The Monastic Footprint in Post-Reformation Movements: The Cloister of the Soul 1032111445, 9781032111445

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The Monastic Footprint in Post-Reformation Movements

This book examines the influence of the monastic tradition beyond the Reformation. Where the built monastic environment had been dissolved, desire for the spiritual benefits of monastic living still echoed within theological and spiritual writing of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries as a virtual exegetical template. The volume considers how the writings of monastic authors were appropriated in post-Reformation movements by those seeking a more fervent spiritual life, and how the concept of an internal cloister of monastic/ascetic spirituality influenced several Anglican writers during the Restoration. There is a careful examination of the monastic influence upon the Wesleys and the foundation and rise of Methodism. Drawing on a range of primary sources, the book will be of particular interest to scholars of monastic and Methodist history, and to those engaged in researching ecclesiology and in ecumenical dialogues. Kenneth C. Carveley is a church historian and liturgical scholar. His fields of study include Byzantine and Orthodox history and theology, medieval and early modern ecclesiology, and his own Methodist tradition. For many years he has been engaged in ecumenical dialogue, working with the Anglican and Methodist churches on liturgical writing and revision. His work on monasticism and the Cistercian tradition has been informed by research and teaching in universities and at the College of the Resurrection, Mirfield.

Routledge Methodist Studies Series

Series Editor: William Gibson, Director of the Oxford Centre for Methodism and Church History, Oxford Brookes University, UK

Methodism remains one of the largest denominations in the USA and is growing in South America, Africa and Asia (especially in Korea and China). This series spans Methodist history and theology, exploring its success as a movement historically and in its global expansion. Books in the series will look particularly at features within Methodism which attract wide interest, including: the unique position of the Wesleys; the prominent role of women and minorities in Methodism; the interaction between Methodism and politics; the ‘Methodist conscience’ and its motivation for temperance and pacifist movements; the wide range of Pentecostal, holiness and evangelical movements; and the interaction of Methodism with different cultures. Editorial Board: Ted A. Campbell, Professor of Church History, Perkins School of Theology, Southern Methodist University, USA David N. Hempton, Dean, Harvard Divinity School, Harvard University, USA Priscilla Pope-Levison, Associate Dean, Perkins School of Theology, Southern Methodist University, USA Martin Wellings, Superintendent Minister of Oxford Methodist Circuit and Past President of the World Methodist Historical Society, UK Karen B. Westerfield Tucker, Professor of Worship, Boston University, USA The Practice of Mission in Global Methodism Emerging Trends from Everywhere to Everywhere Edited by David W. Scott and Darryl W. Stephens The Methodist Church in Poland Activity and Political Conditions, 1945–1989 Ryszard Michalak The Monastic Footprint in Post-Reformation Movements The Cloister of the Soul Kenneth C. Carveley Anglican-Methodist Ecumenism The Search for Church Unity, 1920–2020 Edited by Jane Platt and Martin Wellings For more information and a full list of titles in the series, please visit: https:// www.routledge.com/religion/series/AMETHOD

The Monastic Footprint in Post-Reformation Movements The Cloister of the Soul

Kenneth C. Carveley

First published 2022 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN and by Routledge 605 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10158 Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business © 2022 Kenneth C. Carveley The right of Kenneth C. Carveley to be identified as author of this work has been asserted in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe. British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A catalog record has been requested for this book ISBN: 9781032111445 (hbk) ISBN: 9781032128955 (pbk) ISBN: 9781003226734 (ebk) DOI: 10.4324/9781003226734 Typeset in Sabon by codeMantra

in thanksgiving for Patricia, Justin, Dominic & Philippa, Linus and Olivia in memoriam Christopher Hughes Smith pastor pastorum

Contents

List of figures Acknowledgments List of abbreviations Foreword

ix xi xiii xv

1 The monastic impulse 1 2 Pietism and the interior monastery 10 3 Anthony Horneck: The Happy Ascetick (1681 & editions) an analytical reading 25 4 Luke de Beaulieu: Claustrum Animae, the Cloister of the Soul or the Reformed Monastery

107

5 Monks and Methodists 153 6 The monastic imprint: refining the soul 234 Appendix I: John Wesley’s Christian Library and the Homilies of Macarius Appendix II: Anthony Horneck: The Happy Ascetick Index

263 265 293

Figures

3.1 3.2 4.1 4.2

Anthony Horneck 30 The Happy Ascetick, title page 31 Minutes of the Academy of Saumur 108 John Durel’s translation of the Book of Common Prayer, title page 112 4.3 Luke de Beaulieu, grave marker, Whitchurch St. Mary 113 4.4 Luke de Beaulieu, grave, Whitchurch St. Mary 114 4.5 Claustrum Animae, title page 117 5.1 Samuel Wesley, The Pious Communicant, title page 155 5.2 Axholme Charterhouse, Geophysical survey 157 5.3 Ordnance Survey: Epworth Old Rectory and Axholme Charterhouse157 5.4 Title page from 1731 edition of the works of Ephrem the Syrian 185 5.5 Ephrem the Syrian (306–373) 186 5.6 Roman Catholic Church, Osmotherley 198 5.7 Roman Catholic Church, Osmotherley, interior 198 5.8 The Shrine of Our Lady of Mount Grace, North Yorkshire 199 5.9 Mount Grace Priory (Charterhouse), North Yorkshire 199 5.10 William Hogarth reveals the hidden monastic tonsure of the Methodist preacher 208 6.1 Autograph prayer from the Wesley family edition of Claustrum Animae in the John Rylands University Library collection252

Acknowledgments

This research has taken several years to see the light of day and there are many friends whose encouragement and support are part of the hidden infrastructure of the text. My thanks to my wife and family who have seen yet more books arriving and supplied some of them, and patiently asked when my own book will appear. Professor Diarmaid MacCulloch has generously and patiently been my guide for much of this research, and has always given his encouragement, for which I am grateful. Professor Sarah Foot and Professor William Gibson have made suggestions and given advice which I have sought to heed. Brenda Hewitt, the late Francis Davidson OSB, and Henry Wansbrough OSB have at different times either helped with translation or listened to me working through my own, some of which is reflected in these pages. May they some day be rewarded for their perseverance and kindness. I am indebted to Ingrid Lawrie who has not only generously edited my work and often put it into some legible style but also attended to the apparatus of my text making me aware of the mysteries of literary and bibliographic conventions with which I have sought to comply. Her expertise and encouragement have been invaluable. I am particularly grateful to the generosity of the Grimmitt Trust whose support came at a crucial time during my research and enabled me to keep it alive and on track. Kenneth Carveley Advent 2021

Abbreviations

ACW: Ancient Christian Writers. Paulist Press, Mahwah. NJ. 1949 – Allen:  Erasmus Desiderius. Opus Epistolarum Des. Erasmi Roterodami. 12 vols. Edited by P.S. Allen (Oxford, 1906–1958). ANF:  Ante-Nicene Fathers 10 vols. 1885 Hendrickson; New edition edition (1 Jun. 1994) ASD Opera Omnia:  Erasmus Opera Omnia: Opera Omnia. Desiderii Erasmi Roterodami. Ordinis Quinti. Tomus Primus. (Amsterdam, 1977). CCEL: Christian Classics Ethereal Library: http://www.ccel.org/ CWE: Collected Works of Erasmus (Toronto, 1975–). CWS:  Classics of Western Spirituality. Paulist Press. Mahwah, NJ. 1977 – EEBO: Early English Books Online. https://eebo.chadwyck.com FC:  Fathers of the Church: A New Translation (Washington, 1947– ) Holborn:  Enchiridion Militis Christiani. Hajo Holborn. Desiderius Erasmus Roterodamus, Ausgewählte Werke (Munich, 1964). 71 CWE 66: 69. LCL: Loeb Classical Library LCC:  Library of Christian Classics. Westminster/John Knox. Press. Louisville, KY. 1953 LW:  Luther’s Works. Edited by Jaroslav Pelikan, Helmut T. Lehmann and Christopher Boyd Brown. 75 vols. (Philadelphia, 1955). NPNF 1:  Nicene and Post Nicene Fathers Series 1. Edited by Philip Schaff. 14 vols. (Peabody, Mass, 1994). NPNF 2:  Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers Series 2. Edited by Philip Schaff. 14 vols. (Edinburgh, 1996). PL:  Patrologia Latina. Edited by J.P. Migne. 217 vols. (Paris, 1844–1864).

xiv Abbreviations PG:  Patrologia Graeca. Edited by J.P. Migne. 162 vols. (Paris, 1857–1866). SCH:  Studies in Church History (Ecclesiastical History Society; Oxford). Wesley Works:  John Wesley. Edited by Thomas Jackson. London.1872. 14. Vols. reprint (Grand Rapids, Miss., 1958–9). Wesley Works (Bicentennial Edition)  The Bicentennial Edition of the Works of John Wesley. 35 volumes projected. Editor in Chief, Frank Baker. Nashville, TN: Abingdon, 1984ff. (Volumes 7, 11, 25, and 26 originally appeared as the Oxford Edition of The Works of John Wesley. Oxford: Clarendon, 1975–83. Wesley Journal:  John Wesley. Journal. Edited by N. Curnock (London, 1909–1916), Vols 1–8. Wesley Letters:  T he Letters of John Wesley AM. John Telford (ed.) 8 vols. (London.)1960–

Foreword

Over three millennia, monasticism has provided a recurrent response to the frailty of homo sapiens. Human societies are based on the human tendency to want things and are geared to satisfying those wants: possessions or facilities to bring ease and personal satisfaction. The results are frequently disappointing, and always terminate in the embarrassing non-sequitur of death. It is not surprising that many have sought a radical alternative: a mode of life in itself a criticism of ordinary society. Worldly goods, cravings, and self-centred personal priorities are avoided so that their accompanying frustrations and failures can be transcended. The assumption is that such transcendence has a goal beyond the human lifespan: a goal which some term God. Two religious systems in particular have taken up the monastic mode: first Buddhism, then Christianity. ‘Monachus’ means a solitary, but a truly solitary way of life is not the most common form of monasticism. Indeed ‘monachus’ with its cognates is a piece of Christian lexical imperialism at the expense of Buddhism, whose concept of monasticism, the Sangha, centres firmly on community, and where hermits are even more in a minority than among Christian monks. Monastic communities face perpetual tension. How should they form a working relationship with the community that is the society around them? How single-minded should they be in rejecting worldly ways? It is no coincidence that bread and wine, the two symbols of Christian eucharistic love, both turn to poison in the iconography of the Western Christian monastic guru, Benedict of Nursia. The poisoned chalice was offered to him by one of his monks, angry at being forced to greater austerity, while a poisoned loaf came from a secular (non-monastic) priest envious of his holiness. Repeatedly, the more a monastery has been esteemed, the greater has been its chances of accumulating wealth and slouching back towards comforts and possessions. The twelfth-century Cistercians started with high ideals of renunciation, reflected in their severe and innovative architecture: they consciously rejected the ideals of lavish display and ceremony cultivated to the highest pitch possible by the Benedictine monks of Cluny. Yet a visit to the remarkably complete buildings of Cistercian Cleeve Priory

xvi Foreword in Somerset reveals what happened to those ideals. Cleeve’s thirteenth-century communal dormitory was divided up during the fifteenth century into cosy little wood-lined bedrooms for each monk, and the prior equipped himself with a fine private house and separate dining hall, like a wealthy country gentleman. Small wonder that Catholics in Henry VIII’s England were not impressed with such modified personal sacrifice; as a result, there was not enough commitment to prevent that unsavoury if charismatic monarch’s lightning dissolution of all monasteries in his realm. Bearing in mind that West-Country sermon in stone, it is not surprising that the theme of purer, internal monasticism of the mind long predates the European Protestant Reformation of the sixteenth century – indeed it can be traced back to the origins of monasticism in second-century Syria. After the Reformation, for the most part, the interior monastery was all that ­Reformers left available for their followers. Monastic life was not entirely extinguished in Lutheranism, but its survival was minimal and largely thanks to accidents of aristocratic preference in certain territories of the Holy Roman Empire. Other non-Lutheran Protestant Churches simply annulled the regular religious life with thoroughness and satisfaction. The loss of the regular life concentrated the practice of worship and devotion in established Protestant churches more or less exclusively on the parish, which can only be regarded as a diminution of the rich variety of religious experience within Western Christianity. What Kenneth Carveley’s richly-detailed study demonstrates is how in the long term, German Pietism and British Methodism were both attempts to make good this deficit. We also meet some remarkable seventeenth-­ century Anglicans who explored the theme of the inner monastery – and it is interesting how they incline to be those whose marginality in the Established Church of their day may have opened their eyes to its shortcomings and also to its wider potentialities. We can note the German-born Anthony Horneck, the former Huguenot Luke de Beaulieu, the fiercely intelligent and independent-minded proto-feminist Mary Astell. Looming above them all, and dominating the narrative here as was his wont in life, is John Wesley, whose restless temperament and multi-faceted talents forced him out of an easy path to a comfortable career in Georgian established Protestant religion, into something much more complicated. Carveley explores the astonishing omnivorousness of Wesley’s thought and spirituality (and does not ignore the frequent personal awkwardness that was the counterpoint to his genius). Wesley enriched his understanding of hymnody through his absorption in the writings of the pioneer of Syriac hymn-writing and monasticism Ephrem the Syrian; equally, Wesley could place his imprimatur on a Counter-Reformation Cistercian Abbot by reprinting those spiritual writings from Armand-Jean de Rancé that he felt would benefit his followers (without notable qualms about copyright). Wesley even preached in the private chapel of a Roman Catholic Yorkshireman

Foreword  xvii who had not left behind his Catholicism when marriage outbid a Franciscan vocation. Conventional Victorian Methodism left much aside from the phenomenon that was its founder. There is much that modern Methodists can rediscover from their surprising Georgian origins, but all Christians living in the slipstream of the Reformation may draw lessons from four centuries of contemplation on the interior monastery. For providing us with such materials, we are in Kenneth Carveley’s debt. Diarmaid MacCulloch Emeritus Professor of the History of the Church, University of Oxford St Cross College and Campion Hall, Oxford May 2021

1 The monastic impulse

This text examines the influence of the monastic tradition beyond the Reformation, how it finds common expression in writers, communities and societies drawing upon sources of ascetic spirituality principally from the early and medieval periods of Christian belief and practice and how these were applied to their own life and habitus. Where the built monastic environment had been dissolved, desire for the spiritual benefits of monastic living remained within theological and spiritual writings of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries as a virtual exegetical template. This interiorisation of the monastic structure resembled in many forms the interiorisation of pilgrimage in earlier writers, yet the consequence was the inevitable formation of societies and communities which in many respects emulated the claustral context. In this, we can find a process of internalisation of ecclesiological perspectives from the hierarchical church through to the interior church of the soul. This perspective can shift from the visible to the invisible church, in some instances cast more as the unseen alliance of true believers rather than the church in heaven. Beyond political and secular contexts, this search for authentic Christian living reached beyond the Protestant-Catholic divide, yet for all its affective spirituality it rarely managed to span ecumenically the visible circumstances of confessional identity to reach communio in sacris. The recurrent problem that such appeal to monastic spirituality entailed was that it could form a docetic church, an invisible reality which will relegate incarnational form to an a-historical perspective in a process of constant interior refinement. What extra-claustral ascetic desire can affirm is that it will constantly seek visible structures, individually and corporately in ecclesiolae of serious commitment. This often resulted in regulae, sometimes more informal structures of oversight and counsel, particularly in texts promoting piety and affective devotion, many of which mirror (and are called such) monastic rules, even claustral structures. It could also lead to the reinterpretation of monastic ideals, such as unceasing prayer recast in writers such as Bayly and Horneck as prayer texts providing for almost all the minutiae of human life. These begin to create new normative expectations beyond church orders for those who feel called to be guided by them.

DOI: 10.4324/9781003226734-1

2  The monastic impulse Some, ostensibly following Erasmus, may regard this as the inevitable monasticisation of the whole Church; however, this, rarely if ever, managed to reach beyond the implicit binary perspective on what is regarded as ‘true’ Christian living vis-à-vis the generality of Christian adherents. In the recognition of this monastic imprint, there are some unexpected connections, which should occasion some rethinking of familiar theological and ecclesial traditions and the constructs of confessional identity. This is particularly the case with John Wesley’s appropriation of monastic writings and other authors such as Horneck; in these sources we can glimpse what Wesley was commending to the Methodist societies.

Acts and ascesis In interpreting the early Christian community much has been made of Luke’s description of the common life in the book of Acts (Acts. 2.42–47; 4. 32–35). Luke’s idealistic picture raises questions as to whether we are being afforded an historical snapshot of the early Jerusalem Church, possibly a summary of attitudes and practices inspired by faith, or a descriptive template which shows early believers as equal to the commitment of other known communities living a common life, as recorded by Eusebius.1 The issue remains as to whether the community of Luke’s text is one of common residence and mutual support, a temporary phase, or the establishment of what from a later perspective is a form of proto-monasticism, refining a supposedly egalitarian sharing into something more on the lines of existing communities such as the Essenes, taking their cue from familiar ascetic arrangements. The Acts passages sow the question of what in Christian commitment is for the many, a pattern of living expected from all, and what is for the few, a vocation to dedicated living forgoing personal possessions and ownership in a common life. These passages give us a glimpse of the developing strata of leadership in the early Christian community, although it is questionable as to whether this might be described as the embryonic construction of hierarchy. These texts are used as a prescriptive template for Christian living and believing in writers and communities of later centuries reaching for a form of the common life within the Church, sometimes excluded from it, often reading Acts through an imaginative lens. These reinterpretative perspectives recur throughout the Christian tradition in the appeal to primitivism and originality, authenticity and apostolicity, and in the construction of communities, in particular as a foundation for monasticism. Hendrik Dey analyses how what he describes as a hodgepodge of ascetic experiences and practices within Christian ascesis are eventually focused into the cenobitic model: The ascetic movement originally embraced all sorts of solitary and/or peripatetic modes of living that fell well outside the pale of the cenobitic

The monastic impulse  3 model. The triumph of the latter model was accompanied by the gradual devaluation of other modes and their ultimate near-disappearance from the written sources upon which historians of monasticism have traditionally relied until recently, to the near-exclusion of material evidence.2 Early Christian ascetic beginnings were a varied collection of people and movements, not necessarily fleeing persecution, and often not isolated from the common life of others, even when committed to solitude, chastity, renunciation of property or intentional holy homelessness.3 This leads us by degrees to the question ‘what is monasticism?’ Is it an interior disposition following the authentic life of the primitive church as described in Acts? Is the formal establishment of a boundary between the Church and monastic institutions a visible marker between nominal Christian belief and wholehearted commitment? In this, there is a perpetual challenge to nominal belief found in the promotion of ascesis for all, particularly within the later Anglican schola of ‘holy living’,4 as also proposed and encouraged by writers such as Anthony Horneck in his The Happy Ascetick (1681) and Luke de Beaulieu’s Claustrum Animae: The Reformed Monastery (1677).5 Such ascesis inevitably resulted in religious societies for the more committed leading them to access monastic sources, something perceptively recognized by Samuel Wesley. Among post-Reformation Catholic writers, it is often evident in the nostalgic longing for a return of the dissolved monasteries or their replacement. As the Church developed its life there is an underlying issue, particularly in Protestantism, in the desire for a more fervent commitment akin to a virtual monastery, and the discernment of what is for the many and what is for the few. This can relate to the issue of God’s favour and election as in Calvin, but more to the question of whether there is one common Christian life for all entered at baptism, or more subtle and often informal and less visible definitions, degrees of refinement and holy selectivity, as well as formal community construction. This is a question encountered in the Reformers and their particular antipathy to monks, somewhat mitigated by their selective appreciation for some monastic authors, particularly Bernard of Clairvaux.6 This raises the ecclesiological issue of how interior affective devotion relates to the Church as the continuing visibility of the Incarnation, and occasionally whether personal inspiration takes priority over consensus in formal dogma and institutions. What are the parameters and instruments of discernment, ecclesial, conciliar and personal? What, occasionally who, are the guides to the authenticity of truth before and beyond canon, text and regulae? If for such as Augustine there is interior knowing which reaches to the heart of things in a living encounter with truth, is not this what both the true ascetic desires and what the grace of the font initiates for all?

4  The monastic impulse As Dey suggests, ascetic separation consisted not so much in buildings, but in imbuing buildings and things monastic with meaning.7 In this, the inner space of the monk himself mirrored the claustral boundary and its internal purpose. Mapping of monastic spaces and the re-interpretation of time were not simply communal practices. The particular qualities of monastic life – separation from ordinary society, constructing an ambience conducive to spiritual reflection – were meant to be embodied in each monastic person….individuals were expected to internalise monastic values, even when away from the monastery itself. The protected space of the monastery becomes a metaphor for the strictly guarded self, though now inverted to become a means to containing evil rather than to keep it out. The conceptual framework for anticipated heaven was constructed from biblical motifs, and those trying to inhabit that alternative reality needed to be able to employ those motifs to interpret their own experience.8 It is this legacy of internalisation of the monastic ethos which survives, particularly in the re-appropriation of monastic sources by charismatic individuals and religious movements beyond late antiquity and the Middle Ages into the modern period and beyond. As the Christian monastic tradition developed from the early desert hermits and coenobia to the settlements related to Augustine, and the movement of monastic communities into the life of the city, it related the structure of communities to interior spirituality and ascesis. In particular, the construction of the monastic enceinte itself came to be used as an interpreted exegeted text to explicate the inner life it served, in which the cloister becomes a synecdoche for monasticism. In the reinterpretation of monasticism as an interior disposition of affective piety, later religious societies and movements sought to appropriate what they considered the heart of monastic spirituality beyond the monastic construct as a form of virtual cloister. This raises the issue of the core identity of monasticism and whether the graces and practices of the monastic tradition are, as writers such as Horneck and De Beaulieu suggested, available to everyone in the life of the Church, since monastic living could be regarded as the normative Christian life in its fullness, even the perfect Christian life, sometimes a retrospective view of Christ and the first apostles as themselves monks.9 Why was this construct so vital that authentic Christian beginnings were viewed as not only the perfect Christian life but that Christian common life is viewed through a monastic lens, even if only as a virtual template? In some instances this is directly related to pre-Christian ascesis, particularly from the Old Covenant as in the Carmelite tradition, regarded as a direct conduit from the antetype of prophetic

The monastic impulse  5 ascetics to John the Baptist in the wilderness and beyond, with an implicit Christological question. This ecclesiological issue was focused on the issue of monastic vows as a second baptism as inferred by Aquinas.10 This view specifically promoted by others, created an alternative church, even an interior virtual church as implied by Symeon the New Theologian11 and other monastic authors. The concept of the interior virtual cloister can be traced in monastic regulae, in the canons of Shenoute,12 and within medieval monasticism particularly in Hugh of Fouilloy13 and his exegesis of the monastic built environment as a true interior ascesis which is the definitive heart and soul of monastic life, and therefore of the Church itself. The issue of a single baptism created a boundary as De Beaulieu and others perceived following Erasmus and the Reformers, who, although in many other respects appreciative of Bernard of Clairvaux, declined to follow his commendation of monastic vows as a second baptism, thus refusing in some sense to re-pristinate Christian discipleship.14 The relation of monastic vows to the common single vow of Christian baptism was a core issue, as was the idea that the perfect early church of Christ and the apostles (i.e. Acts) was integrally monastic. Beyond the cloister, the graces of ascetic living were appropriated by Christians in the secular world such as the Beguines and Beghards and the Brothers and Sisters of the Common Life of the Devotio Moderna. Yet it is clear that for them beyond the hermitage this inner life lived in common eventually demanded expression in formally structured living in the community at Windesheim. The critique of monastic life by humanists, in particular Erasmus,15 involved a continued discussion of the meaning and application of the term ‘religious,’ continued in the Reformers’ perspective on monastic life, with reference to the counteraction of nominal Christian life and their selective use of the works of St. Bernard. The continuing underlying ascetic desire in their reforms frequently developed into selective groups of more intense Christian believers. Although in England at the Dissolution monastic life was eliminated, not without protest and with a sense of loss of the spiritual and pastoral benefits, monastic wisdom and spirituality were not gone forever for there are virtual traces of its influence within later societies and movements.16 It was perhaps a sound instinct among Protestant writers in appropriating the spiritual experience and discipline hitherto practised within the monastic enclosure in promoting vital religious commitment beyond nominal religious affiliation. This often resulted in the inevitable construction of an alternative community as the interior life sought incarnational expression and form and those formally Christian declined its invitation. In this they reached for a form of the common life in imaginative construction just as monastic writers such as Hugh of Fouilloy used the monastic estate to interpret the essence of ascetic experience. Here the monastic structures were accessed to describe the heart of the monastic search for

6  The monastic impulse God and the experience of the divine initiative, seeking a spiritual structure to facilitate the encounter with God in the heart and soul of the community and in the individual. This found unique expression in the seventeenth-­ century community of Little Gidding under Nicholas Ferrar and its quasi-­ monastic ethos which expectedly drew suspicions of Popish practices. In the writings of Antony Horneck and Luke De Beaulieu, we find a continued appeal to monastic authors and the promotion of interior life in claiming personal interior space for God in vital Christian living and believing, De Beaulieu envisaging a virtual cloister of the soul as the vocation of all Christians, drawing upon support from Erasmus.17 This interior disposition was developed in England among the religious societies of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries with a seminal influence upon the spirituality and hymns of the Wesleys, drawing upon the ascetic resonance in Puritanism and Pietism, and the virtual ascetic appeal in Pietist leaders. These post-Dissolution monastic resonances can be found in Samuel Wesley’s recommendation of the religious societies and in the encounter with monastic sources found in the Wesleys and in Methodism, which continue to be evaluated in an ecumenical context. Wesley’s eclectic accretion of spiritual writers, some of whom found a place in his Christian Library, could provide adequate grounds for the accusations of Popery. He gathered, often unattributed, those who received his imprimatur of holiness in heart and life from wide reaches of the Christian tradition including notably some Jansenist authors, in one case directly transposing Catholic references to priests to apply to his Methodist preachers. In this John Wesley’s construction of continual spiritual refinement within the ecclesiolae of the Methodist societies and their associated bands and classes, reveal a concern for vital faith for all, beyond nominality. Since the prime work of the monk is the salvation of his own soul,18 this connects intimately with the evangelical purpose, particularly as revealed in the religious societies and the intention of Methodist preaching and pastoral encounter as found in Wesley’s Twelve Rules of a Helper. For conversio is where the long tradition of the monastic trajectory meets the narrative of the evangelical conversion experience in the modern period,19 although much of what purports to be post-modern ‘new monasticism’ can prove to be a somewhat distorting attempt at being monastic. Might it be that the call to self-renunciation and relinquishment of possessions and possessiveness in response to the divine summons is so transformative that any response requires boundaries and containment for the sake of individual and corporate humanity and sanity? The integral dialogue between internal spirituality and external form contains within it a recognition of the vital importance of both experience and order within the soul and within the community. Bare ruined choirs may testify to political intrigue and the loss of prayers in enforced religious change, yet it was not the end of heartfelt devotion or of communal ascesis,

The monastic impulse  7 as Christians instinctively continued to access the sources and impulse of monastic life and experience which witnessed to the life of the Spirit and the desire for God.

Notes 1 Eusebius, Church History. Book 2. Ch. XVII Philo’s account of the ascetics of Egypt NPNF. 2.01 p204ff. PG XX. 473,484. Philo Loeb LCL 363 IX. 2 Hendrik Dey, ‘Bringing Chaos Out of Order’, in Hendrick Dey and Elizabeth Fentress (eds.), Western Monasticism Ante Litteram: The Spaces of Monastic Observance in Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages (Turnhout, 2011), 28. 3 Christoph Joest, ‘Once Again on The Origins of Christian Monasticism: Recent Historical and Exegetical Insights and a New Proposal with an Ecumenical Perspective’, American Benedictine Review, 61 (2 June 2010), 158–182. 4 Thomas Palmer, Jansenism and England: Moral Rigorism Across the Confessions (Oxford, 2018), 95, 167. 5 cf. ascesis for all in Eustathius of Sebaste and Basil of Casearea in Seeking the Absolute Love: The Founders of Christian Monasticism. Mayeul de Dreuille OSB (Leominster/New York, 1999). 6 The Judgment of Martin Luther on Monastic Vows, 1521, LW 44: 282; cf. Francois Biot, trans. W.J. Kerrigan, The Rise of Protestant Monasticism (Baltimore, 1963), 15, 26.Greg Peters, Reforming the Monastery: Protestant Theologies of the Religious Life (Eugene, OR, 2013), 24–26. 7 Dey, Bringing Chaos Out of Order, 25. 8 Columba Stewart, ‘Monastic Space and Time’, in Hendrick Dey and Elizabeth Fentress (eds.), Western Monasticism Ante Litteram: The Spaces of Monastic Observance in Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages (Turnhout, 2011), 45, 46, 49. 9 M.D. Chenu, Nature, Man and Society in the Twelfth Century (Toronto, 1997), 206; Rupert of Deutz, De vita vera apostolica, PL CLXX. 612.For monasticism as a microcosm of the church as a whole cf. Pierre – André Burton OCSO, Aelred of Rievaulx (1110–1167) An Existential and Spiritual Autobiography. Trans. Christopher Coski (Collegeville, Minn, 2020), 39, 40. 10 Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologiae. II.IIae. q189. a3. ad3 Second part of the Second Part: L.188, C.4. Question 189 of the Entrance into the Religious Life, http://www.documentacatholicaomnia.eu/03d/12251274,_Thomas_Aquinas,_Summa_Theologiae_%5B1%5D,_EN.pdf.Aquinas, II–II. Q. 189 Art. 2. Reply Obj. 1. 6193. Art. 5. 6201.Aquinas, II–II. Q. 189. Art. 2. Reply Obj. 2. 6194. Art. 3. Reply Obj. 3. 6197. 11 Symeon the New Theologian, The Discourses. XXXII. 3. Trans. C.J. Catanzaro (New York/London, 1980), 336, 337. Gene Mills, ‘The Baptism of Tears. The Two Baptisms of St. Symeon the New Theologian’, Quodlibet Journal, 3/3 (Summer, 2001). https://www.academia.edu/16093690/The_Baptism_of_ Tears_The_Two_Baptisms_of_St_Symeon_the_New_Theologian 12 Caroline T. Schroeder, Monastic Bodies: Discipline and Salvation in Shenoute of Atripe (Philadelphia, PA, 2007), 118–125. Also in ‘A Suitable Abode for Christ: The Church Building as Symbol of Ascetic Renunciation in Early Monasticism’, Caroline T. Schroder, Church History, 73/3 (September 2004), 472–521. 13 Hugo de Folieto De claustro animae PL 176.1017 to 1182. cf. Gert Melville, The World of Medieval Monasticism: Its History and Forms of Life. (Collegeville 2016) 318–320. 14 Bernard of Clairvaux, On Precept and Dispensation. Treatises I (Shannon, 1970), 144, 145; Bernardus Claraevallensis Abbas [1090–1153]. De Praecepto Et Dispensatione Libri, PL 182. 889. 52.Bernard of Clairvaux, Sermon ‘On the

8  The monastic impulse

15 16 17 18

19

Second Baptism’ in Sermons for the Seasons and Principal Festivals of the Year, trans. a priest of Mount Melleray (Westminster, MD, 1950), 421–425. Erasmus, Letter to Paul Voltz 14th August 1518, Allen III, 376. CWE 66: 72– 91.Lorenzo Valla, The Profession of the Religious, trans. and ed. Olga Zorzi Pugliese (Toronto, 1994), iii, 45.49–48. cf. Michael Sherbrook. The Fall of the Religious Houses c. 1591. Tudor Treatises. A.G. Dickens (ed.) Yorkshire Archaeological Society. Record Series. Vol. CXXV. 1959. 89–142. Luke De Beaulieu, Claustrum Animae (1677), 48, 49; CWE 66: 21, 22. (De Beaulieu conflates two passages), Preface I; Allen, 76, 374, 375. ET. ibid 21. The Life of Saint Benedict by Gregory the Great. Trans. and commentary Terence G. Kardong (Collegeville, MN, 2009), 54. cf. Readings in Western Religious Thought: The Middle Ages through the Reformation. Ed. Patrick V. Reid (Mahwah, NJ, 1987), 50. cf. Patrick Lyons, ‘Conversion in the Benedictine and Wesleyan Traditions’, The Asbury Theological Journal, 51/1, (1996) 83–94.

Bibliography Aquinas, Thomas, Summa Theologiae. Second Part of the Second Part: L.188, C.4. Question 189 of the Entrance into the Religious Life, http://www.documentacatholicaomnia.eu/03d/12251274,_Thomas_Aquinas,_Summa_Theologiae_%5B1%5D,_EN.pdf. Bernard of Clairvaux, ‘Sermon ‘On the Second Baptism’’, in Sermons for the Seasons and Principal Festivals of the Year, trans. a priest of Mount Melleray (Westminster, MD, 1950). ———, On Precept and Dispensation. Treatises I (Shannon, 1970). Biot, Francois and W.J. Kerrigan (trans.), The Rise of Protestant Monasticism (Baltimore, 1963). Burton, Pierre André, OCSO, Aelred of Rievaulx (1110–1167) An Existential and Spiritual Autobiography. Trans. Christopher Coski (Collegeville, Minn, 2020). Chenu, M.D., Nature, Man and Society in the Twelfth Century (Toronto, 1997). De Beaulieu, Luke, Claustrum Animae (London, 1677 and editions). de Dreuille OSB, Mayeul, Seeking the Absolute Love: The Founders of Christian Monasticism (Leominster/New York, 1999). Dey, Hendrik, ‘Bringing Chaos Out of Order’, in Hendrick Dey and Elizabeth Fentress (eds.), Western Monasticism Ante Litteram: The Spaces of Monastic Observance in Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages (Turnhout, 2011), 19–40. Gregory the Great, The Life of Saint Benedict. Trans. and commentary Terence G. Kardong (Collegeville, MN, 2009). Joest, Christoph, ‘Once Again on the Origins of Christian Monasticism: Recent Historical and Exegetical Insights and a New Proposal with an Ecumenical Perspective’, American Benedictine Review, 61/2 (June 2010), 158–182. Leclercq, Jean, Théologie de la. Vie Monastique: Études sur la Tradition Patristique (Paris, 1961). Eng. trans in Thomas Merton, Medieval Cistercian History: Initiation into the Monastic Tradition 9. Ed. Patrick F. O’Connell (Collegeville, 2019). Lyons, Patrick. ‘Conversion in the Benedictine and Wesleyan Traditions’, The Asbury Theological Journal, 51/1, (1996) 83–94. Melville, Gert, The World of Medieval Monasticism: Its History and Forms of Life. (Collegeville 2016) 318–320.

The monastic impulse  9 Mills, Gene, ‘The Baptism of Tears. The Two Baptisms of St. Symeon the New Theologian’, Quodlibet Journal, 3/3 (Summer 2001), www.quodlibet.net/articles/ mills-symeon.shtml. Peters, Greg, Reforming the Monastery: Protestant Theologies of the Religious Life (Eugene, OR, 2013). Readings in Western Religious Thought: The Middle Ages through the Reformation. Ed. Patrick V. Reid (Mahwah, NJ, 1987). Schroeder, Caroline T., Monastic Bodies: Discipline and Salvation in Shenoute of Atripe (Philadelphia, PA, 2007) also in ‘A Suitable Abode for Christ: The Church Building as Symbol of Ascetic Renunciation in Early Monasticism’, Caroline T. Schroder. Church History, 73/3 (September 2004), 472–521. Sherbrook, Michael, The Fall of the Religious Houses c. 1591. Tudor Treatises. Ed. A.G. Dickens. Yorkshire Archaeological Society. Record Series. Vol. CXXV. (1959), 89–142. Stewart, Columba, ‘Monastic Space and Time’, in Hendrick Dey and Elizabeth Fentress (eds.), Western Monasticism Ante Litteram: The Spaces of Monastic Observance in Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages (Turnhout, 2011), 43–51. Symeon the New Theologian, The Discourses. XXXII. 3. Trans. C.J. Catanzaro (New York/London, 1980). Valla, Lorenzo, The Profession of the Religious. trans. and ed. Olga Zorzi Pugliese (Toronto, 1994).

2 Pietism and the interior monastery

Puritan and Pietist In his Claustrum Animae (1677 & editions) the Huguenot turned Anglican, Luke de Beaulieu, was not a lone voice among Protestants trying to make a positive although alternative appreciation of the monastic heritage. Among the Puritans, William Perkins’s Reformed Catholicke (1597)1 and Lewis Bayly’s Practice of Piety (3rd edition 1613) were texts in which monastic piety was transferred from the cloister to the family. 2 Perkins asserted the primacy of the baptismal vow replacing Jewish circumcision. He disputed the vow of chastity as the gift of continency was a special grace. The vow of poverty and the monastic life in which men bestowed all they had on the poor and gave themselves wholly to prayer and fasting, he regarded as against the will of God and the general vow made in baptism. Every Christian had two callings, that given in baptism to love God and men, and that of the gift for a particular calling. The vowed poverty of monkish life made many unprofitable members of both Church and commonwealth. Spiritual devotions were better exercised within the life of the family than within the cloister since the family was a school of God where those who have but a spark of grace may learn the virtues. 3 Perkins pointed out the difference between monks of ancient times and now: We condemn not the old and ancient monks, though we like not everything in them. For they lived not as idle-bellies, but in the sweat of their own brows, as they ought to do: and many of them were married: and in their meat, drink, apparel, rule, vow, and whole course of life, differed from the monks of this time; even as far as heaven from earth.4 Lewis Bayly in his Practice of Piety (1618) commented that when the natural man perceived that no man could fulfil the Law of God and keep all his

DOI: 10.4324/9781003226734-2

Pietism and the interior monastery  11 commandments he boldly presumed to sin, contenting himself with a few good thoughts that he was neither as bad as the worst of men nor as truly regenerate as the rest.5 Such nominal religion was far from the true religion of the heart.6 Bayly asked: Where is then the life of Christ thy Maker? And how far art thou from being a true Christian? If thou doest willingly yield to live in any one gross sin, thou canst not have a regenerate soul, though thou reformest thyself like Herod, from many other vices.7 A true Christian must walk in the truth of his heart, keeping all the commandments of God. Reginald Ward indicated the close connection between Puritans and Pietists: The Puritans did for the Reformed tradition much of what Arndt did for the Lutherans. They made good use of Augustine, Bernard of Clairvaux and Thomas à Kempis, and like Arndt, were a vehicle of them to a wider public. Also like Arndt they were eminent protagonists of the current vogue of renewing Christianity by establishing meditation in the home and heart; indeed ‘closet religion’ became one of their characteristics.8

Pietism Pietists within the Lutheran and Reformed Churches of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries offered a critique of state religion and formalism. In the Pietist view Christian living had developed into ‘going through the motions’; beneath the façade of religious life fervent spirituality had evaporated. In this, the Acts of the Apostles and the early church formed a template for their critique. Pietist authors sought to go beyond the reformation of doctrine and church structures to the reformation of heart and life. They appealed to inner spirituality; experience was the determinant for authentic belief and this could foment disputes with those satisfied with nominal adherence. It was inevitable that the newly awakened would seek fellowship with the like-minded, resulting in ecclesiolae within reformed Christian traditions rather than just dissenting communities. The Pietist movement on the Continent reflected many views found in English Puritanism in its desire for further structural reformation, but their emphasis on authentic Christian believing was a call to personal change within, an experiential commitment, and there were parallels to this within Catholicism. While Pietism might not disparage ecclesial order and sacraments, the similarity to monastic structures and spirituality has not gone unnoticed, both in the Pietist appeal to monastic texts and the emphasis on interiority typical of a virtual monastic pattern.

12  Pietism and the interior monastery

Johann Arndt (1555–1621) Johann Arndt, the Lutheran theologian, was one of the formative Pietist influences who drew upon the mystical writings of Angela of Foligno and the Theologia Germanica ascribed to Johannes Tauler, and medieval sources.9 In a theme found in later writers, Arndt proposed Christ as the proper rule of life: The rule of our life is not the rule of St. Benedict or the rule of some other men but Christ’s example, which the apostle shows us.10 The heart was the interior place where people turned from the world to live for Christ. This for Arndt involved a second form of incarnation, in which Christ was spiritually conceived and born in us as he was physically ‘by the Holy Spirit in the faith of Mary’.11 Like Bede, Arndt re-interpreted the temple and the tabernacle as figures of things to come. He mirrored Origenist exegesis in that the outward letters of the New Testament were but external witnesses to what must take place in the conversio of the soul. He referred to the many who had convinced themselves that they were true Christians but had not truly repented and yet desired forgiveness of sins.12 Arndt’s description of true worship was wholly interiorised. True worship was in the heart, in the mortification of the flesh, by which we were made a holy temple for God.13 Such inner liturgy was a recurring theme in Syriac monastic writers. Love alone was the true test of Christian living, distinguishing true Christians from false as described in St. Bernard’s De Diligendo Deo. In accord with Bernard, he recounted a familiar Pietist theme preferring devoted piety to scholarship.14 In his text on conscience Arndt described two ways of gaining wisdom and understanding; the true church was constituted by the hearts of the faithful,15 it was all the members included in Christ the head, gathered together by the preaching of the word.16 In baptism, they were grafted into Christ and made one with the Christian community. It was the bath of the new birth, the marriage of the soul with the Bridegroom to which it had been betrothed.17 In his Garden of Paradise Arndt provided a compendium of prayers which he likened to the writings of Augustine and other fathers who regarded prayer as a heavenly ladder. This recognised degrees of prayer, but with a more ecclesial emphasis.18 The first [comes] through much reading and disputation. Those who take this one way one calls doctos, learned ones. The other way is through prayer and love, and those who take this way one calls sanctos, saints. Between the two is a great distinction.19 Arndt sought to move others from formal religion to a living active faith.20

Pietism and the interior monastery  13 The influence of St. Bernard on Arndt 21 Arndt turned to St Bernard to explain that the soul found its highest good in returning to God and misery in losing him. 22 He referred to Bernard in his concluding essay for All Lovers of True Godliness, 23 in which he recommended that in meditation upon the name of Christ, the reader should use from the appendix to this volume ‘St. Bernard’s mellifluous hymn upon the Name of Jesus’. 24 He appended the whole of the Latin poem attributed to St. Bernard to the Garden of Paradise and to True Christianity. 25 This Cistercian hymn together with his Bernardian references indicates that Arndt knew and was influenced by the affective spirituality of the Cistercians. Both the sources and the parameters of the Pietist movement have been much disputed. There is considerable consensus that, among the influences on the movement, medieval monasticism and mysticism played a large part. According to Stoeffler, the reason why Pietists appreciated the medieval mystics was the ‘necessity and privilege of a Christian’s experiential oneness with God’. 26 Jean de Labadie (1610–1674) A formative leader of early Pietism, Jean de Labadie was a Jesuit priest who became a Protestant pastor in Geneva before moving to Middelburg and was subsequently banished to Amsterdam. In The Reformation of the Church by the Pastorate (1667), he noted that though the churches were full, people’s hearts were devoid of grace, with noisy inattentive congregations. One of the chief objects of his criticism was the excesses of church art, which bore resonances of Bernard of Clairvaux’s Apologia27 in which he castigated the Cluniac monastic excess of artistic display. Since Labadie had been chaplain and confessor to Bernardine nuns at Abbeville for five years from c.1640, he may have discovered Bernard’s critique there. This, together with his vision of the Virgin breastfeeding the infant Jesus, recalling the legendary Lactation of the Virgin and St Bernard, 28 indicates an acquaintance with Cistercian spirituality. This is confirmed by his knowledge of St. Cyran, the convent of Port Royal des Champs and its Jansenist connections. 29 August Hermann Francke (1663–1727) In the appendix to his text Pietas Hallensis (1707), Francke described the work of reformation, acknowledging his debt to Arndt, and setting up private exercises of piety in many places with the approval of the magistrates.30 There had been a reduction in the number of prayer books and communion books as people began to trust their own experience.31 This

14  Pietism and the interior monastery may indicate that some forsook formal liturgical text and its essential doctrinal parameters for their own inward promptings, with a consequent shift in ecclesiology. Francke recorded that the Lord’s Supper had been rescued in some churches from profanation and from careless administration by priests and dispensed only to those who after a strict examination were worthy to receive it.32 His Rules for the Protection of Conscience and for Good Order in Conversation or Society (1689), resembled monastic regulae with emphasis upon the guarding of the heart.33 According to Stoeffler, Francke’s primary interest was in that which was of immediate relevance for Christian life, a Church renewed, a nation reformed, a world evangelised.34 Francke, drastically surmounting the confessional boundaries of his day, referred to those who coveted to be called by the names of Reformed Evangelical Protestants, who were being transformed by the world but are strangers to true evangelical piety and charity, or the life of the Gospel, and seem to have forgotten almost, or altogether their baptismal protestation.35 Together with Gottfried Arnold (1666–1714), Francke appreciated the work of the Catholic spiritual author Giovanni Bona, seeing in him a representative of true Christianity.36 Philipp Jacob Spener (1635–1705) Spener set up his collegia pietatis37 in Frankfurt in 1670. In his Pia Desideria (1675) he lamented the state of the established Lutheran Church and the lack of Christian living among political leaders. He quoted from St. Bernard’s sermons on the Song of Songs affirming Bernard’s view that academic theology obscured the life and teaching of Christ. 38 He contended there were few true disciples to be found among the mass of nominal Christians, and raised the danger of an opus operatum, in that one could assent to all the Church’s teachings and receive the sacraments without understanding the necessity for growth to Christian perfection. He emphasised the centrality of the baptismal vow: It will be in vain to comfort yourself in your baptism and in its promise of grace and salvation if for your part you do not also remain in the covenant of faith and a good conscience and having departed therefrom return to it with sincere repentance. Accordingly if your baptism is to benefit you it must remain in constant use throughout your life. 39

Pietism and the interior monastery  15 Spener favoured the concept of the invisible church, and although not disparaging baptism, emphasis on the new birth could be regarded as parallel to the idea of monastic profession as a second baptism.40 In his view the perfection of the early church put the present state of the church to shame in which weeds suffocated the grain; to remedy this Spener proposed the ancient and apostolic kind of church meetings as described by Paul in 1 Corinthians.41 He carefully guarded the collegia pietatis; friends could meet to read over a sermon or the scriptures and confer, but these meetings should not be large so as to appear a separate or public assembly, nor should those gathering neglect public worship or disdain ordained ministers.42 He refused permission for groups to celebrate the Lord’s Supper at their meetings, lest it accorded them the status of church services.43 Preference for services held in homes led to an alternative community gradually developing their own subjective interpretations.44 In his On Hindrances to Theological Studies (1680), he contrasted the work of dogmatic theology with mystical theology which sought to restore the divine image in the soul.45 In Spener’s rejection of religious formalism and indifference, William Prout noticed the beginnings of a trajectory from Pietism through Jansenism to Methodism, Jansenism forming an equivalent place in Catholicism to that of Pietism within Protestantism.46 Balthazar Köpke (1646–1711) In 1680 Spener’s student Balthazar Köpke was involved in defending ­Pietist authors from the accusations of Platonising the Christian faith into mysticism.47 He wrote Dialogus de templo Salomonis, sive de ­Tribus Gradibus (1689),48 an allegorical exposition of the temple which was published together with Spener’s preface on Christian perfection in his first anonymous edition. Köpke used the temple structure in a mystical and allegorical sense to describe inner spiritual growth and experience in three ages of faith. He described the transition of the people of God from the tabernacle of Moses to the Jerusalem temple, from the letter of the law to the spirit. Moving from allegory to tropology, from justification to sanctification, he described the temple of God as a sanctified heart. Believers first crossed the threshold and the first forecourt as children in the faith, then moved into the second courtyard as adolescents and lastly into the holy of holies. Gerhard Tersteegen (1697–1769) Tersteegen, a merchant’s apprentice at Moers, Wesel, retired in 1728 to become a religious writer and spiritual guide. He valued monasticism and believed that if at the time of the Reformation all monasteries had been like that of St. Teresa’s they might have been reformed and not dissolved.

16  Pietism and the interior monastery This perspective was developed in his Spiritual Garden (1729) and in other poems and hymns in which the cloister was interiorised: Contentment in the Cloister My soul’s own depth is my delightful cell, Wherein my life with God alone I share; Inebriated from this living well, Oh, would I could remain at all times there.49 The hermit’s cell 1 John iv.16 In the world ye shall have tribulation: Lord Jesus, Thou saidst it of old. There dark are the desolate mountains, The night winds are cold But safe from the storm and the tempest My soul hath a cell; There ever, beside the still waters, With Jesus I dwell There, hushed from the strife and the sorrow, Alone and apart, In chambers of peace and of stillness That home is His Heart.50 Tersteegen compiled a three-volume work, Select Lives of Holy Souls, biographies and writings of mainly Counter-Reformation saints whose ideas coincided with Pietism.51 He recognised the true church in all holy souls across confessional divides, and in his writings and letters, he revealed a quietist spirit, encouraged by his reading of Molinos. Among his texts of spiritual counsel he gave his rationale for the formation of extra-ecclesial groups: Letter of encouragement to a few awakened individuals in prospect of danger from persecution: We have not aimed at fomenting disturbances or divisions in church government; neither have we formed new sects or intend to do so. Our assembling together has been, according to the apostle’s admonition, to provoke unto love and good works, to learn how we, who have put on Christ, might also walk in him, and be more and more established in him. These meetings of ours have not been privately held, but so that anyone might have been present.52 He proposed Important Rules of Conduct Addressed to a Society of Christians Living Together, which had the characteristics of a monastic rule and

Pietism and the interior monastery  17 resonances of the unceasing prayer reminiscent of the Byzantine akoimetai, and of monastic stabilitas.53 In On the Difference of Progress in Godliness Tersteegen maintained the rejection of nominal adherence to the Church and attention to the still inner life.54 He attributed the demise of true Christianity and the rise of the ascetic movement to the formal establishment of the Church following the reign of Theodosius (347–395) and regarded the early monks as an authentic pattern for spiritual emulation.55 Failing to maintain their spiritual fervour, monks had trusted outward observances, but this was redeemed by the quality of the lives and writings of the mystics in whose works there was more divine unction, light, counsel, comfort and peace, for a soul than is contained in many folio volumes of weak and watery school divinity.56 The mystics had the misfortune to be part of an unreformed Catholicism. 57 In A Particular Address to Those Select Souls, Who Have Resigned Themselves to God and His Inwardly Hidden Life, Tersteegen advised that truly spiritual people took care to live no longer after the flesh.58 In On The Shadow and Substance and the Form and Power of Godliness in a Letter to a Friend, he contrasted interior and exterior things in the Church, the individual soul, and the meaning and content of prayer.59 The construction of community Among the North American colonists, the followers of the radical Pietist Johannes Kelpius (1667-1708), formed a community of hermits at Wissahickon Creek in Pennsylvania from 1694. Conrad Beissel (1691–1768)60 who had previously known Pietists in Heidelberg, arrived in the colony in 1720. He became leader of the Ephrata community of ascetics founded originally as a hermitage by Emanuel Eckerle.61 From an eschatological perspective, Beissel emphasised the ‘true church’ marked by prophecy and suffering, to be gathered at the end time at Ephrata.62 The Mystic and Churchly Testimony of the Brotherhood in Zion (1743), the confession of faith of Ephrata, distinguished the true church from a sect. It identified two estates in the church, the married and the solitary estate of those ‘not strangled by the yoke of the world’.63 Beissel introduced the use of the tonsure into the Ephrata community together with a form of monastic dress.64 Willem op ‘t Hof questions whether Protestant Pietists were revulsed by medieval monastic life or had some appreciation for it. He refers to Jodocus van Lodenstein (1620–1677) who argued in favour of orders and monasteries, offices and asceticism.65 That which was originally good should have been purified, not dissolved but given an alternative purpose.66 Prominent among his sources are Tauler, Bernard of Clairvaux and his recommendation of the Macarian Homilies.67 The Macarian texts were widely regarded by Pietists for their emphasis on interiority.68 Gottfried Arnold and Pierre Poiret both recommended Macarius whom Poiret believed wrote at a time

18  Pietism and the interior monastery when true Christianity had departed with the inception of Constantinian patronage and authentic ascetic practice had only survived among those who headed for the desert.69 Ecclesiology The Pietist movement and its development raised an ecclesiological problem with its emphasis on individualism, regeneration, the baptismal vow, moral attainment and interior states, as this could undermine the Church’s identity70 For Horst Weigelt, in the Pietist movement the Church lost its significance as a fellowship of believers, piety lost its direction and theology lost its foundation.71 The Pietist emphasis on interiority maintained a church of the regenerate. The appeal to scripture could go beyond the text in Origenist interpretation to the inner word, the voice in the heart, the kind of experiential appeal that St. Bernard described in his visitations of the Word.72 This problem is illustrated in Antoinette Bourignon (1616–1680) who was familiar with Jansenist circles and knew Labadist followers in Amsterdam. Notwithstanding her sense of the mystical body of the faithful, she could not find others equal to herself in spirituality with whom to form a visible church.73 This tendency to vapourise ecclesiology is recognised by Wolfhart Pannenberg: Associations of like-minded individuals sprang up, with even an ecumenical enthusiasm, especially in the early phases of the pietistic movement, because of the widespread aversion to theological theory and confessional controversy. But an authentic conception of the Christian church was hard to develop on this basis, a conception of the church as one, holy, apostolic, catholic body, for the body of Christ is more than an association of independent individuals.74

Max Weber: from medieval monk to Pietist vocation In the analysis of Max Weber (1864–1920), there is a systematic comparison between Pietism and the monastic tradition. He pointed to the transference of asceticism into Protestantism in which believers were in the world but not of it. To replace dissolved monastic life Christians were to live out ascesis in the secular sphere, which often led to sectarianism rather than conformity; Weber contrasts vocational calling between established Catholic and Lutheran Churches and other Protestants. Since the precepts and counsels which ordered monastic living were no longer of any value, every personal vocation should instead lead to brotherly love, which alone as a calling in the world was acceptable in God’s eyes.75 Medieval monastic life and Pietism had both sought the salvation of the soul, however, Benedictine monasticism in its Cluniac and Cistercian forms although moderated by Franciscanism, consisted for the most part of irrational self-torture to arrive at self-control and contemplation.76

Pietism and the interior monastery  19 According to Weber, asceticism brought order to the believer’s life in fulfilling more than the basic requirements, in what Weber described as the aristocracy of the elect, in categories of first- and second-class Christians reminiscent of Donatism.77 Nominal adherence was countered by a fervent wholehearted commitment in which the medieval monk was replaced by the Christian who was a monk for a lifetime, the Christianisation of one’s entire being.78 Weber here posited an invisible barrier between the saved and the damned, with a consequent contempt for the sinner.79 In this the confessional, although favoured by Francke, was largely replaced by the Pietist and Puritan personal spiritual journal.80 Weber points to predestination as the initial impetus for Pietistm including Puritans; in writers such as Bayly and in their conventicles true believers sought to make visible the invisible church.81 The substance of Pietist living for Weber was affective piety, akin to the mystical union in Lutheranism, in which subjective, sometimes uncontrolled, feelings were valued more than strict order.82 Pietism itself was ordered methodically, but it emphasied states of grace, which constantly required proofs, and monitored growth towards perfection.83 In this Weber found eschatology and future bliss emotionally internalised, in which the self-confidence of the elect is replaced by humility and abnegation.84 Weber’s analysis of Pietism and associated Puritanism confirmed that within them there lies the internalised memory of the monastic tradition.

The long monastic echo Pietist advocates and authors faced with nominal formal Protestantism were attracted to the resonances of spiritual themes from a monastic milieu. This inevitably led to the formation of ecclesiolae in the desire to reauthenticate Christian community life often on the pattern of the Acts narratives, with emphasis on the inward journey of the soul.

Notes 1 Willem J. op ‘t Hof, ‘Protestant Pietism and Medieval Monasticism’, in Fred van Lieburg (ed.), Confessionalism and Pietism: Religious Reform in Early Modern Europe (Mainz, 2006), 37. 2 Hof, ‘Protestant Pietism’, 40–43. 3 William Perkins, A Reformed Catholicke, in Works (London, 1626), I. 584–586. 4 Perkins, Reformed Catholicke, 587. 5 Lewis Bayly, The Practice of Piety (London, 1672), 112. 6 Bayly, Practice of Piety, 136. 7 Bayly, Practice of Piety, 137. 8 W.R. Ward, Early Evangelicalism: A Global Intellectual History, 1670–1789 (Cambridge, 2006), 86.

20  Pietism and the interior monastery 9 Ted A. Campbell, John Wesley and Christian Antiquity: Religious Vision and Cultural Change (Nashville, 1991), 79. 10 Johann Arndt, True Christianity (CWS), translation and introduction by Peter Erb, Copyright ©1979 by Peter Erb, published by Paulist Press, Inc., New York/ Mahwah, NJ. Reprinted by permission of Paulist Press, Inc. www.paulistpress. com. 3. 39, 40. 11 Arndt, True Christianity, 6.50. The likely source for this is Meister Eckhart who writes of Christ being born in the soul, cf. Eckhart, Commentary on John v 14 116, in Edmund Colledge and Bernard McGinn, trans. and intro., Meister Eckhart: The Essential Sermons, Commentaries, Treatises and Defense (New York, 1981), 167; Eckhart, Sermon 23 in Meister Eckhart: A Modern Translation. Trans. Raymond Bernard Blakney (New York, 1941), 203. 12 Arndt, True Christianity, 8. 57. 13 Arndt, True Christianity, 22. 116. 14 Arndt, True Christianity, 36. 157. 15 Arndt, True Christianity, 5. 4. 252. 16 Arndt, True Christianity, 5. 9. 260–262. 17 Arndt, True Christianity, 5. 7. 258. 18 Johann Arndt, The Garden of Paradise (London, 1716), 28. 19 Arndt, True Christianity, Foreword, Liber Conscientiae, 222. 20 Johannes Wallmann, ‘Johann Arndt. (1555–1621)’, in Carter Lindberg (ed.), The Pietist Theologians: An Introduction to Theology in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries (Oxford, 2005), 21–37. 21 Ward, Early Evangelicalism, 9. 22 Arndt, True Christianity, Foreword, Liber Conscientiae, 223. 23 Arndt, True Christianity, 6, 279. 24 Arndt, Garden of Paradise, Appendix, 410–415. 25 Johann Arndt, Of True Christianity, trans. Anthony William Boehm (London, 1712–1714), 2, 412–413. This poem does not appear in the English translation where a hymn of Thomas à Kempis is substituted. 26 F. Ernst Stoeffler, The Rise of Evangelical Pietism (Leiden, 1965), 15. 27 Bernardus Claraevallensis Abbas, Apologia Ad Guillelmum Sancti Theoderici Abbatem, Caput XIII, PL 182. 914, 915; trans. in Conrad Rudolph, The Things of Greater Importance: Bernard of Clairvaux’s Apologia and the Medieval Attitude toward Art (Philadelphia, 1990), 10–12. 28 T.J. Saxby, The Quest for the New Jerusalem: Jean de Labadie and the Labadists, 1610–1744 (Dordrecht, 1987), 25, 28; James France, ‘The Heritage of Bernard in Medieval Art’, in Brian Patrick McGuire (ed.), A Companion to Bernard of Clairvaux (Leiden, 2011), 329–335. 29 Saxby, Quest for the New Jerusalem, 29. 30 August Hermann Francke, ‘Pietas Hallensis’, in Frederick Herzog (ed.), European Pietism Reviewed (Eugene, OR, 2003), 96. 31 Francke, ‘Pietas Hallensis’ (2003), 100. 32 Francke, ‘Pietas Hallensis’ (2003), 102. 33 August Hermann Francke, ‘Rules for the Protection of Conscience and for Good Order in Conversation or Society’ (1689), in Peter C. Erb (ed.), The Pietists: Selected Writings (New York, 1983), 108–113. 34 Stoeffler, Rise of Evangelical Pietism, 7. 35 Augustus Hermanus Francke, Pietas Hallensis (London, 1705), xv. 36 Roberto Osculati, ‘Vrai et Faux Christianisme dans l’oeuvre théologique du cardinal Giovanni Bona’, in Anne Lagny (ed.), Les Piétismes à l’âge classique: crise, conversion, institutions (Villeneuve d’Ascq, 2001), 297, 298.

Pietism and the interior monastery  21 37 Fred van Lieburg, ‘The Dutch Factor in German Pietism’, in Douglas H. Shantz (ed.), A Companion to German Pietism (Leiden, 2015), 66–68. F.W. Bullock. Voluntary Religious Societies 1520–1799. St. Leoard’s on Sea. 1963. 52–76. 38 Philipp Spener, Pia Desideria. Trans. Theodore G. Tappert (Minneapolis, 1964), 56. 39 Spener, Pia Desideria, 66. 40 K. James Stein, ‘Philip Jakob Spener (1635–1705)’, in Carter Lindberg (ed.), The Pietist Theologians: An Introduction to Theology in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries (Oxford, 2005), 86, 90, 91, 94. 41 Spener, Pia Desideria, 89. 42 Philipp Spener, The Spiritual Priesthood (1677), in Erb, The Pietists, 63. 43 Terry Dale Thompson, ‘God’s Special Way: August Hermann Francke, Friedrich Wilhem I, and the Consolidation of Prussian Absolutism’, Ph.D. thesis (Ohio State University, 1996), 97, 98. 4 4 Ryoko Mori, ‘The Conventicle Piety of the Radicals’, in Shantz (ed.) Companion to German Pietism, 210; Dale Weaver Brown, ‘The Problem of Subjectivism in Pietism’, Ph.D. thesis (Northwestern University, 1962), 154. 45 Philipp Spener, On Hindrances to Theological Studies (1680), in Erb (ed.), The Pietists, 68. 46 William Cardwell Prout, ‘Spener and the Theology of Pietism’, Journal of Bible and Religion, 15/1 (Jan., 1947), pp. 46–49. 47 Wouter J. Hanegraaff, Esotericism and the Academy: Rejected Knowledge in Western Culture (Cambridge. 2012), 121, 122. http://beauchesne.immanens. com/appli/article.php?id=12131 48 Balthazar Köpke, Diatribe de templo salomon: de tribus gradibus Christianisimi (Leipzig, 1689). 49 Winfried Zeller, ‘The Protestant Attitude to Monasticism with Special Reference to Gerhard Tersteegen’, Downside Review, 93/312 (1978), 183. 50 Frances Bevan (trans.), The Hymns of Ter Steegen [sic], Suso, and Others (­London, 1894), 8. 51 Zeller, ‘Protestant Attitude to Monasticism’, 186. Through contact with Carmel, Tersteegen the Pietist became aware of the whole import of religious life in the history of spirituality. This also helps to explain his lively interest in Catholic quietist mysticism which he learnt about through Madame Guyon and Pierre Poiret. Benedictine and Cistercian monasticism is represented in Selected Lives only by the following women: Hildegard of Bingen (No. 23), Elizabeth of Schonau (No. 24), Gertrude of Hackenborn (No. 6) and Mechtild of Hackenborn (No. 25). Tersteegen devoted much more attention to the mendicant orders. He gives the lives of four Franciscans and three Dominicans. In his introduction to No. 16, Tersteegen vehemently insists that a man like Francis of Assisi should be taken seriously in the history of spirituality. Douglas Shantz, ‘Pietism as a Translation Movement’, in Douglas Shantz (ed.), Companion to German Pietism, 336–340. 52 Gerhard Tersteegen, Select Letters, in Samuel Jackson (ed.), The Life and Character of Gerhard Tersteegen with Selections from his Letters and Writings (London, 1837), 205. 53 Tersteegen, Select Letters, 208, 209, 212. 54 Tersteegen, On the Difference of Progress in Godliness, in Jackson, Life and Character, 325. 55 Tersteegen, On the Difference, Jackson, 325, 326. 56 Tersteegen, On the Difference, Jackson, 327, 328. 57 Tersteegen, On the Difference, Jackson, 327.

22  Pietism and the interior monastery 58 Tersteegen, A Particular Address to Those Select Souls, Who Have Resigned Themselves to God and His Inwardly Hidden Life, in Jackson, Life and Character, 327. 59 Tersteegen, On the Shadow and Substance and the Form and Power of Godliness in a Letter to a Friend, in Jackson, Life and Character, 352. 60 Born in Eberbach in 1691, was he named after the Cistercian abbot Conrad of Eberbach (d.1221) who compiled the Cistercian Exordium Magnum, the early history of the Cistercian order? 61 Walter C. Klein, Johann Conrad Beissel (Philadelphia, 1942), 75, 80. 62 Jeff Bach, The Voices of the Turtledoves: The Sacred World of Ephrata (University Park, PA, 2003), 42. 63 Bach, Voices of the Turtledoves, 54, 55. 64 Bach, Voices of the Turtledoves, 85, 89. 65 Hof, ‘Protestant Pietism’, 33. 66 Hof, ‘Protestant Pietism’, 34. 67 Hof, ‘Protestant Pietism’, 44. 68 George A. Maloney, SJ, Pseudo-Macarius: The Fifty Spiritual Homilies and the Great Letter (New York, 1992), 23, 24. 69 Ward, Early Evangelicalism, 52. 70 Christos Yannaras, ‘Pietism as an Ecclesiological Heresy’, in Christos Yannaras (ed.), The Freedom of Morality (Crestwood, NY, 1984), 122–128. 71 Horst Weigelt, ‘Interpretations of Pietism in the Research of Contemporary German Church Historians’, Church History, 39/02 (1970), 239. 72 Bernardus Claraevallensis Abbas, Sermones in Cantica Canticorum, PL 183. 1141. 73 Joyce Irwin, ‘Anna Maria van Schurman and Antoinette Bourignon: Contrasting Examples of Seventeenth-Century Pietism’, Church History, 60/03 (1991), 311. 74 Wolfhart Pannenberg, Christian Spirituality and Sacramental Community (London, 1984), 32. 75 Max Weber, The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, Trans. Talcot Parsons (London, 2001), 40, 41, 74. 76 Weber, 48, 72. 77 Weber, 75, 82, 83. 78 Weber, 74, 76, 77. 79 Weber, 74. 80 Weber, 75, 85. 81 Weber, 81. 82 Weber, 82, 83. 83 Weber, 84. 84 Weber, 87.

Bibliography Arndt, Johann, Of True Christianity. trans. Anthony William Boehm (London, 1712–1714). Arndt, Johann, The Garden of Paradise (London, 1716). Arndt, Johann, True Christianity (CWS). Translation and introduction by Peter Erb, Copyright ©1979 by Peter Erb, published by Paulist Press, Inc., New York/Mahwah, NJ. Reprinted by permission of Paulist Press, Inc. www.paulistpress.com. Bach, Jeff, The Voices of the Turtledoves: The Sacred World of Ephrata (University Park, PA, 2003).

Pietism and the interior monastery  23 Bayly, Lewis, The Practice of Piety (London, 1672). Bevan, Frances (trans.), The Hymns of Ter Steegen [sic], Suso, and Others (London, 1894). Brown, Dale Weaver, ‘The Problem of Subjectivism in Pietism’, Ph.D. thesis (Northwestern University, 1962), 154. Bullock, F.W., Voluntary Religious Societies. 1520–1799 (St. Leonard’s on Sea, 1963). Campbell, Ted A., John Wesley and Christian Antiquity: Religious Vision and Cultural Change (Nashville, 1991). Eckhart Meister: A Modern Translation. Trans. Raymond Bernard Blakney (New York, 1941). Eckhart Meister: The Essential Sermons, Commentaries, Treatises, and Defense. Trans. and intro. Edmund Colledge and Bernard McGinn (New York, 1981). Erb, Peter C. (ed.), The Pietists: Selected Writings (New York, 1983). Hanegraaff, Wouter J., Esotericism and the Academy: Rejected Knowledge in Western Culture (Cambridge, 2012), http://beauchesne.immanens.com/appli/ article.php?id=12131 Herzog, Frederick, European Pietism Reviewed (Eugene, OR, 2003). Irwin, Joyce, ‘Anna Maria van Schurman and Antoinette Bourignon: Contrasting Examples of Seventeenth-Century Pietism’, Church History, 60/03 (1991), 301–315. Jackson, Samuel, The Life and Character of Gerhard Tersteegen with Selections from his Letters and Writings (London, 1837). Klein, Walter C., Johann Conrad Beissel (Philadelphia, 1942). Köpke, Balthazar, Diatribe de templo salomon: de tribus gradibus Christianisimi (Leipzig, 1689). Lagny, Anne (ed.), Les Piétismes à l’âge classique: crise, conversion, institutions (Villeneuve d’Ascq, 2001). Maloney, George A., SJ, Pseudo-Macarius: The Fifty Spiritual Homilies and the Great Letter (New York, 1992). McGuire, Brian Patrick (ed.), A Companion to Bernard of Clairvaux (Leiden, 2011). op‘t Hof, Willem J., ‘Protestant Pietism and Medieval Monasticism’, in Fred van Lieburg (ed.), Confessionalism and Religious Reform in Early Modern Europe (Mainz, 2006), 31–50. Pannenberg, Wolfhart, Christian Spirituality and Sacramental Community (London, 1984). Perkins, William, A Reformed Catholicke, in Works (London, 1626), I. 558–620. Prout, William Cardwell, ‘Spener and the Theology of Pietism’, Journal of Bible and Religion, 15/1 (Jan., 1947), 46–49. Rudolph, Conrad, The Things of Greater Importance: Bernard of Clairvaux’s Apologia and the Medieval Attitude Toward Art (Philadelphia, 1990). Saxby, T.J., The Quest for the New Jerusalem: Jean de Labadie and the Labadists, 1610–1744 (Dordrecht, 1987). Shantz, Douglas H. (ed.), A Companion to German Pietism (Leiden, 2015). Spener, Philipp, Pia Desideria. Trans. Theodore G. Tappert (Minneapolis, 1964). Stein, K. James, ‘Philip Jakob Spener (1635–1705)’, in Carter Lindberg (ed.), The Pietist Theologians: An Introduction to Theology in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries (Oxford, 2005), 84–99.

24  Pietism and the interior monastery Stoeffler, F. Ernst, The Rise of Evangelical Pietism (Leiden, 1965). Thompson, Terry Dale, ‘God’s Special Way: August Hermann Francke, Friedrich Wilhem I, and the Consolidation of Prussian Absolutism’, Ph.D. thesis (Ohio State University, 1996). van Lieburg, Fred. (ed.), Confessionalism and Pietism: Religious Reform in Early Modern Europe (Mainz, 2006). Wallmann, Johannes, ‘Johann Arndt. (1555–1621)’, in Carter Lindberg (ed.), The Pietist Theologians: An Introduction to Theology in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries (Oxford, 2005), 21–37. Ward, W.R. Early Evangelicalism: A Global Intellectual History, 1670–1789 (Cambridge, 2006). Weber, Max. The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism. Trans. Talcot ­Parsons (London, 2001). Weigelt, Horst. ‘Interpretations of Pietism in the Research of Contemporary ­G erman Church Historians’, Church History, 39/02 (1970), 236–241. Yannaras, Christos (ed.), The Freedom of Morality (Crestwood, NY, 1984). Zeller, Winfried. ‘The Protestant Attitude to Monasticism with Special Reference to Gerhard Tersteegen’, Downside Review, 93/312 (1978) 188–192.

3 Anthony Horneck The Happy Ascetick (1681 & editions) an analytical reading

An Anglican interior monasticism During the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, there was considerable interest in the primitive church among theologians and scholars, particularly within the Church of England, which led them somewhat inevitably to texts on asceticism and monastic origins. This was associated with what has been termed the ‘holy living’ school within Anglicanism, advocating moral and spiritual counsel to encourage more fervent devotion.1 As Sarah Apetrei has indicated, this led to a renewed desire among some for celibacy, which could bring Anglicans uncomfortably close to some Papist, nonconformist and sectarian approaches in the search for angelic perfection and disciplined living. Apetrei highlights the tension this caused in Anglican relationships with ­Roman Catholics, particularly as a result of Catholic influence at court. This was the context in which Horneck and others were writing and of his practical encouragement to ascetic living.2 As she concludes: Patristic mandate for an Anglican via media was illusory, emphasis of the Reformation of Manners on primitive austerity played into the hands of both nonconformist, dissenting and Catholic critics. Anglican moderation led away from strict abstinence towards ‘enlightened’ values of sociability and civility. Just as some churchmen and churchwomen were becoming nostalgic for primitive asceticism and virginity, or pressing for sexual purification to avoid providential judgement, so the seeds of modern scepticism about the value and possibility of celibacy, sown at the Reformation, were flourishing. The culture of the establishment was caught uneasily between pro-ascetic currents drawing on the theology and practice of the early church, and a growing suspicion of ascetical trends as indicative of religious enthusiasm and Popery.3

Edward Stephens: on the origins and progress of contemplative living Writers seeking primitive Christian authenticity in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, such as Anthony Horneck, were drawn somewhat DOI: 10.4324/9781003226734-3

26  Anthony Horneck: The Happy Ascetick inevitably to the ascetics of the early centuries, some of them pointedly reaching back beyond Constantinian recognition, while careful not to disparage ecclesiastical establishment in their own time. In his analysis of the search for a distinctively Anglican devotional and moral ethos amid the somewhat dissolute context of English Restoration society, Eamon Duffy details the response of both religious and reforming societies to this. Edward Stephens, a lawyer, founded a religious society and a convent in the Strand in 1691. Duffy notes his disillusionment when he discovered that such societies alone could not bring about change in the absence of sufficient episcopal support. This eventually led him to form a small company of his own as the authentic church.4 Stephens was no touchline critic, according to Apetrei he embraced a form of monastic life and favoured elements of Eastern Orthodoxy.5 Stephens traced the origins of contemplative living to a ‘colledge’ of prophets in the Old Testament, particularly Elijah and the Rechabites and Nazirities seen as precursors of John the Baptist, who in turn were exemplars for the monks of Egypt.6 According to Stephens, the formation of monastic institutes derived from the example of Jesus himself, or from Martha, or possibly from St. Paul.7 This included the usual appeal to the common life of Christians in Acts and the perfection of the early church in Jerusalem, suggesting that no apostle married after he was called.8 This came with the inference that the earliest Christian communities could be described as monastic or ‘Christian Nazirites’ who lived celibate, chaste lives.9 Stephens was also under the impression that monastic/ascetic living gained its impetus, separating from the rest of the Church, following the cessation of persecution and Constantinian recognition, but not without a hint from Origen that all Christians should live consecrated lives.10 For Stephens the beginnings of the Church were characterised by asceticism; monasticism was in some sense authentic original Christian living. He categorised forms of asceticism as anchorites, hermits and coenobites, and sarabites who simulated monastic living.11 Following his initial description of the rise and progress of contemplative living, Stephens turned to describe the Essenes as mentioned by Josephus and the Therapeutae in Philo recorded by Eusebius. These were regarded as monastic antecedents of the desert fathers and mothers and subsequent monastic communities. The Essenes in Josephus formed four distinct groups, and Stephens described their order, economy, and living arrangements.12 Likewise the Therapeutae in Philo found particularly in the region of Alexandria, appear as early monks, relinquishing goods, sharing a common life, and assembling for prayer with processional and stational hymns.13 Among Stephens’ sources were the church histories of Sozomen and Eusebius, the Church Fathers, Jerome, particularly his letter 22 to Eustochium,14 Augustine,15 and Gregory Nazianzen.16 He gave particular attention to Augustine’s comments on monastic issues.17 Stephens’ great lights of the Church are: Athanasius, Basil, Nazianzen, Chrysostom, Ambrose, Augustine, and in a lesser place Synesius.18 His greatest attention was focused on the desert

Anthony Horneck: The Happy Ascetick  27 fathers in his Direction and Exhortations of Ancient Egyptian Abbots. Here he turned to Cassian’s Institutes and Conferences,19 and to the Vitae Patrum.20 Antony and Paul are acknowledged as the founders of Christian monasticism, but Stephens drew particularly upon the desert ascetics, 21 urging his readers to emulate the character of these holy men. Stephens’ advice was intended for those associated with the societies for the reformation of manners; he not only compared a committed ascetic past with the church of his time but also commended this kind of spiritual living for every Christian, as he implied from Nestero: If ye will prepare a sacred tabernacle in your heart for spiritual knowledge; purge yourselves of the contagion of all vices and devest yourselves of the cares of this life. For it is impossible for a soul which is busied in worldly affairs to obtain the gift of knowledge or to be fruitful in spiritual senses. 22 This inner holy place may indeed be all that is left, for there is a sting in Stephens’ text in that he commented on princes who despoiled monasteries, and the rashness and inconsiderateness of those who despise and vilify monks. 23 This text is followed in a further edition by a translation of Athanasius’ Life of Antony, and three related religious tracts.

Anthony Horneck and Asceticism Anthony Horneck (1641–1697) Anthony Horneck was born in Bacharach, Germany, 1641 and studied at Heidelberg University, and after coming to England c.1661, he became a member of Queens College, Oxford in 1663, and was appointed chaplain there by Thomas Barlow, later Bishop of Lincoln, to whom he later addressed the preface to The Happy Ascetick. He graduated MA in 1664 (1663?) and was granted the living of All Saints, Oxford.24 He was naturalised in 1665 and became tutor to Christopher Monck, Lord Torrington, son of the Duke of Albermarle, and given the living of Dolton, Devon, becoming a prebendary of Exeter cathedral in 1670. He travelled to Germany to preach at court and on his return, he was appointed preacher at the Savoy Hospital in 1671. 25 A popular preacher in his day (John Evelyn Diary 18 March 1683.), 26 conscientious in pastoral duties, he presided at crowded eucharists at the Savoy chapel and ministered in the parish of St. Mary le Strand. In 1682 he was awarded a DD from Cambridge University.27 From 1689 to 1697 he was chaplain to the king and prebendary of Westminster. Bishop Kidder recounts Horneck’s deep attachment to the Church of England and its Reformed character, stoutly defending it against Roman Catholics in discussion with their priests, and aware of the Roman influence in the royal household. 28 Horneck was among one of many

28  Anthony Horneck: The Happy Ascetick scholars of his time who valued the primitive church, returning to the Fathers and to the early ascetics of the desert, careful to observe the religious practices he commended to others. 29 Horneck was associated with the formation of a religious society for serious young men, whether he was the inspiration for this or they requested his help is uncertain, and this received episcopal approval. It seems clear that the societies Horneck founded were considerably influenced by ascetic perspectives reflecting monastic practice including prayer seven times each day, with an emphasis on interior reformation beyond formal rules.30 In his analysis of the search for primitive Christian authenticity and the desire for a distinctively Anglican devotional and moral ethos amid the somewhat dissolute context of English Restoration society, Eamon Duffy details the response of both religious and reformation societies. He explores the beginning of Horneck’s Anglican societies at the Savoy chapel in 1678 and their appeal to high churchmen: in the patristic orientation of restoration Anglicanism he [Horneck] found an encouragement to revive that ‘strictness of the Primitive Church.’ The societies were the result. Drawn up at a time ‘not over favourable to any kind of Religious Meetings,’ the rules of the societies bear the marks both of Horneck’s high church convictions, and of the dread of the conventicle act. The societies were under the iron hand of the church – each group had a priest as director, no prayers might be used but those taken from the prayer-book, there was to be no discussion of ‘controverted points of divinity’ or ‘the government of Church or State.’ Membership was confined to confirmed Anglicans. Their activities were all directed towards growth in holiness – m ­ eetings for spiritual reading and discussion, fasting, prayer, more frequent communion, charitable works.31 Frederick Bullock indicates that Spener’s Collegia Pietatis may have been an inspirational influence for these Restoration societies, 32 which were held in some suspicion of reviving Roman Catholic practices. Scott Kisker following Bullock outlines the rules which Horneck devised for the oversight of this society: I.

 hat all that entered into such a Society should resolve upon an T holy and serious Life. I I.  T hat no person shall be admitted into this Society till he arrive at the age of Sixteen, and hath been first confirmed by the Bishop, and solemnly taken on himself his Baptismal Vow. I II.  That they chuse a Minister of the Church of England to direct them. I V.  T hat they shall not be allowed in their meetings to discourse of any controverted point of Divinity. V. Neither shall they discourse of the Government of Church or State.

Anthony Horneck: The Happy Ascetick  29 V I.  T hat in their meetings they use no Prayers but those of the Church, such as the Litany and Collects, and other prescribed Prayers; but still they shall not use any that peculiarly belongs to the Minister, as the Absolution. V II.  T hat the Minister whom they chuse shall direct what practical Divinity shall be read at these meetings. V III. T hat they may have liberty, after Prayer and Reading, to sing a Psalm. I X.  T hat after all is done, if there be time left, they may discourse each other about their spiritual concerns; but this shall not be a standing Exercise, which any shall be obliged to attend unto. X.  T hat one day in the Week be appointed for this meeting, for such as cannot come on the Lord’s Day; and that he that absents himself without cause shall pay three Pence to the Box. X I. Every time they meet, everyone shall give six Pence to the Box. X II.  T hat on a certain day in the year, viz. Whitsun-Tuesday, two Stewards shall be chosen, and a moderate Dinner provided, and a Sermon preached, and the Money distributed (necessary Charges deducted) to the Poor. X III. A Book shall be bought, in which these Orders shall be written. X IV. None shall be admitted into this Society without the consent of the Minister who presides over it; and no Apprentice shall be capable of being chosen. X V. That if any Case of Conscience arise, it shall be brought before the Minister. X VI. If any Member think fit to leave the Society, he shall pay five Shillings to the Stock. X VII. The major part of the Society to conclude the rest. X VIII.  T he following Rules are more especially to be commended to the Members of this Society, viz. To love one another: When reviled, not to revile again: To speak evil of no man: To wrong no man: To pray, if possible, seven times a day: To keep close to the Church of England: To transact all things peaceably and gently: To be helpfull to each other: To use themselves to holy Thoughts in their coming in and going out: To examine themselves every night: To give every one their due: To obey Superiors both Spiritual and Temporal. 33 The living of the Savoy was however insufficient for Horneck, necessitating the search for a more suitable house for his family. Through the mediation of Lord Admiral Russell, Earl of Oxford, with the Queen and the Archbishop, Horneck received his Westminster prebend in 1694.34 Kidder comments that Horneck was not beyond straight talking and face-to-face reproof of the nobility when necessary, which in his view may have lost him further preferment, but saved his own soul.35 Horneck held a strong line against pluralities and non-residence and was careful to resign his cures

30  Anthony Horneck: The Happy Ascetick

Figure 3.1  Anthony Horneck 1641–1797. ©National Galleries of Scotland.

where he could not fulfil them himself. Towards the end of his life, he became very infirm and sickly, walking with difficulty, and found coach travel difficult.36 He continued faithful in his ministry, preaching at the Savoy despite his infirmity until his death on January 31, 1696/7 (Figure 3.1).37

The Happy Ascetick: an analytical reading Horneck published the first edition of The Happy Ascetick or the Best ­E xercise in 1681 (Figure 3.2).38 This edition was followed in 1685 by a supplement of prayers related to each of the exercises in the main volume entitled The Exercise of Prayer. 39 From the edition of The Happy Asectick of 1693 the prayers of the supplementary volume were incorporated into the main text with an introductory sentence. The Happy Ascetick reflected the intense interest in ascetic spirituality in the 17th and 18th centuries which drew upon ancient monastic sources to stimulate and further devotion among lay people, in particular those

Anthony Horneck: The Happy Ascetick  31

Figure 3.2  The Happy Ascetick, title page.

who participated in Horneck’s London religious societies. The volume was dedicated to Thomas Barlow, Bishop of Lincoln from 1675 describing his intention: We are happy in this Church that we have so many prelates who are bent upon reviving the strictness of the primitive church, excellent patterns for us the inferior clergy to imitate….to reduce Christianity in men to its primitive rule.40 This is further elaborated in the Preface: …to call men away from the shadow to the substance of religion from a form to the power of Godliness, and from a notional to a practical belief of the Gospel.41

32  Anthony Horneck: The Happy Ascetick Horneck divided his text into the Ordinary Exercises (I–XV) and the Extraordinary Exercises (I–IV) of Godliness. In the introduction to the first exercise, using the text I Tim 4.7 Horneck made a distinction between the prophetic and the doctrinal, indicating that spiritual exercises had been undertaken by servants of God, Daniel, Matthew, and James in their abstinence, as testified by Josephus. Clement of Alexandria, St. Augustine, and Eusebius, together with Chrysostom are approved as advocates of serious religion.42 Horneck made it plain that he was addressing all Christians, not ministers and preachers alone but ‘all men that live under the sound of the Gospel.’43 The obligation to live a holy life is incumbent upon all Christians, for there is but one Gospel by which all are judged.44 The spiritual exercises are to be used daily or in the later editions, now and then. John Wesley published Horneck’s text in his Christian Library, including the attached Letter translated from Jean Fronteau.45 In analysing Horneck’s sources we can discover the ascetic spirituality Wesley commended for his Methodist societies in republishing an edited version of Horneck’s text. Exercise I praying always This ‘praying frame’, in which short direct prayers are offered, is considered one of the chief supports of the Christian life, as reported by Cassian of the ascetics of Egypt,46 and recommended by Augustine to Proba,47 as Paphnutius taught the harlot Thais,48 and St. Bernard suggested of St. Malachy.49 Exemplars from the desert fathers and mothers are Macarius who advised such short prayers, 50 the somewhat competitive streak of Moses the Robber who prays fifty times a day, 51 and Paul of Pherme who prayed three hundred times52 - outprayed however by a virgin who prayed seven hundred times. Horneck quoted Ephraim the Syrian on prayer at all times. 53 This was supported by Tertullian on the need for few words, 54 together with Isaac the Anchorite in Cassian and Laurence Justinian. However, these last three sources appear to be lifted from the work of Giovanni Bona where all three appear in the same paragraph in the same order.55 Provision is made for this rule of continual prayer in a catalogue of circumstances for which short brief prayers texts are offered. Similar recommendations are to be found in Lewis Bayly’s Practice of Piety.56 That such a reinterpretation of prayer without ceasing is the antidote to sin is underlined by the advice of Rabbis Yehudah, Nehunia ben HaKanah, Gamaliel, and Eliazer in the Mishnah.57 It keeps out the Devil better than St. Teresa’s holy water58 or St. Anthony’s sign of the cross.59 Horneck recognised that for some this may make religion burdensome, but then he asked What kind religion would you have? Would you be religious and dissolute?…would you be pious and kept within no bounds?60

Anthony Horneck: The Happy Ascetick  33 Here his readers are to consider what choices they will make to differentiate their lives from that of the worldly. Exercise II Early morning, when we have paid our homage to God, by prayer and thanksgiving, to resolve and solemnly resolve to tye ourselves to certain rules of living that day Horneck referred to the second century Pliny-Trajan correspondence which described the early morning prayers of Christians,61 and the practice of David in Ps.5.2 (Ps.5.3). Those are strangers to the spiritual life who do not consider what they mean to do for their souls that day. Horneck then provided a text for setting up ‘a kind of remembrance office in my soul.’62 This exercise is made more effectual by selecting two or three of Christ’s precepts every morning and resolving to live up to them. This resolve has three rules; to speak evil of no man, to praise God seven times with David, to shun occasions of sin towards my neighbour.63 An example of this is Sylvanus who each morning resolved that day to censure nobody, to reflect on his own sin when tempted to judge his brother, not to hate anyone for their sin but to pity and pray for them, to think on the day of his death, and not to rejoice at evil.64 Such morning resolutions are a wall about the soul which the Devil cannot climb, just as he avoided the cell of holy Sophronius.65 Since attention is given to worldly affairs for the day, such preparation should be more important for the soul than for trade.66 Exercise III Every day to spend an hour, or some such time, in thinking of some good thing Horneck suggests spending at least half an hour on this to make it worthwhile. He then specified each day; in later editions, a double prayer text is inserted for each day. Sunday: The theme for this day is the world to come, the sight of the new Jerusalem with saints, angels, patriarchs and prophets, and Christ in glory.67 Later editions append an explanation: As meditation and prayer are akin, and never so useful as when they shine in conjunction; so this, as well as the following meditations, being seconded with holy aspirations, will have very considerable effects upon the soul. Of these aspirations I will give some patterns.68 In later editions, the inserted prayer texts follow.

34  Anthony Horneck: The Happy Ascetick Monday: The theme for this day is the second coming of Christ and the last judgement, the welcome of the righteous into blessedness, the discomfort of the damned, and the exaltation of the humble.69 Tuesday: Here there is consideration of God’s mercies and providences, how we have passed through the water and the fire, when the fig tree has been barren; in particular thanksgiving for causing us to be born into a Christian country, and a religion free from those gross errors and superstitions that other nominal Christians do sink into.70 Wednesday: This day is concerned with consideration of our own inevitable death, considered the birthday of a sincere believer, the entrance into paradise.71 Thursday: Reserved for the torments of Hell, the plight of burning prisoners roaring for water to cool their tongues; here those who have disputed the justice of God discover there is no playing with consuming fire in that Tophet (Gehinnom).72 Friday: Kept for the commemoration of the Passion, the sight of the crucified Christ for which we should count all things loss and follow the Lamb wherever he goes.73 Saturday: On this day we are to consider our sins, how we have resisted the light, smothered our conscience, how we have sinned against the first and second tables of the commandments. Examples of such odiousness of soul are David, Peter and Paul, Mary Magdalene, and the publican in the Gospel. Serious repentance and meditation may prevent future calamity, which will keep the soul in readiness to give an account at the last day, meanwhile fervency must fill the soul with hallowed flames which makes the ways of God easy and pleasant.74 Exercise IV Every day to study humility The Gospels support this is as an exercise which the Lord commanded, and to be preferred to miracles. Jesus rather asks ‘learn of me…’, a humility which accords with the kenosis of Philippians 2, 6–7.75 This is supported by the Jewish Rabbinic texts Pirqe Aboth and ‘Duties of the Heart;76 readers are to bear injuries patiently, to look upon oneself as nothing, and to cry with the publican ‘Lord be merciful to me a sinner.’ This according to Cassian was the cornerstone of all virtues.77 Horneck here recounts from Bede the meeting between Augustine and the British bishops, and the determining factor of humility, or lack of it.78 Exemplars are; Ruffinus in the Vitis Patrum who records the brother who feigned fornication to support a brother,79 Eugenia who in men’s clothing became an abbot,80 King Abenner’s humility on refusing to name the name of God,81 the Emperor Theodosius’ common touch,82 the compassionate life of the aristocratic Olympias,83 and Euphrasia who condescended to those who hated her and

Anthony Horneck: The Happy Ascetick  35 prayed for those who injured her.84 The Fathers explain humility as doing good to those who do ill to you.85 Humility is the way that leads to glory, as Synclectica advised; just as a ship cannot be held together without nails, so a Christian and Christ Jesus cannot hold together without humility.86 Likewise, Hyperichus says, the tree of life grows to heaven and humility is the grace that reaches to the top of it.87 The Blessed Virgin extolled humility in the Magnificat,88 and did Christians but know it, this exercise consists of the mystery of religion in which heavenly influences descend upon the soul, a secret the humble shepherds at Bethlehem knew but which was hidden from the Pharisees. Horneck concludes this exercise with the six advantages of humility from the Duties of the Heart, 89 a Jewish ethical text. Exercise V Every day to bridle our tongue, and to set a watch over the doors of our lips Horneck prefaced his section on loose talk by recalling St. Anthony’s comment that the house of loose talkers required a lock and key.90 Horneck lists exhaustively the sins of the tongue.91 Christians of earlier times, before the power of Godliness was reduced to formality, edified, and ministered grace to their hearers. Here follows an extended quotation from St. Ambrose in which ‘the mind is thy lands, the heart is thy gold, the speech thy silver’, which should be kept from the predations of thieves.92 The guarding of one’s tongue was but one half of this exercise, the other half being speaking of God and spiritual things. Horneck supported this ecumenically from the Mishnah,93 the Koran94 , and Midrash on the Psalms,95 for the tongue was first designed not for talk of secular things but to speak of the being of God and to praise him.96 We have the advantage of sermons and spiritual reading and we may speak of our own experience of God in prayer, mortification, assistance against temptation, and comfort in affliction; this includes our own lack of Christian perfection, as well as our reflections on the examples of the saints.97 Horneck advised that here we may join in conference with fellow Christians concerning our spiritual experience. This is illustrated from the Twelve Hermits of Paschasius according to each hermit: 1st. Every day I watch against evil thoughts and lusts. 2nd. I look upon myself every day as a stranger. 3rd. Every day very early in the morning, I get up and go to my God. 4th. Every day I take a turn and walk upon the Mount of Olives (beholding the Passion). 5th. Every day with the eyes of my understanding I behold the angels of God (Jacob’s dream). 6th. Every day I make it my business to meditate on that saying of Christ ‘Come to me…’.

