The Inscriptions of Nabopolassar, Amel-Marduk and Neriglissar 9781614513551, 9781614515876

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Rocío Da Riva The Inscriptions of Nabopolassar, Amēl-Marduk and Neriglissar

Studies in Ancient Near Eastern Records

General Editor: Gonzalo Rubio Editors: Petra Goedegebuure, Amélie Kuhrt, Markus Hilgert, Peter Machinist, Piotr Michalowski, Cécile Michel, Beate Pongratz-Leisten, D.T. Potts, Kim Ryholt

Volume 3

Rocío Da Riva

The Inscriptions of Nabopolassar, Amēl-Marduk and Neriglissar

DE GRUYTER

ISBN 978-1-61451-587-6 e-ISBN 978-1-61451-335-1 ISSN 2161-4415 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A CIP catalog record for this book has been applied for at the Library of Congress. Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data are available in the Internet at http://dnb.dnb.de. © 2013 Walter de Gruyter Inc., Boston/Berlin Typesetting: Meta Systems Publishing & Printservices GmbH, Wustermark Printing: Hubert & Co. GmbH & Co. KG, Göttingen ♾ Printed on acid-free paper Printed in Germany www.degruyter.com

Acknowledgments I am indebted to the Catalan Institution for Research and Advanced Studies (ICREA) for the “ICREA Acadèmia” prize, funded by the Government of Catalonia, which has allowed me to dedicate most of my time to conducting research; and to the University of Barcelona, for granting me the necessary leave to undertake my investigations. The present book is the result of a lengthy project, a large part of which was done at the Institut für Orientalistik in Vienna, where I was given the warmest of welcomes. I would like to thank the following persons and institutions for allowing me to cite and quote inscriptions from their collections and for granting me permission to publish the photos illustrating this edition: The Trustees of the British Museum, London; the Vorderasiatisches Museum, Berlin; the Yale Babylonian Collections, New Haven; the St. Louis Public Library, St. Louis; the Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge; the Michael C. Carlos Museum of Emory University, Atlanta; and the Nederlands Instituut voor het Nabije Oosten, Leiden. Single credits for the photographs are given in the technical descriptions of each text in the edition. While studying and editing the inscriptions, I received invaluable help from M. Civil, E. Darbyshire, N. De Zorzi, J. Eidem, A. Ensesa, J. C. Fincke, E. Frahm, G. Frame, F. Karahashi, U. Kasten, C. Kaufman, Th. Krispjin, J. Marzahm, E. Payne, G. Rubio, H.-P. Schaudig, A. Seri, W. van Soldt, J. Taylor, O. M. Teßmer, C. Terré, C. B. F. Walker, B. M. White and especially M. Jursa, who accepted the challenge to decipher the Neriglissar cylinder NeglC22 with me, and J. Vidal who helped with the manuscript in its early stages. Finally, I wish to express my gratitude to G. Rubio for accepting this study for publication in SANER and to the anonymous reviewers whose suggestions and corrections have greatly improved this book. As always, any kind of error of any sort, of any kind, whatever, is solely my responsibility.

Contents Acknowledgments

v

Note to the text editions Abbreviations

x

Bibliography

xi

1 1.1 1.2 1.3 1.4

ix

Introduction 1 The royal inscriptions as historical sources 1 The contents of the inscriptions 2 Style and composition of the inscriptions: intertextuality in the texts of Nabopolassar and Neriglissar 20 Archaeology and inscriptions: material supports and find-spots of the inscriptions 29

2 The inscriptions of Nabopolassar 33 2.1 Brick inscriptions 33 2.1.1 B1, B3 and B5: The embankment inscriptions, Babylon 2.1.2 B2 and B4: The Arahtu inscriptions, Babylon 38 2.1.3 B6: The Etemenanki inscription, Babylon 42 2.1.4 B7: The Euphrates inscription, Sippar 43 2.2 Cylinders 44 2.2.1 C11: The Imgur-Enlil inscription, Babylon (short version) 2.2.1.1 C11/A: 44 2.2.1.2 C11/B (and B’): 50 2.2.2 C12: The é.PA.GÌN.ti.la inscription, Babylon 54 2.2.3 C21: The Euphrates inscription, Sippar 63 2.2.4 C22: The E-edinna inscription, Sippar 70 2.2.5 C23: The Nēmetti-Enlil inscription, Babylon 73 2.2.6 C31: The Etemenanki inscription, Babylon 77 2.2.7 C32: The Imgur-Enlil inscription, Babylon (long version) 2.2.8 C011: The fragmentary Larsa inscription 104 3 3.1 3.2 3.2.1

The inscriptions of Amēl-Marduk 106 The brick inscription B1 106 The inscriptions on vases: V1, V2, V3 and V4 V1: The Babylon vase 107

107

33

44

93

viii

Contents

3.2.2 3.2.3 3.2.4 3.3 4 4.1 4.1.1 4.1.2 4.2 4.2.1 4.2.2 4.2.3 4.2.4 4.2.5 4.2.6 4.3

V2: The Susa vase 1 V3: The Susa vase 2 V4: The Susa vase 3 The paving stone PS1

112 The inscriptions of Neriglissar The brick inscriptions 112 Brick inscription B1 112 Brick inscription B2 113 The cylinders 114 C21: The Esagil inscription, Babylon 114 C22: The Lībil-hegalla inscription, Babylon 120 C23: The Royal Palace inscription, Babylon 124 C011: Inscription fragment regarding a campaign to Cilicia(?) 135 C021: Inscription fragment: restoration of a Šamaš(?) temple(?) or ziqqurat(?) 138 C022: Ziqqurrat inscription, Sippar 140 The vase fragment V1 143 145

Glossary Indices

107 108 109 110

222

Concordance

228

List of Photographs

232

Note to the text editions The Neo-Babylonian royal inscriptions published, mentioned, cited and quoted in this book follow the catalogue Da Riva 2008, but a modification in the abbreviations was necessary to avoid confusion and facilitate the use of the Glossary. The Nabonidus inscriptions are cited and quoted according to Schaudig 2001.

Da Riva  (GMTR )

SANER 

Npl Nbk Ngl

Napl Nebk Negl

In the Glossary, and in contexts that could cause confusion, the texts are cited with the name of the respective king: NaplC21, NebkC21, NeglC21, etc. Otherwise the texts are just cited following the Appendices in Da Riva 2008: C21, C22, etc. The transliteration of broken, damaged or missing signs is intended to be as consistent as possible: broken and reconstructed signs are marked [dingir], [me], etc.; damaged signs are marked either ˹dingir˺, ˹me˺, [d]ingir, [m]e, etc. or ˹dingir, ˹me, etc. depending on the degree of damage observed by the editor. To some extent these indications are subjective and should be considered as such. I follow CAD in using j for the palatal glide, otherwise transcribed as y in other publications.

Abbreviations The abbreviations in this book follow the abbreviations from the Chicago Assyrian Dictionary (CAD). Other abbreviations used are: CIS Corpus Inscriptionum Semiticarum CTMMA Cuneiform Texts in the Metropolitan Museum of Art GMTR Guides to the Mesopotamian Textual Record KH Codex Hammurabi Prism Nebuchadnezzar Prism (Da Riva forthcoming b) ST Nebuchadnezzar Stone Tablet WBA Da Riva 2012, Nebuchadnezzar Brisa inscription (archaising exemplar) WBC Da Riva 2012, Nebuchadnezzar Brisa inscription (Neo-Babylonian exemplar)

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Setness, Daniel E. 1984. Pantheon, Piety and Religious Beliefs in the Neo-Babylonian Royal Inscriptions. University Microfilms International. Sharrock, Alison, and Helen Morales. 2001. Intratextuality: Greek and Roman Textual Relations. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Sparks, Kenton L. 2007. Enūma Elish and Priestly Mimesis: Elite Emulation in Nascent Judaism. JBL 126: 625–648. Stolper, Matthew W. 1992. The Estate of Mardonius. Aula Orientalis 10: 211–221. Strassmaier, Johann N. 1889. Inschriften von Nabopolassar und Smerdis. ZA 4: 106–152. Streck, Michael P. 2001. Nebukadnezar II. A Historisch. RLA 9: 194–200. Stronach, David. 1997. Notes on the Fall of Nineveh. Pp. 307–324 in Assyria 1995. Proceedings of the 10th Anniversary Symposium of the Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project, Helsinki, September 7–11, 1995, eds. Simo Parpola and Robert M. Whiting. Helsinki: Helsinki University Press. Tadmor, Hayim. 1981. History and Ideology in the Assyrian Royal Inscriptions. Pp. 13–33 in Assyrian Royal Inscriptions: New Horizons in literary, ideological, and historical analysis. Papers of a Symposium held in Cetona (Siena) June 26–28, 1980, ed. Frederik Mario Fales. Roma: Centro per le Antichita e la storia dell’arte del Vicino Oriente. Tadmor, Hayim. 1997. Propaganda, literature, historiography: Cracking the code of the Assyrian royal inscriptions. Pp. 325–338 in Assyria 1995. Proceedings of the 10th Anniversary Symposium of the Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project, Helsinki, September 7– 11, 1995, eds. Simo Parpola and Robert M. Whiting. Helsinki: Helsinki University Press. Tadmor, Hayim. 1998. Nabopalassar and Sîn-šum-līšir in a Literary Perspective. Pp. 353–357 in Festschrift für R. Borger zu Seinem 65. Geburtstag am 24. Mai. 1994 tikip santakki mala bašmu…, ed. Stephan M. Maul. Cuneiform Monographs 10. Groningen: Styx Publications. Tadmor, Hayim. 2007 [1994]. The Inscriptions of Tiglath-pileser III, King of Assyria: Critical Edition with Introduction, Translations and Commentary. Jerusalem: The Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities (second printing with Addenda et Corrigenda 2007). Tallqvist, Knut. 1905. Neubabylonisches Namenbuch zu den Geschäftsurkunden aus der Zeit des Samassumukin bis Xerxes. Acta Societatis Scientiarum Fennicae, 32/2. Helsinki: Officina Typographica Societatis Litterariae Fennicae. Tallqvist, Knut. 1938. Akkadische Götterepitheta. Mit einem Götterverzeichnis und einer Liste der prädikativen Elemente der sumerischen Götternamen. Studia Orientalia 7. Helsinki: Societas Orientalis Fennica. Tyborowsky, Witold. 1996. The Third Year of Nebuchadnezzar II (602 B. C.) According to the Babylonian Chronicle BM 21946 – an Attempt at an Interpretation. ZA 86: 211–16. Uehlinger, Christoph 1990. Weltreich und ‘eine Rede’. Eine neue Deutung der sogenannten Turmbauerzählung (Gen 11 1–9). OBO 101. Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht: Freiburg and Göttingen. Vanstiphout, Herman L. J. 1991. A Further Note on Ebih. N.A.B.U. 1991 Nr. 103 (pp. 71–72). Von Voigtlander, Elisabeth N. 1963. A Survey of Neo-Babylonian History. Thesis (Ph. D.). University of Michigan. Waerzeggers, Caroline. 2010. The Ezida Temple of Borsippa. Priesthood, Cult, Archives. Achaemenid History 15. Leiden: Nederlands Instituut voor het Nabije Oosten. Walker, Christopher B. F. 1974. Texts and Fragments 85–90. JCS 26: 66–70. Walker, Christopher B. F. 1981. Cuneiform brick inscriptions in the British Museum, the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, the City of Birmingham Museums and Art Gallery, the City of Bristol Museum and Art Gallery. London: British Museum Publication.

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Walker, Christopher B. F., and Dominique Collon. 1980. Hormuzd Rassam’s excavations for the British Museum at Sippar in 1881–1882. Pp. 93–114 and pls. 25–29 in Tell ed-Der III: Sounding at Abu Habbah (Sippar), ed. L. de Meyer. Leuven: Peeters. Weissert, Elnathan. 1997. Creating a Political Climate: Literary Allusions to Enūma Eliš in Sennacherib’s Account of the Battle of Halule. Pp. 191–202 in Assyrien im Wandel der Zeiten, Rencontre Assyriologique International, no. 39, eds. Hartmut Waetzoldt and Harald Hauptmann. Heidelberg: Heidelberger Orientverlag. Weissbach, Franz H. 1903. Babylonische Miscellen. WVDOG 4. Leipzig: Hinrichs. Wetzel, Friedrich. 1930. Die Stadtmauren von Babylon. WVDOG 48. Leipzig: Hinrichs. Wetzel, Friedrich, and Franz H. Weissbach 1938. Das Hauptheiligtum des Marduk in Babylon, Esagila und Etemenanki. WVDOG 59. Leipzig: Hinrichs. Wiggermann, Frans. 2001. Nergal. RLA 9: 215–226. Winckler, Hugo. 1887. Ein Text Nabopolassars. ZA 2: 69–75; 172–173. Wiseman, David J. 1985. Nebuchadnezzar and Babylon. London: Oxford University Press. Wunsch, Cornelia. 2011. Sklave, Sklaverei. D. Neubabylonisch. RLA 12: 572–74. Zawadzki, Stephan. 2005. The building project north of Sippar in the time of Nabonidus. Pp. 381–392 in Approaching the Babylonian Economy. Proceedings of the START Project Symposium Held in Vienna, 1–3 July 2004. Veröffentlichungen zur Wirtschaftsgeschichte Babyloniens im 1. Jahrtausend v. Chr. Band 2. AOAT 330, eds. Heather Baker and Michael Jursa. Münster: Ugarit Verlag.

Electronic resources Roller, Duane W. “Megasthenes(715).” Brill’s New Jacoby. Editor in Chief: Ian Worthington (University of Missouri). Brill Online, 2013. Reference. 05 May 2013 . De Breucker, Geert “Berossos of Babylon(680).” Brill’s New Jacoby. Editor in Chief: Ian Worthington (University of Missouri). Brill Online, 2013. Reference. 05 May 2013 .

1 Introduction . The royal inscriptions as historical sources Some years ago, when discussing the Assyrian royal inscriptions, H. Tadmor correctly observed that these texts “being by their very nature official documents of self-praise, demand from the historian a judicious critical approach.”1 He then proceeded to advise the historian not to go to either extreme, i.e. neither to take the texts at face value nor to deny their historicity altogether. Yet, despite Tadmor’s words of advice, the field of Assyriology continues to pay only intermittent attention to this (see the observations in Liverani 1973). The relatively modest historical and historiographical data conveyed in the Neo-Babylonian royal inscriptions (especially compared with their Assyrian counterparts)2 has been overlooked partly due to the absence of up-to-date editions of the texts,3 and partly due to the discouraging monotony of a seemingly endless and trivial list of building accomplishments and lengthy professions of royal piety. Indeed, Neo-Babylonian inscriptions are not rich in historical data; they contain hardly any direct factual information, and are far less exciting than the Neo-Assyrian texts, in which the conquest of remote lands, the capture of numerous cities and the brutal treatment imposed on those who refused to submit to Assur provide the texts with a dynamism seldom found in other documents in the Mesopotamian historical tradition. The Neo-Babylonian inscriptions are not annalistic texts;4 they do not describe royal military exploits set out in chronological order, as the “war reports” of the Assyrian inscriptions do (Grayson 1981: 37; Tadmor 1997: 325), but, despite the absence of detailed reports of battles and of narrative sections of potential “historical” content, the historiographical value of the inscriptions should not be ignored.5  Tadmor 1981: 13. On the inscriptions, see also Tadmor 1997.  The observations presented here refer to the inscriptions of Nabopolassar, Amēl-Marduk and Neriglissar, although some of the reflections can be generalized to the whole corpus of Neo-Babylonian royal inscriptions.  An exception is Schaudig’s publication of the inscriptions of Nabonidus (Schaudig 2001), a king who has received much more attention than the other monarchs of his dynasty. The Lebanon inscriptions of Nebuchadnezzar are published in Da Riva 2009 and Da Riva 2012. The Nebuchadnezzar Prism (“Hofkalendar”) is discussed in Jursa 2010 and edited in Da Riva forthcoming b.  The term “annals” applied to these texts is misleading, for it is the chronicles that could be called annalistic and not the “highly personal, eloquent and unashamedly biased Assyrian royal inscriptions.” (Tadmor 1997: 325).  The following pages are just an attempt to outline the historical information that may be obtained from these texts (contrasted, when possible, with data from other sources); they are

2

Introduction

Most of the texts dealt with here are commemorative building inscriptions which refer to the activities of the monarchs with regard to the construction of religious and civil works;6 apart from the vases, all the material supports of the inscriptions are either primary architectural elements (bricks, paving stones) or elements that can be inserted into architectural structures, such as foundation cylinders.7 Apart from describing the building programme of the monarchs, the inscriptions were used as a means to present the image of the ruler in the way he wished to appear before his present and future audiences (that is, in this world and the next).8 Indeed these texts verbalize the Neo-Babylonian royal ideology, expressed in the form of long descriptions of building and religious activities. Moreover, a careful analysis of the contents, the manner in which they are structured and presented (for instance, their compositional techniques and style), of the literary conventions and the choice of a certain type of words, the use of archaizing language, script and signs, etc. may throw some light on the historical context in which the texts were produced.9

. The contents of the inscriptions The inscriptions of Nabopolassar (626–605 BCE) commemorate building projects commissioned by the monarch in Babylon, Sippar, and probably also in Larsa. Building works in other cities were probably undertaken as well, but no inscriptions have been preserved. The inscriptions from Babylon include

not to be understood as a comprehensive historical reconstruction of the Neo-Babylonian period, as the inscriptions of only three rulers are presented. An survey of the documentary sources of the period can be found in Da Riva forthcoming a.  This kind of document has been labelled Prunkinschrift, even though many of the texts were not meant for public “display”; the expression Übersichtsinschrift (“summary inscription”) is not specific enough for our purposes. On the ambiguity of the terminology, see Grayson 1981: 37.  Many cylinders were discovered in foundation deposits (see Al-Rawi 1985: 1; Allinger-Csollich 1991: 449, Schaudig 2001: 345). But not all the preserved cylinders functioned as foundation inscriptions; some were copies of inscriptions (Da Riva 2008: 61, with references; for the many exemplars of the Nabonidus Ehulhul-cylinder, Schaudig 2001: 412). A brief review of the material supports can be found in Da Riva 2008: 33–43.  The king was not necessarily the composer of the inscriptions, but the use of the first person singular, combined with the occasional illeism, conveys the impression that the texts are the product of royal volition. The matter of the authorship of these texts is complicated and deserves a full study. On the composers and the composition processes, see Schaudig 2001: 69–71; Da Riva 2008: 44ff.  See some brief remarks in Da Riva 2008: 44ff.

The contents of the inscriptions

3

the temple é.PA.GÌN.ti.la (C12), the ziqqurrat Etemenanki (B6, C31), the city walls Nēmetti-Enlil (C23) and Imgur-Enlil (C11, C32), the embankment (B1, B3, B5) and the wall of the Arahtu (Araḫtu) (B2, B4); the texts from Sippar deal with works in the E-edinna temple (C22), and at the Euphrates (B7, C21); and the text from Larsa is too fragmentary to identify (C011). With the exception of é.PA.GÌN.ti.la and Etemenanki in Babylon, and the E-edinna in Sippar, the building work is civic rather than religious: the regulation of the course of the rivers, the construction of quays and city walls, for example. This is the kind of building programme one would expect from a monarch who aimed to establish normality in the cities of his newly conquered country after decades of internal political struggle, modest economic growth,10 an almost permanent state of conflict with Assyria, and more than ten years of civil war. The fact that the inscriptions only refer to constructions in Babylon and Sippar is surprising, since one would also expect to find extensive building programmes in places such as Cutha, Borsippa,11 and especially in Uruk, Nabopolassar’s place of origin (Jursa 2007), but no royal inscription or reference to building in these or other cities has been found so far. This paucity in the documentation cannot be attributed only to the haphazardness of the archaeological evidence; there are plenty of inscriptions referring to a given building, but no archaeological fieldwork (or very little) has been conducted there and/ or at its site.12 Of course, inscriptions could be moved from their original location and thus acquire a secondary use,13 but the texts were frequently copied (by scribes, by trainee scribes, etc., see Schaudig 2001: 46) and circulated among the schools in the different cities, and so they might end up in rather unexpected places. Finally, uncontrolled digging can also bring to light material from unexplored sites. Leaving aside these contextual considerations, a final argument can be put forward: with the exception of the references to the victory of the Assyrians and to some idealized autobiographic data referring to Nabopolassar’s early years, the inscriptions are extremely sparse as regards the

 Note Brinkman 1984: 107f. tracking a gradual, but noticeable upturn in Babylonian economy from 650 on, cf. Frame 1992: 199ff.  The epithet “provider of Esagil and Ezida” (used previously by the Assyrians) should be understood as a standard epithet of the dynasty, and not as actual evidence of special building activities commissioned in the temples, even though building works of this kind cannot be ruled out, given the nationwide significance of Nabû’s main temple in Borsippa. On the title, see Seux 1967: 372f.; Waerzeggers 2010: 5.  Two significant examples are Nebuchadnezzar’s Marad cylinder inscriptions (Da Riva 2008: C210 and C32) and Nabonidus’ Ehulhul-cylinder (Schaudig 2001: 2.12, pp. 409–40).  See Schaudig 2001: 43 for the use of Nabonidus’ stele as paving stones in a mosque in Harran.

4

Introduction

activities other than the ones directly referred to in the text in question. Indeed, one thing that immediately catches the eye when reading Nabopolassar’s inscriptions is the absence of a long list of building achievements, so characteristic in the texts of other kings of his dynasty. Although his inscriptions deal with constructions, they contain nothing that remotely resembles the long building curriculum recorded by Nebuchadnezzar in his texts.14 In fact, Nabopolassar’s inscriptions lack any references to building projects commissioned elsewhere in Babylonia. In the texts the description of the building project is a mere literary device, a means to convey the real information the king wishes to transmit in the inscriptions: his divine appointment and his victory over the Assyrians (achieved with the aid of the Babylonian gods). As the founder of the dynasty, Nabopolassar had no previous references to use as models for his inscriptions, and despite his lack of royal blood and his controversial ascent to the throne, he did not try to find legitimation by claiming a fictional kinship with earlier Babylonian kings,15 as Nebuchadnezzar and Nabonidus were to do after him.16 In this respect, Nabopolassar as Neriglissar was to do (albeit for other reasons, see below), seems to restrict his attempts at legitimation to his piety and successful military achievements.17 This ideological discourse might be the consequence of a turbulent historical context, in which many years of war and decades of submission to the Assyrians could have dismantled the institutions and damaged the ideological foundations of Babylonian kingship. In fact, recent studies have demonstrated that Neo-Babylonian political institutions followed Neo-Assyrian models, and many imperial officials bear titles of Assyrian origin (Jursa 2010). Paradoxically, then, despite expelling the Assyrians, the Babylonian kings were establishing the foundations of their administration based on Assyrian institutions and patterns.18 But this absence of a reference to his family and kin may also reflect Nabopolassar’s intention to conceal his origins, which were associated more closely with the rulers of Nineveh than he, as the leader of an anti-Assyrian revolt, would have wished to admit. After all, his paternal family had held important positions in the times of the occupation (Jursa 2007). Moreover, the profanation and destruction of his father’s corpse had left him without ancestors and kinship

 Long lists of this kind are found in the inscriptions of Brisa (Da Riva 2012), in the threecolumn cylinder inscriptions, in the Prism (Jursa 2010; Da Riva forthcoming b), and in the Stone Tablet. See the remarks in Da Riva 2008: 96, 110ff.  Jursa 2007: 130–31.  See Da Riva 2008: 15, 17, with references.  A very good study of the historicity of Nabopolassar’s inscriptions is Beaulieu 2003.  On this issue and other examples of Assyrian influence in Babylonia, see Da Riva forthcoming b.

The contents of the inscriptions

5

connections to whom he could refer.19 So Nabopolassar had to create a fictional autobiography to justify his pretentions to the crown, and he decided to place the emphasis on two points: a) his ratification by means of divine appointment; b) his military victory over the Assyrians. The first point is common to many Mesopotamian monarchs, especially if they lack the needed pedigree to justify their political pretentions: they project themselves as divine appointees, sought out, found and selected by the gods as a result of their outstanding qualities. To show that he is worthy of this election, the monarch must fulfil his obligations towards the gods. A paramount duty was the construction, or the restoration, of the temples and chapels of the divinities who had sponsored him, but also of the civil constructions that guarantee the prosperity of the land, particularly canals and city walls. Nabopolassar’s zeal in the preservation and restoration of religious cults and rites which had been interrupted as a result of a long period of unrest (Da Riva 2001: 40–45; see also Da Riva forthcoming a), is a natural consequence of his status as a divine appointee. This idea is clearly expressed in one of his texts, NaplC21/1 I 5–7: “When the great lord Marduk, gave me his solemn command to provide for the cultic centres and to renew the sanctuaries (…).” The central ideas of the divine sanction of Nabopolassar’s claims are manifested in the following passage of the Imgur-Enlil inscription of Babylon (C32), which is also a verbatim copy of the inūma-section of the é.PA.GÌN.ti.la cylinder (C12).20 NaplC32 I 7–23: “When I was young, although I was the son of a nobody, I constantly sought the sanctuaries of my lords Nabû and Marduk. My mind was preoccupied with the establishment of their cultic ordinances and the complete performance of their rituals. My attention was directed towards justice and equity. Šazu, the lord who knows the hearts of the gods of heaven and the netherworld, who observes regularly the clever behaviour(?) of the people, perceived my intentions and placed me, me the insignificant (one) who was not even noticed among the people, to the highest position in my native country.21 He called me to the lordship over land and people. He made a favourable tutelary spirit walk at my side and he let (me) succeed in everything I undertook.” The military victory over the Assyrians, their expulsion from Babylonia and the defeat of Assyria constitute the most frequent leitmotiv in the historical sources pertaining to the reign of Nabopolassar, as Beaulieu correctly

 Hence the use of the bizarre expression “son of a nobody”; on this matter see Jursa 2007: 127f.; and more generally Richardson 2007: 193ff.  See the commentaries to the editions of the texts in 2.2.2 and 2.2.7, and see below 1.3.  Nabopolassar clearly stresses his status as a Babylonian.

6

Introduction

pointed out (Beaulieu 2003: 1*). This topic is not only present in the royal inscriptions, but also in other literary and historical texts that refer to Nabopolassar and to the crucial events at the beginning of his reign. As his father had done before him, Nabopolassar rebelled against his overlords, this time successfully (Jursa 2007). In the battle, the Babylonian king is the instrument of divine punishment. The trope of Marduk’s punishment and Babylonia’s revenge (made real by the heroic deeds of the king) is present in most of Nabopolassar’s royal inscriptions and in some later sources, whose authors probably used the primary texts as models for their composition. The parallels between some of Nabopolassar’s inscriptions and later documents are striking: Gerardi 1986: 35 ll. 12–15: [a]-˹na˺ tu-ru kur uriki i-ḫi-iṭ te-re-tu-ú-a ˹ib˺-ri lìb-[bi] / ki-i-˹ni˺ / [a]-˹na˺ ˹be˺-lu-tu kur.kurmeš kul-lat-ši-na ú-šat-˹mi˺-[iḫ] / (15) qa-tu-ú-[a] “[to] avenge Akkad, he inspected my omens, he examined my royal heart, he selected me for dominion over the lands and the peoples of all the lands, all of them, he placed in my hands.” Nabopolassar cylinder NaplC12/1 8–12: dšà.zu (…) ja-a-ši ṣa-ah-ri-im ša i-na ni-ši-im la uttu-ú ša lìb-bi-ja ib-re-e-ma / i-na kur ab-ba-nu-ú iš-ku-na-an-ni a-na re-še-e-tim / a-na belu-ut ma-a-ti ù ni-ši-im it-ta-ba ni-bi-ta “Šazu (…) perceived my intentions and he placed me, me the insignificant (one) who was not even noticed among the people, to the highest position in my native country. He called me to the lordship over land and people.”

The topic of the wars against Assyria appears in many later texts. In the “Nabopolassar Epic” Nabopolassar is mentioned in connection with a battle against Sîn-šum-līšir, the Assyrian chief courtier and usurper. The avenging of Akkad is clearly verbalized in the narrative: “[May you ave]nge Akkad!” (Grayson 1975: 85 III 21), and this accords with similar passages in the royal inscriptions of the king. This avenging is present in the “fictional” correspondence between Nabopolassar and Sîn-šar-iškun mentioned above (Gerardi 1986: 31–38 (BM 55467); Lambert 2005: 203–10, MMA 86.11.370A+ = CTMMA 2: Nr. 44), which share some stylistic features with the “Nabopolassar Epic” (Frahm 2005: 46). The letter written by Nabopolassar (Gerardi 1986) contains a series of accusations levelled at an unnamed Assyrian (Sîn-šar-iškun) written in the past tense on the obverse of the tablet. The Assyrian atrocities serve to justify Nabopolassar’s intention to avenge his country, expressed in the present-future tense on the reverse of the text, with an enumeration of the punishments reserved for Assyria (including Marduk’s punishments), and the announcement of the coming confrontation. Thus in the text Gerardi 1986: 36 (rev. 10–14): “[Because] of the crimes against Akkad which you committed, Marduk, great lord, [and the

The contents of the inscriptions

7

great gods] shall call [you] to account […] I shall destroy you […].” The “fictional” response to this missive is the fragmentary letter CTMMA 2: Nr. 44 (Lambert 2005: 203–10) written by the Assyrian king to Nabopolassar on the eve of the conquest of Nineveh (Frahm 2005; Goldstein 2010: 200). In it the king adopts a submissive tone – perhaps, with the Babylonian armies at the gates of his capital, in an attempt to find a diplomatic way out. As in the case of BM 55467 (Gerardi 1986), the authenticity of the letter is a matter of debate. Lambert accepts it (2005: 205), but Frahm has reservations (2005: 43). In my opinion, the texts could either be fictional letters based on genuine ones, or compositions simulating missives and based on previous documents – perhaps not even letters, but narrative texts of some sort – describing the events during the latter years of the Assyrian empire from a Babylonian perspective.22 Another later source which also contains the topic of the avenging of Akkad is the fragmentary historical-literary text Frahm 2010: 1–2 Nr. 8, a Seleucid copy. The document deals with the reconstruction of Babylon, particularly of the Esagil and perhaps also of the Etemenanki. The text mentions a monarch, but his name is not preserved. Some references to cities located on the border between Assyria and Babylonia and to the inner-wall system in Babylon prompt Frahm to identify the unnamed king as Nabopolassar. Finally, we encounter the same theme in the “Dynastic Prophecy” (Grayson 1975: 24–37, Nr. 3), a fragmentary text from Hellenistic times describing the rise and fall of empires and dynasties. No monarch is mentioned by name, but the details given in col. I 7–25 of the text (Grayson 1975: 30–31) make it possible to identify the king as Nabopolassar. The presence of this theme in the royal inscriptions makes perfect sense, for Nabopolassar was a soldier who led his country against the Assyrians. He had the support of the tribal groups as he was probably a Chaldean of the Dakkūru, and he could count on the army, and on some financial support from interested parties in the country: without this aid, someone of non-royal descent could not have ascended the Babylonian throne.23 The theme of avenging appears frequently, and considering that Neo-Babylonian royal inscriptions tend to omit references to military deeds, the mention of this event clearly reflects the importance it had acquired as a means of royal  On the interpretation of the Nabopolassar letter, see Gerardi 1986: 32–34. On the chronology of the texts, see Frahm 2005: 45.  Note that Nabopolassar and the two usurpers Neriglissar and Nabonidus shared several common characteristics: a non-Babylonian origin (Chaldean for Nabopolassar, Aramean for Neriglissar and Nabonidus) and thus the implicit support of the tribal groups, the control of military resources (all three had been military commanders) and family wealth and connections (all three came from important families).

8

Introduction

ratification. The victory over Assyria is also echoed in the titulary and epithets chosen to qualify the monarch in the inscriptions,24 and also in some administrative texts dated to the reign of Nabopolassar.25 The victory over the Assyrians was a consequence of divine assistance, in itself a result of Nabopolassar’s profound piety and reverence for the gods. In the texts, especially in those dated before 612/609 BCE (see Al-Rawi 1985), the liberation of Babylonia is celebrated in the following manner: “He (=Marduk) had Nergal, the strongest among the gods, march at my side; he killed my enemy, he defeated my adversary, the Assyrian, who had ruled Akkad because of divine anger, and had oppressed the people of the country with his heavy yoke. I, the weak one, the powerless one, who repeatedly seeks the lord of lords with the mighty strength of my lords Nabû and Marduk, I chased them out of the land of Akkad and I had (the Babylonians) throw off their (the Assyrians’) yoke.” (NaplC32 I 24–33, II 1–5). An interesting variant of the first part of the relative clause (referring to the Assyrians) appears in NaplC12/1 17–18: “(…) the Assyrian, who from distant days had ruled the entire people, and had oppressed the people of the country with his heavy yoke.” After the Assyrians had been driven out of Babylonia, a coalition of Medes26 and Babylonians pushed the Assyrians into the heart of their empire. First Nineveh (612 BCE) and then Harran (609 BCE) were seized and destroyed: “When on the command of Nabû and Marduk, who love my kingship, and with the mighty weapon of the awe-inspiring Erra,27 who strikes my enemies with lightning, I killed the Subarean (Assyrian) and turned his lands into tells and ruin heaps…” (NaplC31/1 I 19–27). The deities helping the armies are normally Marduk and Nabû, as one would expect in a Babylonian text of this period, but they might change according to the city or cultic centre where the text had been drafted.28 In Sippar, the sun-god was the architect of the Babylonian victory: “When the great lord Šaššu came to my side, I kill[ed the Subarean (Assyrian) and turned] my ene[my’s land] into tells and ruin heaps, (…).” (NaplC22 I 20 II 1–4). The protective and military role ascribed to Šamaš in this text may not just be due to the milieu where the inscription was

 Titles and epithets are not merely formulaic: they often bear “the personal imprint of the king”, see Tadmor 1997: 326 in reference to Neo-Assyrian royal inscriptions.  See Tadmor 1998: 356–57; for the use of the title šar kiššati in the archival documents, see Da Riva 1999: No. 5.  The Medes probably played a more decisive role in the downfall of Nineveh than the Babylonians. The Medes had sacked Assur and attacked Kalhu two years earlier (Stronach 1997: 307), while Nabopolassar was still fighting the Assyrians in Babylonia.  In the Neo-Babylonian inscriptions, Erra should be identified with Nergal of the Emeslam in Cutha, see below.  See Da Riva 2010. For the role of Nabû in Babylonia, see Pomponio 2001: 16–24.

The contents of the inscriptions

9

composed, but it may also reflect an official recognition bestowed upon Sippar and the Ebabbar in gratitude for the support given to Nabopolassar at the time of the civil war.29 It has been argued elsewhere (Da Riva 2001) that, for political and geographical reasons – Sippar was located near the Assyrian border – the city had played an important role in the first years of Nabopolassar’s reign, during the struggle against the Assyrians; and that the Ebabbar officials may even have supported the Babylonian pretender. A certain degree of royal patronage of the city after the pacification of the country remains plausible.30 One would also expect a high level of destruction in and around Sippar due to the war.31 In fact, two of Nabopolassar’s inscriptions speak of building projects in Sippar and its surroundings. In one text the king describes works carried out on the river to regulate its course, probably neglected after years of conflict (C21; B7), and elsewhere other restoration works of some sort at E-edinna, the temple of Šarrat-Sippar (C22), are described. We find further evidence connecting the city of Sippar and political unrest with the royal inscriptions of Nabopolassar in the reference to the prince Nabûšum-līšir in the Nabopolassar inscription C31, in which he is described taking part in building rituals together with his older brother, crown prince Nebuchadnezzar; this is one of the few instances in which the royal family appears in royal inscriptions.32 The participation of kings in building rites is well documented throughout Mesopotamian history, but princes appear only rarely.33 In C31 the princes are not only active in the ceremony (each one is described performing a precise role), but Nabû-šum-līšir is also consecrated to the god Marduk, perhaps as a priest or (symbolically) as a širku (“temple oblate”)34 in Esagil: “I bowed my neck to my lord Marduk. I rolled up my garment, my royal robe, and carried on my head bricks and earth (i.e. mud bricks). I had tupšikkubaskets made of gold and silver and made Nebuchadnezzar, my firstborn son, beloved of my heart, carry alongside my workmen earth mixed with wine, oil and cuttings (of aromatic resin).” (C31/1 II 49–III 13). And further: “I made

 During the Neo-Babylonian period, Sippar is one of the best documented Babylonian cities due to the quantity and relevance of the Ebabbar texts; as a result, the city’s importance may be rather overemphasized. For the archives, see Jursa 2005: 116ff.  Many early documents from the Ebabbar suggest a systematic policy aimed at the restoration of the economy in the area: agriculture and animal husbandry (Da Riva 2002: 247ff.; Jursa 2010b: 322ff., 355ff.).  References to Assyrian plundering in Babylonian temples can be found in the literary text Gerardi 1986: 34 obv. 3–4.  For the text see also George 2005/2006: 81ff.  See references in Da Riva 2008: 7.  See commentary to C31/1 III 23–24.

10

Introduction

Nabû-šum-līšir, his close brother, the infant, my own offspring, the younger brother, my darling, seize mattock and spade. I made him bear a tupšikkubasket of gold and silver and dedicated him to my lord Marduk.” (C31/1 III 14– 24). As this text mentions the defeat of Assyria, it is possible to date it after 612/609 BCE. The next time we encounter Nabû-šum-līšir is in Ebabbar documents dated between the end of Nabopolassar’s reign and the accession year of Nebuchadnezzar. It seems that the prince had economic interests in the area of Sippar.35 Some years later, already in the reign of Nebuchadnezzar, Nabûšum-līšir is mentioned in a fragmentary context, in the entry of the chronicle for the third year (Glassner 2004: 228 rev. 2’): [mu.3.kam ina iti.x ud].13.kam md ag-mu-si.s[á x x x x], “[In the third year, in the x month, on the] 13th day, Nabû-šum-lī[šir (…)].” Von Voigtlander, the first person to use the chronicles as sources for the reconstruction of Neo-Babylonian history, thought that the mention of this prince in the chronicle was related to his involvement in a rebellion against his brother, and offered a tentative reconstruction of the line (1963: 93, 10638), insinuating that the young prince met a tragic end: [mu.3.kam ina iti.x ud].13.kam mdag-mu-si.s[á šeš lugal ina tin.tirki i-mu-ut], “Nabû-šum-lī[šir, the brother of the king died in Babylon].” Wiseman (1985: 758) provided an alternative interpretation: [mu.3.kam ina iti.x ud].13. kam mdag-mu-si.s[á šeš lugal gigma úš/nammeš], “Nabû-šum-lī[šir, the brother of the king, fell ill and died],” without suggesting a tragic or violent death for the prince. Von Voigtlander’s reconstruction seems more plausible, since the chronicles do not usually mention people other than the king – not even members of the royal family (even if they die), with the exception of the crown prince – 36 and when they do it is always in the context of an uprising, as seen in several entries of the Babylonian chronicle series.37 In any case, Nabû-šum-līšir disappears from the sources after this year, never to be mentioned again. The participation of the two princes in the rituals of the construction of the ziqqurrat is all the more interesting since in the Neo-Babylonian inscriptions certain construction projects seem to have had a particular significance in the political programme. In the construction of ziqqurrats, palaces, walls, certain temples and public works for the general welfare (such as regulating the course of rivers and canals), the inscriptions explicitly mention the partici-

 His household is mentioned in BM 78909, and he appears in the offering list BM 51770, with other high officials of the administration, see Da Riva 2002: 381–83.  For other members of the family of Nabopolassar and Nebuchadnezzar see Wiseman 1985: 9–10; Beaulieu 1998: 173–201; Jursa 2007; Da Riva 2008: 14.  See Tyborowsky 1996.

The contents of the inscriptions

11

pation of the Babylonian population as the workforce.38 These texts also help to determine the extent of the levy of workers and the cities and regions where this levy was raised. In the Imgur-Enlil cylinder C11 the origin of the workers assigned to reconstruct the wall is not specified; NaplC11/A2 5–19: “(Regarding) Imgur-Enlil, the great wall of Babylon, that had become dilapidated and collapsed before my time, I firmly established its foundations on the original base. I built it anew with a levy of workers from my country, (…).” In other inscriptions, the origin of the workforce is described in more detail, thus in the text regarding works on é.PA.GÌN.ti.la temple NaplC12/1 25–27: “I called up the workers of Enlil, Šamaš and Marduk, I made them carry the hoe, I laid (on them) the tupšikku-basket, to complete the works on the unfinished temple.” Similar wording is found in NaplC32 II 31–32, the long version of the inscription recording works at the Imgur-Enlil. The workers belonging to these three divinities are also mentioned in NaplC23, the text referring to works at the NēmettiEnlil, if the reconstruction is correct, II 1–4: “(…) [I called up] the workers of [Enlil, Šamaš and] Marduk, great(?) (…) in the four cardinal points (…).” But some lines previously, the call to participate in the work programme seems to include other population groups, NaplC23 I 14–19: “On that day, upon all my work force I imposed the tupšikku-basket, I made them carry hoe and spade. The people of the countries north and south whose lead-rope Nabû and Marduk put in my hands.” It is uncertain whether the mention of Enlil, Šamaš and Marduk refers just to the workforce of the main temples of the gods (Ekur, Ebabbar and Esagil), involved in the public works, or whether it refers more generally to the workers from the cities where these divinities were patron gods: Nippur, Sippar (and Larsa, perhaps), and Babylon.39 A final set of data from which a certain amount of historical information can be inferred is that of the titles and epithets used in the inscriptions.40 The titles and epithets are sets of words, idioms or phrases, most of which were already present in the inscriptions of former Mesopotamian rulers as far back as the Old Akkadian period. The use of these titles and epithets reveals the clear intention of the founder of the dynasty to associate himself with the previous kings of the land by means of a common stock of expressions of

 The organization of local or nation-wide levies to take part in large construction programmes is well documented in the administrative texts (Beaulieu 2005; Jursa 2010b: 661– 669; Waerzeggers 2010: 337–44), and also in two cylinder inscriptions from the reign of Nebuchadnezzar reporting the construction of the ziqqurrats of Babylon and Borsippa (Da Riva 2008: 12, 19–23). The texts provide information regarding the extent and administration of the empire (see also Da Riva forthcoming b).  But note that Nippur is never mentioned in these texts.  For a list of the titles and epithets of the Neo-Babylonian kings, see Da Riva 2008: 99–107.

12

Introduction

strong ideological content. Even if it is demonstrated that the Neo-Babylonian empire is a direct heir and product of the Neo-Assyrian one (Jursa 2010), and despite the fact that at least two of the rulers were clearly of Aramaic origin, one cannot deny the fact that the kings of the dynasty manifested in their texts (both in the contents as well as in the phraseology and literary style) an appeal to Babylonian tradition. The most frequent royal titles used in the inscriptions of Nabopolassar are: šar Bābili and šar māt Šumeri u Akkadi, both of ancient origin, and both shared with other kings of the dynasty. The title šar mīšari is also used, and seems to exclude other titles (Da Riva 2008: 94). Particularly interesting is the use of šarru dannu, a title going back to the Old Akkadian period, and highly favoured by the Assyrians (Tadmor 1998: 355f.). In some inscriptions, šakkanak Bābili seems to replace šar Bābili, but šarru remains the most common title in the inscriptions. The standard epithet is tiriṣ qāt Nabû u Marduk, with the variant Nabû u Tašmētu which appears in two cases.41 The rest of the epithets used either stress the king’s piousness, his submission to the gods and religious devotion (wašru, binût Ninmenna, enšu, kanšu, narām Aja, pālih ilāni), which includes the fulfilment of his duties as a proper ruler (rēʾû nibīt Marduk, rubû narām Ninšiku, rubû naʾdu), or his role as royal architect (ēpiš Imgur-Enlil ana Marduk bēlīja, zābil tupšikka ša Anunnaki). Epithets of a military character are usually absent in the inscriptions of the Babylonian kings.42 But the first years of the reign of Nabopolassar were characterized by the permanent struggle with – and subsequent victory over – the Assyrians, and this conflict acquired an outstanding political and ideological significance in his political programme. References to the wars can be found throughout the texts (see above) and also in some epithets, as in C22 (reconstruction of the E-edinna temple)43 drafted in Sippar, an area where the impact of the civil war would still have been felt at the time of the composition. The short-lived reign of Amēl-Marduk (562–560 BCE), son and heir of Nebuchadnezzar II (605–562 BCE) and grandson of Nabopolassar, has yielded few inscriptions, and the ones at our disposal are not profitable as historical sources.44 The preserved evidence – one brick, four vases and one paving stone – comes from Babylon,45 where the king apparently undertook some  Some authors have observed that Nabû precedes Marduk in the phrase (Hecker 1988: 490f.), but there is no conclusive study on the relative position of the gods in these texts; see however Da Riva 2010: 46f.  See the observations in Tadmor 1997: 334f.  The epithets are discussed in the commentary to C22 in 2.2.4.  A review of his reign, with historical sources and bibliographic references, can be found in Da Riva 2008: 14–15. On the whole, Amēl-Marduk was quite an unpopular figure, see Beaulieu 1993: 45 (with previous references).  The three vases from Susa are in secondary context, see 3.2.

