The Jesuits and the Emblem Tradition (IFSTU 1A) (IMAGO FIGURATA. STUDIES) [Illustrated] 2503507980, 9782503507989

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THEJESUITS AND THE EMBLEM TRADITION

Imago figurata The Series will contain editions, studies and reference works. Publication is in major European languages.

Editorial Board:

Peter M. Daly (McGill University, Montreal, Canada), John Manning (University of Wales, Lampeter, UK), and Karel Porteman (Katholieke Universiteit Leuven, Belgium). Advisory Board:

Michael Bath (University of Strathclyde, Glasgow, Scotland) Pedro Campa (University of Tennessee at Chattanooga, USA) Karl Enenkel (Universiteit Leiden, The Netherlands) Wolfgang Harms (Ludwig-Maximilians-Universitat, Munich, Germany) Daniel Russell (University of Pittsburgh, USA) Marc van Vaeck (Katholieke Universiteit Leuven, Belgium) Ilja M. Veldman (Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam, The Netherlands)

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Anyone wishing to have a typescript considered for publication in Imago Figurata should first send a letter of enquiry accompanied by a 500 word abstract to one of the General Editors.

THE JESUITS AND THE EMBLEM TRADITION SELECTED PAPERS OF THE LEUVEN INTERNATIONAL EMBLEM CONFERENCE 18-23 AUGUST, 1996 edited by John Manning and Marc van Vaeck

Imago Figurata Studies Vol. la

BREPOLS

© BREPOLS @! PUBLISHERS Turnhout 1999 No part of this publication may be reproduced in any form, by print, photoprint, microfilm or any other means without written permission from the publisher ISBN 2-503-50798-0 D/1999/0095/43

Contents

Preface by John Manning

VII

Jesuit Emblematical Spirituality

1

Kristof van Assche, "Louis Richeome, Ignatius and Philostrates in the Novice's Garden: Or, the Signification of Everyday Environment"

3

Michael J. Giordano, "Maurice Scève's Délie (1544): The Impresa and the Humanization of Meditation"

11

Anthony Raspa, "The Jesuit Aesthetics of Henry Hawkins' Partheneia Sacra"

25

Teaching of Emblematics in Jesuit Colleges. Declamationes Affixiones in Jesuit Colleges

33

Paulette Choné, "Domus optima. Un manuscrit emblématique au collège des jésuites de Verdun (1585)"

35

Luc Dequeker, "The Brussels Miraculous Sacrament in the Emblems of Martinus De Buschere's Index Divinorum Operum (Brugge, 1686)"

69

Laurence Grove, "Jesuit Emblematics at La Flèche (Sarthe) and their Influence upon René Descartes"

87

Éva Knapp and Gâbor Tüskés, "Sources for the Teaching of Emblematics in the Jesuit Colleges in Hungary"

115

Lubomfr Koneeny, "Edmund Campion, S.J., as Emblematist"

147

Judi Loach, "The Teaching of Emblematics and Other Symbolic Imagery By Jesuits Within Town Colleges In Seventeenthand Eighteenth-Century France"

161

Alison Saunders, "Make the Pupils Do It Themselves: Emblems, Plays and Public Performances in French Jesuit Colleges in the Seventeenth Century''

187

VI

Contents

Frédérique Savard-Skory, "Les Images de tous les saints de Jacques Callot. Hagiographie emblématique et spiritualité mariale à Nancy au premier tiers du XVIIe siècle"

207

Jesuits of the Provincia Flandro-Belgica and Their Contribution to the Emblem Tradition

231

Lynette C. Black, '"Une doctrine sans estude': Herman Hugo's Pia Desideria as Les Pieux Desirs"

233

Peter M. Daly, "Emblematic Publications by the Jesuits of the Flanders Belgium Province to the Year 1700"

249

G. Richard Dimler, "Jakob Masen's Critique of the Imago Primi Saeculi"

279

Jozef IJsewijn, "Emblems in Honor of a Dead Poet (Natalis Rondininus)"

297

Ludger Lieb, "Emblematische Experimente. Formen und Funktionen der frühen Jesuiten-Emblematik am Beispiel der Emblembücher Jan Davids"

307

John Manning, "Tres potentiae animae: The Aims and Methodology of Royal Library, Brussels MS 4040"

323

Johan Verberckmoes, "Comic Traditions in Adrianus Poirters' Het Masker van de Wereldt afgetrocken"

341

Werner Waterschoot, "Joannes David Editing Duodecim Specula"

353

Nota Vitae

365

Pre face JOHN MANNING University of Wales, Lampeter 'Go to the Jesuits', advised Francis Bacon. This the present volume does. In a series of essays based on papers presented at the Fourth International Conference of the Society for Emblem Studies held at Leuven in August, 1996, authors explore various aspects of the Jesuit achievement during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries in the fields of spiritual exercise, meditation, publishing, teaching, emblematics, theatre, architecture, spiritual devotion, public exhibitions, religious festivities and performances. Nor does the volume ignore the fact that during this period a vigorous chrionic tradition flourished alongside the culture of the printed book: two essays, one by Paulette Choné, the other by John Manning, discuss the nature of some hitherto unpublished Jesuit manuscripts. The volume thus mirrors the diversity of the Jesuits' prodigious cultural interests and achievements during the Renaissance and Baroque periods. If we were to categorise the topics covered in the volume in the form of loci communes, we would find that they extend from the highest to the lowest, from the contemplation of God, mirrored in the three-in-oneness of the human soul, through the imagery and attributes of various virtues and vices, down to the trees and plants of the material world, objects that form the basis of meditations on the spiritual mysteries. Bacon was not advocating religious reform, of course, but acknowledging the Jesuit Order's preeminence in a pedagogical practice, which appropriated the humanist arts of rhetoric and scholarship in the service of spiritual training. Severa! essays are given over to Jesuit educational methods in different provinces. Eva Knapp and Gabor Tüskés study the teaching of emblematics in Hungary, while Judi Loach and Alison Saunders offer two essays on Jesuit pedagogy in France. A tantalising indication of Counter-Reformation tendencies in England is offered by Lubomfr Konecnf s study of Edmund Campion. The first section of the volume concerns Jesuit Emblematic Spirituality. Ali arts, believed Aristotle, were an extension of the art of rhetoric, and the Jesuits found no reason to disagree. In the present volume we can see these arts of rhetoric deployed variously in several case studies. Kristof van Assche explores the architectural setting of the practice of meditation. The physical environment of the novices is appropriated to topics of devotion, as this world is used as a stepping stone to the next. Michael J. Giordano then turns to Maurice Scève's Délie to explore the use of imprese in devotional practice. In a further case study, Anthony Raspa studies the aesthetics of the English Jesuit, Henry Hawkins, who is now accepted as the likely author of the Partheneia Sacra.

VIII

Pre face

lt should not be assumed that Jesuit emblematic culture was articulated in precisely the same way in different locations. lt was often influenced and nurtured by local interests and concerns, which could be geographically defined. In the present volume, Luc Dequeker studies the celebration of the Brussels Miraculous Sacrament and its related anti-semitic and anti-protestant program that makes up the background of the Brussels' affixiones; Laurence Grove discusses Jesuit Emblematics at La Flèche; and Frédérique Savard-Skory describes Marian traditions of hagiography at Nancy. The final section of the volume provides a number of studies on the province of Flandro-Belgica, arguably the most prodigiously fruitful source of emblem production, as Peter M. Daly shows in his full bibliographie overview of works published for and by the Jesuit order in this Province. No account of this subject could be complete without mention of the enormously influential Herman Hugo and the assiduously productive Joannes David. Lynette C. Black, Ludger Lieb and Werner Waterschoot provide individual studies of these authors. The vernacular contribution of Poirters to emblematic comic writing is studied by Johan Verberckmoes in an essay which deals with the seventeenth century obsession with the Vanitas motif. Nor could one overlook the lavishly-produced celebration of the Order's centenary, the Imago primi saeculi: G. Richard Dimler provides us with an account of the reasons why this volume attracted such notoriety in its own time. Jozef IJsewijn provides some answers to some bibliographie problems by contextualising the elegiac emblematic commemorative volume dedicated tot Natalis Rondininus. John Manning offers an essay on one of the manuscripts which commemorate the celebration of the Holy Trinity in the Brussels affixiones. Together the essays provide a detailed study of the culture of the Spanish Netherlands in the seventeenth century.

JESUIT EMBLEMATICAL SPIRITUALITY

Louis Richeome, Ignatius and Philostrates in the Novice's Garden: Or, the Signification of Everyday Environment KRISTOF VAN ASSCHE Katholieke Universiteit Leuven Louis Richeome (1544-1618), a renowned French Jesuit teacher and preacher, published a book titled La peinture spirituelle ou, l'art d'admirer, aimer et louer Dieu en toutes ses oeuvres in 1611. The book is a guided tour through the oldest noviciate of the J esuit order, the one on the Roman hill of the Quirinal. In about 200 pages, chapter six takes us to the garden, constantly reflecting on nature. 1 This essay focusses on the garden as the novice's environment (Fig. 1), and how it is redefined in several ways in Richeome's text which, via the use of a familiar environment, intends to familiarize and to discipline an emblematising gaze. In Dutch seventeenth century garden poems, several similarities can be observed, in spite of their distinctly different cultural and historical roots. 1

Richeome spent part of his old age in Rome,2 as a representative of the French Jesuits, as 'assistant de France', at the top of the order. Consequently he knew the noviciate on the Quirinal in some detail. The building was erected under the generalship of Aquaviva, 3 to whom La peinture spirituelle was dedicated. If we want to focus on the garden as an environment, we cannot escape questions about the relationship between garden description and the existing garden, or, some questions about the referentiality of Richeome's text. Henri Brémond in 1926, 4 and more recently Georges Bottereau, 5 consider the text to be meant for the novices themselves, to show them how to make the humblest part of their environment a starting point for their prayers. lt can be deduced from their premises that the text strongly refers to reality, in as much as an art historian could use it to reconstruct the garden design, with the added engraving as an extra source. The novices, however, are a select audience. The context tells us that the indexical 'ici' often means 'en Italie' instead of 'in the noviciate's garden'. More important, though, is the author's remark that he wants to describe 'les tableaux des arbres qui restent en ce bas jardin, et de quelques autres, qui n'y sont pas'. 6 The term 'tableau' is of cardinal importance. In the preface of another publication, Richeome tells us who inspired him: Philostrates, the sophist and biographer of other sophists. 7 His Eikones were translated into French in 1578

4

Kristof van Assche

and annotated by Blaise the Vigenère. Probably even more informed is the analysis that Marc Fumaroli made in 1980 of the role of the Eikones in French Jesuit rhetoric in the period from 1600 to 1650. 8 Or rather, the analysis he made of the role assigned to Philostrates and other writers of the so-called second, i.e. the late classical sophism. These writers could, in a multiformed and multicoloured ekphrasis, make literary images almost sensory, and via the senses influence the passions of readers and listeners. In 1601, Richeome was the first French Jesuit who referred explicitly to pagans who used all poetic stylistic devices for a rhetoric which had been execrated from ancient times onwards. It is a rhetoric where the evidentia is most important as a powerful means to convince. In La peinture spirituelle as well, the evidentia through ekphrasis is rhetorically the most important. Why was a J esuit the first one to use these special antique sources and rhetorical techniques? This is partly a rhetorical question, since the Jesuit preference for the image is well-known. Ignatius Loyola himself created in the Spiritual Exercises (1548) an image-language, strictly coded in order to lead the associative powers of the image in desired, controlled directions while, at the same time, blocking unwanted peripheral associations of the mystical experience. 2

Roland Barthes wrote in an article on Ignatius that 'the referent (as opposed to the expression) leads its own existence, it always adds something to the meaning' and, in the same article, goes on to say 'only a prayer in words is a real prayer. Expression and the fitting into a language system is the treatment Loyola gives to the image' .9 In my opinion he identified one of the most important sources of the many forms of pious realism that coloured the seventeenth century. At the same time, probably unconsciously, he revealed the paradoxical nature of the whole process. The richness of meanings that Ignatius wanted to gain by linguistically manipulating images, is partly lost in the same process. Typical of the paradox is, after Ignatius' death, the continuously growing craving for luxurious, fantastic descriptions. This, however, is not the place to analyse thorougly the shift in the meanings of concepts such as evidentia, fantasia and memoria in Jesuit rhetoric. It is hard to imagine, though, that Ignatius would have resigned himself to the expansion of visual and literary illustration. Visual illustration as well, since it manifested itself more and more after the founder's death in adaptations of his work. Loyola's style was apparently seen as harsh, rough and 'imageless'. 10 Imageless because it described how to treat images, rather than images themselves. In the opinion of the French, his style was also not French enough, but too Spanish because of the qualities mentioned above. This might be one expia-