36  Anthony Horneck: The Happy Ascetick 7th. Every day I sit in council with three grave senators; Faith, Hope, and Charity. 8th. Every day I do expect the Devil and look for his assaults. 9th. Every day with my thoughts I ascend into heaven. 10th. Every day I do set God before me and look upon him as present. 11th. Every day I call the graces and gifts of God’s Spirit about me. 12th. Wherever I go I see my sins go before me.98 Horneck urges his readers not to plead that this is out of fashion, though that may be their excuse in the last day, for Christ and future glory are worth speaking of to neighbours if we dare to prefer heaven to the world.99 He points to the severity of the witness of Paul the hermit who during the Decian persecution, rather than be seduced by a harlot, bit off his tongue, but all Horneck requires is that his readers keep their tongues from evil.100 Exercise VI Every day to watch against those sins, which in the eye of the world are small, and inconsiderable Horneck describes how the Pharisees overlooked what they considered trivial sins, this being remedied by Christ in the Sermon on the Mount where what might be considered minor offences such as envy, malice, grudges are subject to God’s wrath.101 Prayer itself could become a task and duty, a matter of vainglory, revealing those concerned as being ‘no thorough-paced Christians.’102 Sleeping in church and carelessness in devotion concludes a comprehensive list of wanton behaviour and sins believed to be easily pardoned.103 This leads somewhat inevitably to emphasis on the baptismal vow: A Christian hath vow’d to strive against all sin, whether great or small. The oath of God is upon you and in your baptism, so much you promised, and so much you have since confirm’d, by approving that your solemn initiation, or introduction into the visible Church of Christ. Will ye be false to your promise? Will ye abjure, what then you gave your consent to?…Such sins formerly were no little sins, when men were better Christians than now they are.104 Here follows a catalogue of disparities led by a comparison between God’s purity and our uncleanness.105 The seemingly insignificant and small thing may by degrees lead to an increase as is illustrated by the Persians who began using minute quantities of opium until they were eventually addicted.106 It is not possible to plead God’s preventing and restraining grace keeping us from greater sins while pursuing the lesser ones.107 This exercise expands on how an accumulation of lesser sins comprise a greater one, the

Anthony Horneck: The Happy Ascetick  37 insensibility of which made so many hypocrites in the Christian Church,108 for a little leaven leavens the whole as noted in Barlaam’s advice to Josephat,109 and in Isidore of Seville.110 To warn how threatening smaller sins are, Horneck cites a text Bernard of Clairvaux famously used to describe heretics.111 In urging his readers to die to the world, Horneck enters a long plea directly from God, that they should be mindful of their ingratitude for his gifts. He then asked: ‘Where is your Christian perfection, if you watch not against the least sin?’112 Exercise VII Every day to keep a strict guard over our eyes Horneck dealt here with the problem of wandering eyes and the consequences for biblical characters such as Eve and Dinah, and David’s desire for Bathsheba, as well as the fate of Achan and Ammon, and the admiration of Susanna.113 Covetousness and lasciviousness find an entrance into the door of the heart, a theme common to the monastic tradition of ‘custody of the eyes.’114 Here it is reinforced by appeal to Clement of Alexandria that the eyes should be used sparingly,115 and to Propertius’ Elegies.116. Horneck’s point was that ‘guarding the eyes is an Exercise, which Duty, Interest, and Desire of our own quiet doth command’. This exercise consists in: 1. Admiring nothing in the creature but the creator’s glory 2. In turning our eyes away from anything we may suspect is dangerous 3. In checking the disorder which our seeing may cause in our minds and passions. 4. In making greater use of the eyes of our minds than our bodies.117 1. In admiring the creator’s glory we see the harmony, beauty, and perfection of the world This is accompanied by an extensive quotation from Marcus Aurelius on the bounty and gracefulness of the world in which chaste eyes notice the maturity and grace of old age and the charms of youth.118 2. In turning eyes away from what may create disorders in the soul. This is reinforced by reference to Porphyry’s comment on how passion is aroused via the senses, and illustrated by the ascetic Paulus who fled at the sight of a woman.119 3. Checking the least thing that may spark unawares a covetous, envious, or lascivious thought, which can be drowned in the waters of repentance.120 4. Making greater use of the eyes of our minds than those of our bodies, after the example of Anthony’s advice to Didymus of Alexandria on possessing the eyes of angels which drew the light of knowledge into in the soul.121 The intellectual eye sees beyond the mundane into eternity and Paradise.122

38  Anthony Horneck: The Happy Ascetick Horneck supports this exercise with a collection of references from the early desert ascetics, notably Eusebius of Teleda who closes his eyes to the beauty of flowers and the stars, keeping his eye to the ground with a necklace of heavy weights; 123 emphasis is laid on leaving family just as Pachomius kept his sister at bay,124 Simon Stylites and Theodore fended off visits from their mothers,125 and John the ascetic steered clear of the sight of women.126 Sarah spent thirty years by a river without noticing it,127 and Marcus the hermit sent salutations to his mother instead of seeing her.128 Horneck’s supporting cast concludes with Pior, who would not see his sister,129 and Sylvanus of Sinai who would not look at the trees in his garden for fear of having his mind distracted.130 Horneck illustrates the importance of the eyes from Diogenes and the danger of an oculist treating the eye lest the pupil should be damaged.131 He cites Cassian that God does not blame wanton eyes so much as the interior sense of the heart by which the eyes are directed.132 Here the soul may triumph in its interior sense through watchfulness: This hath been the care of Saints in all ages, and this hath made their memory famous. This Exercise the antient Fathers pressed, and upon such Sermons, the wanton world began to be reform’d; This made the Virgins cover their Faces with Vails, that they might neither tempt others with their Beauty, nor be tempted with the comely Looks of their Spectators; This made the World take notice of the Holy Looks of Christians, and observe, how with their Lives and Conversations, the motions of their eyes, and all their gestures changed.133 Sight is changed from a roving eye to a downcast look, the senses subdued by religion and reason.134 True seeing belongs to those who guard their eyes,135for the one who guards his eyes is the one who sees, the one who walks in the sight of his eyes is blind, as Seneca explained to one who had lost his sight.136 In this, the story of Dives and Lazarus was a warning to all.137 Horneck follows this with the advice of Pericles to Sophocles at the sight of a beautiful youth, that he must keep his eyes as well as his hands clean,138 for there can be no purity of heart without purity of the senses, following this with a passage from Pseudo Jerome.139 Exercise VIII Every day as there shall be occasion, to make good use of the virtues, and vices of our neighbours, or those who have lived before us, and whose action we have either read or heard of Horneck prefaces this section with an extensive passage from the Targum on Deuteronomy 34 to illustrate concern for our neighbour throughout significant events in their lifetime.140 This exercise consists in imitating good actions and shunning the bad. 1. In imitating the good: Christians are encouraged by Philippians 4 to recognise the good `where it is seen in Jew, heathen or Christian, followed

Anthony Horneck: The Happy Ascetick  39 by good things Christians are notable for,141 modelled upon a passage from Athanasius’ Life of Antony.142 The Turks praise God at daybreak,143 likewise, the Jews do nothing until they have said their prayers.144 Horneck questions whether this was not sufficient to baptise these as believers into the Christian faith lest he be outdone in holiness.145 Horneck emphasises this from Seneca’s advice on choosing someone to emulate, the intimacy of common life and a voice being preferable to words.146 Some examples from scripture which we are not committed to imitate are actions prescribed for another age such as circumcision and sacrifice or miracles.147 However, those actions commended by the moral law of God are for all: I am bound to look upon these Examples, as Voices from Heaven, to summon me to make that use of them I have been mentioning. St. Austin is very confident (August. in Psalm 119)148 of this, and adds, that the Examples of Saints are those hot burning Coals, the Psalmist speaks of, Psalm 120. 4. whereby a deceitful Tongue may be burnt into a better temper. By these, saith he, God calls to us. This Man could do so, and cannot you? Art thou more delicate, than such a Senatour? Art thou weaker than such a Woman? Art thou more afraid than such a Mighty, and Wealthy Man? Could they do this, and cannot you?149 Horneck follows this with several examples to ask if his readers cannot do as they did; Mary Magdalene when weeping, Zaccheus in making restitution, Paulus Sergius on leaving his dignity, a centurion stooping to the laws of the Gospel: Could they, that had greater Impediments than you have, embrace Christ’s Yoak, and cannot you? Could they, that had more to plead for their refusal of God’s Offers, than you, slight, and leave all, and follow Christ, and cannot you? Could they leave Lands, and Houses, and Father, and Mother, and Life itself, for the Gospel, and cannot you part with a Trifle for Heavens Glory? Did they think nothing too costly to part with for the Pearl of Price, and will not you quit one Lust, one darling bosom Sin for it?150 There is only one standard for all Christians and in support of this Horneck commended the continence of Scipio.151 2. In observing the sins and vices of others and hatred against them.152 Here negative examples are cited,153 and encouragement taken from contexts which should be perceptively avoided, as advised by the Gulistan of Saadi.154 Readers are encouraged to transcribe good works into their own lives encouraged by St. Basil on Gordian as someone to imitate,155 St. Augustine’s account of Potitianus discovery of some ascetics,156 Jerome’s suggestion of Roman generals and philosophers, and particularly appropriate for bishops and presbyters – the apostles, and finally the ascetics who should be exemplars for monks.157

40  Anthony Horneck: The Happy Ascetick Horneck inserted here a passage from St. Basil: When I saw (saith he) about Alexandria, and in other parts of Egypt in Palaestina, Coelosyria, and Mesopotamia, divers men that had consecrated themselves to the service of God, I could not but stand amaz’d at the strictness of their Dyet, their patience in Holy Labours, their vigor and constancy in Prayer; when I observed, how neither conquer’d with sleep, nor overcome with the infirmities of their natures, they kept up, and maintain’d a lively sense of God, mocking both Hunger and Thirst, both Cold, and Nakedness, as if they lived in another world, and their Souls dwell’d in a spiritual Body, and nothing would satisfy them, but bearing in their bodies the marks of the Lord Jesus; I began to envy their happiness, and thought it long, till I attain’d to their felicity.158 The courage of Paul and Silas in chains caused an earthquake in the soul of the Philippian jailer leading him to a conscientious life.159 Horneck commends Papias’ inquiry concerning the first apostles, as imitating their lives made the severest acts of religion easier in advancing to goodness.160 This is the learning that fits us for the University of the Third Heaven, the requisite scholarship for a place in the Colledge of Glory, with the martyrs and confessors as a support and defence, exercising the patience David showed before Shimei, and the endurance of the apostles under persecution.161 There follows a discussion of suffering, including being forsaken by friends as represented by the story of Dives and Lazarus,162 and an exhortation to show courage and joy at the approach of death, in which Horneck alluded to the early martyrs,163 to Hilarion who chides his own fear at passing to another world,164 and to the ascetic who confounded his companions by laughing at the approach of death.165 Concordant with the witness of these lives, Christians should not do just sufficient for their salvation but aim for such perfection, as this exercise intends. Since God had not given one man all the perfections, consideration should be given to how we excel since each may have graces others do not and vice versa.166 Exercise IX To put a charitable Interpretation upon what we see, or hear, especially, when the thing we see, or hear, doth look ill This concerns our judgements about others’ actions, and the need for charitable interpretation according to the command to love our neighbour. In this human passions often overcome reason in which men mistake their own judgements for those of God. This exercise consists of five duties: 1. Unwillingness to believe anything ill of fellow Christians. 2. Believing and hoping that it was not done with an ill intention.

Anthony Horneck: The Happy Ascetick  41 3. Ascribing the evil act to education or ignorance or the society they have been in, or to necessity, or some other circumstance. 4. Pitying them. 5. Believing readily all the good we hear of our neighbours.167 1. Unwillingness to believe anything ill of fellow Christians. This dealt with the human tendency to believe ill of others from rumour. Horneck alludes to Chrysostom’s text on Genesis 18 where God investigated what was going on among the men of Sodom, and uses this against slandering a neighbour.168 The hazards of being mistaken are to be preferred to uncharitableness. 2. Believing and hoping that it was done with an ill intention. The one who speaks of us and makes us look ridiculous in company lacks consideration. Rather than dissembling in religion, Naaman the Syrian was but assisting his prince.169 One may pray as the Pharisee to get noticed, or like the publican, with humility,170 what matters is the intention, supported by Seneca.171 Since we cannot see into men’s hearts, we should exercise charity in accordance with Christ’s command.172 3. Ascribing the evil act to education or ignorance or the society they have been in, or to necessity, or some other circumstance. Horneck included here the story of a prisoner who when sentenced to death muttered in an unknown tongue before the Persian king who sentenced him, that paradise awaits those who show mercy. On revoking the sentence the king was told that the prisoner’s words had been misrepresented and that he was in fact cursing the king. The king responded that he liked the prisoner’s lie better than this truth, for it covered the prisoner’s ill nature with the mantle of charity.173 Horneck suggested that contributing factors such as breeding and education contributed to how we view the injuries we receive.174 We should make allowances in ascribing the injury to personal malice, following Chrysostom whose advice was to consider such accusers out of their minds and to pity them.175 4. Pitying our fellow Christians upon account of their faults and errors. As St. Paul pitied the Jews, so likewise Augustine took pity on the ­Donatists who sought to sully his reputation.176 They deserve our pity and tears who have lost their way and injured themselves in their effort to inflict damage on others. 5. A ready belief of all that is good that is said of our neighbours. A sanctified soul rejoices in the blessing of reports of the good and the graces found in neighbours, for a true Christian ‘hath a soul greedy after goodness,’177. Here followed a recognisable list of men’s shortcomings, advising that favourable constructions on others’ shortcomings may help to diminish our own record of sins. Here again, Saadi is cited as a witness.178 God allows ‘grains in offences,’ and we should imitate such allowing, for a charitable interpretation of what we see and hear distinguishes Christians from Jews, heathens and infidels.179. Here Horneck explicitly contrasts ascetic practices with interior disposition:

42  Anthony Horneck: The Happy Ascetick Religious societies are no better than hells, as St. Jerome phrases it, and the inhabitants of convents no better than devils. Put on your sackcloth, tear your flesh, fast yourselves to death, lie on the hard ground, walk in black, pray whole days together, without charity you are not yet arriv’d to the perfection of apostolical holiness’180 Exercise X Conscientiously and faithfully to discharge the duties of our several relations, callings, and Conditions According to Horneck, should a Christian not discharge these duties, he works like those who built the tower of Babel or the rolling of Sisyphus’ stone.181 Here follow several categories of relatives and acquaintances with the requisite duties of each of them, each introduced by ‘How do I exercise myself unto Godliness as…?’ 1. As a father or mother of children: here a good example and decent sober behaviour count, but more than this, awareness of the heinousness of sin and the beauty of holiness. There follows an inevitable list which indicates progress in piety; reverence for clergy, keeping the Lord’s Day, and avoidance of pride, lying, etc., which general probity is guided by rules and precepts. 2. As a child, son or daughter; obeying parents, listening to their counsels and instructions, neither marrying nor settling in the world without their advice. This respect is due to parents with a duty of care for them, like Aeneas carrying them upon our shoulders, or like the daughter in Pliny feeding them with our own blood, or the children of Catania putting oneself in danger.182 3. How can that man be said to exercise himself unto Godliness as a master of a family that is himself a slave to sin? This entailed care for servants and their souls under the one Master in heaven. Horneck urges an enlightened respect for them, with adequate pay and care for any disability.183 4. I must be diligent and faithful, industrious and careful in the work I am employed in: This included care of finances, keeping confidentiality, supporting an employer, and not answering back any rebuke. It forbids fulfilling any command displeasing to God but listening to any lessons given from the Word of God.184 5. That man does not exercise himself unto Godliness as a husband that doth not love his wife without dissimulation; he must ensure she has sufficient clothing and sustenance, and it should not be taken ill if her devotion means she obeys God more than her husband.185 6. The same is to be said of a married woman failing to discharge her duties as a wife, she must reverence her husband. Her prayer must be for

Anthony Horneck: The Happy Ascetick  43 a meek and quiet spirit with an ear open for reproof, encouraging her servants and not usurping her husband’s authority.186 7. Exercising oneself unto Godliness as a minister of the Gospel entails caring more for souls than receiving maintenance, not speaking peace to them when there is none, being an intercessor, and living an exemplary holy life and opening one’s heart to them. The sick must be visited, the weak strengthened and confirmed.187 8. If I exercise myself unto Godliness in the conduct of my ministry in obedience to them that have the rule over me, I should look upon them as ambassadors of God, ‘nor blaspheme the order because there is Judas among the colledge of Jesus’. Horneck detailed extensively how clergy must consider superiors who watch over their souls, accepting reproof and loving them.188 9. As a magistrate I must protect the innocent and encourage the guilty to do better, obeying the law of him who is above kings and princes, caring for the widow and the fatherless, guarding against tyranny as one that must give account, keeping the land from sacrilege and exhorting subjects in time of calamity, seeking God with prayer and fasting.189 10. I must look upon my prince as God’s vicegerent and stand in awe of that authority God hath stamp’d upon him. This requires the spirit of wisdom from God, so that those who fall into scandalous sins may become people after God’s own heart.190 11. As a judge I must acknowledge the tribunal as sacred as God’s temple, with impartiality in judgement, being blind to bribes, mingling pity with threatening and mercy, doing right to both poor and rich, not favouring kindred, and studying piety as well as justice.191 12. As a client not bearing any wrath or malice towards those taking us to court, this is to avoid litigiousness, the great enemy of Christianity.192 13. Schoolmasters and scholars do not exercise themselves unto Godliness if a child is not trained up in the way they should go, neglecting to teach them how to behave towards their neighbour and God. Amid the follies and stubbornness of youth, the tares must be choked before ruining the good seed.193 14. If rich, I must recognise I am God’s steward, neither oppressing the poor nor making a friend of the Mammon of Unrighteousness. I should learn humility in my plenty. This includes ensuring pensions for the poor and laying up for the future, being ambitious for the riches of grace in seeking the kingdom of God, knowing that in the Lord our labour is not in vain.194 15. As a great man or a man of Gentle and Noble extract: I should mind things great and generous, loving God with zeal and fervency, preferring the spiritual riches of grace. This was how Abraham forsook his own country, and Moses the court of Pharaoh, and this was seen in the sacrifices of the martyrs, looking to the vast company of heaven.195

44  Anthony Horneck: The Happy Ascetick As a common man to exercise myself unto Godliness means being just in all dealings in simplicity and godly sincerity, living with a sense of God’s mercy, and being honest in my trade or calling. Compared with the Pharisee’s pride, and Alexander’s boasts of his conquests in Persia, the one who faithfully discharges his duties is greater.196 Exercise XI To resist all sorts of temptations Temptations may be necessary; Horneck describes the several circumstances which lead to temptations which cannot be dispersed by the fainthearted, for this requires boldness, as it did for the young Hilarion troubled with unclean thoughts.197 Here Horneck describes temptations: 1. Such as are levelled against our venturing upon the power of Godliness, in which the Devil is content we should play on the outsides of religion, in the suburbs of Devotion. 2. Such as are levelled against our holding out in seriousness or continuance in it. Horneck here recounts the tale from the desert fathers of the ­Devil’s servants charged to inflict mischief on the world. The servants reported overturning merchant ships at sea with men and goods lost, another trying to set a city on fire (reminiscent of the Great Fire of 1666), another tempted men to fornication on the part of the Black Empire for forty years, who is commended rather than punished like the rest. In this case, a sincere believer can be made weary of his heavenly-mindedness.198 As pirates do not meddle with poor fishing boats but with richly laden ships, so the Devil sees man laden with alms and prayers and other virtues and seeks to steal this treasure, as Chrysostom explained,199 only the rich weighed down with wealth need fear; the holier men are, the more they can expect the Devil’s assaults, 200 To resist these temptations Horneck proposes:

1.  In arming ourselves with the Word of God. 2.  In praying for help and assistance from above against such assaults. 3.  In getting others to pray for us and counsel us. 4.  I n being more cautious for the future, in case the temptation does prevail. 201

1. In arming ourselves with the Word of God: With this sword, Christ cut the Devil’s temptations, with this shield the apostles weathered the fiercest tempests, with this helmet the saints blunted his sharpest arrows, as may be

Anthony Horneck: The Happy Ascetick  45 seen with Paula whose crosses and disappointments, temptations and grief in her resistance Jerome described. 202 2. In praying against temptations; this has been part of this exercise in all ages. This is Christ’s command (Matt. 26.41). Temptations dissolve by the invocation of God’s Spirit, like wax before the fire or flies which do not settle on the pot. According to Pimenius, ‘temptations fix not on the man whose heart is enflamed by earnest prayer.’203 We should resort to prayer when evil thoughts arise, asking for help to overcome temptations. 204 3. In getting others to pray for us. Should a good man pray for us, we join our prayers with his. Horneck illustrates this with an account from the desert fathers of a brother beset with a spirit of fornication who consulted a senior monk who prays for him but demands that they both pray. 205 As the Devil prevented the innermost thoughts of the heart from being revealed, this may be countered by the advice and counsel of a faithful minister of the Gospel. In this Horneck transposed the incident from the monastic context to a secular pastoral one. He continued to use Ruffinus’ text to recommend prayerful support for one assaulted with blasphemous thoughts. 206 4. In rising again, and being more cautious for the future, in case a temptation doth prevail: If we fall we ought to get up again swiftly and make firm resolutions as Peter did in spite of Herod, the high priests, and the Sadducees. Horneck refers to Gregory of Nazianzen’s letter of rules to Caesarius persuading him to resist the offer of preferment from Emperor Julian and to forsake the court for a lowlier condition. 207 Likewise, Ecebolius who accepted Julian’s offer to desert but regrets it and repents. 208 Here Horneck includes an extended passage from Revelation describing all that awaits the blessed. 209 Moses Corduero and the Kabbala are invoked with a text from Ezekiel to confirm that for the righteous who commit iniquity there is no way back and they will be erased from memory. 210 This exercise concludes with advice from the desert mother Synclectica on the sufferings Christians may endure, and the advantages gained from them. 211 Exercise XII To stand in awe of God, when we are alone, and no creature sees us While it might be expected that in our solitude we might behave decently before God, we will be called to account for both secret and open sins, when every prayer will be a witness against us, for not to fear God when we are alone is not to fear him at all. This exercise is a long exposition of living before the divine presence and the spiritual realities which should affect our behaviour, again from Synclectica. 212

46  Anthony Horneck: The Happy Ascetick Exercise XIII To do all things to God’s glory Horneck excluded any idea that anyone could sin to God’s glory, even if there were examples of admirable conversions. Rather he suggests recognizing those things that have a natural goodness in them: 1.  In giving thanks for every blessing we enjoy 2. In doing all things, whether civil or religious, with a good and holy design, or with an intent to promote God’s glory. 213 1. In giving thanks for every blessing we enjoy, taking care to ascribe any mercy not to secondary causes such as our own wisdom and industry, or to friends. 214 2. To do all things, whether civil or religious, with a good and holy design, and with an intent to promote God’s glory, giving a true purpose to every action. 215 Christ’s interests must become our chief interest, for we are not a complete Christian till God becomes all in all to us.216 God makes everything profitable to us, for our creation as a little lower than the angels is for God’s glory. Even our crosses may advance this, whether the way which glorifies God is smooth or uneasy, just as a patient desires health whatever the means used for that end.217 Religion is to be the highest care of our souls. This leads Horneck to sublime flights concerning the creation and the place of humankind in the world as an angelical being given charge over all things in the noble lower place of the world, with an eternal inheritance. Most of all, through the offering of Christ we could attain heaven and our prayers and alms may be rewarded with blessings. We should then learn to see God in all things and seek his praise. 218 Exercise XIV To stir up and exercise our graces as we have occasion Here Horneck encourages his readers to ‘become eminent in those virtues, the seeds whereof lie scattered in our souls.’219 Faith engages us to a readiness to die with the martyrs for we may be called to seal the truth with our own blood. This means calming the passions to quiet and serenity. Horneck lists a considerable catalogue of human contexts220 from which point the virtues are expounded. In loving God we must blow the fire into flames, embracing mean and painful things for God until we can say, ‘Hear am I, send me.’ This leads to wishing with the Song of Songs ‘let him kiss me with the kisses of his lips, for his love is better than wine.’221 Christ’s example leads us to peace and pardon, and the mortification of our lusts.222 Further examples include Gregory the Great who entertained strangers, 223 St Louis of France who visited hospitals and ministered to the sick, 224 and

Anthony Horneck: The Happy Ascetick  47 the lady mentioned by Cassian who gave hospitality to a choleric and difficult woman. 225 This concludes with the gifts and graces of the Christian community which lead us into the fullness of Christ. 226 Exercise XV Every night before we go to bed, to call ourselves to an account for the actions of the day, and examine our hearts, and lives, how we have discharged our duty towards God and towards man This exercise is the life of all the rest. Self-examination was not something men habitually practiced. Here it is likened to a merchant accounting at the end of the day or someone trying out oxen or horses they have acquired. This is done with sheep and oxen, but we pay less attention to considering our own souls. This is supported with a line from Persius’ Satires. 227 Every good man who is conscious of offending God practices this self-examination, as did David and Isaac. 228 This was the daily practice under the Pythagorean discipline. 229 This is followed by several classical writers, quoting directly from Seneca to confirm that this kind of self-reflection was an ancient practice, 230 as developed by Anthony, 231 and somewhat curiously Zenon’s directive to hold live coals to taste the tortures of hell. Jews may wear phylacteries as amulets against sins and to preserve virtue. 232 Only daily self-examination discovers our particular offences and reveals the magnitude and depth of our sins. Communing with our own heart is the best preservative against the infection of sin. 233 Horneck then directed how this should be done: 1. Let it not be done lightly or superficially. This self-examination done in a slovenly manner might just as well not be done at all. This required an account of sins of omission as well as those committed. 234 2. When you go about it, go about it willingly and cheerfully, not like men that seem angry with God, for laying such a yoak upon the neck of his disciples. The devil may seek to persuade us that this method has not been used by many saints, or that we should perform it at night when sleep will overcome us, but all his objections must be resisted. 3. Let it be done with an intent to be better. This should not be a nightly formality, but with an eye to being more cautious of sinning, as a garden is to be cultivated so that it brings forth herbs, flowers, and plants. 235 4. Let it be done with some aggravation of the defects and errors of your lives. Our neglects and effects will show their true immensity when we see them in the light of the opportunities and the gifts and abilities

48  Anthony Horneck: The Happy Ascetick bestowed upon us. Our hearts will love God more fervently in running the way of his commandments. 236 5. Those that have families, let them by all means exhort their children and servants to this exercise. Those I mean which are capable of it. We may entice them to it by rewards and promises until they are accustomed to it. Walking within one’s house with a perfect heart was David’s qualification for a housekeeper, (Ps.101). 6. Take such a method as this daily self-examination, as is most easie and natural. This can be done by direct contemplation of our inner and outer selves, or using the Decalogue or the Sermon on the Mount as a rule, which is illustrated by several methods. 1. Questions proposed at night; Horneck lists, somewhat predictably, each self-consideration by the faculties: The Ear: Have I heard immodest unsavoury expressions or my neighbour ill spoken of? On the Lord’s Day have I heard the Word with seriousness, and was my heart affected with the message of grace and pardon? Did I prepare for hearing the Word, and was my heart ravished with the news of Christ’s redemption and my soul affected with the love of God at receiving the sacrament?237 The Eye: Have I lifted mine eyes to heaven or fed them with some unlawful spectacle? Have I seen men sin and laughed at it? Have I admired such vanity? Have I read a portion of scripture and applied it to my own conscience? Have I been inflamed by the goodness of men of whom I have read?238 The Tongue and the Lips: Have I spoken evil of anyone today? Have I been careful to ‘drop something of God’ into company? Have I spoken proudly to someone poor or disdained him because he is in rags? Have I avoided foolish talk, been ambitious of being witty rather than grave?239 The Hands and Feet: Have I been diligent in the duties of my calling? Have I cared more about the face I show to others than how I am to God? Have I lost something of religion in my society, and spent time in idleness, rather than on how I might spend it in eternity?240 The Mind: Have I sought to dispossess my mind of evil thoughts, and recalled pious and spiritual reflections, or wandered in worldly thoughts at prayer? Have I considered God’s greatness, goodness, majesty and holiness?241 The Conscience: Have I been conscious of the least sins, and discharged my duties to relations and done as I should for them? Have I considered the sins of others as well as my own?242 The Passions and Affections: Have I given in to pride and anger, been angry without cause, or given others ‘ill language’? Have I said in wrath something I regretted, or mistrusted God’s providence?

Anthony Horneck: The Happy Ascetick  49 These are questions Horneck suggests we put to our hearts taking both the inward and outward man into consideration. 243 2. Making the Ten Commandments our rule: First commandment: Have I confided more in the creature rather than the creator, or despised God by rejecting some movement of the Holy Spirit? Have I lived today as one not believing the promises and threatenings of God?244 Second commandment: Have I feared God today rather than men, being cautious of offending him, obeying him in sincerity? Have I been hypocritical, desired to be more than to seem good? Third commandment: Have I neglected any opportunity of giving advice and counsel to relations? Have I shunned discourses of God and holiness, or neglected the gifts of God and betrayed Christ’s cause by luke-warmness, neglected my duty to pray, or begged him for things contrary to his will?245 Fourth commandment: Respecting the Lord’s day, have I gone with joy into the house of God, heard the Word and treasured it in my heart, aiming at informing my judgement rather than warming my affections? Have I stayed away from public worship? When I received the sacrament were my thoughts on the cross of Christ and the mystery of God’s love? Did the sight of Christ crucified grieve me and fill me with indignation at my sins and resolving to imitate him in holiness? Do I respect God’s ministers, being kind and just to them and those who labour in God’s vineyard?246 Fifth commandment: Have I acted this day as a Father, as a Mother...? (here Horneck proceeds through several different roles and vocations) asking if each has been faithful in that which was commanded them by the Holy Ghost. Have I been negligent in providing for my family or spent time in idleness rather than working in my calling?247 Sixth commandment: Have I been just in my dealings, hurt anybody in word or deed, moderated my anger, reconciled to those who offended me? (Here Horneck details relationships with neighbours and friends). 248 Seventh commandment: Have I maintained charity, watched over my thoughts, inclinations and desires, abhorring impure communications and actions? Have I been moderate in eating, drinking, recreation, clothing and desires for outward comforts?249 Eighth commandment: Have I come justly by those things gained today,? Have I wronged or deceived my neighbour, been covetous or prodigal, disregarding the poor while adorning my back and feeding myself? Ninth commandment: Have I spoken nothing but truth today performing what I promised to God or man? Have I sought to cheat my

50  Anthony Horneck: The Happy Ascetick neighbour, been open and candid in dealings, betrayed a friend’s secret, wavering in asserting the truth, ready to censure others?250 Tenth commandment: Have I been contented with what God allotted me in this world or grumbled that God has not provided well for me? Have I wished I were rich, or like such a rich man?251 3. In the same manner, Christ’s Sermon on the Mount may be laid before us: Have I exercised poverty of spirit, entertaining low and humble conceits of myself? Here Horneck details relationships with neighbours, the promotion of peace, love, and kindness, giving counsel, reconciliation, and duty in behaviour to enemies. This includes: concerning remembering injustices, doing more than others, not boasting of charity in giving alms, breaking off from prayer to meet the concerns of others, and fasting. 252 Some Christians are so watchful as to conduct this self-examination wherever they go, and therefore they need not use this process morning or evening. 253 Horneck inserts here a series of direct questions in later editions: 1. What company have I been in today, and what was my discourse and behaviour? 2. What good have I have done today, either to my own soul, or to others? 3. What goods have I entertained? 4. How have I managed my devotions? 5. Have I said or done anything whereby either God or man might justly be offended?254 This rational exercise is: 1. A profitable work, it profits our souls, it acquaints us with ourselves, as we are acquainted with our estates, houses, and other possessions. By this exercise we come to know what is in us, what holiness, joy, peace we have and what we must pray against, and where our weakness lies. 255 It is more profitable to know oneself than to know the motions of the stars or the sun for knowing ourselves we may know God and have eternal life in Christ. 256 Self-knowledge was regarded among the heathen as illustrated in the philosophers Chilon and Thales; 257 this is concluded with advice on meditation and contemplation from Bernard of Clairvaux’s De Consideratione.258 2. Where men are just and commune with their own hearts, the Word of God falls into good ground, (2 Chron. 34.27). Self-examination reveals a tender-heartedness in those who follow the Lamb wheresoever he goes. 259 3. Men are dissuaded from this exercise for the devil hinders them, as under Nero some said that the Christian religion must be good and wholesome

Anthony Horneck: The Happy Ascetick  51 since such a monster persecuted it, so self-examination must be excellent since so many impediments are thrown up against it. 260 4. Happy the one who is not afraid to recognise his own deformity in a glass. Judging ourselves every day we gain new light and affections, and we may stand fearless at the last judgement. 261 These exercises do not permit us to rest in any form of Godliness, for Christianity is no idle calling as Horneck warned from Chrysostom, a Christian must not look for rest here. 262 These exercises are the true business of the world above all other, for God looks more favourably on the busy soul than the one in ease and idleness. These exercises admit us to friendship with the Infinite Majesty of heaven. (Ps.25.14). God’s goodness is the fountain of life, the hiding place of the holy soul, a bed softer to lie upon than the Sybarite upon a bed of roses.263 They will not want a friend in adversity for God will be their friend. 264 This was an honour given to all the saints, in which God relieved them even when they suffered want.265 There follows an extensive description of the attributes of God and how these relate to those who have God as a friend.266 Horneck notes what valiant acts have been performed in the Olympic Games, from which ‘exercise unto Godliness’ takes its name. In these, our own exercises, the Holy, Blessed, and Glorious Trinity is a spectator. The Father applauds the attempt, the Son is present to encourage, the Holy Ghost is present to crown it, together with myriads of angels. 267 The one who day and night exercises himself unto Godliness, rests upon the down of angels, on the breast of Jesus, in the bosom of everlasting mercy. 268 Careless men are more frightened by these exercises, but without them, there is no rest, no peace, and we should expect grief and trouble. There follows an extended description of the benefits of the blessed. 269 Horneck gives examples of shepherds and ordinary men who have become great lords, but these are nothing compared to the humble soul, the laborious saint, the self-denying Christian. 270 (At this point Wesley ended his abridgement for his Christian Library) Horneck here refers to Basil and his comment on the young Heracles who, torn between vice and virtue in the form of two women, one promising to fulfil all sensual desires, the other wearing rags standing before a scene of triumph, chose to follow the latter.271 As Jason fought his way through serpents and wild bulls to obtain the golden fleece, so for the man who exercises himself unto Godliness, the years waiting for Rachel seem but days.272 Up to this point, Horneck has delineated ‘the ordinary, constant and daily exercises of a Christian.’ From this point, he turns to the ‘extraordinary’ exercises, which are 1. Vowing, 2. Fasting, 3. Watching, 4. Self-revenge. 273 These are extraordinary as they are to be used infrequently. To make them daily exercises would obstruct the soul. Using severities upon ourselves is sometimes considered necessary since our bodies are enemies to

52  Anthony Horneck: The Happy Ascetick our souls, for the more our bodies are denied the more free is the soul.274 Lay people must accept the guidance of serious and able ministers, who having the power of Godliness should rejoice at the work. At this point Horneck sought to defend himself against the supposition that he is commending Catholic usages and practices; rather he is redeeming them for their proper purpose: I do not deny, but that these exercises have been, and are abused in the Church of Rome, but shall their perverting the primitive institution, make us regardless of duty? And because they go beyond the just bounds of these severities, must they therefore be quite laid aside and despised as useless? 275 In each of these extraordinary exercises, Horneck laid down certain rules to free souls from what he calls ‘will worship’, superstition, or sinful voluntary humility. These were for the more advanced seeker after holiness, and they draw increasingly upon monastic writings more than the ‘ordinary’ exercises. Extraordinary exercise I: making vows An exercise used and practised by the saints before and under the Law, and under the Gospel. A vow is a deliberate and solemn promise to Almighty God of all things lawful and possible and to make vows is as lawful now as it was in the days of Moses, nor does any command of the Gospel forbid such engagements. 276 Horneck reveals an anti-Catholic sense when he suggested that vowing is not an appendix of Ceremonial Worship, but a dictate of the law of nature. To direct readers in this exercise Horneck intended to show: 1. 2. 3. 4.

When and upon what occasions such vows may and must be made What rules must be observed in the making. Incourage him to the making of them. Enforce the obligation to keep them after they are made. 277

1. When and upon what occasions such vows may and must be made: I. In time of great trouble and necessity, I will go into thy house with burnt-offerings, I will pay thee my vows which my lips have utter’d and my mouth has spoken, when I was in trouble. (Ps.66.13,14). Horneck follows this with examples: Jacob entered into a vow to consecrate the tenth part of his income to God (Gen. 28.20) Alban the British king vowed the tenth part of all his goods to God, when assaulted by the Normans278 The children of Israel: Num. 21.2 ‘If thou wilt deliver this people into my hands, then I will utterly destroy their cities.’

Anthony Horneck: The Happy Ascetick  53 Clodoveus the French king justly vowed when oppressed by the Almaines, if God would give him victory he would become a Christian. 279 A Christian may vow in sickness to keep the day of his deliverance if made well, yet as Diagoras commented, God may not grant the desired mercy because it would lead the petitioner into dissoluteness, or because he intends better things for them. 280 I I. After some signal deliverance from danger and calamity. To make a vow after such calamity is natural as it was for Jonah (­Jonah 1.16), and we can do no less in thanksgiving for the divine mercy. Making such a vow or praying seven times a day cannot but be pleasing to God, and we may add to this visiting the sick, the widow and the fatherless, shunning occasions of evil, and raising children in the principles of religion. 281 I II. When some strong corruption is to be subdu’d, and an easie matter will not make it yield: When we relapse into sin and gentle remedies are not sufficient, we require stronger medicine. Adulterers and fornicators may break their habit by vowing, whereas it is not so safe against sins of infirmity, but doing something irksome to the flesh may act as a preventative measure.282 I V. When we find a backwardness, or unwillingness upon our spirits to do a duty we find commanded, or are put upon by the secret instigations of our consciences. Those who are loath to pray three times a day must vow to do so, likewise anyone finding it difficult to do good to someone who has wronged then must vow to God to do it; if he is lacking in hospitality he may open his house and heart to friend and stranger. 283 2. The rules that are fit to be taken notice of in this exercise, are these following: I. These vows are not be made to saints. Here Horneck makes a very Protestant point: a Vow is a Religious Wor­ship, and therefore to be given to none, but God. Among the Papists, it’s true, such Vows are common, but we have not so learn’d Christ, nor did antiquity al­low this profanation; and though Mar­cellina, St. Ambrose’s Sister seems to have made a Vow to St. Laurence for her Bro­ther Satyrus’s good Voyage; yet do the words used by St. Ambrose, who relates the Story, import no such thing, for he tells his Sister, that by her Vows at St. Laurence the Martyr’s, her Brothers safety was procured, and those Vows might be Vows to God made in St. Lau­rence’s Church or oratory, where the bones of St. Laurence were buried, it is not necessary, to conclude, that the Vow was made to the Saint.

54  Anthony Horneck: The Happy Ascetick

I I.

I II.

I V.

V.

Horneck cited this from the Annales Ecclesiastici 284 from the volume originally published in 1583,1594. It is likely he was using the edition published in Antwerp. He cites examples to illustrate that vows made to saints do not make them more lawful: Chosroes, King of Persia vowed to St. Sergius, 285 King Pepin vowed to St. Suibert, 286 and Otho the Great vowed to St. Laurence. 287 These vows must be serious. What is vowed to God is not to be slight or trivial. A vow should be accompanied with prayer for God’s help, vow and prayer being the same word in Greek (ευχη). Horneck supports this with a quotation from the Mishnah, 288 citing Plutarch concerning the man who vowed to throw himself off a precipice and changed his mind, 289 and the philosophers who abstained from wine and their wives, serving God in continence. 290 In these vows, limitations should be added to free the mind from scruples afterwards. Here Horneck advocates setting aside a monthly day for fasting and prayer so that in times of sickness or danger to life we remain untroubled; again, Horneck cites the Mishnah, 291 and points to the unfortunate but obligatory vow of Jephthah (Judges 11.30,31,39). 292 When such vows are made it is fitting we should write them down in a book. Horneck states that Roman soldiers, when they went to war made vows and wrote them on tablets, fastening them to the city gates for their return. Writing vows makes them to be remembered and accessible, and gives us the zeal to perform them, which affects our happiness, for this reason primitive Christians set up ex voto boards and cloths in church. The end of these vows must be God’s honour and glory. Vows are not intended for us to live with greater liberty to sin. Here again Horneck reveals his Protestant sympathies: Such Vows as have no good ends, I am afraid are too common in the Church of Rome, where Men by Vowing to go in Pilgrimage to such a Saints Shrine, or to Jerusalem, or to such a Chappel of our Blessed Lady, think they purchase a prerogative or priviledge to continue in those darling Sins their Profit or Pleasure doth consist in, or to neglect some greater and weightier matter of the Law, and though this is call’d by their Votaries, seeking Gods Glory, yet whatever doth tend to the advancement, or cherishing of any sin, cannot possibly tend to God’s Glory, let men’s pretences be what they will. 293 The aim of these vows must be the destruction of the body of sin.

Anthony Horneck: The Happy Ascetick  55 V I. Commutations and dispensations of vows must be slighted as things alien from true religion. Horneck indicates that such commutations are common in the Roman Church where a vow may be changed or an easier task substituted for it, but these are falsifications of a binding vow to God. The original vow may be changed by repentance, not commutation. God’s right cannot be given away by dispensation nor can the Pope dispense from them.294 Horneck cites a number of Catholic authors whom he omitted in his second edition;295 he turns to the Mishnah to expound the Jewish perspective on laws relating to the family and to women in particular.296 3. The next thing I am to do is to exhort you to a sober, holy, and moderate use of them. 1. That this religious vowing will be a great argument of your readiness to please God. Vows are acts of resolution in which the soul expresses esteem of God’s favours, acts of devotion which show readiness to please and serve him.297 2. These religious vows are signs of the heart’s sincerity. Vows are signs that we are determined to destroy our lusts. Sincerity of heart is the mark which the Holy Ghost insists should inform our worship. 298 3. These vows put us to some streights, and are therefore the better sign that we enter into the straight gate, and walk in the narrow way that leads to life. We value the examples of the saints more than customs of the world, preferring to be guided by mortified men than the multitude.299 4. If we enter into such holy vows, let’s dread violation of them. 1. Such a violation is no less than perjury. Vows and oaths are the same thing, and Papists say the Pope can dispense from a vow (in later editions Horneck criticised the canonists and decretalists for suggesting the Pope may do this). If we violate a vow we commit perjury for we commit a crime against God.300 2. This violation of vows the idolatrous heathen dread. Men who break vows need to get themselves new gods, for their crime will not go unavenged. Horneck supports this from Stobaeus’ Anthology. 301 3. No one can be ignorant that those who violate their vows will come to a fearful end, and vengeance will follow them. Those who have turned a deaf ear to the Gospel suffer the consequences as Judas did.302 4. This violation of vows challenges God’s vengeance as if he dare not, or could not punish us. Such sins tarnish God’s honour and prerogative. This may make men so afraid of breaking vows that they venture to keep rash and inconsiderate ones.303

56  Anthony Horneck: The Happy Ascetick 5. If we are unfaithful to God how shall we keep faith with men? Horneck appeals to the example of Constantius, father of Constantine.304 6. How can God believe us when after violation of our vows we need his pity? After the violation of our vows, God may deny us the grace we beg and give us up for making light of God’s purity and holiness when we stand in need of him. 305 This is followed by a passage from Augustine’s letter to Paulinus (in fact the letter to Armenius and Paulina): Having once Vow’d, thou art no more thine own Master, and thou darest not do otherwise; if thou do not what thou hast Promised, thou art infinitely worse than thou wert, before thou didst Vow. Thou hadst not then been worse, but only less holy, but if thou break’st thy Word with God, thou art more wretched, and miserable; and therefore how much happier wilt thou be, if thou performest it.306 Extraordinary exercise II: fasting Horneck cites the scriptural warrant for this, and describes fasting as abstinence from all pleasant food. Fasts are public, ordered by the civil magistrate or the church to prevent a general judgement or to commemorate a calamity, a view supported by Tertullian.307 A Christian is obliged to embrace cheerfully public humiliations, but fasts are also to be observed at home, a practice of longstanding in the Church. Fasts were observed by the Jewish Church under Moses, in particular fasts were held during the destruction of Jerusalem, the Jews instituted four Solemn Anniversary Fasts.308 This marked the point at which separated communities began: This Devotion, as Men among the Jews began to separate themselves from their Neighbours into Societies, and Orders, and undertook to lead a stricter life then the Croud, so it increas’d signally, and Fasting became a Characteristick Note of Men, eminently Religious.309 Christians were not to be outdone by the Pharisees, they fasted on Wednesdays when the Jews took counsel against Christ, and Fridays, the day of his crucifixion. Tertullian marked these stational days, so-called from military watching in all weathers, when they fasted until the ninth hour (3pm), calling them in his Montanist days ‘half fasts’, during which days they lay prostrate in prayer.310 Horneck viewed fasting as a defining issue: And indeed, about this time, the Discipline of Fasting became so rigorous, that Men brake into Schisms, and divided from the Church, not about Points of Doctrine, as they do now, but about strictness of Life, and Vied one with the other in Fasting, and Abstinence. 311

Anthony Horneck: The Happy Ascetick  57 Christians prepared for the Quadragesimal or Lenten fast while Montanists jeered at them for fasting only on Good Friday and Holy Saturday;312 not to be outdone the fast period developed to forty days. 313 Augustine believed the apostles set no specific time for fasting and that practice was variable. Horneck gives a short overview of how fasting developed from the third to the fifth centuries, from St Basil, 314 St. Jerome’s lives of St. Hilarion and St. Paul the Hermit, and St Augustine on the strictness of many Christians in their fasting.315 This is followed by a brief excursus on the great feats of fasting and abstinence of the desert fathers and mothers.316 Following their example, we should not be ashamed to exercise religious abstinence. To this end Horneck examined: 1. The time and occasion when this exercise is most proper 2. How it must be managed 3. What it is that makes it necessary.

1.  Of the time and occasion The guide for this is scripture and the example of the saints. I. When we lie under some temporal afflictions. or when assailed by the malice, hatred, or ill will of others, abstinence and humiliations prevail with the Deity.317 I I. When any of our friends or relatives or neighbours fall into more than ordinary trouble. Fasting expresses our compassion, we should not selfishly ask God’s mercy for ourselves rather than for others. I II. When we would be rid of any inordinate lust or affection. Fasting weakens the body and also such lusts as are enemies to our souls (1Peter.2.11). Just as a general cuts off supplies when taking a town, so famine must be brought upon our lusts, as Moses said in Ruffinus.318 I V. When we stand in need of grace, or of some other virtuous habit, or of some conquest of some particular temptation. This Horneck underlines with the proverb ‘to the industrious God denies nothing’. 319 ­David learned contentedness in adversity, and would not drink the water brought to him. (2 Sam. 23) and the Pythagoreans set an example by refusing to eat from a well-supplied table.320 V. W hen we undertake any great work or office it is fitting to consecrate it with a fast, as Christ did (Matt. 4.1) and Paul and Barnabas (Acts 13.3), as even the heathen did in the cults of Isis and Jupiter and as among the Indian philosophers and Ampharians (fish-eaters) who abstained from flesh. In his first edition, Horneck referred to Tertullian, replacing this with Herodotus in later editions.321 V I. W hen the Church of God is groaning under persecution or some other grievous oppression.

58  Anthony Horneck: The Happy Ascetick Cyprian fasted when the church was attacked by pagans; a member of the church should burn when the church burns, recognising the relationship of the Christian to the Mystical Body.322 V II.  When a sinner first turns from his evil ways. Nothing more beautifies the soul than abstinence, confessing our demerit lest God deprive us of the Holy Spirit. V III. W here a man hath been guilty of some notorious sin, as murder, adultery, fornication, oppression, blasphemy, atheism etc. It is fitting he should fast, understanding the dreadfulness of his sin and the infinite patience of God.323

2.  How this exercise must be managed 1. In such fasts there must be a forbearing of all meat and drink. Eating fish instead of meat will not suffice, exchanging one delicacy for another as Papists do while not eating broth, eggs or flesh makes their fasts a mockery. The antient Christians indeed used their ξηροφαγίαί, sometimes in their Fasts, especially in the week before Easter. Such abstinence from pleasant food is not to play the epicure with wine and fish rather than the hermit.324 2. These fasts must not be broken till the evening. Grecians and Coptic Christians seldom extend fasting beyond three or four o’clock and usually break them after evening prayer. This the primitive Christians did on Wednesdays and Fridays, yet their other fasts continued until sunset and longer.325 3. In such fasts our particular sins and neglects must be thought upon, confessed, lamented, aggravated, and deplored, which leads to hatred of ourselves, mourning and weeping. (Zech. 7.3)326 4. In such fasts deprecations must be made for the nation we live in and indeed for all mankind. This should lead us to tenderness and compassion, pitying our neighbours, relations, and acquaintances who are equally liable to God’s anger.327 5. In such fasts, the word of God must be diligently read with great attention, in particular the threatenings of God in scripture and his commands which we have neglected.328 6. With these devotions in such fasts praises of God may be mingled now and then. The day may be divided into four parts: confession of sin, reading the word of God, thanksgiving and praising, begging spiritual and temporal blessings. (Neh. 9.1–3).329 7. In such fasts, holy, serious, and gracious thoughts are absolutely necessary. We may have such thoughts suitable to our mortifications when

Anthony Horneck: The Happy Ascetick  59 not reading or praying but walking, fixing our eyes on heaven and God’s vengeance and justice. 8. Alms and works of charity must accompany such fasts (Is. 58.6,7) In such fasts we beg considerable alms of God (Luke 6.38) remembering that the merciful shall obtain mercy.330 9. In such fasts, we must have no ill designs. Whoever is involved in intrigue may practice fasting and humiliation to earn others’ good opinion but makes God his enemy. Fasting does not excuse sin nor will abstinence be a cloak for unlawful desires. 331 10. In these fasts new resolutions must be made, against those sins we find ourselves inclined to. Without this, our fasts are a cold formality and we do not fast to God. Defectiveness in any duty must lead to new resolutions to be more watchful. This is to renew our covenant with God (2 Chron. 15.12,15).332 11. Our interests in such fasts must be to fit ourselves for the influences of God’s Spirit. The Christians of old had a plentiful portion of God’s Spirit for they exercised great temperance and abstinence as did John the Baptist and as Anna served God with fasting (Luke 2.37).333 12. That these fasts must be frequent. To fast once or twice a year on account of devotion is to do more than the profane but not more than hypocrites. Frequent study makes men scholars and frequency of speaking makes masters of language, as frequent touching of strings makes a good lutenist; repeating this exercise often will enable the soul to thrive. Those who have more time may take the first Christians for their pattern, and exercise themselves once or twice a week in such abstinence.334 13. When we fast care must be not to despise others that do not. Every man stands or falls to his own master, and knowing not others reasons we must not judge them as profane, these stricter rules may acquaint them with their duty.335 14. Those that are under the yoak as servants, or apprentices, and are desirous of this exercise, must take such days as their masters and superiors will allow, Horneck then summarised the rules on fasting: The Eastern Church heretofore made it a crime to fast on Saturday, or on the Sabbath day, except the great Saturday before Easter, yet the Western Church ventured it; and what was a Festival in the East, was a Humiliation day in the West, and no doubt, they had their different reasons for it, as the Eastern Church made it a Festival to oppose the Heresie of Marcion, who fasted that day; so the Western made it a day of Humiliation, because the Disciples of our Lord were overwhelmed with grief and sorrow that day, for the loss of their Master. Although the Lord’s day and other days are festivals, it is not unusual to use these for fasting.336

60  Anthony Horneck: The Happy Ascetick 15. Those who are masters of their time, and have the liberty to choose what days they think fit for this exercise, may use them together with their private devotions, or may be present at the public prayers of the Church. Such public devotions keep private prayers warm as one hand washes the other, the private fitting the soul for the public, the public helping the return to private confession and prayers.337 16. When at night we break our fast we should be very moderate in eating and drinking, lest with the severities of the day we forget our resolutions of better obedience. Horneck recalled a passage from Procopius on how Justinian led a severe life of abstinence.338

3. Having laid down these rules, the third particular I promised to offer for your consideration Here Horneck refers to the practices of the Eastern and Western Churches: The Grecians at this day, scarce take us, who call ourselves Protestants for Christians, because we fast so little, thinking it impossible to be followers of the Primitive Church, and not to imitate them in this Exercise. This was practised only occasionally among some Protestants who seemed to know little of the ancient church. As for Catholics: the Roman Church hath miserably perverted the use of it…. most certainly, this exercise is a Christian exercise, in despight of all those abuses, and was practised in the antient Church, as surely as the present Church of Rome is departed from that antient way of holiness.339 Not many seek the Lord by a solemn fast; for a while, they have a high esteem of religion but do not think their soul is worth any abstinence.340 Lazy and careless Christians ought to consider Christ’s death and Passion, for they cannot be partakers of the divine nature or find grace without such mortifications, or reach the degree of God’s favour granted to the saints of old.341 1. By eating we are lost and by fasting we must recover. (Gen.2.17) Want of fasting brought trouble and anguish into the world.342 2. Fasting, we imitate the holy angels praising God day and night whose food is God’s countenance. Here Horneck makes a distinction: When I say we imitate them, I press no such imitation, as that Monk pretended to, that would needs live like the Angels of God, and went into a barren Wilderness, taking no provision with him, believing that God would feed him without a Metaphor with Angels Food, but finding after a few days, that for want of convenient Food, he was ready to faint and die away, he returned to his friends again, and one of them hearing him knock, and calling, open the door, for I am such a one. It’s impossible, said his

Anthony Horneck: The Happy Ascetick  61 friend, for such a one is become an Angel, if thou art an Angel, what dost thou stand knocking here for? But he continued knocking confested his weakness, and begg’d of him to let him in, and give him somewhat to support nature, and that he might recover strength. 343

3. 4. 5.

6.

Horneck did not recommend imitation of this, although fasting fits us for divine contemplation. Frequent fasting will preserve a better health, for by this God heals the inward and the outward man and keeps us even-headed. Hermits lived so long because of their frequent fasting.344 Neglecting this exercise pleases the devil who tempts men, By fasting, he is expelled, his power weakened, and temptations lose their sting.345 The heathen may shame us in the last day, for Epicurus lived on bread, water, and apples and Pythagoras commended a slight and slender diet. Jerome referred to the temperance and diet of heathen writers, Saturn, Cyrus, the ancient priests of Egypt, and the Persian magi; they may witness against us some day unless we take fasting and abstinence seriously.346 The power of this exercise with God has sometimes wrought miracles; examples are Elijah who worked miracles when fasting, concluding with Pseudo-Augustine’s sermons for hermits, 347 and Ambrose on the excellence of abstinence.348

Extraordinary Exercise III: watching This is an exercise commanded and recommended in scripture; the absence of sleep, staying awake for devotions, the vigils of the primitive church. Such mental and corporal watching includes the corporal as recommended by John Chrysostom, for the night is well suited to such exercises.349 There follows a parade of those in scripture who exercised night devotions.350 Nocturnal devotions were practised by the heathen, which although profane, was a religious duty.351 Christians exercised vigils as illustrated from Pliny on the worship of the early Christians, and Tertullian on their ‘lamp devotions’.352 The practice of praying the hours is explained with reference to Epiphanius, Jerome, and Chrysostom.353 These night-devotions were in process of time performed in this order. 1. When day-light was shut in. 2. When they were going to bed. 3. At midnight. 4. By break of day; hence it is, that St. Jerome bids Eustochium rise twice or thrice, out of her bed at night to Prayer, and these four hours of Prayer at night joined, with the three hours in the day, made up that ordinary Devotion which they undertook in imitation of Holy David; Seven times a day do I praise thee, because of thy Rigteous Judgments, Ps. 119. 164. for they pray’d at nine of the clock in the morning, because then the Holy Ghost descended upon the Apostles, at

62  Anthony Horneck: The Happy Ascetick twelve of the Clock at noon, because then the Son of God was crucified, and at three of the Clock in the afternoon, because then Christ gave up the Ghost. Horneck suggests the heathen called Christians ‘owls’ as they shunned the daylight. Love for their creator and redeemer made Christians watch and pray, although their night-time assemblies were abused when made a cover for lascivious encounters. Women were particularly forbidden to attend such meetings by the Synod of Elvira (c.305–306).354 Somewhat predictably, in his analysis of early Christian devotion Horneck refers here to the akoimetai, the ‘unsleeping ones’: whence it came to pass that in the succeeding ages, they went so far, as to institute Societies of men, which they call’d ἀκοίμητος or men that never slept, who relieving one another, sung praises to God day and night without any intermission or interruption; For as soon as one company had done, another began, and thus they represented Heaven, and the Joys of Angels here on Earth.355 Zeal for this kind of devotion might now be hard to find but we ought to imitate Christians who lived ‘in times of purest devotion’. Horneck sets out rules to revive this exercise: 1. Since there are no nightly public meetings of Christians now, such gatherings for prayer must be pursued in private homes and families. This leads to a dialogue between public and private prayer. Watching can be done on one’s own and the Church should recommend this singular exercise, ministers setting an example for others to follow, although some might call it superstition.356 2. Vigils were performed either during a greater part of the night or by rising at midnight, once a week, or according to the vigils appointed by the Church. Some have done this two or three nights each week, something which Tertullian records.357 Shorter vigils from midnight onwards may be performed nightly, particularly by single men or women, which are reasonable and not impossible. 3. Using the Psalms during vigils is recommended, something which the Emperor Theodosius practiced.358 Such night exercises drive away the tediousness of the night and turn darkness into day.359 4. These vigils or watchings may be difficult for those working during the day, but this should not be any impediment to practising them; insomniacs may dedicate their waking time to God.360 5. This exercise could be foregone if it prevented someone from fulfilling more important duties, or if weak Christians lacked the strength for it, or if a man’s wife might not approve, We should not yield to neglecting them when they promote holiness; Jerome preferred duty to family.361

Anthony Horneck: The Happy Ascetick  63 6. The one who pursues these exercises for all or part of the night must love God fervently; as Jacob was wrestling with the angel (Gen. 32.22,24). Love makes these exercises easy.362 7. These exercises are more effectual if we go to bed early – Horneck assumes the primitive church observed this rule. Tradesmen who work all hours may be unfit for this nocturnal practice but our business should be accommodated to our religion and spiritual fervour. If Euclides could consult Socrates at night, it should not be difficult for us to follow the example of Christ who rose early for prayer.363 8. This task would be easier if we persuaded a few others to join us. Here Horneck turned to Ruffinus: Those seven men, Ruffinus speaks of, who divided the night, and allotted four hours for sleeping, four for praising of God, and prayer, and four for working, and likewise the day, and appointed six for working, three for reading, and praying, three for eating, and walking, without all peradventure found great encouragement in one anothers Society, and this their order would scarce have lasted so many years as it did, if it had fallen to any single person’s lot to keep it up.364 In later editions of his work, Horneck inserted here a passage from Isaak Walton’s Life of Mr. George Herbert. This extensive quotation detailed the life of the family religious community founded at Little Gidding by Nicholas Ferrar. Walton detailed their fasts, watchings, and prayers, and their keeping of the hours and vigils in which they appeared to resemble the akoimetai. 365 There followed a curious passage concerning ostrich eggs in which Horneck drew upon a travel text on Egypt he used in several places, to describe how ostrich eggs are used near lamps in Coptic churches to remind people to be attentive and watchful in their devotion. 366 1. Horneck questioned whether this exercise, rising at night, might be too much trouble. Perhaps rising at midnight with the prospect of monetary gain might be more encouraging, yet saving one’s soul may be considered such a cheap rate, for where God sees a holy soul thirsting for him in the night he satisfies it with goodness. 2. Highwaymen and thieves rose at midnight to rob and murder the unwary traveller, as Horneck illustrates from Horace.367 Is the devil’s work worth more for watching than the service of God?368 3. Rising at midnight to praise God was an act of charity to our neighbour, for finding us awake robbers may be more reluctant to rob our neighbour, or our singing praises might deter them as the Turk was reluctant to murder an innocent infant.369 4. If we should be called away by God while praying and praising, we should be happy. (Luke 12.33,34).

64  Anthony Horneck: The Happy Ascetick The primitive Christians rose at midnight because they did not know the hour when Christ would come in judgement, as supported from Ignatius on watching, 370 and from the Gospel account of waiting for the bridegroom coming at midnight.371 1. Use of this exercise will make such watching easier, as St Teresa wrote of Peter of Alcantara who slept for only one hour and a half each night, controlling his sleep by sitting, 372 and Aristotle who held a brass ball in his hand so that if he nodded off to sleep the fall of it would waken him, something imitated by his pupil Alexander the Great. 373 Likewise Maecenas did not sleep for three years.374 2. We should moderate our eating and not let our corrupt nature crave for more, but practice moderation as did Marcellus Strategus. 375 Horneck gives a leading role in this to St. Anthony: It was St. Anthony the Hermit’s slender and simple diet, that enabled him to observe those laborious Vigils we read of, and hence it was that he used to quarrel with the Sun, when he saw him rise, for disturbing the joy and sweet communion he had with God all night, so true was that saying of Scopelianus of old: That the night is the best friend of the Soul, and participates of the Wisdom, and Glory of the Deity.376 3. Watchfulness at night can be understood by considering the practices of those before us. Horneck illustrates this from Pliny’s the cock and the lion, 377 the cockerel being an ancient symbol of vigilance, and Valerius Flaccus’ account of the dragon guarding the Golden Fleece.378 He called upon Peter Chrysologus to emphasise the watching of servants who wait for their master,379 and the tale of the Pantarba that shines in the night turning it into day.380 In the night the spirit of God’s grace and peace meets us, making the soul another Manahaim, or camp of God.381 This exercise is concluded with a translation of Nestor’s speech to Diomedes from Homer.382 Extraordinary Exercise IV: self-revenge Horneck derived this from scripture, holy revenge meaning all acts of self-denial which aid the soul to die to the world. This exercise he traces to Moses, and to the ascetic practices of the Nazirites (Numb. 6. 2–7), and to Elijah (2 Kings 1.8), illustrated by Onuphrius’ encounter with Paphnutius, whose austerities enabled him to despise the world.383 Such ascetic practices were found among the Rechabites (Jer.35.6,7). and after them among the Essenes who lived retired from the world.384 The Pharisees, took self-denial further, paying extra tithes and sleeping on ‘cylinders’ or pillows filled with straw, nails, and stone, so they often appeared emaciated and although married, they lived in continence for periods of years.385

Anthony Horneck: The Happy Ascetick  65 Christ lived poor, destitute, afflicted and homeless, and in conformity with this Horneck called to mind Nicholas the deacon (Acts 6.5) who advised his disciples to mortify the flesh παρα χρωμεθα τὰ Σάρκι to be more alive to spiritual things, and was taught by the apostle Matthias.386 If the ascetics mentioned by Philo were Christians, as Eusebius and ­Jerome supposed, Horneck suggests Mark the gospel writer may have instructed them.387 Such ‘self revenge’ included standing in penitential garb at the church door, weeping and prostrating themselves before other believers, and asking for their prayers. Penitents were placed among the catechumens before being restored to communion.388 Horneck continues to explore early Christian discipline drawing upon Tertullian to explain the severities required of repentance, 389 citing Cyprian’s On the Lapsed. 390 Penitence included restrictions in diet and clothing, wearing sackcloth and ashes and weeping on one’s knees. Penitential advice from Pacianus involved lament before the church, praying and rolling on the earth, and declining all invitations to the baths and to feasting, since having wronged the Lord we had no right to attend these. Rather we should attend to the poor and the widow, and lie prostrate before the presbyters asking the church’s forgiveness.391 Horneck recounts the story of Natalius the Confessor who had been made an heretical Adoptionist bishop in Rome and repented and begged forgiveness of Pope Zephyrinus, weeping before him and the whole church,392 and he looked to Augustine (Pseudo – Augustine) to advocate repentance for crimes and greater sins with cries and tears and separation from the communion of saints.393 There follows the well-known episode of the denunciation of the Emperor Theodosius by Ambrose of Milan,394 and his extensive advice to a fallen virgin to wear a mourning garment and exhibit a state of penitence, and to the man who seduced her to bind himself with chains and to likewise cleanse his heart in mourning.395 Remembering the glory from which she has fallen she should know that repentance is the only refuge after baptism.396 Thedorous knew this when after falling into fornication he retired from the world to a cave, living on bread and water in tears and fasting, as did Paula after her husband died, sleeping on the ground and weeping for her sins. Jerome admonished her not to weep but she insisted on besmearing her body with dirt, revenging her former luxury and laughter with weeping. She changed her silks into sackcloth, living now to please Christ where once she pleased her husband.397 Jerome himself wore sackcloth and beat himself to find peace in his soul.398 Chrysostom too learned ascetic practices from a Syrian hermit in the desert, subduing the flesh, living on the ground with a stone for a table.399 These eminent exemplars are followed by Horneck’s explanation of how c390 in Egypt the ascetic movement arose, however this is a base from which to note its substitution by meritorious works: …fancy spoiled the whole Design, and made that a Sacrifice of Fools, which used with Humility and low Conceits of themselves, would have passed for excellent Devotion, and under this Character of Merit, and

66  Anthony Horneck: The Happy Ascetick satisfaction, the Church of Rome retains some of these severities at this day, which made our Church at the first Reformation abolish the abuse, yet not so as to forbid Christians the moderate use of them. The Grecian, Aethiopian, Armenian, and Coptick Churches in the East do also preserve them still, but much as the Papists, they use them as compensations to God for the sins they live in, which makes the oblation odious.400 Horneck recounts how the greatest severities among Christians were found among disciples of St. Anthony who renounced marriage and possessions and lived in the wilderness clothed in wool with a leather girdle, forgoing flesh and wine, sleeping in their clothes, and praying and worshipping with minds turned to the scripture and to God in one hundred and fifty prostrations a day.401 Among the Papists, the Carthusians wore a hairshirt, they ate neither flesh nor fish but one meal each day of bread and water, colworts, peas, and beans, and spent their time reading, writing praying, and labouring. Unlike the ascetics of the desert they lay stress on outward severities rather than on the inward disposition of the heart.402 Horneck considers how lawful some of these ascetic practices might be: I.

II.

Whenever they are used all opinions of merit must be laid to one side. We could never attain the greatest holiness through any system of merit for we are created from nothing. Extra duties performed beyond expectation do not earn greater merit; here Horneck is at his most Protestant. He turns to Simeon ben Jochai,403 who thought he deserved so much at the hands of God that he could have redeemed all humankind from everlasting wrath, and together with his son Eleazer could save the whole world. This for Horneck was madness, the kind that issues from the Church of Rome with its merits of the saints and works of supererogation, the freeing of souls from purgatory, and being buried in a monk’s habit. Whenever these severities are used they must not be used to give God satisfaction for the sins we have committed. Only Christ’s death upon the cross may do this, but here again the Church of Rome deviated from the primitive rule when it regarded satisfactions made to God for temporal punishment after sins are remitted, but Scripture was a stranger to this. The Fathers often used the word satisfaction for mortifications: but by those satisfactions they do not mean satisfactions given to an offended God, but to the Church, and the People of God, as signs, whereby our fellow-Christians may conclude that our ­Repentance is real and free from Hypocrisie.404

I II. Nor must they be used in hope that God will dispense with our sins for the future, much less pass by those we have committed: a penitent heart is more pleasing to him than a thousand Lashes, and a Soul that grieves for offending a Gracious God, looks

Anthony Horneck: The Happy Ascetick  67 lovelier in his eyes, than a bloody Side, or the imaginary Wounds of St. Francis. He that thinks that God will let him sin, because he whipt himself on such a day, takes God for some Heathen Deity; and indeed to lay a greater stress upon afflicting the Body than upon forsaking of sin, is to contradict that notion the Holy Ghost delivers of God, that he must be worship’d in spirit and in truth.405 I V. Nor must they be used with an unwilling mind for they lack virtue when performed by command: Hence those among the Papists, that either suffer themselves to be hired to perform the Ceremony of Self-affliction on Good-­Friday, or being once engaged in such an Order, use them not out of any sense of Sin within, but because the Rule of their Order doth oblige them to it, whatever Conceits they may entertain of the Opus operatum, or Work itself, God still looking to the spring from which all these mortifications flow, they prevail no more than the Indians going to Church merely because their Masters force them, prevail with him to send his Spirit into their Hearts, crying Abba Father.406 V.

Nor is it fit that weak or sickly persons should use them; most Christians in primitive times used moderation (1 Tim 5.23) These exercises should not be used by the strong to their detriment and such s­ elf­murder must not be too lavish: It was a good answer of St. Anthony the Hermit, to a Huntsman, that had taken notice of his former austerities, and saw him laughing, and merry with his Brethren, that came to see him, and was scandalized at it; Bend thy Bow, saith he, he did so; Bend it more; he obey’d him; Bend it yet more. No, answered the Huntsman, then it will break. Just so, saith he, is it with these severities, too much of them spoils all, but the moderate use of them may preserve both Soul and Body to Eternity.407

Much as Horneck admired the desert fathers, he disputes whether Abba Bessarion stood all night in a thorn hedge, as he cannot see how this bodily torment would have benefited his soul.408 Likewise, the monk bitten by a scorpion while being at prayer; although Pachomius healed him, no rational man would subject himself to such severities.409 V I.  Nor must the stress of repentance be laid upon these severities, for without great care and watchfulness men could be deluded to settle for outward observances rather than inward reformation. Severities without a contrite heart were like looking for excellent wine and finding gall and vinegar, or a stately gate to a pigsty.410 V II. T hese severities should be only demonstrations of the sincerity of our repentance, unlike Fabiola, who according to Jerome married a second time while the husband from whom she was divorced was still living. Jerome described her dishevelled and besmirched state of repentance.411

68  Anthony Horneck: The Happy Ascetick V III. T hese severities are of great use in our endeavours to despise the World, and to lead a truly Spiritual Life. Sylvanus, Bishop pf Philippopolis wore sandals made of hay even while in Constantinople and the rural bishops of the diocese of Rome eschewed worldly splendour.412 I X.  To subdue a corruption or to prevent yielding to a sin, these severities might be very helpful. Jerome described how Hilarion subdued his lusts and mastered his passions: Come thou Beast, I will not feed thee with Barley, but with Chaff; I’ll so order thee, that thou shalt not kick; I’ll subdue thee with the hunger, and thirst; I’ll lay Weights upon thee; I’ll afflict thee by Heats, and Colds, that thou shalt long for Victuals more than for Lustful Objects.413 Likewise, Zenon travelling through Palestine was tempted to steal cucumbers and conscious of the torment visited upon thieves, to punish his body he stood for five days in the sun, moving on without succumbing to his desires.414

X.  Severities are to be used on such occasions, but these cannot be prescribed for all men for their constitutions vary. There are some examples: A holy man in Egypt was tempted by a harlot and to deter himself he burnt each of his fingers with a candle;415 Nathyra increased his ascetic efforts on becoming a bishop as he said his temptations would be greater; Pachomius wore a hair shirt next to his skin;416 Cuziba, hearing a poor man had nothing to buy corn for sowing, bought some and sowed it for him; he would sit with bread and water on the Jordan to Jerusalem highway to meet travellers’ needs, and help others carry burdens up the hill, or carry their children, or give a cloak to the naked and bury any dead he found, with psalms and prayers;417 Serapion sold himself into servitude in order to save those he served;418 Paulinus pawned himself for a poor widow’s son and endured captivity to deliver him;419 Chrysostom says that James the Apostle prayed so that his knees became hardened like those of camels.420 Those who had lustful thoughts should take up heavy burdens until they are exhausted, some on reflection have doubled their gifts to the poor, such was the generosity of John Foxe, author of the Book of Martyrs.421 Others had subjected themselves to pain with nettles and thorns, or sold their coaches, lace, and rich ornaments for plainer dress, or restricted their diet, for these means helped them master virtues, prevent and subdue sins and arrive at felicity and victory. X I.  These severities should be used with great humility. Pride in their use perverted them, consequently ascetic rigour was to be applied in secret. Our own sins might require ‘plaisters’ which others may not need.

Anthony Horneck: The Happy Ascetick  69 X II.  Discretion should be the greatest guide in these severities; this must govern this chariot (the exercises) lest like Phaeton the earth is set on fire.422 Discretion is like the watchman guarding the city, or like a chemical substance which is harmful in the wrong hands. There were many ancient examples of those who were persuaded they could perform miracles because of their holiness, others who trusted in their own impeccable status have fallen into error; Ministers should be their guide. Christ advised celibacy for those who could achieve it (Matt 19.12).; these severities were not for all, but the saints endured them in seeking conformity to Christ, obedient in suffering not sent by God, they inflicted it on themselves, enduring heat, cold, hunger, nakedness, conquering their lusts. Here Horneck drew the contrast:

This produced that vast number of Virgins, wherein the Church then triumph’d; By Hair-cloth and Sackcloth, and denying their Bodies, even Necessaries, by mean Attire, and carelesness in their Dress, and deforming themselves, and going bare-foot, and enduring heat, cold, hunger, thirst, and nakedness, they became Conquerors of their Lusts, and Spectacles to Angels and to Men. Alas! you that at this day call your selves Christians, and are fond of all the bravery that the Silkworm and the curious hand can make, (to the Female Sex I speak particularly) that must have such Washes for your Skin, such Paint for your Cheeks; such Patches for your Faces, and go from one Glass to another to see whether this Curl is in its exact Figure, whether this Lace sits well, whether this Meen becomes you, or whether you are entirely Modish, that keep such a stir with your Fans, and Instruments of Pride in publick Prayers, are more afraid to hurt your Knees, than your Souls, and more discomposed, if justled, than if you lost Gods favour, and practice no more Religion, than is just consistent with your Lusts, ….423 Reaching this point in Horneck’s text, we might have expected this fusillade was on its way. Horneck now questions what kind of Christians we think those are who might be better labelled as Gnostics or good Heathens. These would have wondered at this sight of those who had abjured the world at baptism, for the primitive saints were enemies to all vanity. Tertullian referred to pretended Christians who make Christians a laughingstock, dressing their hair and beautifying their faces, and tasting delicate wines.424 Christian holiness was concentrated on making souls rich and beautiful, and where their social station required fine dress a sackcloth was worn beneath it. Primitive Christian austerity sought the love of God and release from sins, lusts, and temptations, whereas Papists turn an old doctrine into superstition and excess. The commands of scripture and the example of the saints were not for those who wish for an easy religion but

70  Anthony Horneck: The Happy Ascetick for those who, willing to save their souls, endure these severities of the flesh, having laid up their treasure in another place. Jesus himself could have had a more comfortable existence, for he commanded sea and earth, having bidden Peter fish to find a coin (Matt 17.27), yet he chose a humble self- denying life, making himself of no reputation (Phil 2.7–10), becoming poor that we might be rich. The primitive Christians followed this way of self-denial, but some give little evidence that they are seeking another life, maintaining a livelihood and an estate rather than seeking first God’s kingdom.425 Horneck concludes with an extended citation from Augustine’s Manual which reminded readers that all that we suffer is intended for God’s glory and will bring us to the glory of the saints.426 This is supported by a passage from Maimonides that to attain virtues we must gain the habit of exercising ourselves continually until they become one with our soul.427

Letter to a person of quality This is Horneck’s adaptation of a work by Jean Fronteau, canon of Paris,428 Concerning the Heavenly Lives of the Primitive Christians; a Jansenist who was chancellor of the University of Paris and exiled for a brief time 1661–1662. Horneck feared this small volume might be overlooked, however he has edited the text and added some references. His intention was that this should supplement The Happy Ascetick. It is likely that John Wesley extracted this Letter directly from Horneck, publishing it separately as volume XXIX of his Christian Library. At its beginning the Church was lusty and vigorous, conquering tigers, lions, flames, and torments, and in its youth, it betrayed a seriousness beyond its years, in its vastness introducing a new world. Comprising all sorts and conditions, in the church men became like children in malice, pride, and ambition, the young equalling the old in devotion. Since holiness was their ornament, the pious and religious were greatly respected. Their light filled the world which saw new stars, pressing through the chaos of mankind with new life, sense, and understanding.429 As the soul was in the body, so were Christians in the world, looking to the world’s welfare, attempting to reform it, however the world persecuted them and put ill constructions on their lives. This Church was born in the water and the blood from the wounds of Christ. As their Lord was born without a woman, impregnated by the Holy Ghost, Christians came from a man without a woman, they were baptised by the Holy Ghost and were transformed. In this commonwealth they esteemed one another, and their pastors were known for their munificence and good deeds rather than ceremonial splendour.430 They called each other ‘brother’ rather than glorying in aristocratic titles.

Anthony Horneck: The Happy Ascetick  71 Among them were mothers who had no children, virgins who cared for babies, none lacked care, exercising generosity and charity. Widows shunned a second marriage, being widowed while their husbands lived, and sisters to many brethren: they aimed at no other contract but that with Christ, who would at last marry them to the service of the church to exercise care for the poor and needy.431 Having nothing of their own they thought it a burden if neighbours did not share their possessions, thinking more of the life to come. In their integrity, they sought not to deviate from the Master’s footsteps.432 Christians were the focus of pagan accusations which inferred they contributed nothing to mankind, whereas from their callings and professions they relieved the needy. Careful not to take on imperial civic office which might clash with God’s commands, they embraced office in the Church without seeking worldly gain. Speaking rarely, their eyes were fixed on eternal things. The world saw them as Pythagoreans, whereas they were rather peripatetics, free in speaking when gathered together in Christ. The examples of the early Christian martyrs Attalus and Blandina revealed how their lives centred on their devotion to Christ. Signed with the baptismal seal, they despised the world, imitating Christ in his Passion and suffering.433 At the sacrament and at common meals they recalled the death of Christ, in the cities and towns they recognised one another, prayed together in their oratories, sharing the kiss of peace, happy to be called brethren of Christ.434 A fellow Christian was recognized by his demeanour and sincerity of soul, much as one could know a senator by his perfumes. In a crowd of prisoners, they could acknowledge one another by their meekness and patience, sometimes laughing at their sufferings. Those set over them as pastors were known for their care and good works, for Christians were seen to love one another and when sick they tended one another, always charitable to their neighbours.435 Those among them who were noble and rich were equal with others, the women as sisters, daughters, and mothers, the greatest among them were as servants to the rest, seeing the face of Christ in the sick (Matthew 25.40,41). When their husbands died widows became deaconesses in the service of Christ.436 They visited believers in prison, kissing their chains and fetters, refreshing their bodies, and sharing the eucharist with them, their hearts being a temple. They honoured those sent into exile as their own family, helping the innocent condemned to the quarries and the mines, and those sent for correction and forced labour, as those worthy to suffer for the name of Jesus.437 Those who returned home wounded or bruised and maimed, were welcomed back and cared for, and honoured as confessors, from among whom bishops were often chosen, recognising their holiness and sanctity.438 Christians freely supported others, even those who had persecuted them,

72  Anthony Horneck: The Happy Ascetick and they slighted riches, acknowledging the Apostles’ doctrine in two significant ways: 1. Here we have no abiding city, but seek one that is to come, for this world is passing away; so they held temporal things in contempt, looking to eternal things. 2. The end of the world was at hand, the day of judgement was near; they expected the last day any moment so they parted with worldly goods, and sold lands and houses, laying the proceeds at the Apostles’ feet. They were not anxious about their children, trusting that the church would meet their needs. Fathers and mothers left their estates to the church for the support of those in need, encouraged by their pastors. They disdained superfluity following their Master’s example for only heathens laid up goods.439 The pastoral office was to take care of the poor and the sick and minister to their needs, just as God cared for and fed the world. They acknowledged spiritual pastors as teachers and fathers who would admonish and reprove them. Such pastors spent themselves in the service of the church, dispensing gifts to the needy without concern for worldly riches, looking to that glory that was to come since they had left everything for the sake of the Gospel. They were loved because they were contentedly poor among the plenty that was donated. So Christians gave freely and entrusted the pastors with their gifts since they lacked envy. They donated the first fruits of their land and gave alms to help the sick, prisoners, and captives, both where they lived and beyond. They censured those who expected a reward for their kindness, desiring themselves to be gone from this world to be with Christ.440 The members of this commonwealth looked mean and contemptible in both clothing and living, particularly in their hairstyle and lack of make-up, the noble and learned laying aside their privilege. Their rule was decency rather than fashion, caring only to make their souls ready for the wedding of the Lamb. All their actions were accompanied by prayer and supplication, preferring holy reflection to the theatre. The greatest among them would undertake menial tasks for the common good, leaving their high places for lowliness that they might attain heaven. Here followed a description of Christian family life, prayers, singing psalms, fasting and assisting neighbours, shared meals, and the eucharist. Christians opened their houses to strangers, and anyone who could certify he was a Christian was given hospitality but any refusing to help the poor and ragged were excluded from Church.441 When fasting abstemiously some wore sackcloth and ashes, and even if unconscious of Pythagoras’ recommendations, they recognised that bodily discipline made the soul stronger. Supressing the flesh, some seemed more angels than men in their chastity and modesty, a husband abstaining from intercourse with his pregnant wife until after her delivery, and even then only for the procreation of children. In their daily work they sang of Christ,

Anthony Horneck: The Happy Ascetick  73 they slept dreaming of spiritual matters, praying always. Any vicious person was excluded from them and excommunicated.442 Any doctrine considered erroneous and contrary to the faith delivered to the saints was shunned as new-fangled heresy. The pure doctrine of the Church was read in scripture at home and expounded in their congregations, and many knew the Bible from memory which gave substance to their watchings, fastings, and discipline. They sought the advice of teachers as fathers concerning marriage and civil affairs, receiving them into their houses as angels, giving them lodging, for such hospitality brought them blessings. They prostrated themselves before them in the street, kissing their feet, rising only after a blessing. Such teachers brought unity in primitive doctrine and discipline even though assemblies might differ in rites and ceremonies. Such variation in acts of worship did nothing to break their unity. They sought to keep clear of animosities, for quarrelsome members were excluded from the assembly until they were reconciled. Sinners kept away from such gatherings lest they profane the prayers of the church. Nothing could prevent the sacred duty of coming together for prayers even when authorities proscribed it, for Christians flocked to their oratories even at the risk of persecution.443 Even when they were imprisoned or sent to the mines they found ways of celebrating the eucharist, regarding public prayers more highly than their own. They assembled together on the Lord’s Day, at the commemoration of the martyrs, for the Wednesday and Friday fasts, and gave time to vigils. They longed to go to the house of God with the multitude more than the earth thirsts for water; Dionysius of Alexandria complained in exile that he could not meet with the brethren, something he valued above food or sleeping on the ground and other inconveniences.444 Even children showed signs of seeking to outdo others in watching and strictness. Christians would sign themselves with the cross on meeting or at table, even in public, counting it all joy to suffer for their crucified Redeemer. Burials were undertaken at great cost, taking care to embalm them. Arabs commented that they received more for perfumes from Christians than from anyone else since they held the body to be a temple of the Holy Ghost and valued those saints who died in the Lord.445 Christians submitted to their princes and magistrates in all things lawful, remembering them in their prayers even when they were persecuted and afflicted, hating rebellion, and paying their taxes. When treated harshly they saw it as a trial of their faith. Some regarded Christians as contemptible, but they grasped heaven with the hand of faith, aware of the immense glory of Paradise. They worked day and night to have something to offer to God, to their poor, and to their families. Some renounced marriage to live in the desert in poor dwellings contemplating heaven and living for God, others travelled to far places preaching the Gospel and in pains and labour doing good. Thousands of virgins determinedly dedicated themselves to God; even when Christianity began to decay they shone like lights as an example to others.

74  Anthony Horneck: The Happy Ascetick There were Christians even in the purest ages who disgraced their religion, but they were disciplined severely and performed public penance: By weeping and prostrating themselves before Gods people, and imploring the assistance of Believers, and a hundred such austerities, they sought to be reconciled to God, and to his Church, which made the Fathers say, That the Penitent were no Scandal, but an Ornament of the Church: They were in a manner a distinct Church, and the way to get among the true Believers, was now harder than at their first embracing of Christianity; yet these Penitent might truly say of themselves as the Spouse in the Canticles, I am black, but comely, O ye Daughters of Jerusalem. (Cant 1.5)446 The first Christians amazed the world; the emperors themselves being startled at their progress opposed it with racks, flames, gibbets, grid-irons, cauldrons, boiling oil, lions, bears, wild bulls, yet by the grace of Jesus, Christians remained undaunted. In suffering these torments they outclassed the classical heroes, overcoming death, for their blood was the seed of the Church. The more they were massacred the more their numbers grew, until the emperors, who once killed them, became Christians themselves. Horneck realized that some might think this a kind of spiritual romance, but this would be ignorance. Rather he points them to those writers from a time when Christianity was adorned with jewels such as: Ignatius Polycarp, Justin Martyr, Irenaeus, Athenagoras, Minutius ­Felix, Tertullian, Clemens Alexandrinus, Origen, Cyprian, and others that succeeded them; and if people, to favour their Lusts will neither believe, nor take pains to search into the truth of things, all that can be said, is, that they are resolute in their Infidelity447 Horneck concluded his edition of this letter, commending these saints as a pattern to his readers and as a rule of life, asking that the Spirit of God should be their guide in the ways of holiness.448 Geordan Hammond records Wesley’s reading of Horneck together with Fleury’s Manners of the Ancient Christians indicating the themes Wesley drew from them as he commended the primitive Christians as a pattern for Methodist emulation.449

Ascetic transference Horneck recognised that since there were no longer any monasteries, the work of prayer devolved upon families and laypeople, just as the Emperor Thedosius made his home a place of prayer, and closer to his own time, the community at Little Gidding under the influence of George Herbert. The unceasing prayer of the Byzantine akoimetai is reinterpreted to mean prayer

Anthony Horneck: The Happy Ascetick  75 at all times and for all occasions and circumstances, particularly prayer seven times a day. In his concern to promote a more ordered Christian life, he recalled the separatism of the Pharisees and other religious societies and orders. He recognized the origins of the ascetic movement in the Nazirites and in the Essenes and Eusebius’ account of Philo’s description of the Therpeutiae. Early Christian discipline and ascetic severities were validated from the Old and New Testaments and the Fathers, and as a substitute for martyrdom, while at the same time Horneck doubted the value of some of the severities of the desert fathers and mothers, such as Paula. These kinds of severities might not be borne now, they are not for all, just as Christ advised celibacy only for those able to practice it. The core of monastic living was interior penitence and purity of intention, which is more authentic than external forms and acts and requires discretion. Christians set an example as did the first ascetics, many unattached and living in expectation of the Parouisa; God looked favourably on such efforts and applauded them. Horneck was careful to distinguish between the externals of religion found in heathen writers such as Cyrus, Satirus, the rites of the Egyptian priests and the Persian magi, and true interior life. While Horneck used some Catholic sources such as Giovanni Bona, these were carefully selected to accord with his interior theme. In other places he countered Catholic abuse of ascetic practices, refuting any emphasis on supererogation, freeing souls from purgatory, and the idea of being buried in a monk’s habit. However, he commended the devotion of such as Bernard of Clairvaux and King Louis IX of France. Horneck drew examples from history and religion which included Islamic sources such as Saadi, and supported his text from the works of classical authors which would appeal to the readers of his time, particularly to Anglican moderation; Stobaeus, Plutarch, Pliny, Laertius Diogenes, Marcus Aurelius, Sophocles, Scipio and Seneca among others. He supported his analysis and advice from Jewish sources in the Mishnah, using targumim and midrashim, Maimonides, and also Moses Corduero and the Kabbala. From the Christian monastic traditions, he made copious use of Cassian, the desert fathers in the Vitae Patrum and the Life of Antony. Among the Church Fathers, he appealed extensively to Tertullian, Cyprian, Augustine, Basil, Jerome, Chrysostom, Ambrose, Gregory Nazianzen, and Gregory the Great. In the careful prescription of the two levels he gave to his Exercises he commended the ascetic life as authentic Christianity, the grace of holiness open to all. Central to his recommendation is the baptismal vow from which the monastic life took its impetus, but released from its monastic context and restored in Protestantism as the vocation of every Christian. Horneck cited other vows such as those made by kings to saints, but none of these instances made vows lawful, nor did the papacy have the power to commute them.

76  Anthony Horneck: The Happy Ascetick In both its rationale and its devotional recommendations, ascetic living is recovered from the past to serve a new purpose in the religious societies and in the wider Church.

Notes 1 Thomas Palmer, Jansenism and England: Moral Rigorism Across the Confessions (Oxford, 2018), 5. 2 Sarah Apetrei, The Life of Angels: Celibacy and Asceticism in Anglicanism, 1660–c1700 (Sheffield, 2012), 251, 252, 256–261, 266, 267. 3 Sarah Apetrei, The Life of Angels, 269, 270. 4 Eamon Duffy, ‘Primitive Christianity Revived: Religious Renewal in Augustan England’, Studies in Church History, 14 (1977), 294, 297, 298. 5 Sarah Apetrei, The Life of Angels, 265, 266. cf. The Movement for the Reformation of Manners 1688–1715. Andrew Craig, Edinburgh PhD. Thesis. 1980, https://www.era.lib.ed.ac.uk/bitstream/handle/1842/6840/Craig-PhD-1980reformatted-2015.pdf?sequence=2&isAllowed=y. 6 Edward Stephens, Asceticks or the Heroic Piety and Virtue of the Ancient Christian Anchorets and Coenobites (London, 1696), 10, 12. 52* (Pages in this volume are renumbered after page 32, when Stephens details particular groups from the Essenes onwards. Pages in this second section are marked *). Among his sources, Stephens draws widely from the church histories of Eusebius and Socrates, from Josephus and Philo, and from the Vitae Patrum, and Cassian. 7 Stephens, Asceticks or the Heroic Piety, 20,23,27,31,88*. 8 Stephens, Asceticks or the Heroic Piety, 24, 47*,54*–57*. 9 Stephens, Asceticks or the Heroic Piety, 21. 10 Stephens, Asceticks or the Heroic Piety, 9,18,19,47*. 11 Stephens, Asceticks or the Heroic Piety, 19, 26, 56*.60* 63*,124*. 12 Stephens, Asceticks or the Heroic Piety, 1*–18* extracted from Josephus and Philo. 13 Stephens, Asceticks or the Heroic Piety, 19*–36.* Philo,. Every Good Man Free (Quod Omnis Probus Liber Sit). Philo, LCL 363. IX. 75–92. pp. 53–63. On the Contemplative Life (De Vita Contemplativa). LCL 363. 112–169. Joan E. Taylor and Philip R. Davies, ‘The So-Called Therapeutae of “De Vita Contemplatva” Identity and Character’, Harvard Theological Review, 91/1, 3–24, 17. 14 Stephens, Asceticks or the Heroic Piety, 37ff*, 49ff*, 54ff*, 64ff*. Eusebius of Caesarea, Praeparatio Evangelica, VIII.12. PG 21. 643–650. Eusebius of Caesarea, Praeparatio Evangelica (Preparation for the Gospel). Trans. E.H. Gifford (1903 VIII.12), http://www.ccel.org/ccel/pearse/morefathers/files/eusebius_pe_08_book8.htm. Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History. Book 2. Ch. XVII Philo’s account of the ascetics of Egypt. PG 20. 473–484. NPNF. 2.01 p 204ff. 15 Stephens, Asceticks or the Heroic Piety, Augustine on John 10.11. 68*; De Moribuus Ecclesiae Catholicae 73*, De Civitatis Dei 10.120; 1 Soliloquy, c1, c6. 120*; Confessions. 1.22; Sermon 18 De Verb Apost. C6 119*. 16 Stephens, Asceticks or the Heroic Piety, 111*–118*. 17 Stephens, Asceticks or the Heroic Piety, 119*. 18 Stephens, Asceticks or the Heroic Piety, 30*, 125*. 19 Stephens, Asceticks or the Heroic Piety, 48ff*, 55ff. 75ff*. 20 Stephens, Asceticks or the Heroic Piety, 75ff*. 21 Stephens, Asceticks or the Heroic Piety; Cassian 30, 55*,75*,80*,103,*107*. Piammon 55*, 74*, Pinuphius 75*, Moses, 79*, 86*, Nestero 81*, Daniel 89*, Isaac 91*, Antony & Paul, 58*, 99*, Theodore 101*, Serapion 103*, Cheremon 107*.

Anthony Horneck: The Happy Ascetick  77 22 Stephens, Asceticks or the Heroic Piety, 83*. 23 Stephens, Asceticks or the Heroic Piety, 27, 123*. 24 Athenae Oxoniensis. Anthony A. Wood (London, 1820). Vol IV. 529–531 [978,979] The Life of the Revd Anthony Horneck DD, by Richard, Lord Bishop of Bath and Wells (Richard Kidder) annexed to Several Sermons upon the Fifth of Matthew. London MDCCVI. i–viii. cf. Kenneth J. Collins, The Theology of John Wesley: Holy Love and the Shape of Grace (Nashville, 2007) 247–249. 25 Robert Somerville, The Savoy, Manor, Hospital, Chapel (London, 1960), 61, 247. 26 March 18th 1683. The Diary of John Evelyn. 1620–1706. Intro & notes A ­ ustin Dobson (London, 1908), 345. 27 http://venn.lib.cam.ac.uk /cgibin /search2016.pl?sur=&suro=w&fir=&firo=c&cit=&cito=c&c=all&z=all&tex=HNK681A&sye =&eye=&col=all&maxcount=50. cf. Scott Thomas Kisker, Foundation for Revival: Anthony Horneck, The Religious Societies and the Construction of an Anglican Pietism (Lanham, MD, 2006), 29–51. 28 Kidder, The Life of the Revd Anthony Horneck DD, xxv, xxvi, xxxiv. Kisker Foundation for Revival 65–67. 29 Kidder, The Life of the Revd Anthony Horneck DD, xxiv, xxv. 30 Kisker, 72–74. Kidder, The Life of the Revd Anthony Horneck DD, viii–xi. 31 Eamon Duffy, Primitive Christianity Revived, 289. 32 F.W.Bullock, Voluntary Religious Societies 1520–1799 (St Leonard’s on Sea, 1962), 129,130. 33 Kidder, The Life of the Revd Anthony Horneck DD, viii–x. cf. Kisker. Appendix A. 207,208. F.W.Bullock, Voluntary Religious Societies, 128,129. 34 Kidder, The Life of the Revd Anthony Horneck DD, xii–xv. 35 Kidder, The Life of the Revd Anthony Horneck DD, xvi. 36 Kidder, The Life of the Revd Anthony Horneck DD, xviii. 37 Kidder, The Life of the Revd Anthony Horneck DD, xix, xx. 38 Anthony Horneck, The Happy Ascetick or the Best Exercise, to Which Is Added a Letter to a Person of Quality Concerning the Holy Lives of the Primitive Christians (London, 1681). Subsequent editions 1685/6, 1693, 1699, 1711, 1724. 39 Anthony Horneck, The Exercise of Prayer (London, 1685). 40 Epistle Dedicatory, The Happy Ascetick (London, 1681, 1711, 1724). 41 Preface, The Happy Ascetick, 1681, 1711, 1724. 42 The Happy Ascetick, 1681 (1711/1724), 2, 3. 43 The Happy Ascetick, 1681:5 (1711/1724), 4. 44 The Happy Ascetick.1681: 6,7 (1711/1724), 5, 7. 45 John Wesley, ‘A Letter to a Person of Quality Concerning the Heavenly lives of the Primitive Christians’, A Christian Library. Vol XIX (Bristol, 1753), 111– 138. Vol 16 Wesley’s Christian Library. http://wesley.nnu.edu/john-wesley/achristian-library/a-christian-library-volume-16/. Anthony Horneck, Letter to a Person of Quality Concerning the Heavenly Lives of the Primitive Christians (York, 1681). Ioanne Fronteau, Epistola ad Illustrissimum et Religiosissimum D.D. Franc.de Harlay Archiepiscopum Rothomagensem, Neutriae Primatem, Abbatem de Iumiege. In qua de moribus et vita Christianorum in primis Ecclesiae saeculis agitur (Paris, 1660). 46 The Happy Ascetick, 1681.13 (1711/1724: 11,12). John Cassian, Institutes. 2:10 Of the silence and conciseness with which the Collects are offered up by the Egyptians. NPNF Series II. Vol 11. 430. 47 Augustine: Epistola CXXX: Epistola ad Proba. 8, 10. PL 33. 0494 NPNF Series 1 Vol.1.1005, 1007,1008. Horneck may have derived this from Francis de Sales, Introduction to the Devout Life. Part 2. Ch XII cf. CCEL: https://

78  Anthony Horneck: The Happy Ascetick www.ccel.org/ccel/desales/devout_life.pdf p. 67; as also the frequency of prayer: ‘aspire continually to God, by brief, ardent upliftings …, offer your whole soul a thousand times a day to Him’ The Happy Ascetick, 1681.15 (1711/1724: 13) PL 33. 0501/0502; NPNF 01.1. Ch10:19,20, pp. 1007,1008. 48 Harlots of the Desert. Benedicta Ward. Mowbray (Oxford, 1987), 84. 49 S. Bernardi Abbatis, Liber de Vita et Rebus S. Malachiae Hiberniae Episcopi. PL 192.1:2, 1076A/B. 659,660. Bernard of Clairvaux, The Life and Death of Saint Malachy the Irishman. Trans. Robert T. Meyer (Kalamazoo, 1978). Para 2. p. 16. 50 The Happy Ascetick, 1681.14 (1711/1724:,12). SS. Macariorum Aegyptii Alexandrini: Apothegmata. 19. PG 34. Para 252. col. 249,250. Saint Macarius, The Spirit Bearer: Coptic Texts Relating to Saint Macarius the Great. Trans. Tim Vivien (New York, 2004), p. 21. Benedicta Ward, The Sayings of the Desert Fathers (London, 1981), 131. 51 Moses the Robber: PG 34. Col 1069/1070. XXIIA. The Lausiac History of Palladius. XIX.5. W. Trans. Lowther Clarke (London, 1918), 88. C. Butler, The Lausiac History of Palladius. Vol 2 (Cambridge, 1904), 1066B.20. p. 60. 52 PG 34. Ch.XXVIII. col.1070. Lausiac History XX, Lowther Clarke, 90; Butler Vol 2. XX. 1068B. pp. 62, 63. William Harmless, Desert Christians: An Introduction to the Literature of Early Monasticism (Oxford University Press USA, 2004), 288. 53 The Happy Ascetick, 1681.14 (1711/1724: 13) Hymns and Homilies of St.  Ephraim the Syrian. Paul A Boer. (ed.), John Gwynn (intro). Veritatis Splendor Publications (CreateSpace Independent Publishing Platform, 2012). Para 17. p. 372. 54 The Happy Ascetick, 1681.15 (1711/1724: 13) Tertullian, De Oratio Liber. I. PL 01. 1149C-1153B. ANF, Vol. 3. 1519. 55 Giovanni Bona, Via Compendii ad Deum: Via Breve a Dio (1657) Con le aspirazioni, tradotte da Ermes Visconti (c.1836). Introduzione e testo bilingue a cura de Sabrina Stroppa. Leo S. Olschki Editore. Firenze, 2006. 52 fn. 74. John Cassian, The First Conference of Abba Isaac on Prayer. Ch. 36 NPNF 2nd series. 11. 1021. In Opusculum de Interiori Conflictu. X. Divi Laurenti Justiniani. Opera Omnia I (Venice. MDCCXXI), 307,308. 56 The Happy Ascetick, 1681.18,19 (1711/1724: 14–18) This echoes: Tertullian De Corona 3. PL.2.99. ANF. 03. 19. http://www.ccel.org/ccel/schaff/anf03. iv.vi.iii.html. Clement of Alexandria, Stromata VII 3–7 PG. IX. 449–472. ANF. II.VII.vii.1134–1141. https://ccel.org/ccel/clement_alex/stromata/anf02. vi.iv.vii.vii.html. cf. Jessica Martin, ‘Early Modern English Piety’, in The Oxford History of Anglicanism. Vol. 1. Reformation and Identity c.1520–1662. Anthony Milton (ed.) (Oxford, 2019), 404,405. 57 The Happy Ascetick, 1681.16–12 (1711/1724: 16,17); Mishnah Berakot 4: 2–6. http://www.emishnah.com/PDFs/Berakhot04.pdf. 58 The Happy Ascetick, 1681.22 (1711/1724: 19). The Life of St. Teresa of Jesus, of the Order of Our Lady of Carmel. Written by Herself. Translated from the Spanish by David Lewis. Third Edition Enlarged. With additional Notes and an Introduction by Rev. Fr. Benedict Zimmerman, O.C.D. New York: Benziger Bros (London: Thomas Baker. MCMIV), Ch. 31:2–4. 173,174. 59 Vita S. Antonii. Athanasius. PG 26. 878. 649A Life of Anthony. NPNF2-04. 202,203. 60 The Happy Ascetick, 1681.22–24 (1711/1724: 19–21). 61 Pliny- Trajan Correspondence c112AD: https://legacy.fordham.edu/halsall/ ancient/pliny-trajan1.asp. Pliny to Trajan: [but they declared their guilt or error was simply this – on a fixed day they used to meet before dawn and recite a hymn among themselves to Christ, as though he were a god. So far from binding themselves by oath

Anthony Horneck: The Happy Ascetick  79 to commit any crime, they swore to keep from theft, robbery, adultery, breach of faith, and not to deny any trust money deposited with them when called upon to deliver it. This ceremony over, they used to depart and meet again to take food – but it was of no special character, and entirely harmless. They also had ceased from this practice after the edict I issued – by which, in accord with your orders, I forbade all secret societies.] 62 The Happy Ascetick, 1681.25–27 (1711/1724: 24–25). 63 The Happy Ascetick, 1681.27 (1711/1724: 25). 64 The Happy Ascetick, 1681.28,29 (1711/1724: 26). Aegyptiorum Patrum Sententiae. Auctore Greco Incerto. Martino Dumiensi Episcopo Interprete. PL 74. 392–394. 1006–1007. Appendix 3 to Vitae Patrum Sayings of the Egyptian Fathers. By an unknown Greek author. Translated into Latin by Bishop Martin Dumiensis, sixth century, 108, http://www.vitaepatrum.org.uk/page162.html. 65 Pratum Spirituale. John Moschus. Translated into Latin by Ambrosius Camaldulensi. De Vitis Patrum 10. CLIX. PL.74. 200B 909/910. The Spiritual Meadow (Pratum Spirituale) by John Moschos. Intro. Trans. and notes by John Wortley (Kalamazoo, MI, 1992), 131. Ch. CLIX: http://www.vitaepatrum.org.uk/page154.html. 66 The Happy Ascetick, 1681.33 (1711/1724: 30): De Vitis Patrum Liber tertius sive Verba Seniorum auctore probabili Ruffino Aquileiensi Presbytero PL. 73 col 763 B Ch. 38: De Vitis Patrum, Book III by Rufinus of Aquileia, Presbyter. 38. http://www.vitae-patrum.org.uk/page67.html. 67 The Happy Ascetick, 1681.35 (1711/1724: 34) Song of Songs 4. 1, 9–11. The Song of Songs is a major text for Cistercian commentators. 68 The Happy Ascetick, 1711/1724: 34. 69 The Happy Ascetick, 1681.35,36 (1711/1724: 41–44). 70 The Happy Ascetick, 1681.37, (1711/1724: 44). 71 The Happy Ascetick, 1681.38, 39 (1711/1724: 48,49). 72 The Happy Ascetick, 1681.39,40 (1711/1724: 52–56). 73 The Happy Ascetick, 1681.40 (1711/1724: 56–60). 74 The Happy Ascetick, 1681.41–46 (1711/1724: 60–70). 75 The Happy Ascetick, 1681.47 (1711/1724: 70). 76 The Happy Ascetick, 1681.47,48 (1711/1724: 71). Pirke Aboth: The Sayings of the Jewish Fathers. Trans. W.O.E. Oesterley (London, 1919), 1:7 (8), p. 6. Nittai the Arbelite said: “Keep thy distance from an evil neighbour” ; and “Associate not with a wicked man” and “Despair not * of (divine) retribution.” https://www.sefaria.org/Pirkei_Avot.1?lang=bi. 1.8. Matthai the Arbelite said, Withdraw from an evil neighbour; and associate not with the wicked; and grow not thoughtless of retribution. http://www.sacred-texts.com/jud/ sjf/sjf03.htm. http://www.chabad.org/library/article_cdo/aid/682498/jewish/ English-Text.htm. Sayings of the Jewish Fathers. Charles Taylor (Cambridge, 1897), 16. cf. Adrian van Cattenburch, Spicilegium Theologiae Christianae. Philipp van Limborch. Amsterdam, MDCCXXVI. 962 Chovos HaLevavos Duties of the Heart. Rabeinu Bachya ibn Paquada zt’l. Gate 6 Ch 7, https:// dafyomireview.com/article.php?docid=387#ch7. 77 The Happy Ascetick, 1681. 50 (1711/1724: 73). Cassian. Conference 15. VII. PL 49. 1004A.: NPNF series 2. 11. 1140. 78 The Happy Ascetick, 1681. 50,51 (1711/1724: 73,74). Historia Ecclesiastica Bedae: II:II. Ut Augustinus Brittonum episcopus pro pace catholica, etiam miraculo coelesti coram eis facto, monuerit; quaeve illos spernentes ultio secuta sit. PL 95. 0082A, 0084C. Bede. The Ecclesiastical history of the English People. Judith McClure, Roger Collins (ed. & intro) (Oxford, 1994), II. 2 pp. 71–74. Bede. Ecclesiastical History Book 2. 2 https://www.ccel.org/ccel/bede/ history.pdf. p. 76.