The contents of the inscriptions

13

minor reforms in the royal palace, as the presence of the paving stone in the courtyard seems to indicate (see 3.3). Some further inscribed building elements were found in the Euphrates bridge (see 3.1) indicating additional works in the area. A group of cuneiform tablets dated to the reigns of Nebuchadnezzar and Amēl-Marduk and found in room W.2 of the temple of Ninmah in Babylon deal with deliveries of building materials, presumably related to works of some sort in the temple (Pedersén 2005: 135–43, archive N5). However, there is no evidence of such works in the inscriptions of Amēl-Marduk. This monarch used the title king of Babylon, and the filiation “son of Nebuchadnezzar, king of Babylon”. The brick inscription contains the epithet muddiš Esagil u Ezida, first used by Amēl-Marduk and later also used by Neriglissar and Nabonidus: it seems to be a variant of the well attested zānin Esagil u Ezida (Seux 1967: 76; Da Riva 2008: 94, 99ff.). Slightly more relevant as sources, albeit as brief as the other inscriptions of the dynasty, are the texts drafted in the reign of Neriglissar (560–556 BCE), the purported instigator, if not the perpetrator, of Amēl-Marduk’s murder.46 Neriglissar’s inscriptions are relatively abundant considering the short duration of his reign (two bricks, one inscribed vase and six cylinders), but they are hardly ever of any historiographical significance.47 The bricks only contain a short text with titles and epithets (4.1), and the vase has the usual notation of capacity (4.3). Yet the bricks have been found in primary context in several places in Babylonia, on the bank of the Euphrates, in the palace, in the Euphrates bridge, and so on, indicating that some minor repairs were carried out in those locations. The works on the (north) palace are confirmed by archaeological evidence and by the text C23.48 Of the six inscriptions preserved on cylinders, one of them (C021) is too fragmentary and cannot be assigned to Neriglissar with certainty, although the text shares stylistic parallels with the ziqqurrat cylinder C022 from Sippar (see 1.3 and see also 4.2.5 and 4.2.6). C021 may also refer to a ziqqurrat or a temple dedicated to Šamaš, or to a construc-

 An introduction to Neriglissar’s reign can be found in van Driel 2001: 228–29, in Da Riva 2008: 15–16 and in Da Riva forthcoming a (with bibliography).  Neither the chronicles nor the economic and administrative texts give much evidence for the reconstruction of the events of his reign. An interesting text records the marriage contract of Neriglissar’s daughter to the šatammu of Ezida, which undoubtedly had important historical implications: the king wished to ensure the loyalty of the Borsippa elite in this manner, see Waerzeggers 2010: 72. Tertiary sources, such as the Greek excerpts from Megasthenes and Berossos are considered quite accurate and they are normally used to reconstruct the outlines of the reign, see Brill’s New Jacoby Online 715 and 680 respectively.  Koldewey (5)1990: 80, 89f., 169. In fact the duplicates of C23 are the only Neriglissar cylinders found within an archaeological context, see below 1.4.

14

Introduction

tion of some sort located in a city closely connected to the sun god, such as Sippar or Larsa (Da Riva 2010: 47, 50ff.). Most of the cylinder inscriptions refer to construction works in Babylon: repairs in the Esagil (C21), in the royal palace (C23), and on the Lībil-hegalla (C22).49 Yet another fragmentary inscription (C011) contains a reference to a military campaign in a mountainous area: interestingly, the only preserved chronicle of Neriglissar’s reign mentions a campaign in Northern Syria and Cilicia (Glassner 2004: 230); nevertheless, this may be a mere coincidence. Information regarding Neriglissar’s building activities is also supplied by Nabonidus, who mentions works done by the previous monarch (left unfinished) at Ezida (Schaudig 2001: 395, 2.10 II 7) and at the temple of Sippar-Anunnītu (Schaudig 2001: 517, 3.3 IV 24’). Neriglissar was a usurper. According to Berossos,50 he married a daughter of Nebuchadnezzar and later toppled Amēl-Marduk.51 Neriglissar was a powerful and wealthy landowner who,52 according to the Hofkalender,53 was also in charge of the bīt simmagir, a large province in the Transtigridian area (Prism IV 22’: mdu.gur-lugal-ú-ṣur lú.d30-ma-gi-ir). The same text mentions a certain Bēl-šum-iškun, chieftain of the Puqūdu Arameans (Prism IV 24’: men-mu-garun ša kurpu-qu-du). This person has been identified as Neriglissar’s father; therefore, Neriglissar (like Nabopolassar before him and Nabonidus after him) may have been yet another non-Akkadian (the Puqūdu are definitely Arameans) sitting on the throne during the Neo-Babylonian period. Neriglissar had also been a military commander active in the siege of Jerusalem (Jursa 2010: 85). So he was a person with tribal support, economic means and military power whose career culminated in marriage to the king’s daughter,54 and finally seizing the throne. Neriglissar mentions his father by name on several occasions. According to Schaudig (2001: 12–13), both Neriglissar, and later Nabonidus, allude to their respective progenitors in an ambiguous way in their inscriptions. In fact, the mention of Bēl-šum-iškun in the inscriptions of his son always has a dou The Lībil-hegalla was known by its popular name “eastern canal” (George 1992: 66, 356– 58). For the canal, see George 1992: 25f., 357f.; for previous works there, see Da Riva 2008: 111.  Brill’s New Jacoby Online 680. There is no evidence to challenge the veracity of Berossos’ account; he seems to have used reliable sources, perhaps even primary ones.  The name of the daughter is uncertain; on the offspring of Nebuchadnezzar see Beaulieu 1998: 173f., 181ff., 200.  Evidence of his opulence can be found in the Egibi texts, see van Driel 2001: 228.  Jursa 2010: 85.  The alliance between the royal house and the son of the chieftain of the Puqūdu tribe may have been a (finally unsuccessful) attempt by Nebuchadnezzar to limit the influence of the Aramean tribe (Jursa forthcoming).

The contents of the inscriptions

15

ble meaning, due to orthographical indistinctiveness in the texts, so we do not know whether the title after the name of Bēl-šum-iškun (in genitive) refers to him or to Neriglissar (nominative): NeglC011 1’–12’: “[… the wis]e prince […] who, with the su[pport of his gods], (…), who fulfils th[eir(?) co]mmand, the son of Bēl-šum-iškun, the [wise(?)] prince […], the young man, the young(?) he[ro(?)].”

The repetition of the title rubû, albeit with a different qualification, is not common in the corpus of the inscriptions, and the second rubû may in fact refer to Bēl-šum-iškun,55 not to Neriglissar, though both solutions are syntactically possible. A similar phrase can be found in the Esagil cylinder NeglC21/1 I 1–14: “Neriglissar, the king of Babylon, the reverent prince, favourite of Marduk (…), son of Bēl-šum-iškun, the wise prince, the young man (…), the one who protects the approach of the country like a strong wall: I am.”

Here the title rubû is used with the apparent intention of creating ambiguity. One would not object to a Puqūdu chieftain being called “prince”, but another, much more intriguing case is presented in the palace cylinder, NeglC23/1 I 1–14: “Neriglissar, king of Babylon, the one who rebuilds the Esagil and the Ezida (…), (to) whom Erra (Nergal), the majestic among the gods, gave his weapons; the son of Bēl-šumiškun, the king of Babylon, I am.”

The repetition of the title in I 14 is very unusual, especially as it appears after the name of Bēl-šum-iškun, apparently referring to him, not to Neriglissar.56 This ambiguity raises a number of questions regarding the role played by Bēlšum-iškun in Babylonian politics and whether he had any claims to the throne. At present they remain unanswered, due to the lack of sources.57 Nevertheless, some observations can be made: Neriglissar did not need to forge his father’s curriculum, since royal lineage was not a conditio sine qua non to ascend the

 As correctly suspected by van Driel 2001: 228.  A repetition of šar Bābili is also attested in NeglC22 I 1–20: “Neriglissar, the king of Babylon, whom Marduk the great lord, the god his creator (…), the god of Babylon. Neriglissar, the king of Babylon, I.” But here it is clear that both titles refer to Neriglissar, for he is mentioned by name preceding the title and the personal pronoun.  A similar phenomenon is observed for the attestations of Nabû-balāssu-iqbi, Nabonidus’ father, in the inscriptions of this son. Note that Schaudig (2001, 13) argues that the epithets after the kings’ fathers’ names refer to the monarchs, not to their fathers, and sees no ambiguity.

16

Introduction

Babylonian throne, and Nabopolassar was an illustrious precedent. To call a tribal leader a “prince” would not raise any suspicion, but to play with the syntax in order to introduce a double meaning and turn an Aramean chieftain into a “king of Babylon” would be a quite different matter. Tribal leaders were called kings – Esarhaddon called Šamaš-ibni “king” of the Bīt-Dakkūri, see Frame 2008: 617 – but of their respective tribe, not of Babylon. Neriglissar follows the previous kings in invoking the gods as guarantors of his legitimacy. The phrasing of the texts points to the existence of a sort of “divine plan” aimed at establishing him (a usurper) on the Babylonian throne. The new king had economic means, the aid of the army and of, at least, some Aramean tribal groups; he had also some kind of support in the eastern province, where he was the simmagir, and he may also have received some backing through political clientelism in some cities. On top of all this, and due to his good actions of which the gods had known since he was a young man (as in the case of Nabopolassar), he was granted divine assistance and the gods eventually sanctioned his rule: NeglC011 13’–18’: “When Nabû, the au[gust] vizier who speaks favourably (on my behalf), who has [bestowed] my good fortune, elevated me to the head of kingship, he looked upon me with his benevolent face and granted me a kingship of justice.” NeglC21/1 I 15–25: “When Marduk, the Enlil of the gods (…) sought me out among the widespread mankind, he had been providing for me carefully since my youth, he gave me a favourable name (and) he verily guided me towards well being and good health; on account of my reliability with which I always answer him (and) on account of my submissiveness in which I constantly strive for the veneration of his divinity, I plan every day to do good things for him.”

In fact, with such a record it was obvious that he was destined to ascend the throne, so Marduk eventually made him king: NeglC21/1 I 26–27: “He selected me (among the people) in the country, and declared me king with a favourable name.”

The divine appointment and the sanctioning are expressed symbolically in the three royal emblems: haṭṭu, šibirru and ušparu,58 which are granted to the king to perform his duties as imperial ruler: territorial annexation, protection of the subjects and subjugation of the enemy: NeglC21/1 I 28–35: “In order to carry out forever the shepherd-ship of the people, he (= Marduk) verily gave me for my kingship a just sceptre (haṭṭu), enlarger of the land; he

 For these terms see Da Riva 2012: 64–65 (commentary to WBA II 1).

The contents of the inscriptions

17

verily entrusted (to) me to exercise my rulership with the rightful šibirru-staff, protector of the people; he let my hands hold an ušparu-staff, which subdues the hateful one; he had me wear the legitimate crown.”

In this way, the appointed king was to comply with the divine plan and fulfil his royal duties of protecting and defending the land from the external enemy and from internal injustice: NeglC21/1 I 36–37; II 1–4: “(So) I will not allow rival or intimidator against my kingship, I will destroy the enemy, I will crush the hostile, I will curb the disobedient; I have established justice in the land, I have constantly led the widespread people in safety.”

But he was also to attend to the religious obligations towards the gods, their temples and ceremonies: NeglC23/1 I 15–20 “Since the great lord Marduk elevated my head and gave me land and people to rule over, I am constantly and incessantly devoted to my lord Marduk, I provide for the Esagil and the Ezida, I keep in order the cultic places, I strive constantly for the preeminent rituals.”

In other texts Marduk is not the only guarantor of Neriglissar’s rights, but also other gods of the pantheon, like Nabû and Nergal/Erra (mentioned in C22 and C23). Nergal (Erra, Meslamtaea) is a god connected to the military, and would fit in the inscriptions of a former military commander:59 NeglC22 I 1–18: “Neriglissar, the king of Babylon, whom Marduk the great lord, the god his creator, selected in his steadfast heart, he entrusted (to) him the widespread people (and) put into his keeping the black-headed to lead; whom Nabû, the supervisor of all heaven and earth, placed in his hands the just sceptre, the rightful staff for making the subjects prosper; (to) whom Erra, the majestic among the gods gave his weapons to kill the hostile, to defeat the enemy; whom the great gods in their assembly designated to act as their provider. To provide for Esagil, Ezida and Emeslam the cultic centres of the gods, (…).”

These ideas are also contained in the titles and epithets selected to qualify the king in the inscriptions. The title par excellence in the Neriglissar inscriptions is šar Bābili; the archaizing šar Akkadê is used once (C22). The king also uses rubû emqu and rubû naʾdu. The epithets are more varied and include all the

 Nergal, the god of war, appears indirectly, through his place worship at the Emeslam of Cutha (referred to in C022 and C22), because he was the third god in the pantheon (see Da Riva 2010: 46–48). The king may have had a personal relationship with the god, given the theophoric element in his name. The Emeslam had been rebuilt by Nebuchadnezzar, see George 1993: 126 (Nr. 802). For Nergal, see Wiggermann 2001: 215–23.

18

Introduction

essential features of a proper Neo-Babylonian king: they stress his religiosity and reverence towards the gods and his fulfilment of royal duties towards land and people. As already noticed in previous studies, Neriglissar’s epithets are more elaborate than those used by most previous kings: for instance, relative sentences are quite frequent, a phenomenon also observed in Nabonidus’ epithets.60 Neriglissar does not speak about previous kings in excessively negative terms, so one would assume that he did not find much opposition to his coup d’état. He does not mention any other monarch by name, but when describing the completion of building works he refers indirectly to a former king who had not been able to finish the projects he had begun.61 In the following examples, Neriglissar is positively compared to his unnamed predecessor, who appears as an unreliable monarch incapable of fulfilling his duties as a royal builder: NeglC021 II’ 1’–16’: “[… that a pre]vious [king] had built […] its walls – [that a for]mer [king] had repaired but [he did not] decorate its structure appropriately, in time past [it had] become weak, (and) had collapsed; heavy rain and storms had removed its walls. So Šamaš, the august judge, prompted me to renew it.62 I put its bricks in order and I repaired its damage […].”

NeglC21 II 9–28: “The enclosure wall of Esagil facing north, (an area) in which the ramkupersonnel (and) the kiništu-priests reside, whose foundations a former king had laid, but did not finish building it (lit. raise its summit), and which, because of the terracing, had become too low, its wall had become weak, its structure was no longer strong, its thresholds were not solid. To keep the bursaggû-meals ritually pure, to arrange the šuluhhuritual, to keep the taklīmu-offerings pure for the great lord Marduk and to bring to completion the regular offerings, so that no omission or negligence occur, I inspected and examined its old foundation, and I established its foundation trench on its old foundation, I raised its high part, I elevated (it) as high as a mountain. I installed the door-frames, I fixed doors in its gates and surrounded (it) with a strong supporting wall of bitumen and baked bricks.”

NeglC22 I 32–37: “At that time, Lībil-hegalla, the eastern canal of Babylon, which a former king had dug but had not constructed its (u)sukku-wall with bitumen and baked brick, I had the canal dug and I constructed its (u)sukku-wall, and I piled up for the land abundant water which does not diminish.”

 Da Riva 2008: 94, 103f.; Schaudig 2001: 56ff.  It has been assumed that this former king is Nebuchadnezzar, who, according to the documentary and archaeological evidence had commissioned building projects in those sites at an earlier date (see Da Riva 2008: 110–112).  On the role of the sun-god in the inscriptions, see Da Riva 2010: 50ff.

The contents of the inscriptions

19

In the palace inscription (C23), the comparison with the former king highlights Neriglissar’s piety, symbolized by his skill in finishing former incomplete works: NeglC23/1 I 21–32: “The copper mušhuššu that had always stood at the kisû of the gates of Esagil (…) that a previous king had not set up; (but then) I, the humble, the pious, the king who reveres the gods, the expert one, I cast eight raging mušhuššu of copper which cover with deadly poison the evil and the enemy, I coated (them) with an overlay of pure silver and I set them up (…) at the kisû of those gates as in old times (…) according to its original appearance.”

NeglC23/1 II 6–11: “The eastern canal, that a former king had dug, but did not build its (u)sukku-wall, I had the canal dug (again) and I built its (u)sukku-wall with bitumen and baked bricks, and I established for the land abundant water which does not diminish.”

NeglC23 II 15–30: “At that time, a palace, my royal dwelling place, in the district of Kadingirra which is within Babylon (…) that a former king had built and whose doorframes he had set in place inside of it, outside of the palace, over the shore of the Euphrates, it had collapsed and its brickwork had fallen apart, I removed its buckled walls and I reached the water level. I firmly laid its base against the ground water with bitumen and baked bricks, and I built (the palace), I finished it and I raised it to its top. I spread great cedars for its šīpu (balking?), lintel and roof.”

And this idea can also be found in the Sippar inscription C022: NeglC022 I 7’–II 14: “In the beginning of my auspicious kingship, the ziqqurrat of Sippar, that a former king had bu[ilt but], rain and storm had removed [her] bricks […], a previous king had repaired it, he had put her bricks in order, and [repa]ired its damage, he built 22 cubits, but he did not finish it to its top, so I, the w[ise, the pious], who reveres the gods, [the expert one], with the skills that [Ea] granted me (…).”

The last example is one of the few instances of a dated Neo-Babylonian royal inscription. In the other cases it is very difficult to assign even an approximate chronology to these texts (Da Riva 2008: 68). The internal chronology of the C022 inscription regarding the (re)building of the ziqqurrat of Sippar is independently confirmed by means of a group of administrative documents of the Ebabbar, dated in the year of the king’s accession (Zawadzki 2005: 3825). Another possible chronological relation can be established between the Neriglissar inscription C011 and independent documents: NeglC011 19’–26’: “To his (Nabû’s) august command I went on a campaign against the enemy […], a

20

Introduction

mountain path […] lands […] enemies […] king […].”63 The Neriglissar chronicle for the third year64 records in some detail a military campaign led by Neriglissar in Cilicia as far as the Lydian frontier. It is indeed very tempting to relate the two texts, but C011 bears no date and it is uncertain whether the campaigns in Cilicia and other mountainous lands also took place in another year.

. Style and composition of the inscriptions: intertextuality in the texts of Nabopolassar and Neriglissar It is difficult to reconstruct the stages leading to the composition of an inscription, since the final product is the only thing we have.65 The process may have included many steps, from the choice of the topic down to the selection of the literary patterns used to construct the text. A brief look at some of the inscriptions allows interesting insights into the composition of these texts and matters such as scribal training,66 the circumstances of the composition, the Mesopotamian scribal milieu and the transmission of knowledge. Some royal inscriptions appear to be related to other texts, both canonical and non-canonical works – not only to inscriptions or historiographical documents (such as chronicles, etc.) of former kings, but also to legal documents, literary compositions, and so on. The texts share idioms, phrases, sentences, passages or structures, and are interwoven into one another. It is uncertain whether these common features are the result of an unconscious imitation or of a deliberate echoing or paraphrasing of one text in another. It is difficult to say whether the parallel or relation from one text to the other is direct, whether it comes through a third source common to the other two, whether it is a borrowing resulting from a common tradition, or a mere coincidence arising from analogous circumstances.67  The origin of C011 is unknown, but it may come from Borsippa, or from any other place where the cult of Nabû was well developed; he appears in a predominant position in the inscription, assuming roles traditionally reserved for Marduk, NeglC011 13’–18’: “When Nabû, the au[gust] vizier who speaks favourably (on my behalf), who has [bestowed] my good fortune, elevated me to the head of kingship, he looked upon me with his benevolent face and granted me a kingship of justice.” On this problem, see Da Riva 2010.  Glassner 2004: Nr. 25, 230–33.  On this problem, see Berger 1973: 9–97; Da Riva 2008: 44–59.  On the scribal education see Gesche 2000.  See Sparks 2007: 628. The similarity between the phraseology of the predictions (Akkadian Prophecies) and the apodoses of omen texts is remarkable, see Beaulieu 1993: 41. For other Akkadian and non-Akkadian literary genres sharing some stylistic features with the prophecies, see Beaulieu 1993: 42 and see especially pp. 50–51 for the relationship of the Uruk prophecy to other texts and genres, both inside and outside Babylonia. Interestingly enough,

Style and composition of the inscriptions

21

G. Genette distinguished five kinds of relations between two or more texts, which he classified “in order of increasing abstraction, implication, and comprehensiveness” (1997: 1). He speaks of intertextuality,68paratextuality, metatextuality, hypertextuality and architextuality. Of course, Genette had modern literature in mind, and not something as exotic, little known, and unexplored as Mesopotamian belles-lettres. For this reason, the term “intertextuality” will be used (not without reservations), to define the “kinship” that one text has with another and to describe the textual interdependence in its most basic dimension.69 Intertextuality expresses all the notions of “influence”, “citation”, “quotation”, “allusion”70 or the more neutral “relation”,71 and describes the search and detection of words and phrases, sometimes whole structures, common to more than one text, copied from one text into another. Intertextuality goes beyond mere borrowing, and includes the idea that authors change, adapt, merge, or morph from previous works as well.72 Intertextuality in its broad sense includes internal articulations between text corpora and genres such as quotations, borrowings, influences, and common sources. It has many levels and directions, which are not always easy to identify. Tracing the exact source may be difficult, since a given passage, line or phrase may be part of a common literary stock. The direction of the borrowing can also be hard to determine and there may be no chronological data to establish the precise moment a given text was composed. The relation between canonical and non-canonical texts in matters of borrowing must also be approached with caution, given the problems with chronology and the possibility that oral sources were used. Finally, some texts in this “chain of interrelations” may be lost, and with them much of the potential information. The concept and categories developed for the analysis of medieval to contemporary literature may not be fully applicable in the case of ancient texts.73 the Nabonidus Babylon-Stele (Schaudig 2001: 514–29 text 3.3.) seems to share some linguistic features with the Uruk Prophecy, see Beaulieu 1993: 44–45 and Beaulieu 2001: 29–40.  He identifies the most simple and basic of these transtextual affinities with the phenomenon named and studied by Kristeva 1969.  Berger (1973: 92) spoke of “literarische Vorlagen” or literary models: a term that is perhaps too ambiguous and neutral to express the whole dimension of “intertextual” phenomena.  The term “allusion” has the nuance of an intended deliberate borrowing, whereas “influence” or “relation” do not necessarily include this idea. See also Genette 1997: 2.  The “relation” includes form, structure or content. See the critical approach in Sparks 2007: 627–29.  Note that the terminology is not standardized and there are divergences in the terms used when analysing texts from different epochs and genera. For Roman poetry texts, see Edmunds 2001: 133–63.  See, however, the efforts of classicists such as Sharrock and Morales 2001: and the many examples in Biblical studies such as Sparks 2007.

22

Introduction

However, a methodological approach to the sources that considers the relations of texts to each other can help to reconstruct the process of composing a royal inscription.74 In her article on intertextuality in Enūma eliš, A. Seri makes some useful remarks regarding the application and adjustment of modern literary typologies to ancient texts. She dismisses the notion of plagiarism and approaches the problem of quotation and textual interdependence considering the idiosyncrasies of Mesopotamian literature in which the concept of authorship was so different from ours. To clarify the methodological approach, she distinguishes three levels of “intertextuality” depending on the extent and depth of the shared features: a basic level affecting a phrase or line, an intermediate level encompassing “several lines or a passage” and a “structural level” which corresponds to the whole composition (A. Seri, forthcoming). In the Neo-Babylonian royal inscriptions the presence of these three levels of textual interrelations is relatively frequent: words, sentences and constructions present in these texts allude to, or are quoted from, other compositions. An interesting example is the Code of Hammurabi,75 a probable source for the Nabopolassar E-edinna cylinder (not surprisingly the text comes from Sippar; see commentary to NaplC22 I 12). Nabopolassar cylinders NaplC23 and NaplC31 seem to have been familiar to the composer(s) of the very interesting composition dealing with the origins of Nabopolassar’s accession to the throne published some years ago by Gerardi (Gerardi 1986);76 the Imgur-Enlil cylinder NaplC32 has passages in common with the Codex Hammurabi, Tintir V, the Nabopolassar Epic, Enūma eliš, Lugal-e77 and the myth of Nergal and Ereškigal, among others.78 It goes without saying that texts of the same genre frequently bear resemblances to each other: fragments from Old-Babylonian and Old-Akkadian inscriptions were studied, copied, adapted and interwoven in Neo-Babylonian texts.79 But we would be wrong to dismiss these borrowings as instances of a  See also Machinist 2005 and Frahm 2011: 86, 345ff. especially pp. 348–49.  On the relations between the Nebuchadnezzar Brisa inscription and the Code of Hammurabi, see Da Riva 2012: 24–26. For the other cases of “intertextuality” in the Neo-Babylonian inscriptions, see the general observations in Berger 1973: 92–97, and for the instances in the texts of this edition we refer the reader to the commentaries to each published text here.  NaplC23 and NaplC31 both come from Babylon, but with our current state of knowledge it is not easy to say whether they were the work of the same scribe or scribal circle. On the composers of the inscriptions, see Schaudig 2001: 69ff.  On Lugal-e in the scribal tradition, see Frahm 2011: 117–118.  See commentary to NaplC32.  For the texts of Nabonidus, see Schaudig 2003, and Seri forthcoming. For Nabopolassar and the Old-Akkadian kings, see the bibliography to NaplC32 in 2.2.7. Observations on literary “Vorlagen” in the Nebuchadnezzar inscription of Brisa can be found in Da Riva 2012: 24ff.

Style and composition of the inscriptions

23

mere literary device; we should analyse them from an ideological point of view, as for example Beaulieu does in the case of the Nabopolassar inscriptions (Beaulieu 2003), and as Frahm does for Enūma eliš, a different kind of text genre (Frahm 2011: 349–68). Composers found an endless source of inspiration in the inscriptions of the same dynasty: for example, Nabopolassar and Nebuchadnezzar texts were known and copied in the scribal circles working for Neriglissar and Nabonidus. The presence in the inscriptions of verbatim quotations, or passages similar to those found in earlier texts, is not uncommon; it does not just respond to a mere literary imitation, but also expresses the adoption of moral or political models (both positive and negative) inspired by earlier texts and the figures of the monarchs who drafted them. Earlier texts might be found when searching for ancient foundations or undertaking repairs in buildings, and then analysed and studied, as in the case of the Imgur-Enlil works of Nabopolassar and Nabonidus: they found ancient inscriptions, and they mentioned and quoted them in their new texts.80 Sometimes a monarch undertook repairs or construction works in buildings or structures (re)built by his predecessors and wanted to stress the success of his own intervention by belittling the previous works; we find an example in Neriglissar’s works in Lībil-hegalla (see above). The first level of intertextuality alluded to by Seri refers to single words, or short sentences or phrases, as in the epithets given to Marduk in Enūma eliš which appear with reference to this god, to other gods or even to a king in some royal inscriptions.81 In certain cases, this first level seems to point to a common stock of phrases, words, idioms and sentences, and not necessarily to a direct quotation: sometimes the epithet referring to one god in one text is applied to another divinity in another, and so on. Intertextuality in its intermediate level refers to whole sections or passages from one text that are quoted, cited, alluded or referred to in another. This process, in the words of Seri, “may involve verbatim borrowings, re-written portions, or passages that are allusions to different stories, although they may not necessarily be copied straightforwardly” (Seri forthcoming). We find a fine example in this corpus in the passages quoted below from cylinders NeglC021 and NeglC022 (4.2.5 and 4.2.6 which probably come from the same scribal milieu), in which words and sentences may vary but the common features are strikingly evident: NeglC021 Col. II’: (1’) [x x lugal p]a-nim i-pú-u[š-ma(?) o] / (2’) [x x] ˹x˺ i-ga-ru-˹ša˺ / (3’) [ša lugal ma]h(?)-ri ik-ši-ru-˹ú˺-ma / (4’) [la(?) ú(?)-u]s(?)-si-mu ši-ki-in-ša / (5’) [i-n]a la-ba-ri u4-um / (6’) [i]-ni-iš i-

 See 2.2.7 and Schaudig 2001: 345.  Seri forthcoming; for other instances, see the commentaries to the texts edited here.

24

Introduction

qú-up-ma / (7’) [zu]-un-nim ù ra-a-du / (8’) ˹ra˺-bí-ú-tim / (9’) ú-na-as-su-ú i-ga-ru-ša / (10’) a-na te-di-iš-ti-ša / (11’) dutu da-a-a-nam ṣi-i-ri / (12’) ú-ša-ad-ka-an-ni li-ib-ba / (13’) li-bi-itta-ša / (1’4) ú-uš-te-ši-ir-ma / (15’) ma-qí-it-ta-ša / (16’) ú-[uš-zi-iz-ma] “[… that a pre]vious [king] had built […] its walls – [that a for]mer [king] had repaired but [he did not] decorate its structure appropriately, in time past [it had] become weak, (and) had collapsed; heavy rain and storms had removed its walls. So Šamaš, the august judge, prompted me to renew it. I put its bricks in order and I repaired its damage […].” NeglC022 Col. II: (1) zi-qú-ra-at ud.kib.[nunki] / (2) ša lugal ma-ah-ri i-p[ú-šu-ma] / (3) zu-un-nu ù ra-a[du] / (4) ú-na-as-su-ú li-bi-it-t[u-ša] / (5) lugal pa-nim ik-ši-ru-m[a] / (6) li-bi-it-ta-ša ú-ušte-[ši-ir-ma] / (7) ma-qí-it(!)-ta-šu ú-uš-[zi-iz-ma] / / (8) 22 kùš i-pú-šu-ma la ˹ú˺-[šak-li-lu] / (9) re-e-ša-[a-ša] / (10) ja-ti e-[em-qa mu-ut-né-en-nu-ú] / (11) ša pa-la-ha dingir.din[gir mudu-ú] / (12) i-na né-me-qí ša ˹d˺[é-a] / (13) iš-ru-˹kám˺ [x x x] / (14) [a(?)]-˹na˺(?) ˹d˺˹utu˺(?) [x x x x] “The ziqqurrat of Sippar, that a former king had bu[ilt but], rain and storm had removed [its] bricks […], a previous king had repaired it, he had put its bricks in order, and [repa]ired its damage, he built 22 cubits, but he did not finish it to its top, so I, the w[ise, the pious], who reveres the gods [the expert one], with the skills that [Ea] granted me (…) for(?) Šamaš(?) (…).”

In both texts the object is a construction dedicated to Šamaš. In the first text we guess this from the context; in NeglC022 the building referred to is the ziqqurrat of Sippar. In all probability NeglC021 is also from Sippar, for the sungod is mentioned (II’ 11’: dutu da-a-a-nam ṣi-i-ri), but Larsa cannot be ruled out. In any case, neither NeglC021 nor NeglC022 has a definite origin. An epigraphic study of the two texts does not serve to clarify its source, for their ductus is too standardized to allow a local ascription of the texts: in fact, it is the common Neo-Babylonian style of writing found in the economic and administrative tablets of the period. Both NeglC021 and NeglC022 refer to a building built by a former king who, alas, failed to finish it, which with the passing of time, the rain, and human neglect has become dilapidated. Finally, following a divine request, the king proceeds to rebuild it. The third level of textual interrelations refers to the global or structural dimension of the composition.82 In this case the borrowing transcends mere sentences and passages and reaches deep into the construction of the text. Examples of this level are very frequent in the corpus of the Neo-Babylonian royal inscriptions and they have been briefly dealt with elsewhere (Da Riva 2008: 54–59, 92–98). An interesting example within the texts published in this edition is the parallelism between the Nabopolassar é.PA.GÌN.ti.la cylinder

 Seri has detected this level when observing that Enūma eliš clearly mimics the structure of Anzû and the SB Gilgameš, Seri forthcoming.

Style and composition of the inscriptions

25

(NaplC12) and the long version of the Imgur-Enlil inscription (NaplC32). The texts share common features: both are from Babylon, are dated between 622 and 612 BCE and, luckily for us, have a defined archaeological context. The external appearance of the barrel-shaped cylinders is also quite similar: they are all neatly written, the ruling-lines carefully traced and the pieces well baked with a fine slip smoothing the surface.83 The same observations about the external appearance apply to the series NaplC11 (a short version of NaplC32). All the duplicates of these three inscriptions (NaplC11, NaplC12 and NaplC32) with a certain archaeological context come from Babylon; they may have been drafted in the same scribal milieu, and they display very similar palaeographical features. The exemplars of NaplC12 are written in contemporary script and NaplC32 (and the Imgur-Enlil “short version” NaplC11) in archaizing script, but apart from this there is little difference.84 The most striking similarity is the structure of the texts and the phrases used to articulate the discourse, that is, the intertextuality observed in the inscriptions. The correspondences between the texts are in most cases verbatim quotations, and there seems to be a very close compositional “relation” between them. The inscriptions begin with the titles and epithets of Nabopolassar. The texts are virtually identical in this passage, although there are some slight differences in the use of signs and in the way the words are written between NaplC32 I 1–6 and NaplC12/1 1–3: “Nabopolassar, the king of justice, the shepherd called by Marduk, creation of Ninmenna – the august princess, queen of queens – the one designated by Nabû and Tašmētu, the prince beloved by Niššiku.” In the second section, the īnu-clause narrating Nabopolassar’s youth and the circumstances of his accession to the throne is matched in NaplC32 (I 7– 27) and in NaplC12/1 (4–16). But the origin of Babylonian submission to Assur is presented in each text from a different historical perspective: in NaplC32 (I 28–31) the Assyrian domination over Akkad is a consequence of the gods, whereas in NaplC12/1 (17–18) there is no attempt at providing a theological justification for the long submission of Babylonia. NaplC32 I 28–31: “(…) the Assyrian, who had ruled Akkad because of divine anger, and had oppressed the people of the country with his heavy yoke, (…).” NaplC12/1 17–18: “(…) the

 In Antiquity, cylinders (and prisms) were probably baked. Given the use to which some of these objects were put, and considering the thinness of some of their walls, firing at source seems a reasonable assumption. The construction uses pottery-making techniques. Sometimes they have temper as well. It is also possible that they were baked in museums, even if they had already been fired in Antiquity. Firing can result in different colours, but it does not produce a result that mimics a fine slip. (I owe these observations to J. Taylor).  Some observations on the use of archaizing script can be found in Gesche 2000: 73 and Da Riva 2008: 76ff.

26

Introduction

Assyrian, who from distant days had ruled the entire people, and had oppressed the people of the country with his heavy yoke, (…).” But the passage describing Nabopolassar’s success in liberating Babylonia and expelling the Assyrians thanks to his piety and his divine sponsors is identical in the two inscriptions (NaplC32 I 32–II 5 and NaplC12/1 19–21). The inūšu-clauses differ between the texts, because the main topic of each inscription is different. Moreover, NaplC32 II 6–41 is more complicated and elaborate; it has a long and very interesting passage after the inūšu-clause which is absent in the short inscription NaplC12/1 22–30. In NaplC12/1 22–30 the inūšu-clause describes the circumstances leading to the construction of the temple, and the construction itself: “At that time, (for) é.PA.GÌN.ti.la, the temple of Ninurta which is in Šuanna (and) which, before my time, a previous king had had built, but did not finish its work, my attention was directed towards the renewal of that temple. I called up the workers of Enlil, Šamaš and Marduk, I made them carry the hoe, I laid (on them) the tupšikku-basket, to complete the works on the unfinished temple. I laid (over it) broad beams for its roofing, I fixed magnificent doors in its gates. I made this temple shine like the sun, for my lord Nergal I made it bright like the day.” But in NaplC32 II 6–41 the inūšu-clause is opened by a repetition of the titles and epithets of the king, followed by the pronoun, and a long report on the construction of Imgur-Enlil: “(II 6–9) At that time, Nabopolassar, king of Babylon, the one who makes Nabû and Marduk happy, I, (for) the Imgur-Enlil – the great wall of Babylon, the prime boundary-post which has been made manifest since distant times, (II 10–19) the solid border as ancient as the remote ages, the high mountain peak which rivals the heavens, the strong shield that bolts the entrance to the hostile lands, the wide courtyard of the Igigi, the broad patio of the Anunnaki, the stairway to heaven, the ladder down to Ganṣir (the entrance to the netherworld), the station of Lugalirra and Meslamtaea, the outdoor shrine of the great queen Ištar, the emplacement of the bow of the hero Dagan, the camp enclosure of the warrior Ninurta, (II 20–30) the temple of the divine protection of Anu and Enlil, the shrine of the skilful plan of Ea the lord of Eridu, the fortified ground of the great gods, whose foundations the Igigi and the Anunnaki had installed with the joy of their hearts, (whose work) they had carried out skilfully and (which) they had raised to its top, (which) with the passing of time had become weak and caved in, whose walls had been carried away because of rain and heavy storms (and) whose foundations had heaped up and accumulated into a pile of ruins – (II 31–41b) I called up the workers of Enlil, Šamaš, and Marduk, I made them carry the hoe, I laid (on them) the tupšikku-basket. From (one) bank of the Arahtu (Euphrates) on the upper (northern) side, that of the Ištar-Gate, to the (other) bank of the

Style and composition of the inscriptions

27

Arahtu (Euphrates), on the lower (southern) side, that of the Uraš-Gate, I took its accumulated debris away, I made a careful survey and examined its old foundation platform and laid its brickwork in the original place: I grounded its base on the breast of the netherworld. I surrounded the East Bank with a mighty (mountainous) cincture.” NaplC32 III 1–10 includes a new section in which the presentation of the king (titles, epithets and personal pronoun) is repeated in order to introduce the following section NaplC32 III 11–21, the royal oath. These divisions are absent in NaplC12, which has a less complicated structure: “Nabopolassar, the humble one, the submissive one, the worshipper of Nabû and Marduk, the shepherd who makes Panunanki (Ṣarpanītu) happy, the one who inspects the ancient foundations of Babylon, the one who finds (inscribed) brick(s) from the past, the one who carries out the work on the original, eternal foundations, the one who seizes the hoe of the Igigi, the one who carries the tupšikkubasket of the Anunnaki, the builder of the Imgur-Enlil for my Marduk, my lord, I (…).” The so-called “royal oath” (NaplC32 III 11–21) has been extensively studied by Beaulieu (2003: 3*–5*; see also here the commentary to 2.2.7.): “In order that no future king whosoever remove my well-chosen words, (and) in order that no words are made to supersede my orders, I swore the oath of my lord Marduk, and of my god Šamaš: '(Woe on me) if my utterances are lies and not true!' In those days I found the royal statue of one of my predecessors who had (re)built that wall and, in a secure place, in the great foundations, together with my own statue, I placed (it) for eternity.” The next division of the text contains the instructions for the future rulers, and it is similar in NaplC12/1 31–37 and NaplC32 III 22–29, save for the differences in the writing of some words: “(NaplC21/1 31–37) Any king whatever whether son or grandson, who will succeed me, (and) whose name Marduk will call to exercise rulership over the country, do not worry about feats of might and power, (but) strive for the sanctuaries of Nabû and Marduk and let them destroy your enemies. The lord Marduk investigates the word and inspects the heart. He who is true to Bēl, his foundations will endure. He who is true to the son of Bēl will live for ever.” In the reference to a prospective dilapidation of the building and subsequent reconstruction work undertaken by a future king, in NaplC32 III 30–33 the scribe mentions the inscribed statue found by Nabopolassar during the restoration works in the wall (NaplC32 III 16–18). NaplC32 III 30–36: “When that wall falls into disrepair and you relieve its decrepitude, in the same way as I found the inscription of a king who preceded me and did not change its situation, find my own inscription and place it with your inscription.” This phrase is absent from NaplC12 (NaplC12/1 38–39); probably no former inscrip-

28

Introduction

tion was found in the course of the restoration of the temple. The future ruler is instructed to respect Nabopolassar’s inscriptions and to place his own by the old ones. NaplC12/1 38–39: “When that temple falls into disrepair and you relieve its decrepitude, find my own inscription and place it with your inscription.” Finally, NaplC32 (NaplC32 III 34–36) and NaplC12 (NaplC12/1 39– 41) share the last section of the inscription, a declaration of prosperity invoking the name of Marduk. “NaplC12/1 39–41: By the command of the great lord Marduk, whose command is not to be reversed, may your fame be established for eternity.” The comparison between NaplC12 and NaplC32 does not solve the problems as to which text was used as a model for the other or of whether both inscriptions had a common source, perhaps a third (non-preserved) text. As neither the date of the constructions referred to in the texts nor the chronology of the inscriptions themselves is certain, the question of borrowing remains open. Yet the connections between NaplC12 and NaplC32 are so close that one would assume that the same scribe or group of scholars composed the inscriptions. Of course, one would also think that the scribes used and adapted phrases, sentences, and whole structures as a compositional solution to construct an inscription to celebrate the rebuilding of the inner city wall and another to praise the works done in the Ninurta temple of Babylon. In many cases, it seems difficult to explain and assess the extent of these literary relations. Is intertextuality the product of the training of the scribes, or is it to do with the way they worked and composed the inscriptions?85 How relevant was external intervention in the composition of the text, and for example, was there royal participation in any of the different stages of the composition process? Were the texts quoted because they were familiar to the scribes, to the palace circles, to the literate society of the time in the way Montaigne was familiar with Greek and Roman writers, or the way Spanish speakers are familiar with Cervantes and Borges?86 Were the texts connected directly, or through another text? Were the inscriptions similar because they had a common source, or followed a common tradition? Or was this resemblance the result of a simple coincidence, a consequence of similar but unrelated contexts and situations? Was the influence intended, was it an allusion, and were the texts  The interesting question is to know how the scribes knew the texts they are alluding to. On the topic of the Mesopotamian roots of some Biblical material, see the observations gathered by Sparks 2007: 628f.  This question is anachronistic, since the numbers of literate people in I millennium BCE Babylonia, 16th century Aquitaine and 21st century Madrid are beyond all comparison. But it may help to make the point: was there a literary “social” background that was common to the scribes of the period?

Archaeology and inscriptions

29

deliberately sought in the libraries?87 Were the texts quoted from memory, or did the scribes have direct access to the tablets? Intertextuality is relatively easy to detect, and it is indeed very amusing to collect examples of lines and passages which recur in different texts – sometimes slightly modified or borrowed in a chiastic manner, sometimes more directly quoted – and to observe the multiplicity of sources used and of texts cited, inserted or alluded to in other texts. But it is very hard to explain the how and the why of this phenomenon. Intertextuality is a multidirectional and multilevel process that cannot be reduced to a phenomenon of literary analysis but has to be addressed within its historical background. Whether the relations were direct or not, unconscious or deliberate, intertextual phenomena have a clear ideological and political context. Certain sources and their discourses are selected, whereas others are rejected. Sparks speaks of elite emulation as an important factor to explain intertextual relations between texts (Sparks 2007: 629, 634f., 642ff.), and indeed Neo-Babylonian kings seek to imitate, challenge and surpass previous rulers. Important devices of political propaganda, the motifs contained in the royal inscriptions could be particularly useful to study the ideological aims behind intertextuality in a broad sense.

. Archaeology and inscriptions: material supports and find-spots of the inscriptions Most of the inscriptions studied are preserved in cylinders, the customary support for monumental building inscriptions and the most representative inscription-carrier in the Neo-Babylonian period.88 Other supports used for the inscriptions include bricks, paving stones and vases. In some cases, inscription and support cannot be dissociated from each other: the composition is adapted to the constraints of the support, as in the case of the vases or the bricks with short texts such as Nabopolassar’s brick inscriptions (see 2.1, see also Da Riva 2008: 33f.). Yet, the presence of the same text in two different supports (as the Sippar text preserved in the brick NaplB7 and in the cylinders NaplC21) reveals that, in certain cases, support and text were independent from each other from the beginning, and that a text could be created without considering the limitations of its intended support. Yet NaplB7 (see NaplC21/5 in 2.2.3) is a most unusual brick, which does not fall into the categories of Nabopolassar brick inscriptions listed by Berger (Berger 1973: 18, 25f.): the text is too long  On the libraries in Babylonia see Frahm 2011: 285ff.  On the material supports see Berger 1973: 9ff., 18ff.; Da Riva 2008: 33ff.

30

Introduction

and does not follow the patterns observed in the other inscribed bricks of this monarch recovered in situ. The Nabopolassar brick-inscriptions are standardized in size and format; they do not present stamps or dockets as do some Neriglissar bricks, and they are smaller than Nebuchadnezzar exemplars (Berger 1973: 18). The bricks are all building inscriptions: no Nabopolassar brick inscriptions containing titles only have been found (Berger 1973: 25f.). Most of the bricks from Nabopolassar were found in the course of Koldewey’s excavations in Babylon, and they are among the few Neo-Babylonian inscriptions coming from controlled diggings. Apart from the uncertain NaplB6 brick inscription, and the brick NaplB7 from Sippar mentioned above, the Nabopolassar bricks were either found in the embankment outside the inner city walls (the “Grabenmauer” of the Imgur-Enlil, see Koldewey (5)1990: 139–43), or in the Arahtu-wall, to the NW of the Southern Palace (Koldewey (5)1990: 143ff.): these two spots concentrate most of Nabopolassar’s successive efforts to improve the defences of the inner city. Amēl-Marduk’s only known brick inscription, preserved in two exemplars from Babylon (see 3.1), has a simple text with titles, the standard epithet and the name of his father. The two bricks were found by Koldewey on the Euphrates bridge, so one would assume the short-lived king undertook repairs of some sorts in the area. The bricks are small and lack stamps or dockets of any kind. Neriglissar’s brick inscriptions (4.1) follow the pattern observed by his predecessor, but without the mention of his father’s name. As most of the inscriptions were found by Koldewey in situ in Babylon, they indirectly document Neriglissar’s activities (which probably consisted only of some minor repairs) at the river bank and bridge (NeglB1/1 and NeglB2/2), and at the annex (“Anbau”) of the Southern Palace (NeglB1/2–3; NeglB2/1). In the few cases in which there is some information regarding the dimensions of the pieces (as in NeglB1/4) the bricks appear to be of reduced size, like the small exemplars of Nabopolassar’s embankment bricks (2.2.1 B5). Cylinders bearing inscriptions of Nabopolassar and Neriglissar vary considerably in size and format. The smallest pieces measure around 6.3 cm (NaplC11/A2) and the biggest cylinders are 20.7 cm long (NaplC32). The format of the cylinders is also variable: some of them are hollow (as NaplC12; NaplC31), others are pierced (NeglC21) and still others solid (NaplC11). There is a disparity in the arrangement of the text on the supports: some cylinders have only one column, while others distribute the text in two or three columns. The external aspect of the duplicates of the same inscription is usually very similar, as for instance in the exemplars of NaplC11 or NaplC12. This may reveal

Archaeology and inscriptions

31

a certain degree of “mass-production” in the cylinders,89 but the details are uncertain due to the lack of data. The archaeological context determines the function of the cylinders in the past. Unfortunately, some of the exemplars under study were not obtained in a scientific archaeological excavation.90 All in all, it is doubtful whether all exemplars of one inscription had the same prospective function. It is true that an inscription’s primary objective was to ensure a connection between the building and its builder, but this relation could be established in many different ways: some duplicates were inserted into architectural elements, others were found as models to be copied in the scribal schools, and still others could end up as dedications in temples.91 The archaeological context of some of the exemplars of the Nabonidus Ehulhul inscription (Schaudig 2001: 412) points to a multifunctional use of the cylinders. Yet, some cylinders found in well-defined archaeological contexts in Babylon appear to have had “in life” a secondary find-spot: for instance, some of the Nabopolassar Imgur-Enlil cylinders NaplC11/A and NaplC11/B, were found in Merkes, in earth fillings of other buildings, or in the Southern Palace, and so on (see 2.2.1). In contrast, most of the exemplars of the é.PA.GÌN.ti.la cylinders of Nabopolassar were obtained during the excavations at the Ninurta temple, where some of them at least (C12/1–3) were found in their primary context as foundation inscriptions (see 2.2.2 and Koldewey (5)1990: 223f.). This also seems to be the case of the Etemenanki cylinder NaplC31/1, which appeared in a niche in the structure of the ziqqurrat. The Nabopolassar Sippar cylinders (NaplC21 and NaplC22, see 2.2.3 and 2.2.4) lack detailed archaeological information regarding their find-spots, and, like many contemporary economic and administrative tablets from the Ebabbar, all come from the Rassam activities at the site in the 1880s. NaplC32 is a very interesting find. It appeared in the course of Iraqi restoration work in Babylon in 1978, together with NaplC11/B2 and a Nabonidus cylinder, which gives a chronology for the deposition of the group of texts. The three pieces were found in a mud-brick box inside the wall of the tower located between the Emah and the Ištar-Gate (see 2.2.1.2). The Neriglissar cylinders come from Babylon and Sippar, and only the NeglC23 series (royal palace) has a definite archaeological context; the find-

 As observed in the case of Nebuchadnezzar’s Marad cylinder NebkC32 (Da Riva 2008: 120f.).  On find-spots, see Da Riva 2008: 60ff.  Like the copies of Old-Akkadian and Ur III inscriptions set up in the Ekur and other religious places in Nippur during Old-Babylonian times, Michalowski 1983: 239.