Jesuit Emblematical Spirituality

5

nation for the nourishing of the second sophism as an antique authority by the French Jesuits after Richeome. The inclusion of visual material in their rhetorical texts, by Nadal amongst others, often shows a relationship with an emblematising view, realistic or not. 11 (This would explain in more general cultural terms the genre-evolution). The Spiritual Exercises gain intensification of rhetorical power by simplification and synesthetical ekphrasis. This should not be neglected. The question is to what extent the Spiritual Exercises are present in La peinture spirituelle. We should not give the impression that this publication fits into a genre which is an adaptation and restatement of the Spiritual Exercises. Goal and audience differ for both publications, as well as the rhetorical techniques. Comparable is that experienced reality, when visually perceived reality, plays the role as signifier of a moral or a religious meaning. The role differs in both cases, and this brings us back to the afore-mentioned paradox, and to the concept of referent. From here on we will focus on the way experienced space becomes mimetic space, in the relationship between referent, meaning and signifier in our novice's garden. Referent according to Barthes seems to be a kind of objective reality, into which the image, not the word, gives entrance, or alternatively it would be the image itself. 12 The borders between referent, visual sign and visual interpretant are vague, though real. The same is valid also for the difference between mental picture and visually represented object. Those differences are nevertheless very important for his and our subject. Barthes did not acknowledge them, because they interfered with his interpretation. Barthes argues on the assumption that images picture reality clearly, the way language does not. In the Spiritual Exercises these images are then submitted to a structuring process which shows a strong analogy with the formation of language. In our terms, image means something else here, namely mental representation. Illustrations that were added to Loyola's exercises and to related works, such as Richeome's, are in our view object-like, are themselves signs of signs, representations of mental impressions. Our approach is that of the eclectic amateur-semiotician. Many semioticians, among them Umberto Eco, might have wrongly disregarded the phenomenon of iconicity, and by doing so, have burdened the visual arts with too linguistic, or at least a too strongly coded meaning. Yet no matter how terms like image, representation and imagination are fulfilled, a certain encoding - whatever its nature - will be present. Moreover, the encoding of mental representations differs from, say, book illustrations. Personally, 1 believe that one can never look beyond signs; but if one does not believe that, then it will be easier to accept that the garden 1 stroll through is more linguistically structured than the garden 1 draw. If 1 draw, it is true that 1 never just draw nature as it is, but nature, nevertheless, has more chance of showing itself after long and careful observation by a trained eye.

6

Kristof van Assche

Loyola, th en, would (in our terms) not have made words from images, but would have given a double code to an image-language which would always stay partially intact. Therefore, it would also be linked to living language. This is another formulation of the paradox 1 mentioned. The first image-language needed to be destroyed to make room for a second one - if we accept Barthes' view. In Richeome the coding is unmistakably experienced as double and appreciated as such - in the context of the illustration and, in relation to what has just been said about book illustrations, even as triple. We can subdivide the image in Richeome in an abstract manner, i.e. partly separated from the communication process, into the following elements: referent // illustration // text, or rather: mental representation of the referent // description // mental representation of the description/ / illustration/ / mental representation of the illustration. Supposing that there is a referent, it will get its first meaning as the mental representation. When in this representation moral and religious meanings are revealed by the descriptive text, the double coding of the referent originates. The picture, an abstraction of features of both (representation of) referent and literary description and in itself partly determined by laws of representation, provides a third coding. 13

3 Something new presents itself. The construction of the text as a whole, partly serves the memorizing process. Walking through a building and garden with many rooms and isolated spaces, in which information is attached to abjects or groups of abjects, cannot but evoke reminiscences of the classical memory systems. Systems that, thoroughly transformed, circulated in the Renaissance and the Baroque, e.g. amongst Jesuits. 14 This feature, with the presence of a topographical picture, indicates that something has to be imprinted on the mind. The double meaning is reinforced by the mnemotechnic fonction of text and picture. One can also say that picture, description and finally referent serve the ars memorativa, or even, that the whole text wishes to familiarise a way of looking, and to enforce the double coding. Surprising, and rhetorically very persuasive, is the uncomplicated combination of a fresh, spring-like style, with a fatherly tone that assists the moral correction, a style which hides the intentionally palatable behind an imposed rearrangement of a mental topography. Art is the art of concealment. If Richeome daims to describe things 'qui n'y sont pas', he daims that he pursues a mimetic image, not a realistic one. One pictures the world as one wants it to be, or as one wants it to be seen. 15 Wanting becomes convincing, so the rhetorical tenor of the text is clear. We can also formulate it as follows: the reader (apart from the novices) cannot have a mental representation of the referent, but the textual description, which changes the mental representation of the picture, wants to change the representation of each referent, supported by

Jesuit Emblematical Spirituality

7

that picture. And each referent should be understood as 'each possible environment'. 4 Now we can make parallels with emblems, not with hieroglyphic or impresalike emblems, but with the Dutch so-called realistic emblems. The noviciat is the world of the novices, and in everyday life, they learn to recognize the transcendent. Something that is already in existence, is revealed, discovered. God's omnipotence in a gnat's paw. A second parallel is one with the originally mediaeval concept of plant symbolism, not only found in this text, but also in writings by and on Saint François de Sales. 16 According to his friends, François frequented the hills with some pupils, to teach them how to listen to plants.17 Both elements are united in Dutch garden poems, at least those of the seventeenth century. 18 Plant symbolism, emblematising point of view, sense of topographical detail, encyclopedic ornament and a rhetorically functioning evidentia 19 also appear together here, in a country with a different religion, in a genre with totally different literary mots - the antique rural writers, the scriptores rei rusticae. 20 One thing is certain: plant symbolism and an emblematising view of the botanical world are not exclusively connected with one religion, as used to be believed, but with a belief in the persuasive force of the image. And in this respect, Dutchmen and Jesuits are surprisingly close together in the seventeenth century. To conclude: Richeome, who never acquired an academic title, 21 summarized his method as 'une manière de bien philosopher', 22 in which, as an authentic late-antique sophist, he blurs not only the borders between poetry and rhetoric, but also between rhetoric and philosophy. We hope to have persuaded the reader, and, into paraphrasing his sententia, to be able to speak of 'une manière de convaincre à bien voir, voire emblématiquement'.

8

Kristof van Assche . ---;--

-

-

Figure 1 Matthaus Greuter, 'The Garden of the Roman Jesuit novices house on the Quirinal' , in L. Richeome, La peinture spirituelle (Lyons, 1611), p. 64.

Jesuit Emblematical Spirituality

9

NOTES 1. L. Richeome, La peinture spirituelle ou l'art d'admirer, aimer et louer Dieu en toutes ses oeuvres, et tirer de toutes profit salutere (Lyons: Pierre Rigaud, 1611), pp. 472-671. 2. From 1608 to 1615. 3. Claudio Aquaviva (1545-1615), Duke of Atri, Jesuit general from 1581 to 1615. 4. H. Brémond, Histoire littéraire du sentiment religieux en France, 5 vols (Paris, 19291938), 1 (1929), pp. 18-67, especially p. 30. 5. G. Bottereau, 'Richeome' in Dictionnaire de spiritualité. Ascétique et mystique. Doctrine et histoire, ed. A. Rayez and A. Derville (Paris, 1988), XIII, col. 659-63. 6. L. Richeome, La peinture spirituelle, p. 564. 7. L. Richeome, Tableaux sacrez des figures mystiques[. . .] de !'Eucharistie (Paris: Laurens Sonmius, 1601). 8. M. Fumaroli, L'âge de l'éloquence. Rhétorique et "res literaria" de la renaissance au seuil de l'époque classique, Hautes études médiévales et modernes, 43 (Genève, 1980), pp. 257-393. 9. R. Barthes, Sade, Fourier, Loyola (Paris, 1971), pp. 67-69. 10. R. Barthes, Sade, Fourier, Loyola, p. 43. 11. H. Nadal, Adnotationes et Meditationes in Evangelia quae in sacrosancto missae (Antwerp: Martinus Nutius, 1593). 12. This is the version found in Sade, Fourier, Loyola, and earlier texts like the Mythologies (Paris, 1957). In later works, like Le plaisir du texte (Paris, 1973) and the autobiographical Roland Barthes par Roland Barthes (Paris, 1975), the concept of referent underwent significant changes.

13. Note that Richeome paid much attention to the quality of book illustrations, especially when his own books were concerned. According to Brémond, Richeome quite often returned engravings to the artist, when they did not meet his high standards (H. Brémond, Histoire littéraire du sentiment religieux, 1, p. 34.) 14. For this, see F. Yates, The Art of Memory (London, 1966), passim. 15. For this conception of mimesis, see M. Bal, Narratologie. Essais sur la signification narrative dans quatre romans modernes, 2nd edn (Utrecht, 1984), pp. 25-27. For an interesting use of the concept in a context closely related to ours, see A.J. Gelderblom, Mannen en maagden in Hollands tuin (Utrecht, 1991), p. 129. 16. Brémond mentions Richeome as being the most important forerunner of François de Sales (H. Brémond, Histoire littéraire du sentiment réligieux, l, pp. 19-20). Fumaroli

10

Kristof van Assche

mitigates Brémond's statement, but also acknowledges some affinities between the two preachers (M. Fumaroli, L'âge de l'éloquence, p. 258). 17. E.M. Lajeunie, Saint François de Sales et l'esprit salésien, Collection maîtres spirituels, 29 (Paris, 1962), p. 147. 18. P.A.F. van Veen, De soeticheydt des buyten-levens, vergheselschapt met de boucken. Het hofdicht ais tak van een georgische literatuur, 2nd edn (Utrecht, 1985); A.J. Gelderblom, 'Tuinen vol tekens. Een semiotische analyse van 17e- en 18e- eeuwse hofdichten' in De macht van de tekens. Opstellen over maatschappij, tekst en literatuur, ed. A. van Zoest (Utrecht, 1986), pp. 117-42. 19. See A.J. Gelderblom as in note 15. 20. First of all Virgil and his Georgics. 21. G. Bottereau, Richeome, col. 660. 22. L. Richeome, La peinture spirituelle, p. 6.

Maurice Scève's Délie (1544): The Impresa and the Humanization of Meditation MICHAEL J. GIORDANO Wayne State University In 1544 there appeared in Lyon Maurice Scève's Délie: abject de plus haulte vertu published by Antoine Constantin and printed by Sulpice Sabon. 1 Two historical facts stand out that make Délie a significant text. First, it is France's first canzoniere, that is, its first work to rival Petrarch's Rime as a sustained sequence of love poems dedicated to a single woman. Second, Scève was considered the first French writer of imprese and, according to Dorothy Coleman, the only sixteenth-century poet to incorporate imprese into a serions work on love. 2 Délie cornes to light during the 'golden age of French printing' (1540-1550) when illustrated and emblematic works reach their high point in such cities as Lyon and Paris. 3 Though the 'Privilege' of Délie makes reference to Délie's woodcuts as 'emblesmes', it is now widely known, thanks to Coleman's work, 4 that these pictures are 'imprese amorose', except for the very last illustration which is strictly speaking an emblem. 5 There are fifty woodcuts in all, each one consisting of a theme-picture and motto set in a geometric pattern, which itself is decorated by an ornate surround. In fact, the very placement of the devices determines the dispositio of Délie. After an introductory huitain and five dizains, the reader will find an impresa heading each of the 49 novenary groups giving a total of 450 poems. The purpose of this study is to examine how the evolution of systematic prayer and meditation, particularly its visual dimension, sheds light on Délie's imprese. Scève's work emerges at a time of complex cultural interactions and changing paradigms. Consequently, it is instructive to explore how meditative rhetoric associated with religions intertexts intertwines with the emblematic, amatory and lyric strands of France's first canzoniere. In the context of French literary history, the term 'meditation' is usually associated with the religions writers of the Protestant Reformation and the Catholic Counter-Reformation such as D'Aubigné, Du Bartas, Sponde, Chassignet, François de Sales or La Ceppède. 6 However, it is imperative to remember, as Pierre Pourrat, Louis Martz, Terence Cave, Michel Jeanneret, and Barbara Lewalski have reminded us, that there had already been immense development of systematic prayer from the Middle Ages to its culmination in Ignatius of Loyola's Spiritual Exercises (1548). 7 Such a period extends from Augustine, Bonaventure and Thomas à Kempis to the Flemish and German mystics and includes the technical formulations of the devotia moderna (especially those of Wessel Gansfort and Joannes Mauburnus) which through Garda De Cisneros