80  Anthony Horneck: The Happy Ascetick 79 Ruffinus, Vitis Patrum: Verba Seniorum III.12. PL 73. 744,745; http://www. vitaepatrum.org.uk/page64.html. 80 Martyriligium Romanum. Rome DCI. December 25 p. 304. Martyrologium Romanum. Caesare Bronio Sorano. Rome, Vatican, MDCXXX. 625. Martyrologium Romanum. Eystadii. MMXII. 25 December. P. 524. 136 Saints Protus and Hyacinthus. The Golden Legend. Jacob de Voragine. Trans. Willian Granger Ryan. Vol. II (Princeton, NJ, 1993), 165–167. Menologium Basilianum ex editione cardinalis Albani. Pars secunda. De vicesima quarta. December 24. PG CXVII. A. 55. 226. 81 Refers to the account of King Abenner’s conversion: St. John Damascene, Barlaam and Ioasaph LCL. 34. XXXV. 321–322. 536,537. 82 Vincent of Beauvais. Speculum Historiale. 1483. Ch.XV: xcvi, xcvii On death of Valentinan II Theodosius succeeds him. https://ia801007.us.archive.org/3/ items/LaMerDesHistoires1544/Speculum_historiale-1483.pdf p. 431. Chapter 15 of this text may also have been Horneck’s source for the story of Baarlam and Iosaphat. 83 The Happy Ascetick, 1681. 51,52 (1711/1724: 74,75). Dialogus Historicus Palladii, De Vita Joannis Chrysostomi Cap xvii. PG 47. Ch.17. 59., 60. The Dialogue of Palladius concerning the Life of St. John Chrysostom. Trans. Herbert Moore (1921), Ch 61, p. 150ff., http://www.tertullian.org/fathers/ palladius_dialogus_02_text.htm#C17. De Olympiade: Palladii Historia Lausiaca. CLXIV. PG 24. 1244–1248. Olympias: Palladius, The Lausiac History. Vol 2. ACW, 56. pp. 137,212. 84 Martyrologium Romanum Caesare Bronio Sorano. Rome, Vatican, MDCXXX 130. Menologium Basilianum Pars Tertia. III.16 p 18 PG 117. C.355. 85 The Happy Ascetick, 1681. 52 (1711/1724: 75). On Humility. Verba Seniorum Lib 15. PL.73. 0964C. Sayings of the Eqyptian Fathers. 28. Trans. Martin of Braga. p. 28 Iberian Fathers Vol.1. FOC. 62. Appendix 3 to Vitae Patrum 56. Sayings of the Egyptian Fathers. Trans. Bishop Martin Dumiensis http:// www.vitae-patrum.org.uk/page161.html. Sayings of the Fathers. 63. Western Asceticism. O. Chadwick (ed.) LCC Louisville/London, 1958. 86 The Happy Ascetick, 1681. 55 (1711/1724: 77). Amma Synclétique Collection Alphatbetique. S9. Recherches sur la Tradition Grecque des Apothegmata Patrum Jean-Claude Guy SJ. Subsidia Hagiographica 36. Société des Bollandistes (Bruxelles, 1962), 35. Synlectica. Sayings of the Desert Fathers. Trans. Benedicta Ward (London & Oxford, 1975), 26, p. 235. 87 Hyperichus. Lib. Decimus Quintus: De Humilitate. PL 73. 0962D. 49. Sayings of the Fathers. Part XV of Humility 49. Chadwick, Western Asceticism, 167. 88 Luke 1:51,52. 89 The Happy Ascetick, 1681. 57–59 (1711/1724: 80,81). Gate 6 Chovos Halevavos/Duties of the Heart, Rabeinu Bahya ibn Paqda z’l (Bahya ben Joseph iibn Paguda). Trans. Rabbi Josef Sebag. http://dafmoireview.com/article.php?docid=387#ch10 Horneck gives this as R. Bechai Haddajan. Hovot Levavot. Ca.7 fol. 64 Edit. Mant. 1589. This is an unknown edition, possibly the Mantua edition of 1589. 90 The Happy Ascetick, 1681. 60 (1711/1724: 83,84) Apothegmata Patrum. 18 (33) PL 63. 81.82B. Ward, The Sayings of the Desert Fathers. 5. 91 The Happy Ascetick, 1681. 60, 61 (1711/1724: 84, 85). 92 The Happy Ascetick, 1681. 63, 64 (1711/1724: 86, 87). Ambrose, De Officiis Ministrorum. PL. 16. 28–31. Ambrose, De Officiis. Edited with an Introduction, Translation, and Commentary. trans. and ed. Ivor J. Davidson (Oxford Scholarship Online. August, 2004). pp. 123–126. http:ezproxy-prd.bodleian. ox.ac.uk:2153/view/10.1093/0199245789.001.0001/acprof-9780199245chapter-21 III. 11– IV.13. NPNF 2.10: 36,36.

Anthony Horneck: The Happy Ascetick  81 93 Pirke Aboth III.2. op cit. Oesterley. III:2,3 p 30. Taylor, Sayings. 43. https:// www.sefaria.org/Pirkei_Avot.3.2?lang=bi. http://www.chabad.org/library/article_cdo/aid/682516/jewish/English-Text.htm. 94 The Happy Ascetick, 1681. 65 (1711/1724: 88). Mahom Alcor Surat 58. Surah 58.7 http://quran.com/58. 95 Midrash Tillim ad Psalm. Cur Deus vocatur quia ubicunq: congregatisunt Justi, invenitur cun istis: Midrash. Tillim. act Psalm. 96 The Happy Ascetick, 1681. 66–68 (1711/1724: 89–92) Later editions add here a paragraph on the images of fire, water and clothing to speak of necessary spiritual matters. 97 The Happy Ascetick, 1681.70–73 (1711/1724: 93–95). 98 The Happy Ascetick, 1681.74–78 (1711/1724: 96–100). De Vitis Patrum Liber VII. Verba Seniorum. Ch XLIV. PL 73. 1060–1062. Questions and Answers of the Greek Fathers. Paschasius of Dumium. Iberian Fathers, Vol.1. FOC 62. Ch. 44. 167–172. 99 The Happy Ascetick, 1681.79,80 (1711/1724: 101,102). 100 The Happy Ascetick, 1681.81 (1711/1724: 101,102). Vita S. Pauli Primi Eremitae. S. Eusebii Hieronymi 3 PL 23. 19,20,AB. http://www.thelatinlibrary. com/jerome/vitapauli.html. 3. Life of Paulus the First Hermit. Jerome, NPNF 2.6 para 3. p. 696. 101 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.84,85 (1711/1724: 107,108). 102 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.86,87 (1711/1724: 109,110). 103 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.88,89 (1711/1724: 110–111). 104 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.89 (1711/1724: 111,112). 105 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.90.91 (1711/1724: 112–114). 106 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.92 (1711/1724: 114). The Six Voyages of John Baptista Tavernier (The Persian Travels of Monsieur Tavernier) (London, 1678), Book V. Ch. XVII p. 242. 107 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.92,93 (1711/1724: 114,115): 2 Kings 8.13. 108 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.94–97 (1711/1724: 115–118). 109 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.99 (1711/1724: 120). Speculum Historiale. Cap. XI. Speculi Maioris. Vincentii Burgundii (Praesulis Bellovacensis). Tomus Quartus. (Douai. MDCXXIV), 586. Barlaam and Josephat. St John Damascene. LCL 34 XIX. 172–174. pp. 288–291. 110 Cap. V.14. De Tentationbus Diaboli. S. Isidori. Sententiarum Liber tertius. Opera Omnia VI (Rome. MDCCCII). p. 269 http://www.thelatinlibrary.com/ isidore/sententiae3.shtml PL.83. 662 (C),663(A), 269,270. 111 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.100 (1711/1724: 121) Gen. 19.10; Song of Songs 2.15. 112 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.101,102 (1711/1724: 122,123). 113 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.103,104 (1711/1724: 126, 127). Gen 3.6;34.1; Num. 25.1,2; 2 Sam. 11.12; Josh. 7.21; 2 Sam. 13.1,2.; Esther. 3.5. 114 cf. Mortification of the Eyes. Ch. VIII. Section II. The True Spouse of J­ esus Christ. Alphonse Ligouri. Ed. Eugene Grimm (London, 1888), 217–224. ­Regulae Sancti Augustini. 4:5,7. Augustine of Hippo and His Monastic Rule. George Lawless (Oxford, 1987), 86–89. 115 Paedegogi. Clement of Alexandria. Lib III. cch11. PG 3. 645,646 A. The Instructor. Clement of Alexandria. Book 3. Ch. 11. ANF 02. 615. https://www. ccel.org/ccel/schaff/anf02.pdf. 116 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.105. (1711/1724: 128). The Elegies. Sextus Propertius. Book II. XXXII. LCL 18. 228,229. http://www.thelatinlibrary.com/prop2.html. XXXII. http://www.yorku.ca/pswarney/3110/Propertius.htm#_Toc500249333. for Caspar von Barthius reference see cf. Valéry

82  Anthony Horneck: The Happy Ascetick Berlincourt, ‘Commenting on Claudian’s ‘Political Poems’, 1612/1650’, in Karl A. E. Enenkel (ed.), Transformations of the Classics via Early Modern Commentaries (Leiden, 2013), 125–150. 117 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.105,106 (1711/1724: 127ff). 118 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.106 (1711/1724: 129). Meditations III.2. Marcus Aurelius. LCL 58. 46–49. 119 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.107, 108 (1711/1724: 130,131). Porphyrii Philosophi, De Abstinentia ab Esu Animalium. Paddenburg. 1.1.33 ( MDCCLXVII), 54,55 (Latin & Greek text) Porphyry, On Abstinence from Animal Food. Book 1.1.33 Select Works of Porphyry. Ed. Thomas Taylor (London, 1823), 24,25. Passions enter via the senses: ‘from these, the passions being excited, and the whole of the irrational nature becoming fattened, the soul is drawn downward, and abandons its proper love of true being.’ Cassian. Collationes I. VII. XXVI. PL 49. 703–706. (not ch.27 as Horneck gives here). NPNF.II. 11. The Conferences of John Cassian. Part I. VII. First Conference of Abbot Serenus On Inconstancy of Mind and Spiritual Wickedness. Ch. XXVI. Of the death of the prophet who was led astray, and of the infirmity of the Abbot Paul, with which he was visited for the sake of his cleansing. NPNF.II. 11. 930,931. 120 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.108,109 (1711/1724: 131,132). 121 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.109,110. (1711/1724: 131,132). Ruffinus, Ecclesiastica Historia. II. VII. PL 21. 547. O Didyme, quod curnalibus ocuUs videris orbalus. Desunl enim tibi oculi illi, quos mures, et muscse, et lacertae habeut. Sed lcetare, quia habes oculos quos Angeli habent, et quibus Deus videtur per quos tibi magnum scientise lumen accenditur.11.7. FOC 133. pp. 443, 444. 122 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.110 (misnumbered 101) (1711/1724: 132,133). Psalm. 132.2. 123 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.111 (1711/1724: 133,134.). Historia Religiosa. Theodoret. IV. PG 82. 1343. Eusebius of Teleda. History of the Monks of Syria. Theodoret. Trans. R.M.Price (Kalamazoo, 1985). p. 52. para 6. 124 Vita Sancti Pachomii Abbatis Tabennenis. PL. 73. 248. De Vitis Patrum 1. XXVIII. The Life of Saint Pachomius, Abbot of Tabennisi by an unknown Greek Author translated into Latin from the Greek by Dionysius Exiguus, Abbot of Rome’. Vitae Patrum 1a. Ch. XXVIII http://www.vitae-patrum.org.uk/ page13.html. cf. W. Harmless, Desert Christians (Oxford, 2004), 121. Philip Rousseau, Pachomius. The Making of a Community in Fourth Century Egypt (Berkeley/London, 1985), 70. 125 Simeon Stylites: PL. 73. 329, 330 Vitis Patrum 1. Vitae Sanctae Simeonis Stylitae IX Vitis Patrum 1. The Life of St Simeon Stylites by Antony, his disciple Chapter IX. http://www.vitae-patrum.org.uk/page23.html. Theodore: PL 73. 251. Vita Sancti Pachomii Abbatis Tabennenis. De Vitis Patrum 1. XXXI. ­Vitae Patrum. Book 1a Life of Pachomius. Ch XXXI http://www.vitae-­patrum.org. uk/page14.html. 126 PL 73. 1141–1147 Vitis Patrum VIII. Historia Lausiaca. XLIII. De Vitis Patrum, Book II Chapter I John. http://www.vitae-patrum.org.uk/page56.html. 127 Historia ad Lausam. PL. 34. C. Caput XI. http://www.tertullian.org/fathers/palladius_lausiac_02_text.htm#C39. Lausiac History. Ed. C. Butler (Cambridge, 1904). vol II. Ch. XXXIX. 1. p. 123. 1195B. The Lausiac History of Palladius. Ch. 39. W. K. Lowther Clarke (London, 1918). p. 138. Historia ad Lausam. PG 34. C. Caput XL. PG 65. 419. Apothegmata Patrum. De Matre Sara. 3. Sayings of the Desert Fathers. Ward. op. cit. 230 Sarah. para 3: PG 63. 419. 128 PG 65. 295, C, D. Apothegmata Patrum, 3,4. Mark, Disciple of Abba Sylvanus, Sayings of the Desert Fathers, B. Ward (London, 1981). p. 146, paras. 3,4.

Anthony Horneck: The Happy Ascetick  83 129 Historia ad Lausam. PG 34. 1031. C Caput XI. Lausiac History. Ed. C. Butler (Cambridge, 1904). vol II. Ch. XXXIX. 1. p. 123. 1195B. The Lausiac History of Palladius. Ch. 39. W. K. Lowther Clarke, p. 138. http://www.tertullian.org/fathers/palladius_lausiac_02_text.htm#C39. 130 PG 65. 409, 410. Apothegmata Patrum. De Abbate Silvano. 4(63). Sayings of the Desert Fathers. Ward.op. cit. 223 para 4. 131 Diogenes Laertius. Book 6. 68. LCL 185 (Vol. II) pp. 70, 71. ‘Beware’ says Diogenes, ‘lest the oculist instead of curing the eye should ruin the pupil.’ 132 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.113 (given as Cassian c 11) (1711/1724: 135. amended in these editions to c.12). Cassian Institutes.6. 12. PL. 49. 0281. http://www.ldysinger.com/@texts/0415_cassian/02_inst-06.htm. Although he (God) notes wanton eyes, he does not blame them as much as that interior sense which employs them for evil looking. For the heart is sick and wounded by the weapon of lust. It gazes with desire, twisting the gift of sight given to it by the creator for right use to the service of evil works by its own vice. When a spectacle presents itself, it must call forth the evil of concupiscence hidden in itself. This is the reason why this salutary command is enjoined on one whose evil and vicious malady results from the occasion of seeing something. For we are not told to guard our eyes as if they must be guarded as the source of our lustful affections. The eyes perform nothing more than the simple service of vision. Rather it says: “Guard your heart with all vigilance,” (Prov. 4.23 LXX) since the remedy is imposed on that which can especially abuse the function of the eyes. 133 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.114 (1711/1724: 136). 134 Legatio Pro Christianis. Athenagoras. PG 6. 962. c.XXXII. Athenagoras, A Plea for the Christians c. XXXII Elevated Morality of the Christians ANF. 2 p. 328. 135 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.114,115 (1711/1724: 136, 137). 136 Seneca, De Remediis Fortuitorum XX. 1.52 text in Seneca’s De Remediis Fortuitorum and the Elizabethans. R.G. Palmer. Institute of Elizabethan Studies (Chicago, 1953), 52–55. Jerome, In Lamentationes Jeremiae PL 25. 787–792. 137 Luke 16:19–31. 138 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.116, 117 (1711/1724: 138, 139). Plutarch Lives III, The Life of Pericles. VIII. Loeb 65 pp. 24,25 http://classics.mit.edu/ Plutarch/pericles.html. Cicero. De Officiis. 1.XL. para 144. LCL 30. 147. 139 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.117 (1711/1724: 139). 140 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.118 (1711/1724: 142,143). Section LIV Vezoth Habberakah. Targum on Deuteronomy 34. Targum of Palestine. The Palestinian Targum on the Sepher Haddebaeim, or Deuteronomy. The Targums of Onkelos and Jonathan ben Uzziel on the Pentateuch, with fragments pf the Jerusalem. Targum: from the Chaldee. Leviticus, Numbers, Deuteronomy. Trans. J.W. Etheridge (London, 1865), pp. 683, 684. [Blessed be the Name of the Lord of the world, who hath taught us His righteous way. He hath taught us to clothe the naked, as He clothed Adam and Hava; He hath taught us to unite the bridegroom and the bride in marriage, as He united Hava to Adam. He hath taught us to visit the sick, as He revealed Himself to Abraham when he was ill, from being circumcised ; He hath taught us to console the mourners, as He revealed Himself again to Jakob when returning from Padan, in the place where his mother had died. He. hath taught us to feed the poor, as He sent Israel bread from heaven; He hath taught us to bury the dead by (what He did for) Mosheh; for He revealed Himself in His Word, and with Him the companies of ministering angels.]

84  Anthony Horneck: The Happy Ascetick 141 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.119 (1711/1724: 143, 144). 142 PL 73. 0128, 0129. Vita Beati Antonii Abbatis. Auctore Athanasio Episcopo Alexandrino. Ch. III. Ch. 4. Life of Antony. Athanasius. NPNF 2.04. pp. 575,576. 143 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.120 (1711/1724: 144). A New Relation of the Inner Part of the Grand Seignor’s Seraglio. CH XVI. J.B. Tavernier (London, 1677). p. 79. 144 Ceremonies et Coustumes qui S’observent aujourd’huy Parmy Les Juifs. Traduit de l’Italien de Leon de Modene. Paris. MDCLXXIV. Ch.11. pp. 37,38. 145 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.121,122 (1711/1724: 145,146). Moses, David, Daniel, Shadrach Meshach and Abednego, Samuel, Enoch, Josiah, St. Paul, the Berrheans, the jailer at Philippi. 146 Seneca IV. Ad Lucilium. Ch. XI. 10 ; Ch. VI. LCL 75. Seneca IV. Epistulae Morales I. pp. 63, 64, 24–19. 147 1 Kings. 20.37. 148 Augustine, Ennaratio in Psalmum CXIX.5 PL 37. 1600. Augustine on Psalm 119 (CXX) St. Augustine: Exposition on the Book of Psalms (CXX) p. 1173. NPNF.1.08.1173. 149 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.123 (1711/1724: 147). 150 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.123,124 (1711/1724: 147, 148). 151 Memorable Doings and Sayings. Valerius Maximus. IV.3. LCL 492. I. 366, 367. 152 Psalm 139.21. 153 Cain’s despair and its sin, Lot’s incest, the sodomites’ stubbornness, Saul’s disobedience, Doeg’s treachery, David’s adultery, Saul’s idolatry, Nebuchadnezar’s pride, Belshazzar’s luxury, Judas’ greediness. For the medical reference to Galen and Hippocrates see Galen in Early Modern English Medicine: Case-studies in History, Pharmacology and Surgery 1618–1794. Lisa Charlotte Jarman. University of Exeter. PhD Thesis 2003. 105ff. 154 Rosarii Caput Otavum: De Conversandi Virtutibus Cap VIII. Musladini Sadi, Rosarium Politicum, Georgio Gentio (Latin trans) (Amsterdam, 1651). pp. 518,519. Nequaquam avicula circuiverit granum; Si aliam avem in laqueo pendentem viderit: Tu ex aliorum damnis exemplum capito; Ne alii ex te exemplum fumant. XC. Ch. VIII. Rules for the Conduct in Life. The Gulistan or Rose Garden. Musle-Huddeen Sheik Saadi. Trans. Francis Gladwin (Boston, 1865), p. 372. The bird alighteth not on the spread net, when it beholds another bird in the snare. Take warning by the misfortunes of others, that others may not take example from you. Maxim 67 Gulistan Saadi VIII Rules for the Conduct in Life. http://classics.mit.edu/Sadi/gulistan.9.viii.html. The bird does not go to the grain displayed, from When it beholds another fowl in the trap. Take advice by the misfortunes of others. That others may not take advice from thee. 155 In Gordium Martyrem. Basil of Casearea Homily XVIII. PG 31. 490-508. NFNF 2.08. 122–124. Basil, A Homily on the Martyr Gordias, 1. Trans. Johan Leemans. in Let us die that we may Live: Greek Homilies on Christian Martyrs Asia Minor, Palestine and Syria (cAD 340–AD 450). Ed. Johan Leemans et al. (London, 2003), 56–66. Martyr, Monk, and Victor of Paganism: An Analysis of Basil of Caesarea’s Sermon on Gordius. Johan Leemans in More Than a Memory: The Discourse of Martyrdom and the Construction of Christian Identity in the History of Christianity. Ed. Johan Leemans (Leuven, 2005), pp. 45–79. 156 S. Arelii Augustini Hipponensis Epsicopi, Confessionum Libri Tredecim. VIII. VI. PL 32, 0754-0757. Augustine Confessions. Trans. Henry Chadwick (Oxford, 1992), 142–145.

Anthony Horneck: The Happy Ascetick  85 157 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.129 (1711/1724: 152). Epistola LVIII. Ad Paulinum. Hieronymus Stridoniensis. PL 22. 0583. NPNF 2.06 Jerome (1776–1777), 121,122. http://www.ccel.org/ccel/schaff/npnf206.v.LVIII.html let Roman generals imitate men like Camillus, Fabricius, Regulus, and Scipio. Let philosophers take for models Pythagoras, Socrates, Plato, and Aristotle. Let poets strive to rival Homer, Virgil, Menander, and Terence. Let writers of history follow Thucydides, Sallust, Herodotus and Livy. Let orators find masters in Lysias, the Gracchi, Demosthenes, and Tully. And, to come to our own case, let bishops and presbyters take for their examples the apostles or their companions; and as they hold the rank which these once held, let them endeavour to exhibit the same excellence. And last of all let us monks take as the patterns which we are to follow the lives of Paul, of Antony, of Julian, of Hilarion, of the Macarii. 158 Basil of Caesarea, Letter CCXXIII. Against Eustathius of Sebasteia. PG 32. 823. 2C337,338. NPNF 2.08. 73. (2887–2891) http://www.ccel.org/ccel/ schaff/npnf208.ix.ccxxiv.html. 159 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.129, 130 (1711/1724: 153) Acts 16.29,30. 160 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.131 (1711/1724: 154). Eusebius Historia Ecclesiastica III.XXXIX. PG. 20. 295–302. Eusebius Church History III. XXXIX The Writings of Papias. NPNF.II.1.373–381. https://www.ccel.org/ ccel/schaff/npnf201.iii.viii.xxxix.html. 161 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.131,132 (1711/1724: 154,155). 162 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.133 (1711/1724: 155,156). Luke 16. 19–31. 163 Eusebius, Historia Ecclesiastica. IV.XV. PG 20. 339-363. Eusebius, Church History. IV.XV. Under Verus, Polycarp with Others suffered Martyrdom at Smyrna. NPNF 2.01 426–436. https://www.ccel.org/ccel/schaff/npnf201.iii. viii.xxxix.html. Eusebius, Historia Ecclesiastica V.I PG 20. 407-434. Eusebius, Church History V.I. The Number of those who fought for Religion in Gaul Under Verus and the Nature of their Conflicts. NPNF 2.10. 497 509 https://www.ccel.org/ccel/schaff/npnf201.iii.x.ii.html. 164 Jerome, Vita S. Hilarionis Eremitae PL 23.54 c.45 (not c.38 as in Horneck). Jerome, Life of St. Hilarion.c.45. NPNF 2.06 p. 721. 165 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.133, 134 (1711/1724:156). De Vitis Patrum: Verba Seniorum. Book III. 159. PL 73. 791 cf. V.11.52. http://www. vitae-patrum.org.uk/page71.html. 159. The Desert Fathers. Trans. Benedicta Ward (London, 2003), 11.52. p. 128. 166 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.137, 138 (1711/1724:158–160). 167 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681: 138,139ff (1711/1724: 162,163ff). 168 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.140 (1711/1724:164,165). Chrysostom, Genesis Hom. In Cap. XVIII Hom XLII. PG 54. 389-392. Chrysostom, Homily 42. 12–12. FOC 82. 424–426. 169 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.141,142 (1711/1724:165,166 ), 1 Kings. 5.18. 170 Luke 18. 9–14, Numbers.35.11,30. 171 Seneca, De Ira. XXIV. 2.–XXV. 4. LCL 214. 216–219. 172 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.142, 143 (1711/1724:165,166). cf. Augustine, Sermon 243 On the Resurrection of the Lord according to John 20.17 para 5. FOC. 38 Sermons on the Liturgical Seasons. pp. 275,276. 173 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.144 (1711/1724:167, 168). The Gulistan or Rose Garden. Musle-Huddeen Sheik Saadi. trans. Francis Gladwin (Boston, 1865).Ch. 1. Tale 1. pp. 111,112. Gulistan, Saadi. Ch. 1I. The Manners of Kings. Story 1. http://classics.mit.edu/Sadi/gulistan.2.i.html.

86  Anthony Horneck: The Happy Ascetick 174 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.145 (1711/1724:169). Epicurus X.63. Laertius Diogenes. LCL 185. 594–597. The comment from Gassendi which Horneck refers to may relate to the following passages: Epicurus His Life and Doctrine. Petrus Gassendus, ‘The Fifth Part: The Third Part of Philosophy: Ethick or Morals’, in Thomas Stanley (ed.), The History of Philosophy, the Third and Last Volume in Five Parts (London, 1660). Ch. VI Of right reason and freewill, from which the vertues have their praise. p. 235, Ch. VIII Of prudence in general. pp. 237,238. Ch. IX Private prudence p. 239. Ch XV. Of meekness, opposite to anger. pp. 248,249. 175 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.146 (1711/1724:169). Chrysostom, In Matthaeum Homil. LXXXVII al. LXXXVIII. 4. PG. 58. 773,774. Chrysostom, Homily LXXXVII. Matthew XXVII. 27–29. para 4. NPNF.1.10 p 898. Sermon LXXXVII. para 4. Library of the Fathers. vol 16. Homilies of John Chrysostom (Oxford. MDCCCLI). 1142. 176 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.147 (1711/1724:170). Augustine, Contra Gaudentium Lib. 2. PL 43. 741–752. 177 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.149 (1711/1724:172). 178 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.152 (1711/1724:174). Musladini Sadi, Rosarium Politicum, Georgio Gentio (Latin trans) (Amsterdam, 1651). pp. 520,521. Deus Altissimus (scelera aspicit, & tegit: vicinus vero nihil videt; & tamen (nihil,nifi alienos naevos) crepat. http://classics.mit.edu/Sadi/gulistan.9.viii.html. Gulistan, Ch 8. Maxim 71. ‘The Most High Sees a Fault and Conceals It, and a Neighbour Sees It Not But Shouts,’ The Gulistan or Rose Garden. Musle-Huddeen Sheik Saadi. Trans. Francis Gladwin (Boston, 1865), p. 373. Ch. VIII. XCIII. ‘The Almighty beholdeth the crime, and concealeth it; and the neighbor seeth not, yet proclaimeth it aloud.’ 179 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.152, 153 (1711/1724:175, 176). Isaiah 63.8, Ps. 103.14, Matt. 18.33. 180 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.153–155 (1711/1724:175–177). Jerome, Regula Monacharum IX. PL.30. 400,401. Jerome, Ad Paulum et Eustochium Epistola IX. PL 30 122–142. On Pseudo Jerome Epistle IX. T.A.Aigus. JTS, 24/94 (January, 1923), 176–183. https://epistolae.ctl.columbia.edu/letter/299. html. On Jerome’s critique of monasticism cf. Epicurus Role in Controversies on Asceticism in European Religious History. Ulrich Berner, in Asceticism and Its Critics: Historical Accounts and Comparative Perspectives.Ed. Oliver Freiberger (Oxford, 2006), 44–49. cf. Jerome, Epistola XXII Ad Eustochia Paulae Filiam. PL 22. 394–425. Jerome, Letter 22 to Eustochium NPNF 2.06. 100–137. 181 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.155,156 (1711/1724:179, 180). George Agricola, De Re Metallica. Trans. from the first Latin edition of 1556, by Henry Clark Hoover and Lou Henry Hoover (New York, 1950). Book XII. pp. 572–597. 182 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.157–159 (1711/1724:180–183). Pliny, Natural History. Book 7. XXXVI. 121,122. LCL. 352. 586,587. 183 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.159–161 (1711/1724:179, 183–185). 184 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.161–163 (1711/1724:179, 185–187). 185 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.163–166 (1711/1724:187–189). 186 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.166–168 (1711/1724:179, 189–191). 187 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.168–170 (1711/1724:191–193). 188 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.170–172 (1711/1724:193–194). 189 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.172–174 (1711/1724:194–196). 190 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.174–176 (1711/1724:196–198). 191 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.176–178 (1711/1724:198–200). 192 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.178,179 (1711/1724:200). 193 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.179–180 (1711/1724:200–202). 194 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.180–182 (1711/1724:202–203).

Anthony Horneck: The Happy Ascetick  87 95 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.182–184 (1711/1724:203–206). 1 196 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.185,186 (1711/1724:206,207). Luke 18.11. 197 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.188–190 (1711/1724:211–212). Jerome, Vita Hilarionis. PL.23. 00318/C. NPNF 6. 704. http://www.ccel.org/schaff/ npnf206.vi.ii.html. 198 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.191–193 (1711/1724:213–215). PL 73. 885,886. The Desert Fathers. Benedicta Ward (London, 2003), 48 para. 39. 199 Chrysostom, De Compuctione Ad Demetrium. 1. PG 47. 396,397. Book 1. To Demetrius on Compunction of the Heart. A Companion for the Sincere Penitent or a Treatise on the Compunction of the Heart in Two Books. John Chrysostom. By John Veneer (London. MDCCXXVIII), 1–54, pp. 9, 10 (This is the passage Horneck may have in mind). 200 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.194,195 (1711/1724:215,216). 201 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.195ff (1711/1724: 216,217ff. 202 PL 22. 890,894. Epistola CVIIIc. Ad Eustochium Virginem (d) Epitaphium Paulae matris c.15–17. NPNF. 20.6. 495–498. Jerome, Letter CVIII to Eustochium. Chs. 15–17 Jerome, The Life of St Paula. XV–XVII. http://www. vitae-patrum.org.uk/page53.html. 203 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.199 (1711/1724:220). Vitis Patrum Book VII. XXXIX. PL 73. 1055,1056. http://www.vitae-patrum.org.uk/page105. html Paschasius. Questions and Answers of the Greek Fathers. 39 FOC 62. 161. The Wisdom of the Desert. James O Hannay (2012), 1. p. 99. https:// ia800306.us.archive.org/24/items/WisdomOfTheDesert/wd.pdf. ­Poemen.  111 PG 65. 350 (Flies do not settle on a pot). Poemen. 111. Sayings of the Desert Fathers. B. Ward (London, 1975), 183. Synlectica. J.C.Guy, Recherches sure la Tradition Greque des Apothegmata Patrum (Bruxelles, 1962). S3. 34,35. (Wax melts before fire). Synclectica 21. Sayings of the Desert Fathers (B. Ward, 234). 204 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.199,200 (1711/1724:220). 205 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.199,201,202. (1711/1724:221–223). Vitis Patrum III. 13. PL 73. 745,746. http://www.vitae-patrum.org.uk/page64.html. 206 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.203,204 (1711/1724:223,224). Vitis Patrum III. 57. PL.73. 670. De Abbate Poemene. Apothegmata Patrum PG 65, 343-346. Poemen 93. Sayings of the Desert Fathers. B. Ward. (London, 1977), 180. http://www.vitae-patrum.org.uk/page67.html. 207 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.205 (1711/1724:225). S. Gregorii Theologi. Epistola XVII. PG 37. 51,52. cf Epistola VII. PG 37. 31,34. NPNF 2.07. 899,900. http://people.ucalgary.ca/~vandersp/Courses/texts/cappadoc/ gnazseep. html#VII. 208 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.206– 209 (1711/1724:226). Socratis, Historia Ecclesiastica. III. XIII. PG 67. 411,415. Chapter XIII.—Of the Outrages committed by the Pagans against the Christians Socrates. Book III. Ecclesiastical History. NPNF 2.02. 217,218. https://www.ccel.org/ccel/schaff/ npnf202.ii.vi.xiii.html. 209 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.208,209 (1711/1724:226–228). 210 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681,209 (1711/1724:228,229). Tractatus de Anima. VII. R. Moscheh Corduero. Apparatus in Librum Sohar. Kabbala Denudata seu Doctrina Hebraeorum Transcendentalis at Metaphysica Atque Theologica. Abraami Lichtenthalleri. Sulzbach, 1677. 211 Synclectica. Verba Seniorum V. VII.16. PL 73. 0895D–0896B. http://www.vitaepatrum.org.uk/page85.html. cf. Syncletica: Urban Ascetic and Desert Mother, Susan Dreyer OSB. College of Saint Benedict and Saint John’s University DigitalCommons@CSB/SJU. https://digitalcommons.csbsju.edu/cgi/viewcontent. cgi?referer=https://www.google.co.uk/&httpsredir=1&article=1012&context=sot_papers.

88  Anthony Horneck: The Happy Ascetick 212 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick 1681.211–225. (The pages of the 1711 and 1724 editions are misnumbered at this point 232–240, then numbers repeated sequentially 235–240). 213 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681: 226ff (1711/1724:241ff). 214 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.226–228 (1711/1724. 241–243). 215 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.228,229 (1711/1724. 243,244). 216 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.211–225 (1711/1724.244). 217 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.226–236 (1711/1724. 243–250). 218 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.237,238 (1711/1724. 250–252). 219 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.239 (1711/1724. 254). 220 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.239–242 (1711/1724. 255–257). 221 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681: 244,245 (1711/1724:259). Reminiscent of Cistercian writings on the Song of Songs. 222 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.242–246 (1711/1724. 257–261). 223 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick 1681.247 (1711/1724. 261,262). Sanctii Gregoriae Papae Vita. Paulo Diacono. Liber Secundus. II.XXII, XXIII. in Sanctii Gregoriae Papae I Cognomento Magni. Opera Omnia Tomus Quartus. Paris. MDCCV. pp. 51–53. Frederick Homes Dudden, Gregory the Great, his place in history and thought. Vol 1 (Eugene, OR, 2004), 250. 224 St. Louis (Louis IX of France). Frederck Perry (New York/London, 1901), 209, 222, 268, 273. 225 XVIII. XIV. De exemplo patientiae cujusdam religiosae feminae. Cassian Collationes. III. 18. PL 49. 1114C–1116A. Cassian, Conference XVIII. ­C hapter XIV. Of the example of patience given by a certain religious woman NPNF.2.11. 1241,1242 John Cassian. Conferences. Trans. Colm Luibheid. CWS (New York, 1985), 194–196. 226 Ephesians 4. 11,12,13,15. 227 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.251. 6 (1711/1724. 267). Persius. Satire IV. 23. LCL. 91. pp. 91,92. ‘No one attempts the descent into themselves, no one! Instead they Stare at the knapsack on the back in front of them.’ 228 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.252 (1711/1724. 268). Ps. 119.54; Ps. 63.6; Gen 24.63. 229 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.253 (1711/1724. 268–270). Marcus Aurelius, Meditations, 10.37.1. LCL. 58. pp. 290,291. http://www. perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A2008.01.0641%3Abook%3D10%3Achapter%3D37%3Asection%3D1. Diogenes Laertius, Lives of Eminent Philosophers. II. LCL. 185. 338,339. http://www.perseus. tuf ts.edu / hopper/tex t?doc=Perseus%3Atex t%3A1999.01.0258%3Abook%3D8%3Acha pter%3D1. Diogenes Laertius, Lives of Eminent Philosophers, I. LCL. 184. 94,95. Cleobulus. http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/ text?doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A1999.01.0258%3Abook%3D1%3Achapter%3D6. 230 Cicero De Senectute XI. LCL 154. 46,47 para 8. Antiquarium Lectionum Commentarios Lodovici Caelii Rhodigini Antiquarum Lectionum Liber Undecimus (11.1). pp. 551,552. https://ia800408.us.archive.org/7/items/ bub_gb_ULXUFxB2FsYC/bub_gb_ULXUFxB2FsYC.pdf. Seneca. De Ira Book. III c.36. Seneca Moral Essays I. LC L 214. 338–341. http://www. perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A2007.01.0014%3Abook%3D3%3Achapter%3D36%3Asection%3D1. Plutarch Adversus Colotem 21. Moralia Vol XIV. Sect. 1118. Loeb: LCL 428. 260. http://www. perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A2008.01.0397%3Asection%3D21. Oration VI. To the Uneducated Cynics. The Works of the Emperor Julian II. LCL 29. 200C – 201D. pp. 54–57. http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/ hopper/text?doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A2008.01.0662%3Aorgpage%3D200c.

Anthony Horneck: The Happy Ascetick  89 231 S. Athanasii and Vita S. Antonii, PG 26. 922–923. Athanasius. Life of Antony ch. 55 NPNF pp. 609,610. 232 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.255 (1711/1724. 270,271). Mas. Menachoth 43b. https://halakhah.com/pdf/kodoshim/Menachoth.pdf. p. 157. R. Eliezer b. Jacob said, Whosoever has the tefillin on his head, the tefillin on his arm, the zizith on his garment, and the mezuzah on his doorpost, is in absolute security against sinning, for it is written, And a threefold cord is not quickly broken;13 and it is also written, The angel of the Lord encampeth round about them that fear Him, and delivereth them.14. 233 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.256 -2 58 (1711/1724. 272,273). 234 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.258,259 (1711/1724. 273,274). 235 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.261,262 (1711/1724. 276,277). 236 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.263,264 (1711/1724. 277,278). 237 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.266–269 (1711/1724. 280–282). 238 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.269 (1711/1724. 282). 239 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.270, 271 (1711/1724. 282,283). 240 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.271,272 (1711/1724. 284). 241 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.272 (1711/1724. 284,285). 242 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.272,273 (1711/1724. 285). 243 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.273,274 (1711/1724. 285,286). 244 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.274,275 (1711/1724. 286,287). 245 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.276 (1711/1724. 287,288). 246 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.276–278 (1711/1724. 288–290). 247 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.278, 279 (1711/1724.290). 248 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.279,280 (1711/1724. 290, 291). 249 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.278 (1711/1724. 291,292). 250 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.281, 282 (1711/1724. 292,293). 251 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.282, 283 (1711/1724. 293,294). 252 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.283–287 (1711/1724. 294–297). 253 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.288–291 (1711/1724. 288–291). 254 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1711/1724:299. 255 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.290–293. (1711/1724. 301–303). 256 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.294 (1711/1724. 304). 257 Chilon, Diogenes Laertius. Lives of the Eminent Philosophers. Vol. 1. LCL 184 Book I. ch. 3. pp. 68–75. Thales. I.32–34. Diogenes Laertius, Lives of the Eminent Philosophers. Vol. 1. LCL 184. Book I pp. 34,35. 258 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.294,295 (1711/1724. 304, 305). Bernard of Clairvaux, De Consideratione. II. 3.6. PL 182. 741,745. The Works of Bernard of Clairvaux vol.13. Five Books on Consideration. Trans. John D. Anderson and Elizabeth T. Kennan (Kalamazoo, MI, 1976). II. III. 6. pp. 52,53. 259 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.295,296 (1711/1724. 305,306). 260 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.296, 297 (1711/1724. 306). 261 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.297–299 (1711/1724. 306,307). 262 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.299,300 (1711/1724. 308,309). John Chrysostom, In Epist II Ad Tim. Cap III. Hom. VIII. PG 67. 645,646. NPNF 1.13. Homily VIII. 2 Timothy iii.1–4. p. 506. https://www.ccel/schaff/ npnf113.v.iv.viii.html. 263 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.300–303 (1711/1724. 309–312). (Story told by Aelian of the Sybarite Smindyrides who slept on a bed of roses). Supplemental Nights to the Book of One Thousand and One Nights. Richard F. Burton. Vol. 2. Private Printing, The Burton Club (London, 1886), p. 235. 264 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.304, 305 (1711/1724. 308,309). 265 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.306 (1711/1724. 314, 315). 266 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.306–308 (1711/1724. 315–317).

90  Anthony Horneck: The Happy Ascetick 267 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.309,310. (1711/1724. 317, 318). 268 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.310,311 (1711/1724. 318, 319). 269 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.312, 313. (1711/1724. 320,321). 270 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.314 (1711/1724. 322). 271 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.314, 315 (1711/1724. 321,322). Basil. Ad Adolescentes de Legendis Libris Gentilium. PG 31. 573,574, sect 177,178. LCL. 270. 398,399. Fourth Century Christian Education: An Analysis of Basil’s Ad Adolescentes. Jennifer Helen Gane. School of Historical Studies, Newcastle University. October 2012. pp. 87,88. https://theses.ncl.ac.uk/ dspace/bitstream/10443/1623/1/Gane%2012.pdf. 272 Genesis.29.20. 273 Horneck,The Happy Ascetick, 1681:316ff (1711/1724:325ff). 274 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.316,317 (1711/1724. 325, 326). 275 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.318 (1711/1724. 322). 276 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.319,320 (1711/1724. 327,328). 277 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.319,321 (1711/1724. 327–329). 278 ‘Alban’ untraceable except as the legendary king Albanactus. Horneck could mean Harold before confronting the Normans. Ethelwolph (836) tithed as many other kings must have done, but not before any battle. cf. The Ancient and Present State of England. William Howell (London, 1742), p. 33. 279 St Remy. 16. The Golden Legend. Jacobus de Voragine. Vol. I. Trans.William Granger Ryan (Princeton, N.J, 1993), 88. Of Saints. Folio cvi. St Remye. Legenda Aurea Sanctorum. Jacobus, de Voragine, (approximately 1229–1298) (London, William Caxton, 1483 EEBO). 280 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.322,323 (1711/1724. 330,331). Diagoras. Cicero. De Natura Deorum. LCL 268. iii.27 374,375. 281 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.323,324 (1711/1724. 331,332). 282 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.324, 326 (1711/1724. 332–334.). 283 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.326,327 (1711/1724. 332–334). 284 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.328,329 (1711/1724. 335,336). Annales Ecclesiastici. Caesarae Baronio Sorano. Tomus Quintus. Leonardo Venturini (MDCCXXXIX). Sect 15. 383AD. p. 556 (Tome 4 in edition cited by Horneck). https://ia801606.us.archive.org/0/items/annalesecclesias05baro/annalesecclesias05baro.pdf. 285 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681. 329 (1711/1724. 336). Evagrius, Ecclesiastical History: History of the Church in Six Books AD 431–AD 594. Book 6. XXI (London. MDCCCXLVI), 308,309. http://www.earlychristianwritings.com/fathers/evagrius_6_book6.html. Theophylacti, Simocatte.Historiae V.14.2–12. Ed. Carolus de Boor (Leipzig. MDCCCLXXXVII), 214–216. cf. Key Fowden. The Barbarian Plain. Saint Sergius between Rome and Iran. Oakland, California. 136–141. 286 Analecta Bollandia VI. (Paris & Bruxelles, 1887), 73–76. Bede, The Ecclesiastical History of the English People Ed. Judth McClure and Roger Collins (Oxford, 1994), V.11 pp. 251,252. Vitae S. Suiberti, Vitae Sanctorum sive Res Geste, Martyrum, Confessorum. Laurentium Surium. Brescia. MDCI. Tom. I. 334–344. 287 Robert Bateman Paul, A History of Germany: From the Invasion of Germany by Marius to the Battle of Leipzig, 1813 (London, 1847), 70. cf. Bonds of Wool: The Pallium and Papal Power in the Middle Ages. Steven A. Schoenig (Washington, 2016), 260. Saxony Anhalt: Land of the Ottonians. Zentrum Fur Mittlealterausstellungen. (Magdeburg. Nd), 1. 288 Si quis voverit se absienturum ta lacte tunc licitum ipse est serum si a sero concessum est ei lac si a caseo tum ille prohibitus est ipse sive sit salitus vel non salitus. He who vows (abstinence) from milk is permitted to eat

Anthony Horneck: The Happy Ascetick  91 curds. But Rabbi Yose forbids it. “From curds” is permitted milk. Abba Shaul says: he who vows (abstinence) fro mchese, is forbidden is, whether salted or unsalted. Nedarim 6, Mishnah 5. http://www.sefaria.org/ Mishnah_Nedarim.6.5?lang=en&with=all&lang2=en. 289 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681. 330 (1711/1724. 337,338). Plutarch, Sayings of the Spartans 70. 236. LCL. 245 Moralia III. pp. 420,421. 290 Plutarch, On the Control of Anger. LCL 337. Moralia VI, 464B. pp. 157,158. 291 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681. 330 (1711/1724. 337,338). On the four differences between a vow and a sh’vuat bitui, http://www.chabad.org/library/article_cdo/aid/973882/jewish/Nedarim-Chapter-3.ht. 292 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.331,332 (1711/1724. 338,339). 293 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.334,335 (1711/1724. 341). 294 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.336, 337 (1711/1724. 343,344). 295 Summa casuum conscientiae Sixtus IV: Bulla “Etsi dominici gregis.” Baptiste Trovamala. Novis. Nicolaus de Girardengis (Venice, 1484), 356. Dell Instruttorio della Conscienza del R.P. L. Lodovico Lopes. Parte Prima. Ch. 49 (Venice. MDXC), 186–188. Cap. XIX. De Votorum Absolutione. Institutionum Moralium Pars Prima Ioanne Azorio Lorcitano (Rome MDC), 1412–1419. These references omitted in second edition. 296 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.337–339 (1711/1724. 345,346). Nedarim 11. The Mishnah. Trans. Herbert Danby (Oxford, 1933), 278–280. http://www.chabad.org/library/article_cdo/aid/973890/jewish/Nedarim-­ Chapter-11.htm. 297 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681. 340,341 (1711: 346, 353) (pages are here misnumbered in this edition; page numbers jump from 346 to 353/1724. 346, 347). 298 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.341, 342 (1711: 353,354/1724. 347,348). 299 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.342,343 (1711: 354,355. /1724. 348,349). 300 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.344,345 (1711: 355,356./1724. 349–351). 301 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681 345 (1711: 357./1724.351). Ioannis Stobae, Dicta Poetarum Io. Stobaeum. Exstant. Florilegium Ad Epemium. Titulus XXVIII. De Perjurio. (Paris. MDCXXIII). pp. 122,123. 302 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.345–347 (1711: 357, 358./1724.351,352). 303 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.347,348 (1711: 358,359./1724.352,353). 304 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.348,349 (1711: 359,360./1724.354). Horneck has a reference here in the first edition which is illegible, and which is omitted from later editions. The substance of his text is found in Eusebius’ Life of Constantine. NPNF 2.01 Eusebius. Life of Constantine. Book 1. XVI. p, 1168. https://www.ccel.org/ccel/schaff/npnf201.iv.vi.i.xvi.html. 305 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.349–351 (1711: 360,361./1724.355,356). 306 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.351, 352 (1711: 362./1724.356). Augustine Letter 127 to Armenius and Paulina 8. PL 33. 487. Letter 127.8. The Works of St. Augustine: Letters 100–155. Trans.& notes. Robert Teske SJ ed. Boniface Ramsey (New York: New City Press, 2003), 169. 307 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.353 (1711: 362./1724.356). Jonah 3.6,7. Tertullian, Chapter XIII.-Of the Inconsistencies of the Psychics. De Jejunis. PL.2. 0972A. ANF.04. 255, 256. https://www.ccel.org/ccel/schaff/anf04.pdf. 308 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.353 - 356 (1711: 365–367./1724.360,361). 309 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.356 (1711: 367./1724.362). 310 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.356,357 (1711: 368,369./1724.362,363). Martyrdom of Ignatius. 1. PG.5. 979,980. ANF 1. 356. Tertullian, De Oratione. 19.23. PL.1. 1182A-1183A; 1191A-1192A. ANF. 03. 1537,1544. http:// www.ccel.org/ccel/schaff/anf03.vi.iv.xxiii.html. De Jejunia. 10.14,23. PL. 2.

92  Anthony Horneck: The Happy Ascetick 0966A-0968A, 0973A-0974A. ANF.04. 249–251,257. http://www.ccel.org/ ccel/schaff/anf04.iii.ix.xiv.html. Clement of Alex, Stromateis 7.12. PG.09. 496–512. ANF 02. 157,158. http://www.ccel.org/ccel/schaff/anf02.vi.iv.vii. xii.html. Gabrielis Albaspinaei, Opera Varia (Naples. MDCCLXX). Chs. 13–16. pp. 30–45. 311 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.357,358 (1711: 369./1724.363). 312 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.358 (1711: 369./1724.363). Tertullian. De Jenjuia 1,2. PL 2. 0953B–0958C. ANF 04.235–238. Chapter I.—­ Connection of Gluttony and Lust. Grounds of Psychical Objections Against the Montanists. Chapter II.—Arguments of the Psychics, Drawn from the Law, the Gospel, the Acts, the Epistles, and Heathenish Practice. 313 Cassian, Conferences Part II. XXI: XXX PL. 49. 1209A/B. NPNF.2.11. 1310, 1322. https://www.ccel.org/ccel/cassian/conferences.pdf. Augustine, Letter 86 to Casulan (Augustine letter 36) PL 33. 0137-0151. NPNF.1.01. 612. https://www.ccel.org/ccel/schaff/npnf101.pdf. Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History. V.23. LCL 153. 502–513. Book V. XXIII. NPNF. 581–583. https:// www.ccel.org/ccel/schaff/npnf201.iii.x.xxiv.html. 314 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.358,359 (1711: 370./1724.364). The letter referred to here is likely to be; Basil, Letter CCXXIII Against Eustathius, Bishop of Sebasteia para 2. PG 32. 823,824. NPNF.2.08.738 cf. Part 2 fn. 15 The Christian State of Life. Hans Urs von Balthasar (Ignatius Press, 2012). Renouncing the World yet Leading the Church: The Monk-Bishop in Late Antiquity. Andrea Sterk (Cambridge, MA, 2009), 40–42. Henry Chadwick, The Church in Ancient Society (Oxford, 2001), 334. A Life Pleasing to God. The Spirituality of the Rules of St. Basil. Augustine Holmes (Kalamazoo, 2000), 24–44. 315 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.359 (1711: 370./1724.364). Jerome, Viti Sancti Pauli Eremitae. PL 23. 17–28C. NPNF.2.06 696,697. Jerome, Vita Sancti Hilarionis. PL.23. 347–420. NPNF 703–705. Augustine, On the Morals of the Catholic Church. 1. 70–73. PL 32. 1339-1341. NPNF. 1.04. 105–107. 316 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.360 (1711: 371./1724.365). Ammonius. Life of Hor. Book II. CH.III. Ammon. PL 21. 407,408., http://www.vitae-­ patrum.org.uk/page58.html. III. Ammon. Lives of the Desert Fathers. trans. Norman Russell (London, 1980), 65. Conon, PL 74.130 (Moschos. Pratum Spirituale) X. Chapter XXII. The Life of Another Old Man Called Conon, http://www.vitae-patrum.org.uk/page142.html. Eusebius, PL 74. 79,80. Vitae Patrum. IX. Chapter XVIII Eusebius, http://www.vitae-patrum.org.uk/ page135.html. John, Vitae Patrum. Book II. Prologue and the Life of John. Ch.1, http://www.vitae-patrum.org.uk/page57.html. Sophronius, Life of St. Mary of Egypt. PL.73. 684,685. Vitae Patrum. Id. Ch,XIX http://www. vitae-patrum.org.uk/page48.html. Benedicta Ward, Harlots of the Desert (London, 1987), 29. Pityrion. Vitae Patrum, The Life of Abba Pityrion and those with Him. Vitae Patrum VIII.LXXIII, http://www.vitae-patrum.org. uk/page119.html PL.73.1176 (VIII. LXXIV). Pityrion. Russell, Lives of the Desert Fathers. op. cit. 99. Polychronius. PL.74. 95–98. Vitae Patrum, IX. Chapter XXIV, Zebinas and Polychronius, http://www.vitae-patrum.org.uk/ page138.html. Posidonius. PL 73. 1177,1178. VIII. Chapter LXXVII. The Life of Abba Posidonius, http://www.vitae-patrum.org.uk/page119.html. 317 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.362 (1711: 372,373./1724.366,367). 318 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.362,363 (1711: 373,374./1724.367,368). PL 72.222. Vitae Patrum. III. 66 http://www.vitae-patrum.org.uk/page68.html. 319 Xenophon, Memorabilia II.1.20. LCL 168. p. 102.103. ‘Dii Laboribus omnia vendunt’, http://perseus.uchicago.edu/perseuscgi/citequery3. pl?dbname=GreekFeb2011&query=Xen.%20Mem.%202.1.24&getid=1.

Anthony Horneck: The Happy Ascetick  93 320 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.364,366 (1711: 374–376./1724.369,370). In Diogenem Laertium Aegidii Menagii (Paris, 1663; Amsterdam, 1692). VIII.10, 354, VIII.23. 363, VII. 45. 375. cf. Pythagoras. Diogenes Laertius. VIII. 44. LCL 185. 360,361. 321 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.366 (1711: 376./1724.370). Plutarch. Moralia. Isis and Osiris. LCL 306. 12,13. Tertullian. De Jejuniis. PL 2. 1027. 1028. XVI. On Fasting XVI (unlikely this refers to De Anima as Horneck cites) ANF.04. 260. http://www.ccel.org/ccel/schaff/anf04.iii.ix.xvi.html. Herodotus. II. 40.4. LCL 117. 323–325. 322 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.367,368 (1711: 377./1724.371, 372). Cyprian, Epistola VIII. Ad Martyes at Confessores. PL 4. 0245C-0250A. ANF 5. 287–289. https://www.ccel.org/ccel/schaff/anf05.iv.v.viii.html. 323 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.369,370 (1711: 378,379/1724.373). 324 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.370,371 (1711:379,380/1724.374). 325 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.371,372. 1711: 380,381/1724.373). 326 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.372 (1711: 381./1724.375,376). 327 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.372,373 (1711: 382/1724.376,377). 328 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.373,374 (1711: 382,382/1724.377). 329 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.375 (1711: 384./1724.378). 330 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.375,376 (1711: 384,385/1724.378,379). 331 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.376,377 (1711: 385,386/1724.379,380). 332 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.377,378 (1711: 386,387/1724.381). 333 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.378–380 (1711: 387.388/1724.381–383). 334 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.378–380 (1711: 388,389/1724.383,384). 335 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.381,382, (1711: 338–390/1724. 383,384). 336 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.382,383, (1711: 390,391//1724. 383,384.) Apostolic Canons. PL 67.9. PG 11. 1560. NPNF. 14.1158. Canon 66 (not 55 as in Horneck). Ignatius, Letter to the Phiippians. PG. 5. 935–938. ANF 1. 329. 337 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.383 (1711: 391,392/1724.385,386). 338 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681 384–386 (1711: 392,393/1724.386,387). Procopius, On Buildings.I.7. LCL. 343. 66–69. 339 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.385 1711.393,394./1724.388. 340 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681 386,387 (1711: 393,394/1724.388,389). 341 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681 387–389 (1711: 395,396/1724.389,390). 342 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681 389,340 (1711: 396,397/1724.391). 343 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681 390,391 (1711: 397,398/1724.391,392). PG.65. 204D-205A. The Sayings of the Desert Fathers. Ward. op. cit. 86. 344 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681 391,392 (1711: 396,397 (pagination repeated here)/1724.3912,393). 345 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681 392,393 (1711: 397/1724.393). 346 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681 393,394 (1711: 397/1724.393. Jerome, Adversus Jovinianum. II. 13,14. PL.23. 0302B-0305B (314–316) NPNF. VI. 873,874. Epicurus. Diogenes Laertius. X.131,132. LCL 185. 656,657. Pythagoras. Diogenes Laertius. VIII.1. 11–14. LCL 185 332,333. 347 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681 394 (1711: 400,401/1724.395. Augustine, Ad Fratres in Eeremo Sermo. XXIII De Jenjunio. PL 60. 1273,1274. cf. endnote 426. p99. 348 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.394, 395 (1711: 400,401/1724.395,396). Ambrose, De Elia et Jejunio. II, 2,3. PL 14. 0698A-0699B. Ambrose, On Elias [Elijah] and Fasting. M.J.A. Buck. CUA (Washington, 1929). cf. A New History of Ecclesiastical Writers. Lewis Ellies du Pin. Vol 1 (London. MDCXCIII), 203. 349 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681 396,397 (1711: 404,405/1724.395. John Chrysostom, Homiliae in Acta Apostolorum. XXVI. PG. 9. 201,202.

94  Anthony Horneck: The Happy Ascetick NPNF.1.11. 325,326. cf. Mores Catholici or Ages of Faith. Kenelm Henry Digby. Vol 1 (London MDCCCXLV), 566. 350 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681 397,398 (1711: 405/1724.399,400). Abraham Gen. 22.3; 28. 11,12., Jacob. Gen 31.24. The Exodus of the children of Israel Exodus.12.11, Samuel 15.11, Judith, Judith 12.6. David Ps.6.6. At the birth of Christ. Luke 2. 8,11. 351 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681 398 (1711: 405,406./1724.401,402). The vestal virgins sacrificed at night when Indian philosophers worshipped the sun, and devotees to Venus Bacchus, Apollo and Minerva were active then also. Cicero, De Legibus. II.15. 150–170. 416,417. Seneca. De Providentia. V.4. LCL 214. 34,35. cf. Mores Catholici. op. cit. II. (London, 1841), 355. 352 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681 399 (1711: 407/1724.401). Pliny, Letters. X. 96,97. LCL 59. 402–405. Tertullian, Ad Uxorem PL.1. 1294,1295. To His Wife. II. 4. NPNF 4. 108. 353 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681 400, 401 (1711: 407,408./1724.401,402). Epiphanius, De Fide. 24.6 PG 42. 830,831. III.II.XXIV. The Panarion of Epiphanius of Salamis: De fide. Books II and III. Frank Williams (Leiden, 2013), 681. Epiphanius, Messalians.Adverus Haereses. III. II. LXXX. PG 42. 757,760. Epiphanius, Against Messalians, 2.1. The Panarion, op. cit. 647. PG 65. 163,165. Epiphanius 3; Sayings of the Desert Fathers. Ward, op. cit., 57. Jerome, Ad Eustochium. PL 22. 01421, 01422. NPNF.2.06.131,132. http://www.ccel.org/ccel/schaff/npnf206.v.XXII.html. Ad Demetriam Ep. CXXX. PL 22. 1119,1120. NPNF. 2.06. 635. http://www.ccel.org/ccel/schaff/ npnf206.v.CXXX.html. Chrysostom, In Psalmum CXXVIII. Opera Omnia. De Montfaucon (Paris. MDCCCXXXVI), 5, p. 891, D165. cf. Robert F. Taft, The Liturgy of the Hours, East and West:The Origins of the Divine Office (Collegeville, 1986), 7,8, 41,51,70, 75,193. Liturgy and Continual Prayer. Abbot Philip Anderson (Rome, 2016), http://www.anselmianum.com/congressus_osb/documents/B4ANDERSONLiturgicalcontinENG.pdf. Origines Eclesiasticae: The Antiquities of the Christian Church. Joseph Bingham. Vol 1 (London. MDCCCLXV). XIII. p. 662. 354 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681 401,402 (1711: 409,410./1724.402,403). Canon 35. Council of Elvira. The Synod of Elvira and Christian Life in the Fourth Century. A.W. Winterslow Dale (London, 1882), 326. cf. Peter Hatlie. Monks and Monasteries of Constantinople (Cambridge, 2007), 102–105. 355 cf. Hatlie, Monks and Monasteries of Constantinople, 102–105. 356 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681 404 (1711: 410,41./1724.404,405). 357 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681 404,405 (1711: 411./1724.406). Tertullian, De Jejunis X,XIV. PL 02. 0966A-0968A, 0947A-0976A. ANF.04. 249,250, 257. 358 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681 405 (1711: 412./1724. Refererence omitted). Socrates, Historia Ecclesiastica. VIII. XXII. PG. 67. 0380-0440. NPNF. 2.02. 414. cf. Panegyric and Hagiography. Claudia Rapp, in: The Propaganda of Power. Ed. Mary Whitby (Leiden, 1988). 281–285. 359 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681 406 (1711: 412,413./1724. 406,407). 360 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681 407,408 (1711: 412./1724. 407,408). 361 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681 408,409 (1711: 414,415./1724. 408–410). Jerome, Letter XIV. to Heliodorus, Monk. PL. 22.0348–0350. NPNF.02.06 p. 79,80. https://www.ccel.org/ccel/schaff/npnf206.v.XIV.html. Letter CXXV to Rusticus. PL 22. 1076,1077. NPNF. 02.06. 589. https://www.ccel.org/ ccel/schaff/npnf206.v.CXXV.html. Letter III to Rufinus. PL 22. 0333,0334. NPNF 02.02 p 57. https://www.ccel.org/ccel/schaff/npnf206.v.III.html. Letter CVIII to Eustochium. PL 22. 0879-0881. NPNF 02.06. 482,484. https:// www.ccel.org/ccel/schaff/npnf206.v.CVIII.html. cf. Children and Asceticism

Anthony Horneck: The Happy Ascetick  95 in Late Antiquity.: Continuity, Family Dynamics and the Rise of Christianity. Ville Vuolanto (London, 2016), 54–57. 362 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681 410,411 (1711: 416,417./1724. 410,411). 363 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681 411–413 (1711: 417,418./1724. 411,412). The Attic Nights of Aulus Gellius. VII.10. LCL. 200. 118,119. http://www. perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=Perseus:text:2007.01.0072:id=v2.p. 119. 364 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681 411–413 (1711: 417,418./1724. 411,412). Ruffinus, Vitis Patrum III. 199, 200. Verba Seniorum PL 73. 0804A-0805C. [De Vitae Patrum, Herbet Rosweyde. Antwerp. MDCXV. III. 199,200. p 529] the edition Horneck may have used.] Ruffinus III, 199,200. http://www. vitae-­patrum.org.uk/page72.html. http://www.vitae-patrum.org.uk/page73. html. 365 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1711: 420–423./1724. 414–417. The Life of Mr. George Herbert. Izaak Walton (London, MDCLXX), 100–104 (given as p. 69 in Horneck’s edition). The Arminian Nunnery, or a Brief Description of the Late Erected Monasticall Place (London, MDCXL), cf. Nicholas Ferrar of Little Gidding. A.L.Maycock (London, 1938). Ch. 8. 197–226. Chronicles of Little Gidding. A.L. Maycock (London, 1954). 366 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681 415 (1711: 423,424/1724. 417,418). The Present State of Egypt. F. Vansleb. London (1678), 64 [Ostrich eggs in Orthodoxy are considered a sign of watchfulness, or resurrection. Practically it has been explained that they deter vermin from accessing lamp oil.] 367 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681 416,417. (1711: 425,426/1724. 418–420). Horace, Epistles I. 2. 32,33. LCL. 194 264,265. 368 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681 417,418 (1711: 426/1724.420). 369 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681 418,419 (1711: 426,427./1724. 418–420). 370 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681 419. (1711: 427/1724. 421). Ignatius, Epistle to Polycarp.1. PG 5. 719,720. ANF.01.241. http://www.ccel.org/ccel/ schaff/anf01.v.x.i.html. 371 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681 420 (1711: 427, 428/1724. 421,422). cf. Matt. 25. 1–13. 372 The Life of the Holy Mother St. Teresa (London MDCLVII. Ch. XII). p. 83. The Life and Letters of St. Teresa. Vol.1. Henry James Coleridge (London, 1893), 103. 373 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681 420,421 (1711: 428,429./1724. 421,423). Diogenes Laertius, Lives of Eminent Philosophers. V. 16. LCL 184. 458,459. 374 Pliny, Natural History, VII. LI.172. LCL. 184. 620,621. 375 Laurence Echard, The Roman History. III (London, 1705) Chl. 26,27. 376 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681. 422 (1711: 429,430./1724. 423,424). The Apophthegms of the Ancients. Desiderius Erasmus Volume 2 (London MDCCCLIII). Book VIII. 282,283. 377 Pliny, Natural History. VII.IX. LCL 353. 40,41. 378 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681. 423 (1711: 430./1724.424). Valerius Flaccus, Argonautica V. 253. VII. 165. LCL 286. 372,373. 379 St Peter Chrysologus, Selected Sermons. Vol 2: Sermon 21.6 Sermon 24.1 Sermon 24.3.FOC.109. 94, 101, 104. 380 Philostratus, The Life of Apollonius of Tyana. III. XLVI. LC 16. 328–331. 381 Genesis 32.1,2. 382 Homer, Iliad. X. Homer’s Iliad. John Ogilby (London. MDCLXIX), 224,225. Homer, Iliad. X. LCL. 170. 446, 447. 383 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681. 426 (1711: 433–435./1724. 427–429). Vita Sancti Onuphri Eremita. Auctore Paphnutio. PL 73. 211–212. Coptic Martyrdoms. E. A. Wallis Budge (London, 1914), 205–207, 456. The Life and Ascetic Practice of our Holy Father Abba Onnophrius. 10. Paphnutius:

96  Anthony Horneck: The Happy Ascetick Histories of the Monks of Upper Egypt and the Life of Onnophrius. Tim Vivian (Kalamazoo, 1993), 150,151. Roads to Paradise: Reading the Lives of the Early Saints. Alison Goddard Elliott (London, 1987), 51–58. 384 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681. 427 (1711: 436./1724. 430). Philo, Every Good Man is Free. XII, XIII. 75–91. LCL 363. 53–63. 385 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681. 428, 429 (1711: 436, 437./1724. 430,431). Josephus, Antiquities. 18.1, paras 2,3. LCL 433. 10,11. Epiphanius, Panarion. 1.16. 33–36. PG. 41. 247–254. The Panarion of Epiphanius of Salamis. Book 1 Section 1. c.16. Frank Williams (Leiden, 1987), 42–45. 386 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681. 430,431 (1711: 438,439./1724. 432, 433). Eusebius, Historia Ecclesiasticae. III.29 (not as Horneck gives 26) PG 20. 275–278 (100C–101B). NPNF. 2.01. 344,349. Clement of Alexandria, Stromateis III. 2–4. PG 8. III. 1104–1143. ANF 02. 816–825. Nicephoros, Ecclesiastical History. III.15. PG 145. 925,926. 244A-C. 387 cf. Stephens p.26 and endnotes 13 &14, p76. 388 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681. 431,432 (1711: 439,440./1724. 433,434). Basil. To Amphilocus concerning the canons. Letter CLXXXVIII PG 32. 663. NPNF. 2.08 649–659. LCL 243. 4–47. Letter CXCIX. PG 32. 719. NPNF. 2.08 678–685. LCL 243 103–135. Letter CCXVII. PG 32. 794. NPNF. 2.08. 721–729. LCL 243 241–267. Council of Ancyra. Canons 2–5 etc. PL. 130. 0261-0266. NPNF. 2.14. 143–172. A History of the Christian Councils 2. Charles Joseph Hefele (Edinburgh. MDCCCLXXXIII), 199–222. Council of Nicaea I. Canon 11. PL 84. 95,96. Hefele. Ibid. 416. NPNF 2.14. 82. http:// www.earlychurchtexts.com/main/nicaea/canons_of_nicaea_02.shtml. Eusebius. Historia Ecclesiastica. II.17. PG 20. 173(53B)–184(57B). Sabrina Inowlocki, ‘Eusebius of Caesarea’s Interpretatio Christiana of Philo’s De vita contemplativa’, Harvard Theological Review, 97/3 (2004), 305–28. David T. Runia, “Philo of Alexandria and the Beginnings of Christian Thought, Alexandrian and Jew,” Studia Philonica Annual 7 (1995), 143–160. cf. The Celebration of the Eucharist: The Origin of the Rite and the Development of Its Interpretation (Enrico Mazza Collegeville, 1999), 40–44. Jerome, De Viris Illustribus PL 23. 0625–0630. Lives of Illustrious Men XI. NPNF2–03. 841. 389 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681. 432 (1711:440./1724.434). Tertullian, De Poenitentia. 8,9. PL 1. 1242B–1244B. ANF 03. 1476–1478. http://www. ccel.org/ccel/schaff/anf03.iv.iii.viii.html. 390 Cyprian Liber De Lapsis. III. PL. 4. 0490B-0491A, 0492B-0493B. FOC. 51. paras 6,7. 82–84. ANF-5. 1022–1041, www.ccel.oel/schaff/anf05rg/cc. 391 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681. 433 (1711:440, 441./1724.434, 435). Pacianus, Paraenesis. X, XI. PL 13. 1018C–1090B. FOC. 99. 81–85. The Epistles of St. Cyprian to which are added the extant works of S. Pacian (­Oxford. MDCCCXLIV), 373,374. cf. Clarence McAuliffe, ‘Saint Pacianus on the Efficacy of Episcopal Absolution’, Theological Studies, 2/01 (1941); C ­ larence McAuliffe. ‘Absolution in the Early Church: The View of St. ­Pacianus’, Theological Studies, 6/01 (1945). 392 Eusebius Ecclesiasticae Historiae. V. XXVIII. 8–12. PG XX. 513–516. NPNF 2.01. 601,602. https://www.ccel.org/ccel/schaff/npnf201.iii.x.xxix.html. 393 Augustine De Sanctis. Sermon 41. Sermo CCXXIX. PL 39. 2166–2168. 394 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681. 434,435 (1711:442,443./1724.436,437). Theodoret. Historia Ecclesiastica. V.17. PG 82. 1231-1238. NPNF 2.03. 328–331. 395 Ambrose. De Lapsis Virginis. VIII. PL 16. 0376A-0379B. Jerome, Letter to Susanna: Borderline Virginities: Sacred and Secular Virgins in Late Antiquity. Sissel Undheim (London, 2017), 435. 396 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681. 435–437 (1711:442,443./1724.436,437).

Anthony Horneck: The Happy Ascetick  97 397 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681. 437,438 (1711:442,443./1724.436,437). John Chrysostom. Epistola ad Theodor lapsum Letter to Theodore.1.7. PG 47. 27–308. NPNF. 1.09. 123–167. Jerome, Ad Eustochium (Rosweyde Letter 27) Letter 108. PL 22. 890–892 (paras.705.706). http://www.ccel.org/ccel/schaff/ npnf206.v.CVIII.html. 398 Jerome Ad Eustochium. Letter 22. PL 20. 398,399. NPNF 2.06. 105. http:// www.ccel.org/ccel/schaff/npnf206.v.XXII.html. Jerome, J.N.D.Kelly (London, 1975), 91–103. 399 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681. 438,439 (1711:446./1724.440). cf. Ambrose and John Chrysostom: Clerics Between Desert and Empire. J. H. W. G. Liebeschuetz. (Oxford, 2011), 117. Golden Mouth: The Story of John Chrysostom, Ascetic, Preacher, Bishop. J.N.D. Kelly (Ithaca, 1999), 24–35. 400 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681. 439,440 (1711:446,447/1724.440,441). 401 The Present State of Egypt. F. Vansleb (London, 1678), 181ff. 402 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681. 441–445 (1711:447–451/1724.441– 445). Jacobus Goarus, Ad Euchologium Graecorum: Euchologion sive Rituale Graecorum (Venice. MDCCXXX), 10. The Present State of the Greek and Armenian Churches. Paul Rycaut (London, 1679), 206 (Ch 10 not 11 as given in Horneck). Rudolphi Hospiniani. De Origine Monachatus. V. 7 309–311. 403 Simeon bar Yochai (Aramaic: ‫יאחוי רב ןועמש ןבר‬, Rabban Shimon bar Yokhai), a 2nd-century tannaitic sage in ancient Judea, one of the most eminent disciples of Rabbi Akiva, attributed by many Orthodox Jews with the authorship of the Zohar, the chief work of Kabbalah. Horneck likens the Zoar to the Roman Treasury of Saints. Hieronymide Sancta Fide. Contra Judaeos II. CH 2. 137–115. [Jerome de Sancta Fide 400–1430; born Yehosúa ben Yosef ibn Vives) was a Spanish physician and religious writer who after conversion to Catholicism, wrote in Latin as Hieronymus de Sancta Fide.] Moises Orfali, ‘The Portuguese Edition (1565) of Hieronymus de Sancte Fide’s Contra Iudaeos’, in Ora Limor and Guy G. Stroumsa (eds.), Ancient and Medieval Polemics Between Christians and Jews (Tűbingen, 1996), 241–248. 404 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681. 446,447 (1711:452,453/1724.446.447). Robert Bellarmine, De Poenitentia IV. VII. De Contrversiis III (Ingolstadt, MDCI) 1436–1438. 405 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681. 447,448 (1711:453,454./1724.447,448). Bonaventure: Major Life. trans. Benen Fahy OFM, in St. Francis of Assisi: Writings and Early Biographies: English Omnibus of the Sources for the Life of St. Francis Marion Habig, (London, 1979), Ch. XIII pp. 729–736. 406 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681. 448,449 (1711:454./1724.448). The Natural and Moral History of the Indies. Father Joseph Acosta. Book V. Trans. Edward Grimston 1604. (originally published 1590) Hakluyt Society edn (London, 1880), 339. 407 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681. 450,451 (1711:455–457./1724.449– 451). De Discretione. Vitis Patrum V. X.2. PL. 73. 912. On Discretion 10.2. The Desert Fathers. Ward. op. cit. 88. 408 Apothegmata Patrum. Bessarion 6. PL 65. 142. Sayings of the Desert Fathers. Ward, op. cit. 42. 409 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681. 451,452 (1711:457./1724.451). PL 73.269 Vita Sancti Pachomii Abbatis Tabennensis, 50. The Fathers of the Desert. Emily F. Bowden (London, 1907), 208. http://www.vitaepatrum.org. uk/page16.html. 410 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681. 452,453 (1711:457,458./1724.451,452). 411 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681. 454 (1711:459./1724.453). Jerome, Ep. LXXVII. Ad Oceanum PL 22. 0690–0697. NPNF.2.06. 391–401. https://

98  Anthony Horneck: The Happy Ascetick www.ccel.org/ccel/schaff/npnf206.pdf. Ep. LV Ad Amandum. PL.22. 0560– 0565. NPNF. 2.06. 284–289. https://www.ccel.org/ccel/schaff/npnf206.pdf. cf. Origines ecclesiasticæ; or, the Antiquities of the Christian Church. 7. Book. XXII. Ch. II. XII. Joseph Bingham (London MDCCCLXIV), 304. The Manly Eunuch: Masculinity, Gender Ambiguity, and Christian Ideology in Late Antiquity. Matthew Kuefler (Chicago, 2001) 202,203. 412 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681. 455 (1711:460./1724.454). Socrates, Historia Ecclesiastica. VII. 37 (Horneck cites this as ch 36). PG 67. 823,824. 387– 389. NPNF. 2.02. 438. http://www.ccel.org/ccel/schaff/npnf202.ii.x.xxxvii. html. Ammianus Marcellinus, History. III. 27. 3.14. LCL 331. 20,21. 413 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681. 456 (1711:460, 461./1724.454,455). Jerome, Vita S, Hilarionis. V. PL 23. 0031B–0031D Life of St. Hilarion. V. NPNF. 2.06. 704, https://www.ccel.org/ccel/schaff/npnf206.vi.ii.html. 414 Zeno. Vitis Patrum V. Verba Seniorum. PL 73. 0742C–0742D. Sayings of the Desert Fathers. Ward. op. cit. 65,66. 415 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681. 457, 458 (1711:462./1724.456). Verba Seniorum: Vitis Patrum V. 5.37 PL. 73. 883,884. para 37. The Desert Fathers. Ward. op. cit. para 37. p. 46. Nathyra. Nathyra. Vitis Patrum V Verba Serniorum 10.37 PL 73. 918. The Desert Fathers, Ward 10.36 pp. 96,97. 416 The First Sahidic Life of Pachomius ii. 4. Pachomian Koinonia I. The Life of Pachomius. Trans. Armand Veilleux (Kalamazoo, 1980), 427. 417 John Moschos. Pratum Spirituale. XXIV. PG 87. 2869,2870. The Spiritual Meadow. Trans. John Moschos and John Wortley (Kalamazoo, 1992). 418 Heraclidis Paradisus Ch XXIV. Appendix ad Vitas Patrum. PL 74. 305–309. Vita Serapionis. Vitae Patrum VIII. LXXXIII. PL 73. 1179A–1180D. http:// www.vitae-patrum.org.uk/page119.html http://www.vitae-patrum.org.uk/ page120.html. 419 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681. 458, 459 (1711:463./1724.457). Sancti Gregorii Papae, Dialogorum IV. II. 1. Paulino Nolanae urbis episcopo PL.77. 0215–0222A. http://www.tertullian.org/fathers/gregory_03_dialogues_book3. htm#C1. 420 S. Johannis Chrysostomi In Matthaeum: Hom. V.3 PG 58. 56,58. John Chrysostom, Homily V.6 Homilies on the Gospel of Matthew. Trans. George Prevost (Altenmünster, 2017), 51. Homily V.6 NPNF 1.10. 73. https://www.ccel.org/ ccel/schaff/npnf110.iii.V_1.html. Eusebius, Historia Ecclesiastica II. XXIII. PG 20. 197,198. II.23.6. Eusebius, Church History. II.23.6. NPNF 2.01 232, https://www.ccel.org/ccel/schaff/npnf201.iii.vii.xxiv.html. Sancti Hegesipp, i. Fragmenta ex Quinque Libris Commentariorum Actuum Ecclesiasticorum PG 5. 1309,1310. Hegesippus. Fragments from Five Books of Commentaries on the Acts of the Church. I (Book V) NPNF.08.6 http://www.ccel.org/ccel/ schaff/anf08.x.vi.ii.i.html. 421 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.459, 460 (1711:463,464./1724.457,458). 422 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.461,462. (1711:465./1724.459). Ovid. Metamorphoses II. 180–236. LCL 042 72–77. Plato. Timaeus 22c (Plato Vol IX). LCL 234. 32,33 (Phaeton sets earth on fire). 423 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681. 463,464 (1711:466,467./1724.460,461). 424 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681. 465. (1711:468,469./1724.462,463). Tertullian: De Cultu Feminarum. 1.2.4. PL 1. 1305–1307 On female fashion. ANF 04. 27,28. http://www.ccel.org/ccel/schaff/anf04.iii.iii.i.ii.html. 1.4.2. PL. 1.1308–1309. ANF 04. 31.http://www.ccel.org/ccel/schaff/anf04.iii.iii.i.iv. html. 2.3.2–3 PL 1. 1319, 1320 ANF 04. 42 http://www.ccel.org/ccel/schaff/ anf04.iii.iii.ii.iii.html. 2.7. PL 1. 1323,1324. ANF 04. 46,47. http://www. ccel.org/ccel/schaff/anf04.iii.iii.ii.vii.html. 2.9.1,5 PL 1. 1325,1327. ANF 04. 49,50 http://www.ccel.org/ccel/schaff/anf04.iii.iii.ii.ix.html. Ad Uxorem

Anthony Horneck: The Happy Ascetick  99 2.3.4 PL. 1. 1292–1294. To His Wife ANF. 04.106 http://www.ccel.org/ccel/ schaff/anf04.iii.iii.ii.iii.html. cf. Tertullian and Paul. Todd D. Still, David Wilhite (London, 2012), 204. 425 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681. 466–470 (1711:469–473./1724.463–467). 426 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.471,472 (1711:474,475./1724.468,469). Augustine. Manuale 15. PL 40. 958. Ch. 15. Manual of Devotion from the Writings of Saint Augustine (Edinburgh. MDCCCLXII), 30,31 (no longer attributed to Augustine). The writings of Pseudo Augustine are commonly attributed to Jean de Fécamp (c. 990–1078). cf. Emotional Monasticism: Affective Piety in the Eleventh Century Monastery of John of Fécamp. Lauren Mancia, (Manchester 2021). 172–7. 189,190, fn 133,134,136. Meditations of Saint Augustine, with an Introduction by Jean-Clair Girard. Translated by Matthew J. O’Connell. Edited by John E. Rotella, Villanova, Augustinian Press, 1995. cf. endnote 347 & page 61. 427 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.471 (1711:474,475./1724.468,469). Maimonides. Laws Concerning Character Traits. I.7. Ethical Writings. Raymond L. Weiss and Charles Butterworth (New York, 1975), 30. 428 The Happy Ascetick, 1681.478 (1711.480 /1724.474). Ioanne Fronteau, Epistola ad Illustrissimum et Religiosissimum D.D. Franc.de Harlay Archiepiscopum Rothomagensem, Neutriae Primatem, Abbatem de Iumiege. In qua de moribus et vita Christianorum in primis Ecclesiae saeculis agitur (Paris, 1660). Anthony Horneck, Letter to a Person of Quality Concerning the Heavenly Lives of the Primitive Christians (York, 1681). cf. Ted. A. Campbell, ‘Wesley’s Use of the Church Fathers’, The Asbury Theological Journal, 51/1 (1996), 63. John Wesley, A Letter to a Person of Quality Concerning the Lives of the Primitive Christians. Extracted from Dr. Horneck Christian Library Vol. XXIX. nd. 429 The Happy Ascetick, 1681.479–481 (1711:480,481./1724.474,475). 430 The Happy Ascetick, 1681.481,485 (1711:482,484./1724.476–478). 431 The Happy Ascetick, 1681.485,487 (1711:484./1724.478,479). 432 The Happy Ascetick, 1681.487,488 (1711:484,485./1724.479). 433 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.490,491 (1711:485–487./1724.479– 481). Attalus and Blandina. Eusebius Historia Ecclesiastica V. 1. PG XX. 415–432. Eusebius Church History. Book V. 1.17–56 NPNF 2.01 501–507. cf. ‘The Alleged Persecution of the Christians at Lyons in 177’, James Westfall Thompson, The American Journal of Theology, 16/3 (July, 1912), 359–384. 434 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.492–494 (1711:488,489./1724.482–483). 435 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.494–497 (1711:489–491./1724.483–485). 436 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.497–499 (1711:491,492./1724.485,486). 437 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.500–502 (1711:493,494./1724.487,488). 438 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.502 -504 (1711:494,495./1724.488,489). ‘The Role of ‘Confessor’ in the Ministry of the Early Church’, Donald C. Nevil. Consenus, 20/1 (January 1994), 29–37. 439 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.504–508 (1711:496,497./1724.489–491). 4 40 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.509–515 (1711:499–502./1724.493–406). 4 41 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.516–521 (1711:503–507./1724.497–501). 4 42 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.522–524 (1711:507,508./1724.501,502). 4 43 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.524–530 (1711:50–513./1724.502–507). 444 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.531 (1711 513./1724.506,507). S. Dionysii Alexandrini Episcopi Ad. Germanus Episcopi. PG 10. 1319–1326. St Dionysius of Alexandria. Letters and Treatises (London/NewYork, 1918), 46–49. Eusebius Historia Ecclesiastica. vi. 40. PG 20. 601–606. Church History. NPNF.2.01.717–721. https://www.ccel.org/ccel/schaff/npnf201.iii.xi.xl. html. Eusebius. Historia Ecclesiastica vii. 11 PG 20. 661–674. Church History. NPNF.2.01. 769–775. https://www.ccel.org/ccel/schaff/npnf201.iii.xii.xii.html.

100  Anthony Horneck: The Happy Ascetick 4 45 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.532–534 (1711:513–515./1724.507–509). 4 46 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.534–538 (1711:5151–518./1724.509–512). 4 47 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.538,540 (1711:518,519./1724.512,513). Tertulliani, Apologeticus. L. PL 1. 530–532. Tertullian. Apology, L. ANF 03. 108,109. http://www.ccel.org/ccel/schaff/anf03.iv.iii.l.html. 4 48 Horneck, The Happy Ascetick, 1681.541,542. (1711:519,520./1724.513,514). 4 49 John Wesley in America. Geordan Hammond (Oxford, 2014), 35–37. John Wesley, A Christian Library. Vol. XXIX (Bristol, 1753).

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Anthony Horneck: The Happy Ascetick  101 Bingham, Joseph, Origines Eclesiasticae: The Antiquities of the Christian Church. Vol 1 (London. MDCCCLXV). Bona, Giovanni, Via Compendii ad Deum: Via Breve a Dio (1657) Leo S. Olschki Editore (Firenze, 2006). ———, Via Compendii ad Deum: Via Breve a Dio (1657). ———, Via Compendii ad Deum: Via Breve a Dio (1657) Con le aspirazioni, tradotte da Ermes Visconti (c.1836). Introduzione e testo bilingue a cura de Sabrina Stroppa. Leo S. Olschki Editore (Firenze, 2006). Bonaventure: Major Life. trans. Benen Fahy OFM, in St. Francis of Assisi: Writings and Early Biographies: English Omnibus of the Sources for the Life of St. Francis. Marion A. Habig (ed.) (London, 1979). Bowden, Emily F., The Fathers of the Desert (London, 1907). Budge, E.A.Wallis, Coptic Martyrdoms (London, 1914). Bullock, F.W., Voluntary Religious Societies 1520–1799 (St Leonard’s on Sea, 1962). Burton, Richard F., Supplemental Nights to the Book of One Thousand and One Nights. Vol. 2. Private Printing, The Burton Club (London, 1886). Campbell, Ted A., ‘Wesley’s Use of the Church Fathers’, The Asbury Theological Journal, 51/1 (1996), 57–70. Chadwick, Henry, The Church in Ancient Society (Oxford, 2001). Chadwick, O. (ed.), Western Asceticism (LCC Louisville/London, 1958). Chrysostom, John, Opera Omnia. De Montfaucon (Paris. MDCCCXXXVI). ——— Homilies of John Chrysostom. Library of the Fathers. vol 16. (Oxford. MDCCCLI). ———Homily V.6 Homilies on the Gospel of Matthew. Trans. George Prevost (Altenmünster, 2017). Coleridge, Henry James, The Life and Letters of St. Teresa. Vol.1. (London, 1893). Collins, Kenneth J., The Theology of John Wesley: Holy Love and the Shape of Grace (Nashville, 2007). Corduero, Moscheh R., Apparatus in Librum Sohar. Kabbala Denudata seu Doctrina Hebraeorum Transcendentalis at Metaphysica Atque Theologica. Abraami Lichtenthalleri (Sulzbach, 1677). Craig, Andrew, The Movement for the Reformation of Manners 1688–1715. Edinburgh PhD. Thesis, 1980. https://www.era.lib.ed.ac.uk/bitstream/handle/ 1842/6840/Craig-PhD-1980-reformatted2015.pdf?sequence=2&isAllowed=y Cyprian, The Epistles of St. Cyprian to Which Are Added the Extant Works of S. Pacian (Oxford. MDCCCXLIV). Dale, Alfred William Winterslow, The Synod of Elvira and Christian Life in the Fourth Century (London, 1882). de Voraigne, Jacob, Legenda Aurea Sanctorum (London. William Caxton, 1483 EEBO). ———, The Golden Legend. Trans Willian Granger Ryan. Vol. II (Princeton, NJ, 1993). Digby, Kenelm Henry, Mores Catholici or Ages of Faith. Vol. 1 (London MDCCCXLV). Dionysius of Alexandria, Saint, Letters and Treatises (London/NewYork, 1918). Dreyer, Susan, OSB, Syncletica: Urban Ascetic and Desert Mother. College of Saint Benedict and Saint John’s University DigitalCommons@CSB/SJU, https://digitalcommons.csbsju.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?referer=https://www. google.co.uk/&httpsredir=1&article=1012&context=sot_papers Dudden, Frederick Homes, Gregory the Great, His Place in History and Thought, Vol. 1 (Eugene, OR, 2004).

102  Anthony Horneck: The Happy Ascetick Duffy, Eamon, Primitive Christianity Revived: Religious Renewal in Augustan England. Studies in Church History, 14 (Oxford, 1977), 287–300. Echard, Laurence, The Roman History. III (London, 1705). Ellies du Pin, Lewis, A New History of Ecclesiastical Writers. Vol. 1 (London. MDCXCIII). Elliott, Alison Goddard, Roads to Paradise: Reading the Lives of the Early Saints (London, 1987). Ephraim, Hymns and Homilies of St. Ephraim the Syrian. Ed. Paul A Boer. Intro. John Gwynn. Veritatis Splendor Publications (CreateSpace Independent Publishing Platform, 2012). Epiphanius, Constantiensis; Williams, Frank, The Panarion of Epiphanius of Salamis: De fide. Books II and III (Leiden, 2013). Erasmus, (Desiderius), The Apophthegms of the Ancients. Volume 2 (London. MDCCCLIII). Eusebius of Caesarea, Praeparatio Evangelica (Preparation for the Gospel). Trans. E.H. Gifford (1903, VIII.12), http://www.ccel.org/ccel/pearse/morefathers/files/ eusebius_pe_08_book8.htm. Eusebius of Teleda, History of the Monks of Syria. Trans. Theodoret. R.M. Price (Kalamazoo, 1985). Evagrius, Ecclesiastical History: History of the Church in Six Books AD 431–AD 594. Book 6. XXI (London. MDCCCXLVI). Evelyn, John, The Diary of John Evelyn. 1620–1706. Intro & notes Austin Dobson (London, 1908), http://venn.lib.cam.ac.uk/cgibin/search2016.pl?sur=&suro=w&fi r=&fi ro= c&cit=&cito= c&c=all&z=all&tex=H N K681A&sye =&eye=&col=all&maxcount=50 Key Fowden, Elizabeth, The Barbarian Plain. Saint Sergius between Rome and Iran (Oakland, CA 1999), 136–141. Frontone, Ioanne, Epistola ad Illustrissimum & Religiosissimum DD Franc de Harlay Archiepisopum Rothomagensem Neustriae Primaterm Abbatem de Iumiege qua de moribus & vita Christianorum in prima Ecclesiae saeculis agitur Aturoe R.P, Ioanne Frontone, Canonico Regukari Sancte Genouesae et eiusdem ac Unievrsitatis Parisiensis Cancellario. Parisiis (MDCLX). Gane, Jennifer Helen, ‘Fourth Century Christian Education: An Analysis of Basil’s Ad Adolescentes’, School of Historical Studies, Newcastle University, October 2012. https://theses.ncl.ac.uk/dspace/bitstream/10443/1623/1/Gane% 2012.pdf Goarus, Jacobus, Ad Euchologium Graecorum.: Euchologion sive Rituale Graecorum (Venice. MDCCXXX). Sanctii Gregoriae Papae I Cognomento Magni. Opera Omnia Tomus Quartus (Paris. MDCCV). Guy, Jeanne-Claude, S.J., Recherches sur la Tradition Grecque des Apothegmata Patrum JSubsidia Hagiographica 36. Société des Bollandistes (Bruxelles, 1962). Hammond, Geordan, John Wesley in America (Oxford, 2014). Hammond. H., A Paraphrase and Annotations upon all the books of the New Testament (London, 1679). Harmless, William, Desert Christians: An Introduction to the Literature of Early Monasticism (Oxford University Press, 2004). Hatlie, Peter, Monks and Monasteries of Constantinople (Cambridge, 2007).

Anthony Horneck: The Happy Ascetick  103 Hefele, Charles Joseph, A History of the Christian Councils 2 (Edinburgh. MDCCCLXXXIII). Holmes, Augustine, A Life Pleasing to God. The Spirituality of the Rules of St. Basil (Kalamazoo, 2000). Horneck, Anthony, The Happy Ascetick or the Best Exercise, to which is added a Letter to a Person of Quality Concerning the Holy Lives of the Primitive Christians (London, 1681. Subsequent editions 1685/6, 1693, 1699, 1711, 1724). ———, The Exercise of Prayer (London, 1685), Vol.16 John Wesley’s Christian Library: http://wesley.nnu.edu/john-wesley/a-christian-library/a-­ christian-library-volume-16/ Howell, William, The Ancient and Present State of England (London, 1742). Inowlocki, Sabrina, ‘Eusebius of Caesarea’s Interpretatio Christiana of Philo’s De vita contemplativa’, Harvard Theological Review, 97/3 (2004), 305–328. Isidori, St., De Tentationbus Diaboli. Sententiarum Liber tertius. Opera Omnia VI (Rome. MDCCCII). Jarman, Lisa Charlotte, Galen in early modern English medicine: case-studies in history, pharmacology and surgery 1618–1794. University of Exeter. PhD. Thesis, 2003. Justinian, Lawrence, In Opusculum de Interiori Conflictu. X. Divi Laurenti Justiniani. Opera Omnia I (Venice. MDCCXXI). Kelly, J.N.D., Jerome (London, 1975). ———, Golden Mouth: The Story of John Chrysostom, Ascetic, Preacher, Bishop (Ithaca, 1999). Kidder, Richard, The Life of the Revd Anthony Horneck DD, by Richard, Lord Bishop of Bath and Wells annexed to Several Sermons upon the Fifth of Matthew (London. MDCCVI). Kisker, Scott Thomas, Foundation for Revival: Anthony Horneck, the Religious Societies and the Construction of an Anglican Pietism (Lanham, MD, 2006). Kuefler, Matthew, The Manly Eunuch: Masculinity, Gender Ambiguity, and Christian Ideology in Late Antiquity (Chicago, 2001). The Lausiac History of Palladius. Trans. C Butler, Vol. 2 (Cambridge, 1904). The Lausiac History of Palladius. Trans. W. Lowther Clarke (London, 1918). Lawless, George, Augustine of Hippo and His Monastic Rule (Oxford, 1987). Le Clerc, Jean; Hammond, Henry, A Supplement to Dr. Hammond’s Paraphrase and Annotations on the New Testament by Monsieur Le Clerc (London. MDCXCIX). Leemans, John, Martyr, Monk, and Victor of Paganism: An Analysis of Basil of Caesarea’s Sermon on Gordius. in More Than a Memory: The Discourse of Martyrdom and the Construction of Christian Identity in the History of Christianity. Leemans, John (ed.) (Leuven, 2005). Leon de Modene, Ceremonies et Coustumes qui S’observent aujourd’huy Parmy Les Juifs. Traduit de l’Italien (Paris. MDCLXXIV). Liebeschuetz, J.H.W.G., Ambrose and John Chrysostom: Clerics between Desert and Empire (Oxford, 2011). The Life of the Holy Mother St. Teresa (London. MDCLVII). Ligouri, Alphonse, The True Spouse of Jesus Christ. Ed. Eugene Grimm (London, 1888). Lorcitano, Ioanne Azorio, De Votorum Absolutione. Institutionum Moralium Pars Prima (Rome MDC), 1412–1419.