32

Introduction

spots of the other inscriptions are uncertain. All exemplars of NeglC23 (with the exception of 1, 2 and 8, see 4.2.3) were recovered at different locations in the course of the German excavations in the palace. Less frequent as inscription-carriers in the Neo-Babylonian period are alabaster vases, preserved as supports for inscription of all the monarchs with the exception of Nabopolassar (Da Riva 2008: 35, 40). Vases were used as capacity units, and usually contain very short inscriptions: the name of the king, and the capacity and the purpose of the object. None of the vases dated to Amēl-Marduk were recovered in the course of archaeological excavations; most of them come from uncontrolled diggings in Susa, where they probably ended up as war booty (Da Riva 2008: 60).

2 The inscriptions of Nabopolassar . Brick inscriptions .. B1, B3 and B5: The embankment inscriptions, Babylon There are different versions of the inscription: Berger 1973: 129 (Nabopolassar Backsteine BI, 1); Berger 1973: 131 (Nabopolassar Backsteine BI, 3); and Berger 1973: 133 (Nabopolassar Backsteine BI, 5) as well as another mistakenly attributed to Nabopolassar (Nabopolassar Backsteine BI, 4) by Berger (1973: 132, see below). However, since there are no photographs available for some of the bricks, one cannot compare all the texts. Berger does not classify the different types together, but differentiates between three versions (B1, B3 and B5) according to the Formular used in each inscription (see also Berger 1973: 25).

B. The embankment inscription, Version 1 This brick inscription on the construction of an embankment outside the city walls is preserved in at least five known exemplars from Babylon. The first four (B1/1–4) were found by the city wall (Wetzel 1930: 33): there is no precise information on the find-spot of the fifth (B1/5), which is slightly smaller than the others. Object: 1. Brick. 2. Brick covered with bitumen. 3. Brick, broken. 4. Brick. 5. Brick, damaged. Object Number: 1. Bab Nr. 30618. 2. Bab Nr. 30619. 3. Bab Nr. 30624. 4. Bab Nr. 30628. 5. VA Bab 4383. Dimensions: 1.–4. 34 × 34 cm. 5. 31 cm long, height: 6.5>6.7 cm.

34

The inscriptions of Nabopolassar

Provenience: 1.–4. Babylon, embankment (Kasr-Plan h 20; see Wetzel 1930: 33b, 80). 5. Babylon. Museum: 1.–4. – 5. Vorderasiatisches Museum, Berlin. Copy: 1.–5. – Photograph: 1. Koldewey (5)1990: 147, fig. 90. 2.–4. – 5. Fig. 1, courtesy of the Vorderasiatisches Museum, Berlin. Photograph by Olaf M. Teßmer. Writing: 1.–4. Archaising; 4 lines chiselled on the small side of the brick. 5. Archaising; 4 lines written at the side of the brick, not ruled. The written surface measures 28 × 5 cm. Bibliography: 1.–5. Berger 1973: 129. Berger Number: 1. Nabopolassar 2. Nabopolassar 3. Nabopolassar 4. Nabopolassar 5. Nabopolassar

Backsteine Backsteine Backsteine Backsteine Backsteine

BI, BI, BI, BI, BI,

1/1. 1/2. 1/3. 1/4. 1/5.

Transliteration (exemplars B1/1 and B1/5): 1 1 a-na damar.utu en-šú dpa-a-ùru 5 1 a-na damar.utu en-šú dag-ibila-ùru 1 2 lugal ká.IIki kar a-gur-ru ana ki-da-nu 5 2 lugal ba-bi-i-lu kar a-gur-ru ana ki-da-nu 1 3 bàd ba-bi--i-lu ú-šá-as-ḫir 5 3 bàd ba-bi-i-lu ú-šá-as-ḫir kar 1 4 kar a-na damar.utu munus.sig5-šú qí-ba 5 4 a-na damar.utu munus.sig5-šú qí-bi

Brick inscriptions

35

Translation: “To his lord Marduk, Nabopolassar, king of Babylon, surrounded the wall of Babylon on the outside with an embankment of baked bricks. O embankment, speak well on his behalf to Marduk!”

B3. The embankment inscription, Version 2 Object: 1. Brick. 2. Brick, seven exemplars, partially damaged, s. Wetzel 1930: 81: “III. Inschrift in fünf Zeilen. Es finden sich altbabylonisch und neubabylonisch geschriebene Exemplare. Der Text ist wie II. [B3/3] in anderer Zeilenteilung.” Bab. 55758 and Bab. 56769–70 were damaged; the rest of the exemplars were found in good condition. 3. Brick, three exemplars, partially damaged: “II. Inschrift in sechs Zeilen, alle Exemplare in altbabylonischen Charakteren geschrieben. Die Inschrift bietet denselben Text in derselben Zeilentrennung, nur mit Auslassung von Zeile 3.” (Wetzel 1930: 81). Object Number: 1. Bab. 58157. 2. Bab. 55758, Bab. 56769, Bab. 56770, Bab. 56771, Bab. 56772, Bab. 56773, Bab. 56774, Bab. 60750. 3. Bab. 58150, Bab. 58151, Bab. 58152. Dimensions: 1. – 2. Written surface: Bab. 56770 (17.8 × 5.8); Bab. 56772 (19.8 × 6 cm); Bab. 56773 (17.7 × 6.2 cm); Bab. 56774 (15.5 × 5.6 cm) and Bab. 60750 (14.5 × 5.4). 3. – Provenience: 1. In situ, near the Ishtar Gate (Wetzel 1930: 81). 2. Bab. 55758, Bab. 56770 and Bab. 56772–4 and Bab. 60751 were found in situ near the Ishtar Gate; Bab. 59769 was found in Kasr (Wetzel 1930: 81). 3. Bab. 58151 and Bab. 58152 were found in situ, near the Ishtar Gate (Wetzel 1930: 81). Museum: 1.–3. – Copy: 1.–3. –

36

The inscriptions of Nabopolassar

Photograph: 1.–3. – Writing: 1. Contemporary, four lines, written. 2. Archaising, five lines; (Bab. 56774 contemporary, five lines). 3. Archaising, six lines. Bibliography: 1.–3. Berger 1973: 131. Berger Number: 1. Nabopolassar Backsteine BI, 3/1. 2. Nabopolassar Backsteine BI, 3/2. 3. Nabopolassar Backsteine BI, 3/3. Notes: 1.–3. No transliteration available. See Berger 1973: 25, 101, 104, 114f. table before p. 117 and p. 117.

B5. The embankment inscription, Version 3 Object: 1. Brick, ten exemplars; one exemplar from Berlin is damaged. 2. Brick, 31 exemplars s. Wetzel 1930: 80f. “I. Inschrift in sieben Zeilen, alle Exemplare altbabylonisch geschrieben. Die gefundenen Exemplare haben sämtlich dieselbe Zeilenteilung.” Some exemplars were covered by bitumen (Bab. 56414, Bab. 56472–4, Bab. 56513, Bab. 58132, Bab. 58136–9, Bab. 58142 and Bab. 58147), but most of the bricks were found in a good state of preservation. Object Number: 1. VA Bab 4382 (im Ausstellungsraum vermauert) and nine more exemplars. 2. Bab Nr. 56413–14, Bab. 56472–75, Bab. 56511–14, Bab. 57299, Bab. 58129–48. Dimensions: 1. VA Bab 4382: 30.5 × 8 cm. 2. Bab. 56414: written surface: 12 × 6 cm; Bab. 56472: written surface: 14.5 × 6.2 cm; Bab. 56473: written surface: 18.2 × 5.2 cm; Bab. 56474; written surface: 13.4 × 6 cm; Bab. 56475: written surface: ? × 5 cm; Bab. 56511: written surface: ? × 5.8 cm; Bab. 56512: written surface: 14.8 × 6 cm; Bab. 56513: written surface: 14.8 × 5.3 cm; Bab. 56514; Bab. 57299; Bab. 58129: written surface: 13.4 × 6.5 cm; Bab. 58130: written surface: 13.4 × 6.5 cm; Bab. 58131: written surface: 14.5 × 6.7 cm; Bab. 58132: written surface: 13.2 × 5.6 cm; Bab. 58133: written surface: 12 × 5.8 cm; Bab. 58134: written

Brick inscriptions

37

surface: 13.8 × 6 cm; Bab. 58135: written surface: 12.2 × 5.8 cm; Bab. 58136: written surface: 13.3 × 6.4 cm; Bab. 58137: written surface: 13.4 × 5.7 cm; Bab. 58138: written surface: 15.5 × 5.7 cm; Bab. 58139; Bab. 58140: written surface: 15.1 × 6 cm; Bab. 58141: written surface: 14.3 × 5.6 cm, Bab. 58142: written surface: 14.2 × 5.8 cm; Bab. 58143: written surface: 15.4 × 5.3 cm; Bab. 58144: written surface: 12 × 5.5 cm; Bab. 58145: written surface: 15 × 5.2 cm; Bab. 58146; Bab. 58147: written surface: 13.2 × 5.6 cm; Bab. 58148: written surface: 13.2 × 6 cm. Provenience: 1. Babylon, embankment. 2. Nearly all exemplars were found “in situ in der Grabenmauer des Südschenkels der inneren Stadtmauer, in der Nähe des Tores.” (Wetzel 1930: 80). Bab. 57299 was found “im Abraum des Grabens an der südlichen inneren Stadtmauer” (Wetzel 1930: 81). Museum: 1. One exemplar (VA Bab 4382) in the Vorderasiatisches Museum, Berlin. The whereabouts of the rest are unknown. 2. – Copy: 1.–2. – Photograph: 1. Fig. 2, courtesy of the Vorderasiatisches Museum, Berlin. Photograph by Olaf M. Teßmer. 2. – Writing: 1. Archaising, seven lines. The Berlin brick is written on the side, ruled; writing surface: 14.3 × 6.2–6.4 cm. 2. Archaising, seven lines, see Wetzel 1930: 80–81. Bibliography: 1. Berger 1973: 133. 2. Berger 1973: 132 (mistakenly attributed to Nabopolassar Backsteine BI, 4/4). Berger Number: 1. Nabopolassar Backsteine BI, 5. 2. Nabopolassar Backsteine BI, 4/4. Notes: 1. Transliteration made from a photograph. 2. –

38

The inscriptions of Nabopolassar

Transliteration (B5/1): 1 a-na damar.utu en-šú d ag-ibila-ú-ṣur lugal ká.dingir.raki ti-ri-iṣ šuII dag ù damar.utu kar a-gur-ri a-na ki-da-nu 5 bàd ká.dingir.raki ú-šá-as-ḫi-ir kar a-na damar.utu munus.sig5-šú qí-bi Translation: “To his lord Marduk, Nabopolassar, king of Babylon, designated by Nabû and Marduk,92 surrounded the wall of Babylon on the outside with an embankment of baked bricks. O embankment, speak well on his behalf Marduk.”

.. B2 and B4: The Arahtu inscriptions, Babylon There are five “groups” of texts dealing with the construction of the Arahtuwall (B2 and B4). None of them has been properly published until now, for the only two photographs available of two of the exemplars (Nr. 1, see Koldewey (5)1990: 145, fig. 88 and Nr. 4 Babylon 30522 in Koldewey (5)1990: 146, fig. 89) were not clear enough to allow a complete collation of the texts. Today, with the publication of fig. 3 (see B4/2, VA Bab 4384), an edition of Version 2 of the text can be made. This is most fortunate, since the text is not preserved in any other Nabopolassar inscription. On Neo-Assyrian and Neo-Babylonian works in the Arahtu, see George 1992: 351–56.

B. The Arahtu inscription, Version 1 Object: 1.–2. Bricks. Object Number: 1. Six exemplars: Bab. 30623 (34 cm; stamped surface: 12.5 4 cm), Bab. 30629 (33 cm; stamped surface 12 × 4 cm), Bab. 30694 (33.5 cm; stamped surface: 12 × 4 cm), Bab. 30695 (33 cm; stamped surface: 13 × 5.5 cm), Bab. 30696 (stamped surface: 13 × 5.5 cm), and Bab. 30697 (stamped surface: 12.5 ×  The expression tiriṣ qāti literally “stretching out of the hand of/the one to (to) whom (god 1 and god 2) stretch their hand” is one of the standard epithets of Naboplassar, but it is seldom used by his sucessors (see Da Riva 2008: 99–107).

Brick inscriptions

2.

39

5 cm). All exemplars but Bab. 30695 are “unleserlich” according to Wetzel (1930: 81–82). Five exemplars: Bab. ?, Bab. 58155, Bab. 58156, Bab. 60495, and Bab. 60496.

Dimensions: 1.–2. See Wetzel 1930: 81–82. Provenience: 1. Babylon, Arahtu-wall, at the NW corner of the Imgur-Enlil. 2. Babylon, Arahtu-wall at the NW corner of the Imgur-Enlil. Bab. ?: “in situ in der späteren Kanalmauer nördlich der Nordostbasteien von Kasr Hauptburg.”; Bab. 58155: “gefunden in der Grabenmauer östlich der Basteien am Ischtar-Tore.”; Bab. 58156: “(…) gefunden wie vor.”; Bab. 60495: found “an der Grabenmauer des nördlichen Schenkels der inneren Stadtmauer im Schutt.”; Bab. 60496: “gefunden in situ in der Grabenmauer des nördlichen Schenkels der inneren Stadtmauer.” (Wetzel 1930: 82). Museum: 1.–2. – Copy: 1.–2. – Photograph: 1. – 2. Koldewey (5)1990: 145, fig. 88 (one of the exemplars). Writing: 1. Archaising, five lines stamped at the side of the brick, ruled. Bab. 30697 may have eight lines, see Wetzel 1930: 82. 2. Archaising, five lines stamped at the side of the brick, ruled. Bibliography: 1.–2. Berger 1973: 130. Berger Number: 1. Nabopolassar Backsteine BI, 2/1. 2. Nabopolassar Backsteine BI, 2/2. Notes: 1. The condition of some of the bricks was very poor and no transliteration is available. 2. The photograph in Koldewey (5)1990: 145, fig. 88 is not clear enough to allow the reading of the whole text.

40

The inscriptions of Nabopolassar

B. The Arahtu inscription, Version 2 Object: 1. Brick, two exemplars, s. Wetzel 1930: 83 Ex. B. 2. Brick, twenty exemplars, s. Wetzel 1930: 82. Most of the exemplars were found in situ and removed from the wall, whereas others were kept in their original finding spots. The Berlin exemplar (VA Bab 4384, see fig. 3) is broken in three pieces and covered with bitumen. 3. Brick, six exemplars, s. Wetzel 1930: 82f. Ex. A) “fünfzeilig”. Some exemplars are slightly damaged. Object Number: 1. Bab. 32225 (fragment), and Bab. 59646. 2. Bab. 29521, Bab. 30496, Bab. 30498, Bab. 30522, Bab. 32602, Bab. 32610, Bab. 35441, Bab. 56412, Bab. 56510, Bab. 56539, Bab. 56571, Bab. 56686, Bab. 56687, Bab. 56688, Bab. 56712, Bab. 56713, Bab. 56769, Bab. 56926, Bab. 56927, and the Berlin Ex. VA Bab 4384. 3. Bab. 32108, Bab. 32310, Bab. 32605, Bab. 46354, Bab. 56540, and Bab. 58153. Dimensions: 1. – 2. Bab. 30522: writing surface: 21 × 5.5 cm; Bab. 56510: writing surface: 18.5 × 5.5 cm; Bab. 56539: writing surface: 21 × 5.5 cm; Bab. 56571: writing surface: 10.2 × 4.5 cm; Bab. 56686: writing surface: 10.5 × 5 cm; Bab. 56688: writing surface: 17.8 × 5 cm; Bab. 56712: writing surface: 21 × 6 cm; Bab. 56713: writing surface: 23 × 5.6 cm; Bab. 56769: writing surface: 11.4 × 4.2 cm (see Wetzel 1930: 82); VA Bab 4384: 33 × 7.5 cm. 3. – Provenience: 1. Bab. 32225 found in Babylon, Kasr (g 23). Bab. 59646 was found in the Imgur-Enlil “in der Verbrämung der Lehmziegelvormauer in der Nähe der Südostecke.” (Wetzel 1930: 82). 2. Babylon, embankment, Periode III; Kasr; Arahtu-wall (Wetzel 1930: 82): Bab. 29521 (Kasr l, m 27 “im Schutt”); Bab. 30496 and Bab. 30498 (“in der III. Periode der Grabenmauer an der Nordwestecke”); Bab. 30522 (Kasr e 26 “im Schutt”); Bab. 32602 and Bab. 32610 (Kasr w 26 “im Schutt”); Bab. 35441 (in situ “in der Ufermauer westlich des Peribolos von Etemenanki”); Bab. 56412 and Bab. 56539 (“gefunden am südlichen Stück der Ufermauer”); Bab. 56510, Bab. 56571, Bab. 56686, Bab. 56687–88 Bab. 56712– 13, Bab. 56769 and Bab. 56926–27 were found in situ “am südlichen Stück der Ufermauer nahe der Südwestecke”.

Brick inscriptions

3.

41

Babylon, Amran; Kasr; Ishin Aswad; Arahtu-wall; city-wall. Bab. 32108: surface of Tell Amran; Bab. 32310: Kasr; Bab. 32605: surface of the Ishin Aswad; Bab. 46354: Kasr k 22; Bab. 56540: in situ “im südlichen Stück der Ufermauer, nahe der Südwestecke”; Bab. 58153: found at the southern inner wall, in front of the gate (Wetzel 1930: 82–83).

Museum: 1. – 2. One exemplar preserved at the Vorderasiatisches Museum, Berlin (VA Bab 4384). 3. – Copy: 1.–3. – Photograph: 1. – 2. Koldewey (5)1990: 146, fig. 89 (Bab. 30522); fig. 3 (VA Bab 4384, courtesy of the Vorderasiatisches Museum, Berlin. Photograph by Olaf M. Teßmer). 3. – Writing: 1. Contemporary, four lines, written, ruled. 2. Archaising, five lines written, ruled. VA Bab 4384: 21.5 × 5.7 cm (written surface), line height: 1.1 cm. 3. Contemporary, five lines, written, ruled. Bibliography: 1.–3. Berger 1973: 132. Berger Number: 1. Nabopolassar Backsteine BI, 4/1. 2. Nabopolassar Backsteine BI, 4/2. 3. Nabopolassar Backsteine BI, 4/3. Notes: 1.–3. No transliteration available. 2. See Koldewey (5)1990: 146, fig. 89 (Bab. 30552) and Wetzel 1930: 35 (Bab. 35441).

42

The inscriptions of Nabopolassar

B/a Transliteration from fig. 3 (VA Bab 4384) 1 d ˹ag˺-˹ibila˺-ú-[ṣur] lugal [ká.dingir.raki] ti-˹ri˺-˹iṣ˺ ˹šuII˺ dag ˹ù˺ [damar.utu] ˹za˺-˹nin˺ é.˹sag˺.˹íl˺ ù ká.[dingir].raki dùeš kar ída-ra-aḫ-ti a-na d˹amar˺.utu ˹en˺-šu 5 kar a-na damar.utu munus.sig5-šu qí-bi Translation: “Nabopolassar, king of Babylon, designated by Nabû and Marduk, the provider of Esagil and Babylon, the builder of the embankment of the Arahtu canal, for his lord Marduk. O embankment, speak well of him to Marduk!”

B4/2b: Ex. 30522 (read from a photograph: Koldewey (5)1990: 146, fig. 89): (1) dagibila-ú(?)-ṣur(?) lugal ká.dingir.raki / ti-ri-iṣ šuII dag ù damar.utu / za-nin é.sag.íl ù ká.dingir.raki/ dùeš kar ída-ra-aḫ-ti ˹a˺-˹na˺ ˹d˺˹amar˺.utu en-šú / (5) kar ˹a˺˹na˺ [damar.utu munus.sig5-šú qí-bi(?)]

.. B6: The Etemenanki inscription, Babylon Object: Brick(?), one exemplar. Object Number: Edited in Scheil 1894: 185: “Le texte suivant vient de Babylone et est inédit.” Scheil offers a transcription and translation, but no copy. See also Wetzel and Weissbach 1938: 44. Dimensions: – Provenience: Babylon. Museum: – Copy: – Photograph: –

Brick inscriptions

43

Writing: 18 lines. Bibliography: Berger 1973: 26, 134. Berger Number: Nabopolassar Backsteine BI, 6. Notes: The transliteration below follows Scheil’s transcription. It is not certain that we are dealing with a brick; it could be a cylinder, given the length of the text. The text is dated by Al-Rawi from after 612–09 (1985: 2) same as for C31 (see below). In line 8 Scheil (1894: 185) reads kalama. Transliteration: 1 d na-bi-um-ibila-ùru lugal ká.dingir.raki šakkanakku kuršu-me-ri u uriki mu-ki-in 5 iš-di ma.da a-na-ku ì-nu-um damar.utu en gal-ú kur(?) u ni-ši-im a-na be-lim i-din-nam 10 kur a-a-bi-ja ša-la-lam iq-ba-am ì-nu-mi-šu é.temen.an.ki 15 e-eš-ši-iš e-pu-uš-ma a-na aš-ri-šu ú-te-er Translation: “(1–5) Nabopolassar, king of Babylon, governor of Sumer and Akkad, who consolidates the land, I (am). (6–12) When the great lord Marduk gave me land and people to rule over, he ordered me to plunder my enemy’s land. (13–18) At that time, I built anew the Etemenanki and I restored it to its place.”

.. B7: The Euphrates inscription, Sippar (see 2.2.3, C21: The Euphrates inscription, Sippar)

44

The inscriptions of Nabopolassar

. Cylinders .. C11: The Imgur-Enlil inscription, Babylon (short version) There are twelve exemplars of this cylinder dealing with the rebuilding of the Imgur-Enlil, the inner wall of Babylon. C11 is a short version of Nabopolassar Cylinder C32. Exemplars Bab. 29363 (=VA 5952), Bab. 36495, Bab. 41860 and BM 26263 were included in Berger’s catalogue (1973: 135). The whereabouts of Bab. 36495 and Bab. 41860 are unknown today. BM 26263 was published with a copy by Al-Rawi in 1985 (see below), and Bab. 29363 (=VA 5952) is published here for the first time. More cylinders have come to light since Berger’s publication. Two of them (IM 80016 and IM 80017, here C11/B1 and C11/A4) were published by Ismail in 1979: 168–67 and 168 (Nrs. 5 and 6), with copies in Ismail 1985: 56–57 (Arabic section). Al-Rawi (1985: 12–13, figs. 5–8) has edited four more cylinders: C11/B2, C11/A3, C11/B3 and C11/B4 = A Babylon 12, A Babylon 4, A Babylon 6 and A Babylon 7; and another one (C11/B5 = IM 124171) in 1991, Nr. 3. A further exemplar, C11/A7 (= Carlos Museum 1921.131) is published here for the first time. Although the texts have the same topic and are all preserved in one-column cylinders with similar stylistic patterns, textual differences between the cylinders make it possible to divide them into two groups, each corresponding to a different version: – Version A: – C11/A1 = VA 5952 (Bab. 29363) – C11/A2 = BM 26263 (98-5-14, 81) – C11/A3 = A Babylon 4 – C11/A4 = IM 80017 – C11/A5 = Bab. 36495 – C11/A6 = Bab. 41860 – C11/A7 = Carlos Museum 1921.131 – Version B: – C11/B1 = IM 80016 – C11/B2 = A Babylon 12 – C11/B3 = A Babylon 6 – C11/B4 = A Babylon 7 – C11/B5 = 79-B-7 (IM 124170)

... C11/A: Object: 1.–2. Barrel cylinder, massive, baked clay.

Cylinders

3. 4. 5. 6. 7.

45

Solid barrel cylinder of baked clay, “greenish-yellow; damaged at one end” (Al-Rawi 1985: 9). Clay cylinder. Clay cylinder, fragment “(…) am linken Rand bestoßen, rechts abgebrochen; stark abgerieben” (Wetzel 1930: 80). Clay cylinder, fragment of the left side. “Gelbliche, gut geglättete Oberfläche” (Wetzel 1930: 80). Clay cylinder, damaged.

Object Number: 1. VA 5952 (Bab. 29363). 2. BM 26263 (98-5-14, 81). 3. A Babylon 4. 4. IM 80017. 5. Bab. 36495. 6. Bab. 41860. 7. Carlos Museum 1921.131. Dimensions: 1. Length: 9.5 cm. Diameter: 4.75 cm (middle), 3.2 cm (ends). 2. Length: 6.3. Diameter: 3.5 cm (middle), 3 cm (left end), 3.1 cm (right end). 3. Length: 9.6 cm. Diameter: 4.9 cm (middle), 3.2 cm (left end), 3.4 cm (right end), see Al-Rawi 1985: 9. 4. – 5. – 6. – 7. Length: 9.8 cm. Diameter: 5.2 cm. Provenience: 1. Südburg, Babylon: “Gefunden Kasr u 22, nicht in situ, südlich von Gewölbebau dicht an der Burgmauer, etwa in Pflasterhöhe im Schutt von Ziegelbruch und Gips (Gips stammt von späteren griechischen oder parthischen Aufbauten).” See Wetzel 1930: 80 and Koldewey (5)1990: 141. 2. – 3. “(…) found with the filling of the vaulted building” (Al-Rawi 1979/1981: 25); “Found in fill in the Southern Palace, about 7.5 m below the surface of Procession Street.” (Al-Rawi 1985: 9). 4. “(…) found about 35 metres from the eastern corner of the wall of the Southern Palace two metres under the surface of the rubble.” (Ismail 1979: 168). 5. Merkes, m1 (26+9 m): see Wetzel 1930: 80. 6. Merkes, l2 (22+4 m) (Berger 1973: 135). 7. –

46

The inscriptions of Nabopolassar

Museum: 1. Vorderasiatisches Museum, Berlin. 2. British Museum, London. 3. Nebuchadnezzar Museum, Babylon. 4. Iraq Museum, Baghdad. 5. – 6. – 7. Carlos Museum, Emory University, Atlanta (former Emory University Museum of Art and Archaeology). Copy: 1. Fig. A (copied 10.06.2005). 2. Al-Rawi 1985: 11 (fig. 4). 3. Al-Rawi 1985: 12 (fig. 6). 4. Ismail 1985: 57 (Arabic section). 5. – 6. – 7. Fudge 2000: 194–195 (fig. 8). Photograph: 1. Fig. 4, courtesy of the Vorderasiatisches Museum, Berlin. Photograph by Olaf M. Teßmer. 2. Fig. 5, image courtesy of the Trustees of the British Museum. Photograph by Agustí Ensesa; composition by Cristina Terré and Rocío Da Riva. 3. Al-Rawi 1979/1981: 44 (Arabic section; the second cylinder from the left in the photo). 4. – 5. – 6. – 7. Fig. 6a–c, courtesy of the Michael C. Carlos Museum of Emory University. Photo by Bruce M. White. Writing: 1. Archaising, 1 column with 19 lines, ruled after each line and before the first one. 2. Archaising, 1 column with 21 lines; ruled after each line and before the first one (further details in Berger 1973: 135). 3. Archaising, ruled, 1 column with 19 lines. 4. Archaising, 1 column with 19 lines; ruled. 5. Archaising, 1 column with 19 lines. 6. Archaising, 1 column, only lines 2–9 preserved. 7. Archaising, 1 column with 13+x+5 lines.

Cylinders

47

Bibliography: 1. Berger 1973: 135; Al-Rawi, 1985: 1. 2. Berger 1973: 135. Al-Rawi 1985: 1, 8. 3. Al-Rawi 1979/1981: 44 (Arabic section); Al-Rawi 1979/1981: 25 (translation); Al-Rawi 1985: 1f., 9. 4. Ismail 1979: 167–68; Al-Rawi 1985: 1. 5.–6. Berger 1973: 135. 7. Fudge 2000: 196. Berger Number: 1. Nabopolassar 2. Nabopolassar 3. – 4. – 5. Nabopolassar 6. Nabopolassar 7. –

Zylinder I, 1/1. Zylinder I, 1/4.

Zylinder I, 1/2. Zylinder I, 1/3.

Notes: 1.–7. According to Al-Rawi (1985: 2), the composition of the texts can be dated 622–612 BCE. 1. Collated 28.09.2004 and 09.06.2005. 2. Collated 12.01.2004, collated and photographed in November 2011. 3. – 4. – 5.–6. Given the number of lines it probably does belong to Version A, but no transliteration is available. 7. – Structure of the text: 1. Introduction with Titles Type Ap (be), Berger 1973: 32. 2. Building report about the wall of Babylon, preceded by a short description of the current condition of the wall. 3. Prayer mentioning the object of construction as intercessor before Marduk. Score transliteration of C11/A: d  na-bi-um-ibila-ú-ṣu-úr d  na-bi-um-ibila-ú-ṣu-úr  [o] dna-bi-um-ibila-ú-ṣu-úr d  na-bi-um-ibila-ú-ṣu-úr  [d]na-bi-um-ibila-ú-ṣu-[úr]

48

The inscriptions of Nabopolassar

    

    

lugal ká.dingir.raki lugal ba-bi-limki [l]ugal ká.dingir.raki lugal ká.dingir.raki [lu]gal ká.dingir.ra˹ki˺

    

    

ti-ri-iṣ qá-ti dna-bi-um ti-ri-iṣ qá-ti [ti]-ri-iṣ qá-t[i] dna-bi-um ti-ri-iṣ qá-ti dna-bi-um [t]i-ri-iṣ qá-ti dna-bi-u[m]

    

    

ù damar.utu a-na-ku d na-bi-um u damar.utu a-na-ku [u] ˹d˺amar.utu a-na-ku ù damar.utu a-na-ku ˹ù˺ ˹d˺amar.utu a-na-k[u]

    

    

im-gur-den.líl im-gur-den.líl [im-gur]-den-líl im-gur-den.líl [i]m-gur-den-líl

    

    

bàd ra-bí-a-am bàd ra-bí-a-am [bàd ra-b]í-a-am bàd ra-bí-a-am [bàd] ra-bí-a-am

    

    

ša ká.dingir.raki ša ba-bi-limki [ša ká].dingir.raki ša ka.dingir.raki [ša] ká.dingir.raki

    

    

ša ul-la-nu-ú-a ša ul-la-nu-ú-a [ša ul]-la-nu-ú-a ša ul-la-nu-ú-a [ša u]l-la-nu-ú-a

 

i-ni-šu i-qú-pu i-ni-šu i-qú-pu

Cylinders

  

[i-ni-šu] i-qú-pu i-ni-šu i-qú-pu [i-ni]-šu i-qú-pu

    

 –   –

in ki-gal-lim(!) re-eš-ti-im in ki-gal-lim / re-eš-ti-im [in ki-gal-li]m re-eš-ti-im in ki-gal-lim re-eš-ti-im [in ki]-gal-lim / [re-eš]-ti-im

    

    

ú-ki-in uš-ši-šu ú-ki-in uš-ši-šu [ú-ki-i]n uš-ši-šu ú-ki-in uš-ši-šu [ú-ki-i]n uš-ši-šu

    

 –   

in um-ma-nim di-ku-ut(!) ma-ti-ja in um-ma-nim / di-ku-ut ma-ti-ja [in um-m]a-nim di-ku-ut ma-ti-ja in um-ma-nim di-ku-ut ma-ti-ja [in um-m]a-nim

   

   

eš-ši-iš lu ab-ni-ma eš-ši-iš lu ab-ni-ma [eš]-ši-iš lu ab-ni-ma eš-ši-iš lu ab-ni-ma

   

   

a-na a-na a-na a-na

   

   

˹lu ú-ša-às-ḫi-ir lu ú-ša-às-ḫi-ir lu ú-ša-às-ḫi-ir lu ú-ša-às-ḫi-ir

    

    ’

ki-ma ki-ma ki-ma ki-ma ki-ma

   

im.límmu.ba im.límmu.ba im.límmu.ba im.límmu.ba

ká.dingir.raki ká.dingir.raki ká.dingir.raki ká.dingir.raki

ša u4-um ul-lu-tim ša u4-um ul-lu-tim ša u4-um ul-lu-tim ša u4-um ul-lu-tim [ša u4-um ul-lu-tim]

re-ši-šu lu ú-ul-lu re-ši-šu lu ú-ul-lu

49

50

The inscriptions of Nabopolassar

     ’

re-ši-šu lu ú-ul-lu re-ši-šu lu ú-ul-lu re-ši-šu ˹lu˺ ˹ú˺-[ul-lu]

    

    ’

bàd bàd bàd bàd bàd

    

    ’

da-mi-iq-ta ti-iz-ka-ar da-mi-iq-ti ti-iz-ka-ar da-mi-iq-˹tum4˺ ti-iz-ka-ar da-mi-iq-tum4 ti-iz-ka-ar da-mi-iq-ta ti-iz-[ka-ar]

a-na a-na a-na a-na a-na

d

amar.utu amar.utu d amar.utu d amar.utu d amar.utu d

en-ja en-ja en-ja en-ja [en-ja]

Translation (C11/A2): “(1–4) I am Nabopolassar, king of Babylon, designated by Nabû and Marduk. (5–19) (Regarding) Imgur-Enlil, the great wall of Babylon, which had become dilapidated and collapsed before my time, I firmly established its foundations on the original base. I built it anew with a levy of workers from my country, and I surrounded Babylon (with it) in the direction of the four winds. I raised its summit as it was in the old days. (20–21) O wall, speak good words (about me) to my lord Marduk!”

... C11/B (and B’): Object: 1. Clay cylinder. 2. Solid barrel cylinder of baked clay; “buff to yellow; undamaged” (Al-Rawi 1985: 8). 3. Solid baked cylinder of baked clay. 4. Solid barrel cylinder of baked clay. 5. “Fragmentary, solid barrel cylinder of slipped, reddish baked clay (…)” (Al-Rawi 1991: 3). Object Number: 1. IM 80016. 2. A Babylon 12. 3. A Babylon 6. 4. A Babylon 7. 5. 79-B-7 (IM 124170).

Cylinders

51

Dimensions: 1. – 2. Length: 10.1 cm; diameter: 4.2 cm (middle); 2.9 cm (ends). 3. See copy in Al-Rawi 1985: 13, fig. 7. 4. See copy Al-Rawi 1985: 13, fig. 8. 5. Length 8 cm; diameter 3–4.1 cm. Provenience: 1. “(…) found in the eastern yard of the Southern Palace close to the inner gate ten metres from the entrance and two metres deep under the surface of the fillings” (Ismail 1979: 168). 2. Found near the Ishtar Gate together with A Babylon 11 (s. 2.2.7 for details) and the Nabonidus cylinder Schaudig 2001: 345–50 (2.1); see also Al-Rawi 1985: 8. 3. Found in the fill in the Southern Palace, Babylon (Al-Rawi 1985: 9). 4. Found in the fill in the Southern Palace, Babylon (Al-Rawi 1985: 9); “(…) found with the filling of the vaulted building.” (Al-Rawi 1979/1981: 25). 5. Babylon, Southern Palace; found in 1979 (Al-Rawi 1991: 1, 3). Museum: 1. Iraq Museum, Baghdad. 2.–4. Nebuchadnezzar Museum, Babylon (Al-Rawi 1985: 9). 5. Iraq Museum, Baghdad. Copy: 1. Ismail 1985: 56 (Arabic section). 2. Al-Rawi 1985: 12 (fig. 5). 3. Al-Rawi 1985: 13 (fig. 7). 4. Al-Rawi 1985: 13 (fig. 8). 5. Al-Rawi 1991: 4 (fig. 2). Photograph: 1. – 2. Al-Rawi 1979/1981: 44 (Arabic section; in the photo it is the first cylinder from the right); Al-Rawi 1985: fig. I. 3.–5. – Writing: 1. Archaising, 2. Archaising, 3. Archaising, 4. Archaising, 5. Archaising,

ruled before each line; 1 column with 14 lines. ruled before each line, 1 column with 14 lines. not ruled, 1 column with 14 lines. not ruled, 1 column with 8 lines preserved. ruled, 1 column with 14 lines.

52

The inscriptions of Nabopolassar

Bibliography: 1. Ismail 1979: 168; Al-Rawi 1985: 1. 2.–4. Al-Rawi 1979/1981: 44 (Arabic section); Al-Rawi 1985: 1, 9; Al-Rawi 1979/ 1981: 25. 5. Al-Rawi 1991: 3 (Nr. 3). Berger Number: 1.–5. – Notes: 1.–5. According to Al-Rawi (1985: 2) the composition of the text can be dated 622–612 B.C. 4.–5. These two exemplars differ in the last line from exemplars C11/B1, C11/ B2 and C11/B3. Structure of the text: 1. Introduction with Titles Type Ap (be); see Berger 1973: 32. 2. Construction report about the wall of Babylon with two simple verbal sentences describing the extension of the wall. 3. Prayer mentioning the object of construction as intercessor before the god Marduk. In B’ the name of the king is repeated. Score transliteration of B1–B5: d  na-bi-um-ibila-ú-ṣur d  na-bi-um-ibila-ú-ṣur  [dna-b]i-um-ibila-ú-ṣur d  na-bi-um-ibila-ú-ṣur    

   

lugal ba-bi-limki lugal ba-bi-limki [lugal b]a-bi-limki lugal [ba-bi-lim]˹ki˺

   

   

ti-ri-iṣ šuII dag ù damar.utu ana-ku ti-ri-iṣ šuII dag ù damar.utu a-na-ku [ti-ri-iṣ š]uII dag ù damar.utu ana-ku ti-r[i-iṣ šuII dag ù damar.utu a-na-ku]

   

   

im-gur-den-líl im-gur-den-líl [im-gu]r den-líl im-[gur-den.líl]

 

bàd ra-ba-a ša ba-bi-limki bàd ra-ba-a ša ba-bi-limki

Cylinders

 

[bàd ra-b]a-a ša ba-bi-limki bàd ˹ra˺-[ba-a ša ba-bi-limki]

   

   

ul-tu ˹gú˺ íd˺a-˹ra˺-aḫ-tim ul-tu gú ída-ra-aḫ-tim [ul-tu] ˹gú˺ ída-ra-aḫ-tim ul-tu [gú ída-ra-aḫ-tim]

   

   

ús an.ta šá ká.gal dinnana ús an.ta ša ká.gal dinnana [ús an.t]a ša ká.gal dinnana ús an.[ta ša] ˹ká˺.gal di[nanna]

    

   ’ 

a-di ús ki.ta ša ká.gal d˹uraš˺ a-di ús ki.ta ša ká.gal duraš [a-di ús ki.t]a ša ká.gal duraš [a]-d[i ús ki.ta š]a ká.gal ˹duraš˺ a-di ús ˹ki.ta˺ ša ká.gal duraš

    

   ’ 

te-me-en-šu la-bi-˹ri˺ te-me-en-šu la-bi-ri [te-me-en]-šu la-bi-ri te-me-en-šu la-bi-ri te-me-en-šu la-bi-ri

    

   ’ 

ú-ṣab-bi-ma ú-ṣab-bi-ma [ú-ṣab]-bi-ma ú-ṣab-bi-ma ˹ú-ṣab˺-bi-ma mit-ḫa-riš

   

   ’

mi-it-ḫa-ri-iš mi-it-ḫa-ri-iš [mi-it]-ḫa-ri-iš mi-it-ḫa-˹ri˺-iš

    

   ’ 

a-na damar.utu en-ja a-na damar.utu en-ja [a-na d]amar.utu en-ja a-na damar.utu en-ja ˹a˺-na damar.utu en-ja

     

lu-ú e-pu-uš lu-ú e-pu-uš [lu]-˹ú˺ e-pu-uš

53

54

The inscriptions of Nabopolassar

 ’  

˹lu˺-ú e-pu-uš lu-ú e-pu-uš

    

bàd a-na damar.utu qí-bi sig5-ti bàd a-na damar.utu qí-bi sig5-ti [bàd a-n]a damar.utu qí-bi sig5-ti [bà]d a-na damar.utu bàd a-na damar.utu

   ’ 

 ’  

[sig5-ti] dag-ibila-ùru qí-[bi] sig5-ti dag-ibila-ùru qí-bi

Translation (C11/B1 = IM 80016): “(1–3) I am Nabopolassar, king of Babylon, designated by Nabû and Marduk. (4–13) (Regarding) Imgur-Enlil, the great wall of Babylon, from the bank of the Arahtu on the north side, that of the Ištar-Gate, to the south side, that of the Uraš-Gate, I inspected its old foundation and I built it in the same manner for my lord Marduk. (14) O wall, say good words to Marduk (Var. B4 and B5) on behalf of Nabopolassar.”

.. C12: The é.PA.GÌN.ti.la inscription, Babylon Object: 1. Hollow barrel cylinder. 2. Hollow barrel cylinder, damaged. 3. Hollow barrel cylinder. The cylinder is complete, but the surface is badly damaged. 4. Hollow barrel cylinder, fragment. 5. Hollow cylinder, fragment. Object Number: 1. VA Bab 630 (= Bab. BE 14940). 2. VA Bab 629 (= Bab. BE 14488). 3. VA Bab 631 (= Bab. BE 14990). 4. VA Bab 641 (= BE 14239). 5. – Dimensions: 1. Length: 12 cm; diameter: 6.2 cm (middle); 5.7 cm (ends). 2. Length: 13 cm; diameter: 6 cm. 3. Length: 13.3 cm; diameter: 5.8 cm. 4. Length: 3.8 cm; diameter: 5.8 cm. 5. –

Cylinders

55

Provenience: 1. Temple of Ninurta, Babylon, found (25.10.1901) in the entrance of the Südcella, under the lowest floor in a layer of sand (Koldewey 1911: 30, 33). 2. Temple of Ninurta, Babylon, “Hoftür des Nordwestraumes” (Koldewey 1911: 30). 3. Temple of Ninurta, Babylon, “Tür der Nordcella” (Koldewey 1911: 30). 4. Temple of Ninurta, Babylon, “im modernen Schutt des Hofes vor dem nördlichen Turm der Hauptcella” (Koldewey 1911: 30). 5. – Museum: 1.–4. Vorderasiatisches Museum, Berlin. 5. Private collection of Mr. F. S. Clark (Mayfield, Surrey, UK), 1974. Copy: 1.-4. Weissbach 1903: fig. 8. 5. – Photograph: 1. Fig. 7a–d, courtesy of the Vorderasiatisches Museum, Berlin. Photograph by Olaf M. Teßmer; Koldewey 1911: fig. 41; Koldewey (5)1990: 224, fig. 144. 2. Fig. 8a–d, courtesy of the Vorderasiatisches Museum, Berlin. Photograph by Olaf M. Teßmer; VA Ph. Babylon 498. 3. Fig. 9a–e, courtesy of the Vorderasiatisches Museum, Berlin. Photograph by Olaf M. Teßmer; Koldewey 1911: fig. 42. 4. Fig. 10a–e, courtesy of the Vorderasiatisches Museum, Berlin. Photograph by Olaf M. Teßmer. 5. – Writing: 1.–3. Contemporary; ruled after each line and before the first one; 1 column with 41 lines. 4. Contemporary; not ruled; 1 column: 1–5+1’–14’ lines preserved, though only in the beginning of the line. No ruling lines applied on the cylinder, just one mark was traced with the stylus after the last line. 5. Contemporary; 1 column: only lines 3–16 preserved (= here 1’–14’); ruled before each line but 4’b, 7’, 8’b, 12’ and 14’ Bibliography: 1.–5. Berger 1973: 136–37; Walker 1974: 67 (Nr. 86 = C12/5); Al-Rawi 1985: 1–2, 6–7; Hecker 2001: 11–12. Berger Number: 1. Nabopolassar Zylinder I, 2/1.

56 2. 3. 4. 5.

The inscriptions of Nabopolassar

Nabopolassar Nabopolassar Nabopolassar Nabopolassar

Zylinder Zylinder Zylinder Zylinder

I, I, I, I,

2/2. 2/3. 2/4. 2/5.

