought to avoid the perils and dangers of robbers and thieves, war and soldiers, wild beasts and such like through the help of Mārīcī (Vienna inv. no. 65035). As an impressive print shows it was also important to overcome and prevent gossip and slander (Tib. mi kha) (Leipzig inv. no. 3555). Some prints represent astrological charts, including the famous Srid pa ho (see Béla Kelény’s contribution), but it is worth noting that a few tend to follow more the yantra-type amulets, or may more accurately even be regarded as amulets of this type. An example is the print preserved at the museum in Stuttgart (Stuttgart inv. no. 23876). The supplicant, as expressed in the prayer on the outer circle, hopes to be protected by the mighty powers of the body, speech, soul, good qualities and activities of the magical Chinese king Kong rtse (Tib. rgya kong rtse ’phrul gyi rgyal po). Moreover, one major concern for the Mongols and Tibetans were malign planetary influences that could affect their lives. Beside rituals and blessed pills, protective charms were an option to protect oneself and one’s family. An imposing print promises to avert these evil influences by calling the assistance of the lion-faced ḍākinī Siṃhamukhā (cf. Heidelberg). Her mantra is written four times in the inner columns and accompanied by the first stanza of the evocation prayer composed by the first

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Pan chen Blo bzang chos kyi rgyal mtshan (1570–1662). The author can be inferred not only by the lines of the prayer but he is also explicitly named on this print. In this regard, one may also refer to an amulet print dedicated to the “Ten Powerful Syllables” (Tib. rnam bcu dbang ldan) of Kālacakra (Leipzig inv. no. 3578, Fig. III/24). The depiction of these syllables is accompanied by a spiritual poem composed by ’On rgyal sras Skal bzang thub bstan ’jigs med rgya mtsho (1743–1811), a famous and highly influential Dge lugs pa master who was the tutor of the ninth Dalai Lama and was also the teacher of Mongolian monks such as the famous abbot of Urga, Kye rdor mkhan po Ngag dbang mkhas grub (1779–1838). Further, some of the prints and amulets occupy an interesting position, as they combine features of a prayer flag, an amulet and a thangka. The form is reminiscent of prayer flags, while the text tends more to that of an amulet. At the same time, it is evident that this print on cloth was framed by an upper and lower stick and probably hung on an altar just like a thangka. The letters are worn out and only faintly visible but one can still identify the text as the famous Ārya-bhadracaryāpraṇidhāna-rāja (Tib. ’Phags pa bzang po spyod pa’i smon lam gyi rgyal po) that is rendered into English as “Prayer of Samantabhadra”, “Samantabhadra’s Aspiration to Good Actions” and “Prayer of Noble Excellent Conduct”, to give just three common translations (Heidelberg inv. no. 33573). The prayer is originally taken from the Avataṃsaka-Sūtra but has acquired a prominent status of its own, and it plays an important role in the sevenfold ritual or practice that is eloquently presented in the opening twelve stanzas of this aspiration prayer. By reciting it, a devotee can gain spiritual merit, which he or she can dedicate for the welfare of all sentient beings. This fine piece thus gives a limited yet fascinating insight into to the daily practice of Buddhist believers. Another example illustrating the great importance that specific religious texts had for the daily religious practice can be seen in a print depicting the text of the “Magic Formula of Dhvajāgrakeyurā” (Tib. Rgyal mtshan gyi rtse mo’i dpung rgyan gyi gzungs, Skt. Ārya-dhvajāgrakeyurā-nāma-dhāraṇī) with a small emblem of a victory banner (Tib. rgyal mtshan, Skt. dhvaja) (Heidelberg inv. no. 34070). Additionally, it is interesting to note that there is also an amulet box that contains part of a page of a printed Tibetan religious text. Obviously, it was regarded as being similarly effective to an amulet and so put into an amulet box with an image of the White Tārā (Heidelberg inv. no. 33731). It is unclear exactly which text this page comes from, but most likely it was from a text on the monastic subject of Buddhist reasoning, because on the third line it is discussed that the famous “rabbit’s horn” (Tib. ri bong rva) fits to be the designatum of the word “moon” (Tib. zla ba) (On this see, for instance, Tillemans 1999: 269).

Fig. III/24 Powerful Tenfold Anagram (Tib. rnam bcu dbang ldan), Thangka Mongolia, 19th century, coloured print, pigments on cotton, 65 x 31 cm, Grassi Museum für Völkerkunde zu Leipzig, inv. no. 3578

Fig. III/25a,b Tibetan calendar Mongolia, 19th century, manuscript, pigments on paper, 20 x 7 cm Weltmuseum Wien, inv. no. 65017

This points to the great significance religious texts had in Tibetan and Mongolian Buddhism. In general, Hans Leder focused on collecting religious objects such as paintings, small clay images and statues, but there are also a few manuscripts and pages in his collection. Among them are three interesting Tibetan calendars from about the time he was travelling in Mongolia. One represents the calendar for the Water Dragon Year 1892 entitled “The Calendar for the Water Dragon Year known as Dga’ ba of the 15th cycle, A Mirror Illuminating how to Take up Good and Avoid Evil” (Tib. Rab byung bco lnga’i dga’ ba zhes pa chu pho ’brug lo’i le’u tho legs nyes blang dor gsal byed me long) (Vienna inv. no. 65017, Fig. III/25). Two other calendars are untitled. There are also fragments of Mongolian and Tibetan texts ranging from a single page to about a dozen pages. For instance, one finds fragments on a variety of subjects such as an aspiration prayer and meditation advice to be reborn in the western paradise of Sukhāvatī (Vienna inv. no. 65021), a treatise on astrology (Vienna

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inv. no. 65022), on Buddhist reasoning (Vienna inv. no. 65023), an evocation prayer to the Five Personal Deities (Vienna inv. no. 65024), the “The Magic Formula of the Drumbeat of Immortality” (Tib. ’Chi med rnga sgra’i gzungs) (Vienna inv. no. 65025), the request to a spiritual master to remain in the world (Tib. zhabs brtan) and a eulogy (Tib. bstod pa) from the collected writings of an unknown religious dignitary (Vienna inv. no. 65026).

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IV Types of Votive Plaque [tshatsha] in the Leder Collections Béla Kelényi T

he tshatshas (Tib. tsha tsha, Mong. tsags burkhan, čača, Khal. cac) are small votive plaques which mostly depict different kinds of Buddhist deity or religious personalities. They play an important role not only in Tibetan Buddhism; tshatshas spread through Central Asia, as well as from north India to Burma and Thailand. They were already popular in the ancient India, where they were made for the pilgrims to the Buddhist shrines or for the lay people, who used them as reliquaries. As Tucci (1988) pointed out, the Tibetan name derives from the Sanskrit for “image” or “reproduction” (Skt. satchāya) through its Prakrit equivalent.1 This is also suggested by the Tibetan variants of the name (Tib. sātstsha, sāccha). The most common form of tshatsha is made of clay with metal moulds (Tib. bkros phor), and is simply dried. Sometimes the ashes of holy persons are added to the material, sometimes they are printed together with mixed materials made of precious Tibetan medicines. The tshatshas can also be made from papier-mâché and metal. Their surfaces are often painted; they may also have inscriptions, sacred syllables or longer mantras, usually on the reverse. When the image is complete it is consecrated.2 Tshatshas can be produced for a variety of reasons. They avert obstacles, bad conditions, sicknesses and accidents, pacify enemies and ward off harm. But above all they accumulate the merit and purify all hindrances. According to Lama Zopa, there are five groups of tshatsha, each dedicated to a different purpose: for the Triple Gem; for the gurus’ long lives; for the past, present and future parents of the practitioner; for sentient beings who have died and not yet taken another body and for the practitioner himself.3 These aspects are expressed by the following verse from a Tibetan text, composed by the 23rd abbot of the Labrang monastery, Drakpa Gyaltsen (Tib. Grags pa rgyal mtshan, 1762–1837) which explains the preparation of the tshatsha: By the power of making the vajra-tshatsha Be the life-span of the glorious lama firm, And be our life unexpectedly long. May we quickly attain the level of Buddhahood!4 The tshatshas have rather varied shapes. Usually they are round or square, but their most familiar form is the vault shape of the reliquary box (Tib. ga’u). Most of them show a single deity (possibly with their retinue), but there are also complex depictions with different groups of deities, Buddha-fields (Tib. dag zhing), stūpas and maṇḍalas. Many tshatshas are framed in wooden holders or put in reliquary boxes. It is quite rare for the image to be put in a house-shape holder (Vienna, inv. no. 74837). Most of the pieces of the Leder Collections are simple tshatshas with images of various Buddhas, bodhisattvas, tutelary deities, eminent monks or teachers. The most frequent figures in the various collections match each other. On a number of pieces their Mongolian name is recorded in pencil on the back.

IV Types of Votive Plaque

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A number of tshatshas only have a single image of a Buddha. The most popular is the historical Buddha, Śākyamuni, and the long-life deities, such as Amitāyus, the sambhogakāya form of Buddha Amitābha. The future Buddha, Maitreya, is also very popular (see separate paper), and a rather frequent depiction is Bhaiṣajyaguru in the form of the Eight Medicine Buddhas. Fig. IV/1 Lords of the Three Families with Ekādaśamukha Avalokiteśvara. Tshatsha, Mongolia, 19th century, clay, H. 19,8 cm, Weltmuseum Wien, inv. no. 74932

The most popular of the tshatshas showing various bodhisattvas is Avalokiteśvara, appearing in several forms, as well as Vajrapāṇi and Mañjuśrī, together as the Lords of the Three Families (Tib. Rigs gsum mgon po, Mong. Γurban iǰaγur-un itegel). In the most interesting representation of this triad, Avalokiteśvara does not appear in his usual form as the four-armed Ṣaḍakṣarī Lokeśvara, but as the eleven-headed Ekādaśamukha (Fig. IV/1). Among the female bodhisattvas very common representations are also Śyāmatārā and Sitatārā, but Uṣṇīṣavijayā is rather rare. However, in their combined depiction the Three Divinities of Longevity (Tib. Tshe lha rnam gsum, Mong. Nasun-u γurban burqan) can be found on a large number of them. There is only one example where the two triads (i.e. the Lords of the Three Families and the Three Divinities of Longevity) are represented together (Fig. IV/2).

Fig. IV/2 Lords of the Three Families and the Three Divinities of Longevity. Tshatsha, Mongolia, 19th century, clay, mineral pigments, H. 8,8 cm, Grassi Museum für Völkerkunde zu Leipzig, inv. no. 4253

Fig. IV/3 Vajrabhairava with eight dharmapālas. Tshatsha, Mongolia, 19th century, clay, H. 6,2 cm, Grassi Museum für Völkerkunde zu Leipzig, inv. no. 4165

Fig. IV/4 Depiction of “hundred gods of Galdan”. Tshatsha, Mongolia, 19th century, clay, H. 4,5 cm, Grassi Museum für Völkerkunde zu Leipzig, inv. no. 4066

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Interestingly, the representation of Tantric tutelary deities (Tib. yi dam) is especially rare in the collection. There are even more dharmapāla (Tib. chos skyong) figures, such as Mahākāla, Śrīdevī, Yama or Vaiśravaṇa. An especially interesting type is the representation of an eight-fold group of dharmapālas together with a yidam. In the centre is the main deity, Vajrabhairava, surrounded by eight dharmapālas: above Ṣaḍbhuja Mahākāla and Cintāmaṇi Sitamahākāla, in the middle Caturmukha Mahākāla and Acala, and in the bottom line Vaiśravaṇa, Yama, Śrīdevī and Sitabrahmā. Sometimes there is a representation of Tsongkapa at the top flanked by his two main disciples (Leipzig, inv. no. 4165, 4168, 4169, 4170, Vienna, inv. no. 74931), sometimes they are missing. (Leipzig, inv. no. 4167, Budapest, inv. no. 55971). (Fig. IV/3) Because Vajrabhairava is one of the main tutelary deities of the Gelug order, the eight dharmapālas are the protective deities whose rituals are performed most frequently by them. The most popular of the historical persons is Tsongkapa (Tib. Tsong kha pa, 1357–1419), founder of the Gelug order. Several times he is depicted in the same manner as in a commonly known thangka type: Tsongkapa with his two disciples emanating from the heart of Maitreya, dwelling in the Tuṣita heaven, the Galden (Tib. dGa’ ldan) above, and a monk presenting offerings to them.5 The name of this type is “Hundred Gods of Galden” (Tib. dGa’ ldan lha brgya), which comes from the first line of a famous guruyoga, which focuses on Tsongkapa: “From the heart of the lord (i.e. Maitreya) of hundred gods of Galden”.6 Although the composition of the several depictions is sometimes a little different from each other (in number and iconography of some figures), the structure of the main composition is the same (see Leipzig, inv. no. 4066, 4194, 4250, Vienna, inv. no. 74913) (Fig. IV/4, 4a). The representations of stūpas (Tib. mchod rten) plays a particularly important role in the tshatshas. There are various types in the Leder Collections: a single stūpa (e.g. Leipzig 4265); the eight stūpas (Skt. aṣṭamahācaitya, Tib. mchod rten brgyad, Mong. naiman suburγan), referring to the eight major events of Buddha Śākyamuni’s life, presented in one piece, or a stūpa multiplied in one square plaque (e.g. Leipzig, inv. no. 4268, 4269, Budapest, inv. no. 5756, Heidelberg, inv. no. 33783). An especially interesting type is a depiction of

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the eight types of stūpa on a tree (Budapest, inv. no. 58144, Leipzig, inv. no. 4266): from a lake where the guardians of treasures, the serpent-spirits (Skt. nāga, Tib. klu) live, a tree grows up with the eight stūpas on its branches. Buddha Amitābha is sitting on top, surrounded by Atiśa (on the left, one of his attributes is the Kadampa stūpa) and Tsongkapa (on the right) (Fig. IV/5). There are some depictions of deities who are rather associated with the popular religion, like Garba Nakpo (Tib. mGar ba nag po) (Budapest, inv. no. 55936, 55937, 55938, Leipzig, inv. no. 4264), (Fig. IV/6) or Dalha (dGra lha) (Heidelberg, inv. no. 33781, Leipzig, inv. no. 4190) (Fig. IV/7).

Fig. IV/4a Depiction of “hundred gods of Galdan”. Tshatsha, Mongolia, 19th century, clay, H. 6 cm, Völkerkunde Museum Wien, inv. no. 74913

Notes 1

Tucci 1988: 54–55.

2

On the whole process see Kretschmar und Tsering (2006).

3

Lama Zopa n.d.: 12–13.

4

rdo rje’i satstsha bzhengs pa’i mthus // dpal ldan bla ma’i sku tshe brtan // bdag cag tshe ring nang med cing // sangs rgyas go ’phang myur thob shog //

5

See Mullin 2007: 130–131.

6

dGa’ ldan lha brgya’i mgon gyi thugs nas / See Orosz 2009: 235, No. 504.16.

Fig. IV/5 The eight stūpas on the branches of a tree. Tshatsha, Mongolia, 19th century, clay, H. 30 cm, Grassi Museum für Völkerkunde zu Leipzig, inv. no. 4266

Fig. IV/6 Garba Nagpo. Tshatsha, Mongolia, 19th century, clay, H. 6,6 cm, Grassi Museum für Völkerkunde zu Leipzig, inv. no. 4264

Fig. IV/7 Dalha. Tshatsha, Mongolia, 19th century, clay, H. 7,2 cm, Grassi Museum für Völkerkunde zu Leipzig, inv. no. 4190

IV Types of Votive Plaque

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V A Maitreya [tshatsha] in the Leder Collections Béla Kelényi T

here are a large number of depictions of the future Buddha, Maitreya, in the collection. One type of these is especially interesting; it has different inscriptions on the front and back (Leipzig, inv. no. 4065, 11249) (Fig. V/1). On the front Maitreya is seated on a throne in bhadrāsana (Tib. bzang po’i ’dug stangs), with both his legs resting on a lotus support. His hands are in dharmacakrapravartana mudrā (Tib. chos ’khor gyi phyag rgya), which represents the turning of the Wheel of Law. His main attributes are on two lotuses over his shoulders: a wheel on his right and a water pot on his left side. A small stūpa is located on top of his head, and there is a halo around the figure. However, Maitreya is actually depicted in the niche of a large stūpa, which is surrounded by four other stūpas. Above Maitreya the figure of Buddha Amitābha is shown in the upper part of his stūpa. There is a Rañjanā (Tib. lan tsa) inscription around the edge, which is continued on the back. The reverse is full of different inscriptions. In the middle vertical line there are the five seed syllables in Tibetan characters: OṂ ĀḤ HŪṂ SVĀ HĀ. Around them there are different mantras and dhāraṇīs, both in Rañjanā and Tibetan characters in horizontal lines, and there are 108 stūpas around the inscriptions. In the basement of the tshatsha there is a small cover plate engraved with a double vajra. Fig. V/1a,b,c Maitreya. Mongolia, 19th century, painted clay, H. 13,7 cm Reverse side of the tshatsha with the inscriptions and 108 stūpas Bottom of the tshatsha with double vajra Grassi Museum für Völkerkunde zu Leipzig, inv. no. 11249

The inscriptions on the tshatsha were clearly written in a specific order. According to the Tibetan tradition, on the occasion of the consecration ceremony (Tib. rab gnas) different types of inscription should be written on the sculptures. A Tibetan text states that not only should the five seed syllables be written on the five “centres” (Tib. ’khor lo) of the figure, but that certain mantras and dhāraṇīs should also be placed below and above them. The OṂ SARVAVIDYE SVĀHĀ mantra should be placed under the OṂ syllable to be written on the forehead, and the Sanskrit vowels and consonants (Tib. dbyangs gsal) under the ĀḤ syllable to be written on the neck. The OṂ VAJRA-ĀYUṢE SVĀHĀ mantra should be placed under the HŪṂ syllable to be written on the heart, the “short” Vimaloṣṇīṣa dhāraṇī and Pratītyasamutpāda dhāraṇī should be located under the syllable SVĀ to be written on the navel, and the OṂ SUPRATIṢṬHAVAJRAYE SVĀHĀ mantra should be positioned under the syllable HĀ to be written on the “secret place” (loin).1 With the inscriptions of the tshatsha, a long Sanskrit inscription written in Rañjanā characters starts on the front (here the characters are totally indecipherable) and continues on the back. Although it is extremely difficult to read, in all likelihood they are the mantras of Maitreya, and could separate in three parts: his long root mantra, his heart mantra and his close heart mantra.2 Surprisingly, they are followed by the famous mantra of Avalokiteśvara (OṂ MAṆI PADME HŪṂ) above the syllable ĀḤ, written in Tibetan letters. The next part of the inscription is the Pratītyasamutpāda dhāraṇī, the famous “verse of interdependent origination”: “Whatever things arise from a cause, the Tathāgata has explained their cause and their cessation, too. This is the Great Ascetic’s teaching.”3 According to the above-mentioned consecration ceremony text,

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it should be placed under the syllable SVĀ, but nevertheless it ends under this seed mantra. The last mantra under the HĀ syllable is: OṂ SUPRATIṢṬHAVAJRAYE SVĀHĀ. This is analogous with the position of the mantra of the “secret place” mentioned above. From this fact it follows that there is an obvious correlation between the structure of the consecratory mantras and inscriptions on the tshatsha. This is confirmed by the double vajra on the pedestal, which can be found on the base of statues as well. This also implies that the paper scrolls with mantras on them could have been placed inside it. Notes 1

Kelényi 2008: 148–149.

2

On these see Lama Zopa n.d.: 203.

3

ye dharmA he tu pra bha bA he tu na te ShA nta thA ga to hya va dat te ShA nytsa yo ni ro dha e vaM bA dI ma hA shra manaH ye svA hA

V A Maitreya [tshatsha]

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VI The Tsam Figures in Leder’s Collections – A Reunion Maria-Katharina Lang everal groups of small wooden figures expressively depicting characters of the Tsam dance ceremony (Tib. S’cham), one of the most important Tibetan Buddhist festivities, form an extraordinary group within the Leder Collections. Altogether, there are at least 65 figures spread among five museums: twelve figures are housed in the Weltmuseum Wien (WMW), 22 figures are in the Néprajzi Múzeum Budapest, 15 figures in the Museum for Ethnology of the J. & E. von Portheim-Foundation Heidelberg, twelve figures in the Museum for Ethnology in Leipzig and four figures in the Museum for Ethnology in Hamburg.1 What are the stories and relations behind these unique artefacts? No wooden statues of Tsam dancers like these can be found in Mongolia itself, but similar items are part of the collections of the Kunstkamera and the Russian Museum of Ethnography in St. Petersburg. I first came across similar statues in the publication Nomads of Eurasia (Basilov 1989: 180–181). This shows five figures (height 18-20 cm) from the collections of Peter the Great Museum of Anthropology and Ethnography (Russian Academy of Sciences). During a visit in 2008 I was able to see some of the Tsam figures – altogether 72 pieces – kept in the depository of the Kunstkamera in St. Petersburg. According to the museum’s inventory these figures were acquired by the Russian merchant G. M. Osokin from Kyakhta in Urga (Mong. Ikh Khüree) at the end of the nineteenth century and entered the collections in 1897 (Fontein 1999: 48–49). Furthermore, in its “Lamaism” section the Russian Museum of Ethnography in St. Petersburg holds several wooden statuettes depicting Tsam characters. These were received in 1909 and 1911 among other objects as a gift from the General Consul J. P. Shishmarev of Russia in Urga (Boikova 2003: 65, 68). Relations During research on Leder’s collections in the Linden-Museum in Stuttgart I found a letter by Leder from Urga dated 3 December 1902 and addressed to the director of the Museum, Graf von Linden. Recently returned from Mongolia, Leder reported the following, concerning his new acquisitions: A special ornament is a collection of very beautiful carved, painted and gilded figures in wood that feature the Tsam masks. I ordered them to be made by a lama [monk] living in a monastery some miles away from Urga, who as I knew, had carried out a similar commission for the Imperial Academy in Petersburg. Eine besondere Zierde bildet eine Sammlung von sehr schönen holzgeschnitzten, gemalten u. vergoldeten Figuren, welche die Zam-Masken darstellen. Ich ließ sie auf Bestellung von einem einige Meilen von Urga in einem Kloster lebenden Lama anfertigen, von dem ich wusste, dass er vor Jahren einen ähnlichen Auftrag für die kaiserl. Akademie in Petersburg ausgeführt hatte.2

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So in fact, these artefacts are commissioned work – objects intentionally created by demand of a collector – following the example of some specific items in the Imperial Academy of Sciences in St. Petersburg. Collectors, scientists, officials and travellers of that time were well informed about museum collections, demands and policies through established networks and relations on which they had to (and could) rely on. For example, as early as his first travels in Mongolia in 1892, Leder followed the advice of Consul Shishmarev, an important contact person for foreign travellers in Urga at that time. Mongolian Tsam Seen by Hans Leder In his hand-written inventory from 1906, kept in original in the Weltmuseum Wien, Leder adds the following information on the Tsam figures: Tsam is the name of a religious festival celebrated outdoors in front of temples with dances and performances […] and of comical characters (figures) and nearly all deities, especially the Draggshed. The lamas appear in masks and mostly very rich costumes at these dance festivals, which are attended by the population of the whole nearby and more distant vicinity. They take place during the good season of the year, but at each temple at a different date, to ensure the believers are present several times a year. Naturally they take place accompanied by rather noisy music. Zamm ist der Name für ein religiöses Fest, welches im Freien vor den Tempeln mit Tänzen u. Vorführungen […] und komischer Figuren u. fast aller Götter, besonders der Draggshed[3] gefeiert wird. Die Lamen erscheinen in Masken u. meist sehr reichen Kostümen zu diesen Tanzfesten, denen die Bevölkerung der ganzen näheren u. ferneren Umgebung beiwohnt. Sie finden in der guten Jahreszeit, aber bei jedem einzelnen Tempel an einem anderen Termine statt, um zu ermöglichen, dass die Gläubigen ihnen mehrere male im Jahre beiwohnen können. Selbstverständlich finden sie in Begleitung recht geräuschvoller Musik statt.4 As early as his first stay in Mongolia in 1892 Leder witnessed a Tsam dance ceremony in Erdene Zuu Monastery. On 21 August Leder observed the gathering of crowds of old and young people from all directions, some arriving from the vicinity, others after many days of travel for the big Tsam ceremony of this significant monastery. The performance took place in the open space in front of one of the temples. Within the performance area Leder noticed a square space segregated by a variety of peculiar artefacts from the treasury and the collections of the monastery – among them, according to his estimation, medieval European weapons and armour. One of these particularly caught his attention: a sword with the Latin inscription “Vincere aut mori” and above the inscription “Zur Ehre Gottes” [In Honour of God] with a depiction of a knight on horseback. The original handle was missing and had been replaced by a simple new one. Leder interpreted these items as very probably being relics of the Mongolian conquests in Europe and Asia in the Middle Ages.5 Beside the square bordered by these items, monks of different ranks sat in groups (Leder 1895: 115). During his second visit to Mongolia, in 1899/1900, one of his declared aims was to photograph these weapons, but this plan failed due to the resistance of the monks (Mittheilungen der k. k. Geographischen Gesellschaft in Wien, Bd. XLIII, 1900: 63).

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In addition, a passage in Leder’s 1909 book Das geheimnisvolle Tibet is dedicated to the Mongolian Tsam dance as he experienced it on his subsequent travels to Mongolia. The following is an excerpt of his description of a performance in smaller scale on the occasion of the New Lunar Year 1904/05 in Urga: During earliest morning of this day, magic dances take place in the courtyards of the various temples or at nearby appropriate places, performed in the most wrathful masks of the so-called dogshid, the defenders of the faith, those gods and demi-gods of dreadful appearance, adopted from the ancient cult of Shiva and shamanism and they last for several hours, as usually 80-100 dancers, performed exclusively by lamas, take part in groups one after another. High-ranking spiritual leaders and noble guests sit under large tents, while the people gather all around, not seldom having to be kept from breaking through the boundary line only by drastic means. Humour is provided by the figures of the Indian Azari, who through their costumes, their grotesque face painting and their beards and through their grimaces make the humorous figures and therefore never fail to arouse wildest amusement and unleash frenetic applause. After the end of the dances and the completion of the daily morning religious services, a ceremonial procession to an approximately 1-2 km distant location in the open field sets out in order to sacrifice or burn a certain symbol called a ”torma” […]. I repeatedly saw similar ceremonies on a smaller scale, dealing with the elimination of evil demons, who had caused an illness prevalent at the time. In this case the evil spirit was banished into a hide in human form made of easily flammable material. […]; one can further imagine that the fantasies of all these people through the performance of the miraculous events taking place before them, in whose reality they do not doubt for a moment, is excited and heated to the highest level and thus one will understand that such a strange, gruesome-beautiful spectacle must make an unforgettable impression on someone unaccustomed to such scenes. (Leder 1909: 21–23) Am frühesten Morgen dieses Tages finden in den Höfen der verschiedenen Tempel oder an nahegelegenen geeigneten Plätzen Zaubertänze statt, die in den schrecklichsten Masken der sogenannten Dokschit[6], der Verteidiger des Glaubens, jener Götter und Halbgötter von furchtbarstem Aussehen, die aus dem alten Schivakulte und dem Schamanismus übernommen wurden, vorgeführt werden und mehrere Stunden dauern, da an denselben gewöhnlich 80 bis 100 Tänzer, ausschließlich nur von Lamen dargestellt, nacheinander in Gruppen teilnehmen. Unter großen Zelten sitzen die höheren Geistlichen und vornehme Gäste, während das Volk sich ringsum ansammelt, das nicht selten nur durch die drastischen Mittel vom Durchbrechen der Abgrenzungslinie abgehalten werden muß. Für den Humor sorgen die Figuren der indischen „Azari“[7], die durch ihre Kostüme, ihre groteske Gesichtsbemalung und ihre Bärte wie durch Grimassen die Lustigmacher vorstellen und darum auch niemals verfehlen, die wildeste Heiterkeit zu erregen und frenetischen Beifall zu entfesseln. Nach Beendigung der Tänze und Absolvierung des allmorgentlichen Gottesdienstes setzt sich eine feierliche Prozession nach einem ungefähr 1-2 km entfernten Orte im freien Felde in Bewegung, um ein gewisses Symbol, das „Torma“ genannt wird, zu opfern resp. zu verbrennen […]. Ich sah wiederholt ähnliche Zeremonien in kleinerem Maßstabe, wo es sich auch um die Beseitigung von bösen Dämonen, welche eine eben herrschende Krankheit hervorgerufen hatten, handelte. Der böse Geist wurde in diesem Falle in einen aus leicht brennbaren Stoffen hergestellten Balg in Men-

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schenform gebannt. [...] man denke sich ferner, daß die Phantasie all´ dieser Menschen durch die Vorstellung sich soeben vollziehender, wunderbarer Geschehnisse, an deren Wirklichkeit sie keinen Augenblick zweifeln, auf das höchste angespannt und erhitzt ist, so wird man begreifen, daß ein solch fremdartiges, grausig-schönes Schauspiel einen unvergeßlichen Eindruck auf den solcher Szenen ungewohnten hervorbringen muß (Leder 1909: 21–23). On his four documented travels in Mongolia Leder experienced different seasons with corresponding festivities and rituals such as the Tsam. In 1899/1900 and 1904/1905 he spent the winter months mainly in the Mongolian capital, Urga, and assembled ethnographic collections which he later sold to ethnographic museums in Europe. It is a feature of Leder’s collections that they mostly do not include large artefacts such as Tsam masks or dance costumes but rather maybe once almost complete ensembles of small figurines depicting at least the main characters performing the Tsam dance. The Tsam Dance in Mongolia The Tsam dance, a sacred pantomime mask dance originating in Tibet, is one of the major and most spectacular Buddhist ritual ceremonies. Following the legends, its roots go back to Guru Padmasambhava, who is said to have initiated the first Tsam dance to tame wrathful pre-Buddhist deities and convert them into guardian gods of Buddhism. Subsequently Tsam spread in Tibet. The Fifth Dalai Lama (1617–1682) created a manual with instructions for Tsam practice (Tib. ’chams yig) that still contains the basic instructions for the ritual. It was in the 18th century that the Tsam dance reached the Mongolian lands. The first evidence for a Tsam performance is in 1787 in Erdene Zuu Monastery (cf. Heissig 1989: 240–243; Sagaster 2005: 375; Pegg 2001). Only later, in 1811, was the Tsam in Urga (Ikh Khüree) introduced. The costumes and 108 masks for the Tsam of Urga were created by Mongolian lama artists following the records of the Fifth Dalai Lama (Forman and Rintschen 1967: 62–67). The manufacture of the papier-maché masks by the monks developed into its own specific form of art in Mongolia. Tibetan Tsam already manifested strongly syncretic features. Within one tradition, partly because of different sociocultural and political conditions, other regions influenced by Buddhism (such as Ladakh, Bhutan, Nepal, Buryatia and Tuva) developed their specific variations. Over time the repertoire of figures was widened and changed and conferred its own specific character on the Mongolian Tsam. The special reverence for mountain peaks and sacred natural landscapes with inherent non-human beings and spirits also became manifest in the dance ritual. Pantomime dances performed by the monks after periods of intense preparation and meditation, following defined choreographies prescribed in tantric texts, culminate in concentric movements. Through the dance the masks become mediators between the spectators and embodied deities; a dramatisation of the transformation of energies takes place. During the dance, all negative energies and obstacles on the path to enlightenment are drawn into an effigy, the Sor, which is then ritually burned in the conclusion of the festival (cf. Hambo Lama Baasansuren 2011: 82).