104  Anthony Horneck: The Happy Ascetick Lopes, Ludovico, Dell Instruttorio della Conscienza del R.P.L. Lodovico Lopes. Parte Prima. Ch. 49 (Venice. MDXC). Maimonides, Laws Concerning Character Traits. I.7. Ethical Writings. Raymond L. Weiss & Charles Butterworth (New York, 1975). Mancia, Lauren, Emotional Monasticism: Affective Piety in the Eleventh Century Monastery of John of Fécamp (Manchester, 2021). Manual of Devotion from the Writings of Saint Augustine (Edinburgh. MDCCCLXII), 30,31 (Pseudo-Augustine – no longer attributed to Augustine). Martin, Jessica, ‘Early Modern English Piety’, in The Oxford History of Anglicanism. Vol. 1. Reformation and Identity c.1520–1662. ed. Anthony Milton ­(Oxford, 2019), 395–411. Martyrologium Romanum. Caesare Bronio Sorano (Rome, Vatican, MDCXXX). Maycock, A.L., Nicholas Ferrar of Little Gidding (London, 1938). ———, Chronicles of Little Gidding (London, 1954). Mazza, Enrico, The Celebration of the Eucharist: The Origin of the Rite and the Development of Its Interpretation (Collegeville, 1999). McAuliffe, Clarence, ‘Saint Pacianus on the Efficacy of Episcopal Absolution’, Theological Studies, 2/1 (194), 19–34. ———, ‘Absolution in the Early Church: The View of St. Pacianus’, Theological Studies, 6/01 (1945), 51–61. Meditations of Saint Augustine, with an Introduction by Jean-Clair Girard. Translated by Matthew J. O’Connell. Edited by John E. Rotella, Villanova, Indiana, 1995. Ménage, Gilles; Diogenes, Laertius; Gale, Thomas, et al., In Diogenem Laertium Aegidii Menagii (Paris, 1663; Amsterdam, 1692). The Mishnah. Trans. Herbert Danby (Oxford, 1933). Mishnah Berakot 4: 2–6. http://www.emishnah.com/PDFs/Berakhot04.pdf Moschos, John, The Spiritual Meadow (Pratum Spirituale), John Wortley (trans.) (Kalamazoo, Michigan, 1992). Nevil, Donald C., ‘The Role of “Confessor” in the Ministry of the Early Church’, Consenus, 20/1 (January 1994), 29–37. O’ Hannay, James, The Wisdom of the Desert (2012), https://ia800306.us.archive. org/24/items/WisdomOfTheDesert/wd.pdf Orfali, Moises, The Portuguese edition (1565) of Hieronymus de Sancta Fide’s Contra Iudaeos in Ancient and Medieval Polemics Between Christians and Jews, Limor, Ora, & Sṭroumsa, Guy, (eds.) (Tűbingen, 1996). Pachomian Koinonia I. The Life of Pachomius. Trans. Armand Veilleux (Kalamazoo, 1980). Palladius, The Dialogue of Palladius concerning the Life of St. John Chrysostom. Trans. Herbert Moore (London & New York, 1921). Palmer, R.G., Seneca’s De Remediis Fortuitorum and the Elizabethans. Institute of Elizabethan Studies (Chicago, 1953). Paul, Robert Bateman, A History of Germany: From the Invasion of Germany by Marius to the Battle of Leipzig, 1813 (London, 1847). Perry, Frederick, St. Louis (Louis IX of France) (New York/London, 1901). Philosophi, Porphyrii, De Abstinentia ab Esu Animalium (Paddenburg. MDCCLXVII). Pirke Aboth: The Sayings of the Jewish Fathers. Trans. W.O.E. Oesterley (London, 1919). Rapp, Claudia, ‘Panegyric and Hagiography’, in Mary Whitby (ed.), The Propaganda of Power (Leiden, 1988).

Anthony Horneck: The Happy Ascetick  105 Rousseau, Philip, Pachomius. The Making of a Community in Fourth Century Egypt (Berkeley/London, 1985). Runia, David T., “Philo of Alexandria and the Beginnings of Christian Thought, Alexandrian and Jew,” Studia Philonica Annual 7 (1995): 143–160. Russell, Norman (trans.), Lives of the Desert Fathers (London, 1980). Rycaut, Paul, The Present State of the Greek and Armenian Churches (London, 1679). Saadi, The Gulistan or Rose Garden. Musle-Huddeen Sheik Saadi. Trans. Francis Gladwin (Boston, 1865). Sadi, Musladini, Rosarium Politicum, Georgio Gentio (Latin trans). (Amsterdam, 1651). Saxony Anhalt: Land of the Ottonians. Zentrum Fur Mittlealterausstellungen (Magdeburg. Nd). Schoenig, Steven A., Bonds of Wool: The Pallium and Papal Power in the Middle Ages (Washington, 2016), 260. Somerville, Robert, The Savoy, Manor, Hospital, Chapel (London, 1960). Sorano, Caesarae Baronio, Annales Ecclesiastici. Tomus Quintus. Leonardo Venturini (MDCCXXXIX). Stanley, Thomas, The History of Philosophy, the Third and Last Volume in Five Parts (London, 1660). Sterk, Andrea, Renouncing the World yet Leading the Church: The Monk-Bishop in Late Antiquity (Cambridge, Mass, 2009). Stephens, Edward, Asceticks or the Heroic Piety and Virtue of the Ancient Christian Anchorets and Coenobites (London, 1696). Still, Todd, D., & Wilhite, David, Tertullian and Paul (London, 2012). Transformations of the Classics via Early Modern Commentaries. Ed. Karl A. E. Enenkel (Leiden, 2013). Stobae, Ioannis De Garrulitate. Florilegium. Johannis Stobaei Vol IV. Trans. Thomas Gaisford (Oxford, MDCCCXXII). ———, Dicta Poetarum Io. Stobaeum. Exstant. Florilegium Ad Epemium. Titulus XXVIII. De Perjurio (Paris. MDCXXIII). Taft, Robert F., The Liturgy of the Hours, East and West: The Origins of the Divine Office (Collegeville, 1986). The Targums of Onkelos and Jonathan ben Uzziel on the Pentateuch, with fragments pf the Jerusalem Targum: from the Chaldee. Leviticus, Numbers, Deuteronomy. Trans. J.W. Etheridge (London, 1865). Tavernier, J.B., A New Relation of the Inner Part of the Grand Seignor’s Seraglio (London, 1677). ———, The Six Voyages of John Baptista Tavernier (The Persian Travels of Monsieur Tavernier) (London, 1678). Taylor, Charles, Sayings of the Jewish Fathers (Cambridge, 1897). Taylor, Joan E. and Philip R. Davies, ‘The So-Called Therapeutae of “De Vita Contemplatva” Identity and Character’, Harvard Theological Review 91/1, 3–24. Taylor, Thomas, Select Works of Porphyry (London, 1823). ———, On the Cave of the Nymphs in the Thirteenth Book of the Odyssey (London, 1917). Teresa, of Avila, Saint; Lewis, David; Zimmerman, Benedict, The Life of St. Teresa of Jesus, of the Order of Our Lady of Carmel. Written by Herself. Translated from the Spanish (New York: Benziger Bros. London: Thomas Baker. MCMIV). Theophylacti, Simocatte Historiae V.14.2–12. Ed. Carolus de Boor (Leipzig. MDCCCLXXXVII).

106  Anthony Horneck: The Happy Ascetick Thompson, James Westfall, ‘The Alleged Persecution of the Christians at Lyons in 177’, The American Journal of Theology 16/3 (July, 1912), 359–384. Transformations of the Classics via Early Modern Commentaries. Ed. Karl A. E. Enenkel (Leiden, 2013). Tromavala, Baptiste, Summa casuum conscientiae Sixtus IV: Bulla “Etsi dominici gregis.” Novis. Nicolaus de Girardengis (Venice, 1484). Undheim, Susan, Letter to Susanna: Borderline Virginities: Sacred and Secular Virgins in Late Antiquity. (London, 2017). van Cattenburch, Adrian, Spicilegium Theologiae Christianae. Philipp van Limborch (Amsterdam, MDCCXXVI). Vansleb, F., The Present State of Egypt (London, 1678). Veneer, John, A Companion for the Sincere Penitent or a Treatise on the Compunction of the Heart in Two Books. John Chrysostom. (London. MDCCXXVIII). Vincent of Beauvais, Speculum Historiale (1483). Vincenti Burgundi, Speculi Maioris. (Praesulis Bellovacensis).Tomus Quartus (Douai. MDCXXIV). De Vitae Patrum, Herbet Rosweyde (Antwerp. MDCXV). Vitae Sanctorum sive Res Geste, Martyrum, Confessorum. Laurentium Surium (Brescia. MDCI). Vivian, Tim, Paphnutius – Histories of the Monks of Upper Egypt and the Life of Onnophrius (Kalamazoo, 1993). ———, Saint Macarius, The Spirit Bearer: Coptic Texts Relating to Saint Macarius the Great (New York, 2004). von Balthasar, Hans Urs, The Christian State of Life (Ignatius Press, 2012). Vuolanto, Ville, Children and Asceticism in Late Antiquity.: Continuity, Family Dynamics and the Rise of Christianity (London, 2016). Walton, Izaak, The Life of Mr. George Herbert (London. MDCLXX). Ward, Benedicta, The Sayings of the Desert Fathers (London, 1977, 1981). ———, Harlots of the Desert. Mowbray (Oxford, 1987, London, 2003). Wesley, John, Christian Library. XXVIII, XXIX (Bristol, 1753) (in other editions vol 16) http://wesley.nnu.edu/john-wesley/a-christian-library/a-christian-libraryvolume-16/the-works-of-anthony-horneck-exercise-i-vi/ Wood, Anthony A., Athenae Oxoniensis. Vol. IV. (London, 1820). http://www.ccel.org http://www.chabad.org http://www.thelatinlibrary.com http://www.perseus.tufts.edu http://quran.com https://www.sefaria.org http://www.vitaepatrum.org.uk

4 Luke de Beaulieu Claustrum Animae, The Cloister of the Soul or the Reformed Monastery

Among the works read by the Wesleys is a volume in Charles Wesley’s family library,1 inscribed with his wife Sarah’s name, Luke de Beaulieu’s Claustrum Animae, The Cloister of the Soul or the Reformed Monastery. This edition of 1677 was followed by further editions in 1678, 1688, 1699. The dedication is to ‘the honoured name’ (1677), later the enhanced ‘your reverend and much honoured name’ (1678) of Dr. John Fell, who was Dean of Christ Church in commendam with the see of Oxford from 1676.2 Luke was born in France in 1644/5 and educated at the Academy of Saumur, which was governed by an Ordinary Council and an Extraordinary Council, which included principal members of the Church, the Consistory, and the professors.3 The Academy and college were suppressed on 8th. January 1685 when the Edict of Nantes (1598) was revoked.4 De Beaulieu left France to take refuge in England around 1666/1667, supposedly on account of his Huguenot convictions although we find he left Saumur under a cloud. On 28th. May 1666 at a meeting of both the Ordinary and Extraordinary councils of the Academy of Saumur, it was reported that de Beaulieu had insulted and threatened a fellow student M. Crespin on several occasions in the presence of M. Cappel, Professor of Hebrew, insulted the rector and then departed. The Faculty gave time for him to come to a better mind, but the matter was referred to the Council.5 The Council minutes of 30th. May suggested that they would not tolerate such behaviour and seemed relieved to postpone the matter as the requisite witnesses were not present.6 On 3rd. June another council meeting recorded de Beaulieu’s continued non-­ compliance. Others involved had already submitted to warnings, but as de Beaulieu had not appeared, and the matter had already been postponed once, he was sent for.7 De Beaulieu found the time to attend a further council meeting on 6th. June, full of remorseful apology: Seigneur de Beaulieu presented himself before the faculty, having himself borne testimony to the displeasure he felt for what had occurred, and begged pardon of the faculty for his violent anger in their presence and in front of all of them acceded to the judgement imposed on him. The faculty being satisfied with his submission to their will and his

DOI: 10.4324/9781003226734-4

108  Luke de Beaulieu: The Cloister of the Soul repentance, contented themselves with the serious remonstrances they made to him, and exhorted him to behave in the future in such a way that he might eradicate by his good conduct the memory of everything that had happened.8 There were other signs that de Beaulieu was not a model student. A minute of a Council meeting held on 2nd. November recorded that he was among those absenting themselves from the after-dinner sermon, and in consequence, he narrowly escaped being deleted from the student list, a punishment which implied being set back a year in his studies9 (Figure 4.1). This contretemps at Saumur may account for de Beaulieu’s early arrival in England, before the substantial influx of 40–50,000 Huguenot

Figure 4.1  M inutes of the Council of the Academy of Saumur in relation to Luke de Beaulieu. Archive Ville de Saumur. Tranche 20 p402 (by permission).

Luke de Beaulieu: The Cloister of the Soul  109 refugees following the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes in 1685. The name de Beaulieu appears among earlier French Protestant settlers in England. The early records of the French Church in Southampton indicate that in June 1567 Jan de Beaulieu with others applied to Sir William Cecil to be discharged of customs for wares and merchandise.10 The register of the Church of the Walloons of Southampton records the admission into the congregation of Jan’s brother Cornille in December of the same year, and in the same volume there are baptismal entries of 18th. July 1571 for Jacob de Beaulieu, son of Augustin, and his brother Isaac 29th. February 1568.11 There were then members of the de Beaulieu family established elsewhere in the south of England, who might provide sanctuary for this rebellious student.12 The relationship between immigrant Huguenots and the Church of England was fraught from the beginning. The influx of refugee congregations in the reign of Edward VI established Dutch and French ‘stranger’ churches in London, whose government and order differed from the established church. In their re-establishment following their Marian exile, they formed a Protestant context which would be sympathetic to Huguenot refugees.13 Under Elizabeth 1, protective of Huguenots as she might be, there was always the suspicion that foreign Protestant influence would encourage greater reform in the English Church than she was prepared to concede, as Puritans were keen to evidence the refugee churches as examples of more complete reformation. Although some Huguenots conformed, any close assimilation of the refugee churches into English ecclesiastical structures was often firmly resisted, erecting a permanent barrier between two different ecclesiological traditions, even given the sympathetic oversight of Bishop Grindal.14 Huguenot communities led a precarious existence under James I, even more so during the ascendancy of William Laud under Charles I. The second generation of refugees, under disapproval from Archbishop Laud for their more conciliar church organisation, was pressurized to use a French translation of the liturgy of the Book of Common Prayer to ensure some conformity.15 Their alienation could be overcome by complete conformity to the established church which in time would lead to assimilation and the eventual demise of foreign congregations which many Anglicans desired.16 For some refugees, the Church of England’s establishment status might have looked inviting compared to their own minority position.17 It is unsurprising to find Luke de Beaulieu transferring his allegiance to the established Church, in a move which both furthered his career and fulfilled the expectations of those Anglicans who maintained Laud’s outlook after Charles II’s Restoration in 1660. Although Huguenots had been granted a royal indulgence under the Act of Uniformity 1662, James II appeared ambivalent and somewhat hostile to their presence.18 From 1683, the latest of a number of royal charitable briefs on behalf of the Huguenots under James II was in the

110  Luke de Beaulieu: The Cloister of the Soul hands of the Lord Chancellor, George Jeffreys, to whom Luke de Beaulieu was chaplain from 1683. A revised brief in 1686 was influenced by Jeffreys against refugees he considered suspect and antithetical to Anglican interests.19 Gone were the days of ecumenical generosity once maintained by Archbishop Grindal. 20 Some Huguenots such as Pastor Louis Hérault favoured the proposal that in England they might have their own bishop to conform to Restoration Anglican requirements. Given Hérault’s pointed views on the imperfections of the Reformed tradition in his recommendation of conformity, it is possible to speak of a ‘French Anglicanism’, and a Huguenot episcopal streak which might clear them of any intention to republicanism and disloyalty.21 Anglican nervousness could be understood when Pastor John Bulteel addressed the Bishop of Norwich in response to investigations in his diocese and to Laud’s commissioners: He told us that His Majesty commanded him to look to his Diocese. We answered that the two forraign congregations in Norwich were in his Diocese but not of his Diocese. 22 Some Huguenot ministers conformed but re-ordination was a clear concern, particularly as this was not required of ordained Catholic converts. 23 With the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes in 1685, the stranger churches were flooded with new members. Luke de Beaulieu arrived in England in 1667 but did not appear to have aligned himself immediately with any of his fellow Huguenot exiles. If he emigrated to escape disgrace in Saumur he astutely gained his Oxford degree and ordination in the Church of England. Given the eventual decline of Saumur and the uncertain social cachet of refugee church status, he opted for a more assured upwardly mobile future. De Beaulieu was ordained deacon by Bishop Fuller of Lincoln in St. Margaret’s Westminster on 19th. December 1669 and priested in the same church on 29th. March the following year. He was curate of Dorney, Diocese of Oxford from 1670, leaving there to become incumbent of Upton cum Chalvey from 1670.

Windsor and the Huguenot connection A Huguenot connection with Windsor can be traced to 1550 when the French Church of Threadneedle Street, London, was permitted the use of St Anthony’s chapel with which Edward IV had endowed the College at Windsor. Gilbert Primerose who was born in Edinburgh and was physician to James I, 24 and formerly minister of the Reformed Church in Bordeaux until 1623, was minister of the Threadneedle Street congregation and chaplain to the King and a canon of Windsor until his death in 1642, to be succeeded as minister by his son. 25 Other Huguenots who became

Luke de Beaulieu: The Cloister of the Soul  111 canons of Windsor are Dr. John Mesnard in 1689 and Balthasar Regis, chaplain to William Wake and to the King, in 1751. 26 In line with this tradition, de Beaulieu was appointed Reader at St. George’s Chapel, Windsor, c.1670. During the 1670s there was a considerable Huguenot influence at St. George’s. According to John Evelyn, John Durel, a Frenchman raised in Jersey, was ordained Anglican deacon and priest on the same day, 12th. June 1650, in the English ambassadorial chapel in Paris during the Interregnum.27 Noticed by Charles II, he received a canonry at Windsor in 1664, and a prebend at Durham, becoming Dean of Windsor in 1667. Well received in court circles, when minister of the French Church at the Savoy Chapel in 1661, he revised the French translation of the Book of Common Prayer 28 (Figure 4.2). Durel published a sermon preached before the French Church at the Savoy, defending the Book of Common Prayer against Independent and Nonconformist contentions and objections. He emphasized the support of other Reformed Churches against Nonconformist scruples, particularly their aversion to episcopacy, in his preface to A View of the Government and the Publick Worship of God of those who profess the Protestant religion.29 He cited Dr. Cappel (Ludovicus Capellus) of the University of Saumur in commending the Book of Common Prayer and criticising the Presbyterian Directory.30 He quoted in support Pierre de Moulin, the Huguenot prebendary of Canterbury, and the pastors Daille, Amyraut (Saumur), and Bochart, as among those who believed that a reformed episcopate was an excellent thing.31 Turning from the troubles in France,32 Durel argued for a mild disposition and appreciation of those who worked for reformation in England and elsewhere, in view of the recent troubles of Church and State. 33 In the face of those Independent in all things who objected to bishops and the liturgy and its ceremonies, he cited the Reformed Churches, particularly in France, and what he considered universal Christian practice.34 He recognised that the English Church, rejecting the abuses of Rome, sought to restore primitive purity with a liturgy purged of Roman errors,35 pointing out that there was nothing in the Church of England not found in other churches beyond the seas.36 Where detractors accused Anglican reformers of deriving the liturgy from the Mass, Durel pointed out they only extracted what was good.37 For him, there was no church less contentious than the Church of England.38 Durel was in office when Luke de Beaulieu became a reader at St. George’s.39 De Beaulieu appears listed as naturalised in June 1682,40 and he is among the denizens recorded at Windsor on 12th. June that year.41 By this time from 1680, he was also a member of that other royal foundation Christ Church, Oxford. There is a record of further members of the de Beaulieu family becoming naturalised in 1688.42 Anthony Wood stated that de Beaulieu came to England ‘eighteen years previously on account of religion’, and became

112  Luke de Beaulieu: The Cloister of the Soul

Figure 4.2  1677 edition of John Durel’s French translation of the Book of Common Prayer.

‘a student at this University for the sake of the library 1680’ and that he asserted in his writings ‘the rights of his majesty and the Church of England’. ‘For the sake of the library’ is an unusual phrase and may refer simply to permission to read there. There is no official record of his registration at Christ Church,43 but there is a record of a dispensation granted de Beaulieu by the University Chancellor, and also of his supplication for his degree.44 His graduation date was 1685. From March 1686 until July 1722 Luke was rector of Whitchurch under the patronage of the Lord Chancellor, Jeffreys, to whom he was appointed a second chaplain in 1687.45 He was rewarded for his royalist and establishment sympathies with prebends at both St. Paul’s and Gloucester cathedrals. He died in 1722 at Whitchurch, where his grave monument has been restored and his son George who followed him both at Christ Church and in taking holy orders, is buried with him46 (Figures 4.3 and 4.4).

Luke de Beaulieu: The Cloister of the Soul  113

Figure 4.3  Luke de Beaulieu, grave marker, Whitchurch St. Mary. ©Kenneth ­Carveley. [Beneath this stone is interred the body of the Rev. Luke de Beaulieu who died 1723 aged 78 years. He was rector of this parish from 1685 until his death and also prebendary of Gloucester Cathedral. He was of French origin and being persecuted for his religion took refuge in this country. He was a man of some note both for learning and eloquence. In the same grave is interred the body of Priscilla his wife who survived her husband 5 years. (no mention of his son the Rev. George de Beaulieu supposedly interred in the same grave)]

Works by Luke de Beaulieu47 De Beaulieu’s perspective was that of a royalist Anglican defensive towards Catholics, but as a former Huguenot generous towards Nonconformity and Dissent, anxious to guard between the extremes of Papal religion and Presbyterianism. In his Planes Apocalypsis. Popery Manifested, de Beaulieu recommended to his readers Richard Allestree’s The Whole Duty of Man.48 In his fictional dialogue, a three-way conversation with a ‘Gentleman’, a critical member of the Church of England, a Papist and a Presbyterian, Luke exhibited an ecumenical generosity: I would have the people follow the judgement of the Church they live in, but I would have them to make use of their rationality to chuse the communion of the purest church, according to the Word of God (and if they have learning enough) according to the first General Councils and the Primitive Christians.49

114  Luke de Beaulieu: The Cloister of the Soul

Figure 4.4  Luke de Beaulieu, grave, Whitchurch St. Mary. ©Kenneth Carveley.

He desired inclusiveness coupled with Anglican establishment, appealing to primitivism as a guarantee of truth. Against Rome, he affirmed a common Christian tradition free from Romanisation.50 He had little hesitation in appealing to the Eastern Churches who maintained a pure tradition separated from Rome by the mutual excommunications of 1054; they were a convenient support and in several places he drew upon John Climacus’ Ladder of Divine Ascent. In searching for the truest and purest church the criterion was neither age nor numbers, and he asserted the authenticity of the Anglican form of the vita apostolica: We have left the Communion of your Church because it was schismatic. We have left the Pope to follow Christ and his Apostles, and we have forsaken you no farther than you have forsaken the truth. The ancient Creeds, the first Councils, many good and Fundamental doctrines we hold together, in these we hold Communion with you: We reject your Communion only in those new Doctrins which ye have superadded to the ancient and divine faith of Christians. 51 This emphasis on universality occurs in several places and was particularly important when considering the baptismal vow: It is the same wherein every Christian is baptised, the same which was before the Reformation and before the want of it, and in all Christian

Luke de Beaulieu: The Cloister of the Soul  115 churches in the world in times of greater purity the same faith was profest, and in the worst of times, under the greatest corruptions, it was still preserved; and that not in one kingdom, or only here in the West, but in all Patriarchates, and in all Christian churches in the world. 52 The wonders performed by the Pope’s friars and the founders of orders Luke thought ridiculous and absurd.53 Turning to the Presbyterian, the Papist in this dialogue sought to make casuistic common cause behind Anglican defences. 54 In this constructed history in which Anglicans outdo ‘the craftiness of fryers’ the Papist regarded Presbyterians, and all who swore to uphold the Solemn League and Covenant (1643) during the Commonwealth, as if they were sworn to monastic vows of poverty and obedience. 55 This evoked some scathing Presbyterian scorn and exposed the raw nerve of Protestant unity: Being agreed as to the essentials both of Doctrine and Discipline. We honour the first Reformators of this Church, and we are perfectly agreed with the reformed Churches beyond the sea, which we love and reverence, and desire to imitate.56 In a sermon preached in 1686, De Beaulieu admitted that in all ages of the Church ‘there hath been always so much of substantial goodness, as there hath been of true devotion in many hearts,’ as in the life of the primitive church.57 He set establishment in its Constantinian context: Since Christianity became the religion of the Empire, and there were outward inducements to make even bad men to become professors, still to trust even pretenders to vent what opinions they please, under notion of preaching the gospel: Now that we have so many baptised heathen, who aim at obtaining as much of this world, right or wrong, as ever they can, still to let them cloak their designs under the name of Christian religions is of dangerous consequence.58 This sermon was given during the first Christmas under James II. Anglicans at this point were uneasy, suspecting that the King as a Catholic might form an alliance with Dissenters to overturn Anglican establishment. For all his interior spiritual fervour, Luke de Beaulieu had not come this far, and from Saumur at an early date, without an acute sense of opportunity, timing, and political shrewdness. In his sermon on the Coronation Day of Queen Anne there was a wide acknowledgement of the place of all the baptized in the Church.59 Luke moved from outward formal legal structure to inward spirituality, however this could be considered ecumenical evasion, as in the spiritual cloister. Luke affirmed the values and beliefs integral to monasticism, and therefore of ‘true’ Christianity, as an internal paradigm. Since at the Dissolution

116  Luke de Beaulieu: The Cloister of the Soul the form and structure of monastic life and practice disappeared, this for Luke, in true Protestant perspective, did not mean the spiritual focus had been lost, but it had now been internalised in the wider availability to all of these values and spiritual graces which were the essence of the monastic tradition. Claustrum Animae: The Reformed Monastery or the Love of Jesus: A Sure and Short, Pleasant and Easie Way to Heaven in Meditations, Directions and Resolutions to Obey Jesus unto Death. Luke’s Claustrum Animae (Figure 4.5) was most likely written during his first incumbency at Upton Cum Chalvey, as was the expanded edition of 1678. Claustrum Animae was originally published by Henry Brome in London in 1675/6, and was republished with amendments and additions in both 1677 and 1678, and subsequently in 1688 and 1699. There is no record of any extant edition of this work before 1677. The 1688 edition coincident with the Glorious Revolution shows little sign of modification in the light of this, and the revision of 1699 was made while de Beaulieu was rector of Whitchurch. There is no indication that this title was ever published in his native French. Unfortunately, the putative 1675 edition is only accessible in the edition prepared for the Tractarian revival by Frederick Lee and published with the Archbishop’s imprimatur by J.T. Hayes. Lee was concerned to find devotional works from the Laudian period which might encourage and promote a more Catholic spirituality under Tractarian auspices and forward the prospect of reunion. He described Luke de Beaulieu as favoured by those at Court under Charles II. Lee confirmed that further editions of the Cloister of the Soul were published in 1677, 1678, 1678, and 1681. Lee’s edition is less than useful in discerning the progress of de Beaulieu’s writing as Lee’s stated aim was to conflate the first edition with those published in 1677 and 1678. This results in a hybrid text from which it is impossible to retrieve the authentic first edition.60 The title page of the second edition of 1677 is ‘Claustrum Animae, The Reformed Monastery or the Love of Jesus’. Since the original first edition is inaccessible, we cannot ascertain whether it was originally entitled in Latin, which was dropped in subsequent editions. The significant major changes to the text were made in the edition of 1678. The 1677 and 1678 editions are in two parts, the second more affective and occasionally directly in the first person. Luke de Beaulieu paralleled the separated existence of the cloister with the life of the committed Christian within the Church, invoking the first ascetics who simply desired to live the full Christian life. In Luke’s ‘short and narrow way’ in which Christians must evidence a marked difference from the world, he recognised the likeness between monastic life and the

Luke de Beaulieu: The Cloister of the Soul  117 Puritans who were regarded in their time as ‘new monks’. In his 1677 edition he explained: Tis possible that the irreligion and immorality of Christians abroad in the general, hath occasioned the distinction of regular and secular persons and perhaps the prophaneness [sic] of too many amongst us who are in the Church as the tares in the field among the wheat, hath partly caused the unjust distribution our late Pharisees have made of our people into two parties. I would have every Christian be really devout without entering the cloister or the conventicle.61 This similarity between conventicle existence and the cloister is one which is well recognized in studies of Puritanism. The ascetic ideal survived within Puritan ideas and sermons, with some sense of approval for the restraint of monastic life.62 Luke did not deny that monasticism could be authentic Christian discipleship except where it remained part of superseded Roman

Figure 4.5  Claustrum Animae, title page.

118  Luke de Beaulieu: The Cloister of the Soul Catholic religion. He reminded his readers with reference to Augustine’s two cities that separation, if valid at all, is from the world, not within the Church. What was taken to be a vocation to special holiness was none other than the calling of every Christian. In the 1678 revision, de Beaulieu maintained a clear Anglican and royalist view in the light of social unease. His emphasis on real interior religion for all accorded with the times in which Jesuits were under suspicion and being executed,63 and the act of 1678 which sought to stay the inroads of Catholic recusancy. He revised his work to situate it more conveniently within the Anglican via media to avoid suspicion of being a crypto-Papalist in commending practices and devotions which might be regarded as expressing Catholic sympathies. In the first edition, de Beaulieu drew historic comparisons with his own time which seem to express friendliness to Nonconformity. In the 1678 edition, the text was amended, substituting the text of Philippians 4.8 for the appeal to monastic precedents in affirming the basic Christian vows.64 This may be a moderation of the text in order to exclude any sympathetic reference to Papism or Nonconformity; in view of the 1679 Exclusion Crisis and the repeated dissolution of Parliament Luke judiciously preferred a scriptural to a patristic or an historical basis for his recommendation.

Luke’s purpose and intention Luke made his purpose clear in both editions: My design therefore is not to incloister particular persons, but to make a large Monastery of the whole Commonwealth, at least to make every family a School of Vertue and Piety, and every man an Ascetick and strict liver: wishing heartily with Erasmus that they, who hitherto, have been called precise and religious, by way of appropriation, might justly lose that name, by the more exemplary lives of all other Christians.65 In this appeal to the Erasmian displacement of monasticism by the call to Christian living as the vocation of all the baptized, Luke recalled that claustration of the world has been attempted by others without success. Erasmus, coerced by his guardian to become a canon at Steyn, distinguished monasticism from piety. While he was critical of the monks who did not live up to the monastic ideal, he was not opposed to those who felt this was their religious vocation; ascetic life was about the disposition of the true Christian, not about monastic enclosure and practices.66 The heart of Luke’s proposal was a direct appeal to Erasmus’ Enchiridion. He invited readers into the Cloister of Love and encouraged them to regard the glory and greatness of the Christian mysteries and the holiness of its doctrines and to emulate the life of Jesus and the saints. In quoting

Luke de Beaulieu: The Cloister of the Soul  119 Erasmus’ passage on the universal cloister he made clear the Erasmian authority for his ideas.67 Luke added the refinement that of all the several interpretations of the Christian rule he positively commended the Church of England as that part of the catholic Church in which corrupt innovations had been purged, and which conformed to antiquity in its canons, doctrine, and worship. Luke outlined his intention to make Christians more devout and to love God with a sincere love which was the best instrument of religion, an enemy to sin, and a nurse to virtue. Mary Magdalene is used as an exemplar in this and in his revision, which recalled what men suffer for love, he emphasized the fervency of her love.68 Luke’s design is not to instruct but to move the affections, not to argue or explain but to affect the heart, and in his revision to ‘nourish in our breasts the fire of divine love’, for what was lacking was not knowledge but charity.69

The interior monastery and the rule Luke in his first edition referred to the Carthusians, the Carmelites, the ­Dominicans, and Franciscans, and included in this list the Nonconformists, implying an explicit ascetic likeness between them and the monastic orders. This he changed in the next edition avoiding any explicit reference to Popery and Dissent, substituting a general scriptural support for whatever might promote goodness, for keeping the Christian Rule did not require separation from the Church or distinct habits or vows.70 In his first edition, the monastery he proposed contained all religious orders and Christians, and the Rule was not that of any Founders, even Pachomius, but that delivered by the Son of God, the Gospel Rule, which stands alone in the revised text without any precedents.71 By the work and labour of love, he professed himself a lover of Jesus, later structured into the Cloister of Love and a society,72 a more formal state in the revision as the Love of Jesus, the Reformed Monastery in which professing Christians enter a new state of life.73 For Luke, the Monastery is the Church, the rule the Love of Jesus and the orders of it all who are Christians, which is elaborated in the revision, where any reference to the Church is postponed until the next chapter which deals with more practical issues.74 Following a quotation from Ovid, ‘he lives best and most safe who is least acquainted with the world and lives farthest from it’, Luke moderated his view to suggest that pious foundations might be restored as colleges and missionary institutes. What appeared as a proposal for the restoration of the monasteries was accompanied by an appreciation of institutes with a pastoral and evangelistic purpose in towns, such as those of the Franciscans.75 In his reference to martyrdom which is made more explicit in his revision, there is an inference of the ascetic life as a substitute offering.76 Love as the best rule of life is confirmed from the Rule of St. Augustine but this

120  Luke de Beaulieu: The Cloister of the Soul must be made evident in deeds.77 In this extended meditation, Luke praised the Coenobites and their communities for excluding the terms ‘mine’ and ‘thine’, but disputed the necessity of any dark monastic cell as among the excesses of religion together with the mad impulses of the Quakers. Such extremes were not required since small things done well at home led to perfection and glory.78

The baptismal vow At the heart of Luke’s Cloister of the Soul was the act and vow of baptism. The baptismal vow of every Christian rendered unnecessary any monastic vow. Christians entered the Church by baptism when promises were made by proxy for them as infants, but now they were at the age of reason they could by a second choice and their own will, confirm this commitment for themselves. In the revised edition Luke emphasized the unrepeatable nature of baptism, and the difference between what had already been done and what the baptized were now required to do for themselves.79 Luke referred to the state of innocence which humankind once shared with God and which could be restored by compliance with the will of God, leaving deprivation and sin by a heartfelt renunciation of our own will. This is expanded in the revision with a description of the infinite nature of God to whom nothing is to be preferred.80 Self-denial is compared to the amputation of a limb in order to save a life.81 The baptismal vow was underlined by a quotation from the baptismal liturgy of the Book of Common Prayer in which the baptisand is made Christ’s faithful soldier and servant. Luke urged his readers to make good their baptismal promise under the Covenant in renouncing the world as a true servant and lover of Jesus.82 Where in his first edition Luke bound himself in the first person to love and obey Jesus, this becomes in the revision a renunciation of the vanities renounced ‘when I became a Christian;’ identity is not denied but it now requires repentance and obedience. Having dealt with what he described as the negative part of the baptismal vow, Luke sought to kindle the divine fire of love in the heart which consumes lusts, which was more refined in his revision by the grace which inclined nature to virtue upon renunciation of sins, effecting entry into the Closter of the Soul.83 Where in self-deprecation, in his first text, he called to mind Erasmus’ comment in his Enchiridion that there was more piety in the book than in the author, this is erased in his revision.84 In considering the lusts and vanities renounced on becoming a Christian, a soldier under the Cross, Luke again moved into a first-person address to ‘my dearest Lord’, in which he described being presented to Christ through the waters of baptism and passing into Christ’s family, to reaffirm the oblation then made.85 In the inserted meditation of the revision, in an effusive prayer to ‘Sweet Jesu’, Luke asked that the first baptismal engagement might stand notwithstanding his breach of it, that he might observe it better.86

Luke de Beaulieu: The Cloister of the Soul  121 The emphasis on baptism and its vow, which Luke found in Erasmus, was an assertion that what was the common life of every Christian discounted monastic vows and profession since there was only one profession for all. Luke called his readers to live up to the status and vow of baptism, and under this common profession he invited his readers to affirm their baptismal identity to enter the cloister of the soul.

The way of penitence Luke sought to introduce a more penitential ethos in his recommendations, which included confession in terms similar to an Ignatian examen. He was clear in his first edition that Dissenters would not warm to this as it would seem as Popery to them; however, he commends it from the general practice of the Church and ‘the Greater Piety of our Ancestors’. This is moderated in the revision to effectual means to cure the disease of the soul, together with a Latin sentence that if the penitent so wished the way was short and sweet or if negligent it was long and laborious.87 Luke included his own personal commitment to a life of penitence with acts of mortification and punitive repentance, which is less ecclesial in tone in its revision, omitting the appeal to divine authority in the provisions of the Church and to the greater piety of ancestors.88 In further personal meditation, he mourned and afflicted himself as being too greedy, undertaking to give with a greater charity to others and to God.89 This inserted meditation moved again into court mode. Had he offended any earthly prince he would have been shackled and imprisoned; here he pleaded for mercy from the Divine Majesty and begged for his penitence to be recorded. The outcome he desired was to be numbered with the saints, in a direct extract from the Te Deum.90 In temptation and trial, he could stoutly resist and lift up his soul to Jesus, his Master.91 His assertion to refuse God nothing, for when one has given his heart he has given all, is amended in the revision to obey and love the rule of the Blessed Jesus.92 This penitential sense is full of reminders of the vanity of the present world in which we should not be concerned with what others think of us. Luke urged the reader to seek God and his kingdom, and not to be deceived by appearances.93 Together with interior penitence, Luke included corporal austerities since these were used in monastic penance. These he believed accorded with the example of Christ who fasted, and there was free use of such within the Church, and in this way we may take up our cross. This is expanded in the revision to a discussion of the wholesome use of them and the rejection of extreme abuse. Such corporal austerities in acts of self-­denial might be appointed by a spiritual guide or by the Church. In this Luke included voluntary afflictions and the deprivation of lawful pleasures, possibly forgoing a good time to donate to charity what he would have spent.94 In his extended meditation, he compared himself to the beggar who might not

122  Luke de Beaulieu: The Cloister of the Soul presume anything, or to David who poured out the precious water brought to him.95

Reformation of manners: means and ends Luke’s concern was that reformation of manners should follow the reformation of doctrine. This was expanded in his revision to explain that if the Gospel professed in its purity did not make us holy there was no other means by which this could be achieved.96 If his work did not succeed in converting the impenitent, it might well make some better Christians.97 He described the mundane sense of being as good as the next man rather than burning with the divine flame, which in the revision referred to those who only go so far in their love, for whom he has written a treatise of divine love to rekindle in their souls the holy fire.98 Where Luke reminded the reader that fleshly love and the purity of Jesus are incompatible, this becomes in his revised text an address to his own soul that these cannot reside in the same heart.99 Luke regarded good works as meritorious, which became in his second text a comparison between vice and virtue: if we do ill the pleasure soon passes and the grief and punishment remain, if we do well trouble is soon ended and the joy and reward of it endure.100 Luke pointed out the priority of observing what was commanded before pursuing more preferable things, for although the Gospel did not define every particular, there were no supererogations.101

Affective piety Luke developed a more heartfelt devotional sense inserting a direct personal address to Jesus in the revised text.102 This is correlated to doctrine with an emphasis upon the Incarnation with reference to divinisation theology from Athanasius.103 Referring to the love of Jesus for Lazarus, Luke recommended what appears to be a derivative of the Orthodox Jesus prayer, followed by the protestation from Climacus ‘to die many times for Jesus’, and quoted Terence on the lover’s possession of the beloved.104 At several points Luke addressed his own soul; while there were many flatterers at court (a personal direct observation?) princes had few friends. Multitudes often surrounded Jesus at Mount Gerizim, curiously ‘at Sinai where he gives the law’ (the Sermon on the Mount?), and at Golgotha, but he had few lovers.105 Luke used a court reference; just as courtiers conform to the pleasure of their prince, so we ought to conform to what God requires. At other points Luke addressed the reader directly; in the first edition where love is the fulfilling of the law this is later replaced by the assertion that devotional things are discerned more by the affections, which is accompanied by the advice to repeat acts of love in the first person; readers are invited to insert their name in a reaffirmation of the baptismal text.106

Luke de Beaulieu: The Cloister of the Soul  123 In this meditation, Luke returned to the Incarnation in an effusive, in places ecstatic, direct address of worship to the exalted Jesus and of self-­ oblation, interrupted by an exegesis of the worship of the Lamb from Revelation, which undertakes to observe Jesus’ laws and reverence the Church and its ministers.107 Whereas Jacob and his sons were in fear not knowing Joseph reigned in Egypt, Luke assured his own heart that Jesus reigned in heaven.108 Affective piety is underlined in Luke’s general direction on manifesting love to God by the statement ‘what the heart doth not is reputed as not done’.109 This idea that what does not have interior assent of the whole person, what is not heartfelt does not have veracity, is a common theme of monastic reformers and spiritual writers such as Bernard of Clairvaux in On Precept and Dispensation, for whom monastic life was more about interior life than just keeping the Rule. In his long meditations, Luke placed a priority on the love of God among the duties and graces of ‘our religion’ which was to be evident in all our acts in fulfilment of the prayer that God’s will be done on earth as in heaven. He supported this from Thomas à Kempis that ‘love is a great thing.’110 Where Luke recommended cross-bearing he compared conforming our soul to God to a joiner planing a rough-hewn plank to join to a smooth one. In his advice to read the lives of the primitive saints, Luke cautioned against appearing outwardly pious; carrying a Bible, reading the Gospel, fasting and alms, burial in a friar’s habit, for these could all be evidences of false Pharisaic righteousness.111 He urged readers not to defer showing their love to Jesus but recommended patience like that of Jacob who waited fourteen years for Rachel, and Antony who was reproved for his impatience.112 Where Luke described Jesus as the Mediator between God and man, this he expanded in his revision in which the most excellent benefit given by God to the Church was Jesus Christ its head to whom, and by whom we pray and who prays in us, according to Augustine.113 Luke substituted Augustine’s saying ‘Love is strong as death’ for a scriptural reference in his first edition;114 in describing love as inseparable from its object he inserted two Johannine references.115 In the 1678 edition, Luke added a petition to ‘Sweet Jesu’ praying for mercy for all those ‘who love thy name’. This is heart religion, regarded as the essence of the interior life of the monk, guarded against a simulated spirituality which might appear holy, but which lacked the warmth and fervour which regulation is unable to sustain where the intimacy of soul is lacking.

Adminiculum pietatis Luke referred to ‘handmaids of devotion’ which were private means of grace supplementary to those fountains of grace in the sacraments and offices of the Church; fasting, alms, and religious acts which support gradual growth in grace and its resolutions. In his second edition, Luke expanded

124  Luke de Beaulieu: The Cloister of the Soul this with a more philosophical comment on happiness and virtue and the insufficiency of good intentions.116 He called upon the ‘Blessed Martyr’ Charles I to support the necessity of external helps for true inward worship.117

Signum crucis In recommending Christians should sign themselves with the cross as did the early Christians as a sign of outward profession, de Beaulieu referred to its use in baptism and quoted from the Anglican rite in the Book of ­Common Prayer to confirm its implications for the baptized ‘to confess the faith of Christ crucified’.118 He reiterated this BCP text in a defence of the primitive use of self-signing against scruples and criticism of ancient ceremonies, for he believed outward visible signs had an impression upon the heart. He expanded his text in 1678 to include self-signing together with the crucifix among helps to devotion; books, meditations, and ­self-examination.119 Luke explicitly cleared signing with the cross as a way of invoking the name of Christ as a form of devotion and profession, free from superstition and Popery. His 1678 edition referred to Calvin’s recommendation of acts of devotion which made religion more solemn and venerable.120 Luke also referred to Canon 30 of the Church of England on the use of signing with the cross at baptism, considered by the Puritans as one of the superstitious Popish elements retained in the rite. This Canon derived from the Hampton Court Conference of 1604 at which King James and the bishops sought to allay Puritan fears and reach an agreement on the liturgy. It stated that signing with the cross accorded with the primitive church as a sign in which Christians rejoiced and triumphed, and which they used in all their actions. Used in baptism by both Latins and Greeks, the Fathers testified to its use, as did other national churches. The Church of England retained the sign, and although Luke does not directly indicate this it had continued to be used by the returned Marian exiles. While it was not of the substance of the sacrament, purged from Popish superstition the signing was mandatory in the baptismal rite of the Church of England.121 Luke made a careful recommendation of its extended devotional use outside baptism, cleared of corrupt usage, as a sign of a more intense commitment.122 He recognised such things may be adiaphora, but Augustine recommended such outward movements and signs may be increased as the proper disposition of the interior soul gave rise to them.123

Evocation of the Passion Following his recommendation of the use of signing with the cross, Luke entered upon a constructed encounter with Christ in his Passion, transposed

Luke de Beaulieu: The Cloister of the Soul  125 into direct address. It opened with Christ speaking from the cross to which the respondent lacked words for an adequate reply. This is significantly expanded in 1678 where with self-deprecation and shame he remembered Christ’s torment with effusive thanksgiving, concluding with a quote from the Benedicite and the Collect for Purity.

Anglican liturgy Luke revealed a careful orthodoxy in using prayers and phrases from the Book of Common Prayer within his text. In his original edition, he quoted the collect for the 25th Sunday after Trinity.124 In the revised text he was careful to add other BCP texts to maintain a clear Anglican identity. Together with the Collect for Purity,125 he referred to the Te Deum,126 the collect for All Saints,127 the Benedicite, and the collect for the 18th Sunday after Trinity.128 In this way, he sought to keep a clear distance from both Dissent and Popery while recommending practices and devotions which might be called into question.

Luke de Beaulieu’s sources As we have seen, in his emphasis on ascetic life for all Christians as integral to their baptismal vocation, Luke de Beaulieu drew upon the work of Erasmus and his statement ‘I should like all Christians to live as now only those who are religious live’.129 He quoted Erasmus’ question as to why what was intended by Christ to be universal should be restricted, and his image of the city as a great monastery with the bishop as abbot,130 and again in his second preface: ‘Whoever is inflamed by love of him has taught the principal part of Christian piety’.131 He drew upon Erasmus’ Education for a Christian Prince to explain that the best manner of living was not necessarily the most pleasant, but by continued habit, this would prove delightful.132 De Beaulieu’s most quoted source was Augustine. Augustine’s Christmas sermon was used to recall the miracles and mercies of the Incarnation by which the God of eternity was born in time: ‘he lies in a manger but holds the world, he sucks the breasts and feeds the angels’.133 In his description of the passionate nature of love, Luke drew upon Augustine’s City of God to underline possessive desire and the joy and grief this entailed.134 He used Augustine to explain the nature of love: ‘Love is a motion of the heart, which when it is an inordinate movement is called cupidity, when it is ordered it is called love.’135 This irresistible power transformed the lover into that which he loved, but this required care with respect to its moral compass, lest one become enslaved by passion.136 According to Augustine, he who loves himself sufficiently acts carefully in order to enjoy the highest good.137 Loving God should be our predominant care, since Jesus is dearer

126  Luke de Beaulieu: The Cloister of the Soul to us than all others. Love of ourselves and others is secondary to this main intention, for one who knows how to love knows how to live well.138 With support from 1 Corinthians 13 and Augustine, Luke explained that divine love was the root of all good and so great that all things are accepted on its account. According to Augustine faith can exist without love but cannot do anything good.139 In the language of the Church, Father, Son, and Holy Spirit are a unity of incomprehensible love which is the Spirit himself, who is given to us and in whom everything is contained.140 God is the abyss of love and goodness who gives himself to us, and the effects are glorious by the grace of Christ and the gift of the Spirit, leading to the sanctification of human affections. Luke suggested from Augustine that God’s nature and acts are more powerful than words.141 Those who seek after riches and work to attain them remained poor, yet no one who sought God failed to gain or be found by him.142 Through all the sorrows and joys of the human condition, love, when it dwelt in a loving soul, never ceased to act and move, for it had its own power.143 While death is strong and we fight to keep ourselves alive, love, ever victorious, persisted and conquered all opposition, as Augustine said: It is a great saying, love is strong as death, it could not more magnificently express the strength of love. What can resist death? It resists fire, waves, strong kings, who can resist it? Therefore love is compared to its strength.144 The love of Jesus made the early Christians work hard and endure suffering with comfort and unspeakable joy compared to those who, lacking love, in sorrow and difficulty suffered little. Augustine is used to stress that love is not onerous or burdensome. Lovers may delight in their work as do hunters or fishermen, for love is the most important thing, and it is not hard work.145 Luke recommended that Christians should sign themselves with the cross as a sign of outward profession; as we have noted, he explained that Augustine recommended such outward movements and signs.146 The interior cloister placed Luke under the greatest necessity of ‘discharging my baptismal vow, of living according to the Gospel Rule, otherwise my neglect of it would be my ruin, I would perish in my disobedience’.147 Augustine is used to support the preference for inner compulsion over outward enforcement: ‘Those directed by love are better, but those corrected by fear are more numerous’.148 The prospect of singing Alleluia among the noble army of martyrs was a state in which they would see what they love and love what they see, as Augustine had said.149 For Luke, love must carry us through the whole course of our lives, we must act in sincere love of God as this was ‘the best of those rules which were given to ascetick persons’. Here he proposed:

Luke de Beaulieu: The Cloister of the Soul  127 Let charity which abides for ever, influence and govern the use we make of time, and other transitory things. Let it go along with us in all our ways, and we shall certainly go right.150 Although not a direct quote from Augustine, this is accompanied by a reference to the Rule of St. Augustine that love remains and triumphs.151 In his reference to the coenobitic displacement of the words ‘mine’ and ‘thine’, Luke recommended acceptance of the will of God and suffering affliction patiently in accordance with Augustine’s advice: ‘It is more just that we should follow his will than that he should follow ours.’152 Luke’s advice not to look out from the Cloister of Love upon those for whom the major parts of God’s benefits are lost or who follow the multitude, was supported by Augustine’s ‘Woe to you, river of human custom’.153 Since it was easy to love those who love us and God had shown so much love, it was strangely unnatural if we were not affected by it. Support came again from Augustine: ‘The soul is too hard which does not love spontaneously but is not willing to respond’.154 Loving God was not difficult, since it was easy to love infinite perfection and goodness: Wherefore St. Augustine saith that to love God is so natural, so easy, so infinitely just, and so much our duty, that to omit it can admit of no pleas nor pretence, and is inexcusable, and criminal in the highest degree.155 Such criminal refusal was countermanded by an unattributed statement: You can say to me that I do not have anything to give to the needy, that I cannot fast, that I cannot weep. Can you really say to me it is not possible to love?156 The best benefit of God to the Church was Jesus Christ its head ‘who prays for us, prays in us, and is prayed to by us’.157 We are united to him by love as his members deriving life from him, as Augustine said: ‘You rule your body if your head is in heaven, separated indeed from vision but joined by love.’158 On the interior death of the self by love, Augustine said: ‘he kills what we have been, so that we may be what we were not’.159 This brought about a change so that ‘the new commandment maketh a new creature, men become gods by loving God’.160 Love admits of no omission or transgression, according to Augustine: ‘He who has holy love acts in accordance with holiness and justice’.161 All human passions and affections were good or bad according to the nature of what they love, as Augustine confirmed ‘The only thing that makes good and bad habits are good and bad lives’.162 The love of Jesus made the difference between sincere and false Christians, wheat and tares growing together.163 Explaining the central

128  Luke de Beaulieu: The Cloister of the Soul meaning of the baptismal vow and to emphasise his point Luke quoted directly: Thou maist be baptised and yet not be good, thou maist have knowledge and remain vicious, thou maist be called a Christian and be none; but thou canst not love God and be wicked, thou canst not love God but thou must be holy and happy.164 Luke believed that despite human loss the love of God could not be lost except by our consent, or snatched from us by time, fortune or tyranny, as according to Augustine: ‘It is a good saying that we cannot lose anything unwillingly.’165 De Beaulieu gathered support from other texts now usually regarded as pseudo-Augustinian. In stating that we come to God and are united to him by love he drew upon the text of the Manual: ‘Love is a great thing by which the soul goes confidently by itself to God’.166 He drew upon this source in other places, where he recommended love as the motive and guide to live well,167 particularly in his second preface where he wrote of love as the bond of perfectness,168 for it alone qualified all Christians to love however limited they may be in their understanding;169 what was required above all was costly of self-offering.170 One of Luke’s most frequent sources was St. Bernard, in particular De Diligendo Deo. Luke pointed to the Incarnation in which Love ‘vested the most perfect God with thy flesh and infirmities.’ God had become like us that we may love him and if we will ‘entertain and follow the Love of Jesus it will make thee become like him.’171 Bernard confirmed this: ‘ He made thee with a word; but to save thee he wrought many wonders and suffered many pains’.172 According to Luke lovers of Jesus exceeded what duty required, just as a friend willingly going extra miles would find it easy if led by love, and those subject to taxes could exceed their duty by offering gifts to the prince, so it was in the Church. The most religious exceeded obedience to the minimum precepts for this was the way of the saints. This measure of response accorded with the nature of God, for the way of loving God, as Bernard said, was without measure.173 This reflected the disparity between the nominal Christian and the devotion of the totally committed as recounted in a kenotic form of ordo salutis: When I consider what thou didst do to rescue us from misery and to make us happy; how thou didst lay thy glories by to intitle us to them; became poor to pay our debt, became weak to die and to vanquish our enemies. When I consider this I cannot but admire the greatness of thy charity.174 Luke called upon Bernard to witness this from his sermons on the Song of Songs.175 The one truly joined to God by love could never be miserable or in

Luke de Beaulieu: The Cloister of the Soul  129 despair for he was confident the love of God would sweeten a bitterness, for only the imperfection of Christian love brought on sorrows. The greatest saints in their fervent love for God and their ravished joy were insensible to sorrow. Here he looked for support to Bernard for whom ‘A man’s heart is more where it loves than where it lives’.176 All other passions were instruments of virtue and occasions of great reward for as Bernard said: ‘When love comes it brings other feelings into itself and holds them captive’.177 The soul having willingly forsaken God returns to God by love; freed from punishment it was restored to freedom for, as Bernard said, ‘Love gives freedom and drives out fear’.178 That man is happy who in his lifetime showed his love for God in piety and charity, and who in death has joy and confidence, expectant of a welcome from Christ, as Bernard said, ‘ No one who already loves is afraid to be loved, our love willingly follows the love of God which goes before’.179 In concluding his meditation, Luke recognised the high expectations set before his readers and said with Bernard, ‘I am not saying that I will do these things but that I should like to do them’.180 Luke drew upon a wide range of the early Fathers. That in following the love of Jesus we may become like him he supported from Clement of Rome (d. 99): ‘Behold how great, how wonderful a thing is love its power and its perfection cannot be uttered; we want words for to express them’.181 On the Passion of Christ, he referred to the martyrdom of Ignatius (c.35/50-117) who in his Letter to the Romans wrote that although he was living and writing he was eager to die for his Love had been crucified.182 Referring to the miseries which we bear and the perseverance of the saints, he drew upon Tertullian’s (c.155-c.240) treatise on martyrdom: ‘The leg feels nothing in its nerves while the soul is in heaven.’183 He used Lactantius (c.250-325) to indicate the difference between exterior coercion and interior disposition: ‘Laws were able to punish sins, but they could not buttress conscience’.184 Luke described the ascetic tradition: Some enter a dark cell, and some go long pilgrimages, but wherever Providence had placed them there they might best have wrought their salvation. To do what we should do in a mean place, is much better than to undertake great things, which we were not obliged to.185 He quoted ostensibly from Augustine, but in fact from Athanasius’ (296373) Life of Antony, that ascesis is not fixed to a place; in spite of later insistence on stability in the Benedictine Rule, it was primarily an interior disposition.186 He again referred to Anthony when he described how Christian ascesis was the work of a lifetime: All is not to be done today, go on in the way of love and duty. Our life is a course, not a leap; therefore faint not, and be not displeased with thyself, if thou hast not yet done what must not be finisht, till thy life be

130  Luke de Beaulieu: The Cloister of the Soul so. St. Anthony’s impatience was thus reproved and cured by an angel: ‘Work now, afterward pray, then refresh thy wearied nature, and after that return again to thy labour and devotion. Let this be thy course all thy way, and salvation shall be thy end.’187 The quotation ‘Do not flee the adversary from place to place but from vice to virtue’, Luke mistakenly attributed to Augustine’s Sermon Against Faustus the Manichaean, but it derived from the Gallican Collection of Ps. Eusebius attributed to Eucherius, which is accepted as the work of Eusebius of Emesa (c.300-c.360).188 Luke referred to the Rule of Basil of Caesarea (329/330-379) explaining how experience was more essential than words, for in the Rule Basil wrote that the utterly ineffable love of God was more easily experienced than spoken of.189 From John Chrysostom (349-407) he stated that we are sure never to live and perish in sin if we love Jesus sincerely, reflecting Greek deification theology: of ourselves we are not holy and happy, we may be so by love; the love of God will transform us into his nature and make us partakers of his holiness and happiness. He translated Chrysostom: ‘What matters it then to be by nature what we may be by choice and affection?’190 Luke’s meditation on ends and means was supported by a curious Greek text: ‘This is not a virtue as Chrysostom should have recognised’.191 This preceded a comment from Jerome that ‘It is not laudable to have been in Jerusalem, but to have lived well in Jerusalem’. Pilgrimage may be devotionally affirming but useless unless it is issued in appropriate Christian living.192 In advising the reader to seek retirement and to think of death with appropriate shame, humility and sorrow for past sins, and suggesting watchfulness for the future, Luke turned to Prosper of Aquitaine’s (c.390455) Epigrams: ‘God gives room for crimes, not men, to perish’.193 Among his Eastern ascetic sources, Luke used Dorotheus of Gaza (505565/620) to explain the pleasure in going the extra mile because led by love and unrestricted by time. He described Dorotheus as ‘an ancient guide of souls’.194 In three places de Beaulieu cited the Ladder of Divine Ascent of John Climacus. In an extended passage on sowing and reaping Luke referred to 2 Corinthians 8.12 to emphasize that a lover of Jesus showed greater love toward others in avoiding quarrels, promoting reconciliation, visiting hospitals, and relieving the poor. These pious acts were contrasted with those who honour and enrich themselves. Here he translated Climacus, interspersing the text with his own comments to illuminate the perfect Christian distinguished from the rest.195 Readers were reminded that when

Luke de Beaulieu: The Cloister of the Soul  131 they had done their utmost, if it was not inspired by the love of God it was worthless. In the words of the pious saint Climacus: If we had died a thousand times for Jesus yet we should not have repaid him the least part of what we owe his infinite mercy and condescension; for vast is the difference between the blood of God and the blood of his creatures and servants, if we judge according to the dignity, and not to the substance of it.196 Luke concluded his work with an acknowledgement of shortcomings of his own in a final quotation from Climacus to advise his readers not to judge too severely those who teach great and profitable truths which they themselves learn and practice but imperfectly, for the usefulness of their instructions made up for their own imperfections.197 Luke turned to The Divine Names of Dionysius (Pseudo-Dionysius, c.390-455) to describe the soul inebriated and raised beyond itself, which inspired the martyrs to shout and rejoice in the midst of flames. The Divine Love, according to Dionysius, was ecstatic, in which lovers belong not to themselves but to the object of their desire.198 Luke cited Gregory the Great (c.540-604) in an appeal for a fervent Christian life beyond the boundaries of tradition. In the Preface to the second part of his text, Luke commended places of religious retirement, appealing for their restoration although not explicitly calling for the restoration of the monasteries. He envisaged some kind of monastic or ascetic life without Catholic influence: I bewail their loss and heartily wish that the piety and charity of the present age might in a just and primitive measure restore to this nation the useful conveniency of them. Necessary reformations might have repurg’d monasteries as well as the Church without abolishing of them; and they might still have been houses of religion without having any dependence upon Rome.’199 Luke quoted from Gregory to emphasize ascetic life as the intense form of Christian life for all: There are many who lead a religious life even in a secular habit, and there are very many who unless they have left everything can in no way be saved to God. 200 Luke returned to Gregory to prove that love is shown in good works, 201 and to the Gregorian homilies describing the glory and majesty of God which the cherubim cannot reach but which love may reach for. ‘Anyone

132  Luke de Beaulieu: The Cloister of the Soul who wholeheartedly desires God with all his mind forthwith has what he loves’. 202 Luke described the cross as the expression of infinite love and explained it was the love of Jesus which bound him more than the ropes of the Jews or the nails which pierced him; an image he owed to Hugh of St. Victor (c.1096-1141), ‘O love how great is your bond by which God could be bound.’203

So many Christians, so little Christianity: Richard Allestree This phrase is found in one of the works by Richard Allestree (16091681), 204 Regius Professor of Divinity at Oxford in the period just before Luke de Beaulieu took his degree, and the long-anonymous author of The Whole Duty of Man. A committed royalist, Allestree came through the mixed fortunes of battle and arrest during the Civil War, becoming after the Restoration canon at Christ Church and Dean as well as chaplain to the King. His writings reflect the context of national recovery following the ‘late calamities’, the Great Plague of 1665 and the Great Fire of 1666, as well as the consequences of the Act of Uniformity and a continuing critique of both Dissenters and Roman Catholicism. 205 The state of the Church had been sustained by God through the recent waves that racked the nation, yet there was the hope that the discipline and services that were lost in such wild confusion; and the offices buried in the rubbish of the demolisht churches, should rise again in so much order and beauty. 206 In the first complete accessible edition of his Claustrum Animae (1677) Luke described the Church in Augustinian terms of tares and wheat growing together. To emphasize this, he quoted from Allestree’s The Causes of the Decay of Christian Piety attributed to the author of The Whole Duty of Man, a text de Beaulieu recommended elsewhere. Allestree’s suggestion of simulated holiness is well matched to Luke’s theme. 207

Nominal religion Allestree had the same concern for a living faith that we find in de Beaulieu’s Claustrum Animae, in that outward conformity did not necessarily indicate an inward commitment. Those who were members of the Church not by confession but by obedience give their name but not their heart. 208 Some thought to be regarded as Christians if they were gentlemen, distinguished by titles and advantages which brought them honour and glory, on which Allestree commented: ‘the duties even of men, much more of Christians being so far worn out of practice, that they seem to be out of memory too.’209

Luke de Beaulieu: The Cloister of the Soul  133 According to Allestree, many called themselves Christians simply because they were born into a particular place and society. These loved to be Christians as cheaply as they can; in this, the Devil had his ascetics for whom self-denial was a sin. 210 Those not absent from divine service treated it as a Sunday playhouse where they criticised the preacher, missing the true purpose of the assembly, 211 and sermons were heard for their eloquence rather than as the Word of God. 212 Allestree regarded Christianity as having lost much of its repute through the carelessness of soul and the unwillingness and unawareness of men, 213 and Christianity would not be repaired until the lives of Christians were conformed to it. 214 Allestree emphasized the impediment to others of disagreements and disputes over doctrine. Zeal made men slaves in the church but thieves in the marketplace. 215 They were called Christians who knew little of Christ and had a fragmentary knowledge of the Faith. 216 Formal profession served only to make us proud not rich, confident but not safe. 217

The baptismal vow In common with de Beaulieu, Allestree emphasized the importance of the Christian baptismal vow, the one thing that remained common to Anglicans, Dissenters, and Roman Catholics, even if it was often disavowed. For Luke de Beaulieu this was an issue which supplanted any monastic commitment and further religious vows, for the baptized Christian was affianced to God. Given Allestree’s own experience in the royalist cause, it is understandable that he should use military terms for Christian commitment. 218 Entry into the new covenant as members of Christ brought us within the pale of the Church our mother when the devil was renounced on our behalf. 219 Baptism removed us from the vanities and pomps of the world and the lusts of the flesh, it bound us to keep God’s holy will and commandments. There was the danger that in breaking the baptismal vow one might lose one’s own soul, although the vow might be renewed at the Lord’s Supper. 220

The religion of the heart In Allestree’s heart religion, God bade us love him and the sufferings of Christ should stir up such love in us, 221 for good motions within the heart derived from the love of God seated there. 222 Allestree’s attitude towards the cloister was negative in a conventionally Protestant fashion. He criticised dying men for donating to an order or cloister, comparing such a donation to Judas’ betrayal.223 The reclusive devotion of the cloister was like hiding a light under a bushel rather than setting it upon a candlestick.224 The religious orders in the Roman Church might have been reformed under the Reformation rather than suppressed, however:

134  Luke de Beaulieu: The Cloister of the Soul tho’ there be not among us such societies, yet there may be nuns who are not profess’d. She who has devoted her heart to God, and the better to secure his interest against the most insinuating rival of human love, intends to admit none, and prays that she may not. 225 This accorded with Luke de Beaulieu’s interior monastery. Following Chrysostom, Allestree viewed the Christian family as an ecclesiola. 226 He structured a spiritual pattern for the believer, 227 emphasizing the gifts of grace, not estimation of personal worth which might hinder the reception of Christ in the heart. 228 Communicants should not come to the table ignorant but repentant, mindful of approaching the sacrament unworthily, since here the baptismal vow might be restored. 229

Church, unity, and schism For Allestree, the Gospel was a deposit which it was the privilege and duty of every Christian to care for in that universal Church above all competition. 230 Rome’s claim to infallible understanding, scripture as but part of church tradition, the worship of images, were all subject to a critique, the central focus of which was the keeping of scripture from the laity. It was clergy in the main who were heretical leaders. 231 Dispute and disagreement Allestree regarded as a waste of effort. The primitive church served as the example for the restoration of Christianity to its natural vigour, and he doubted whether any present party owned the faith of the first Christians. Polemic and dispute increased while the foxes ran among the vines, a medieval anti-heretical image. 232 Christian unity was violated where men named themselves and not Christ and made their own opinions a priority.233 Some editions of The Whole Duty of Man contained an appended liturgical text: Private Devotions for Several Occasions Ordinary and Extraordinary. 234 Allestree was careful to commend the Book of Common Prayer particularly for family worship. In his text, there were morning and evening offices and prayers which resonated with BCP language and style and extracts from other liturgies such as Compline. His encouragement to keep several daily hours of prayer has a clear monastic resonance. 235 Allestree, like de Beaulieu, recommended the committed life of prayer characteristic of monasticism, but carefully steered clear of any suggested Roman influence.

The influence of Giovanni Bona In 1678, the year in which the Popish Plot surfaced with the depositions of ­Titus Oates, the arrest of Catholic peers, and also the passing of the anti-Catholic Test Act, Luke de Beaulieu published a second revised edition of Claustrum Animae. He also published his English translation of Giovanni Bona’s Principia et Documenta Vitae Christianae, with a preface dedicated to Prebendary Thomas Ken, carefully written to influence those who would trust this name.

Luke de Beaulieu: The Cloister of the Soul  135 Bona, formerly abbot of the Feuillant abbey of Mondovi, became Superior General in Rome of the Feuillant congregation in 1651, a late-­sixteenthcentury reform of the Cistercian order. 236 Luke de Beaulieu’s translation revealed a determination not to let prevailing anti-Catholic sentiment displace the common core of Christian spiritual life beyond political ecclesial dispute and controversy. In his dedicatory letter and preface de Beaulieu revealed an ecumenical and irenic sympathy and intention; truth should be acknowledged from whatever quarter it comes, and while the Church of Rome held to many things destructive of true holiness and piety, there were many within it who live in obedience to the Gospel, despite that church’s corruptions. Giovanni Bona’s text had related themes to Luke’s revised Claustrum Animae, where Luke described authentic ‘true’ Christianity as focused on what united Christians: We should not seek dissenters to learn from them those things wherein we disagree: but in those things which we know to be true unfeigned holiness and Christian vertues are absolutely requisite to make us true Christians.237 Eager to underline the integrity of the Anglican via media, Luke recognised the reasons for continued separation from Rome238 and recommended the established Church as concordant with apostolic tradition and the true home of those who dissented. 239 The Church of England was reverenced by many of those within it and ever stood on the surest side of most issues, although Luke indicated curiously that secular interests had often caused error and division among Christians. 240 Luke translated Bona’s work for all true Christians, centred upon the vitality of inward spiritual devotion over against outward Christian structure and formality. Christian establishment and order were inauthentic if they lacked the fervour of spiritual life which was its core identity and rationale. Bona’s text separated Christians into three categories.241 First were the good few, next came those who were lukewarm in their commitment: their outward conformity was undoubted, but they lacked inner spiritual fervour which was the mark of authentic believing. This kept the threshold of spiritual development low, precisely the contention Luke countered in his Claustrum Animae. If you exhorted people to a stricter and more holy life, they would bid you go and preach to monks and hermits. 242 As expected nominal Christians took the lowest place, multitudes born of Christian parents and baptized, whose lives and actions were scandalous and regarded as worse than infidels. 243 These were the object of Bona’s thorough critique, and also of de Beaulieu’s: They are very few that live by the Rules of the Gospel, few that regard and esteem it as they should. Fables, Romances and Idle Discourses are generally prefer’d to the Word of God.244

136  Luke de Beaulieu: The Cloister of the Soul Bona advocated a Catholic Pietism which related to many of the themes of Lutheran and Protestant writers faced with the situation of an established church and a dearth of vital religion, in which the response to renewal was relegated to vicarious asceticism: Many that have no mind to perfect holiness in the fear of God, by living according to the strict precepts of our Saviour Christ, pretend that they belong not to them, but only to Clergy-men or such as are shut up and recluse from the World.245 Bona and de Beaulieu resisted any attempt to deflect the responsibility for Christian perfection upon a particular class or order. 246 Bona made the same appeal to the Gospel which enjoined perfection upon all Christians and the same emphasis on baptism and its vows, which Luke expanded in his second edition, 247 developing his theme with the addition of fasting and alms. 248 Bona emphasized the ground of Christian life in baptism and its implications, in which Luke followed him: God by a gracious adoption owns him for his son, that he is redeem’d by the Blood of Christ, and born again by Holy Baptism…more careful should a Christian be to do nothing unworthy of that honourable name, which makes him a brother and disciple of Jesus. 249 Living up to the name of the baptismal calling was more than external appearance; baptismal identity implied and required a living substance.250 Outward conformity, a fair mask, apparent compliance, a semblance of religion, would not suffice and was a sham. 251 Bona demanded that exterior behaviour should be concordant with interior fidelity. 252 He maintained the Cistercian emphasis on altruistic love, the core theme of Bernard of Clairvaux’s De Diligendo Deo; Luke de Beaulieu tapped into this resonance and Bona may have been his initial source for Bernard: God alone is to be loved for himself, he alone being infinitely good, and the last and best end we can propound to ourselves … Whoever knows not and pursues not this end, knows not why he lives. 253 This is related to the Augustinian theme of the two cities, another theme used by de Beaulieu. 254 Bona summarised the vital distinction between the outwardly Christian and the truly inward nature of the believer, defining the difference between the worldly and the godly.255 Every Christian ought to live and die in mortification and penitence well pleasing to God. 256 Clerical office was something which demanded a moral life, echoed in the prayer for the clergy in the Book of Common Prayer, yet all Christians were called to a

Luke de Beaulieu: The Cloister of the Soul  137 like devotion. 257 The ascetic life as a bloodless martyrdom was something required of all, but more especially of those in the church office. 258 In prayer, the same emphasis on the inward over the outward applied. Saying the daily office was insufficient, for observance may not imply prayer from the heart. 259 Self-denial and the cross were absolutely necessary to all Christians: ‘the life of every Christian should be a perpetual self-­crucifixion.’260 This theme was evident in de Beaulieu’s penitential meditation before the cross in Claustrum Animae. Using the spiritual architectural metaphor Bona wrote of the spiritual building in which self-denial was the first stone of its construction.261 As a Cistercian, he naturally drew attention to the necessity for silence. 262 A significant addition to Luke’s second edition was the extended explanation of signing with the cross which he may have developed from Bona’s mention of it as the regular practice among primitive Christians.263 Luke’s extended discussion of this theme suggested a desire to emphasize the orthodoxy of his own tradition vis-à-vis Catholicism. Bona’s emphasis on the Christian life as that of a true penitent is echoed by Luke, carefully adding the ‘true’ to his description in his revision.264 Luke also expands on the theme of cross-bearing found in Bona. 265 De Beaulieu shared the same emphasis on perfect Christian living as something for all, not only for clergy and recluses, 266 which includes forsaking the lusts and vanities of the world.267 Luke also developed Bona’s reference to the army of martyrs as an example for imitation. 268 In spite of his anti-Catholic sentiments, in accord with his ‘love conquers all,’ Luke recognised a kindred spirit and his 1678 revised text of Claustrum Animae reflected this, even if purity of intention and affective piety failed to erode ecclesial divisions. Giovanni Bona was one of the seminal influences for Luke de Beaulieu’s inner cloister of the soul.

Cistercian tradition Luke was clearly aware of Cistercian piety and referred to ‘the Religious of St. Bernard’ who were so devout that they loved the severities of their rule too much and consulted St. Bernard whether this might be illicit enjoyment of Paradise. These simply became ‘religious persons’ in the revised edition to avoid any suggestion of Popery. 269 Luke referred to the legend that St. Bernard saw angels writing down what monks did, some in golden letters, some in ink, and some in water only, according to the devotion or negligence of those who prayed. 270 Luke de Beaulieu crafted a careful appeal to show that the essence of monastic spirituality was accessible even though the English monasteries had been dissolved. Carefully distancing himself from any support for Catholic recusancy, he grounded his appeal and critique in the common inheritance of baptism, as the reformers and others had done before him,

138  Luke de Beaulieu: The Cloister of the Soul and in the evangelical counsels for all Christians. The Cloister of the Soul by its very title and in his exposition reveals a conduit via which the imprint of monastic habitus exercised an influence on the life and thought of the Church of England and the religious societies both within and beyond it.

Notes 1 Charles Wesley, Family Book Collection, 241, Methodist Archives, John ­Rylands University Library, Manchester. MAW CW 241, 1677 edition. 2 Luke De Beaulieu, Claustrum Animae: The Reformed Monastery or the Love of Jesus (London, 1677), Epistle Dedicatory. 3 D. de Chavigny, L’Eglise et l’Academie Protestantes de Saumur (Saumur, 1914), 2, 3, 11, 24; Geoffrey Treasure, The Huguenots (New Haven, 2014), 311–313. 4 De Chavigny, L’Eglise et l’Academie Protestantes, 10, 27–28, 33–34, 37, 40–41. 5 Archives ville de Saumur, 28 May 1666. iA1_402 (1/4). 6 Archives ville de Saumur, 30 May 1666. iA1_402 (1/4). 7 Archives ville de Saumur, 3 June 1666. iA1_403 (2/4). 8 Archives ville de Saumur, 6 June 1666. iA1_404 (3/4). 9 Archives ville de Saumur, 1 January 1669. iA1_422 (4/4). 10 ‘Register of the French Church at Southampton’, Proceedings of the Huguenot Society of London, 3 (1889), 59. 11 ‘Registré de l’Église de Wallonne de Southampton’, Publications of the H ­ uguenot Society of London, 4 (1890), 4, 39, 47. 12 Neil Jefferies, Dictionary of Pastellists before 1800, www.pastellists.com. Entry for Mrs. Gideon Johnston, Mrs. Gideon Dering née Henrietta De Beaulieu, Gives details of César de Beaulieu, minister of the French Church in Ipswich, brother of Luke. César emigrated to England in 1682. Their father is recorded as Paul de Beaulieu, possibly from Rennes. Robin Gwynn, The Huguenots in Later Stuart Britain, i, Crisis, Renewal and the Ministers’ Dilemma (Eastbourne, 2015), 168, 169, 218, 219. 13 Robin Gwynn, Huguenot Heritage: The History and Contribution of the Huguenots in Britain (London, 1985), 4. 14 Patrick Collinson, Archbishop Grindal: The Struggle for a Reformed Church (Berkeley, 1979), 125–152. 15 A French edition had been produced in 1552. cf. Alec Ryrie. The Age of Reformation (London, 2017), 275. 16 Bernard Cottret, The Huguenots in England: Immigration and Settlement c.1550–1700, trans. P. and A. Stevenson (Cambridge, 2009), 106, 107, 129. Cottret explains how some Huguenots who conformed had doubts about Presbyterian discipline of the Reformed churches. 17 Cottret, The Huguenots in England, 96. 18 Gwynn, Huguenot Heritage, 44. 19 Robin Gwynn, ‘James II in the Light of His Treatment of the Huguenot Refugees in England, 1685–86’, English Historical Review, 92 (1977), 826; Robin Gwynn,The Huguenots in Later Stuart Britain, 129–132. 20 Andrew Pettegree, Foreign Protestant Communities in Sixteenth-Century London (Oxford, 1982), 137, 138. 21 Cottret, The Huguenots in England, 162–164, 170, 171, 177, 265, 267. For the suspicions towards Huguenot foreigners as Jesuits, Papists, Catholics, cf. Cottret 204, 205.

Luke de Beaulieu: The Cloister of the Soul  139 22 John Bulteel, A Relation of the Troubles of the Three Forraign Churches in Kent Caused by the Injunctions of William Laud, Archbishop of Canterbury (London, 1645), Preface, 3. 23 Robin Gwynn, ‘Conformity, Non-conformity and Huguenot Settlement in England in the Later Seventeenth Century’, in Anne Dunan-Page (ed.), The Religious Culture of the Huguenots (Aldershot, 2006), 34. 24 John Nichols, The Progresses, Processions and Magnificent Festivities of King James I, His Royal Consort, Family, and Court (London, 1828), i, 164. 25 D.N. Griffiths, ‘Huguenot Links with St. George’s Chapel, Windsor’, Proceedings of the Huguenot Society of London, 22/9 (1976), 497. 26 Griffiths, ‘Huguenot Links with St. George’s Chapel’, 499. 27 Griffiths, ‘Huguenot Links with St. George’s Chapel’, 498. 28 Immediately after the completion of the revised liturgy of 1662, Jean Durel prepared a French translation for the use of the French churches which conformed to the ritual of the Church of England. He prepared the translation very hastily and made too much use of the version of 1616. A royal order of October 6, 1662, commanded the use of this new French translation, as soon as printed, in all the parish churches of Jersey and Guernsey, in the French congregation at the Savoy, and in all other French conforming congregations. At the same time Durel received the exclusive license for printing the said translation. The translation appeared in 1665 In 1670 Durel also produced a Latin translation of the 1662 Book of Common Prayer. William Muss-Arnolt. The Book of Common Prayer among the Nations of the World. A History of Translations of the Prayer Book. SPCK (London, 1914). Part II. Ch VI French Versions for the Channel Islands etc. http://justus.anglican.org/resources/bcp/ Muss-Arnolt/ch6.htm cf.William Muss-Arnold, The Book of Common Prayer and Books Connected with its Origin and Growth. Catalogue of the Collection of Josiah Henry Benton, LLD 2nd edn. Boston. Privately Printed 1914. 123p.25;127p.26;509p.95. John McDonnell Hintermaier, Rewriting the Church of England: Jean Durel, Foreign Protestants and the Polemics of Restoration Conformity’, in Randolph Vigne and Charles Littleton (eds.), From Strangers to Citizens: The Integration of Immigrant Communities in Britain, Ireland and Colonial America, 1550–1750 (London, 2001), 353–357. The Prayer Book of 1604, the ‘Hampton Court Book’ was translated into French by Pierre de Laune in 1616. He combined a Norwich pastorate to the Walloons with a Church of England benefice. Durel revised de Laune’s text in 1661 and further revision followed later. D.N. Griffiths, ‘The French Translations of the English Book of Common Prayer’, Proceedings of the Huguenot Society of London, 22/6 (1972), 93, 96. 29 John Durel, A View of the Government and Publick Worship of God in the Reformed Churches Beyond the Seas (London, 1662), Epistle Dedicatory. 30 Durel, A View, 191, 192. 31 Durel, A View, 143, 144. 32 Durel, The Liturgy of the Church of England Asserted in a Sermon Preached at the Chappel of Savoy before the French Congregation (London, 1662), 1. 33 Durel, Liturgy, 6, 7. 34 Durel, Liturgy, 12. 35 Durel, Liturgy, 14, 15. 36 Durel, Liturgy, 19, 21, 27. 37 Durel, Liturgy, 34. 38 Durel, Liturgy, 16. 39 Griffiths, ‘Huguenot Links with St. George’s Chapel’, 498, 499; Gwynn, Huguenot Heritage, 95, 96; Gwynn, Huguenots in Later Stuart Britain, 89–91. According to Gwynn, Durel retained status as a Reformed minister after his

140  Luke de Beaulieu: The Cloister of the Soul Anglican ordination. Gwynn indicates the rather complicated ecclesiology implicit in Anglican relationships with the foreign churches and the somewhat ‘halfway house’ of churches like the Savoy, suggesting that foreign Protestant conformists were Anglican by name rather than by deep conviction. Cottret, 178. 40 David C.A. Agnew., Protestant Exiles from France in the Reign of Louis XIV, index vol (London, 1874), 36, 37. June & July 34. Car. 11. 1682. 41 W. Durrant Cooper (ed.), Lists of Foreign Protestants and Aliens Resident in England 1618–1688 (London, 1862), 34. Luke de Beaulieu is listed as a denizen, a form of naturalisation which conferred limited rights. 42 David A.C. Agnew, Protestant Exiles from France, or The Huguenot Refugees and Their Descendants in Great Britain and Ireland, ii (London, 1871), 48. 43 Anthony à Wood and Philip Bliss, Athenae Oxoniensis, new edn (London, 1820), 668; Anthony à Wood, Fasti Oxonienses (Oxford, 1790), 396, July 7th 1685 para 228 (1686); Joseph Foster, Alumni Oxonienses, iv, Early Series (Oxford, 1892), 97, 396, July 7th 1685, para. 228; David A.C. Agnew, Protestant Exiles, 220. Agnew records the award of an honorary DD to the refugee Samuel De L’Angle, minister of the Reformed Church, Paris, Feb. 12th 1682/3. This period of de Beaulieu’s career is difficult to untangle. Exiled Protestant students from some universities in France were admitted to Oxford and Cambridge, and although what is known as the ad eundam process is a later nineteenth-century procedure, some such arrangement may have applied to Huguenot refugees. There is no record that de Beaulieu matriculated or was incorporated from another university, nor did he hold the prerequisite degree of MA, to gain the BD degree. 44 Register of Convocation, University of Oxford, 26 January 1684 [1685] entry for de Beaulieu (ref: NEP/subtus/Reg Bb,68). Register of Congregation (NEP/ supra/Reg Be, f145r and f251r). 45 Agnew. Protestant Exiles from France in the Reign of Louis XIV, iii, 19: ‘We regret to observe that a chaplain of the notorious Lord Jefferies bore the French Protestant name of Beaulieu; but as in 1685 he was rector of Whitchurch (Oxfordshire), we have reason to believe he did not attend his patron in public, or share in the odium of the Chief Justice and Lord Chancellor.’ 46 Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Luke de Beaulieu (1644/5–1723) 12; Clergy of the Church of England database entry: http://www.theclergydatabase.org.uk/index.html. 47 One volume mistakenly attributed to de Beaulieu is the text The Infernal Observator or The Quickening Dead (1684). This was owing to a misreading of his surname. 48 Luke de Beaulieu, Planes Apocalypsis Popery Manifested or The Papist Incognito Made Known by way of dialogue betwixt a Papist Priest a Protestant Gentleman and a Presbyterian Divine (London, 1673), republished as Take Heed of Both Extremes or Plain and Useful Cautions Against Popery and Presbytery by Way of Dialogue. In two parts by Luke de Beaulieu (London, 1675), Preface. 49 De Beaulieu, Planes Apocalypsis, 5. 50 De Beaulieu, Planes Apocalypsis, 5. 51 De Beaulieu, Planes Apocalypsis, 13. 52 Luke De Beaulieu, A Discourse Showing That Protestants are on The Safer Side Notwithstanding the Judgement of their Adversaries and that Their Religion is the Surest Way to Heaven (London 1687) 8, 12. 53 De Beaulieu, Planes Apocalypsis, 48. 54 De Beaulieu, Planes Apocalypsis, II.70 55 De Beaulieu, Planes Apocalypsis, II.40.

Luke de Beaulieu: The Cloister of the Soul  141 56 De Beaulieu, Planes Apocalypsis, II.59. 57 Luke de Beaulieu, A Sermon Preached before the Right Honourable the Lord Mayor (London, 1686), 13, 14. 58 Luke de Beaulieu, The Terms of Peace and Reconciliation (London, 1684), Preface. 59 Luke de Beaulieu, A Sermon on the Coronation Day April 23rd 1702 (1702), 12–14. 60 Luke De Beaulieu, The Reformed Monastery or the Love of Jesus, ed. F.G. Lee (1865), iii–vii. 61 De Beaulieu, Claustrum Animae (1677, 1678), Preface I. 62 Irvonwy Morgan, The Godly Preachers of the Elizabethan Church (London, 1965), 2, 138; cf. R. Webster, ‘The Body Politic and the Politics of the Body’, a paper read in 1994 at the Centre for the Study of Democracy, the University of Westminster, http://www.richardwebster.net/print/xthepoliticsofthebody. htm; Viggo Norskov Olsen, John Foxe and the Elizabethan Church (Berkeley, 1973), 16; Owen Chadwick, Western Asceticism (Louisville, Ky., 1958), Introduction, 13; M.M. Knappen, Tudor Puritanism (Chicago, 1970), ix, 424, 425. 63 John Kenyon, The Popish Plot (Harmondsworth, 1974), 235 ff. 64 De Beaulieu, Claustrum Animae Preface (1677, 1678). 65 De Beaulieu, Claustrum Animae (1677, 1678), Preface. Erasmus, Letter to Paul Voltz 14th August 1518, Allen III, 376 CWE 66:72–91. 66 Erika Rummel, Erasmus (London, 2004), 39–53. 67 De Beaulieu, Claustrum Animae (1677), 48, 49, .cf. fn. 264, p.44; Erasmus, Enchiridion: Prefatory Letter to Paul Voltz, Allen III, 376, CWE 66:21, 22. ‘I at least would hope, and so I doubt not do all truly religious men, that the religion of the gospel might be so deeply loved by all that they would be content with this, and no one go off in search of a Benedictine or Franciscan rule; and that Benedict himself and Francis would, I am sure, hope the same thing. If we are moved by splendid names, what else I ask you, is a city than a great monastery? Monks obey their abbot or those who are set over them; citizens are obedient to their bishop and their pastors whom Christ himself, not human authority set over them.’ 68 De Beaulieu, Claustrum Animae (1677, 1678, 1679) Preface I. 69 De Beaulieu, Claustrum Animae (1677, 1699) I. 47 (1678) I. 44. 70 De Beaulieu, Claustrum Animae (1677,1678,1699) Preface I. 71 De Beaulieu, Claustrum Animae (1677) I.48 (1678,1699) I. 45. 72 De Beaulieu, Claustrum Animae (1677) I.73, (1678) 70 (1699) I. 71. 73 De Beaulieu, Claustrum Animae (1677, 1678, 1699), Preface II. 74 De Beaulieu,.Claustrum Animae (1677, 1678, 1699), Preface II. 75 Ovid, Tristia III.4: 24, 25; De Beaulieu, Claustrum Animae (1677, 1678, 1699), Preface II. 76 De Beaulieu, Claustrum Animae (1677) II.42,43 (1678, 1699 ) II 54,55. 77 De Beaulieu, Claustrum Animae (1678) II 62–68 (1699) 70. 78 De Beaulieu, Claustrum Animae (1678) II 68–74 (1699) II 70,71. 79 De Beaulieu, Claustrum Animae (1677) I.50 (1678) I.70 (1699) I.71,72. 80 De Beaulieu, Claustrum Animae (1677) I.58 (1678) L.55 (1699) I.56,57. 81 De Beaulieu, Claustrum Animae (1677 )I.60 (1678, 1699) I.57. 82 De Beaulieu, Claustrum Animae (1678) I.70–72 (1699) I.71,72. 83 De Beaulieu, Claustrum Animae (1677,1678,1699) Preface II. 84 De Beaulieu, Claustrum Animae (1677,1678,1699) Preface II. 85 De Beaulieu, Claustrum Animae (1678) II 14–18 (1699) II 17,18. 86 De Beaulieu, Claustrum Animae (1678) II 14–18 (1699 II 17. 87 De Beaulieu, Claustrum Animae (1677) I.89,90 (1678) I.90,91 (1699) I.92.

142  Luke de Beaulieu: The Cloister of the Soul 88 De Beaulieu, Claustrum Animae (1677) I.86–90 (1678) I.88–91. 89 De Beaulieu, Claustrum Animae (1677) I.103, 104 (1678) I.105,106 (1699) I.107–109. 90 De Beaulieu, Claustrum Animae (1678) I.106–108 (1699) I.108,109. 91 De Beaulieu, Claustrum Animae (1677) I.105 (1678) I.108 (1699) I.110,111. 92 De Beaulieu, Claustrum Animae (1677,1678,1699) Preface II. 93 De Beaulieu, Claustrum Animae (1678, 1699) II 14–18. 94 De Beaulieu, Claustrum Animae (1677) I.102, 103 (1678) I.103–105 (1699) I.105–107. 95 De Beaulieu, Claustrum Animae (1677) II 42,43 (1678) II 50–53 (1699) II 53,54. 96 De Beaulieu, Claustrum Animae (1677,1678,1699) Preface I. 97 De Beaulieu, Claustrum Animae (1677,1678,1699) Preface I. 98 De Beaulieu, Claustrum Animae (1677,1678,1699) Preface I. 99 De Beaulieu, Claustrum Animae XVII (1677) I.78 (1678) I.76 (1699) I.77. 100 De Beaulieu, Claustrum Animae (1677, 1678, 1699) II 10,11. 101 De Beaulieu, Claustrum Animae (1677) II 42 (1678) II 50–53 (1699) II 51–54. 102 De Beaulieu, Claustrum Animae (1678, 1688 ) II 23–28. 103 De Beaulieu, Claustrum Animae (1678, 1688 ) II 23–28; Athanasius, On the Incarnation of the Word 54: 3, PG 25. 192B. 104 De Beaulieu, Claustrum Animae (1678, 1688 ) II 23–28. Terence, ‘Phormio’, trans. J. Cumming (Dublin, 1892), III: 2. 105 De Beaulieu, Claustrum Animae (1678, 1688 ) II 23–28. 106 De Beaulieu, Claustrum Animae (1677, II Preface,25,26 (1678) II Preface, 34,35. 107 De Beaulieu, Claustrum Animae (1678, 1699) II 57–61. 108 De Beaulieu, Claustrum Animae (1678,1699) II.57–61. 109 De Beaulieu, Claustrum Animae (1678, 1699) II 57–61. Lancelot Andrewes, Ninety Six Sermons, V. (Oxford, 1843), 329. 110 De Beaulieu, Claustrum Animae (1678,1699) II.62–68. 111 De Beaulieu, Claustrum Animae (1678,1699) II 74–78. 112 De Beaulieu, Claustrum Animae (1678) II 74–78 (1699) II 79. 113 De Beaulieu, Claustrum Animae (1678) II. 92 (1699) II 94. 114 De Beaulieu, Claustrum Animae (1677) II 70,71 (1678) II 103 (1699) II 105. Augustine, Sermo Ad Plebem: In Psalmum Ennaratio CXXI. PL 37. 1628. 115 De Beaulieu, Claustrum Animae (1677) II.79 (1678) II.110 (1699) II.105. 116 De Beaulieu, Claustrum Animae (1677) I.80–82 (1678) I78–83 (1699) I.79–83. 117 De Beaulieu, Claustrum Animae (1678) I.78–83 (1699) I.83. Charles I. cf. Eikon Basilike. The Portraiture of His Sacred Majestie in His Solitudes and Sufferings (attributed to John Gauden) (London, 1648).46, 181; Timothy Puller, The Moderation of the Church of England considered as useful for allaying the present distempers which the indisposition of the time hath contracted (London, 1678), 542. 118 De Beaulieu, Claustrum Animae (1678, 1679) I.70–72. 119 De Beaulieu, Claustrum Animae (1678) I.78–83 (1699) I.81,82. 120 John Calvin, Institutes, 1. 4, 10, 28, 31. Institutes of the Christian Religion, ed. John T. McNeill, trans. Ford Lewis Battles (Philadelphia, 1960). 121 Gwynn suggests signing with the cross was omitted from the rite even when the French translation of BCP was in use at the French Church of the Savoy; Gwynn, Huguenots in Later Stuart Britain, 120. However uncertain the practice, it appears in the translated rite in the 1665edn. Following the 39 articles in his translation of the Book of Common Prayer Durel appended the statement from the Synod at Canterbury affirming the use of the cross in baptism:, Le Canon du Synode de la Province du Cantorberi tenu à Londres 1603.

Luke de Beaulieu: The Cloister of the Soul  143

122 123

124 125 126 127 128 129 130

131 132 33 1 134 135 136 137 138 139 140

Explication du légitime Usage de la Croix au Baptême. in La liturgie, selon l'usage d'église anglicane (London 1667) 441. A Collection of Articles (London, 1671), 11–13; The Constitutions and Canons Ecclesiastical (London, 1900), 16–19. De Beaulieu, Claustrum Animae (1699), I. 83, 84; Augustine. De Cura Pro Mortuis Gerenda ad Paulinum, PL 40. 0597. Nescio quomodo, cum hi motus corporis fieri, nisi motu animi praecedente non possint, iisdem rursus exterius visibilitur factis, ille interior invisibilis qui eos fecit, augeatur. De Beaulieu, Claustrum Animae (1677) II 25,26 (1678, 1699 ) II 34,35. De Beaulieu, Claustrum Animae (1678) 86 (1699) 89. De Beaulieu, Claustrum Animae (1678, 1699) II 54,55. De Beaulieu, Claustrum Animae (1678,1699) II 10,11. De Beaulieu, Claustrum Animae (1678) I.87, 88 (1699) I.89. De Beaulieu, Claustrum Animae (1699), Erasmus, Preface 1. Allen, 76, 374,375; CWE 66:21. De Beaulieu Claustrum Animae (1699),I. 45, 46; Erasmus, De Monachis, The Paraclesis, Opera Omnia (ASD), 941; Allen, 76, 374; CWE 66: 21, 22; John C. Olin (ed.), Christian Humanism and the Reformation (New York, 1987). 101. De Beaulieu conflates two passages from Erasmus Letter to Paul Voltz. cf. cf. J.D. Halvorson, ‘Religio and Reformation: Johannes Justus Lansperger,O.Cart (1489/90–1539) and the Sixteenth-Century Religious Question’, Ph.D. diss (University of Chicago, 2008), 141. See the modern echo of this in Leclercq: Jean Leclercq. Théologie de la. Vie Monastique: Études sur la Tradition Patristique (Paris: Aubier, 1961), 451, 453. Eng. trans in Thomas Merton. Medieval Cistercian History: Initiation into the Monastic Tradition 9 (ed.) Patrick F. O’Connell. (Cistercian Publications, Collegeville 2019) 25: ‘Heaven will be a vast monastery, when the church has reached its fulfilment. The Church is like a vast monastery ; the monastery is the epitome of the church.’ De Beaulieu Claustrum Animae (1699), II. Preface; Erasmus’ Letter CCCXXIX to Paul Volz. De Beaulieu Claustrum Animae (1699), II. 78. De Beaulieu Claustrum Animae (1699), 1.19; Augustine, In Natali Domini VII, PL 38. 1009. De Beaulieu Claustrum Animae (1699), I.50; Augustine, De Civitate Dei, PL 41. 0410; Augustine, City of God, XV, trans. Henry Bettenson (Harmondsworth, 1972), 557. De Beaulieu Claustrum Animae (1699), I. 54; Augustine, De Substantina Dilectionis, PL.40. 0845. Amor motus est cordis qui cum se inordate movet, cupiditas dicitur; cum vero ordinatus est, caritas appellatur. De Beaulieu Claustrum Animae (1699), I, 54, 55; Augustine, In Epistolam Joannis Ad Parthos Tractatus Decem, PL 35.1997. Talis est quisque, qualis est dilectio eius, terram diligis serva est. De Beaulieu Claustrum Animae (1699), I. 57; Augustine, De Moribus Ecclesiae Catholicae et de Moribus Manichaeorum, PL 32. 1331. Ille satis se diligit qui sedulo agit, ut summos fruatur bono. De Beaulieu Claustrum Animae (1699), I. 58; Augustine, Sermons Suppositi Classis I De Vetero Et Novo Testamento, PL. 39. 1849. Recte novis vivere qui recte novis amare. De Beaulieu Claustrum Animae (1699), I. 59; Augustine, De Trinitate, PL 38. 1083. Sine charitate fides potest est, sed non prodesse. De Beaulieu Claustrum Animae (1699), I. 60; Augustine, Sermones Ad Populum Classis II. De Tempore, PL 38. 1232. Unitam Spiritus continet onmia.