Notes: 1.–5. According to Al-Rawi (1985: 2), the text can be dated after 622 B.C. 1.–4. Collated in 2004 and 2005 at the Vorderasiatisches Museum. These first four cylinders, nowadays preserved in the Vorderasiatisches Museum of Berlin, were found by R. Koldewey at the entrances of several rooms of the temple (Berger 1973: 136). Koldewey suspected that further cylinders could have been placed at the entrances of other rooms of the temple, not only at the entrances of the cellae. After a careful search, the archaeologists found no more pieces, just some traces of previous illegal activities (Koldewey 1911: 30). 1. The object is now much more damaged than in the copy of 1903 and in the photographs published in 1911. In this edition, C12/1 will be used as “main text” (complemented by C12/2–5 in the damaged sections), for its preservation is slightly better than that of the other duplicates, but we are by no means implying that VA Bab 630 was the model or Hauptexemplar of the other cylinders. A score transliteration of all the exemplars is offered here, since Weissbach (1903: fig. 8) only took into consideration C12/1 and offered the others as variants. 4. Walker (1974: 671) and Hecker (2001: 11) state that the number is incorrect. However, it is in fact right: it was personally checked during the collation made at the museum. This piece cannot join with the fragment C12/5 because parts of some lines are present in both exemplars (see score transliteration) and because C12/4 is not ruled. 5. This exemplar has more ideograms and CVC-signs than the others; see the score transliteration. Structure of the text: 1. Presentation of the king (ll. 1–3). 2. īnu-clause narrating his youth and circumstances of his access to power (ll. 4–21) with a mention of the defeat of the Assyrians (ll. 17–21). 3. inūšu-clause describing the state of the é.PA.GÌN.ti.la and the works performed there, with a dedication to Ninurta (ll. 22–30). 4. Concluding section: Advice to future kings (ll. 31–41). Transliteration: d  na-bi-um-ibila-ú-ṣu-úr lugal mi-ša-ri-im re-é-um ni-bit damar.utu d  [ ]˹na˺-bi-um-ibila-[ú-ṣu-úr lugal mi-ša-ri-im re-é-um ni-bit damar. utu]

Cylinders

57

 

[dna-bi-um-ibila-ú-ṣu-úr lugal mi-ša-ri-im re-é-um] ni-bit damar.utu d na-[bi-um-ibila-ú-ṣu-úr lugal mi-ša-ri-im re-é-um ni-bit damar.utu]

   

bi-nu-ut dnin.men.na ru-ba-ti ṣi-ir-tim šar-rat šar-ra-a-te [bi-nu]-ut [dnin].˹men˺.[na ru-ba-ti ṣi-ir-tim šar-rat šar-ra-a-te] [bi-nu-ut dnin.men.na ru-ba-ti ṣi-ir-tim] šar-rat šar-ra-a-te bi-n[u-ut dnin.men.na ru-ba-ti ṣi-ir-tim šar-rat šar-ra-a-te]

   

     ’      ’

     ’     ’

ti-ri-iṣ qá-ti dna-bi-um ù dtaš-me-tum ru-bu-ú na-ram dnin.ši.kù ˹ti˺-ri-[iṣ qá]-˹ti˺ ˹d˺[na-bi-um ù dtaš-me-tum ru-bu-ú na-ram dnin. ši.kù] [ti-ri-iṣ qá-ti dna-bi-um ù dtaš-me-tum ru]-bu-ú na-ram dnin.ši.kù ti-[ri-iṣ qá-ti dna-bi-um ù dtaš-me-tum ru-bu-ú na-ram dnin.ši.kù] [ti-ri]-˹iṣ˺ ˹qá-[ti dag u dtaš-me-tum ru-bu-ú na-ram dnin.ši.kù] ì-nu-um i-na mé-eṣ-ḫe-ru-ti-ja dumu la ma-am-ma-nim a-na-ku-ma ì-nu-um ˹i˺-˹na˺ ˹mé˺-˹eṣ˺-[ḫe-ru-ti-ja dumu la ma-am]-ma-nim a˹na˺-[ku]-˹ma˺ [ì-nu-um i-na mé-eṣ-ḫe-ru-ti-ja dumu la ma-am-ma]-nim a-na-ku-ma ˹ì˺-˹nu˺-˹um˺ [i-na mé-eṣ-ḫe-ru-ti-ja dumu la ma-am-ma-nim a-naku-ma] [i-nu-um i-na] mé-eṣ-ḫe-ru-ti-já dumu ˹la˺ [ma-am-ma-nim a-na-kuma] ina à-aš-ra-at dna-bi-um ù damar.utu enmeš-e-a aš-te-né-ʾ-a ka-a-anim ina à-aš-ra-[at d]˹na˺-˹bi˺-˹um˺ ˹ù˺ [damar.utu en]meš-[e-a aš-te-né]ʾ-a ka-˹a˺-˹a˺-˹nim˺ [ina à-aš-ra-at dna-bi-um ù damar.utu enmeš]-˹e˺-a aš-te-né-ʾ-a ka-aa-nim [ina à]-˹aš˺-˹ra˺-[at dna-bi-um ù damar.utu enmeš-e-a aš-te-né-ʾ-a kaa-a-nim] [ina] ˹aš˺-rat dag u damar.utu enmeš-e-a aš-˹te˺-˹né˺-[ʾ-a ka-a-a-nim] šu-ut ku-un-ni pa-ar-ṣi-šu-nu ù šu-ul-lu-mu ki-du-de-šu-un i-ta-ma-a ka-bít-ta šu-ut ku-˹un˺-˹ni˺ ˹pa˺-ar-ṣi-šu-nu ˹ù˺ šu-ul˺-[lu-mu ki-du]-˹de˺-šu-un i-ta-ma-˹a˺ ˹ka˺-˹bít˺-˹ta˺ [šu-ut ku-un-ni pa-ar-ṣi-šu-nu ù šu-ul-lu]-mu ki-du-de-šu-un [i-tama]-a ka-bít-ta ša ku-un-ni par-ṣi-šú-nu u šul-˹lu˺-mu ki-du-[de-šu-un] / (4’b) i-tama-a ka-bít-˹ta˺

58

The inscriptions of Nabopolassar

   

   ’

a-na ki-it-ti ù mi-ša-ri-am ba-ša-a uz-na-a-a a-na ki-it-ti ù mi-ša-[ri-am ba]-˹ša˺-a uz-˹na˺-˹a˺-˹a˺ [a-na ki-it-ti ù mi-ša-ri-am] ba-ša-a uz-na-a-a a-na kit-ti u mi-ša-ri ba-ša-a geštuII-[a]-a

   

   ’

d

   

   ’

ša ta-ka-la-at ni-ši-im i-ba-ar-ru-ú ka-a-a-nim ša ta-ka-la-at ni-ši-im [i-ba-ar-ru]-ú ˹ka˺-˹a˺-˹a˺-˹nim˺ [ša ta-ka-la-at ni-ši-im i]-ba-ar-ru-ú ka-a-a-nim šá ta-ka-lat unmeš i-bar-ru-ú ka-a-[a-nim]

   

šà.zu en mu-du-ú lìb-bi dingirmeš ša ša-me-e ù er-ṣe-tim šà.zu en mu-du-ú lìb-bi ˹dingir˺meš [ša] ˹ša˺-me-e ù ˹er˺-˹ṣe˺-˹tim˺ d [ šà.zu en mu-du-ú lìb-bi dingirmeš ša ša]-me-e ù er-ṣe-tim d šà.zu en mu-du-ú šà dingirmeš šá an u [ki-tim] d

   ’

ja-a-ši ṣa-aḫ-ri-im ša i-na ni-ši-im la ut-tu-ú ša lìb-bi-ja ib-re-e-ma ja-a-ši ṣa-˹aḫ˺-˹ri˺-im ša i-na [ni-ši-im la ut-tu-ú ša] ˹lìb˺-˹bi˺-˹ja˺ ibre-˹e˺-[ma] [ja-a-ši ṣa-aḫ-ri-im ša i-na ni-ši]-im la ut-tu-ú ša lìb-bi-˹ja˺ ib-re-e-ma ja-a-ši ṣa-aḫ-ri šá ina unme la ut-tu-[ú] / (8b) šá lìb-bi-ja ib-re-e-[ma]

   

   ’

i-na kur ab-ba-nu-ú iš-ku-na-an-ni a-na re-še-e-tim i-na kur ab-ba-˹nu˺-[ú iš-ku-na-an-ni a-na] re-še-e-tim [i-na kur ab-ba-nu-ú iš-ku]-na-an-ni a-na re-še-e-tim ina kur ab-ba-nu-ú iš-ku-na-an-ni a-na ˹sag˺-[tim]

   

   ’

a-na be-lu-ut ma-a-ti ù ni-ši-im it-ta-ba ni-bi-ta a-na be-lu-˹ut˺ ˹ma˺-˹a˺-˹ti˺ ˹ù˺ [ni-ši-im it]-˹ta˺-˹bi˺ ni-bi-ta [a-na be-lu-ut ma-a-ti ù ni]-˹ši˺-im it-ta-ba ni-bi-ta a-na be-lu-ut kur u unme it-ta-ba ˹ni˺-[bi-ta]

   

   ’

ú-ša-li-ik dlamma du-un-qu i-na i-di-ja ˹ú˺-˹ša˺-˹li˺-˹ik˺ [d]˹lamma˺ ˹du˺-[un-qu i-na] ˹i˺-di-ja [ú-ša-li-ik dlamma du-un-qu] i-na i-di-ja ú-šá-lik dlamma sig5 i-na [i-di-ja]

   

   ’

i-na mim-ma e-te-ep-pu-šu ú-ša-li-im ši-ip-ra-am i-na mim-ma e-˹te˺-[ep-pu-šu ú-ša-li-im ši]-˹ip˺-ra-am [i-na mim-ma e-te-ep-pu-šu] ú-ša-˹li˺-˹im˺ ši-ip-ra-am [i-na] ˹mim˺-ma e-te-ep-pu-˹šu˺ [ú-ša-li-im ši-ip-ra-am]

   

   ’

d

nè-iri11-gal dan-dan-ni dingirmeš ú-ša-li-ik i-da-a-a nè-˹iri11˺-[gal dan-dan-ni dingirmeš ú-ša]-˹li˺-˹ik˺ ˹i˺-da-a-a [d] ˹nè˺-[iri11-gal dan-dan-ni dingirmeš] ú-ša-li-ik i-da-a-a d [ ugur] dan-dan-ni ˹dingir˺[meš ú-ša-li-ik i-da-a-a] d

Cylinders

   

   ’

     

59

i-na-˹ar˺ a-[a]-˹bi˺-ja ú-ša-am-qì-it ga-ri-ja ˹i˺-˹na˺-ar ˹a˺-˹a˺-˹bi˺-[ja ú-ša-am]-˹qì˺-it ga-ri-ja [i-na-ar a-a-bi-ja] ˹ú˺-˹ša˺-˹am˺-˹qì˺-˹it˺ ga-ri-ja [i-na-ar a-a-bi-ja] ú-ša-˹am˺-[qì-it ga-ri-ja] aš-šu-ru-ú ˹ša˺ ˹ul˺-˹tu˺ u4meš ru-qu-te ku-ul-la-at ni-ši-im i-bé-lu-ma aš-šu-ru-ú ša ul-tu [u4meš ru]-˹qu˺-˹te˺ [ku]-˹ul˺-la-at ni-ši-im i-bé-luma aš-[šu-ru-ú ša ul-tu u4meš ru-qu]-˹te˺ ˹ku˺-˹ul˺-˹la˺-˹at˺ ni-ši-im i-bélu-ma

     

i-na ˹ni˺-˹ri˺-šu ka-ab-ti ú-ša-[az]-˹zi˺-˹qu˺ ni-ši-im ma-a-ti i-na ni-ri-šu ka-[ab-ti] ˹ú˺-ša-az-zi-qu ni-ši-im ma-a-ti i-[na ni-ri-šu ka-ab-ti] ˹ú˺-˹ša˺-˹az˺-˹zi˺-qu ni-ši-im ma-a-ti

     

a-na-ku en-šu-um pí-is-nu-qu [mu-uš-te]-˹ʾ˺-ú en en.en ˹a-na˺-ku en-šu-um [pí-is-nu]-qu mu-uš-te-ʾ-ú en en.en [a-na-ku en-šu-um pí-is]-nu-qu mu-uš-te-ʾ-ú en en.en

 

i-na ˹e˺-˹mu˺-˹qu˺ ga-áš-ra-[a-ti ša dna-bi]-˹um˺ ù damar.utu enmeše-a [i]-˹na˺ e-mu-qu ˹ga˺-[áš]-˹ra˺-a-ti ša dna-bi-um ù damar.utu enmeše-a i-na ˹e˺-˹mu˺-˹qu˺ ˹ga˺-˹áš˺-ra-a-ti ša dna-bi-um ù damar.utu enmeše-a

   

     

           

[ul]-tu kur ak-ka-di-i še-˹ep˺-[šu-nu ap-ru]-˹us˺-ma ni-ir-šu-nu ú-šaad-di [ul-tu kur ak]-ka-di-i še-ep-šu-nu ap-ru-us-ma ni-ir-šu-nu ú-ša-ad-di ul-tu ˹kur˺ ˹ak˺-˹ka˺-di-i še-ep-šu-nu ap-ru-us-ma ni-ir-šu-nu ú-ša-addi ˹ì˺-˹nu˺-˹šu˺ é.˹PA˺.˹GÌN˺.˹ti˺.˹la˺ ˹é˺ [dnin-urta] ˹ša˺ qé-reb šu.an. naki ˹ì˺-˹nu˺-˹šu˺ ˹é˺.PA.GÌN.ti.la é dnin-urta ša qé-reb šu.an.naki ˹ì˺-˹nu˺-˹šu˺ é.PA.GÌN.ti.la é dnin-urta ša qé-reb šu.an.naki [ša] ˹ul˺-la-˹nu˺-˹ú˺-˹a˺ [lugal maḫ-ri ú-še-pi-šu-ma] ˹la˺ ig-mu-ru šipir-šú šá ul-la-nu-ú-a lugal maḫ-ri ú-še-pi-šu-ma la ig-mu-ru ši-pir-šú ˹šá˺ ˹ul˺-˹la˺-nu-ú-a lugal ˹maḫ-ri ú-še-pi-šu-ma˺ la ig-mu-ru ši-piršú

60

The inscriptions of Nabopolassar

     

[a-na te-diš]-ti [é šu-a-ti geštuII] ib-ši-ma a-na te-diš-ti é šu-a-ti geštuII ib-ši-ma [a]-˹na˺ te-diš-ti ˹é˺ ˹šu˺-a-ti geštuII ib-ši-ma

     

[ad-kam-ma um-ma-na-at den.líl] ˹d˺˹utu˺ ù damar.utu ad-kam-ma um-ma-na-at den.líl ˹d˺˹utu˺ ù damar.utu ˹ad˺-kam-ma ˹um˺-˹ma˺-[na]-˹at˺ den.líl dutu ù damar.utu

     

[ú-ša-aš-ši gišal-lu] ˹e˺-˹mi˺-˹id˺ tup-šik-ku ú-ša-aš-ši gišal-lu e-˹mi˺-˹id˺ tup-šik-ku [ú]-ša-aš-ši [gišal]-lu e-mi-id tup-šik-ku

     

[é la qá-ta-a ag-mu-úr] ši-pí-ir-šú é la qá-ta-a ag-˹mu˺-úr ši-pí-ir-šú [é] ˹la˺ ˹qá˺-˹ta˺-˹a˺ ag-mu-úr ši-pí-ir-šú

   

   ’

[giš.ùrmeš šad-lu-tim ú-ša-at]-˹ri˺-[ṣa] ṣu-lul-šú giš.ùrmeš šad-lu-tim ú-˹ša˺-˹at˺-ri-ṣa ṣu-lul-šú [giš].˹ùr˺meš ˹šad˺-[lu]-˹tim˺ ú-ša-at-ri-ṣa ṣu-lul-šú giš.[ùrmeš šad-lu-tim ú-ša-at-ri-ṣa ṣu-lul-šú]

   

   ’

[gišigmeš ṣi-ra-a-tim ú-rat-ta]-a i-na kámeš-šú giš meš ig ṣi-ra-a-tim ú-rat-ta-a i-na kámeš-šú [giš]˹ig˺meš ṣi-˹ra˺-[a]-˹tim˺ ú-rat-ta-a i-na kámeš-šú giš ig[meš ṣi-ra-a-tim ú-rat-ta-a i-na kámeš-šú]

       ’

       ’

[é šu-a-ti šá-áš-ši-iš ú-šá-an-bi]-˹iṭ˺-ma a-na dnin-urta en-ja ki-ma u4-mi ú-nam-mir é šu-a-ti šá-áš-ši-iš ú-šá-an-bi-iṭ-˹ma˺ a-na dnin-urta en-ja ki-ma u4mi ú-nam-mir ˹é˺ šu-a-˹ti˺ ˹šá˺-˹áš˺-[ši-iš ú]-˹šá˺-˹an˺-[bi]-˹iṭ˺-ma a-na dnin-urta enja ki-ma u4-mi ú-nam-mir é šu-a-ti ˹šá˺-[áš-ši-iš ú-šá-an-biṭ-ma a-na dnin-urta en-ja ki-ma u4mi ú-nam-mir] ˹ma˺-na-[ma lugal i-na ma-ti-ma lu-ú dumu lu]-ú dumu.dumu a-liku à-ar-ki-ja ma-na-ma lugal i-na ma-ti-ma lu-ú ˹dumu˺ [lu]-˹ú˺ dumu.dumu ali-ku à-ar-ki-ja [ma-na]-˹ma˺ lugal [i-na ma]-ti-˹ma˺ [lu-ú] dumu lu-ú dumu.dumu a-li-ku à-ar-ki-ja ma-na-˹ma˺ ˹lugal˺ [i-na ma-ti-ma lu-ú dumu lu-ú dumu.dumu a-liku à-ar-ki-ja]

Cylinders

   

   ’

[ša] damar.˹utu˺ [a-na be-lu-ut ma-a-ti i]-˹na˺-ab-bu-ú zi-ki-ir-šú ša damar.utu a-na be-lu-ut ma-a-ti ˹i˺-˹na˺-ab-bu-ú zi-ki-ir-šú [ša damar.utu a-na be-lu-ut ma-a-ti] i-na-ab-bu-ú zi-ki-ir-šú šá damar.utu ˹a˺-[na be-lu-ut ma-a-ti i-na-ab-bu-ú zi-ki-ir-šú]

   

   ’

˹ša˺ ˹e˺-˹mu˺-[qu ù da-na-ni] ˹e˺ ta-aš-du-ud a-na lìb-bi-ka ša e-mu-qu ù da-na-ni e ta-aš-du-ud a-na lìb-bi-ka ˹ša˺ ˹e˺-˹mu˺-˹qu˺ [ù da-na]-an-[ni] ˹e˺ ta-aš-du-ud a-na lìb-bi-ka ša e-mu-[qu ù da-na-ni e ta-aš-du-ud a-na lìb-bi-ka]

       ’

˹à˺-˹aš˺-˹ra˺-[at dna-bi-um ù] damar.utu ši-te-ʾ-e-ma li-na-ru ga-ri-ka à-aš-ra-at dna-bi-um ù damar.utu ši-te-ʾ-e-ma li-na-ru ga-ri-ka ˹à˺-˹aš˺-˹ra˺-˹at˺ [dna-bi-um ù damar].˹utu˺ ši-te-ʾ-e-ma li-na-ru gari-ka à-aš-ra-at [dna-bi-um ù damar.utu ši-te-ʾ-e-ma li-na-ru ga-ri-ka]

   

   ’

d

   

   ’

ša it-ti den ˹ki˺-˹i˺-˹nu˺ i-ku-un-˹na˺ iš-da-a-šú ša it-ti den [ki-i]-˹nu˺ i-[ku-un]-˹na˺ iš-da-a-šú [ša] ˹it˺-˹ti˺ d˹en˺ [ki]-˹i˺-˹nu˺ ˹i˺-˹ku˺-˹un˺-˹na˺ iš-da-a-šú ša it-ti [den ki-i-nu i-ku-un-na iš-da-a-šú]

   

   ’

ša it-ti ˹dumu˺ ˹d˺˹en˺ ki-i-nu ú-la-˹bar˺ a-na da-rí-a-tim ˹ša˺ ˹it˺-˹ti˺ [dumu den] ˹ki˺-i-˹nu˺ ú-[la-bar a-na da-rí-]-˹a˺-˹tim˺ ˹ša˺ ˹it˺-˹ti˺ [dumu den] ˹ki˺-˹i˺-˹nu˺ ˹ú˺-˹la˺-˹bar˺ a-na da-rí-a-tim ša it-ti [dumu den ki-i-nu ú-la-bar a-na da-rí-a-tim]

 

61

amar.utu be-˹lí ˺ [i-ḫ]a-[ṭu] ˹pí ˺-˹i˺-im i-ba-ar-ri lìb-bi amar.utu be-lí i-ḫa-ṭu pí-i-im i-˹ba˺-ar-ri lìb-bi [damar].˹utu˺ ˹be˺-˹lí ˺ ˹i-[ḫa-ṭu] ˹pí ˺-˹i˺-˹im˺ i-ba-ar-ri lìb-bi d amar.utu be-lí [i-ḫa-ṭu pí-i-im i-ba-ar-ri lìb-bi] d

 ’

˹e˺-˹nu˺-˹ma˺ ˹é˺ ˹šu˺-˹a˺-˹ti˺ ˹in˺-˹na˺-˹ḫu˺-ma tu-pa-aš-ša-ḫu an-ḫuus-su ˹e˺-[nu-ma é šu]-˹a˺-˹ti˺ [in-na]-˹ḫu˺-ma tu-pa-[aš-ša-ḫu an-ḫu-us-su] [e-nu]-ma [é šu]-˹a˺-˹ti˺ [in-na-ḫu-ma tu]-pa-˹aš˺-˹ša˺-˹ḫu˺ an-ḫu-ussu e-nu-ma é [šu-a-ti in-na-ḫu-ma tu-pa-aš-ša-ḫu an-ḫu-us-su]

   

ši-ṭi-ir ˹šu˺-˹mi˺-˹ja˺ a-mu-úr-ma it-ti mu-šar-re-e-ka šu-ku-un [ši-ṭi-ir šu-mi]-ja a-mu-[úr]-ma it-ti mu-[šar-re-e-ka šu-ku-un] [ši-ṭi-ir šu-mi-ja a-mu-úr-ma it]-ti [mu-šar-re]-˹e˺-˹ka˺ šu-ku-un ši-ṭi-ir šu-mi-[ja a-mu-úr-ma it-ti mu-šar-re-e-ka šu-ku-un]

   

   ’

   

i-na qí-bi-it damar.utu en ra-bí-i ša la in-né-en-nu-ú qí-bit-su [i-na qí-bi-it d]˹amar˺.utu en [ra-bí-i] ˹ša˺ [la in-né-en-nu-ú qí-bit-su]

62

The inscriptions of Nabopolassar

   ’

[i-na qí-bi-it damar.utu en ra]-˹bí ˺-[i ša la in-né-en-nu-ú] ˹qí ˺-bit-su i-na ˹qí ˺-bi-it [damar.utu en ra-bí-i ša la in-ni-en-nu-ú qí-bit-su]

   

˹zi˺-ki-ir šu-mi-ka li-iš-ša-ki-in a-na u4meš da-ru-ú-tim [zi]-˹ki˺-ir šu-˹mi˺-˹ka˺ li-[iš-ša-ki-in a-na u4meš da-ru-ú-tim] [zi-ki]-˹ir˺ [šu-mi-ka li-iš-ša-ki-in a-na] u4meš ˹da˺-˹ru˺-ú-tim zi-˹ki˺-˹ir˺ šu-m[i-ka li-iš-ša-ki-in a-na u4meš da-ru-ú-tim]

   ’

Translation (C12/1): “(1–3) Nabopolassar, the king of justice, the shepherd called by Marduk, creation of Ninmenna – the august princess, queen of queens – the one designated by Nabû and Tašmētu, the prince beloved by Niššiku. (4–7) When I was young, although I was the son of a nobody, I constantly sought in the sanctuaries of my lords Nabû and Marduk. My mind was preoccupied with the establishment of their cultic ordinances and the complete performance of their rituals. My attention was directed towards justice and equity. (8–11) Šazu, the lord who knows the hearts of the gods of heaven and the netherworld, who observes regularly the clever behaviour(?) of the people, perceived my intentions and placed me, me the insignificant (one) who was not even noticed among the people, in the highest position in the country in which I was born. (12–16) He called me to the lordship over land and people. He made a favourable tutelary spirit walk at my side and he let (me) succeed in everything I undertook. He had Nergal, the strongest among the gods, march at my side; he killed my enemy, he defeated my adversary; (17–19) the Assyrian, who from distant days had ruled the entire people, and had oppressed the people of the country with his heavy yoke, I, the weak one, the powerless one, who repeatedly seeks the lord of lords (20–21) with the mighty strength of my lords Nabû and Marduk, I chased them out of Akkad and I had (the Babylonians) throw off their (the Assyrians’) yoke. (22–24) At that time, (for) é.PA.GÌN.ti.la, the temple of Ninurta – which is in Šuanna (and) which, before my time, a previous king had had built, but did not finish its work - my attention was directed towards the renovation of that temple. (25–30) I called up the workers of Enlil, Šamaš and Marduk, I made them carry the hoe, I laid (on them) the tupšikku-basket, to complete the works on the unfinished temple. I laid (over it) broad beams for its roofing, I fixed magnificent doors in its gates. I made this temple shine like the sun, for my lord Ninurta I made it bright like the day. (31–37) Any king whatever whether son or grandson, who will succeed me, (and) whose name Marduk will call to exercise rulership over the country, do not worry about feats of might and power, (but) strive for the sanctuaries of Nabû and Marduk and let them destroy your enemies. The lord Marduk investigates the word and inspects the heart. He who is true to Bēl, his foundations will endure. He

Cylinders

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who is true to the son of Bēl will live for ever. (38–41) When that temple falls into disrepair and you relieve its decrepitude, if you then find my own inscription and place it with your inscription, by the command of the great lord Marduk, whose command is not to be reversed, may your fame be established for eternity.” Commentary (C12/1): The commentary is limited to the best preserved exemplar. Variants in the writing can be clearly appreciated in the score transliteration. 1–21 These lines match up with C32 I 1–33 and II 1–5, with the exception of l. 17 which differs from C32 I 28, see below. For the general commentary, the reader is referred to the commentary on C32. 5 Note that here, as in C32 I 9, Nabû is mentioned before Marduk. Hecker (2001: 12) also notes this anomaly. 6 Note that C12/1 and C12/2 have the form šut whereas C12/5 has ša, like C32 I 11. 9 In all C12 exemplars where the word is preserved it is written *takkaltu see commentary on C32 I 16. 22 On the archaising writing é.PA.GÌN.ti.la favoured by Nabopolassar, see George 1992: 314. For references in other texts, see George 1993: Nr. 489. See also Hecker 2001: 11. 23 No remains of this former building were found in the course of the excavations (Koldewey 1911: 30). There are no references in later NeoBabylonian inscriptions to reconstructions or repairs done in the temple. It seems to be basically the work of Nabopolassar, as Koldewey pointed out when he discovered the structure (Koldewey (5)1990: 221). Three times, however, Nebuchadnezzar raised the floor of the temple up to a height of 4.20 m and there are bricks of Nebuchadnezzar in the floor of the temple (Koldewey (5)1990: 224). 31–41 The wisdom address to future kings is as in C32 III 22–36, but C32 III 30 differs from C12/1 38, and the lines C32 III 31–32 are not present here: this implies that Nabopolassar did not find an older inscription.

.. C21: The Euphrates inscription, Sippar Object: 1.–3. Clay cylinder, massive. 4. Fragment of a clay cylinder, massive. 5. Brick.

64

The inscriptions of Nabopolassar

Object Number: 1. BM 91104 (AH 82-7-14, 978). 2. BM 91105 (AH 82-7-14, 979). 3. BM 90910 (AH 82-7-14, –). 4. BM 50842 (AH 82-3-23, 1836). 5. BM 90825 (AH 82-7-14, 4461). Dimensions: 1. Length: 11.2 cm; diameter: left: 5.3 cm, middle: 5.6 cm, right: 4.5 cm. 2. Length: 10.5 cm; diameter: left: 4.9 cm, middle: 5 cm, right: 3.6 cm. 3. Length: 10.1 cm. 4. 3.3 cm. 5. 30.5 × 21.5 × 7.5 cm. Provenience: 1.–3., 5. Sippar, sent to London by Rassam in 1882. They are catalogued in the 82-7-14 Sippar collection of the British Museum, which comes entirely from Abū-Ḥabbah (Reade 1986: xxxiii). 4. Sippar, catalogued in the 82-3-23 collection of the British Museum, which mainly has economic texts from Ebabbar temple dated in the reign of Nabopolassar (Reade 1986: xxxii; most of the texts of this collection are studied in Da Riva 2002). Museum: 1.–5. British Museum, London. Copy: 1. Winckler 1887: 71–72 (first copy). 2. Variants noted in Winckler 1887: 71–72. 3. – 4. – 5. – Photograph: 1. Fig. 11, image courtesy of the Trustees of the British Museum. Photograph by Agustí Ensesa; composition by Cristina Terré and Rocío Da Riva. 2. Fig. 12, image courtesy of the Trustees of the British Museum. Photograph by Agustí Ensesa; composition by Cristina Terré and Rocío Da Riva. 3. Fig. 13, image courtesy of the Trustees of the British Museum. Photograph by Agustí Ensesa; composition by Cristina Terré and Rocío Da Riva. 4. Fig. 14, image courtesy of the Trustees of the British Museum. Photograph by Agustí Ensesa; composition by Cristina Terré and Rocío Da Riva. 5. –

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Writing: 1. Archaising; ruled; 2 columns with 16+15 lines (with: i 1b, 3b, 8b, 15b, 16b; ii 1b, 11b). Ruled before the first and after the last line. 2. Archaising; ruled; 2 columns with 16+15 lines (line II 11 runs over both columns). A free ruled line is sketched at the end of the lines. A very weak line divides both columns. 3. Archaising; ruled; 2 columns with 16+15 lines. There is a clearly marked line dividing the columns. 4. Archaising; ruled; only 8 lines of column I are preserved. 5. Archaising, 30 lines, ruled, inscribed down the edge. Bibliography: 1.–4. Berger 1973: 138–39; Walid al-Jadir 1997: 291–93. 5. Walker and Collon 1980: 105; Walker 1981: Nr. 89 (wrong number, not BM 90285, but BM 90825). Berger Number: 1. Nabopolassar Zylinder II, 1/1. 2. Nabopolassar Zylinder II, 1/2. 3. Nabopolassar Zylinder II, 1/3. 4. – 5. – Notes: 1.–4. Collated October 2010, photographed November 2011. Date of the text: probably composed after the defeat of Assyria, 612–609 B.C. (Al-Rawi 1985: 1). All the exemplars have very similar paleographical features: they probably were written by the same scribe or by scribes working for the same workshop. 5. The brick was collated in October 2010, but due to its fragility it could not be handled and no photographs were taken of the object. In the Glossary the entries of the brick are marked NaplB7. The “hand” of this inscription is very similar to the one observed in the cylinders C21, although the supports are different. Structure of the text: 1. Presentation of the king. 2. īnu-clause: Marduk entrusts Nabopolassar to renovate the cults and sanctuaries. 3. inūšu-clause: Nabopolassar describes the problems with the river. 4. Description of the works undertaken on the river. The text has no closing formula.

66

The inscriptions of Nabopolassar

Transliteration: d I na-bi-um-ibila-ú-ṣu-úr d I na-bi-um-ibila-ú-ṣu- (1b) úr I [dna]-bi-um-ibila-ú-ṣu- (1b) [o] úr  [dna-b]i-um-ibila-ú-ṣu-úr    

I I I 

lugal ká.dingir.raki lugal ká.dingir.raki [luga]l ká.dingir.raki [lu]gal ká.dingir.raki

   

I I I 

ti-ri-iṣ qá-at dna-bi-um ti-ri-iṣ qá-at dna-bi- (3b) um [ti-ri]-˹iṣ˺ ˹qá˺-˹at˺ dna- (3b) [o] bi-um [ti-ri]-˹iṣ˺ qá-at dna-bi-um

   

I I I 

ù damar.utu a-na-ku ù damar.utu a-na-ku [ù damar].˹utu˺ a-na-ku [ù] ˹d˺amar.utu a-na-ku

   

I I I 

ì-nu damar.utu en gal-ú ì-nu damar.utu en gal-ú [ì-nu d]˹amar˺.utu en gal-ú [ì-nu] ˹d˺amar.utu en gal-ú

   

I I I 

a-na za-na-an ma-ḫa-zi a-na za-na-an ma-ḫa-zi [a-na za-na]-an ma-ḫa-zi [a-na za]-˹na˺-an ma-ḫa-zi

   

I I I 

ud-du-šu eš-re-e-ti ud-du-šu eš-re-e-ti [ud-du-šu eš]-˹re˺-e-ti ud-du-šu eš-re-e-ti

   

I I I 

úr-ta-šu ka-bi-it- úr-ta-šu ka-bi-it- (8b) ti [úr-ta-šu] ˹ka˺-bi-it- (8b) [o] ti úr-ta-šu ka-bi-it-ti

I I I

ú-ma-ʾ-i-ra-an-ni ú-ma-ʾ-i-ra-an-ni [ú-ma-ʾ-i]-ra-an-ni

Cylinders

 I ’ 

[ú]-˹ma˺-ʾ-[i-ra-an-ni] ˹ú˺-ma-ʾ-ra-an-ni

    

I  I  I  I ’ 

ì-nu-mi-šu-um ì-nu-mi-šu-um [ì-nu-mi]-šu-um ì-nu-˹mi˺-[šu-um] ì-nu-mi-šu-um

    

I  I  I  I ’ 

ud.kib.nunki ud.kib.nunki [ud.kib].˹nun˺ki ud.kib.˹nun˺ki ud.kib.nunki

    

I  I  I  I ’ 

ma-ḫa-zi ṣí-i-ri ma-ḫa-zi ṣí-i-ri [ma-ḫa-zi] ṣí-i-ri ma-ḫa-zi [ṣi-i-ri] ma-ḫa-zi ṣí-i-ri

    

I  I  I  I ’ 

na-ra-am dutu u da-a na-ra-am dutu u da-a [na-ra-am] dutu u da-a na-ra-am [dutu u da-a] na-ra-am dutu u da-a

    

I  I  I  I ’ 

íd

    

I  I  I  I ’ 

a-na a-na a-na a-na a-na

    

I  I  I  I ’ 

me-e i-re-e-qu a-na (16b) sa-a-bu me-e i-re-e-qu a-na (16b) sa-a-bu me-e i-re-e-qu a-na (16b) sa-a-bu ˹me˺-˹e˺ [i-re-e-qu a-na] (8’b) sa-a-bu me-e i-re-qu a-na sa-a-bu

ud.kib.nun is-si-šu-ma ud.kib.nun is-si-šu-ma ˹íd˺ ˹ud˺.˹kib˺.nun is-si-šu-ma íd ud.kib.nun [is-si-šu-ma] íd ud.kib.nunki is-si-šu-ma íd

qú-ud-duš qú-ud-duš qú-ud-duš qú-ud-duš qú-ud-duš

be-lu-ti-šu-nu be-lu-ti- (15b) šu-nu be-lu-ti-šu- (15b) nu ˹be˺-[lu-ti-šu-nu] be-lu-ti-šu-nu

67

68

The inscriptions of Nabopolassar

   

I  II  II  

d

   

II  II  II  

à-aš-ri ša-aḫ-ṭim à-aš-ri ša-aḫ-ṭim à-aš-ri ša-aḫ-ṭim ˹à˺-aš-ri ša-aḫ-tim

   

II  II  II  

pa-li-iḫ ì-lí ja-a-ti pa-li-iḫ ì-lí ja-a-ti pa-li-iḫ ì-lí ja-a-ti ˹pa˺-li-iḫ ì-lí ja-a-ti

   

II  II  II  

íd

   

II  II  II  

a-na a-na a-na a-na

   

II  II  II  

lu lu lu lu

   

II  II  II  

me-e me-e me-e me-e

   

II  II  II  

a-na dutu en-ja a-na dutu en-ja a-na dutu en-ja ˹a˺-na dutu en-ja lu ú-ki-in

na-bi-um-ibila-ú-ṣu-úr na-bi-um-ibila-ú-ṣu- (1b) úr d na-bi-um-ibila-ú-ṣu- (1b) úr d na-bi-um-ibila-ú-ṣu-˹úr˺ d

ud.kib.nun ud.kib.nun íd ud.kib.nun íd ud.kib.nunki íd

ud.kib.nunki ud.kib.nunki ud.kib.nunki ud.kib.nunki

ú-ša-aḫ-ra-am-ma ú-ša-aḫ-ra-am-ma ú-ša-aḫ-ra-am-ma ú-ša-aḫ-ra-am-ma nu-úḫ-ši nu-úḫ-ši nu-úḫ-ši nu-úḫ-ši

el-lu-tim el-lu-tim el-lu-tim el-lu-tim

 II   II   II 

lu ú-ki-in lu ú-ki-in lu ú-ki-in

 II   II 

ki-bi-ir íd šu-a-ti ki-bi-ir íd šu-a-ti

Cylinders

 II   

ki-bi-ir íd šu-a-ti ˹ki˺-bi-ir íd šu-a-ti

   

II  II  II  

i-na ésir.ud.du.a u a-gur-ri i-na ésir.ud.du.a (11b) ù a-gur-ri i-na ésir.ud.du.a (11b) ù a-gur-ri ˹i˺-na ésir.ud.du.a ù a-gur-ri

   

II  II  II  

lu ú-ša-ar-ši-id- (11b) ma lu ú-ša-ar-ši-id-ma lu ú-ša-ar-ši-id-ma [lu] ˹ú˺-ša-ar-ši-id-ma

   

II  II  II  

a-na dutu en-ja a-na dutu en-ja a-na dutu en-ja [a-na] dutu en-ja

   

II  II  II  

kar šu-ul-mi-im kar šu-ul-mi-im kar šu-ul-mi-im [kar] ˹šu˺-ul-mi-im

   

II  II  II  

lu ú-um-mi-id lu ú-um-mi-id lu ú-um-mi-id [lu ú]-˹um˺-mi-id

69

Translation (C21/1): “(I 1–4) I am Nabopolassar, the king of Babylon, designated by Nabû and Marduk. (I 5–16) When the great lord Marduk gave me his solemn command to provide for the cultic centres (and) to renovate the sanctuaries, in those days, (regarding) Sippar, the august cultic centre beloved of Šamaš and Aja, the Euphrates had moved away, and the water was too far off to draw for the purification of their divine (images). (I 17–II 14) (So I) Nabopolassar, the humble, the reverent, the one who worships the gods, had the Euphrates dug out towards Sippar, and I established pure abundant waters for my lord Šamaš. I strengthened the bank of this river with bitumen and baked brick, and I provided my lord Šamaš with a safe embankment.” Commentary (C21/1): I 6ff. See CAD U/W: 254.

70

The inscriptions of Nabopolassar

II 12–14 See the inscription of Hammurabi in Frayne 1990: E4.3.6.12 (Akkadian version, ll. 20–24): Puratta ana Sippar lu aḫreamma kār šulmim lu ummissu: “I dug (again the bed of) the Euphrates towards Sippar and provided it with a safe embankment.”

.. C22: The E-edinna inscription, Sippar Object: Clay cylinder, massive. Object Number: BM 91108 (AH 82-7-14, 1001). Dimensions: Length: 11.2 cm; diameter: ends: 3.9–4.1 cm; middle: 5 cm. Provenience: Sippar (H. Rassam 1881). Museum: British Museum, London. Copy: Winckler 1887: 172–73 (first published copy). Photograph: Fig. 15, image courtesy of the Trustees of the British Museum. Photograph by Agustí Ensesa; composition by Cristina Terré and Rocío Da Riva. Writing: Archaising; 2 columns with 22 + 22 lines, ruled after each line with a very faint line, but not ruled before the first lines. There is a small free space measuring approximately 0.4 cm, bordered by two parallel lines, dividing the columns. Bibliography: Berger 1973: 140; Seux 1976: 506 (II 11–22). Berger Number: Nabopolassar Zylinder II, 2. Notes: Collated and photographed in November 2011. This cylinder is the “unnumeriertes Exemplar” mentioned in Winckler 1887: 145. The composition of the text

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has been dated from after 612–09 B.C (Al-Rawi 1985: 2). On the role of Sippar during the civil war, see Da Riva 2001. Structure of the text: 1. Presentation of the king (I 1–19). 2. enūma-clause narrating the aid of Šaššu in the defeat of Assyria (I 20–II 4). 3. inūmišu-clause describing the rebuilding of the E-edinna. 4. Concluding section introduced by ana šatti, with a prayer to the goddess. Transliteration: Col. I (1) d na-bi-um-ibila-ú-˹ṣu˺-[úr] / (2) lugal da-˹núm˺ / (3) lugal ká.dingir.rak[i] / (4) lugal ma.da šu-me-rí-im / (4b) ù ak-ka-di-i / (5) ˹mu˺-ki-in iš-di ma.da / (6) ruba-a-am na-ʾ-dam/ (7) ti-ri-iṣ qá-at / (8) dna-bi-um ù damar.utu / (9) mi-gi-ir šaaš-šu / (10) na-ra-am da-˹a˺/ (11) qar-ra-ad qar-ra-[de-e] / (12) ša dìr-ra ra-šu-˹ub˺[bu] / (13) ú-ša-ak-ši-du-šu ni-iz-˹ma˺-˹su˺ / (14)à-aš-ri-im ša-aḫ-ṭam / (15) mu-ušte-ʾ-e-em sak-ke-e-em / (16) ša dingir.dingir gal.gal / (17) lugal ša ep-še-tu-šu / (18) e-li lugal.lugal ad.ad-šu / (19) šu-tu-qá a-na-ku / (20) e-nu-ma ša-aš-šu / (21) en ra-bí-ù / (22) i-da-a-a il-li-ku-ma Col. II (1) [su-ba-ru-um a]-na-ru / (2) [ù ma.da za-ʾ-e]-ri-ja / (3) [ú-te-ir-ru] ˹a˺-na du6 / (4) [ù] ˹ka˺-ar-mu / (5) ˹ì˺-nu-mi-šu / (6) a-na dnin ud.kib.nunki / (7) ru-ba-tim ṣi-irtim gašan-ja / (8) é.edin.na é ta-ap-šu-úḫ-ti-šu / (9) e-eš-ši-iš e-pu-uš-ma / (10) kima u4-mi-im ú-na-mi-ir / (11) a-na ša-at-tim dnin ud.kib.nunki / (12) [be-el]-tim šuúr-bu-tim / (13) [e]-˹ma˺ é šu-a-ti / (14) uš-ta-ak-la-lu-ma/ (15) ta-ra-am-mi-i-im qére-eb-ša / (16) ja-a-ši dna-bi-um-ibila-ú-ṣu-úr / (17) lugal za-ni-in-ki / (18) ki-ma sig4.sig4 ud.kib.nunki / (19) ù ká.dingir.raki / (20) ku-un-na-am a-na ṣi-a-tim / (21) šar-ru4-tim šu-ul-bi-ri-im / (22) a-na u4-mi-im re-e-qú-tim Translation: “(I 1–19) I am Nabopolassar, the mighty king, king of Babylon, king of Sumer and Akkad, who consolidates the land, reverent prince, designated by Nabû and Marduk, favourite of Šaššu, beloved of Aja, hero of heroes, the one (to) whom awe-inspiring Erra allowed to obtain his desire, the humble, the reverent, who is ever solicitous for the divine rituals of the great gods, the king whose deeds surpass those of the kings his ancestors. (I 20–II 4) When the great lord Šaššu came to my side, I kill[ed the Subarean (Assyrian) and turned] my ene[my’s land] into tells and ruin heaps. (II 5–10) In those days, to ŠarratSippar, the supreme princess, my lady, I rebuilt the E-edinna, the temple of her rest, and I made it shine like daylight. (II 11–22) Therefore, O Šarrat-Sippar, greatest lady, whenever I complete this temple, and you establish your resi-

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The inscriptions of Nabopolassar

dence inside it, to me, Nabopolassar, the king your provider, like the bricks of Sippar and Babylon that are permanent forever, prolong my kingship to faroff days.” Commentary: As in the other preserved inscriptions from Nabopolassar recovered in Sippar (C21, and the brick B7), the writing is archaising. I 2 The “Assyrian” title šarru dannu is also used by Nabopolassar in the Babylon cylinder C23, see below. Both Tadmor (1998: 35629) and Dalley (2003: 25*) understand the use of the title as a desire by Nabopolassar to associate himself with the late Assyrian kings. On the title see also Berger 1973: 73. Nabonidus and Cyrus also make use of this epithet, Schaudig 2001: 17 (2.12 11 I 1; K1 1 4; K2 1 20). For the use of Assyrian titles and for the Assyrian influence in the reigns of Nabopolassar and Nebuchadnezzar, see Da Riva forthcoming a, and forthcoming b. 2–4 We also encounter the sequence of titles šarru dannu, šar Bābili and šar māt Šumeri u Akkadî in C23 (I 2–3). It is unusual to find three royal titles together, since the Neo-Babylonian kings usually employ only one in the presentation section. 5 The epithet mukīn išdī māti is used here, and twice by Nebuchadnezzar: in C211 (Eulla cylinder, Sippar); and in the Brisa and Nahr el-Kalb inscriptions, in the T8 presentation, (see Da Riva 2012: 62, WBC IX 1– 2); it is not attested in any other Neo-Babylonian inscription. One should note that the epithet is often mentioned in KH, in kudurrus and in other royal inscriptions (CAD I/J: 237). 6–8 These two titles combined and in this order are also encountered in the Babylon cylinder NaplC31/1 (I 11–12b). 9–10 The two “Sippar” epithets migir Šamšu and narām Aja are exclusive to this inscription. No other Neo-Babylonian king ever uses them. In fact, the epithets seem created for this inscription: the first element of each one is often encountered in other Neo-Babylonian inscriptions but referring to other gods: migir Marduk; migir Bēl u Marduk; narām Marduk, narām Nabû (note that none of these is attested in any inscription of Nabopolassar), Šamaš and Aja are never associated with them. 11 Warlike epithets such as qarrād qarrādī are a rarity in the Neo-Babylonian corpus of royal inscriptions, since the monarchs tend to stress their piety and role as temple builders rather than their military deeds. The use of this unusual language could be explained in the context of the defeat of Assyria (612–609 BCE) – perhaps too chronologically recent for Nabopolassar to omit it.