12

Michael J. Giordano

reached Ignatius of Loyola. 8 Also, Erasmus's De praeparatione ad mortem brought intellectual argument to the simple, pictorial approach whose cumulative effect was to enrich the ars moriendi tradition. Bibliographies of spirituality such as that of Jean Dagens inform us that at the beginning of the sixteenth-century in France, the movement to enhance inward renewal is indicated not only by the popularity of Lefèvre d'Etaples and Erasmus but also by such German and Flemish writers as Tauler, Ruysbroeck, and Denis the Carthusian. 9 In his Devotional Poetry in France, Terence Cave, commenting on the meditative character of France's early sixteenth-centu ry literature, has concluded: 'the psalm-paraphrases of Marot, the work of Rabelais, and perhaps the Délie of Scève can in their different ways be seen as complementary to Marguerite de Navarre's conception of a literature based on meditation and selfknowledge' .10 I would add to this observation that the Erasmian turn towards interior, spiritual renewal could combine with the introspective lyric tradition of Dante, Petrarch and Scève. One of the important ways in which Scève humanized meditation was ta superpose religious and emblematic rhetoric to hallow profane love. Whoever reads Délie reads introspection, interior debate, and meditation. The poet-lover's abject of meditation is Délie, who is named after the pagan goddess Delia, part of the dea triformis of Luna, Proserpina, and Diana. 11 The speaker reverentially calls her his 'divine puissance' in dizain 62 and the 'abject de plus haulte vertu' in the title of his work. We will see that Scève adapted rhetoric associated with religion to honor his goddess and to establish a devout tone in order to dignify what that human deity symbolized - the infinite growth and realization of human capacities. From the point of view of intertextuality, the specific devotional rhetoric used in Délie has antecedents in Wessel Gansfort's Scala Meditationis written in the late fifteenth-century and Joannes Mauburnus's Scala meditatoria which is part of his monumental Rosetum originally published in 1494 (Fig. 1). 12 Ignatius of Loyola skillfully adapted Mauburnus's tripartite meditative scheme to his Spiritual Exercises. In brief, one finds in Mauburnus's Scala meditatoria three divisions ('Gradus processorii, & mentis,' 'Gradus processorii, & iudicii,' and 'Gradus Processorii & affectus') that correspond to Ignatius's triple meditative movement of visual recollection, analysis, and affective response. As for Ignatius's pictorial composition of place, it has roots not only in Gansfort and Mauburnus but also in the work of Gerald Zerbolt de Zutphen, Louis Barba, Garcia de Cisneros and especially in that of Ludolph the Carthusian's Vita Christi. 13 The three acts of recollection, analysis and emotional response express in microcosm the three powers of the soul: memory, intelligence and will. It is precisely the imprese in Délie that provide the visual illumination of triple meditative sequence. The 'corps' or visual image of the device awakens the senses and the 'âme' or motta orders the content of introspection. 14 To illustrate this point, we may examine the 27th device of Délie and its companion

Jesuit Emblematical Spirituality

13

dizain. The title of the impresa is 'La Vipere qui se tue' which shows a snake curling backward over its young surrounded by the motta, 'Pour te donner vie ie me donne mort'. It is followed by dizain 240: Ma voulenté reduicte au doulx seruage Du hault vouloir de ton commandement, Trouue le ioug, a tous aultres sauluage, Le Paradis de son contentement. Pource asseruit ce peu d'entendement Affin que Fame au Temps imperieuse, Maulgré Fortune, & Force iniurieuse, Puisse monstrer seruitude non faincte, Me donnant mort sainctement glorieuse, Te donner vie immortellement saincte. Just as the prelude of Ignatian meditation begins with a composition of place, so does Scève focus our attention by using an illustration. In like manner, the tone of the poem is religious. Using the terminology of courtly love and the stil nuovo, it hallows and consecrates the binding of the lover's 'voulenté' to the woman's 'hault vouloir'. The lover's relation to the beloved is one of servant to goddess whose will ('voulenté') is bound to her 'commandement' so that it might know 'Le Paradis de son contentement'. Just as his unmitigated devotion will bring him 'mort sainctement glorieuse', so will it confer on Délie 'vie immortellement saincte'. However, this religious tone is properly speaking a humanization of religious rhetoric, because the beloved is represented not in figura Christi but as the idolized composite of mythological goddesses. In particular, she is Hecate who brings the lover death in the service of Diana who inspires him to a more sublimated, intellectual love through poetry and philosophie introspection. One should first observe that the device, in and of itself, is a condensation or microcosm of the meditative schema. In other words, it is composed of a composition of place and it exercises the three powers of memory, understanding and will. The 'corps' of the device is homologous with the composition of place to the degree that it evokes a scene that visualizes the subject-matter of meditation. In this regard, it fulfills the Ignatian specular directive that 'I will see myself as' 15 - meaning that the meditator will see himself as an actor in a psychological drama. Exactly what is seen is set forth by a rhetoric of introspective concentration fusing the soul's powers of memory and understanding. From the reader's perspective, the distinctive way in which Scève brings about concentration is through the difficulty of reading his impresa. In his Ragionamento, Paolo Giovio prescribed of the device 'ch'ella non sia oscura, di sorte, c'habbia mestiero della Sibilla per interprete à volerla intendere; nè tanto chiara ch'ogni plebeo l'intenda'. 16 In Scève's impresa, meditative con-

14

Michael J. Giordano

centration is largely realized by the stylistic difficulty of the device and in particular by the oblique relation between the motto and the picture. It is the reader's effort to grasp this connection that exercises the power of meditative understanding. Mauburnus's Scala meditatoria (see appendix), would name this the rhetorical step of consideratio in which the meditator penetrates the meaning of the subject. What are the relations between the picture of the viper and the motto celebrating life in death? Penetrating deeper into the image of the viper, the reader might revert to Pliny and Horopollo who explain that vipers are born by eating their way through the womb, thereby killing their mother.17 This fact enables the reader to discover one of Scève's principles of vertu whereby the poet-lover sacrifices his life in suffering and forbearance in order to confer through his work immortal life on the beloved. This act of meditative understanding figured in the impresa is simultaneously a meditative act of memory because it is the poet-lover's reconstitution of a recurrent life-in-death/death-in-life experience. In Mauburnus's terms, it fonctions as the modus recolligendi. The reader's memory is simultaneously exercised by this notion which hearkens back to the liminary huitain where the speaker announces to the beloved that in his work, he will describe 'les mortz qu'en toy tu renouelles'. Attention to the verb 'renouelles' shows that death, understood psychologically, will be a positive transformation continually renewed. This cyclical 'bien de mon mal' (D 65) is figured in the device's corps or picture where the coiling of the viper backwards in a circle assisting in the birth of her young will result in her own death. There are many traditions in which death engenders renewal (Petrarchan, Platonic, neo-platonic and Christian), but as we shall see, Scève strikes up different associations stemming from the natural world. 18 Finally, the impresa contains the third component of meditation which is an act of the will to embrace and carry out the truths recollected and analyzed by the memory and understanding. In the device, the viper is seen quite willingly giving herself over to death in the birth of her young. This act of total sacrifice unto death reflects what Mauburnus terms 'holocaustat' which is the final step of the 'Gradus Processorii amoris voluntatis & affectus'. If in Mauburnus, this movement is a commitment to give oneself in every way to the Creator, the device strikes up an analogous emotion whereby the poet-lover, symbolized by the viper, submits himself totally to the beloved. The paradoxical motto, 'Pour me donner vie ie me donne mort' encapsulates this act not only as the willing acceptance of a truth, not only as a resolution, but ultimately as an act of love. The poem which follows this device is a meditative development and amplification of its picture and motto. In Mauburnus's terminology, it is the tractatio, a movement of intellect and memory that extends the subject to other points drawing together their implications and ramifications. lt is also an expansion of the affective potential of the motto since the last four lines make explicit

Jesuit Emblematical Spirituality

15

the rewards of total commitment. However, in Mauburnus or Ignatius, the relations between the object of memory and its intellectual consequences are explicitly teased out, so to speak, by the guidance of directives. This contrasts with the method of Scève's devices whereby attention and thought are focused on solving a problem whose solution can only be discovered in the allusive links between the device and its companion dizain. In short, the reader is asked to meditate on the question, 'How does the poet-lover resemble the act of the viper that sacrifices life for death'? In a highly indirect way, virtually every aspect of the poem retrospectively refers to the relation between the device's picture and motto. For example, in the quatrain, the speaker develops the act of self-sacrifice found in the motto's words 'ie me donne mort'. He analyzes the paradox that binding his will to the 'hault vouloir de ton Commandement' brings him 'Le Paradis de son contentement'. This again is a petrarchan sentiment of courtly love expressed religiously which in meditative terms reiterates the holocaustum of the device. In the lover's words, it is also a 'doulx seruage', that is a gustatio or tasting that is felt as sweet servitude. Moreover, the 'doulx seruage' relates to the device in another sense. Délie is both the cause of the lover's suffering and the agent of his deliverance. The speaker's embrace of servitude in the meditation testifies to a moment of hard won spiritual progress where the lover is able to assimilate the depredations of Hecate to the higher goals of Diana. In this sense, it is one of the conversions of death into life that mark a pattern of moral oscillation throughout Délie. In dizain 3, the lover views servitude as ravished liberty; then in dizain 103 as a necessary but voluntary subjection to achieve 'vivre plus heureux'; at a third and triumphant time in dizain 139 it is perceived as a proud victory of complete sacrifice: 'Car en vainquant tumber dessoubz sa main, 1 M'a esté voye, & veue, et puis victoire'. Thus, the meditative resonance of dizain 240 reverberates to the entire poetic sequence. lt represents a momentary high point of moral improvement with respect to the trials of 'seruage' and 'seruitude' in a continuous process of spiritual aspiration unfolding in vicissitudes. The next stanza continues the 'Gradus Processorii, & mentis' and in effect observes Ignatius's directive that 'the understanding is likewise to be used in considering the subject-matter in greater detail' .19 In particular, it supplies the cause of the lover's 'contentement'. His pleasure derives from 'Fame' that will triumph over the perditions of 'Temps imperieuse' including 'Fortune, et force injurieuse'. In his Scala, Mauburnus notes that the explanatio may serve to illustrate (illustrare). The dizain follows this prescription by bringing the symbolism of the impresa into connection with the theme of 'Fame'. If we attend to the logic of the device where the viper gives birth at the price of its death, we see that Scève tends to naturalize the notion of death engendering life. There are two distinct ways in which sacrifice is converted into fame. The first, as we have seen, is to immortalize love. The second is to proclaim the

16

Michael J. Giordano

endurance of poetry through time by an implied analogy with the viper. Just as the viper dying gives birth to her children, so does the poet-lover singing his sacrifice give birth to his literary progeny. In either case, fame naturalizes the religious palimpsest upon which the poet-lover has written his own glory. Thus, to the first conversion that transforms sacrifice into 'doulx seruage', we may add a second in which this very 'seruage' is changed into 'Fame'. The dizain expands upon the device by proclaiming that it is only through public acclaim that the lover's glorious death and the woman's immortality may be achieved. This fame is first of all unique because all other people hold the yoke of servitude to be 'sauluage' (sauvage) while the lover finds it 'doulx'. In addition, there is insistence that his devotion be shown ('puisse monstrer') and that it be clearly seen -not as dissimulation but as reality: 'non faincte'. Thus, the death brought by the lover's unflinching service to the beloved is 'glorieuse', meaning that his merit will be so widely praised that it will be celebrated. In the last four lines of the poem, the lover daims a transcendence for his purely human devotion in terms that are usually reserved for religious spirituality. Extending the meaning of the device, these lines consecrate the sacrifice of the poet-lover in a meditative frame of reference corresponding to what Mauburnus calls the 'Gradus Processorii amoris voluntatis & affectus'. Specifically, the lover intones the confidentia which is a welling up of the emotions in trust and confidence that his death will bring him glory and his beloved immortality. It is important to note that the poetic prayer of celebration imitates the impresa as an icon of reciprocity. The interaction of verbal and visual poetry in meditation offers introspective nourishment to the poet-lover and reader alike who masticate, digest and internalize the substance of reflection. In the device, the circular form of the viper coiling over her young confers a sense of continuai cycle in the exchange of her life for her newborn. This exchange of death for life occurs in the dizain as well. The beloved's moral rigor allows the lover to accomplish his 'doulx seruage', and in turn, the lover's 'Fame' brings immortality to the woman. In this regard, the poem as whole, reflecting the device, is in the image of its concludingparanomasia: 'Me donnant mort sainctement glorieuse, 1 te donner vie immortellement saincte'. The lover's death in line 9 is the cause of the beloved's life in line 10, a reversai that is mirrored in each parallel segment of these contrasting lines: 'Me'/ 'te'; 'mort'/ 'vie'; 'sainctement' / 'immortellement'; 'glorieuse' / 'saincte'. The similar sounds of words brings into reverential reciprocity states that would have been contradictory at the literal level. Life is exchanged for death, glorious death for immortality and both reversals are holy and blessed. Derived from the logic of the device, this contrasting exchange radiates throughout the entire poetic meditation and may best be appreciated in the dual structure of the rhyme scheme. As Henri Morier has observed of the Scevian dizain, 'Sa structure est du type oppositif: l'ordre de la répétition est symétriquemen t inversé, mais les timbres des strophes changent, comme si l'objet A( ... ) mod-