144  Luke de Beaulieu: The Cloister of the Soul

141 142

143 144 145

146

147 48 1 149 50 1 151 152 153 154 55 1 156 157 158 159 160

161

Donum est Spiritus Sanctus in quo nobis omnia bona dantur. Augustine, De Trinitate, PL 42, 1086. Charitas que Pater diligit Filium Patrem que est Spiritus Sanctus ineffabilem communionem amorum demonstrate. De Beaulieu Claustrum Animae (1699), I. 61; Augustine, In Epistolam Joannis Ad Parthos Tractatus Decim. PL 35. 2045. Deus charitas est brevis laus, sed magna laus, brevis in sermone et magna in intellectu. De Beaulieu Claustrum Animae (1699), I. 64; Augustine, In Epistolam Joannis Ad Parthos Tractatus Decim, PL 35. 2056. Amaturus es bonorem et forte non perventurus; quis me amavit, et non ad me pervenit? Quisquis me quaerit cum ipso sum etc. De Beaulieu Claustrum Animae (1699), I. 66; Augustine, Ennarationes in Psalmos, PL 37. 1618. Habet omnis amor viam suam nec potest vacare amor in anima amantis. De Beaulieu Claustrum Animae (1699), I. 68. Augustine. Enarrationes in Psalmos, PL 37. 1628. De Beaulieu Claustrum Animae (1699), I. 70, Augustine, De Bono Viduatis, PL 40. 0448. Nullo modo sunt onerosi laboris amantium, sed etiam ipsi delectant, sicut venantium, piscantium interest ergo quod amatur: nam in eo quod amatur, aut non laboratur aut labor amatur. De Beaulieu Claustrum Animae (1699), I. 83, 84; Augustine, De Cura Pro Mortuis Gerenda ad Paulinum, PL 40. 0597. Nescio quomodo, cum hi motus corporis fieri, nisi motu animi praecedente non possint, iisdem rursus exterius Visibilitur factis, ille interior invisibilis qui eos fecit, augeatur. De Beaulieu Claustrum Animae (1699), II. 29. Augustine, Epistolae, PL 33. 0802. Meliores quos dirigit amor, plures quos corrigit timor. De Beaulieu Claustrum Animae (1699), II. 55. Augustine, De Genesi ad Litteram Libri Duodecim, PL 34. 0478. Ubi tota virtus erit, O anima videre quod amas, et summa felicitas amare quod vides. De Beaulieu Claustrum Animae (1699), II. 64. Augustine, Regula ad Servos Dei, PL 32. 1382. In omnibus quibus utitur transitura necessitas, superemineat qua permanet charitas. De Beaulieu Claustrum Animae (1699), II. 68; Augustine, De Catechizandis Rudibus, PL 40. 0326. De Beaulieu Claustrum Animae (1699), II. 76; Augustine; Confessionum in Libri Tredecim, PL 32. 0672. De Beaulieu Claustrum Animae (1699), II. 87, 88. Augustine, De Catechizandis Rudibus, PL 40. 0314. De Beaulieu Claustrum Animae (1699), II. 88, 89. Augustine, Sermones Suppositi Classis IIII. De Diversis, PL 39. 2252. De Beaulieu Claustrum Animae (1699), II. 94; Augustine, Enarrationes in Psalmos. Psalm LXXXV. PL 36. 1081. Qui orat pro nobis, orat in nobis; et oratur a nobis. De Beaulieu Claustrum Animae (1699), II. 96; Augustine, Enarrationes in Psalmos. Psalm LVI. PL 36. 0662. Caput positum in caelestibus corpus suum gubernas, separatum quidem visio sed annexum Charitate. De Beaulieu Claustrum Animae (1699), II. 103; Augustine, Enarrationes in Psalmos. Psalm CXXI, PL 37. 1628. De Beaulieu Claustrum Animae (1699), II 103; Augustine, Sermones ad Populum Classis IIII De Diversis, PL 39, 1533; Augustine, In Evangelium Joannis Tractatus CXXIV, PL 35. 1745. The text in de Beaulieu appears to be a conflation of Augustine’s two works. De Beaulieu Claustrum Animae (1699), II. 103; Augustine, De Vera Religione Liber Unus, PL 34. 0029. Only this text in Migne corresponds to that quoted by De Beaulieu.

Luke de Beaulieu: The Cloister of the Soul  145 162 De Beaulieu Claustrum Animae (1699), II. 104. Augustine, Sermones Inediti Admixtis Quisbusdam Dubiis, PL 46. 0863,0864. 163 De Beaulieu Claustrum Animae (1699), II.105, 106. Augustine, De Trinitate XVIII, PL 42. 1082. Charitas est donum. Dei quo nullum est excellentius; solum est quod dividit inter filios regni aeterni, et filios perditionis. 164 De Beaulieu Claustrum Animae (1699), II.106; Augustine, In Epistolam, Joannis ad Parthos Tractatus Decem, PL 35. 2031. Habere baptismum et malus esse potes habere. 165 De Beaulieu Claustrum Animae (1699), II. 107. Augustine. De Libero Arbitrio, PL 32. 1227. Verbum bonum illud est quod non potes in vitus amittere. 166 De Beaulieu Claustrum Animae (1699), II. 114; Augustine, Manuale, PL 40. 0960. Magna res est amor quo anima per semetipsum fiducialiter accedit ad Deum. It is unlikely that Luke was aware of what is now considered to be the case, that this was a fourteenth-century text deriving from the Augustinian order, cf. Manuale XX (Paris, 1836), 200; Manual of Devotion from the Writings of St. Augustine (Edinburgh, 1862), Ch. XX, p. 40. cf fn. 426 p99. 167 De Beaulieu Claustrum Animae (1699), I.49; Augustine, Idiotae. Dilectio est via rectissima absque devio; via brevis absque taedio; via plana absque tumulo, via clara absque nubilo, via secura absque periculo etc. Love is an utterly straight way without deviation, a short life without boredom, a flat road without bumps, a clear road without clouds, a safe road without danger. 168 De Beaulieu Claustrum Animae (1699), II. Preface; Augustine, Idiotae, Ch XV. Meditationes. Solilioquia et Manuale: 328. Alia virtus cum peccato, sed dilectio tua omni peccato contrariatur, omni temptationi resistit. Luke’s translation in the text: No other virtue but may consist with some sin. Love alone is contrary to all, no other grace can resist all temptations. Love alone hath that unlimited power. 169 De Beaulieu Claustrum Animae (1699), II. Preface; Augustine, Manuale, Ch. XX, PL 40. 0960. Amat Deus ut ametur, nil aliud vult quam Amari. God loves that he may be loved, he wants nothing else but to be loved. 170 De Beaulieu Claustrum Animae (1699), II. 21; Augustine. Manuale Ch. XVI. PL 40. 0958. Aliud non quaerit pretium nisi se ipsum; tantum vales quantum es, te da et habebit illud. He wants no price except himself, you are as valuable as you are, give yourself and he will take it. Manual of Devotion from the Writings of St. Augustine, Ch. 16, para 2. 32. 171 De Beaulieu Claustrum Animae (1699), II. 24. 172 De Beaulieu Claustrum Animae (1699), II. 25. Bernardus Claraevallensis Abbas, De Diligendo Deo VI, PL 182. 0893. Qui te et semel dicendo fecit, in reficiendo et dixit multa, et pertulit dura. He who once made you by speaking in remaking you said many things and suffered hard things. 173 De Beaulieu Claustrum Animae (1699), II. 43; Bernardus Claraevallensis Abbas, De Diligendo Deo I, PL 182. 0972. Modus amandus Deum sine modo. The way of loving God is without measure. 174 De Beaulieu Claustrum Animae (1699), II. 58. 175 Bernardus Claraevallensis Abbas, Sermon LXV. Sermones in Cantica Cantorum, PL 183. 1087C. Itane summus omnium unus factus est omnium, quis hoc fecit? amor dignitatis nescius dignatione dives, affectu potens, suasu efficax; quid violentius? triumphat de Deo amor. Is not the highest of everything made one with all things. Who did this? Rich in dignity but unaware of dignity, a strong affection, powerful in persuasion. What could be stronger? Love triumphs over God. Bernard of Clairvaux, Sermon 64, 10, On the Song of Songs, III, trans. Kilian Walsh and Irene M. Edwards (Kalamazoo, Mich., 1979), 177. 176 De Beaulieu Claustrum Animae (1699), II. 101; Bernardus Claraevallensis Abbas, De Praecepto et Dispensatione XX. 60, PL 182. 0892. Magis est ubi amas, quam ubi animat. Where you love is more important than where you

146  Luke de Beaulieu: The Cloister of the Soul live; Bernard of Clairvaux, ‘On Precept and Dispensation’, in M. Basil Pennington (ed.), Treatises I (Shannon, 1970), 149. 177 De Beaulieu Claustrum Animae (1699), II. 105; Bernardus Claraevallensis Abbas, Sermo LXXXIII, PL 183. 1182D. Amor ubi venerit, ceteros in se traducit et captivat affectus. 178 De Beaulieu Claustrum Animae (1699), II.115; Bernardus Claraevallensis Abbas, Liber Seu Tractatus de Charitate, 5. PL 184. 0597. Charitas libertatem donat, timorem pellit. 179 De Beaulieu Claustrum Animae (1699), II.115; Bernardus Claraevallensis Abbas, Epistolae CVII, PL 182. 0246. Nemo amari diffidat, qui iam amat; libenter Dei amor nostrum quem praevenit subsequitur. 180 De Beaulieu Claustrum Animae (1699), II. 117; Bernardus Claraevallensis Abbas, Meditatones Piisime de Cognitione Humanae Conditionis, 6, PL 184. 0495C. Non quod ego ista faciam dico, sed quod facere vellem. 181 Clement of Rome, Letter to the Corinthians, 50, PG 1.15. Ὁρᾶτε, ἀγαπητοί, πῶς μέγα καὶ θαυμαστόν ἐστιν ἡ ἀγάπη, καὶ τῆς τελειότητος αὐτῆς οὐκ ἔστιν ἐξήγησις. 182 De Beaulieu Claustrum Animae (1699), 1.84; Ignatius of Antioch, Epistle to the Romans 7.2, PG 5. 0813. ζων γαρ γραφω υμιν, ερων του αποθανειν. ο εμος ερως εσταυρωται. 183 De Beaulieu Claustrum Animae (1699), II. 100; Tertullian, Ad Martyras 2, PL 2. 0697. Nihil crus sentit in nervo, dum animus est in Caelo. 184 De Beaulieu Claustrum Animae (1699), II I. 27; Lactantius, Epitome Divinarum Institutionum ad Pentadium Fratrem. 59, PL 6. 0106. Poterant leges delicta punire, conscientiam munire non poterant. 185 De Beaulieu Claustrum Animae (1699) II. 70,71. 186 De Beaulieu Claustrum Animae (1699), II. 70, Athanasius, Vita S. Antonii, 20, PG 26. 871–874. Graecii studia transmarina sectantur, sed regnum Dei intra vos est, Athanasius, The Life of Antony and the Letter to Marcellinus, trans. and intro. Robert C. Gregg (New York, 1980), 46. 187 De Beaulieu Claustrum Animae (1699), II. II.79, Apothegmata Patrum, PG 65.76B. Nunc paululum laborando manibus; nunc genibus flexis orando, deinde corpus refi ciendo, post quiescendo, et rursus iterum operando; Antoni, sit fac tu et salvus eris, Benedicta Ward, trans., The Sayings of the Desert Fathers (Kalamazoo, Mich., 1984), 2. 188 De Beaulieu Claustrum Animae (1699), II. 71, (Pseudo Eusebius, Gallican Collection) PL 50. 837D. Nemo fugit adversarium de loco ad locum, sed de vitio ad virtutem. This is found under Eucherius in Migne. cf. Observations on the Pseudo-Eusebian Collection of Gallican Sermons. A.Souter. Journal of Theological Studies. Vol.41.161. January. 1940. 47–57. La collection gallicane dite d’Eusebe d’Emese et les problemes qui r’attachent G. Morin Zeitschrift für die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft, Vol. 34, n° 1, janvier 1935, p. 92–115. 189 De Beaulieu Claustrum Animae (1699), II. I. 62; Anna M. Silvas, trans., The Rule of St. Basil in Latin and English (Collegeville, Minn., 2013), Question 2.1, 58, 59. 190 De Beaulieu Claustrum Animae (1699), II. 103; John Chrysostom, De Laudibus S. Paulii Apostoli, Homili VI, PG 1. 0506. Quid refert natura esse, quod potes effici voluntate. What does it matter that you can do by your will what is natural? 191 De Beaulieu Claustrum Animae (1699), II. II. 77. 192 De Beaulieu Claustrum Animae (1699), II. II.77. Hieronymus, Letter LVIII to Paulinus of Nola, 2, Epistolae Secundum Ordinem Temporum Distributae, PL 22. 0580. Non Hierosolymis; sed Hierosolymis bene vixisse laudandum.

Luke de Beaulieu: The Cloister of the Soul  147 193 De Beaulieu Claustrum Animae (1699), II. II. 78; Prosperus Aquitanus, Epigrammatum Ex Sententiis Sancti Augustini Liber Unus, PL 51. 0500B. Deus dat spatium, ut pereant crimina, non homines. 194 De Beaulieu Claustrum Animae (1699), II. 41; Dorotheus of Gaza, Instructions.1.11–12. http://www.scourmont.be/studium/bresard/13-gaza.htm (07.05.15) 1.11. Καὶ οὐ μόνον τὰς ἐντολὰς ἐφύλαξαν, ἀλλὰ καὶ δῶρα προσήνεγκαν τῷ Θεῷ. 195 De Beaulieu Claustrum Animae (1699), II. 30; John Climacus, The Ladder of Divine Ascent, trans. Lazarus Moore (London, 1959), 26.57. 210. 196 De Beaulieu Claustrum Animae (1699), 56; Climacus, Ladder, 23.20. 181. 197 De Beaulieu Claustrum Animae (1699), 118; Climacus, Ladder, 26.155. 225, 226. 198 De Beaulieu Claustrum Animae (1699), II. 101; Dionysius the Areopagite, Divine Names 4. XIII, in The Divine Names and the Mystical Theology, trans. C.E. Rolt (London, 1977). 105. Extasin facit amor, amatores suo statu dimovet, sui juris esse non finit. 199 De Beaulieu Claustrum Animae (1699), II. Preface. 200 De Beaulieu Claustrum Animae (1699), II. Preface; Gregory the Great, Epistle LXV, PL 77. 0663A. Multi sunt qui possunt Religiosam vitam etiam cum saeculari habitu ducere, et plerique sunt qui nisi Omnia reliquerint, salvari apud Deum nulla tenus possunt. 201 De Beaulieu Claustrum Animae (1699), II. 65; Gregory the Great, Homiliarum in Evangela Libri Duo, II. XXX, PL 76.1220C. Probatio dilectionis exhibitio est operis. 202 De Beaulieu Claustrum Animae (1699), II. 113; Gregory the Great, Homiliarum in Evangelia Libri Duo. II. XXX, PL 76.1220. Qui mente integra Deum desiderat profecto iam habet quam amat. 203 De Beaulieu Claustrum Animae (1699), I. 36. Hugo de S.Victore, PL 176. 0974C. O dilectio quam magnum est vinculum tuum pro ligari potuit deus, Hugh of St. Victor, On the Praise of Charity, ed. Hugh Feiss, OSB (Turnhout, 2012), 16. 204 à Wood, A., and Bliss, P., Athenae Oxoniensis, III, 1270–1272; à Wood, Fasti Oxonienses, 147, 148; Richard Allestree, Forty Sermons (Oxford, 1684), Preface; Richard Allestree, The Causes of the Decay of Christian Piety (London, 1667), 303. 205 Richard Allestree, The Causes of the Decay of Christian Piety, Letter and Preface. 206 Allestree, Forty Sermons, 225. 207 Allestree, Causes, 198; De Beaulieu Claustrum Animae (1677), Preface.6. 208 Allestree, Causes, 303. 209 Richard Allestree, The Gentleman’s Calling (London, 1662), 10. 210 Allestree, Gentleman’s Calling, 301; Allestree, Causes, 42. 211 Allestree, Gentleman’s Calling, 216–219. 212 Richard Allestree, The Art of Contentment (Oxford, 1675), 19. 213 Richard Allestree, The Whole Duty of Man (London, 1704), Preface, paras. 3, 6: 432, 435, 436. 214 Allestree, Whole Duty, 22, 26, 35; Allestree, Causes, 435. 215 Allestree, Causes, 224, 307, 308, 310, 432. 216 Allestree, Whole Duty, 55, 57, 59. 217 Allestree, Causes, 246. 218 Allestree, Art of Contentment, 139, 144. 219 Allestree, Whole Duty, Preface. Para 7, 61,62, 65, 318. 220 Allestree, Whole Duty, 7. 63–68, 75. 221 Allestree, Whole Duty, Paras. 11, 16, 92. 222 Allestree, Whole Duty, 171, 319; 1667 3. 223 Allestree, Forty Sermons, Sermon XVI, Whitehall, 204.

148  Luke de Beaulieu: The Cloister of the Soul 224 225 226 227 228 229 230 231 232 33 2 234 235 236 237 38 2 239 240 241 242 243 244 245 246 247 248 249 250 251 252 253 54 2 255 256 257 258 259 260 261 262 263 264 265 266

Richard Allestree, The Ladies Calling (Oxford, 1720), 110. Allestree, Ladies Calling, 157. Allestree, Ladies Calling, 224. Allestree, Whole Duty, 129, 131. Allestree, Whole Duty, 139, 141–152. Allestree, Whole Duty, 70–73, 81, 85, 90. Richard Allestree, The Lively Oracles Given to Us (Oxford, 1678), 126. Allestree, Lively Oracles, 126, 127, 180, 185, 131, 132, 134. Allestree, Causes, 270. cf. L.J. Sackville, Heresy and Heretics in the Thirteenth Century (York, 2014), 175, 176. Allestree, Causes, 240, 329, 333, 334, 344. Allestree, Private Devotions for Several Occasions Ordinary and Extraordinary (London, 1694). George Guiver, Company of Voices: Daily Prayer and the People of God (London, 1988), 49–58. Pius Maurer, ‘Kardinal Giovanni Bona: Cistercienser, geistlicher Schriftsteller und Pionier der Liturgiewissenschaft’, in Analecta Cisterciensia, 59 (2009), 3–10. Giovanni Bona. Precepts and Practical Rules for a Truly Christian Life ­(London, 1678), Preface. Bona, Precepts, Preface. Bona, Precepts, Preface. Bona, Precepts, Preface. Bona, Precepts, I.1.1, 2. Bona, Precepts, I.3. Bona, Precepts, I 4. Bona, Precepts, I. 6. Bona, Precepts, I. 14, 15. Bona, Precepts, I. 16. De Beaulieu Claustrum Animae (1678) I. 70–72.; Bona, Precepts, I. 10, 41, 77, 78. De Beaulieu Claustrum Animae (1677) I. 80–82 (1678) I.78–83; Bona, Precepts, I. 12, 60. Bona, Precepts, I. 41. Bona, Precepts, I. 51. Bona, Precepts, I. 58. De Beaulieu, Claustrum Animae (1677) II.42 (1678) II.50–53; Bona, Precepts, I. 61. Bona, Precepts, I. 69. Bona, Precepts, I. 73, 74. Bona, Precepts, I. 79, 80. Bona, Precepts, I. 85. Bona, Precepts, I. 93, 94. Bona, Precepts, I. 95. Bona, Precepts, I. 98, 99. Bona, Precepts, II. 7. Bona, Precepts, II. 10. Bona, Precepts, II. 23. De Beaulieu Claustrum Animae (1677) I. 80–82 (1678) I.78–83; Bona, Precepts, II. 8, 9. De Beaulieu (1677) I.95 (1678) I.96; Bona, Precepts, I. 86. De Beaulieu (1677) I.88 (1678) 89,90.; Bona, Precepts, I. 34. De Beaulieu Claustrum Animae (1677) I.114 (1678) I.118. Bona, Precepts, I. 14, 15.

Luke de Beaulieu: The Cloister of the Soul  149 267 68 2 269 270

De Beaulieu Claustrum Animae (1677,1678) Preface II; Bona, Precepts, I. 51. De Beaulieu Claustrum Animae (1678) II:14–18.; Bona, Precepts, I. 66; II. 65. De Beaulieu Claustrum Animae (1677) I.98 (1678) I.99,100. De Beaulieu Claustrum Animae (1678) II.71,72 Conrad of Eberbach, The Great Beginning of Cîteaux. Trans. Benedicta Ward and Paul Savage, E. Rozanne Elder (ed.) (Gethsemani, Ky., 2012), Book 2.3, 132.

Bibliography Agnew, David A.C., Protestant Exiles from France, or The Huguenot Refugees and Their Descendants in Great Britain and Ireland (London, 1871). ———, Protestant Exiles from France in the Reign of Louis XIV, index vol. (London, 1874). Allestree, Richard, The Gentleman’s Calling (London, 1662). ———, The Causes of the Decay of Christian Piety (London, 1667). ———, The Art of Contentment (Oxford, 1675). ———, The Lively Oracles Given to Us (Oxford, 1678). ———, Forty Sermons (Oxford, 1684). ———, Private Devotions for Several Occasions Ordinary and Extraordinary (London, 1694). ———. The Whole Duty of Man (London, 1704). ———, The Ladies Calling (Oxford, 1720). Archives ville de Saumur. http://archives.villesaumur.fr/am_saumur/app/03_archives_en_ligne/01_academie_protestane/viewer.php?quoi=Luek%20de%20 Beaulieu&mode= Athanasius, The Life of Antony and the Letter to Marcellinus. Trans. and intro. Robert C. Gregg (New York, 1980). Augustine, City of God. Trans. Henry Bettenson (Harmondsworth, 1972). Bernard of Clairvaux, Treatises I. ed. M. Basil Pennington (Shannon, 1970). ———, On the Song of Songs, III. Trans. Kilian Walsh and Irene M. Edwards (Kalamazoo, Mich., 1979). Bona, Giovanni, Precepts and Practical Rules for a Truly Christian Life (London, 1678). Bulteel, John, A Relation of the Troubles of the Three Forraign Churches in Kent Caused by the Injunctions of William Laud, Archbishop of Canterbury. (London 1645). Calvin, John, Institutes of the Christian Religion. ed. John T. McNeill, trans. Ford Lewis Battles (Philadelphia, 1960). Le Canon du Synode de la Province du Cantorberi tenu à Londres 1603. in La Liturgie our Formulaire de Prieres Publiques De L’Administration des Sacraments (London 1695). Chadwick, Owen, Western Asceticism (Louisville, Ky., 1958). Clergy of the Church of England. database entry: http://www.theclergydatabase. org.uk/index.html. Luke de Beaulieu. Climacus, John, The Ladder of Divine Ascent. trans. Lazarus Moore (London, 1959). A Collection of Articles (London, 1671). Collinson, Patrick, Archbishop Grindal:The Struggle for a Reformed Church (Berkeley, 1979).

150  Luke de Beaulieu: The Cloister of the Soul Conrad of Eberbach, The Great Beginning of Cîteaux. Trans. Benedicta Ward and Paul Savage, ed. E. Rozanne Elder (Gethsemani, Ky., 2012). The Constitutions and Canons Ecclesiastical (London, 1900). Cooper, W. Durrant (ed.), Lists of Foreign Protestants and Aliens Resident in England 1618–1688 (London, 1862). Cottret, Bernard The Huguenots in England: Immigration and Settlement c.1550– 1700. Trans. P. and A. Stevenson (Cambridge, 2009). de Beaulieu, Luke, Planes Apocalypsis Popery Manifested or The Papist Incognito Made Known by way of dialogue betwixt a Papist Priest a Protestant Gentleman and a Presbyterian Divine (London, 1673), republished as Take Heed of Both Extremes or Plain and Useful Cautions Against Popery and Presbytery by Way of Dialogue. In two parts by Luke de Beaulieu (London, 1675). ———, Claustrum Animae: The Reformed Monastery or the Love of Jesus (London, 1677 & editions), [Charles Wesley, Family Book Collection, 241, Methodist Archives, John Rylands University Library, Manchester. MAW CW 241, Luke De Beaulieu, Claustrum Animae: The Reformed Monastery or the Love of Jesus (London, 1677)]. ———. A Discourse Showing That Protestants are on The Safer Side Notwithstanding the Judgement of their Adversaries and that Their Religion is the Surest Way to Heaven (London, 1687). ———, The Terms of Peace and Reconciliation (London, 1684). ———, A Sermon Preached before the Right Honourable the Lord Mayor (London, 1686). ———, A Sermon on the Coronation Day April 23rd 1702 (1702). ———, The Reformed Monastery or the Love of Jesus, ed. F.G. Lee (London, 1865). de Chavigny, D. L’Eglise et l’Academie Protestantes de Saumur (Saumur, 1914). Dionysius the Areopagite, The Divine Names and the Mystical Theology. Trans. C.E. Rolt (London, 1977). Durel, John, A View of the Government and Publick Worship of God in the Reformed Churches Beyond the Seas (London, 1662). ———, The Liturgy of the Church of England Asserted in a Sermon Preached at the Chappel of Savoy before the French Congregation (London, 1662). ———, Explication du legitime usage de la Croix au Baptesme. in La liturgie, selon l’usage d’église anglicane (London, 1667) also found in La Liturgie our Formulaire de Prieres Publiques De L’Administration des Sacraments (London, 1695). Foster, Joseph, Alumni Oxonienses, iv, Early Series (Oxford, 1892). Gauden, John (attrib.) Eikon Basilike. The Portraiture of His Sacred Majestie in His Solitudes and Suffering (London, 1648). Guiver, George, Company of Voices: Daily Prayer and the People of God (London, 1988). Griffiths, D.N., ‘The French Translations of the English Book of Common Prayer’, Proceedings of the Huguenot Society of London, 22/6 (1972), 90–114. ———, ‘Huguenot Links with St. George’s Chapel, Windsor’, Proceedings of the Huguenot Society of London, 22/9 (1976), 496–508. Gwynn, Robin, ‘James II in the Light of His Treatment of the Huguenot Refugees in England, 1685-86’, English Historical Review, 92 (1977) 820–833. ———, Huguenot Heritage: The History and Contribution of the Huguenots in Britain (London, 1985).

Luke de Beaulieu: The Cloister of the Soul  151 ———, ‘Conformity, Non-conformity and Huguenot Settlement in England in the Later Seventeenth Century’, in Anne Dunan-Page (ed.), The Religious Culture of the Huguenots (Aldershot, 2006). ———, The Huguenots in Later Stuart Britain, i, Crisis, Renewal and the Ministers’ Dilemma (Eastbourne, 2015). Halvorson, J.D. ‘Religio and Reformation: Johannes Justus Lansperger, O.Cart. (1489/90–1539) and the Sixteenth-Century Religious Question’, Ph.D. diss. (University of Chicago, 2008). Hintermaier, John McDonnell, ‘Rewriting the Church of England: Jean Durel, Foreign Protestants and the Polemics of Restoration Conformity’, in Randolph Vigne and Charles Littleton (eds.), From Strangers to Citizens: The Integration of Immigrant Communities in Britain, Ireland and Colonial America, 1550–1750 (London, 2001), 353–358. Hugh of St. Victor, On the Praise of Charity, ed. Hugh Feiss, OSB (Turnhout, 2012). Jefferies, Neil, Dictionary of Pastellists before 1800, www.pastellists.com. Kenyon, John, The Popish Plot (Harmondsworth, 1974). Knappen, M.M., Tudor Puritanism (Chicago, 1970). La Liturgie ou Formulaire de Prieres Publiques de L’Administration des Sacraments (London, 1695). La Liturgie, selon l’usage d’église Anglicane (London, 1667). Leclercq, Jean, Théologie de la Vie Monastique: Études sur la Tradition Patristique (Paris: Aubier, 1961). Manual of Devotion from the Writings of St. Augustine (Edinburgh, 1862). Maurer, Pius, ‘Kardinal Giovanni Bona: Cistercienser, geistlicher Schriftsteller und Pionier der Liturgiewissenschaft’, Analecta Cisterciensia, 59 (2009), 3–166. Merton, Thomas. Medieval Cistercian History: Initiation into the Monastic Tradition 9 (ed.) Patrick F. O’Connell (Cistercian Publications Collegeville, 2019). Morin, Germain, La collection gallicane dite d’Eusebe d’Emese et les problemes qui r’attachent. Zeitschrift für die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft, Vol. 34, n° 1, janvier 1935, p. 92–115. Morgan, Irvonwy, The Godly Preachers of the Elizabethan Church (London, 1965). Muss-Arnolt, William. The Book of Common Prayer among the Nations of the World. A History of Translations of the Prayer Book (SPCK. London, 1914), http://justus.anglican.org/resources/bcp/Muss-Arnolt/ch6.htm ———. The Book of Common Prayer and Books Connected with its Origin and Growth. Catalogue of the Collection of Josiah Henry Benton, LLD 2nd edn. Boston. Privately Printed, 1914. Nichols, John, The Progresses, Processions and Magnificent Festivities of King James I, His Royal Consort, Family, and Court (London, 1828). Olin, John C. (ed.), Christian Humanism and the Reformation (New York, 1987). Olsen, V.N., John Foxe and the Elizabethan Church (Berkeley, 1973). Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Luke de Beaulieu (1644/5–1723). Pettegree, Andrew, Foreign Protestant Communities in Sixteenth-Century London (Oxford, 1982). Puller, Timothy, The Moderation of the Church of England considered as useful for allaying the present distempers which the indisposition of the time hath contracted (London, 1678). Register of Convocation, University of Oxford, Register of Congregation (NEP/ supra/Reg Be, f145r and f251r).

152  Luke de Beaulieu: The Cloister of the Soul Registré de l’Église de Wallonne de Southampton’, Publications of the Huguenot Society of London, 4 (1890). The Rule of St. Basil in Latin and English. Trans. Anna M. Silvas (Collegeville, Minn., 2013). Rummel, Erika, Erasmus (London, 2004). Ryrie, Alec. The Age of Reformation (London, 2017). Sackville, L.J., Heresy and Heretics in the Thirteenth Century (York, 2014). Souter, A., Observations on the Pseudo-Eusebian Collection of Gallican Sermons. Journal of Theological Studies. Vol. 41.161. January. 1940. 47–57. Terence, ‘Phormio’, trans. J. Cumming (Dublin, 1892). Treasure, Geoffrey, The Huguenots (New Haven, 2014). Vigne, Randolph and Charles Littleton (eds.), From Strangers to Citizens: The Integration of Immigrant Communities in Britain, Ireland and Colonial America, 1550–1750 (London, 2001). Ward, Benedicta, trans., The Sayings of the Desert Fathers (Kalamazoo, MI, 1984). Webster, R., ‘The Body Politic and the Politics of the Body’, a paper read in 1994 at the Centre for the Study of Democracy, the University of Westminster, http:// www.richardwebster.net/print/xthepoliticsofthebody.htm; Wood, Anthony A., and Bliss, Philip , Athenae Oxoniensis, new edn (London, 1820). Wood, Anthony à, Fasti Oxonienses (Oxford, 1790).

5 Monks and Methodists

After the Dissolution of the Monasteries (1536–1541) under Henry VIII, the monastic impulse remained. Their passing had been mourned by Robert Aske and his followers in the Pilgrimage of Grace, who valued the monks’ prayers, as David Knowles recounted: On a deeper level … there was a feeling that the religious, however undistinguished their individual lives might be, were nevertheless representatives of a class that Christian tradition had for ages regarded as necessary to the proper expansion of holiness; they were those who stood for an ideal which all admitted but few accepted for themselves, and the people of the North had not been taught either by the Lollards of the past or the reformers of the present that this ideal was in itself a false one.1 Some later forms of religious community were regarded as pseudo-monastic by many Protestants as in the community founded by Nicholas Ferrar (1592–1637) at Little Gidding in 1626. Although there was a form of rule for this household, there were no vows taken, but this did not prevent ­Puritans from regarding them as some form of monastery. 2 In 1697 Mary Astell (1666–1731) published her ideas for a form of monastery, a place of religious retirement for women which was also an educational institute. Her proposal was: To erect a monastery, or if you will (to avoid giving offence to the scrupulous and injudicious, by names which tho’ innocent in themselves, have been abus’d by superstitious practices) we will call it a religious retirement and such as shall have a double aspect, being not only a retreat from the world for those who desire that advantage but likewise, an institution and previous discipline to fit us to do the greatest good in it.3 Astell was determined that women should take responsibility for their own spirituality.4

DOI: 10.4324/9781003226734-5

154  Monks and Methodists As described in Chapter three, Anthony Horneck (1641–1697), minister at the Savoy Chapel, had set up religious societies in London, Pietist groups within the established Church for which he wrote detailed rules, influenced by the German Pietist movement.5 Ecumenically generous, he was clear on the priority of baptism and the baptismal vow, although he regarded this as insufficient for the making of ‘true’ Christians, in that a moral life must issue from it.6 He was a preacher at the Savoy when the French Church also had a congregation there,7 while Luke de Beaulieu was prebendary of St. Paul’s. While John Wesley gave Horneck’s work his imprimatur when he abstracted some of his Happy Ascetick for his Christian Library, noticeably Wesley’s edition is abbreviated before it reaches the rewards of the unrighteous.8 Communities and societies for serious Christians with their discipline and rules formed ascesis outside the monastery. This developed more inwardly as the interior cloister became a familiar Protestant meme as described by the Quaker William Penn (1644–1718): The Christian convent and monastery are within, where the soul is encloistered from sin. This religious house the true followers of Christ carry about with them, who exempt themselves not from the conversation of the world, though they keep themselves from the world in their conversation.9

Monasticism and the Wesleys In 1700, Samuel Wesley (1662–1735), Rector of Epworth, published his manual The Pious Communicant Rightly Prepar’d or a Discourse Concerning the Blessed Sacrament. (Figure 5.1) An appendix to this work contained A Letter to the Religious Societies.10 Samuel referred to these societies in the cities of London and Westminster and to Woodward’s account of them. These religious societies promoted ‘true piety in themselves and others, and are all of them strict members of the Church of England.’11 Samuel called upon ancient writers for support but his main thrust was the place of the religious societies as a replacement for the monasteries: I know few good men but lament that after the Destruction of the Monasteries, there were not some societies founded in their stead, but reformed from their errors and reduced to the primitive standard. None who has but looked into our own church history, can be ignorant how highly influential such bodies of men as these were to the first planting and propagating Christianity among our forefathers: ‘tis notorious that the first monks wrought honestly for their livings, and only met together at the hours of prayer and necessary reflection, as do most of those in the Eastern countries to this day: and those who read the exemplary piety of the old British monks and what indefatigable pains they took, and what hazards they ran in the conversion of our heathen

Monks and Methodists  155

Figure 5.1  Samuel Wesley, The Pious Communicant 1700, title page.

ancestors, as well as how stoutly they withstood the early encroachments of Rome, cannot but entertain an extraordinary opinion of them, and will be apt to judge charitably of their great austerities and ascetic way of living, tho’ perhaps we may be in the right, when we think they were in some things mistaken.12 Such an opinion had been shared by Archbishop Leighton who in Bishop Burnet’s estimation thought the great and fatal error of the Reformation was that more of those religious houses and that course of life, free from the entanglements of vows and other mixtures was not preserved, so that the Protestant Churches had neither places of education nor retreat for men of mortified tempers.13 Samuel recalled how under Cranmer former monastic institutions were adapted for educational purposes and surmised as to what assistance such a religious community might give in supporting parochial life as in the Church of Rome.14 He called to mind Gaston Jean Baptiste, Baron de Renty (1611–1649), and his societies in Paris and Toulouse, with the implication

156  Monks and Methodists that these could be transplanted to English soil. Samuel carefully defended his recommendation against the suspicion of illegal conventicles for the design of these societies... is by no means to gather churches out of churches, to foment new schisms and divisions, and to make heathens of all the rest of their Christian brethren.15 Aware that some would be averse to this he safeguarded his ideal: the very rules of their institution do strictly oblige them to the practice of humility and charity, and to avoid censoriousness and spiritual pride, the common rocks of those who make a more than ordinary profession of religion.16 High church Anglicans valued the spirituality of the monastic communities as a guide and resource for Christian living. Samuel’s Roman references were carefully nuanced in his appreciation of monastic life and culture; the religious societies were considered the successors to an ancient Christian rule and way of life. This was for the Wesley family close to home, not only with regard to the religious meetings held by Susannah Wesley and the careful upbringing of her progeny. Samuel Wesley attempted unsuccessfully to institute ecclesiolae in his parish. There is a Carthusian connection with the Wesleys hitherto ignored; the remains of Axholme Charterhouse, locally known as the Priory in the Wood at Low Melwood, lie approximately two miles from Epworth rectory. It is unlikely that the rector did not know of such a site within his parish (­ Figures 5.2, 5.3).

The perfect way: John Wesley, marriage and celibacy Jesu my single eye Be fixed on thee alone Thy name be praised on earth, on high, Thy will by all be done Charles Wesley (1707–1788) As long as a man takes no wife, he honours and loves God, his father, and the Holy Spirit, his mother, and he has no other love.17 Aphrahat Given that the monastic life is traditionally a celibate one lived in praise of God, unwittingly Charles Wesley’s verse expresses this succinctly. From Henry Abelove’s analysis of John Wesley’s views, it is clear that early on in his ministry Wesley believed celibacy was not only better but a more perfect

Monks and Methodists  157 E

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Figure 5.2  A xholme Charterhouse, Epworth. Geophysical survey and site in relation to Epworth Old Rectory. ©Image provided from survey conducted by SUMO Geophysics Limited.

Figure 5.3   Map indicating Epworth Old Rectory at the top left, Axholme Charterhouse (Low Melwood) site lower right. ©Ordnance Survey, ­ Used by permission.

158  Monks and Methodists Christian way. The Syriac tradition Wesley so admired could lend support to this from Aphrahat, and from the idea that Christ the true Bridegroom calls those who follow him to vowed virginity.18 Wesley’s view mirrored significantly that of the Syriac Covenanters, that those already married should remain so but those who were single would be impeded by seeking marriage, and had chosen the better part. Marriage was a second-best Christian option.19 Wesley expressed this preference in pastoral conduct and arrangements when he advised the unmarried to remain in the state in which they were called. In larger Methodist societies where there were many young single people, Wesley met with men and women separately. He advised them on sexual issues following the guidance of Swiss physician Samuel Tissot, whose work he appropriated and abridged, rewriting some of it. 20 Wesley exercised great caution in such matters among the early Methodists, in his ever restricting formation of bands and other groups, and his recommended self-analysis. 21 Since Wesley avoided, for the most part, any involvement in marriage ceremonies as Abelove noted, it becomes increasingly difficult to justify Wesley’s own disastrous attempts at marriage, which were an embarrassment. No doubt he fondly hoped for the kind of marriage as that between his brother Charles and Sally Gwynne. 22 His first romantic attempts with women in America reveal a somewhat confused lack of self-awareness.23 His diary for February 1737 reveals how close to the matrimonial margin Wesley had then come in his relationship with Sophy Hopkey: February 2nd - 5th. 1737. She said she thought it best for a clergyman not to be encumbered with worldly cares; and that it was for her too to live single and she has accordingly resolved ‘never to marry [while she lived]’ Upon reflection I thought this a very narrow escape. Wesley then reasoned why he might not countenance marriage: 1. Because I did not think myself strong enough to bear the temptations of the married state; 2. Because I feared it would have obstructed the design on which I came, the going among the Indians; and 3. Because I thought her resolved not to marry, were it only on Mr. Mellichamp’s account. February 6th - 10th. 1737. [Mr Ingham] added that I could not judge coolly of these things while I saw her every day, and therefore advised me ‘to go out of town for a few

Monks and Methodists  159 days.’ I clearly saw the wisdom of this advice; and accordingly went to Irene the next day [Sunday] four miles from Savannah. But first I writ two or three lines which I desired Miss Bovey to give to Miss Sophy: February 6th. 1737 I find, Miss Sophy, I can’t take fire into my bosom and not be burned. I am therefore retiring for a while. February 8th. 1737. I was obliged to go down to Savannah. There I stayed about an hour. And there again I felt and groaned under the weight of an unholy desire. My heart was with Miss Sophy all the time. I was now more clear in my judgement every day. Beside that I believed her resolved never to marry. I was convinced it was not expedient for me: 1. Because it would probably obstruct the design of my coming to America, the going among the Indians, and 2. Because I was not strong enough to bear the complicated temptations of the married state. On Monday 14th. Wesley broke the news to Sophy that he will not marry, at least not until his projected Indian mission was completed, in response to which she declined to breakfast with Wesley any more. 24 His later de praesenti contract with Grace Murray shows an equally tortuous affair which to his chagrin, as a result of his brother’s strategy, left him to the celibate life he so recommended for others. 25 Frank Baker detailed the intricate strategic legal and moral complexities by which Wesley lost a wife: The consummation of John Wesley’s first marriage was frustrated alike by John Bennet’s near-blind frenzy of desire, by Grace Murray’s vacillation and her vagueness about her true legal standing, by Charles Wesley’s impetuous fears for Methodism, and by John Wesley’s deliberate sacrifice of dreams of domesticity to the claims of his apostolic ministry.26 Wesley’s own diary containing Grace Murray’s own resumé of her life follows the trauma of the romance and the strategies of others around him as Grace Murray married John Bennet. 27 Wesley provides a detailed rationale for his difficulties, they are briefly: 1. From the age of six or seven he thought he could never find anyone like his mother. 2. From about 17 years old until 26, 27 years, he did not think of marrying because he could not provide for a wife. 3. He was persuaded from his reading of the primitive church that priests could not lawfully marry.

160  Monks and Methodists 4. After reading some of the mystics, he thought marriage was a less perfect state. 5. He was convinced from St. Paul’s words that someone who was married could not serve the Lord without distraction. 6. Being involved in the expense of feeding the hungry and clothing the naked he could not afford to marry. 7. A grand dispensation of the Gospel has been committed to him and he will do nothing to hinder it. 8. His first objection failed – there were a few women who could live up to his mother’s standard. 9. The objection that he could not keep a wife was countered by the fact that there were women able to keep him. 10. Reading Bishop Beveridge’s Pandectae Canonum Conciliorum convinced him, particularly from the Council of Nicaea, that not everything councils decided were either appropriate or mandatory. 11. Notwithstanding his mystic reading and St. Paul the undefiled marriage bed was after all no hindrance to perfection. 12. The example of Dr. Koker who, being married, served God without distraction. 13. Marriage would be possible and without hindrance if a wife were kept in the same state she enjoyed previously, and any children were sent to Kingswood School. 14. That the person he had in view would give him every help in the work of the Gospel. 15. As housekeeper. 16. As Nurse. 17. As a companion. 18. As a friend. 19. As fellow labourer in the Gospel.28 John Wesley’s matrimonial status has been the subject of much Methodist consideration. Maldwyn Edwards’ analysis suggested Wesley had an inherent difficulty in forming intimate relationships: He could not freely express his emotions nor wholly understand the depth of other’s sorrows. This was not just a question of temperament but because, having wholly committed himself to God he was ready to accept any deprivation that might increase his own usefulness as God’s servant. His error was in supposing that what he accepted for himself, others would also accept. In joy or sorrow, therefore, he did not trust his own immediate reactions, but sought to know God’s will in it. This was scarcely calculated to make him adventurous in matters of the heart. This reluctance was strengthened further by his Oxford reading of patristic literature and the knowledge that for Paul, as for the fathers, celibacy had great honour. 29 Frederic Maser examined the legalities of Wesley’s de praesenti agreement with Grace Murray; in his view, this had no legal standing as some of the

Monks and Methodists  161 conditions attached to it were unfulfilled. He concluded that either Grace Murray and John Wesley were never truly married or, in the opinion of the jurist Swinburne, Grace Murray, and John Bennet were unwittingly bigamously married as were John Wesley and his wife Mrs. Vazeille, the four of them ostensibly and unwittingly living in sin for some years. 30 Wesley’s later venture into marriage with widowed Molly Vazeille on March 19, 1751, came to grief according to Kenneth Collins, because he married unadvisedly, in haste, and without attention to the standards he himself had set for his preachers: His celebration of virginity, which perhaps was amplified by his reading of the early church fathers, the tension which he felt between the affection for women and the love of God, and his reluctance to allow the mundane concerns of his spouse in any way to interfere with the higher work of his vocation, all suggests a seriousness and a diligence which should have been left to prosper, in a celibate state.31 One might hear the voice of painful experience in Wesley’s advice to others. In May 1781 he commended Zachariah Yewdall for being ‘exceedingly wary with respect to marriage. St. Paul’s direction is full and clear: ‘If thou mayest be free, use it rather.’ ‘Art thou loosed from a wife? Seek not a wife.’32 In June 1790 in his correspondence with John Dickins, he expressed surprise that the Countess of Huntingdon had forbidden preachers in her Connexion to marry. He then explained: I married because I needed a home, in order to recover my health: and I did recover it. But I did not seek happiness thereby, and I did not find it. We know this may be found in the knowledge and service of God, whether in a married or single state. But whenever we deny ourselves and take up the cross for his sake, the happier we shall be both here and in eternity.33 In his Thoughts on Marriage and a Single Life, (1743) Wesley affirmed the validity of marriage as a Christian vocation, but also the life of singleness (Matt. 19.10), for which he explicitly refused to make the Roman monastic distinction between commands and counsels based on the Gospel. There were those to whom the gift of continence was given who kept themselves pure in a single life, which is a possibility for every believer.34 There is an implication that the single state is preferable, 35 as in the Pseudo Clementine De Virginitate in which baptised celibates are responsible for missionary work and evangelism as travelling missionaries.36 Two weeks before his own marriage Wesley was counselling young men to stay single but

162  Monks and Methodists Methodist resistance to such enforced continence was strong; Abelove inferred that in some cases it destroyed relationships and marriages. 37 He further indicated the absence of any mention of her husband on Susannah Wesley’s gravestone, later corrected by Methodists to include her husband Samuel. 38 This omission corresponded curiously to Tatian’s omission of any reference to Joseph as the husband of Mary. 39 There is a record of a group of Methodists who formed a quasi-monastic group of which Wesley approved.40 There is no evidence of any Methodist samesex relationship alternatives to Wesley’s demand for celibacy.41 There is record of the support among the early Oxford Methodists for someone accused of homosexual activity, and the Methodist John Hutchinson’s infatuation with Charles Wesley.42 Abelove suggested Wesley’s pro-celibacy stance was suppressed in Methodist historical memory, particularly when contemporaries perceived Methodism as undercutting family life as conventionally ordered. He points to Wesley’s eclectic and contradictory mix of virtually everything new and old, Catholic and Protestant, dissenting and Anglican, heretical and orthodox.43 He noted Wesley’s understanding of perfection as achievable in this life, whereas À Kempis, Francis de Sales, Syrian monks of the fifth century – all thought religious life was a gradual process of sanctification. They generally held that moral perfection only arrived at death.44 Much of this accorded with the texts of Macarius and the recommendations for the Syrian qyāmā. Abelove pointed out the exception by which Wesley unusually included attribution to Macarius in the texts he edited for his Christian Library, a practice not accorded to others who were anonymous in his magpie accumulation of recommendations, the good intentions of which reflect an age before copyright.45 In this Methodist moral minefield, one might ask what else could be expected when the insights of the early Syrian proto-monastic ascetics and the sayings and deeds of the desert fathers and mothers were recommended in a movement set within the post-Restoration Protestant Church of England. Following his rationale for marrying, Wesley’s encomium of Grace Murray fills the succeeding pages of his diary, but only with a sense of what he had now lost. The thirty-one stanza poem or hymn with which he concluded its pages contains in its longing at the last, what might well be accorded a fitting reminder of Macarian spirituality: Teach me, from every pleasing Snare To keep the Issues of my Heart: Be thou my Love, my Joy, my Fear! Thou my eternal Portion art. Be thou my never-failing Friend, And love, O love me to the End.46

Monks and Methodists  163 Wesley’s diary records that at the Conference of 1748 it was agreed that one could marry without loss to one’s soul. In the Minutes of several later conferences the question is raised of whether anyone married can be entirely sanctified. However, while this discussion is recorded in Wesley’s diary, it is discreetly omitted from the Conference minutes.47 Women preachers might have the advantage in this issue, if it could be called that, as Phyllis Mack comments: Wesley’s views on the superiority of celibacy clearly spoke to women’s own predilections more than men’s, for whereas male preachers tried to change Wesley’s mind about the sanctity and value of marriage and whereas marriage was of far greater importance to men than their printed autobiographies suggest, an unusually large number of women chose to remain single.48 Wesley’s preference that preachers should not marry is something of a contradiction given his strong views against the celibacy of the Roman clergy.49 As early as 1753 it is made clear that any married preacher must make his own provision for his wife, a view which was more accommodating in later Minutes.50 Wesley distinguished between the counsels and commands as found in some medieval monastic authors, the counsels being nothing more than supererogation.51 Wesley revised his opinions in Thoughts on a Single Life (1765)52: With support from St. Paul that the unmarried are more concerned for things of the Lord (1 Cor. 7. 8,27,32–35) and from the Gospel for the different reasons for men being eunuchs (Matt. 19. 10–12), he recommended that the happy celibate few consider the advantages they enjoy. [paras 2–4]. They attend upon the Lord without distraction following the contemplative example of Mary rather than the busyness of Martha, (an interesting resonance with medieval commentators). This included being spared anxiety for others, including disobedient children, and above all the problem of loving one creature above all others. [paras 6–7]. Those remaining single are afforded leisure to improve themselves in many ways, and to wait upon God in public and in private. [para 7] All one’s worldly possessions may be given to God. [para 8] Conversation with like-minded people of the same sex should be valued, but any meetings with the opposite sex would involve a monastic custody of the eyes. [paras. 11,12.] He concluded that without disputing whether marriage or singleness is a more perfect state, real continence is a matter of the heart in which all attachments and possessions are left to follow Christ, [para 15.] which well accords with the concept of an interior monastery. As Bufford Coe pointed out, thirteen years after his own marriage Wesley believed that every believer is capable of receiving the gift of continence, and marriage is made to seem a concession to weakness.53 Coe remarked on Wesley’s preference that single men should remain so and pointed to the advocacy of virginity as the life of angels in Jeremy Taylor’s Holy Living and Holy Dying, a

164  Monks and Methodists favourite Wesley text which he included in his Christian Library.54 However in his edition Wesley did not include Taylor’s passage concerning virginity as the life of angels, although he did include the comment that virginity is to be preferred over marriage, for God had a special place in his heart for those undefiled by women.55 As Coe indicated, Wesley later congratulated a preacher on escaping the bonds of marriage. His own experience was hardly a recommendation for marriage.56

Wesley and monasticism Wesley advocated ascetic practices, some of which he derived from Horneck and Fleury as well as from his reading of monastic authors, and from his own conclusions on the earliest Christians; this he passed on to his followers both in Georgia and in the later Methodist societies. 57 Several monastic influences are found in the spirituality and development of the Wesleyan tradition. Chris Wilson has indicated some of the resonances between Methodism and the friars, particularly as these were views expressed by those unsympathetic to Wesley and his preachers. Clearly, both those who appreciated and opposed Methodism were attuned to what they considered antecedents in church history, to claim both orthodox and dissenting precursors.58 Wesley began his societal experiment in Savannah, gathering select parishioners for readings, study, and prayer.59 Early monasticism had something of a mixed imprimatur from Wesley, as others have indicated. In his sermon On Attending the Church Service he remarked: as early as the second century, within a hundred years of St. John’s removal from the earth, men who were afraid of being partakers of other men’s sins, thought it their duty to separate from them. Hence, in every age many have retired from the world, lest they should be stained with the pollutions of it. In the third century many carried this so far as to run into deserts and turn hermits. But in the following age this took another turn. Instead of turning hermits, they turned monks. Religious houses now began to be built in every Christian country; and religious communities were established, both of men and women, who were entirely secluded from the rest of mankind; having no intercourse with their nearest relations, nor with any but such as were confined, generally for life, within the same walls. This spirit of literally renouncing the world, by retiring into religious houses, did not so generally prevail after the Reformation. Nay, in Protestant countries, houses of this kind were totally suppressed. But still too many serious persons (chiefly incited thereto by those that are commonly called ‘mystic writers’) were eager to seclude themselves from the world, and run into solitude; supposing this to be the best, if not the only way, of escaping the pollution that is in the world.60

Monks and Methodists  165 Wesley attributed the flight from the world to the desire for purity, to escape the ministrations of unholy men. His explanation for the rise of Methodism was careful to keep the movement within the established Church; however he never quite reconciled his denunciation of Constantinian patronage of the church with its English establishment,61 and he was faced with the recurrent issue of Methodists separating from the Church of England. While there was recognition of the relationship of monastic institutes to the wider Church it was mainly focused on the holiness of the clergy, issues which were the concern of Wycliffe and the Lollards and the Protestant Reformers, particularly Cranmer.62 In his sermon In What Sense Are We to Leave the World?, Wesley set rigid requirements for personal encounters, particularly to avoid the company of unholy and nominal Christians and to affirm his concept of the altogether Christian.63 Monasticism in Wesley’s eyes was subject to missiological critique with a regard for purity and holiness. The same perception in which Wesley viewed Constantinian patronage was focused on monasticism as a protest against compromise with the world: it is true, that many pious Christians, as was observed before, did separate themselves from the Church, some even in the second, and many more in the third, century. Some of these retired into the desert, and lived altogether alone; others built themselves houses, afterwards termed convents, and only secluded themselves from the rest of the world. But what was the fruit of this separation? The same that might easily be foreseen. It increased and confirmed, in an astonishing degree, the total corruption of the Church. The salt which was thus heaped up in a corner had effectually lost its savour. The light which was put under a bushel no longer shone before men.64 His argument concerned intention, not only ministration and church life, it was a matter of the heart. Wesley’s view of ascetic life under Constantine is summarised by Ted Campbell: We should note that Wesley’s view of the fourth century was colored by his consistent belief that the church had fallen from its original purity with Constantine’s conversion to Christianity. Although Wesley never says it quite like this, the fact is that the pockets of pure Christianity he recognised in the fourth century were exclusively those centres of Christian monks whose asceticism marked a reaction against the Constantinian alliance of Roman culture and Christianity.65 Wesley and many other Restoration clergy valued what he regarded as the ‘primitive church’ and viewed this as the purest early ages of the Church,66 but some showed little appreciation of early and medieval monasticism or its redeeming features in the lives and writings of the monks whose spirituality

166  Monks and Methodists they valued. Martin Schmidt, in his appreciation of Wesley, emphasized that discipline was the controlling issue: It is evident that he is held by the ideal of monasticism. It is not freedom but restraint which he values: not spontaneity, but discipline; so much so that he can disdainfully reject a life without rules as a type of Christian freedom which is too high for him. What is being described in every one of his sentences is none other than the monastic state with its advantages and weaknesses.67 In accord with this emphasis, Wesley included among the volumes which he left for Kingswood School editions of the writings of Pascal, Quesnel, and Antoine Arnaud, who were associated with the Solitaires of Port Royal des Champs. From one of its main influences, Jean Duvergier de Hauranne, Abbé de Saint-Cyran (1581–1643), Wesley translated the Instructions Chrétiennes for his Christian Library; André de Winne’s analysis of Wesley’s use of St. Cyran notes how the extracts used by Wesley relate to his via salutis, carefully editing St Cyran in accordance with his emphasis on sanctification. De Winne suggests that Wesley used these texts to defend his doctrine of perfection against Thomas Maxfield and George Bell within the Methodist societies, and points to unattributed maxims from St Cyran used by Wesley.68 In his Instructions for Christians Wesley removed from its original context advice ostensibly for nuns in the novitiate and applied it to the Methodists, and in several places it retains its monastic imprint: Retirement from the world, joined with prayer and proper employ are means of mortifying our senses, without which prayer profits little. The best helps to mortification are the ill-usage, the affronts, and the losses which befall us. We should receive them with all humility, as preferable to all others, were it only on this account, that our will has no part therein, as it has in those which we choose for ourselves.69 This transposition is significant, as in places what was once counsel for priests is made direct advice for Methodist preachers and spiritual guides. Wesley follows St. Cyran in making the cure of souls a matter of the heart. Wesley inserted into his edition of Johann Lorenz Mosheim’s (1693 –1755), Ecclesiastical History an extended recommendation in a text on the Abbé St. Cyran.70 He added an appendix to his Instructions for Christians entitled Instructions for Members of Religious Societies, Wesley gives only enigmatic clues as to his source in several footnotes: ‘This letter was originally designed for those of a religious house in France’ ‘This was originally written for women.’ referring to the single life: ‘the holy and happy liberty of your state’:71

Monks and Methodists  167 Wesley translated this text from Jacques-Joseph Duguet’s (1649–1733), ­L ettres sur Divers Sujets de Morale et de Pieté: Instructions sur La Maniere de Conduire Les Novices. Wesley omitted sections XX-XXII of Duguet’s text (pp. 26–28); this is mainly advice to novices on how to live in the convent and on losing self-will, and the virtues necessary for life in community. Duguet suggested there are pious believers living in the world who might find living easier in the convent: It is also very useful to show how many uncertain things there are in the life of people who have piety: but who do not live in the monasteries; there are many doubts, many perplexities that obedience would decide.72 Wesley discreetly used such material from Port Royal and appended some of St, Cyran’s Instructions, unattributed, to his Plain Account of Christian Perfection.73 The nonconformist Theophilus Gale had commented approvingly on aspects of Jansenism and was perceptive enough to recognize an asceticism which might supersede the cloister: Jansenius and St. Cyran seem to have had a very deep, broad, spiritual light and insight into the mysteries of the Gospel and true Godliness, and I am apt to persuade myself they had some feeling, apprehensions and inward acquaintance with those choice Gospel truths, they commend to others. They talk much of studying the Scriptures, and acquainting our selves with the mind and Spirit of God therein; they presse, with some affectionate importunitie, to the renouncing our own righteousnese, strength, wisdom, wills, &c. They greatly commend to us spiritual povertie, soul-humilitie, heart mortification, self-emptinesse, and abjection, &c. These things they insist upon, not according to the Monkish mode of external mortification, but in a Gospel strain, with so much meeknesse of wisdom, and yet with so much spiritual passion and warmth, as if their words were but sparks, or ideas of that Divine fire which burned in their hearts.74 More unexpected is Wesley’s inclusion in his Kingswood library of an edition of the Relations of Armand Jean le Bouthillier de Rancé (1626– 1700), the strict reforming Cistercian abbot.75 These biographies of monks from the French Cistercian community of La Trappe paralleled in many ways the accounts and religious experiences of Methodists published in the Arminian Magazine, and the later Lives of the Early Methodist Preachers. Wesley inserted into his edition of Mosheim’s Ecclesiastical History, a long somewhat intrusive text on the life of De Rancé.76 Wesley included such texts from a post-Tridentine Catholic

168  Monks and Methodists context to focus upon the interior life. He also included in the Christian Library the work of Macarius the Egyptian, drawing upon Macarius and Gregory of Nyssa for his understanding of Christian perfection.77 There is a very different perspective on Wesley when we consider how attracted he was to the early Syrian traditions of Ephrem the Syrian and Macarius.

Wesley, Macarius and Pietism The Pietists Wesley had been introduced to were also readers of Macarius.78 Gottfried Arnold had published a German translation in 1696 and Macarius also influenced Arndt’s True Christianity, a text Wesley appreciated and republished. Daphne Giofkou delineates the themes found in Pietism which can be traced to Macarius.79 Macarius is illuminating in that he suggested that a single human soul may be the Church of God, a spiritual and ecclesiological perspective which relates to both the hermitage and the Pietist believer who experiences the new birth.80 In Macarius, Wesley found his doctrine of Christian perfection,81 and also grounds for rejection of Constantinian patronage. What appears coincidental with Pietists’ reading of Ephrem and Macarius, is an ecclesiology very like that of the Covenanters of the early Syrian Church. This is certainly true with regard to Wesley whose societies with their structures of spiritual refinement form a kind of mirror image. In his reading of Ephrem (reputedly in Greek) and Macarius, Wesley found sources of the heart religion which were confirmed from his contacts with the Moravians and the Aldersgate experience. We should not underestimate the core emphasis on the religion of the heart found in the Pietist struggle with formality and doctrinal orthodoxy. Seeking the renewal of Christian life might of itself develop forms of community and discipline as envisaged by Arndt, Spener, and Francke.82 Certainly, the Halle Pietists in Georgia found Wesley’s precisionist views a problem.83 Proto-monastic and monastic texts with their emphasis on the heart, affected those reading them; as the fourth-century ascetics found, the devout needed to go beyond formal ecclesial structures and provision to practice ‘serious religion’ and to gain the spiritual blessings found therein. On Wesley’s relationship with Spener and his Collegia Pietatis Kenneth Collins commented: Given the sincerity, intensity, seriousness and practical orientation of Spener and Wesley, and their respective followers, it is not surprising to learn that these leaders formed intentional groups to supplement. – not to oppose – the normal ministry of the church.84 Although Wesley may not have read Spener’s work, he had read Francke’s Pietas Hallensis.85

Monks and Methodists  169 Collins indicates how Wesley evinced like-mindedness to the Pietists even while he rejected their attachment to mysticism, and he listed their common concerns: Soteriology, the nature of true Christianity and the place of inward religion. Biblical theology, the development of small groups, the role of the laity in developing religious life, organizational acumen and attentiveness, motivation for and of the ministry, fear of separation from the Mother Church, the avoidance of needless and harmless disputation.86 In this the prevailing desire was to move beyond formal religion and maintain pure doctrine through holy living.87 Many of these themes were also traditional monastic concerns; the concentration on inward religion (often describing the monk as one who weeps), lectio divina, a lay movement from the fourth century and earlier, from the sixth century organised and directed under The Rule of Benedict, a dialectical relationship to the Church at large – in communio but with guarded freedom to centre on conversio. Wesley’s emphasis on the discipline which ascesis implied meant exclusion when necessary for those who did not comply with his rules and oversight, and who fell short of the standard expected for those striving for holiness and perfection.88 It was not solely the reading of their texts, but above all the personal encounter with Pietists, and sharing in their worship, particularly the Moravians, that brought Wesley to rethink his strict Anglican preferences. This is significantly true of Wesley’s appreciation of Pietist hymns, some of which he translated.89 Paul Wagner summarised the salient themes Wesley found in them; an assurance of forgiveness, healing, and love for Christ,90 and noted the mutual appreciation of Macarius’ Homilies among Pietist authors, particularly Arnold.91 Lionel Greve’s analysis of Pietist influences on Wesley from the Moravians included the preservation of the spirit and practice of the early Christian church, Zinzendorf’s concept of the ecclesiola in ecclesia, personal knowledge of God in Christ, the need and duty of evangelism, and the deep appreciation for fellowship.92 While the influence of Halle and Herrnhut Pietism may have faded for Wesley, Steven O’Malley emphasized how the hymns of Gerhard Tertseegen remained a remarkable influence upon him. It was Tersteegen who highlighted the theme of the Christian life as a pilgrimage in an alien world in which the joyous, saving presence of God in Christ becomes an overwhelming personal reality. He also made provision for conventicles that were intended as waystations for godly pilgrims seeking comfort, encouragement, and accountability in pursuit of their vocation.93

170  Monks and Methodists Tersteegen’s innovative way of gathering conventicles and his trans-­ confessional spirituality served as an example for Wesley. O’Malley describes Tersteegen’s emphasis on the inner temple in the heart as the dwelling place of the Trinity,94 and Wesley’s debt to Tersteegen in the ­German hymns which he translated for the Methodist people.95 The roots of Moravian and Methodist piety are traced by Ernst Stoeffler to English Puritanism and to the Brethren of the Common Life, and in particular to Arndt’s writings on personal religion which Wesley commended to his societies.96 These roots are to be found: in post-Reformation experiential Protestantism which took rise successfully in English Puritanism, in the Precicianism of the Reformed Churches on the Continent, and in the Pietism within Lutheran territories. Finally the religious renewal movement was brought back to England by the Moravians, mingling there with native developments and thus bringing about the Wesleyan revival.97 Taken together with Wesley’s reading of the Syrian ascetic texts, Pietism encouraged the influence of Syrian monastic themes within the spirituality of the emerging Methodist societies.98 While John Wesley saw little value in much of the Western monastic tradition, he valued writings from the Devotio Moderna, particularly à Kempis whose work he translated and published. Significantly, he found in proto-monastic Syriac texts an emphasis on discipline and the religion of heart which accorded with his experience. The Syriac themes of suffering and struggle, the communion of saints, the restoration of paradise, and the indwelling of the Holy Spirit would all confirm and develop his own perspective, an emphasis on total offering and devotion, sanctification, and perfect love which produced a level of spiritual life beyond every fall and passion. Indeed it is described as the attainment of such a plateau in the pursuit of the spiritual life that the language of angels, the gifts of prophecy, all knowledge, and all the gifts of healing were as nothing in comparison with the experiences of perfect love.99

Excursus: John Wesley and Syriac Asceticism: Ephraim (Ephrem) and (Pseudo) Macarius An early strain within diverse Syrian traditions implied that baptised Christians were necessarily ascetics forming a spiritual elite, a form of Encratism.100 In this, as Stuart Burns indicates, initiates lived the life of angels with emphasis upon the religion of the heart,101 and there is some indication that Syriac spirituality drew upon Jewish ascetic traditions, possibly from Qumran.102 Robert Murray suggested this relates to the last chapters of Isaiah as interpreted by the Dead Sea sect which may call for a radical

Monks and Methodists  171 re-examination of what we mean by Jewish Christians, regarding Syriac Christians as the principal surviving heirs of Jewish Christianity:103 Not only evidence from Qumran texts, Josephus and Philo, but also our growing knowledge of the pluralism in the post-exilic period referred to … make it plausible that some aspects of early Syriac Christianity have roots in sectarian Palestinian monotheism (as it seems more correctly called than Judaism). Much here is hypothetical, but it is very possible that the Nazirite vows, self – consecration as warriors of the Lord, and a claim to special partnership with the angels, as we find in the Qumran War Scroll, were all preparing the way toward the early Syriac Covenant.104 Although Murray acknowledges the Dead Sea sect defined themselves as the Community of the Covenant it is unlikely they are the sole ancestors of this Syriac tradition. The Syriac writers Aphrahat and Ephrem both belonged to the pre-monastic ascetic order known as the “Covenant” (Qyāmā). Many of Ephrem’s hymns were written for the whole church community, but as Murray indicates they contain no mention of marriage or lay life. He further describes Aphrahat’s Demonstrations as for the members of the Covenant, to strengthen their moral sense of commitment. We learn that they took their vows on the occasion of (clearly adult) baptism, when in terms drawn from the call to Holy War in Deuteronomy 20 they were solemnly adjured to choose between marriage and celibate vows.105 The ascetic Aphrahat does concede members of the Qyāmā may marry, although it is difficult to know what kind of a marriage this might be.106 Within the Syriac tradition, the members of the Covenant appeared as a distinctive group adhering to a more strict ascetic life, the bnay qyāmâ and bnat qyāmâ, who as sons and daughters of the Covenant took additional vows to those of baptism, remaining celibate as the possessors of true authentic salvation.107 Arthur Vööbus saw the qyāmâ as related to a vow in church or monasticism which had a wider use among the church and clergy, and which may have been related to Dead Sea literature such as the Manual of Discipline. He viewed it as an early Aramean Christian movement with a deep self-identity.108 Jill Gather describes members of the Covenant which included the Syrian ascetic Aphrahat: Members of this movement followed the native Syrian tradition of the consecrated life, which was a forerunner of the main, Egyptian-inspired monasticism that spread into Syria starting in the late fourth

172  Monks and Methodists century. The bnay qyāmā placed great emphasis on baptism, the decisive moment at which the soul was betrothed to Christ, the heavenly Bridegroom. Baptism marked the beginning of a life dedicated to the pursuit of virginity and holiness, a way of life seekers chose in the hope of anticipating in their lifetime the splendor with which Adam had been endowed before the fall and which could only be fully realized at the resurrection. The sacrament of baptism also marked the point at which members of the covenant, or the īhīdāyē, as Aphrahat also terms them (i.e. the followers of the “Only-Begotten,” the Īhīdāyā), were incorporated into the unity of the body of Christ and acquired a new identity given “in the Spirit.”109 These sons and daughters remained part of the church living in informal groups, the married living together in abstinence.110 Murray developed this in relation to Aphrahat who described the ‘single ones’ being given joy by the Single One from the bosom of the Father, thus linking μοναχόϛ with Μονοϒενής.111 Murray summarised the state of a believer approaching baptism: The candidate for celibacy descends to the ‘waters of testing’, submits to the actions of Christ’s sword to become thereby a ‘single one,’ in Syriac īḥīdāyā. This term, already in the Gospel of Thomas rendered in Coptic (through Greek) as μοναχός embraces three elements: 1. ‘single’ in relation to a spouse (actual or potential) rendered by μοναχός; 2. ‘single minded’ the opposite of διψυχος (James 1.8, 4.8) and the state to which Eusebius applies the term μονότροπος in his comment on Psalm 68.7; and 3. ‘unique’ in virtue of a special relationship to the only Son of God, the μονογενής, (Syriac īḥīdāyā) of John 1.18.112 The Syriac Church of Aphrahat, according to Leslie Barnard, originated in a Jewish-Christian ascetic outlook in which baptism was intended for celibates within the covenant group. He also noticed an ascetic affinity with Qumran113 as did Sidney Griffith in detailing the specific vocation of the Īḥīdāyē from Aphrahat’s Demonstrations and other Syriac sources. Arthur Vööbus regarded Aphrahat’s Christian community as baptised celibates within a penumbra of adherents, the celibate Sons and Daughters of the Covenant and the Penitents, although in Aphrahat’s Homilies from the mid 4th century, married life appears an honourable state in the church, for Aphrahat advised that in certain circumstances members of the benai qyāmā might marry.114 Vööbus believed that although Aphrahat may have belonged to a celibate group who loved asceticism, and despite his consequent antipathy towards marriage, this had no ethical or spiritual value: It becomes clear that in the church to which Aphrahat belonged, celibacy was not considered any longer as a requirement for admission to

Monks and Methodists  173 baptism and membership in the church. Aphrahat, following the contemporary norms, did not deny baptism to married people and did not demand that one’s life, once baptised, should be continent. Everyone who believed was eligible to receive baptism. Virginity had become a state chosen and practised voluntarily.115 Vööbus indicated how the Eastern Syrian Church had to make compromises on the extent and role of asceticism within its boundaries, so that ‘when Aphrahat wrote his homilies the church had already made this revision in the heritage of the past.’ 116 As stated in Aphrahat’s seventh homily: anyone who has set his heart to the state of marriage let him marry before baptism, lest he will fall in the struggle and be killed. It was not possible to marry after baptism as this was a rite for spiritual warriors, however elsewhere in his homilies, such marriage appears to be possible.117 Vööbus regarded the syneisaktoi as ascetics of both sexes who lived together, remaining single and dissolving marriages.118 He remarked on how in the Acts of Thomas a husband thanked God on his wedding night that he had maintained virginity, Vazan a young convert had been forced to marry but had remained a virgin; another, Sifor, lived in continence after marriage, with a daughter.119 Murray suggested the bnay qyāmā formed ‘a church within a church’ possibly recognized as the heart of the Church, and summarised their distinctive place: There are occurrences of the word ‘qyāmā’ which almost suggest an equivalent of ‘Covenant’ and ‘Church’, but probably this should not be pressed too far. Nevertheless the Covenant can be seen as the core or heart of the early Syriac Church, and doubtless all Christians regarded it as such. Cenobitical monasticism, however, as it was to take fixed form in the Church did not develop before the late fourth century: previous to that it seems men and women members of the Covenant were more closely related to the Church community, often living at home or in small groups, though perhaps already there were occasional anchorites.120 In his comprehensive study George Nedungatt pointed out that qyāmâ referred to both the biblical covenants and also to the person of Christ, making evident the integral bond between Christ and the Church, however this did not include the whole people of God. Although there were priests who were covenanters, the term referred only to priests of the old covenant.121 He indicated their emphasis on the circumcision of the heart.122 Placed alongside the priests, “the holy covenant” has its own distinct identity in the Church. If the Church is a qyāmâ, there is qyāmâ within

174  Monks and Methodists the qyāmâ. In some unspecified sense, this inner circle seems to represent the elite of the Church. This does not however mean that the distinction between the two concentric circles is clear in every instance.123 Candidates were initiated in the qyāmâ in a public liturgy after the liturgy of the word, in a rite which reflected baptism, taking a vow of chastity. According to Nedungatt at the rite of baptism, those taking a more serious commitment took their vows apart from other catechumens, those who made the abrenunciatio monastica being baptised before other catechumens.124 The qyāmâ consecration was in Aphrahat’s time irrevocable.125 Murray envisaged two ways of life which members of the qyāmā positively commended: virginity (btuluta) and “holiness” or “ consecration” (qaddiśuta), the state of married persons who renounce intercourse and live in abstinence as members of the “Covenant” (qyāmā) of committed celibates.126 This included married people who decided to live in continence, often living with a mother or sister, and overseen by a priest.127 They lived the ascetic life in towns and villages, and may have had some role within the liturgy: Covenanters did not leave their towns and villages in search of seclusion. There was a large amount of freedom of organisation. Living at home or away from home, with a companion or two, in small groups or large communities. We find the same elasticity among the monázontes as well as the monks of early Egyptian monasticism.128 In Nedungatt’s view, they represented a halfway house between the first Christian ascetics and later cenobitic monasticism.129 The whole Church was the qyāmâ of God, but in the language of everyday life the bnay qyāmā and the bnāt qyāmā represented an inner circle of elite Christians.130 Vööbus described the Syrian qyāmā as a description of the whole Church comprised of ascetically oriented Christians, particularly when asceticism was regarded as the only form of true Christian existence. It was present among the town churches and candidates were recruited from among children selected by the visiting chorepiscopus who marked them with the laying on of hands and blessing before they were sent to monasteries and churches for instruction.131 Sidney Griffith indicated their significance: Bnay qyāmā designated a group of celibate people belonging to a certain station in life in the community that in the early period of the history of the church in the Syriac speaking world they assumed by covenant, or solemn pledge, at baptism. Such persons took their stand with an anticipatory view to the Resurrection, the goal of all Christians. Their status in the community served as a type for the expectations of all the baptised. The bnay qyāmā were not properly speaking monks, but their institutions and their traditional vocabulary were ready to contribute

Monks and Methodists  175 to the growth of monasticism when it appeared in Syria, together with the other institutions of the Great Church.132 Both priests and qyāmā were to live attached to churches although the latter were not permitted to approach the altar. Twice a year the qyāmā of the villages gathered with the bishop for spiritual exercises, for eucharist and blessing, between the beginning of winter and after the feast of the Resurrection.133 Vööbus noted a pattern in the later Syrian Church, what he describes as a chain reaction of awakening to Christian truth, leaving one’s home, baptism, and entrance into anchoretism, a fluid situation in the Syriac Church (possibly related to the Edict of Milan): The ascetic factor which made renunciation of the world a prerequisite for baptism and church membership, upholding its own concept of church, could not be valid any longer at the time when Aphrahat flourished.134 The impression is given that Ephrem Syrus (306–373) wrote at a period when the perspective of the Syriac Church was changing as a more formal cenobitic monasticism became more developed and widespread. The distinctive early Syriac traditions were eventually absorbed into the monastic movement of the Great Church.135 Murray found in the Syriac Liber Graduum (Book of Steps), a more personal consecrated following of Christ, laying more stress on poverty, homelessness, and the renunciation of stability, closer to Messalian perspectives. Macarius, he suggested, increasingly emphasized the covenant as something in the heart.136 Alexander Goltizin recognized among the sources of Dionysius the Areopagite the emphasis on the interior church of the heart which is found in the Liber Graduum.137 This refers to that which in us answered to the church’s altar and he traced this mystical strain to second temple Judaism as part of the ascetic ideal that preceded the formation of Christian monasticism. He recognised Jewish Christian and Aramaic speaking communities in the Syriac tradition struggling with the same issues drawing on the same or similar sources.138 Murray translated a text from Balai, chorepiscopus of the church at ­Qennešrin (Chalcis) Three in thy name are (already) a church; 21 protect the thousands in thy house! for they have toiled on the ‘church of the heart’ and brought it to the holy temple, built in thy name. May the church that is inward be as fair 22 as the church that is outward is splendid! Mayest thou dwell in the inner and keep the outer,

176  Monks and Methodists for (both) heart and Church are sealed in thy name! The priests who are the temple of thy Spirit 23 have shown zeal for the building of thy house. Bless them, for with labour and love they have adorned both heart and house for thy name. The priest who has built, may his standing increase 24 may he officiate for years in the dwelling he has adorned; and may his soul surpass in hidden beauty the visible adornment which the house displays. Since his heart carries the temple of his Lord, 25 may he enter in purity the house of the saints! and since thou art well pleased with intentions, give a reward to the builders of the walls! This visible house proclaims, 26 concerning the mind of him who built it, that the inward heart is illumined and fair, and his love is marked in this that is outward. May the Holy Spirit listen to the priest 27 for he has established a home for the Father and the Son; May ‘She’ receive vows with sacrifice, for house and vows are all for thy sake.139 A similar emphasis is found in Nicholas Cabasilas in which the consecration of the altar is interiorised.140 Perhaps nowhere within the Methodist tradition is this inner church and the altar of the heart better expressed that in Charles Wesley’s hymn: 1. O Thou who camest from above, the pure celestial fire to impart kindle a flame of sacred love upon the mean altar of my heart. 2. There let it for thy glory burn with inextinguishable blaze, and trembling to its source return, in humble prayer and fervent praise. 3. Jesus, confirm my heart’s desire to work and speak and think for thee; still let me guard the holy fire, and still stir up thy gift in me. 4. Ready for all thy perfect will, my acts of faith and love repeat, till death thy endless mercies seal, and make the sacrifice complete.141

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The Liber Graduum: the journey inward The Syriac writings that so appealed to Wesley contained a revealing ecclesiological perspective. This is shown most evidently in the Liber Graduum and its characteristic Syriac ascetic perspective from the same milieu as the writings of Macarius, which emphasised a celibate holiness reflecting the life of angels. As we have seen, the early fourth century Syrian ‘sons of the covenant’ comprised a distinctive group of solitaries (īhīdāyē), their vocation related to Christ as Μονογενὴς or only-begotten.142 David Lane finds in the thirty chapters of this text a reference to Proverbs 22.20, and a distinction within the text of some commandments for the many and others for the few, Deuteronomic and Levitical models which were reflected in Pachomius on fulfilling the will of the Father, and in Anthony the Great on perfection.143 The Liber Graduum sought to counteract Messalian influences which disparaged the visible church and its structures and sacraments for an inward spiritual existence, by emphasising the necessity of the visible church and sacraments for the economy of salvation. Mēmrā 12 of the Liber Graduum described three levels of the Church, the visible, of the heart, and the hidden, the believer progressing through each of these.144 The text presupposed two categories of Christians, the upright and the higher standard of the perfect abandoned all possessions and lived in virginity and continence, and were mendicant wanderers among churches and communities.145 This was tempered by the suggestion later in the text where Zaccheus is used as a type to illustrate that not all possessions have to be relinquished in discipleship.146 Murray suggested this text derived from a sectarian group seeking to affirm their place within the Syrian Church rather than an impure shadow of the true reality, and directed to a sectarian group of the Perfect who were gathered around a particular individual, some of whom had lapsed.147 The origins of the Liber Graduum are traced to a proto-monastic pre-Egyptian context, from the life of a secular community before monasticism is totally structured and formalised.148 Mēmrā 12 emphasised the hidden prayer of the heart149 in which the body is a hidden temple and the heart a hidden altar, parallel to the visible public temple of the church and leading to the heavenly church with its altar at which Christ presides. Everything in the visible church including its visible baptism was to be revered for it is the dwelling place of the Spirit, established as an imitation of the hidden one.150 In the transition from the visible church to the hidden one where the Lord is seen, via the church of the heart, we move from glory to glory.151 Here Vööbus indicated the distinction between the outer and the inner church The visible church, established by the Lord, is the spiritual mother of everyone. The church, with its institutions is required for all Christians including the perfect ones

178  Monks and Methodists Far above the visible church and its altar there stands an ‘hidden church’. This church is called the church ‘of the heart and that of exaltation’ This is the sphere in which the Paraclete works. Therefore it is the ‘mother of all the living and perfected ones’ Thus in the final analysis the archaic conviction breaks through that the real church consists entirely of the company of the ascetics.152 Throughout the text, we can follow the distinctions between those who have an external mind and no inner sense and the upright and the perfect of the Church. There is a progression from baptism onwards: The same is the case with the visible and hidden covenant, church, baptism, food, prayer, altar and gifts. In short, in every respect the ministry that is on earth is alike to that which is in heaven. And because people did not comprehend the heavenly one, he gave them its likeness on earth so that, when standing in the visible church and eating from the visible altar, they might live in eternity in the hidden church, which is in heaven, and eat from the hidden altar – an ineffable ministry, too great for the human mouth.153 Everything that is seen in the visible church is a symbol of the unseen. In commending the life of solitaries the author affirmed the Syriac emphasis on ascesis for the ‘ordinary’ Christian, the Upright who imitates the Lord in love, lowliness, poverty, and asceticism.154 This contained an interesting Gospel amendment: Our Lord said, ‘Whoever is ashamed of me and of my lowliness, my deeds, my poverty and my asceticism, I will be ashamed of him on that great day when I will be revealed in my glory.’155 Within the Syriac tradition, there was movement from the external church to the internal, the church of the heart, which did not devalue outward incarnational form but which recognized it as the context which provided for the formation of an inner holy place. With regard to the sacraments the same distinction is carried through between those celebrated in the visible church and the other and higher spiritual means. The former are for the ordinary believers, the latter are accessible only to the Christians of perfect degree. Concerning the sacrament of baptism it is said in these texts that ‘we believe in and stand firm that the visible baptism of the spirit and the propitiation and forgiveness of sins are due to him that believes in it’ But that this is only the ‘visible baptism’, and as such no more than a preliminary form of the gift of ‘hidden baptism’, which baptizes ‘through fire and spirit’ experienced as illumination by ascetics alone.156

Monks and Methodists  179 There are many parallels in the Syrian tradition between the Liber Graduum and the Homilies of Pseudo-Macarius,157 The Liber Graduum reflected an early stage in Syrian ecclesiology; Vööbus describes the changing context: After ecclesiastical practices were changed and the penitents promoted to membership in the church, and baptism and the Eucharist were made available to every Christian, the deeply rooted distinction between the two categories of Christians could not be eliminated. The most vital part of this type of Christianity could never agree to equate itself with other forms and abandon convictions for which they were willing to give their lives. This part must certainly have been compelled to find new ways for consolidating itself in a new situation.158 The difficulties with the transition from the visible church, from the institutional to the charismatic is well outlined by Golitizin in those monks hearing confessions who are not priests but who officiate by virtue of their purity of life, as found in Symeon the New Theologian. He traced such transference in the microcosm/ macrocosm perspective found in Evagrius and Macarius, particularly in Macarius’ Homily 52, and in Nicetas and Symeon with regard to the hierarchy, where the holy man is regarded as the true authentic bishop, with echoes of Origen.159 Lane indicated how the Liber Graduum shows in its dual strands a pattern for Christian living which had particular relevance for the Syrian Church in a time of persecution: The ascetical and rigorous pattern and the pattern more conformable to the things of the world were held in some kind of balance. The lesser paths and the true way were set out, the gift of the Spirit making possible the second. This seems an accommodation to practical reality that for some the way was possible, for some it was not possible. Like all the early Syriac writers a realism lies close to the surface.160 In Dionysius and Macarius, Golitzin recognizes the ‘little church of the soul’ together with the allied polarities of the internal and external church, the hidden temple, and the institution161 and how pressed to its limits charismatic recognition could evaporate the visible church.162

Ephrem the Syrian (Ephraim) (306–373) The Vita of Ephrem described him as a Syrian, ostensibly the son of a pagan priest, born in the time of Constantine and chosen from the womb, but ejected from his home because of his Christian commitment.163 There is some doubt about this early relationship with his family as to whether his father was a Christian or a pagan priest.164 The vita recounts him working in a bathhouse

180  Monks and Methodists at Edessa.165 Chapters 3,4 of the Vita record how he assumed responsibility for a pregnancy and a child not his own and suffered consequently until the truth was eventually discovered. His prayers rescued the city of Nisibis from attack and he eventually arrived in Edessa, a city he later saved from famine, where he joined a monastic community.166 He is then found in Egypt where he remained for eight years. It is understood he met Basil of Caesarea, and Chapter 25 gives an extended dialogue with the Cappadocian, and Ephrem is ordained deacon by him, subsequently avoiding being ordained bishop.167 Ephrem is credited with founding the school at Edessa, moving there when Christians left Nisibis under the Roman/Persian peace treaty.168 For him conversio meant monasticism and he was considerably concerned that Syrian Christianity had been reduced to a sectarian level in the face of competition from heretical forms.169 He appeared to have been at the heart of the Edessene community: Living as an anchoret in his cell in the mountains of Edessa, through his personal example he made it the great center to which the steps of his followers and the eyes of his admirers in the monastic profession were directed. Being in the center of monasticism in the heart of ­Osrhoene, in Edessa, the blessed city, to which the monks looked up with veneration, his example was visible to all in the monastic movement and must have spoken to them directly as well as it must have inspired those who were drawn to the monastic movement.170 Vööbus was aware of contradictions in the writings of Ephrem in the concessions to married Christians in the world while affirming that the only road to eternity is through monasticism, as his form of primitive Syrian Christianity identified asceticism with Christianity, which may reflect the different forms of life within the Covenant group.171 This meant a lonely life of penance and mortification as an anchorite in the wilderness ostensibly following the pattern set by Jesus. The religious life was for the pure in heart in which fasting predominated, and overcoming sleep led to perfection.172 Monks should wear the poorest clothing preferably sackcloth until it became rags, and they should not wash. Ephrem praised those who refused to wear clothing, particularly those in Mesopotamia who were only covered by their hair, and those who grazed like animals and ate dry vegetables and roots.173 Vööbus highlighted the fact that Ephrem could not find adequate words to describe the life of those who felt the need for a life of fellowship in small groups, even though he mentioned monks living in small groups from four to twelve people.174 From Ephrem’s authenticated writings Vööbus traced the development of monasticism, as Ephrem commended the solitary life in which monks live and die in loneliness, angels burying them.175 He was clearly longing for an anchoretic tradition that was passing in which monks populated the deserts, and in which anchorites were significant for the Church, which Vööbus described as archaic.176 A treatise attributed to Ephrem pictured

Monks and Methodists  181 a monasticism dominated by anchoretism, thousands filling the wilderness, unkept, dirty, living in caves and rocks, in loneliness, silence, and quietness, their fasting regarded as their eucharist for which they were priests.177 This form of monastic life faced an increasingly encroaching cenobiticism in the latter part of the fourth century; the inhabitants of monasteries are described as greedy.178 In a memra uncertainly from Ephrem himself but attributed to him, monasticism had grown out of its primitive form as monks had exchanged clefts and gorges for monasteries. Anchoretism had been left behind for monastic estates, vineyards, and orchards, the writer disturbed at monks ploughing which threatened to kill monastic life. This was an exercise which sought to win monks back to a lost ideal, to abandon work, money, and possessions, and return to a true ideal of poverty. Yet this earliest period of monastic life around Edessa was a fading memory.179 Vööbus concluded: When new currents appear on the scene attracting the attention of monks, the ideal Ephraim propagated was something else. These were the traditions rooted in ancient monasticism, the source of that form of monasticism which found his approval. Ephraim is reported to have asserted that the norms of the monastic fathers must be kept. The features of the tenets regarding the form of monasticism which he fostered and into the service of which he put his personal example, his disciples and the written word, shows clearly what was meant by these norms.180 Although Ephrem may have belonged to a time before formal structures of profession, as Sebastian Brock points out, he was allied to what was recognised as ‘proto-monasticism’ and he clearly shared some form of ascetic commitment.181 Brock emphasised the unstructured informality of this form of ascetic life unremoved from secular contexts.182 The Syriac Vita records Ephrem instructing the daughters of the Covenant, and referring to ‘our qyāmā.’183 He believed that the Church and empire were harmonious, two powers set within salvation history in a three-stage process, from Eden to Moses, from Moses to Christ, and the third age of the Church as the ship or ark of salvation, leading from imprisonment to circumcision to John the Baptist heralding the kingdom.184 Beyond the division between married people and celibates, there were three classes within the Church, the lower, the middle or perfect, and the glorious who were martyrs and ascetics.185 Jill Gather describes Ephrem as a member of the Covenant community,186 who emphasised the inner worship of God, pure inner prayer as the Christian sacrifice. This theme of hiddenness and revelation is characteristic of Ephrem, as well as the transition between the one and the many, and also the interior meaning of scripture.187

182  Monks and Methodists Robert Murray analysed the common Syriac themes between Aphrahat and Ephrem for those who join the Qyāmā or Covenant: Baptism as the new circumcision, not of the flesh but of the heart. Those who wish to follow Christ in athletic contest and in war, and to wear his arms are challenged to return to marriage or possessions. Submission to the dividing sword makes the single ones (μοναχος) Single in heart (μονόϮροποϛ, μονόζωνοϛ) United to the only-begotten (Μονοϒενής) The greatest emphasis is upon ‘singleness of heart.’ Here again, Murray suggests a possible relationship to Qumran,188 and he emphasized the continuity with the New Testament: the data, at least in the Aramaic-speaking areas, reveal no discontinuity or new start between the original discipleship of those who took literally the call of the homeless and celibate Jesus to follow him ‘if they could take it’, and the ascetical self-consecration which is so central in early Syriac literature. Encratism, indeed, in the degree which it condemned marriage as such, was a new development which had to be faced, and which split and weakened eastern Christianity and led to the powerful new impetus of Manichaeism; but the concept of iḫἱðâyûtâ consecrated ‘singleness’, seems to grow straight out of primitive discipleship.189 Hannah Hunt described the externalisation of an inner state as typical of Syrian asceticism in which inner and outer purity coalesce and in which the ascesis of heart and mind took priority.190 The dialogue between internal and external is focussed for Ephrem in Christology: He [the Lord] was believed by means of what was visible, as also in the case of what was hidden; for he is God too, in a hidden manner, and a human person in a visible manner, seeing that, because of his humanity which was external it was evident that he was a human person, and because of his greatness which was internal it was believed that he was God.191 Brock confirmed Ephrem’s use of the contrast between the hidden and the revealed;192 Ephrem used the theme of the inner temple in which just as Christ became high priest, sacrifice and libation for us, we become temple, priest and sacrificial offering. ‘The temple is destroyed’ refers not only to the destruction by the Babylonians but also to the body of the Lord.193 Ephrem succinctly explained the ‘exchange’ of the Incarnation. It is He who was begotten of divinity according to his nature, and of humanity,

Monks and Methodists  183 which was not according to his nature, and of baptism, which was not His habit; So that we might be begotten of humanity, according to our nature, and of divinity, which is not according to our nature, and of the Spirit, which is not our habit.194 For Ephraim there is a unity in what might be regarded as a total epiclesis in the economy of salvation: See, Fire and Spirit in the womb that bore You see, Fire and Spirit in the river in which you were baptised. Fire and Spirit in our baptism, in the Bread and Cup, Fire and Holy Spirit.195 As in other Syrian texts, Ephrem moved very freely from the collective to the individual, from the church to the individual Christian, and vice-versa.196 In this Brock perceives a transition from historical time to eschatological time.197 Ephrem referred to two baptisms with regard to the Lord, that of water and that of the cross, repentance for sinners being a crucifixion for them. Here Ephrem speaks of interior and exterior persecutions with the underlying themes of martyrdom and ascesis.198 The Church was the ark of Noah in which all holy souls take refuge.199 By his blood, the Carpenter made a temple for his dwelling and the body is a temple made a royal palace for God. 200 Ephrem’s Christological perspective implied an ecclesiology: All of Him has been mixed into us by His compassion, and since he loves his church very much He did not give her the manna of a rival He had living bread for her to eat. 201 Ephrem’s reference to baptism is illuminating with regard to the monastic ‘second baptism’ tradition: The spattering of sins after you have been baptized can be washed with the washing of the sick. Since there is no baptizing again, there[should be] no sinning again, but since there is spattering, there is sprinkling. He who gave hope in baptism gave repentance lest hope be cut off by Him. But harsher is the work after you have been baptised than the work before you have been baptised

184  Monks and Methodists Sins before baptism by simple work are able to be atoned. And if the imprint of scars sullies [the Christian] baptism whitens and wipes clean. But sins after baptism with double works are able to be overturned. 202 Ephrem was a skilled poetic exegete who wove and expanded texts and images from scripture to refer to both individual and corporate subjects sometimes simultaneously. Vööbus concluded; In all the hymns and homilies of Ephrem the same cycle of themes, treated with love and rhetorical power, vibrates: guilt, death, judgement, and eternal punishment. Ephrem’s works were mostly written for the purpose of showing how the heart can be made to groan and moan. This is a fright that penetrates the monk’s life so thoroughly that he constantly lives under the spell of this heightened disposition, even to the point that he bears witness to this frame of mind on journeys, in eating or in sleeping.203 In the homily ‘On Hermits and Desert Dwellers’, according to Golitizin, Ephrem described the body of the holy man as the Church in its fulness, the place where the sacrifice of God is accomplished (Figures 5.4 and 5.5):204 They stay very late at service, and they rise early for service. The whole day and night, their occupation is the service. Instead of incense, which they do not have, their purity is reconciliation. And instead of church building, they become temples of the Holy Spirit. Instead of altars [they have] their minds. And as oblations, their prayers are offered to the Godhead, pleasing him at all times.205

John Wesley’s reading of Ephrem (Ephraim) Wesley initially read Ephrem during his time in Oxford. 206 While in America he recorded reading Ephrem in preparation for preaching on Sunday 19th. September and on Sunday 10th. October 1736. 207 Ephrem Syrus and Macarius influenced Wesley’s life and thought with consequential fallout effects upon his personal relationships including his attitude to marriage. One can only guess the emotional tension and somewhat conflicted passion incurred in reading Ephrem with Sophy Hopkey while romancing her during October and November 1736. This influenced his work in America, and his perspective on his own Anglican tradition and eventually the shaping of the emergent Methodist Connexion its preachers. 208 He also read Ephrem to a select group of parishioners:

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Figure 5.4  Title page from 1731 edition of the works of Ephrem the Syrian

I began with earnest crying to God to maintain His own cause, and after the evening prayers were ended invited a few to my house, as I did every night while I stayed at Frederica. I read to them out of the exhortations of Ephrem Syrus the most awakened writer, I think, of all the ancients. 209 He turned again to Ephrem in November 1736, and in March 1747 he records: (Ash Wednesday}. I spent some hours in reading The Exhortations of Ephrem Syrus. Surely never did any man, since David, give us such a picture of a broken and contrite heart. 210 In May 1761 he recounts a complete story from Ephrem: ‘I was much struck by a story told by Ephrem Syrus. I wonder it was never translated into English.’211

186  Monks and Methodists

Figure 5.5  Ephrem the Syrian (306–373)

This may be confirmation that Wesley was reading Ephrem in the Greek edition as this tale is not included in the English translation. Paul Wagner sheds valuable light on this and suggested a possible direct link between the hymns of Ephrem and those of the Wesleys.212 According to Gordon

Monks and Methodists  187 Wakefield, Ephrem was listed by Wesley as a representative of true Christianity, and as a kindred spirit. 213 He found among the themes common to both Macarius and Ephrem, the distinction between the essence and energies of God, and the circumcision of the heart - Ephrem represented Wesley’s ideal Methodist. 214 Above all both Ephrem and the Wesleys used poetry to expound theology, and Wakefield found resonances of Ephrem in the Wesleys’ texts, in which like him they promoted Nicene orthodoxy. 215 The theme of interior architecture is continued in Ephrem in the concept of the interior temple: Let us be builders of our own minds into temples suitable for God. If the Lord dwells in your house, honor will come to your door. How much your ‘honor’ will increase if God dwells within you. Be a sanctuary for him, even a priest, and serve him within your temple. Just as for your sake he became High priest, sacrifice, and libation; you, for his sake, become temple, priest, and sacrificial offering. Since your mind will become a temple, do not leave any filth in it; do not leave in God’s house anything hateful to God. Let us be adorned as God’s house, with what is attractive to God. If anger is there, lewdness abides there too; if rage is there, fumes will rise up from there. Expel grudges from there, and jealousy, whose reek is abhorrent. Bring in and install love there, as a censer full of fragrant incense. Gather up and take the dung out, odious liaisons and bad habits. Strew good fellowship around it, like blossoms and flowers. But instead of roses and lilies, decorate it with prayers. 216