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12

In the context of the defeat of Assyria it is not surprising to encounter the god of war Erra. He also appears in C31/1 (I 22–27), in C23 (I 20), as well as in “The Nabopolassar Epic” (Grayson 1975: 78–86), III(?) 20: ˹d˺ èr-ra gištukul-ka (collated). This epithet of Nabopolassar may be inspired by the Codex Hammurabi KH III 1: ša Erra rūšu ušakšidu nizmassu “whose friend Erra allowed him to obtain his desire”. 14 The epithets ašru and šahṭu often appear together, and in this order, in the Neo-Babylonian inscriptions, as in the Nabopolassar cylinders C21/ 1 (II 1), and C31/1 (I 13). 15–16 mušteʾʾû sakkī ša ilī rabûtim is also found in NaplC31/1 (I 17–18); in NaplC32 (I 33) appears the variant mušteʾʾû bēl bēlī. 20 Note that Šaššu lacks divine determinative. As a cylinder referring to works in the city of Sippar, its patron god Šamaš (here Šaššu or Šamšu) acquires a disproportionate prominence as assistant divinity in the defeat of the Assyrians. In all the other inscriptions, Marduk is the architect of Nabopolassar’s victory over Assyria. On this problem, see Da Riva 2010. II 1–4 This clear mention of the defeat of Assyria allows Al-Rawi to date this inscription after 612–609 BCE. Other inscriptions of Nabopolassar in which this event is directly referred to are C12, C31, and C32. 8 No administrative documents dated to the reign of Nabopolassar have been found so far regarding building work performed in the E-edinna of Šarrat-Sippar. Activities and cults in the temple are well attested in the Neo-Babylonian period (Bongenaar 1997: 229–33, 242–43). The actual location of the temple in Abū-Ḥabbah is uncertain, and there are no other Neo-Babylonian royal inscriptions referring to works in the E-edinna (George 1993: Nr. 244). On the use of pronominal suffixes, see Schaudig 2001: 145–47.

.. C23: The Nēmetti-Enlil inscription, Babylon Object: Clay cylinder, massive. “It was baked too long, which resulted in the cylinder losing its symmetrical shape, and in the injury of some of the text.” (BRM 4: 48). The condition of the cylinder recalls that of the Kasr tablets: it was probably found in the same place. It must have burnt on a wooden surface at a very high temperature (suggestion by U. Kasten).

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The inscriptions of Nabopolassar

Object Number: YBC 2309. Dimensions: Length: 15.9 cm; diameter: ends: 3.4 cm, middle: 6.3 cm. Provenience: Babylon (Kasr?). Museum: Yale University Museum, New Haven. Copy: BRM 4: fig. 47 (Nr. 51); YOS 9: fig. XXXIII (Nr. 84). Photograph: Fig. 16a–n, images courtesy of the Yale Babylonian Collection. Photograph by Carl Kaufman. Writing: Archaising; ruled between the lines and also before the first and after the last line; double line (band) divides columns; 2 columns with 21b+23 lines. Bibliography: Berger 1973: 141; Seux 1976: 505; Setness 1984: 124; Al-Rawi 1985: 2; George 1992: 346 (II 5–10). Berger Number: Nabopolassar Zylinder II, 3. Notes: Collated in February 2010. The end of columns is destroyed but it cannot have more lines missing. Al-Rawi dates the composition of the text from before 612 B.C. (1985: 1–2). I would think that it dates from the beginning of kingship (ll. I 7ff.), from a moment just after the battles around Sippar. Structure of the inscription: 1. Presentation of the king with titles and epithets (I 1–6). 2. īnu-clause describing his accession to the throne. Mentions rebels and a civil war (I 7–13). 3. inūšu-clause (1) narrating imposition of corvée-work (taxes) on peoples of land, etc. (I 14–II 4). 4. inūšu-clause (2) describing works on the Nēmetti-Enlil (II 5–13). 5. Concluding section: prayer to Marduk (II 14–22).

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Transliteration: Col. I (1) d na-bi-um-ibila-ú-[ṣu-úr] / (2) lugal dan-˹núm˺ [lugal ká.dingir.raki] / (3) lugal ma.da [šu-me-rí-im u ak-ka-di-i] / (4) iš-˹ša˺-[ak-ku-um ṣi-i-ri pa-liḫ dú]-raš u diš˹tár˺ / (5) ˹re˺-[é-um ki]-˹nam˺ [ti]-˹ri˺-iṣ qá-at / (6) ˹d˺na-bi-um ˹ù˺ [damar.utu] ˹a˺na-ku / (7) ì-˹nu˺-um ì-[li ra]-bí-ú-tim / (8) a-na be-lu-ut ma-a-ti šu-ma-am ṣi-riim / (9) ˹ib˺-bu-ú ḫa-aṭ-ṭa ši(!)-ri-ik-ti / (10) ˹a˺-na ri-te-ed-de-e ni-ši-ja / (11) ˹i˺-qípu-ù-ni gišuš-pa-ri-im ṣi-ri-im / (12) [a]-˹na˺ ku-nu-uš la ma-gi-ri-im / (13) [ú]-ša-atmi-iḫ qá-tu-ú-a / (14) in-u4-mi-šu-ma na-ap-ḫa-ar um-ma-ni-ja / (15) tu-up-ši-ik-ku ˹lu˺ ˹e˺-˹mi˺-˹id˺ / (16) gišal-lu gišmar-ri-im lu ú-ša-aš-ši-im / (17) ni-šì ma-a-ti e-li-ti ù ša-ap-li-tim / (18) ša dna-bi-um ù damar.utu ṣe-re-es-˹su˺ / (19) ˹a˺-na qá-ti-ja [o] ú-ma-al-lu-˹ú˺ / (20) dìr-ra be-li [(x x)] x x ˹il˺-li-[ik] / (21) im-ni-ja ra-bi-[ṣu(?) x x] ˹er˺-ša (21b) [ra]-bí-a Col. II (1) [x x x x x] x ˹di˺ [x] x an ni ˹ri(?)˺ / (2) [ad]-kam˺-[ma] um-ma-[na-at den.líl(?)] / (3) d [ utu(?) ù] d˹amar˺.˹utu˺ ra-bí-[x x] / (4) [x x x x] ˹ba(?)/lu(?)˺ a-na im.límmu.ba [x x x] / (5) ì-˹ni˺-u4-mi-šu ni-mit-ti-d˹en˺.[líl šal-ḫu-ú-šu] / (6) ˹e˺-eš15-ši-iš lu abni-ma a-na ˹damar.utu˺ be-lí-[ja] / (7) ki-ma u4-mi-im lu ú-na-˹mi˺-ir / (8) ma-aṣṣa-ar-ti é.sag.íl u ká.dingirmeš / (9) lu ú-da-ni-in dumumeš ba-bi-lamki / (10) šuub-ti ne-eḫ-ti lu ú-še-ši-ib / (11) ba-bi-lamki ma-ḫa-az en ra-bí-im d˹amar˺.˹utu˺ / (12) ki-ma ša u4-mu-um ú-ul-lu-tim / (13) a-na ta-na-da-a-ti lu aš-ta-ka-an / (14) d amar.utu den.líl ì-lí a-ši-ir ki-ib-ra-a-tim / (15) e-ep-ši-ti-ja da-am-qá-a-tim / (16) ḫa-di-iš na-ap-li-is-ma ḫa-aṭ-ṭa / (17) i-ša-ar-tim gišku-sa-a šu-ur-šu-da / (18) pale-e u4-mu-um re-e-qu-tim / (19) in ki-ib-ra-a-tim ar-ba-ʾ-im / (20) in re-ša-an e-lá-a-tim ši-ta-ad-˹du˺-[ḫi] / (21) in ˹qí ˺-˹bí ˺-ti-ka ṣi-ir-[tim] / (22) [a]-˹na˺ ši-ri-ik-tim šar-ru-ti-[ja šu-ur-kam] Translation: “(I 1–6) I am Nabopolassar, the migh[ty] king, [the king of Babylon], the king of [Sumer and Akkad], [the august] city-[ruler, who worships U]raš and Ištar, the [tr]ue shep[herd], the one designated by Nabû and [Marduk(?)]. (I 7–13) When the gre[at g]ods designated me with a lofty name to rule the land, they entrusted (to) me a sceptre, a present to lead my people forever; he (Marduk) made (me) hold a mighty staff to subdue the unsubmissive. (I 14–21b) On that day, upon all my work force I imposed the tupšikku-basket, I made them carry hoe and spade. The people of the countries north and south (lit. upper and lower) whose lead-rope Nabû and Marduk had put in my hands, Erra, the lord (…) walks on my right side, the guardian(?) (…) the wise one, the great. (II 1– 4) (…) [I called up] the workers of [Enlil(?), Šamaš(?) and] Marduk, great(?) (…) in the four cardinal points (…). (II 5–14) At that time I rebuilt Nēmetti-En[lil,

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The inscriptions of Nabopolassar

its (the city’s) rampart], and I made it shine as the day for my lord Marduk. (Thus) I reinforced the defences of Esagil and Babylon, and allowed the citizens of Babylon to live there in safety. I made Babylon, the cultic centre of the great lord Mar[duk], worthy of praise as in past times. (II 15–23) O Marduk, Enlil of the gods, supervisor of the (four) regions, look with favour upon my good actions, by your august command [give (me)] as a gift to [my] kingship a just sceptre, a firm throne, a reign of distant days and allow me to march through the four regions, on high mountains.” Commentary: Col. I 2 For the title šarru dannu, see above commentary to NaplC22 I 2. 6 A reconstruction ˹d˺na-˹bi˺-˹um˺ ˹ù˺ [dtaš-me-tum a]-na-ku is also possible, but there seems to be insufficient space in the break. 9 The sign ši resembles a pi. 14ff. This passage (and down to II 4) is reminiscent of royal inscriptions dealing with the construction of ziqqurrats, such as NebkC41 and NebkC041 (see Da Riva forthcoming b). NebkC41 68*–87*: (68) ul-tu ti-a-am-tim / (69) e-li-tim / (70) a-di ti-a-am-tim / (71) ša-ap-li-tim / (72) ma.da ma.da ru-qá-atim / (73) ni-ši da-ad-mi ra-ap-ša-a-tim / (74) lugalmeš ša-di-i ne-su-tim / (75) ù na-gi-i bé-e-ru-tim / (76) ša qé-re-eb ti-a-am-tim / (77) e-li-tim / (78) ù ša-ap-li-tim / ša damar.utu be-lí / (80) a-na ša-da-ad si-ir-di-šu / (81) ṣé-raat-si-na / (82) ú-ma-al-lu-ù qá-tu-ú-a / (83) ad-ka-am-ma um-ma-na-at / (84) d utu ù damar.utu / (85) i-na e-pé-šu é.temen.an.ki / (86) e-mi-id-su-nu-ti / (87) tu-up-ši-ik-ku. “From the upper sea to the lower sea, distant lands, people from the wide inhabited world, kings of far mountains, and unexploited districts from the midst of the upper sea to the lower sea, whose leading rope Marduk gave me to pull his carrying pole, I levied the workers of Šamaš and Marduk to build the Etemenanki and I imposed on them the tupšikku-basket.” 17 The two terms may have the following meanings: upper and lower, upstream and downstream, or, in contexts like this north and south, see George 1992: 8914; George 2008: 224. 20 After be-li there is room for two signs. It is surprising that the aid received by the king by Nabû and Marduk is described in only two lines (I 18–19), and Erra, who rarely is mentioned in these texts, appears here with so many epithets. The mention of Erra points to an early date for the composition of this cylinder (and for the works on the wall), a date close to the conquest of Nineveh or Harran and to the defeat of Assyria. Erra is also mentioned in other Nabopolassar inscriptions (NaplC31 and also in NaplC22) and further in the Nabopolassar Epic referring to the

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defeat of Assyria (Grayson 1975: 78–86 III 20; see also Tadmor 1998). Another very interesting text with a related topic was published by Gerardi (1986). On these texts as historical sources, see Da Riva forthcoming a. 21 Or perhaps ra-bi-[iṣ x x], for there is enough space at the end of the line. The epithet rābiṣu is well attested for Erra (Tallqvist 1938: 329). 21b The beginning of the line is not written, there are approximately two missing signs in the damaged section. Col. II 1 The first lines of column II are damaged. 2 Restored after NaplC32 II 31–31b: ad-kam-ma um-ma-na-at den.líl / dutu ù d amar.utu. 5 Nēmetti-Enlil was the šalḫû or rampart of Imgur-Enlil. Tintir V, 57–58 (George 1992: 66): bàd im-gur den-líl b[àd]-šú / bàd ni-mit den-líl šal-[ḫu-ú]šú “Wall: Imgur-Enlil (Enlil-Showed-Favour), the city wall; Wall: NīmitEnlil (Bulwark of Enlil); its rampart.” No other Neo-Babylonian royal inscription has the works or repairs conducted on this wall as its main topic, but Nēmetti-Enlil is often mentioned in the context of repairs done to Imgur-Enlil, which is the main subject of many extensive inscriptions (see Da Riva 2008: 128–29). For the walls, see Koldewey (5)1990: 153–57; Wetzel 1930: 11–14, 24–29, 98; George 1992: 339, 343–51.

.. C31: The Etemenanki inscription, Babylon Object: 1. Clay cylinder, hollow, with closed bottom and an opening at the small end. 2. Clay cylinder which looks exactly like C31/1, but is damaged. Object Number: 1. CBS 9090. 2. BM 91090 (86-7-20, 1). Dimensions: 1. Length: 15.2 cm; diameter: 8.85 cm, 2.2 cm in the opening of the piece. 2. Length: 14.6 cm; diameter: 9. cm, 2.2 cm in the opening of the piece. Provenience: 1. In a niche in the long side of the Etemenanki, Babylon. Found in the 1880s. 2. Etemenanki, Babylon.

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The inscriptions of Nabopolassar

Museum: 1. University of Pennsylvania Museum, Philadelphia. 2. British Museum, London. Copy: 1. BE I, fig. 32–33 (Nr. 84). 2. Strassmaier 1889: 129–36. Photograph: 1. BE I, fig. XIII (Nr. 34). 2. Fig. 17, image courtesy of the Trustees of the British Museum. Photograph by Agustí Ensesa; composition by Cristina Terré and Rocío Da Riva. Writing: 1. Archaising, 3 columns with 42+51+54 lines. The piece is not ruled, but has vertical lines at the sides and one horizontal line at the end. The lines of column III are very close to each other, because the scribe did not have enough room; it seems he arranged the space before beginning with the writing. 2. Archaising, 3 columns with 42+68+60 lines. The piece is not ruled, but has vertical lines at the sides and one horizontal line at the end, common for the 3 columns, which marks the beginning and the end of text. Column 3 ends before the other two, so there is an empty space of approximately 12 lines at its end (see photo). There are no ruling lines dividing the columns vertically, so the end of the lines from one column “merges” with the beginning of the lines from the next column. Bibliography: 1.–2. Berger 1973: 142–43. Seux 1976: 505; Setness 1984: 102–103, 206 and 219; Ellis 1968: 179–80 (II 57–III 24, Ellis follows a different numeration); Hecker 1988: 490–93; Uehlinger 1990: 221–24 (I 30–43, II 1–11, II 22–32, II 48, III 28–36, with another line numeration); Schaudig 2001: 87273; George 2005/2006: 82–84 (I 30–III 37, following a different numeration); and Schaudig 2010: 146, 150–55. Further literature on the ziqqurrat of Babylon can be found in Uehlinger 1990: 215–30, in George 2005/2006 and in George 2011. Berger Number: 1. Nabopolassar Zylinder III, 1/1. 2. Nabopolassar Zylinder III, 1/2. Notes: 1.–2. According to Al-Rawi, the text dates from after 612–09 BCE (1985: 2), but Streck gives an earlier date, around 620 BCE (2001: 197). Some locals

Cylinders

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79

told Weissbach in 1901 that four cylinders had been found in the illegal excavations of the mid-1880s in the area of es-Sahan (Wetzel and Weissbach 1938: 41). The two exemplars published here may have belonged to this group of four exemplars. Apparently a third exemplar was in possession of some private person, but the whereabouts of the fourth exemplar are unknown. The cylinder was read in April 2004 and read and collated in August 2005. The text was read in September 2004, collated in October 2010, and photographed in November 2011. Inside the piece was the lump of clay BM 91089, 7.6 cm diameter and 6.4 cm thick. The composition of the lump has not been analysed; in my opinion it may have had something to do with elements poured into the piece during the building rituals.

Structure of the text (C31/1): 1. Dedication to Marduk (I 1–7). 2. Presentation of the king, with titles, ending with pers. pronoun (I 8–18). 3. enūma-clause narrating the defeat of the Assyrians (I 19–27). 4. inūmišu-clause, description of works done in ziqqurrat (I 28–II 30) and rituals (II 31–III 33) also narrating the participation of his two sons. 5. Prayer to Marduk (III 34–45). 6. Prayer to the Etemenanki (III 46–54). Score transliteration of C/ and C/: I a-na damar.utu en ra-bí-ù I a-na ˹d˺[amar].utu en ra-bí-ù I I

d

I I

a-ši-ir i-gi4-gi4 ˹a˺-[ši-ir di]-˹gi4˺-gi4

I I

sà-a-ni-iq da-nun-na-ki ˹sà˺-[a-ni-iq da]-˹nun˺-na-ki

I I

nu-úr dingir.dingir ab-bé-e-šu nu-[úr dingir].˹dingir˺ a(!)-bé-˹e˺-šu

I I

à-ši-ib é.sag.íl à-˹ši˺-[ib] é.sag.íl

I   –

en ká.dingir.raki be-lí-ja en ká.dingir.raki / be-lí-ja

d

en.líl dingir.dingir mu-uš-ta-ar-ḫa ˹en˺.[líl dingir]˹me˺ ˹mu˺-uš-ta-ar-ḫa

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The inscriptions of Nabopolassar

I I

d

I  I 

gìr.níta ká.dingir.raki gìr.níta ká.dingir.raki

 I   I –

lugal ma.da šu-me-rí-im / (10b) ù ak-ka-di-im lugal ma.da šu-me-ra-am / ù ak-ka-di-im

 I   I 

ru-ba-a-am na-ʾ-dam ru-ba-a-am na-ʾ-dam

 I   I 

ti-ri-iṣ dna-bi-um / (12b) ù damar.utu ti-ri-iṣ qá-at dna-bi-[um] / (14b) ù damar.˹utu˺

 I   I 

à-aš-ru-um ša-aḫ-ṭam à-aš-ru-um ša-aḫ-˹ṭam˺

 I   I 

ša pa-la-aḫ dingir ù iš8.dar ša pa-la-aḫ dingir ˹ù˺ [iš8.dar]

 I   I 

li-it-mu-du ṣú-ru-uš-šu li-it-mu-du ˹ṣú˺-[ru-uš-šu]

 I   I 

za-ni-in é.sag.íl ù é.zi.da za-ni-in é.˹sag˺.[íl] / (18b) ù [é.zi.da]

 I   I 

mu-uš-te-ʾ-em sà-ak-ke-e mu-uš-te-˹ʾ˺-[em sa-ak-ke-e]

 I   I 

˹ša˺ dingir gal.gal a-na-ku ša dingir.dingir ˹gal˺.[gal a-na-ku]

 I   I 

e-nu-ma i-na qí-bí-a-tim e-nu-ma i-[na qí-bí-a-tim]

 I   I 

d

 I   I 

na-ra-am šar-ru4-ti-ja na-ra-am ˹šar˺-˹ru˺-[ti-ja]

 I   I 

ù ù

 I   I 

ša dìr-ra ra-šu-ub-bu ša dìr-ra ˹ra˺-šu-ub-bu

 I   I 

mu-uš--ab-ri-qu za-à-ri-ja mu-uš--ab-˹ri˺-qu za-à-ri-ja

d

d

na-bi-um-ibila-ú-ṣu-úr na-bi-um-ibila-ú-ṣu-˹úr˺

na-bi-um ù damar.utu na-bi-˹um˺ [ù damar.utu]

giš

tukul-kí da-núm tukul-˹kí ˺ da-˹núm˺

giš

Cylinders

 I   I 

su-ba-ru-um a-na-ru su-ba-ru-um a-na-ru

 I   I 

ma.da-su ú-te-er-ru ma.da-su ú-˹te˺-˹er˺-ru

 I   I 

a-na du6 ù ka-ar-mi a-na du6 ù ka-ar-mi

 I   I 

ì-nu-mi-šu é.temen.an.ki ì-nu-mi-šu é.temen.an.ki

 I   I 

zi-iq-qú-ra-at ká.dingir.raki zi-iq-qú--at ká.dingir.raki

 I   I 

ša ul-la-nu-ú-a ša ul-la-nu-ú-a

 I   I 

un-nu-ša-tu šu-qú-pa-at un-nu-ša-tu šu-qú-pa-at

 I   I 

suḫuš-sà i-na i-ra-at ki.gal-e suḫuš-sà i-na i-ra-at ki.gal-e

 I   I 

a-na šu-úr-šu-dam a-na šu-úr-šu-dam

 I   I 

re-e-si-ša ša-ma-mi re-e-si-ša ša-ma-mi

 I   I 

a-na ši-it-nu-ni a-na si-it-nu-ni

 I   I 

d

 I   I –

giš

 I   I –

i-na zú am.su(!) gišesi / (38b) ù gišmes.má.gan.na i-na zú ˹am˺.si gišesi / ˹ù˺ gišmes.má.gan.na

 I   II 

lu ap-tíq-ma lu ap-tíq-ma

 I   II 

um-ma-nim sa-ad-li-a-tim um-ma-nim sa-ad-li-a-tim

 I   II 

di-ku-ut ma.da-ja di-ku-ut ˹ma˺.da-ja

d

amar.utu be-lam ja-a-ši iq-bí-a amar.utu be-˹el˺ ja-a-ši / (38b) iq-bí-a almeš gišmarmeš ù gišù.šubmeš almeš [o] gišmarmeš / ù giš˹ù˺.šubmeš

giš

81

82

The inscriptions of Nabopolassar

 I   II 

lu ú-ša-aš-ši-im lu ú-[ša-aš]-ši-im

 II   II 

al-mi-in lu ú-sa-al-bi-in / (1b) li-bi-in-tim al-mi-[in lu] ú-sa-al-bi-in / (5b) [li]-bi-in-tim

 II   II 

ú-ša-ap-ti-iq / (2b) sig4.al.ùr.ra ú-sa-˹ap˺-[ti]-˹iq˺ sig4.al.ùr.ra

 II   II 

ki-ma ti-ik sa-me-e ki-ma [ti-ik] sa-we-e

 II   II 

la ma-nu-tim la ˹ma˺-˹nu˺-tim

 II   II 

ki-ma mi-li-im / (5b) ka-aš-ši-im ki-ma [mi-li]-im ka-aš-ši-im

 II   II 

esir.ud.du.a ù esir esir.ud.du.a ˹ù˺ esir

 II   II 

íd

 II   II 

lu ú-sa-az-bi-il lu ú-sa-˹az˺-bi-il

 II   II 

i-na me-re-šu ša dé-a i-na me-re-[šu] ˹ša˺ dé-a

 II   II 

i-na igi.gál-ú-tu ša damar.utu ˹i˺-na igi.gál-[ú]-tu ša damar.utu

 II   II 

i-na ne-me-qu ša dna-bi-um / (11b) ù dnidaba ˹i˺-na ne-[me-qu] ˹ša˺ ˹d˺˹na˺-˹bi˺-˹um˺ / (15b) [ù] dnidaba

a-ra-aḫ-tim a-r[a]-aḫ-tim

íd

 II  i-na li-ib-bi-im / (12b) šu-un-du-lu  II – i-na ˹li˺-˹ib˺-bi-im / šu-un-du-lu  II   II 

ša dingir ba-ni-ja ˹ša˺ dingir ba-ni-ja

 II   II 

ú-ša-ar-sa-an-ni ˹ú˺-˹ša˺-ar-sa-an-ni

 II   II 

i-na pa-ak-ki-ja ra-bí-im [i]-˹na˺ pa-ak-ki-ja(!) ra-bí-ù

 II   II 

ú-ša-ta-ad-di-im-ma [ú]-˹ša˺-ta-ad-di-im-ma

Cylinders

 II   II 

dumumeš um.me.a / (17b) e-em-qú-tim [dumumeš] ˹um˺.me.a e-em-qú-tim

 II   II 

ú-wa-ʾ-ir4-ma [ú]-˹wa˺ -ʾ-ir4-ma

 II   II 

a-ba-aš-lam i-na gi.nínda.na-kum [a-ba-aš]-˹lam˺ i-na gi.nínda.na-kum

 II   II 

ú-ma-an-di-id / (20b) mi-in-di-a-tam [um-ma]-an-di-da(!) mi-in-di-a-tú

 II   II 

lú

 II   II 

iš-ta-ad-dú-um / (22b) eb-le-e [iš]-˹ta˺-ad-dú-um eb-le-e

 II   II 

ú-ki-in-nu-um / (23b) ki-su-úr-ri-im [ú-ki]-in-nu ki-su-úr-ri-im

šitim.gal-e šitim.gal-e

[lú]

 II  à-ar-ka-at dutu / (24b) diškur ù damar.utu  II – [à]-˹ar˺-ka-at dutu / diškur ù damar.utu  II   II 

ap-ru-us-ma [ap]-ru-us-ma

 II   II 

e-ma li-ib-ba-am [e]-ma li-ib-ba-am

 II   II 

ú-uš-ta-ad-di-nu [ú]-uš-ta-ad-di-nu

 II   II 

ú-ka-ṣi-pu mi-in-di-a-tim ˹ú˺-ka-ṣi-˹pu˺ mi-in-di-a-tim

 II   II 

dingir gal.gal i-na pa-ra-si / (29b) à-ar-ka-tim ˹dingir˺.dingir gal.˹gal˺ [i]-˹na˺ pa-ra-si / (35b) ˹à˺-ar-ka-tim

 II   II 

ú-ad-du-nim [o] ú-ad-du-nim

 II   II 

i-na ši-pí-ir / (31b) ka.kù.gál-ú-te ˹i˺-na ši-pí-ir ka.kù.gál-ú-tu

 II   II 

né-me-qá dé-a ù damar.utu [ne]-me-qá dé-a ù damar.utu

 II   II 

à-aš-ri-im ša-a-te ˹à˺-aš-ri-im ša-a-tim

83

84  II   II 

The inscriptions of Nabopolassar

ú-ul-li-il-ma ú-ul-li-il-ma

 II  i-na ki.gal-e re-eš-ti-im  II – ˹i˺-na ki.gal-e / re-eš-ti-im  II   II 

ú-ki-in te-me-en-ša ú-ki-in temenen-šu

 II  kù.gi kù.babbar na4.na4 SA.TU.I / (37b) ù ti-à-am-te  II – kù.gi kù.babbar na4.na4 / SA.TU.I ù ti-à-am-ta  II   II 

i-na uš-ši-ša i-na uš-ši-šu

 II   II 

lu ú-wa-aṣ-ṣi-im lu ú-ma-aṣ-ṣi-im

 II   II 

ṣa-ap-šum na-we-ru-tim ṣa-ap-šum na-we-ru-tim

 II   II 

ì dùg.ga šimḫi.a ù im.sig7.sig7 ì dùg.ga šimḫi.a / (49b) ù im.sig7.sig7

 II   II 

ša-ap-la-nim sig4.sig4 ša-ap-la-nim sig4.sig4

 II   II 

lu aš-tap-pá-ak lu aš-tap-pá-ak

 II   II 

alan šar-ru4-ti-ja alan šar-ru-ti-ja

 II   II 

ba-bi-il tu-up-ši-kam ba-b[i]-il tu-up-ši-kam

 II   II 

lu ap-tíq-ma lu ap-tíq-ma

 II   II 

i-na te-me-en-na i-na te-me-en-na

 II   II 

lu aš-ta-ak-ka-an lu aš-ta-ak-ka-an

 II   II 

a-na damar.utu be-lí-ja a-na damar.utu be-lí-ja

 II   II 

ki-ša-dam lu ú-ka-an-ni-iš ki-ša-dam lu ú-ka-an-ni-su

Cylinders

 II  lu-ba-ra-am te-di-iq / (51b) šar-ru4-ti-ja  II – lu-ba-ra(!) te-di-iq / šar-ru4-ti-ja  III   II 

lu-ú ak-nu-un-ma ˹lu˺ ak-nu-un-ma

 III   II 

sig4.sig4 ù ṭi-iṭ-ṭam sig4.sig4 ù ṭi-iṭ-ṭam

 III   II 

i-na qá-qá-di-ja i-na qá-qá-di-ja

 III   II 

lu-ú az-bi-il lu az-bi-il

 III   II 

tu-up-ši-ka-a-te kù.gi ù kù.babbar tu-up-ši-ka-a-˹tim˺ / (65b) kù.gi ù kù.[babbar]

 III   II 

lu ú-si4-pí-iš-ma lu ú-si4-pí-iš-ma˺

 III   II 

d

 III   II 

bu-uk-ra-am bu-uk-ra re-eš-tu-ù

 III 

re-eš-tu-ù

 III   III 

na-ra-am li-ib-bi-ja na-ra-am li-ib-bi-ja

 III   III –

ṭi-iṭ-ṭam bi-il-la-at / (11b) geštin ì.giš ù ḫi-bi-iš-tim ṭi-iṭ-ṭam bi-il-la-at / geštin ì.giš ù ḫi-bi-iš-tim

 III   III 

it-ti um-ma-na-ti-ja it-ti um-ma-na-˹ti-ja

 III   III 

lu ú-ša-az-bil lu ú-ša-az-bi-˹il˺

 III   III 

d

 III   III 

ta-li-im-šu ta-li-im-šu

 III   III –

še-er-ra-am ṣí-it šà-ja še-er-ra-am / ṣí-it lìb-bi-ja

d

d

na-bi-um-ku-du-úr-ra- / (7b) ú-ṣu-úr na-bi-um-ku-du-úr-ri- / (67b) ú-ṣu-úr

na-bi-um-šu-ma-am-li-ši-ir na-bi-um-šu--˹li˺-ši-˹ir˺

85

86

The inscriptions of Nabopolassar

 III  dú-up-pu-su-um / (17b) da-du-ú-a  III – dú-up-pu-su-um / da-du-ú-a  III   III –

giš

 III   III 

tu-up-ši-kam tu-up-ši-kam kù.g[i ù kù.babbar]

 III 

kù.gi ù kù.babbar

 III   III 

lu e-mi-id-ma lu e-mi-id-ma

 III   III 

a-na damar.utu be-lí-ja a-na damar.utu be-lí-ja

 III   III 

a-na ši-ri-ik-tim a-na ši-ri-ik-tim

 III   III 

lu aš-ru-uk-šum lu aš-ru-uk-šum

 III   III 

é gaba.ri é.šár.ra é gaba.ri é.šár.ra

al giš al

giš

mar lu ú-ša-aṣ-bi-it mar / lu ú-ša-aṣ-bi-it

giš

 III  i-na ul-ṣi-im / (26b) ù ri-si-a-te  III – i-na ul-ṣi-im / ù ri-si-a-tim  III  lu e-pú-uš-ma ki-ma SA.TU.IM  III – lu e-pu-uš-ma / ki-ma SA.TU.IM  III   III 

re-e-si-šu re-e-si-šu

 III   III 

lu ú-ul-li-im lu ú-ul-(erasure)-lu-im

 III   III 

a-na damar.utu be-lí-ja a-na damar.utu be-lí-ja

 III  ki-i ša u4-um ú-ul-lu-tim  III – ki-ma ša u4-um / ú-ul-lu-tim  III   III 

a-na ta-ab-ri-a-tim a-na ta-ab-ra-a-tim

 III   III 

lu ú-ša-as-sí-im-šu lu ú-ša-as-sí-im-šu

Cylinders

 III   III 

d d

amar.utu be-lam amar.utu be-lam

 III  e-ep-še-ti-ja  III – e-ep-še-ti-ja / dam-qá-a-ti  III  ḫa-di-iš na-ap-li-is-ma  III – ḫa-di-iš / na-ap-li-is-ma  III   III 

i-na qí-bí-ti-ka / (37b) ṣi-ir-tim i-na qí-bí-ti-ka / (36b) ṣi-ir-tim

 III   III 

ša la ut-ta-ak-ka-ra ša la ˹it˺(!)-ta-ak-˹ka˺-˹ra˺

 III   III 

i-pí-iš-tim i-pí-iš-tim

 III   III 

li-pí-it qá-ti-ja li-pí-it qá-ti-ja

 III  li-bu-úr a-na da-rí-a-tim  III – li-bu-úr / a-na da-rí-a-tim  III  ki-ma sig4.sig4 é.temen.an.ki  III – ki-ma sig4.sig4 / é.temen.an.ki  III  ku-un-na aṣ-ṣi-a-tim  III – ku-un-na / aṣ-ṣi-a-tim  III  suḫuš  III – suḫuš  III   III 

giš

gu.za-ja šu-úr-ši-id gu.za-ja / šu-úr-ši-id

giš

a-na u4-um re-e-qú-te a-na u4-um re-e-qú-tim

 III  é.temen.an.ki a-na lugal  III – é.temen.an.ki / a-na lugal  III  mu-ud-di-ši-ka ku-ru-ub  III – mu-ud-di-ši-ka / ku-ru-ub  III   III 

e-nu-ma damar.utu e-nu-ma damar.utu

 III   III 

i-na ri-se-e-tim i-na ri-se-e-tim

 III   III 

i-ra-am-mu-ù i-ra-am-mu-ù

87

88  III   III 

The inscriptions of Nabopolassar

qé-re-éb-ka qé-re-éb-ka

 III  é a-na damar.utu be-lí-ja  III – é a-na damar.utu / be-lí-ja  III   III 

da-mi-iq-ta-am da-mi-iq-tim

 III   III 

ti-iz-ka-ar ti-iz-ka-ar-am

Translation (Ex. 1): “(I 1–7) To Marduk, the great lord, the Enlil of the gods, the proud one, who directs the Igigi, who supervises the Anunnaki, the light of the gods his fathers, who dwells in Esagil, the lord of Babylon, my lord. (I 8–18) I am Nabopolassar, the šakkanakku of Babylon, the king of Sumer and Akkad, the pious prince, designated by Nabû and Marduk, the humble, the reverent, whose heart is well versed in the worship of god and goddess, the provider of Esagil and Ezida, who is ever solicitous for the divine rituals of the great gods. (I 19–27) When on the orders of Nabû and Marduk, who love my kingship, and with the mighty weapon of the awe-inspiring Erra, who strikes my enemies with lightning, I killed the Subarean (Assyrian) and turned his lands into tells and ruin heaps, (I 28–36) at that time my lord Marduk told me in regard to Etemenanki – the ziqqurrat of Babylon, which before my time had become dilapidated and was near collapse – , to ground its foundation on the breast of the netherworld, to make its top compete (in height) with the heavens. (I 37–II 8) So I fashioned mattocks, shovels and brick-moulds from ivory, ebony and musukkannu-wood, and set them in the hands of a vast workforce levied from my land. I had them shape mud bricks without number and mould baked bricks like countless raindrops. I had the Arahtu carry asphalt and bitumen like a mighty flood. (II 9–20) Through the sagacity of Ea, through the intelligence of Marduk, through the wisdom of Nabû and Nissaba, by means of the vast mind with which the god who created me endowed (me), I deliberated in my great wisdom, and I commissioned skilled experts, and the surveyor measured the dimensions with the twelve-cubit rule. (II 21–30) The master-builders stretched the measuring cords, they established the outlines. I inquired through extispicy by consulting Šamaš, Adad and Marduk and, where my mind deliberated (and) I pondered (unsure of) the dimensions, the great gods revealed (the truth) to me by the procedure of (oracular) confirmation. (II 31– 48) Through the craft of exorcism, the wisdom of Ea and Marduk, I purified that place and made firm its foundation platform on its former base. In its foundations I laid out gold, silver, gemstones from mountain and sea. Under

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the brickwork I poured shining ṣapšu, sweet-scented oil, aromatics and red earth. I made (foundation) figurines (representing) me as king, bearing the tupšikku-basket, and deposited (them) variously in the foundation platform. (II 49–III 13) I bowed my neck to my lord Marduk. I rolled up my garment, my royal robe, and carried on my head bricks and earth (i.e. mud bricks). I had tupšikku-baskets made of gold and silver and made Nebuchadnezzar, my firstborn son, beloved of my heart, carry alongside my workmen earth mixed with wine, oil and cuttings (of aromatic resin). (III 14–24) I had Nabû-šum-līšir, his close brother, the infant, my own offspring, the younger brother, my darling, seize mattock and spade. I made him bear a tupšikku-basket of gold and silver and dedicated him to my lord Marduk. (III 25–33) I constructed the building, the replica of Ešarra, in joy and jubilation and raised its top as high as a mountain. For my lord Marduk I made it worthy of admiration, just as it was in former times. (III 34–45) O lord Marduk, look with favour upon my (C31/ 2 III 33 adds “good”) actions, by your august command, that is not to be countermanded, may this work, my handiwork, endure forever. Like the bricks of the Etemenanki, firmly fixed forever after, establish firmly the foundations of my throne for distant days. (III 46–54) O Etemenanki, pray on behalf of the king who renovated you! O building, when Marduk joyfully takes up residence within you, speak favourably on my behalf to my lord Marduk!” Commentary on C31/1 and C31/2: Observations and notes on the text included in former editions (either partial or not) will not be repeated here. A constant in this inscription is the archaising writing and archaising use of signs. The transliteration has been updated following George 2005/2006. C31/1 is the “Hauptexemplar” here (the translation follows its numeration) for the sole reason that it is better preserved than its duplicate, but there is no indication whatsoever that C31/1 was a model for C31/2. Commentary on 31/1: For specific notes on exemplar 31/2, see below. I 15 For the reading, see George 2005/2006: 93. 22 George (2005/2006: 92) understands the spelling gištukul-kí as “pseudothird millennium, like the script”. 23 The frequent mentions of the god Erra in the inscriptions of Nabopolassar (C22 I12; C23 I20) should be understood in the contexts of the war against the Assyrians in the first half of the reign of this king. 24 One would expect the word zāʾiru or zajjāru written either za-e-ri, za-i-ri, za-ʾ-i-ri (CAD Z: 14), za-a-a-ri (AHw 1503, note that here are zāʾiru and zajāru together under zajjāru), etc. In the case of our text, the writing is

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25 32 39

40 42

The inscriptions of Nabopolassar

in my opinion not za-WE-ri-ja: the scribe does not need to use the sign wi (PI) to write the aleph, he could use the sign aʾ/ʾa. I would propose the archaising writing za-à-ri-ja. Subarean is also used for Assyrian in the text Gerardi 1986: 34, l. 3. For the reading see also George 2005/2006: 93. For /šV/ indicated with a sV sign passim in this text, see George 2005/ 2006: 93. I have not considered the corrections proposed by George (2005/2006: 92), for the writing of the verb is ambiguous: both patāqu and banû would fit in the context (the same observation is valid for II 46 below). This ambiguity in the writing of the verb is common in other royal inscriptions of this period, see for instance Schaudig 2001: 474 (2.20 Vs. 8). Note that in II 2 below the verb patāqu is clear. The interpretations of CAD Ṣ: 81, CAD N/ 1: 201, and Uehlinger 1990: 222, followed by George, are not justified. I have kept the reading ap-tíq for in the corpus of the Neo-Babylonian royal inscriptions, banû is usually employed for buildings and patāqu for small objects, such as images, statues, figurines, tools, etc. even though patāqu can also be employed to denote the construction of architectural structures (CAD P: 273) and banû is also used in the sense of creating (CAD B: 83ff.). There are no other Nabopolassar inscriptions in which the verb patāqu appears, either in an ambiguous context or not. But in the inscriptions of Nebuchadnezzar, useful for comparison due to their high number, the writing clearly avoids ambiguity in certain passages: – am.am ek-du-tì pí-ti-iq uruduḫi.a e-ep-ti-iq-ma (C36 I 52) – am.am kù.babbar e-ek-du-tum e-ep-ti-iq-ma i-na sip-pe-e-šu uš-ziz (C38/ 1 I 72) The following passages from the Brisa inscription are very interesting for our purposes, for they are duplicated. In all cases WBA has ap-tíq whereas WBC has disambiguated writing. In the examples it is clear that ap-tíq and ap-ti-iq / e-ep-ti-iq are used in the same contexts (in all cases in the figura etymologica pitqa patāqu), and that the writing ap-tíq is characteristic of WBA (Da Riva 2012: 31ff., 49, 59): – [pi]-ti-iq urudu ap-ti-iq-ma (WBC IIIb 14*) = pi-ti-iq e-ri ap-tíq-˹ma˺ (WBA VI 29) – [pi-ti-iq] kas-pa e-eb-bi e-ep-ti-iq (WBC IIIb 27*) = ˹pi˺-ti-iq kù.babbar eb-ba ap-tíq (WBA VI 44) – [pi-ti-iq kù.babbar e-eb-bi a]p-ti-iq-ma (WBC VII 45) = [pi-tiq kù]. ˹babbar˺ ˹e-eb-ba˺ ˹ap-tíq-˹ma˺ (WBA XIII 3’) For the hypercorrect decontraction sa-ad-li-a-tim, see Schaudig 2001: 87273. Note the unusual ventive form ú-ša-aš-ši-im, also used in NaplC32 II 5 (úša-ad-di-im).

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II 9 George understands me-re-šu and not šip-ri-šu (2005/2006: 92). 37–37b As Schuster-Brandis (2008: 8) has demonstrated, the determinative na4 not only categorizes stones (minerals), but also (some types of) shells, which in some texts are known as “stones of the sea” in opposition to “stones of the mountain” (stones strictu sensu). In some texts, such as this one, this formulation represents a parallelism between the shells that “grow” in the water and the “stones” that grow in the mountains. See Schuster-Brandis 2008: 835 for other parallels. 40 The meaning of ṣapšu is uncertain. In the context of this inscription and in the Nebuchadnezzar Brisa inscription WBC VII 13 (ṣapšu namru ḫiṣib šadî u tâmāti: “bright (or: white) ṣapšu, yield of mountain and sea”) ṣapšu cannot be a garment “als Weihgabe” (so AHw 1082) but rather, and following CAD Ṣ: 98, some kind of substance. This ṣapšu could be offered either in whole (as the context of WBC seems to suggest), or crushed, diluted or, mixed with perfumes and salves, spread out or poured onto foundation bricks as a paste (as in this inscription). In any case, ṣapšu is white or bright. If in the passage in the Brisa inscription we understand ḫiṣib šadî u tâmāti as being an apposition to ṣapšu namru then ṣapšu seems to refer to something that could come either from the mountains or from the sea. As we have seen above, shells and stones may come under the same category of objects. It seems that ṣapšu is a term to denote a shell and also a mineral of shiny/white appearance, of symbolic value as an offering and also as an element in foundation rituals and deposits. 44–48 According to Ellis (1968: 26, 151) this ṣalmu was probably not a figure in the round, but rather similar to the small steles of Assurbanipal and Šamaš-šum-ukīn carrying soil-baskets (tupšikku), see BörkerKlähn 1982: 215–16 (Steles 224, Assurbanipal; 225 and 226, Šamaš-šumukīn). On the figurines deposited in the foundations during the rituals, see the text in Ambos 2004: 155–66. On the canephore figurines, see also Suter 2000: 61, 181ff. It is difficult to know how and how many of these figurines were deposited in the foundations of the building. There is an analogy to the deposition of cylinders in buildings: see for example for Borsippa Allinger-Csollich 1991: 494; see also 493, fig. 47 and table 55, fig. 28. 46 See I 39 above. 47 On the temmenu in the Neo-Babylonian period and the foundation documents and figurines it might contain, see Schaudig 2003: 455 and 45539; Schaudig 2010: 152f.

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48 49ff.

I follow George (2005/2006: 8411) in his interpretation of aštakkan (I/ 3) as implying serial action. See Schaudig 2010: 153–55.

III 6 8

For the reading ú-si4-pí-iš-ma, see George 2005/2006: 92f. According to the dictionary, the term bukru (CAD B: 309 “son, child”) is used for princes in the Neo-Babylonian period only. It is a poetic word seldom applied to human beings. Even if in other Semitic languages the word bkr refers to the firstborn, there is no evidence that it was used with this meaning in Akkadian. In fact, the word appears often in plural (CAD B: 310) and with the specification rēštû (s. CAD R: 274 “firstborn”). bukru rēštû is also used to refer to Belshezzar in Schaudig 2001: P1 II 18’. 11 For other mixtures used in foundation rituals, see CAD B: 40; Ambos 2004: 139. 15 Wiseman 1985: 756. 16 The word še-er-ra-am has been understood as šerram: “baby, infant, young child” (CAD Š/2: 317), less likely is the interpretation šīru/šēru/ širru: CAD Š/3: 113 2. “kin, oneʾs own flesh and blood”. 23–24 The phrase ana širikti šarāku may suggest that the prince was symbolically dedicated to the temple as a širku (“oblate”), but note that a similar wording is used in instances of royal children consecrated as priests, see CAD Š/2: 42. For the širku, see Ragen 2007 and Wunsch 2011: 574. 25 The Ešarra may refer to the temple of Enlil in the Ekur complex of Nippur (George 1993: 145, Nr. 1034) or perhaps to the ziqqurrat of the bīt rēš of Anu at Uruk (George 1993: 145, Nr. 1036), given the Urukean origins of Nabopolassar. Commentary on 31/2: I 31 George 2005/2006 83: zi-iq-qú-ret ká.dingir.raki II 20 25 43 59

The sign ja has only two verticals at the end, not three. The signs id and da are very similar, hence the confusion of the copyist. This line can also be read te--en-šu. The sign ra is written on erasure.

III 37 The sign is clearly an IT. It is probably a scribal mistake for the D form, correctly written in C31/1 III 38.