Jesuit Emblematical Spirituality

17

ifiait son coloris en B'. 20 Thus, in dizain 240, one observes the following rhyme pattern: A ab abb

B

ccd cd

where the sacrifice of A is converted into the rewards of B and the rewards of B themselves are the complementary contrasts cd. One cannot fail to notice that Scève uses the rhetoric of religious meditation as a humanist prayer to hallow, consecrate, and dignify the limitless future of purely human potential. But the fonction of such words as 'saincte' and 'sainctement', reminiscent as well of the Troubadors, courtly love and the dolce stil nuovo, is not restricted to this fonction. In semiotic or anthropological terms, the inversion of the fonction of religious meditation signais the operation of a transvaluation or testing and repositioning of values. 21 While in the religious meditative tradition the Incarnation moves Ignatius to see the human in the divine, 22 in Délie, Scève asks his readers to see the divine in the human. Specifically, this is the vision of an infinite and continuai realization of the human capacities. Again, it is both the device and the poem's meditative aspiration that condition such a reading. That is, the reader literally sees the poem as a successive deployment of the three powers of visual memory, analysis and will which are tested against the lesson of the impresa. As Mario Praz reminds us, this is precisely what theoreticians considered the device to be, an act, an undertaking that would proclaim the aspirations, attitude and outlook of an individual. 23 In this test in which adversity and forebearance become the precondition of 'Fame', the poet-lover's powers prove efficacious for aspiration. Since the full title of the work is Délie, objet de plus haulte vertu, this test teaches that virtue as potential power is in this poem commensurate with virtue as active force. In other words, the three transformations that take place in the meditation - conversion of sacrifice into 'doulx seruage', its transformation into 'Fame', and the projection of 'Fame' into immortality - become ideal realizations of the human faculties. That the humanist device theoretically incorporates the rhetorical potential of religious meditation should not be surprising, considering the immense use that the Jesuits and other religious orders will make of the impresa. The German Jesuit Jacob Masen will use the term 'Iconomystica' in 1649 to refer to the science of sacred pictures, especially emblems and devices, that could profitably teach religious lessons. 24 In the Imago Primi Saeculi, the Flemish Jesuits will produce one of the most conspicuous collections of sacred emblems and devices intended to glorify themselves as well as God. 25 Similar projects will be undertaken by Herman Hugo, Vincenzo Ricci, Casimir Fuesslin, and Paolo Aresi. 26 In L 'Art des Emblèmes (1684), the Jesuit theoretician ClaudeFrançois Menestrier will be well aware of the emblematic dimension of Scève's

18

Michael J. Giordano

work and of the moral and spiritual potential of his message. 27 One might speculate at this stage that Scève's Délie, turning humanist imprese into secular prayers, foresaw the religious potential of devices that would later flower in the seventeenth century. However, his far greater concern was to forge an emblematic style that exploited the meditative tradition in order to hallow and dignify the infinite promise of the human capacities.

Jesuit Emblematical Spirituality

19

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Figure 1 Scala Meditatoria, Rosetum exercitiorum (Milan, 1603). Originally published at Zwolle in 1494. Photo: Pierpont Morgan Library.

20

Michael J. Giordano

NOTES 1. The critical edition to which 1 refer is The 'Délie' of Maurice Scève, ed. I.D. McFarlane (Cambridge , 1967). The letter D will henceforth designate dizain. Useful information on Délie can also be gleaned from E. Parturier's edition entitled Maurice Scève: Délie, abject de plus haulte vertu (Paris, 1961). 2. D. Coleman, Maurice Scève: Poet of Love: Tradition and Originality (Cambridge , 1975), p. 63 and 79. 3. See A. Saunders, The Sixteenth-C entury French Emblem Book: A Decorative and Useful Genre (Geneva, 1988), p. 44. 4. 'Les Emblesmes dans la Délie de Maurice Scève', Studi Francesi, 22 (1964), 1-15. 5. Saunders places Scève among the first French emblematic writers but warns that Délie 'cannot really be classified as an emblem book'. See A. Saunders, The Sixteenth-Century French Emblem Book, p. 24, n. 61. 6. T. Cave, Devotional Poetry in France (Cambridge , 1969), pp. 1-23. See also H. Bremond, Histoire littéraire du sentiment religieux en France depuis la fin des guerres de religion jusqu'à nos jours, 2 vols (Paris, 1929-30); J. Pineaux La Poésie des protestants de langue française, 1559-1598 (Paris, 1971). 7. P. Pourrat, Christian Spirituality ln the Middle Ages, transi. by S.P. Jacques (Westminster, Maryland, 1953), II; P. Pourrat, Christian Spirituality: Later Developments: Part!: From the Renaissanc e to Jansenism, transi. by W.H. Mitchell (Westminst er, Maryland, 1953), III; L. Martz, The Poetry of Meditation (New Haven, 1954); M. Jeanneret, Poésie et tradition biblique au XVIe siècle (Paris, 1969); B. Lewalski, Protestant Poetics and the Seventeenth -Century Religious Lyric (Princeton, 1979); T. Cave, Devotional Poetry In France. 8. Tracing this period is H. Watrigant, 'La Genèse des Exercises De Saint Ignace De Loyola', Etudes, 71 (1897), 506-29; 72 (1898), 195-216; 73 (1899), 199-228. Also on the provenance of the Spiritual Exercises is J. de Guibert, La Spiritualité de la Compagnie de Jésus: Esquisse historique (Rome, 1953). 9. J. Dagens, Bibliographie chronologique de la littérature de spiritualité de ses sources (1501-1610) (Paris, 1952). While the developmen t of technology is associated with the secularization of values, this is not necessarily the case in the relation between printing and devotional works: 'Les influences nouvelles n'ont pas aboli les anciennes. L'imprimer ie a assuré aux écrits spirituels des grands théologiens du Moyen Age une diffusion qu'ils n'avaient jamais eue' (p. 10). 10. T. Cave, Devotional Poetry in France, p. 294. 11. See D. Coleman, 'Scève's Choice of the Name Délie', French Studies, 18 (1964), 116.

Jesuit Emblematical Spirituality

21

12. I have used the Milan edition, Rosetum exercitiorum spiritualium et sacrarum meditationum, materia praedicabili admixtum. Auctore Joanne Mauburno bruxellensi [. .. ] Nunc recens castigatum auctumque Scholiis Annotationibus Indicibus. Iussu Reuerendiss. in Christo Patris, & D.D. Seraphini Merlini Ravennatis Canonicorum Regul. Congregationis Lateranensis Abbatis Generalis. Opera vero Basilii Serenii Mediolanensis, eiusdem Congreg. Canonici Presbyteri (Milan, 1603), p. 420. One of the most authoritative studies of Mauburnus is P. Debongnie, Jean Mombaer de Bruxelles: Abbé De Livry: Ses Ecrits et Ses Réformes (Louvain, 1927). On the Rosetum, see especially chapters II, VII, VIII. On the Scala, see ch. X. Mauburnus was greatly indebted to Wessel Gansfort, also a member of the Brothers of the Common Life. Gansfort's Scala used by Mauburnus is found in W. Gansfort, Opera, facs. edn (Groningen, 1614; repr.: Nieuwkoop, 1966), pp. 287-89. 13. On the roles of Louis Barbo, Joannes Mauburnus and Garcia de Cisneros in the development of systematic prayer, see H. Watrigant, Quelques Promoteurs de la Méditation Méthodique au Quinzième siècle (Enghien, 1919). For specific information on Zerbolt, see H. Watrigant, 'La Genèse Des Exercises Spirituels', pp. 211 ff. Concerning Ludolph the Carthusian, see the article by M. Olphe-Galliard, 'Composition De Lieu' in Dictionnaire de spiritualité: Ascétique et mystique (Paris, 1980), II, pp. 1321-26. Also on Ludolph as a source for the Spiritual Exercises, see J. de Guibert, La Spiritualité de la Compagnie de Jésus, p. 154. On Ludolph the Carthusian's contribution to the visual poetics of religious meditation, see Ch.A. Conway, Jr., The 'Vita Christi' of Ludolph of Saxony and His Late Medieval Devotion Centered On the Incarnation: A Descriptive Analysis (Salzburg, 1976), pp. 127-28 and pp. 138-39. Assessing the Vita Christi's pictorial techniques, Conway concludes: 'Few sources show us as well as does the Vita Christi the actual process by means of which abstract ideas were transformed into pictures and images in the later Middle Ages' (p. 146). 14. Reference to the image of a device as the corps and to the words of its motto as the âme is conventional in sixteenth and seventeenth century theoretical discussions. See D. Russell, The Emblem and Device in France (Lexington, Kentucky, 1985), pp. 39 ff. 15 The Spiritual Exercises of St. Ignatius, transi. by A. Mottola (Garden City, New York, 1964). This translation is based on the oldest text of the Spiritual Exercises, theAutograph of 1541. To create the composition of place, Ignatius directs the exercitant to imagine himself as a participant in a religious scene. For example, in the fifth exercise of the first week he says, 'l will see myself as a great sinner, bound in chains, who is about to appear before the supreme, eternal Judge' (p. 60). Similarly, in the second exercise of the first week he prescribes the following composition of place: 'Let me see myself as a sore and an abscess from whence have corne forth so many sins, so many evils, and the most vile poison' (p. 57). 16. P. Giovio, Ragionamento di Monsignor Paulo Giovio (Venice, 1560), p. 6. 17. Pliny the Eider, Natural History (Cambridge, 1983), 10, 82: 'viperae mas caput inserit in os, quod illa abrodit voluptatis dulcedine. Terrestrium eadem sola intra se parit ova, unius coloris et mollia, ut pisces. Tertia die intra uterum catulos excludit, dein singulis diebus singulos parit, xx fere numero; itaque ceteri tarditatis inpatientes perrumpunt latera occisa parente' (p. 400). For documentation and discussion on Horopollo, see D.G.

22

Michael J. Giordano

Coleman, An Jllustrated Love 'Canzoniere'. The 'Délie' of Maurice Scève (Genève, Paris, 1981), pp. 52-53. 18. In the Christian Pauline context, Saint Paul, in his letter to the Romans, establishes an analogy of conversion: just as the death of Christ leads to his resurrection, so through baptism does the convert move through the death of sin to the renewal of spiritual life. See Cynthia Skenazi, Maurice Scève et la pensée chrétienne (Genève, 1992), p. 19. In the neo-platonic tradition of France and Italy that includes Antoine Héroet, Marguerite de Navarre and Leone Ebreo, death is understood as an asceticism or a purification from corporeal bonds that liberates the soul to intellectual and mystical contemplation of the divinity. See T.A. Perry, 'Délie! An Old Way of Dying (A New Hypothesis on Scève's Title)', French Forum, 1 (1976), 2-13. Plato's Phaedo, translated into Latin by Ficino in 1536, was a popular contemporary source of such ideas. Finally, when Scève writes 'L'esprit rauy d'vn si doulx sentiment, 1 En aultre vie, & plus doulce trespasse' (D 168, vv. 3-4), he takes up a topos from the amatory lyric extending from the troubadours, to the dolce stil nuovo, to Petrarch's Rime where the spiritual and the erotic are mixed. On this point, see H. Weber, La Création Poétique au XVIe siècle en France: De Maurice Scève à Agrippa D'Aubigné (Paris, 1955), pp. 165-66. 19. The Spiritual Exercises, pp. 55-56. 20. H. Morier, Dictionnaire de Poétique et de rhétorique (Paris, 1961), p. 408. 21. See James Jakob Liszka's definition of transvaluation in The Semiotic of Myth (Bloomington, 1989): 'Transvaluation is based on the insight that all sign systems involve a valuative and evaluative aspect, an aspect which is superordinate in the sense that it gives final coherence to semiotic systems. In its most general form it takes its due from the semiotics of Pierce and argues that any sign-referent relation is always mediated by a process which reevaluates the perceived, conceived, or imagined valuation of the referent within the pragmatic value structure of the sign user' (pp. 14-15). 22. For example, in the first day of the second week, the contemplatio n is on the Incarnation. Ignatius directs that 'Here I will ask for an intimate knowledge of our Lord, who has become man for me, that I may love and follow Him better'. See The Spiritual Exercises, p. 69. 23. See M. Praz, Studies in Seventeenth-Century Imagery (Rome, 1964): 'For the device is nothing else than a symbolical representation of a purpose, a wish, a line of conduct (impresa is what one intends to imprendere, i.e. to undertake by means of a motto and a picture which reciprocally interpret each other' (p. 58). 24. M. Praz, Studies in Seventeenth-Century Imagery, pp. 173-74. 25. Imago primi saeculi Societatis Iesu a Provincia Flandro-Belgica eiusdem Societatis repraesentata (Antwerp: Balthasar Moretus, 1640). 26. H. Hugo, Pia Desideria Emblematis Elegiis & affectibus S.S. Patrum illustrata {. .. ] Vulgavit Boetius a Bolswert (Antwerp, Henricus Aertssen, 1624); V. Ricci, Sacre Imprese / ... ] Nelle quali in particolare si tratta delle grandezze et eccellenze della Beatissima Vergine; della Divinità di Christo; delle prerogative di S. Gia. Evangelista, e di S. Pietro

Jesuit Emblematical Spirituality

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Apostolo: del! 'innocenza, e stimmate del P.S. Francesco; delle glorie del P.S. Antonio da Padova, e di aitre materie fruttuosissime (Venice: Per il Baba, 1654); Casimirus Fuesslin, Theatrum Gloriae Sanctorum (Sulzbach: J.Chr. Lochner, 1696); P. Aresi, Imprese Sacre con triplicati discorsi illustrate ed arricchite (Verona: Angelo Tamo, 1613 and 1615).