188  Monks and Methodists Ephrem wrote in On Hermits and Desert Dwellers: Their bodies are temples of the Spirit, their minds are churches; Their prayer is pure incense, and their tears are fragrant smoke. Desolation fled from the desert, for sons of the kingdom dwell there; it became like a great city with the sound of psalmody from their mouths. Wherever one of them goes, peace reigns round about him, for an army of angels encamps with the one who loves God. Though he lives by himself as far as the body can observe, in his heart he is secretly allied to the assemblies of the sons above. When two dwell together, there is great love there; for there is no division or deceit, only love and tranquillity. And when there are three, harmony abides there, for there is no division or deceit, only love and tranquillity. Wherever four dwell, the Holy Spirit dwells with them, For they are like one body, a spotless temple for God. 217 In Wesleys edition of Cave’s Primitive Christianity for his Christian Library, he included some of the last words attributed to Ephraim. 218

John Wesley and the Homilies of Macarius (Pseudo-Macarius) (300–391) From an early age, Wesley had been taught reverence for the Fathers of the Church and in the context of the Oxford Holy Club, this found encouragement from John Clayton and others, with a particular interest in Ante-Nicene writers, who were for Wesley and others sources in their search for the primitive church. 219 Clement of Alexandria’s (c150–c215) Stromateis was a significant pattern for Wesley’s Character of a Methodist.220 Albert Outler indicated the particular motifs which Wesley derived from the Eastern Church: A therapeutic view of the ordo salutis as contrasted with any forensic one. The telos of human life in God. The person and primal agency of the Holy Spirit in Christian existence. Prevenient grace. The concordance of grace and free-will. The inspiration of scripture and its pneumatological interpretation. Salvation as the restoration of the Spirit of God in man. Ascesis and discipline in Christian living. The distinction between the moments of justification and sanctification. 221

Monks and Methodists  189 This trajectory of influence is increasingly recognised. David Bundy envisages a line of influence from Clement of Alexandria to Origen, to Mme. Guyon through to Wesley. 222 It is indisputable that the Methodist ecclesiolae took on some of the aspects of the ascetic community normally attributed to monastic living in both its coenobitic and eremitic forms, enabling this transference via ascetic literature and regulae for holy living.223 This was recognised by John Walsh in his analysis of Wesley’s primitive church ideal with regard to the early Christian koinonia of Acts: Wesley introduced into Protestantism through his doctrine of perfection something approaching the two-tier ethical system of Catholic antiquity, but firmly laicized it, removing the perfectionist imperative from the monastic community and placing it firmly on the shoulders of the ordinary folk of his societies. 224 Seventeenth and eighteenth-century Anglicanism held great store by the search for, and its connection with, what was considered the authentic primitive church, as evidenced by John Wesley’s reading of both Fleury and Horneck, as well as William Law. 225 Ted Campbell in his analysis of Wesley’s regard for ‘primitive’ Christianity described Wesley’s intention as an ‘act of traditioning’ in which he drew upon the past to relate it to his own times. Frances Young shares a similar perspective when she comments: Wesley published translations of texts he knew as the Spiritual Homilies of Macarius of Egypt for his largely uneducated, working-class preachers, and ‘Macarius’ sounds just like Wesley as the perfectionism of the old ascetic movement is democratized and promulgated as the true gospel of transformation. There was no hermeneutical gap. 226 Campbell described Wesley as seeking pockets of pure Christianity which inevitably led him to the pre-Constantinian monastic tradition exemplified in Ephrem Syrus and Macarius.227 Their lives and writings supported his emphasis on holiness of heart and life and related in particular to Wesley’s emphasis on sanctification and a disciplined life. 228 Wesley read Macarius before and after Aldersgate 1738, abridging the Homilies around 1750. 229 His first reference to this in his Journal is 30th. July 1736. 230 The transference from the monastic tradition and its literature to the theological literary provision for the Methodist people is notable in Wesley’s publication of edited extracts from the Homilies of Pseudo-Macarius in his Christian Library, 231 It is likely he knew both the Pritius edition of 1698, and the Haywood translation of 1721. Campbell suggested that this edition prioritised the place of Macarius’ writings in relation to sanctification and morality. 232

190  Monks and Methodists

Macarian Homilies: Haywood’s introduction In the Haywood edition of Macarius, there are indications of the ecclesiola movement of the Covenanters of the early Syrian Church which appear to prefigure the relationship of the Methodist societies to the Church of England. Given Wesley’s rather negative perspective on the monasteries which appeared largely unappreciative of institutional asceticism, Haywood is more moderate in his discrimination: Whatever the censure the Romish cloisters and religious houses at this day may be liable to, the ancient Christians in Egypt at least, who properly were the first model and precedent of the recluse fraternities are no way to be reckoned as obnoxious upon their account. Tho’ all kinds of monastic institution might descend from our Egyptians; yet certainly do they differ from them, as much in point of purity as of time. At the spring or fountain head the water is quite another thing from the wandring streams and rivulets, which mingle as they flow, and vary in proportion to their distance, clime and soil. Nor do I know of any necessity there is to condemn absolutely whatever we meet with even in the Church of Rome of a monastic kind. In the very eldest times of the Egyptian solitude, there might be some here and there that deviated from the rules and examples of their respective fraternities, is both natural to expect and is supposed by our very author.… these very instances were too few to balance the general reputation of the true fraternities whose real virtue and substantial piety were like the waters of the Nile to Egypt; They made glad the city of God without the least ostentation, while the secret spring, like the head of that river, lay concealed within its own humility. 233 Haywood recorded the recommendation of the Egyptian monks by Gregory of Nyssa, and Sulpicius Severus who celebrated the monks of Egypt, praised the anchorites and admired the hermits, and had seen many fathers leading the angelic life. 234 Such retirement was a duty for this new kind of prophet, who from solitary living in the wilderness of the desert produced perfect inward politeness and gentleness, fulfilling a prophecy that God would lead his Church into the wilderness to make it a paradise. 235 Having distinguished the author of the Homilies from others of the same name, Haywood gives a brief biography mentioning how Macarius, respected as ‘a young old man’ was ordained presbyter, and after persecution under ­Valens headed for Scetis where he was regarded as the founder of solitaries. 236 Haywood drew upon the Historia Lausiaca and the Apothegmata and also from a Greek manuscript in the Bodleian Library. 237 He explored the various editions of Macarius’ text, one of several books he believed used by

Monks and Methodists  191 Egyptian recluses, and copied down by junior monks. 238 From the Greek manuscript Haywood pointed out the prime focus of Macarius’ texts: What he continually labours to cultivate in himself and others is, the real life of God in the heart and soul which consists in righteousness and peace and joy in the Holy Ghost…to recover that divine image we were made in, to be made conformable to Christ our head. Whatever the abuses of more recent times Macarius never once pretends to slight or neglect the sacraments or public service of the Church or forms of prayer. 239 Haywood indicated that the monks of Egypt like Macarius valued Plato. While there may be errors in the text, these homiles, according to Haywood, were transcribed by younger monks as they were spoken, the questions in the text being points raised by them at the time. 240 Macarius may have been censured for his apatheia (ἀπάθεια), but this is nothing more than deliverance from the passions. 241 The excesses practiced by some monks in the history of the monks of Palestine (Cyril of Scythopolis c525–c559) cannot be attributed to Macarius who rather sought that as our outward man decays our inner man might be renewed.242 Macarius commended the austerity which belonged to the monastic cell in which we ought to weep and bewail our sins and practice fasting. 243 Haywood recounted extensively the death of Macarius from Paphnutius the Great (d.c350), including the guard of angels which escorted him to heaven. 244 He regarded austerity under the Gospel as the curtains of the outward tabernacle shielding the Shekinah within.245 He recounted from the Apothegmata how Macarius would drink a glass of wine with the brethren as a courtesy but deprive himself of drink afterwards. 246 Macarius was not swayed in his view by enthusiasts; while he insisted on the essentials of the Christian life he laid no stress on the single, married, public or private life, prioritising neither viriginity, nor marriage, nor monastic over secular life, for God may be served in them all.247 In commending the monasteries of Egypt from which many bishops were chosen Haywood did not venerate any less more recent divines, particularly Laud. 248 In Haywood’s Introduction Wesley could only find praise and commendation for this reasonable asceticism, and even within it an impression from Macarius’ place within the ‘Sons of the Covenant’, that the path to holiness of life was for all. Campbell details the place of degrees of perfection, the sanctification of the Spirit and baptism of fire and the Holy Spirit in the Homilies; in Wesley’s selection he sees a prominent place given to holiness and perfection, assurance of faith, and eternal life. 249 In particular, there is a significant shift in the opening lines of Homily 45, (Wesley’s Homily 20). This homily explains God’s kinship with humankind in the coming of Christ to heal us. The text begins

192  Monks and Methodists ‘He who has chosen the eremitical life ought to regard all things in the world as strange.’250 In Haywood’s translation of 1721, possibly the edition John Wesley read and abbreviated, this line reads: ‘He that hath made the solitary life his choice ought to look upon all things he meets within this world, as out of his way and foreign to him,’251 In the original Pritius edition of 1698 ‘solitary’ or ‘eremitical life’ is given as μονήρη or solitariam, 252 and this is followed in the edition of Migne. 253 In Wesley’s edition for his Christian Library, possibly drawing upon Heywood, there is a subtle shift: He that hath made Christ his choice, ought to look on all things in this world as out of his way and foreign to him. 254 In this Wesley lifted this text from its monastic milieu, transferring it from its coenobitic or eremitic context to the life of the Methodist people. Yet while this may seem an egalitarian spiritual perspective, strangely Wesley also mirrored the selectiveness of the monastic tradition in his ‘select societies’, classes, and his construction of groups within groups, in the inner ‘bands’ of the more spiritually earnest seeking perfection. 255 Many of the themes found in Macarius resonate with the situations of Wesley’s ministry and the developing identity of Methodism. Marcus Plested indicates how Macarius was writing during a time of tension between the church hierarchy and the ascetic movement with its wilder elements. Here it was important to keep the movement within the wider Church, an ecclesiological context similar to that of the early Methodists.256 Plested indicates how as formal monasticism was waning, Macarius was fighting against complacent faith in structures of the church, and pointing out the insufficiency of outward practices, resonant issues within Pietism as Arndt appreciated, and for Methodism.257 Macarius is inclusive, preferring to address Christians rather than monks which relates to his sense of monasticism as being n ­ othing less than authentic Christianity, for the common baptism entailed ascesis and growth in grace.258 In this, he structured the Church in exterior /interior form similar to the Liber Graduum.259 He prefigures Bayly and Horneck in his advice on unceasing prayer which transmutes into prayer in all the daily circumstances of life.260 Albert Outler indicated the importance of Macarius for Wesley: Wesley knew and greatly admired Macarius the Egyptian. In his extracts of those homilies and in his highly favourable references to Ephraem Syrus, we see the same vision of Christian existence which he also had come to have: viz., the progressive surrender of the human will to God, always freely out of love, the prevenient action of the Holy Spirit in all human re-activity, the changes rung on the theme of impartation and participation in God’s grace, ‘metousia theou’ (the overflow) of the superabundance of divine goodness. 261

Monks and Methodists  193 Given Wesley’s ambivalent attitude to the Constantinian patronage of the Church, although as an Anglican there seems to be a little protest at English establishment; (the King sent Wesley masts of dismantled ships from the shipyard for use in the building of his City Road chapel), there is some parallel to the Methodist societies and the Church which mirrors the attachment and ambiguity of monks and ascetics with regard to the Church and the episcopate. While the desert fathers and mothers rejoiced in the communion of saints, some of them make little reference to baptism and eucharist which was a criticism of Messalian ascetics. 262 Coleman Ford analyzed the use of the Macarian Homilies in Wesley’s exposition of Christian perfection in his Plain Account of Genuine Christianity. This included mortification of the flesh and receiving the gift of the Spirit. Ford indicated in particular a shared optimism of grace, the interior struggle, and human free will in choosing sin, with some difference on the relationship between faith and sanctification. For Macarius this appeared to be more an ongoing search than it did for Wesley.263 David Bundy indicates how influential Horneck was as a conduit for mediating themes from Clement of Alexandria to Wesley.264 He traced a threefold pattern in Macarius which he believed was influential for Wesley: Initial grace, spiritual warfare, and Christian perfection.265 Most revealing are the amendments and refinements Wesley made with a less optimistic perspective on humanity, removal of Platonic ideas of the soul, and excision of any possible erotic references. Other deletions of Macarian texts outlined by Bundy are: Language suggesting the ability to achieve perfection in this life (including deification and theosis). References to cosmology and creation. The suggestion that the Holy Spirit removes corruption and leads us to perfection when we ask. The statement that the soul can ‘be held by the Godhead.’ Correspondences between the experience of the Christian soul and sacrificial language. Many references to the initial alienation of the soul from God as identified with the ‘kingdom of Darkness,’ completeness of the suffering soul causing the body to suffer. Most discussions of the Incarnation. Most radical or graphic discussions of spiritual warfare Encouragement of Christians to surrender themselves completely to God and trust God for Christian perfection. 266 Campbell pointed out that in his use of Macarius Wesley deleted material extraneous to the ordo salutis, and generally omitted passages which gave any priority to the human will in the operation of divine grace.267 Matthew Friedman suggested that Wesley developed the theme of theosis in Macarius to explain how a Spirit-filled life radiates its influence into the world. 268

194  Monks and Methodists The theology of the Macarian Homilies was also a considerable influence on Charles Wesley’s hymns.269

Macarius and Messalianism It is recognised that the Homilies are unlikely to derive directly from the hand of Macarius of Egypt, although they could be from a monastic context related to him.270 John Meyendorff set Macarius’ work in a wider context pointing out the difficulty of identifying Messalianism itself. He finds nothing Messalian in the Pseudo-Macarian texts, particularly since they have regard for the sacraments. In his view the Macarian writings, which were respected in the monastic milieu, suggested an alternative to Messalian thinking, seeking to keep monasticism within the great Church and guarding against the tendency towards separation. Macarius, he believed, stood at the centre of the process by which the Cappadocian fathers sought to integrate ascetic living within the Church.271 It is possible that Gregory of Nyssa used Macarius’ Great Letter, attached to the Homilies in his De Instituto Christiano,272 but it is also argued that influence was in the reverse direction. However this was ordered, it is clear that in his reading of the Homilies Wesley was drawing upon a Syrian monastic tradition.273 This was recognised by Outler: Wesley knew, and indeed, extracted the “40th Homily” of Macarius. Now there is enough consonance between that particular homily, and others, of course, and Gregory’s ‘De Instituto Christiano’ that we do not have to wait for a wholly rigorous proof of direct literary dependence to be able to see the basic identity of the views of Christian existence involved. The genre of spiritual and ascetical theology in Macarius, and in Ephraem, and in Gregory, is so nearly the same, that is seems to me quite safe to conclude that Wesley, in his conscious exposure to Macarius and Ephraem…had placed himself within the spiritual world of Christian Platonism, in which Gregory of Nyssa stands as the greatest master.274 Themes within the Homilies which may be attributed to Messalianism were common in Syrian monasticism of the time, and Golitizin warns against indiscriminate categorical attribution other than the proper recognition of contextual influences. 275 In reading and editing the Homilies Wesley regarded them as directly from the hand of Macarius and it is unlikely he would share any anti-­ sacramental perspective. 276 Juana Raasch situated Macarius in the stream of Syrian or Aramaic Christianity which is the milieu of the Gospel of Thomas, but identified the author of the Macarian Homilies with Symeon-Macarius whose works were condemned at anti-Messalian councils. She stressed that for Macarius only the interior life matters, the inner struggle of the heart in which both God and the Devil may reside and which requires inner purification in following the call to holiness.277

Monks and Methodists  195 David Ford summarises the commonalities and differences between Macarius and Wesley which he explores further: Agreement

Disagreement

Christian life as a continuing conscious Wesley’s separation of justification experience of the presence of God from sanctification The dynamism of Christian growth in perfection, even in heaven.

Wesley’s emphasis on instantaneous acquisition of complete sanctification/holiness/perfection

The constant need to strive against Wesley’s emphasis on the role of one’s all sin and for all virtues, especially own faith in gaining this humility, repentance, good works, detachment (apatheia), abandonment of self-will to God The beneficial role of suffering in this process

Wesley’s stress upon the ‘witness of the Spirit’ as evidence that this state had been attained.

Christian perfection as the recovery of the image of God in man

Wesley’s encouragement to speak of one’s own sanctification to others.

The limitations on this ‘perfection’ in this life due to bodily existence in a fallen world, subject to the influence of sin and demons.

Wesley’s tendency to describe the goal of the Christian life as the attainment of this state of perfection, rather than simply seeking God.

The description of Christian life as continual watchfulness and spiritual warfare The possibility of falling away from true holiness The ever-present danger of spiritual delusion, especially through pride and presumption. 278

John English indicated the salient ideas which Wesley found in Macarius as dependence upon the Holy Spirit, engagement in constant prayer, and the possibility of perfection in this life.279 Howard Snyder similarly described the common themes in Macarius, Gregory of Nyssa, and Wesley: Salvation is seen fundamentally in terms of the restoration of the image of God. Human beings have free will, the capacity for choosing good and changing toward that which is perfect. Perfection is participation in the divine Spirit.

196  Monks and Methodists Love is the supreme virtue in perfection. The Christian must strive to attain perfection. Christ is the Christian’s model. Christ’s work as universal. 280 The emphasis on unceasing prayer in Macarius may imply use of the Orthodox tradition of the Jesus Prayer. 281 In his analysis of the practices of the early Oxford Methodists, English revealed how their times of prayer reflected the monastic hours. 282 Frances Young’s analysis of the Homilies confirmed their emphasis on the struggle for Christian perfection and the restoration of the Imago Dei in the soul. This perfection was described by Wesley as perfect love, although both Macarius and he agree that this can never be secure in this life. 283 Young notes how the martyrdom of blood is replaced by the struggle of the desert monk, and how this inner struggle, a prominent theme in Macarius, in Wesley’s transferred view distinguishes Christians from others. 284 Macarius’ emphasis on inward change found an echo in Wesley, alongside his understanding of the communion of saints, aspects of spirituality which accorded with the mysticism of the desert. 285 Within the Macarian tradition there was an emphasis on inner versus outer, in which the Christian is the temple of God, interiorising the Holy of ­Holies, so that Macarius shared in the structural metaphor, shifting from place to person, 286 from the temple to the interior of the heart.

The True Temple Alexander Golitzin pointed to sources in the Orthodox mystical tradition, which emphasized the interior church of the heart, balanced with a recognition of the external economy of the Church, its hierarchy, and liturgy. He indicated how, within the Macarian tradition, the same emphasis on the inner life in relation to the Church as a whole related to other monastic writers on the interiority of the cloister: this motif is well established in the Syriac-speaking Christian tradition from at least the same time as Macarius. We find it chiefly in the mysterious Syriac work known as the Liber Graduum and its account of the relation between the inner and outer church bears striking resemblance to what we have just seen in Macarius.287 He translated from Macarius’ Homily 52 in the longer collection of Macarian Homilies: The whole visible arrangement [oikonomia] of the Church of God came to pass for the sake of the living and intelligible being [noera ousia] of the rational soul [logikes psyches]... which is the living and true Church

Monks and Methodists  197 of God ... For the Church of Christ and Temple of God and true altar and living sacrifice is the man of God. Thus, he continues, just as the Old Dispensation was the shadow of the New, “so is the present and visible Church a shadow of the rational and true inner man.”288

Monks and Moravians Largely because of their engagement with the world, Wesley preferred the preaching friars to monks. 289 He maintained a remarkable friendship with Peter Adams (known also as Watson/Adams), a former Franciscan friar. Adams had visited Wesley at the Newcastle orphan house, and he invited Wesley to his home in Osmotherley. Adams had caused some problems for the Franciscans as he had left the order and married. It appears he was living in the Old Hall, which may have incorporated the Franciscan chapel in which Wesley preached, in an ecumenical move astonishing for the time. Wesley visited Adams sixteen times in all.290 In his account of his visit to Osmotherley Wesley mentions the nearby Carthusian ruins of Mount Grace: Tuesday September 17th: I saw the poor remains of the old chapel on the brow of the hill, as well as those of the Carthusian monastery (called Mount Grace) at the foot of it. The walls of the church, the cloister, and some of the cells are tolerably entire; and one may still discern the partitions between the little gardens, one of which belonged to every cell. Who knows but that some of the poor superstitious monks who once served God here according to the light they had, may meet us by and by in that house of God, ‘not made with hands eternal in the heavens’?291 The coincidence of this visit was not lost on Nehemiah Curnock, the editor of Wesley’s Journal, who pointed out the congruence of a former gownboy from Charterhouse School visiting another of the ten former English Carthusian charterhouses; although even if Wesley made the connection, particularly given the fate of the London Charterhouse brethren, he was somewhat dismissive. (Figures 5.6–5.9) In his encounter with Pietism, Wesley292 met Zinzendorf and visited the Herrnhut settlement293 in Germany. He encountered the Moravians on his voyage to America, and the Moravian Peter Böhler was influential in giving him spiritual counsel, but later Wesley was guarded towards Moravians.294 Wesley extracted from Arndt’s True Christianity for his Christian Library and professed high regard for Francke, 295 having translated Francke’s Nicodemus 296 as well as many of the hymns of Gerhard Tersteegen. 297 The Moravians and Methodists in London parted company largely over the ‘stillness’ controversy in which Moravians advocated silence and waiting on God.

198  Monks and Methodists

Figure 5.6  Roman Catholic Church in the Old Hall, Osmotherley. ©Colin Hinson.

Figure 5.7  T he Roman Catholic Church in the Old Hall, Osmotherley, interior. ©Anthony Cairns.

Monks and Methodists  199

Figure 5.8  T he Shrine of Our Lady of Mount Grace, North Yorkshire. ©Michael McGeary.

Figure 5.9  Mount Grace Priory (Charterhouse), North Yorkshire. ©Kenneth Carveley.

200  Monks and Methodists

Structure form and meaning Much has been written on the early Methodist societies which continued the influence of the Oxford ‘Holy Club’ after Wesley’s mixed success in his American mission. Luke Keefer indicates how in the formation of ecclesiolae Wesley was influenced by Fleury’s Manners of the Ancient Christians, imitating, so he believed, the pattern of life of the early Jerusalem Church. and a more primitive ethos than the Church of England. 298 Wesley in his encounter with the Moravians on the way to America, in Georgia, and on his visit to Herrnhut and Halle following his Aldersgate experience, shifted his perspective from a somewhat enclosed and rigid reading of texts such as the Apostolic Constitutions and a precisionist insistence, influenced by the spirituality of the Moravians to a more functional view of ecclesiology. 299 Keefer regards the societies begun by Anthony Horneck as the stimulus for Wesley’s formation of the Methodist societies and their associated rules, and summarized the tense relationship between Methodists and the Church of England: In his mind the true Church of England was not the institution established by English law but that body of believers within the institution who had true faith. With these people he believed he was in the closest bond of fellowship, even though he differed from the leadership or the regulations of the institution.300 Wesley’s view, according to Keefer, was that all church structures were mutable compared to the constancy of the Gospel. In this the preaching of the Gospel took priority over form and structures, apostolic succession judged by apostolic success.301 Wesley’s retrospective view of church history influenced by Stillingfleet and Cave, was framed by his ideal in the formation of Methodist societies, reminiscent of the fourth-century church’s frisson of uncertainty about the monastic movement. This is reflected in the problem of how Methodist lay preachers related to wider church structures under what Wesley regarded as a special dispensation of providence and missiological imperatives.302 Wesley’s interest in early Christian thought and practice was then confirmed in his contacts with Pietist thinking which was a like-minded conduit for some of the works he discovered such as Macarius which Arndt read and memorized and Gottfried Arnold translated.303 Monasticism had a negative estimation in the poetry and hymns of Charles Wesley. Although he emphasized fellowship and the catholic sense of the Church he appears set against the monastic tradition, famously, in his hymn ‘Except the Lord conduct the plan’:304 Not in the tombs we pine to dwell, Not in the dark monastic cell

Monks and Methodists  201 By vows and grates confined; Freely to all ourselves we give, Constrain’d by Jesu’s love to live The servants of mankind This disregarded monastic asceticism, preferring a clear missiological imperative. Jean Orcibal suggested Charles Wesley’s poems against the monastic life did not apply to the disciples of Franҫois de Sales.305 However Charles wrote affirmatively of solitude: While to the work their lives they give, Thy love of solitude inspire: Nightly let thy disciples leave The crowd, and to the mount retire, Secretly call’d to rest apart, And talk with Jesus in their heart.306 and in line with this he offered a Methodist lectio divina: When quiet in my house I sit, Thy Book be my companion still, My joy Thy sayings to repeat, Talk o’er the records of Thy will, And search the oracles divine, Till every heartfelt word be mine.307 He inferred the inadequacy of seeking salvation in the monastic cell: O who shall bid this self depart, This world of sin exclude, Empty, and make my peaceful heart An holy solitude? ‘Tis not the desert, or the cell Can hide me from my pain, I carry with me my own hell, While self and pride remain.308 To the desert, or the cell; Let others blindly fly, In this evil world I dwell, Unhurt, unspotted, I. Here I find an house of prayer, To which I inwardly retire, Walking unconcern’d in care, And unconsum’d in fire.309

202  Monks and Methodists Here monastic life was substituted by the inward cloister or hermitage and the virtual imprint of the interior monastery. It seems clear that, Charles Wesley found inspiration in Luke de Beaulieu’s text of Claustrum Animae, whose direct influence can be traced in lines of his hymns, some of which are still well known: Luke de Beaulieu

Charles Wesley

How thou didst lay by thy glories to intitle us to them. 310

He laid his glory by, He wrapped him in our clay 311

I have opposed the following Treatise of Divine Love or The Love of Jesus, which I hope will help to rekindle or at least stir up the holy fire in some Christian souls. 312

Kindle a flame of sacred love On the mean altar of my heart

When I first gave up my name to Jesus, when he first began to shew and seal his love to me. 314

Send him our souls to sanctify And shew and seal us ever thine315

God hath made a short work upon earth (saith St. Aug.) by contracting his immensity into the narrow dimensions of Man316

Our God contracted to a span Incomprehensibly made man317

Therefore Love is called the bond of Perfectness318

This is the bond of perfectness, Thy spotless charity319

Jesus shall reign in my heart; him will I love; him will I serve; him will I endeavour to please in all things. 320

When I have my Saviour my sin shall depart, And Jesus for ever shall reign in my heart321

Still let me guard the holy fire, And still stir up thy gift in me313

One heart and one soul: John Wesley and the community of goods in Acts Propriety was there unknown, None called what he possessed his own; Where all the common blessings share, No selfish happiness was there. 

Charles Wesley

John Walsh explores succinctly the interpretative stratagems of post-Restoration exegetes to explain the nature of the ideal common life described in Acts 2.43–47; 4.32–37.322 This could range from an unrepeatable Pentecostal effect, moderated common use of goods and property,

Monks and Methodists  203 incitement to almsgiving, or a counsel of perfection – complete surrender. Walsh described Wesley’s perspective on Acts as filtered through his reading of Fleury, Horneck, and William Law among others. For Wesley, the template of the common life in Acts was fixed as the pattern for authentic Christian fellowship in all ages, and he sought opportunities to make the common life a reality from the Oxford Holy Club onwards.323 He believed that once the impact of the Acts pattern was realized it would have ecumenical consequences as inward holiness was matched by a common ­Pentecostal koinonia across all Christian traditions in every place.324 This was slightly frustrated by the apparent reluctance of some Methodists to keep the fasts of the primitive church in the pattern of the Holy Club, in which they were somewhat put to shame by the practice of Church of Scotland communicants.325

Refining the soul In his constant search for scriptural holiness and entire sanctification Wesley implicitly recognised that this might not be possible for the entire Church. He constructed groups of increasing spiritual refinement from the members of the Methodist societies, like a set of Russian matryoshka, until he was confident that select souls had attained complete surrender of life and goods. In this Wesley’s Rules echoed the tenor of monastic regulae in gathering those who desired spiritual advice, commitment beyond that sought by ordinary believers, who might also contribute to a common fund.326 The developing Connexion of Methodism, itself an ecclesiola within the Church of England, was under continual process of refinement in the pursuit of holy living, much as the traditional monastic orders underwent reform and reinvention, influencing the mixed life which was possible for all in the search for apostolic authenticity. What seems clear from Walsh’s analysis is that Wesley recognized two ways of Christian living, which mirrored not only suspected Essene influence upon Christian beginnings, but also the Syriac tradition in Ephrem and Macarius, and the distinction between precepts and counsels that so occupied Bernard of Clairvaux and others in the pursuit of holiness. Wesley regarded this distinction as part of primitive Christianity, allowing for a spiritual elite following the counsels of perfection, from whom more was expected in an ascetic rule of life more dedicated than that of the majority of believers who lived full engaged with the world, in what some might regard as a compromise. This, as Walsh indicated, is more fully revealed in Wesley’s sermon on The More Excellent Way:327 ‘…there have been from the beginning two orders of Christians. The one lived an innocent life, conforming in all things, not sinful, to the

204  Monks and Methodists customs and fashions of the world; doing many good works, abstaining from gross evils, and attending the ordinances of God. They endeavoured, in general, to have a conscience void of offence in their outward behaviour, but did not aim at any particular strictness, being in most things like their neighbours. The other sort of Christians not only abstained from all appearance of evil, were zealous of good works in every kind, and attended all the ordinances of God, but likewise used all diligence to attain the whole mind that was in Christ, and laboured to walk, in every point, as their beloved Master. In order to this they walked in a constant course of universal self-denial, trampling on every pleasure which they were not divinely conscious prepared them for taking pleasure in God. They took up their cross daily. They strove, they agonized without intermission, to enter in at the strait gate. This one thing they did, they spared no pains to arrive at the summit of Christian holiness; “leaving the first principles of the doctrine of Christ, to go on to perfection;” to “know all that love of God which passeth knowledge, and to be filled with all the fulness of God.”328 According to Wesley, the higher order of Christians were those who kept to the narrow way aspiring to the heights and depths of holiness while the lower order served God in a measure looking for God’s mercy when life ended and should be encouraged by the opportunity to come up higher.329 This should find expression in the dedicated use of possessions and in charitable giving after the pattern of the first Oxford Methodists, who in turn took their example from the primitive church, but who now in their turn become an exemplar. Such commitment was to be moderated only by any family responsibilities.330 As is common in Wesley’s thinking, all is set fair for living with common possessions more or less throughout the first three centuries, even through persecution, only to face decline when wealth and honours entered the Church under Constantinian patronage.331 This process of constant interior refinement was well expressed by Charles Wesley: Refining fire, go through my heart, Illuminate my soul; Scatter thy life through every part, And sanctify the whole.332

Later Methodist evaluations Many Methodists recognized a monastic pattern in early Methodist spirituality and this was a matter for comment as in the life of Joseph Cownley among the Lives of the Early Methodist Preachers.333

Monks and Methodists  205 In the early twentieth century the Methodist scholar Herbert Workman examined in a somewhat romantic perspective the relation of Methodism to monasticism in his contribution to volume one of A New History of Methodism (1909), and more particularly in The Evolution of the Monastic Ideal (1937). In this later volume, he explored the inner meaning of monasticism. He attributed the rise of monasticism to the fading of chiliasm and the Constantinian establishment of the Church. 334 He regarded monasticism as the assertion of the lay spirit against Catholic sacerdotalism. 335 Recent studies reveal early monasticism as a diversity of hermits and communities, 336 whereas Workman suggested a development from the lone eremite to the Scete as coenobiticism emerged. 337 He saw early prototypes of what Methodism would call connexionalism in the Cluniac order and the Cistercians. 338 He eventually reached Nonconformity both in England and America as the legatee of the monastic tradition, upholding anti-sacerdotalism; the Methodist class meeting and family religion were some of the farther reaches of religious discipline and renunciation. Methodists were the true heirs of monastic ascesis and community, with the laity as ‘priests unto God’. 339 Gordon Rupp noted Workman’s insistence on the unity and continuity which he believed ran through all the ages of the Church in which the parallels he drew between Methodists, monks, and mystics he believed were ‘sensitive and pertinent’. 340 Matthew Herbst suggested that in a less ecumenical age Methodism regarded monasticism as having perverted Christianity rather than continuing and preserving it:341 The Methodist outlook, shaped by the Reformation tradition, found no place for monasticism. Methodism could have no cloister. While monasticism had been a dynamic force in the Christian world since the time of Antony of Egypt (d.356), to the Protestant world it appeared like a relic of time past, part of the ‘monkish ideal gone forever. 342 Whereas once Methodists generally held a somewhat negative view of monasticism, 343 in the later twentieth century there was some re-evaluation of the relationship between them: a good case can be made that the Wesley Movement functioned much as a monastic order within the Church of England. Thus it was only a matter of time until the idea would occur to create an ecumenical monastic community birthed by the interplay of the Benedictine tradition with the spirituality of United Methodism—for the renewal of Protestantism in general and Methodism in particular.344 A further outcome of Methodist/Benedictine dialogue was the document Watching Over One Another in Love, which sought to establish a

206  Monks and Methodists Methodist Rule of Life using Wesley’s General Rules of the United Societies and the UMC Book of Discipline. More recent perspectives on the relationship between monks and Methodists came from a consultation in Rome in 1994 on Sanctification in the Benedictine and Wesleyan Traditions from which Geoffrey Wainwright’s analysis and exposition was published.345 As he saw it, coenobitic Benedictine life provided ample opportunities for service, and may be seen from the Methodist view as ‘a possible expression of that love of neighbour in which the Wesleys judged holiness to consist.’ He proposed the sources for defining this relationship: On the Benedictine side the main resources will be early monasticism, the Rule for Monks of St. Benedict, and (very selectively) the history of Benedictinism. On the Methodist side, the chief theological texts will be John Wesley’s brief portrait of ‘The Character of a Methodist’ (1742) and his sermon 85, ‘On Working Out Our Own Salvation With Fear and Trembling’ (1785) with supporting material from the hymns of Charles Wesley (so important in the lex orandi of classical Methodism) and illustrations from the life and practice of the Wesleys and of other early and later Methodists.346 Common ground lay in the Benedictine rule and in the commendation of works of piety, Wesley’s provisions for family and private prayer, reading of the Scriptures, the Lord’s Supper, works of mercy, and conversation as elements of spirituality which related to the monastic tradition. Wesley’s emphasis mirrored the primary monastic requirement that the monk attend to the salvation of his own soul.347 Compenetration of prayer and work in the monastic context, particularly from the Great Rule of St. Basil, was reflected in early Methodism.348 Prayer was a work for the desert fathers, in a monastic life in which all was for the glory of God. John Wesley’s Character of a Methodist described a Methodist as one who ‘prays without ceasing’: But his heart is ever lifted up to God, at all times and in all places. In this he is never hindered, much less interrupted, by any person or thing. In retirement or company, in leisure, business, or conversation, his heart is ever with the Lord. Whether he lie down or rise up, God is in all his thoughts; he walks with God continually, having the loving eye of his mind still fixed upon him, and everywhere ‘seeing Him that is invisible’. By consequence, whatsoever he doeth, it is all to the glory of God. In all his employments of every kind, he not only aims at this, (which is implied in having a single eye) but actually attains it. His business and refreshments, as well as his prayers, all serve this great end.349

Monks and Methodists  207 In exploring Methodist similarities to the Benedictine tradition, Wainwright indicated how the early and traditional Methodist institutions of the annual conference and the quarterly meeting illustrate in communal form the concomitance of grace, faith, prayer and work(s): there the Methodists at appropriate geographical levels gathered in faith to pray, to sing, to partake in the Lord’s Supper and the love feast, and to hold ‘conversation on the work of God’.350 The Joint Commission between the Roman Catholic Church and the World Methodist Council recognized a similarity between John Wesley and Benedict ‘whose divine calling was similarly to a spiritual reform’, which gave rise to religious orders characterised by special forms of life and prayer, work, evangelisation and their own internal organisation. 351 If John Wesley believed there was no holiness but social holiness, then clearly the coenobium may be considered useful but not the hermitage. Wesley, for all his antipathy towards both nominal religion and monasticism and his appreciation and often unattributed and cautious use of monastic authors, appeared not to have realised how close he was to his father’s intuition concerning the religious societies, and to the ideals of monastic life in his assertion of bringing order where it was not before, and in the claustral suggestion of true Christian fellowship, peace, love, and joy in the Holy Spirit, where it did not exist in parishes. 352 The relationship between Methodism and monasticism is significantly summarised by Ted Campbell: lt is in this particular sense that early Methodism could be described as a “monastic” movement. Its members did not take traditional vows of poverty, chastity, and obedience, although voluntary celibacy and poverty (and obedience to the Conference) were in fact prominent features of the lives of early Methodist preachers. Most importantly, the system of Methodist “classes” and “societies” and “bands” did in fact establish criteria for community beyond those of Anglicanism at large, and even established grounds for a kind of Methodist “excommunication” that did not imply excommunication from Anglicanism. As a “society” within the Church of England, Methodism functioned parallel to the way in which religious orders had functioned in Catholicism, and one of the most intriguing contemporary proposals for Methodist identity is that Methodists should align themselves globally not as a church or denomination, but rather as a kind of “religious order” whose distinctive membership cuts across the boundaries of existing ecclesial communions or new ecumenical unions.353

208  Monks and Methodists A final monastic imprimatur of Methodism comes somewhat reluctantly from the critique of John Henry Newman as he founded his own community at Littlemore. Methodism and dissent may, in his view, be the foster mothers of the Church of England’s abandoned children, however Newman could not but recognize in them the monastic resonance in the search

Figure 5.10  William Hogarth reveals the hidden monastic tonsure of the Methodist preacher. ©New York Public Library digital editions. Dobson 260(ii); Paulson 210; BM Sat. 2425; Tilden II:34.

Monks and Methodists  209 for more serious spirituality and holiness beyond the established church of his time (Figure 5.10):354 In Protestant countries, where monastic orders are unknown, men run into separatism with this object. Methodism has carried off into its own exceptionable discipline many a sincere and zealous Christian, whose heart needed what he found not in the Established Church. Whether there is any way of evangelising large towns, but that of posting bodies of a monastic character, for the purpose of preaching and visiting, among the dense and ignorant population.355 How much was gained in purity, as well as unity, to Christianity, by that monastic system, which with us, is supplied by Methodism and dissent.356

Notes 1 David Knowles, Bare Ruined Choirs: The Dissolution of the English Monasteries (Cambridge, 1976), 212, 213. cf. James Clark, The Dissolutiom of the Monasteries: A New History (New Haven & London, 2021), 67. 2 A.L. Maycock, Nicholas Ferrar of Little Gidding (London, 1938), 198, 199; A.L. Maycock, Chronicles of Little Gidding (London, 1954), 10, 11; The Arminian Nunnery (anon), or a briefe description of the late erected Monasticall place called the Arminian Nunnery at Little Gidding in Huntingdonshire (London, 1641). 3 Mary Astell, A Serious Proposal to the Ladies (London, 1697), 36; Jacqueline Broad and Karen Green, A History of Women’s Political Thought in Europe, 1400–1700 (Cambridge, 2014), 265–283. 4 Sarah Apetrei, ‘“Call No Man Master Upon Earth”: Mary Astell’s Tory Feminism and an Unknown Correspondence’, Eighteenth-Century Studies, 41/4 (2008), 517, 518. 5 F.W.B. Bullock, Voluntary Religious Societies, 1520–1799 (St. Leonards-onSea, 1963), 129–31; J.S. Simon, John Wesley and the Religious Societies (London, 1921), 10, 11, 19, 20. 6 Scott Thomas Kisker, Foundation for Revival: Anthony Horneck, the Religious Societies and the Construction of an Anglican Pietism (Lanham, MD, 2008), 173–203; Richard Kidder, The Life of The Reverend Anthony Horneck, DD, Late Preacher at the Savoy (London, 1698), 12, 13; Scott Thomas Kisker, ‘Pietist Connections with English Anglicans and Evangelicals’, in Douglas H. Shantz (ed.), A Companion to German Pietism (Leiden, 2015), 232–234. 7 Robert Somerville, The Savoy: Manor, Hospital, Chapel (London, 1960), 77, 78. 8 Ted Campbell, ‘Wesley’s Use of the Church Fathers’, The Asbury Theological Journal 50(2) (Fall 1995)/51(1) (Spring 1996), 65.63; Ted Campbell, John Wesley’s Conceptions and Uses of Christian Antiquity. Southern Methodist University PhD Thesis 1984, 124–126. 9 William Penn, No Cross, No Crown (London, 1726), 1.295. 10 Samuel Wesley, The Pious Communicant Rightly Prepar’d or a Discourse Concerning the Blessed Sacrament (London, 1700). 11 S. Wesley, Pious Communicant, 196, cf. Josiah Woodward, An Account of the Rise and Progress of the Religious Societies in the City of London (London, 1750). cf. William Gibson, Samuel Wesley and the Crisis of Tory Piety 1685–1720 (Oxford, 2021), 64–89. 12 S. Wesley, Pious Communicant, 196.

210  Monks and Methodists 13 Burnet’s History of My Own Time; a new edition, based on that of M. J. Routh, D.D. Burnet, Gilbert, 1643–1715; Airy, Osmund, 1845–1928 (ed.) Vol. 1. The Reign of Charles II. 246, 247. 14 S. Wesley, Pious Communicant, 203. 15 S. Wesley, Pious Communicant, 205, 206. 16 S. Wesley, Pious Communicant 206, 207. 17 Demonstrationes XVIII. 10. Patrologia Syriaca. Parisot. 1.1 MDCCCXCIV. 839, 840. Translated in Arthur Vööbus, On the Historical Importance of the Legacy of Pseudo-Macarius (Stockholm, 1972), 16. 18 Vööbus, On the Historical Importance. of the Legacy of Pseudo-Macarius, 18, 19. 19 Henry Abelove, The Evangelist of Desire (Stanford, 1990), 49.50. 20 Abelove, The Evangelist of Desire, 53. John Wesley, Thoughts on the Sin of Onan (London, 1767), The Revd John Wesley’s Extractions from Dr. Tissot. A Methodist Imprimatur. James G. Donat. History of Science, 39 (January 2001), 285–298. 21 Phyllis Mack, Heart Religion in the British Enlightenment: Gender and Emotion in Early Methodism (Cambridge, 2008), 90, 91. J.S. Simon, John Wesley and the Methodist Societies (London, 1937), 20, 27, 41–42, 214, 218. Frank Baker, John Wesley and the Church of England (London, 1970), 75–79. John Lawson, ‘The People Called Methodists: 2. Our Discipline’, in Rupert Davies, A. Raymond George, and Gordon Rupp (eds.), A History of the Methodist Church in Great Britain (London, 1965), 189–198. 22 Bufford W. Coe, John Wesley and Marriage (Cranbury NJ/London, 1996), 113. 23 Coe, John Wesley and Marriage, 72–79. Coe gives the whole case history of Wesley’s somewhat inept affair with Sophy Hopkey. 24 John Wesley, Journal. Wesley Works (Bicentennial edition ) Vol 18 Journals and Diaries I (1735–1738), 469–471 John Wesley, Journal. Nehemiah Curnock (ed.) (London, nd/) Vol. 1.315–318. 25 Coe, John Wesley and Marriage, 30–34. 26 Frank Baker, ‘John Wesley’s First Marriage’, Duke Divinity School Review, 31 (Autumn 1966), 179. 27 Augustin Leger, Wesley’s Last Love (London, 1910), 1–96. Geordan Hammond, John Wesley in America (Oxford, 2014), 172–174. 28 Leger, Wesley’s Last Love, 66–71. Coe, John Wesley and Marriage, 58, 59. 29 Maldwyn Edwards, ‘The Reluctant Lover: John Wesley as Suitor’, Methodist History, 12 (January 1974), 48. 30 Frederick E. Maser, ‘John Wesley’s Only Marriage’, Methodist History, 16 (October 1977), 40. 31 Kenneth Collins, ‘John Wesley’s Relationship with His Wife as Revealed in His Correspondence’, Methodist History, 32(1) (October 1993), 17. 32 To Zachariah Yewdall. Whitehaven. May 26th. 1781. The Letters of John Wesley AM. John Telford (ed.), Vol. VII 64, 65. 33 To John Dickins, Whitby 1790. The Letters of John Wesley AM. Letters. John Telford (ed.), Vol VIII (1931), 223. 34 John Wesley, Thoughts on Marriage and a Single Life. 2nd edition (Bristol, 1743), Paras 1–13, pp. 2–9. 35 John Wesley, Thoughts on Marriage and a Single Life. Para 15 p 10. Coe, John Wesley and Marriage, 59. 36 Arthur Voobus, Celibacy a Requirement for Admission to Baptism in the Early Syrian Church (Stockholm, 1951), 31. 37 Abelove, The Evangelist of Desire, 51, 57, 62, 63. 38 Abelove, The Evangelist of Desire, 58, 62.

Monks and Methodists  211 39 Arthur Voobus, Celibacy a Requirement for Admission to Baptism, 17, 18. 40 Abelove, The Evangelist of Desire, 59, 24th Feb. 1737. Tetney. Wesley, Journal. Curnock vol 3. (London), 281. 41 Abelove, The Evangelist of Desire, 66, 67. 42 Abelove, The Evangelist of Desire, 68. 43 Abelove, The Evangelist of Desire, 74. 44 Abelove, The Evangelist of Desire, 80. 45 Abelove, The Evangelist of Desire, 85, 86. 46 Stanza, 31. Leger, Wesley’s Last Love, 105. 47 Leger, Wesley’s Last Love, 1, Coe, 59, 69. 48 Phyllis Mack, Heart Religion in the British Enlightenment, (Cambridge, 2011), 149. Ted Campbell, John Wesley’s Conceptions and Uses of Christian Antiquity, 182. 49 John Wesley, Popery Calmly Considered (London, 1779). Para. 10. 19, 20. Works. Jackson edn. V. 154, 155. 50 Minutes of the Conference 1753 lines 5–19 Vol 1. The Methodist Societies: The Minutes of Conference. Wesley Works (Bicentennial edition), 266. 51 Wesley, Thoughts on Marriage and a Single Life, 6, 7. Coe, 59. 52 Wesley, Thoughts on a Single Life, 1765. Works. Jackson edn. Vol. 11. 456– 463. Coe, John Wesley and Marriage, 64, 67, 68. 53 Coe, John Wesley and Marriage, 59. Abelove, The Evangelist of Desire, 53. 54 Coe, John Wesley and Marriage, 61. 55 Jeremy Taylor, The Rule and Exercises of Holy Living (London, MDCLI), 82, 83. Extracts from the Works of Jeremy Taylor, DD. Wesley, Christian Library. vol. 9. Ch. 1. Section 3. http://Wesley,nnu.edu/john-wesley/a-christianlibrary/a-christian-library-volume-9/extracts-from-the-works-of-jer-taylor-dd -chapters-i-iii/ 56 Coe, John Wesley and Marriage, 70–72. 57 Hammond, John Wesley in America, 40, 49, 50. 58 Chris Wilson, ‘The Medieval Church in Both Methodism and Anti-Methodism’, in Peter D. Clarke and Charlotte Methuen (eds.), SCH 49. The Church on Its Past (Suffolk, 2013), 192–204. 59 Hammond, John Wesley in America, 141–147. 60 John Wesley, Sermon CIV, On Attending the Church Service (1788), Works (Jackson edn). VII. I, 1, 2, 174, 5. 61 J. Wesley, On Attending the Church Service, I, 14 178. 62 Thomas Cranmer, A Homily or Sermon of Good Works Annexed Unto Faith, 1547 in Scott Hendrix, Early Protestant Spirituality (New York, 2009), 88, 89. 63 John Wesley, Sermon LXXXI, In What Sense Are We to Leave the World?, Works (Jackson edn), VI, 473. 64 J. Wesley, On Attending the Church Service, Works VII. I: 24, 182. 65 Ted A. Campbell, John Wesley and Christian Antiquity: Religious Vision and Cultural Change (Nashville, 1991), 50.51. Ted Campbell, John Wesley’s Conceptions and Uses of Christian Antiquity, 153, 158, 288, 289. Kenneth J. Collins, The Theology of John Wesley: Hoy Love and the Shape of Grace (Nashville, 2007), 244, 245. 66 Hammond, John Wesley in America, 14–20. 67 Martin Schmidt, John Wesley: A Theological Biography, trans. N.P. Goldhawk (London, 1962), I, 121. 68 J. Duvergier de Hauranne, Instructions chrétiennes (edited selection by Robert Arnauld d’Andilly from Hauranne’s Lettres Chrétiennes et Spirituelles) (Paris, 1672); John Wesley, Instructions for Christians (London, 1791). André de Winne, Wesley et Port Royal. https://methodismefrancais.wordpress.com/pasteurs-methodistes/wesley-et-port-royal/. John Wesley, l’Abbé de Saint-Cyran

212  Monks and Methodists et la perfection chrétienne: étude historique d’un emprunt textuel, André,de Wynne, l’Institut Protestant de Théologie.nd. E. Gounelle, Wesley et ses rapports avec les Français (Nyons, 1898). cf. Edmond Gournelle and His Thesis. John D. Waller. Proceedings of the Wesley Historical Society. XLVI. February 1988. 97–99.The Form and Power of Religion: John Wesley on Methodist Vitality. Laura Bartels Felleman. (Eugene, Oregon, 2011), 48; Thomas Palmer, Jansenism and England: Moral Rigorism cross the Confessions (Oxford, 2018), 69–72, 245. 69 Wesley, Instructions for Christians para 6, 7. p. 69. J. Duvergier de Hauranne, Instructions chrétiennes I.16 p. 4. 70 John Wesley, A Concise Ecclesiastical History from the Birth of Christ to the Beginning of the Present Century (London, 1781). Vol.IV. XVII, XXIV, 50–53.[John Lorenz von Mosheim]. 71 John Wesley, Instructions for Members of Religious Societies appended to Wesley Instructions for Christians, 148, 155, 163. 72 Jacques Joseph Duguet (1649–1733). Lettres sur divers sujets de morale et de piéte. 6th edition (Paris, 1719) III.XXXII, 27, 28. Kenneth Carveley, ‘L’entente Spirituelle: John Wesley and the French Connection’. in Methodism and Monasticism, Daniel Reed (ed.) Oxford Centre for Methodism and Church History. (Oxford, 2021), 22–66. 73 John Wesley, A Plain Account of Christian Perfection (Bristol, 1766), 80 ff., cf. Jean Orcibal. ‘L’Originalité Theologique de John Wesley et les Spiritualités de Continent’, Revue Historique, T. 222, Fasc. 1 (1959), 51–80. Jean Orcibal, ‘The Theological Originality of John Wesley and Continental Spirituality’, in Rupert Davies and Gordon Rupp (eds), A History of the Methodist Church in Great Britain (London, 1965), 94. 74 Theophilus Gale, The True Idea of Jansenisme (London, 1669), 159, 160. 75 Armand Jean Le Bouthillier de Rancé (1626–1700), Relations de la Vie et de la Mort de Quelques Religieux de l’Abbaye de La Trappe (Paris: Chez Florentine de Laul, 1702). [202] Kingswood School Library Holdings (CA, 1775). Randy L. Maddox, Methodist History, 4l:l (October, 2002). Armand Jean le Bouthillier de Rancé, Mini-Biographies of Men Dying at La Trappe (Carlton, Oregon., n.d), 202. cf. David N. Bell (trans.), Everyday Life at La Trappe under Armand-Jean de Rancé (Collegeville, Minn, 2018). 76 John Wesey [John Lorenz von Mosheim], A Concise Ecclesiastical History from the Birth of Christ to the Beginning of the Present Century (London, 1781), Vol. IV, 39, 40. 77 Howard Snyder, ‘John Wesley and Macarius the Egyptian’, Asbury Theological Journal, 45/2 (1990), 55–60. 78 John C. English, ‘The Path to Perfection in Pseudo-Macarius and John Wesley’, Pacifica 11 (February 1998), 61. 79 Daphne Giofkou, Themes in Macarius’ corpus: freedom from care, prayer, vigilance, the Sabbath rest, and rebirth with reference to Pietism, https:// www.academia.edu/Documents/in/Pseudo-Macarius. cf. Anne Rorabaw Clark, The Influence of Pietism on John Wesley as Revealed in His Journal. University of Tennessee. PhD Thesis (1986). 80 C. Gore & C. Birmingham, ‘The Homilies of S. Macarius of Egypt’, Journal of Theologial Studies, 8/29 (October 1906), 87. Vertus de Saint Macaire. Histoire des Monastéres de la Basse Égypte. E. Amélineau (Paris, 1884), 148. The Virtues of St. Macarius of Egypt in Macarius the Spiritbearer. Tim Vivian (Crestwood, New York, 2004). para 30 p. 108. 81 Theodore Leveterov. ‘Theological Contributions of John Wesley to the Doctrine of Perfection’, Andrews Seminary Studies, 51/2 (2002), 304, 301–310.

Monks and Methodists  213 82 Kenneth Collins, ‘John Wesley’s Appropriation of Early German Pietism’, Wesleyan Theological Journal, 27 (1992), 60. cf. E. Benz, Die Protestantische Thebais: Zur nachwirkung Makarios des Agypters im Protestantismus des 17, un 18 Jahrhunderts (Wiesbaden, 1963). 83 Karl Hehrer, James A. Dwyer (trans), ‘The Relationship Between Pietism in Halle and Early Methodism’, Methodist History, XVII (4) (July 1979), 214– 216, 223, 224. 84 Collins, John Wesley’s Appropriation of Early German Pietism, 65, 66. 85 Collins, John Wesley’s Appropriation of Early German Pietism, 69; Collins, The Theology of John Wesley, 214, 215. 86 Collins, John Wesley’s Appropriation of Early German Pietism, 71, 77, 78. 87 Collins, John Wesley’s Appropriation of Early German Pietism, 62, 63. cf. Kenneth J. Collins, The Theology of John Wesley, 208–211. 88 Lionel Greve, Freedom and Discipline in the Theology of John Calvin, William Perkins and John Wesley: An Examination of the Origin and Nature of Pietism. Hartford Seminary Foundation. PhD Thesis (1976), 257, 258, 263, 275, 276, 282. 89 Paul S Wagner, John Wesley and the German Pietist Heritage: The Development of Hymnody. DTh. Thesis. University of Toronto (2003), 16. 90 Paul S Wagner, John Wesley and the German Pietist Heritage, 21. 91 Paul S Wagner, John Wesley and the German Pietist Heritage, 189–191. 92 Lionel Greve, Freedom and Discipline, 228. 93 J. Steven O’Malley, ‘Pietist Influence on John Wesley: Wesley and Gerhard Tersteegen’, Wesleyan Theological Journal, 31 (2) (1996), 54. 94 O’Malley, Pietist Influence on John Wesley, 57, 58. Greve, Freedom and Discipline, 242 cf. Kenneth Carveley, The Ecclesiola Principle: Studies in English Ecclesiology and Spirituality and Related German Movements from 16th– 18th Century. University of Manchester MA Thesis (1980). 95 O’Malley, Pietist Influence on John Wesley, 66–69. 96 F. Ernst Stoeffler, ‘The Religious Roots of the Early Moravian and Methodist Movements’, Methodist History, 24(3) (April 1986), 135, 137. 97 Stoeffler, The Religious Roots of the Early Moravian and Methodist Movements, 140. 98 Ted Campbell, John Wesley’s Conceptions and Uses of Christian Antiquity, 126, 291–294. 99 Arthur Vööbus, On the Historical Importance of the Legacy of Pseudo Macarius (Stockholm, 1972), 16. 100 Stuart Burns, Charisma and Spirituality in the Early Church: A Study of Messalanism and Peudo Macarius. University of Leeds. PhD Thesis (1998), 129, 13S. 101 Burns, Charisma and Spirituality, 81, 82, 91, 92. 102 Jill Gather, Teachings on the Prayer of the Heart in the Greek and Syrian Fathers. PhD Thesis. Union Theological Seminary, New York City. New York (March 2009), 74, 76, 78. [Published as Jill Gather, Teachings on the Prayer of the Heart in the Greek and Syrian Fathers: The Significance of Body and Community (Piscataway, NJ, 2014).] Robert Murray, ‘The Exhortation to Candidates for Ascetical Vows at Baptism in the Ancient Syriac Church’, New Testament Studies, 21/63, 21/1 (2009) cf. The Earliest use of Monachos for Monk. P. Coll. Youtie 77 and The Origins of Monasticism. E.A.Judge, ‘Jahrbuch fur Antike und Christentum. Sonderdruck nicht im Handel’, Jahrgang 20 (1977. Munster, Westfalen, 76. Sebastian Brock, The Luminous Eye: The Spiritual World Vision of Saint Ephrem the Syrian (Kalamazoo, 1995), 134. Brock doubts any firm link with Qumran.

214  Monks and Methodists 103 Robert Murray, The Characteristics of Earliest Syriac Christianity in East of Byzantium: Syria and Armenia in the Formative Period. Ed. Nina G. Garsoian, Thomas F. Matthews, Robert W. Thomson (Dumbarton Oaks, Washington, 1982), 5, 6. 104 Murray, Characteristics, 8. 105 Murray, Characteristics, 7. 106 Murray, Characteristics, 7, 8. 107 Burns, Charisma and Spirituality, 135, 139. Robert Murray, Symbols of Church and Kingdom. A Study in Early Syriac Tradition (London, 2006), 274. The Syriac Fathers on Prayer and the Spiritual Life. Intro & trans. Sebastian Brock (Kalamazoo, 1987), xxiv–xxvi. for the Bnay qyama baptism is restoration to Paradise. 108 Arthur Vööbus, History of Asceticism in the Syrian Orient. I Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium. Vol. 197. Subsid(ia. Tomus. 14 (Louvain, 1958), 100, 102. Arthur Vööbus, ‘The Institution of the Benai Qeiama and the Benat Qeiama in the Ancient Syrian Church.’ Church History (1961), 14–27. 109 Gather, Teachings on the Prayer of the Heart, 63. Murray, Exhortation, 61. Edin Aydin, Comparing the Syriac Order of Monastic Profession with the Order of Baptism both in External Structure and Theological Themes. PhD Thesis. Princeton (2011), 3. 110 Murray, Exhortation, 62. Murray, Characteristics, 6, 7. Vööbus, History of Asceticism in the Syrian Orient. I. 200. 111 Murray, Exhortation, 65. Aydin, 2011. 31, 32, 36, 39, 125, 126. cf. ‘‘Singles’ in God’s Service: Thoughts on the Ihidaye from the Works of Aphrahat and Ephraem the Syrian’, Sidney H. Griffith. The Harp, IV/1, 2, 3 (July 1991), 145–159. Asceticism in the Early Church of Syria: The Hermeneutics of Early Syrian Monasticism. Sidney H. Griffith. in Vincent L. Wimbush & Richard Valantasis Asceticism (Oxford, 1995), 223–229. Dmitrij Bumazhnov, “Qyāmā before Aphrahat: The Development of the Idea of Covenant in Some Early Syriac Documents,” in Syrien im 1.—7. Jahrhundert nach Christus, ed. Dmitrij Bumazhnov and Hans Reinhard Seeliger (Tübingen: 2011), 66, 77,78, 83. [Qyāmā used by Aphrahat for the whole church possibly co-terminous with the whole ascetic community, sometimes a group who take a vow of celibacy before baptism. ‘Single ones’ related to Pseudo Meliton, and stability or ‘standing before God.’ Similarities noted benweetn Aphrahat, and the Nag Hammdi texts The Gospel of Thomas and the Dialgoue of the Saviour.] 112 Murray, Characteristics, 8. 113 L.W. Barnard, ‘The Origins and Emergence of the Church in Edessa During the First Two Centuries AD’, Vigiliae Christianae, 22 (September 1968), 163–166. Leslie W. Barnard, ‘Asceticism in Early Syriac Christianity’, in ­Judith Loades (ed.), Monastic Studies II. The Continuity of Tradition (Bangor, 1991), 16–21. Murray, Characteristics, 8, 9. Vööbus, History of Asceticism in the Syrian Orient, I. 98, 102, 103, 175, 184. 114 Arthur Voobus, Celibacy a Requirement for Admission to Baptism in the Early Syrian Church, 35, 37, 45, 47. 115 Voobus, Celibacy a Requirement for Admission, 46–48. 116 Vööbus, Celibacy a Requirement for Admission, 48. 117 Vööbus, Celibacy a Requirement for Admission, 50–53. 118 Vööbus, Celibacy a Requirement for Admission, 25, 26. 119 Vööbus, Celibacy a Requirement for Admission, 27, 28. 120 Murray, Symbols of Church and Kingdom (London, 2006), 14. Murray, Characteristics, 8.

Monks and Methodists  215 121 George Nedungatt, S.J., ‘The Covenanters of the Early Syriac Speaking Church’, Orientalia Christiana Periodica, 39(1973), 195, 196, 199, 200–202. 122 Nedungatt, The Covenanters, 198. 123 Nedungatt, The Covenanters, 200. 124 Nedungatt, The Covenanters, 437, 438, 439, 441. 125 Vööbus, History of Asceticism in the Syrian Orient, I. 198. 126 Murray, Characteristics, 6. 127 Nedungatt, The Covenanters, 204. 128 Nedungatt, The Covenanters, 444. Vööbus, History of Asceticism in the Syrian Orient. I. 200, 205–207. 129 Nedungatt, The Covenanters, 424, 443. 130 Nedungatt, The Covenanters, 203. 131 Vööbus, History of Asceticism in the Syrian Orient, I.280. Arthur Vööbus, History of Asceticism in the Syrian Orient. II Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium. Vol. 197. Subsidia. Tomus, 17 (Louvain, 1960), 332. 132 Griffith, Asceticism in the Early Church of Syria, 238. 133 Vööbus, History of Asceticism in the Syrian Orient, II. 332–334, 408. 134 Vööbus, History of Asceticism in the Syrian Orient, I. 189, 225. 135 Griffith, Asceticism in the Early Church of Syria, 221, 222. 136 Murray, Characteristics, 9. 137 Alexander Golitzin, Mystagogy: A Monastic Reading of Dionysius Aeropagita (Collegeville, Minnesota, 2013), 22–24. 138 Golitzin, Mystagogy, 39, 51, 55. 139 Robert Murray, Symbols of Church and Kingdom, 272, 273. 140 Nicholas Cabasilas, The Life in Christ. Trans. Carmino J. de Catanzaro (New York, 1974), Book, 5. 149–158. 141 Charles Wesley, 1797–1788. 142 The Book of Steps: The Syriac Liber Graduum. Ed. Robert A Kitchen and Martien F.G. Parmentier (Kalamazoo, 2004), xvii–xxi. Robert Murray, ‘The Features of Early Christian Asceticism. in Christian Spirituality’, Peter Brooks (ed.), Essays in Honour of Gordon Rupp (London, 1975), 7, 273. 143 D. J. Lane. ‘The Book of Grades or Steps’, The Harp, Vol. XIV (2001) Kerala, India, 83. 144 The Book of Steps: The Syriac Liber Graduum xxxiii . Golitzin, Mystagogy, 23, 24, 336, 337, 339. Golitizin finds parallels in Ephrem. 145 The Book of Steps: The Syriac Liber Graduum xlii, li. 146 The Book of Steps: The Syriac Liber Graduum lxvix. 147 The Book of Steps: The Syriac Liber Graduum lvi, lxiii. 148 The Book of Steps: The Syriac Liber Graduum lxxxii. 149 The Book of Steps: The Syriac Liber Graduum, 119 Mēmrā, 12.1. 150 The Book of Steps: The Syriac Liber Graduum, 120, 121. Mēmrā, 12.1, 2. cf. Martyrius (Sahdona) The Book of Perfection, 57. Brock, The Syriac Fathers on Prayer and the Spiritual Life, 226 ‘The soul at every moment depicts in itself the thought of God and the praise of his name; it becomes a hidden church, where the Godhead is ministered to in an excellent way.’ 151 The Book of Steps: The Syriac Liber Graduum, 122, 125 Mēmrā, 12.4, 7. Lane. The Book of Grades or Steps, 84. 152 Arthur Vööbus, History of Asceticism in the Syrian Orient. I Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium. Vol. 197. Tomus Subsidia ( Louvain, 1958), 193. 153 The Book of Steps: The Syriac Liber Graduum.318 Mēmrā, 28. 8. 154 The Book of Steps: The Syriac Liber Graduum.354 Mēmrā.30 18. R. Roux, ‘The Doctrine of the Imitation of Christ in the Liber Graduum: Between Exegetical Theory and Soteriology’, Studia Patristica, 30 (1997), 259–264.

216  Monks and Methodists 55 The Book of Steps: The Syriac Liber Graduum, 357. Mēmrā, 30. 21. 1 156 Vööbus, History of Asceticism in the Syrian Orient, I. 192. 157 Working the Earth of the Heart. The Messalian Controversy in History, Texts and Language to AD 431. Columba Stewart. OSB (Oxford, 1991), 86–93, 218–222. 158 Vööbus, History of Asceticism in the Syrian Orient, I. 196. 159 Alexander Golitzin, ‘Hierarchy Versus Anarchy: Dionysius Areopagita, Symeon the New Theologian, Nicetas Stethatos and their Common Roots in the Ascetical Tradition’, St Vladimir’s Theological Quarterly, 38 (1994), 138, 144, 145, 156–159. 160 Lane, The Book of Grades or Steps, 88. 161 Golitzin, Hierarchy versus Anarchy, 150.162–166, 169. 162 Golitzin, Hierarchy versus Anarchy, 175. 163 The Syriac Vita Tradition of Ephrem the Syrian. Trans. Joseph P. Amar (Louvain, 2011). Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium. Scriptores Syri. Tomus, 243. Ch 1. A-C. pp. 3–5. Ch 2. A-C pp 6, 7. cf. NPNF 2.13. 269–312. Ephrem the Syrian Hymns. Translated and introduced by Kathleen E. McVey, Copyright © Kathleen E. McVey (New York, Mahwah, NJ), 3–28. Arthur Vööbus, History of Asceticism in the Syrian Orient, II. 84–110. Ephrem’s life is described in Historia Lausiaca PG 24. Ch CI. 1206,1207. Lausiac History. XL. W. Lowther Clarke (London, 1928), 78; and in Sozomen, Historia Ecclesiastica, PG 67. 1095–1093. NPNF. II.02. III. XVI. 649–651 and in Theodoret. Historia Ecclesiastica. IV.29. Leon Parmentier, Theodoret Kirchengeschichte (Leipzig, 1911), 269, 270. Theodoret IV. XXVI. NPNF II. 3. p. 291 CXV. p. 944. cf. CXV. p. 944. 164 Arthur Vööbus, Literary Critical and Historical Studies in Ephrem the Syrian (Stockholm, 1958), 19, 20, 23. 165 Vööbus, Literary Critical and Historical Studies, 24. 166 Amar, The Syriac Vita Tradition of Ephrem the Syrian, Ch. 6 A-G 18–21, Ch. 41 A-D, 105–107. S. Brock, Introduction. St. Ephrem the Syrian. Hymns on Paradise (New York, 1990), 15. 167 Amar, The Syriac Vita Tradition of Ephrem the Syrian, V-X. Ch 25. 54–55. Ch. 34. A-E Vööbus, Literary Critical and Historical Studies, 34, 50, 52, 53. Sebastian Brock, Introduction. St. Ephrem the Syrian. Hymns on Paradise, 21. 168 Sebastian Brock, Introduction. St. Ephrem the Syrian. Hymns on Paradise, 11. 169 Vööbus, Literary Critical and Historical Studies, 47, 54, 55. cf. S. Brock, ­Introduction. St Ephrem the Syrian, 11. 170 Vööbus, Literary Critical and Historical Studies, 113. 171 Vööbus, Literary Critical and Historical Studies, 94, 95. 172 Vööbus, Literary Critical and Historical Studies, 96, 99, 102, 103. 173 Vööbus, Literary Critical and Historical Studies, 100, 101. 174 Vööbus, Literary Critical and Historical Studies, 87. 175 Vööbus, Literary Critical and Historical Studies, 70, 73. 176 Vööbus, Literary Critical and Historical Studies, 73. 177 Vööbus, Literary Critical and Historical Studies, 78, 81–84. 178 Vööbus, Literary Critical and Historical Studies, 61, 62, 69, 72, 126. 179 Vööbus, Literary Critical and Historical Studies, 88, 89, 128. 180 Vööbus, Literary Critical and Historical Studies, 129. 181 Brock, The Luminous Eye, 17, 131–133, 137. For an overview of Ephrem and his context cf. Ephrem’s Commentary on Tatian’s Diatessaron. Carmel ­McCarthy( Oxford, 1993), 9–16. Amar, The Syriac Vita Tradition of Ephrem the Syrian, 243. V-X. Amar gives the sources for Ephrem: Epiphanius, ­Jerome, Palladius Historia Lausiaca, Apothegmata Patrum, Sozomen, ­T heodoret, ­Sozomen Historia Ecclesiasticae., Gennadius, Ps.Amphilocius,

Monks and Methodists  217 Pseudo ­Gregory of Nyssa, and in Armenian, Georgian and Arabic texts. XVI–XIX. 182 Brock, The Luminous Eye, 154, 155. 183 Amar, The Syriac Vita Tradition of Ephrem the Syrian. Ch. 31. pp. 77, 78. Andrew Palmer, ‘A Single Human Being Divided in Himself: Ephraim the Syrian, the Man in the Middle’, Hugoye: Journal of Syriac Studies, 1/2 (1998), paras 12–15, pp. 133, 134. Vööbus, Literary Critical and Historical Studies, 70. S. Brock, Hymns on Paradise, 29, 32, 33. 184 Murray, Symbols of Church and Kingdom, 246, 247, 250, 253. On the authenticity of Ephrem’s writings cf. David G.K. Taylor, ‘St. Ephraim’s Influence on the Greeks’, Hugoye. Journal of Syriac Studies, 1/2 (1968), 190. 185 Murray, Symbols of Church and Kingdom, 259. Exploring the Harbour of Rest. The Significance of ἁνάπαυσίς in the Theology of the Pseudo-Macarian Corpus. Susan E. Ramsey. PhD Thesis. Marquette University (2012), 59. 186 Gather, Teachings on the Prayer of the Heart, 87. Amar, The Syriac Vita Tradition. XI–XIII. 187 Gather, Teachings on the Prayer of the Heart, 90. Sebastian Brock, The Luminous Eye, 27–29, 30, 31, 47, 48, 57, 162. 188 Murray, Exhortation, 67, 76, 77, 80. 189 Murray, Exhortation, 79. 190 Hannah Hunt, ‘The Tears of the Sinful Woman: A Theology of Redemption in the Homilies of St. Ephraim and his Followers’, Hugoye. Journal of Syriac Studies, 1/2 (1998 [2010]), 169. 191 Carmel McCarthy, Ephrem’s Commentary on Tatian’s Diatessaron (Oxford, 1993) §19. 103, 104. cf§17. 137. 192 Brock, Hymns on Paradise, 43 193 Sidney H. Griffith, ‘A Spiritual Father for the Whole Church.: The Universal Appeal of Ephraem the Syrian’, Hugoye: Journal of Syriac Studies, 1/2.219 (1998 [2010]); McCarthy, Ephrem’s Commentary on Tatian’s Diatessaron, 37.313. 194 Ephrem, Homily on our Lord. Section II. FC. 96. 276. 195 Brock, The Luminous Eye, 94, 108. 196 Brock, The Luminous Eye, 123. 197 Brock, The Luminous Eye, 125. 198 McCarthy, Ephrem’s Commentary on Tatian’s Diatessaron, 17. 325, 326. 199 McVey, Kathleen E., Ephraim the Syrian Hymns (CWS) (New York, 1989), 1.45. p. 69. 200 McVey, Hymns on Virginity .1.2. p. 262 201 McVey, Hymns on Virginity. 37. 2. p. 425 (rival means Israel among a polygamous society). 202 McVey, Hymns on Virginity, 46. 18, 21–26 450, 451 (there is no second baptism). 203 Vööbus, History of Asceticism in the Syrian Orient, II 280. 204 Golitzin, Mystagogy, 356 205 Ephrem On Hermits and Desert Dwellers and Mourners, Those Who Live on the Mountains and Plains, in Crags and Burrows of the Earth, and Who Empty Themselves of Everything in This World. trans. Joseph P. Amar, in Ascetic Behaviour in Greco-Roman Antiquity: A Sourcebook. Ed. Vincent L. Wimbush (Minneapolis, 1990), 79, 481–496. 206 Wesley may have known the edition: Joseph Simonius Assemani, Sancti patris nostri Ephraem Syri Opera omnia quae exstant, Graece, Syria ac Latine. 6 vols. (Rome, 1732–1746). Gordon Wakefield, ‘John Wesley and Ephraem Cyrus’, Hugoye: Journal of Syriac Studies, 1/2 (1998), 275. Ted Campbell, John Wesley and Christian Antiquity: Religious Vision and Cultural Change, 27, 28.

218  Monks and Methodists 207 Wesley, Journal. Curnock (ed.), I. 276, 279. cf. Ephrem Lash, The Greek Writings Attributed to Saint Ephrem the Syrian in Abba: The Tradition of Orthodoxy in the West (New York, 2003), pp. 90ff: cf. in the same volume Sebastian Brock’s comment on the edition of Ephrem that Wesley is likely to have used in The Changing Faces of St. Ephrem as Read in the West, 73–75. 208 Wesley, Journal. October 16th, 20th. November 1st, 2nd, 1736. Curnock. I .254, 283, 285, 294. 209 Wesley, Journal. Saturday 16th October 1736. Curnock. I. 284. 210 Wesley, Journal. Monday 22nd November 1736. Wednesday 4th March 1747. Curnock, 1.297. 211 Wesley, Journal. Thursday 26th May 1761. 4. 457–459. The tale is of an Orphan girl who lived alongside a holy man Abraham from six years of age until her twenties, he teaching her the scriptures and psalms, and she gave her wealthy inheritance to the poor. She commits fornication with a visitor to Abraham’s cell and overcome with remorse becomes a servant at an inn. Abraham sees a vision of a dragon consuming a dove, and goes off in search of the maid now become a harlot. He thrusts himself up in a room with her and persuades her to repentance. She returns to Abraham’s cell and outlives him by thirty five years. The tears of repentant women are a significant theme in Ephrem cf. Hannah Hunt, The Tears of the Sinful Woman (1998), 165–184. Ephraim Syrus, On the Sinful Woman. NPNF. II. 13. 579–584. 212 Paul S Wagner, John Wesley and the German Pietist Heritage, 65. fn. 223. It is more likely that Wesley worked from the Latin translation in the Assmean edition, S. Ephraem opera omniaqua extant, Graece, Syriace, latine, in sex tomos distributa ad MSS. codices Vaticanos aliosque castigata, multis aucta, nova interpretatione, praeafationibus, notis, variantibus lectionibus illustrata (Ed. J. S. Assemanus, P. Benedictus, and S. W. Assemanus), Gr. et Lat. Syr. et lat. 3 tom. Ex Typographia Pontificia (Vaticana: Romae, 1732–1746), Wesley showed a keen interest in Ephraem Syrus long before the flush of English interest in him, which did not take hold till the mid-nineteenth century with the translation of Burgess and others. There is also a 1709 codex of Ephraem’s works at Oxford, and Wesley may even have consulted this. 213 Wakefield, John Wesley and Ephraem Cyrus, 275, 276. 214 Wakefield, John Wesley and Ephraem Cyrus, 277, 279. 215 Wakefield, John Wesley and Ephraem Cyrus, 282, 284. 216 Sermo Asceticus of Ephrem. Sydney H. Griffith. ‘A Spiritual Father for the Whole Church The Universal Appeal of St. Ephrem the Syrian’, Hugoye: Journal of Syriac Studies, 1/2 (1998 [2010]). 197–220. 217 Paras 97, 161, 165, 169, 173, 177, 181. Ephrem, On Hermits and Desert Dwellers and Mourners. Trans. Amar, 70, 72. 218 Wesley, Christian Library, Vol. 19. William Cave, Primitive Christianity or the Religion of the Ancient Christians (London, 1717). III. 3, p. 423. Thence that excellent saying of Ephrem Syrus, the famous Deacon of Edessa, when he came to die: In my whole life I never reproached my Lord and Master, nor suffered any foolish talk to come out of my lips; nor did I ever curse or revile any man, or maintain. the least difference or controversy with any Christian in all. my life. http://Wesley,nnu.edu/john-wesley/a-christian-library/a-christian-library-volume-19/primitive-christianity-by-dr- cave-part-iii/ 219 Randy L. Maddox, ‘John Wesley and Eastern Orthodoxy: Influences, Convergences and Differences’, Asbury Theological Journal, 45/2 (1990), 30, 33–42. 220 David Bundy, ‘Visions of Sanctification: Themes of Orthodoxy in Methodist, Holiness and Pentecostal Traditions’, Wesleyan Theological Journal, 39/1 (Spring, 2004), 104–136.

Monks and Methodists  219 221 Albert C. Outler, ‘John Wesley’s Interests in the Fathers of the Church’, The Bulletins/Committee on Archives of the United Church of Canada./Victoria University. Ontario, 29 (1982), 10. 222 Bundy, Visions of Sanctification, 105, 106. cf. For monastic influences on Mme Guyon pp. 119, 120. 223 Frances Young, Retrospect: Interpretation and Appropriation. The Cambridge History of Early Christian Literature. Ed. Frances Young, Lewis Ayres and Andrew Louth (Cambridge, 2004), 485, 486. 224 John Walsh, John Wesley and the Community of Goods. SCH 7 (Oxford, 1990), 44. Ted Campbell, John Wesley’s Conceptions and Uses of Christian Antiquity, 172, 239. Following his ideal of the common life of Acts, Wesley unsuccessfully attempted to form a common fund. 225 Walsh, John Wesley and the Community of Goods, 28–30. 226 Frances Young, Retrospect: Interpretation and Appropriation, 485, 486. cf. Maria Fallica, An Anglo-Syrian Monk: John Wesley’s Reception of Pseudo-Macarius. Open Theology vol. 7. No1. 2021. 491-500. http://doi. ord/10.1515/opth-2020-0714 227 Ted Campbell, Wesley’s Use of the Church Fathers, 61, 62. 228 Ted Campbell, Wesley’s Use of the Church Fathers, 63. 229 Howard A. Snyder, John Wesley and Macarius the Egyptian, 55. John Wesley, An Extract from the Homilies of Macarius. Christian Library vol.1 (London, 1819). http://Wesley,nnu.edu/john-wesley/a-christian-library/a-christian-library-volume-1/volume-1-the-homilies-of-macarius/ cf. R. Newton Flew, The Idea of Perfection in Christian Theology (Oxford, 1934), 179–188. 230 Wesley, Journal. Curnock (ed.), I. 254. July 30th 1736. Fri. 30. The wind was again fair. He read Macarius and sang . At 6.30 they reached Bennet’s Point. At eight, in the boat, he read prayers and expounded. For two hours it rained, but he still read Macarius and sang, until noon, when they dined on bread-and-butter,’ and were not a little affrighted by the falling of the mast. But he again read Macarius and sang. They lost themselves, but found their way, and rowed, and sang, and read, and prayed, until, at 8.30, they lay down and slept. cf. Mark. T. Kurowski, ‘The First Step Toward Grace: John Wesley’s Use of the Spiritual Homilies of Macarius the Great’, Methodist History, 36/2 (January 1998), 113, 114. Howard Snyder, John Wesley and Macarius the Egyptian’, 55, 56. John C English, The Path to Perfection in Pseudo-Macarius and John Wesley, 54, 55. 231 Outler, John Wesley’s Interests in the Fathers of the Church, 11. English, The Path to Perfection, 61. English suggests Wesley first encountered Macarius in a German edition. 232 Ted Campbell, John Wesley and Christian Antiquity: Religious Vision and Cultural Change, 67. Ted Campbell, John Wesley’s Conceptions and Uses of Christian Antiquity, 121–123, 165–170. 233 Primitive Morality or the Spiritual Homilies of St. Macarius the Egyptian, by a Presbyter of the Church of England (Thomas Haywood, 1678–1746), (London. MDCCXXI), Introduction II.3 5, 6. 234 Primitive Morality Introduction II.4. 6. 235 Primitive Morality Introduction II.5. 7. 236 Primitive Morality Introduction III. 6, 7, 10, 11. 237 Primitive Morality Introduction II.12. IV.2, 12, 19 (The Baroccian MSS), XIII. 1–4, 85. 238 Primitive Morality Introduction VII. 27 VIII.1–4. 28. 239 Primitive Morality Introduction IX.6. 33 cf Wesley, Sermon on the Mount. Discourse 1. 11. Wesley Works, Jackson edn. V. 256. 240 Primitive Morality Introduction VII. 1. 50, VIII. 3, 53. 241 Primitive Morality Introduction. XII. 2, 61, XII. 3, 62. 242 Primitive Morality Introduction. XII. 4, 62.

220  Monks and Methodists 243 Primitive Morality Introduction. XIV. 2–4, 65, 66. 244 Primitive Morality Introduction. XIV. 9, 10, 70, 71. 245 Primitive Morality Introduction. XIV. 14, 73. 246 Primitive Morality Introduction. XIV. 15, 74. 247 Primitive Morality Introduction. XIV. 23, 77. 248 Primitive Morality Introduction. XIV. 28, 29. 249 Ted Campbell, John Wesley and Christian Antiquity, 65, 66. 250 Pseudo-Macarius, The Fifty Spiritual Homilies and the Great Letter. Trans. G. Maloney (New York, 1992), CWS. 226. 251 Primitive Morality, 444. 252 Homilia XLV. 1. Tou άγιος patrος Makárii tou Aegýptii Homilae. Io. Georgius Pritius. Lipsiae (Leipzig MDCXVIII), 513. 253 PG 24. 785.786. 254 Homily XX.1 (Macarius XLV), A Christian Library. John Wesley, Vol 1. 124. A similar interpretation was made by St. Basil. 255 J. Walsh, John Wesley and the Community of Goods, 41, 43. Ted Campbell, Wesley’s Use of the Church Fathers, 65. 256 Marcus Plested, The Macarian Legacy: The Place of Macarius-Symeon in the Eastern Christian Tradition (Oxford, 2004), 2, 42, 49, 58, 59. 257 Plested, 41, 52, 124. 258 Plested, 52, 86, 87. 259 Plested, 111, 112, 242, 253. 260 Plested, 59. 261 Outler, John Wesley’s Interests, 12 cf. Maddox. John Wesley and Eastern Orthodoxy: Influences, 31. 262 John Meyendorff, ‘Messalianism or Anti-Messalianism? A Fresh Look at the Macarian Problem’, in Kyriakon: Festschrift Johannes Quasten. Vol. 2. (Münster: Aschendorff, 1970), 588. 263 Coleman. M. Ford. “A Pure Dwelling Place for the Holy Spirit”, John Wesley’s Reception of the Homilies of Macarius, 2014. http://www.academia. edu/12639672/_A_Pure_Dwelling_Place_for_the_Holy_Spirit_ John_Wesley_s_Reception_of_the_Homilies_of_Macarius. 264 Bundy, Visions of Sanctification, 110. Ted Campbell, Wesley’s Use of the Church Fathers, 63. 265 Bundy, Visions of Sanctification, 113. 266 Bundy, Visions of Sanctification, 114. Ted Campbell, Wesley’s Use of the Church Fathers, 66. 267 Ted Campbell, John Wesley’s Conceptions and Uses of Christian Antiquity, 340–341. Campbell carefully tabulates Wesley’s omissions from his edition of Macarius in his Christian Library. 268 Mathew Friedman, ‘A Macarian-Wesleyan Theology of Mission’, The Asbury Journal, 67/1 (2012), 101. 269 Matthew Friedman, Union with God in Christ: Early Christian and Wesleyan Spirituality as an Approach to Islamic Mysticism (Eugene, OR, 2017), 138–140. 270 Frances Young, God’s Presence: A Contemporary Recapitulation of Early Christianity (Cambridge, 2013), 295. 271 Meyendorff, Messalianism or Anti-Messalianism? A Fresh Look at the Macarian Problem, 585–590. J. Raasch, ‘The Monastic Concept of Purity of Heart and Its Sources’, Studia Monastica, 12 (1970), 1. 272 Aelred Baker. ‘Pseudo-Macarius and Gregory of Nyssa’, Vigiliae Christianae, 20/4 (Dec 1966), 227–234. Outler, .John Wesley’s Interests, 29.13. 273 Howard A. Snyder, John Wesley and Macarius the Egyptian, 55, 56. Aelred Baker, ‘Syriac and the Scriptural Quotations of Pseudo Macarius’, Journal of

Monks and Methodists  221 Theological Studies, NS, 20.1 (April 1969), 147, 148. Andrew Louth, ‘The Literature of the Monastic Movement’, Frances Young, Lewis Ayres and Andrew Louth (eds.), The Cambridge History of Early Christian Literature (Cambridge, 2004), 375. 274 Outler, John Wesley’s Interests, 12, 13. 275 Alexander Golitzin, A Testimony to Christianity as Transfiguration: The Macarian Homilies and Orthodox Spirituality in Orthodox and Wesleyan Spirituality S.T.Kimbrough (ed) (Crestwood, New York, 2002), 134, 135. cf. Louth, The Literature of the Monastic Movement, 374, 375. 276 cf. Hoo-Jung Lee, Wesley and Macarius on the Life of Prayer. Paper: 12th Oxford Institute of Methodist Studies, (Oxford, 2007), 12. 277 J. Raasch, The Monastic Concept of Purity of Heart, 8–12. 278 David C. Ford, ‘Saint Makarios of Egypt and John Wesley: Variations on the Theme of Sanctification’, Greek Orthodox Theological Review, 33/3 (1988), 288–312. 279 John C. English, ‘The Path to Perfection in Pseudo-Macarius and John W ­ esley’, Pacifica, 11 (February 1998), 61. 280 Snyder, John Wesley and Macarius the Egyptian, 56–58. 281 Lucien Regnault, ‘La priere conitnuelle ‘monolgistos’ dans la literature apothegmatique’, Irenikon, 47 (1974), 481, 491. op.cit. Lee, 8, 9, 16. 282 English, The Path to Perfection, 57. 283 Young, God’s Presence, 2013, 297–303. 284 Frances Young, ‘Inner Struggle: Some Parallels between the Spirituality of John Wesley and the Greek Fathers’, S. T.Kimbrough (ed.) Orthodox and Wesleyan Spirituality (Crestwood, New York, 2002), 158, 160–167. 285 C. Gore & C. Birmingham, The Homilies of St. Macarius of Egypt, 88, 89. 286 Golitzin, A Testimony to Christianity as Transfiguration, 139–142. 287 Alexander Golitzin, ‘Hierarchy Versus Anarchy: Dionysius Areopagita, Symeon the New Theologian, Nicetas Stethatos and their Common Roots in the Ascetical Tradition’, St Vladimir’s Theological Quarterly, 38 (1994), 162. 288 Golitzin, Hierarchy versus Amarchy, 157. Plested, 204. 289 Ted Campbell, John Wesley’s Conceptions and Uses of Christian Antiquity, 289, 290. 290 Anthony J. Storey, Mount Grace Lady Chapel: An Historical Enquiry (Beverley, 2001), 22–28; John Wesley, Journal, III: 169–71, 209; IV: 464; VI: 147; Rev. Father Thaddeus, OFM, The Franciscans in England (London, 1898), 169, 170, 174; William W. Stamp, The Orphan House of Wesley (London, 1863), 66, 67; Luke Tyerman, The Life and Times of John Wesley (London, 1876), I: 485–487, 490, II: 409; The Wesleyan-Methodist Magazine, Fourth Series III:1 (London, 1847), 140, 141, 143; Sidney Leslie Ollard (ed), Archbishop Herring’s Visitation Returns, 1743: Volume 1 (Cambridge, 2013), Appendix A. 221–222; Charles Wesley, Journal, December 31st 1746. http:// Wesley,nnu.edu/charles-wesley/the-journal-of-charles-wesley-1707-1788/ the-journal-of-charles-wesley-september-2-december-31-1746. 291 Wesley, Journal, III: 209, cf. June 21st 1761, Curnock IV. 464. 292 Kevin M. Watson, Pursuing Social Holiness: The Band Meeting in Wesley’s Thought and Popular Methodist Practice (Oxford, 2014), 1–4. 293 Wesley, Journal, II. 19 August 1738; J.S. Simon, John Wesley and the Religious Societies, 206–209. 294 For the Moravian ‘choir’ system see: Gillian Lindt Gollin, Moravians in Two Worlds: A Study of Changing Communities (London/NewYork, 1967), 67–109. Henry Rimius, A Candid Narratve of the Rise and Progress of the Herrnhutters Commonly Called Moravians or Unitas Fratrum (London

222  Monks and Methodists MDCCLIII), 18. cf. Clifford W. Towlson, Moravian and Methodist: Relationships and Influences in the Eighteenth Century (London, 1957). 295 A.W. Nagler, Pietism and Methodism: Or the Significance of German Pietism in the Origin and Early Development of Methodism (Nashville, 1910), 142–159. 296 John Wesley, Nicodemus or a Treatise of the Fear of Man (abridged) from A.H. Francke (London, 1798). 297 O’Malley, Pietist Influence on John Wesley; Paul S. Wagner, John Wesley and the German Pietist Heritage: The Development of Hymnody, Th.D. thesis (Toronto School of Theology, University of Toronto, 2004). 298 Luke L. Keefer Jnr. John Wesley, Disciple of Early Christianity. Temple University. PhD Thesis (1981), 251. cf. Kenneth Carveley, Ecclesiola in Ecclesia: Studies in English ecclesiology and spiritualty and related German movements from 16th-18th century. Manchester University. MA Thesis, 1980. 299 Keefer, John Wesley, Disciple of Early Christianity, 31, 83, 84, 86, 132, 145, 286. 300 Keefer, John Wesley, Disciple of Early Christianity, 162–164, 169, 255 301 Keefer, John Wesley, Disciple of Early Christianity, 263, 267, 268. 302 Keefer,., John Wesley, Disciple of Early Christianity, 259, 265, 277, 278–282. 303 Ted Campbell, Wesley’s Use of the Church Fathers, 62. 304 Charles Wesley, Family Hymns (Bristol, 1767), 37–38, XXXVIII, For a Family of Believers. 305 Jean Orcibal, The Theological Originality of John Wesley, 91, fn. 18. 306 C. Wesley, Intercession Hymns (Bristol, 1758), 8–9, VII, For the Ministers of the Gospel. 307 C. Wesley, Short Hymns on Select Passages of Scripture (Bristol, 1762), I: 289. 92. 308 C. Wesley, Hymns and Sacred Poems (1742), 33–35, ‘O that I had wings like a dove, for then would I flee away, and be at rest.’ Psalm lv. 6. [BCP]. 309 C. Wesley, Redemption Hymns (Bristol, 1747), Hymn VI. For a Believer, in Worldly Business. 310 De Beaulieu Claustrum Animae: The Cloister of the Soul (1678), II, 57. 311 Methodist Hymn Book (1933), 142, v. 2. 312 De Beaulieu (1678), Preface 1. 313 Methodist Hymn Book, 386, vs. 1, 3. 314 De Beaulieu (1678), II: 73. 315 Methodist Hymn Book, 730, v. 2. 316 De Beaulieu (1678), II. 94. 317 Methodist Hymn Book, 142, v. 1. 318 De Beaulieu (1678), II. Preface. 319 Methodist Hymn Book, 721, v. 6. 320 De Beaulieu (1678) II.77 321 Methodist Hymn Book, 502. v7. 322 John Wesley, The Appeals to Men of Reason and Religion and Certain Related Open Letters. Wesley Works (Bicentennial Edition), 11: 91. John Walsh, ‘John Wesley and the Community of Goods’, in Protestant Evangelicalism: Britain, Ireland, Germany and America. c.1750 – c.1950: Essays in honour of W.R. Ward. Keith Robins (ed.) (Oxford, 1990), 37. 323 Walsh, John Wesley and the Community of Goods, 26–31, 38–41. 324 John Wesley, Sermon 50 The Use of Money. Wesley Works (Bicentennial edition), Vol 2 Sermons II. 34–70, 268. John Wesley, Sermon 63 The General Spread of the Gospel. Wesley Works (Bicentennial edition), Vol 2 Sermons II. 34–70, 493. 325 John Wesley, Sermon 122. Causes of the Inefficacy of Christianity. Wesley Works (Bicentennial Edition), Vol 4. Sermons IV. 115–151 94, 95. For Wesley on fasting cf. John Wesley’s Hermeneutics of Primitive Christianity and Practical Piety in Deborah Madden, ‘A Cheap Safe and Natural Medicine’, in

Monks and Methodists  223 Religion, Medicine and Culture in John Wesley’s Primitive Physic (Amsterdam/New York, 2007), 41–43. 326 John Wesley, A Plain Account of the People Called Methodists. VIII. Works (Jackson edn.), 260, 261. cf. Brian Capper, ‘Community of Goods in the Early Jesus Movement Part 1’, The Qumran Chronicle, 24 (1–2), (November 2016), 36, 37. 327 John Wesley, Sermon 89 The More Excellent Way. Wesley Works (Bicentennial Edition) Vol. 3. Sermons III. 71–114, 263–277. Walsh, John Wesley and the Community of Goods, 42–44. 328 John Wesley, Sermon 89 The More Excellent Way. Wesley Works. Bicentennial Edition.Vol. 3. Sermons III. 71–114, 265. 329 John Wesley, Sermon 89 The More Excellent Way. Wesley Works (Bicentennial Edition).Vol. 3. Sermons III. 71–114, 266, 275, 276. cf. John Wesley, Sermon 112 On Laying the Foundation of the New Chapel. Wesley Works (Bicentennial Edition) Vol. 3. Sermons III. 71–114, 582. 330 cf. John Wesley, Sermon 112 On Laying the Foundation of the New Chapel. Wesley Works (Bicentennial Edition) Vol. 3. Sermons III. 71–114, 582. 331 John WesleySermon 61. The Mystery of Iniquity. Wesley Works (Bicentennial Edition), Vol 2 Sermons II. 34–70, 62, 463, 466. 332 Methodist Hymn Book, 387, 6. 333 The Life of Mr. Joseph Cownley by John Gaultier. The Lives of the Early Methodist Preachers. Thomas Jackson (ed & intro), Vol II. (London, 1866), 22. ‘His disposition had he lived in the austere ages of monkish superstition, would have led him to the cloister’. 334 Herbert B. Workman. The Place of Methodism in the Life and Thought of the Christian Church. in A New History of Methodism. (London 1909) 1–74. Herbert B. Workman, The Evolution of the Monastic Ideal (London, 1927), 11. 335 Workman, Evolution, 15. 336 Marilyn Dunn, The Emergence of Monasticism: From the Desert Fathers to the Early Middle Ages (Oxford, 2003), 15, 27. 337 Workman, Evolution, 88, cf. Wesley, Works (Jackson edn), XIV.321, Preface, List of Poetical Works Published by the Rev. Messrs. John and Charles Wesley, ‘“Holy solitaries” is a phrase no more consistent with the gospel than holy adulterers. The gospel of Christ knows of no religion but social; no holiness but social holiness.’ 338 Workman, Evolution, 43, 243. 339 Workman, Evolution, 43. 340 E.G. Rupp, ‘Introductory Essay’, in R. Davies, A.R. George and E.G. Rupp, George (eds), History of the Methodist Church, vol. 1, xv. 341 Matthew T. Herbst, ‘The Monastery in the Methodist Eye: Rev. Merton S. Rice of Detroit and St. George of Choziba’, Methodist History 44/1 (2005), 9, 13, 16. 342 Herbst, The Monastery in the Methodist Eye, 5. 343 Herbst, The Monastery in the Methodist Eye, 13. 344 W. Paul Jones, ‘Monasticism and United Methodism’, in Timothy Kelly, Conversations Along the Way (St. Brigid of Kildare Methodist-Benedictine Consultation Occasional Papers (Indianapolis, 2004), 14. 345 Geoffrey Wainwright, ‘Ora et Labora: Benedictines and Wesleyans at Prayer and Work’, in Geoffrey Wainwright (ed.), Methodists in Dialogue (Nashville, 1995), 89–106. 346 Wainwright, Ora et Labora, 90. 347 Wainwright, Ora et Labora, 90. 348 Wainwright, Ora et Labora, 97, 98. 349 John Wesley, Character of a Methodist, Works, (Jackson edn), VIII: 343. 350 Wainwright, Ora et Labora, 104.

224  Monks and Methodists 351 Section 29 The Grace Given You in Christ: Catholics and Methodists Reflect Further on the Church (Seoul report) Pontifical Council for Promoting Christian Unity. Rome.2006. http://www.vatican.va/roman_curia/pontifical_councils/ chrstuni/meth-council-docs/rc_pc_chrstuni_doc_20060604_seoul-report_ en.html [8th June 2015]; John Adam Mohler, Symbolism, vol. II (London, 1843), 260–271. 352 John Wesley, A Plain Account of the People Called Methodists, I. 10, 11. Works (Jackson edn), VIII, 250–252; Letter to John Smith XL. June 25th 1746. 10. Works. XII, 80–82. 353 Ted Campbell, Wesley’s Use of the Church Fathers, 65. 354 Frank M. Turner. John Henry Newman (Yale University Press, 2002), 626. 355 John Henry Newman, The Church of the Fathers (London, 1840), Ch. XIV. 252. 356 John Henry Newman, The Church of the Fathers (London, 1840), Ch. XVIII. 347. cf. John Henry Newman, Letters on the Church of the Fathers. XV. John Henry Newman. The British Magazine 8. 1835, 44, 45. John Henry Newman, ‘Home Thoughts Abroad II’, The British Magazine, 9, 1836, 367–369. Newman’s assessment of Methodism: In its rivalry of the Establishment, it has acted against his (Wesley’s) feelings and advice ; in the growth of the hierarchical element, it has abandoned his principle for his example; in its violence against the Church of Rome, it has forgotten the first years of his religious life; in its care for ministerial education, and its relinquishment of field-preaching, it shows that the point is reached in its course when order takes the place of enthusiasm. John Henry Newman. Essay on the Development of Doctrine. London 1846. Section 1.43.