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For the Mongolian population the Tsam ceremony, with the appearance of wrathful deities and local spirits in threatening and comic form, was an event bringing variety into the annual cycle of the animal-herding families and thus was especially popular. The performances accompanied by music usually lasted for one day. Among the various versions of Mongolian Tsam, the so-called Jakhar (ǰaxar) Tsam – the dance of the iron palace (Mong. jakhar; Tib. lcags mkhar) or Erlik Nomun Khan-Tsam – was mostly widespread. The main deity of this Tsam is Erleg nomun Khan (Mong. Erlig nomiin khan), God of the Realm of Death and Supreme Judge of the Dead, first known as Choijoo (Choijil, Damjan Choijal, Tib. Chos rgyal, Dam can chos-rgyal, Skt. Yama). Erleg is the Mongolian name of Yama. The Jakhar-Tsam is called Khüree-Tsam as well, in reference to Ikh Khüree (Mong., large monastery), the historic name of the Mongolian capital. The Khüree-Tsam practice was introduced relatively late, in 1811 at the residence of the Fourth Jebtsundamba Khutugtu (1775–1813) in the Mongolian capital. The dancers were almost exclusively monks – within the Khüree-Tsam the character of the Raven (Fig. VI/3) and the two heroes (Fig. VI/4) could be performed by laymen (Forman and Rintschen 1967: 142) – dancing in masks and costumes on the dance field, within circles demarcated by white lines drawn with powdered chalk. The effigy, ling ga (Tib.), elaborately made of dough, was placed at the centre of the dance field. In addition to the Buddhist deities, animal figures (deerFig. VI/9, raven, bull, lions-Fig. VI/31), Garuḍa (Fig. VI/24), mountain spirits (Fig. VI/25, 26, 27), human or historic figures such as the White Old Man (Fig. VI/30), Khashin Khan (Fig. VI/7) and the two Heroes (Fig. VI/4) act in the performance. Repression and Preservation of the Mongolian Tsam Practice The performances and practice of Tsam in Mongolia underwent a decade-long forceful break during the communist regime. The last official Khüree-Tsam was performed in 1937 in the Mongolian capital (Forman and Rintschen 1967: 51). Subsequently, performances were officially prohibited. Very few documents and documentations of the Mongolian Tsam were preserved. Some photographs and film documentaries are held in the archives in Ulaanbaatar. Leder’s book Das geheimnisvolle Tibet includes a photograph of a cast of Tsam dancers. The original photograph was taken by the photographer A. Kuznetsov in 1891 in Azagat Monastery. Kuznetsov’s services were engaged by Count Esper E. Ukhtomskij, who acompagnied Crown Prince Nicolas on his tour in Transbaikalia and compiled an important collection of Lamaist Buddhist art (Fontein 1999: 40). Like Leder, some other early foreign travellers, such as Alexej M. Pozdneev, Paul Labbé, Ferdinand Lessing, Sven Hedin, Henning Haslund-Christensen and Joseph Geleta, described the Tsam performances they witnessed. Vsevolod I. Pudovkin’s renowned silent movie Storm Over Asia (also known as The Heir of Genghis Khan, Potomok Chinggis Khana) from 1928 includes a sequence showing a Tsam performance in front of a large monastery: here, however, as deterrent example, serving Soviet policy. The Tsam ceremony is equated with feudalism, Buddhist artefacts in the monastery with luxury decor. Paradoxically these shots, even if simulated especially for the objective of the film and without deeper knowledge of the (spiritual) meaning and background of what is shown, are an important and rare source of information on the Mongolian Tsam before 1937. In front of a still completely intact monastery (probably Azagat Monastery in Buryatia near the “Lake of Geese”, Gusino Ozero southeast of Baikal Lake) on a dance field demarcated by white lines, approximately

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50 actors wearing original masks and costumes perform a Tsam dance, accompanied by an orchestra playing monastic instruments. At the beginning of the 1930s the Khüree-Tsam was performed for a second time in the year in the course of a Soviet film production and thus recorded in black-and-white. A 1967 book is dedicated to masks that were used in the Khüree-Tsam. This shows Tsam masks that had been saved during the purges and are still on display at the Choijin Lama Temple Museum in Ulaanbaatar, partly shown in use being worn by the dancers, photographed and explained with an essay by the well-known Mongolian scholar Byambyn Rinchen (1905–1977). Between 1965 and 1975 the painter Urjingiin Yadamsuren (1905–1987) created an album entitled Ritual Tsam Dances in Ikh Khuree of Theocratic Mongolia, with water colours of the complete repertoire of Tsam figures in detail. The album includes 108 plates, showing each figure or participant of the Tsam in mask, costume and with corresponding attributes. After finishing this work – still during the communist area, Yadamsuren vainly attempted to publish the album. Only in celebration of his hundredth birthday, in 2005, was it posthumously published in Ulaanbaatar (Yadamsuren 2005). Shortly before the turn to democracy in 1990 a film was made to document the Tsam practice in Mongolia for the generations to come: Lama Sereeter, a high-ranking monk from Gandan Monastery in Ulaanbaatar, rehearsed the choreography and dance movements and also took the part of the Master of Tsam (Mong. chambon). Monks who had been witnesses or dancers in ceremonies in the 1930s assumed further roles. The famous masks from the Choijin Lama Temple Museum were used again and the dances were filmed in front of the Winter Palace of Bogd Khan in Ulaanbaatar. Reintroduction of the Tsam Ceremony since 1990 Since the 1990s the Mongolian Tsam practice has been reconstructed on the basis of written sources and memories of witnesses of the period when they were still performed. Primarily, they were revived following the form of the Khüree-Tsam, in Züün Khüree Dashchoilin Monastery in Ulaanbaatar and in Amarbayasgalant Monastery in Selenge province, where they are performed in summer. The revitalisation of the Tsam, one of the most complex tantric ceremonies, is of special importance for the Mongolian Buddhists. However, the organisation of the elaborate performance is difficult. So far, Tsam has been re-established in three monasteries. Before the repressions against the clergy, starting in the 1920s and up to their final prohibition in 1937, Tsam ceremonies were part of clerical life in approximately a quarter of the monasteries (about a thousand) in Mongolia (cf. Majer 2008: 86). In 1999 the Khüree-Tsam was revived in Gandan Monastery in Ulaanbaatar, but was performed there only once. Subsequently the Tsam dances were reintroduced through instruction by old monks in Amarbayasgalant Monastery, in a quite reduced form in Dashchoinkhorlin Monastery (Bulgan province) and in Züün Khüree Dashchoilin Monastery in Ulaanbaatar. Staging a performance with at least 20 to 30 initiated monks is almost impossible. Far fewer monks are associated with most of the monasteries in Mongolia. In Amarbayasgalant Monastery for example, where a relatively small number of monks live, this has consequences: even very young novices take part in the performance and some monks have to undertake several parts or tasks (cf. Majer 2008: 117). Nevertheless, despite decades of suppression of the ritual practice, reviving the Mongolian Tsam tradition has succeeded, even if on a smaller scale. Old monks passed on their memories and knowledge of the performative practice and the underlying tantric

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rituals to a new generation of monks. Soon the last witnesses of the historic Tsam ceremonies in Mongolia will no longer be with us, so more projects recording their memories and further historic sources such as the collections and descriptions by Hans Leder assume even greater importance. In this context, bringing the scattered Tsam dance figures together might contribute in part to the reconstruction of the once repressed history and ritual practice. Since its revival, elements of Tsam dance have also been incorporated into folkloristic performances. Here however, the sacred context is missing; the secular theatre spectacle, a show with a “Buddhist touch” predominates. Professional actors and dancers assume the role of the monks. These performances are primarily intended for tourists, the dancers wear simplified copies of original masks and costumes. For many Mongolians, however, even these performances express a form of Mongolian identity that was re-constructed or newly constructed after 1990. Like the “cult” of Chinggis Khan, Buddhism forms also part of a national consciousness of being “Mongol”. The Choijin Lama Temple Museum today not only holds the most famous collection of Mongolian Tsam masks, but in the yurt-shaped director’s office one can also find some small puppet-like figures of Tsam dancers created by a Mongolian artist and exhibited on various occasions. The Artefacts The Tsam dance figures in St. Petersburg and the collections of Leder are most probably not emic Mongolian art products but rather commissioned works for foreigners or museum collections. On one hand these small objects were easier and less costly to transport than huge heavy masks and their appropriate costumes, for example. On the other hand it must have been difficult or nearly impossible to acquire such artefacts made exclusively for ritual use. The masks, consecrated through specific rites, were regarded as sacred items with inherent magical powers. In this respect these peculiar groups of objects are a product of the interest of a collector. There are artificial, high-grade wood-carving works of similar size in the collections of monasteries and the museums in Mongolia. These indeed show mainly Mongolian-Buddhist deities (primarily protective deities) and they were worshipped as ritual objects within the altar ensemble, thus having a religious-sacral function. The same cannot be said of the Tsam-dancing figurines. Such figurines are not found in Mongolia and would not have had a function there. Besides their expressive effect, however, their documentary value is unique. The figures in the various museums are between 20 and 37 cm high; they all are carved in wood and painted in various colours. Apart from some of the items in Budapest, their surfaces are varnished. In many cases – due to their fragility – their attributes are missing or broken. Their wooden bases often differ in size, form and painting. Looking closely at the figures one may differentiate in the styles in which they are made. The groups in Vienna, Leipzig and Heidelberg might be identified as having once been part of one series. The figures of these sets complement each other, with no character except Yama (in Heidelberg and Leipzig) being found twice. Unfortunately, the Leder Collections in Hamburg has not been accessible to researchers for years, which made it impossible to analyse the items in detail or to take photographs. Pictures of the four wooden Tsam figures in this collection (inv. no. 2603:09 [Ḍākinī], 2602:09 [Black-hat dancer], 2601:09 [Deer], 2824:09 [Begtse / Jamsran]; H. 27-37 cm) have been published by the Museum für Völkerkunde in Hamburg in Die

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Welt des tibetischen Buddhismus (2005). Judging from these images, according to their style and the similar form of the pedestals these four figures seem to belong to one series of figures in Vienna, Leipzig and Heidelberg. The figurine of Begtse and the one showing a White Ḍākinī are very similar to the Begtse and Ḍākinī character in the Heidelberg collection, while the deer figure shows differences to the one preserved in Heidelberg. The collection in Budapest comprises 22 figures: two skeletons, the Raven, Siṁhavaktrā (the Lion-headed) and Makaravaktrā (the Makara-headed), the Tiger-headed, the Dog-headed, Blue Old Man, Garuḍa, Deer, Azar, White Old Man, Khashin Khan (Hvashang), Vajravārāhī, Vajrayoginī, Naro’s ḍākinī, Mahākāla, Begtse, a Black Hat dancer, Yama, two snow lions and the mule of Śrīdevī.8 According to archival data, all the Tsam figures held in Budapest today were collected by Leder during his third stay in Mongolia, in 1902, for Karl Graf von Linden, director of the Linden-Museum in Stuttgart, and first offered to him in 1902. The correspondence between Leder and the director can be found in the Linden-Museum archive, including the letter containing the reference on the monk who created the Tsam figures for the Kunstkamera in St. Petersburg. After a period of (complicated) negotiations this collection was transferred and sold to Budapest / Hungary (then part of the Austro-Hungarian Empire) in 1904. This means that, according to the collector, at least the Tsam figures in the Budapest collection were made by the same artist-monk as those in the Kunstkamera. The Museum of Ethnology in Vienna (then the anthropological-ethnographical department of the Imperial Naturhistorische Hofmuseum) acquired the Tsam-group from Leder after his last visit to Mongolia, in 1904/1905. The original handwritten inventory by Leder gives following information on the objects: “Wood carving; Tsam figure. Newly made to order. Painted or gilded.“9 The Museum of Ethnology in Leipzig acquired their first collection from Leder, including the Tsam figures, in 1907. The museum inventory of 1907 gives very similar brief information on this group of figures: “Tsam figure (Wood carving). Newly made to order by a lama-autodidact. Painted or gilded.”10 The bases of the figurines in Leipzig were covered with red cotton cloth by the museum at a later date. The ethnography museums in Heidelberg and Hamburg acquired their figures through the J.F.G. Umlauff trading company11 and the figures entered the Museum in Hamburg in 1909. The original inventories for the collection in Heidelberg disappeared during or after World War II. A typed list of objects contains names for the Tsam figures, which are named in a way that definitely refers to the collector Hans Leder. The object lists written by Leder in the museums in Vienna and Leipzig include information on denomination, size, material, condition and local names of artefacts. These terms, if existent, are given in brackets within the object descriptions (see below). Leder collaborated mostly with local monks, who also translated for him. The terms are Leder’s transcriptions of names as given to him. The evidence shows that Leder (probably at least twice) ordered the sets of Tsam figures to be made for sale to the European museums. The figures were created by (still) anonymous monk artisans. Comparing the sets of Tsam figures in the various museums, it is difficult to tell absolutely if they were made by just one artist-monk and at the same workshop at one monastery. However, it is very probable that according to some specific characters represented, the set in the Kunstkamera in St. Petersburg, like the one in Budapest and the ones in Vienna, Leipzig and Heidelberg, shows characters of the Khüree-Tsam.

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Object Descriptions The project database and homepage of the forMuse project “Mongolian Ethnographica” provides a virtual collection of the scattered Tsam figures. In the following, a selection of 39 artefacts is presented together for the first time.12 Fig. VI/1 Skeleton dancer (Leder: Cmacapati or Citipati; Mong. Khokhimoi/Xoximoi), Mongolia, early 20th century, painted wood, H. 29 cm, Grassi Museum für Völkerkunde zu Leipzig, inv. no. 3891

Fig. VI/2 Skeleton dancer (Mong. Khokhimoi/Xoximoi), Mongolia, early 20th century, painted wood, H. 26 cm, Völkerkundemuseum vPST Heidelberg, inv. no. 33461

Fig. VI/3 Raven (Leder: Chaschma; Mong. kheree (xeree); Tib. bya rog), Mongolia, early 20th century, painted wood, H. 17 cm, Weltmuseum Wien, inv. no. 74720

Fig. VI/4 Hero (Leder: Ulan Batt´r; Mong. baatar), Mongolia, early 20th century, painted wood, H. 31 cm, Weltmuseum Wien, inv. no. 74718

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The main sources used for the object descriptions in identifying and reconstructing the historic characters of the Khüree-Tsam is Rinchen’s essay (Forman and Rintschen 1967). Rinchen describes up to 108 characters taking part in the Khüree-Tsam. The following are the German transcriptions of the names given by Rinchen: Fifteen Direction Protectors (Dzug-sachiktschin or Tschokdschong), two Skeletons, Chaschin-Chan (Xašin xan) and his eight sons, two Heroes, the Raven, two Gugor (Tib. dgu skor), two Luba (Tib. bslu ba, ‘entice’), two Schindö (Šindö; Tib. bzhi ’gros), eight Dundschadma (Dünǰidma; Tib. bdun brgya ma), the Deer and the Bull; pair of gods: Gongar (Tib. mGon dkar; the White Mahākāla) and Kubera (Vaiśravaṇa), Otschirvani (Vajrapāṇi) with the Sendunme (Siṁhavaktrā, the Lion-headed, Sendom or Sendonma, Tib. seng gdong ma) and her retinue: the Tiger-headed (Vyāgravaktrā; Tib. sTag gdong-ma) and the Bear-headed; the eight Sword Bearers (Ditogjad, Tib. Gri thogs brgyad) the retinue of Begtse, Rigbilchamo (Rigwī lxam) and Lätschoansrogdak (Laixan sorogdag) – Begtse’s consorts, Dschamsaran (Begtse); the retinue of Mahākāla, namely: Tschadrabala / Kshetrapala (Čandrābal), Dsanamidra (Jinamidrā), Dagiradsa (Dagiranjā), Drakschad (Daragšid), Lhamo (Śrīdevī,) and Machakala (Mahākāla); the four Dongnjanschi (Nodǰinši; Tib. Gnod-sbyin bzhi) including Garuḍa, Mangus (i.e. the Black or Blue Old Man), the Dog-headed, and the Pig-headed; four Adsar (Ācāryas), the White Old Man – Tsagan-jebegen, Arslan – two lions, Schunak – 22 Black Hat dancers (including the Tschambon, the master of the dance), Dsamudi (Jamundi) and Tschödschal or Erlik (Čoiǰō). The figures and their roles described by Rinchen – as well as Leder’s figures (with few exceptions) – very much correspond with a detailed coloured drawing depicting the Tsam festival in Urga (Ikh Khüree) held in the Kunstkamera in St. Petersburg. This drawing was given to the Kunstkamera in 1903 (Fontein 1999: 46–47) – on close inspection one can identify most of the figures presented in the following. Fig. VI/1 The masks of the pair of Skeleton dancers, Khokhimoi (Mong.), the Lords of the Cemetery, enter the dance field at the beginning of the ceremony, transforming the pavilion with the effigies with their dance into a mystic charnel ground. They appear as skeletons, wearing masks depicting death’s heads and white linen garments on which the bones are outlined with red lines. Their role in the ceremony is also to protect the effigy placed at the centre of the dance field from being touched by the Raven (Vienna, inv. no. 74720), who comes into the field with them (cf. Pozdneyev 1978: 510 ff., Forman and Rintschen 1967: 110). This figure holds a striped stick in his right hand. The white garment is decorated with bone ornaments such as the Wheel of Dharma. A golden banner (Mong. jalcan, Tib. rgyal mtshan) decorates the top of the figurine’s head; two silk ornaments hang down from the back of the five-jewel diadem. Fig. VI/2 The attribute of this figure (see above), a striped stick in his hand, is missing.

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Fig. VI/3 During the performance the Raven tries to touch and desecrate the offering (Sor), which is placed in the innermost circle of the dance field. Flapping its wings, it circles around the Sor. It is prevented from coming too close to the Sor by the Lords of the Cemetery and the two Heroes, who continuously chase it away. Another task of the Raven together with the Lords of the Cemetery was (is) to keep the crowd of spectators at a suitable distance. It was believed that a blow from the sticks of the Lords of the Cemetery or the wings of the Raven meant misfortune. The actor of the Raven wore a raven-head mask and a dark costume with appliquéd feathers. In the revived Tsam dance the heroes, Büüwei baatar or Beil baatar and Shijir baatar, wearing armour and helmets also use their lances to protect the Sor offering from the Raven. (Forman and Rintschen 1967: 75–76, Majer 2008: 109)

Fig. VI/5 Hero or Warrior (Leder: Khara Bügun), Mongolia, early 20th century, painted wood, H. 26,2 cm, Völkerkundemuseum vPST Heidelberg, inv. no. 33501

Fig. VI/4 This figure represents one of the two Heroes who stood as guards at the edge of the innermost circle of the dance field and did not take part at the dance (Rintschen 1967: 75). Their duty is to watch over the offering, Sor, and to prevent the Raven from touching it. The two Heroes wear armour, as shields, arms, helmets and Mongolian-style boots; the mask of this figure is red. This Hero has a grim face while the mask representing the second Hero has a friendly expression. The denomination Ulan Battr (Mong., red hero, like the capital Ulaanbaatar) has so far only been found in Leder; other forms are Büüwei baatar or Beil baatar and Shijir baatar. (cf. Majer 2008: 109, Yadamsuren 2005: 32, Forman and Rintschen 1967: 75)

Fig. VI/6 Elephant Mongolia, early 20th century, painted wood, H. 30 cm, Völkerkundemuseum vPST Heidelberg, inv. no. 33500

Fig. VI/5 Possibly this figure depicts Shijir baatar, one of the two Heroes (see above). The mask is a dark colour (usually Shijir baatar’s mask appears white). This figure, like the one mentioned above, wears armour and a helmet. Whereas the top of the helmet of the figure in Vienna (Fig. VI/4) has disappeared, a golden trident decorates the top of this figure’s helmet. He holds a sword in his right hand, the attribute in his left is broken and missing. The figure may also represent a soldier who, for example, had participated in the Erdene Zuu Tsam or one of the eight Dundschamba mentioned by Rinchen (1967: 77, cf. Yadamsuren 2005: 32). Fig. VI/6 This figure with a mask in the shape of an elephant head in all likelihood represents one of the 15 Guardians of Directions. They do not take part in the dance but protect the field as guardians at the edges of the dance field. (cf. Yadamsuren 2005: 25)

Fig. VI/7 Khashin Khan (Leder: Choschan-Khan; Mong. Xuušaan, Tib. hwa shang), Mongolia, early 20th century, painted wood, H. 26 cm, Weltmuseum Wien, inv. no. 74722

Fig. VI/7 During the Tsam ceremony Khashin Khan appears together with six or eight children, who sit at the edge of the dance field during the performance playing various monastic instruments. Khashin Khan performs in a yellow mask with a friendly, smiling expression, wearing a yellow (monk’s) robe with blue cuffs, an incense burner in his right hand and a long rosary around his neck (as in this representation) or with an white khadag (ceremonial scarf ), invites the gods and welcomes them when they arrive on the dance field. His role is to come out with his children to meet every mask that appears – by holding a huge khadag as a welcoming

VI The Tsam Figures – A Reunion

Fig. VI/8 Luba/Luva (Leder: Lua or Luve), Mongolia, early 20th century, painted wood, H. 28 cm, Grassi Museum für Völkerkunde zu Leipzig, inv. no. 3885

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present in his hands. After Khashin Khan has come out, the dancing deities appear on the dance field. There are different interpretations for the origin of this figure; for instance, for the Mongolians it is supposed to represent the Manchu ruler Kang-xi, who patronised the spread of Buddhism in Mongolia in the 17th century. (cf. Majer 2008: 109, Berger 1995: 156–157, Yadamsuren 2005: 54, Forman and Rintschen 1967: 74–75, Pozdneyev 1978: 513) Fig. VI/9 Deer (Leder: Boga; Mong. Buga; Tib. sha ba), Mongolia, early 20th century, painted wood, H. 23 cm, Völkerkundemuseum vPST Heidelberg, inv. no. 33502

Fig. VI/8 Following Leder’s denomination, this figure represents Luba (Tib. bslu ba), also described by Rinchen (Forman and Rintschen 1967: 76–77). According to the latter, two Luba dance to attract the enemies in order to later destroy them. The mask and the costume of this figure is red. The protective deity wears a five-skull diadem; in her right hand she holds a knife, in her left a skull-cup. (cf. Yadamsuren 2005: 60: Lyuva with knife and skull; Forman and Rintschen 1967: 76–77) Fig. VI/9

Fig. VI/10 Vaiśravaṇa (Skt.; Leder: Namsra; Mong. Namsrai; Tib. rNam thos sras; alias Kubera), Mongolia, early 20th century, painted wood, H. 32 cm, Weltmuseum Wien, inv. no. 74715

Fig. VI/11 Gongor ? (Leder: Tschait wil cha), Mongolia, early 20th century, painted wood, H. 28 cm, Grassi Museum für Völkerkunde zu Leipzig, inv. no. 3883

Fig. VI/12 Vajrapāṇi (Leder: Otschirbanni), Mongolia, early 20th century, painted wood, H. 28 cm, Grassi Museum für Völkerkunde zu Leipzig, inv. no. 3884

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The mask with a deer head is red and appears in the dance together with a bull-head mask called Maki (M., Tib. Ma he – a character not present among the group of Tsam figures in the Leder collections). Both characters carry a sword in their right hand and a kapāla (skull cup) in their left. In the Tsam-performance the deer and the bull-headed are the messengers and servants of Yama (Erleg Khan or Choijoo), the Lord of Death. In contrast to other characters, who dance in slow solemn movements, these two dance a wild dance, kicking their legs to frighten away malevolent spirits and evil influences. At the end of the ceremony it was the deer’s task to chop up the linga effigy. This figure has a reddish-brown mask and whitish-brown detailed attire. The red robe has triangular sleeves and a bone string with the wheel of Dharma and a demon’s head as central ornaments. The boots are in the typical Mongolian style. He holds a curved knife (Mong. digüg, Tib. gri-gug) in his right hand and a ritual dagger (Mong. pürew, Tib. phur bu) in his left – both were symbolically used to destroy the lingka effigy (cf. Majer 2008: 110, Yadamsuren 2005: 65, Forman and Rintschen 1967: 77, Pozdneyev 1978: 515; cf. inv. no. 55907; Néprajzi Múzeum Budapest). Fig. VI/10 Vaiśravaṇa is one of the four World Guards (lokapāla) or the four Grand Kings. He is considered to be the Guardian of the North. Like the other World Guards, he wears an armoured coat of mail, boots and a golden mask with a crown decorated with five (lucky) jewels (the middle one of the five jewels on this figure has broken off ). In his right hand he holds a victory standard, in the left a jewel-spewing mongoose. The latter symbolises wealth and abundance. His body and his garments are golden yellow. He is worshipped principally as a god of wealth. In the choreography of the Tsam he appears together with Gongor (Mong., Skt. Sitamahākāla). Both are regarded as peaceful deities whose role is to increase good fortune and riches. Fig. VI/11 This figure is dressed in white and wears a ferocious-looking mask crowned with a five-jewel diadem (the jewel in the middle is missing). The figure may be a representation of Gongor (Tib. mGon po dkar po), the White Protector, Sitamahākāla, who appears in the dance together with Vaiśravaṇa, the Guardian of the

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North (see above). The figure, which is depicted standing and not in a dancing pose may also one of the fifteen Protectors of Directions whose role was to stand at the edge of the dance field to guard the space. These figures held banners and did not participate in the dance. (cf. Yadamsuren 2005: 16, Nebesky-Wojkovitz 1975: 63, Forman and Rintschen 1967: 76). Fig. VI/12 According to Pozdneev, Vajrapāṇi (the vajra-holder) appeared after the dance of the Deer and the Bull – according to Rinchen after Gongor and Vaiśravaṇa. His body and costume are blue and he is holding his attribute, a vajra (Mong. ochir), in his right hand and a lasso made of string in his left hand. Vajrapāṇi is supposed use this to catch the enemies of the faith. He dances in the first and second circle in front of the effigy, Sor. In the Khüree-Tsam, Vajrapāṇi is accompagnied by his shakti, the Lion-headed (Siṁhavaktrā). The latter appears with her retinue, two female deities: the Tiger-headed and the Bear-headed. In his dance Vajrapāṇi symbolically subjugates evil powers. (cf. Pozdneyev 1978: 515).

Fig. VI/13 Siṁhavaktrā (Leder: Sendoma, Skt. Siṁhavaktrā, Tib. Seng gdong ma), Mongolia, early 20th century, painted wood, H. 31 cm, Grassi Museum für Völkerkunde zu Leipzig, inv. no. 3892

Fig. VI/13 Siṁhavaktrā, the lion-faced ḍākinī, represents one of the Ten Protectors in the Mongolian pantheon. In standard iconography Siṁhavaktrā and Makaravaktrā, the Makara-headed ḍākinī accompany Lhamo (Śrīdevī). Rinchen describes this character as an attendant’s mask of Vajrapāṇi in the dance. According to him, Siṁhavaktrā appears in the dance with her two attendants: the tiger-headed and the bear-headed ḍākinī. This figure does not yet participate in the revived Tsam dances in Mongolia. She wears a white lion-head mask with orange hair and crown of five skulls. Her blue robe with long triangular sleeves is covered with beads of bone and a plaque in shape of the Wheel of Dharma as its central ornament. Siṁhavaktrā holds a skull cup in her left hand, the attribute in her right is missing. She wears Mongolian boots. (cf. inv. no. 55900; Néprajzi Múzeum Budapest, inv. no. 33461, Völkerkundemuseum vPST Heidelberg; Yadamsuren 2005: 71, Pozdneyev 1978: 515)

Fig. VI/14 Makaravaktrā (Skt.; Leder: Dzu-Dschirin Dandshian; Tib. Chu srin gdong can), Mongolia, early 20th century, painted wood, H. 29 cm, Weltmuseum Wien, inv. no. 74712

Fig. VI/14 According to Pozdneev’s (1978: 502–520) observations of the Tsam, Makaravaktrā (the Makara-headed) appears together with Siṁhavaktrā (the Lion-headed) as a main companion of the goddess Śrīdevī / Lhamo after her dance. In her right hand she usually holds a sword, in the left a snake. This figure is represented holding a snake in each hand (cf. Nebesky-Wojkovitz 1976: 60f., Pozdneyev 1978: 515).

Fig. VI/15 The Tiger-headed (Leder: Tschulschen, S.Vyāgravaktrā, Tib. Stag gdong ma), Mongolia, early 20th century, painted wood, H. 28 cm, Grassi Museum für Völkerkunde zu Leipzig, inv. no. 3890

Fig. VI/16 Rigbii lkhamo (?), Mongolia, early 20th century, painted wood, H. 24 cm, Völkerkundemuseum vPST Heidelberg, inv. no. 33497

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Fig. VI/15

Fig. VI/17 Laikhan sorogdag (Mong.; Leder: Lai-Chan; Tib. Lasmkhan srog bdag), Mongolia, early 20th century, painted wood, H. 31 cm, Weltmuseum Wien, inv. no. 74717

Siṁhavaktrā, the lion-faced ḍākinī has two escorts: the bear-headed and the tiger-headed ḍākinī (Tib. Srin mo stag gdong). The latter is represented in this figurine. She wears a tiger mask with one skull decorating the top; the long cape-like costume of the figure is ornamented with motives imitating tiger skin. The figure holds a sword in the right and a vajra (or handle with missing part) in the left hand. (cf. Budapest inv. no. 55912) Fig. VI/16 This figure might depict the goddess Rigbii lkhamo (Rigwii lxam), the goddess of wisdom, mentioned by Rinchen. Like this figurine, Rigbii lkhamo wore a red mask and a blue (silk) costume in the dance. Her attributes are a copper sword and an iron dagger (phurbu). (cf. Forman and Rintschen 1967: 83) Fig. VI/17

Fig. VI/18 Begtse (Jamsaran), Mongolia, early 20th century, painted wood, H. 23 cm, Völkerkundemuseum vPST Heidelberg, inv. no. 33496

Fig. VI/19 Kṣetrapāla (Skt.; Leder: Tschetra; Mong. Chadraabal; Tib. Zhing skyong), Mongolia, early 20th century, painted wood, H. 29 cm, Weltmuseum Wien, inv. no. 74713

The red guardian spirit Laikhan Sorogdag with a spear and lasso is one of the two attendants of the red Protector God Begtse (Jamsran). Together with Rigbii lkhamo, he clears and prepares the way for Begtse. This figure wears a helmet decorated with a skull, armour over a blue suit, and a red mask with frightening grimace; the spear in his left hand is broken and thus looks like a flag. In his right hand he holds a lasso for to catch negative spirits (cf. Yadamsuren 2005: 82, Forman and Rintschen 1967: 83, Nebesky-Wojkovitz 1975: 91). Fig. VI/18 The war god Begtse is one of the dharmapāla and a chief protector of Mongolia. He appears on the dance field after his eight associates. This mask is one of the most impressive and terrifying. His face is red, with a ferocious contorted expression. His head is crowned with diadem of five human skulls (only one is left on this figure); in addition, five triangular flags may be mounted on the crown of skulls. He wears armour; in his right hand he holds a sword, in his left a (human) heart covered with blood. Additionally he carries a bow over his shoulders. (Yadamsuren 2005: 83, Pozdneyev 1978: 518). Fig. VI/19 Kṣetrapāla is one of the four companions of the Protector God Mahākāla. The mask and the costume are in blue; in his right hand he holds a curved knife, in his left a ritual dagger, phurbu (cf. Yadamsuren 2005: 84; Chadraabal Degdug). Fig. VI/20

Fig. VI/20 Lhamo/Śrīdevī (Leder: Tschi-Tängri), Mongolia, early 20th century, painted wood, H. 33 cm, Grassi Museum für Völkerkunde zu Leipzig, inv. no. 3882

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Śrīdevī or Lhamo (Śrīdevī) comes to the dance field after Vajrapāṇi. She is the only female of the high-ranking protective deities, dharmapāla, (such as Begtse, Mahākāla, Vaiśravaṇa and Yama) taking part in the performance. Generally, Śrīdevī is accompanied in the dance by her two main companions: Makaravaktrā and Siṁhavaktrā (see below). In accordance with standard iconography, the mask depicted in the figure is blue and of a wrathful type with three eyes. On top of the flaming orange-red hair are peacock feathers. Śrīdevī wears a five-skull diadem and holds her typical attributes: a skull cup (kapāla) in her left hand and a sword (gri-gug) in her right. (cf. Nebesky-Wojkovitz 1976: 76, Pozdneyev 1978: 515)

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Fig. VI/21 In standard iconography Śrīdevī sits sideways on her mule. The flayed skin of her son, an enemy of Buddhism, serves as saddle blanket: Snakes form the reins, bridle and trappings. Lhamo’s mount, is not mentioned in the descriptions of the historic Mongolian Tsam used for this article nor is it part of the revived Tsam ceremonies. (cf. inv. no. 55918, Néprajzi Múzeum Budapest) Fig. VI/22 The guardian god Mahākāla is of special importance for Mongolia. Khubilai Khan chose Mahākāla as his personal protective deity after his conversion to Buddhism. Later he was especially honoured as one of the Great Protectors of the Law (dharmapāla) and was incorporated into the cast of the Mongolian Tsam. There are more than seventy forms of Mahākāla, and this figure probably shows the Black Mahākāla. He wears a black mask adorned with a crown of five skulls. His attributes are the skull cup in his left hand and a garland of skulls in his right. Fig. VI/23 According to the collector, this figure represents a monkey. There is little evidence for the figure of the monkey in Mongolian Tsam. According to narrations, in some areas the monkey entered the dance field after the performance of several protector deities and the two skeletons. Animal figures are attendants and assistants of the deities (Pegg 2001: 159). According to Atwood (2004) the figure of the monkey was more usual in Inner Mongolia and can be traced back to Chinese influence.