27. Cl.-Fr. Menestrier, L 'Art Des Emblèmes (Paris: R.J.B. de la Caille, 1684). Menestrier cites Scève's poetry under the rubric 'Emblesmes Passionnez'. He defines these as follows: 'Je donne ce nom aux Emblèmes qui sont plutôt des expressions des passions & des affections de l'âme, que des enseignements. Il y en a assez bon nombre de cette sorte, particulièrement pour exprimer la tendresse, les soins, & les empressemens de l'Amour' (p. 159).

The Jesuit Aesthetics of Henry Hawkins' Partheneia Sacra ANTHONY RASPA Université Laval, Québec The role of the three powers of the mind in Thomistic and scholastic philosophy, namely, the memory, the understanding and the will, in the shaping of the English Jesuit Henry Hawkins' emblem book Partheneia Sacra of 1633 continues to be an object of scholarly interest. 1 The three powers have been identified as the pivotal instruments in the Spiritual Exercises of Ignatius Loyola,2 and Hawkins' book has been described by a number of critics as a meditative work in the Jesuit vein, although how it achieves the ends of the Ignatian spiritual exercise remains a subject of discussion. As early as half a century ago, Rosemary Freeman spoke of each of the twenty-four sections of Partheneia, constituted of twenty-two integrated symbols and two appended ones, as a devotion marked by a 'process of meditation' which, she believed, was evidently developed with 'the psychological acuteness' of someone 'trained as a Jesuit' .3 Iain Fletcher, a contemporary of Freeman, in expanding upon her statement, wrote that when Hawkins turned to the composition of his two emblem books, Partheneia and his translation of Luzvic's Coeur Devot some time in the early 1630s, the Spiritual Exercises of Ignatius had established in the Counter-Reformation mind the 'habit of applying the senses to the final mysteries of faith'. From this, he concluded, the 'way was clear to the adoption of the Emblem' for devotion because of its vividness. 4 Josephine Secker later described Partheneia's 'scheme of[ ... ] meditation' as 'intricately worked out' and as representing 'fifteen years exposure to, and exercise by, the Ignatian discipline' .5 Then, Wolfgang Lottes, in his pivotai articles on Hawkins in 1975, actually identified Partheneia as a work combining 'the traditions of the emblem and the Ignatian technique of meditation' .6 Finally, with the association of the contents of Hawkins' book more and more with the meditative techniques of Ignatius' Exercises, K.J. Hôltgen and Michael Bath drew some parallels between the structures of the English emblem book and the Spanish manual of meditation. 7 Deriving logically from the smattering of criticisms of Hawkins' Partheneia above, the point to be considered is whether the three powers of the mind, in the context of what is generally described as Ignatian meditative writing, are at work in Partheneia. Are the memory, the understanding and the will present in Partheneia in a substantial manner, in addition to their influence on literary structures, that makes the volume some kind of recognizable Jesuit meditation? A great number of literary and religious traditions conspire to make Partheneia Sacra one of the most striking emblem books of the English Renaissance, and, as a number of critics have pointed out, the volume possesses

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a unity, coherence and originality shared by few other emblem books. 8 How Hawkins fused such traditions, which resulted in a highly-unified Partheneia and which include the emblem and the devise, through his use of the three powers of the mind, may be entertained as the possible source of the work's originality. Marked by the work's numerous sources and borrowings, so that there always seems to be another one to be discovered, Partheneia 's originality appears to spring from the meditative picture or image that it presents to the reader. The main evident symbol of this image in Partheneia is an enclosed garden, that of the hortus conclusus of the biblical Song of Songs and of medieval devotions, 9 and it contains twenty-one other symbols all of which explicate the amatory and amourous conglomerate figure of Mary the mother of Christ. The Partheneia Sacra of the English title page means, literally translated, 'holy virginity', and Hawkins foregoes the use of the Latin 'virginitas' for the Latinized version of 'partheneia' of the ancient Greek word for virginity. By its mental and cultural associations, the title also suggests a new Christian meaning for the name of the temple, the Parthenon, of the pagan Greek war-goddess of wisdom Athena, so that in the enclosed garden of Hawkins' book we are in a temple made new by Mary the Virgin having turned war into love. There, the pagan image and the Christian reality are transformed into one another. In some mystical manner, the sodalite Parthenians for whom Hawkins wrote his emblem book are likewise converted into the panoply of Mary's symbolized virtues. Encapsulating all the mystical significances of the garden, Christ's mother is the maid or virgin, that is, 'Parthenos', written in large Greek letters over the engraving of her on the frontispiece title page of Hawkins' book. 'Parthenos' is the only word there with the exception of the names of the printer and engraver and the date of publication in very small print at the bottom. But as image for meditation Mary is also what Hawkins calls the 'Sacred Parthenes' on the fully descriptive English title page that immediately follows the frontispiece. He refers to her in this fashion again in the first of the four prefatory prose passages to the work, entitled 'The epistle to the Parthenian Sodalitie', which he begins with an address to those whom he calls his 'deare Parthenians'. For a brief moment we are almost led to confuse the Parthenians who are being addressed with the English-sounding plural of Parthenes that is applied to the Virgin (fol. Ai r-v). Mary is 'Sacred Parthenes' once more in the third prefatory prose passage, namely, 'The Proeme to his Genius' (fol. Aiiii r); and, finally, in the fourth prose preface, namely 'The Plat-forme of the Garden' (a kind of introductory epistle to the 'hortus conclusus'), Hawkins calls Mary the 'Paragon Parthenes' who fuses the virtues of the rose, the violet, the lily and the significances of all the other symbols of the garden into herself (fol. Aviii, r-v). The word 'Parthenes' in Hawkins' text is actually a direct use of, and probably also a pun in the metaphysical poet's style on, the Latin plural of 'parthenes' for the plant 'parthenis', the flower of virgins of the ancient Greeks and Romans. 10 Under its original Greek spelling before it was Latinized

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into 'parthenis' by Pliny the Elder, 'parthenis' was the flower of Athena and Artemis.11 The weight of Athena on Hawkins' Mary, who incorporates several virginal plants into herself, is heavy. The reader must resist the temptation of believing that Hawkins intended him to read his succession of emblems as though he were assisting at the parthenaic parade of Athena depicted on the frieze of the Parthenon. 12 The temptation is heightened by the fact that George Puttenham included the 'partheneion' or Greek ceremonial song to a maiden among the vital forms of literature in his Arte of English Poesie in 1589 .13 It is further heightened when Hawkins in 'The Pre face to the Reader' describes the art of his emblem book as a creation 'like that Panthaeon' in Rome, already christianized as the church of Sancta Maria Rotunda in the year 609, that he engrafts onto his temple-garden. The Panthaeon, built originally in a rectangular form by the emperor Agrippa in 27 B.C., was re-built by the emperor Hadrian into its present circular form in 110 to contain the bodies of great men whom the Romans turned into gods and, as such it shares the perfect circular form of the temple-garden of Hawkins' first, conglomerate symbol for Mary in Partheneia Sacra. The pillars and the baroque valence over the entrance to Hawkins' temple-garden are not unlike one picture of the entrance to the Panthaeon, 14 through which undoubtedly Hawkins must have passed in the years around 1609 when he was a student at the English College some streets away. 15 It was at this college that the first English sodality for youths dedicated to the Virgin Mary was founded in 1581, 16 not far away either from the Roman College where the young Belgian Jesuit Jan Leunis founded the first sodality ever, for youth at study there, in 1563. 17 Thirteen years after their foundation there were thirty thousand youths in sodalities in J esuit schools throughout Europe. 18 For the later sodalists in Jesuit schools in the sixteen-thirties, those expectant young virgin males embarking in his emblem book on their ceremonial parade to Mary, and perhaps also for the lay adult sodalities that had sprung up by then outside of Jesuit schools, 19 Hawkins composed, borrowed or rearranged, as he lists them, his 'Devises [... ] Impreses [... ] Mottoes, Characters, Essayes, Emblemes and Poesies' in his new Panthaeon. His purpose, he tells his readers, is that these graphie and literary pieces may be 'piously [... ] sanctified, converted, and consecrated to the honour of the glorious Queene, and all the blessed Saints of Heaven' (fols Aii v-Aiii r). The twenty-one symbolized virtues of Mary are at once set in a mausoleum and yet living, meant to be venerated like the godhumans of the Romans though gone to another world. In Partheneia Sacra, with their pagan dress well re-tailored and their selves identified with the emblematized virtues of Mary, the sodalite Parthenians attain the objective of Ignatius' Exercises, namely, the 'Contemplation for Obtaining Love', that we find as the conclusion and penultimate aim of the saint's manual of meditation. 20 The adaptation of the Spiritual Exercises to Partheneia Sacra by which such love could be attained could take two forms. The first, which has been

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most fruitfully studied by a number of critics, consisted in Hawkins' recreation of the steps of Ignatius' manual in successive parts of his emblems. Holtgen has shown this adaptation of preamble, preparatory prayer, preludes, points and colloquies at work in each meditation of Hawkins' first emblem book, his translation of Luzvic's Le Coeur Devot, and also in another form in Partheneia Sacra. Later Bath described the presence of these parts of the Ignatian exercise in Partheneia, as have a number of other critics like Martz and Freeman in varying degrees. 21 According to these critics, a number of steps in Exercises found their artistic equivalents in emblems, poesies, characters, devises and impreses of Hawkins' emblematics. The second form of adaptation to which Ignatius' Exercises could be submitted in emblem books was in their recreation of the meditative experience itself. That is, the emblem book was in all of its parts the image or picture, the 'Parthenos' of Hawkins' frontispiece title page, as it were, for the meditative experience. Necessarily, the distinction between these two forms of adaptation of the Exercises to creative literature is based on two different approaches to the nature of Ignatius' manual. The first view of the Exercises is that the exercitant experiences the ascetic meditation as he goes through the steps of the manual. That is, by being read meditatively, Ignatius' text simultaneously provokes a meditation in the exercitant. This view might be said to underlie the corresponding critical approach that identifies the steps of the manual in the structures of emblem books and verse. We have only to think of John Donne's use of meditative structure in the 'First Anniversary' poem to Elizabeth Drury. The second view of Exercises, by contrast, considers that Ignatius' text is a manual on how to have a meditation later and, as such, that it does not represent the actual experience of the meditation. In this case, as the historian of the Jesuits, John O'Malley, recently pointed out, there would be a difference between the steps of an Ignatian exercise consisting of prelude, colloquies, preambles, prayers and points as described in Exercises on the one hand, and the actual meditation on the other, even though the language in which both are described might be very similar.22 In Exercises, the meditation is the result of a rigorous inner tri-partite process, which is not synonymous with the 'steps' described in the text, and it is the nature of this process that appears to underly the aesthetics of Hawkins' Partheneia. The mental process underlying the ascetic exercise rests on three major parts consisting of the prelude, the evacuation of the senses and the application of the senses, that must be distinguished from its subordinate steps of preludes, colloquies and points. First, in the 'Prelude', the exercitant drew a picture of the Christian Mystery or of that aspect of bis spiritual life on which be was to meditate in bis imagination. To create this image for meditation, the exercitant's understanding plundered his memory for relevant parts of images of past experiences to create a pseudo-historical picture of his topic for a new experience. Second, by the use of his understanding and of the constraining powers of bis