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Monks and Methodists  225 ———. John Wesley and the Church of England (London, 1970). Barnard, L.W. ‘The Origins and Emergence of the Church in Edessa During the First Two Centuries AD’, Vigiliae Christianae, 22 (September 1968), 161–175. ———. Asceticism in Early Syriac Christianity. in Monastic Studies II. The Continuity of Tradition. Ed. Judith Loades (Bangor, 1991), 13–22. Bell, David N. (trans.), Everyday Life at La Trappe under Armand-Jean de Rancé (Collegeville, 2018). Benz, E., Die Protestantische Thebais: Zur nachwirkung Makarios des Agypters im Protestantismus des 17, un 18 Jahrhunderts (Wiesbaden, 1963). The Book of Steps: The Syriac Liber Graduum. (ed.) Robert A Kitchen and Martien F.G. Parmentier (Kalamazoo, 2004). Broad, Jacqueline and Karen Green, A History of Women’s Political Thought in Europe, 1400–1700 (Cambridge, 2014). Brock, Sebastian, The Syriac Fathers on Prayer and the Spiritual Life (Kalamazoo, 1987). ———. Introduction. St. Ephrem the Syrian. Hymns on Paradise (New York, 1990). ———. The Luminous Eye: The Spiritual World Vision of Saint Ephrem the Syrian (Kalamazoo, 1995). Bullock, F.W.B., Voluntary Religious Societies, 1520–1799 (St. Leonards-on-Sea, 1963). Bumazhnov, Dmitrij, ‘Qyama before Aphrahat: The Development of the Idea of Covenant in Some Early Syriac Documents’ in Syrien im 1.—7. Jahrhundert nach Christus, (ed.} Dmitrij Bumazhnov and Hans Reinhard Seeliger (Tübingen: 2011). Bundy, David, ‘Visions of Sanctification: Themes of Orthodoxy in Methodist, H ­ oliness and Pentecostal Traditions’, Wesleyan Theological Journal, 39/1 (Spring, 2004), 104–136. Burnet’s History of My Own Time; a new edition, based on that of M. J. Routh, D.D. Burnet, Gilbert, 1643–1715; Airy, Osmund, 1845–1928, (ed) Vol. 1.The Reign of Charles II. Burns, Stuart, Charisma and Spirituality in the Early Church: A Study of Messalanism and Peudo Macarius. University of Leeds. PhD Thesis (1998). Cabasilas, Nicholas The Life in Christ. Trans. Carmino J. de Catanzaro (New York, 1974). Campbell, Ted. A., John Wesley’s Conceptions and Uses of Christian Antiquity. Southern Methodist University PhD Thesis, 1984. ———John Wesley and Christian Antiquity: Religious Vision and Cultural Change (Nashville, 1991). ———‘Wesley’s Use of the Church Fathers’, The Asbury Theological Journal, 50/2 (Fall 1995), 51/1 (Spring 1996), 57–70. Capper, Brian J., Community of Goods in the Early Jesus Movement. Part 1, The Qumran Chronicle, 24/1–2 (November 2016). Carveley, Kenneth C., The Ecclesiola Principle: Studies in English Ecclesiology and Spirituality and Related German Movements from 16th – 18th Century. University of Manchester MA Thesis (1980). ______________, L’Entente Spirituelle: John Wesley and Some French Monastic Sources. in Methodism and Monasticism. Daviel Reed (ed.) (Oxford, 2021). Cave, William, Primitive Christianity or the Religion of the Ancient Christians (London, 1714).

226  Monks and Methodists Clark, Anne Rorabaw, The Influence of Pietism on John Wesley as Revealed in His Journal. University of Tennessee. PhD Thesis (1986). Clarke, James, The Dissolution of the Monasteries : A New History (New Haven & London, 2021). Coe. Bufford W., John Wesley and Marriage (Cranbury NJ/London, 1996). Collins, Kenneth J., ‘John Wesley’s Critical Appropriation of Early German ­Pietism’, Wesleyan Theological Journal, 27 (1992), 57–92. ———John Wesley’s Relationship with His Wife as Revealed in His Correspondence’, Methodist History, 32/1 (October 1993), 3–18. ———The Theology of John Wesley: Holy Love and the Shape of Grace (Nashville, 2007). Cranmer, Thomas, A Homily or Sermon of Good Works Annexed Unto Faith, 1547 in Scott Hendrix, Early Protestant Spirituality (New York, 2009). De Beaulieu, Luke, Claustrum Animae: The Cloister of the Soul (London, 1677, 1678). de Hauranne, J. Duvergier. Instructions chrétiennes (edited selection by Robert Arnauld d’Andilly from Hauranne’s Lettres Chrétiennes et Spirituelles) (Paris, 1672). de Rancé, Armand Jean Le Bouthillier. (1626–1700). Relations de la Vie et de la Mort de Quelques Religieux de l’Abbaye de La Trappe (Paris: Chez Florentine de Laul, 1702). ———, Mini-Biographies of Men Dying at La Trappe (Carlton, Oregon., n.d.). De Winne, André. Wesley et Port Royal, https://methodismefrancais.wordpress. com/pasteurs-methodistes/wesley-et-port-royal/ ———, John Wesley, l’Abbé de Saint-Cyran et la perfection chrétienne: étude historique d’un emprunt textuel, (l’Institut Protestant de Théologie, Montpelier nd). Donat, James G., ‘The Revd John Wesley’s Extractions from Dr. Tissot. A Methodist Imprimatur’, History of Science, 39(January 2001), 285–298.· Duguet, Jacques Joseph, (1649–1733), Lettres sur divers sujets de morale et de piéte. 6th edition (Paris: J. Estienne, 1719). Dunn, Marilyn, The Emergence of Monasticism: From the Desert Fathers to the Early Middle Ages (Oxford, 2003). Edwards, Maldwyn, ‘The Reluctant Lover: John Wesley as Suitor’, Methodist History. 12 (January 1974). English, John C. ‘The Path to Perfection in Pseudo-Macarius and John Wesley’, Pacifica 11 (February 1998), 54–62. Ephrem the Syrian Hymns, translated and introduced by Kathleen E. McVey, (CWS) (New York, 1989). Ephrem On Hermits and Desert Dwellers and Mourners, Those Who Live on the Mountains and Plains, in Crags and Burrows of the Earth, and Who Empty Themselves of Everything in This World. Trans. Joseph P. Amar. in Ascetic Behaviour in Greco- Roman Antiquity: A Sourcebook. Ed. Vincent L. Wimbush (Minneapolis, 1990), 66–80. Fallica, Maria, An Anglo-Syrian Monk : John Wesley’s Reception of Pseudo-Macarius. Open Theology, 7/1 (2021), 491–500. http://doi.ord/10.1515/opth-2020-0714 Felleman, Laura Bartels, The Form and Power of Religion: John Wesley on Methodist Vitality (Eugene, OR, 2011). Flew, R. Newton, The Idea of Perfection in Christian Theology (Oxford, 1934). Ford, Coleman M., “A Pure Dwelling Place for the Holy Spirit”, John Wesley’s Reception of the Homilies of Macarius (2014). http://www.academia.

Monks and Methodists  227 edu/12639672/_A_Pure_Dwelling_Place_for_the_Holy_ Spirit_ John_Wesley_s_Reception_of_the_Homilies_of_Macarius Ford, David C., ‘Saint Makarios of Egypt and John Wesley: Variations on the Theme of Sanctification’, Greek Orthodox Theological Review, 33/3 (1988), 288–312. Fronteau, Ioanne, Epistola ad Illustrissimum et Religiosissimum D.D. Franc.de Harlay Archiepiscopum Rothomagensem, Neutriae Primatem, Abbatem de Iumiege. In qua de moribus et vita Christianorum in primis Ecclesiae saeculis agitur (Paris, 1660). Gale, Theophilus, The True Idea of Jansenisme (London, 1669). Gather, Jill, Teachings on the Prayer of the Heart in the Greek and Syrian Fathers. PhD Thesis. Union Theological Seminary, New York City. New York (March 2009). ———Teachings on the Prayer of the Heart in the Greek and Syrian Fathers: The Significance of Body and Community (Piscataway, NJ, 2014). Gaultier, John, The Life of Mr. Joseph Cownley. The Lives of the Early Methodist Preachers. Ed & Intro. Thomas Jackson. Vol II (London, 1866). Gibson, William, Samuel Wesley and the Crisis of Tory Piety 1685–1720 (Oxford, 2021). Giofkou, Daphne, Themes in Macarius’ corpus: freedom from care, prayer, vigilance, the Sabbath rest, and rebirth with reference to Pietism. https://www. academia.edu/Documents/in/Pseudo-Macarius Gollin, Gillian Lindt, Moravians in Two Worlds: A Study of Changing Communities (London /NewYork, 1967). Gore, C. and C. Birmingham, ‘The Homilies of S. Macarius of Egypt’, Journal of Theologial Studies, 8/29 (October 1906), 85–90. Gounelle, E., Wesley et ses rapports avec les Français (Nyons, 1898). Greve, Lionel, Freedom and Discipline in the Theology of John Calvin, William Perkins and John Wesley: An Examination of the Origin and Nature of Pietism. Hartford Seminary Foundation. PhD Thesis (1976). Golitzin, Alexander, ‘Hierarchy Versus Anarchy: Dionysius Areopagita, Symeon the New Theologian, Nicetas Stethatos and their Common Roots in the Ascetical Tradition’, St Vladimir’s Theological Quarterly, 38 (1994). ———A Testimony to Christianity as Transfiguration: The Macarian Homilies and Orthodox Spirituality in Orthodox and Wesleyan Spirituality (Crestwood, New York, 2002), 129–156. ———, Mystagogy: A Monastic Reading of Dionysius Aeropagita (Collegeville, Minnesota, 2013). The Grace Given You in Christ: Catholics and Methodists Reflect Further on the Church (Seoul report) Pontifical Council for Promoting Christian Unity (Rome, 2006) http://www.vatican.va/roman_curia/pontifical_councils/chrstuni/methcouncil-docs/rc_pc_chrstuni_doc_20060604_seoul-report_en.html [8th June 2015]. Griffith, Sidney H., ‘Singles’ in God’s Service: Thoughts on the Ihidaye from the Works of Aphrahat and Ephraem the Syrian.’ The Harp. IV/1, 2, 3 (July 1991), 145–159. ——— Asceticism in the Early Church of Syria: The Hermeneutics of Early Syrian Monasticism in Vincent L. Wimbush and Richard Valantasis (eds.), Asceticism (Oxford, 1995), 220–245.

228  Monks and Methodists ———. ‘A Spiritual Father for the Whole Church: The Universal Appeal of Ephraem the Syrian’, Hugoye: Journal of Syriac Studies, 1.2/219 (1998 [2010]), 197–220. Hammond, Geordan, John Wesley in America (Oxford, 2014). Haywood, Thomas, Primitive Morality or the Spiritual Homilies of St. Macarius the Egyptian, by a Presbyter of the Church of England (London. MDCCXXI). Hehrer, Karl and James A. Dwyer (trans.) ‘The Relationship Between Pietism in Halle and Early Methodism’, Methodist History, Vol. XVII/4 (July 1979), 211–224. Herbst, Matthew T., ‘The Monastery in the Methodist Eye: Rev. Merton S. Rice of Detroit and St. George of Choziba’, Methodist History 44/1 (2005), 3–17. Horneck, Anthony. Letter to a Person of Quality Concerning the Heavenly Lives of the Primitive Christians (York, 1681). [as found also in Horneck, Anthony, The Happy Ascetick or the Best Exercise, to which is added a Letter to a Person of Quality Concerning the Holy Lives of the Primitive Christians (London, 1681 Subsequent editions 1685/6, 1693, 1699, 1711, 1724).] Archbishop Herring’s Visitation Returns, 1743: Volume 1 (Cambridge, 2013). Hunt, Hannah, ‘The Tears of the Sinful Woman: A Theology of Redemption in the Homilies of St. Ephraim and his Followers’, Hugoye. Journal of Syriac Studies 1/2(1998 [2010]), 165–184. Jones, W. Paul, ‘Monasticism and United Methodism’, in Timothy Kelly (ed.), Conversations Along the Way (St. Brigid of Kildare Methodist-Benedictine Consultation Occasional Papers (Indianapolis, 2004). Judge, E.A. ‘The Earliest use of Monachos for Monk. P. Coll. Youtie 77 and The Origins of Monasticism.’ Jahrbuch fur Antike und Christentum. Sonderdruck nicht im Handel. Jahrgang 20 (1977, Munster, Westfalen), 72–89. Keefer, Luke L. Jnr. John Wesley, Disciple of Early Christianity. Temple University. PhD Thesis (1981). Kidder, Richard, The Life of The Reverend Anthony Horneck, DD, Late Preacher at the Savoy (London, 1698). Kisker, Scott Thomas, ‘Pietist Connections with English Anglicans and Evangelicals’, in Douglas H. Shantz (ed.), A Companion to German Pietism (Leiden, 2015), 225–255. ———, Foundation for Revival: Anthony Horneck, the Religious Societies and the Construction of an Anglican Pietism (Lanham, MD, 2008). Knowles, David, Bare Ruined Choirs: The Dissolution of the English Monasteries (Cambridge, 1976). Kurowski, Mark. T., ‘The First Step Toward Grace: John Wesley’s Use of the Spiritual Homilies of Macarius the Great’, Methodist History, 36.2 (January 1998), 113–124. Lane, D. J. ‘The Book of Grades or Steps’, The Harp, XIV (2001) Kerala, India. 81–88. Lash, Ephrem, The Greek Writings Attributed to Saint Ephrem the Syrian in Abba: The Tradition of Orthodoxy in the West (New York, 2003) pp. 90ff. Lausiac History. XL. W. Lowther Clarke (London, 1928). Lawson, John, ‘The People Called Methodists: 2. Our Discipline’ in A History of the Methodist Church in Great Britain. Rupert Davies and A. Raymond George, and Gordon Rupp (eds.) (London, 1965). Lee, Hoo-Jung, Wesley and Macarius on the Life of Prayer. Paper: 12th Oxford Institute of Methodist Studies, Oxford, 2007. Leger, Augustin, Wesley’s Last Love (London, 1910).

Monks and Methodists  229 Leveterov, Theodore, ‘Theological Contributions of John Wesley to the Doctrine of Perfection’, Andrews Seminary Studies, 51/2 (2002), 301–310. Louth, Andrew, ‘The Literature of the Monastic Movement’, in Frances Young, Lewis Ayres & Andrew Louth (eds.), The Cambridge History of Early Christian Literature (Cambridge, 2004), 373–381. Macarius, Homilia XLV.1 Tou άγιος patrος Makárii tou Aegýptii Homilae. Io. Georgius Pritius. Lipsiae (Leipzig MDCXVIII). Pseudo-Macarius. The Fifty Spiritual Homilies and the Great Letter. trans. G. Maloney (New York, 1992). McCarthy, Carmel, Ephrem’s Commentary on Tatian’s Diatessaron (Oxford, 1993). Mack, Phyllis, Heart Religion in the British Enlightenment: Gender and Emotion in Early Methodism (Cambridge, 2008). Madden, Deborah, ‘A Cheap Safe and Natural Medicine’ in Religion, Medicine and Culture in John Wesley’s Primitive Physic (Amsterdam/New York, 2007). Maddox, Randy L., ‘John Wesley and Eastern Orthodoxy: Influences, Convergences and Differences’, Asbury Theological Journal 45/2 (1990), 29–53. ———, ‘Kingswood School Library Holdings (CA. 1775)’ Randy L. Maddox. Methodist History, 4l:l (October, 2002). ———‘John Wesley’s Reading: Evidence in the Book Collection at Wesley’s House, London’, Methodist History 41/3 (2003), 118–133. Jessica Martin, ‘Early Modern English Piety’, in Anthony Milton (ed.), The ­Oxford History of Anglicanism. Vol. 1. Reformation and Identity c.1520–1662 ­(Oxford, 2019), 395–411. Frederick E. Maser. ‘John Wesley’s Only Marriage’, Methodist History, 16 (October 1977), 33–41. Maycock, A.L., Nicholas Ferrar of Little Gidding (London, 1938). ———,Chronicles of Little Gidding (London, 1954). Methodist Hymn Book (London, (1933). Meyendorff, John. ‘Messalianism or Anti-Messalianism? A Fresh Look at the Macarian Problem’, in Kyriakon: Festschrift Johannes Quasten. Vol. 2 (Münster: Aschendorff, 1970). Möhler, John Adam, Symbolism, Vol. II (London, 1843). Murray, Robert, ‘The Features of Early Christian Asceticism’, in Peter Brooks (ed.), Christian Spirituality. Essays in Honour of Gordon Rupp (London, 1975), 65–77. ———. ‘The Characteristics of Earliest Syriac Christianity’, in G. Garsoian, Thomas F. Matthews, Robert W. Thomson (eds.), East of Byzantium: Syria and Armenia in the Formative Period (Dumbarton Oaks, Washington, 1982), 3–16. ———. Symbols of Church and Kingdom. A Study in Early Syriac Tradition ­(London, 2006). ———. ‘The Exhortation to Candidates for Ascetical Vows at Baptism in the ­A ncient Syriac Church’, New Testament Studies 21/63. 21/1 (2009), 59–80. Nagler, A.W., Pietism and Methodism: Or the Significance of German Pietism in the Origin and Early Development of Methodism (Nashville, 1910). Nedungatt, George SJ., ‘The Covenanters of the Early Syriac Speaking Church’, Orientalia Christiana Periodica 39 (1973), 191–125, 419–444. Newman, John Henry, ‘Letters on the Church of the Fathers. XV’, The British Magazine, 8, 1835. ———. ‘Home Thoughts Abroad II’, The British Magazine, 9 (1836), 367–369. ———. The Church of the Fathers (London, 1840).

230  Monks and Methodists ———. Essay on the Development of Doctrine (London, 1846). Steven O’Malley, J., ‘Pietist Influence on John Wesley: Wesley and Gerhard Tersteegen’, Wesleyan Theological Journal 31/2 (1996), 48–70. Orcibal, Jean, ‘L’Originalité Theologique de John Wesley et les Spiritualités de Continent’, Revue Historique, T. 222, Fasc. 1 (1959), 51–80. ———, ‘The Theological Originality of John Wesley and Continental Spirituality’, in Rupert Davies and Gordon Rupp (eds.), A History of the Methodist Church in Great Britain (London, 1965), 81–112. Outler, Albert C. ‘John Wesley’s Interests in the Fathers of the Church’, The Bulletins/Committee on Archives of the United Church of Canada./Victoria University. Ontario, 29 (1982), 5–17. Palmer, Andrew, ‘A Single Human Being Divided in Himself: Ephraim the Syrian, the Man in the Middle’, Hugoye: Journal of Syriac Studies, 1/2 (1998), 119–163. Palmer, Thomas, Jansenism and England: Moral Rigorism Across the Confessions (Oxford, 2018). Parisot, Jean, ed., Aphraatis Sapientis Persae Demonstrationes, Patrologia Syriaca, vol. 1.1 (Paris: Firmin-Didot, 1894). Penn, William, No Cross, No Crown (London, 1726). Raasch, J. ‘The Monastic Concept of Purity of Heart and Its Sources’, Studia Monastica, 12 (1970), 7–41. Ramsey, Susan E., Exploring the Harbour of Rest. The Significance of ἁνάπαυσίς in the Theology of the Pseudo-Macarian Corpus. Susan E. Ramsey. PhD Thesis. Marquette University (2012). Plested, Marcus, The Macarian Legacy: The Place of Macarius-Symeon in the Eastern Christian Tradition (Oxford, 2004). Regnault, Lucien, ‘La priere conitnuelle ‘monolgistos’ dans la literature apothegmatique’, Irenikon 47 (1974), 467–493. Rimius, Henry, A Candid Narratve of the Rise and Progress of the Herrnhutters Commonly Called Moravians or Unitas Fratrum (London MDCCLIII). Roux, R. ‘The Doctrine of the Imitation of Christ in the Liber Graduum: Between Exegetical Theory and Soteriology’, Studia Patristica, 30 (1997), 259–264. Rupp, E.G., Introductory Essay, in Davies, R., George, A.R., and Rupp E.G., (eds.), History of the Methodist Church, vol. 1, i–xv. Schmidt, Martin, John Wesley: A Theological Biography. Vol.1. Trans. N.P. Goldhawk (London, 1962). Simon, J.S. John Wesley and the Religious Societies (London, 1921). ———. John Wesley and the Methodist Societies (London, 1937). Snyder, Howard, ‘John Wesley and Macarius the Egyptian’, Asbury Theological Journal, 45/2 (1990), 29–53. Stamp, William W., The Orphan House of Wesley (London, 1863). Stewart, Columba OSB. Working the Earth of the Heart. The Messalian Controversy in History, Texts and Language to AD 431 (Oxford, 1991). Stoeffler, F. Ernst. ‘The Religious Roots of the Early Moravian and Methodist Movements’, Methodist History, 24/3 (April 1986), 132–140. Storey, Anthony J. Mount Grace Lady Chapel: An Historical Enquiry (Beverley, 2001). Taylor, David G.K. ‘St. Ephraim’s Influence on the Greeks’, Hugoye Journal of Syriac Studies, 1/2 (1968), 185–196. Taylor, Jeremy. The Rule and Exercises of Holy Living (London MDCLI).

Monks and Methodists  231 Extracts from the Works of Jeremy Taylor, DD. John Wesley. Christian Library. vol 9. Ch 1. Section 3. http://wesley.nnu.edu/john-wesley/a-christianlibrary/a-christian-library-volume-9/extracts-from-the-works-of-jer-taylor-dd -chapters-i-iii/. Towlson, Clifford W. Moravian and Methodist: Relationships and Influences in the Eighteenth Century (London, 1957). Turner, Frank M., John Henry Newman (Yale University Press, 2002). Tyerman, Luke, The Life and Times of John Wesley (London, 1876), I. Vööbus, Arthur, Celibacy a Requirement for Admission to Baptism in the Early Syrian Church (Stockholm, 1951). ———, History of Asceticism in the Syrian Orient. I Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium. Vol. 197. Subsidia. Tomus. 14 (Louvain, 1958). ———, Literary Critical and Historical Studies in Ephrem the Syrian (Stockholm, 1958). ———, History of Asceticism in the Syrian Orient. II Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium. Vol 197. Subsidia. Tomus 17 (Louvain, 1960). ———'The Institution of the Benai Qeiama and Benat Qeiama in the Ancient Syrian Church.’ Church History. 30 (1961) 14–27. ———, On the Historical Importance of the Legacy of Pseudo-Macarius (Stockholm, 1972). Somerville, Robert, The Savoy: Manor, Hospital, Chapel (London, 1960). Vivian, Tim, The Virtues of St. Macarius of Egypt in St Macarius the Spiritbearer (Crestwood, New York, 2004). Wagner, Paul S., John Wesley and the German Pietist Heritage: The Development of Hymnody. DTh. Thesis. University of Toronto (2003). Wainwright, Geoffrey, ‘Ora et Labora: Benedictines and Wesleyans at Prayer and Work’, in Geoffrey Wainwright (ed.), Methodists in Dialogue (Nashville, 1995). 89–106. Wakefield, Gordon, ‘John Wesley and Ephraem Cyrus’, Hugoye: Journal of Syriac Studies 1/2 (1998), 273–286. Waller, John D. ‘Edmond Gournelle and His Thesis’, Proceedings of the Wesley Historical Society, XLVI (February 1988), 97–99. Walsh, John, ‘John Wesley and the Community of Goods’, in Keith Robins (ed.), Protestant Evangelicalism: Britain, Ireland, Germany and America. C1750– c1950: Essays in Honour of W.R. Ward. SCH Subsidia. 7 (Oxford, 1990), 25–50. Watson, Kevin M., Pursuing Social Holiness: The Band Meeting in Wesley’s Thought and Popular Methodist Practice (Oxford, 2014). Wesley, Charles, Journal, December 31st 1746. http://wesley.nnu.edu/charles-wesley/the-journal-of-charles-wesley-1707-1788/the-journal-of-charles-wesley-september-2-december-31-1746 [November 2nd, 2015]. ———, Hymns and Sacred Poems (1742). ———, Redemption Hymns (Bristol, 1747). ———, Intercession Hymns (Bristol, 1758). ———, Short Hymns on Select Passages of Scripture (Bristol, 1762). ———, Family Hymns (Bristol, 1767). Wesley, John, A Christian Library. Vol XIX. Bristol, 1753. ———, A Concise Ecclesiastical History from the Birth of Christ to the Beginning of the Present Century. Vol IV (London, 1781). [Adapted from Johann Lorenz von Misheim]

232  Monks and Methodists ———, Sermon CIV, On Attending the Church Service (1788), Works VII, 174–185. ———, Sermon LXXXI, In What Sense Are We to Leave the World?, Works VI, 462–475. ———, A Plain Account of the People Called Methodists. Works Vol VIII. 248–268. ———, Journal. Wesley Works (Bicentennial edition) Vol 18 Journals and Diaries I (1735–1738). Minutes of the Conference 1753 lines 5–19. The Methodist Societies: The Minutes of Conference. Wesley Works (Bicentennial edition). Vol. 1. ———, The Appeals to Men of Reason and Religion and Certain Related Open Letters. Wesley Works (Bicentennial edition) Vol. 11. ———, Sermon 50 The Use of Money. Wesley Works (Bicentennial edition) 2 Sermons II. 34–70. 268. ———, Sermon 61. The Mystery of Iniquity. Wesley Works (Bicentennial Edition). Vol. 2. Sermons II. 34–70. 62, 463, 466. ———. Sermon 63 The General Spread of the Gospel. Wesley Works (Bicentennial edition) Vol 2 Sermons II. 34–70. 493. ———, Sermon 89 The More Excellent Way.Wesley Works (Bicentennial Edition) Vol. 3. Sermons III. 71–114. 263–277. Walsh 42–44. ———, Sermon 89 The More Excellent Way. Wesley Works. Bicentennial Edition. Vol. 3. Sermons III. 71–114. 265. ———, Sermon 89 The More Excellent Way. Wesley Works (Bicentennial Edition). Vol. 3. Sermons III. 71–114. 266, 275, 276. cf. ———, Sermon 112 On Laying the Foundation of the New Chapel. Wesley Works (Bicentennial Edition) Vol. 3. Sermons III. 71–114. 582. ———, Sermon 122. Causes of the Inefficacy of Christianity. Wesley Works ­(Bicentennial Edition) Vol. 4. Sermons IV. 115–151. 94, 95. The Letters of John Wesley AM. Ed. John Telford. Vols VII, VIII (1931). ———, Journal. (ed. Nehemiah Curnock, 8 vols. (London 1938). ———, Thoughts on Marriage and a Single Life. 2nd edition (Bristol, 1743). ———, Thoughts on a Single Life, 1765. ———, A Plain Account of Christian Perfection (Bristol, 1766). ———, Thoughts on the Sin of Onan (London, 1767). ———, Popery Calmly Considered (London, 1779). ———, Instructions for Christians (London, 1791). ———, Instructions for Members of Religious Societies [appended to Instructions for Christians]. ———, Nicodemus or a Treatise of the Fear of Man (abridged) from A.H. Francke (London, 1798). ———, An Extract from the Homilies of Macarius. Christian Library Vol. 1 (London, 1819). Wesley, Samuel, The Pious Communicant Rightly Prepar’d or a Discourse Concerning the Blessed Sacrament (London, 1700). The Wesleyan-Methodist Magazine, Fourth Series III:1 (London, 1847). Wilson, Chris, ‘The Medieval Church in Both Methodism and Anti-Methodism’, in SCH 49. Peter D. Clarke and Charlotte Methuen (eds.), The Church on Its Past (Suffolk, 2013), 192–204.

Monks and Methodists  233 Woodward, Josiah, An Account of the Rise and Progress of the Religious Societies in the City of London (London, 1750). Workman, Herbert B., The Place of Methodism in the Life and Thought of the Christian Church. in A New History of Methodism. Vol.1. (London 1909) 1–74. ———, The Evolution of the Monastic Ideal (London, 1927). Young, Frances, ‘Inner Struggle: Some Parallels between the Spirituality of John Wesley and the Greek Fathers’, in: Orthodox and Wesleyan Spirituality (Crestwood, New York, 2002), 157–172. ———, ‘Retrospect: Interpretation and Appropriation’. The Cambridge History of Early Christian Literature. Ed. Frances Young, Lewis Ayres and Andrew Louth (Cambridge, 2004), 485–493. ———, God’s Presence: A Contemporary Recapitulation of Early Christianity (Cambridge, 2013).

6 The monastic imprint Refining the soul

In analysing the history of later interpretative perspectives on the community of goods in Acts, Brian Capper concludes that the communal lifestyle of voluntarist religious communities derived from Essene Jewish monasticism in ancient Judaea, was a formative influence within the nascent Jerusalem Church.1 The two ways of life found among the Essenes of the married faithful and the celibate appeared to have established itself as a pattern, while in many Christian communities elitism was rejected and the egalitarian unity of all believers was emphasised. The pattern as given by Luke in Acts emphasised common life, but it is possible that community of goods was a way of life for some, not for all. Within the established monastic tradition, many writers such as Hugh of Fouilloy interpreted the formal built environment of the monastery as an allegory for the inner life it was meant to serve. This led others in turn to draw upon the monastic tradition to focus upon inner spiritual experience beyond the exterior structure of the Church and formal doctrine. Well before the Reformation, lay people appropriated monastic texts and ideals; the search for serious religion, an affective spirituality, became the focus of p ­ ost-Reformation Pietist groups seeking the ‘true’ church in ecclesiolae, much as the monastic life had been regarded by some as the living heart of the Church. To encourage such devotion in the Restoration Church of England, Anthony Horneck in his Happy Ascetick sought to provide for those who valued his guidance, drawing upon both secular and religious sources to affirm the life of God in the soul, with the inevitable formation of societies, perceptively described by Samuel Wesley as filling the spiritual void left by monasticism at the Dissolution. Luke de Beaulieu in his Claustrum Animae explored the Cloister of the Soul as an interior disposition which was the heart of monastic vocation and spiritual life, and which he sought to restore to its rightful place as the life of the whole Church in its committed fullness. Luke drew upon a spectrum of the Fathers, monastic and other spiritual writers to propose that the ascetic life which had once devolved upon a vicarious class should be freed from the confines of the monastery to set up a cloister in the soul, an

DOI: 10.4324/9781003226734-6

The monastic imprint: refining the soul  235 interior habitus in every devout believer. This drew upon the tradition of a virtual architectural construct to reveal the sources of spirituality, particularly from the monastic ethos it was meant to serve. Allestree, Horneck, De Beaulieu, and others appropriated the virtual monastic imprint found in spiritual movements preceding and subsequent to the Reformation. Luke de Beaulieu interiorised the architectural construct of the cloister as Hugh of Fouilloy had before him, but whereas Hugh used the cloister as an exegeted text which mirrored Alexandrian scriptural exegesis, Luke regarded it as an exemplar of authentic interior living, ‘true’ affective Christian devotion to which all of the baptized should aspire. Similarly, Horneck drew upon ascetic sources, particularly the desert fathers and mothers transposing their advice to his English ecclesiolae.

Primitive beginnings In a recurrent retrospective appeal to the primitive church and beyond it to the life of Christ and the apostles, some spiritual movements had made a direct correlation between the Acts of the Apostles and the common life as they knew it. If monastic living was the perfect Christian life, this was retrojected onto Christian beginnings by writers such as Rupert of Deutz (c.1075/80-c.1129), according Jesus and the disciples monastic status in the ideal virtual cloister in which Christ was the true abbot.2 Other medieval writers believed the early church was in its origins monastic but that it had lost its primitive simplicity, and this raised the question of whether one could properly become a full Christian without monastic profession. Many early monastic writers such as Augustine held out the prospect of ascetic living as the fulfilment of the Christian life open to all but nevertheless founded monastic communities to facilitate this. This could maintain the insistence that life of the monk was the acme of Christian living, even the restoration of Paradise. The issue of what belongs to all Christians and what is for select groups aspiring to holiness remained a live one in and beyond the Middle Ages in which monastic life was considered a perfect way, with the concession of the ‘mixed life’ for those seeking fervent devotion and living. This was ostensibly patterned upon Christ and the apostles and lived amid the melee and compromise of the secular world. In this, there is little that can mitigate the impression of first and second-class discipleship, even when vocational diversity is invoked. In her analysis of early and late antique monastic space, Kim Bowes illustrates the fluid boundary between secular and monastic material presence, at times almost indistinguishable so that what she describes as the hermeneutical interpretation of what were ascetic contexts depended on perspective rather than any recognisably distinctive ‘monastic’ built environment. In this, she questions any normative ‘house to monastery progression’.3 It is then possible that by an intuitive insight rather than any outright acknowledgment of monastic formal structures, movements such as the

236  The monastic imprint: refining the soul Beguines or the Pietists or the later Methodists, sometimes unaware of immediate ascetic resonances, sought an experiential spirituality beyond any formal context, often drawing upon monastic writings they found which resonated with their intention. Wholehearted commitment and devotion in a domestic setting mirrored variable and diverse informal monastic origins and developments, sometimes more than later adherents themselves knew or were conscious of. The pursuit of Christian perfection in the world beyond the cloister could at times outshine the professed religious.

Bernard of Clairvaux In the quest for holiness and true devotion, the ubiquitous Bernard of Clairvaux was a pervading influence across the Middle Ages and beyond, although often subject to the art of selective quotation. Gerhard Groote and the adherents of the Devotio Moderna found support from his De Consideratione and On Precept and Dispensation, for their Brothers’ Customary. It was Bernard’s theologia experimentalis, his lived theology, which provided the impetus for affective piety. Erasmus and the Reformers had used Bernard’s De Consideratione as a support for their own critique of the papacy and his work was also used by Bona; further Cistercian influences appeared in Labadie and Wesley. In his estimate of Pietism, Albert Ritschl emphasized the influence of Bernard of Clairvaux, particularly from his sermons on the Song of Songs.4 He recognised many of Bernard’s reforming ideals as identical to those of the reformers and believed that the Pietist movement within state Lutheranism bore many of the characteristics of medieval monasticism, in particular of the mendicant orders.5 Above all it was Bernard’s emphasis upon experience, famously summarised in his comment that his monks would learn more from woods and stones than from books,6 which found an echo in late pseudo-­ monastic piety and in religious societies beyond the Reformation. Such advice could be interpreted in an anti-learning direction in which scholarship was regarded as suffocating true spiritual life, following other medieval writers who intentionally distanced themselves from the schools, which often led to the sense that intellectual effort was either detrimental to true spirituality, or simply not required. In this, established Lutheran and Reformed doctrine and nominal practice could be regarded as suffocating the life of the Spirit as much as the critiqued Catholic monasticism it repudiated.

Interiority Horneck and De Beaulieu both encouraged comparison and movement between the exterior and the interior. This could be seen not only in the monastic pattern of renunciation of material possessions but also in the

The monastic imprint: refining the soul  237 preference for interior meaning over and beyond visible scriptural or theological text. This was paralleled in the virtual cloister which for Hugh of Fouilloy was true ascesis in the hearts of the devout, in a moral reinterpretation of the monastic buildings. For Erasmus the true Church of Christ consisted of those who embraced Christ in the heart rather than the constraints of regulated monastic orders; his own indifferent experience of monastic living informed his view. The Lollards had used Hugh of Fouilloy’s interpretation to promote their view of the true invisible church, the true interior church which according to Luther and others was the hearts of the faithful.

Nominal Christianity Nominal Christian adherence could be attributed not only to the halfhearted but also to the success of monasticism in which it became a vicarious praying society, the locus of serious religion. This enabled some believers to forgo the task of perfection; holiness could be left to monks.7 From its beginning monastic desire to live the Gospel in its fullness became an implicit critique of the life of the Church. Nominal belief was castigated, from the earliest monks to Cassian through to Pietist disapproval of those who were evangelical Protestants in name only, to the nominal religion censured by Horneck, Allestree, Luke de Beaulieu and by John Wesley as ‘fair summer religion’. As the Church was accommodated to the empire, monastic living had formed an irritant within Constantinian patronage while some opted out of it. In repeating this anti-Constantinian critique those in later established churches like Wesley risked lopping off the branch on which they sat. Emphasis on the interior life not only led to a disparagement of nominal formal religion but could displace any value the outward form of the church might have, in an ecclesiological docesis. While nominality with little sign of spiritual vitality induced a state of spiritual anomie, affective devotion and piety in its fervour was often held under suspicion by church authorities as its emphasis on the priority of interiority could lead to rejection and disregard of formal constraints and erode doctrinal and canonical norms. This could lead to the formation of alternative societies, seen often as theological grit in the ecclesiastical oyster which produced the pearl of great price of living spirituality. Luther’s ‘interior monk’ lurked like a monastic shadow in which he was conscious of going through the motions of monastic routine with his heart disengaged.8 Nominal Christianity appeared in Luther’s classification of false and true baptized Christians, in Lewis Bayly’s strictures, and in the complaint of Allestree concerning so many baptized heathen. Throughout De Beaulieu’s text his critique of nominal religion was clear; Christian vocation had been compromised by secular advantage, and what was now required was a true conversio to vital spirituality.

238  The monastic imprint: refining the soul

The baptismal vow Many post-Reformation writers sought to retrieve authentic baptismal vocation from nominality in which ‘real’ Christian discipleship had been relegated to monks, safely distanced from secular concerns, itself a feat which proved largely impossible for many monastic orders. Monastic writers consistently referred to monastic vows as a second baptism; since at profession a monk or nun was usually clothed with a habit and received a new name, there was clearly a transference in process. Early Christian fathers, and indeed the common creeds, emphasized the one baptism. This is clear in Tertullian who discounted any repetition of baptism in water, interpreting martyrdom as a second baptism in blood.9 One reading is that under Constantinian patronage of the Church, monastic commitment was regarded by some as a substitute ‘green’ martyrdom after bloody persecution had passed and the Christian faith was for the greater part socially acceptable and safe, making the ‘red’ martyrdom of blood an unlikely prospect.10 Monastic second baptism The idea of a monastic ‘second’ baptism may have originated in conversio as the baptism of repentant tears. Since monastic vows related to the grace of baptismal vocation, this was its fulfilment for the candidate, even regarded as the most perfect form of Christian living for all. This was also recognized in the desert fathers: There was a great elder who had the second sight; he made an affrmation thus: “The force I beheld standing by at the baptising, I beheld the same at the clothing of a monk, when he receives the habit.”11 A certain well known visionary said that he saw the same glory shining around the clothing of a monk receiving the habit as he had seen shining over Baptism.12 It was but a short step from monastic vows as a substitute for baptismal martyrdom, or the assertion that monastic vows participate in the originating grace of baptism, even as its fullness, to asserting the ‘second baptism’ of monastic profession. Jerome is commonly attributed as the source for the idea that the monastic profession is a second baptism.13 Jean-Charles Nautin commenting on the Vatican II Constitution on the Church Lumen Gentium and the decree on the religious life, Perfecta Caritatis, examined the relationship between baptism and monastic profession: The Fathers wished to present religious life as a calling addressed to all Christians to live out their baptism. This baptismal understanding of the religious life is founded in ancient tradition that considers monastic profession to be a “second

The monastic imprint: refining the soul  239 baptism.” This expression ‘second baptism’, is inadequate, because there is only one baptism; however, it leads us to the relationship between baptism and monastic profession.14 Nautin suggested that the development of the ‘second baptism’ theme may have come from a perceived watering down of Christianity under the peace of establishment or monasticism as a substitute martyrdom. He found parallel renunciations in baptism and profession related to dying and rising with Christ as in Cyril of Jerusalem’s Mystagogical Catecheses where baptismal calling and monastic profession are both linked to regular attendance at the eucharist;15 he describes both baptism and monastic profession as points of departure rather than final destinations.16 Suffering martyrdom was regarded as a form of baptism in which sins were forgiven; Edward Malone points to this in Melito of Sardis, Justin Martyr, Tertullian, and Jerome.17 In proposing martyrdom as a ‘second baptism’ it is not always clear what is being asserted, most Christian martyrs had presumably undergone baptism previously. This concept may include those among the martyred for whom their shedding of blood was their one and only baptism.18 From this, a transference is made to monastic profession, particularly when martyrdom was no longer a possibility, the offering made in profession regarded as a holocaust. Malone traced an analogous pattern between baptism and profession as a mysterion, a second baptism being a renewal of the first.19 He cited a parallel to the apotaxis/ syntaxis of baptism reflected in Athanasius’ Life of Antony and in Macarius, and developed in Basil.20 This baptismal character is marked by the ceremony of clothing with the emphasis on being initiated into a higher form of supernatural life;21 in both Macarius and Ephrem we find the association of ascetic vows with baptism. In his analysis of the rites of the monastic profession, Edward Foley traced the development from martyrdom regarded as a second baptism to monastic life as martyrdom and a second penance. He finds the tradition of monastic life as a second baptism well established by the seventh century.22 John Climacus regarded penitence, the fountain of tears after baptism, as sufficient to wash away any defilement after baptism at infancy.23 Symeon the New Theologian refers to a baptism of the Spirit.24 The difference between monastic ascetics and other baptised members of the Church is, states Aidan Kavanagh, one of degree, in which the monk ‘eats less, sleeps less, and prays more than most’;25 the monk swallows the reality of baptism whole. By their common baptism the lay person lives in a family as the monk lives in the cloister: The analogy between coming to baptism and monastic life is close, dynamic, and lasting. It is as though the monk is a living sacrament of baptismal fidelity for all; the catechumen and his baptism serve as a reminder of what the monk’s life entails every Lent and Easter.26

240  The monastic imprint: refining the soul Kavanagh pointed to baptism as poenitientia prima, and to sacramental absolution as poenitentia secunda. Monasticism might be regarded as poenitientia tertia, for it has baptismal meaning at its root; for Kavanagh, baptismal unilateralism runs through it all, and it is ‘bone-jarringly counter cultural.’27 Monks stay put to work on their conversion from the world to the world’s creator. This includes the solitary as he suggests: The hermit who has practiced all this in his years of coenobitic engagement, is the final living icon of it all: his state of apatheia has now come to include even the monastic community that nourished him. To be in such a state is to have breathed in the radical demands the Gospel lays on every baptised Christian, monk or not. It is not to pray, but to live prayer; not to worship, but to have become worship itself in the constant giving of worth where worth is due with complete disinterestedness, with total purity of heart To become this is to know the Father as only the Son knows him, to fulfil one’s baptism into him whether in the monastery or out of it.28 Christopher Vuillame made a similar point; monastic profession is part of the baptismal dynamic, a complete consecration to holiness.29 He indicates the route by which this became a substitute martyrdom during the peace of the Church pointing out the elements of the ritual profession which relate to baptism; the clothing of the candidate, and the parallel apotaxis/syntaxis in the rites, and the symbolism of death and resurrection.30 This he supported from the Eastern tradition in Theodore the Studite, from the Vita Stephani (11th/12th cent), and Jean d’Antioche on the renewal of baptism.31 He suggested the possibility that the monastic profession remitted actual sins, whereas baptism remitted original sin. While he sought to avoid any suggestion that this is a second baptism, since baptism is unrepeatable, Vuillaume steers as close as possible to baptismal claims for profession in order to validate its place possibly as a sacramental rather than a sacrament: Dans le dynamism de baptême: il serait vain de vouloir parler de l’engagement religieux en lui meme, c’est la vie consécrée tout entiere qu’il fault tenter de situer dans sa dimension ecclesiale. 32 August Gothman gives a concise history of the transposition of the monastic profession into what he calls the rhetoric of the second baptism, together with the Protestant riposte in which there can be no first and second-class Christians.33 It is clear that there is a suggestion of profession as a second baptism in the Armenian rite, but this is rather inferred in the rubric than stated in the text: And then he shall raise up the novice that is prostrate before him, whose raiment is to be sealed, and that as it were a second sealing over

The monastic imprint: refining the soul  241 again. For the grace of the Holy Spirit manifestly descends upon the new offering, as on the day of illumination. And once more the father cautions and admonishes him as follows:34 The concept of profession as a second baptism is widely known in the Syriac tradition, particularly in what is described as the proto-monastic period. Jean Leclercq stated that before monasticism was regarded as a second baptism it took place at Easter among the catechumens for baptism. Referring to Jean Gribomont, he doubted the baptismal context in the Syriac perspective of a covenanted group was anything more than fulfilment of baptismal calling as he indicates from Severus’ Life of St. Martin. He noted three points at which the concept of monastic ‘second baptism’ could have appeared; the possible influence of a Messalian connection between baptism and asceticism related to their rejection of the effect of baptism, the assimilation of martyrdom to monasticism and baptism, or the spread of infant baptism and a consequent shift in conversio. 35 He interpreted Jerome’s reference to a monastic second baptism as penitence and daily martyrdom rather than a form of profession; this is traced this to the seventh century, and to its developed use in Denys and Theodore the Studite, 36 Hildemar, Smaragdus, and in Peter Damien and Bernard of Clairvaux; the shift was in conversio as conversion to the cloister rather than from paganism. He placed monastic commitment in the context of ordinary baptismal vocation, cautioning the imposition of monastic spirituality where it does not belong, as well as a failure to recognise the essence of monasticism.37 He concluded that in the secular Christian life and in the monastic commitment we are dealing with ‘two states of life in the common pursuit of one sanctity’.38 The inevitable development of the idea of a monastic second baptism led to what some regard as the monasticisation of the Church. One consequence of the transposition of conversio to mean monastic commitment was that the whole Church could be regarded as a monastic institution echoing Erasmus; this related closely to the retrosepctive idea that the first apostles must have been monks. Yet what is clearly in view here is that all Christians are called to ascetic living and a disciplined life, rather than that they should all be categorised in a binary perspective as monks. Biblical texts and images once intepreted as referring to the Church, particularly from the Old Testament, are often taken to refer to the monastic institution in which the idea that there is no salvation outside the Church means in effect salvation is only secure in the monastic life. Henri De Lubac describes this transposition: These transfers, however are also justified by a more precise theory which tends to give them a more direct sense; a theory which sees in monastic (or canonic) life not only the perfection of Christian life, but the only true Christian life. It is, they say, the form of life which was

242  The monastic imprint: refining the soul at the origins of the whole Church. The first monks were the Apostles, themselves preceded by “the sons of the prophets” under the Old Testament. The monastic vestment is the same as that the Prophets and Apostles wore. The monastic life is none other than the apostolic life, that is to say, the life that the first Christian community led at Jerusalem gathered round the Twelve, all then being “one heart and one soul.”39 George Demacopoulos finds a more nuanced pastoral resonance in discerning what is for some and what is for all in Gregory the Great, which prefigured the ideals of post-Reformation writers who advocated serious Christian life for all. If complete ascetic renunciation was not possible, it was feasible so to live that while possessing earthly things we were not possessed by them. Gregory’s desire to see ascetic living in the wider Christian community avoided the binary frame of choosing between an ascetic or married commitment.40 Gregory did not enforce the model of the Jerusalem Church as a template for monastic living. While he shared Cassian’s emphasis on the necessity for purity of heart, even given his somewhat elitist gathering of aristocratic companions in the home he formed into a community, he regarded Cassian’s purity of heart as the goal for all Christians.41 Monastic profession a second baptism: a view from Port Royal Under Louix XIV the Jansenist centre of Port Royal faced suppression. Once this danger ceased in 1669 with the temporary peace under Pope Clement IX, one of its leaders, Antoine Arnaud (1612–1694) together with Pierre Nicole published La Perpétuite de La Foi Dei L’Eglise Catholique sur Les Sacraments.42 This was an assertion of the Catholic faith against Calvinist Protestantism. One chapter sought to investigate the issue of the monastic profession as a second baptism. Arnaud found this numbered among the sacraments in the Greek Church in which it was considered to remit all sins, whereas Protestants dismissed this as a novelty.43 The authors cited Simeon of Thessaloniki (1381–1429) who numbered monastic profession among the sacraments in common with some Latin writers, it being a mark of penitence as a second baptism in which the monastic habit served as the robe of purification similar to baptism; 44 the monk renounced the world in a continual mortification. In their view, some of the Fathers recognised penitence as a second baptism, by which sins committed after baptism might be remitted. The difference between the first baptism and the second is that the first is pure grace without difficulty, the second is laborious and painful; Antony and Pachomius believed that complete renunciation of the world led to a perfect life, restoring the innocence of baptism.45 Simeon of Thessaloniki in his tract on the sacraments regarded penitence as the holiest habit of the religious, which is called angelic, because it imitates and promises purity

The monastic imprint: refining the soul  243 in its poverty, hymns and prayers and is the obedience and holiness of the angels. Some believed the monastic life was instituted by Jesus Christ and given to the apostles as we may find in St. Denys and Pachomius to whom the form of the habit was prescribed by an angel.46 The question arose as to how those who accord with the Oriental Church can pretend that the monastic state is like baptism which requires administration by a priest. However, Theodore the Studite suggested that it purges all the strength from sins.47 Arnaud instanced the Eastern and Western Churches in which the religious habit if requested may be given on one’s deathbed; this is to signify the mercy of God and pardon for sins in the same way that sins are effaced at baptism. For the Greeks, in its continuing penitence, perfect life, and the offices, the monastic life is comparable to baptism.48 Arnaud cited Aquinas in support of this, noting that for him entry into religion obtained the remission of all sins and complete satisfaction for them once someone gave themselves entirely to the service of God. Entry into religion surpassed the satisfaction of public penitence for according to the Fathers it communicated the same grace which is found in baptism.49 Thomas Aquinas (1225/7–1224) Thomas Aquinas described three states of perfection in the Church, that of the general faithful, bishops, and religious.50 Perfection was possible without renunciation of possessions, it required simply an intention to do so.51 The religious state was a school for holiness in which the religious pledged his whole life to seek perfection, putting him above other orders.52 Aquinas distinguished between the solemn vow of profession which made someone a monk or brother, and a simple vow which only bound him to enter religion.53 Aquinas does not directly state that the vow of solemn profession is a second baptism, rather that it did not derogate from the goodness of baptism; that some sin after being baptized, but by entering religion they received the same grace as baptism.54 It is disputable whether this can be interpreted as a second baptism or whether it is but a way of saying that the monastic profession is part of the vocation given in baptism.55 In Athanasius’ Life of Antony those who are brought before the great tribunal at death will find sins remitted, having embraced the monastic life. Likewise among the Copts, those who take the religious habit are purified from sins as by the grace of baptism. However, this novel idea of a second baptism in monasticism is not generally approved in the sense given it by Simeon of Thessaloniki. The monastic profession is not considered among the sacraments for it belongs to the category of penitence.56 Later Catholic apologists The views on a second baptism are not so neatly divided into Catholic or Protestant polarities as might be assumed. In the mid-nineteenth century,

244  The monastic imprint: refining the soul George Haydock, a priest from a notable Recusant family, in editing his forebears’ edition of the Douai/Reims Bible was clearly in two minds. His commentary on Acts 2.44 gives what appears to be a firmly Catholic view: The living in common is not a precept for all Christians, but a life of perfection and counsel, for such as are called to it by heaven. (see Augustine Psalm cxii and ep.cix,) the practice of which is striking proof of the one true Church, which has come down from the apostles.57 However further into his work, his comment on Acts 4.32 is less selective: All things were common. Happy would it be for society, if the rich of the present day were to imitate, in some degree, this charity of the first disciples, by distributing to those that want. Both would hereby become more happy; nor would the rich derive less pleasure from such actions, than the poor, (St. Chrysostom, hom. xi. in Acts). That cold and fatal word, mine, and thine, which has caused so many misfortunes and wars, was banished from among them. (Id. hom. de St. Philogon). Some take this to be the origin of a monastic life: but according to the Fathers, it is rather its progress and increase; for it began in the family of Jesus Christ. The apostles, indeed, may be said to institute here that common life, which they led under Christ, our Lord, and of which Peter speaks: behold, we have left all. This life, by St. Augustine and others, is called apostolic, and there among all, wives are particularly specified. Cajetan thinks no vow was required: St. Augustine is of a different sentiment. (Serm. x. de diversis & alibi). While this still suggests monastic discipleship, it is substantially limited by the presence of wives, unless he intends a pseudo-Messalian recommendation; here, to be monastic is to be truly apostolic, giving the impression of a penumbra of followers around the founding few, yet quite how the ascetic life is derived directly from Jesus’ family is uncertain. Later Catholic apologists are faced with a similar struggle towards an ascetic rationale. Germain Morin made a similar appeal to primitivism, with a concentration upon minutiae, and yet with a similar concern to Luke de Beaulieu to rouse the slumbering formalist: There are monks who only do just what is necessary in order not palpably to violate the vow, or even the virtue of obedience; beyond that they do not care to rise, they are satisfied as they are.58 In his exegesis of the texts of Acts, Morin cannot however escape the issue of what is for some of the baptised and what is for all. Love of God and neighbour may be more focussed in the cloister but it is also the foundation of all Christian society, a somewhat begrudging admission of everyone.59

The monastic imprint: refining the soul  245 Morin’s rationale for monastic profession centred around its meaning as a ‘second’ baptism. He drew the analogy between the process of the monastic profession and that of the catechumenate, paralleling the accompanying rites and scrutinies.60 and indicating the connection between profession and martyrdom. This however seems to stray from the emphasis on the baptismal vow as the common vocational commitment of every Christian, the unrepeatable sacrament as asserted in Horneck, Luke de Beaulieu, and others. Morin appealed to Rupert of Deutz in defining the apostolic life as that of those who lead the life of the apostles and imitate the conduct of the first Christians with the rider that this was ‘par excellence, and, speaking generally, the monastic life.’61 Here he turned to Cassian: the true apostolic life is none other than that of the first Christians, which, since it could not be practised with the same fervour by the ever increasing multitude of the baptized, ended by finding refuge in a narrow circle of chosen souls, eager to remain faithful to the ideal taught and practised by the Apostles. Those chosen souls were the first monks.62 Although this state of life was inherited from the first Christians and their mode of life in terms of precept, example and rules, liturgical prayer, and property in common,63 it is in the cloister above all where souls are most delicate and attuned to this original understanding of Christian living. Being of one heart and one soul was the great law of Benedict for his monastic communities.64 The idea of speciation in spirituality may result from setting the bar too high in apostolic imitation of the early Jerusalem Church. This in itself could occasion different perspectives on the Acts summaries in which one of the major themes will be that of a vicarious monastic praying class, of the few for the many. Since baptism was the sacrament of initiation into common life, reformers from the eleventh and twelfth centuries onward had sought to restore baptismal commonality. Jean Gerson had advocated a life of Christian perfection for all without vows, as did Gerhard Zerbolt, since the Christian life was the same for all. Gabriel Biel defended the Brethren of the Common Life, for they could live as the first Christians without a monastic profession. While Gerhard Groote followed St. Bernard on monasticism as a second baptism, this was countered in the second generation of the Brethren of the Common Life by Johan Pupper of Goch. There were three points on which he attacked the Thomist view of monasticism: the meaning and importance of the religious vow, the notion that it is a second baptism, the concept of ministry and ordination implicit in monastic theology.65 For him, the monastic life was not another dying to the world as once one died to sin in baptism; there was no analogy between baptism

246  The monastic imprint: refining the soul and monastic profession.66 This was a defining transition for the Brethren, but their foundation of Windesheim with its monastic profession somewhat compromised the issue. The baptismal vow was a core issue against monasticism in the sixteenth-­ century Reformers, and the careful avoidance of any other vow by some devotional groups before them indicated its central focus. The idea of the monastic profession as a second baptism with its accompanying rationale from the desert fathers and writers such Symeon the New Theologian onwards was rejected in favour of one common life for all. For the Reformers a single baptism discounted monastic profession and they denounced the idea of a second baptism; monasticism was regarded in the same sectarian perspective as they viewed the Anabaptists, for the one superseded, the other disregarded baptism and its vow (though clearly, that was not the view of the Anabaptists themselves).67 The difficulty of St. Bernard’s advocacy of a second baptism in On Precept and Dispensation and his sermon On the Second Baptism 68was circumvented or ignored by the Reformers in their use of his work, preferring the affective encounter of Bernard’s visitation by the Word. Luther stressed the priority of the baptismal vow, for all made one and the same vow, as did William Perkins and others. A positive Protestant emphasis sought in particular to dismiss any suggestion that monastic life was a second baptism, echoing Luther’s critique of Jerome’s second plank of repentance.69 Drawing upon Erasmus’ erosion of monastic boundaries De Beaulieu upheld the single baptismal vow as an explicit issue, as it was for Spener and others. What was regarded as a particular charism and vocation in both its eremitic and coenobitic forms with its emphasis on humility, penance prayer, and the opus Dei, was a particular fulfilment of the grace of common baptism. The Humanists and Reformers emphasized that all those baptized into Christ in their vocation and ministry were to lead a life worthy of their calling in the path of holiness. In the baptismal vocation, none is higher or lower than another, nor was it possible to construct a second baptism by means of supererogation in penance or profession. The path to spiritual and moral perfection was the calling of every Christian, not that of the isolated few. This again raised the issue derived from the exegesis of Acts as to what was for the many and what was for the few. This emphasis did not necessarily disparage monastic living or find no place for the ascetic movement within the Church, rather they sought to safeguard the one common life of the Church and the inherent meaning of the single Christian baptism and its vow, its once for all character related to the saving events, and the unity of the mystical body of Christ.70 Disagreement over the status of monastic commitment was not always easily divided into positive Catholic or negative Protestant perspectives. However appreciative and ecumenically generous Horneck and De Beaulieu appear, nothing was permitted to erode baptismal common ground.

The monastic imprint: refining the soul  247

The religious Whereas the term ‘religious’ had developed as a synonym for monasticism, this usage was questioned by Humanists such as Lorenzo Valla.71 Religion was the common Christian life, which Gabriel Biel defined as for everyone; therefore the Brethren of the Common Life need take no vows, a position confirmed from Erasmus. A chief criticism of monasticism was that it made private what should be public; what was ostensibly for all Christians had been misappropriated by a few, perfection had become elitist, whereas it was the common vocation of every Christian. This had led to monasticisation of the clergy under the Gregorian reform and also the clericalisation of monasticism. All Christians were called to a life of penance and prayer. On the other hand, expectations raised by such as Anthony Horneck and Luke de Beaulieu could lead to the pseudo-monasticisation of the whole Church rather than simply removing the claustral boundary, just as Erasmus appeared to claustrate the whole Church or Calvin sought to make the whole of Geneva a desert.

Interior monasticism The Augsburg Confession made the Protestant view clear: They taught that vows were equal to baptism; they taught that by this kind of life they merited remission of sins and justification before God; yea, they added that the monk’s life did not only merit righteousness before God, but more than that, because it observed not only the commandments, but also the counsels of the Gospel. And thus they taught that the monk’s profession was better than baptism; that the monk’s life did merit more than the life of magistrates, of pastors, and such like, who in obedience to God’s commandment, followed their calling without any such religion of making.72 The issue of interiorised monasticism is well analysed by Greg Peters73 who regards it as integrally linked to the priesthood of all believers,74 with support from Cassian and others for all Christian as monks, and all monks as Christians. However, as noted previously, to consider all Christians as monks in an Erasmian perspective is somewhat incongruous, as this does not resolve the integral binary construct in designating common ascetic living as monastic, which was a recurring problem in the exegesis of Acts and in the medieval retrospective description of the apostles a proto-monks. This Erasmus, Luther, and others sought to displace in their emphasis on the one baptism, and on the diverse gifts and graces among the vocations of the common priesthood which encouraged this. As Peters confirms, in both Erasmus and Luther there can be no improvement upon the baptismal vow in which Christians live out their vocation and growth in holiness. The

248  The monastic imprint: refining the soul Christian life was never a progression away from baptism but a repeated return to it.75 For this reason, monastic vows added nothing but detracted from its all-sufficiency. Priests, monks, and bishops were not the ‘the heart of the church’.76 A second baptism was not required in lieu of the power of the first.77 Luther internalised the monastic life with reference to his own: Each one of us bears in his breast a great monk. That is, each would like to have such a work in which he could glory: ‘Behold, I have done this. Today I have satisfied God by my prayers, by my good works, so I can enjoy greater peace of mind.’ It has happened to me, too, that when I have carried out a work of my calling I am much happier than if I had not done it.78 Luther regarded monasticism as a seditious movement which encouraged division and concentrated on works for salvation. There was no superior category of Christian or alternative way of life guaranteeing holiness and perfection. Monastic vows had no priority over the commandments.79 However, this did not prevent him from proposing select groups of more devoted believers.80 Luther’s monastic shadow came to the fore in his Preface to the German Mass (1526). Here he proposed to gather within the territorial church a group of dedicated Christians seeking a more serious Christian life.81 Deep political involvement in relation to the Peasants’ War and his urging of the princes to punish the rebels in his Against the Robbing and Murdering Hordes of Peasants (1525) may have influenced his preference for an ecclesiola of the faithful.82 He recommended what to all intents was a gathered pseudo-monastic community and sought to authorise this group to have baptism and eucharist apart from the main congregation, something later Pietist leaders refused to contemplate. In this way, he sought to resolve the issues between true and false Christians. Jonathan Trigg commented on the inherent problems in this: The subjective requirements of fides, via the expectation of a recognisable conversion experience, divided the individual into two parts. But they also divided humanity into two groups, placing a crucial boundary (visible or invisible) around the fideles. Luther did not find sufficient interest to form such an ecclesiola. He was constrained by prospective accusations of sectarianism, since the rhetoric of magisterial Protestantism against Anabaptist radicals centred on the fact that they were sects as monastic orders were sects. What prevented such a select society was his own emphasis on the one baptism over against monastic vows. There remained the question whether this could risk monasticising the whole church.83 Peters perceptively focuses on the singleness of heart as the core of interior monasticism;84 with some recognition of how such singlemindedness

The monastic imprint: refining the soul  249 reinterpreted the monastic built environment as a metaphorical construct which eroded its own boundary, as it did among the Brethren and Sisters of the Common Life of the Devotio Moderna in ecclesiolae of the more seriously committed.

The virtual cloister Anthony Horneck valued the moderate context of the Church of England in which his religious societies could flourish free from suspicion of forming conventicles. Restoration Anglicanism also provided the milieu from which Luke de Beaulieu could use the claustral image for normative devout Christian living. The virtual cloister as described by Hugh of Fouilloy and found in other medieval traditions had also been used by Tersteegen and later writers within the Devotio Moderna. Before the Dissolution, the true interior cloister could be assigned to the few ‘true’ monks among the dross, much like the true invisible church. In advocating the interior cloister as the life of every Christian, De Beaulieu followed Erasmus in widening the context of ascetic spirituality to those who wished to be a Christian with all their heart and soul. Monasticism still appeared as a construct but in the process of interiorisation it developed as a virtual monastery, a true interior cloister. This prefigured the heart religion of the Enlightenment which echoed Augustine’s alternative way of interior knowing. For Luke de Beaulieu the interior monastery displaced all orders and returned vital spirituality to all the baptized

The Ritschlian critique of Pietism In considering Pietism as an attempt to revive ascetic life in an extra-­ claustral context, Ritschl drew attention to the eleventh-century Gregorian reform as a move to monasticise the whole Church in which mendicants spread monastic perfection to the laity.85 He saw the monastic appeal to the simple ascetic life of the early Jerusalem Church among early Anabaptists whose ecstatic states he regarded as more characteristic of medieval monasticism and cited Bullinger who described them as like a new monastic order.86 For Ritschl the fundamental perspective on monastic life in or outside the cloister was that the moral life of the world and the Christian rule were mutually exclusive.87 He believed that, in surrendering the life of the cloister, Protestantism had closed itself off from the religious feeling indigenous to the cloister, although in suggesting that the only link between Pietism and monasticism was the ecclesiola ideal he omitted to recognize the influence of Bernardine spirituality and ascesis beyond the cloister.88 Winfried Zeller in his analysis of Pietism regarded degeneration as one of its central themes, in that spirituality becomes externalised and formalist so that the external visible church becomes secondary to the invisible true church.89

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Affective piety and ecclesiology Horneck and De Beaulieu gave priority to the call to affective piety over doctrinal agreement. Doctrine alone without the grace of the Spirit could be cold and sterile rather than the sacrament of the life of God in the soul of humanity, yet affective piety was a shifting foundation. Baptism without pious living lacked proper fulfilment but it was still a rite effecting admission to the company of Christians. Reliance upon feelings and interior states alone, however sanctified, could vapourise the Church into holy mist. Giving priority to affective spirituality created informal levels of holiness which could restructure the visible ordering of church and ministry, forming alternative criteria to that of the Church as the visible continuity of the Incarnation and the saving events. Horneck’s and De Beaulieu’s texts reflected the tensions in theology and spirituality in which the structure and form of the Church, the catholic sense of the people of God, was affirmed, however beneath this existed a vital affective piety, sometimes appealed to as the invisible church, often questioning ecclesial structures and at times surfacing as the critical alternative to apostolic succession and visible continuity in any form. The common critique of renewal movements and reformers was that the Church had failed or fallen from grace and was no longer ‘true’, often to be replaced by an alternative agenda. Not all ecclesial institutions exhibited signs of life concordant with the Gospel; authoritarian regulation could suffocate life. Defining what belonged to the Church and who belonged delineated its boundaries as well as its core identity; at times this formed a kind of realised eschatology – the parousia now, the paradise of the cloister. Keeping spirituality within appropriate ecclesial boundaries was often problematic, and the rejection of theological acuity for ideas that have a better feeling often led to a sectarian agenda. Luke de Beaulieu was aware of similar issues, many of which were found in the relationships between the Huguenots and the established Churches in France and in England as two different ecclesiologies interacted. What was the normative definitive Christian life? Was the Christian life always to be lived in the white heat of spiritual fervour? Horneck and De Beaulieu sought not to restore monastic life to the Anglican via media but rather to promote its interior values for every Christian. While John Wesley drew upon monastic sources, there was limited recognition of the Methodist societies as successors to the monks he often dismissively disregarded. Noticeably in his direct critique of the life of the brethren at Mount Grace, Wesley commented upon the Carthusians, a community of solitaries who accorded less with his criteria of social holiness than might Benedictines. Wesley’s underlying engagement with the Syriac tradition in Ephrem and Macarius revealed his deep appreciation of Eastern monasticism and the

The monastic imprint: refining the soul  251 religion of the heart. Did Wesley subliminally appropriate the atmosphere of the Sons of the Covenant? It will inevitably be asked if Wesley’s construction of his Covenant Service using the work of Richard and Joseph Alleine owes anything to a Syriac milieu, particularly the third part of Richard Alleine’s Vindiciae Pietatis in which Alleine ties the renewal of the Covenant to baptism and to a voluntary vow made subsequent to this.90 While there have been suggestions that the Sons of the Covenant engaged in an annual renewal rite, as did the Essenes, it is unlikely that the covenant renewal of the Alleines and Wesley derived directly from any monastic source; Puritans had an equal engagement with covenant theology. However, in the Syriac monastic texts Wesley certainly found an expansive emphasis on the religion of the heart. The most approximate liturgical rite to the Methodist Covenant Service is that of the renewal of baptismal vows, but also monastic profession. Groups within the Church intent on serious religious reflection and practice were habitually interested in vows, promises and rites of commitment; these figure largely in the social and spiritual structure of any ecclesiola. That Wesley found some accord with Jansenist authors is little surprise as in places their agendas merged. Nowhere is this more evident than in his appropriation of St. Cyran and Duguet, carefully excised of their Roman preferences, but transposed from Port Royal to the Methodist Connexion. Although Charles Wesley was critical of asceticism, he recognised a common interior likeness with the societies of his day. He was influenced by his reading of Luke de Beaulieu’s text so that some of Luke’s phrases were echoed in the texts of his hymns. The annotated copy of the Wesley family edition of Luke de Beaulieu’s Claustrum Animae with its transcribed prayer to the dying Christ, remains a mystery (Figure 6.1). This prayer breathes the spirit of Catholic piety. It may derive from the 11th century monastic reform, or from Counter-Reformation devotion. It indicates a conduit of affective piety possibly from a pilgrimage source, the handwriting is unlikely to be Charles’, but it does indicate the reader took to heart Luke’s invitation to the cloister of the soul.

English Ecclesiolae Consequent upon Horneck’s engagement with interior life and De Beaulieu’s interior cloister, a crucial issue among reforming groups drawing upon monastic sources was the inevitable formation of ecclesiolae as those drawn to a deeper interior spiritual life grew into societies of the like-minded, as Samuel Wesley had perceptively been recognised. The formation of critical perspectives, particularly within state Churches, as with the Puritans of Elizabethan times, drew accusations of disloyalty; it took an exceptional mind and heart such as the seventeenth-century Richard Baxter to bridge conflicting theological polities between Anglicans and ‘separatists’. The nervous Puritan antagonism to the community at Little Gidding revealed

252  The monastic imprint: refining the soul

Figure 6.1  John Rylands mss autograph. A prayer to Jesus Christ upon the cross agonising and dying, made on Good Friday upon the spot where the Lord was crucified O most dear charitable and adorable Redeemer, give me leave to conjure thee by that tender mercy which thou hadst for poor sinners, by thy sad agony, by thy bitter passion, by the affusion of thy blood, by the recommendation thou madest of thy soul into the hands of God thy Father, by the last cry thou didst utter before thy death, by the last sigh by which thou didst expire and by thy death making to pass the accomplishment of our redemption, take pity on me now, and in the time of my agony and receive my soul at the moment of my death into thy merciful hands and into the bosom of thy charity. Amen, so be it. Autograph prayer in the end fly-leaf of the 1677 edition of Luke de Beaulieu’s Claustrum Animae from Charles Wesley’s Family library. Comparison with other mss. reveal the handwriting is unlikely to be that of Charles. [Charles Wesley Family Book Collection, 241. ©Methodist Archives, John Rylands University Library, Manchester. MAW CW241. Courtesy of the Trustees for Methodist Church Purposes.]

an edge of anti-papal friction concerning anything suggestive of monastic influence. For all his perceptive insight into the comparative role of the monasteries and the religious societies, Samuel Wesley as an Anglican, originally from a Dissenting background seemed unaware of the divergent direction such societies could take. Horneck and De Beaulieu knew themselves the tensions and divisions between conflicting Christian traditions in the times through which they lived. Luke’s Claustrum Animae was a significant attempt to draw attention to the common Christian life within and beyond established traditions in its essential affective spirituality. However, heartfelt devotion and piety lacking the formal boundary of the monastic enclosure, always risked development into an alternative body, which monasticism itself at times faced,

The monastic imprint: refining the soul  253 often contravening doctrinal authority and canonicity. Intense affective religion necessarily formed structures beyond the generality of Christians for the exercise of interior devotion and ascesis. This could result in a process of continual refinement, wheels within wheels, leading inevitably to the solitary life; hence in the West the continual concern with episcopal supervision and eventually the institution of the Holy Office. In the East monastic life evinced at times a less formally regulated ethos with an emphasis on the impulse of the Spirit, and set within a very different ecclesiology, as Syriac sources reveal. De Beaulieu’s appropriation of Giovanni Bona was significant, as illustrated by the dialogue between the Papist and the Presbyterian, although his emphasis on the interior life for all with its warmth and sincerity was never permitted to overflow and erode ecclesial boundaries. Luke’s emphasis on the Incarnation and the work and suffering of Christ inspired devotion but at hardly any point did it require visible corporate ecumenical amendment in a rapprochement of ecclesial life, for fear of Popery. Conveniently committed to the Anglican status quo De Beaulieu guarded against its erosion by Presbyterianism possibly because he had experienced the alternative in his original native environment. Even the advocacy of the one baptism and its vow displacing all others was clearly insufficient to bring about communio in sacris and certainly not ecclesio-political change. Pietism in its fervent devotion might at times shift doctrinal parameters constructing an alternative to established rules and practice, yet its emphasis on the beating heart of the Church provided an impetus for ecumenical engagement. Yet love as advocated in Claustrum Animae, which subsisted as the true Christian life, still remained love across the ecclesiastical barricades. Following the trajectory of the Happy Ascetick and the Cloister of the Soul raises the issue of how devotion relates to formal doctrine, canonicity, traditio, and ecclesiology, how the formal external and visible life of the Church and Christians within it coinheres with Christian spirituality and devotion. This questions what criteria are used to structure and formulate the political life of churches and communities, and how these are influenced by interior disposition which shifts into the development of new identities often regarded as more concordant with the Church’s beginnings. This is more than the issue of reform. It asks why and how an authentic reform is validated and what are the criteria for it. Is the emphasis on heart religion a recovery of the initial impulse of faith or an erosion of the Church’s visible corporate life? Is ‘succession’ primarily concerned with veridical guarantees for truth or does the enduring reality of the Christian faith consist more in interiority than in formal statements and structural establishment? The appeal to primitivism is often trans-historical; perspectives on Christian origins are often subject to the presuppositions of a given construct or to subjective interiority. Framing subsequent ages or the present according to a conjectured past is a habitual Christian process, often as an implicit characteristic of traditioning. What can be said is that beyond and within incarnational ecclesial structures as illustrated by the cloister, Horneck,

254  The monastic imprint: refining the soul and De Beaulieu gave priority to what is often described as the ‘heart’ of the Church, an inner life of worship and spirituality which is never wholly constrained or determined by external structures or formal parameters, since it is the life of the Spirit. The boundaries of inclusion/exclusion of the enlightened are often significantly determined by political and social contexts in which revived and fervent believing seeks to find communal expression. It is at this point that historical and spiritual constructs are reinterpreted as in the Cloister of the Soul, and used to affirm identity and encourage others to participate in a reality only ultimately realised in the ecclesiola of the true faithful among the generality of the less committed, or beyond this life in the invisible company of the saints. In this, the committed few, or the excessive believers are driven in most instances to find an external formal expression which has implications both for the reading of Christian history and ecumenical engagement. Constant refinement of truth and identity can lead to the rejection of canons and external criteria of authenticity and scholastic formulation for the interior life, much like seeking ascetic meaning beneath the monastic enceinte, a parallel to the Origenist emphasis on meaning beneath the text of scripture. This may lead by degrees to the solocum-solo of the inspired individual or the hermitage, the virtuoso religious, the one true interior church of one. This can be glimpsed in the recurring tension between learning and devotion most evident in the critique of scholasticism found in Bernard of Clairvaux and others. Do Horneck, De Beaulieu, and Wesley lead us via their monastic antecedents and societal successors ultimately to a life often antithetical to the very institution in which they live and pray? Beneath the interiorisation of ascetic life for all lies the hidden question of spiritual status. Much as the destroyed Jerusalem temple left an imprint upon Judaism, it also figured as a re-interpretative template for Christian reflection. In a similar virtual pattern, the dissolved monasteries left an imprint upon hearts and minds. While it was not possible to restore them immediately or fully, they left an echo of spiritual desire which influenced later groups and communities in pseudo-monastic structures and rules for those who frequently accessed monastic texts for their own use. When the external built environment is removed there is a tendency to turn inward to retain its meaning and purpose reinterpreted as a spiritual meme for a different age and context, often with an appeal to apostolic primitivism. Even where serious spiritual devotion and experience are valued and open to all in an egalitarian perspective, the questions posed by the common life in Acts continually raised the issue of what is for the many and what is for the devout few. His exegesis of Acts led John Wesley to recognize ‘two ways;’ life in the world and total solitary dedication. This was echoed in his own tortuous personal encounter with marriage as a man of single heart but two minds. The tension within his own soul mirrored the desire for perfection; although he promoted this among his followers, it is by his own judgement

The monastic imprint: refining the soul  255 difficult to attain in the mixed life of the world. It led somewhat inevitably to the constant refinement of his structural formations for the pursuit of holiness. In an incarnational faith, spiritual ideals will always seek structural visibility, such as that revealed in the Brethren of the Common Life whose ascetic life in the world also led to the monastic foundation at Windesheim. With the transference of the claustral enceinte to a virtual construct to analyse an interior state of life we find we are repeatedly returned to the foundational passages from Acts and the question of what is for the many and what is for the few. In more recent times the virtual interior cloister finds an echo in Raimundo Pannikaar’s exploration of the archetype of the monk and its implications for wider asceticism91 and Paul Evdokimov’s chapter on interiorized monasticism.92 Given the expanding influence of the monastic tradition through communities such as Taizé and Chemin Neuf, the wholehearted commitment for all commended by earlier writers, and which some exegesis of the Acts passages implies, has developed in diverse forms, many of them ecumenical. Many such communities have drawn deeply on the monastic tradition and as new pathways in spirituality, in encouragement for all of what was thought to be for some, they represent an expansion and a living fulfilment of the ascetic vocation. In this affective interior life bears the monastic resonance, from Shenoute’s co-responsibility of each monk for corporate and individual holiness in the maintenance of individual and community purity, to Wesley’s rule for a company of men having the form and seeking the power of Godliness, united in order to pray together, to receive the word of exhortation, and to watch over one another in love, that they may help each other to work out their Salvation.93

Notes 1 Brian J. Capper, ‘Community of Goods in the Early Jesus Movement Part 1’, The Qumran Chroncicle, 24/1–2 (November 2016), 41, 42. cf. Brian J. Capper, Holy community of life and property amongst the poor. Evangelical Quarterly. 80.2 (2008). 117–121. [Points to the early Jerusalem community of Acts and Essene influences. Numbers of those committed to complete community of goods decreased and inner and outer groups emerged, possibly influenced by an influx of Greek speaking converts. Complete common life possibly existed only for the first year of its existence.] 2 M.D. Chenu, Nature, Man and Society in the Twelfth Century (Toronto, 1997), 206. PL 170. 612. 3 ‘Inventing Ascetic Space: House, Monasteries and the ‘Archaeology’ of ­Monasticism’, Kim Bowes in Hendrick Dey and Elizabeth Fentress (eds.), Western Monasticism Ante Litteram: The Spaces of Monastic Observance in Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages (Turnhout, 2011), 337–344. 4 Albrecht Ritschl, ‘Prolegomena to the History of Pietism’, in Three Essays, trans. Philip Hefner (Eugene, 1972), 91–102.

256  The monastic imprint: refining the soul 5 Albrecht Ritschl, Geschichte des Pietismus (Bonn, 1880–1886), vol. I. 14, 15, 28; II. 417. 6 St. Bernard, Letter to Henry Murdac. PL 182. 242B. ET. Bruno Scott James, The Letters of St. Bernard of Clairvaux. Burns and Oates (London, 1953), 156 Letter 107 (106) ‘Woods and stones will teach you what you can never hear from any master’. 7 John Chrysostom: Asceticism was not be left just to monks; all Christians should strive to attain perfection, it is for all. He always wanted monasteries to become useless; if life was well regulated enough in the cities no one would need to take refuge in the desert. Monks are to be exemplars of holiness. John Chrysostom, Adversus oppugnationes vitae monasticae PG 47. III.14 372. cf.Comparatio potentiae, divitarum et excellentiae Regis, cum Monacho in verisima et Christiana philosophia vivente. PG 47. 319–386. John Chrysostom, A Comparison Between a King and a Monk/Against the Opponents of the Monastic Life. David G. Hunter (Lampeter 1988) The Monk as Christian Saint and Exemplar in John Chrysostom’s Writings. Pak-Wah Lat in Saints and Sanctity SCH 47, Peter Clarke (Author, Editor). ed. Tony Claydon (EHS, Woodbridge, Suffolk, 2011), 20, 27. 8 Martin Luther, On Psalm 45 LW 12: 273, 274. Heinz Bluhm, ‘Martin Luther and the Idea of Monasticism’, Concordia Theological Monthly, 34/10 (1963), 597, 598. 9 We enter, then, the font once: once are sins washed away, because they ought never to be repeated. But the Jewish Israel bathes daily, because he is daily being defiled: and, for fear that defilement should be practised among us also, therefore was the definition touching the one bathing made. Happy water, which once washes away; which does not mock sinners (with vain hopes); which does not, by being infected with the repetition of impurities, again defile them whom it has washed! We have indeed, likewise, a second font, (itself withal one with the former), of blood, to wit; concerning which the Lord said, “I have to be baptized with a baptism,” when He had been baptized already. For He had come “by means of water and blood,” just as John has written; that He might be baptized by the water, glorified by the blood; to make us, in like manner, called by water, chosen by blood. These two baptisms He sent out from the wound in His pierced side, in order that they who believed in His blood might be bathed with the water; they who had been bathed in the water might likewise drink the blood. This is the baptism which both stands in lieu of the fontal bathing when that has not been received, and restores it when lost. Tertullian, On Baptism, 15, 16. ANF03. 1492, 1493. https://ccel.org/ccel/tertullian/baptism/ anf03.vi.iii.xv.html 10 Lester K. Little, ‘Monasticism and Western Society: From Marginality to the Establishment and Back’, in Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome, vol. 47 (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2002), 84. 11 N365.18.36. The Anonymous Sayings of the Desert Fathers. ed. John Wortley (Cambridge University Press, 2013), 237. 12 VI.i.9. Vitis Patrum, http://www.vitae-patrum.org.uk/page97.html. 13 Jerome, Letter XXXIX. 3 To Paula NPNF 2.06 166. J.N.D. Kelly. Jerome (London, 1975), 138–140. Although Jerome also writes to the monk Helidorus that he who has once been washed in Christ does not need to wash again. Letter XIV. To Heliodorus, Monk. 10. NPNF 2.06. 85 PL.20. 465–473. 14 Dom Jean-Charles Nautin, ‘Liturgy the Foundation of Monastic and Religious Life’, in Alcuin Reid (ed.), Sacred Liturgy, The Source and the Summit of the Life and Mission of the Church (San Francisco, 2014), 150. 15 Nautin, Liturgy the Foundation, 153, 154. 16 Nautin, Liturgy the Foundation, 157.

The monastic imprint: refining the soul  257 17 Edward E. Malone, ‘Martyrdom and Monastic Profession as a Second Baptism,’ in Anton Mayer, Johannes Quasten, Burkhard Neunheuser (eds.), Vom Christlichen Mysterium: Gesammelte Arbeiten zum Gedächtnis von Odo Casel OSB (Düsseldorf: Patmos-Verlag, 1951), 117, 128.Malone finds the theme continued in John of Damascus, Theodore the Studite, Eustathius of Thessalonika, Symeon of Thessalonika and a direct attribution of sacramental status for profession in Dionysius. 18 Augustine, City of God, XIII.7 PL 41. 381. Augustine, City of God. Trans. H. Bettenson (London, 1972), 516. 19 Malone, Martyrdom and Monastic Profession, 127, 118, 119. 20 Malone, Martyrdom and Monastic Profession, 121. 21 Malone, Martyrdom and Monastic Profession, 123. 22 Edward Foley, Rites of Religious Profession (Collegeville, 1989), 10–16; Malone, Martyrdom and Monastic Profession, 115–134. 23 John Climacus, The Ladder of Divine Ascent. 7.6 Archimandrite Lazarus Moore (London, 1959), 38. 24 Symeon the New Theologian, The Discourses. XXXII. 3. Trans. C.J. Catanzaro (New York/London, 1980), 336, 337. Gene Mills, ‘The Baptism of Tears. The Two Baptisms of St. Symeon the New Theologian’, Quodlibet Journal, 3/3 (Summer 2001). Kimberely Christine Patton and John Stratton Hawley, Holy Tears: Weeping in the Religious Imagination (Princeton, 2005), 250, 251. 25 Aidan Kavanagh, ‘Notes on the Baptismal Ethos of Monasticism’, Studia Anselmiania, 110 (1993), 236, 237. cf. Aidan Kavanagh, On Liturgical Theology (New York, 1984), 156–158. 26 Kavanagh, Notes on the Baptismal Ethos, 239, 240. 27 Kavanagh, Notes on the Baptismal Ethos, 241. 28 Kavanagh, Notes on the Baptismal Ethos, 244. 29 Christopher Vuillaume, ‘La Profession Monastique, un second Baptême ?’, Collectanea Cisterciensia, 53 (1991), 275. 30 Vuillaume, La Profession Monastique, 277, 278. Edin Aydin, Comparing the Syriac Order of Monastic Profession with the Order of Baptism both in External Structure and Theological Themes. PhD Thesis (Princeton, New Jersey, 2011, 2017), 123, 124, 132, 136, 145, 146. 31 Vuillaume La Profession Monastique, 279, 289. la profession solennelle est présentée comme un moyen de renouveler l’adoption filiale en quelque sort perdue par les péchés qui ont suivi la baptême. Vuillaume finds support for the idea of second baptism in Tertullian, Athanasius Life of Antony, Pseudo Dionysius, Theodore the Studite, John of Damascus, Peter Damien, Bernard of Clairvaux and Aquinas. 32 Vuillaume, La Profession Monastique, 284–286. 33 August L. Gothman, Vulgar and Ascetic Christians: The Myth of a Higher Spirituality The Rhetoric of Monastic Profession as a Second Baptism. College of Saint Benedict and Saint John’s University, DigitalCommons@CSB/ SJU.file:///D:/2nd%20baptism.%20Vulgar%20and%20Ascetic%20Christians_%20the%20Myth%20of%20a%20Higher%20Spirituality.pdf. 34 Rituale Armenorum: Being the Administration of the Sacraments and the Breviart Rites of the Armenian Church together with the Greek Rites of Baptism and Epiphany, F.C. Conybeare and the East Syrian Rites. trans. Rev. A. J. Maclean (Oxford, 1905), 148. 35 Jean Leclercq, ‘Monastic Profession and the Sacraments’, Monastic Studies, 5 (Easter 1968), 59–69. 36 Leclercq, Monastic Profession and the Sacraments, 71. cf. Henri de Lubac, Medieval Exegesis, II. trans. E. M. Macierowski (Edinburgh, 2000), 146. 37 Leclercq, Monastic Profession and the Sacraments, 76, 77.

258  The monastic imprint: refining the soul 38 Leclercq, Monastic Profession and the Sacraments, 82. Greg. Peters, The Monkhood of All Believers: The Monastic Foundation of Christian Spirituality (Grand Rapids, 2018), 150–152. 39 de Lubac, Medieval Exegesis II. 146, 148. 40 George E. Demacopoulos, Gregory the Great: Ascetic, Pastor and First Man of Rome (Notre Dame, IN, 2015), 19, 28, 33, 60. 41 Conrad Leyser, Authority and Asceticism from Augustine to Gregory the Great (Oxford, 2000), 134, 140, 151–156, 165. 42 Antoine Arnuad and Pierre Nicole, La Perpétuite de La Foi de L’Eglise Catholique sur Les Sacraments (Tome Cinqueme. Paris. MDCCLXXXII). 43 Antoine Arnuad and Pierre Nicole, La Perpétuite de La Foi, 278. 4 4 Antoine Arnuad and Pierre Nicole, La Perpétuite de La Foi, 279, 280. 45 Antoine Arnuad and Pierre Nicole, La Perpétuite de La Foi, 280. 46 Antoine Arnuad and Pierre Nicole, La Perpétuite de La Foi, 281. 47 Antoine Arnuad and Pierre Nicole, La Perpétuite de La Foi, 282. 48 Antoine Arnuad and Pierre Nicole, La Perpétuite de La Foi, 283. 49 Antoine Arnuad and Pierre Nicole, La Perpétuite de La Foi, 284. 50 Aquinas (2017). Q II–II.184.6018. 51 Aquinas (2017). II–II. Art. 7. Q.184 Reply Obj. 1. 6040. 52 Aquinas (2017). II–II Q.184 Art. 8. 6044. 53 Aquinas (2017). II–II. Q 189 Art. 2.Reply Obj.1. 6193: Art. 5. 6201. 54 Aquinas (2017). II–II. Q 189. Art.2. Reply Obj. 2. 6194: Art. 3. Reply Obj. 3. 6197. David C. Steinmetz, Calvin in Context (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010), 186, 187. 55 Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologiae. II.IIae. q189. a3. ad3. Second part of the Second Part: L.188, C.4. Question 189 of the Entrance into the Religious Life. http://www.documentacatholicaomnia.eu/03d/12251274,_Thomas_Aquinas,_Summa_Theologiae_%5B1%5D,_EN.pdf Jean Leclercq, Monastic Profession and the Sacraments. 79. 56 Antoine Arnaud and Pierre Nicole, La Perpétuite de La Foi, 286. 57 George l. Haydock, The Holy Bible translated from the Latin Vulgate with useful notes (Edward Dunigan and Brother, New York, 1859). Acts 2.44; 4.32. Haydock%20Catholic%20Bible%20Comment%20%20Haydock,%20 George%20Leo_2904.pdf [accessed 05.06.20] 58 Dom Germain Morin, OSB. The Ideal of the Monastic Life Found in the Apostolic Age. trans. C. Gunning (London, 1914, 30). 59 Morin, The Ideal of the Monastic Life, 110, 111. 60 Morin, The Ideal of the Monastic Life, 50, 60, 62, 66. 61 Morin, The Ideal of the Monastic Life, 68. 62 Morin, The Ideal of the Monastic Life, 68. 63 Morin, The Ideal of the Monastic Life, 69, 80, 81, 140. 64 Morin, The Ideal of the Monastic Life, 140–141, 157, 167. 65 Steinmetz, Calvin in Context, 188,189. 66 Steinmetz, Calvin in Context, 189. 67 cf. August Neander, The Life and Times of St. Bernard (London, 1843), 63. 68 Bernardus Claraevallensis Abbas, De Praecepto Et Dispensatione Libri XVII, 54, PL 182. 889,890. Bernard of Clairvaux, ‘On Precept and Dispensation’, in M. Basil Pennington (ed.), Treatises I (Shannon, 1970), XVII.54, 144; Bernard of Clairvaux, De Duplici Baptismo: et de relinquenda propria voluntate. Sermons des Diversis. Pl 182. 569–571. cf. Bernard of Clairvaux, Concerning the Double Baptism. Sermon 11. Monastic Sermons. trans. Daniel Griggs. Intro. Michael Casey (Cistercian Publications. Liturgical Press. Collegeville Minnesota, 2016), 63ff.

The monastic imprint: refining the soul  259 69 Martin Luther, The Babylonian Captivity of the Church LW 36.58, 61. The Sacrament of Baptism. The Babylonian Captiviity of the Church. The Annotated Luther. Vol. 3 The Church and Sacraments. Paul W. Robinson (Fortress Press, PA, 2016), 60. Jonathan Trigg, ‘Luther on Baptism and Penance’, in Robert Kolb, Irene Dingel, L’ubomir Balka (eds.), The Oxford Handbook of Martin Luther’s Theology (Oxford, 2014), 318, 321. John T. Pless, ‘Baptism as Consolation in Luther’s Pastoral Care’, Concordia Theological Quarterly, 67/1 (January 2003), 31. Jerome Ep. CXXX, Ad Demetriadem. PL 22.1115.9 Jerome Ep 130 to Demetrius 9. NPNF 266. Sancti Hieronymi Presbyteri, De Psalmo XCV. Tractatus Sive Homliae. D. Germanus Morin (Oxford, 1897). Anecdota Maredsolana. Vol. 3.2. 133–139. Jerome, Homily 72 On Psalm 95 (96) The Homilies of St. Jerome Vol. 2 (60–96). FC. 57. 107, 108. cf. Tertullian De Poenitentia 4.2 PL 1. 1234–1236. ANF.03.1451, 1452. 70 cf. D. Columba Marmion, Christ, The Ideal of the Monk (London, 1926), 106 112, 114. Morin, The Ideal of the Monastic Life, 50–66, 68. 71 Lorenzo Valla, The Profession of the Religious, trans. and ed. Olga Zorzi Pugliese (Toronto, 1994), III.45, IV.49. 72 Augsburg Confession, 2. 189 Art. VI of Monastic Vows, http://www.ccel.org/ ccel/schaff/creeds3.iii.ii.html 50, 51. 73 Peters, The Monkhood of All Believers. 179. 74 Peters, The Monkhood of All Believers, 80, 85, 89, 119, 120, 128. 75 Trigg, Luther on Baptism and Penance, 96, 135, 318, 321. 76 Martin Luther, Babylonian Captivity of the Church, LW 36: 78. 77 Martin Luther, Lectures on Genesis, Ch.28.1.19, LW 5: 247. 78 Martin Luther, On Psalm 45, LW 12: 273, 274; Heinz Bluhm, ‘Martin Luther and the Idea of Monasticism’, Concordia Theological Monthly, 34/10 (1963), 597, 598. 79 Greg Peters, Reforming the Monastery: Protestant Theologies of the Religious Life (Eugene, OR, 2013), 34–36. 80 Hajo Holborn, ‘Luther and the Princes’, in John C. Olin, James D. Smart, Robert E. McNally (eds.), Luther, Erasmus and the Reformation (New York, 1969), 70. Ernst Troeltsch, The Social Teaching of the Christian Churches ii, trans. O. Wyon (Chicago, 1981), 716, 753, 757. John M. Headley, Luther’s View of Church History. (New Haven, 1963), 33. F.W. Bullock, Voluntary Religious Societies 1520–1799 (St. Leonard’s on Sea, 1963), 11, 12. 81 Martin Luther, ‘The German Mass and Order of Divine Service, January 1562’, in B.J. Kidd (ed.), Documents Illustrative of the Continental Reformation (Oxford, 1911), 193–202; Trigg, Luther on Baptism and Penance, 6. 82 Albrecht Beutel, ‘Luther’s Life’, trans. Katharina Gustavs, in Donald K. McKim (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to Martin Luther (Cambridge, 2003), 14, 16, 17; Timothy F. Lull, ‘Luther’s Writings’, in The Cambridge Companion to Martin Luther, 56, 57. 83 Trigg, Luther on Baptism and Penance 5, 43, 50, 51. 84 Peters, The Monkhood of All Believers, 41–44, 142. 85 Albrecht Ritschl, ‘Prolegomena to the History of Pietism’, in Three Essays, trans. Philip Hefner (Eugene, OR, 1972). 67. Geschichte des Pietismus (Bonn, 1880–1886), vol. I. 86 Ritschl, Prolegomena, 75, 79, 88. 87 Ritschl, Prolegomena, 80. 88 Timothy M. Salo, ‘An Orthodox View of Ecclesiology: A Doctrinal and Practical Exchange between Valentin Loescher (1673–1749) and Joachim Lange (1670–1744)’, Ph.D. thesis (Drew University, 2008), 288, 289. 89 Winfried Zeller, ‘The Protestant Attitude to Monasticism with Special Reference to Gerhard Tersteegen’, Downside Review 93/312 (1978), 182.

260  The monastic imprint: refining the soul 90 John Wesley, Directions for Renewing our Covenant with God (London, 1781, 2nd. edn.) Joseph Alleine, Directions for Covenanting with God (London, 1674).Richard Alleine, Vindiciae Pietatis or a Vindication of Godlinesse (London, 1676), 157ff. 177, 178, 251–253. Marion A. Jackson. ‘An Analysis of the Source of John Wesley’s ‘Directions for Renewing our Covenant with God’, Methodist History, 30/3 (April 1992). cf. ‘Covenant with God and the Making of the Early Christian Monasticism.’ Dmitrij F.Bumazhnov. Philologia Classica. 2017. Vol. 12. Fasc. 1. 12–22 [Bumazhnov details the personal and corporate covenants in Pachomian monasticism, in Aphrahat, Athanasius, the Historia Monachorum, tracing some of this to Jewish traditions and the concept of true ‘Israelites’.] 91 Raimundo Pannikaar, Blessed Simplicity (New York, 1982). 92 Paul Evdokimov, Ages of the Spiritual Life, Crestwood (New York, 2002), 133–154. 93 Carolyn T. Schroeder, Monastic Bodies. Discipline and Salvation in Shenoute of Atripe (Philadelphia, PA, 2007), 81. John Wesley, The Nature, Design and General Rules of the United Societies (Bristol, 3rd edn., 1743), 4. Rules 2.

Bibliography Alleine, Joseph, Directions for Covenanting with God (London, 1674). Alleine, Richard, Vindiciae Pietatis or a Vindication of Godlinesse (London, 1676). The Anonymous Sayings of the Desert Fathers. ed. John Wortley (Cambridge University Press, 2013). Aquinas, Thomas, Summa Theologiae. II.IIae. q189. a3. ad3. Second part of the Second Part : L.188, C.4. Question 189 Of the Entrance into the Religious Life. http://www.documentacatholicaomnia.eu/03d/12251274,_Thomas_Aquinas, _Summa_Theologiae_%5B1%5D,_EN.pdf The Summa Theologiæ of St. Thomas Aquinas. Second and Revised Edition, 1920. Online Edition Copyright ©2017 by Kevin Knight. https://www.newadvent.org/ fathers/3001130.htm Arnuad, Antoine and Pierre Nicole, La Perpétuite de La Foi de L’Eglise Catholique sur Les Sacraments. Tome Cinqueme (Paris, MDCCLXXXII). Augsburg Confession, 2. 189 Art. VI of Monastic Vows. http://www.ccel.org/ccel/ schaff/creeds3.iii.ii.html Augustine, City of God. trans. H. Bettenson (London, 1972). Aydin, Edinm, Comparing the Syriac Order of Monastic Profession with the Order of Baptism both in External Structure and Theological Themes. PhD. Thesis (Princeton, New Jersey, 2017). Bernard of Clairvaux, ‘On Precept and Dispensation’, in M. Basil Pennington (ed)., Treatises I (Shannon, 1970). Bernard of Clairvaux, Monastic Sermons. trans. Daniel Griggs. Intro. Michael Casey (Collegeville Minnesota, 2016). Beutel, Albrecht, ‘Luther’s Life’, trans. Katharina Gustavs, in Donald K. McKim (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to Martin Luther (Cambridge, 2003), 3–19. Bluhm, Heinz, ‘Martin Luther and the Idea of Monasticism’, Concordia Theological Monthly, 34/10 (1963), 594–603. Bowes, Kim, ‘Inventing Ascetic Space: House, Monasteries and the ‘Archaeology’ of Monasticism’, in Hendrick Dey and Elizabeth Fentress (eds.), Western Monasticism Ante Litteram: The Spaces of Monastic Observance in Late Antiquity and The Early Middle Ages (Turnhout, 2011), 337–344.