Fig. VI/21 Mule of Lhamo (Śrīdevī), Mongolia, early 20th century, painted wood, H. 19 cm, Völkerkundemuseum vPST Heidelberg, inv. no. 33504

Fig. VI/22 Mahākāla (Leder: Mahākāla, Mong. Gombo, Tib. mGon po), Mongolia, early 20th century, painted wood, H. 27 cm, Grassi Museum für Völkerkunde zu Leipzig, inv. no. 3889

Fig. VI/24 Garuḍa, the king of birds, was originally an ancient Hindu sun symbol. Half vulture, half man, he lived on a diet of snakes (nāga). There are similarities between him and the mythical Himalayan Khyung (Tib.), who protected the four cardinal directions. This must have appealed to the Mongolians. At its centre, their native (shamanistic) belief includes the worship of the blue sky. Garuḍa appears in the Urga-Tsam as one of the four masks which are held for the incorporations of famous shaman spirits of the past. He is identified with the mountain spirit of the holy mountain Bogd Uul in the south of Ulaanbaatar (or Urga), and after the incorporation into the Buddhistic religious system was recognised as the protector spirit of this site. Whereas in the Choijin-Lama Temple Museum in Ulaanbaatar there is a yellow mask with which a yellow garment was worn (cf. Berger 1995, Forman and Rintschen 1967), both the mask and the costume of the figure in the Weltmuseum Wien are blue; the same applies for a further Tsam figure showing Garuḍa, which is located in the Leder Collections in Budapest (inv. no. 55899). Garuḍa is represented in a dancing position with long horns, bull’s ears, a vulture’s beak and the lotus as his crown.

Fig. VI/23 Monkey (Leder: Mitschm; Mong. mitsch; Tib. spre´u), Mongolia, early 20th century, painted wood, H. 32 cm, Weltmuseum Wien, inv. no. 74721

Fig. VI/25 As Garuḍa the Blue Old Man is one of the Lords of the Four Mountains, a group of figures who originated in Mongolian shamanism. He is the Lord of Songino Mountain, situated west of Ulaanbaatar. Rinchen describes the Blue Old Man as spirit also called “Mangus”, the man-eater. The rope with a hook in his hands served to catch souls. According to the people’s belief he had once been a mighty shaman, buried near Songi-

VI The Tsam Figures – A Reunion

Fig. VI/24 Garuḍa (Skt.; Leder: Dshon-naga-garid), Mongolia, early 20th century, painted wood, H. 33 cm, Weltmuseum Wien, inv. no. 74711

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Fig. VI/25 Blue Old Man (Leder: Kuchu-Obogan, Mong. Xöx öwgön), Mongolia, early 20th century, painted wood, H. 27 cm, Grassi Museum für Völkerkunde zu Leipzig, inv. no. 3886

no Mountain, which until then was his dwelling place that he protected. People were afraid of losing their local protector during the conversion to Buddhism – so this local spirit was converted to Buddhism and hence was made a protector deity of the Buddhist faith (cf. Forman and Rintschen 1967: 85 ff ). In the revived Tsam dance this character participates in Züün Khüree Dashchoilin Monastery. This figure wears a fierce, dark blue mask with long grey hair and beard. He wears a dark brocade robe with a belt, Mongolian-style boots and is holding a lasso in his hands. (cf. inv. no. 55919, Néprajzi Múzeum Budapest) Fig. VI/26 The Pig-headed or Sow-headed is also one of the Lords of the Four Mountains, a group of figures who originated in Mongolian shamanism. The Sow-headed is the protector of Chingeltei Mountain, situated north of Ulaanbaatar. The mask and the body of this figure are dark blue / black. The collar and cloth around its waist are made of tiger skin. The attribute held up in the right hand may be a broken saw, the other attribute in the left hand is missing. (cf. Yadamsuren 2005: 93) Fig. VI/27

Fig. VI/26 The Sow-headed (Tib. Phag gdong), Mongolia, early 20th century, painted wood, H. 23 cm, Völkerkundemuseum vPST Heidelberg, inv. no. 33498

The Dog-headed is the Lord of Bayanjürkh Mountain, situated east of Ulaanbaatar and belongs to the group of the Lords of the Four Mountains, former pre-Buddhist, shamanic local spirits (see above). In the revived dance of Züün Khüree Dashchoilin Monastery she stands on the eastern edge of the dance field and does not participate in the dance. This figure wears a dark (blue-black) mask and coat with a belt as well as Mongolian boots. The attributes are missing. (cf. Yadamsuren 2005: 92; cf. inv. number 55908 Néprajzi Múzeum Budapest) Fig. VI/28

Fig. VI/27 The Dog-headed (Čidon; Tib. Khyi gdong), Mongolia, early 20th century, painted wood, H. 23 cm, Völkerkundemuseum vPST Heidelberg, inv. no. 33499

Two masks represent the Azar, religious scholars of India. According to old photographs there may be two or four Azar. Their masks have human faces with distorted grimaces. They are dressed in gowns of reddish-brown silk with a dark (black) fringe, belted by a dark (black) sash. Their hair is tied upwards in a bunch. Often they carry a red stick, which is missing in this figure. Being touched by the stick of an Azar was meant to be auspicious for the spectators. During their dance the drums are played. Like the figure of the White Old Man they were regarded as friendly and comic characters within the spectacle, contributing to the amusement of the audience. (cf. Pozdneyev 1978: 511–512) According to legend these characters were integrated to the Mongolian Tsam cast by Zanabazar (1635– 1723) after they had magically appeared, handing him a staff (Berger and Bartholomew 1995: 64). This figurine is one of a pair, the second figurine is part of the collection in Leipzig (inv. no. 3888). Fig. VI/29 See above

Fig. VI/28 Azar (M., Leder: Nauge, Adzar; Tib. A tsa ra; Skt. Ācārya), Mongolia, early 20th century, painted wood, H. 30 cm, Weltmuseum Wien, inv. no. 74719

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Fig. VI/30 The White Old Man (Mong. Tsagaan Ebügen / Cagān Öwgön; Tserendug; cf. Birtalan in this publication), originally a pre-Buddhist shamanistic figure was very popular among the Mongols and is an important character in the cast of the Tsam. Although his role is a comic one, his gestures have a deeper meaning, symbolising age and revitalisation. His mask, long beard and costume are all white (a sacred colour in Mongolia). The figure holds the typical attributes: a rosary in his right hand and a curved staff with a dragon head in his left. In the performances since the 1990s he again plays an important amusing role. (Berger and Bartholomew 1995: 158–159, Forman and Rintschen 1967: 91 ff., Yadamsuren 2005: 98, Pozdneyev 1978: 519) Fig. VI/31

Fig. VI/29 Azar (M., Leder: Nauge; Tib. A tsa ra; Skt. Ācārya), Mongolia, early 20th century, painted wood, H. 30 cm, Grassi Museum für Völkerkunde zu Leipzig, inv. no. 3888

Four lions – two white and two green ones – participated in the Khüree-Tsam. They did not directly take part in the dance but enlivened the performance with their appearances. Two actors were needed for each lion figure. (cf. inv. no. 55916 and 55917 ; Néprajzi Múzeum Budapest) Fig. VI/32 Twenty-two Black Hat dancers took part in the Tsam performance. The Black Hat dancers perform without masks but wear elaborate costumes and ritual daggers. Especially impressive are their huge black fur-trimmed hats topped with a golden crown and a skull, as can be seen at this figure. This figure wears a red costume with wide triangular sleeves and bone ornaments held together by a round mirror as the central ornament. In his left hand he holds a ritual dagger, in his right a vajra (?). (cf. Budapest inv. no. 55902)

Fig. VI/30 White Old Man (Leder: Tsagaan Owgoon), Mongolia, early 20th century, painted wood, H. 21 cm, Völkerkundemuseum vPST Heidelberg, inv. no. 33503

Fig. VI/33 Hayagrīva is one of the Great Protectors of Buddhism (dharmapāla) and is ranked among the group of the yidam (personal meditation and protection deities), too. He takes an active role in destroying the obstacles that stand in the way of enlightenment. Hayagrīva is also the Guardian Lord of Horses, and quite revered in Mongolia. He is not mentioned in all descriptions of the Tsam. He has a red face with a third eye, fangs and flaming hair. Usually, there is a green horse’s head in the middle of his crown; at this representation it is white. He is mentioned as a figure in the Tsam of the lamas in Tanu-Tuva (Nebesky-Wojkovitz 1976: 61). In the Choijin Lama Temple Museum in Ulaanbaatar there is a mask with representation of Hayagrīva, whose provenance is said to be the Janjin Choir Monastery in the former Setsen Khan Aimag, in the south of Urga (cf. Berger and Bartholomew 1995: 164).

Fig. VI/31 Lion (Mong. Arslan), Mongolia, early 20th century, painted wood, H. 23,8 cm, Völkerkundemuseum vPST Heidelberg, inv. no. 33505

Fig. VI/34 Probably this concerns the worldly protector deity Pehar, one of the Five Kings. Pehar has five forms representing body, speech, mind, quality and activity – each with a different appearance. The most commonly depicted is the Activity Pehar with three faces, white and riding a lion. King Pehar has a non-Tibetan, pre-Buddhist origin, and according to the legend was converted in the 8th century by Guru Rinpoche and made to one of the most important protectors of Tibetan Buddhism. In some Tsam dances the Five Kings appear without masks (Nebesky-Wojkovitz 1976: 79). Pehar’s body is white and he wears a broad-brimmed golden hat; in his hands he holds sword and staff. Pehar is not a character in the Khüree-Tsam.

VI The Tsam Figures – A Reunion

Fig. VI/32 Black Hat Dancer (Leder: Lowan Tschanneg, Mong. šanag, Tib. zhwa nag), Mongolia, early 20th century, painted wood, H. 35 cm, Grassi Museum für Völkerkunde zu Leipzig, inv. no. 3887

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Fig. VI/35

Fig. VI/33 Hayagrīva (Skt.; Leder: Tamdin Jangsan (Hayagrīva); Tib. rTa mgrin), Mongolia, early 20th century, painted wood, H. 30 cm, Weltmuseum Wien, inv. no. 74714

Fig. VI/34 Pehar/Five Kings (S.; Leder: Tabun Chan, Mong. Tawan-khan; Tib. rGyal po sku lnga), Mongolia, early 20th century, painted wood, H. 34 cm, Weltmuseum Wien, inv. no. 74716

The identification of this figure wearing a fierce black mask is unclear. The head is crowned with a five-jewel diadem (one of the jewels is missing), a golden helmet decorated with five red flags (one of them missing) with a golden skull and a red flag on its top. The warrior-like figure wears a robe with triangular sleeves, decorated with bone ornaments and an apron with a demon head; he holds a sword in each hand. The boots are Mongolian type. Fig. VI/36 Naro ḍākinī is an emanation of Vajrayoginī and revealed herself in this form to the Indian adept Nāropā. In Mongolia Naro ḍākinī is worshipped in the monasteries of the Gelugpa and Nyingma schools. She was especially worshipped in Urga, as she was the tutelary deity of the Fifth Bogdo Gegeen (1815–1841). According to legend, he saw a ray of red light above Bogd khan Mountain and the River Tuul when he was meditating on this tantric female deity (information by K. Teleki). This figure depicts Naro ḍākinī, following the usual iconography in her typical posture, her face turned up, drinking the nectar of bliss that perpetually flows from her skull cup (kapāla) and looking towards the pure realm of Khecara, her Buddha paradise. Her body is red, her long red hair falls freely down her back. In her right she holds her attribute, a hooked knife (Mong. digüg, Tib. gri gug) and in her left the skull cup. A khaṭvāṅga staff rests on her left shoulder. Around her neck she wears a garland of fresh severed human heads, she wears earrings and her body is decorated with bone ornaments. She is shown standing on the bodies of the red Kalaratri and the black Bhairava. Dark drawn lines on the wooden base of the statue imitate the lotus throne. There is no evidence of the figure of Naro ḍākinī within the Khüree-Tsam; interestingly there is another similar figure representing this character in the Leder Collections in the Néprajzi Múzeum Budapest (inv. no. 55906). (cf. Shaw 2006: 206) Fig. VI/37

Fig. VI/35 Tsam figure, Mongolia, early 20th century, painted wood, H. 26,5 cm, Völkerkundemuseum vPST Heidelberg, inv. no. 33463

Fig. VI/36 Vajrayoginī/Naro ḍākinī (Mong. Narxaǰid), Mongolia, early 20th century, painted wood, H. 22 cm, Völkerkundemuseum vPST Heidelberg, inv. no. 33464

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This ḍākinī is dark blue. She is three-eyed and her head is crowned with a five-skull diadem and a (larger) skull on the top of her head. Her blue body is decorated with bone ornaments with the Wheel of Dharma as the central piece, and as a necklace she wears a garland of severed heads and skulls. She holds a rather large double-drum – possibly a chomdar drum used in Chöd practice – decorated with silk scarves in her right hand and a bell in her left hand. These are for example the attributes of Machig Labdrön (1055–1149), great Tibetan yoginī and founder of Chöd (Tib. gcod) practices – which were widespread in Mongolia. This ḍākinī might therefore represent one of the four dancing Vajra Ḍākinīs. Machig is usually depicted in the form of the White Yoginī – the Ḍākinī figure in the Leder Collections in Hamburg is white. The classification of this Ḍākinī in the Tsam is not clear, usually Yama appears in the Tsam together with his consort Jamundi. The attributes of the black or red Jamundi can be a double-drum (ḍamaru), a trident (triṣūla), sword, a snake, skull-staff (khaṭvāṅga), thunderbolt or a severed head and a skull-cup (kapāla) filled with blood. (cf. inv. no. 55901, Néprajzi Múzeum Budapest; inv. no. 2603:09, Museum für Völkerkunde Hamburg; Mullin 2003: 168 ff.) Fig. VI/38

Retracing Hans Leder

The protector deity Yama, the “Lord of Death”, the main figure of the dance appears as the last mask with an enormous blue bull’s head. He is accompanied by his consort Jamundi. He finishes his dance in the middle of the circle and starts to dance around the linga together with Begtse and their companions. At the end they destroy the linga, cutting it into pieces – symbolically killing the enemy of faith. The figure of this collection is depicted in a dancing pose, lifting his right leg. The expressive mask in shape of a bull-head is of dark blue, with two eyes, and horns ending in tongues of flame. A skull decorated with a half vajra adorns the top of his head. As this figure shows, Yama brandishes his attributes, a skeleton stick in his right and a lasso in his left hand. (Yadamsuren 2005: 116, Pozdneyev 1978: 520; cf. inv. no. 33462 Völkerkundemuseum vPST Heidelberg)

Fig. VI/37 Ḍākinī with ḍamaru, Mongolia, early 20th century, painted wood, H. 28 cm, Völkerkundemuseum vPST Heidelberg, inv. no. 33460

Fig. VI/39 This figurine of Yama is similar to the one described above. But here Yama is shown in a slightly different dancing pose, the painted bone ornaments are not that elaborate and the attribute in the figure’s right hand is missing. Notes 1

The figurines mentioned were identified in course of the forMuse project “Mongolian Ethnographica” (2010–2012). It is possible that further figurines of Leder’s collections might be part of other museums or private collections.

2

Letter from Leder, 3 Dec. 1902, Katharein, archive Linden-Museum Stuttgart. If not otherwise mentioned, Hans Leder‘s quotations have been translated into English by the author. The original German text is also given

3

Wrathful protector deities (Tib. drag gshed).

4

Note by Hans Leder; list of objects from 1906; Archive Weltmuseum Wien.

5

During field research in Erdene Zuu in 2011, Abbot Baasansuren who was editing a book (Hambo Lama Baasansuren 2011) on the monastery’s history, including his collections of historic photographs, said that such items no longer existed in the monastery treasury but that he had heard of items of that kind and showed historic photographs of the Erdene Zuu Tsam festival with their mask dancers wearing weapons that may have been among those seen by Leder.

6

Wrathful deity (Mong. dogshid, khangal). In Mongolia especially the group of the ten wrathful protectors (Mong. arwan dogshid, arwan khangal) is worshipped. In Tibet the group of eight wrathful protector deities (Tib. chos skyong, drag gshed) is venerated.

7

See inv. no. 74719.

8

Only working photos were available within the course of the project.

9

Remarks by H. Leder, inventory, 1906, Archive WMW; “Holzschnitzerei; Zamfigur. Auf Bestellung neu angefertigt. Gemalt resp. vergoldet”

Fig. VI/38 Yama (Leder: Tamdin-Tschaitscha, Mong. Erlig Khan, Choijil), Mongolia, early 20th century, painted wood, H. 33 cm, Grassi Museum für Völkerkunde zu Leipzig, inv. no. 3881

Fig. VI/39 Yama, Mongolia, early 20th century, painted wood, H. 33 cm, Völkerkundemuseum vPST Heidelberg, inv. no. 33462

10 Remarks, inventory, 1907, Archive Grassi-Museum zu Leipzig; “Zammfigur (Holzschnitzerei). Auf Bestellung neu angefertigt von einem Lama-Autodidakten. Gemalt resp. vergoldet.” 11 The J.F.G. Umlauff trading company in Hamburg was one of the leading trading companies for ethnographica at the turn of the 20th century. 12 All Tsam figures can be accessed through the project homepage (www.moncol.net). I thank Krisztina Teleki who provided the first general descriptions of the Tsam figures in the Leder Collections within the forMuse project for the database and thus contributed an important part to the identification of the objects.

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VII The Khüree-Tsam and its Relations with the Tsam Figures of the Leder Collections Krisztina Teleki History of Khüree-Tsam1

he Jakhar (axar) Tsam or Khüree-Tsam was introduced in Urga / Ikh Khüree (or Ix xürē, Dā xürē, Nīslel T xürē, Bogdīn xürē, later Ulaanbaatar) in 1811, in the period of the Fourth Bogd (or Bogd gegēn / awjandamba 2

xutagt, Tib. rje-btsun dam-pa, 1775–1813). That year an eminent monk, Öndör khachin (Öndör xačin, Tib. mkhan chen) of the Tibetan Tashilhunpo Monastery taught the Jakhar-Tsam tradition to local Mongolian lamas, based on the rules prescribed by the Fifth Dalai Lama (1617–1682) (Gangaa 2003: 18). In 1836 Agwaanluwsankhaidaw (Agwānluwsanxaidaw, Tib. ngag-dbang blo-bzang mkhas-’grub, 1779–1838), the head abbot of Ikh Khüree, wrote a handbook3 containing all the secret teachings and rules related to Tsam. The Fifth Bogd (1815–1841) was opposed to the spread of the dance, as it was not the original teaching of Tsongkhapa (1357–1419), founder of the Gelukpa school, but finally, at the request of nobles and high-ranking monks, he permitted it (Gangaa 2003: 18). Apart from the Tibetan handbook by abbot Agwaanluwsankhaidaw, the most important source regarding Khüree-Tsam is a 123-page document preserved today in the National Archives of Mongolia (M-85, D-1, 488a). This was written in Tibetan and in Mongolian in 1875, and contains technical instructions on organising the Khüree-Tsam dance. The Khüree-Tsam was held annually in Urga on 127 occasions until its termination in 1937. The tradition was revived in the Züün Khüree Dashchoilin (Jǖn Xürē Daščoilin) Monastery in 2002 by the monks R. Sereeter (–2004) of Ikh Khüree, L. Chimedrawdan (Čimedrawdan, 1911–2009) of the former Düüregch wangiin khüree (Düüregč wangīn xürē), Khöwsgöl province, Dashdorj (Dašdorǰ, born 1908) of the former Khutagt lamiin khiid (Xutagt lamīn xīd), Dundgow’ province, and other monks. These monks arranged the Tsam dance and prepared the offerings and garments based on their memories and experiences, as well as on the handbook by abbot Agwaanluwsankhaidaw. The Tsam has been performed annually ever since. The Khüree-Tsam Procedure According to the accounts of the painter D. Damdinsüren (1909–1984), who was a monk living in Choinkhorlin (Čoinxorlin) aimag in Ikh Khüree, there were various different dances in Ikh Khüree (Damdinsüren 1995: 47). First, the Takhiliin-Tsam (Taxilīn Cam; Čogar, Tib. mchod gar) was performed on the 4th of the last summer month4 in front of the Yellow Palace with the participation of about 30 monks from the Kālacakra Temple (Dečingalaw or Düinxor dacan, Tib. bde-chen bskal-pa, dus-’khor grwa-tshang, Damdinsüren 1995: 17). The biggest dance festival, Ikh-Tsam (Ix Cam, “Great Cam”) was held on the 9th of the last summer month, with about 108 participants, including the Dharma Protectors (Arwan xangal)5 and their escorts (Damdinsüren 1995: 47). The Ikh-Tsam is what we now call the Khüree-Tsam. Another dance, the Jakhar-Tsam, was performed in winter with the participation of Black Hat dancers, and was related to a ceremony of Choijoo (Čoiǰō, Yama), the Lord of Death.

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The preparations and the ceremonies that preceded the Ikh-Tsam dance are described in detail by Gangaa (2003: 29–30) and Majer (2008): on the 1st-10th of the last spring month the Nyamba meditation (Nyanba, Nyamba düwa, Tib. bsnyen-pa sgrub-pa) was held by the fully ordained monks of Shaddüwlin (Šaddüwlin, Tib. bshad-sgrub gling) Monastery or hermitage, which was situated about ten km north of Urga. The preparations for the dance started on the 1st of the middle summer month, when the monks started to learn tantric magical formulas and to hold ceremonies inviting the deities of the Tsam dance. On the 15th of the middle summer month the five Daamal (Dāmal) monks who were responsible for the Tsam procedure decided who was to participate. The list of names was presented to the head abbot (Xamba nomon xan) of Ikh Khüree and to the disciplinary masters (Gesgüi, Tib. dge-bskyos) of the main assembly hall. The final decision was confirmed by the Bogd himself.6 After the announcement of the names of participating lamas, a ceremony called Choijoo khural (Čoiǰō xural) was held every day. The Tsorj lama (corǰ, Tib. chos-rje), the main person responsible for the Tsam dance, and the five Daamal monks held meditations on Yāmāntaka (igǰidīn nyamba, Tib. ’jigs-byed-kyi bsnyen-pa) for a week. The participants in the dance were given instruction (deg, Tib. sgrig) twice a day in order to learn the dancing rules and choreography. The dress rehearsal was held without masks two days before the performance. The ceremonies themselves started some days before the dance. The Jakhariin adislaga (Tib. byin-rlabs) consecration was held in the yurt palace of Baruun örgöö when the Sor (Tib. zor), the Jakhar, the offering cakes, and the other offerings were consecrated. The next day, the three days of Jakhar ceremonies started in Baruun örgöö (Damdinsüren 1995: 10), during which the Chambon (Čambon, Tib. ’cham dpon) performed the inner Tsam dance (Dotor Cam) alone. After his last dance on the night of the 8th or morning of the 9th, a huge 12 x 16 m painted scroll of Vajrapāṇi (Očirwān’, Tib. phyag-na rdo-rje) was carried out from the Maitreya Temple and mounted south of the Tsam dance field. Participants in the Tsam dance arrived at the dance field from Baruun örgöö: all in all about 70 dancers (Damdinsüren 1995: 19). The dance was performed in front of the Yellow Palace in the centre of Urga. The Revived Tsam Performance at Züün Khüree Dashchoilin Monastery The procedure of the original Ikh-Tsam or Khüree-Tsam was very similar to the present practice of the Jakhar-Tsam in Züün Khüree Dashchoilin Monastery, which revived the tradition of Khüree-Tsam in 2002.7 The structure of the dance in Züün Khüree Dashchoilin Monastery is as follows:8 Every year all the monks of the monastery are required to participate in the Tsam ceremonies. The dance is performed on the 9th of the last summer month, as this was the date of the Ikh-Tsam before its suppression. Today, about 70 characters participate in the dance. The Tsam is a complex tantric practice: it has a long preparation procedure, a four-day ceremony preceding the dance, special rituals on the dance day itself, and a closing ritual. For the dancers the physical training starts more than a month before the dance day. The participants study the movements every afternoon. For fifteen days preceding the dance, four monks recite the sutra of Choijoo every afternoon. Moreover, the dancers leave for countryside for some days to rehearse the movements in open air. Rehearsals take place in the monastery’s courtyard on the night before the dance. The Tsam requires special mental preparation: as the dancers represent various different powerful deities in the dance, they start the Nyamba meditation beforehand. There is a week of shared contemplation for the participants with

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special initiations. They meditate on Jigjid baawoo jigwa (igǰid bāwō ǰigwa, Tib. ’jigs-byed dpa’-bo gcig-pa), the single form of Yamāntaka. As a closing act of the meditation, a fire-offering, called Jinsreg (insreg, Tib. sbyin-sreg(s)), is completed by burning 13 different types of food and precious objects to correct errors and omissions that the monks might have committed during the meditation. The first great ceremony, called Adislaga (Tib. byin-rlabs), is held four days before the Tsam dance day. It is intended to consecrate the offerings, masks, garments and other accessories of the Tsam. During this ritual the special offerings are hidden behind a black curtain. Next morning the three-day Jakhar ceremony starts, including the dance called the inner Tsam (Dotor Cam). During these ceremonies the monks meditate to prepare the Jakhar, the metal palace residence of Choijoo. When the monks come to the text of the “invitation” (andan, Tib. spyan-drangs) one of them starts a calling ceremony to invite one of the three main messengers of Choijoo. This is a Black Hat dancer (Šanag, Tib. zhwa nag), namely the Chambon, the Argamba (Skt. argham, Tib. mchod-yon) or the Serjimba (Serǰimba, Tib. gser-skyems-pa), who enters the temple and performs the dance alone. The essence of his dance is the symbolic destruction of a dough effigy (lingka / lyanga, Tib. ling-ga: the dancer makes movements with ten weapons (arwan bagaǰ dalčog, Tib. bsgral-chog) one after another throwing them onto a triangular box in front of him. The box contains the dough effigy that represents all the obstacles to all sentient being and to Buddhism. At the end he destroys the effigy by stabbing it with the ritual dagger (pürew, Tib. phur-bu). The same ceremonies take place on the second and on the third days. The third day is the Tsam dance day itself. The Jakhar ceremony starts at around 2 a.m. With the first rays of dawn, the site of the open-air dance is cleaned. Then, the field of the Tsam dance, the square-based, seven-storey maṇḍalashaped palace of Choijoo, is drawn on the ground with white powder. As in a maṇḍala, the innermost circle means the top floor of the palace where a yellow pavilion called the Soriin asar (Sorīn asar, “tent of the Sor”) is erected. Huge thangkas are hung to the south of the dance field. Before the start of the outside Tsam, the people are sent out of the temple as the monks put on their garments and present a special offering to Choijoo. During the outer Tsam, the dancers leave the temple for the dance field, mostly in pairs. They wear special masks and garments and hold different attributes in their hands in accordance with the Buddhist iconography. There are the main characters such as the Dharma Protectors, figures referring to history, such as the Black Hat dancers, and secondary characters such as the White Old Man, the lions and local spirits. The steps of the main figures are said to destroy the living places of the internal and external enemies of all sentient beings and of Buddhism, while their leaps and turns are said to deceive and persuade them. Music has a significant role during the dance; seven or eight types of musical instrument are played during the performance. First, two skeletons, the Lords of the Cemetery (Xoximoi or Dürted dagwa, Tib. dur-khrod (-kyi) bdag-po, Skt. Citipati, Fig. VI/1–2)9 arrive to clean and bless the ground. Then the high-ranking monks and the musicians come out, and some of them take seats under a blue canvas. Together with the Sor and the Jakhar, the offerings are placed under the tent of the Sor, and the Lünnemba (Tib. rlung gnyen-pa), who is responsible for the protection of the Sor, also takes a seat there to protect the offerings from wind and hail. Two Mongolian heroes, Büüwei baatar (Bǖwei bātar) and Shijir baatar (Šiǰir bātar) (cf. Fig. VI/4), protect the offerings from

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the tasting of the Raven (Xerē, Tib. bya-rog, Fig. VI/3). Simultaneously, the patron Khashin Khan (Xašin xan or Xūšān / Xūšin xan, Tib. hwa-shwang (rgyal-po), Ch. he-shang, “Buddhist lama”, Fig. VI/7) comes accompanied by his six sons. According to the monks from the monastery, he represents the Manchu emperor, Kangxi (Enx Amgalan, 1663–1722), who supported the spread of Tibetan Buddhism in the Mongol lands. Fifteen direction protectors holding banners arrive to protect the ceremony from any harm, and two fully ordained monks clean and bless the field of the dance with sacred water. The spirits of the four mountains surrounding Ulaanbaatar also appear on the scene: the Garuda bird (Xan Garid, Tib. khyung, Skt. Garuḍa, Fig. VI/24), who is the Lord of Bogd Khan Mountain in the south, the Blue Old Man (Xöx öwgön, Fig. VI/25), who is the Lord of Songino Mountain in the west, the Sow-headed (Pagdom or Gaxain nǖrt, Tib. phag gdong, Fig. VI/26), who is the protector of Chingeltei Mountain in the north, and the Dog-headed (Čidon or Noxoi nǖrt, Tib. khyi gdong, Fig. VI/27), the Lord of Bayanzürkh Mountain in the east. The Argamba pours blood from a skull cup onto the base of the Sor offering. As the first dancers, the Deer (Buga or Šiwa, Tib. sha-ba, Fig. VI/9) and the Bull (Bux or Maxe, Tib. ma-he) dance and jump to suppress and frighten away the enemies. After their withdrawal to the temple, the two protector deities arrive – the White Mahākāla (Gongor, Tib. mgon-dkar, Skt. Sitamahākāla) and the God of Wealth (Namsrai, Tib. rnam-sras or rnam-thos sras, Skt. Vaiśravaņa, Fig. VI/10) – and they dance in order to increase fortune and wealth. After his two female attendants – Rigwii lkham (Rigwī lxam, Tib. rig(s)-pa’i lha-mo, Fig. VI/16) or Donmaraw (Tib. gdong dmar-po) and Laikhan Sorogdag (Laixan sorogdag, Tib. las-mkhan srog-bdag, Fig. VI/17) – the Red Protector, Jamsran or Begtse (amsran or Begj, Ulān saxius, Tib. lcam-sring, beg-tse, Fig. VI/18), comes, and they dance together. The next dancer is the black protector, Gombo (Tib. mgon-po, Skt. Mahākāla, Fig. VI/22), who comes after his four attendants or together with Lhamo (Lxam, Tib. dpal-ldan lha-mo, Skt. Śrīḍevī, Fig. VI/20). Two Azar masters (Ajar, Tib. a-tsarya / a-tsa-ra, Skt. ācārya, Fig. VI/28 and VI/29) represent the scholars from holy India. They assist the White Old Man (Cagān öwgön, Tib. rgan-po dkar-po, Fig. VI/30), who is considered to bring long life, long-lasting happiness, good luck, and well-being.10 He gives blessings and makes the audience smile by throwing sweets and acting for them. Meanwhile, the lions (arslan, Tib. seng-ge, Fig. VI/31.) entertain the audience with a frightening growling. After these funny episodes the messengers of Choijoo, the 21 Shanag Black Hat dancers (Fig. VI/32) arrive – with the Chambon, the Argamba and the Serjimba being the first of them. They dance together with the same movements. The last deities to arrive on the dance field are Zamundi (Jamundi), who is the consort of Choijoo, and Choijoo himself (Fig. VI/38 and VI/39). Choijoo’s dance defeats and drives away the enemies of Buddhism. After some special offerings to Choijoo, all of the masked deities return from the temple to the dance field and start to dance together clockwise, everybody in his or her determined position with the same movements. Simultaneously, the Chambon executes the destruction of the dough effigy in front of the yellow pavilion, performing the same dance as in the inner Tsam. Then he burns the effigy drawn on paper (cāsan lingka / lyanga or šoglin, Tib. shog-(g)ling). After completing this task, he dances back to the field and the common dance continues. Then the burning of the Sor and the Jakhar, intended to annihilate all obstacles, begins. All the dancers and monks leave the monastery in a procession to the fireplace, called Soriin owookhoi (Sorīn owōxoi). The lead-