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will, he performed the evacuatio sensuum, that is, the evacuation of the senses, in which he deadened the response of all five of his senses to stimuli in the external world. In the third, called the applicatio sensuum in Exercises, the exercitant exercised his will to apply each of his five dormant senses to the picture in his imagination, so that it seemed, as Ignatius wrote, 'as though he were present' at the scene going on in his head. 23 This third step was the actual meditation; the rest was technique. The nature of this latter part in the exercise, the applicatio sensuum, served as the basis of J esuit aesthetics, when the picture in the imagination of the exercitant was transferred onto the printed page. In this way, what was originally ascetic might be considered to have become aesthetic, the emblem book and poetry came to replace the inner picture, and all nine parts of each of Hawkins' emblematic sections in Partheneia would be designed for the extension of infinite Christian love into the dimension of time by the attractive application of the senses to various mediums of the written and graphie arts. In the first lines of his 'Proeme to his Genius on the Sacred Parthenes herself', Hawkins writes (fols Aiii v-iv r-v): My Genius; if thou needs must praise, extol, and magnify Beautie, Vertue, Honour; and not in the ayre only of Ideas, or abstract from sense, but in a subiect really, subsisting [... ].And if my Genius carrie thee (my pen) into daliances, as it were, to deliciat with thy self, upon thy plumes, in contemplation of that Noble Sex, corrival with the Masculin [... ]. Behold then our Sacred Parthenes, Virgin of Virgins, for excellencie, is She, whom safely thou mayst prayse [... ].And surely, when I think more attentively of her, it seemes to me, the highest Architect of Al and great God, the sole Moderatour of al, in creating this one Soule, hath so admirably expressed himself in her, and with his most exquisite fingars, hath bestowed so much art and industrie in her delineation, and so pleased himself with the delicat draughts he bath shewed in this one image of himself, as if in the shop of human things he would expose her to al, to be imitated. The nature of the meditative image, Mary and Parthenos, that Hawkins came to create in his emblem book, in aesthetic art rather than in ascetic exercise, is touched upon by a number of his contemporaries and near contemporaries. In the passage above, the 'genius' whom Hawkins calls upon is the faculty of his understanding which another English Jesuit, Richard Gibbons, in his translation of Vincenzo Bruno's Meditations in 1614, had already called the creator of 'spiritual conceipts'. Elsewhere, in a translation of De la Puente's Meditations, Gibbons specified that the picture created by the understanding was 'the Image of the things we Intend to meditate'. This creative understanding produced what he described as an 'image' and a 'similitude' for meditation.24 Yet another English Jesuit, Thomas Everard, in his translation of

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Balsamo's Instruction How to Pray and Meditate Weil in 1622, described the meditative picture produced by the exercitant as a 'beautiful Image' ,25 and Gibbons' and Everard's other mission colleague John Floyd, in The Overthrow of the Protestant Pulpit-babels in 1612, argued that this image was a 'poetical conceipt'. Floyd described the 'conceipt' as the kind of poetic image to be found in a meditative poem such as one by the Belgian Carolus Scribani - whom he was defending against the Protestant William Crashaw's charges of idolatry as well as in the original ascetic Ignatian exercise. 26 Italian J esuit poetical theorists at the same time as these English mission priests were also developing this notion of the poem as an 'affectuous image'. Famianus Strada in his Prolusiones Academicae of 1617 called a poem 'figmentum' ,27 and Alexander Donatus in his Ars Poetica of 1631 described it as an 'imago' .28 The nature of this image in the writings of the English mission priests and Italian Jesuit theorists is perhaps explained by Hawkins in 'The Plat-forme of the Garden', the last of the four prefaces before our entry into the 'hortus conclusus' of Partheneia. The abjects in the garden that he presents to his readers to savor appear to replace the memories that the original exercitant gathered to reawaken his five senses. He writes (p. 1): I would wish thee, to enter into the large, spacious, and ample Garden of our Sacred Parthenes, and there behold those specious, and most delicious Obiects; al, so wholy consecrated to her service, that they seeme as borne to expresse her prayses; everie one, to help thee out, to accomplish and performe this task so hard to undertake. With this, Hawkins explains and also seems to conclude his statement earlier in his preface to his reader that 'I have heer endeavoured to serve thee in this worke, according to thine appetite' which was satisfied by the senses (fol. All v). He adds significantly to confirm his meditative intentions, 'Which being not my sole end, but for thy devotion'. In such aesthetics of meditation, the universal emotion of love that Aristotle had confined to humans, that Aquinas had bestowed equally on God, that the baroque world came later to attribute to the sentient universe as a venue for knowledge, and that Ignatius encapsulated in the ultimate 'Contemplation ' of his Exercises, such universal love lies in wait to catch Hawkins' reader - i.e. the members of the Sodality. For we are told at the end of his 'Plat-forme' that the reader, whom we must conclude to be a young man or in any case an available older male, 'with the wings of Contemplation' will enjoy 'the hidden and sublime perfections therein' in this lovers' garden of bliss for the soul. The lady, Mary the Mother of Christ, in true courtly love fashion, although Parthenos forever, will nevertheless say yes to the reader, and he will, Hawkins says, 'obtaine, no doubt, anie reasonable suite at the hands of the Sacred Parthenes [... ] for his reward' (p. 4).

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NOTES 1. H. Hawkins, Partheneia Sacra, English Recusant Literature, 81, facs. edn (Rouen: Iohn Cousturier, 1633; repr. Mentson, 1971 ).

2. L. Martz, The Poetry of Meditation (New Haven, 1962), p. 51, and passim; A. Raspa, The Emotive Image (Forth Worth, Texas, 1983), pp. 37-45, and passim; and 'Introduction' by A. Raspa in J. Donne, Devotions upon Emergent Occasions (Oxford, 1987), pp. xxxixxxv. 3. R. Freeman, English Emblem Books (1948; New York, 1966), p. 184. 4. I. Fletcher, 'Introduction' in H. Hawkins, Partheneia Sacra (Aldington, Kent, 1950), p. viii. 5. J. Secker, 'Henry Hawkins, S.J., 1577-1646: A Recusant Writer and Translator of the Early Seventeenth Century', Recusant History, 11 (1972), 237-252, p. 247. 6. W. Lottes, 'Henry Hawkins and Partheneia Sacra', Review of English Studies, New Series, 26 (1975), no. 103, 271-83. 7. K.J. Hêiltgen, 'Introduction' in H. Hawkins, Partheneia Sacra, 1633 (Aldershot, Hauts, 1993), pp. 8-11; M. Bath, Speaking Pictures: English Emblem Books and Renaissance Culture (London and New York, 1994), pp. 234-35. 8. W. Lottes, 'Henry Hawkins and Partheneia Sacra', no. 103, p. 285; J. Secker, 'Henry Hawkins, S.J., 1577-1646', pp. 248-49; M. Bath, Speaking Pictures, pp. 233-34. 9. St. Stewart, The Enclosed Garden: The Tradition and the Image in Seventeenth Century Poetry (Madison and London, 1966), p. 45. 10. Thesaurus Linguae Latinae, vol. X, 1, fasc. IV (Leipzig, 1988), 'parthenis' and 'parthenium', col. 491; 'parthenon' and 'parthenos', col. 492. 11. Pline l'Ancien, Histoire Naturelle, Livre XV, no. 73 (Chapitre XXXVI), texte et trad. par J. André (Paris, 1974), p. 53. 12. F. Brommer, The Sculptures of the Parthenon, transl. by M. Whitall (London, 1979), p. 33. 13. George Puttenham, The Arte of English Poesie, facs. edn London, 1589, introd. by B. Hathaway, A Facsimile Reproduction Series (Kent State, 1970), book III, chapter XIX, p. 225. 14. Eroli, Giovanni March., Raccolta Generale delle Iscrizioni Pagane e Christiane esistite ed esistenti nel Pantheon di Roma (Narni, 1895), p. 363. 15. W. Lottes, 'Henry Hawkins and Partheneia Sacra', Review of English Studies, New Series, 26 (1975), 144-153, p. 144.

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16. W. Lottes, 'Henry Hawkins and Partheneia Sacra', no. 103, p. 272. 17. W.V. Bangert,A History of the Society of Jesus (Saint Louis, 1972), p. 57. 18. lb. 19. lb., p.106. 20. Ignatius of Loyola, Spiritual Exercises, ed. H. Keane (London, 1952), p. 78. 21. K.J. Holtgen, 'Note' in H. Hawkins, The Devaut Hart 1634, English Emblem Books, 11 (Ilkley and London, 1975), pp. 14-15 and, K.J. Holtgen, 'Introduction' in H. Hawkins, Partheneia Sacra 1633, pp. 8-11; M. Bath, Speaking Pictures, pp. 246-47; R. Freeman, English Emblem Books, pp. 174-75; L. Martz, Poetry of Meditation, p. 99; I. Fletcher, 'Introduction' in H. Hawkins, Partheneia Sacra, pp. vii-viii. 22. A. Raspa, The Emotive Image, pp. 37-45; J.W. O'Malley, The First Jesuits (Cambridge, Mass., 1993), p. 37. O'Malley writes: 'Exercises were never meant to be read [... ].They were by and large not meant even to be in the hands of the persan engaged in following their course, although the text itself often suggests so. They were, instead, a set of materials, directions and suggestions for the persan helping another through that course. They are in that regard more like a teacher's manual than a student's text book'. 23. Ignatius, Spiritual Exercises, pp. 42-43. 24. Vincenzo Bruno, An Abridgement of Meditations of the Life, Passion, Death, and Resurrection of our Lord and Saviour, transl. by R. Gibbons (St Omer: n.p., 1614), fol. ***; and Luys de la Puente, Meditations Upon the Mysteries of our Holy Faith, transl. by R. Gibbons (Douai: n.p., 1610), p. 40. 25. Ignatius Balsamo, An Instruction How to Pray and Meditate Well, transl. by Thomas Everard (St Omer: Charles Boscard, 1622), pp. 21-22. 26. John Floyd, The Overthrow of the Protestant Pulpit-babels ([St Omer]: n.p., 1612), pp. 46-48. On Scribani see L. Brouwers, Carolus Scribani S.J. (1561-1629): een groot man van de Contra-Reformatie in de Nederlanden (Antwerp, 1961). 27. Famianus Strada, Prolusiones Academicae, Historia, Oratoria, Poesis (Rome: Jacobus Mascardus, 1617), pp. 158, 169-70. 28. Alexander Donatus, Ars Poetica, Sive Institutionum Artis Poeticae Libri Tres (Cologne: Joannes Kinchius, 1633), p. 178.