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.. C32: The Imgur-Enlil inscription, Babylon (long version) Object: Hollow pierced barrel cylinder of baked clay, greenish-yellow. Object Number: A Babylon 11. Dimensions: Length: 20.7 cm; diameter: middle: 9.3 cm; ends: 5.9. Provenience: Iraqi restoration works in Babylon (1978): found in a mud-brick box, with A Babylon 12 (s. Nabopolassar Cylinder C11) and A Babylon 10 (Schaudig 2001: 345, 2.1), inside the wall of the tower between the Ištar-Gate and the Emah, s. Abdul-Razak 1979; Al-Rawi 1979/1981: 24f.; Al-Rawi 1985: 8. On the problems posed by the find-spot, see Schaudig, 2001: 345 Nr. 2.1 Ex. 2. Museum: Babylon, Nebuchadnezzar-Museum. Copy: Al-Rawi 1985: 10–11, figs. 1–3. Photograph: Al-Rawi 1979/1981: 44 (Arabic section); Al-Rawi 1985: fig. I. Writing: Archaising, 3 columns (33+41+36 lines), ruled before each line except: I 4b, 14b, 15b, 16b, 21b, 23b, 29b; II 10b, 16b, 20b, 21b, 31b, 35b, 37b, 38b, 41b; III 4b, 6b, 12b, 14b, 15b, 16b, 23b, 30b. Two parallel lines divide the columns vertically. Bibliography: Abdul-Razak 1979; Al-Rawi 1979/1981: 43–44 (Arabic section); Al-Rawi 1985: 1–7, 10–11; Al-Rawi 1979/1981: 24f.; Beaulieu 2000: 307–308; George 1986: 136 (on II 15); George 1991/19 (on II 41); George 1991/101 (on II 41); George 1992: 346 (II 37–41), 368 (II 13–17); Farber 1991/72 (on II 41); Braun-Holzinger and Frahm 1999: 142; Beaulieu 2003: 1*–9*; 2*–3* (III 1–21), 4*–5* (III 22–36); Vanstiphout 1991/103 (on II 41). Berger Number: – Notes: This is the longest version of the text NaplC11, concerning the repairs done by the king at the Imgur-Enlil. The literary structure, contents and formulary of

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the text are very similar to NaplC12, but C32 exceeds the former not only in length, but also in literary and historical value. It is by far the most interesting of Nabopolassar’s inscriptions, and the one that has been studied the most. The composition of the text has been dated between 622 and 612 BCE by AlRawi (1985: 2). Structure of the inscription: 1. I 1–6: Royal titles and epithets. 2. I 7–II 5: īnu-clause (royal autobiography: story of Nabopolassarʾs origins, elevation to kingship, and expulsion of the Assyrians). 3. II 6–41: inūšu-clause (rebuilding of the Imgur-Enlil): II 6–25: description of the wall; II 26–30: state of the wall; II 31–41: action taken to repair it. 4. III 1–21: burial of the foundation deposit: III 1–10: self-praise; III 11–15: oath; III 16–21: ina ūmišuma-clause (foundation deposit). 5. III 22–36: concluding section, wisdom address to future generations. Transliteration: Col. I (1) d ag-ibila-ùru lugal mi-ša-ri / (2) re-é-um ni-bi-it damar.utu / (3) bi-nu-ut d nin.men.na / (4) ru-ba-ti ṣi-ir-tim šar-rat (4b) šar-ra-a-tim / (5) ti-ri-iṣ qá-ti dag ù d taš-me-tum / (6) nun na-ra-am dnin.ši.kù / (7) i-nu-um i-na mé-eṣ-ḫe-ru-ti-ja / (8) dumu la ma-am-ma-na-ma a-na-ku-ma / (9) áš-rat dag ù damar.utu en-e-a / (10) áš-te-né-ʾ-e-a ka-a-a-nim / (11) šá ku-un-ni pa-ar-ṣi-šu-nu / (12) ù šu-ul-lu-mu ki-du-de-e-šu-nu / (13) i-ta-ma-a ka-ba-at-tim / (14) a-na kit-ti ù mi-ša-ri (14b) baša-a uz-na-a-a / (15) dšà-zu en mu-du-ú šà dingirme (15b) ša an-e ù ki-tim / (16) ša ta-ka-la-at ni-ši-im (16b) i-bar-ru-ú ka-a-a-ni / (17) ja-a-ši-im ṣa-aḫ-ra-am / (18) ša i-na ni-ši la ut-tu-ú / (19) šá šà-já ib-re-e-ma i-na kur ab-ba-nu-ú / (20) iš-ku-naan-ni a-na re-še-e-ti / (21) a-na be-lu-ut ma-a-ti ù ni-šu (21b) it-ta-bi ni-bi-ta / (22) ú-šá-lik dlamma dum-qí ina i-di-já / (23) i-na mim-ma e-te-ep-pu-šu-um (23b) ú-šali-im ši-ip-ra-am / (24) dnè-iri11-gal dan-dan-ni dingirmeš / (25) ú-ša-li-ik i-da-a-a / (26) i-na-ar a-a-bi-ja / (27) ú-ša-am-qì-it ga-ri-ja / (28) áš-šu-ru-ú šá i-na ze-ru-ut dingirmeš / (29) ma-at ak-ka-di-i (29b) i-bé-lu-ma / (30) i-na ni-ri-šu ka-ab-tim / (31) ú-šá-az-zi-qu ni-ši ma-a-ti / (32) a-na-ku en-šu pí-is-nu-qu / (33) mu-uš-te-ʾ-ú en en.en Col. II (1) i-na e-mu-qí ga-áš-ra-a-tim / (2) šá dag ù damar.utu enmeš-e-a / (3) ul-tu ma-at ak-ka-di-i / (4) še-ep-šu-nu ap-ru-us-ma / (5) ni-ir-šu-nu ú-ša-ad-di-im / (6) ì-nu-šu d ag-ibila-ùru lugal ba-bi-luki / (7) mu-ṭib šà dag ù damar.utu a-na-ku / (8) im-gurd en.líl bàd ra-ba-a šá ba-bi-limki / (9) ˹bulug˺ reš-ta-a šá iš-tu ṣa-a-tim šu-puú / (10) ki-sur-ra-a šu-úr-šu-du (10b) ša la-bar du-úr u4meš / (11) ki-in-na-a zaq-ru šá šit-nu-nu šá-ma-mi / (12) tuk-šu dan-nu e-di-il pi-i kur a-a-bi / (13) tùr šum-du-

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lu ša di-gi4-gi4 / (14) ki-sal-lu pal-ka-a ša da-nun-na-ki / (15) mé-lit ša-ma-mi simmi-lat ga-an-ṣir / (16) ˹na˺-an-za-az dlugal-gìr-ra (16b) ù dmes-lam-ta-è / (17) ib-rat šá dinnana šar-rat ra-bi-tim / (18) maš-kan til-pa-nu ša dda-gan qu-ra-du / (19) tùr ka-ra-šu šá qar-ra-du dmaš / (20) é ki-di-ni šá da-nu-um (20b) ù den.líl / (21) a-šar giš.ḫurmeš nak-la-a-ti / (21b) ša dé-a en nunki / (22) qaq-qar ni-ṣir-tim šá dingirmeš galmeš / (23) ša di-gi4-gi4 ù da-nun-na-ki / (24) i-na nu-ug šà-šú-nu ú-kinnu te-me-en-šu / (25) nak-liš uš-ta-aṣ-bu-ú ú-ul-lu-ú sag-šú / (26) i-na la-bar u4meš i-ni-iš i-qu-up-ma / (27) i-na zu-un-nim ù ra-a-di ra-bu-tú / (28) ut-ta-as-sú-ú i-garu-šú / (29) te-mé-en-šu ik-kam-ru-ma / (30) iš-ša-ap-ku ti-la-ni-iš / (31) ad-kam-ma um-ma-na-at den.líl (31b) dutu ù damar.utu / (32) ú-šá-áš gišal e-mid tup-šik-ku / (33) ul-tu gú ída-ra-aḫ-tim / (34) šid-di e-li-i ša ká.gal dinnana / (35) a-di gú ara-aḫ-tim šid-di šá-ap-li-i (35b) ša ká-gal duraš / (36) e-pe-ri-šu kam-ru-tu as-súuḫ-ma / (37) te-me-en-šu la-bi-ru a-ḫi-iṭ (37b) ab-re-e-ma / (38) i-na áš-ri reš-ti-i libit-ta-šú (38b) lu-ú ad-di / (39) i-na i-ra-at ki-gal-la / (40) i-šid-su lu-ú ú-šar-ši-id / (41) e-bi-iḫ dan-num bal.ri dutu.è (41b) lu-ú ú-ša-as-ḫi-ir Col. III (1) d ag-ibila-ùru áš-ri kan-šu / (2) pa-li-iḫ dag ù damar.utu / (3) re-é-um mu-ṭib šà d pa4.nun.an.ki / (4) ḫa-ʾ-iṭ te-me-en-na la-bi-ri (4b) ša ba-bi-limki / (5) mu-ut-tu-ú sig4 šá à-aḫ-ra-tim / (6) mu-uš-te(!)-eṣ-bi ki-gal-lu reš-ti-i (6b) ša du-ur u4meš / (7) ṣa-bit gišal ša di-gi4-gi4 / (8) za-bil tup-šik-ku ša da-nun-na-ki / (9) e-piš im-gurd en.líl / (10) a-na damar.utu en-ja a-na-ku-ma / (11) ma-na-ma lugal aḫ-ra-a-tim / (12) a-ma-tu-ú-a na-as-qá-a-tim (12b) a-na la šu-us-sú-ki / (13) el qí-ba-a-ti-já amat a-na la šub-ši-i / (14) ni-iš damar.utu be-li-ja / (14b) ù dutu dingir-ja az-kur / (15) šum-ma i-nim-ma-a-a sur-ra-tu-ma / (15b) la ka-a-a-an-tu-um-ma / (16) i-na u4-mi-šu-ma ṣa-lam lugal-ti (16b) a-lik ma-aḫ-ri-ja / (17) šá bàd šu-a-ti i-pu-šu / (18) a-mu-úr-ma i-na áš-ri ki-i-nu / (19) te-me-en-na ra-bi-i / (20) it-ti alan-ja / (21) lu-ú ú-ki-in a-na du-ur u4meš / (22) ma-na-ma lugal ma-ti-ma lu dumu lu dumu.dumu / (23) a-lik ár-ki-já šá damar.utu a-na be-lu-ut kur (23b) i-nam-bu-ú zi-kir-šú / (24) šá e-mu-qí ù da-na-nu e taš-du- ana šà-ka / (25) áš-rat dag ù d amar.utu ši-te-ʾ-e-ma / (26) li-na-ru ga-ri-ka / (27) damar.utu en i-ḫa-ṭu pi-i i-barri šà / (28) šá ki den ki-num i-ku-un-na iš-da-šú / (29) šá ki dumu den ki-num úla-bar a-na da-ra-ti / (30) ì-nu-ma bàd šu-a-ti in-na-ḫu-ma (30b) tu-pa-áš-šá-ḫu an-ḫu-us-sú / (31) ki-i šá mu-sar-re-e lugal a-lik ma-aḫ-ri-já / (32) a-mu-ru-ma ašar-šú la ú-nak-ki-ru / (33) ši-ṭir mu-já a-mur-ma ki mu-sar-ri-ka šu-kun / (34) ina qí-bit damar.utu en gal-i / (35) šá la in-nen-nu-ú qí-bit-sú / (36) zi-ki-ir šu-mìka liš-šá-kin ana u4-me da-ru-tú Translation: “(I 1–6) (I am) Nabopolassar, the king of justice, the shepherd called by Marduk, creation of Ninmenna – the august princess, queen of queens – the one

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designated by Nabû and Tašmētu, the prince beloved by Niššiku. (I 7–14) When I was young, although I was the son of a nobody, I constantly sought the sanctuaries of my lords Nabû and Marduk. My mind was preoccupied with the establishment of their cultic ordinances and the complete performance of their rituals. My attention was directed towards justice and equity. (I 15–20) Šazu, the lord who knows the hearts of the gods of heaven and the netherworld, who regularly observes the clever behaviour(?) of the people, perceived my intentions and placed me, me the insignificant (one) who was not even noticed among the people, in the highest position in the country in which I was born. (I 21–27) He called me to the lordship over land and people. He made a favourable tutelary spirit walk at my side and he let (me) succeed in everything I undertook. He had Nergal, the strongest among the gods, march at my side; he killed my enemy, he defeated my adversary; (I 28–33) the Assyrian, who had ruled Akkad because of divine anger, and had oppressed the people of the country with his heavy yoke, I, the weak one, the powerless one, who repeatedly seeks the lord of lords (II 1–5) with the mighty strength of my lords Nabû and Marduk, I chased them out of the land of Akkad and I had (the Babylonians) throw off their (the Assyrians’) yoke. (II 6–9) At that time, I, Nabopolassar, king of Babylon, the one who makes Nabû and Marduk happy, (for) the Imgur-Enlil – the great wall of Babylon, the prime boundary-post which has been made manifest since distant times, (II 10–19) the solid border as ancient as the remote ages, the high mountain peak which rivals the heavens, the strong shield that bolts the entrance to the hostile lands, the wide courtyard of the Igigi, the broad patio of the Anunnaki, the stairway to heaven, the ladder down to Ganṣir, the station of Lugalirra and Meslamtaea, the outdoor shrine of the great queen Ištar, the emplacement of the bow of the hero Dagan, the camp enclosure of warrior Ninurta, (II 20–30) the temple of the divine protection of Anu and Enlil, the place of the skilful plan of Ea the lord of Eridu, the fortified ground of the great gods, whose foundations the Igigi and the Anunnaki had installed with the joy of their hearts, (whose work) they had carried out skilfully and (which) they had raised to its top, (which) with the passing of time had become weak and caved in, whose walls had been carried away by rain and heavy storms (and) whose foundations had heaped up and accumulated into a pile of ruins – (II 31–41b) I called up the workers of Enlil, Šamaš, and Marduk, I made them carry the hoe, I laid (on them) the tupšikku-basket. From (one) bank of the Arahtu (Euphrates) on the upper (northern) side, that of the Ištar-Gate, to the (other) bank of the Arahtu (Euphrates), on the lower (southern) side, that of the UrašGate, I took its accumulated debris away, I made a careful survey and examined its old foundation platform and laid its brickwork in the original place:

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I grounded its base on the breast of the netherworld. I surrounded the East Bank with a mighty (mountainous) belt. (III 1–10) Nabopolassar, the humble one, the submissive one, the worshipper of Nabû and Marduk, the shepherd who makes Panunanki (Ṣarpanītu) happy, the one who inspects the ancient foundations of Babylon, the one who finds (inscribed) brick(s) from the past, the one who carries out the work on the original, eternal foundations, the one who seizes the hoe of the Igigi, the one who carries the tupšikku-basket of the Anunnaki, the builder of the Imgur-Enlil for my Marduk, my lord, I, (III 11–15) in order that no future king whosoever remove my well-chosen words, (and) in order that no words are made to supersede my orders, I swore the oath of my lord Marduk, and of my god Šamaš: ‘(Woe on me) if my utterances are lies and not true!’ (III 16–21) In those days I found the royal statue of one of my predecessors who had (re)built that wall and, in a secure place, in the great foundations, together with my own statue, I placed (it) for eternity. (III 22–29) Any king whatever whether son or grandson, who will succeed me, (and) whose name Marduk will call to exercise rulership over the country, do not worry about feats of might and power, (but) strive for the sanctuaries of Nabû and Marduk and let them destroy your enemies. The lord Marduk investigates the word and inspects the heart. He who is true to Bēl, his foundations will endure. He who is true to the son of Bēl will live for ever. (III 30–36) When that wall falls into disrepair and you relieve its decrepitude, in the same way as I found the inscription of a king who preceded me and did not change its situation, find my own inscription and place it with your inscription. By the command of the great lord Marduk, whose command is not to be reversed, may your fame be established for eternity.” Commentary: This cylinder, of which only one exemplar is preserved, deals with the rebuilding of the Imgur-Enlil (“Enlil Showed Favour” George 1992: 67: 57), the inner wall of Babylon (Wetzel 1930: 22–23, 80; George 1992: 130–37, esp. 343–51 (with references in other texts), 368, 378, 440–41). Nabonidus used this text as a source of inspiration for the inscription he had composed and buried alongside the originals of Nabopolassar, see Schaudig 2001: 345. The German team led by Koldewey did not find the wall allegedly rebuilt by Nabopolassar, perhaps with the exception of some remains (Koldewey (5)1990: 141f.), but the construction existed; there are references to it in the cylinder-inscriptions of Nabopolassar, as well as in several texts drafted during the reign of his son and successor Nebuchadnezzar (Wetzel 1930: 83; George 1992: 346–348; see also Da Riva 2008: NebkB11 and NebkB18 and NebkC28, NebkC200, NebkC213, NebkC36, etc.). After Nebuchadnezzar, Nabonidus and Cyrus made further repairs (George 1992: 348–349). The Imgur-Enlil, its ram-

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part (Nēmetti-Enlil), the moat walls (apparently first built by Nabopolassar), and Nebuchadnezzar’s two bastions formed the defensive system of the core of Babylon in the 6th century BCE (see George 1992: 347). In some Nebuchadnezzar inscriptions Nabopolassar’s works are directly referred to: NebkC213 I 12–18: (12) e-nu-ma dna-˹bi˺-˹um˺-ibila-ú-ṣu-úr / (13) a-bi-im ba-nu-ú-a / (14) imgu-úr-den.líl bàd ra-bí-a / (15) ša ba-bi-lamki i-pú-šu / (16) ḫi-ri-su i-ḫe-ru-ma / (17) in ku-upru ˹ù˺ à-gu-ru / (18) ik-ṣú-úr-ru ki-bi-ir4-šu: “When Nabopolassar, the father who begot me, built Imgur-Enlil, the great wall of Babylon, dug its moat and bonded its bank with bitumen and baked bricks (…).” NebkC36 II 22–24: (22) ba-bi-i-liki ma-ḫa-zi be-lam ra-bí-ù damar.utu im-gu-úr- d50 ù né-méet-tì- d50 bàd.bàd-šu ra-bí-ù-tì / (23) ša dna-bi-um-ibila-ú-ṣu-úr šar ba-bi-i-liki a-bi ba-nu-ùa ib-nu-ù uš-šu-šu-un / ka-a-ru esir.ud..a ù à-gu-úr-ru a-˹di˺ ši-ni-ša ú-ša-al-mi-šu-nu˹ti˺-˹ma˺ la ú-ša-ak-li-˹lam˺ ši-pi5-ir4-šu-[o]-˹un˺: “Babylon, the cultic centre of the great lord Marduk: Imgur-Enlil and Nēmetti-Enlil, its great city walls, whose foundation trench Nabopolassar, the father who begot me, had built, he surrounded them twice with an embankment of bitumen and baked brick, but he did not complete their work (…).”

Sometimes Nebuchadnezzar does not mention the previous works of his father, but refers only to his own construction of the walls, as in the Brisa text WBC V 6–11: (6) im-gur-den.líl ù né-mé-et-ti-den.líl / (7) bàd.bàd-šu gal.gal ú-ša-ak-liil / (8) ša ma-na-ma lugal ma-aḫ-ri la i-pu-š[u] / (9) i-na si-ip-pi ká.gal[meš-šunu] / (10) am.˹am˺ e-ri-i pa-a[g-lu-ti] / (11) ˹ù˺ [muš.ḫu]šmeš še-z[u]-zu-t[i uš-zi-iz]: “I completed the construction of its great walls Imgur-Enlil and Nēmetti-Enlil. What no former king had done (I did): at the doorjambs of their gates [I placed] powerful wild bulls in copper and ferocious [mušḫuš]šu-dragons.” Col. I 1ff. NaplC32 I 1–33 and II 1–5 = NaplC12/1 1–21, with the exception of I 28, see below. 3 The mention of Ninmenna, the “lady of the tiara”, a mother goddess mostly worshipped in Ur and Uruk, allows Beaulieu to point to a southern ancestry for Nabopolassar (2000: 3073). In fact, there is plenty of evidence to look for the roots of the king in the lands of the Gulf. In the literary text Gerardi 1986: 35 ll. 10–11, the king is selected by Marduk to avenge Akkad: (10) [u]l-tu qé-reb kur ti-amat šap-li-tum damar.utu en gal-ú ina ni-ši ˹igi˺-[šú] / (11) ip-pal-sa-ni-˹ma˺, “from the midst of the land of the lower sea, the great lord Marduk looked favourably upon me (…).” And in a later colophon, it is clearly indicated that Nabopolassar was (at one point at least) “king of the Sealand,” lugal kur tam-tì

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(Hunger 1968: 46, Nr. 107: 5). This southern origin seems to be definitively confirmed in the light of recent studies (Jursa 2007). A review of the evidence can be found in Da Riva forthcoming a. 5 The epithet tiriṣ qāt Nabû u Tašmētu occurs also in NaplC12. Otherwise the divinities “stretching the hand to the king” are always Nabû and Marduk. 6 Niššiku is a name of Enki/Ea, the patron god of Eridu, also a southern city. 8 Nabopolassar’s royal legitimization is not based on his family, but on his piety and on his service to the gods and to the land, which are extensively reviewed in this long section of the inscription (I 7–II 5). In fact, he had reasons to conceal his family connections, see Jursa 2007. 15–16 dšà.zu, another name of Marduk, literally means “who knows the heart”. The explanation following the Sumerian name also occurs in Enūma eliš VII: 35 (dšà.zu mu-de-e šà-bi dingir.dingir šá i-bar-ru-ú karšú “Šazu, the lord who knows the hearts of the gods, who observes the intentions”), which could be intertextually related to these lines. For the problem of intertextuality in the Babylonian Poem of “Creation,” see Seri forthcoming. 16 For the reading *takkaltu (pl. *takkalātu), see Al-Rawi 1985: 6f. commentary on I 16. Beaulieu proposes to read tallaktu “way, conduct” (Beaulieu 2000: 3078). But in other Nabopolassar inscriptions, such as NaplC12/1 9 and NaplC12/2 9 (collated) the word is also written ta-kala-at so we prefer not to emend it, but keep the hapax *takkaltu: see commentary on NaplC12/1 9. In C12/5 9 the word is written ta-ka-lat. Unless all cylinders come from a common source in which the mistake was already present and none of the scribes noticed it or attempted to emend it, we tentatively keep the reading takkalātu “clever, ingenious behaviour” in agreement with Al-Rawi. Of course, one cannot rule out the possibility of a common mistake in NaplC12 and NaplC32. 21 Al-Rawi considers ni-šu as an error for ni-ši-šu (1985: 7), but it may well be nišū for nišī, analogous to Schaudig’s observations on the long ending of some masculine plural forms (2001: 164). 28–29 This sentence diverges from C12/1 17: aššurû ša ultu ūmī rūqūte kullat nišī ibēluma. The Assyrians are clear instruments of divine anger, but note that in the composition called “Declaring War in Mesopotamia” (Gerardi 1986: 36), the situation is reversed and the Assyrians are punished by Marduk, l. 10: [aš-šu] lem-né-e-tú kur uriki te-pu-šá-ma “[Because of] the crimes that you committed against Akkad (…);” the text refers to Sennacherib, qualified in l. 7 in the most negative way.

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Col. II 5 Note the unusual ventive form with -m (ú-ša-ad-di-im), see also NaplC31 I 42 (ú-ša-aš-ši-im). 8–12 The Nabonidus cylinder Schaudig 2001: 345ff. (2.1 Ex. 2 I 22–II 2) shows “enge Berührungen” with this part of our inscription: (I 22) bàd im-gurd+ en.líl bàd ká.dingir.raki ku-du-ur-ru UŠ.20.ta.a / (I 23) pu-lu-uk da-ru-ú ú-ṣur-tì ki-na-a-ta / (II 1) mi-ṣi-ir šu-úr-šu-du ki-sur-ra-a šu-un-du-lu / (II 2) tu-uk-šu da-núm! e-di-il pi-i a-a-bi “(Regarding) the wall Imgur-Enlil, the wall of Babylon, the boundary marker of 7.200 m (of perimeter), the eternal boundary line, the drawing plan of truth, the well-established limit, the extensive outline, the strong shield which bars the enemy’s mouth.” Ex. 1 I 25 has: e-di-il pa-ni a!(za)-a-bi, “that bars the enemy’s advance”. In fact, both cylinders (NaplC32 and Schaudig 2001: 2.1) were found together in the Imgur-Enlil (Schaudig 2001: 345), and it is very tempting to suggest that Nabonidus found in the Nabopolassar cylinder a model to compose his own Imgur-Enlil inscription. See also below commentary on II 12. 9 For this line, see parallels in the Nabonidus inscriptions, Schaudig 2001: 347 (2.1 2 I 22–23, Imgur-Enlil); 442 (2.13 II 56’, Ebabbar of Sippar). 11 On the expression kinnû zaqru I have followed Beaulieu (2000: 30710); note the similar passage in Nabonidus, and Schaudig’s reading kinnû “Gebirge” (2001: 634); CAD G: 82 ginû B “mountain”. The first editor of the text read qí-in-na-a “eyrie” (Al-Rawi 1985: 7 commentary on II 11). For ša šitnuni šamāmī see above C31/1 I 34–35: (34) re-e-ší-ša ša-ma-mi / (35) a-na ši-it-nu-ni in this case alluding to Etemenanki. 12 The expression ēdil pī māt ajābi is an image which appears in Lugale 351: bàd maḫ-gin7 kalam-ma igi-ba ì-in-[tab]: [k]i-ma du-ur ra-bi-i pa-an ma-a-ti i-[di-il], “il verrouilla (ainsi) le front du pays de Sumer comme avec une haute muraille” (Van Dijk 1983: 95). 13–17 This passage probably refers to a section of Tintir V in which minor shrines in Babylon are dealt with: George 1992: 368. According to the texts, there were 300 daises of the Igigi and 600 daises of the Anunnaki (George 1992: 68–69, line 85). 14–15 As Al-Rawi (1985: 7) correctly pointed out, these phrases are reminiscent of some sections of the myth of Nergal and Ereškigal, I 27; V 13’, 42’ (s. Gurney 1960: 110ff.). According to Al-Rawi, mēlittu (mēlītu) is a maprast from elû “place or means whereby one ascends”. Another attestation of Ganṣir (CAD G: 43b), a literary term used to refer to the netherworld or its entrance (Ganṣir is the first of the seven gates of the netherworld), outside the lexical texts, can be found in a Neo-Babylo-

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nian copy of two Assyrian texts (K 6177 + 8869), two Sennacherib inscriptions of high literary style (see George 1986: 133 l. 5, and 136 commentary on l. 5). 17 ibratu according to Beaulieu, “refers to outdoor shrines, probably niches located on the street or in private courtyards” (2000: 30711). In the topographical texts, there were 180 such shrines of Ištar and 180 stations of Lugalirra and Meslamtaea: George 1992: 68–69, l. 86. 18f. These expressions are attested here for the first time and both refer to places where military exercises occurred: in maškan tilpānu archery sessions were held, either in open air or under a sort of canopy (maškanu CAD M/1: 372), whereas in tarbaṣ karāšu (lit. “enclosure of the camp”) parades of some sort possibly came about (see Al-Rawi 1985: 7). Beaulieu, following Al-Rawi, understands tilpānu as “throwing stick” and notes that it can also refer in this text to the battlements on the walls from which the soldiers threw spears and javelins at the attacking army (2000: 30712). In most of the textual attestations, the term seems to refer to the “bow” (see CAD T: 414f.) and there is no contextual reason here to translate it otherwise. 24 temmenu: “platform [of a building], the area that it occupied, the deposits and inscribed objects that defined that area and established its ownership (…),” George 2005/2006: 82. On the term, see also Schaudig 2001: 44–46 and Schaudig 2010: 145. 25 šuteṣbû: “to execute work according to plan” (CAD Ṣ: 227). But Civil notes that the verb seems to be related to ṣebû “to wish.” So nak-liš ušta-aṣ-bi = šà mu-un-na-ág-dub-dub-bu galam mu-ni-i[i-ak?] (Böhl 1973: 280). In the vocabularies šà-dub-dub = ṣebû; this passage is the only one in which šuteṣbû is accompanied by nakliš. (M. Civil, personal communication). See also commentary to III 6. 26ff. The inscriptions of the Neo-Babylonian monarchs, as documents that mainly record royal building activities, contain many passages in which the derelict state of ancient buildings is compared negatively to the energetic measures undertaken by the new kings to restore or build the structures anew. The mention of rain and storms as causes of the downfall of buildings, especially of the impressive-looking ziqqurrats, can be found throughout this corpus; NebkC212/1 II 1–2: (1) zu-un-nim ù ra-adu / (2) ú-na-as-su-ú li-bi-it-tu-ša “rain and storms had carried away its brickwork” (referring to Eurmeiminanki). 28 A hitherto unattested Dt form of nesû (Beaulieu 2000: 30813). 33 Arahtu was the name of the western branch of the Euphrates flowing through Babylon (George 1992: 15, 351). In the corpus of the Neo-Babylo-

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nian royal inscriptions, Arahtu and Purattu are synonymous terms. In contemporary administrative documentation, the river is usually called Purattu. 34f. Lit. “upstream” and “downstream”: the terms elû and šaplû are to be understood as north and south: George 1992: 8914; see also George 2008: 224. 37–41 See George 1992: 346. 41 This line is probably one of the most controversial in the text. The reading e-pé-šum(!) dan-num proposed by the first editor (Al-Rawi 1985: 10 II 41) has not been followed here, but rather the correction in George 1992: 346, followed by Beaulieu 2000: 30814: “cincture, (mountainous) belt”. George NABU 1991/19, ebīḫu “belt-cord, cincture”, so e-bi-iḫ dannum “a mighty cincture”; Farber NABU 1991/72, thinks the incomplete form is “grammatically difficult even in a late text like this” and proposes the reading Ebih, and proposes the translation “(A mountain as big as) strong Ebih I made go all the way around the east bank.” George in NABU 1991/101, replied proposing examples of literary texts where cities are described as cords; and also gives parallels of words in Nabopolassar inscriptions with ending-less forms. In fact, for an archaising text like this, one would expect a VC ending rather than a CVC. In any case, following Vanstiphout (1991/103) one is tempted to close the disagreement by referring to the extreme ambiguity of the passage and the possibility of an interpretation “Ebih”. Col. III 1–21 See Beaulieu 2003: 2*–4*. 5 For muttû libitti ša waḫrâtim, see Beaulieu 2003: 3*18. 6 See above NaplC32 II 25. 12 Note that, when referring to words or actions, usually spoken or performed by the king, the adjective nasqu often appears in predicative use, as in these two instances in the Code of Hammurabi KH XLVII (Rs. XXIV) 81: a-wa-tu-ú-a na-ás-qá and KH XLVIII (Rs. XXV) 99: a-wa-tu-úa na-ás-qá,“my words are well chosen.” As for the form in III 12b, as Beaulieu correctly pointed out in his study of the inscription, the use of the Š-stem of nasāku is another indication that the text was influenced by the mysterious Old Akkadian statue found during the restoration of the wall. In his interpretation, šussuku “generally refers to stelae and other stone monuments in public view, prone to be carried off by conquering armies and intentionally damaged (…). In good antiquarian fashion, the explanation provided by Nabopolassar for his own taking of an oath turns out to be a scholarly explanation of why an oath was

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recorded on the Old Akkadian statue in the first place: ‘in order that no future king whosoever remove my well-chosen words.’” (Beaulieu 2003: 4*). 14–15 These lines contain a very singular royal oath. As Beaulieu discovered, in order to encounter a similar statement, we have to go back to the Old Akkadian period, where it occurs six times in the inscriptions of the kings of Akkad: four times in Rīmuš, once in Maništūšu and once in Narām-Sîn (Beaulieu 2003: 3*, and see also 3*19). Probably the royal statue of a predecessor “who had rebuilt the wall” found by Nabopolassar was an inscribed statue of a king of Akkad. The statue obviously contained the same oath as in the Rīmuš inscription Frayne 1990: E2.1.2.4. 73–78: dutu / ù / (75) ìl-a-ba4 / ú-ma / la sú-ra-tim / lú kí-ni-íśma: “By the gods Šamaš and Ilaba I swear that (these) are not falsehoods, (but) are indeed true.” This prompted Nabopolassar to have a similar oath composed for his own inscription, modernizing the Old Akkadian oath and replacing the god Ilaba with Marduk. 16 According to Beaulieu (2003: 5* and 5*20), III 16–21 is a mise en abyme, a miniature royal inscription within a royal inscription. This mirroring and quotation of foundation deposits occurs often in the inscriptions of Nabonidus (Schaudig 2003: 457ff.). The evidence suggests that, even if the statue was inscribed, it had no (known) royal name, for Nabopolassar fails to mention it, although he acknowledges the king as a predecessor (Braun-Holzinger and Frahm 1999: 142). See also Beaulieu 2003: 3*. 22–36 These lines are identical to NaplC12 31–41, but line 30 varies in the other inscription, and lines 31–32 are absent in C12. As Beaulieu correctly observed (2003: 4*–5*) these lines contain an indirect allusion to the collapse of the Assyrians and provide us with a historical lesson: Babylonian religiosity (represented by Nabopolassar) has triumphed over Assyrian savagery. In fact, these lines summarize the essence of Nabopolassar’s political ideology and the justification for his seizure of power: he wanted to appear before the Babylonians as someone who, without family connections – or rather with the wrong connections (Jursa 2007) – had succeeded by means of his religiosity (he was very pious as a young boy, as he reminds us in his inscriptions) and his complete trust in the gods, who, as a reward for such passionate divine adherence, help him to destroy Assyria altogether (see also Beaulieu 2003: 1*–2*). These lines also seem to allude to the wisdom literature created around the Old Akkadian kings, particularly the Cuthean Legend of Narām-Sîn, which ends with a similar moral admonition: Good-

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23

27

30

31

The inscriptions of Nabopolassar

nick Westenholz 1997: 326–331. These texts were probably quite familiar to the composer of NaplC32. On references to the legend in Neo-Assyrian sources, see Beaulieu 2003: 8*20. On the kings of Akkad in the inscriptions of Nabonidus, see Schaudig 2003: 461–63. In the Nabopolassar Epic III’ 5, the god Bēl (= Marduk), in divine assembly, hands over the power to Nabopolassar, who had previously (III’ 3) been approved by the princes of the land. No mention of such an assembly(?) of princes appears in other texts. On this document, see Grayson 1975: 78–86; see also Dalley 2003: 27*. Note the parallels in Gerardi 1986: 35 ll. 14–15: [a]-˹na˺ ˹bé˺-lu-tu kur.kur il-qa-an-ni-ma unmeš kur.kurmeš kul-lat-ši-na ú-šat-˹mi˺-[iḫ] / qa-tu-ú-a “(…) he selected me to rule over the lands and the peoples of the lands, all of them, he placed in my hands.” See the passage in Gerardi 1986: 33 l.12: [a]-˹na˺ tu-ru gi-mil kur uriki i-ḫi-iṭ te-re-tu-ú-a ˹ib˺-ri lib-[bi], “to avenge Akkad, he inspected my omens, examined my intentions”. There are similar phrases in an inscription of Nabonidus, not referring to Marduk as in this inscription, but to Šamaš, Schaudig 2001: 2.9 1 I 12: ḫa-ʾ-iṭ šà-ba ùgmeš ba-ru-ú tere-e-ti “He examines the heart of the people, inspects the decisions of the oracle.” On anḫūtu s. CAD A/2: 120, mng. 2 “disrepair, dilapidation – a) of buildings and walls.” When referring to buildings and walls the word normally goes with uddušu. When accompanied by pašāḫu, it is applied rather to humans and gods: “exhaustion, weariness.” In this case we may be dealing with a personification of the wall. See also CAD A/2: 104. Compare this to the use made by Cyrus of the combination anḫūtu pašāḫu in Schaudig 2001: 553 (K2.1 26). The unnamed king is very probably an Old Akkadian monarch, for some elements of the inscriptions seem to be inspired by Old Akkadian models, see above III 14–15, etc. But the possibility that the text refers to an Old-Babylonian king, as Al-Rawi suggested (1985: 8), should not be disregarded.

.. C011: The fragmentary Larsa inscription Object: Clay cylinder. Fragment of the beginning and the end of the first column “brisé aux deux tiers de son axe suivant grossièrement l’axe longitudinal” (Arnaud 1976: 48). The surface of the piece appears to be highly damaged.

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105

Object Number: L. 74.7. Dimensions: Length: 14.0 cm; diameter: 2.9–2.1 cm. Provenience: Larsa (surface). Museum: – Copy: Arnaud 1976: 80. Photograph: – Writing: Contemporary; ruled; 1 column preserved: 5+ 5’ lines. According to the copy, the lines are ruled at least before 4’ and 5’. Bibliography: Arnaud 1976: 47–81. Berger Number: – Notes: Not collated. Approximately two thirds of column I are missing. The text is too fragmentary for translation. Transliteration: Col. I (1) d ˹ ˺[na-bi]-˹um˺-a-ú-ṣu-˹úr˺ ˹lugal˺ [o] / (2) [o] tin.˹tir˺[ki o] / (3) [ti-ri-iṣ] ˹qá˺-a-ti [GN ù GN] / (4) ˹im˺.límmu.ba [x x (x)] / (5) [x] x [x x x x] (…) (1’) [x x] x x [x] x [x (x)] / (2’) [x x x x x] x [x (x)] / (3’) [x] x [x] x x x x ma [x (x)] / (4’) [x x] ˹ú(?)˺ [x] ti la x [x (x)] / (5’) ˹ud˺ [x] x x x ḫur(?) a iš ša ˹at˺ ˹x˺ [x (x)] Commentary: 4 The line is unclear: one may perhaps understand the royal title “king of the four quarters” used by Hammurabi, among others, see Frayne 1990: E4.3.6.12: 4 (Akkadian version), but not attested in the Neo-Babylonian period.

3 The inscriptions of Amēl-Marduk . The brick inscription B1 Object: Brick, 2 exemplars (Koldewey (5)1990: 89). Object Number: 1.–2. – Dimensions: 1.–2. 32 × 32 cm (Wetzel 1930: 56). Provenience: 1.–2. Babylon, western pillar of the Euphrates bridge, s. Wetzel 1930: 56. Museum: – Copy: – Photograph: Koldewey (5)1990: 89, fig. 50 (1 exemplar). Writing: 1.–2. Archaising, 3 lines, ruled. Stamped “unscharf”. Bibliography: 1.–2. Berger 1973: 330. Berger Number: 1.–2. Ewil-Merodach Backstein A I, 1. Notes: Transliteration from a photograph, Koldewey (5)1990: 89, fig. 50. Transliteration: (1) lú-damar.utu lugal ká.dingir.raki / ku-dúr-ri-ùru lugal tin.tirki

(2)

gibil-iš é.sag.íl ù é.zi.da /

(3)

dumu dag-

Translation: “Amēl-Marduk, the king of Babylon, who renovates Esagil and Ezida, son of Nebuchadnezzar, the king of Babylon.”

The inscriptions on vases: V1, V2, V3 and V4

. The inscriptions on vases: V1, V2, V3 and V4 .. V1: The Babylon vase Object: Vase, two fragments, alabaster. Object Number: – Dimensions: – Provenience: Babylon. Museum: Istanbul Archaeological Museum. Copy: Nassouhi 1926: 66. Photograph: – Writing: Contemporary, 2 lines, damaged. Bibliography: Berger 1973: 325. Berger Number: Ewil-Merodach Gefäß I, 1. Transliteration: (1) 1 qa / (2) é.gal lú-[d]˹amar.utu˺ [o] Translation: “1 qa (measure) of the palace of Amēl-Marduk.”

.. V2: The Susa vase 1 Object: Vase, fragment (MDP 5: XXIII).

107

108

The inscriptions of Ame¯l-Marduk

Object Number: – Dimensions: – Provenience: Susa. Museum: – Copy: MDP 5: XXIII (partial copy and partial transliteration). Photograph: – Writing: Contemporary, 2 lines, damaged. Bibliography: Berger 1973: 326. Berger Number: Ewil-Merodach Gefäß I, 2. Notes: The measure of the vase is 6.65 litres (Powell 1990: 498–99). Transliteration: 1 bán 6 1/2 ninda ša ekal Amēl-Marduk šarri Translation: “1 sūtu (measure) 6 1/2 akalu (measure) of the palace of Amēl-Marduk, the king.”

.. V3: The Susa vase 2 Object: Vase, fragment (MDP 10: 96). Object Number: –

The inscriptions on vases: V1, V2, V3 and V4

109

Dimensions: – Provenience: Susa. Museum: – Copy: – Photograph: – Writing: 3 lines, damaged. Bibliography: Berger 1973: 327. Berger Number: Ewil-Merodach Gefäß I, 3. Transliteration: (1) 2 qa [x x x] / (2) é.gal lú-damar.utu lu[gal ká.dingir.raki] / (3) dumu dpa-níg.duùru lugal [tin.tirki] Translation: “2 qa (measure) (…) of the palace of Amēl-Marduk, the ki[ng of Babylon], son of Nebuchadnezzar, the king [of Babylon].”

.. V4: The Susa vase 3 Object: Vase, alabaster, damaged (TCL 3: 24–25). Object Number: Excavation Nr. 12042. Dimensions: 14 cm; contents 0,27 l. Provenience: Susa.

110

The inscriptions of Ame¯l-Marduk

Museum: – Copy: MDP 14: 60. Photograph: TCL 3: 24b. Writing: Contemporary, 3 lines, 3 signs damaged in l. 3. Bibliography: Berger 1973: 328. Berger Number: Ewil-Merodach Gefäß I, 4. Transliteration: (1) 3 1/3 ninda / (2) é.gal lú-damar.utu lugal tin.tirki / ˹ùru˺ lugal tin.tirki

(3)

dumu dpa-˹níg˺.˹du˺-

Translation: “3 and 1/3 akalu (measure), palace of Amēl-Marduk, king of Babylon, son of Nebuchadnezzar, king of Babylon.”

. The paving stone PS1 Object: Paving stone, fragment. Object Number: Grabungs-Nr. 19274. Dimensions: 66 cm × 66 cm (Koldewey, (5)1990: 161). Provenience: Kasr, Babylon, Hauptburg, courtyard (Koldewey (5)1990: 161). Museum: – Copy: –

The paving stone PS1

111

Photograph: Koldewey (5)1990: 160, fig. 99, 1. Writing: Archaising, 2 lines, damaged. Bibliography: Berger 1973: 25, 329. Berger Number: Ewil-Merodach Pflasterstein I. Notes: Not collated. The transliteration was made from a photograph. The object is very similar in size and format to Nebuchadnezzar’s paving block (Da Riva 2008: 124, PS1/2; Koldewey (5)1990: 160, fig. 99, 2), which was also found in the same place. Transliteration: (1) é.gal lú-damar.utu lugal tin.ti[rki] /

(2)

ibila dag-ku-dúr-ri-ùru lugal tin.ti[rki]

Translation: “Palace of Amēl-Marduk, king of Babylon, son of Nebuchadnezzar, king of Babylon.”

4 The inscriptions of Neriglissar . The brick inscriptions .. Brick inscription B1 Object: 1. Brick. 2. Brick. 3. Brick. 4. Brick, fragment. Object Number: 1. Berger (1973: 334) refers to a paper copy in the British Museum Nr. 201a + b and 227, but it could not be located. 2.–4. – Dimensions: 1.–3. – 4. 8.5 × 14 cm. Provenience: 1. Babylon, river bank. 2. Babylon, south Palace. Südburg Anbau-Hof, Koldewey and Wetzel 1931: 115. 3. Babylon, western annex building. 4. Babylon, from a traveller in the East in 1964, s. also Koldewey (5)1990: 124. Museum: 1. British Museum, London. 2.–3. – 4. Private collection in Berlin. Copy: 1. CIS II/1: 60 (Nr. 58). 2. Koldewey (5)1990: 90, fig. 51, G. 3. – 4. See Berger 1973: 113. Photograph: 1.–4. – Writing: 1. Archaising, three lines, Aramaic docket.

The brick inscriptions

113

2. Archaising, three lines. 3. Archaising, three lines, stamp; Aramaic docket. 4. Archaising, three lines, Aramaic docket. Bibliography: 1. 1.–4. Berger 1973: 334. Berger Number: 1. Neriglissar-Backsteine 2. Neriglissar-Backsteine 3. Neriglissar-Backsteine 4. Neriglissar-Backsteine

A A A A

I, I, I, I,

1/1. 1/2. 1/3. 1/4.

Transliteration: d  u.gur-lugal-ùru lugal tin.tirki d  u.gur-lugal-ùru lugal tin.tirki  

mu-ud-diš é.sag.íl ù é.zi.da mu-ud-diš é.sag.íl ù é.zi.da

 

e-pi-iš da-am-qa-a-ti e-pi-iš da-am-qá-a-ti

Translation: “Neriglissar, the king of Babylon, the one who renovates Esagil and Ezida, the one who performs good actions.”

.. Brick inscription B2 Object: 1. Brick, s. Koldewey and Wetzel 1931: 32, 115. 2. Brick, 2 exemplars. Object Number: 1. Inventory Nr. 41545 (Wetzel and Weissbach 1938: 377). 2. – Dimensions: 1.–2. – Provenience: 1. Babylon, western annex building. 2. Babylon, wall north of the gate of the bridge.

114

The inscriptions of Neriglissar

Museum: 1.–2. – Copy: 1.–2. – Photograph: 1.–2. – Writing: 1. Archaising, four lines. 2. Four lines. Bibliography: 1.–2. Berger 1973: 335. Berger Number: 1.–2. Neriglissar-Backsteine A I, 2 Notes: No transliteration available.

. The cylinders .. C21: The Esagil inscription, Babylon Object: 1. Clay cylinder, baked, pierced, barrel-shaped. 2. Fragment of a pierced clay cylinder. Object Number: 1. BM 113233 (1915-12-11, 1). 2. BM 32550 (76-11-17, 2293). Dimensions: 1. Length: 17.5 cm; diameter: middle: 9.5 cm; ends 7 cm. 2. 6.8 × 9.3 cm. Provenience: 1.–2. – Museum: 1.–2. British Museum, London.