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ing lama recites the appropriate mantras and makes the appropriate hand gestures as the Jakhar is put into the Soriin owookhoi, and he throws the Sor into the fire. Afterwards, the monks and dancers return to the dance field to continue the common dance. Finally they leave the scene, entering the temple in pairs. When the people enter the temple again, all the monks are sitting on their benches wearing their robes. As a closing event of the day, a thanksgiving offering, called Choijoo danrag (Tib. chos-rgyal-gyi gtang-rag), is presented. The closing recitation of the Tsam is held the following afternoon. The Characters of the Khüree-Tsam and the Figures in the Leder Collections Though more than 70 monks participate in the dance at the Züün Khüree Dashchoilin Monastery, it is said that the original Khüree-Tsam had 108 characters. Rinchen (1967), and Nyambuu (2002: 142–144) provide detailed lists of characters who participated in the Khüree-Tsam. Apart from those in the revived dance, the following characters also participated: two Gugor / Gügor (Tib. dgu-skor?),11 two Luwa / Lüwa (Tib. bsluba[?], “entice”), two Shindö / Jiroi (Tib. bzhi-´gros[?]), two Dünjidma (Dünǰidma, Tib. bdun brgya-ma),12 Vajrapāṇi (Fig. VI/12), Siṁhavaktrā (Sendom or Sendonma, Tib. seng gdong-ma, Fig. VI/13), Makaravaktrā (Matar tergǖt, Tib. chu-srin gdong-can, Fig. VI/14), Vyāgravaktrā (Bar tergǖt, Tib. stag gdong-ma, Fig. VI/15), the Bear-faced one, the eight Sword-bearers (Ditogjad, Tib. gri thogs brgyad) who are the eightfold retinue of Jamsran, and Chandraabal (Tib. zhing-skyong, Skt. Kṣetrapāla, Fig. VI/19), Zinamidraa, Dagiranjaa, and Daragshid,13 who are the fourfold retinue of Mahākāla. Four Azar masters and two lions participated in the Khüree-Tsam.14 Rinchen and Nyambuu do not quote a written source for their lists of characters. Rinchen himself witnessed Tsam performances in several monasteries (Forman and Rintschen 1967: 137). They may have used the Tibetan text by Agwaanluwsankhaidaw or a Russian description of the Tsam characters of the Buryad Gusino Ozero Monastery that is available in the National Library of Mongolia.15 Though the majority of the figures in Leder’s collections undoubtedly present the characters of the KhüreeTsam, and especially the figures of the lords of the four mountains surrounding Urga confirm this, some characters seem to be missing (e.g. Zamundi), while certain figures that are irrelevant to the Khüree-Tsam are included in the Leder collections. These unusual figures or at least some of them may have been carved at the collector’s special request.16 As Leder ordered the Tsam figurines to be made, it is possible that he also requested other tantric deities or interesting figures to be carved as well. For instance, the mule of Śrīdevī (Fig. VI/21) definitely did not participate in any of the dances. Vajrayoginī (Narxaǰid, Tib. rdo-rje rnal-’byor-ma, na-ro mkha’-spyod, Skt. Vajrayoginī, Nāropa Khecarī, Fig. VI/36) did not participate in the Khüree-Tsam. Her wooden figure may have been used as ritual object. Though Nyambuu (2002: 142–144) mentions Machig lkham nagwo (Mačig lxam nagwo, Tib. ma-gcig lha-mo nag-mo) as a Tsam participant, the participation of the ḍākinī holding a damaru drum in the Khüree-Tsam is not known to the author (Fig. VI/37). Hayagrīva’s participation in the Khüree-Tsam is not documented. Leder gives Damdin Yansan (Tib. rta-mgrin yanggsang) as the local name for this figure (Fig. VI/33), although the name Dünjidma (Tib. bdun brgya-ma) fits it better, as it is a Hayagrīva form of the Saptashatika-kalpa (Tib. rtog-pa bdun brgya-pa-las gsung-pa’i rtamgrin).17 Not even the Five Kings (Tawan xan, Tib. rgyal-po sku-lnga) or Pehar (Tib. ’phrin-las rgyal-po, Fig. VI/34) participated in the Khüree-Tsam. In 1916, 1917 and 1918 another Tsam dance, which differed from the Khüree-Tsam, was also held in Urga. This was the dance of the temple complex of Choijin Lama, the State Oracle (Dariimaa 2003: 41, Öljii 1992: 92, 113), and special characters such as Mam (Tib. ma-mo), Jan

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(Tib. brtsan) and the Five Kings (Tawan xan) acted in it (Bawden 1997: 11, 689). However, this dance was held more than ten years after Leder’s last visit to Urga. An elephant figure is also part of the Leder Collections, which seemed surprising at first sight as it is not mentioned in written sources; however, it is shown on the painting of the Khüree-Tsam by D. Damdinsüren (painted in 1966, held in Zanabazar Museum of Fine Arts) as well as by Yadamsüren (2005: 25) as one of the direction protectors (Fig. VI/6). The identification of some other characters remains uncertain, such as the identity of the warriors (Fig. VI/5 and 35), a red figure (maybe Lüwa, Fig. VI/8), a white peaceful deity (maybe Gongor, the White Mahākāla, Fig. VI/11.), and a monkey (or possibly the Tiger-faced one, Fig. VI/23). The forms of the figures of Laikhan sorogdog and Rigwii lkham are unusual (Fig. VI/16 and 17). It should be emphasised that many figures are carrying vajra, and as not enough information is available about the appearance of the Gügor, Lüwa, Jiroi (�iroi) and Dünjidma groups, some uncertain figures may be identified as members of these groups. The four figures (a Ḍākinī, a Black Hat dancer, a Deer, and Begtse / Jamsran), which are held in the Museum für Völkerkunde in Hamburg, raises the question of whether certain figures were carved twice at the request of the collector (e.g. Begtse / Jamsran, Choijoo) or even if there were three sets of Tsam figures within Leder’s collections. Notes on the Places of Creation and Artistic Production Hans Leder visited Urga during the period of the Eighth Bogd (1870–1924). In 1902 he ordered the Tsam figures in the collection now held in the Néprajzi Múzeum in Budapest from a lama who had created the Tsam figures for Russian collectors, and “who lived some miles away from Urga in a Monastery” (cf. Lang in this publication). Three monasteries were located about 8 to 15 km to the north of Urga: Dambadarjaalin (Dambadarǰālin, Tib. bstan-pa dar rgyas gling), Dashchoinkhorlin (Daščoinxorlin, Tib. bkra-shis chos-’khor gling), and Shaddüwlin (Šaddüwlin, Tib. bshad-sgrub gling). There is no evidence regarding the residential monastery of the creator. Dambadarjaa (Dambadarǰā) was a large monastery, but the Tsam dance was not held there (Damdinsüren 1995: 29). Though the Jakhar-type Tsam was held annually in Dashchoinkhorlin Monastery on the 29th of the last summer month (Damdinsüren 1995: 29) – in the 1920s (and presumably before, Forbáth 1934: 162) its masks and robes were stored in a room of the main temple and several old photos show scenes from it (e.g. Forbáth 1934, Tsultem 1989, Mongolia State Film Archive) – the monastery did not have a large number of monks. Shaddüwlin was a hermitage where 16 fully-ordained monks and four novices lived and meditated, so it is unlikely that they carved and sold such figures. Manzsir (Manjšir) Monastery, where another type of Tsam was held, was 40 km from Urga. This distance seems to be more than “some miles”. Concerning the Tsam figures in the collections in Leipzig and Vienna, Leder provides information that they were created by a monk, and we can suppose that they were ordered in 1904/1905 or earlier (cf. Lang in this publication) in or near Urga. Though the names of the figures were given to Leder, who listed them in his inventories, there are misspellings and some misidentifications. Analysis of the masks, garments and attributes of the wooden figures shows that it is indisputable that the creator(s) knew the Tsam characters very well. The artists may have used pictures (drawings or paintings) of the characters when carving and painting the figures, or they may have had access to Tsam masks and garments. There is no precise information regarding the place where the Tsam masks and robes were kept in Urga.18

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Artist monks were well-known in Urga; several sculptors and artists even became famous for their Tsam masks. In 1909, under the leadership of Puntsog-Osor (Puncog-Osor), many monks and other artists such as Yondon, Achit Samdan (Ačit Samdan), Baldan, Agwaandandar (Agwāndandar), Jügder (�ügder), Luwsantseren (Luwsanceren) and Tsend (Cend) prepared new masks and robes for about 100 characters (Tsultem 1989: Introduction, Damdinsüren 1995: 47, 54).19 Though this took place few years after Leder’s visits, the monk(s) who created the figures in Leder’s collections may have been involved in this work as well. This also means that by 1909/1910 both old masks and robes as new masks and robes of the Khüree-Tsam characters were available in Urga (Damdinsüren 1995: 47). The figures in the Leder collections created before 1905 represent the earlier style. Apparently there are still questions regarding the history and identification of some figures in the Leder collections. Further comparison of these objects with the figures in the Kunstkamera in St. Petersburg or with other unpublished paintings of the Khüree-Tsam held in the Bogd Khan Palace Museum in Ulaanbaatar (Uranchimeg 2009: Illustrations), with old masks and archival photographs available in Ulaanbaatar, as well as unpublished written sources may result in an even more complex picture of the history of the KhüreeTsam and its relations to the figures of the Leder collections. Notes 1

This was written within the framework of a three-year project to document the tangible and intangible heritage of Ikh Khüree, supported by the OTKA PD83465 Postdoctoral Research Fellowship of OTKA National Research Fund, Hungary.

2

Tib. lcags-mkhar, “metal palace” of the Lord of Death who is also known as Erleg nomun Khan or Choijoo (Erleg nomun xān, Čoiǰō, Čoiǰil, Damǰan / Damǰin Čoiǰō, Tib. chos-rgyal, dam-can chos-rgyal, Skt. Yama).

3

In Tibetan the text is entitled: bstan-bsrung rgya-mtsho’i gar-’chams gsal-byed dam-ldan snying-gi me-long; “Explanation of the Tsam Dance of the Ocean of the Protector Deities, Mirror of the Heart Keeping the Samaya Vows”.

4

The Mongolian lunar New Year starts in January or February with the first spring month. Usually each season consists of three months: the first, middle and last. The last summer month therefore usually corresponds to July.

5

The Arwan khangal (Arwan xangal, Arwan saxius or Arwan dogšid; Tib. drag-gshed, bstan-bsrung) group are: Mahākāla, Sitamahākāla, Yama, Śrīdevī, Kuvera/Vaiśravaṇa, Begtse, Brahmā / Esrua, Yamāntaka, Vajrapāṇi, and the four-faced Mahākāla.

6

The system described by Gangaa refers to the turn of the 20th century, as the Eighth Bogd passed away in 1924.

7

Unlike Züün Khüree Dashchoilin Monastery, which revived the Khüree-Tsam, both the Amarbayasgalant and Dashchoinkhorlin monasteries follow the tradition of the old Daichin wangiin khüree. Differences in the performances of the two traditions can be observed. However, they are generally similar, being two different traditions of the same Jakhar-Tsam type, which is the dance in honour of the Lord of Death and other wrathful deities.

8

The dances of Züün Khüree Dashchoilin Monastery were observed in 2004, 2005, 2009, 2010, 2011 and 2012. The results of the surveys are available in Majer 2008 and in a forthcoming DVD publication by the Inner-Asian Department, Eötvös Loránd University, Budapest. These were used as the basis for this summary.

9

Figure numbers (Fig.) refer to the photos published by M-K. Lang in her article The Tsam Figures – A Reunion. Question marks were used when the relationship of a given figure and a given Tsam participant was unsure.

10 For more details on this character see article by Ágnes Birtalan in the present publication (pp. 84). 11 Question marks indicate uncertain identifications. 12 Together with the Deer and the Bull these characters may have been the escorts of Choijoo. Some of their masks (Gügor and Dünjidma) are available in the Temple Museum of Choijin Lama. Their Tibetan names and exact roles in the dance are not clarified. 13 Chandraabal (Čandrābal / Čadrā bala / Čadrābal, Tib. zhing skyong / Ksh.a-tra-pā-la / Ksh.ē-tra-pā-la, Skt. Kṣetrapāla), Zinamidraa (Jina midra / Jinamidrā, Tib. Dzi-na-mit-rā, Skt. Jinamitra), Dagiranzaa (Daggi raja / Dagiranjā, Tib. Ta-kki-rā-dza, Skt. Takkiraja), Daragshid (Dargišid / Daragšid / Daragčid (nagwū), Tib. bdud-mgon chen-po / Tra-kshad (nag-po), Skt. Tra kśad).

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14 Nyambuu mentions 16 Arhats but does not give evidence. He mentions that Machig lkham nagwo (Mačig lxam nagwo, Tib. ma-gcig lha-mo nag-mo) participated in the dance as well as a demon (mangas) and a witch (šulam). 15 A Russian article is preserved in the National Library of Mongolia regarding the characters of the Buryad Gusino Ozero Monastery entitled Programma i kratkoe ob’yasnenie “Cam’-Khorala’ (No. 2943/6/192). 16 I am grateful for the advice of Béla Kelényi. 17 I would like to express my thanks to Beáta Kakas, ELTE University, who clarified this identification. 18 Tsam masks and robes were supposedly kept in Gegeenii san (Gegēnī san) – the treasury of the Bogd – or in the Maitreya Temple. 19 Puncog-Osor himself was a monk of Erkhem toinii aimag (Erxem toinī aimag) of Urga, and was the Chambon and a Daamal of Khüree-Tsam (Damdinsüren 1995: 47).

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VIII Cagān Öwgön – The White Old Man in the Leder Collections The Textual and Iconographic Tradition of the Cult of the White Old Man among the Mongols Ágnes Birtalan large number of articles have been published on the textual tradition and a smaller but still considerable A number on the pictorial tradition of the White Old Man , one of the most popular deities represented in the 1

most diverse ways – as the Leder Collections show. 2

This project, aiming to scrutinise all the material of the Leder Collections scattered throughout European Museums, offers a good opportunity to survey the diversity of representations and to investigate it in the larger philological and mythical context.3 As a philologist who majored in Mongolian studies, the author intends to examine the connection between the textual sources and the “material” representation of Cagān Öwgön, and seeks to provide a new way of understanding his role in the Mongolian cultural context. The names of the deity As far as his figure can be traced back in ritual texts, oral narratives and illustrative representations, the White Old Man4 has the features of a universal deity of nature, with its numerous aspects (cf. below) inherited from the pre-Buddhist belief system of Mongols (probably from a common religious heritage of Inner Asian nomads) and characteristics adopted from the Chinese longevity god and other deifications of the Old Man. Unlike many other deities in the Mongolian (or rather in the Tibeto-Mongolian) pantheon with a great number of different names with various spellings, the set of appellations of the White Old Man is well definable and quite coherent in various written and oral sources. His external appearance – as formulated in textual and iconographical tradition – became the ground for the deity’s name giving. The commonly used Mongolian name of the deity is the “White Old Man”; in Written Mongolian (Mong.) Čaγaγan / Čaγan Ebügen, in Khalkha (Khal.) Cagān Öwgön, Buryad (Bur.) Sagān Übgen, “White Old Man”; only Kalmyk (Kalm.) differs somewhat, Cagān Āw “White Father”, Cagān Awγ, Delkǟn Cagān Awγ “White Old Uncle”5 or “White Old Uncle [= Lord] of the Universe”. According to the currently obtainable materials, the Mongolian conception of the deity does not have an immediate Indo-Tibetan precedent.6 Nevertheless, a similar figure appears in the Tibetan concept that can be paralleled with the Mongolian and Sino-Mongolian traditions. Robert Beer7 made a clear distinction between the Chinese and Tibetan thangkas depicting the White Old Man with longevity symbols. Further examples of representations of the longevity deity, for example, are a Tibetan copper bowl from the late 18th–19th century: in the centre of its bottom an old man is shown sitting under a tree, holding a rosary in his left hand and a vase in his right;8 and a cabinet decorated with

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various pictures including the “sixfold longevity”, with the old man portrayed as a Chinese sage surrounded by the other five symbols.9 This type of representation contributed the Tibeto-Mongolian name of the deity. Two names of Tibetan origin appear in the ritual texts composed in Tibetan by Mongolian monks: Cerendüg (Khal.) or Tshe ring drug (Tib.),10 literally “The six symbols of longevity” and rGan-po dkar-po (Tib.) “White Old Man”, the exact Tibetan translation of the deity’s Mongolian name. In accordance to the Tibetan sādhana literature written in Mongolia, the deity is also addressed as lHa chen tshe ring “Great God of Longevity”.11 Nevertheless, in the majority of occurrences from texts and appellations to various depictions the deity is called Cagān Öwgön (in the suitable phonetic form, depending on the dialect). The mythological background of the deity According to the currently accepted and most wide-spread interpretation, the White Old Man is understood as the deity of longevity, fertility, prosperity and good fortune.12 He was canonised into the Buddhist pantheon in the rank of a burqan “deity”, but preserved his original function, being a master spirit of nature: eǰen “lord, owner, master” (cf. also the attribute: delkǟn [ezn] “master of the universe”).13 Material representations of the White Old Man are dated back to the 18th century when the White Old Man’s cult became Buddhicised.14 After being included in the Buddhist pantheon, the White Old Man became a hermit-like deity in various representations and was adorned with numerous symbols of longevity borrowed from the Chinese religio-mythological tradition. The officially accepted cult returned into the folk religious practice and transformed the original concept considerably. On the basis of the Mongolian texts at our disposal and various types of depictions, the White Old Man is a multifunctional deity whose field of tasks cover many areas. His figure incorporates all functions of a nature-deity, he is responsible for all spheres of the natural environment and he is the master of other genii loci, especially known as a fertility and longevity god. In narratives he acts as a judge in the underworld and in the Tsam (Cam) rituals comic features are associated with his character. The deity’s striking appearance as a very old man is a common folk topic and is explained by the fact that he was born as a one-hundred-year-old man, since his mother offended Buddha and was punished by being pregnant for a hundred years.15 Another aetiological story is related to his conciliation by Buddha (in a variant Mi la ras pa) and his incorporation in the Buddhist pantheon with the order to protect nature (as he did before, but now as a Buddhist guardian deity).16 In Oirad oral narrative tradition about the trickster Balamsang / Balansang, the White Old Man appears in the hell as a judge who passes sentences on the souls of the deceased.17 The ritual textology offers a very detailed description of the tasks, the attributes (cf. below) and to a lesser extent of the mythical narratives of the White Old Man. The textual tradition and iconography This part of the article compares the iconographic appearance and the data offered by the texts in order to investigate how far the textual tradition is reflected in the depictions and vice versa. Ritual texts devoted entirely to the White Old Man and some folk narratives will be examined,18 without going into the details of texts of various genres, such as invocations, eulogies etc. addressed to other deities but also mentioning the White Old Man only as a member of the main deity’s retinue or invoking him to the ritual place for the purpose of legitimising the ritual act.19

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To create the textual context to the “material” representations of the Leder Collections, texts published in a series of text publications are used and the most relevant motifs are quoted (without attempting completeness).20 The ritual texts of various genre designations (Mong. sudur “sutra”,21 Mong. sang “incense offering,”22 Mong. seter, Tib tshe thar23)24 examined below contain text-modules of [incense] offerings (Mong. sang, Khal. san) and invocations (Mong. daγudalγ-a, Khal. dūdlaga); they partly resemble the sādhanas composed in Tibetan by Mongolian monks. As for the Tibetan texts from Mongolia, they give the impression of being translated from a Mongolian original.25 Ichnographically relevant text fragments and the items in the Leder Collections Fig. VIII/1a,b White Old Man Thangka, Mongolia Reverse side of the thangka. 18th-19th century, mineral pigments, 61 x 37 cm, Grassi Museum für Völkerkunde zu Leipzig, inv. no. 3549

Fig. VIII/2a,b White Old Man Thangka, Mongolia 18th-19th century, mineral pigments, silk, 52 x 34 cm, Weltmuseum Wien, inv. no. 74958

Textual motifs suited to the “material” representations of the deity are: the natural surroundings (landscape), the appearance, the attributes specifying the deity, the companions including animal attendants and vāhanas (if there are any). The Leder Collections offer a wide range of various representations used for various purposes in accordance with his popularity in the Buddhicised folk religious rituals and also in everyday ritual practice at the sacred sites and places such as the shrines of monasteries (cf. Pozdneev 1887: 85), at outdoor altars (the oboos; Mong. oboγ-a, Khal. owō, Kalm. owā)26 or at home altars. The most typical representation is a type of thangka (cf. Leipzig inv. no. 3549, Vienna inv. no. 74958, 74959) (Fig. VIII/1-3) and tsakli (Budapest inv. no. 56102, 57060, Stuttgart inv. no. 23694, 100453, Vienna inv. no. 64994, Heidelberg inv. no. 33534) (Fig. VIII/4-9) dedicated to the White Old Man as the deity of longevity surrounded with further symbols of long life. The thangkas are used in shrines of monasteries,27 the tsaklis were used mostly for home purposes on house [i.e. yurt] altars. This style of depiction is followed by contemporary artists, too.28 Wood carvings are another type of representation. Both the lonely figure of the White Old Man (Budapest inv. no. 59759, Vienna inv. no. 75220) (Fig. VIII/10-11) and a scene depicting the longevity symbols surrounding the main figure (Leipzig inv. no. 4498, Vienna inv. no. 75221) (Fig. VIII/12-13) appear in the Leder Collections. Further items in the collection are of foreign, in all probability Chinese origin: as the statuette of the riding Shou xing (Stuttgart inv. no. 24390) (Fig. VIII/14) and the roly-poly toy-like figure (Heidelberg inv. no. 33474) (Fig. VIII/15) resembling the Japanese Bodhidharma (Daruma 達磨, Okiagari-kobōshi (起き上がり小法師).29 The Budapest figure (inv. no. 55903) (Fig. VIII/16) is not an emic representation; this figure of the White Old Man together with other statuettes of the Cam ritual were carved specially upon the request of Hans Leder.30 Detailed descriptions of the items depicting the White Old Man mentioned here have been published on the project website,31 so here only some main features are given without going into greater detail. The palpable difference between the native understanding of a local deity and the Chinese influence on this concept created a distinction between the textual (more native) and the visual (more foreign) representations; though numerous common features appear in both traditions. Appearance Two features of the deity may belong to the oldest layers of beliefs, i.e. his old age and his association with white (hair, beard and gown). The White Old Man’s appearance is described in all the texts of various genres:

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he is a man of old age ebügen dürsütü (Sárközi) “having a form of an old man”, ačitu ebügen dürstü (Sárközi) “having a form of a gracious old man”, with very white hair and beard saqal üsün inu yekede čayiγsan (Sárközi) “his beard and hair are very white”, öbögön üsün saxal maši / caγan (Altan Sanj) “an old man with very white hair”, čaγan üsütü γaǰar-un eǰe (Heissig) “Lord of the Earth with white hair”. The texts usually do not mention his typical feature, the high forehead, but Mostaert has an allusion to it from the Ordos tradition: güjē tologǟtu burxan “dieu à la tête en forme de panse de ruminant”. (Mostaert 1957: 110) Concerning his garments, he is described as wearing a [Mongolian] gown (Mong. degel, Khal, dēl) which is white: kögsiregsen ebügen dürsütü čaγan debil emügsen [sic!] (Sárközi) “in the form of an old man wearing a white cloth”, caγan xobocu ömsöqsön (Altan Sanj) “putting on a white gown”; though another tradition mentions that a blue gown also appears in his clothing. Ichnographically two basic types of robes emerge. Thangkas and tsaklis usually depict his figure in a kind of monk’s or hermit’s robe, while the masters of wood carvings dress him in a gown showing more features of traditional Mongolian clothing. The gown (Khal. dēl) with flower ornaments appears in some paintings as well.32 The statuettes prepared probably for the house altars and the Cam figure, as well as his figure in the depiction of Urga-Cam33 portray the White Old Man in a flower-ornamented garment. This feature can be seen as a typical Mongolian aspect of the deity’s image. In pictures his robe is tied with a thin belt using a knot not usual in Mongolian clothing34 but widespread in depictions of Chinese hermits, saints, lohans, etc., while in a text variant a jewelled belt e.g. erdenis-ün büse büseligsen (Sárközi) “put on a jewel belt” is mentioned, which is not found in any depictions.35 The White Old Man’s footwear is not mentioned in the available texts, but in the pictures there is a great variety of it. In most of the pictorial representations he wears Chinese-style boots and in the wooden carvings Mongolian boots with high toes (cf. the detailed description of each item in the Leder Collections). In some other representations from Mongolian collections the motif of the tiger36 returns in the form of boots made of tiger skin.37 In the thangkas and tsaklis a certain blue cap appears on the deity’s nape (in some cases painted inaccurately, as if the artist had forgotten its function).38 This cap (in various forms) is represented in some thangkas of the Buryad tradition more elaborately.39

Fig. VIII/3 White Old Man Thangka, Mongolia (or China), 18th-19th century, mineral pigments, silk, 58 x 32 cm, Weltmuseum Wien, inv. no. 74959

Fig. VIII/4 White Old Man Painting, Mongolia, around 1900, mineral pigments, cotton, 31 x 22,5 cm Néprajzi Múzeum Budapest, inv. no. 56102

Here it should be mentioned that the White Old Man’s gown and footwear differ according to the tradition of the monasteries the Cam is played in. As far as it is known, this phenomenon has not been studied in detail, though it might offer additional information on the origin of the White Old Man’s mythology. The comprehensive dictionary of spiritual culture of the Mongolian ethnic groups of Inner Mongolia includes some illustrations, but unfortunately without detailed descriptions.40 However, three drawings included in the article clearly show different understandings of the figure: the costume of the Khalkha Cam is the most frequently depicted one (cf. also present article), and the one from the Alšan tradition is rather a dharma protector, while the appearance of the White Old Man in the Köbegetü sir-a čam resembles a more Chinese (probably Daoist) figure.41 Attributes The attributes the deity holds in his hand are characteristically represented in pictures and to a certain extent in statuettes, but they appear to a lesser extent in the texts. Robert Beer proposed a meticulous description of the Tibetan and Chinese types of the White Old Man depictions on thangkas (Beer 2004: plate 59, 58) in

Viii Cagān Öwgön – The White Old Man

Fig. VIII/5a,b White Old Man Painting, Mongolia, 19th century, mineral pigments, cotton, Reverse side of the painting with Tibetan inscription: „OṂ ĀḤ HŪṂ” (twice). 22 x 17,5 cm, Néprajzi Múzeum Budapest inv. no. 57060

87

Fig. VIII/6 White Old Man Painting, Mongolia, around 1900, mineral pigments, cotton, 30 x 23 cm, Linden-Museum Stuttgart, inv. no. 23694

Fig. VIII/7 White Old Man Painting, Mongolia, around 1900, mineral pigments, cotton, 24 x 19 cm Linden-Museum Stuttgart, inv. no. 100453

Fig. VIII/8 White Old Man Tsakli, Mongolia, 19th century, mineral pigments, cotton, 8 x 6 cm Weltmuseum Wien, inv. no. 64994

his fundamental work devoted to the world of Tibetan iconographic symbols. He listed the White Old Man representations as the “narrative” thangkas; the scene reflected in the picture, however, does not relate a plot, or a myth, but can rather be comprehended as a complete catalogue of symbols associated with longevity and good luck.42 The most distinctive attribute of the White Old Man is his dragon-headed staff (Mong. / Khal. lū “dragon” in some Oirad text variants: Oir. klün, Mong. klu, Tib. klu “snake, serpent, lord of waters”) with some accessories which are not necessarily the same in each depiction. In Mongolian literature this staff is mistakenly identified with the shamanic staff of some Siberian (including the Buryad) and some Inner-Asian ethnic groups; nevertheless, it is clearly the attribute of the East-Asian deities added to the original mythical figure later, when the nomadic understanding merged with the Chinese concept of similar deities.43 His staff is adorned with a “double gourd or distillation flask; the upper part of the gourd contains red cinnabar, the lower part contains silver mercury” in the Chinese tradition.44 This gourd or flask is frequently represented in Mongolian thangkas and tsaklis, accompanied by a (pustaka-type) book. The staff and the book also appear in the textual tradition. The staff is meticulously described; in accordance with the pictorial form, it is a curved staff adorned with a dragon head: kürǰigenen dongγoddaγči lu-yin tergütü tayaγ-i / γartaγan barin tuluγči (Sárközi) “he holds in his hand and supports himself on a / staff with the head of a roaring dragon”; luun tolγata tayaq γartan bariγsan (Altan Sanj) “held in his hand a dragon-headed staff ”. In Mostaert’s text the staff is made of metal and is white: caγan mönggün tutulγur-tai (Mostaert). In the textual tradition two lexemes are used to designate the staff, tayaγ and tulγur, the first is more frequent in the available texts. There is a book also attached to the staff and the allusion of the gourd – as a container of remedy – to a healthy long life is also implied: bokir tayaγ simanan boti debter bariǰu (Mostaert)

[You] […] a curved staff and hold a pustaka book.

büker [bokir] tayaγ sim-e em böti [boti] debter bariǰu (Kápolnás)

He holds a curved staff [with] essential medicine and a volume of book.

γartan / klün toloγoytaoi tayak / bäreqsan (Muzraeva)

He holds in his hand a serpent-headed staff.

The book symbolises an important aspect of the White Old Man emerging in the folk narratives, namely his role as the scribe of Erlig Khan, the ruler of the hell. The White Old Man counts all the deeds of people and other living beings (cf. his aspects as nature god) and reports on them to Erlig; together they judge the souls of the deceased (cf. also above).

Fig. VIII/9 White Old Man Thangka, Mongolia, 18th-19th century, cotton, print, 48 x 26 cm, Völkerkundemuseum vPST Heidelberg, inv. no. 33534

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eldeb nigül üileddügči-yin neris-i Erlig qaγan metü bečigtür bičigči qataγuu kilinčetü enekü yirtemčü-yin amitan-i üile-yin ači ür-e-i endel ügei medegči uqaγan beligtü

Retracing Hans Leder

You, who, like Erlig Khan, keeps a record of the names of those committing sinful actions You, who knows without fail the consequences of the actions of living beings of this sinful world.

Some other attributes not present in the depictions emerge in the texts, e.g. the manifestation of the cintāmaṇi jewel (Mong. čindamani, Khal. čandmān’) fulfilling all wishes is in his right hand and can be connected to the conception in the requesting modules in the texts. Believers turn to him with numerous requests for protection from various evil forces and to obtain good fortune in many aspects of personal life: baraγun γartaγan luu-yin terigütü tayaγ bariγsan / ǰegün γartaγan yisün küsel-i qangγaγči čingdamani erdenis-ün bariγad (Sárközi) “he holds the dragon-headed staff in his right hand, he holds the cintāmaṇi [sic!] jewels fulfilling nine wishes in his left hand”.45 Surprisingly, the most characteristic attribute of depictions (according to Beer, of the Tibetan type of thangkas),46 the mālā (Mong. erike, Khal. erx) with huge beads, cannot be found in the available texts.