TEACHING OF EMBLEMATICS IN JESUIT COLLEGES. DECLAMATIONES - AFFIXIONES IN JESUIT COLLEGES

Domus optima. Un manuscrit emblématique au collège des jésuites de Verdun (1585) PAULETTE CHONÉ Université de Bourgogne (Dijon) Le Musée Historique Lorrain (Nancy) conserve dans ses réserves un manuscrit emblématique d'une qualité et d'un intérêt exceptionnels, qui n'a jamais été étudié. 1 Il s'agit d'un album de format petit in-folio, en vélin, comportant onze feuillets. Chacun est orné d'une composition emblématique: une devise parfois accompagnée d'une subscriptio, une peinture, une pièce de vers latins ou grecs, toujours signée. La première page, à caractère héraldique, a permis d'identifier le dédicataire de l'album, le cardinal Charles de Lorraine-Vaudémont, dit 'le cardinal de Vaudémont' (1559-1587), fils du régent de Lorraine Nicolas de Vaudémont et de Jeanne de Savoie, beau-frère du roi de France Henri III, qui fut évêque de Verdun de 1585 à 1587. D'après les noms des auteurs des vers, tous Meusiens, il est possible de voir dans cet album une réalisation d'élèves du collège des jésuites de Verdun, fondé en 1570 par l'évêque réformateur Nicolas Psaume. 2 Onze jeunes poètes célèbrent ainsi l'élection au siège de Verdun d'un prélat lettré, appartenant à la famille princière, pater atque princeps. Leurs inventions reflètent bien l'enseignement des lettres classiques au collège, mais aussi une pensée symbolique et allégorique inspirée par le voeu de 'nouveauté' et d'originalité cher aux jésuites. Quant aux peintures, dont il reste à retrouver l'auteur, elles sont d'une grande délicatesse d'exécution et d'une fraîcheur remarquable. Bien que leur caractère soit surtout descriptif et narratif, elles préservent le mystère et le merveilleux propres à l'image emblématique. Leur ensemble est discrètement unifié par le thème du retour vers la patrie aimée. Ce manuscrit est certainement le plus brillant témoignage de la 'civilisation des symboles' dans les établissements scolaires lorrains de la Compagnie. En décembre 1578, le Père Maldonat, visiteur de la Province de France, ayant vu le collège de Verdun, pouvait écrire à Rome au Père général: 'Il n'y a pour ainsi dire pas matière à visite; le collège est dans une telle tranquillité qu'il semble être un faubourg de Paradis' .3 Six années plus tard à peine, onze élèves de rhétorique allaient présenter au nouvel évêque de Verdun, Charles de Lorraine-Vaudémont, un manuscrit emblématique superbement enluminé, dont toute l'unité conceptuelle serait spatiale, topographique, urbaine et domestique. Dans la félicité du 'faubourg de paradis', la poésie encomiastique prend naturellement pour centre la Maison au sens concret et au sens dynastique, la domus optima, et en décline les valeurs avec application, pour les offrir au jeune évêque. Les onze feuillets de ce manuscrit constituent un exercice de collège;

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il n'est ni très original, ni non plus banal ou insignifiant; son intérêt s'accroîtrait sans doute de recherches érudites plus approfondies sur ses auteurs, que nous connaissons mal. Mais il montre excellemment jusqu'à quelles limites pouvait se porter, en 1585, dans un collège tel que celui de Verdun, la réflexion sur le genre emblématique et quels processus intellectuels accompagnaient cette exploration du mode de l'emblème. Le collège des jésuites de Verdun fut l'un des premiers fondés dans l'Est de la France actuelle, avant Pont-à-Mousso n, Nancy, Epinal, Haguenau et Sélestat. Ce fut aussi l'un des plus importants. L'antique cité épiscopale de Verdun se trouvait au carrefour de deux axes de communication, la route ouestest ou 'route des Allemagnes', et la voie nord-sud de la vallée de la Meuse. Dans l'histoire politique mouvementée du XVIe siècle, comme dans la géographie des idées religieuses, une telle position était loin d'être indifférente. La fondation du collège 4 s'était préparée dès 1558. Dix ans plus tôt, Jean, cardinal de Lorraine, avait décidé de se démettre définitivement de l'évêché de Verdun. Le cardinal était déjà titulaire de trois archevêchés, six évêchés, quatre abbayes, et n'avait jamais résidé à Verdun. En son absence, des désordres de toute sorte s'étaient introduits dans le diocèse. Nicolas Psaume fut choisi par le cardinal de Lorraine pour le remplacer sur le siège épiscopal de Verdun. C'était un homme de grand mérite et de grand savoir, tenace et prudent, qui avait été fort écouté au concile de Trente. C'est lui qui en 1558 fit venir à Verdun des professeurs parisiens et fonda une université appelée 'Orphanotroph e' ou 'Maison et collège des Orphelins'. Il recueillit dans ce collège dix-huit pauvres orphelins - le total devait être de vingt-quatre- , pour les 'nourrir et endoctriner en la religion chrestienne et ez lettres humaines'. La municipalité finançait cet établissement, qui put dispenser des cours de belles-lettres, philosophie, théologie, droit et médecine. Mais les revenus étaient insuffisants; le collège orphanotrophe dut fermer ses portes en 1564. Nicolas Psaume se souvint alors 'des amitiés sainctes et sincères' qu'il avait eues autrefois avec saint Ignace, à Paris et à Rome, et il fit appel à la Compagnie de Jésus, dont il avait visité les établissements en Allemagne. Il s'adressa au Père Léonard Kessel, recteur du collège de Cologne, qui lui envoya le Père François Coster, originaire de Malines, en septembre 1564. L'évêque lui assura des revenus et lui laissa toute liberté pour la construction du collège. Dès octobre 1564, le Père Coster ouvrit les cours dans l'Orphanotroph e, mais dut bientôt repartir pour la Belgique. L'année suivante, le Père André Avantian fut nommé recteur de Verdun. Il y avait à cette date cinq Pères chargés de la direction et de l'administration , six maîtres chargés des classes. Appuyé par le provincial de France, le Père Olivier Manare, et par les habitants représentés par le conseil de ville, l'évêque-comte de Verdun signa en 1570 l'acte de fondation du collège dans l'ancien hôpital Saint-Nicolas de Gravière. Le collège en recevrait tous les revenus; sa prospérité matérielle était assurée. L'acte recourt d'abord à des métaphores militaires et obsidionales pour

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demander aux Pères jésuites de dresser de 'bonnes et fortes garnisons de piété et bonnes lettres' dans la ville. Puis les comparaisons se font plus pacifiques: le collège devait être tout à la fois 'pépinière de la républicque, officine des lettres humaines, grecques et latines, source de toutes vertus et comme fontaine de paradis terrestre'. Grâce à des revenus importants, les élèves devaient pouvoir y étudier 'sans aulcuns frais'. L'ouverture solennelle des classes eut lieu en mars 1571. Nicolas Psaume, qui avait multiplié les bienfaits et donations personnelles en faveur du collège, s'occupait encore de construire lorsqu'il mourut le 9 août 1575. Le nouveau corps de logis, 'tout couvert d'ardoyse et plus magnifique qu'il ne seroyt expedient', fut achevé en octobre 1576. Le Père Maldonat déplorait en 1578 qu'il y eût trop peu d'élèves; leur nombre toutefois ne tarda pas à s'accroître. En 1629, le collège comptait 467 élèves. La communauté elle aussi avait remarquablement grandi dans les années 1580; elle s'était augmentée d'un noviciat. Telle était donc l'histoire récente de cet établissement en pleine expansion, bien installé, doté de ressources convenables, favorisé par des relations harmonieuses avec la cité qui lui envoyait ses fils, et tout imprégné encore du souvenir d'un père et pasteur excellent, le grand évêque réformateur Nicolas Psaume. C'est un personnage assez différent qui prit possession du siège épiscopal de Verdun en mars 1585, après le premier successeur et continuateur de Nicolas Psaume, Nicolas Bousmard. Le cardinal Charles de LorraineVaudémont (12 avril 1559 - 19 octobre 1587) avait vingt-six ans et était déjà évêque de Toul. Il était le petit-fils d'Antoine, duc de Lorraine et de Bar, le fils de Nicolas, comte de Vaudémont et duc de Mercoeur, qui avait naguère exercé la régence sur le duché, le beau-frère du roi de France Henri III. Ce jeune prélat, ancien élève des jésuites, était un lettré, un esprit distingué, peut-être le plus savant des princes de la maison de Lorraine. Durant son bref épiscopat (15851587), il s'attacha à poursuivre !'oeuvre de Nicolas Psaume et à promouvoir dans son diocèse la Réforme tridentine. L'élection d'un prince lorrain au siège de Verdun - comme du reste déjà celle de Nicolas Bousmard, imposée par le duc Charles III - illustrait bien le nouveau rapport de forces dans les Trois-Evêchés, où prévalait désormais l'influence combinée du duc de Lorraine et de Rome, contre l'empereur et le chapitre cathédral. Au-delà des intentions pastorales réformatrices du nouvel évêque, le choix d'un membre de la famille ducale apparaissait comme le rempart le plus efficace contre les menées protestantes. Avec son successeur Nicolas Boucher (1588-1593), ardent ligueur, les mêmes orientations politico-religieuses furent sauvegardées. En offrant ces voeux emblématiques en latin et en grec au cardinal Charles de Lorraine-Vaudémont, les élèves du collège de Verdun adressaient un hommage de bienvenue à un aîné en fait d'humanités, en même temps qu'ils exprimaient leur fidélité spirituelle au nouveau pasteur du diocèse; nul doute aussi qu'ils aient voulu signifier leur allégeance politique à son chef tem-

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porel et à la dynastie dont il était issu. 5 L'installation du nouvel évêque avait eu lieu en mars 1585. Le 21 avril suivant, avec la complicité du bailli de l'évêché, François de Saintignon, le duc de Guise s'emparait de Verdun et le 7 juillet, se la faisait attribuer par Henri III comme 'place de sûreté' de la Ligue; il la confiait à Affrican d'Haussonv ille, père du premier des jeunes auteurs du manuscrit. C'est dans ce contexte mouvementé mais aux orientations politiques très nettes que s'élabora le trophée littéraire offert par le collège des jésuites à Charles de Lorraine. Le manuscrit est un petit in-folio relié de maroquin rouge, comportant onze feuillets enluminés sur vélin. Chaque feuillet est encadré d'un bandeau d'or entre deux filets noirs et divisé en deux compartiments. L'ensemble est remarquablement homogène; les dimensions de l'illustration ne varient jamais, quelle que soit la longueur du texte, qui n'occupe guère qu'un peu plus du quart de la page. Mais avant de le mieux décrire et d'analyser son contenu, au moins dans ses grandes lignes, il convient de formuler quelques hypothèses sur sa genèse. Des recherches plus poussées dans les archives romaines nous indiqueraient les noms des professeurs du collège en 1585. 6 Mais nous savons qu'en 1585, le recteur du collège de Verdun était le Père Claude du Mesnil, d'Epinal, réputé pour sa sainteté et sa science. Le principal et préfet des études était le Père Jacques de Ligny, le procureur et 'préfet de santé' le Père Dominique Le Pougnant, ces deux derniers appartenant à des familles meusiennes d'un certain relief. Tous étaient originaires de la Lorraine ducale, alors que Verdun était terre française depuis 1552. Un Italien, le Romain Benedetto Nigri, était maître des novices. Il y avait certainement dans le personnel du collège des maîtres familiers de la littérature emblématique. D'autre part, des témoignages un peu plus tardifs font état de la pratique des énigmes littéraires dans cette institution; 7 elles étaient certainement à l'honneur dès les débuts du collège. Au reste, comme on peut le noter aussi pour le collège de Pont-à-Mousson, l'invention symbolique des jésuites, qui tend toujours vers la nouveauté, sait prendre ses distances à l'égard des modèles potentiels, 'brouiller ses sources'. 8 On n'aperçoit nullement ici ses modèles immédiats. Mais il est certain qu'à cette date, Alciat comme les recueils d'emblèmes anversois devaient être bien connus des jésuites qui séjournaient à Verdun. La rotation rapide des professeurs, qui ne restaient jamais plus de trois à quatre ans au collège, favorisait sans aucun doute cette circulation. Par ailleurs, un peu avant 1585, l'établissem ent fondé grâce à la générosité de Nicolas Psaume avait accueilli des novices brillants qui s'illustreraient bientôt dans les lettres, les Pères Sirmond, Fronton du Duc, Léonard Périn9 qui serait précisément l'un des concepteurs des fêtes mussipontaines de 1623. La grande indépendance de notre manuscrit à l'égard de la littérature emblématique a pour revers sa sujétion envers les programmes scolaires des