The cylinders

115

Copy: 1. CT 36: fig. 17–20. 2. – Photograph: 1. Fig. 18, image courtesy of the Trustees of the British Museum. Photograph by Agustí Ensesa; composition by Cristina Terré and Rocío Da Riva. 2. Fig. 19, image courtesy of the Trustees of the British Museum. Photograph by Agustí Ensesa; composition by Cristina Terré and Rocío Da Riva. Writing: 1. Archaising, 2 columns with 37+39 lines, ruled. 2. Contemporary, 2 columns, 17+4’ lines preserved, ruled. Bibliography: 1. Berger 1973: 336. 2. – Berger Number: 1. Neriglissar Zylinder II, 1. 2. – Notes: 1.–2. Collated and photographed November 2011. Transliteration: d I nè-iri11-gal-lugal-ú-ṣu-ur lugal tin.tirki d I ˺˹nè˺-˹iri11˺-˹gal˺-˹lugal˺-˹ú˺-˹ṣu˺-˹úr˺ ˹lugal˺ [tin.tirki] I I

ru-ba-a-am na-a-da mi-gi-ir damar.utu ru-ba-a na-a-du mi-gi-ir ˹d˺˹amar˺.˹utu˺

I I

áš-ru ka-an-šu pa-li-iḫ en en.en áš-ri ka-an-šu pa-li-iḫ en en.en

I I

e-em-qá-am mu-ut-né-en-nu-ú e-em-qá-am mu-ut-né-en-nu-ú

I I

mu-uš-te-ʾ-ú aš-ra-a-tim dag en-šu mu-uš-te-ʾ-ú aš-ra-a-tim dag be-lí-šu

I I

énsi za-ni-nu-um énsi za-ni-nu-[um]

I I

ba-bi-il i-gi-se-e ra-bu-ù-tim ba-bi-il i-gi-se-e ra-bi-ú-[tim]

116

The inscriptions of Neriglissar

I I

a-na é.sag.íl ù é.zi.da a-na é.sag.íl ù é.˹zi˺.[da]

I I

mu-ṭa-aḫ-ḫi-id sa-at-tu-uk-ku mu-ṭa-aḫ-ḫi-id sa-at-tu-[uk-ku]

 I   I 

mu-uš-te-ši-ru šu-lu-úḫ-ḫi-šu-un mu-uš-te-ši-ru šu-lu-˹úḫ˺-[ḫi-šu-un]

 I   I 

dumu mden-šu-um-iš-ku-un nun e-em-qá ˹dumu˺ mden-šu-mi-iš-ku-un nun [e-em-qá]

 I   I 

eṭ-lum gi-it-ma-lum na-ṣi-ir [eṭ-lum g]i-it-ma-lum na-˹ṣi˺-[ir]

 I   I 

ma-aṣ-ṣa-ar-tim é.sag.íl ù tin.tirki [ma-aṣ-ṣa]-˹ar˺-[tim é.sag.íl ù tin.tirki]

 I   I 

ša ki-ma bàd dan-nu pa-ni ma-a-tim i-di-lu / (14b) a-na-ku [ša ki-ma] ˹bàd˺ dan-nu pa-ni [ma-a-tim i-di-lu a-na-ku]

 I   I 

ì-nu-um damar.utu den.líl dingir.dingir [ì-nu]-um damar.utu d[en.líl dingir.dingir]

 I   I 

ru-bu-ú (erasure) mu-uš-ta-li [ru-bu]-ú [mu-uš-ta-li]

 I   I 

abgal ša li-ib-bi di-gi4-gi4 ka-la-mu / (17b) mu-du-ú [abgal] ˹ša˺ ˹li˺-˹ib˺-˹bi˺ [di-gi4-gi4 ka-la-mu mu-du-ú]

 I 

i-na ni-ši-ša ra-ap-ša-a-tim iš-ta-an-ni-ma

 I 

iš-tu mé-eṣ-ḫe-ru-ti-ja i-ša-ri-iš ṣab-ta-an-ni

 I 

šu-um ṭa-a-bi lu-ú im-ba-an-ni

 I 

áš-ri šu-ul-mi ù ba-la-ṭa lu-ú ir-te-id-dan-ni

 I 

a-na i-ša-ru-ti-ja ša qá-qá-da-a a-pá-lu-šu

 I 

a-na ka-an-šu-ti-ja ša ka-a-a-nim

 I 

pu-lu-úḫ-tim i-lu-ti-šu aš-te-ʾ-ú

 I 

ša e-li-šu ṭa-a-bi e-pé-šu u4-mi-ša-am / (25b) a-ta-mu-ú

 I 

ip-pa-al-sa-an-ni-ma i-na ma-a-tim

 I 

šu-um da-am-qá a-na šar-ru-tim iz-ku-úr

 I 

a-na re-é-ú-tim ni-ši ša a-na da-rí e-pé-šu

The cylinders

 I 

giš

 I   II ’

a-na šar-ru-ti-ja lu-ú iš-ru-kam a˺-[na šar-ru-ti-ja lu-ú iš-ru-kam]

 I   II ’

ši-bi-ir-ri ki-i-nu mu-ša-al-li-im ni-ši ˹ši˺-[bi-ir-ri ki-i-nu mu-ša-al-li-im ni-ši]

 I   II ’

a-na be-lu-tú lu-ú i-qí-pí-im a-[na be-lu-tú lu-ú i-qí-pi-im]

 I   II ’

uš-pa-ri mu-ka-an-ni-iš za-ʾ-i-ru ˹uš˺-[pa-ri mu-ka-an-ni-iš za-ʾ-i-ru]

 I 

lu-ú ú-ša-at-mi-ḫa qá-tu-ú-a

 I 

a-ga-a ki-i-nu ú-ša-aš-ša-an-ni-ma

 I 

a-na šar-ru-ti-ja ša-ni-nu ù mu-gal-li-tú / (36b) ul ú-ša-ab-ši

 I 

a-na-ar a-a-bi aš-gi-iš za-ma-nu

 II 

la ma-gi-ri ka-li-šu-nu a-lu-ut

 II 

mi-ša-ri i-na ma-a-tim aš-ta-ak-ka-an

 II 

ni-ši-ja ra-ap-ša-a-tim i-na šu-ul-mi

 II 

(erasure) ar-ta-ni-ʾ-e

 II 

i-na u4-mi-šu a-na damar.utu dingir ba-an né-me-qí

 II 

ša i-na di-gi4-gi4 šu-úr-ba-tim a-ma-at-su

 II 

i-na da-nun-na-ki šu-tu-qá-at be-lu-ut-su

 II 

pa-al-ḫi-iš at-ta-ʾ-id-ma

 II 

é.gar8 si-ḫi-ir-tim é.sag.íl mé-eḫ-ra-at / (9b) im.si.sá

 II 

ša ra-am-ku-tim ki-ni-iš-ti é.sag.íl

 II 

ra-mu-ù qé-re-eb-ša

 II 

ša šar ma-aḫ-ri uš-ši-ša id-du-ma

 II 

la ul-lu-ú re-e-ši-ša

 II 

i-na ta-am-le-e iš-ta-ap-pí-lu-ma

 II 

i-ni-šu i-ga-ru-ša

 II 

ri-ik-sa-ti-ša la du-un-nu-nim

níg.gidru i-ša-ár-ti mu-ra-ap-pí-ša-at ma-a-tú

117

118

The inscriptions of Neriglissar

 II 

si-ip-pu-šu la ku-un-nu-um

 II 

bur.sag.gá a-na ul-lu-lu šu-lu-uḫ-ḫu a-na ˹na˺-[de-e]

 II 

ta-ak-li-mu be-lí ra-bu-ú ˹d˺˹amar˺.˹utu˺

 II 

a-na ub-bu-bi-im-ma šu-ul-lu-mu sa-at-tuk-[ku]

 II 

še-eṭ-ṭim ù ḫi-ṭi-tim a-na la šu-ub-ši-[i]

 II 

te-em-me-en-ša la-bí-ri a-ḫi-iṭ ab-re-e-ma

 II 

e-li te-em-me-en-ni-šu la-bí-ri ú-ki-in uš-ši-šu

 II 

ú-za-aq-qí-ir mé-la-a-šu ul-la-a ḫu-úr-sa-ni-iš

 II 

si-ip-pu-šu ú-ki-in-ma i-na ká-šu

 II 

e-er-ta-a

 II 

ki-˹sa˺-a dan-nim i-na ésir.ud.a

 II 

ù sig4.al.ùr.ra ú-ša-às-ḫi-ir

 II 

d

 II 

ka-ab-ti ši-it-ra-ḫu nu-úr ì-lí ab-be-e-šu

 II 

li-pí-it qá-ti-ja šu-qú-ru-um

 II 

ḫa-di-iš na-ap-li-is-ma

 II 

ba-la-ṭam u4meš ar-ku-tim še-be-e li-it-tu-tú

 II 

ku-un-nu

 II 

a-na še-ri-ik-tim šu-úr-kam

 II 

i-na qí-bi-ti-ka ki-it-tim ša la na-ka-ri

 II 

d

 II 

mu-uš-te-ʾ-ú aš-ra-ti-ka

 II 

a-na du-úr da-ra a-na-ku

giš

igmeš

amar.utu en šu-úr-bi-i e-te-el-lu ṣi-i-ri

giš

gu.za ù la-ba-ri pa-le-e

nè-iri11-gal-lugal-ú-ṣur lu-ú lugal za-ni-nu

Translation (C21/1): “(I 1–14) I am Neriglissar, the king of Babylon, the reverent prince, favourite of Marduk, humble, submissive, who worships the lord of lords, the wise, the pious, who visits assiduously the shrines of his lord Nabû, the provider cityruler, the one who brings important offerings for the Esagil and the Ezida, the one who makes the regular offerings abundant and makes sure that their ritual is correctly observed, the son of Bēl-šum-iškun, the wise prince, the young

The cylinders

119

man, the one who takes care of the protection of the Esagil and Babylon, the one who protects the approach of the country like a strong wall. (I 15–25) When Marduk, the Enlil of the gods, the judicious prince, the sage who knows the thoughts of all the Igigi, sought me out among the widespread mankind, since my youth he had been providing for me carefully, he gave me a favourable name (and) he has verily guided me towards well being and good health; on account of my reliability with which I always answer him, (and) on account of my submissiveness in which I constantly strive for the veneration of his divinity, I plan every day to do good things for him. (I 26–37) He selected me (among the people) in the country, and declared me king with a favourable name. In order to carry out forever the shepherd-ship of the people, he gave me for my kingship a just sceptre, enlarger of the land; he entrusted (to) me to exercise my rulership with the rightful šibirru-staff, protector of the people; he let my hands hold an ušparu-staff, who subdues the enemy; he had me wear the legitimate crown. (So) I did not allow rivals or intimidators against my kingship, I destroyed the enemy, I crushed the hostile, (II 1–4) I curbed the disobedient. I have established justice in the land, I have constantly led the widespread people in safety. (II 5–8) At that time, I was piously solicitous to Marduk, the god who creates wisdom, whose word is supreme among the Igigi, whose lordship is the most outstanding among the Anunnaki. (II 9–17) The enclosure wall of Esagil facing north, (an area) in which the ramkūtupriests (and) the kiništu-priests of Esagil reside, whose foundations a former king had laid, but did not finish building (lit. raise its summit), and which, because of the terracing, had become too low, its wall had become weak, its structure was no longer strong, its thresholds were not solid. (II 18–28) To keep the bursaggû-meals ritually pure, to arrange the šuluḫḫu-ritual, to keep the taklīmu-offerings pure for the great lord Marduk and to bring to completion the regular offerings, so that no omission or negligence occur, I inspected and examined its old foundation, and I established its foundation trench on its old foundation, I raised its high part, I elevated (it) as high as a mountain. I installed the door-frames, I fixed doors in its gates and surrounded (it) with a strong supporting wall of bitumen and baked bricks. (II 29–35) Marduk, supreme lord, pre-eminent, august, respected, magnificent, light of the gods his fathers. Look with favour on my precious handiwork, and grant me as a gift a life of many days, to become sated with extreme old age, a fixed throne and a long-lasting dynasty! (II 36–39) By your reliable command that is not to be countermanded, I am Neriglissar the king, the provider, who assiduously visits your shrines forever.”

120

The inscriptions of Neriglissar

Commentary to C21/1: I 14 The idea appears also in Streck Asb. 42: IV 125: ša ki-ma bàd gal-e pa-an kur elamki par-ku. 16 There are two erased signs between ú and mu. For this passage, see the “Advice to a Prince” in Lambert 1996 [1960]: 112 l. 26 (Fig. 31: 26): d amar.utu abgal dingirmeš nun muš-ta-lum “Marduk, the sage of the gods, the prince, the counsellor.” 22 I have understood ša qá-qá-da-a a-pá-lu-šu as “I always answer him,” but see an alternative interpretation in CAD I/J: 227. II 4 There are four signs erased before ar. 9 See Koldewey (5)1990: 191; see also George 1992: 419. 10 The ramkūtu and the kiništu also appear together in the En-nigaldi-Nanna Cylinder of Nabonidus (YOS 1 45). The inscription has been recently edited by Schaudig 2001: 373–77, who understands the ramkūtu as “Oberbegriff für die Priester eines Tempels” and translates it as “gebadet” (Schaudig 2001: 662), whereas kiništu is translated as “Priesterkollegium” (2001: 634) and understood in as a term subsuming all the previous temple officials mentioned in the text (Schaudig 2001: 375, 2.7 II 21–27). But ramkūtu and the kiništu may well be synonyms in the Neo-Babylonian inscriptions, see CAD R: 4 (YOS 1 45), and they could be translated as “priestly collegium” or the like. In any case, I prefer to leave the Akkadian words untranslated. 18 See the Nabonidus text Schaudig 2001: 375 (2.7 II 20), aš-šum bur.sag-gee ul-lu-li-im-ma ḫi-ṭi-ti la ra-še-e: “to keep the bursaggû offerings pure, and not to let any shortfall happen.” 27 The first five signs of the line are written on erasure.

.. C22: The Lībil-hegalla inscription, Babylon Object: Clay cylinder, massive. The surface of the object is badly damaged. Object Number: BM 90913 (12041). Dimensions: Length: 16.3 cm; diameter: 7.3 (middle), 5.4 (ends). Provenience: –

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Museum: British Museum, London. Copy: – Photograph: Fig. 20, image courtesy of the Trustees of the British Museum. Photograph by Agustí Ensesa; composition by Cristina Terré and Rocío Da Riva. Writing: Contemporary, two columns with 37+38 lines; ruled. Bibliography: Berger 1973: 337; Koldewey (5)1990: 65 partial translation I 32–37 (C. Winckler). Berger Number: Neriglissar Zylinder II, 2. Notes: There is an archival mark, a docket, which reads igi.tab written on the left end of the cylinder, in between the two modern inventory numbers from the British Museum. See also Berger 1973: 48, 69, 100; and Hunger 1968: 3. The cylinder was collated and photographed in November 2011. The transliteration and translation offered below is uncertain; some sections of the inscription are too damaged to read. Transliteration: Col.I (1) d nè-iri11-gal-lugal-ú-ṣu-úr lugal [ba]-˹bi˺-lamki / (2) ˹ša˺ damar.utu be-lu ra-bíù dingir ˹ba˺-˹nu˺-˹šu˺ / (3) ˹i˺-na ku-un li-ib-bi-šu ˹ut˺-˹tu˺-˹šu˺-˹ma˺ / (4) nišim ra-ap-ša-a-ti ˹iš˺-˹ru˺-˹ku˺-˹šu˺-˹ma˺ / (5) ṣa-al-ma-at qá-qá-dam a-na ˹re˺[ʾ]-˹e˺ / (6) ú-ma-al-lu-ú qá-tu-uš-šu / (7) ˹ša˺ níg.gidru i-ša-ar-ti uš-pa-ri ki-nim / (8) ˹ša˺ dag pa-qí-id ki-iš-[ša]-at / (9) ˹ša˺-mé-e ù er-˹ṣe˺-ti / (10) ˹a˺-na šu-um-muḫu ba-˹ʾ˺-ú-la-a-ti / (11) [ú]-ša-at-mi-iḫ qá-tu-uš-šu / (12) [ša za]-ʾ-i-ri na-a-ri a-abi ka-ša-dam / (13) [d]ìr-ra ša-ga-pú-ru dingir.dingir / (14) [id]-di-nu-šu ka-ak-kušu / (15) [ša] ˹dingir˺ gal.gal i-na pu-úḫ-ri-šu-nu / (16) ˹za˺-˹ni˺-˹nu˺-˹ut˺-˹su˺-˹nu˺ e-pé-˹ša˺ ˹iq˺-[bu]-šu / (17) a-na za-na-nam é.sag.íl ˹é˺.˹zi˺.˹da˺ / (18) ˹ù˺ ˹é˺.˹mes˺.˹lam˺ ˹ma˺-˹ḫa˺-˹zi˺ ˹ṣi˺-˹i˺-˹ru˺(?)-˹ti˺ (?) / (19) x x x x ˹ša˺ dingir.dingir ˹ká˺.˹dingir˺˹ki˺ / (20) [dnè]-iri11-gal-lugal-ú-ṣu-úr lugal ˹ká˺.˹dingir˺.˹ra˺[ki] / (21) [ì-nu-ma(?) d]˹amar˺.˹utu˺ ˹be˺-˹lu ra-bí-ù ki(?) a(?) x x x x x x / (22) [mé]˹e˺ nu-úḫ-˹šu˺ ˹gap-šu-ti ina ṭe-em4 dni-in-ši-qa˺ / (23) [ù] ˹i˺-˹na˺ né-me-qí ˹ša˺ déa iš-ru-ku / (24) ˹i˺-˹na˺ ˹le˺-ʾ-ú-ti ša damar.utu i-qí-˹šu˺ / (25) ˹i˺-˹na˺ [di-i]n na-asqu ša ˹dutu˺(?) ú-ša-lam-an-ni / (26) [x x x] ˹ki˺ ma-aḫ-ri a-na [o o] bára.sipaki /

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The inscriptions of Neriglissar

(27)

˹é˺.zi.da ˹é˺ gur-šu x x x x x ḫu x an(?)/ti(?) / (28) ˹igi˺.˹sá˺ šu-um-mu-ḫu ni-qu i-qí-ip-˹pu˺ e x x ni x e / (29) é.sag.íl ù é.zi.da a-za-an-na-an / (30) e-eš-re-e-ti dingir.dingir uš-te-eš-še-er / (31) ˹ši˺ -˹ṭir˺ ˹mu˺-ja ab-na-a qé-er-bu-uš-šú-nu [ašku-u]n / (32) ˹ì˺-˹nu˺-mi-šu li-bi-il-ḫé-gál-la pa5 dutu.˹è˺ ká.dingir.raki / (33) [ša] ˹lugal˺ ma-aḫ-ri ú-ša-aḫ-ru-ma / (34) ˹i˺-na ku-up-ri ù a-gur-ri la ik-ṣú-ru su-ukki-šu / (35) [pa5] ú-ša-aḫ-ri-ma su-uk-ki-šu ak-ṣu-˹úr˺-[ma] / (36) [nu]-˹uḫ˺-˹šu˺ mée i-na ˹la˺ ˹na˺-˹pa˺-[ar-ku-ti] / (37) [ú]-na-ak-ki-mu i-na ma-a-ti Col. II (1) ja-ti e-em-qá mu-ut-né-en-nu [o] / (2) lugal pa-˹li˺-˹ḫu˺ dingir.dingir mu-du-ʾ [o] / (3) ˹li˺-˹bi˺-˹il˺-˹ḫé˺-˹gál˺-˹lu˺ ú-ša-aḫ-ri-˹ma˺ / (4) mé-e ḫé-gal-˹la˺ ina ma-ati˺ e-ri-bi-[ma(?)] / (5) ab-na-a ˹su˺-[uk]-˹ki˺-˹ša˺ [o o] / (6) mé-e nu-˹uḫ˺-ši ˹ša˺ ˹la˺ na-pa-ar-ku-ti / (7) ú-ki-in ˹i˺-˹na˺ qé-re-eb-šu / (8) i ni(?)/muk/ir ˹mu/ti˺(?) x x aši-ib ká.dingir.raki [o] / (9) ˹ša˺ qer-bi-šú ˹aq˺-˹qá˺-a mé-e nu-˹uḫ˺-˹šu˺ [o] / (10) ina ˹li˺-ib-bi-ši-na da-mi-iq-ti x [x (x)] / (11) iG-ta-na-aZ/aB(?)-[(x)]-a iG ta na ra ab bi is si ma˺(?) / (12) e(?) ˹en˺(?)/˹maḫ˺(?) dnè-iri11-gal-lugal-ú-ṣu-úr ˹lugal˺ a-˹kà˺[dè]˹ki˺ / (13) da.é˺ da(?)-˹ja/la˺-a-˹šal˺(?) ˹ma˺(?)/ ˹dam˺(?) ˹la˺(?) ˹an˺(?)˺ ˹ki˺-i-num / (14) ˹u4˺(?)-˹mu˺(?) ul-li-i li-ib-˹bu˺-[uš-šu] x x / (15) ˹ú˺ ˹mi˺(?) ˹is˺(?) ˹du˺(?) ˹ak˺/˹ú˺(?) ˹ka˺(?)/˹ra˺(?)/˹um˺(?) ap(?) x x x x / (16) mé-e nu-uḫ-šu ˹da˺-˹rí˺-˹ú˺-˹tim˺ / (17) ina ki in na an na a ˹ti˺(?) / (18) i-na qí-bi-ti damar.utu lugal dingir.dingir dingir banu-[ú-a] / (19) ù dìr-ra qar-ra-ad ˹qar˺-[rad-de] (x x)] / (20) [(x)] na x x na bi é x [x x] / (21) še-ri-šu u4-um [x x x] / (22) li(?) na(?) du an-dul-la bi(?) na a x [x (x)]/ (23) li-ku-˹un˺-˹ma˺ dam-˹qá˺-[a]-ti maḫ-˹rí˺-[ka] / (23a) igi x x x x / (24) ˹ta/ga/uš(?) tu/ki(?) ra(?) ta(?) pa x x x li x x x x x˺ / (25) li ʾ ṣi/šu ˹re˺-˹ʾ˺-˹ú˺-˹ti˺ / (26) li-na-ar a-a-bi-˹šu˺ / (27) li-na-am-ri ta-mar-ti-šu / (28) ki-ma d30 a-na ˹ni˺-˹ip˺-˹ḫi˺ [o] / (29) ki-ma dutu a-na nu-[wu]-˹rí˺-[im] / (30) ṣa-al-ma-at qá-qá-dam li-iḫ-[du-ù] / (31) sag(?) ki(?) dag(?) di/ki x [x] e(?) x an ki(?)/tu [x] / (32) a na(?) ši(?)/ar(?) x x [x x] šá a ni ši na / (33) lugal.lug[al ki]-˹ib˺-ra-a-ti ša [ka-al] ˹te˺-né-še-e-ti / (34) aši-ib ˹kar ri˺ x/ti [x x] ti(?) x dan-nu-ti / (35) a-na x tim(?)/ni(?) šu(?)/is mi(?) x x x x / (36) li-iš-ša-kin i-na pi-i-˹ka˺ / (37) a-na ˹u4meš˺ da-ra-ti / (38) ki x x x ša ib nu li iz ma ru Left end igi.tab Translation: “(I 1–20) Neriglissar, the king of Babylon, whom Marduk the great lord, the god his creator, selected in his steadfast heart, he entrusted (to) him the widespread people (and) placed under his keeping the black-headed to lead; in whose hands Nabû, the supervisor of all heaven and earth, placed the just sceptre, the rightful staff for making the subjects prosper; (to) whom Erra, the majestic among the gods gave his weapons to kill the hostile, to defeat the

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enemy; whom the great gods in their assembly designated to act as their provider. To provide for Esagil, Ezida and Emeslam the august cultic centres (…) of the gods of Babylon. Neriglissar, the king of Babylon, . (I 21–31) [When(?)] the great lord Marduk (…) huge abundant waters, with the instructions of Niššiku [and] with the skills that Ea gave, with the power that Marduk granted, with the select judgement(?) that Šamaš(?), they made me succeed (…) former, to Borsippa, the Ezida, the bīt-guršu (…) lavish gift, offerings, they entrusted (to) me(?) (…); I provide for Esagil and Ezida, I keep in order the chapels of the gods, and I shaped my inscription (and) placed it inside them. (I 32–37) At that time, Lībil-hegalla, the eastern canal of Babylon, that a former king had had dug, but had not constructed its (u)sukku-wall with bitumen and baked brick, I had the canal dug and I constructed its (u)sukku-wall, and I piled up for the land abundant water which does not diminish. (II 1–7) I, the wise, the pious, the king who reveres the gods, the expert one, I had the Lībilhegalla dug, so that fertilizing water could enter the land. I built its (u)sukkuwall and I established in it abundant water which does not diminish. (8–17) (…) who dwells in Babylon, I poured inside it abundant waters, in their heart, favour (…) Neriglissar, the king of Akkadê, Mār-bīti (…) true, in previous time, in their heart, (…), eternal waters of abundance, in (…). (18–27) By the command of Marduk, king of the gods, the god who created me, and Erra, the warrior of warriors (…), the morning star of the day (…), may the good things last before you, (…), may (…) the shepherd-ship, may he slay his enemies. (28– 38) May his appearance shine, and like the rising of the moon, and like the shining of the sun, may the people rejoice over it (…) the kings of the regions from the whole inhabited world, who dwells (…), strong, for (…), may they be placed on your lips, for the eternal days (…).” (Left end): “checked”. Commentary: Col. I 21 One would expect something like ˹sag˺-˹ja˺(?) ˹ú˺-˹ul˺-˹la˺-˹ma˺. 22 The reconstruction of the line is uncertain. 28 At the end of the line one would expect sattukku or similar word referring to an offering or a gift, and the corresponding verb. 29f. Restored after NeglC23/1: I 18–20: (18) é.sag.íl ù é.zi.da a-za-an-na-an / (19) uš-te-te-eš-še-er e-eš-re-e-ti / (20) pa-ar-ṣu re-eš-tu-tu aš-te-né-ʾ-a ka-a-anam 32 The Lībil-hegalla was an important irrigation canal, taking water from the Euphrates in the eastern part of Babylon to the farmed land beyond. Just after passing under the Aj-ibūr-šabû bridge it would have to enter Newtown (Ālu-eššu), where it is perhaps the canal on whose bank stood

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The inscriptions of Neriglissar

the temple of Bēlet-Eanna (Ekitušgarza), the eastern landmark of this quarter. The canal perhaps left the city just north of the Zababa-Gate, where a narrow outlet was provided in the city wall for the passage of a waterway. Beyond the city walls, the Lībil-hegalla probably ran into the Banītu-Canal which flowed between Babylon und Kiš. (George 1992: 357– 58). 32f. For the reconstruction of these lines, see below NeglC23/1: II 1–11. 34 Neriglissar affirms that a former king (Nebuchadnezzar is understood, but unnamed) did not finish the works in the canal, but Nebuchadnezzar himself boasts of his building activities in the canal. WBA VII 54–55 = WBC IVb 12*–13*; WBC IVb 14*–22*; WBA VIII 1–6 = WBC IVb 23*–26*: “As for Lībil-hegalla, the eastern canal [of Babylon], which since distant days [had been abandoned]: I sought out its course, and rebuilt [its (u)sukku-wall] with bitumen and [baked brick]. On Aj-[ibūr-šabû], the street [of Babylon, I constructed] a canal bridge for the processional street [of the great lord Marduk], and I covered in bronze the (elements made of) musukkannu, [the eternal wood], (of) [mighty] cedars, (and of) huge firs, and (laying) them three deep, [one] on top of the [other] . [I improved the road with bitumen] and baked brick.” The meaning of the term (u)sukku is unclear: “ein Bauteil” (AHw 1439); “lining wall of irrigation channel” (CDA: 428); “side” (CAD U/W: 283ff.). This probably refers to the walls of the canal. These works are also mentioned in other inscriptions of Neriglissar, such as NeglC23. The Lībil-hegalla was known by its popular name “eastern canal” (George 1992: 66 (l. 61), 356–58). Col. II 17 Perhaps to restore ú(?)-ki-in na an na a x [o], but it is uncertain. 28 See CAD N/2: 242 for other passages describing the rising of the moon. 29 This line is reminiscent of the following passage in Codex Hammurabi, KH I 40–44: ki-ma dutu / a-na sag.gi6 / wa-ṣe-e-em-ma / ma-tim / nu-wu-ri-im “to rise like the sun to the people and to illuminate the land.” Left end For the docket, see Hunger 1968: 3. The word appears frequently in colophons dated to the reign of Assurbanipal. The usual formula is šaṭir saniq bari (“written, checked and collated”) or išṭur isniq ibri (“(s)he read, checked, collated”).

.. C23: The Royal Palace inscription, Babylon Object: 1. Clay cylinder. 2.–4. Fragment of a hollow clay cylinder. 5.–8. Fragment of a clay cylinder.

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Object Number: 1. ANE.39.1902 (Formerly Loan Antiquities 43; Reference Number: 140904). 2. BM 40073 (81-2-1, 37). 3. VA Bab. 620 (Bab. 29614). 4. VA Bab. 610 (Bab. 29836). 5. Bab. 46942. 6. Bab. 47286. 7. Bab. 47322. 8. Bab. 30220. Dimensions: 1. – 2. Maximum length: 13 cm; maximum width: 3.5 cm. 3. 4 × 5.7 cm. 4. 4.9 × 4.2 cm. 5.–8. – Provenience: 1. Babylon. 2. – 3.–7. Babylon, South Palace, found in different locations in the ruins of the western annex building; details in Koldewey and Wetzel 1931: 32. 8. Babylon, southern part of the hill Homera, s. Koldewey and Wetzel 1931: 32. Museum: 1. On loan at Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge (originally in Trinity College Library, Cambridge). 2. British Museum, London. 3. Vorderasiatisches Museum, Berlin. 4. Vorderasiatisches Museum, Berlin. 5.–8. – Copy: 1. Rawlinsom 1861: 67. 2.–8. – Photograph: 1. Fig. 21a–b, copyright of the Fitzwilliam Museum, University of Cambridge. On loan to the Fitzwilliam Museum from Trinity College, Cambridge. 2. Fig. 22, image courtesy of the Trustees of the British Museum. Photograph by Agustí Ensesa; composition by Cristina Terré and Rocío Da Riva.

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The inscriptions of Neriglissar

3.

Fig. 23, courtesy of the Vorderasiatisches Museum, Berlin. Photograph by Olaf M. Teßmer. 4. Fig. 24, courtesy of the Vorderasiatisches Museum, Berlin. Photograph by Olaf M. Teßmer. 5. – 6. Fig. 25 (Berlin, VAM Photo Nr. 2961 by R. Koldewey) and fig. 26 (VAM Photo 2962 by R. Koldewey). 7. Fig. 27 (Berlin, VAM Photo Nr. 2741, lower fragment, by R. Koldewey) and fig. 28 (Berlin, VAM Photo 3059 by R. Koldewey). 8. Fig. 29 (Berlin, VAM Photo Nr. 873, fragment on the right, by R. Koldewey). Writing: 1. Contemporary, 2 columns with 42 + 42 lines, ruled between the lines and also before the first and after the last lines. 2. Contemporary, 2 columns, ruled, 12 + 4 + 12 + 3 lines preserved. 3. Contemporary, 2 columns, ruled, fragment of column II, 8 lines preserved. 4. Contemporary, 2 columns, ruled, fragment of column I, 8 lines preserved. 5. Contemporary, 2 columns, duplicate to C23/1 column I 39–40. 6. Contemporary, 2 columns, ruled, fragment of columns I and II, 14 + 16 lines preserved. 7. Contemporary, 2 columns, ruled, fragment of column I, 12 lines preserved. 8. Contemporary, 2 columns, ruled, fragment of column I, 2 + 8 lines preserved. Bibliography: 1. Berger 1973: 338–39; Borger 1975: 173. 2.–8. Berger 1973: 338–39. Berger Number: 1. Neriglissar Zylinder 2. Neriglissar Zylinder 3. Neriglissar Zylinder 4. Neriglissar Zylinder 5. Neriglissar Zylinder 6. Neriglissar Zylinder 7. Neriglissar Zylinder 8. Neriglissar Zylinder

II, II, II, II, II, II, II, II,

3/1. 3/2. 3/3. 3/4. 3/5. 3/6. 3/7. 3/8.

Notes: 1. Collated from photographs. 2. Collated and photographed November 2011.

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3.–4. Collated in 2005. 5. There was a transcription by R. Koldewey, but no photos of the piece are preserved. Variants in Güterbock 1931: 289–90, exemplar D. 6. Collated from a photograph. Variants in Güterbock 1931: 289–90, exemplar E. 7. Partially collated from a photograph. 8. Partially collated from a photograph. There was a copy by R. Koldewey (s. Güterbock 1931: 289). Variants given in Güterbock 1931: 289–90, exemplar C. Transliteration: d I nè-iri11-gal-lugal-ú-ṣu-úr lugal ká.dingir.raki d I nè-iri11-gal-lugal-ú-ṣu-˹úr˺ [lugal ká.dingir].raki d I [ nè-iri11-gal-lugal-ú-ṣu-úr lugal ká.dingir.ra]ki d I nè-iri11-gal-lugal-ú-ṣu-úr lugal ká.˹dingir˺.[raki] d I [ ]˹nè˺-iri11-gal-lugal-ú-ṣu-úr lugal ká.˹dingir˺.[raki]     

I I I I I

    

mu-ud-di-iš é.sag.íl ù é.zi.da mu-ud-di-iš é.sag.íl [ù] ˹é˺.zi.da [mu-ud-di-iš é.sag.íl ù é.zi].da mu-ud-di-iš é.sag.íl ù é.[zi.da] [mu-ud]-di-iš é.sag.íl ù [é.zi.da]

   

I I I I

   

e-pí-iš da-am-qá-a-ti e-pí-iš da-am-qá-a-tim ša a-na e-p[é-e-šu lugal-ú-ti-š]u da-ri-ti [e-pí-iš da-am-qá-a-tim ša a-na e-pe-e-šu lugal-ú-ti-šu da-ri]-˹ti˺ e-pí-iš da-am-˹qá˺-[a-ti]

I I

ša a-na e-pe-e-šu lugal-ú-ti-šu da-ri-ti ša a-na e-pe-šu lugal-ú-ti-šu [da-ri-ti]

   

I I I I

   

dingir gal.gal iš-ku-nu mi-it-lu-uk-ti dingir gal.gal iš-ku-nu mi-˹it˺-lu-˹uk˺-˹ti˺ [dingir gal.gal iš-ku-nu mi-it-lu]-uk-ti dingir gal.gal iš-ku-nu mi-[it-lu-uk-ti]

   

I I I I

   

d

   

I I I I

   

a-na ki-iš-šu-ti ma.da ma.da e-pé-e-šu a-na ki-iš-šu-ti ma.da ma.da e-pe-˹šu˺ i-ši-mu ši-ma-at-su [a-na ki-iš-šu-ti ma.da ma.da] e-pé-e-šu [a-na ki]-iš-šu-ti ma.da ma.˹da˺ [e-pé-e-šu]

amar.utu a-ša-re-du dingir.dingir mu-ši-im ši-ma-a-ti amar.utu a-ša-re-du dingir.dingir mu-ši-im ši-ma-a-ti [damar.utu a-ša-re-du dingir.dingir mu-ši]-˹im˺ ši-ma-a-ti [d] ˹amar˺.utu a-ša-re-du dingir.dingir mu-š[i-im ši-ma-a-ti] d

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The inscriptions of Neriglissar

I I I

i-ši-mu ši-ma-at-su [i-ši-mu ši]-˹ma˺-at-su [i-ši-mu ši-ma-at-su a-na re]-˹é˺-ú-ti ṣa-˹al˺-[ma-at sag.du e-pé-e-šu]

I I I

a-na re-é-ú-ti ṣa-al-ma-at qá-qá-dam e-pé-e-šu ˹a˺-na re-é-ú-ti ṣa-al-ma-at qaq-qa-du e-pe-šu [a-na re-é-ú-ti ṣa]-al-ma-at sag.du e-pe-šu

   

I I I I

   

d

   

I I I I

   

ú-ša-at-mi-ḫu qa-tu-uš-šu ˹ú˺-ša-at-mi-˹ḫu˺ qá-tu-uš-šu [ú-ša-at-mi]-ḫu qá-tu-uš-šu [ú-ša-at-mi-ḫu qa-tu-uš-šu a-na e-ṭi]-˹ri˺ ni-[šim ga-ma-lu ma-a-ti]

ag ibila ki-i-nim gišníg.gidru i-ša-ar-ti na-bi-um ibila ki-i-nim gišníg.gidru i-ša-ar-tim d [ na-bi-um ibila ki-i]-˹nim˺ gišníg.gidru i-ša-ar-tim [dag ibila] ki-i-nim giš[níg.gidru i-ša-ar-ti] d

 I   I   I 

a-na e-ṭi-ri ni-šim ga-ma-lu ma-a-ti [a-na e-ṭi-ri ni]-˹šim˺ ga-ma-lu ma-a-ti [a-na e-ṭi-ri] ˹ni˺-šim ga-ma-lu ma.da

   

I I I I

   

d

   

I I I I

   

dumu den-mu-in.gar lugal tin.tirki a-na-ku [dumu den-mu-in.gar lugal tin.tirki a-na]-˹ku˺ [dumu den-mu-in.gar lugal tin.tir]˹ki˺ a-na-ku [dumu den-šu]-um-iš-[ku-un lugal tin.tirki a-na-ku]

ìr-ra ša-ga-pú-ru dingir.dingir id-di-nu-šu ka-ak-ku-šu [dìr-ra ša-ga-pú-ru dingir.dingir] ˹id˺-˹di˺-˹nu˺-šu ka-ak-ku-šu [dìr-ra ša-ga]-˹pú˺-˹ru˺ dingir.dingir id-di-nu-šu ka-ak-ku-šu [dìr-ra ša]-˹ga˺-pú-ru [dingir.dingir id-di-nu-šu ka-ak-ku-šu]

 I   I 

ì-nu-um damar.utu en gal re-e-ši-ja ú-ul-lu-ú [ì-nu-um damar.utu en gal re-e-ši-ja ú]-˹ul˺-lu-ú

 I 

ma.da ù ni-šim a-na bé-e-lu id-di-nam

 I 

a-na-ku a-na damar.utu en-ja ka-a-a-na-ak la ba-aṭ-la-ak

 I 

é.sag.íl ù é.zi.da a-za-an-na-an

 I 

uš-te-te-eš-še-er e-eš-re-e-ti

 I 

pa-ar-ṣu re-eš-tu-tu aš-te-né-ʾ-a ka-a-a-nam

 I 

muš.ḫuš e-ri-i ša i-na ki-sè-e ká.ká é.sag.íl

 I 

it-ti ri-i-mu kù.babbar ša sì-ip-pe-e na-an-zu-zu ka-a-a-nam

The cylinders

129

 I   I ’

i-na ká-dutu.è ká-dlamma-a-ra-bi ká-ḫé.gál ù ká-u6.de.babbar i-˹na˺ [ká-dutu.è ká-dlamma-a-ra-bi ká-ḫé.gál ù ká-u6.di.babbar]

 I   I ’

la uš-zi-zu lugal ma-aḫ-ri la ˹ú˺-˹uš˺-[zi-zu lugal ma-aḫ-ri]

 I   I ’

ja-ti áš-ru ša-aḫ-ṭu ša pa-la-ḫa dingir.dingir mu-du-ú ja-ti áš-ru [ša-aḫ-ṭu ša pa-la-ḫa dingir.dingir mu-du-ú]

 I   I ’

e-ep-ti-iq-ma 8 muš.ḫuš e-ri-i še-zu-zu-ú-ti e-ep-ti-iq-ma 8 [muš.ḫuš e-ri-i še-zu-zu-ú-ti]

 I   I ’

ša le-em-nim ù a-a-bi i-za-an-nu i-ma-at mu-ú-ti ša le-em-nim ù [a-a-bi i-za-an-nu i-ma-at mu-ú-ti]

 I   I ’

ti-i-ri kù.babbar e-eb-bi ú-ša-al-bi-iš-ma ti-i-ri ˹ka˺-[as-pu e-eb-bi ú-ša-al-bi-iš-ma]

 I   I ’

i-na ká-dutu.è ká-dlamma-a-ra-bi ká-ḫé.gál ù ká-u6.de. i-na ká-˹d˺[utu.è ká-dlamma-a-ra-bi ká-ḫé.gál ù ká-u6.de.babbar]

 I   I ’

i-na ki-se-e ká.ká ši-na-a-ti ki-ma la-bi-ri-im-ma i-na ˹ki-sè˺-[e ká.ká ši-na-a-ti ki-ma la-bi-ri-im-ma]

 I   I ’

it-ti ri-i-mu kù.babbar ša sì-ip-pe-e it-ti [ri-i-mu kù.babbar ša sì-ip-pe-e]

 I   I ’–’

ki-ma sì-ma-a-ti-šu re-eš-ta-a-ti ú-uš-zi-iz i-na ki-gal-lam ki-ma sì-ma-a-[ti-šu re-eš-ta-a-ti] / ú-uš-zi-iz [i-na ki-gal-lam]

 I   I ’

bára ši-ma-a-ti ša qé-re-eb é.zi.da bára ši-ma-a-tim ša qé-re-[eb é.zi.da]

 I   I ’

ša i-na za-am-mu- re-e-ša ša-at-ti ša i-na za-am-mu-uk-ku re-e-ša [ša-at-ti]

 I   I ’

[i-na i-sì-in-ni a]-ki-ti ta-be-e den.líl dingir.dingir damar.utu i-na i-sì-in-ni a-ki-ti ta-be-e den.líl di[ngir.dingir damar.utu]

 I   I ’

[dna-bi-um ibila ki-i-num i-ša]-˹ad˺-di-ḫu a-na qé-re-eb šu.an.naki d na-bi-um ibila ki-nim i-ša-ad-di-ḫu a-[na qé-re-eb] / (7’b) šu.an.na[ki]

 I   I ’  I ’

˹ud˺.˹5˺.˹kám˺ ˹ud˺.˹11˺.˹kám˺ ˹i˺-˹na˺ a-la-ku ù ta-a-ri ša ba-bi-lamki [ud.5.kám ud.11.kám i-na a-la-ku] ˹ù˺ ˹ta˺-[a-ri ša ba-bi-lamki] ud.5.kám ud.11.kám i-na a-la-ku ù ta-a-[ri ša ba-bi-lamki]

130

The inscriptions of Neriglissar

 I   I ’–’

[dag ibila šit-lu-ṭu] i-ra-am-mu-ú ṣe-ru-uš-šu d ag ˹ibila˺ [šit-lu-ṭu] / i-ra-am-[mu-ú ṣe-ru-uš]-˹šu˺

 I   I ’  I* *

[ša lugal ma-aḫ-ri i-na] kù.babbar ip-ti-qu pi-ti-iq-šu ša lugal ma-aḫ-ri ˹i˺-[na kù.babbar ip-ti-qu pi]-ti-iq-šu [ša lugal ma-aḫ]-ri i-na kù.babbar ip-ti-[qu pi-ti-iq-šu]

 I   II   I* *

[kù.gi nam]-ru ti-iq-nim mé-lam-mu ú-ša-al-bi-iš-šu kù.gi ˹nam˺-[ru ti-iq-nim mé-lam-mu ú-ša-al-bi-iš-šu] [kù.gi nam]-ru ti-iq-nim mé-lam-mu ú-ša-al-bi-iš-[šu]

 I   II   II 

[ídud.kib.nunki íd ḫé-gál-lam] ša iš-tu bi-na-a-ti-šu íd ud.[kib.nunki íd ḫé-gál-lam ša iš-tu bi-na-a-ti-šu] íd ˹ ˺ud.kib.nunki íd ḫé-gál-lam ša iš-tu bi-na-a-ti-šu

 I   II   II 

i-te-e é.sag.íl šu-te-šu-ru mu-ú-šu ga-ap-šu-ti i-te-[e é.sag.íl šu-te-šu-ru mu-ú-šu ga-ap-šu-tim] i-te-e é.sag.íl šu-te-šu-ru mu-ú-šu ga-ap-šu-tim

 II   II   II 

i-na pa-le-e lugal ma-aḫ-ri mu-ú-šu a-na i-te-e é-sag.íl i-na pa-˹le˺-[e lugal ma-aḫ-ri mu-ú-šu a-na i-te-e é-sag.íl] i-na pa-le-e lugal ma-aḫ-ri mu-ú-šu a-na i-te-e é-sag.íl

 II   II   II 

is-su-ú i-re-e-qu a-na sa-a-bu is-˹su˺-[ú i-re-e-qu a-na sa-a-bu] is-su-ú i-re-qu a-na sa-a-bu

 II   II   II 

ja-ti a-ša-ar-šu la-bí-ri aš-te-ʾ-e-ma ja-ti [a-ša-ar-šu la-bí-ri aš-te-ʾ-e-ma] ja-ti a-ša-ar-šu la-bi-ri aš-te-ʾ-e-ma

 II   II   II 

ma-la-ak mé-e-šu ki-ma la-bi-ri-im-ma ma-la-˹ak˺ [mé-e-šu ki-ma la-bi-ri-im-ma] ma-la-ak mé-e-šu ki-ma la-bi-[ri]-ma

 II   II   II 

a-na i-te-e é.sag.íl uš-te-te-ši-ir a-na i-˹te˺-[e é.sag.íl uš-te-te-ši-ir] a-na i-te-e é.sag.íl uš-te-te-ši-ir

 II   II   II 

pa5 dutu.è ša lugal ma-aḫ-ri ú-ša-aḫ-ru-ma pa5 dutu.è [ša lugal ma-aḫ-ri ú-ša-aḫ-ru-ma la ib-na-a su-uk-ki-šu] pa5 dutu.è ša lugal ma-aḫ-ri ú-ša-aḫ-ru-ma