Fig. VIII/10 White Old Man Mongolia, 19th century, wood, carved and painted, 10 x 5,8 cm, Néprajzi Múzeum Budapest, inv. no. 59759

Surrounding and location One of the Tibetan names of the deity referring rather to the scene depicted is Cerendüg (Tib. Tshe ring drug) i.e. the “Six symbols of longevity.” It is based on the Chinese concept and was discussed in detail by Beer: the old man, the fruit-laden tree (peach, pomegranate, lemon), the rock / mountain, a pair of cranes, a deer / stag and the water (fall). (Beer 2004: 96–97) In texts the old man’s location is associated with a mountain: either with the “Mountain of fruit-bearing trees”, “Snowy White Mountain”, or the Chinese Wutai Shan.47 Mostaert argued in his text that the White Old Man’s residence can be located in the Snowy White Mountain, i.e. the Himalayas (his text also points out the direction of his location: baraγun urida ǰüg “south-west”)48; further variants: aγui yeke ǰimis-tü aγulan (Kápolnás), imesleg neretü aγula-dur saγuγsan (Sárközi), Zemešte nerete uuludu (Altan Sanj), Časutu čaγan aγula nituγ-tai (Mostaert), Udui šang-un tabun Mangjusiri-yin oron-ača iregsen / Čaγan ebügen neretü burqan (Sárközi). The scenery in the depictions resembles the mythologem concerning the residence of the deity; the mountain is usually represented with a hermit cave with the White Old Man sitting in front of it. These are the surroundings of the scenery of appeasing the originally non-Buddhist deity to serve Buddha’s law and protect animals and human beings – as he did before – but from now on under the aegis of Buddhism. The texts do not specify the companions that belong to the six longevity symbols: the pair of cranes and deer, but mention the deer as the vāhana of the deity, which is a clear Chinese concept, i.e. Shou xing riding on his deer.49 According to the Sino-Tibetan tradition, the deer knows where to find the plant of immortality and is sometimes depicted as taking its leaves from the hand of the White Old Man. The white lion, a usual Buryad concept, also appears in some texts as his mount.

Fig. VIII/11 White Old Man Mongolia, 19th century, wood, papier-mâché, painted, 13 x 11 cm, Weltmuseum Wien, inv. no. 75220

Fig. VIII/12 White Old Man Tshatsha in wooden frame, Mongolia, 19th century, clay, painted, wood, 13,6 x 9,4 cm, Grassi Museum für Völkerkunde zu Leipzig, inv. no. 4498

bisi[γ]u buγu kölgelen (Kápolnás) “mounting a fast deer” busin buγu kölgelen (Mostaert) “mounting a fast deer” čaγan arsulan [pour arslan] kölge-tei (Mostaert) “with a white lion as mount” The thangkas and tsaklis, by contrast, in most cases do not leave out the attendants of the above scene. The animals appear either in pairs or alone. The birds as symbols of rebirth (being born twice, first as an egg, then from the egg) are the cranes and / or swans or maybe other water birds; the deer can be recognised, but in some cases it resembles an antelope. Other animals appear occasionally in the scene, such as the feline carnivores, mostly the tiger. The tiger (Mong. bars, Tib. stag, Skt. vyāgrha) is regularly represented in the scene, usually as the tiger-skin50 cover of the platform the White Old Man sits on, or as the material of his

Viii Cagān Öwgön – The White Old Man

Fig. VIII/13 White Old Man Mongolia, 19th century, wood, carved and painted, 17 x 18 cm Weltmuseum Wien, inv. no. 75221

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boots (cf. above). During the Cam rituals the White Old Man fights with a tiger, which is understood and explained in various ways. Here the attention should be drawn to the fact that the “Mongol leading a tiger on chain” is a typical scene depicted in various ways that can be paralleled with the relation between the tiger and the White Old Man.

Fig. VIII/14 Shouxin / Shou-Lao, White Old Man (?) (Leder: Zagan-Obogan, also Zerenduk). Mongolia (or China), 19th century, bronze, 34 x 26 cm Linden-Museum Stuttgart, inv. no. 24390

The Buddhist notion of the thangka is the presence of the longevity deity Amitāyus (red, holding the jug with mirobalan) who is represented in most pictures in the above left corner (from the observer’s viewpoint). In the depiction of the White Old Man the three traditions merge: the Buddhist – as probably the newest layer of beliefs – and the features already syncretised in the deity’s figure, the original native and the EastAsian concept. The East-Asian context As mentioned above, the figure of the White Old Man originates from the pre-Buddhist religious views, but it became considerably influenced by the East-Asian context of similar phenomena that significantly modified the previous conception and became commonly accepted. The East-Asian milieu, however, must be more accentuated, as it had less attention in the literature devoted to the deity. Below, phenomena of EastAsian mythologies are surveyed in order to demonstrate the possible preliminaries of the Mongolian concept. To this end, first of all images and to a lesser extent the textual tradition were examined; for reasons of space only some of them will be detailed here (hopefully a more comprehensive investigation of this topic will be possible later). The Chinese and related Japanese and Korean Buddhist, Daoist and folk religious pantheons offer a series of deities that could be paralleled with the White Old Man of the Mongols: Daoist sages, the star god and the deity of longevity, deity of the mountain, the Buddhist deity of luck and fortune, various Arhats, etc.51 Many of these contributed more or less to the understanding of the White Old Man, known since information on him is available in sources. On the subject of the White Old Man, the close connection to the Chinese star god and longevity deity Shou xing and Shou lao are emphasised.52 The Mongolian variant inherited his task, and his representations follow the Chinese paintings and statuettes fairly closely. The paper paintings of Chinese folk religion offer various close depictions, e.g. The Three Stargods: Happiness, High Rank and Longevity. The print shows triple image conveying a luck-bringing wish for longevity, happiness and promotion. In the centre of picture we can see Shou-xing, the God of longevity. Depicted according to established ichnographical canons of the time as an old man with elongated skull, he is accompanied by a boy carrying a staff with a gourd hanging from it.53 To a lesser extent other images of the Buddhist and folk religious pantheon could serve as models for the Mongolian representations, e.g. the Arhats (Lohan)54 and the Daoist sages and immortals merged with them.

Fig. VIII/15 White Old Man Roly-poly toy, Mongolia, 19th century, papier-mâché, painted, H. 20 cm, Völkerkundemuseum vPST Heidelberg, inv. no. 33474

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Similarly to the Mongolian understanding, the [White] Old Man type became venerated and also endowed with a local character in Korean55 and Japanese mythologies. Two or rather three of the seven gods of luck and fortune bear a resemblance to the Chinese preliminaries. Fukurokuju (福 禄 寿, god of wealth, happiness, longevity), Jurōjin (寿老人, god of wisdom), and partly also Hotei (布袋);56 three members of the seven luck-bringing deities show similarities to the White Old Man functionally and in their appearance.

Retracing Hans Leder

Fukorokoju’s attendant is a white deer while Jurōjin’s is followed by a black deer.57 The deer (in its natural colour) is an attendant of the White Old Man as well. Jurōjin carries a scroll attached to his staff, which is the wisdom book containing the deeds of all the people in the world.58 A very close parallel is the Korean Sansin (山神, 산신),59 the popular deity / spirit of the mountains, depicted – similarly to the White Old Man – merging various traditions (Buddhist-Shamanist, Daoist, and Confucianist). His popularity is clearly testified by the numerous shrines (Kor. Sansin dang) built for him in many Buddhist monasteries. Another principal similarity between the two deities is the connection with the tiger. In Mongolian thangkas and also wooden carvings the tiger appears at least as its skin (either as the platform he sits on, or as the material of his boots), while his Korean counterpart is followed by a tiger as his messenger (or probably one of his manifestations).60

Fig. VIII/16 White Old Man Tsam-figure, Mongolia, begin 20th century, wood, carved and painted 21 x 16 cm, Néprajzi Múzeum Budapest, inv. no. 55903

The above-mentioned characteristics of East-Asian (Chinese) preliminaries and Korean and Japanese counterparts of the White Old Man are incorporated in the Mongolian pictorial representations and to a lesser extent in the textual tradition. The White Old man in the Cam ceremony The vitality of the figure – despite his old age – is dramatised in the Cam rituals where he might be present almost from the beginning of the ceremony and appears from time to time amazing the public with his energetic movements. This type of god is deeply rooted in the mentality of the Mongols, venerating the wisdom of the old. This understanding was enriched by the Chinese (and consequently East-Asian) concept of sages, saints, deities (cf. above). His wisdom made the deity important to the Buddhist teaching, as is clearly evidenced by the narrative thangka Meditations of the Bogdo Gegen,61 where the Eighth Bogdo Gegeen (Jebtsundamba Khutugtu), the last theocratic ruler of Mongolia, pays homage to the White Old Man. The figure of the White Old Man also has a comic side to it, as can be observed in the Cam rituals. It is important to note that his role as a buffoon is not based on the ridiculous behaviour of a senile old man, but it is the amusing release of the serious mystery of the elimination of evil forces and mystery of life and death. He is the embodiment of life itself, as he is connected with amusements; he offers snuff tobacco and wine to the spectators. He also beats people with his staff in order to drive out misfortune, illness and bad luck. The White Old Man can be comprehended as a mediator between life and death, between people and the supernatural worlds.62

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Notes 1

Current survey of the literature: Batčuluun 2004, Nemanova 2004.

2

Leder Collections in this article refers to all the Leder Collections in the musems concerned.

3

The materials used for textological parallels have been elaborated in the frame of a project of the Hungarian Scientific Fund (OTKA K 100603).

4

On the phenomenon in Tibetan and Mongolian sources, cf. Hummel 1997.

5

Cf. Mong. abaγa, Khal. awga “uncle on paternal side, relative on father’s side”.

6

E.g. Antoine Mostaert was of the opinion that the White Old Man originates from a Tibetan understanding (Mostaert 1957: 109).

7

Beer 2004: 96–97. Plate 58 and 59.

8

Schuyler 1996: 133.

9

Skorupski 1998: 98–99.

10 Similar designation in the names of other Tibetan deities, cf. Tshe ring mched lnga “Five Sisters of Long life, protectoress [sic!] of the Dharma, embodied as the Gaurishankar mountain” and concerning the Tshe ring drug skor “the six tshe ring [brag tshe ring dang – chu tshe ring, shing tshe ring, mi tshe ring, bya tshe ring, ri dvags tshe ring ste drug]” http://www.nitartha.org/dictionary_search04.html. (accessed June 2013) 11 Cf. the sādhana dedicated to Dayan Dērx composed in Tibetan: Lha chen dge bsnyen skye ri chen po ’jigs med dpa’ po ta yan te ri khe zhes grags pa la mchod gtor ’bul tshul ’dod dgu’i char ’bebs yid bzhin dbang rgyal zhes bya ba bzhugs so. Copied by the team of the Hungarian-Mongolian Joint Expedition in 1997 and published by Róbert Török (Török 2009). 12 On the mythology of the White Old Man, cf. Heissig 1980: 18–22, Žukovskaja 1994: 611, Gerasimova 1999: 43–47, Birtalan 2001: 958–960, Vinkovics 2003b: 92; for the cult of luck, cf. Kelényi 2003. 13 Birtalan 2001: 958. 14 On the role of Mergen gegen (1717–1766) in this process, cf. Heissig 1980, Futaki 2005, Kápolnás 2012. 15 Birtalan 2001: 959. A similar mythologem is also important in the Kalevala cycle, since its hero Väinämöinen was also born in his old shape. 16 Birtalan 2001: 959. 17 Cf. Birtalan 2001: 959. For the original text see: Vladimircov 1926: 85–90. 18 A similar comparative study has been carried out by the author concerning the textual and iconographic tradition of the Mongolian warrior deity Dayan Dērx (Birtalan 2011). The methodology introduced in that article is used here as well. These textual highlights might be complemented with numerous further examples. 19 In ritual texts invoking a particular or numerous deities only one line or a pair of lines are devoted to particular spirits and gods without going into details of description. Futaki reviewed some types of oral genres mentioning the White Old Man, but not devoted entirely to him, as epics and folk religious prayers (Futaki 2005: 36). 20 A. Pozdneev 1887: 83–85, N. N. Poppe 1932: 187–189, Antoine Mostaert 1957, Walther Heissig 1966, 1987, Alice Sárközi 1983, K. N. Gerasimova 1999: 43–47, Altan Sanj (a manuscript) and Olivér Kápolnás 2012. Nima 1999 published the same texts as Heissig, Muzraeva’s text (2009) is a variant of Altan Sanj’s. Quite good Oirad script texts are available on the site: http://www.dlir.org/archive/collections/show/7; they are intended to be analysed in a further study. 21 E.g. Čaγan ebügen neretü sudur orosibai “Incipit the sutra named the White Old Man”. 22 E.g. Čaγan ebügen-ü sang dorma kemekü orosiba “Incipit the torma-incense offering to the White Old Man”. 23 E.g. Čaγlasi ügei čaγan ebügen-ü ub-sang mal-un seter-ün sudur orusiba “Incipit the incense offering of the immortal White Old Man for seter-consecration the livestock”; Sa bdag rgan po dkar po’i tshe thar “Seter [ritual] of the White Old Man, the lord of earth”. 24 There are further genre designations and variants of the above ones. For the genre hierarchy in Mongolian folk religion: Birtalan 2004. One type of the text does not contain the name the deity in its title: e.g. Oir., Kalm. �azar usuni nomoγadxan daruulun čidaqči neretü sudur “Sutra entitled ‘The One being able to appease the lords of earth and waters” and its variants by Altan Sanj, Muzraeva, etc.

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25 A further text from Mongolia is kept in the Oriental Collection of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences: Orosz 2009. 410−411. Nr. 526.34.1. Sa bdag rgan po dkar po’i tshe thar “A cattle offering ritual to the White Old Man (Rgan-po dkar-po), in which the cattle is substituted by inscribed wooden tablets (byang-bu). It was composed by Blo bzang dpal mgon”. 26 A representative and very early example on the connection of the White Old Man’s worship and oboo ceremonies is noted down by Peter S. Pallas among the Kalmyks: Pallas 1801: 336. 27 During the fieldwork of the expedition the author had the opportunity to document another type of depiction, the rock painting in the surroundings of monasteries, e.g. the mountains behind the shrines in Jūn mod. Together with other deities this painting was also preserved under socialism. An interesting contemporary form of representation is the huge statue in the Kalmyk capital city, cf. Contemporary Buddhist Revival in Kalmykia: Survey of the Present State of Religiosity. http://infocus.asiaportal.info/2012/02/06/contemporary-buddhist-revival-in-kalmykia-survey-of-the-present-state-of-religiosity/ (accessed June 2013). The homepage reports on a new religious movement centred around the White Old Man based on the universal character of the deity. This concept might be related to the religion spread in the first half of the 20th century in South Siberia called Ak Dyang/Jang “White tradition”, worshipping the White Old Deity. As new religious movement there are tendencies for its contemporary practice, too; cf. Maidurova 1994. 28 Cf. the picture by Pürewǰaw Batmyagmar, an artist living in Hungary today. Further similar examples can also be found on the Internet. 29 For the role of this type of representation in Japan, cf. Mecsi 2007. 30 In details, cf. Lang 2010: 43–44. 31 www.moncol.net. 32 E.g. on ügder’s painting (Tsultem 1986: 118). 33 Cf. Damdinsüren’s painting from 1966. The White Old Man is portrayed on the left side of the picture (Heissig and Müller 1989: 176–177). Cf. also the depictions of various types in Meinert 2011: 700–701 (Nr. 379), 703 (Nr. 381), 708–709 (Nr. 382). 34 Cf. below the allusions on the representations of various Chinese deities and sages. 35 E.g. Guandi wears a jewelled belt (Vinkovics 2003a: 86). 36 On the role of the tiger see below. 37 E.g. on ügder’s painting (Tsultem 1986: 118). 38 Special thanks to Györgyi Fajcsák and Béla Kelényi who helped to identify this headgear as a possible Daoist cap from the Chinese tradition. 39 E.g. a thangka from the 18th century portraying Sagān Übgen (Rgan bo dkar po); Baldanžapov 152; and a further depiction that represents him in a cap partly resembling the previous thangka and also a warrior’s helmet (Gerasimova 1999: 46ff ). 40 Bürintegüs 1999: 904–905. 41 Bürintegüs 1999: 904–905. 42 Beer 2004: 96–97. 43 Images of an old man (a hermit or a monk) with probably snake-headed staffs appear among the Tunhuang representations Drège 1999: 146. 44 Beer 2004: 96–97. 45 Translation by Birtalan. 46 Beer 2004: 96–97. 47 The Wutai Shan and the connection with the Mañjuśrī worship are important aspects of the White Old Man’s concept, which will not be discussed here, in detail see Elverskog 2011. 48 Mostaert 1957: 110. 49 Cf. the numerous representations in Christie 1968. 50 According to Beer “a full tiger skin often formed the seat or āsana of certain deities, yogis, siddhas, oracles, great teachers. […] Shiva killed the tiger of desire and used its skin as his meditation seat.” (Beer 2004: 78). 51 I wish to express my gratitude to Tatjana Kardos for helping to find some relevant albums of Chinese art.

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52 Cf. also Mostaert 1957 and Hummel 1997 on this phenomenon. 53 Menshikov 1988: Nr. 62. 54 An interesting Tibetan depiction offers a topic for further research, Dharmatrāta upasaka (Tib. dGe bsnyen Dha rma, Mong. Genyen Darma), one of the sixteen Elders whose figure also might serve as preliminary to Čaγan Ebügen. Amitāyus appears in the same position in his depiction as in the White Old Man’s, his attendant is a tiger. The possible connection between them needs further research; for the depiction, cf. Willson and Brauen 2000: 40–41, Nr. 33. 55 Cf. Mecsi 2010. 56 Cf. http://www.onmarkproductions.com/html/hotei.shtml (accessed June 2013). 57 Chiba 1966, quoted on the website http://www.onmarkproductions.com/html/jurojin.shtml (accessed June 2013). 58 Chiba 1966, quoted on the website http://www.onmarkproductions.com/html/fukurokuju.shtml (accessed June 2013). 59 Sørensen 1989: 19–21, XLI, XLVII; mentioned also by Hummel 1997 passim. 60 Vos 1994: 400. 61 Berger and Bartholomew 1995: 126–132. 62 For similar understanding of the old age, cf. Minois: 1989.

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IX The Depictions of the Five Personal Protective Deities in the Leder Collections Béla Kelényi the origin of the Five Personal Protective Deities (Tib.’go ba’i lha lnga, Mong. Γoba-yin Ilha,n allKhal.likelihood Gobiin lha) in Tibet is quite ancient. It does not go back just to the Buddhist or Bon tradition, but rather to folk religion, the so-called “nameless religion”.1 According to the common belief, when a child was born these five deities were born together with him or her for protection: the Female Deity (Tib. Mo lha) in the child’s left armpit, the Life-force Deity (Tib. Srog lha) in the heart, the Male Deity (Tib. Pho lha) in the right armpit, the Local Deity (Tib. Yul lha) in the head and the Enemy Deity (Tib. dGra lha) in the right shoulder.2 The representations of the Five Protective Deities have a prominent place in the Leder Collections, because they had an extensive cult in Mongolia. A number of ritual texts are connected with them and their representations appeared on painted scrolls (Tib. thang ka), woodprints and small votive pictures (Tib. tsak li) as well. (Fig. IX/1)

Fig. IX/1 The Five Personal Protective Deities. Thangka, Mongolia, 19th century, cotton, painted, 29 x 24 cm, Völkerkundemuseum vPST Heidelberg, inv. no. 33685

Regarding the visual representations of the five deities, to ensure the Buddhist context bodhisattva Vajrapāṇi is usually depicted at the top of the composition. However, the central figure is always the Female Deity, who is sometimes shown separately on the scrolls and votive pictures. The type of her depiction according to first identifications in the Völkerkundemuseum der J. & E. von Portheim-Stiftung Heidelberg (most probably by the collector Hans Leder himself ) is none other than Tengriin Lhamo (see Heidelberg, inv. no. 33680, 33685, 35122, 35126) or Thingi Shabjungma (Tib. mThing gi zhal byung ma), as “Eine der Gehilfinnen der Lhamo, (Tengriin Lhamo. Göttin des Himmels)” [One of the assistants of Lhamo, (Tengriin Lhamo. Goddess of Heaven)] (see Heidelberg, inv. no. 35124, 35125). These definitions are erroneous: Tengriin Lhamo is simply a wrong identification; Thingi Shabjungma in turn is a wrong name. Nevertheless, the representation of the Female Deity is very similar to Thingi Shalsangma (Tib. mThing gi zhal bzang ma), who is actually one of the Five Sisters of Long Life (Tib. Tshe ring mched lnga).3 The white Female Deity is the protector of the mother’s side of the family. She rides on a light brown hind, in front of a mountainous scenery and among clouds, and in her raised right hand she holds a ritual arrow (Tib. mda’ dar) and a mirror (Tib. me long) in her left one. She has a green halo around her head. And although the sādhana texts refer to a turban on her head, she usually wears a fivefold diadem. Her clothing is red with a blue mantle and she wears green boots. Generally, two animals are shown on either side of her: a tiger on her right and a snow lion on her left. Often various domestic animals are portrayed in her surroundings, mostly the “five kinds of livestock” of the Mongols: horse, sheep, goat, domestic cattle and camel. In the lower right-hand corner is the white Life-force Deity, the protector of life from one’s birth. He rides a black horse and wears armour and a helmet. In his raised right hand he holds a lance with silk streamers (Tib. mdung dar) and in his left a noose (Tib. zhags pa). In the lower left-hand corner is the white Male

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Deity, the protector of the mother’s side of the family. In his right hand is a gem (Tib. nor bu) and in his left a basin filled with precious jewels. He rides a white or yellow horse and wears red clothes with a blue edged scarf. His hair is tied in a bun with a diadem. In the upper left corner is the white Local Deity, protector of one’s native land. He is raising a bow and arrow (Tib. mda’ gzhu), wears armour and a helmet and rides a white horse. In the upper right-hand corner is the white Enemy Deity, who protects against enemies. In his right hand he holds a spear with banner (Tib. dar mdung) and in his left a noose. He rides a white horse, wears red clothes with a blue-edged scarf and a white turban or a red helmet. Usually at the bottom of the depictions, containers with different kinds of offerings can be seen; sometimes there is a gun on one side and a bow and arrows on the other side. Sometimes in the lower part there are articles for sacrificial offerings (Tib. bskang rdzas).4 The most complex and unusual representation is a Leipzig thangka: under the Female Deity among other things there is a lake, as in the Buddhist paradises (Tib. zhing khams), and the people reborn in lotuses (Leipzig, inv. no. 3539). There is no such an indication in the sādhanas of the five deities. (Fig. IX/2) Fig. IX/2 The Five Personal Protective Deities. Thangka, Mongolia, 19th century, cotton, painted, 77 x 42 cm, Grassi Museum für Völkerkunde zu Leipzig, inv. no. 3539

One of their sādhanas, which was written in 1817 by Pel (dPal) – disciple of the famous Thukwan Lobsang Chökyi Nyima (Thu’u bkvan blo bzang chos kyi nyi ma, 1738–1802) – on the basis of his master’s work,5 describes the five deities as follows: From the sphere of emptiness in front of you is the syllable PAṂ [arises]. From it a lotus [arises and it is marked by] the syllable A. From it five moon discs appear. On the first throne is the syllable JÑĀ. From it the Female Deity [arises]. [She is] an adult, beautiful and pleasant woman, her body is white, she has one face and two arms. In her right [hand] she holds an arrow with silk streamers and in her left [hand] is a mirror. She is dressed in a blue silken cloak, wears a turban with precious stones and adorned with various ornaments. She rides a hind and emanates the Mother, the Maternal Aunt and the Maternal Uncle Deity (Tib. zhang lha) in the appearance of an adult man. Further she is emanating vultures and many ministers of the maternal lineage. They are accompanied by the beautiful Mother Deity (Tib. ma lha) and Medicine Lady (Tib. sman btsun) who display their emanations as many young girls and hinds. On the second throne is the syllable NA. From it the white Life-force Deity arises. He has the appearance of manhood. He has one face and two arms, and wears armour and a helmet. In his right [hand] he holds a lance with silk streamers and in his left a noose. A tiger-skin quiver and a leopard-skin quiver are around his waist. He rides a very fast black horse without saddle and bridle. He is emanating many white men and horses, as well as the Inborn Deity (Tib. lHan cig skyes pa’i lha). He is adorned with silk and jewelled ornaments and manifests himself in the form of numerous white men. On the third throne is the syllable ĀḤ. From it the white Male Deity [arises]. He has the appearance of a youthful person. He has one face and two arms, and carries in his right [hand] a gem (Tib. nor bu) and in his left a wooden basin filled with precious jewels. He has a ripped topknot and wears a blue tse cloak adorned with jewels and a silk turban. He rides a supreme white horse without a saddle and bridle. He is emanating many agnates with their three dressed retinues, the Ancestor Deity (Tib.

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Pha mes kyi lha) and the thirty powerful deities (Tib. dbang gi lha sum bcu) wearing silk robes and adorned with precious ornaments. On the fourth throne is the syllable YU. From it the white Local Deity [arises]. He has one face, holds a bow and arrow in his two hands and wears armour and a helmet; a tiger-skin quiver and a leopard-skin quiver are wrapped around his waist and he rides a white supreme horse without saddle or bridle. He is emanating religious brothers, lords of places (yul gyi gtso), herds of sheep and white yaks, as well as the Deity of the Fortress’s top [?], protectors of the land and house, wearing excellent decorated clothes and manifesting himself in the form of a big bird. On the fifth throne is the syllable ŚI. From it the Enemy Deity [arises]. He has the appearance of a white, peaceful and smiling man. He has one face and two hands; he holds a spear with silk streamers in his right hand and in his left a noose. He wears a white silk tse (tse ber) [?] cloak and a silk turban. […] He is emanating spiritual teachers (dge bshes), white armoured men, many wolves, yaks and vultures.6 In the Heidelberg Collection one of their depictions has different types of Sanskrit inscriptions on the back which may be related to the consecration ceremony of the thangka (Heidelberg 33650). The first horizontal line is the mantra of Vajrapāṇi, who is depicted at the top on the other side: OṂ VAJRAPĀṆI HŪṂ PHAṬ (oM badzra pA Ni hUm phaT). The second line is connected to the concentration ceremony: OṂ SARVA TATHĀGATA KĀYA VĀK CITTA VAJRA SVABHĀVA ATMAKO HAṂ, “OM I am the vajra-nature of all Tathāgatas’ body, speech and mind!” (oM sarba ta thA ga tA kA ya vAg tsi tta badzra sva bha va tma ko haM). The first part of the third horizontal inscription is also Sanskrit (OṂ PANYCADEVA SAPARIVĀRA); it is used to connect to the offerings in the sādhanas,7 but here it ends with the ancient Tibetan warrior’s cry: “OṂ Five Deities and retinue, the Gods are victorious!” (oM ba nytsa de va sa pa ri vA ra ki ki svo svo lha rgyal lo). The first vertical line is unreadable, but there must be the usual consecration formula of the body, speech and mind: OṂ ĀḤ HŪṂ SVĀHĀ. Finally the mantra of the second vertical line can often be found in the concluding section of the sādhanas: OṂ SUPRATIṢṬHA VAJRAYE SVĀHĀ, “OṂ firmly supported vajra SVĀHĀ!” (oM su pra tiStha badzra ye svA hA). (Fig. IX/3a-c) A separate group of the representations can be found in a type of woodprint (Leipzig, inv. no. 3564, 3569, 3571, Stuttgart, inv. no. 23892). Sometimes this type is completed with the depiction of the three Long Life Deities (Heidelberg, inv. no. 33636), or a good-luck amulet (Heidelberg, inv. no. 33655). Interestingly, in their lower corners the Male Deity and the Life-force Deity are reversed, and at the bottom part a long Tibetan inscription can be read. (Fig. IX/4) Actually it is a quotation from chapter 22 (Principles of Chinese Astrology) of the famous White Beryl (Tib. VaiDUrya dkar po).8 It not only describes more deities than are shown in the picture, but also displays what can be expected from them. The first is the fivefold group of the Inborn Deities (Tib. lHan gcig skyes pa’i lha lnga): Male Deity, Female Deity, Maternal Uncle Deity (Tib. Zhang lha), Life-force Deity and Enemy Deity. They are almost the same group as the above mentioned Five Deities, except the Maternal Uncle Deity, who was already described in the group of the Female Deity in the sādhana text. The second fivefold group is the Five Protecting Deities (Tib. sKyob pa’i lha lnga), here the Local Deity can be found. The third group is the Five Deities Connecting Power (Tib. dBnag thang ’go ba’i lha lnga). As the inscription of the woodprints says:

iX The Depictions of the Five Personal Protective Deities

Fig. IX/3 a-c The Five Personal Protective Deities. Front and reverse side of the thangka, Mongolia, 18th-19th century, cotton, painted, 59 x 35 cm, Völkerkundemuseum vPST Heidelberg, inv. no. 33650

Fig. IX/4 The Five Personal Protective Deities. Thangka, Mongolia, 19th century; cotton, painted, 42 x 30 cm, Grassi Museum für Völkerkunde zu Leipzig, inv. no. 3569

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The benefits of the deities born together [with man] is this: the Male Deity increases [the number] of men, and multiplies their offspring; the Female Deity multiplies the female offspring, and brings great fortune to women; with the help of the Maternal Uncle Deity on the mother’s side people love each other, they become lucky and rich; the Enemy Deity brings wealth and reduces [the number] of enemies; the Life-force Deity gives long life and vitality. The Tsen Deity multiplies noble sons and fortune; the Elder Deity gives life and extraordinary skilfulness; the Offspring Deity makes birth easy and keeps death away; the Wealth Deity brings fortune, which is the basis of wealth; the Local Deity of the land gives immense strength and great luck. The House Deity increases enjoyment from consuming food and also the amount of food; the Pantry Deity makes food warm and makes it taste good; the Dok Deity9 increases the crop and also collects it; the Entrance Deity increases wealth and reduces loss; the Pillar Deity brings long-lasting blessing and richness.10 Notes 1

On the Five Protecting Deities in the different traditions see Berounský 2007.

2

See Berger and Bartholomew 1995: 228.

3

On their incidental conflation see Berger and Bartholomew 1995: 228.

4

E.g. Vienna, inv. no. 74975, Leipzig, inv. no. 3575.

5

See Orosz 2009: 286. Thukwan’s work was based on the 7th Dalai Lama’s teaching, see Lipton / Ragnubs 1996: 209, footnote 3.

6

GOBAILHA, 2b2–4b5; translated by the author.

7

See GOBAILHA, 6a3.

8

VAIDURYA, p. 305. For its translation see Kelényi, 2003: 15; see also Berounský, 2007: 336.

9

According to Tucci where the ceremony concerning the Enemy Deity takes place is called “enclosure of the dok” (dog ra), and its protector is the Dok Deity (Dog lha). See Tucci 1966: 64–66.