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jésuites. Ce sont précisément, avec les noms des jeunes auteurs, les emprunts très explicites à des textes du programme, l'Enéide, les Odes d'Horace, qui permettaient de l'attribuer aux rhétoriciens de Verdun. Le manuscrit retient d'abord l'attention par la beauté et la fraîcheur, l'état de conservation exceptionnel des peintures. Il y avait une remarquable tradition de l'enluminure à Verdun. Au XVIe siècle, elle était encore vivante dans l'entourage du cardinal Jean de Lorraine et de Nicolas Psaume. Mais les oeuvres conservées sont d'une bien meilleure qualité que celles du manuscrit de 1585. Le Pontifical et le Missel de Nicolas Psaume, exécutés en 1572, renferment des peintures d'auteur inconnu où les visages sont plus fins et expressifs, la perspective mieux maîtrisée, les coloris plus subtils. Toutefois, le manuscrit offert au cardinal Charles de Lorraine-Vaudémont n'est pas sans raffinements; il y a des nuages, des drapés, des transparences très réussis. De toute façon, le peintre semble avoir voulu rivaliser avec les beaux manuscrits liturgiques verdunois, 10 qu'il devait connaître; seulement, il a affronté une iconographie et des problèmes de représentation très différents, pour lesquels il disposait d'un faible éventail de conventions. Se trouvait-il au collège, parmi les maîtres ou les élèves, quelqu'un qui fût capable de réaliser ces peintures? Ou bien un peintre professionnel, à Verdun - ou ailleurs - avait-il pu leur apporter son concours? Ces questions restent encore entièrement mystérieuses, et le problème est difficile, car ces images emblématiques présentent bien des maladresses, des caractères archaïques: fleurettes juxtaposées, vagues dessinées de façon rigide et mécanique, figures raides cernées par un trait sombre, schémas perspectifs élémentaires. Il ne faut pas exclure sa réalisation au sein même du collège. Le peintre démontre un certain savoir-faire en ce qui concerne par exemple les ombres portées; il fait quelques concessions à l'architecture de la Renaissance, représentée par des fabriques assez stéréotypées. En tout cas, il combine des images idéalisées de la cité et des évocations très précises de ses portes fortifiées. Les deux types se rencontrent aussi bien dans des manuscrits à peintures que dans des xylographies produites à Verdun à la même époque. Il est impossible d'affirmer que tel motif vient d'un modèle gravé. Les peintures paraissent être d'une seule main. Les textes sont eux aussi calligraphiés de manière sensiblement uniforme, avec soin mais sans aucun ornement. 11 Quelques fautes ont été corrigées de façon visible. C'est bien d'une oeuvre précieuse qu'il s'agit, comme l'indiquent la facture et le support choisi, le vélin. Ce qui n'exclut nullement que l'évêque n'ait pas été accueilli au collège par des festivités comportant des réalisations éphémères analogues, voire par un décor symbolique dont le manuscrit serait le souvenir. Il est temps de nous demander dans quelle mesure ce trophée littéraire relève de l'emblème. La structure de ces compositions est bien celle de l' emblema triplex, même si les élèves eurent une conscience - ou une volonté assez faible ou hésitante de suivre un modèle canonique. Certes, la prévalence

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ici de l'image pourrait à première vue démentir cette identité emblématiqu e. D'autre part, l'image a parfois un caractère narratif marqué. C'est le cas par exemple dans le troisième feuillet, 'REDITVS' , où le retour d'Ulysse à Ithaque est illustré avec une naïveté excluant toute ingéniosité. Toutefois, en réalité, l'image n'est jamais assez déclarative pour être comprise sans le secours du texte. A la rigueur peut-elle être devinée, parfois d'ailleurs sur le mode de l'énigme plutôt que de l'emblème. La figure se présente alors comme une énigme peinte, dont l'épigramme donne la solution, forme qui devait assurément être assez familière aux rhétoriciens de Verdun. Les images du manuscrit provoquent parfois des effets de surprise, rarement le sentiment d'étrangeté propre à l'image emblématiqu e. Cependant, dans un cas au moins, elles frôlent une sorte d'intense poésie métaphysiqu e: ainsi dans le feuillet sixième, 'VOTVM', qui déploie un paysage cosmique vu à vol d'oiseau, où la mer étend autour du Mont Parnasse comme des membres gigantesques. Mais cette nuance expressive est due en partie à la qualité plastique de la peinture et à la couleur. Elle se réduirait à peu de chose dans une vignette gravée. Elle souligne le caractère expérimental d'une oeuvre aussi élaborée dans son exécution que dans sa conception, mais peut-être naïve ou tâtonnante quant à l'appréciatio n du surcroît de signification qui peut résulter d'un procédé technique. Ou bien le choix de l'enluminure , des propriétés spécifiques de ses ors, de ses transparence s, de l'éclat d'émail de ses bleus, capables d'infléchir par l'émerveillem ent l'intelligiblit é des signes était-il au contraire parfaitement délibéré? C'est de toute manière en étudiant des tentatives analogues, manuscrits scolaires, ou encore brouillons ou recueils annotés, que peut s'apprécier le jeu complexe entre fonction plastique et fonction signifiante dans l'emblème. l:inscriptio est constituée dans cinq cas d'un motta unique. Ailleurs, le motta principal est complété par un second, le plus souvent inscrit dans un phylactère. Dans une seule image, il s'agit de paroles dans la bouche d'un personnage (feuillet 8). Le motta principal se loge généralemen t dans la bordure supérieure; une seule fois, il s'associe à un élément de l'image (l'hermès du feuillet 7). Il est clair que les élèves ont cherché dans le motta principal une forme laconique idéale. La deuxième devise ne traduit pas du tout une hésitation entre deux inscriptions, au contraire, elle exprime implicitemen t la réflexion des auteurs sur la nature du concettismo emblématiqu e. Le motta principal se contente parfois d'énoncer non seulement un signifié, mais la finalité de la composition (EYTYXTA , Votum. Omen). Il se borne à souligner que cette pièce de circonstance est un souhait de bienvenue. En revanche, la deuxième devise ouvre un espace d'obscurité relative, ainsi dans l'emblème 6 où elle déclare: 'Le flot amer ne se mêlera pas à son onde pure', tandis que l'épigramme développe ce motif: Nérée fait couler de toutes parts l'onde amère, briseuse de navires, Où s'anéantisse nt les eaux des fleuves, douces ou âpres;

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Bien que la mer sans fond, impure, t'entoure avec violence, ô Charles, Doris, 12 l'amère, n'outragera pas tes eaux; Aréthuse aux flots purs peut jaillir. Très souvent la deuxième devise est extraite de l'épigramme; elle en constitue la 'pointe', la phrase la mieux construite, la plus condensée. C'est parfois une citation plus ou moins arrangée, voire un exemple grammatical. Les deux devises correspondent donc à deux registres conceptuels différents et même à deux stades différents d'une réflexion scolaire sur l'emblème. En voici un exemple. Le folio 4 montre Apollon jouant de la lyre, porté sur les flots par un dauphin, se préparant à aborder à Délos. Dans la bordure supérieure est inscrit le motta 'AMOR PATRIAE' et en bas, dans un phylactère, 'TERRIS MAGIS OMNIBUS UNAM'. On retrouve ces mots dans les vers latins qui se peuvent traduire comme suit: La joie règne là où Apollon, quittant la Lycie et les bords du Xanthe, Mène le choeur des danseurs, de Delphes aux Cyclades. L'onde bleu sombre bondit d'allégresse autour des Néréides, Et par des chants de joie elles accueillent le dieu. En faisant vibrer cette lyre, c'est à Délos qu'il aspire, Au milieu des flots agités, c'est elle qu'il aime, Plus que toute autre contrée. Ainsi ton pays, ô Prince, plus que tout autre terre, Te félicite de ton retour, ainsi la Muse frémit pour toi. La deuxième devise est empruntée au livre 1, vers 15 de l'Enéide: 'Carthage, que Junon aime par-dessus toute autre terre'. Elle est répétée ici avec insistance. Le dernier vers parodie un vers du livre V. Il en va de même au neuvième feuillet. Le jeune évêque est assis devant une charmille, entouré de deux musiciens; au fond on aperçoit les bâtiments du collège. La devise 'OMEN' appelle la seconde, adaptée d'un vers de la première Ode d'Horace: 'Prends plaisir à recevoir ici le nom de père et de prince'. Ces compositions accueillent des exercices littéraires, voire grammaticaux et prosodiques. La structure emblématique n'en souffre pas. En effet, c'est bien la complémentarité de l'image et du texte qui provoque la dilatation du sens, qui déplie des significations plus ingénieuses. La dernière composition, qui montre la Vierge gardienne du Jardin des Hespérides, avec la devise '[Personne ne trompe] un oeil vigilant', accumule les allusions subtiles. L' oeil vigilant, c'est l' episcopus auquel est dédié cet emblème marial probablement composée par un membre de la très active Congrégation de la sainte Vierge, qui réunissait les élèves et les habitants de Verdun depuis 1571. 13 Les pommes d'or renvoient à un motif du pélerinage

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verdunois fameux de Benoîte-Vau x. Même le dragon est à la fois une allusion à la vie de saint Norbert, fondateur de l'ordre des Prémontrés, qui desservaient le pélerinage et auquel appartenait l'évêque fondateur Nicolas Psaume, et un motif lié à la représentatio n fameuse de Notre-Dame de Verdun. Ailleurs, un emblème (folio 10) poste comme gardiens de la cité le chêne et le laurier, l'arbre de Mars et celui de Phébus-Apo llon. Or cette 'conjonction des armes et des lettres' est le titre d'un ouvrage alors célèbre de Nicolas Boucher, précepteur du jeune évêque qui allait bientôt devenir son successeur. Ce topos alors très à l'honneur, étudié par Ernst-Rober t Curtius dans un ouvrage malheureuse ment trop négligé aujourd'hui par les spécialistes de l'emblème, 14 prend ici une valeur toute personnelle. L'ensemble du recueil formule de voeux de bienvenue en forme de portrait mythologiqu e multiple - presque kaléidoscop ique - de l'évêque. Les élèves du collège lui souhaitent longue vie comme Nestor (en fait, il mourra deux ans plus tard), l'assimilent à Ulysse, à Apollon, à un fleuve aux eaux douces, à Evandre compagnon d'Enée, à Hermès, dieu des carrefours (feuillet 7) (cf appendice): Ce chemin conduit au ciel Autrefois les hermès de pierre se dressaient nombreux Dans les campagnes, pour débrouiller les chemins incertains; Ainsi l'homme docte, assurément, peut dans son pélerinage terrestre A travers des contrées inconnues porter ses pas dans la bonne direction. Combien tu es meilleur hermès, plus favorable, ô Charles. Grâce à tes bornes, nous apprenons l'itinéraire du divin. Le régime de la comparaison est même explicité dans le dernier feuillet: La fable des pommes d'or te fait signe, ô Charles, Elle te montre le jardin sacré de la bienheureus e Vierge, mère de Dieu. Une autre référence sacrée - la seule avec celle-ci - est au folio 5 la représentatio n du sacrifice du prophète Elie, qui triomphe des prêtres de Baal, comme Charles triomphera des hérétiques. L'ensemble serait assez conventionn el si l'album ne s'organisait autour de variations sur le 'retour à la maison'. Il s'y épanouit une aimable symbolique du lieu, du pays et de la cité, de l'étranger et de la patrie, de la mer et de l'île, de la route et du jardin, qui lui donne son unité poétique. Mais la domus est tout à la fois le diocèse, la ville, le collège aux beaux bâtiments neufs, et la maison au sens dynastique. Certes, un arrière-plan politique délicat explique cette insistance sur 'le retour chez soi' d'un prince lorrain. Henri II s'était approprié le temporel des Trois-Evêch és, Metz, Toul et Verdun, en 1552. La présence d'un évêque issu

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de la maison de Lorraine à la tête du diocèse n'était pas anodine. La plupart des jeunes auteurs du manuscrit appartenaient à des familles qui se trouvaient au premier plan des responsabilités à Verdun et s'étaient déjà engagées du côté de la Ligue soutenue par le parti lorrain. Ainsi l'emblème héraldique (feuillet 1) qui ouvre le recueil est-il tout un programme politique. Les armes pleines de Lorraine, surmontées de la mitre et de la crosse épiscopales, sont supportées par deux tenants, le chien (l'amour) et le lièvre (la crainte), tandis que le lion (la diligence) en supporte le fardeau, prêt à s'élancer, arc-bouté dans l'effort, ainsi que le déclare explicitement l'épigramme. Il n'en demeure pas moins que la forme emblématique s'ingénie ici à creuser l'imaginaire du lieu. Au-delà de l'ornement des références classiques, l'emblème embarque vraiment le lecteur-spectateur pour un voyage qui le ramène dans sa patrie et qui convie le jeune évêque à revenir dans le jardin des lettres parmi les siens. Enfin, la domus optima est aussi la demeure des facultés de l'esprit harmonieusement liées, et l'art de l'emblème un faubourg du Paradis.

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Paulette Choné APPENDICE

Fol. 1 SIC TVA LONGVM 1 VIX PERITVRA MANENT [Ainsi longtemps demeurera ta science] [Devant un paysage marin bordé à gauche par une côte découpée, à droite par un promontoire escarpé, trois animaux supportent les armoiries de Charles de Lorraine-Vaudémont surmontées de la mitre et de la crosse; ce sont un chien et un lièvre, en posture de 'tenants' d'armes, dressés sur de petites terrasses rocheuses, et au premier plan un lion assis mais prêt à s'élancer, les pattes antérieures arc-boutées]. Ut leo, sic oneri conamine sedulus instas, 1 Nobile quod signant stemmata, mitra sacrum. 1 Jungendoque cani leporem, timor adsit amori; 1 Appetis, hic siquidem regia sceptra uigent. 1 Uiue diu, Praesul, quin longos Nestoris annos: 1 Namque tua in longum uix peritura manent. Nicolaus de hausonuille, Baro. 15

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