The monastic imprint: refining the soul  261 Bullock, F.W. Voluntary Religious Societies.1520–1799 (St. Leonard’s on Sea, 1963). Bumazhnov, Dmitrij F., Covenant with God and the Making of the Early Christian Monasticism.’ Philologia Classica. 2017. Vol. 12. Fasc. 1. 12–22. Capper, Brian J. ‘Holy community of life and property amongst the poor,’ Evangelical Quarterly. 80.2 (2008). ——— ‘Community of Goods in the Early Jesus Movement. Part 1’, The Qumran Chroncicle, 24/1–2 (November 2016). Chenu, M.D., Nature, Man and Society in the Twelfth Century (Toronto, 1997). Climacus, John. The Ladder of Divine Ascent. Trans. Archimandtie Lazarus Moore (London, 1959). De Lubac, Henri, Medieval Exegesis, II. The Four Senses of Scripture. trans. E.M Macierowski (Grand Rapids, MI, 2000). Demacopoulos, George E. Gregory the Great: Ascetic, Pastor and First Man of Rome (Notre Dame, IN, 2015). Evdokimov, Paul, Ages of The Spiritual Life, (Crestwood, New York, 2002). Gothman, August L., Vulgar and Ascetic Christians: The Myth of a Higher Spirituality The Rhetoric of Monastic Profession as a Second Baptism. College of Saint Benedict and Saint John’s University, DigitalCommons@CSB/SJU. Haydock, George L., The Holy Bible translated from the Latin Vulgate with useful notes. Edward Dunigan and Brother (New York, 1859). Headley, John M., Luther’s View of Church History (New Haven, 1963). Holborn, Hajo, ‘Luther and the Princes’, in John C. Olin, James D. Smart and Robert E. McNally (eds.), Luther, Erasmus and the Reformation (New York, 1969), 67–86. Jackson, Marion A., ‘An Analysis of the Source of John Wesley’s ‘Directions for Renewing our Covenant with God’, Methodist History, 30(3) (April 1992), 176–184. James, Bruno Scott. The Letters of St. Bernard of Clairvaux (Burns & Oates, London, 1953). Kavanagh, Aidan, On Liturgical Theology (New York, 1984). ———, ‘Notes on the Baptismal Ethos of Monasticism’, Studia Anselmiania, 110 (1993), 235–244. Kelly, J.N.D., Jerome (London, 1975). Lat, Pak-Wah, ‘The Monk as Christian Saint and Exemplar in John Chrysostom’s Writings’, in Saints and Sanctity SCH 47, Peter Clarke (Author, Editor), ed. Tony Claydon (EHS, Woodbridge, Suffolk, 2011). Leclercq, Jean, Monastic Profession and the Sacraments. Monastic Studies 5 (Easter, 1968), 59–69. Leyser, Conrad, Authority and Asceticism from Augustine to Gregory the Great (Oxford, 2000). Little, Lester K., ‘Monasticism and Western Society: From Marginality to the ­E stablishment and Back’, in Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome, vol. 47 (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2002), 83–94. Luther, Martin, ‘The German Mass and Order of Divine Service, January 1562’, in B.J. Kidd (ed)., Documents Illustrative of the Continental Reformation (Oxford, 1911), 193–202. ———The Sacrament of Baptism. The Babylonian Captiviity of the Church. The Annotated Luther. Vol. 3 The Church and Sacraments. Paul W. Robinson (Fortress Press, Philadlephia, 2016), 93–130, also 275–316. Malone, Edward E. ‘Martyrdom and Monastic Profession as a Second Baptism,’ in Anton Mayer, Johannes Quasten, Burkhard Neunheuser (eds.), Vom Christlichen Mysterium: Gesammelte Arbeiten zum Gedächtnis von Odo Casel OSB (Düsseldorf: Patmos-Verlag, 1951), 115–134.

262  The monastic imprint: refining the soul Marmion, D. Columba. Christ, The Ideal of the Monk (London, 1926). Mills, Gene. ‘The Baptism of Tears. The Two Baptisms of St. Symeon the New Theologian’, Quodlibet Journal, 33 (Summer 2001). Morin, Dom Germain OSB. Presbyteri Sancti Hieronymi, De Psalmo XCV. Tractatus Sive Homliae. (Oxford, 1897). ———The Ideal of the Monastic Life Found in the Apostolic Age. trans. C. Gunning (London, 1914). Nautin, Dom Jean-Charles, ‘Liturgy the Foundation of Monastic and Religious Life,’ in Alcuin Reid (ed)., Sacred Liturgy, The Source and the Summit of the Life and Mission of the Church (San Francisco, 2014), 139–162. Pannikaar, Raimundo, Blessed Simplicity (New York, 1982). Patton, Kimberely Christine and John Stratton Hawley, Holy Tears: Weeping in the Religious Imagination (Princeton, 2005). Peters, Greg, Reforming the Monastery: Protestant Theologies of the Religious Life (Eugene, OR, 2013). ———, The Monkhood of All Believers: The Monastic Foundation of Christian Spirituality (Grand Rapids, 2018). Pless, John T., ‘Baptism as Consolation in Luther’s Pastoral Care’, Concordia Theological Quarterly, 67/1 (January 2003), 19–32. Ritschl, Albrecht, Geschichte des Pietismus (Bonn, 1880–1886), vol. I. ———, ‘Prolegomena to the History of Pietism’, in Three Essays, trans. Philip Hefner (Eugene, OR, 1972). Rituale Armenorum: Being the Administration of the Sacraments and the Breviart Rites of the Armenian Church together with the Greek Rites of Baptism and Epiphany. trans. F.C. Conybeare and the East Syrian Rites. Rev. A.J. Maclean (Oxford, 1905). Salo, Timothy M. ‘An Orthodox View of Ecclesiology: A Doctrinal and Practical Exchange between Valentin Loescher (1673–1749) and Joachim Lange (1670– 1744)’, Ph.D. thesis (Drew University, 2008). Schroeder, Carolyn T., Monastic Bodies. Discipline and Salvation in Shenoute of Atripe (Philadelphia, PA, 2007). Steinmetz, David, Calvin in Context (Oxford, 1995). Symeon the New Theologian, The Discourses. Trans. C.J. Catanzaro (New York/ London, 1980). Tertullian, On Baptism. 15, 16. ANF.03. 1492, 1493. https://ccel.org/ccel/tertullian/baptism/anf03.vi.iii.xv.html Trigg, Jonathan, ‘Luther on Baptism and Penance’, in Robert Kolb, Irene Dingel, L’ubomir Balka (eds.), The Oxford Handbook of Martin Luther’s Theology (­Oxford, 2014), 310–321. Troeltsch, Ernst, The Social Teaching of the Christian Churches II. trans. O. Wyon (Chicago, 1981). Vitis Patrum, http://www.vitae-patrum.org.uk Vuillaume, Christopher, ‘La Profession Monastique, un second Baptême?’, Collectanea Cisterciensia, 53 (1991), 275–292. Wesley, John, The Nature, Design and General Rules of the United Societies (Bristol, 3rd edn, 1743). ———, Directions for Renewing our Covenant with God (London, 1781). Zeller, Winfried, ‘The Protestant Attitude to Monasticism with Special Reference to Gerhard Tersteegen’, Downside Review, 93/312 (1978), 188–192.

Appendix I

John Wesley’s Christian Library and the Homilies of Macarius

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37–44 44–47 50–62 62–75

page omitted sections 4,5,7 omitted section 1 omitted sections 1–4, 6–13, 19–24 shortened section 2, omitted sections 7, 9–11 omitted section 5 omitted section 3 omitted sections 2, 5, 6–15,17, 19–52 omitted sections 1,2,6,7,9,10, 12b, 13 omitted sections 8–15 omitted sections 4,5 sections 4,5,6 abbreviated and joined 5,6 re-ordered, section 8 omitted omitted section 8 omitted sections 4,5,6,8 omitted sections 5–14, 17–26 omitted sections 3, 6–13, 19–22 omitted sections 1,3,6,7 omitted section 6 omitted sections 5,8,9 omitted section 8 omitted sections 2,4,6,7 Wesley: opening sentence section 1 ‘He [shift from monastic reference to that hath made Christ his choice’. general] (p.124) omitted 15–17, abbreviated other sections

John Wesley; A Christian Library volume 1, The Homilies of Macarius. http://wesley.nnu.edu/john-wesley/a-christian-library/a-christian-library-volume-1/volume-1-thehomilies-of-macarius/ CWS Pseudo Macarius: The Fifty Spiritual Homilies. Trans. George H. Maloney SJ. (New York. 1992), (Classics of Western Spirituality series).

87–89 89–92 92–94 94–95 95–97 98–102 102–105 106–108 108–109 110–111 112–114 115–116 116–118 118–121 121–124 124–125

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Appendix II

Anthony Horneck The Happy Ascetick

Prayer

Praying always

Exercises are ordinary or Extraordinary

Monday I Prayer II Prayer Tuesday I Prayer II Prayer Wednesday I Prayer II Prayer

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Exercise III Every day to spend half an hour

Prayer

Exercise II Every morning...

Exercise I Praying Always

The Best Exercise

The Extraordinary Exercises of Godliness I–IV

The Ordinary Exercises of Godliness I–XV

Preface

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11

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1724

Epistle Dedicatory Thomas Barlow, Bishop of Lincoln

Anthony Horneck: The Happy Ascetick

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Such exercises as these keep the soul awake Prayer

65

Exercise V Every day to bridle our tongues and to set a watch before the doors of our lips The hermits in Paschasius 1st said Every day I watch against evil thoughts and lusts 2nd said I look upon myself every day as a stranger and pilgrim 3rd said Every day very early in the morning I get up and go to my God 4th said Every day I take a turn and walk on the Mount of Olives 5th said Every day with the eye of understanding I behold the angels of God

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Exercise IV Every day to study humility Prayer

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Thursday I Prayer II Prayer Friday I Prayer II Prayer Saturday I Prayer II Prayer

52 53 54 56 57 59 60 62 63

(Continued)

Appendix II  267

Exercise VII Every day to keep a strict guard over our eyes Prayer

Exercise VIII Every day as there is occasion to make good use of the virtues and vices of our neighbours 1  In imitating the good 2  The same methods must be observed in the sins and vices of others Prayer

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Exercise IX To put a charitable interpretation on what we see or hear 1  Unwillingness to believe anything that’s ill of our fellow Christians

Exercise VI Every day to watch against those sins which in the eye of the world are small Prayer

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12th said

10th said 11th said

9th said

8th said

Every day I make it my business to meditate on Come to me all ye that labour… Every day I sit in council with three grave senators, faith, hope and charity Every day I do expect the Devil Every day in thoughts I ascend to heaven Every day I set God before me Every day I call on the gifts and graces of God’s Spirit Wherever I go I see my sins go before me Prayer

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6th said

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Exercise X Conscientiously and faithfully to discharge the duties of our several relations, callings and conditions 1 How do I exercise myself unto Godliness as a father or mother of children… 2 I exercise myself unto Godliness as a child, son, daughter when I follow the good instructions of my parents 3 How can that man be said to exercise himself unto Godliness as a master of a family that is a slave to sin? 4 I will exercise myself unto Godliness as a servant, I must be diligent and faithful 5 T hat man does not exercise himself unto Godliness as a husband, that loves not his wife

2  Believing and hoping that the evil our neighbour has done was not one with ill intention 3  Ascribing the evil act either to education or to ignorance 4  Pitying our fellow Christians on account of their faults and errors 5  A ready belief of all the good that is said of our neighbours Prayer

(Continued)

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6 The same may be said of a woman that doth not discharge the duty of wife. 7  If I mean to exercise myself unto Godliness as a minister of the Gospel 8 On the other side I would have my conscience bear me witness that I exercise myself unto Godliness as a hearer 9 I cannot exercise myself unto Godliness as a magistrate except I protect the innocent and lash the guilty 10 If I mean to exercise myself unto Godliness as a subject, I must look upon the Prince as God’s vice-gerent 11 If I mean to exercise myself unto Godliness as a judge, my tribunal must be as sacred as God’s temple 12 He that will exercise himself unto Godliness as a client, must bear no wrath, no malice to the man that goes to law with him 13 T he same may be said of schoolmasters and scholars: that man doth not exercise himself unto Godliness that doth not train up the child under his charge

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Exercise XI To resist all sorts of temptation 1  Such as are levelled against our venturing upon the power of Godliness 2  Such as are levelled against our holding out in seriousness To resist these two grand te,mptations is the intent of this exercise 1  In arming ourselves with the Word of God

14 If I am rich and mean to exercise myself unto Godliness as such I must remember that I am God’s steward. As a poor man I then exercise myself unto Godliness when I am contented with the condition I am in. 15 T hen I exercise myself unto Godliness as a great man, or a man of a Gentile (sic) and noble extract, when I mind things great and generous I exercise myself unto Godliness as a common ordinary man, as a man in the lower sphere and private station, when I am just in all my dealings You see, Christian, what it is to be universally conscientious Prayer

(Continued)

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Exercise XII To stand in awe of God when we are alone and no creature sees us When alone to behave with reverence and decency as were the greatest monarch with him They dare to know before God what they dare not utter before men The thief rejoices there Is no one in the room Fornicators and adulterers in the chamber with his harlot God who gave life and being looks and mourns A Christian man is of another temper

1  In arming ourselves with the Word of God 2  In praying against temptations 3  In getting others to pray for us 4  In rising again, and being more cautious for the future, in case a temptation doth prevail Prayer

2  In praying for help and assistance from above against such assaults 3  In getting other to pray for us 4  In being more cautious for the future, in case the temptation do prevail]

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Exercises himself unto godliness when he is alone or among neighbours He is as modest in his cloest as in his dining room No place can escape the allseeing eye He remembers God will call him to account He pities the sinner that flatters himself that God seeth not What doth it signfy to believe in God and to walk as if there was none? He that stands more in awe of a prince that of his God Every prayer of his will witness against him at the last day Contradiction to believe in God's omniscience and not stand in awe If the whole world present it is not so much as when God is present on whose shadow vast legions of angels wait He at whose name all creatures bow the knee Not want of power but want of will makes us careless of taking note of him Own his presence or as good deny our own being God everywhere present, bear the sense of him in our minds (Continued)

Appendix II  273

(misnumbered in the text) Sinner, if the Lord Jesus appeared to thee while alone, Wouldest thou not behave thyself humbly? Christ's diviniy is with thee now Cannot his divinity have the same influence upon thy spririt?

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The vulgar run to see a king pass by The mighty God at every moment encircles us Men hasten to see some monster known as the African beast The Queen of Sheba came from afar to behold the Jewish king Every day behold a greater and more splendid monarch Behold Christian when thou art alone, God is with thee He takes care of thy wife and children Watches day and night over all thou hast Preserves thy house from being burnt Thy children from being drowned This charitable being is with thee and about thee everywhere

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Exercise XIII To do all things to God’s glory 1  In giving thanks for every blessing we enjoy 2  The greater part of this exercise is yet behind, and that is to do all things whether civil or religious with a good and holy design and with an intent to promote God’s glory Prayer

If thou art minded to offend God The soul that lives in the sense of his presence prepares for the richest comforts How can he want a refuge that is sensible he hath the Rock of Ages with him? The soul that fears him lacks nothing A man that hath hands and feet nailed to a tree can stir nowhere He that hath a mighty sense of the almighty doth not stir from the straight way Looking at God wherever we are we enter a tower many besiege but cannot atke Sense of God's omnipresence a lantern to our feet and a light to our path Looking up to God in all places and companies, remembering his presence is necessary Prayer

(Continued)

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1  Let it not be done slightly or superficially 2  When we go about it, go about it willingly and cheerfully, not like men that seem angry with God for laying such a yoke on the neck of his disciples. 3  Let it be done with an intent to be better 4  Let it be done with some aggravation of the defects and errors of your lives which you detect by examination 5  Those that have families, let them by all means exhort the children and servants to this exercise; those I mean which are capable of it.

Exercise XV Every night before we go to bed, to call ourselves to account for the actions of the day and examine our hearts and lives, how we have discharged our duty toward God and toward man.

Exercise XIV To stir up and to exercise our graces as we have occasion. My meekness My self-resignation My obedience My modesty My temperance My moderation My love to God My charity to my neighbour My repentance To redeem the time Prayer

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The 3rd Commandment

The 4th Commandment

The 5th Commandment

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1  If the actions of our outward and inward man be made the rule of this daily selfexamination the particular questions must be proposed to our hearts As for the ear As for the eyes As for the tongue and lips As for the hands and feet As for the mind As for the conscience As for the passions and affections 2  If you would rather make the commandments your rules your account may be taken in this manner: The 1st Commandment

The 2nd Commandment

6  Take such a method in this daily self-examination as is most easy and natural

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Which doth in a special manner respect the Lord’s Day

Have not I this day neglected an opportunity of giving good counsel and advice to men related to me?

Have I feared God today?

Have I not this day confided in the creature more than in the creator?

(Continued)

Appendix II  277

The 8th Commandment

292

3  In the same manner Christ’s Sermon on the Mount may be laid before us and our hearts called to an account … (extended inquiry) Nor is it necessary that this exercise must necessarily be performed at night. Persons who are arrived to a habit of goodness may dispatch this task with greater ease than others, by putting only a few questions to their souls

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The 10th Commandment

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The 9th Commandment

The 7th Commandment

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The 6th Commandment

Have I been contented this day with that condition God hath allotted me in this world?

Have I spoke nothing but truth today?

Have I come justly by those things I have gained this day?

Have I maintained charity this day?

Have I been just in my dealings this day?

Have I acted this day as a Father, a Mother, as a Master as a Mistress as a Magistrate ……..?

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St Bernard quote 2  Where men dare to be just and kind to themselves as to commune with their own hearts about the words, thoughts and actions of the day 3  That common argument men allege as a discouragement from this exercise I must use here as a powerful motive to oblige them to this self-examination 4  Happy the man who is not afraid of judging himself. These are the constant, daily and standing exercises which a man or woman that names the name of Christ must necessarily apply themselves to. These exercises will make you capable of being admitted to a very great intimacy and friendship with the infinite majesty of heaven.

1  This is exceedingly profitable work

1  What company have I been in today, and what was my discourse and behaviour? 2  What good have I done today, either to mine own soul or to others? 3  What good thoughts have I entertained? 4  How have I managed my devotions? 5  Have I said or done anything whereby either God or man might justly be offended?

(Continued)

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Extraordinary Exercise I Making Vows 1  When and upon what occasion such vows may and must be made

I   In time of great trouble and necessity II   After some signal deliverance from danger and calamity III  W hen some strong corruption is to be subdued, and an easy matter will not make it yield

used now and then to make these exercises daily and constant were the way to ruin the body and obstruct the soul.

Hitherto I have discoursed of the ordinary constant and daily exercises of a Christian The extraordinary follow in order: 1  Vowing 2  Fasting 3  Watching 4  Self-revenge

Go to now, ye careless men that are more frighted by these exercises than by all the terrors of the burning lake. Wesley ends his abridgement herePrayer

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3  Having thus explained what necessary rules are to be observed in making religious vows the next thing I am to do is to exhort you to a sober, holy and modest use of them.

2  The rules that are first to be taken notice of in this exercise

1  That this religious vowing will be a great argument of your readiness to please God

I  T hese vows must not be made to saints II  T hese vows must be serious III In these vows it is fit such limitations should be added as necessary IV W hen such vows are made it is fit we should write them down in a a book V  T he end of these vows must be God’s honour and glory VI Commutations and dispensations of vows must be slighted as things alien from true religion

IV W hen we find a backwardness or an unwillingness upon our spirits to do a duty we find commanded or one put upon by the secret instigation of our consciences

(Continued)

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Extraordinary exercise II : Fasting Fasts are normally distinguished into public and private Nor is this a new exercise we charge upon you, but such a one as the Church of God hath in all ages made use of to obtain God’s favour

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2  These religious vows are signs of the heart’s sincerity 3  These vows put upon us some streights and are therefore the better sign that we enter in at the straight gate and walk the narrow way that leads to life 4  If we enter into such holy vows let’s dread violation of them 1  That this violation is no less than perjury 2  The violation of vows is a thing which the very heathens have abhorred 3  He that hath been no careless spectator, reader or observer of affairs in the world cannot be ignorant 4  This violation of our vows is a kind of challenging God’s vengeance 5  If we break the vows we make to God, what man can trust us after that? 6  How can God believe us after such violations of our vows?

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The devotion as men among the Jews began to separate from their neighbours into societies Christians have learned this piece of devotion from the Jews Discipline and fasting became so rigorous that men brake into schisms What we read of the fasts of Christians in the following centuries, especially the fourth and fifth I Of the time and occasion when this exercise may be most proper-the rule to go by is scripture and the example of the saints I      When we lie under some temporal afflictions II   When any of our friends or relations or neighbours falls into some more than ordinary trouble III    W hen we would be rid of any immediate lust or affection IV   W hen we stand in need of grace or some virtuous habit or of conquest of some particular temptation V  When we undertake any great work or office its very fit to consecrate it with a fast

(Continued)

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2  Having said so much of the time when this exercise may be most proper I must in the next place let you see how it must be managed: 1 In such fasts there must be a forbearing of all meat and drink 2  T hese fasts must not be broke till the evening 3  I n such fasts our particular sins and neglects must be thought upon, confessed, lamented aggravated and deplored 4  I n such fasts supplication and deprecation must be made for the Nation we live in and indeed for all mankind 5  I n such fasts the Word of God must be diligently read with great attention 6  With these devotions in such fasts praises of God may be mingled now and then 7  I n such fasts, holy, serious and gracious thoughts are absolutely necessary 8  A lms and works of charity must accompany such fasts 9  I n such fasts we must have no ill designs

VI  When the Church of God is groaning under persecution or some other grievous oppression VII  W hen a sinner first turns from his evil ways VIII  When a man has been guilty of some notorious sin, as murder, adultery, fornication, oppression, blasphemy, atheism

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10 In these fasts new resolutions must be made against those sins we find ourselves very prone and inclined to 11 Our intent in such fasts must be to fit ourselves very prone and inclined 12 T hat these fasts, if the soul receive any great good by them, as I hinted before must be frequent 13  W hen we fast thus, our care must be not to despise others that do not 14 T hose that are under the yoak as servants or apprentices, and are desirous of this exercise, must take such days as their masters and superiors will allow 15 T hey that are masters of their time and have liberty to choose what days they think fit for this exercise may do well to pitch on such days when together with their private devotions they may have opportunities to hear a sermon or to be present at the public prayers of the Church 16 W hen at night we break our fast it is fit and convenient we should be very moderate in eating and drinking, lest with the severities of the day we forget our resolutions of better obedience too

(Continued)

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Prayer

3 Having laid down these rules my reader will suppose that I would not have mentioned them but with an intent to exhort him to frequent use of holy abstinence Hear this ye drowsy, lazy, careless Christians, what do you call yourselves Christians for if you will not do as the ancient Christians did? To add some other motives and encouraging arguments 1 By eating we are lost and by fasting we must recover 2 Fasting thus, we imitate the holy angels 3 Frequent fasting is that which will preserve health and life better than any physick whatsoever 4 If you would displease the Devil, fast; If you would please him, neglect this exercise 5 Will not the very heathen shame you in the last day if you neglect this exercise? 6 So strange a power hath this exercise with God that by virtue of it many have wrought miracles

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Extraordinary exercise III : Watching Night devotions in all probability have been very early in the world Abraham David, the Heathen Christians - these meetings Tertullian calls nocturnal convocations Night devotions were in process of time performed in this order:

The rules are these following:

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1 T here being at this day no public meetings of Christians at night upon the account of devotion, what is done by private persons in their own chambers or houses 2  As I told you in the beginning that these vigils or watchings at night hath reference to either sitting up the greater part of the night or rising at midnight 3  The exercises proper for these vigils, as I have partly intimated already, are praying, singing of psalms or reciting or repeating such psalms as are most suitable 4  These vigils or watching at night to acts of devotion may be prejudicial to persons that labour under weakness of body

1  When day was shut in 2  When they were going to bed 3  At midnight 4  By break of day

(Continued)

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Nicholas Ferrar of Gidden Hall From these rules I come to the next place to recommend to my readers this nocturnal exercise

1  Doth this exercise seem so grievous to you that you can rise at any time in the night to get some considerable gain?

5  This exercise at night may lawfully be neglected if the evil that may ensue upon it be greater than the good which can be expected from it 6  He that ventures upon these vigils or exercises either all night or for some time at midnight must be a person that loves God fervently 7  That this exercise of rising at midnight to prayer may be more satisfactory and effectual, I would advise going to bed sometimes 8  The task will be more easily and more cheerfully performed if we can get one or two or more of our acquaintances to join with us in these nocturnal exercises

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Extraordinary exercise IV : Self –revenge Nazarites, Elijah Onuphrius, Paphnutius, Rechabites

Prayer

Tedious as this exercise may seem to be, certainly means might be found out to make it easy: 1  Use would make it so 2  And to this use we shall arrive the sooner if we eat very moderately 3  Nothing will facilitate this watchfulness at night more than frequent contemplations of what others do

2  Behold how highwaymen and thieves can rise at midnight to rob and murther men! 3  To rise at midnight to praise God is an act of charity to our neighbours 4  How happy will it be, to be found praying , and praising God, should God call us away from this world at midnight

a) Pliny b) The dragon that kept the golden fleece c) Chrysologus d) Patarba or the shining stone that in the middle of the night sends forth a grateful splendour

(Continued)

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nor

I shall lay down the following rules and observations:

Pharisees, Essenes Christ, Nicholas the Deacon If they be Christians Philo speaks of in his books on the contemplative life Tertullian Repentance is the only refuge after baptism Theodorus St. Jerome About this time, the year 390 after Christ, these exercises began to be almost universal in Egypt especially Greatest severities among Christians in this age

I        W herever they are used all opinion of men must be laid aside II    Wherever these severities are used they must not be used to give God satisfaction for the sins we have committed III  must they be used in hopes that God will dispense with our sins for the future

a) Order of St. Anthony; Carthusians among the Papists b) Making so many repentances c) Carthusians among Papists wear hair cloth next to the skin

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IV  must they be used with an unwilling mind nor V    is it fit that weak or sickly persons should use them nor VI  must the stress of repentance be laid upon these severities VII   T hese severities must be only demonstrations of the sincerity of our repentance VIII   T hese severities are of great use in our endeavour to despise the world and to lead a truly spiritual life IX  Either to subdue a corruption or to prevent yielding to a sin these severities may be very helpful X     If you ask me ‘What severities are fit to be used on such occasions?’ I must answer that it is impossible to prescribe to all men the same severities Pachomius Serapion; St. James the Apostle XI  W herever any of these severities are used they must be used with great humility XII  Discretion must be the great guide in these severities The Primitive saints were such enemies to all vanity The Christians in those days lived like people that had not their portion in this life The age we live in will not bear these severities Nor is this to reduce men to Popery In vain doth the slothful sinner plead that God commands no such severities But it is very common with men that are for an easy religion to find out excuses Prayer ‘Letter to a Person of Quality’

nor

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Index

Note: Italic page numbers refer to figures and page number followed by “n” refer to end notes. Abba, Father 67 Abelove, Henry 156, 158, 162 Abraham 43, 83n140 Abraham, holy man 218n211 abrenunciatio monastica 174 absolution 29, 103, 104, 91n295, 96n391, 240 abstinence 25, 32, 56–61, 172, 174 Achan 37 Act of Uniformity (1662) 109, 132 Acts 2.43–47, 4.32–37 202; 4.32 244 Acts, community of goods 202, 234 Acts of the Apostles 11, 189, 203, 235 Acts of Thomas 173 Adam 83n140, 172 adiaphora 124 adminiculum pietatis 123–124 Adoptionists 65 Aeneas 42 affective devotion and piety 1–4, 13, 19, 99n426, 116, 122, 123, 137, 234–237, 250–255 à Kempis, Thomas 11, 20n25, 123, 162, 170 akoimetai 17, 62, 63, 74 Alban, (king) 52 Aldersgate (experience) 168, 189, 200 Alexander the Great 44, 64 Alexandria 26, 40, 193 Alexandrian 235 Alexandrian scriptural exegesis 235 Allegory, allegorical 15, 234 Alleine, Joseph 251 Alleine, Richard 251; Vindiciae Pietatis (1665) 251

Allestree, Richard 113, 132–134, 235, 237; appendix to The Whole Duty of Man 113, 132, 134; Causes of the Decay of Christian Piety (1667) 132; Private Devotions for Several Occasions Ordinary and Extraordinary 134; Regius Professor of Divinity, Oxford 132; The Whole Duty of Man (1658) 113, 132, 134 All Saints, Oxford 27 Almaines (Alemanni) 53 altar 175, 176, 177, 178 altar interiorised 176 Ambrose 26, 35, 53, 61, 65, 75 America, American 17, 158, 159, 184, 197, 200, 205 Ammon 37 Ampharians, Indian philosophers 57 Amsterdam 13, 18 Anabaptists 246, 248, 249 anchoretic tradition 180 anchoretism 175, 181 anchorite(s) 26, 32, 173, 180, 190 Angela of Foligno (1248–1309) 12 angelic 25, 46, 190, 242 angels 33, 35, 37, 46, 51, 60, 62, 69, 72, 73, 125, 130, 137, 163, 164, 170, 171, 177, 180, 188, 191, 243 Anglican(s) 3, 25, 26, 28, 75, 109, 110, 111, 113, 114, 115, 118, 125, 133, 135, 140n39, 156, 162, 169, 184, 193, 251, 252, 253 Anglicanism xvi, 25, 207; French 110; seventeenth, eighteenth centuries 189; see also ‘Restoration’ Anglican via media 25, 118, 135, 250

294 Index Anna (Luke 2.37) 59 Annales Ecclesiastici 54 Ante-Nicene writers 188 Anthony, Antony 77n24 Anthony’s advice to Didymus of Alexandria (313–398) 37 Anthony the Great (Antony) 32, 35, 47, 64, 67, 130, 177 anti-Catholic 52, 134, 135, 137 anti-Messalian councils 194 anti-sacerdotalism 205 apatheia 191, 195, 240 Apetrei, Sarah 25, 26 Aphrahat 158, 171–174, 182, 214n111; Demonstrations 171, 172 apostles 4, 5, 11, 39, 40, 44, 57, 61, 72, 235, 244, 245 apostolic 15, 18, 42, 135, 159, 203, 244, 245, 250 Apostolic Constitutions 200 apostolicity 2 apostolic life 242, 245 apostolic primitivism 254 apostolic succession 200, 250 Apothegmata Patrum 190, 191 Aquinas, Thomas 5, 243 Arabs 73 Aramaic speaking 175, 182 Aramean Christian movement 171 Aristotle 64 Armenian 66 Armenian rite (profession) 240–241 Arminian Magazine 167 Arnaud, Antoine 166, 242, 243 Arnaud, Antoine, & Nicole, Pierre: La Perpetuite de la Foi Dei L’Eglise Catholique sur Les Sacraments 242 Arndt, Johann 11, 12, 13, 168, 170, 192, 197, 200; All Lovers of True Godliness in True Christianity (1605) 13; True Christianity 13, 14, 168, 197 Arnold, Gottfried 14, 17, 168, 169, 200 ascesis 2–7, 18, 129, 154, 169, 178, 182, 183, 192, 205, 237, 249, 253 ascetic 1–6, 17, 39, 64–66, 74–76, 117, 119, 126, 130, 164, 170, 171, 175 ascetically oriented Christians 174 ascetic contexts, hermeneutical interpretation of 235 asceticism 19, 26, 27, 136, 167, 170–176, 180, 182, 190, 251, 255, 256n7

ascetic life 75, 118, 119, 125, 131, 137, 165, 171, 174, 181, 234, 244, 249, 254, 255 ascetic movement 2–3, 17, 65, 75, 189, 192, 246 ascetic Paulus 37 ascetic rules 203 ascetics, Christian 17, 32, 65, 75, 116, 117, 133, 162, 170, 174, 176, 181, 193, 239 ascetic severities 75 ascetics, fourth century 168 ascetics of Egypt 32 ascetics of Philo 65 ascetics of the desert 27, 28, 66 ascetic sources 130, 235 ascetic spirituality 1, 30, 32, 249 ascetic vows 239 Ash Wednesday 185 Aske, Robert 153 Astell, Mary xvi, 153 Athanasius 26, 122, 239; Life of Antony 27, 39, 129, 239, 243 Athenagoras 74 Attalus 71 Augsburg Confession 247 Augustine 3, 4, 12, 26, 32, 39, 41, 57, 75, 118, 119, 123–130, 244, 249; City of God 125; Letter to Armenius and Paulina 56; Letter to Proba 32; (Pseudo-Augustine) Manual 61, 70, 128; On Potitianus 39; Psalm cxii, Ep. cix 244; Sermon Against Faustus the Manichaean 130; Sermon X De Diversis & alibi 244 Augustine (of Canterbury) and the British Bishops 34 Augustinian 132, 136 austerity 191; primitive Christian 25, 69 Axholme Charterhouse 156, 157 Bacharach, Germany 27 Baker, Frank 159 Balai, chorepiscopus of the church at Qennešrin, Chalcis 175 baptised 161, 170, 172, 174, 183, 239, 240, 244 baptism 5, 10, 12, 14, 15, 65, 69, 125, 171–173, 175, 177–179, 183, 184, 193, 239, 245, 250, 256n9; apotaxis/ syntaxis 239, 240; and asceticism 241; common 192, 239, 246; of fire 191; hidden 177, 178; infant 120,

Index  295 241; new circumcision 182; one 238, 239, 247, 248, 253; second 5, 15, 183, 238–243, 245, 246, 248; single (Tertullian) 256n9; in the Spirit 172 baptismal 109, 120–121, 136, 238, 239, 241; character 239; martyrdom 238; rite 124; seal 71; vow 5, 10, 14, 36, 75, 115, 120–122, 126, 128, 133, 134, 154, 238–242, 245, 246 Barlaam: advice to Josephat 37 Barlow, Thomas, Bishop of Lincoln 27, 31 Barnard, Leslie 172 Basil of Caesarea 26, 40, 51, 57, 75, 130, 180, 239; On Gordian 39 Bathsheba 37 Baxter, Richard 251 Bayly, Lewis 1, 10–11, 19, 32, 192, 237; The Practice of Piety (1695) 10, 32 de Beaulieu, Isaac 109 de Beaulieu, Jacob, son of Augustin 109 de Beaulieu, Jan 109 de Beaulieu, Luke xvi, 3–6, 10, 107– 149, 113, 114, 154, 202, 234–237, 244–247, 249–253; Claustrum Animae, The Cloister of the Soul or the Reformed Monastery of the Love of Jesus: A Sure Pleasant and Easie Way to Heaven in Resolutions to Obeu Jesus unto Death (1675/6 & editions) 107–149, 117, 252; Planes Apocalypsis or Popery Manifested (1673) 113; Sermon on Coronation Day (1702) 115 Bede 12, 34 Beghards 5 Beguines 5, 236 Beissel, Conrad 17; The Mystic and Churchly Testimony of the Brotherhood in Zion (1745) 17 Bell, George 166 Benedictine 18, 129, 141n67, 205–207, 250; spirituality 18, 205–207, 250 ben Hakanah, Nehunia 32 ben Jochai, Simeon 66 Bennet, John 159, 161 Bernardine nuns: Abbeville 13 Bernard of Clairvaux 3, 5, 11, 13, 17, 37, 50, 75, 123, 129, 136, 137, 203, 236, 241, 245, 254; Apologia 13; De Consideratione 50, 236; De Diligendo Deo 12, 128, 136; Hymn 13; Lactation of the Virgin, (artwork) 13; Letter to Malachy 32; On Precept

and Dispensation 123, 236, 246; On The Second Baptism 243, 246; On the Song of Songs 14, 128, 236; visitation of the Word 18, 246 Bessarion, Abba 67 Bethlehem 35 Beveridge, Bishop William 160; Pandectae canonum conciliorum. Oxford, 1672 160 Bible, The 73, 123, 244 biblical theology 169 Biel, Gabriel 245, 247 bishop(s) 27, 28, 34, 39, 65, 68, 71, 109, 110, 111, 124, 125, 175, 179, 180, 191, 243, 248 Bishop of Norwich 110 Black Empire 44 Blandina (d.177) 71 Blessed Lady (the Virgin Mary) 54; Blessed Virgin 35 blessed, the 45, 51 bloodless martyrdom 137 Bodleian library 190 Böhler, Peter 197 Bona, Giovanni 14, 32, 75, 134–137, 253; Principia et Documenta Vitae Christianae (1683) 134 Book of Common Prayer 111, 120, 124, 125, 134, 136 Book of Common Prayer, French 109, 111, 112, 139n28, 142n121 Bourignon, Antoinette 18 Bovey, Miss 159 Bowes, Kim 235 Brethren of the Common Life 170, 245, 247, 255 British monks 154 Brock, Sebastian 181–183 brother 45, 70, 243 Buddhism xv Bullinger Heinrich 249 Bullock, Frederick William Bagshawe (F.W.B.) 28; Voluntary Religious Societies (1962) 28 Bulteel, Pastor John 110 Bundy, David 189, 193 Burnet, Bishop Gilbert 155 Burns, Stuart K. 170 Byzantine 17, 74 Cabasilas, Nicholas 176 Calvin, John 3, 124; Calvinist 242 Cambridge University 27 Campbell, Ted 165, 189, 191, 193, 207

296 Index canonicity 253 Canterbury 111 Cappadocian 180; Fathers 194 Cappel, M. Professor of Hebrew: Professor of Hebrew 107, 111 Capper, Brian 234 Carmelite, Carmelites 4, 119 Carthusian, Carthusians 66, 119, 156, 197, 250, 290; Charterhouse 156, 197, 199 Carthusian, English 197 Cassian, John 27, 32, 34, 38, 47, 75, 237, 242, 245, 247; Institutes, Conferences 27 Catania 42 catechumens 65, 174, 239, 241, 245 Catholic(s) (Roman); Catholic apologists; Catholic pietism see Roman Catholic Cave, William 188, 200; Primitive Christianity (1672) 188 Cecil, Sir William 109 celibacy 25, 69, 75, 156, 160, 162, 163, 172, 207; Matt.19. 12 163, 156 celibate holiness 177 celibates 26, 156, 159, 161, 163, 171, 172, 174, 177, 181, 182, 234 celibate sons and daughters of the covenant 172 cenobites (coenobites) 26, 120 cenobitic/cenobitical monasticism (coenobitic) 2, 127, 173, 174, 175, 189, 192, 205, 206, 240, 246; coenobium 207 Charles I 109, 124 Charles II 109, 111, 116; Restoration of 109 Charterhouse School 197 chastity 3, 10, 72, 174, 207 Chilon 50 chorepiscopus 174, 175 Chosroes, King of Persia 54 Christ and the apostles 5, 235 Christ and the first apostles as monks 4 Christ Church, Oxford 107, 111, 112, 132 Christ crucified 49, 124 Christian Aramaic speaking communities 175 Christianity: the demise of 17; pure 165, 188; primitive 25, 28, 54, 58, 64, 69, 70, 74, 113, 137, 180, 188, 189, 203; Western xvi

Christian Library, John Wesley 32, 51, 61, 70, 154, 162, 164, 166, 168, 188, 189, 192, 197, 263–264 Christians: xv; beginnings 4, 203, 235; earliest 164; family life 72; first 59, 74, 135, 245; first Christians monks 245; monks 165; Nazirites 26; origins 253; perfection 14, 15, 35, 37, 136, 167, 168, 193, 195, 196, 236, 245; primitive 25, 28, 54, 58, 64, 67, 69, 70, 74, 113, 137, 188, 189, 203; the true 118, 253; two categories of 19, 177, 179; three categories 135; true Christian 11, 12–18, 41, 135, 169, 174, 187, 207, 241 Christ, Jesus 26, 34–36, 40, 44, 46, 49, 57, 62–65, 69, 70, 71, 74, 75, 114, 118, 120–127, 125–126, 127, 131–134, 136, 154, 158, 169, 172, 173, 177, 180, 182, 191, 192, 196, 235, 237, 239, 243, 244, 246, 252, 253, 264, 274, 279; the Bridegroom 158; Christ and the apostles 5, 235; Christ and the first apostles as monks 4; Christ, related to īhīdāyē, solitaries Syrian sons of the covenant 177; the rule of life 12; sacrifice, High Priest, libation 182, 187; Saviour 136; wounds of 70; see also Jesus Christ Christmas 115, 125 Christological perspective 183 Christology 182 2 Chronicles 15.12, 15 59 Chrysologus, Peter 64 Chrysostom, John 26, 32, 41, 44, 51, 61, 65, 68, 75, 130, 134, 256n7; On Genesis 18 41; Hom xiin Acts 244 church: ancient 60; ark of Noah 183; dwelling place of the Spirit 177; early Jerusalem 2, 26, 200, 232, 245, 249, 254; early Syrian 168, 190; Eastern 170, 188, Western 59, 60, 114, 173, 187, 243; and empire 181; established 14, 18, 109, 135, 136, 154, 165, 200, 209, 207, 237, 250; exterior/interior 192; hidden 176, 177, 178, 179; history 26, 154, 164, 200; inner and outer 196; invisible true 249; lower, middle and perfect 181; monasticisation of 241; non-Lutheran xvi; oriental 243; primitive 3, 25, 28, 31, 60, 61, 63, 115, 124, 134, 159, 165, 188, 189, 203, 204, 235; ship/ark of salvation 181; temple of God, true altar, living

Index  297 sacrifice, the man of God 197; third age of 181; visible/invisible 1, 15, 18, 19, 36, 177, 178, 179, 196, 197, 237, 249, 250 church building replaced by temples of the Holy Spirit 184 Churches, Dutch and French Stranger 109 churches, refugee 109 church individual, corporate 255 church in its fullness, body of holy man, place of sacrifice 184 Church of Christ 5, 36, 197; true 237, 244 Church of England 25, 27–29, 109– 113, 119, 124, 135, 138, 139n28, 154, 162, 165, 190, 200, 203, 205, 207, 208, 249; Canon 30 124; Restoration 234 Church of God 57, 168, 196, 197, 282, 284; Church of God a single soul 168 Church of Rome 52, 54, 60, 66, 135, 155, 190, 224n356 Church of Scotland 203 church of the heart 175, 177, 178; interior 196 Church of the Walloons, Southampton 109 church tradition 134 church, true, the hearts of the faithful 12, 237 circumcision 10, 39, 173, 181, 187 circumcision of the heart 173, 182, 187 Cistercian, Cistercians xv, xvi, 13, 18, 135, 136, 137–138, 205, 236 City Road Chapel, London 193 Civil War (The) 132 Claustrum Animae see de Beaulieu, Luke; The Cloister of the Soul Clayton, John 188 Cleeve Abbey xvi Clement of Alexandria (Clemens Alexandrinus) 32, 37, 189, 193; Stromateis 188 Clement of Rome 129 clergy 31, 42, 43, 134, 136, 137, 158, 163, 165, 171, 247 Climacus, John 114, 122, 130, 131, 239; The Ladder of Divine Ascent 114, 130 Clodoveus, Clovis 53 cloister 4, 5, 6, 10, 16, 107–138, 190, 196, 197, 205, 235, 236, 249, 250, 251, 253, 255; inner 137 Cloister of Love 118, 119, 127

Cloister of the Soul 6, 107–138, 234, 251, 253, 254 clothing, monastic 238–239 Cluny Abbey xvi; Cluniac 13, 18, 205 Coe, Bufford 163 CoeloSyria 40 Collect for All Saints: Book of Common Prayer 125 Collect for Purity: Book of Common Prayer 125 Collect for 18th Sunday after Trinity: Book of Common Prayer 125 Collect for 25th Sunday after Trinity: Book of Common Prayer 125 collective to individual, and vice-versa 183 collegia pietatis 14, 15, 28, 168 Collins, Kenneth 161, 168, 169 commandment 11, 34, 48, 49, 50, 127, 133, 177, 247, 248, 277, 278 commands and counsels 18, 61, 163 common life 2–5, 26, 39, 121, 170, 202–203, 234, 235, 244, 245, 246, 247, 249, 254, 255 common property 245 Commonwealth 10, 70, 72, 115, 118 communion of saints, the 65, 170, 193, 196 commutation, dispensation 55 Conference (the Methodist) 1748 163 confessors 13, 40, 65, 71 confidentiality 42 Constantine, Emperor 56, 165, 179 Constantinian 18, 26, 115, 165, 168, 189, 193, 204, 205, 237, 238; patronage 18, 165, 168, 193, 204, 237, 238 Constantinople 68 Constantius, father of Constantine 56 contemplative 25, 26, 163, 290 continence 39, 54, 64, 161–163, 173, 174, 177 Continent, the 11, 170 Conventicle Act, 1644 28 conventicle, conventicles 19, 28, 117, 156, 169, 249 convents 42, 165 conversio 6, 12, 169, 180, 237, 238, 241 conversion 6, 46, 154, 165, 240, 241, 248 Copts, Coptic churches, Christians 58, 63, 66, 243 Corduero, Moses 45, 75

298 Index 1 Corinthians, 15; 13.126; 2 Corinthians 8.12 130 Council of Nicaea (325) 160 Councils 107, 108, 108, 114, 160, 194, 207 counsels and commands see commands and counsels counsels of perfection 203 Counter-Reformation xvi, 16 Countess of Huntingdon’s Connexion 161 court 25, 27, 43, 45, 111, 116, 121, 122, 124 covenant(s): biblical 173; community of 171–175, 181; group 172, 180; in the heart 173, 175, 182 Covenanters 158, 168, 173, 174, 190 Covenant, Sons of the 177, 191, 251 covetousness 37 Cownley, Jospeh 204 Cranmer, Archbishop Thomas 155, 165 Creeds, ancient 114, common 238 Crespin, M. 107 Cross, the 32, 49, 66, 73, 120, 121, 124, 125, 126, 132, 137, 161, 183, 252; cross bearing 123, 204 cults (Iisis, Jupiter) 57 Curnock, Nehemiah 197 custody of the eyes 37, 163 Cuziba (desert father) 68 Cyprian 58, 65, 74, 75; On the Lapsed 65 St. Cyran: Duvergier de Hauranne, Jean, Abbé St. Cyran 166; Instructions Chrétiennes 166 Cyril of Jerusalem Mystagogical Catecheses 239 Cyril of Scythopolis: History of the Monks of Palestine 191 Cyrus 61, 75 daily office 137 Damien, Peter 241 Daniel 32 d’Antioche, Jean 240 David (King) 33, 34, 37, 40, 47, 48, 57, 84n153 Dead Sea literature 171 Dead Sea Sect 170, 171 death 34, 40–42, 60, 66, 71, 74, 123, 126, 127, 129, 130, 162, 184, 191, 240, 243, 252 deathbed 243 Decalogue 48

Demacopoulos, George 242 de praesenti (marriage contract) 159 desert 45, 65–67, 73, 188, 190, 196, 201, 247, 256n7 desert ascetics 27, 28, 38, 66 desert fathers, mothers 26, 32, 44, 45, 57, 67, 75, 162, 193, 206, 235, 238, 246 Deuteronomic 177 Devil, the 32, 33, 36, 44, 45, 47, 50, 61, 63, 133, 194, 268, 286 Dey, Hendrik 2, 4 Dickins, John 161 Dinah 37 Diogenes (4th cent.) 38 Dionysius the Areopagite (PseudoDionysius; Denys) 131, 175; The Divine Names 131 Dionysius of Alexandria 73 Directions and Exhortations of Ancient Egyptian Abbots 27 disciples 14, 20, 47, 59, 65, 66, 181, 201, 235, 276; discipleship 117, 177, 182, 235, 238, 244; primitive 183 discipline 5, 47, 65, 72–75, 115, 132, 153, 154, 166, 168–170, 188, 189, 205, 209 discretion 69, 75 Dissent 113, 119, 125 Dissenters 115, 121, 132, 133 dissenting 11, 25, 162, 164, 252 Dissolution of the Monasteries 5, 6, 114, 115, 153, 234, 249 Dives and Lazarus 38, 40 doctrine 11, 56, 69, 72, 73, 114, 115, 118, 119, 122, 133, 166, 168, 169, 204, 234, 236, 250, 253; primitive 73. Dolton, Devon 27 Dominicans 21n51, 119 Donatism 19 Donatists 41 Dorney, Diocese of Oxford 110 Dorotheus of Gaza 130 Douai/Reims Bible 244 Duffy, Eamon 26, 28 Duguet, Jacques Joseph 167; Lettres sur Divers Sujets de Morale et de Pieté: Instructions sur La Maniere de Conduire Les Novices 167 Durel, John 111, 112, 112; Dean of Windsor 111; A View of the Government and the Publick Worship of God (1662) 111

Index  299 Durham 111 Duties of the Heart 34, 35 Duvergier de Hauranne, Jean see St. Cyran East 59, 66, 253 Easter 57, 58, 239, 241 Eastern ascetic sources 130 Eastern countries 154 Eastern Christianity 182 Eastern churches 59, 60, 114, 188, 240, 243 Eastern monasticism 250 Eastern Orthodoxy 26 Eastern Syrian Church 173 ecclesial structures, constructs 168, 250, 253 ecclesiola in ecclesia 169; ecclesiola 134, 190, 203, 248, 249, 251, 254; ecclesiolae 1, 6, 11, 19, 156, 189, 200, 234, 249; English 235, 253–5 ecclesiological context 192; traditions 109; issue 3, 5; problem 18 ecclesiological docesis 237 ecclesiology 14, 18, 168, 179, 183, 200, 250–251 Ecebolius 45 economy of salvation, the 177, 183 ecumenical 6, 35, 110, 113, 115, 135, 154, 197, 203, 205, 207, 253–255 Eden 181 Edessa, Osrhoene 179, 180, 181 Edessene community 180 Edict of Milan (313) 175 Edict of Nantes (1598) 107, 109, 110 Edinburgh 110 Edwards, Maldwyn 160 Edward VI 109 Egypt 26, 32, 40, 61, 63, 65, 68, 123, 180, 189–191, 194, 290 Egyptian priests 75 Egyptian recluses 191 Egyptian solitude 190 Egypt-travel text 63 Eliazer 32 Elijah 26, 61, 64, 289 Elizabeth 1 109 Elizabethan 251 emperors 74 emperors become Christians 74 Empire (Roman) xvi Encratism 170, 182 England 5, 6, 27, 107–111, 205, 250 English, John 195, 196

English monasteries 137 English Puritanism 11, 170 Enlightenment, the 249 Ephraim (Ephrem) the Syrian (Ephrem Syrus) xvi, 32, 168, 170–176, 179–189, 185, 186, 203, 239, 250; hymns 171, 184, 187; memra 181; On Hermits and Desert Dwellers 184, 188 Ephrata Community 17 Epicurus 61 Epiphanius 61 episcopal supervision 253 Epworth 154, 156, Old Rectory 157 Erasmus 2, 5, 118, 119, 120, 121, 125, 236, 237, 241, 246, 247, 249; Education for a Christian Prince (1532) 125; Enchiridion 1501 (English 1533) 118, 120; Erasmian 118, 119, 247 eremitic 189, 192, 246 eschatological time 183; perspective 17 eschatology 19, 250 Essene, Essenes 2, 26, 64, 75, 180, 203, 234, 251; two ways 203, 234 establishment (of religion) 26, 114, 115, 135, 165, 193, 205 Eucharist, the 27, 71–73, 175, 179, 181, 193, 239, 248 Euclides 63 Eugenia 34 Euphrasia 34 Eusebius (of Caesarea) 2, 26, 32, 65, 75, 130 Eusebius of Teluda 38 Evagrius Ponticus 179 Evangelical Protestants 237 Eve 37 Evelyn, John 27, 111 Exclusion Crisis, 1679 118 Exeter 27 exile 71, 73, 109, 110, 124 experiential spirituality 236 exterior/interior 17, 129, 183, 236, 192 ex voto boards 54 Ezekiel 45 Fabiola 67 faithful, the 12, 18, 234, 237, 243, 248 family devotion - school of God 10 fasting 10, 28, 43, 50, 51, 54, 56–61, 65, 72, 73, 123, 136, 180, 181, 191, 282–283; dry food 180; Wednesday, Friday 56, 58, 73

300 Index Fast, Solemn Anniversary 56 father (human) 39, 42, 49, 56, 72, 73, 138n2, 179, 207, 269, 278 Father (monastic) 75, 124, 129, 172, 181, 190, 241 Father (God) 126, 177, 240, 252 Father, Son (God) 51, 126, 172, 176, 177, 240, 252 Father, Son, Holy Spirit (God) 126 fatherless 43, 53 Fathers of the Church 12, 26, 28, 35, 38, 66, 74, 75, 124, 129, 160, 161, 172, 188, 234, 238, 242, 243 Fell, John, Dean of Christ Church, Bishop of Oxford 107 Ferrar, Nicholas 6, 63, 153, 288 Feuillant 135 first apostles = monks 4, 39, 241, 242, 245; first monks = apostles 242, 245 first Christian community 242 first Christians 59, 74, 134, 244, 245 Fleury, Claude 74, 164, 189, 200, 203; Manners of the Ancient Christians 74, 200 Foley, Edward 239 Ford, Coleman 193 Ford, David 195 formal religion 12, 169, 237; formal doctrine 234 Foxe, John 68; Book of Martyrs (1563) 68 France 107, 111, 140n43, 250 Franciscan, Franciscans, Franciscanism 18, 21n51, 119, 141n67, 197 Francke, August Hermann 13–14, 19, 168, 197; Nicodemus (1706) 197; Pietas Hallensis (1705) 13, 168; Rules for the Protection of Conscience and for Good Order in Conversation or Society (1689) 14 Frankfurt 14 Frederica 185 French 109, 111, 113, 116, 139n28, 142n121 French Church 139n28, 154; London, the 109, 110; Southampton 109; at the Savoy 111, 142n121, 154; Threadneedle Street, London 110 friars 115, 123, 164, 197 Fridays 34, 56, 58, 73 Friedman, Matthew 193 Fronteau, Jean 32, 70; Concerning the Heavenly Lives of the Primitive Christians (1666) 70

Fuller, William, Bishop pf Lincoln 110 Gale, Theophilus 167 Gallican Collection attributed to Eucherius 130 Gamaliel 32 Garden of Paradise 12, 13 Gather, Jill 171, 181 General Councils 113 Genesis 2.17 60; Genesis 18 41 Geneva 13, 247 Georgia 164, 168, 200 German hymns 170 Germany 27, 197 Gerson, Jean 245 Giofkou, Diane 168 Glorious Revolution, 1688 116 glory 35, 36, 39, 46, 65, 70, 72, 73, 118, 120, 132, 131, 206, 238, 248, 275; of Christ 202; of God 37, 54, 64, 70, 131, 206, 275, 281; of Jesus 77 Gloucester cathedral 112, 113 Gnostics 69 God xv, 3, 6, 7, 10, 13, 18, 33–47, 51, 54–64, 66, 67, 68, 69, 72–75, 119– 123, 125, 126, 127–130, 132–134, 136, 164, 156, 160, 161–164, 169, 173, 181, 182, 184, 185, 187, 188, 190–193, 195, 197, 202, 204, 206, 234, 243, 247, 248, 190, 191, 204, 206, 250; God’s Spirit 36, 45, 59; Spirit of 64, 67, 74, 167 Godliness 13, 17, 31, 32, 35, 42–44, 51, 52, 167, 255, 266, 269–271 Golgotha 123 Golitzin, Alexander 179, 196 Good Friday 57, 67, 252 Gospel of Thomas 172, 194 Gospel, the 14, 31, 32, 34, 39, 43, 45, 52, 55, 64, 72, 73, 119, 122, 123, 126, 134–136, 160, 161, 163, 167, 172, 178, 191, 200, 237, 240, 247, 250 Gothman, August 240 Great Fire 1666 44, 132 Great Plague 1665 132 Grecian, Grecians 58, 60, 66 Greeks 124, 243 Gregorian Reform (11th cent) 247, 249 Gregory of Nazianzen 26, to Caesarius 45 Gregory of Nyssa 168, 190, 194, 195 Gregory the Great 46, 75, 131, 242

Index  301 Gribomont, Jean 241 Griffith, Sidney H. 172, 174 Grindal, Bishop Edmund 109, 110 Groote, Gerhard 236, 245 Gulistan of Saadi 39 Guyon, Mme. (Jeanne-Marie Bouvier de la Motte Guyon) 21n51, 189 Gwynne, Sally 158 Halle 200 Halle Pietists 168, 169 Hampton Court Conference, 1604 124 Haydock, George 244 Haywood, Thomas 189–194 heart as a temple 12, 15, 71, 170, 177, 196 heart religion 123, 133, 168, 249, 253 heathens 38, 41, 50, 55, 57, 61, 62, 75, 115, 154–155, 156, 237, 282, 286 heaven 1, 4, 35, 36, 46, 48, 59, 62, 72, 73, 116, 123, 127, 129, 178, 191, 195, 197, 244, 268, 279 heavenly ladder, the 12 Heidelberg 17 Heidelberg University 27 Hell 34 Henry VIII xvi, 153 Heracles 51 Hérault, Pastor Louis 110 Herbert, George 63, 74 Herbst, Matthew 205 heretical 65, 134, 162, 180 hermit, hermits, hermitage 4, 5, 16, 17, 26, 35, 36, 38, 57, 58, 61, 64, 65, 67, 164, 168, 190, 202, 205, 240, 254, 267 Herod 11, 45 Herodotus 57 Herrnhut 169, 197, 200 hiddenness 181 hidden prayer of the heart 177 High Church Anglicans 156 Hilarion 40, 44, 57, 68 Hildemar, monk, Bishop of Beauvais 241 Historia Lausiaca 190 Hogarth, William 208 holiness 6, 28, 39, 42, 48, 49, 50, 52, 60, 62, 66, 69–71, 74, 75, 118, 127, 130, 132, 136, 153, 165, 169, 172, 174, 177, 189, 191, 194, 195, 203, 204, 209, 235–237, 240, 243, 246–248, 250, 255; of heart and life 6, 189; social holiness 207, 250

Holy Ghost, Holy Spirit 12, 49, 51, 55, 58, 61, 67, 70, 73, 126, 170, 183, 184, 188, 191, 193, 195, 207, 241; see also ‘God’ holy life, holy living 3, 25, 32, 43, 135, 169, 189, 203 Holy Office, the 253 Holy Roman Empire xvi Holy Saturday 57 homosexual 162 Hopkey, Sophy 158, 184 Horneck, Anthony xvi, 1–4, 6, 25–99, 30, 154, 164, 189, 192, 193, 200, 203, 234–237, 245–247, 249–254, 265–291; The Exercise of Prayer 30; The Happy Ascetick (1681 & editions) 3, 25–99, 31, 154, 234, 253, 265–291; The Happy Ascetick, Extraordinary Exercises 32, 51–70, 266, 280–291; The Happy Ascetick, Ordinary Exercises 32, 52; societies 28, 31, 32, 42, 76, 154, 200, 249 house of God 49, 73, 197 Hugh of Fouilloy 5, 234, 235, 237, 249 Hugh of St. Victor 132 Huguenot, Huguenots 107–113, 112, 113, 114, 250; ministers 110 Humanists 246, 247 Hunt, Hannah 182 Hutchinson, John 162 Hyperichus, abbot (4th. Cent.) 35 Ignatian examen 121 imago Dei, restoration of 196 impulse of the monastic life 1–7, 152 Incarnation, the 3, 123, 125, 128, 182, 193, 250, 253; exchange of 182 Independent 111 individual to corporate and back 1, 6, 184, 255 infidels 41, 135 Ingham, Benjamin 158 inner circle 174 inner holy place 27, 178 inner, interior cloister 126, 137, 154, 249, 251, 255 inner life 17, 48, 235 inner spirituality 11, 15, 118, 135, 137, 234 interior architecture 187 interior church of the heart 175–177, 196, 237 interior disposition 3, 4, 6, 41, 129, 234, 235, 253

302 Index interior/exterior 17, 183, 192 interiorisation 1, 249, 254 interior monastery 10–19, 119–120, 134, 163, 202, 249 interior monasticism 25, 247–249 interior temple 187 internal/external church 178, 179 internalisation of monasticism 4 inward religion 169 Irenaeus 74 Isaac 47, 109 Isaac the Anchorite 32 Isaiah 170; Isaiah 58.6,7 59 Isidore of Seville 37 Isis 57 Israel, children of 52 Jacob and his sons 123; Jacob’s dream 35; wrestling with the angel (Gen. 3.22, 24) 63; enters a vow Gen 28.29 52 James I 109, 110 James II 109, 115, 138n19 James, Letter of, 1.8, 4.8 172 James the apostle 68, 291 Jansenist, Jansenism 6, 13, 15, 18, 70, 167, 242, 251; parallel to Pietism in Protestantism 15 Jason 51 Jeffreys, George, Lord Chancellor 110, 112 Jephthah 54 Jerome 39, 42, 45, 57, 61–62, 65, 67, 68, 75, 130, 238, 239, 241, 246; Letter 22 to Eustochium 26; Life of Hilarion and Paul the Hermit 57 Jerusalem 26, 54, 56, 68, 130, 239; daughters of 74; destruction of 56; new 33; temple 15, 254 Jerusalem church 2, 26, 200, 234, 242, 245, 249 Jesuit 13, 118 Jesus, Jesus Christ: 13, 16, 26, 34, 35, 40, 43, 70, 74, 118, 121–123, 125, 127, 130, 136, 176, 180, 182, 201, 202, 235, 243, 244, 252, 274; on the breast of 51; Jesu 120, 123; the Lord 34, 40, 60, 65, 70, 120, 163, 171, 177, 178, 182, 183, 200, 244, 256n9, 274, 277; love of 116, 119, 120, 122, 126–132, 202; lover(s) of 119, 120, 123, 128, 130, 131; name of 13, 71; see also Christ, Jesus Jesus Prayer 196

Jewish ascetic traditions 170 Jewish-Christian asceticism 172 Jewish Christians 171, 175 Jewish Church 56 Jewish circumcision 10, 39 Jewish Rabbinic text 34; The Duties of the Heart 34, 35 Jews, Jewish 10, 35, 38, 39, 41, 47–55, 56, 75, 132, 170, 172, 175, 234, 256n9, 260n90, 274, 284 Jewish monasticism 234 John the Ascetic 38 John the Baptist 5, 26, 59, 181 Joint Commission of the Roman Catholic Church and the World Methodist Council 207 Jonah 53 Jordan to Jerusalem highway 68 Joseph 123 Joseph (husband of Mary) 162 Josephus 26, 32, 171 Judaism 171, 175, 254; second temple 175 Judas 43, 55, 133 Julian, Emperor 45 Jupiter 57 justification 15, 188, 195, 247 Justin Martyr 74, 239 Kabbala 45, 75, 97n403 Kavanagh, Aidan 239, 240 Keefer, Luke 200 Ken, Thomas 134 Kidder, Richard 27, 29; Bishop of Bath and Wells 77n24 King Abenner (Baarlam and Josaphat), 4th cent. 34 kingdom 115; of God 43, 70, 121, 181 Kingswood School (Bristol) 160, 166; Library 166 Kisker, Scott 28 Knowles, David 153 koinonia 189, 203 Koker, Dr. Pieter 160 Köpke, Balthazar 15; Dialogus de templo Salomonis, sive de Tribus Gradibus (1689) 15 Koran, the 35 de Labadie, Jean 13, 236; The Reformation of the Church by the Pastorate (1667) 13 Labadist 18 Lactantius 129

Index  303 Laertius Diogenes 75 Lane, David 177, 179 last judgement, the 34, 51 late antique 235 Latins 124 Latin writers 242 Laud, Archbishop William 109, 110, 191; Laudian 116; Laud’s Commissioners 110 Laurence Justinian 32 law of God, commandments 10–11, 39 Law, William 189, 203 Lazarus 38, 40, 122 Leclercq, Jean 241 Lee, F.G. (Frederick George) 116 Leighton, Arhcbishop Robert 155 Lent 239; Lenten 57 Levitical 177 lex orandi 206 Liber Graduum 175, 177–179, 192, 196; Mēmrā 12 177 Little Gidding 6, 63, 74, 153, 251 Littlemore 208 Lives of the Early Methodist Preachers 167, 204 Lollards 153, 165, 237 London 31, 109, 110, 116, 154, 197 Lord’s Day, the 29, 42, 48, 49, 59, 73, 277 Lord’s Supper, the 14, 15, 133, 206, 207 de Lubac, Henri 241–242 Luke 6.38 59; 12.33,34 63 Lutheran 11, 12, 14, 18, 136, 170, 236; Lutheranism 19, 236 Luther, Martin 237, 246–248; Against the Robbing and Murdering Hordes of Peasants (1525) 248; Preface to the German Mass (1526) 248 Macarian tradition 196 Macarian writings 194 Macarius (Pseudo Macarius) 17–18, 32, 162, 168, 169, 170–176, 177, 179, 184, 187–196, 200, 203, 239, 250, 263–264; addressing Christians rather than monks 192; Great Letter 194; Homilies 169, 188–194; Homily 45, John’s Wesleys’s edition Homily 2019 [Pritius edition: solitariam Pritius’ edition, Christ in Wesley’s edition] 192; Homily 52 179, 196; Thomas Haywood translation, 1721 189, 192 MacCulloch, Diarmaid xv-xvii

Mack, Phyllis 163 Maecenas 64 magistrate(s) 13, 43, 56, 73, 247, 270 Magnificat 35 Maimonides 70, 75 Malone, Edward E. 239 mammon 43 Manichaeism 182 Marcellina (St. Ambrose’s sister) 53 Marcellus Strategus 64 Marcion 59 Marcus Aurelius, Emperor 37, 75 Marcus the hermit 38 Marian exiles 109, 124 marriage, marriages, married 10, 12, 17, 26, 42, 43, 64, 66, 67, 71, 73, 83n140, 156–164, 171–174, 180– 182, 184, 191, 197, 234, 242, 254 Martha 26, 163 martyrs: Christian 71, 73, 126, 131, 137, 181, 239; martyrdom: ‘green’ 238; substitute 239, 240 Mary (mother of the Lord) 12, 162 Mary Magdalene 34, 39, 119 Mary/Martha 26, 163 Martha 32 Maser, Frederic 160 Mass, the 14, 111 Matthew 32, 71, 205 Matthew 4.1 57; 17.27 70; 19.10 161; 19.10–12 163; 25.40 41 71; 26.41 45 Matthias 65 Maxfield, Thomas 166 medieval monasticism 5, 13, 165, 236, 249 Melito of Sardis 239 Mellichamp, Tom 158 mendicant orders 236; mendicants 177, 236, 249 Mesnard, Dr. John 111 Mesopotamia 40, 180 Messalian 175, 177, 193, 194, 241, 244 Messalianism 194 Methodism 6, 15, 159, 162, 164, 165, 170, 192, 203, 205, 206, 207, 208, 209; British xvi; United, (USA) 205 Methodist Archives, John Rylands University Library, Manchester 252 Methodist/Benedictine Dialogue 205–206 Methodist, Methodists: bands 6, 15, 192, 207; classes 207; Conference 6, 192, 207; Connexion 184, 203, 251; connexionalism 205; Covenant

304 Index Service 251; lay preachers 200; lectio divina 201; Minutes of Conference 163; people, the 170, 189, 192; preachers 6, 161, 163, 166, 184, 200, 207, 208; Rule of Life 206; select societies 192; societies 2, 6, 32, 158, 164, 166, 168, 170, 189, 190, 193, 200, 200, 203, 207, 250; United, (USA) Book of Discipline 206 Middle Ages 4, 235, 236 Midrashim 75; Midrash on the Psalms 35 ministers, ministry 15, 30, 32, 49, 52, 62, 69, 110, 123, 159, 169, 178, 192, 245, 246, 250 Minutius Felix 74 miracles 34, 39, 61, 69, 125 Mishnah, the 32, 35, 54, 55, 75 mixed life, the 203, 235, 255 Moers, Wesel 15 de Molinos, Miguel 16 monastery,monasteries 3, 4, 15, 17, 27, 74, 119, 131, 137, 118–120, 125, 131, 137, 153, 154, 167, 174, 181, 190, 191, 240, 249, 252, 254 monastic: xv, xvi; ascesis 205; asceticism 201; authors 3, 5, 6, 163, 164, 207; cell 16, 33, 120, 129, 180, 191, 197, 200, 201; clothing 238, 239; community 4, 26, 155, 180, 189, 205, 235, 240, 245, 248, 255; custody of the eyes 37, 163; dress 17; ideals 1, 118, 154, 166, 175, 181, 207, 234–236; institutes 3, 26, 119, 165, 190, 241; life 5, 7, 10, 17, 18, 26, 116, 117, 118, 156, 181, 201, 202, 206, 235, 239, 242, 243, 244, 245, 246, 248, 249, 252; living 1, 4, 18, 26, 75, 235, 237, 242, 246; movement, 4th century 180, 200; orders 119, 203, 205, 207, 209, 237, 238, 248, 249; primitive 181, 235; profession 15, 121, 180, 181, 235, 238–241, 242–246; regulae 1, 5, 14, 203; second baptism 238–242; spaces 4, 235; structures/built environment 1, 5, 235, 249, 254; texts and ideals 1, 11, 234, 251; tradition 1, 4, 18, 19, 37, 75, 116, 170, 189, 192, 194, 200, 205, 206, 234, 255; preConstantinian 189; vocation 234; vows 5, 115, 120, 121, 238, 247, 248 monasticisation of the church 2, 241, 247

monasticism xv, xvi, 2–6, 13, 15, 18, 25–27, 164–166, 171, 173–175, 177, 180, 181, 192, 194, 205–207, 234, 236, 237, 239–241, 243, 245–249, 250, 252, 255; early and medieval 165; early Egyptian 174, 177; growth in Syria 174, 175; meaning of 205; Syriac 162, 170 Monck, Christopher, Lord Torrington, Duke of Albemarle 27 Mondovi, Abbey of 135 monk, monks xv, 3, 4, 6, 10, 17, 18, 19, 26, 27, 39, 45, 60, 66, 67, 117, 118, 123, 135, 137, 153–224, 235–250, 255; Christ and the first apostles as monks 4; desert monk 180, 196; monachos xv; monks, monasteries of Egypt 26, 190, 191; new monks 117 Montanist 56 Moravians 168, 169, 170, 197; stillness controversy 197 Morin, Germain 244 morning prayer 33 mortification, mortifications 12, 35, 46, 58, 60, 66, 67, 121, 136, 166, 167, 180, 193, 242 Moses 15, 32, 43, 45, 52, 56, 57, 64, 181 Moses Corduero 45, 75 Moses the Robber 32 Mosheim, John Lawrence, An Ecclesiastical History, (Wesley edition 1781) 166, 167 de Moulin, Pierre 111 Mount Gerizim 122 Mount Grace, Osmotherley 197, 199, 250 Murray, Grace 159, 161, 162 Murray, Robert 170, 172–175, 177, 182 mysterion 239 mystical body (of Christ, the church) 18, 58, 246 mystics 13, 17, 160, 205 mystic writers 164 Naaman the Syrian 41 narrow way 55, 116, 204 Natalius the confessor (3rd cent) 65 Nathyra 68 naturalised 27, 111 Nautin, Jean-Charles 238 Nazianzen, Gregory 26, 45, 75 Nazirites 26

Index  305 Nedungatt, George 173, 174 Nero, Emperor 50 Nestero 27 Nestor’s speech to Diomedes in Home 64 new birth, the, parallel to monastic rules 15 new covenant 133 new Jerusalem 33 Newman, John Henry 208 New Testament 12, 75, 182 Nicene orthodoxy 187 Nicetas 179 Nicholas the deacon (Acts 6.5) 65, 290 Nicole, Pierre see Arnaud Nisibis 180 noble 43, 46, 71, 72, 126, 202, 271 nocturnal devotions 61 nominal adherence 11, 17, 19 nominal Christians 3, 5, 14, 34, 128, 135, 165; nominal Christianity 237 nominal formal religion 237 Nonconformist(s), Nonconfomrity 25, 111, 113, 118, 119, 167 non-residence 29 Normans, the 52 North America 17 not disdain ordained ministries 15 Oates, Titus 134 offices of the Church 123, 132, 134 Old and New Testaments 12, 26, 75, 182, 241, 242 Old Covenant 4, 173 Olympias 34 Olympic Games, the 51 O’Malley, Steven 169 Onuphrius 289, encounter with Paphnutius 64 op ‘t Hof, Willem 17 opus Dei (monastic, the work of God) 246 opus operatum 14, 67 oratories 53, 71, 73 Orcibal, Jean 201 order, orders, religious 119, 133, 203, 207, 243 ordinary believers/the perfect 178, 203 ordo salutis 128, 188, 193 Origen 26, 74, 179, 189; Origenist 12, 18, 254 Orphan House, Newcastle 197 Orthodox Jesus Prayer 122, 196

Orthodox mystical tradition 196 orthodox, orthodoxy 26, 122, 125, 137, 162, 164, 168, 196 Orthodoxy, Eastern 26 orthodoxy, Nicene 187 Osmotherley 197; Roman Catholic Church 197, 198 Otho the Great, Holy Roman Emperor 54 Outler, Albert 188 Ovid 119 Oxford 27, 29, 107, 110, 111, 132, 140n43, 160, 184, 188, 200, 203, 204; University of 112; Chancellor 112 Oxford Holy Club 188, 200, 203 Oxford Methodists 162, 196, 204 Pachomius 38, 67, 68, 119, 177, 242, 243, 291 Pacianus 65 Palestine 68, 191; Palestinian monotheism 171; Palaestina 40 Pannenberg, Wolfhart 18 Pantarba 64 Papacy 75, 236 Paphnutius of Thais (4th cent) 32, 64, 289 Papias 40 Papist, Papists 25, 53, 55, 58, 66, 67, 69, 113, 115, 253, 290 Paradise 12, 13, 34, 37, 41, 73, 137, 170, 190, 235, 250 Paris 70, 111; University of 70 Parliament 118 Parousia, the 250 Pascal, Blaise 166 Passion, the (of Jesus Christ) 34, 35, 71, 124, 129, 125, 252 pastoral office 72 pastor(s) 13, 70, 71, 72, 110, 111, 247; Amyraut, Bochart 111; Bulteel 109; Daille 110; Herault 110 Patriarchates 115 patriarchs 33 Paula 45, 65, 75 Paul and Barnabas (Acts 13.3) 57 Paul and Silas in chains (Acts 16. 16-40) 40 Paulinus (desert father) 56, 68 Paul the Hermit 36, 57 Paulus Sergius (Acts.13.6-12) 39 Peasants War 248 penance 74, 121, 180, 239, 246, 247

306 Index penance, second 239 penitence 65, 75, 121–122, 136, 239, 241, 242, 243 penitents 65, 172, 179 Penn, William 154 Pentecostal 202, 203 Pennsylvania 17 people of God, the 15, 66, 74, 173, 250 Pepin, King of the Franks 54 perfect holiness 136; perfect love 196, 170 perfection 14, 15, 19, 25, 26, 35, 40, 42, 120, 127, 129, 136, 160, 162, 166, 168, 169, 177, 180, 189, 191, 192, 193, 195, 196, 203, 204, 236, 237, 241, 243, 244, 245, 246, 248, 254, 256n7; counsel of 203, monastic 249 perfection, Christian 14, 15, 35, 37, 136, 167, 168, 193, 195, 196, 236 perfectionism 189 Pericles to Sophocles 38 Perkins, William 246; A Reformed Catholike 1598 10 persecution 3, 16, 26, 40, 57, 73, 179, 204, 238; Decian 36; interior and exterior 183; Valens 190 Persian magi 61, 75 Persia, Persian(s) 36, 41, 44, 61, 75, 180 Persius Satires 47 Peter (St.) 34, 45, 64, 70, 244; finding coin (Matt. 17.27) 70 1 Peter 2.11 57 Peter and Paul (Sts.) 34 Peter of Alcantara 64 Peters, Greg 247, 248 Pharaoh 43 Pharisee, Pharisees 35, 36, 41, 44, 56, 64, 75, 117, 290 Pharisee, prayer of the 75 Philo 26, 65, 75, 171, 290; Therapeutiae 75 Philogon (St.) 244 Pietism xvi, 6, 10–19, 168–170, 192, 197, 236, 249, 253; Catholic 136 Pietist, Pietists 6, 10–11, 12, 13, 15, 17–19, 154, 168–169, 200, 236, 237, 248; appeal to monastic texts 11 Pilgrimage of Grace, 1536 153 pilgrimage(s) 1, 129, 130, 153, 169, 251 Pimenius 45 Pior (4th cent) 38 Pirqe Aboth 34 Plato 191; Platonism 15, 194

Platonic ideas of the soul 193 Plested, Marcus 192 Pliny 42, 61, 64, 75, 289; the cock and the lion 64 Pliny-Trajan Correspondence (c112) 33, 78n61, 79n62 pluralities 29 Plutarch 54, 75 poenitentia secunda: absolution 240 poenitentia tertia: monasticism 240 poenitientia prima: baptism 240 Poiret, Pierre 17 Polycarp 74 Pope Clement IX 242 Popery, Popish 6, 25, 113, 119, 121, 124, 125, 134, 137, 253, 291 Pope, the 55, 114, 115 Pope Zephyrinus (d.217) 65 Popish plot, 1678, the 134 Porphyry 37 Port Royal des Champs 13, 166, 167, 242, 251 post-Dissolution 6 post-Reformation 3, 170, 234, 242 post-Reformation writers 238, 242; Catholic 3 post-Restoration exegetes 202 post-Restoration Protestant Church of England 162 post-Tridentine Catholic 168 poverty, vow of 10, 207 prayer: degrees of 12; and fasting 10, 43; public and private 62; seven times a day, Psalm 119 28, 29, 61, 75 prayer of the heart 177 prayers of the Church 60, 73, 285 prayer without ceasing 32 preacher(s) 6, 27, 32, 133, 154, 161, 163, 164, 166, 184, 189, 200, 207, 208 Presbyterian Directory 111 Presbyterian, Presbyterians 111, 113, 115, 253 presbyters 39, 65 prevenient grace 188 priesthood of all believers 247 priests 6, 14, 27, 61, 75, 111, 159, 166, 173, 174, 175, 176, 179, 181, 182, 187, 205, 243, 244, 248; high priest(s) 45, 182, 187 priests of Egypt, ancient 61, 75 Primerose, Gilbert 110

Index  307 primitive austerity 25; doctrine 73; ethos 200; form 181; institution 52; measure 131; purity 111; rule 66; saints 69; standard (monasteries) 155; times 67; usages 2; use 124 primitive simplicity 235 primitivism 2, 114, 244, 253, 254 princes 27, 43, 73, 121, 122, 128, 248 Priory in the Wood, Low Melwood 156, 157 private exercises of piety 13 private means of grace 123 Procopius, on Justinian 60 Propertius Elegies 37 prophets 26, 33, 242 Prosper of Aquitaine Epigrams 130 Protestant-Catholic 1 Protestant, Protestantism xvi, 3, 10, 13–15, 17–19, 53, 54, 60, 66, 75, 109, 111, 115, 116, 133, 136, 153, 154, 162, 164, 165, 170, 189, 205, 29, 237, 242, 243, 246–248, 249; writers 5, 136 Prout, William 15 proto-monastic, monasticism 2, 3, 168, 181, 241; Egyptian context 177; Syriac 162, 170 Proverbs 22.20 177 Psalms 35, 39, 62, 68, 72, 218n211, 287; Psalm 68.7 172 Pseudo-Augustine 61, 65, 70 Pseudo Clementine De Virginitate 161 Pseudo Jerome 38 Pseudo-Messalian 244 pseudo-monastic 153, 236, 247, 248, 254 publican, the (Lucan parable) 34, 41 public devotion 60 Pupper of Goch, John 245 purest ages 74 purgatory 66, 75 Puritanism 6, 11, 19, 117, 170 Puritan, Puritans 10–11, 19, 109, 117, 124, 153, 251 Pythagoras, Pythagorean, Pythagoreans 47, 57, 61, 71, 72 qeiāmā, qyāmā: 162, 171–175, 181– 182; benai qyāmā 172; bnay qyāmā 171–174; bnay qyāmā not properly monks 174; Covenant 171–174, 181,

182; qyāmā, athletic contest 182 Quadragesimal fast 57 Quaker 120 quasi-monastic group 162 Queen Anne 115 Queen’s College, Oxford 27 Quesnel, Pascquier 166 Qumran 170, 171, 172, 182; Manual of Discipline 171; War Scroll 171 Raasch, Juana 194 Rabbis Yehudah 32 Rachel 51, 123 de Rancé, Armand Jean Le Bouthillier xvi, 167; Relations de la Vie et de la Mort de Quelques Religieux de l’Abbaye de La Trappe (1702) 212n75 realised eschatology 250 Rechabites (Jer.35.6,7) 26, 64, 289 recluses 138, 190 recusant 244; recusancy 118, 137 reformation 111; of manners 25, 27, 122; more complete 109; societies 28 Reformation, the xvi, 1, 15, 25, 66, 114, 133, 155, 164, 205, 234, 235, 236 Reformed Churches 11, 111, 115, 170 Reformed Church of Bordeaux 110 Reformed doctrine 236 reformed episcopate 111 Reformed Monastery 3, 107–149, 117; see also de Beaulieu, Cloister of the Soul Reformers, the 3, 5, 137, 153, 165, 236, 246: Anglican 111 Regis, Balthasar 111 regulae 1, 3, 5, 14, 189, 203 religion of the heart 11, 133–134, 168, 170, 251 religious community, communities 63, 153, 164, 234 religious habit (clothing) 119, 243; friars 123; monks 66, 75 religious houses 154, 164, 166, 190 religious order 119, 133, 207 religious society/societies 3, 4, 6, 26, 28, 31, 42, 75, 76, 138, 154, 166, 252; London 154 religious, the 28, 137, 153, 180, 236, 243, 247, 252, 254 religious practices 28 religious vow 55, 133, 245, 281

308 Index de Renty, Gaston Jean Baptiste 155 renunciation 3, 6, 120, 175, 205, 236, 239, 242, 243 Restoration 1660 (The) 28, 109, 110, 132, 162, 165; Anglicanism 28, 249; Church of England 162, 234; clergy 165; society, societies 26, 28, 29 restoration: of Christianity 134; of image of God 195, 196; of monasteries 119, 131; of paradise 170, 235; of the Spirit of God in man 188 resurrection, the 172, 174, 175, 240 Revocation of the Edict of Nantes, 1685 107, 109, 110 rites, baptism 250; Anglican baptism 124; Armenian 240; catechumenate, profession 173, 174, 239, 240, 245; covenant renewal 251 Ritschl, Albert 236 Roman: church 52, 54, 60, 66, 135, 155, 190; clergy 163; errors 111; influence 27, 134 Roman Catholic, Catholics, Roman Catholicism xvi, 1, 3, 6, 14, 18, 25, 27, 28, 52, 75, 110–118, 119, 131– 134, 162, 168, 189, 198, 205, 207, 251; apologists 243–247; pietism 136 Romanisation 114 Rome 52, 65, 66, 68, 111, 114, 131, 134, 135, 206; diocese of 68 Ruffinus 34, 45, 57, 63 rule 10, 28, 29, 32, 42, 49, 52, 53, 59, 60, 62, 63, 66, 67, 72, 74, 119–120, 123, 126, 135, 137 Rule of St. Augustine 119, 127 Rule of St. Basil 130, 206 Rule of St Benedict 12, 129, 169, 206 rule of the Blessed Jesus 121 Rupert of Deutz 235, 245 Rupp, Gordon 205 Russell, Lord Admiral, Earl of Oxford 29 Saadi 39, 41, 75 Sabbath day 59 sacerdotalism 205 sacrament, sacraments 11, 14, 48, 49, 71, 123, 124, 134, 154, 172, 177, 178, 191, 194, 240, 242, 243, 245; sacramental (noun) 240

sacrifice 39, 43, 65, 159, 176, 181, 182, 184, 197 Sadducees 45 saints 12, 16, 33, 35, 39, 44, 47, 51–55, 57, 60, 65, 66, 69, 73, 74, 75, 118, 121, 123, 125, 128, 129, 196, 281, 283, 291 saint’s shrine 54 de Sales, François, Francis 162, 201 salt/light 165 salvation 6, 14, 18, 40, 129, 130, 171, 177, 181, 183, 188, 195, 201, 206, 241, 248, 255 sanctification 15, 126, 162, 166, 170, 188, 189, 191, 193, 195, 203 Sanctification in the Benedictine and Wesleyan Traditions (Rome 1994) 206 sarabites 26 Sarah 38 Satirus, Satyrus 53, 75 Saturn 61 Saumur 107, 108, 108, 110, 111, 115 Saumur, Academy of, Council & Extraordinary Council 107 Savannah 159, 164 Scetis 190 Schmidt, Martin 166 school for holiness 243 schoolmasters 43, 270 Scipio 39, 75 Scopelianus 64 scripture 15, 18, 39, 48, 57, 58, 61, 64, 66, 69, 73, 134, 167, 181, 184, 188, 206, 218n211, 254, 283; interior meaning of 181 sects, sectarian 16–18, 25, 177, 180, 246, 248; sectarianism 18 secular 1, 5, 18, 35, 45, 117, 131, 135, 177, 181, 191, 234, 235, 237, 238, 241 self examination 47, 48, 50, 51, 124, 277, 279 Seneca 38, 39, 41, 47, 75 Serapion 68, 291 serious religion 32, 168, 234, 237 Sermon on the Mount 36, 48, 50, 122, 278 sermon, sermons 14, 38, 61, 108, 111, 115, 117, 125, 128, 133, 164, 165, 203, 206, 236, 278, 285

Index  309 servant, servants 32, 42, 43, 44, 48, 59, 64, 71, 120, 131, 160, 201, 269, 276, 285 services held in homes 15 severities 52, 60, 65–70, 75, 137, 285, 290, 291 Severus Life of St. Martin 241 Shekinah 191 Shenoute 5, 255 shepherds 35, 51 Shimei 40 Sifor 173 signing with the cross 124, 137 Simeon of Thessaloniki 242, 243 simple vow 243 single in heart: μονόϮροποϛ, μονόζωνοϛ 182 single ones: μοναχος 172, 182; μονογενής 172 single, only-begotten: Μονοϒενής 172, 177, 182 Sisyphus’ stone 42 Smaragdus of St. Mihiel 241 Snyder, Howard 195 social holiness 207, 250 society, societies 1–6, 26–29, 41, 48, 56, 62, 63, 119, 133, 134, 138, 154, 155, 170, 200, 207, 237, 244, 248, 251, 254, 283 Socrates 63 Sodom 41 Solemn League and Covenant, 1643 115 solitaries 177, 178, 190, 250; μονογενής, Christ, related to ihidaye, solitaries Syrian sons of the covenant 172 Solitaries, (Solitaires) Port Royal des Champs: Port Royal des Champs 13, 166 solitary life 180, 192 son, sons 27, 42, 66, 68, 109, 110, 112, 113, 123, 126, 136, 176, 179, 188, 269 Son (Christ) 6, 51, 126 Song of Songs 14, 46, 128, 236 Son of God, only 62, 119, 126 172; Christ 176, 240 sons and daughters of the covenant 171, 172 Sons of the Covenant 177, 191, 251 sons of the prophets 242 Sophocles 38, 75

Sophronius 33 soteriology 169 Spener, Philip Jacob 245; collegia pietatis 14, 15; On Hindrances to Theological Studies (1680) 15; Pia Desideria (1675) 14 Spirit, gift of the 126, 179, 193 Spirit, Holy see Ghost, Holy; God spirituality 137, 153, 156, 162, 164, 165, 170, 196, 200, 204–206, 209, 234–237, 241, 245, 249, 250, 252–255 spiritual reading 28, 35 St. Anthony’s chapel, the French Church, London 110 stational days 56: hymns 26 St. Benedict xv, 12, 141n67, 206, 207, 245 Stephens, Edward 25–27 Steyn 118 St. Francis 67 St. George’s Chapel, Windsor 111 St. Ignatius (of Antioch): on watching 64; Letter to the Romans 129; martyrdom 129 Stillingfleet, Edward, Bishop of Worcester 200 St. John 164 St. Laurence 53, 54 St. Lawrence Justinian 32, 60 St. Luke 2 St. Margaret’s (church) Westminster 110 St. Mark 65 St. Mary le Strand, London 27 Stobaeus 75; Anthology 55 Stoeffler, Ernst 170 St. Paul’s Cathedral, London 112 St. Sergius 54 St. Suibert 54 St. Teresa 15, 32, 64; On Peter of Alcantara 64 Sulpicius Severus 190; Life of |Martin 241 supererogation 66, 75, 122, 163, 246 Susanna 37 Sybarite 51 Sylvanus 33, 68; Bishop of Philippopolis 68 Sylvanus of Sinai 38 Symeon the New Theologian 5, 179, 239, 246 Synclectica 35, 45

310 Index syneisaktoi 173 Synesius 26 Synod of Elvira (c.305–306) 62 Syriac xvi; asceticism 170–177; church 172, 173, 175; covenant 158, 171, 172, 174; covenanters 158, 168, 174, 190; hermit 65; monasticism 194; monastic texts, sources 170, 172, 251; perspective 241; spirituality 170; Syrian/Aramaic Christianity 171, 194; tradition, traditions 157–158, 170, 171, 175, 178, 193, 203, 241, 250; writers 171, 179; writings 177, 182 tabernacle 12, 27, 191; of the heart 27; of Moses 15 Targumim 75; Targum on Deuteronomy 38 Tatian 162 Tauler, Johannes 12, 17 Taylor, Jeremy, Holy Living and Holy Dying 163; The Rules and Exercises of Holy Living, 1650 and The Rules and Exercises of Holy Dying, 1651 121, 125 Te Deum: 121, 125 temple: allegory 15; church 177; God’s 43, 270; the heart 15, 73, 170, 176; hidden 177, 179; holy 175; of the Holy Ghost (Spirit) 73, 184, 188; Holy of Holies 15, 196; inner 170, 182, 187; Jerusalem 15; priest, sacrificial offering (Christians) 182, 183, 187, 196, 197; the true 196 Terence 122 Tersteegen, Gerhard 15–17, 21n51, 169, 170, 197, 249; Contentment in the Cloister 16; On the Difference of Progress in Godliness 17; The Hermit’s Cell 16; ImportantRules of Conduct Addressed to a Society of Christian Living Togethe 16; Letter of encouragement to a Few Awakened Souls in Danger of Persecution 16; A Particular Abbress to Those Select Souls Who Have Resigned Themselves to God and His Hidden Life 17; Select Lives of Holy Souls 16; On the Shadow abd Substance and the Form and Power o Godliness in a Letter to a Friend 17; The Spiritual Garden, (1729) 16

Tertullian 32, 56, 57, 61, 62, 65, 69, 74, 75, 129, 239, 287, 290; the one baptism 256n9 Test Act (anti- Catholic, 1678) 134 Thales 50 Theodosius, Emperor (347–395) 17, 34, 62, 65, 74 Theodore 38, 240, 241, 243 Theodore the Studite 240, 241, 243 Theodorus 290 theologia experimentalis 236 Theologia Germanica, (14th. Cent) / Luther edition 12 theosis 193 Therapeutiae, Eusebius, Philo 26, 75 1 Timothy 4.7 32; 5.23 67 Tissot, Samuel 158 Tophet (Gehinnom) 34 total epiclesis 183 Toulouse 155 tower of Babel 42 Tractarian 116 traditio 253 traditioning 189, 253 Trigg, Jonathan 248 Trinity, the 51, 125, 170 true Christian(s) 2, 11, 12, 41, 118, 135, 154, 237, 241, 248, 253; Christian fellowship 207 true worship of the heart 12; inward worship 124 Turk, Turks 39, 63 The Twelve Hermits of Paschasius 35 two baptisms of the Lord 183, 256n9 two categories of Christian 177, 178 University of the Third Heaven 40 Upton cum Chalvey 110, 116 Valerius Flaccus, account of the golden fleece 64 Valla, Lorenzo 247 van Lodenstein, Jodocus 17 Vatican II: Lumen Gentium 238 Vazan 173 Vazeille, Mrs. Molly 161 vicarious praying class 235, 237 vigils 61, 62, 63, 64, 73, 287, 288 virgins, virginity 25, 38, 65, 69, 71, 73, 158, 161, 163, 164, 172–174, 177 virtual architectural construct 235 virtual cloister 4, 5, 6, 235, 237, 249 virtual monastery 3, 249

Index  311 virtuoso religious 254 visible church and sacraments 18, 36, 177–179 vita apostolica 114 Vitae Patrum, Vitis Patrum 27, 34, 75 Vita Stephani (11th/12th cent.) 240 von Zinzendorf, Nikolaus Ludwig 169, 197 Vööbus, Arthur 171–175, 177, 179– 181, 184 Votaries 54 vow(s) 51–56, 115, 118–120, 153, 155, 158, 171, 174, 176, 207, 214n111, 243, 244, 246, 247, 251, 253, 280–282; baptismal 10, 14, 18, 28, 36, 75, 114, 120–121, 126, 128, 133, 134, 136, 154, 238, 241, 245, 246, 247; Chosroes to St. Sergius 54; Otho to St. Laurence 53, 54; Pepin to St. Suibert 54 vow of chastity 10, 174, 207 Wagner, Paul 169, 186 Wainwright, Geoffrey 206, 207 Wake, Archbishop William 111 Wakefield, Gordon 187 Walsh, John 189, 202–204 Walton, Isaac, Life of Mr. George Herbert (1670) 63 Ward, W. Reginald 11 watchfulness 38, 64, 67, 130, 195, 289 Watching Over One Another in Love (2011) 205 Watson Adams, Peter 197 Weber, Max 18–19 wedding of the Lamb 72 Weigelt, Horst 18 Wesleyan 164, 170, 206 Wesley, Charles 107, 156, 158, 159, 162, 176, 193, 194, 200, 201, 202, 204, 206, 251, 252 Wesley family 107, 156, 162, 206, 251, 252 Wesley, John: xvi, xvii; Acts, common life 202, 203, 254; Aldersgate experience May 1738 168, 189, 200; celibacy, marriage 156–164; The Character of a Methodist (1742) 188, 206; Christian Library 32, 51, 70, 154, 162, 164, 166, 168, 188, 189, 192, 197, 263–264; Ephrem 170, 188; General Rules of the United Societies (1743) 206; Instructions for

Christians, Instructions for Members of Religious Societies (1791) 166; Journal 196, 197; Macarius 168, 188–197, 263–264; monasticism 2, 154–156, 164, 165, 171, 180, 197; Moravians 168, 169, 197, 198–199; Pietism 16, 169, 170, 197; A Plain Account of Christian Perfection (1766) 167; Plain Account of Genuine Christianity (1761) 17, 61; primitive Christianity, church, ideal 187, 188; Sermon 81: In What Sense Are We to Leave the World?165; Sermon 104, On Attending the Church Service 164; Sermon 85, On Working Out Our Own Salvation 206; Sermon 89, The More Excellent Way 203; Thoughts on a Single Life (1765) 163; Thoughts on Marriage and a Single Life (1743) 161; Twelve Rules of a Helper 6 Wesley, Sally (née Gwynne) 158 Wesley, Samuel 3, 6, 154, 155, 156, 162, 234, 251; A Letter to the Religious Societies, (appendix to The Pious Communicant.) 154; The Pious Communicant Rightly Prepared or Discourse Concerning the Blessed Sacrament (1700) 154, 155 Wesley, Sarah 107 Wesley, Susannah 156, 162 Westminster 154 Westminster: Abbey 135; St. Margaret’s Church 110 Whitchurch 112, 113, 114, 116 wilderness 5, 60, 66, 180, 181, 190 Wilson, Chris 164 Windesheim 5, 246, 255 Windsor, St. George’s Chapel 110–111 de Winne, André 166 Wissahickon Creek, Pennsylvania 17 witness of the Spirit 195 women preachers 163 Wood, Anthony 111 Woodward, Josiah 154; An account of the rise and progress of the religious societies in the city of London &c. and of the endeavours for reformation of manners which have been made therein / by Josiah Woodward 209n11

312 Index Word of God 42, 44, 45, 50, 58, 113, 133, 135, 271, 284 Workman, Herbert 205; The Evolution of the Monastic Ideal (1937) 205; A New History of Methodism (1909) 205 Wycliffe, John 165

Yewdall, Zachariah 161 Young, Frances 189, 196 Zaccheus 39, 177 Zachariah 161 Zeller, Winifred 249 Zenon 47, 68 Zerbolt, Gerhard 245