10 The text of the woodprint: lhan skyes lha rnams phan yon ni // pho lhas pho ’phel rigs brgyud mang // mo lhas srid ’phel mo g.yang che // zhang lhas mi byams phyva g.yang phyug // dgra lhas nor che dgra bo nyung // srog lhas tshe ring srog kyang brtan // btsang [=btsan] lhas dpal ldan bu g.yang ’phel // rgan lhas tshe la hur thun mong // srid lhas btsas sla shi kha nyung // nor lhas nor gyi rkang g.yang chags // yul lhas kha drag rtsal g.yang che // khang lhas zas bcud sred brgyags ’phel // bang lhas ngo dro zas bcud zhim // deg [=dog] lhas ’bru ’phel ’dus kyang che // sgo lhas rgyu ’phel god kha chung // ka lhas bkra shis phyug yun ring //

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X Equestrian Warrior Deities in the Leder Collections Some Aspects of the Mongolian War God1 Ágnes Birtalan S

tudying the complex phenomenon of the “equestrian warrior god” with its various aspects in Mongolian religious comprehension needs more attention than it has previously received in the fields of Mongolian studies. At the level of tribal confederations the Inner Asian nomads worshipped a kind of spirit or genius responsible for military affairs. This concept has survived until the present day, first of all in the cult of various manifestations of Sülde.2 The originally probably abstract phenomenon became embodied in either a war standard, a zoomorphic being or in an anthropomorphic deity depicted as an equestrian warrior. Due to the lack of proper contemporaneous sources (from the times of the formation of Inner Asian nomadic states), the process is ambiguous and can be studied mainly retrospectively, based on the later textual and iconographic sources. An appropriate analysis of archaeological finds may open new perspectives on this problem,3 but this is not the task of the present article, which is aimed at surveying the available data on the Mongolian concept of warrior deity and demonstrating only some aspects of the phenomenon on the basis of the images in the Leder Collections and some textual sources. To solve the problematic concept of the “Mongolian equestrian warrior deity”4 one needs a very comprehensive approach, not only considering the Inner Asian heritage, the Buddhist influence with the Tibetan and Chinese effects,5 but first of all a systematisation of the concepts of various warrior deities in the Mongolian tradition. The most problematic aspect of the notion of a “warrior god” consists in the variety of terms and names attached to the representations of equestrian deities occasionally depicted in quite similar ways. Despite the fact that there are some clues to differentiate particular deities (attributes, clothing, attendants, etc.), local tradition often interchanges them without paying attention to the commonly understood canon based partly on the textual tradition. Terminology and typology of equestrian warrior gods in the Mongolian tradition Similarly to many other spirits and gods of the Mongolian Buddhist, folk religious and shamanic pantheons, the warrior deities also appear either individually or in a group of spirits, deities (usually in groups of five, nine, and thirteen). Among them there are individual deities with an abundant mythical background rich in textual tradition and commonly determined (group of ) deities with scant (or at least not adequately discovered) textual background. Here the main names and determinations of some warrior deities are discussed with reference to available variants. A commonly known name for the warrior deity is Dayičin tngri (Mong.), Daičin tenger (Khal.), Dǟčing tengr (Oir., Kalm.) “Warrior god”;6 in some cases it is used synonymously with Dayisun tngri (Mong.), Daisan tenger (Khal.), Dǟsn tengr (Oir., Kalm.) “Enemy god” translation of

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the Tibetan dGralha; this latter form is also used in its Mongolian phonetic variant Dalha (Mong.), Dalx(a) (Khal., Oir., Kalm.), Dalxa (Bur.).7 Sülde tngri (Mong.), Süld tenger (Khal.), Süld tengr (Oir., Kalm.), Hülde tengeri (Bur.) “Warrior protector god” is a very complex understanding of the war genius of Mongolian nomads and has various manifestations, such as the sunbeam, a kind of bird of prey, war-standard and an anthropomorphic figure. From time to time these designations have been interchanged in local traditions, and the emic judgement (of local communities or individuals) about an image depends on many factors. According to my field experience the local tradition sometimes has nothing to do with the canonical iconography, but rather aligns with the decision of the honourable members of the community.8 Representations of deities of originally local importance such as Dayan Deerkh, the various mountain spirits and the Chinese war god, Guang di found in the Leder Collections are discussed here as well. But deities of the Mongolian tradition that appear in the role of protectors of war, such as Baγatur tngri, Kisaγan tngri9 Geser Khan or the deified Chinggis Khan,10 which have no iconographic representations in the collection are not examined in this article. Textual representations of warrior deities Ritual texts and myths about the warrior deities and their comprehensive analysis rarely emerge in Mongolian studies.11 Ritual texts have been issued by Walther Heissig as texts connected to the equestrian gods: Geser Khan, Dayisun tngri, Sülde tngri.12 The text corpus related to this phenomenon includes the eulogies to Chinggis Khan and to the offering rituals to the Sülde banner in Ordos, published by Rinčen, Qurčabaγatur and Šaraldai, just to mention the most comprehensive ones.13 Rinčen published offering texts to the Sülde banner,14 and further invocations to Dayan Deerkh15 and Dalkha brothers16 are included in various articles. A detailed analysis with translation of entire ritual texts has been published by Heissig,17 who investigated the textual tradition of Dayisun tngri; Dugarov examined texts dedicated to Geser.18 I have previously carried out a comparative study of the iconographic and textual representations of Dayan Deerkh.19 Equestrian warrior deities in the Leder Collections The Leder Collections offer a wide range of both mounted and dismounted warrior deities of the Tibeto-Mongolian pantheon. Here five types of deities are discussed in detail, all of them representing integral parts of the transcendental world of gods worshipped by the Mongols. As stated above, a difference emerges between the emic and etic interpretations of particular gods. To investigate whether the local understanding considers an image to be a Sülde-protector, a Dalkha, or names a Destiny deity (Mong. ayaγan-u tabun tngri, Khal. Jayānī tawan tenger, cf. Mong. Γoba-yin lha, Khal. Gowīn lxa in Kelényi’s article) requires comprehensive fieldwork investigation among various Mongolian ethnic groups.20 The models of currently known images of Mongolian warrior deities go back to Tibetan, Chinese and Mongolian representations (including the Inner Asian preliminaries). The separation of various levels and backgrounds of the representations dated to the 19th−20th century needs a more detailed and versatile approach of different disciplines. Here some main points of the ongoing investigation are discussed such as: 1) establishing the place of Mongolian items of the Leder Collections in the context of the Tibetan and Chinese cultural spheres, 2) determining the major iconographic features of the equestrian warrior deities, 3) using some examples to illustrate the correspondence between the textual (invocations) and iconographic parallels.

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What makes an equestrian warrior deity? Below the major attributes of the equestrian warrior deities, such as the mount with its harness, the armour and the weapons are discussed. The typical attendants are referred in the group of particular deities. The horse of the equestrian deities – kölüg the best horse It is not necessary to emphasise the significance of the role the horse plays in the life of the nomadic people of Inner Asia. The horse is more than one of the “five kinds of livestock” (Khal. tawan xošū mal) the Mongols breed. It is a companion, not only the magic horse of the folklore – primarily in epics and songs – but in everyday life, too.21 In the ritual texts and in the iconographic depictions the following markers are to be followed in order to create the image of the horse for an equestrian deity: the colour (Mong. ǰisün, Khal. jüs), the mane (Mong., Khal. del) and tail (Mong. segül, Khal. sǖl) (whether they are bound or cut in a special way), the gait (Mong. morin-u yabudal, Khal. morinī yawdal), and the most significant item for the deity, the saddle and the harness (Mong. emegel, qaǰaγar, Khal. emēl, xajār). Texts may also mention the age of the horse. These features are also described in special folklore genres dedicated to horses, such as the “eulogy” (Mong. maγtaγal, Khal. magtāl) to a horse (usually to the winner of horse races), or the “description of signs” (Mong. singǰi, Khal. šinǰ) of a good saddle horse. Texts give the horse many different names; here only some of the most frequent forms are listed: “horse” (Mong. morin, Khal. mori), “best steed, mount” (Mong. küleg, Khal. xölög); also in hendiadyoin expressions, e.g. Khal. xölög mori. All the requisites necessary for the best horse are illustrated in a kangdze (Tib. bskang rdzas) dedicated to the four beings of the rlung rta,22 published by Badral: that horse is depicted as an ambler (Mong. ǰiroγ-a, Khal. ǰorō) white, and a fully adorned saddle with all its requisites and a decorated bridle are listed in it. The ideal saddle and bridle with details are depicted more or less accurately in all pictures dedicated to equestrian deities.23 The minutely elaborated horse furniture is salient in the scroll pictures but the texts do not pay it the otherwise expected attention. The character of the saddlery of protective Buddhist deities and local spirits converted to the protection of the dharma is identical in many respects to that of the Inner Asian warriors, as Katalin Uray-KƁhalmi pointed out in her study on the representation of goddess Lhamo.24 The precious helmet, armour and weapons The helmet (Mong. duγulγ-a, Khal. dūlga, Tib. rmog) is an essential part of the warrior’s clothing. On the basis of the iconographic representations discussed, the warrior deities wear two main types of helmet: 1) one is made of hide or metal and is furnished with winged flanks with a lance-shaped sceptre on its top, 2) the other is made of metal or metal plates and has no winged flanks (also adorned with a lance-shaped sceptre on top). The Mongolian warriors’ headwear used in battles (since the 13th century) have been reconstructed by M. V. Gorelik25 on the basis of archaeological finds and pictorial representations. A great variety of Tibetan warriors’ headgear (also with some Mongolian parallels) is introduced in the comprehensive typology of Tibetan armour.26 An examination of the helmets of Mongolian warrior deities clearly shows that they differ from the Tibetan and some of them from the Mongolian warriors’ helmets, too. Though these items do not show all the features of the thangkas and tsakli dedicated to Mongolian warrior gods, very close parallels are found in Chinese depictions and – according to military historians – with the archaeological finds and portrayals

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(statues, paintings) of the period of the Northern and Southern Dynasties (4th–6th centuries).27 Nevertheless, precise identification needs further research. The armour (Mong. quyaγ, Khal. xuyag, Tib. khrab) and other pieces of the deities’ clothing show certain variety, but the basic types appear similar in the depictions in the Leder Collections. The Dalkhas and the hypothetical Dayichin tngris wear either lamellar armour made of leather or mingguang-type “bright shining [armour]” with its characteristic pairs of breast and back plates.28 Many gods (cf. the descriptions of Tsambagaraw and Dayan Deerkh) have a belt around their waist even when they are only wearing a robe and not armour. The style of the armour is designed very close to Chinese military dress, even in the less detailed pictures. The Tibetans29 and also the Mongols of the imperial epoch (13th–14th century) used lamellar armour, too, but the overall shape of the clothing of the equestrian warrior deity in the widespread representations bears a resemblance to the Chinese warriors’ outfit. This similarity demonstrates the indisputable Chinese connection, but proving its origin needs further research. The Sülde tngri invocation text portrays the armour of warrior deities in general: … oγtarγui-yin temür duulaγa beyen terigündegen emüsügsen.

… you put on your body, decorating your head, a helmet made of heavenly metal.

Čakiluγsan altan erdeni-yin quyaγ-i beyen-degen emüsügsen.

You put on your body the […] golden jewel armour.

Caγlasi [sic!] ügei üǰeskülengtü bars-un γutul ürgülǰi ölmeidegen aγuluγsan.1

You have the ever beautiful boots [made] of tiger skin on your feet.

The weapons are discussed in detail in the description of each deity type (cf. below). The types of Mongolian warrior deities in the Leder Collections: Lonely gods and groups of gods The concept of the Mongolian warrior deity is a complex vision of an ideal warrior with complete equipment of an equestrian soldier that is realised in various emanations either in the form of the original, pre-Buddhist protector of war and also other aspects of life as the Sülde spirit (later tngri “god”), or takes the appearance of Geser, the epic hero from the Tibeto-Mongolian oral and written traditions, or again, it is realised in the figure of Tibetan and later “Mongolised” deity of the Dalkha (named Mong. Dalha, cf. also Dayisun, Dayičin tngri). Though Tsambagaraw, the Nine Dalkhas, Dayan Deerkh and Geser Khan are iconographically determined, in the religious understanding of a community they can be reversed. The situation becomes more complicated as the depiction of the Sülde deities are not defined clearly, so some warrior deities are simply interpreted as the personification of the protector genius of war and man’s charisma. Many local gods are worshipped among Tibetan groups, primarily mountain deities (cf. the group of Tib. ’jig rten pa’i srung ma), which are portrayed as warriors. This latter type of protector deity is less known among the Mongols. While some of the Tibetan protector spirits connected to warfare became “Mongolised”, Guan di preserved his Chinese characteristics and his worship is also restricted, though texts dedicated to him are known in the

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Mongolian tradition.30 Below, first a “generalised” Dayichin or Sülde war deity is introduced (with some still open questions concerning the exact identification). Then depictions and textual tradition of Dayan Deerkh, the “native” deity of shamanic initiation, also worshipped as an equestrian Buddhist protector, is presented. Finally the gods of obviously foreign origin are discussed: types of more “Mongolised” god, such as Tsambagaraw and Dalkha (Dalkha brothers), and Guan di as a deity image and understanding, show at the least an attempt at “Mongolisation”. Dayičin tngri and / or Sülde tngri – the original Mongolian war spirit concept31 As stated above, the original native Mongolian understanding of a type of spirit32 and also of a war spirit, shows the most ancient elements of the phenomenon. To what extent the Sülde-idea is compound, is reflected in numerous studies33 and also ritual texts34 dedicated to him. Due to his not precisely fixed iconography or rather to the diverse traditions of depiction, the identification is sometimes uncertain and the textual tradition is sparse or as yet undiscovered.35 Dayichin tngri has a similar function to the Sülde tengri, but they differ e.g. in colour: Sülde is conceived having a white body,36 while Dayichin’s is red. The Mongolian warrior deity type is introduced here on the basis of the image: Budapest inv. no. 56112 (Fig. X/1). The tsakli probably portrays the warrior deity, Dayichin tengri (Mong. Dayičin tngri, Khal. Daičin tenger) “Warrior deity” whose iconography is not fixed and according to my experience, many equestrian gods can simply be named “Dayichin tengri”. The deity is of red colour and has a third eye (a less common feature for the warrior deities including Dalkhas, but cf. also Budapest inv. no. 57172). He is surrounded with pink clouds. He wears armour resembling the suits made of leather plates and a warrior’s helmet (Mong. duγulγ-a, Khal. dūlga) with a sceptre on its top adorned with red tuft and having wide edging. Colourful flags are attached to the helmet. In his right hand he brandishes a lance with a military flag, in his left hand he probably holds the reins of his horse. A tiger skin bow-case (Mong. qorumsaγ-a, Khal. xoromsogo) is on his left and an arrow quiver (Mong. saγadaγ, Khal. sādag) on his right fastened to his belt. He wears Chinese type boots. The blue horse is harnessed with a bridle (Mong. qaǰaγar, Khal. xajār) adorned with red tuft (Mong. molčoγ, Khal. molcog). The saddle (Mong. emegel, Khal. emēl), like ceremonial saddles, is furnished with breast strap (Mong. kömöldürge, Khal. xömöldrög) and crupper (Mong. qudurγa, Khal. xudraga) and decorated with red tuft. The saddle pad (Mong. toqum, Khal. toxom) has a square edge and is similar to ones made of woven material. A pair of black birds (of prey) fly above the main figure, while in the bottom third of the picture a tiger (on the left) and a snow lion (on the right) follow him.

Fig. X/1 Dayichin tengri Thangka, Mongolia, around 1900, mineral pigments, cotton, 31 x 24 cm, Néprajzi Múzeum Budapest, inv. no. 56112

Fig. X/2 Dayan Deerkh Thangka, Mongolia, 19th century, cotton, print, 30 x 23 cm, Grassi Museum für Völkerkunde zu Leipzig, inv. no. 3582

Dayan Deerkh (Khal. Dayan Dērx) – the shamanic protector in the Buddhist pantheon37 The shamanic deity Dayan Degereki (Mong.), Dayan / Dayin Dērx (Khal.), Xān bogd Dayan Dērx (Khal., Darkhad) “King, Holy Dayan Deerkh”, Dayan Dērxe (Buryad) is represented in a thangka (Leipzig inv. no. 3582) (Fig. X/2) and on a piece of board in the Leder Collections (Heidelberg inv. no. 33702) (Fig. X/3). Both depictions show Dayan Deerkh in his most usual form, as a mounted deity wearing a feather crown. Dayan Deerkh has the most detailed mythology of the Mongolian pre-Buddhist spirits, which can be traced from ritual texts to oral narratives. The deity is worshipped for his several roles: he is not only a spirit playing an important role in shamanic initiation, but also a fertility and protector spirit, a mountain deity and a warrior god.38 As a shamanic spirit he was represented as a stone figure, but after being canonised by Buddhism

X Equestrian Warrior Deities in the Leder Collections

Fig. X/3 Dayan Deerkh. Thangka, Mongolia, 19th century, cotton, print, 33,5 x 19 cm, Völkerkundemuseum vPST Heidelberg, inv. no. 33702

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as a protector deity he became the member of the Buddhist pantheon and is represented as a warrior god. Several types of Dayan Deerkh’s representation are known,39 the items in the Leder Collections are made on the basis of a blockprint widespread in Mongolia.40 In all of his images Dayan Deerkh is depicted as an equestrian warrior god. On his head he is endowed with his most distinctive attribute, the shamanic feather crown (Khal. Darkhad orgoi) around a helmet (Mong. duγulγ-a, Khal. dūlga) with a vajra-like ornament in the middle. It is fundamental in the textual tradition, too. Gurwan tol’t titemtē, Šür suwdār čimeglesen, Šiǰir altan darūlagtae, Šar šuwūnī ödön goyiltoe.

Comprising three mirrors, Adorned with coral and pearls, With a pure gold aigrette, With owl feather ornament.2

A halo frames his crowned head. The deity’s face is depicted similarly to other warrior gods with moustache and beard. In his right he holds a flag (Mong. čaγan darčuγ, Khal. cagān darcag, Skt. dhvaja); in his left there is a jug full of jewels (Mong. erdeni-yin bumba, Khal. erdnīn bumb, Skt. ratnakalaśa). Barūn gartā cagān darcag xīsgesen, Jǖn gartā erdnīn bumb dǖweljsen.

He is fluttering [sic!] a white flag in his right hand, And waving a vase of precious stones in his left.3

A tiger skin bow-case (Mong. qorumsaγ-a, Khal. xoromsogo) is on his left and an arrow quiver (Mong. saγadaγ, Khal. sādag) on his right fastened to his belt. The arrow quiver cannot be seen, only the ends of three arrows stick out. A sword is also attached to his belt on the left side. Arslan, barsīn ar’san dugtuitae, Altan num sumā agsan, Xurc ild selmē jǖsen.

He put into his quivers of lion and tiger skin His golden bow and arrow, He girded on his pointed sword and sabre.4

He wears a gown with a floating overcoat and the most typical Mongolian boots with high pointed nose (Mong. egeteng γutalsun, Khal. ēten gutal) and thick sole. Around his neck he wears his typical mirror and in addition a rosary. The mirror (Mong., Khal. toli) is comprehended as a shamanic divination mirror. Dayan Deerkh’s galloping white horse is harnessed with bridle (Mong. qaǰaγar, Khal. xajār) adorned with red tuft (Mong. molčoγ, Khal. molcog). The saddle (Mong. emegel, Khal. emēl), as the ceremonial saddles, is furnished with (Mong. kömöldürge, Khal. xömöldrög) and (Mong. qudurγa, Khal. xudraga) and is decorated with red tuft. The front saddle bow of the typical Mongolian saddle sticks out. The stirrup (Mong. dörüge, Khal. dörȫ) is similar to the one Mongolian horsemen use, having wide soles. The saddle pad (Mong. toqum, Khal. toxom) has square edges similar to ones made of leather or felt. The horse is represented on a platform with lotus petals. The deity is surrounded with white clouds and rides in front of a mountainous landscape (resembling

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his cultic place in Khöwsgöl province in Mongolia, a cave surrounded with mountains). The Sun and the Moon also appear in the composition. Both side figures are representations of two deities of the Tibeto-Mongolian pantheon, though they are comprehended in the shamanic textual tradition as the son and daughter of Dayan Deerkh. In the right corner Sarasvatī, the goddess of knowledge and music with her attributes (lute and cymbals) is depicted, in the left corner a deity holding an arrow in his right and a bow in his left hand.41 In the Heidelberg representation a small running dog is hidden in the picture’s background (under Dayan Deerkh’s right arm, cf. thangkas of Tsambagaraw). This representation fits the description in the textual tradition dedicated to Dayan Deerkh. His important shamanic attribute, the divination mirror appears in the invocation of “yellow” shamans (Khal. šar jügīn bȫ): Šāgiǰ šaǰignasan dūtae, Xǖnī bodol sanāg Xürelcelgüi medregč, Xürel tol’ seltīg, Xüjǖndē jǖsen.

His ringing and jingling Bronze mirror That learnt everyone’s thoughts From far away Was hung round his neck.5

The lonely Dalkha and the group of Dalkha brotherhood, i.e. the Nine Dalhas42 The name Dalkha / Dalha is used by the Mongols either to designate the deity or rather the group (among the Mongols usually nine) of deities, the Dalkha “brothers”. The terminological and mythological background to the deity’s role is introduced with the help of the depiction Leipzig inv. no. 3536 (Fig. X/4). The thangka portrays the Nine Dalkha [brothers] (Mong. [Aq-a Degüü] yesün Dalha, Khal. [Ax dǖ / düü] yesön Dalx(a), Tib. dGra lha mched dgu), the so-called “enemy” deities that are able to conquer enemies and overcome evil forces. They are comprehended to reside above Mount Meru. Numerous deities have the lexeme dalkha as an attribute in their names, e.g. Pe har or Ge sar.43 The Dalkha in the meaning “enemy” is called also Daisan tengri “id.” (Mong. Dayisun tngri, Khal. Daisan tenger) and is identified with further Mongolian warrior deities, such as Dayichin tengri (Mong. Dayičin tngri, Khal. Daičin tenger) “Warrior deity” and Sülde tengri (Mong. Sülde tngri, Khal. Sülde tenger) “Soul-[protector] deity” and has common features with Dayan Deerkh, too.

Fig. X/4 The Nine Dalkhas Thangka, Mongolia, 19th century, mineral pigments, cotton, silk, 80 x 38 cm, Grassi Museum für Völkerkunde zu Leipzig, inv. no. 3536

The single Dalkha deity belongs to the group of ’Go ba’i lha lnga (Mong. Γobi / Γoba-yin lha, Khal. Gowīn lxa) [cf. Kelényi in this publication], the five personal deities born together with a newborn child, and resides in a person’s right shoulder. There are various Dalkha brotherhoods consisting of defined numbers of deities: groups of three, seven, nine, thirteen, and twenty-one. The group of “nine” is the most frequent in the Mongolian sacred texts and pictorial representations. The central Dalkha figure Tathung Karpo (dGra lha rTa thung dkar po) is surrounded with red flames and a green halo. He is portrayed together with eight Dalkha brothers around him standing in clouds of various colours. The central figure wears armour of Chinese style, a waving green and white coat and a warrior’s helmet (Mong. duγulγ-a, Khal. dūlga) with wide edging. He is adorned with an arsenal of weapons: in his right hand he probably has the usual whip (Mong. tasiγur, Khal. tašūr), but it is not recognisable clearly, in his left hand he holds the reins (Mong. ǰiluγ-a, Khal. ǰolō) of the horse. A bow-case (Mong. qorumsaγ-a, Khal. xoromsogo) made of black skin is on his left and an

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arrow quiver (Mong. saγadaγ, Khal. sādag) on his right fastened to his belt. The colourful boots with pointed nose (Mong. γutalsun, Khal. gutal) are not of the most typical Mongolian style. His galloping white horse is harnessed with a bridle (Mong. qaǰaγar, Khal. xajār) adorned with red tuft (Mong. molčoγ, Khal. molcog). The saddle (Mong. emegel, Khal. emēl), like the ceremonial saddles, is furnished with breast strap (Mong. kömöldürge, Khal. xömöldrög) and crupper (Mong. qudurγa, Khal. xudraga) and decorated with red tuft. The blue saddle pad (Mong. toqum, Khal. toxom) has square edge similar to ones made of leather or felt. Dalkha is accompanied by a white hawk above and a white dog below, but two further usual creatures appear in the picture at the level of the leg of the central figure’s horse: (from left to right) a monkey and a yeti (?). Vajrapāṇi resides above the nine Dalha figures in the centre. The attendants, the eight Dalkha brothers, are attired similarly to the central figure, but wear white coats above their armour. Their weapons cannot be recognised. All the equestrian deities face to the left. Below a multitude of offerings are depicted: in the centre a golden palace / shrine on Mount Meru (Mong. Sümber aγula, Khal. Sümber ūl) surrounded with the Milk Ocean (Mong. Süün dalai, Khal. Sǖn dalai), an auspicious tree, musical instruments (a pair of drums and pairs of wind instruments), and heroes’ armour. On the left and right sides consecrated animals are aligned: a dog with red collar around its neck, a horse and a camel on the left side and an elephant, a horned cow and a ram on the right side. Furs of various wild animals hang on a pair of stands on both sides. Some further precious offerings, such as lances (?) with tassels are also put behind the stand. Tsambagaraw (Tib. Tshangs pa dkar po, Khal. Cambagaraw) – the Mongolised Indo-Tibetan deity as warrior and mountain spirit44 Some pictures (thangkas and tsakli) portray Tsambagaraw the equestrian warrior deity. The White Tshangs pa or Great God White Tshangs pa (Mong. Lhačen Čangbaγarbo, Khal. Lxačen Cambagaraw, Tib. lHa chen Tshangs pa dkar po; also understood as an emanation of Pe har) originates from Indian mythology; White Brahmā (Skt. Sitabrahmā) came to be worshipped in the Mongolian cultural religious context as a warrior protector and also as the spirit of the sacred mountain Tsambagaraw (Khal. Cambagaraw) in Western Mongolia (Khowd province, Erdenebüren district, 4.193 m). At the time of writing, there are no sacred texts of invocation or sādhana types at my disposal, only a few oral myths about the lord spirit (Khal., Oir. sawdag, Tib. sab dag) of the mountain. He is understood as an elderly man with a beard and long hair, riding a grey horse. The mountain range is understood as the lying man who is resting after a long journey.45 This concept is far from the iconographic representation, which is fairly invariable.46 The Leder Collections offer many different representations of Tsambagaraw, and one thangka (Vienna inv. no. 74987) (Fig. X/5) is of outstanding magnificence.47 Fig. X/5 Tsambagaraw (Tib. Tshangs pa) [Leder: Zamba]. Thangka, Mongolia, 19th century, mineral pigments, cotton, silk, 172 x 86 cm, Weltmuseum Wien, inv. no. 74987

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The most typical attribute of the deity is the white turban crowned with a white conch-shell on top, decorated with five jewels. The third eye on his forehead is sometimes marked only with a symbol resembling the initial signs of Mongolian manuscripts (Mong. bindü). Tshangs pa has a moustache and short beard as many deities of Indian origin or identified with Indian gods. A halo of a usually light green colour surrounds the deity’s head. He typically wears big golden earrings, a red silk brocade robe with a wide green edge (Mong. emǰiyer, Khal. emǰēr) around his neck and a floating white silk mantle with a blue edge, both decorated with ornaments.48 His footwear is usually the typical Mongolian boots with turned-up toes (Mong. γutalsun, Khal. gutal). In his right hand he brandishes a sceptre (Skt. daṇḍa), or a vajra handled sword (Skt. khaḍga);

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in his left hand he holds an offering bowl filled with jewels or the reins of his horse or a lasso for catching demonic beings (Skt. pāśa), and a lance with a silk flag is stuck into the crook of his left arm. Tshangs pa’s galloping white horse is saddled and bridled with typical harness, including a breast-strap (Mong. kömöldürge, Khal. xömöldrög) and crupper (Mong. qudurγ-a, Khal. xudraga) which are usual for a festive occasion but not typical for all territories where Mongols live. The bridle (Mong. qaǰaγar. Khal. xajār) and the breast-strap are decorated with red tufts (Mong. molčuγ, Khal. molcog). The saddle-cloth (Mong. toqum, Khal. toxom) can also be observed. The deity and his horse are surrounded with dark (brown) flames. The most meticulously depicted thangka is inv. no. 74987 (Vienna) where a golden plate with tassels of five colours and with the syllable Hrīh is attached to the breast of the deity’s robe and a similar plate to the forehead of his horse. From among the usual attendants of Tshangs pa, the (white) dog with red collar, the naked figures (one is led on a lasso, Skt. pāśa) and a human or demonic figure that seems to be leading his horse are depicted in some thangkas. On the top of the thangkas Tsong kha pa may be portrayed (as e.g. Leipzig inv. no. 3576) (Fig. X/6). The main figure on a thangka in Leipzig (inv. no. 3576) is surrounded with another eight equestrian beings – probably local protectors (?) – (four above his head and four below); a Nāga-spirit in the right corner rides on a turtle. On the top of one thangka (Vienna inv. no. 74987) a series of deities and eminent monks are portrayed including Vajradhara (?) and Śākyamuni Buddha. Guan di – the not “Mongolised” outlander49

Fig. X/6 Tsambagaraw ? (Tib. Tshangs pa) [Leder: Zamba]. Thangka, Mongolia, 19th century, mineral pigments, cotton, silk, 65 x 37 cm, Grassi Museum für Völkerkunde zu Leipzig, inv. no. 3576

A thangka from the collection Stuttgart (Stuttgart inv. no. 24460) (Fig. X/7) is not frequent in collections of Mongolian art, but a very similar one was published in the album dedicated to the iconography of Vajrayāna among the Buryads.50 The known images depict Guan di with the same attributes and attendants but not on horseback, like the thangka in the Leder Collections and its Buryad parallel. The thangka mentioned above can be interpreted as follows: A Guan di (Chin.), Γuan di (Mong.) representation and his retinue are depicted in the thangka. The Chinese war god is sometimes identified with warrior deities (Mong. Dayičin tngri, Khal. Daičin tenger, etc.) of the Mongols. But many parts of the picture clearly testify his affiliation with the Chinese mythology and cultural area: his face is alien to the Mongolian way of depiction and he wears the typical Chinese headgear. Further, also the figures of his retinue portray a Chinese soldier and a Chinese official. According to his mythology, Guan di was a real person, Guan Yu (–219) who lived during the Three Kingdoms period in China and after his death he became a protector spirit of military affairs, trade and also other activities. He became canonised during the Ming dynasty, in 1594, as an almighty deity of war and protector of the Chinese empire. His retinue consists of his son Guan Ping (on the right of the spectator’s view) and his military officer Zhou Can / Zhao Lei (on the left). Guan di was captured and executed along with them in the battle at Zhang town. The deity is of red colour, wears a Chinese military cap, an abundantly decorated Chinese style armour, and boots, and holds in his left hand the reins of his red horse and a sword in his right. The equipment of his galloping red horse is similar to the mounts of other warrior deities, but even more ornate. It is harnessed with a bridle (Mong. qaǰaγar, Khal. xajār) adorned with red tuft (Mong. molčoγ, Khal. molcog). The saddle (Mong. emegel, Khal. emēl), like the ceremonial saddles, is furnished with breast strap (Mong.

X Equestrian Warrior Deities in the Leder Collections

Fig. X/7 Guan di. Thangka Mongolia, 19th century, mineral pigments, cotton, silk, 58 x 37 cm, Linden-Museum Stuttgart, inv. no. 24460

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kömöldürge, Khal. xömöldrög) and crupper (Mong. qudurγa, Khal. xudraga) and decorated with red tuft. The saddle pad (Mong. toqum, Khal. toxom) has a rounded edge similarly to ones made of leather or felt. Dark flames form the background of the deity. Concluding remarks The great variety of the Leder Collections made it possible to survey this fundamental group of deities in the Mongolian Buddhist and folk religious pantheon. The successful survival of the Inner Asian warrior nomads depended on military affairs. It is not surprising that a variety of spirits and deities were responsible for the victorious military operations. The earliest sources offer several morphologically diverse (cf. the Sülde comprehension) but essentially analogous phenomena connected to warfare. Apparently the earliest layers of the war deities have not entirely survived the waves of foreign influence (Buddhism, Confucianism, Taoism) that affected the Mongols during the Great Mongolian Empire and after its collapse. The war spirit(s) were canonised by Buddhism, and new figures were introduced into the Mongolian spiritual world. The original and the new phenomena merged, and with the decline of warfare and especially of the campaigns of conquest the war deities became protectors of various natural and social concepts, primarily of the Buddhist faith, and found their place in the syncretic folk religion as well. The amazing abundance of the Leder Collections in images of related deities tells this story. Notes 1

The field-work material used for the references in this article was carried out in the framework of the project by Ágnes Birtalan (Hungarian Scientific Found – OTKA K 100813).

2

There are various starting points for studying the Sülde (one aspect of the man’s spirit, ornitoid appearance of the charisma, war-genius, etc.) concept: historical, textological (Skrynnikova 1992–1993, 1997), religio-mythological (Heissig 1966: 32–33, Qurčabaγatur 1999 – with many further references on the present-day cult, Birtalan 2001: 1042–1043), iconographic (Charleux 2009); texts devoted to the Sülde have been published e.g. Rinčen 1959: 83–84, Heissig 1966: 157–163, Heissig 1981.

3

E.g. the items of military arts, equipment for horses from Kitai archaeological funds, cf. Shen 2006.

4

In the present article only the armoured equestrian deities (riding horses) of the Leder Collections will be discussed. For the study of the phenomenon, cf. Hummel 1949.

5

Here I would like to thank the colleagues at the Hopp Ferenc Museum of East Asian Arts: Béla Kelényi, Judit Vinkovics, Tatjana Kardos, Györgyi Fajcsák and Vera Brittig, who helped me to collect material on the Tibetan and Chinese background of the Mongolian comprehension of warrior deities. This aspect is mentioned here only superficially and will be discussed in detail in a later study.

6

Heissig 1980: 90–93, Heissig 1966: 157, Birtalan 2001: 969–970.

7

Cf. Banzarov 1997: 44–45 and also the image of Dalha called Daisan tenger in the catalogue: Byambaǰaw 2008: 50–51.

8

During my field work I had this experience concerning the cult of Dayan Deerkh. In the district Tsagaan Üür (Cagān Ǖr east from lake Khöwsgöl) in the centre of the worship of Dayan Deerkh, local people named various representations of warrior gods as Dayan Deerkh, although the very characteristic feature of the deity, the feather crown, was missing.

9

Banzarov 1997: 44–45.

10 Chiodo 2002, Charleux 2009. 11 An issue on the cult of warrior deities: Heissig 1980: 84–101. 12 Heissig 1966: 32–33, 157. 13 Qurčabaγatur 1999 (referring on the studies of Šaraldai, too). 14 Rinčen 1959: 59–63, 66.

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15 Birtalan (2005) published new material and summarised all the ritual texts previously published by Rinčen, Even, Galdanova – Žukovskaja – Očirova, Sárközi. A Tibetan ritual text of sādhana type dedicated to Dayan Deerkh was copied by the team of the author’s field research group in 1997 and published by Török (2009). 16 In detail: Nebesky-Wojkowitz 1965: 318–340, Gerasimova 1981, Gerasimova 1999, Gibson 1985, on the Tibetan textual background of the Dalkha cf. Berounský 2009. 17 Heissig 1964, 1981. 18 Dugarov 1999 (with rich references to previous studies), Uray-KƁhalmi and Uray 1983. 19 Birtalan 2011, the methodology worked out in that study is used in this article as well. 20 Such an investigation was carried out by the Hungarian-Mongolian Joint Expedition concerning the deity Dayan Deerkh (Birtalan 2011). 21 On the role of the horse in the nomadic life and the material culture of the Mongols cf. Birtalan 2008. From the numerous studies devoted to the horse as cultural phenomenon and metaphor, here only a PIAC conference proceedings is mentioned. The issue contains studies centred around the horse from different view points and considering the Turkic, Mongolian and Manchu-Tungusic languages, arts, folklore and history: Jahn and Sinor 1965. 22 On the rlung rta cf. Kelényi 2000, 2003. 23 Badral 2003: 230, Fig. Nr. 246; the depiction is dated to the beginning of 20th century. 24 Uray-Köhalmi 1987: 233–249. I will discuss the thorough study of the warrior deities’ mounts with harness and the intriguing question of origin in another study. 25 Gorelik 2002, 2010. 26 La Rocca et al. 2006: 51–91. In the catalogue of the exhibition Heller (Heller 2006: 35–41) devoted a special article to the analysis of the connection of the precious helmet and the power of the Tibetan kings. Her proposals may be considered in the examination of the Mongolian representations and their textual background. 27 Tokaji 1997: 65–58, 69. 28 Tokaji 1997: 69. 29 Cf. La Rocca et al. 2006: 51–66. 30 The cult of Guan di merged to some extent with that of Geser Khan, whose textual tradition might be ascribed to Guan di, cf. Heissig 1980: 100, Nima 1999: 79–82. 31 Images of Dayichin tngri in other collections: Pallas 1801: Platte I. Fig. 2 (in fact a group of the Nine Dalhas); Heissig 1980: 93, but the image is Dayan Deerkh (with a feather crown on his head). 32 On the manifold comprehension of spirit, the spirit types of living beings, cf. Birtalan 2001: 1038–1039, passim and its bibliographical references. 33 Skrynnikova, 1992–1993, Skrynnikova 1997, Charleux 2009. 34 Heissig 1981 (and its bibliography), Rinčen 1959: 83–84. 35 Mergen Diyanči played an important role in the Buddhist canonisation of the original understanding (cf. Heissig 1981: 84, passim). For his activity cf. my article on the White Old Man in this volume. 36 Čaγan önggetü gerel sačuraγsan beye-tü. “Having a body of white colour, scattering beams.” Heissig 1981: 86. 37 I have discussed Dayan Deerkh’s cult and textual tradition in detail in several articles; here only a very brief review is offered from the rich material connected to the deity. Images of the deity in other collections: Gerasimova 1999: images Nr. 7 and 29, Vinkovics 2003a: 84, Birtalan 2011. 38 Summarising article on Dayan Deerkh’s mythology. cf. Birtalan 2001: 967–969, further fieldwork data: Galdanova and Zhukovskaya and Ochirova 1984, Even 1984: 12–18, Török 2009. Currently, Dayan Deerkh is popular both among the shamans carrying out Buddhicised rituals and among the yellow-hat (Gelukpa) Buddhist monks in Mongolia – primarily those who active in and around the former Dayan Deerkh monastery in Tsagaan Üür district, Khöwsgöl province. (Birtalan 2011: 1–3) 39 In detail cf. Birtalan 2011: 4–5. 40 Birtalan 2011: 9.

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41 In the folk narratives and in shamanic ritual texts these figures are understood as the son and the daughter of the deity whose task is to heal people who ask Dayan Deerkh for help. In detail, cf. Birtalan 2011: 28–32. The closer identification of the male deity needs further research. 42 Images of Dalkha and the Dalkhas in other collections: Baldanžapov 1995: 148–149, Fleming and Lhagvademchig 2011: 880–881, 878–879, Deroches 2009: 156, Nr. 62, Vinkovics 2003.a.: 85, 2003.2: 90, Gerasimova 1999: image Nr. 2. 43 For the Tibetan mythological background of the deity, cf. Nebesky-Wojkowitz 1965: 318–340, Gerasimova 1981, Kollmar-Paulenz 2002: 1185 and Berounský 2009. 44 Images of Tsambagaraw in other collections: Sagaster 1987: 250, Nr. 103, Fleming and Lhagvademchig 2011: 838, 842, 844, Tsultem 1986: 34, 82. 45 Očir, A. and Disan, T. 1999: 206. For the deity’s Tibetan mythological background cf. Nebesky-Wojkowitz 1956: 145–153. 46 Cf. the homepage of the Leder project: www.moncol.net. 47 Cf. Lang 2010: 40. 48 The colours and ornaments vary according to the artistic tradition. 49 Images of Guan di in other collections: The Treasured Thangkas 1994: 139, Badmažapov 2003: 422, Vinkovics 2003.1: 86, cf. also Lang 2010: 41. 50 Badmažapov 2003: 422, Nr. 381.

(Footnotes translations)

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1

Heissig 1981: 86; English translation by Á. Birtalan.

2

Birtalan 2011: 17; the text of the invocation was recorded (1998), translated and analysed by Birtalan.

3

Birtalan 2011: 22.

4

Birtalan 2011: 25.

5

Birtalan 2011: 19–21.

Retracing Hans Leder

XI Various Depictions of Zanabazar Maria-Katharina Lang S

ome artefacts in the Leder Collections show a historic person who still occupies an important place in Mongolian history, Buddhism, art and identity today: Zanabazar, the First Khalkha Jebtsundamba Khutugtu (1635–1723). Zanabazar, also popularly known as Öndör or Bogdo Gegeen, was the first of nine incarnations and the Great Lama of Buddhism in Khalkha Mongolia, being reckoned as a reincarnation of the famous Tibetan scholar Tāranātha (1575–1634). His secular biography shows him as a direct descendant of Chinggis Khan – his father was the Khalkha khan Gömbö-Dorji (1594–1655). In addition to his notable spiritual and socio-political influence, Zanabazar was also an outstanding artist. The artworks, particularly the bronze sculptures, attributed to him and his school are exquisite and world-famous. One of the finest and most famous portraits of him attributed to his school is a gilded bronze statue, now in the Choijin-Lama Temple-Museum in Ulaanbaatar. Zanabazar is represented here in monk’s robe with his two attributes: a vajra in his right hand and bell (ghaṇṭā) in his left. As the first and highest reincarnation in northern Mongolia, Zanabazar was subject of multiple depictions in various techniques and materials, such as clay and papier-mâché statues, thangkas, paintings and prints – all these are present in the Leder Collections as well. Identical stencils, printing blocks or moulds following prescribed iconography were used for many of them, thus some appear as similar depictions with only few variations in colouring and quality of execution. The characteristic bodily features show parallels: Zanabazar is mostly shown as bald and bareheaded – sometimes a dark hairline is visible above the ears. On some objects one may see another typical feature, a small moustache indicated by two thin brush strokes (cf. Vienna, inv. no. 74664; Fig. XI/1 Heidelberg, inv. no. 33542) or a black dot painted on each cheek (cf. Leipzig, inv. no. 38585, Fig. XI/2; 3857). He is depicted in meditational posture, the position of the hands as well as the attributes are mostly identical (except Vienna, inv. no. 74664). His right hand is in vitarka mudrā while the left with the palm of the hand upwards rests on the left. In his left hand Zanabazar is holding a bell (ghaṇṭā), with its mouth facing upwards, in his raised right hand he holds a vajra. There are identical forms and casts of such statuettes in most of the Leder Collections in Europe (Fig. XI/1-3). They mostly only differ in the execution of painting and colouration as well as decorative ornamentation of the robe and throne. The underside of the statuettes is closed with cloth or paper bearing a stamp of a double-vajra (cf. Fig. XI/2a-c). In Mongolia, identical forms of statuettes are for example exhibited in the Choijin Lama Temple Museum complex, or they are among the items kept in the depository of Erdene Zuu Monastery Museum and sometimes preserved pieces still appear on house altars inside the yurts. A register card of the inventory in the Weltmuseum Wien gives the following information on a statuette (inv. no. 74664): “Statuette of a great lama, probably an incarnation of Vajradhara, made of papier-mâché, sitting, in a lama-robe with bell and prayer sceptre (Vajra) in his hands on a square pedestal. Painted and gilded. H: 15 cm, B: 10 cm.”

XI Depictions of Zanabazar

Fig. XI/1 Zanabazar (Öndör Gegeen), Mongolia, around 1900, papier-mâché, painted and guilded, H. 15 cm, Weltmuseum Wien, inv. no. 74664

Fig. XI/2a Zanabazar Mongolia, around 1900, papiermâché, painted, H. ca.15 cm, Grassi Museum für Völkerkunde zu Leipzig, inv. no. 3858 Fig. XI/2b Reverse side of inv. no. 3858 Fig. XI/2c Underside of inv. no. 3858

Fig. XI/3 Zanabazar Mongolia, around 1900, papiermâché, painted and guilded, H. ca. 15 cm, Grassi Museum für Völkerkunde zu Leipzig, inv. no. 3589

Fig. XI/4 Zanabazar, Mongolia, 19th century, clay, painted, H. ca. 4 cm, Weltmuseum Wien, inv. no. 74661

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By contrast one can find a slightly different description in Leder’s handwritten list of objects:

Fig. XI/5 Zanabazar, tshatsha, Mongolia, 19th century, clay, painted and guilded, H. ca. 3 cm, Grassi Museum für Völkerkunde zu Leipzig, inv. no. 4198

Statuette; made of Schawermasse, a material, one could compare with our papier-mâché; local denomination or name of deity: Undur-Göggen; old, painted; 15 x 10 cm; Note: The inside of these statuettes is filled with fragrant parts of plants and silk packets with prayers and diverse amulets. Comparing both descriptions slight differences become obvious, but principally some essential details of the object description have been lost in the course of transcription: the precise identification of the person portrayed as well as the local name. The same can be said of several artefact descriptions, which confirms the value of deciphering original sources. Two small statuettes (Vienna, inv. no. 74661; Stuttgart 72340, Fig. XI/4) and two tshatsha (Leipzig 4198Fig. XI/5 and 4195) show Zanabazar with a sutra book in his left hand instead of a bell.

Fig. XI/6 Zanabazar, Mongolia, 19th century, printed on cotton, 39 x 48 cm , Völkerkundemuseum vPST Heidelberg, inv. no. 33579

Fig. XI/7 Zanabazar, Mongolia, 19th century, printed on cotton, 31 x 25 cm, Weltmuseum Wien, inv. no. 74991

Fig. XI/8 Zanabazar, Mongolia, 19th century, printed on cotton and coloured, 30 x 22 cm , Völkerkundemuseum vPST Heidelberg, inv. no. 33542

Fig. XI/9 Zanabazar, Mongolia, 19th century, printed on cotton canvas and coloured, 26,5 x 17 cm, Weltmuseum Wien, inv. no. 75010

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There are several block prints from an identical block or just a slightly differing design in the collections. They are mostly printed in red on white or yellow canvas, cotton and silk (Fig. XI/6-7); some of them coloured in (Fig. XI/8-9). A small table with sacred items and a bowl with offerings appears in the foreground on most of the block prints – sometimes a narrow table with ritual objects is shown on Zanabazar’s right (Fig. XI/10). A combination of the two block prints on one image can also be seen: a dancing Siṁhavaktrā is shown beneath the portrait Zanabazar (cf. Heidelberg inv. no. 33535-Fig. XI/11 and 33536; cf. Czaja in this publication). A thangka painted on silk shows another iconographic type of the representations of Zanabazar in which he is depicted sitting on a throne supported by two lions on either side (Fig. XI/12). He is surrounded by landscape and above him Amitābha on his right and Śākyamuni on his left are shown as side figures. Another rare representation of Zanabazar in the Viennese collection is a refined but darkened painting in oil and gold colours on canvas inside a wooden red and gold lacquered frame (inv. no. 75013-Fig. XI/13). Here too, some additional information can be traced in the collector’s notes: “The first Khutugtu of the Mongols, a Chinggis Khanid.” (Leder 1906, inventory, archive WMW) Images of this kind in wooden frames were used as or as part of the house altars inside the yurts, and this was also where many of Hans Leder’s collected artefacts came from. The bed of the host usually is situated opposite of the door, behind the fireplace […]. The house altar with the burkhans [deities] either has its place at the head of the bed, just on the covered trunks and bags with the belongings, or beside the entrance on the left. In front of the images or statuettes of the deities small brass offering bowls, filled with water, milk, vodka, seeds or edible things and stuck into the ground a pole with a bigger iron bowl to receive the libations from all beverages once a day. On festive days the house altar is decorated with flowers or ribbons with lamps and incense sticks in front of it. (Leder manuscript, footnote, p. 73) Das Lager des Wirtes pflegt gewöhnlich der Tür gegenüber, hinter dem Feuerplatz zu stehen […]. Der Hausaltar mit den Burchanen hat entweder seinen Platz am Kopfende des Lagers, eben auf den überdeckten Kisten und Säcken mit den Habseligkeiten, oder neben dem Eingange zur Linken. Vor den Bildern oder Statuetten der Götter stehen einige messingene kleine Opferschälchen, gefüllt mit

Retracing Hans Leder

Wasser, Milch, Branntwein, Körnern oder essbaren Dingen, und in die Erden gesteckt ein Stock mit einer größeren eisernen Schale, um die Libitationen von allen Getränken täglich einmal zu empfangen. An Festtagen wird der Hausaltar mit Blumen oder Bändern geschmückt und vor ihm Lampen und Räucherkerzen angezündet. (Leder Manuscript, footnote, p. 73) Fig. XI/10 Zanabazar, Mongolia, 19th century, mineral pigments on canvas, 32,5 x 23 cm , Völkerkundemuseum vPST Heidelberg, inv. no. 33538

Fig. XI/11 Zanabazar, Mongolia, 19th century, print on cotton, 52 x 25 cm, Völkerkundemuseum vPST Heidelberg, inv. no. 33535

Fig. XI/12 Zanabazar, Thangka, Mongolia, 18/19th century, mineral pigments on silk, silk brocade, 65 x 42 cm , Grassi Museum für Völkerkunde zu Leipzig, inv. no. 3548

Fig. XI/13 Zanabazar, Mongolia, 19th century, mineral pigments and gold colour on canvas, painted wood, 39 x 26 cm, Weltmuseum Wien, inv. no. 75013

XI Depictions of Zanabazar

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XII Different Types of Prayer Flag in the Leder Collections Béla Kelényi O

ne of the characteristic features of Mongolian and Tibetan landscape are the coloured flags (Tib. dar lcog) at the passes and peaks or on top of tents, temples and monasteries. The Tibetans call them “wind horse” flags (Tib. rlung rta, Mong. kei mori, keimori, lungda, Khal. xiimori, lundaa). These printed flags have images of certain deities, mantras (Tib. sngags) and prayers (Tib. smon lam) so that the wind can carry them in all directions for the benefit of all living beings. In its most general form the Wind Horse (Tib. rlung rta) is at the centre, with the blazing “wish-fulfilling gem” (Tib. yid bzhin nor bu) for good fortune on its back. However, in some cases an enlightened personage such as Padmasambhava, the trinity of longevity (Amitāyus, Uṣṇīṣavījayā and Tārā) or only one of them may be depicted at the centre of the prayer flag surrounded by appropriate supplications and dhāraṇís (Tib. gzungs). Sometimes there is only a Victory Banner (Tib. rgyal mtshan) on the flag, accompanied by a Tibetan and Sanskrit text. In the corners of the flag are the four characteristic animals (or their names). These are the “four deities of the wind horse” (Tib. rlung rta’i lha bzhi), which are also called “warrior deities of the rising wind horse” (Tib. rlung rta dar ba’i dgra lha) or the “Four Strong Ones” (Mong. dörben küčüten, Khal. dörwön xüčten) of the Mongols: the Tiger (Tib. stag, Mong. bars, Khal. bar); the Dragon (Tib.’brug, Mong. luu, Khal. lū); the mythical bird, the Garuḍa (Tib. khyung, Mong. Гarudi / Гardi / Qan Гardi, Khal. Garid, Xangarid), and the Lion (Tib. seng ge, Mong. arsalan, Khal. arslan). The texts surrounding them are mostly the mantras of the Three Protectors (Tib. rigs gsum mgon po): Mañjuśrī, Avalokiteśvara and Vajrapāṇi. The flag may also show different groups of the main Buddhist symbols: the Eight Auspicious Symbols (Tib. bkra shis rtags brgyad), the Seven Precious Jewels (Tib. rgyal srid rin chen sna bdun) and the Five Attributes of Sensory Enjoyment (Tib. ’dod yon sna lnga). In all cases the common mantra of the prayer flag appears as well: “Grow up here! All gather together! All gather, gather! HOḤ!”1 In addition, prayers, requests, praises, poetry may be included in the flags. One such a general request is: “I ask that the vitality, health, power, luck, lifespan and merit [of the individual who was born in such and such] a year may grow like the waxing moon!”2 In this case “luck” (Tib. rlung rta) is the same expression as the “wind horse”, which plays an important role in the Chinese origins of Tibetan astrology (Tib. nag rtsis).3 There are various types of prayer flag in the Leder Collections. In 1967 Siegbert Hummel tried to distinguish the flags in the Linden-Museum in Stuttgart according to their type and origin.4 However, his long descriptions summarised the literature on the prayer flag rather than interpreting the individual objects. As a usual type of the prayer flag, the Wind Horse is frequently combined with the representations of the astrological symbols for protection against the negative planetary influences. These symbols show the Twelve

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Years of the Zodiac (Tib. lo skor bcu gnyis), the Eight Trigrams (Tib. spar kha brgyad), the Nine Numbers of the Magic Number Square (Tib. sme ba dgu), the Seven Symbols of the Planets (Tib. gza’ bdun) and the Powerful Ten (Tib. rNam bcu dbang ldan), the Symbol of the Kālacakra Tantra (Vienna, inv. no. 64835, 64836, Stuttgart 23870, 24329, 24472). The inscription on one type (Vienna, inv. no. 64835, 64836) comes from a text written by the Third Panchen Lama, Lobsang Palden Yeshe (Tib. Blo bzang dpal ldan ye shes, 1737–1780) entitled “The Powerful Wind Horse [i.e. Luck] Increase” (Tib. Rlung rta stobs ldan yar bskyed). (Fig. XII/1,2) This is the most often quoted text in the prayer flags known so far. The only difference between these two flags is their colour. The yellow one indicates that it was made for a person who was born in the year of the Earth element (Vienna, inv. no. 64836), the white one refers to the year of the Metal element (Vienna, inv. no. 64835). Likewise a common type of the prayer flag is the “Top of the Victory Banner” (Tib. rgyal mtshan rtse mo). Usually only the Victory Banner (Tib. rgyal mtshan) is represented in the upper or middle part of this kind of flag. Below and around the banner it is filled with the text of “Dhāraṇī of the Shoulder-Ornament at the Top of Noble Victory Banner” (Tib. ’Phags pa rgyal mtshan gyi rtse mo’i dpung rgyan ces bya ba’i gzungs, Skt. Ārya-dhvajāgrakeyūra-nāma-dhāraṇī). The text itself belongs to the Kriyā class Tantras of the Tibetan canon, the Kangyur (Tib. bKa’ ’gyur). According to this story, when Buddha was in the thirty-third realm of the gods, Indra, king of the gods, explained that the gods had suffered a great defeat from Vemacitra, the king of the asuras. He asked Buddha what he should do. Buddha told him to memorise the mantra contained in the prayer Shoulder-Ornament at the Top of Noble Victory Banner and to carry this mantra into battle to ensure victory.

Fig. XII/1 Prayer Flag. Mongolia, 19th century, cotton, printed, coloured, 19 x 21 cm, Weltmuseum Wien, inv. no. 64836

Fig. XII/2 Prayer Flag. Mongolia, 19th century, cotton, printed, 19 x 21 cm, Weltmuseum Wien, inv. no. 64835

There are three pieces of this type in the Leder Collections (Heidelberg, inv. no. 33869, 34070, Stuttgart, inv. no. 23878). (Fig. XII/3) Although another flag represents the usual depiction of the Wind Horse, its inscription also belongs to this type (Vienna, inv. no. 64833, 64834). Sometimes the inscription on the prayer flags displays only the text of one sutra. One such type is the “Aspiration to Good Actions” (Leipzig, inv. no. 3588), actually Samantabhadra’s Aspiration to Good Actions – the King of Prayers (Tib. bZang spyod smon lam). It is the final part of the Gaṇḍavyūha sūtra, which is in the last section of the Avataṃsaka sūtra. There is a unique and unusual form of the prayer flag in the Linden-Museum in Stuttgart that summarises most of the different types of prayer flag (Stuttgart, inv. no. 24472). (Fig. XII/4). A burst of flames can be seen at its outer edge and in the four corners are the Garuḍa bird, Dragon (upper part), the Tiger and the Snow Lion (lower part). On the right outer side are the Eight Auspicious Symbols, on the left are the Seven Precious Jewels. Above in the middle is the large BHYO seed mantra, to its right is the Symbol of the Kālacakra Tantra, to its left is the KYE mantra. The texts of the flag are in different cartouches, the inner text can be found in a rectangle which is divided in five triangles. According to one of its inscriptions the author of the text is the Fourth Panchen Lama, Losang Chökyi Gyaltsen (Tib. Ban chen rin po che Blo bzang chos [kyi rgyal mtshan]). The Wind Horse is shown at the bottom. Around it are the different astrological symbols: the Eight Trigrams, the Nine Numbers of the magic Number Square and the Twelve Years of the Zodiac.

XII Different Types of Prayer Flag in the Leder Collections

Fig. XII/3 Prayer Flag. Mongolia, 19th century, cotton, printed, 27 x 23 cm, Völkerkundemuseum vPST Heidelberg, inv. no. 34070

Fig. XII/4 Prayer Flag. Mongolia, 19th century, cotton, printed, coloured, 54 x 43 cm, Linden-Museum Stuttgart, inv. no. 24472

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Another interesting example are prints on one single piece of cotton representing three types of prayer flag (Stuttgart, inv. no. 23878). (Fig. XII/5) The first type is the “Top of the Victory Banner”, which is filled with the text of “Dhāraṇī of the Shoulder-Ornament of the Top of Noble Victory Banner”. Interestingly, at the bottom of this there is Tibetan handwriting with the name of the donor of the flag: Lopsang Sherap (Tib. Blo bzang shes rab). The second type is the usual form of the prayer flag with the five animals. As with the above-mentioned flag, according to its inscription the author of its text is the Fourth Panchen Lama, Losang Chökyi Gyaltsen. The third type not only has the usual five animals but also four more horses in each corner. According to Badral in Mongolia these five horses refer to the five horses of the red Ataa deity (Mong. Ataγ-a tenggeri), the “protector of horses”.5 Notes

Fig. XII/5 Prayer Flag. Mongolia, 19th century, cotton, printed, 94,5 x 28,5 cm, Linden-Museum Stuttgart, inv. no. 23878

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1

dir yar bskyed kun ’dus SARBA ‘du ‘du HOH

2

lo ba’i srog lus dbang thang rlung rta tshe bsod nams zla ba yar ngo bzhin bskyed du gsol // Translated by the author.

3

Cornu 1997: 85–89.

4

Hummel 1967: 170–174.

5

On the deity see Birtalan (2001: 945–947). On the depiction of the five horses see Badral (2003: 48, no. 43 and 80, no. 80).

Retracing Hans Leder

XIII The Stronghold of Good Luck A Unique Representation Connecting to the Cult of Prayer Flag Béla Kelényi here is a special type of visual representation connected to the cult of Tibetan prayer flags (Tib. rlung T rta), which played an especially important role in Mongolia. Not only the usual deities of the prayer flags are depicted on these kind of pictures, but so are other deities that are related to the ritual texts of the prayer flag. These groups of deities represented, are almost completely described in a text of a prayer flag fumigation ceremony (Tib. bsang). This is taken from a work written by the Fifth Dalai Lama (1617–1682)1 and the deities featured in the pictures are more or less depicted on the basis of the list it gives: Kye! O Lama, yidam, Three Jewels, deities of the four classes of tantras, mighty Buddha, Three Protectors (Tib. Rigs gsum mgon po), ḍākinīs, dharmapālas, Sitabrahmā, deities of the space of the sky, of the foundation of the earth, and of the mighty Wind Horse, excellent Kongtse (Tib. Kong rtse) bodhisattva with one hundred thousand sages, four deities of the Wind Horse, namely Wood-Tiger, Fire-Snake, Metal-Monkey, and Water-Pig, as well as Horse, Tiger, Lion, Garuḍa Bird and Dragon, Birth Deity (Tib. skyes lha), Enemy Deity (Tib. dgra lha), Male Deity (Tib. pho lha), Local Deity (Tib. yul lha), a certain King spirit (Tib. rgyal po che ge mo), Personal Protective Deities (Tib.’go ba’i lha), Local spirit (Tib. gzhi bdag), demons belonging together from earlier births to the present life, supernatural beings, you yourselves from the holiest places, I, with great and loving compassion, pray for your unhindered coming!2 In the above-mentioned enumeration besides the Wind Horse the most important deity without a doubt is Kongtse, who can be found both in the Buddhist and Bönpo literature as the protector of an exorcism ritual (Tib. gto) which is carried out in order to neutralise the problems of everyday life.3 As Karmay has explained, he is actually the Tibetan equivalent of the Chinese philosopher Confucius (Chin. Kongzi, 551–479 BCE),4 who, according to the Tibetans, established the Chinese origin astrology of the elements (Tib. ’byung rtsis). He is considered as the reincarnation of bodhisattva Mañjuśrī.5 The other ordinary characters, who are shown in the corners of prayer flags are the “four deities of the Wind Horse” (Tib. rlung rta lha bzhi): Tiger, Lion, Garuḍa Bird and Dragon. According to a Tibetan ritual text (“Setting up the pillar of the prayer flag”) they belong to the entourage of Kongtse: “Kongtse is white-bodied; in his right hand he holds an arrow with silk ribbons and a mirror illuminating the three thousand [worlds], in his left hand is a jewelled container full of gems. In front of him is the white-bodied rlung rta [deity] of the year, holding a wind flag (dar rlung) in his hand and he rides the wind-winged white best steed. His accompaniment has to be drawn as four spokes in the four directions. In the east is the virtuous blue-bodied rlung rta [deity], holds a wind flag in his hand and rides the Garuḍa. In the south is the pompous yellow-bodied rlung rta [deity], he holds a wind flag in his hand, and rides the white, turquoise-blue mane Lion. In the west is the

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famous red-bodied rlung rta [deity], he holds a wind flag in his hand, and rides the blue Dragon. In the north is the heroic green-bodied rlung rta [deity], he holds a wind flag in his hand, and rides the yellow Tiger.”6 However, in the above cited text there is another fourfold group, which is completely different from them. These four animal-headed deities are the “four lucky years” (Tib. lo ba’i klung rta’i lha, or klung lha sde bzhi): the white Metal-Monkey, green Wood-Tiger, blue Water-Pig and red Fire-Snake. Actually they belong to the zodiac, correspond to the four points of the compass and the four elements, and the zodiac is under the sway of one of them every three years.7 Consequently, they have an important role in the Chinese astrology (Tib. nag rtsis). This explains the fact that the name of the prayer flag (rlung rta) corresponds to the expression of “good luck” in this system.8

Fig. XIII/1 The Stronghold of Good Luck. Thangka, Mongolia, 19th century, woodprint on cotton, 68 x 37 cm, Völkerkundemuseum vPST Heidelberg, inv. no. 33653

The deities listed above appeared in a unique type of representation in Mongolia, although each one differs slightly from the others.9 The main part of the picture is always a palace, the “stronghold of good luck” (Tib. rlung rta’i mkhar).10 At the top of it Buddha Śākyamuni is depicted, below him the Three Protectors (Ṣaḍakṣarī Lokeśvara, Mañjuśrī and Vajrapāṇi) can be seen. Below Mañjuśrī is his embodiment, Kongtse on a tortoise. He is holding a ritual arrow (Tib. mda’ dar) in his right hand and a golden treasure vase (Tib. gter gyi bum pa) with a mirror in his left one. Around the palace are the four deities of the “four lucky years”. There are two depictions of the “stronghold of good luck” in the Leder Collections of the Völkerkundemuseum vPST Heidelberg (inv. no. 33653 and inv. no. 33634) (Fig. XIII/1-2). On the one hand both of them are different from the structure of the above-mentioned usual depictions; on the other hand they are rather similar to each other: Kongtse not only sits on the tortoise, but he is depicted in the body of the Great Golden Tortoise (Tib. Mahā gser gyi rus sbal). This corresponds to the general structure of the most frequent Tibetan good luck amulet, the Sidpaho (Tib. srid pa ho).11 The first representation (inv. no. 33653) (Fig. XIII/1) is a woodprint, which is divided into three parts. The central figure of the upper part is none other than the Great Golden Tortoise. In the circle of its shell is Buddha Śākyamuni, below him are the Three Protectors and Kongtse, who is sitting on a tortoise. He is holding a ritual arrow in his right and an indistinct object (assumable a mirror) in his left one. The four elements are displayed at the four main directions: above the head of the Great Golden Tortoise is fire, on the left is wood, on the right is metal (depicted as an axe) and at the bottom is water. Its four legs are located in the four intermediate directions; in them are bases of stūpas, which represent the earth element. In the left and right corner are riders, probably two of the Five Personal Protective Deities, listed in the above invocation. The inscription surrounding them is unreadable. The central part corresponds to the conventional system of the prayer flags. In the centre itself is the Wind Horse with the Three Jewels (Tib. dkon mchog gsum) and the Victory Banner (Tib. rgyal mtshan) on its saddle. It is surrounded by the four animals of the prayer flag: the Dragon, Garuḍa Bird (upper part), Snow Lion and Tiger (lower part). Around them are the Eight Auspicious Symbols (Tib. bkra shis rtags brgyad); at the left edge Kongtse’s main attribute, the ritual arrow can be seen. Unlike the usual depictions, the “stronghold of good luck” is in the lower part of the woodprint. Inside it there are the four animal-headed, winged deities of the “four lucky years”: the Metal-Monkey, Wood-Tiger, Water-Pig and Fire-Snake. Their flags are inscribed, but their inscriptions are unreadable. Among them on

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a similar edifice to a stūpa is a small palace (Tib. gzhal yas khang) with a small wish-granting tree (Tib. dpag bsam gyi shing) on top of it. Various kinds of offerings can be seen around it. The other depiction (inv. no. 33634) (Fig. XIII/2) is a drawing, with the four animals of the prayer flag at its four corners and their inscriptions below them. In the left upper corner: “He he! All-subduing Garuḍa! May the good luck of the whole lifetime increase!”12 In the right upper corner: “He he! Similarly to the turquoise Dragon may the good luck increase! May the good luck of the whole lifetime increase!”13 In the left lower corner: “Similarly to the Lion may the growing good luck increase! May the good luck of the whole lifetime increase!”14 In the right lower corner: “He he! Chinese Tiger! May the good luck of the whole lifetime increase!”15 Interestingly, Kongtse does not sit on a tortoise, but he appears in front of the “stronghold of good luck”. He is holding a ritual arrow in his right hand and a bowl full of gems in his left. The whole composition is also depicted in the body of the Great Golden Tortoise. The Three Protectors and the four deities of the lucky years are missing from the depiction. However, one of them, the Water-Pig deity has a central location in the composition. He rides a pig, holds a flag in his right hand and a bowl with flames in his left one. Its form is described in a Tibetan text from the ransom rite (Tib. mdos) of the Wind Horse as follows: The white robe of the Pig Headed [ruling] the Bird, the Ox and the Snake [years] is richly ornamented; on its red flag the great mantra of the wind is written in green, and the yellow tongue of the flag soars high above.16

Fig. XIII/2 The Stronghold of Good Luck. Thangka, Mongolia, 19th century, drawing on cotton, 58 x 40 cm, Völkerkundemuseum vPST Heidelberg, inv. no. 33634

This idea is clearly supported by the inscription of Pig Headed deity’s flag: “[One who was] born in the Bird year! May the good luck of the whole lifetime increase! All gather together! All gather, gather HOḤ! The gods are victorious!”17 Supposedly this means that the sponsor of the drawing was born in the Bird year, and because the ruler of the triad of Bird year is one of the four lucky years, the Pig year, the Water-Pig deity was depicted in the central place. Additionally the three tongues of the flag also have inscriptions. Here we can find the mantras of the Three Protectors (who are missing from this depiction) together with the mantra of the prayer flag.18 Various offerings can be found on either side. On the right, the seven bowls represent the seven-limbed practice (Tib. yan lag bdun pa), on the left there are various types of dough offerings (Tib. gtor ma). At the bottom of the picture, below the Water-Pig deity is the Wind Horse itself with the Three Jewels and a flag on its saddle. According to an inscription below its belly: “He he! The miraculous, powerful and precious best horse is fast-running like the wind!”19 Its flag has the same inscription as the other animals of the prayer flag: “May the good luck of the whole lifetime increase!”20 Notes 1

rLung rta ka tshugs dgos ’dod nor bu bang mdzod. This work can be found in the RLUNGRTABSANG.

2

RLUNGRTABSANG, 2a4–3a3; translated by the author.

3

See Shen-yu Lin 2007: 105–129.

4

Karmay 1998: 169–89.

5

Namkhai Norbu 1997: 151, Kelényi 2002: 85–86.

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6

KADZUGS, 1b4–2a6.

7

See LOCHEN 1997: 8.

8

Cornu 1997: 87–88.

9

On their different types see Kelényi 1999.

10 On its symbolical meaning see Kelényi 2002: 87–88. 11 See Kelényi 2003: 50–51. 12 he he thams chad zil gnon ga ru da / tshe gang khu [=sku] yi rlung rta yar la bskyed /  13 he he g.yu brug sngon po ltar rlung rta yar la bskyed / tshe gang khu [=sku] yi rlung rta yar la bskyed /  14 seng ltar dar ba’i rlung rta yar la bskyed / tshe gang khu [=sku] yi rlung rta yar la bskyed /  15 he he rgya [nag] stag tshe gang khu [=sku] yi rlung rta yar la bskyed /  16 MDOSCHOG, 11a1–11a3. 17 bya lo can tse gang khu [=sku] yi rlung rta yar la bskyed / kun ’du sarba ’du ’du ho / lha rgyal lo /  18 These are the mantra of Ṣaḍakṣarī Lokeśvara (Tib. oM maNi padme hUM he he stag seng), the mantra of Mañjuśrī (Tib. oM a ra pA tsa na dhi khyung ’brug) and the mantra of Vajrapāṇi (Tib. oM badzra pA Ni huM phaT ’dir yar bskyed). 19 he he rdzu ’phrul shugs ldan rlung ltar mgyogs yi bang // rta mchog rin po che /  20 tshe gang khu [=sku] yi rlung rta yar la bskyed / 

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List of Contributors Stefan Bauer (editor) is a trained social anthropologist, currently working at the Weltmuseum Wien. He has collaborated with M.-K. Lang at the Weltmuseum Wien in the forMuse project Mongolian Ethnographica of the Austrian Collector Hans Leder in European Museums. His main research interests are the cultures of the indigenous peoples of the Russian North, post-Soviet societies and Museum Studies. His most recent publication was on a collection at the Weltmuseum Wien: “Vom Sammeln zum Bewahren: Die Sibirica-Sammlung Bryner im Weltmuseum Wien”, in Donecker, S., Eberhard, I. and Hirnsperger, M. (2013) Wege zum Norden: Wiener Forschungen zu Arktis und Subarktis. Wien: LIT Verlag. Ágnes Birtalan is an associate professor and the head of the Department of Inner Asian Studies of University ELTE Budapest. She studies and teaches numerous fields of Mongolian studies, heads the PhD programme for Mongolian studies at the department. Her main research interests are: shamanism and syncretic folk religion among Mongolian ethnic groups, the textual tradition of Mongolian folklore and the dialects of the Oirads and Darkhads. She conducts field research among Mongols in western and northern Mongolia and the Oirad groups of China. In detail cf. birtalan. innerasia.hu. Olaf Czaja is a research fellow at the Institute of Indian and Central Asian Studies of Leipzig University. His research interests are Tibetan history, art and medicine. He is currently working on Tibetan pulse diagnosis. In 2008, he published on thangkas of the Speck von Sternburg Collection of the Leipzig Museum of Ethnography. His monography on the history and art of the Tibetan Phag mo gru pa ruling house is forthcoming (Medieval Rule in Tibet: The Rlangs Clan and the Political and Religious History of the Ruling House of Phag-mo-gru-pa). Béla Kelényi is curator of the Tibetan and Nepalese Collection in the Ferenc Hopp Museum of Eastern Asiatic Arts, Budapest. His main fields of interest are the Tibetan and Nepalese art, Tibetan folk religion, Tibetan contemporary art and history of oriental collections. His recently published papers include: “Analysis of a mdos Ritual Text Connected with the rlung rta Tradition”, in: Charles Ramble and Jill Sudbury (eds.) This World and the Next: Contributions on Tibetan Religion, Science and Society, PIATS: 2006, Tibetan Studies. Proceedings of the Eleventh Seminar of the International Association for Tibetan Studies, Königswinter, 2006, Beträge zur Zentralasienforschung, Tibet Institut, Band 26, 2012, pp. 177–196. His most recent book on the textual background of the Tibetan prayer flag is at press. Maria-Katharina Lang (editor) is a researcher / project director at the Institute of Social Anthropology of the Austrian Academy of Sciences and, in cooperation with the Weltmuseum Wien among others, directs the forMuse project Mongolian Ethnographica of the Austrian Collector Hans Leder in European Museums. In 2006 she was co-curator of the exhibition Dschingis Khan und seine Erben (Schloß Schallaburg / Lower Austria). From 2007 to 2009 she held a grant within the PhD programme of the Austrian Academy of Sciences, concluded with the dissertation Die Sammlung Leder: Mongolische Ethnographica (doctoral thesis, University of Vienna, 2010). Her main research is in Mongolian Studies, Material Culture, Artistic Research and Anthropology of Art. She has conducted field research in Mongolia since 1995. Lhagvademchig J. Shastri is a lecturer at the Department of Social and Cultural Anthropology of the National University of Mongolia. His research interests are Tibeto-Mongolian Buddhist culture and civilisation. He is currently working on his PhD thesis on the revival of Buddhism in Mongolia. In 2011, he co-edited the catalogue Mongolian Buddhist Art: Masterpieces from the Museums of Mongolia. Volume I, Part 1 & 2: Thangkas, Appliqués and Embroideries (Fleming & Shastri).  Krisztina Teleki is a research fellow at the Inner-Asian Department of Eötvös Loránd University. She currently has a postdoctoral fellowship on the study of the heritage of Bogdiin khüree. She graduated with Tibetan and Mongolian majors in 2002, and received her PhD on Bogdiin Khüree: Monasteries and Temples of the Mongolian Capital City (16511938) in 2009 at Eötvös Loránd University, Budapest. She has conducted research in Mongolia since 1999, studying the history and monastic life of the former and present-day Mongolian monasteries. She participated in the project “Documentation of Mongolian Monasteries” organised by the Arts Council of Mongolia. Her most recent publication is: Monasteries and Temples of Bogdiin Khüree, Institute of History, Mongolian Academy of Sciences, Ulaanbaatar 2011.

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I The Collector and the Collections Bibliography Andreyev, Alexandre (2003) Soviet Russia and Tibet, Leiden, Boston: Brill. Appadurai, Arjun (ed.) (1986) The Social Life of Things: Commodities in Cultural Perspective, New York: Cambridge University Press. Appadurai, Arjun (1986) Introduction: Commodities and the politics of value, in: Appadurai, Arjun (ed.), The Social Life of Things: Commodities in Cultural Perspective, New York: Cambridge University Press, 3–64. Atwood, Christopher P. (2004) Encyclopedia of Mongolia and the Mongol Empire, Bloomington: Indiana University. Baabar (2004) History of Mongolia, Kaplonski, C. (ed.), Ulaanbaatar: Monsudar. Bawden, Charles R. (1989) The Modern History of Mongolia, London and New York: Kegan. Birtalan, Ágnes (2003) Traditionelle mongolische Religionen im Wandel, in: Klumpp Gerson and Knüppel, Michael (ed.), Die ural-altaischen Völker. Identität im Wandel zwischen Tradition und Moderne, Wiesbaden: Harassowitz Verlag, 15–21. Brauen, Martin (ed.) (2005) Die Dalai Lamas. Tibets Reinkarnationen des Bodhisattva Avalokiteshvara, Völkerkundemuseum Zürich, Stuttgart: Arnoldsche Art Publishers. Empson, Rebecca (2007) Seperating and Containing, in: Henare, A., Holbraad M., Wastell S. (ed.) Thinking through things. Theorising artefacts ethnographically, London and New York: Routledge, 113–140. Gell, Alfred (1998) Art and Agency. An Anthropological Theory, Oxford University Press. Goldstein, Melvyn C. (1989) A History of Modern Tibet, 1913–1951, University of California Press. Haderer, Elisabeth (2004) Buddhistische Thangkamalerei in der Mongolei: Einige Rollbilder der Sammlung Leder, MA thesis, Karl-Franzens-Universität Graz. Heissig, Walther (1953) A Mongolian source to the Lamaist suppression of shamanism in the 17th century, in: Anthropos, 48 (1–2), 1–29; 48 (3–4), 493–536. Hetschko, Alfred (1922) Hans Leder (Nachruf ), in: Wiener Entomologische Zeitung, vol. 39, issue 1–4: 95–96. Jisl, Lumír (1963) Hans Leder, ein vergessener Reisender, in: Abhandlungen und Berichte des Staatlichen Museums für Völkerkunde Dresden, vol. 22: 25–56. Köpke, Wulf and Schmelz, Bernd (eds.) (2005) Die Welt des tibetischen Buddhismus, Hamburg: Museum für Völkerkunde Hamburg. Lang, M.-K. (2013) Mongolian Tsam. Dance Figures between Repression and Reawakening, in: Danced Creation: Asia’s Mythical Past and Living Present, exhibition catalogue, Weltmuseum Wien, Vienna: Brandstätter, 66–75. Lang, M.-K. (2012) Ritual Objects between Conflict and Consensus: The Social Life of Sacred Artefacts during Periods of Political Transformation in Mongolia, in: Kiliánová, G., Jahoda, C., Ferencová, M. (eds.) Ritual, Conflict and Consensus, Denkschriften der phil.-hist. Klasse 432, Veröffentlichungen zur Sozialanthropologie 16, Vienna: Austrian Academy of Sciences Press, 51–62. Lang, M.-K. (2012) Scharfen Blickes. Die Sammlungen des Forschungsreisenden Hans Leder mit einem Exkurs über den Tsam-Tanz in der Mongolei, in: Archiv für Völkerkunde, Vienna: LIT Verlag, 59–60. Lang, M.-K. (2011) Mongolische “Lappenbäume”, in: Bussel, Gerard van und Steinmann, Axel (eds.) Wald, Baum, Mensch, exhibition catalogue, Vienna: Weltmuseum Wien, 92–93. Lang, M.-K. (2010a) Mongolische Ethnographica in Wien. Die Sammlung Hans Leder im Weltmuseum Wien, Veröffentlichungen zur Sozialanthropologie, Band 13, Vienna: Austrian Academy of Science Press.

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Lang, M.-K. (2010b) Die Sammlung Hans Leder. Mongolische Ethnographica, Vienna, PhD thesis, Vienna: University of Vienna. Lange, Britta (2006) Echt, Unecht, Lebensecht. Menschenbilder im Umlauf, Berlin: Kadmos Kulturverlag. Leder, Hans (1893) Reise von Irkutsk nach Urga in der Mongolei, in: Globus, Braunschweig, 64: 319–326, 343–349. Leder, Hans (1894a) Besuch von Urga in der Mongolei, in: Globus, Braunschweig, 66: 49–53, 68–72. Leder, Hans (1894b) Reise an den oberen Orchon und zu den Ruinen von Karakorum, in: Mittheilungen der k. k. Geographischen Gesellschaft Wien, 38: 407–436. Leder, Hans (1894c) Wald, Wild und Jagd in Sibirien, in: Zentralblatt für das gesamte Forstwesen, Wien, 60–66, 149–208. Leder, Hans (1895) Eine Sommerreise in der nördlichen Mongolei im Jahre 1892, in: Mittheilungen der k. k. Geographischen Gesellschaft Wien, 38: 26–57, 85–118. Leder, Hans (1902) Reisebrief von Hans Leder aus Kiachta, in: Landwirtschaftliche Zeitschrift für Österreichisch-Schlesien, Troppau, 533–534. Leder, Hans (1908/1909) Vom Changai nach dem Altai, in: Deutsche Rundschau für Geographie und Statistik, Vienna and Leipzig: 7–23, 69–79. Leder, Hans (1909) Das geheimnisvolle Tibet, Leipzig: Th. Grieben’s Verlag. Romanoff, Nicolas Mikhailovitch (1884) Mémoires sur les lépidoptères, vol. I, St.-Pétersbourg: Imprimerie de M.M. Stassuléwitch. Penny, Glenn (2002) Objects of Culture, Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. Penny, Glenn and Bunzl, Matti (ed.) (2003) Worldly Provincialism, Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press. Shakabpa, Tsepon W. D. (2010) One Hundred Thousand Moons. An Advanced Political History of Tibet, transl. and annotated by Maher, D., vol. 2, Leiden and Boston: Brill. Shakya, Tsering (2005) Der 13. Dalai Lama Thubten Gyatso, in: Brauen, Martin (ed.) Die Dalai Lamas. Tibets Reinkarnationen des Bodhisattva Avalokiteshvara, Völkerkundemuseum Zürich, Stuttgart: Arnoldsche Art Publishers: 136–161. Teleki, Krisztina (2011) Monasteries and Temples of Bogdiin Khüree, Ulaanbaatar: Institute of History, Mongolian Academy of Sciences. Tucci, Giuseppe & Heissig, Walther (1970) Die Religionen Tibets und der Mongolei, Stuttgart: Kohlhammer. Archives Archive Weltmuseum Wien (former Museum für Völkerkunde Wien) Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv Wien Archive Völkerkundemuseum der J. & E. von Portheim Stiftung Heidelberg Archive Grassi-Museum für Völkerkunde zu Leipzig Archive Linden-Museum, Staatliches Museum für Völkerkunde Stuttgart Archive Néprajzi Múzeum Budapest Archive Náprstek Museum Prague Archive of the Silesian Museum, Opava Archive Opava

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II Mongolian Buddhism: Identity, Practice and Politics Damdin, Zava (1998) Byang phyogs hor gyi yul du dam pa’i chos rin po che ‘byung tshul gyi gtam rgyud bkra shis chos dung bzhad pa’i sgra dbyangs zhes bya ba bzhugs so (Melody of Auspicious Dharma Conch, Story of Spread of Precious Supreme Dharma in the Northern Hor Country), Ulaanbaatar: TsEG-yn khar’ya Tamga temdgiin uildveriin khevlekh tsekh. Elverskog, Johan (2006) Our Great Qing: The Mongols, Buddhism, and the State in Late Imperial China, Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press. Kollmar-Paulenz, Karenina (2003) Buddhism in Mongolia After 1990, online journal of Global Buddhism, 4. Electronic document: www.globalbuddhism.org/toc.html (accessed 20.06.2013). Moses, Larry W. (1977) The Political Role of Mongol Buddhism, Bloomington: Indiana University Press. Sandag, Shagdariin and Harry H. Kendall (2000) Poisoned Arrows: The Stalin-Choibalsan Mongolian Massacres, 1921–1941, Boulder: Westview Press. Schittich, Bernhard and Lkhagvademchig, Jadamba (2010) Negotiating Self and Other: Transnational Cultural Flows and the Reinvention of Mongolian Buddhism, Internationales Asienforum, Freiburg i. Brsg., 41 (1–2): 83–102 Shinzhleh Uhaany Akademi Filosopi, Sotsiologi Erhiin Khüreelen (1998) Tör, süm hiidiin hariltsaa: Orchin Uye (Relations between the State and Church: Modern Day), Ulaanbaatar: Bembi San. Whitfield, Susan (ed.) (2004) The Silk Road: Trade, Travel, War and Gaith, London: The British Library.

III Tsakli, Thangkas, Prints, Amulets and Manuscripts Debreczeny, Karl (2011) Wutai shan: Pilgrimage to Five-Peak Mountain, in: Journal of the International Association of Tibetan Studies (JIATS), no. 6 (December), THL #T5714, 1-133. Fleming, Zara and J. Lkhagvademchig Shastri (eds.) (2011) Mongolian Buddhist Art: Masterpieces from the Museums of Mongolia. Volume I, Part 1 & 2: Thangkas, Appliqués and Embroideries, Chicago: Serindia Publications. HAR, Himalayan Art Resources, http://www.himalayanart.org/ (accessed 20.06.2013) Köpke, Wulf and Bernd Schmelz (eds.) (2005) Die Welt des tibetischen Buddhismus. Mitteilungen aus dem Museum für Völkerkunde Hamburg, Neue Folge, Band 36, Hamburg: Museum für Völkerkunde. Meinert, Carmen (ed.) (2011) Buddha in der Jurte. Buddhistische Kunst aus der Mongolei, 2 vols, München: Hirmer Sanders, Alan J. K. (2010) Historical dictionary of Mongolia, Lanham, Md.: Scarecrow Press. Terentyev, A. (2010) Sandalovyj Budda radži Udajany. Sandalwood Buddha of the King Udayana, St. Petersburg: Izdanie Terentyeva. Tillemans, Tom J. F. (1999) Scripture, logic, language: essays on Dharmakīrti and his Tibetan successors, Boston: Wisdom Publ. IV Types of Votive Plaque [tshatsha] in the Leder Collections Tibetan source Grags pa rgyal mtshan: Satstsha ’debs tshul. Private collection, Budapest. Secondary literature Kretschmar, Andreas und Tsering, Pema (2006) Tshatsha: Votivtäfelchen aus Ton, in: Tibet: Klöster öffnen ihre Schatzkammern. Kulturstiftung Ruhr Essen, Villa Hügel, 499–501.

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Lama Zopa Rinpoche (n.d.) Tsa-tsa Practice, Taos, New Mexico. Mullin, Glenn H. (2007) Buddha in Paradise: A Celebration in Himalayan Art, Rubin Museum of Art, New York. Orosz, Gergely (2009) A Catalogue of the Tibetan Manuscripts and Block Prints in the Library of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, vol. 2, Budapest: Library of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences. Tucci, Giuseppe (1988) Stupa: art, architectonics and symbolism, New Delhi: Aditya Prakashan. V A Maitreya [tshatsha] in the Leder Collections Tibetan source Pra dznyA Sha sa: rTen la gzungs ‘bul ba’i yi ge smin gling phyag bzhed gsos sman gangga’i rgyun bzang. Private collection, Budapest. Secondary literature Kelényi, Béla (2008) “May it Shine like the Sun and Moon”: Consecration Texts from a Tibetan Stūpa, Ars Decorativa 26, Budapest, 145–154. Lama Zopa Rinpoche: Tsa-tsa Practice. Taos, New Mexico, n. d. VI The Tsam Figures – A Reunion Atwood, Christopher P. (2004) Encyclopedia of Mongolia and the Mongol Empire, Bloomington: Indiana University. Hambo Lama Baasansuren Khandsuren (2011) Erdene Zuu: The Jewel of Enlightenment, edited by Glenn Mullin, copyright Baasansuren. Basilov, Vladimir (1989) Religious Beliefs, in: Nomads of Eurasia, Natural History Museum of Los Angeles County: 161−181. Berger, Patricia, and Bartholomew, Terese (eds.) (1995) Mongolia. The Legacy of Chinggis Khan, London: Thames and Hudson – San Francisco: Asian Art Museum of San Francisco. Boikova, Elena (2003) Mongolian Collections in the Russian Ethnographical Museum (Saint Petersburg), in: Proceedings of the 45th International Altaistic Conference (PIAC) in Budapest: 63−68. Fontein, J. (ed.) (1999) De dansende demonen van Mongolie, Amsterdam: V+K Publishing / Inmerc. Forman, Werner, and Rintschen, Bjamba (1967) Lamaistische Tanzmasken, Leipzig: Koehler & Amelang. Heissig, Walther, and Claudius Müller (eds.) (1989) Die Mongolen, Innsbruck: Pinguin – Frankfurt a.M.: Umschau. Heissig, Walther (1989) Der Tsam-Tanz und seine Masken, in: Heissig und Müller Die Mongolen, Innsbruck: Pinguin – Frankfurt a.M.: Umschau, 240–244. Köpke, Wulf (ed.) (2005) Die Welt des tibetischen Buddhismus, Hamburg: Museum für Völkerkunde Hamburg. Lang, M.-K. (2013) Mongolian Tsam. Dance Figures between Repression and Reawakening, in: Danced Creation: Asia’s Mythical Past and Living Present, exhibition catalogue, Weltmuseum Wien, Vienna: Brandstätter, 66–75. Lang, M.-K. (2012) Ritual Objects between Conflict and Consensus: The Social Life of Sacred Artefacts during Periods of Political Transformation in Mongolia, in: Kiliánová, G., Jahoda, C., Ferencová, M. (eds.) Ritual, Conflict and Consensus, Denkschriften der phil.-hist. Klasse 432, Veröffentlichungen zur Sozialanthropologie 16, Vienna: Austrian Academy of Sciences Press, 51–62. Lang, M.-K. (2012) Scharfen Blickes. Die Sammlungen des Forschungsreisenden Hans Leder mit einem

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Exkurs über den Tsam-Tanz in der Mongolei, in: Archiv für Völkerkunde, Vienna: LIT Verlag, 59–60. Lang, M.-K. (2010a) Mongolische Ethnographica in Wien. Die Sammlung Hans Leder im Weltmuseum Wien, Veröffentlichungen zur Sozialanthropologie Band 13, Vienna: Austrian Academy of Sciences Press. Leder, Hans (1895) Eine Sommerreise in der nördlichen Mongolei im Jahre 1892, in: Mittheilungen der k.k. Geographischen Gesellschaft Wien, 38: 26–57, 85–118. Leder, Hans (1909) Das geheimnisvolle Tibet, Leipzig: Th. Grieben’s Verlag. Majer Zsuzsa (2008) A Comparative Study of the Ceremonial Practice in Present-Day Mongolian Monasteries. PhD thesis, Budapest: Eötvös Loránd University. Mittheilungen der k. k. Geographischen Gesellschaft in Wien, Bd. XLIII, 1900. Mullin Glenn (2003) Female Buddhas. Women of Enlightenment in Tibetan Mystical Art, Santa Fe, New Mexico: Clear Light Publishers. Nebesky-Wojkovitz, René de (1976) Tibetan Religious Dances, The Hague: Mouton. Pegg, Carole (2001) Mongolian Music, Dance and Oral Narrative: Performing Diverse Identities. Seattle: University of Washington Press. Pozdneyev, A. M. (1978 [1887]) Religion and Ritual in Society: Lamaist Buddhism in late 19th-century Mongolia, Krueger, J.R. (ed.), Bloomington: The Mongolia Society. Sagaster, Klaus (2005) Der mongolische Buddhismus, in Dschingis Khan und seine Erben, Bonn: Kunstund Ausstellungshalle der Bundesrepublik Deutschland. Yadamsuren, Urjingiin (2005) Khaant Mongol ulsiin ikh khüree tsam [Tsam Dances of Ikh Khüree under the Reign of the Bogd Khaan], Ulaanbaatar. VII The Khüree-Tsam and its Revelations with the Tsam Figures Damdinsuren, T.S. and Bawden, C. R. (1997) Tales of an Old Lama, Buddhica Britannica Series Continua VIII, Tring, U. K: Institute of Buddhist Studies. Forbáth, L. (1934) A megujhodott Mongolia [The New Mongolia], Budapest: Franklin, A Magyar Földrajzi Társaság Könyvtára. Forman, Werner, and Rintschen, Bjamba (1967) Lamaistische Tanzmasken, Leipzig: Koehler & Amelang. Gangaa, D. (2003) Khüree Tsam, Ulaanbaatar: Admon. Damdinsüren, D. (1995) Ikh Khüreenii nert urchuud [Famous Artists of Ikh Khüree], Ulaanbaatar: Mongolpress Dariimaa, G. (2003) Dursagdakhiin buyantai burkhan zuraach [The Virtues Monastic Painter], Ulaanbaatar: Bit Syerwis Majer Zsusza (2008) A Comparative Study of the Ceremonial Practice in Present-Day Mongolian Monasteries, PhD thesis, Budapest, Eötvös Loránd University. Nyambuu, Kh. (2002) Mongol khuwtsasnii tüükh. Tüükh, ugsatnii züin shinjilgee [History of Mongolian Garments: A Historical and Ethnographical Survey], Ulaanbaatar. Öljii, J. (1992) Mongoliin dursgalt uran barilgiin tüükhees [About the History of Mongolian Architecture], Ulaanbaatar. Pozdneev, A. M. (1887) Ocherki byta buddijskikh monastyrej i buddijskago dukhovenstva v Mongolii, SanktPeterburg: Tipografiya Imperatorskoj Akademi Nauk’. Pozdneyev, A. M. (1978 [1887]) Religion and Ritual in Society: Lamaist Buddhism in late 19th-century Mongolia, Krueger, J.R. (ed.), Bloomington: The Mongolia Society.

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Tsultem, N. (1989) Mongolian Sculpture, Ulaanbaatar: State Publishing House. Uranchimeg, Ts. (2009) Ikh Khüree: a Nomadic Monastery and the Later Buddhist Art of Mongolia, Berkeley: PhD thesis, University of California. VIII Cagān Öwgön – The White Old Man in the Leder Collections Altan, Sanj (manuscript) An Oirad-Kalmyk Version of the “White Old Man” Sutra Found among the Archives of the Late Lama Sanji Rabga Möngke Baqsi. Baldanžapov, C-B. (ed.) (1995) Buddijskaja živopis’ Burjatii iz fondov Muzeja Istorii Burjatii im. M. N. Hangalova, Ulan-Ude: Nyutag. Beer, Robert (2004) The Encyclopedia of Tibetan Symbols and Motifs, Chicago and London: Serindia Publications. Berger, Patricia and Bartholomew, Terese Tse (eds.) (1995) Mongolia. The Legacy of Chinggis Khan, San Francisco: Asian Art Museum of San Francisco. Birtalan, Ágnes (2001) Die Mythologie der mongolischen Volksreligion, in: Schmalzriedt, Egidius – Haussig, Hans Wilhelm (eds.) Wörterbuch der Mythologie. I. Abteilung. Die alten Kulturvölker, 34. Lieferung, Stuttgart: Klett-Cotta 879−1097. Birtalan, Ágnes (2004) Mongolian Shamanic Texts. Text Collections and Monographs on Mongolian Shamanic Texts, in: Namba Walter, Mariko – Neumann Fridman, Eva Jane (eds.) Shamanism. An Encyclopedia of World Beliefs, Practices, and Culture, Santa Barbara: California – Denver: Colorado – Oxford: England: ABC-CLIO 586–593. Birtalan, Ágnes (2011) The Representation of the Mongolian Shaman Deity Dayan Deerh in Invocations and in a Buddhist Scroll Painting (La représentation de la divinité chamanique Dayan Deerh dans les invocations et dans un rouleau peint bouddhique), in: Variations tibétaines, Et autres... (Études mongoles et sibériennes, centrasiatiques et tibétaines) 42: 1–39, Bibliography and Notes cf. http://emscat.revues.org/ index1800.html (accessed June 2013) Bürintegüs (ed.) (1999) Mongγol ǰang üyile-yin nebterkei toli. Oyun-u boti, Kökeqota: Öbör Mongγol-un Šinǰilekü uqaγan teknig mergeǰil-ün keblel-ün qoriy-a [Encyclopaedia of Mongolian Customs. Spiritual Culture]. Chiba, Reiko (1966) The Seven Lucky Gods of Japan, Rutland: Vermont Charles E. Tuttle Co. Christie, Anthony (1968) Chinesische Mythologie, Wiesbaden: Emil Vollmer Verlag. Drège, Jean-Pierre (1999) Images de Dunhuang: Dessins et peintures sur papier des fonds Pelliot et Stein (Mémoires archéologiques 24), Paris: École Française d’Extrême-Orient. Futaki, Hiroshi (2005) Classification of Texts Related to the White Old Man, in: Quaestiones Mongolorum Disputatae I, Tokyo: Association for International Studies of Mongolian Culture, 35–46. Gerasimova, K. M. (1999) Obrjady zaščity žizni v buddizme Central’noj Azii, Ulan-Ude: Izdatel’stvo BNC SO RAN. Heissig, Walther (1966) Mongolische volksreligiöse und folkloristische Texte aus europäischen Bibliotheken mit einer Einleitung und Glossar, Verzeichnis der orientalischen Handschriften in Deutschland, Supplementband 6, Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner Verlag GMBH. Heissig, Walther (1980) The Religions of Mongolia, London and Henley: Routledge and Kegan. Heissig, Walther (1987) Einige Bemerkungen zum Kult des Weissen Alten (Čaγan ebügen), in: Orientalia Iosephi Tucci Memoriae Dicata (Serie Orientale Roma LVI, 2), Roma: Instituto Italiano per il Medio ed Estremo Oriente, 589–616.

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