 II   II 

la ib-na-a su-uk-ki-šu la ib-na-a su-uk-ki-šu

The cylinders

 II  pa5 ú-ša-aḫ-ri-ma i-na ku-up-ri ù a-gur-ri  II – pa5 [ú-ša-aḫ-ri-ma] / i-na ku-up-˹ri˺ [ù a-gur-ri]  II  pa5 ú-ša-aḫ-ri-ma i-na ku-up-ri ù a-gur-ri  II   II   II 

ab-na-a su-uk-ki-šu [ab]-˹na˺-[a su-uk-ki-šu] ab-na-a su-uk-ki-šu

 II   II 

mé-e nu-uḫ-šu la na-pa-ar-ku-ti mé-e nu-uḫ-šu la na-pa-ar-ku-tim

 II   II 

ú-ki-in a-na ma.da ú-ki-in a-na ma.da

 II  a-na é.sag.íl ù é.zi.da la ba-aṭ-la-ak sa-at-ta-kam  II – a-na é.sag.íl ù é.zi.da / la ba-aṭ-la-ak sa-at-ta-kam  II   II 

ka-al ma-ḫa-zi dingir.dingir a-na zi-in-na-a-ti ka-al ˹ma˺-˹ḫa˺-˹zi˺ dingir.dingir a-na zi-in-na-a-[ti]

 II   II 

aš-te-né-ʾ-a ka-a-nam aš-te-né-ʾ-a ka-a-a-[nam]

 II 

ì-nu-mi-šu é.gal mu-ša-bu šar-ru-ti-ja

 II 

ša er-ṣe-tim ká.dingir.raki ša qé-re-eb ba-bi-lamki

 II 

iš-tu a-a-i-bu-úr-ša-bu-um su-le-e ká.dingir.raki

 II 

a-di ki-ša-du ídud.kib.nunki

 II 

ša lugal ma-aḫ-ri i-pú-šu-ma ú-ra-ak-ki-su sì-ip-pu-šu

 II 

i-na li-ib-bi a-na ki-dam-a-nim é.gal

 II 

a-na mu-úḫ ki-ša-du ídud.kib.nunki

 II 

i-qu-up-ma up-ta-aṭ-ṭi-ri ṣi-in-du-šu

 II 

i-ga-ru-ša qu-up-pu-tu ad-ke-e-ma

 II 

šu-pú-ul mé-e ak-šu-ud

 II 

mé-ḫe-ra-at mé-e i-na ku-up-ri ù a-gur-ri

 II 

i-ši-id-sa ú-ša-ar-ši-id-ma

 II 

e-pú-uš ú-ša-ak-li-il-ma

 II 

ú-ul-la-a re-e-ša-a-ša

131

132

The inscriptions of Neriglissar

 II   II ’

giš

 II   II ’

giš

 II   II ’

d

 II 

nu-úr dingir.dingir ab-be-e-šu

 II   II ’

i-na qí-bi-ti-ka ṣi-ir-ti ša la na-ak-ri [i-na qí-bi-ti-ka ṣi]-ir-ti ša la na-ka-ri

 II   II ’

é e-pú-šu la-la-a-šu lu-uš-bu [é e-pú-šu la-la-a]-˹šu˺ lu-uš-ba

 II   II ’

i-na qé-er-bi-ša ši-bu-tu lu-uk-šu-ud [i-na qé-er-bi-ša ši-bu-tu] ˹lu˺-uk-šu-ud

 II   II ’

lu-uš-ba-a li-it-tu-ú-ti [lu-uš-ba-a li-it-tu-ú]-tu

 II   II ’

iš-tu an.úr a-di an.pa e-ma dutu a-ṣu-ú [iš-tu an.úr a-di an.pa e-ma d]˹utu˺ a-ṣu-˹ú˺ [o]

 II 

ša lugal.lugal ki-ib-ra-a-ti ša ka-al te-né-še-e-ti

 II 

bi-la-at-su-nu ka-bi-it-ti

 II 

lu-um-ḫu-úr qé-er-bu-uš-ša

eren da-nu4-tim a-na ši-i-pí-ša [gišeren da-nu4-tim a-na ši-i]-pí-šu gan.du7-ša ù ṣu-lu-li-ša ú-ša-at-ri-iṣ [gišgan.du7-ša ù ṣu-lu-li-ša] ú-ša-at-ri-iṣ amar.utu en gal den.líl dingir.dingir šu-pu-ú [ amar.utu en gal d]˹en˺ dingir šu-pu-ú nu-úr dingir.dingir ad.ad-šu d

 II  li-i-pu-ú-a i-na qé-er-bi-ša a-na da-rí-a-ti  II ’–’ ˹li˺-[i-pu-ú-a i-na qé-er-bi-ša] / a-[na da-rí-a-ti]  II   II ’

ṣa-al-ma-at qá-qá-dam li-be-e-lu ṣa-[al-ma-at qá-qá-dam li-be-e-lu]

Translation (C23/1): “(I 1–14) I am Neriglissar, the king of Babylon, who renovates the Esagil and the Ezida, who performs good actions, whom for the exercise of a long lasting kingship the great gods made a decision, whose fate was decreed by Marduk, the pre-eminent among the gods, the one who decrees the fates, so he could exercise power over the lands, whose hand Nabû, the legitimate heir, made hold a just sceptre to exercise the rôle of shepherd of the black-headed; (to) whom Erra, the majestic among the gods, gave his weapons to preserve the people, to save the land; the son of Bēl-šum-iškun, the king of Babylon. (I 15–20) Since the great lord Marduk elevated my head and gave me land and people to rule over, I am constantly and incessantly devoted to my lord Mar-

The cylinders

133

duk, I provide for the Esagil and the Ezida, I keep in order the cultic places, I strive constantly for the pre-eminent rituals. (I 21–32) The copper mušḫuššu which stands at the kisû of the gates of Esagil with the silver wild bulls of the door-jambs at the Gate of the Sunrise, the Gate of the Guardian Angel, the Gate of Abundance and at the Gate of Dazzling Wonder, which a previous king had not set up; (but then) I, the humble, the pious, the king who reveres the gods, the expert one, I cast eight raging mušḫuššu of copper who cover with deadly poison the evil and the enemy, I coated (them) with an overlay of pure silver and I set them up on a socle at the Gate of the Sunrise, the Gate of the Guardian Angel, the Gate of Abundance and at the Gate of Dazzling Wonder, at the kisû of those gates as in old times with the silver wild bulls of the doorjambs, according to its original appearance. (I 33–40) The shrine of destinies inside the Ezida – which at the New Year Festival, at the beginning of the year, for the Akītu-festival, at (the time of) the procession (lit. setting out) of Marduk, the Enlil of the gods, Nabû, the true heir, moves in procession (from Borsippa) to Babylon, on the 5th and 11th day, on the way to Babylon and on the way back (to Borsippa), [Nabû, the triumphant heir] takes residence upon it – [that a former king] had made in silver, I overlaid with bri[ght gold] and ornaments of divine splendour. (I 41–II 5) [The Euphrates, the river of abundance], whose mighty waters had flowed since its creation beside Esagil, (but) its waters during the reign of an earlier king withdrew from beside Esagil (and) became too distant for drawing (water); I found its old bed and I redirected the course of its waters beside Esagil as of old. (II 6–11) The Eastern Canal, which a former king had had dug, but did not build its (u)sukku-wall, I had the canal dug (again) and I built its (u)sukku-wall with bitumen and baked bricks, and I established for the land abundant water which does not diminish. (II 12–14) To Esagil and Ezida, I am incessantly, constantly (dedicated) and I always strive for the provisioning of all the cultic centres of the gods. (II 15– 30) At that time, a palace, my royal dwelling, in the district of Kadingirra which is in Babylon, (and stretches) from Aj-ibūr-šabû, the street of Babylon, to the bank of the Euphrates, which a former king had built and whose doorjambs he had set in place in it, but that outside of the palace, over the shore of the Euphrates, had collapsed and its brickwork had fallen apart, I removed its buckled walls and I reached the water level. I firmly laid its base against the ground water with bitumen and baked bricks, and I built it, I finished it and I raised it to its top. I spread great cedars for its baulks, lintel and roof. (II 31–42) Marduk, great lord, majestic Enlil of the gods, light of the gods his fathers, by your reliable command that is not to be countermanded, may I enjoy the palace I built, may I attain old age inside it, may I become sated with extreme old age. May I receive inside it the heavy tribute of the kings of

134

The inscriptions of Neriglissar

the regions, of all the inhabited world from the horizon to the zenith wherever the sun rises. May my offspring inside it rule for ever over the black-headed.” Commentary to C23/1: Col. I 14 There is an ambiguity in this line: Neriglissar’s title “king of Babylon” is mentioned in the first line and the repetition of the title in this line may refer to him, but also to his father (see 1.2). The writing in.gar is not very common in Neo-Babylonian onomastics; see Tallqvist 1905: 42f. 21 In some Neo-Babylonian buildings, kisû was a wall added to reinforce the encircling wall of temples, such as the Emah. When their floor was elevated the newly added earth fill would exert pressure on the walls from inside, making it necessary to add such a reinforcement. According to Koldewey, kisû is found in many monumental buildings after they had been elevated (Koldewey (5)1990: 75). Castel affirms that kisû is not exclusive to, but is particularly frequent in, the Neo-Babylonian period. According to her, in the Ebabbar of Larsa the kisû was a “muret courant à la base du mur d’enceinte” (Castel 1991: 174f.). In this context, the term kisû cannot always refer to a “supporting wall along a building, a terrace or a city wall” (CAD K: 429) or “Grund-, Stützmauer” (AHw 487). But in contexts such here, kisû is rather a socle or a similar architectural feature added to the walls of the gateways, with a mainly decorative function. It may be made of kiln-fired bricks or of stones (even costly ones such as alabaster), and it can be found in temples, palaces, terraces, walls and gateways. In this text, the kisû was decorated with reliefs of copper mušḫuššu-serpent-dragons. The term probably comes from kasû, 2. “to join, to tie objects together, to bond bricks or blocks of stone”(CAD K: 250, see Stolper 1992: 213). Allinger-Csollich also understands the term as “eine Verkleidung” of kiln-fired bricks on a mudbrick wall and a “Sockel aus gebrannten Ziegeln, der sich rund um einen Tempel ziehen kann” (Allinger-Csollich 1998: 146f.). This “decorative” function would also have a practical one, to protect the lower part of mud brick wall and to prevent the formation of hollow mouldings as the result of the accumulation of rain water on the ground near the wall (Allinger-Csollich 1998: 148f). The external decorations of a wall could also be placed in the kisû (Koldewey 1911: 56). 23 For the gates, see George 1992: 85–87, 90f., 126ff. (for the measurements of the gates), 227, 391–93. 35ff. NebkC36 II 7–10: ká šu-a-tim a-na a-ṣe-e ù e-re-bu ša ma-ru be-lam dingir.dingir dna-bi-um / ša i-ša-ad-di-ḫu-um a-na qé-er-bu-um šu.an.naki ú-na-am-mi-ir ki-ma u4-um / bára ši-ma-a-tim šu-ba-at dna-bi-um qar-du

The cylinders

41

135

ma-ru ru-bé-e ša i-na zag.muk re-eš ˹ša-a-tim˺ (9b) ud.5.kam ud.11.kam i-na a-la-ku ù ta-a-ru ša ba-bi-i-li[ki] / (10) dna-bi-um ibila šit-lu-ṭu i-raam-mu-ú ṣi-ru-uš-[šu]: “I made that gate – for the coming and going of Nabû, the son of the lord of the gods, who walks (in procession) to Babylon – shine like daylight. The chapel of destinies, dwelling place of Nabû, the warrior, the son of the prince, who at the New Year Festival, at the beginning of the year, on the 5th and 11th day, on the way to Babylon and on the way back (to Borsippa), Nabû, the triumphant heir takes residence upon it.” Nār-hegalla is an epithet of the Arahtu/Euphrates: íd a-ra-aḫ-t[um] [íd] ḫé.gál (George 1992: 66: l. 59, 352 and 356 commentary to l. 60). Arahtu was the name of the western branch of the Euphrates flowing through Babylon: George 1992: 15, 351.

Col. II 17 For the street, see George 1992: 359–61.

.. C011: Inscription fragment regarding a campaign to Cilicia(?) Object: Clay cylinder, massive, fragmentary. The cylinder probably had two columns, of which only the first one is preserved. Object Number: SLPL W 2/8 (Grolier Nr. 9). Dimensions: Height 10.7 cm; circumference at base: 16 cm; circumference at largest complete section 20.8 cm; diameter at base 5.5 cm, diameter at the edge of break 7.8 cm. Provenience: – Museum: St. Louis Public Library. Copy: Brinkman 1976: 49. Photograph: Fig. 30a–e. Image copyright of the St. Louis Public Library.

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The inscriptions of Neriglissar

Writing: Archaising, I column with 26 lines preserved (s. Brinkman 1976: 4917); ruled. Bibliography: Brinkman 1976: 48–50. Berger Number: – Notes: Collated from the photographs kindly supplied by the St. Louis Public Library. Transliteration: Col. I (Beginning broken) (1’) ˹ru˺-ba-a-am e[m-qá-am (x)] / (2’) ša i-na ˹tu˺-[kul-ti dingirmeš-šu] / (3’) u4-miša-am pu-[luḫ-ti damar.utu en gal] / (4’) ù dag ibila-šu k[i-i-nim] / (5’) ˹iš˺-te-né-ʾú ˹ka˺-[a-a-nam] / (6’) a-na é.sag.íl ù é.zi.˹da˺ / (7’) ṭú-úḫ-ḫu-du sa-at-tu-[uk-ki (x)] / (8’) ša e-li dag ù damar.utu enmeš-[sú(?) ṭa-a-bu] / (9’) u4-mi-ša-am e-pé-šu iš-te-n[é-ʾ-ú] / (10’) ˹ú˺-ša-al-la-mu qí-bi-i[t-su-nu] / (11’) ˹dumu˺ den-šu-um-˹iš˺˹ku˺-˹un˺ ru-ba-a-a[m e-em-qá(?) (x)] / (12’) ˹eṭ˺-˹lu˺ gi-it-ma-lu e-˹ṭe˺-˹el˺(?) qá(?)á[r(?)-du (x)] / (13’) ˹i˺-nu-ma dag su-uk-kal-lu ṣ[i-i-ri] / (14’) mu-ta-mu-ú da-am-q[áti-ja] / (15’) ˹a˺-ma-a-ti da-mi-iq-ti-ja i-˹ta˺-[ma-a] / (16’) re-eš lugal-ú-˹ti˺-ja ú-ullu-[ú] / (17’) ˹i˺-na pa-ni-šu dam-qú-ti ip-pal-sa-an-ni-m[a] / (18’) šar-ru-ti mi-ša-ri ja-ti ˹iš˺-˹ru˺-˹kam˺ [(x)] / (19’) i-na qí-bi-ti-šu ṣi-ir-ti[m (x)] / (20’) ḫar-ra-an na-kiri ˹er˺-te-˹ed˺-d[e-e-ma (x)] / (21’) ú-ru-uḫ ša-di x [x x] / (22’) ˹ma˺-˹ta˺-˹a˺-˹ti˺ [x x x] / (23’) [x] x i di ta m[a(?) x x x] / (24’) [n]a(?)-ak-ru-t[i x x x x] / (25’) [x] ˹x˺ ˹ka˺ an [x x x x x] / (26’) [x (x) lu]ga[l x x x x] (Rest destroyed) Translation: “(1’–12’) [… the wis]e prince […] who, with the su[pport of his gods], day by day seeks constantly the ma[jesty Marduk the great lord] and Nabû his t[rue] heir, who to supply Esagil and Ezida copiously with offerings seeks daily to perform [what is good to his(?)] lords Nabû and Marduk [(…)], who fulfils th[eir(?) co]mmand, the son of Bēl-šum-iškun, the [wise(?)] prince […], the young man, the young(?) he[ro(?)]. (13’–18’) When Nabû, the au[gust] vizier who speaks favourably (on my behalf), who has [bestowed] my good fortune, elevated me to the head of kingship, he looked upon me with his benevolent face and granted me a kingship of justice. (19’–26’) Under his august command I went on a campaign against the enemy […], a mountain path […] lands […] enemies […] king […]”

The cylinders

137

Commentary: This text may deal with the campaign to Cilicia (Hume and Piriddu) referred to in the chronicle Glassner 2004: 230–32. If it is the same event then it dates to Neriglissar’s 3rd regnal year (557 BCE), but one should not rule out similar military activities in the other years of his short reign. As far as we know, this is the only Neo-Babylonian royal inscription containing military matters described in such detail. In the Brisa inscriptions the military aspects of the conquest of Lebanon are not mentioned (see Da Riva 2012). 2’f. These lines seem to be intertextually related to other Neo-Babylonian royal inscriptions: NeglC21/1 I 24–25: (24) pu-lu-úḫ-tim i-lu-ti-šu aš-te-ʾú / (25) ša e-li-šu ṭa-a-bi e-pé-šu u4-mi-ša-am a-ta-mu-ú. “I constantly seek after his divine majesty, I think about doing good things for him.” And in the Nebuchadnezzar cylinder inscription NebkC39 II 1–10: (1) ša i-na tu-kúl-ti / (2) damar.utu en ra-bí-ù / (3) be-lí-šu / (4) ù dna-bium / (5) dumu a-ša-re-du / (6) na-ra-am / (7) šar-ru4-ti-šu / (8) it-ta-naal-la-ku / (9) iš-te-ni-ʾ-ù / (10) i-lu-su-un. “Who lives according to the trust(worthy oracles) of the great lord Marduk, his lord, and of Nabû – the foremost heir who loves his kingship – (and) who constantly seeks after their godhead.” Very similar lines can be found in the brick inscription NebkB14 (BM 132167) 2–3: (2) ša i-na tu-ku-ul-ti damar.utu be-li ra-bi-um be-li-ša ù dna-bi-um ap-lam a-šá-re-du / (3) na-ra-am šar4ru-ti-ša it-ta-na-al-la-ku iš-ta-ni-ʾ-ú i-lu-ut-su-un. NebkB14 is a brick inscription regarding the building of the supporting wall (kisû) of the Ezida in Borsippa. Work in the kisû is mentioned in the economic documentation of the Ezida in the time of Neriglissar (Waerzeggers 2010: 342, 583); NebkC39 is a cylinder dedicated to the rebuilding of the Emah-temple in the Kadingirra district in Babylon. The epithet ša ina tukulti Nabû u Marduk bēlīšu ittanallaku is used in other Nebuchadnezzar inscriptions (Da Riva 2008: 102). A similar idea appears in NebkC35/1 III 39–40: ki-ma ša a-ra-mu pu-lu-uḫ-ti i-lu-ti-ka / aš-teni-ʾ-ú be-lu-ut-ka. “Because I love your divine majesty, I am constantly seeking after your lordship.” This passage is reminiscent of WBA I 12– 13 and WBC I 12: ša irammu puluḫti ilūtīšunu, “(…) who loves their divine majesty.” (Da Riva 2012: 42). 6’ff. Similar wording can be found in: NeglC21/1 I 8–9: a-na é.sag.íl ù é.zi.da / mu-ṭa-aḫ-ḫi-id sa-at-tu-uk-ku. “Who supplies copiously the offerings for Esagil and Ezida” and in NebkC211/1 II 25: sa-at-tu-ku-úša ú-ṭa-aḫ-ḫi-id-ma. “I supplied copiously the offerings.” 10’ A similar expression, referring to the sun-god, appears in the Nabonidus inscription Schaudig 2001: 491 (3.1 1 II 5): (Šamaš) mušallim qibīt Nannar, “the one who fulfils the command of Sîn.”

138

The inscriptions of Neriglissar

12’

The end of the line has been tentatively restored with eṭlu qardu. But the construct form e-ṭe-el is difficult to explain. A popular royal epithet was also etellu qardu, s. Schaudig 2001: 483 (2.26 I 3), but one would hardly expect etellu written e-ṭe-el. 20’–21’ These lines recall passages used in other Neo-Babylonian inscriptions to express effort, difficulty in the conquest, royal success, etc., such as in the Nebuchadnezzar Stone Tablet ST II 19–23: (19) a-ša-ar kib-si šu-up-ru-su / (20) še-e-pi la i-ba-aš-šu-ú / (21) ḫa-ra-nam na-am-ra-ṣa / (22) ú-ru-úḫ ṣú-ma-mi / (23) e-er-te-ed-de-e-ma. “I travelled in places where nobody had trodden before, difficult roads, paths of thirst, faraway districts”. See also WBA III 10–18: (10) [m]a.d[a] ru-qa-[o]-˹a˺-[o]ti / (11) [pa]-da-nu né-s[a]-˹a˺(?)-ti / (12)[a]-˹šar˺ kib-si ˹gìr˺ la -šu-um / (13) ˹ḫar-ra˺-nu ˹na-am-ra-ṣa˺ / (14) [ú-ru-u]ḫ ṣu-ma-me / (15) [na-gi]-˹i bé-e-ru-tim / (16) [ša ur-ḫu]-šu-nu šu-up-šu-qú / (17) i-[na] tu˹kul-ti-šu-nu / (18) [ša-o]-al-míš e-te-lí-ma. “Under their aegis (of the gods) I travelled safely in distant lands, remote paths, places where nobody had trodden before, difficult roads, paths of thirst, faraway districts of strenuous paths.” (Da Riva 2012: 43f.). And a similar expression can be found in the Nabonidus stele Schaudig 2001: 494 (3.1 2 III 24–25): (24) ina kurmeš-i né-su-tú / (25) aš-te-ed-dam-ma (Var. 3.1. 1 has ar-te-ed-dam-ma) ina šá-lim-ti aṣ-bat -ru-uḫ / (26) kur-ja. “I led (…) in distant mountains and in well being I took the road to my country (…)”

.. C021: Inscription fragment: restoration of a Šamaš(?) temple(?) or ziqqurat(?) Object: Clay cylinder, massive, fragment. It is probably the middle part of the second column of a cylinder with two columns. Object Number: VA Bab. 2659. Dimensions: 6.2 × 7 cm. Provenience: – Museum: Vorderasiatisches Museum, Berlin.

The cylinders

139

Copy: VS 1: 55 Nr. 59. Photograph: Fig. 31a–c; courtesy of the Vorderasiatisches Museum, Berlin. Photograph by Olaf M. Teßmer. Writing: Contemporary, two columns with 2’ + 16’ lines preserved, ruled. Bibliography: Berger 1973: 340. Berger Number: Neriglissar Zylinder Fragment II, 1. Notes: Collated in 2004. The first line of col. I is written between II 8’–9’; the second coincides with II’ 13. The text deals with the rebuilding of a Šamaš(?) construction, perhaps the ziqqurrat from Sippar (see NeglC022). Note the similarity of some phrases in this cylinder to NeglC022 (see also 1.3 above). Transliteration: Col. I’ (The beginning of the column is not preserved) (1’) [x x x x x x x x x x x x é].zi.da / (2’) [x x x x x x x x x x x x] tim (Rest destroyed) Col. II’ (The beginning of the column is not preserved) (1’) [x x lugal p]a-nim i-pú-u[š-ma(?) o] / (2’) [x x] ˹x˺ i-ga-ru-ša / (3’) [ša lugal ma]ḫ(?)-ri ik-ši-ru-˹ú˺-ma / (4’) [la(?) ú(?)-u]s(?)-si-mu ši-ki-in-ša / (5’) [i-n]a la-ba-ri u4-um / (6’) [i]-ni-iš i-qú-up-ma / (7’) [zu]-un-nim ù ra-a-du / (8’) ˹ra˺-bí-ú-tim / (9’) ú-na-as-su-ú i-ga-ru-ša / (10’) a-na te-di-iš-ti-ša / (11’) dutu da-a-a-nam ṣi-i-ri / (12’) ú-ša-ad-ka-an-ni li-ib-ba / (13’) li-bi-it-ta-ša / (14’) ú-uš-te-ši-ir-ma / (15’) ma-qí-itta-ša / (16’) ú-[uš-zi-iz-ma] x x ˹ta(?)˺/˹uš(?)˺ ˹x˺ [x] iš (Rest not preserved) Translation (Col. II’): “(1’–9’) [… that a pre]vious [king] had built […] its walls – [that a for]mer [king] had repaired but [he did not de]corate it structure appropriately – in time past [it had] become weak, (and) had collapsed; heavy rain and storms had removed its walls. (10’–16’) So Šamaš, the august judge, prompted me to renovate it. I put its bricks in order and I repaired its damage […].”

140

The inscriptions of Neriglissar

Commentary: Col. II 7’ Similar passages can be found in three Nebuchadnezzar inscriptions dealing with the restoration of the Eurmeiminanki in Borsippa: NebkC033 I 4’–5’: (4’) zu-un-nim ù ra-a-du / (5’) ú-na-as-su-ma li-bi-it-tuuš-ša; NebkC041/5 (BM 42667) I 22’: (22’): zu-un-nim ù-ra-a-du ú-na-as-súú li-bi-it-tu-ša; NebkC212/1 II 1–2: (1) zu-un-nim ù ra-a-du / (2) ú-na-as-su-ú li-bi-it-tu-ša; and also in NeglC022 II 1–7, see 1.3. 10’f. Compare this sentence with WBC VIII 41–43: (41) [o] a-na te-di-i[š]-ti maḫa-[z]i dingir.dingir / (42) ù diš-tar ša en gal-ú ˹d˺amar.utu / (43) ú-ša-adkan-ni lìb-bi [b]a-ša-[a u]z-na-a-a “I am intent on renovating the cultic centres of the gods and goddess, to which the great lord Marduk has prompted my heart.” (Da Riva 2012: 61)

.. C022: Ziqqurrat inscription, Sippar Object: Fragment of a (massive) barrel-shaped clay cylinder. The preserved section measures the half of the circumference. Object Number: LB 2124. Dimensions: – Provenience: – Museum: De Liagre Böhl collection, Nederlands Instituut voor het Nabije Oosten, Leiden. Copy: TLB II: fig. XXV (Nr. 22). Photograph: Fig. 32 courtesy of the Nederlands Instituut voor het Nabije Oosten, Leiden. Photograph by Jeanette C. Fincke. Writing: Contemporary, 2 columns with 20+16 lines preserved, ruled. Bibliography: Berger 1973: 341.

The cylinders

141

Berger Number: Neriglissar Zylinder Fragment II, 2. Notes: Collated from photographs most kindly supplied by J. Fincke in May 2011. The inscription can be dated to the accession or first regnal year of the king, according to I 7’. For the construction, see George 1993: 115 Nr. 672: é.kun4.an.kù.ga “House, Pure Sanctuary of Heaven”, ziqqurrat of Šamaš at Sippar. Transliteration: I (1) d nè-iri11-gal-lugal-ú-ṣu-úr lugal ká.dingir.raki / (2) ru-ba-a-am na-a-dam / (3) bi-ib-il li-ib-bi damar.utu / (4) iš-ša-ak-ku ṣi-i-ri / (5) na-ra-am d na-bi-um / (6) mu-uš-ta-lam a-ḫi-iz né-me-qí / (7) ša a-na zi-in-na-a-ti é.sag.íl / (8) é.zi.da / (9) ˹ù˺ ˹é(?)˺.(?).˹mes(?)˺.˹lam(?) ma-ḫa-zi dingir gal.gal / (10) [ti-iṣ-mu-ru-umma] ˹la˺ ˹na˺-pa-ar-ka-a / (11) [x x x x x x x] šu ku / (12) [x x x x x x x x] x nim / (13) [x x x x x x x x] ˹du˺ / ˹nim˺ (Approximately twenty lines are missing after this line). (1’) ˹x˺ ˹x˺ ˹x˺ ˹dingir(?)˺ ˹ud(?)˺ /˹d˺˹utu(?)˺ ˹x˺ [x x x] / (2’) ṣu-lu-ul-šu ˹ṭa(?)˺-[abu] / (3’) e-li um-ma-ni-ja ˹it(?)˺-[ru-uṣ] / (4’) i-na di-i-nim ù bi-ri ˹d˺[utu(?) (x)] / (5’) i-ša-ri-iš i-dá-ab-bu-˹bu˺ [x x] / (6’) pa-al-ḫi-iš at-ta-ʾ-˹id˺-[ma] / (7’) i-na šu-ru-ti lugal-ú-ti-ja ṭa-ab-ti II (1)

zi-qú-ra-at ud.kib.[nunki] / (2) ša lugal ma-aḫ-ri i-p[ú-šu-ma] / (3) zu-un-nu ù ra-a-[du] / (4) ú-na-as-su-ú li-bi-it-t[u-ša] / (5) lugal pa-nim ik-ši-ru-m[a] / (6) li-biit-ta-ša ú-uš-te-[ši-ir-ma] / (7) ma-qí-it-ta-šu ú-uš-[zi-iz-ma] / (8) 22 kùš i-pú-šu-ma la ˹ú˺-[šak-li-lu] / (9) re-e-ša-[a-ša] / (10) ja-ti e-[em-qa mu-ut-né-en-nu-ú] / (11) ša pa-la-ḫa dingir.din[gir mu-du-ú] / (12) i-na né-me-qí ša ˹d˺[é-a] / (13) iš-ru-˹ka˺-[am (x)] / (14) [a(?)]-˹na˺ ˹d˺˹utu˺ [x x x x] (Approximately twenty five lines are missing after this line). (1’) ˹x˺ [x x x x x x x] / (2’) i-na ˹di˺-˹i˺-˹nim˺ [x x x x] Translation: “(I 1–13) Neriglissar, king of Babylon, reverent prince, favourite of Marduk, august city-ruler, beloved of Nabû, the judicious one, full of wisdom, who incessantly [is mindful] about the support of Esagil, Ezida and ˹Emeslam˺(?), the cultic centres of the great gods (…). (I 1’–6’) (…) [he extend]ed(?) his [favoura]ble(?) protection over my army (…) give me, [Šamaš], correct answers in pronouncements and divination, I give reverent attention. (I 7’–II 14) In the beginning of my auspicious kingship, the ziqqurrat of Sippar, which a former

142

The inscriptions of Neriglissar

king had bu[ilt but], rain and storm had removed [her] bricks, a previous king had repaired it, he had put her bricks in order, and [repa]ired its damage, he built (it) 22 cubits (high), but he did not [fin]ish it to its top, so I, the w[ise, the pious], who reveres the gods, [the expert one], with the skills that [Ea] granted me (…) for(?) Šamaš (…). (II 1’–2’) (…) in pronouncement (…).” Commentary: Col. I 6 These two titles combined are also used by Nebuchadnezzar, s. Da Riva 2008: 100. 7 See the similar epithet used by Nebuchadnezzar in many of his inscriptions: ša ana zinnāti Esagil u Ezida ūmišam tiṣmuruma damqāti Bābili u Barsipa išteneʾʾû kajjāna, “He is mindful everyday to support Esagil, Ezida and Emeslam, he is constantly striving to do good things for Babylon and Borsippa.” (Da Riva 2008: 102). 9 The beginning of the line is difficult to read. One would expect the mention of the Emeslam, because it is the third cultic centre in Babylonia after Esagil and Ezida (s. Da Riva 2010), but there seem to be two signs between the damaged ˹é(?)˺ and the less clear lam. In this respect, Van Dijk’s copy is flawless: the lam also looks like u.gur in the photos, there seems to be only one big Winkelhaken and not two. 2’f. The reconstruction of these lines is tentative, for the second half of the lines is missing and the context is unclear. The reconstructions make sense when compared with other royal inscriptions, not only Babylonian, in which the protective functions of the sun-god over the armies are alluded to: (Šamaš) ṣulūlu iškunu eli ummānija: “extended protection over my army” (TCL 3: 416). Similar phrases referring to Šamaš can be found in Nebuchadnezzar texts regarding buildings in Sippar, such as NebkC31/ 1 III 19–22: (19) lu ṣú-lu-ul um-ma-ni-ja / (20) dutu at-ta-ma / (21) i-na di-i-nim ù bi-i-ri / (22) i-ša-ri-iš a-pa-la-an-ni: “You Šamaš are the protection of my army, give me correct answers in your pronouncements and divination.” There are many instances of Šamaš in connection with the word ṣulūlu and the verb tāraṣu (see CAD Ṣ: 242–43). Col. II 1 Some administrative documents of the Ebabbar archive, such as BM 84110 (Negl 17.08.0A), confirm the date of the (re)building of the ziqqurrat of Sippar. For the works, see Zawadzki 2005: 3825. 10f. Restored after NeglC22 II 1–2: ja-ti e-em-qá mu-ut-né-en-nu [o] / lugal pa˹li˺-˹ḫu˺ dingir.dingir mu-du-ʾ [o], see also NeglC23/1 I 25. The titles emqu and mutnennû frequently go together in the inscriptions of Nebuchadnezzar and Nabonidus; see Da Riva 2008: 100, 104.

The vase fragment V1

12

2’

143

The divinity granting skills could be Ea or perhaps Marduk, see NeglC22 I 23: ˹i˺-˹na˺ né-me-qí ˹ša˺ dé-a iš-ru-ku; see also né-me-qá dé-a ù damar.utu (NaplC31/1 II 32); i-na ši-pí-ir ka.kù.gál-ú-tim / ne-me-qí dé-a ù damar.utu (NebkC41 46*–47*). The end of the inscription is not preserved, but note the closing passage of the Nebuchadnezzar cylinder dealing with the construction of the Ebabbar in Sippar NebkC31/2 III 25–36: (25) i-na di-i-nim ù bi-i-ri / (26) i-šari-iš / (27) a-pa-la-an-ni / (28) i-na a-ma-ti-ka / (29) el-li-ti / (30) ša la šu-pe-elam / (31) lu ti-bu-ú / (32) lu za-aq-tu / (33) gištukul.gištukul-ú-a / (34) gištukul.gištukul / (35) na-ki-ri-im / (36) li-mé-e-su. “In judgement and divination, give me a correct answer. By your pure word, which is not to be changed, may my weapons (always) be drawn and ready (pointed), (and) may the weapons of the enemy be destroyed.”

. The vase fragment V1 Object: Fragment of a vase, s. MDP 10: 96. Object Number: – Dimensions: – Provenience: Susa. Museum: – Copy: – Photograph: – Writing: Two lines. Bibliography: Berger 1973: 333. Berger Number: Neriglissar-Gefäß I.

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The inscriptions of Neriglissar

Notes: No copy available. Transliteration: (1) 2 qa 1/2 ninda /

(2) d

nergal-lugal-ùru lugal tin.tirki

Translation: “2 qa (measure) 1/2 akalu (measure), Neriglissar, the king of Babylon.”

Glossary

Glossary List of logograms abgal = apkallu ad = abu giš al = allu alan = ṣalmu an = šamû an.pa = elat šamê an.ta = elênu an.úr = išid šamê bàd = dūru bal.ri = ebertu bára = parakku bulug = pulukku bur.sag.gá = bursaggû dingir = ilu dù = epēšu du6 = tīlu (tillu) dùg.ga = ṭābu dumu = māru é = bītu é.gal = ekallu en = bēlu énsi = iššiakku giš eren = erēnu giš esi = ešû (ušû) esir.ud.du.a = kupru gaba.ri = gabarû (gabrû) gal = rabû giš gan.du7 = ḫittu gašan = bēltu geštin = karānu geštuII = uznu gibil = edēšu gi.nínda.na-kum = ginindanakku gìr.níta = šakkanakku giš.ḫur = gišḫuru giš.ùrmeš = gušūru gú = aḫu giš gu.za = kussû ì (ì.giš) = šamnu ibila = aplu íd = nāru giš ig = daltu

igi.gál-ú-tu = igigallūtu igi.sá = igisû igi.tab = barû im.límmu.ba = šār erbetti im.si.sá = ištānu (iltānu) im.sig7.sig7 = dāmâtu iš8.dar = ištaru ká = bābu ka.kù.gál-ú-tu = kakugallūtu kar = kāru ki.gal = kigallu ki.ta = šaplu kù.babbar = kaspu kù.gi = ḫurāṣu kur = mātu kùš = ammatu d lamma = lamassu lugal = šarru ma.da = mātu giš mar = marru giš mes.má.gan.na = musukkannu mu = šumu munus.sig5 = damiqtu muš.ḫuš = mušḫuššu na4 = abnu giš níg.gidru = ḫaṭṭu ninda = akalu nun = rubû pa5 = palgu sag = qaqqadu; rēštu sig4 = libittu sig4.al.ùr.ra = agurru sig5 = damqu suḫuš = išdu šà = libbu šimḫi.a = rīqu lú šitim.gal = šitimgallu šuII = qātu temen = temmenu giš tukul = kakku tùr = tarbaṣu u4 = ūmu

145

146

Glossary

um.me.a = ummānu unmeš = nišu giš ù.šub = nalbattu

d

utu.è = ṣī šamši zú am.si = šin pīri

Glossary A abašlu (abi ašli) subst. “surveyor” – a-ba-aš-lam (NaplC31/1: II 19) – [a-ba-aš]-˹lam˺ (NaplC31/2: II 24) abnu subst. “stone” – na4.na4 (NaplC31/1: II 37; NaplC31/2: II 44) abbanû (abu bānû) subst. “father creator”; adj. “native” – ab-ba-nu-ú (NaplC12/1: 11; NaplC12/5: 9’; NaplC32: I 19) – ab-ba-˹nu˺-[ú] (NaplC12/2: 11) abu – – –

subst. “father” ab-bé-e-šu (NaplC31/1: I 5; NeglC21/1: II 30; NeglC23/1: II 32) a(!)-bé-˹e˺-šu (NaplC31/2: I 5) ad.ad-šu (NaplC22: I 18; NeglC23/3: II 3’)

adi prep. and conj. “till, until, during” – a-di (NaplC11/B1: 8; NaplC11/B2: 8; NaplC11/B5: 8; NaplC32: II 35; NeglC23/1: II 18, 37) – [a]-d[i] (NaplC11/B4: 1’) agû subst. “tiara, crown” – a-ga-a (NeglC21/1: I 35) agurru subst. “baked brick” – a-gur-ru (NaplB1/1: 2; NaplB1/5: 2) – a-gur-ri (NaplC21/1: II 10; NaplC21/2: II 11b; NaplC21/3: II 11b; NaplB5/1: 4; NaplB7: 26; NeglC22: I 34 ; NeglC23/1: II 8, 25; NeglC23/6: II 10) – sig4.al.ùr.ra (NaplC31/1: II 2b; NaplC31/2: II 6; NeglC21/1: II 28) aḫāzu vb. G “to hold, to take, to possess, to learn” – a-ḫi-iz (NeglC022: I 6) aḫrâtu subst. “later days, later time, future, *past” (Beaulieu 2003, 8*18) – à-aḫ-ra-tim (NaplC32: III 5) – aḫ-ra-a-tim (NaplC32: III 11)

Glossary

aḫu subst. “arm, side” – gú (NaplC32: II 33; NaplC11/B2: 6; NaplC32: II 35) – ˹gú˺ (NaplC11/B1: 6; NaplC11/B3: 6) ajjābu subst. “enemy, hostile” – a-a-bi (NaplC32: II 12; NeglC21/1: I 37; NeglC22: I 12; NeglC23/1: I 27) – a-a-bi-ja (NaplC32: I 26; NaplB6: 10) – ˹a˺-˹a˺-˹bi˺-[ja] (NaplC12/2: 16) – a-[a]-˹bi˺-ja (NaplC12/1: 16) – a-a-bi-˹šu˺ (NeglC22: II 26) akalu subst. (a measure of capacity) – ninda (AMV4: 1) – ninda (NeglV1: 1) akītu subst. “(a cultic festival); New Year Festival” – a-ki-ti (NeglC23/8: I 6’) – [a]-ki-ti (NeglC23/1: I 35) alāku vb. G “to go” – ˹il˺-li-[ik] (NaplC23: I 20) – il-li-ku-ma (NaplC22: I 22) – a-la-ku (NeglC23/1: I 37; NeglC23/8: I 8’) – ú-šá-lik (NaplC12/5: 11’; NaplC32: I 22) – ú-ša-li-ik (NaplC12/1: 13, 15; NaplC12/3: 15; NaplC32: I 25) – ˹ú˺-˹ša˺-˹li˺-˹ik˺ (NaplC12/2: 13) – [ú-ša]-˹li˺-˹ik˺ (NaplC12/2: 15) – a-li-ku (NaplC12/1: 31; NaplC12/2: 31; NaplC12/3: 31) – a-lik (NaplC32: III 16b, 23, 31) alātu vb. G “to swallow, to supress (revolt, etc.)” – a-lu-ut (NeglC21/1: II 1) allu subst. “hoe, pickaxe” giš – al-lu (NaplC12/2: 26; NaplC23: I 16) – [gišal]-lu (NaplC12/3: 26) giš – al (NaplC32: III 7) giš meš – al (NaplC31/1: I 37; NaplC31/2: I 39) giš – al (NaplC31/1: III 18; NaplC31/2: III 12; NaplC32: II 32) amāru vb. G “to see, to look at, to examine” – a-mur-ma (NaplC32: III 33) – a-mu-úr-ma (NaplC12/1: 39; NaplC32: III 18) – a-mu-[úr]-ma (NaplC12/2: 39) – a-mu-ru-ma (NaplC32: III 32)

147

148

Glossary

ammatu subst. “forearm, cubit” – kùš (NeglC022: II 8) ana prep. “to, for, towards” – a-na (NaplC11/A1: 14, 18; NaplC11/A2: 16, 20; NaplC11/A3: 14, 18; NaplC11/A4: 14, 18; NaplC11/A7: 3’; NaplC11/B1: 12, 14; NaplC11/B2: 12, 14; NaplC11/B4: 5’, 7’; NaplC11/B5: 13; NaplC12/1: 7, 11, 12, 30, 33, 37, 41; NaplC12/2: 7, 12, 24, 30, 32, 33; NaplC12/3: 11, 30, 33, 37; NaplC12/5: 5’, 9’, 10’; NaplC21/1: I 6, 15, 16, II 4, 7, 12; NaplC21/2: I 6, 15, 16, II 5, 8, 13; NaplC21/3: I 15, 16, II 5, 8, 13; NaplC21/4: I 7’; NaplC22: II 6, 11, 20, 22; NaplC23: I 8, II 4, 6, 13; NaplC31/1: I 1, 27, 33, 35, II 49, III 22, 23, 30, 32, 41, 45, 46, 52; NaplC31/2: I 1, 29, 35, 37, II 57, III 16, 17, 26, 29, 41, 48, 50, 57; NaplC32: I 14, 20, 21, III 10, 12b, 13, 21, 23, 29; NaplB1/1: 1, 4; NaplB1/5: 1, 4; NaplB4/2a: 4, 5; NaplB5/1: 1, 4, 7; NaplB6: 9, 17; NaplB7: 15, 16, 21; NeglC21/1: I 8, 22, 23, 27, 28, 30, 32, 36, II 5, 18, 20, 21, 35, 39; NeglC21/2: I 8; NeglC22: I 5, 17, 26, II 28, 29, 35, 37; NeglC23/1: I 4, 7, 9, 12, 16, 17, 36, II 1, 2, 5, 11, 12, 13, 20, 21, 29, 41; NeglC23/2: I 3, 6, II 8; NeglC23/6: II 3, 4, 7, 13, 14, 16; NeglC23/7: I 4; NeglC021: II 10’; NeglC022: I 7) – ˹a˺-na (NaplC11/B5: 11; NaplC22: II 3; NaplC23: I 10, 19; NaplB7: 24; NeglC22: I 10; NeglC23/2: I 7; NeglC011: 6’) – ˹a˺-˹na˺ (NaplB4/2b: 4, 5) – a-[na] (NeglC21/2: II 1’, 3; NeglC23/2: II 2’; NeglC23/8: I 7’) – ˹a˺-[na] (NaplC12/4: 5’) – [a]-˹na˺ (NaplC12/3: 24; NaplC23: I 12, II 22) – [a-n]a (NaplC11/B3: 14) – [a(?)]-˹na˺ (NeglC022: II 14) – ana (NaplC32: III 24, 36; NaplB1/1: 2; NaplB1/5: 2) anāḫu vb. G “to become tired, to become dilapidated” – in-na-ḫu-ma (NaplC32: III 30) – ˹in˺-˹na˺-˹ḫu˺-ma (NaplC12/1: 38) – [in-na]-˹ḫu˺-ma (NaplC12/2: 38) anāku pers. pron. “I” – a-na-ku (NaplC11/A1: 4; NaplC11/A2: 4; NaplC11/A3: 4; NaplC11/A4: 4; NaplC11/B2: 3; NaplC12/1: 19; NaplC21/1: I 4; NaplC21/2: I 4; NaplC21/3: I 4; NaplC22: I 19; NaplC31/1: I 18; NaplC32: I 32, II 7; NaplB6: 5; NaplB7: 4; NeglC21/1: I 14b, II 39; NeglC23/1: I 14, 17; NeglC23/6: I 13) – a-na-k[u] (NaplC11/A7: 4) – ˹a˺-na-ku (NaplC23: I 6) – ˹a˺-˹na˺-ku (NaplC12/2: 19) – [a-na]-˹ku˺ (NeglC23/2: I 12) – ana-ku (NaplC11/B1: 3; NaplC11/B3: 3) – a-na-ku-ma (NaplC12/1: 4; NaplC12/3: 4; NaplC32: I 8, III 10) – a-˹na˺-[ku]-˹ma˺ (NaplC12/2: 4) – ja-ti (NeglC011: 18’; NeglC022: II 10; NeglC22: II 1; NeglC23/1: I 25, II 3; NeglC23/2: II 6; NeglC23/4: I 3’; NeglC23/6: II 5) – ja-a-ti (NaplC21/1: II 2; NaplC21/2: II 3; NaplC21/3: II 3; NaplB7: 19) – ja-a-ši (NaplC12/1: 10; NaplC12/2: 10; NaplC12/5: 8’; NaplC22: II 16; NaplC31/1: I 36; NaplC31/2: I 38) – ja-a-ši-im (NaplC32: I 17)

Glossary

anḫūtu subst. “tiredness, dilapidation” – an-ḫu-us-su (NaplC12/1: 38; NaplC12/3: 38) – an-ḫu-us-sú (NaplC32: III 30b) apālu vb. G “to pay, to answer” – a-pá-lu-šu (NeglC21/1: I 22) apkallu subst. “wise man, expert person” – abgal (NeglC21/1: I 17) – [abga]l (NeglC21/2: I 17) aplu subst. “heir, son” – ibila (AMPS1: 2; NeglC23/1: I 10; NeglC23/2: I 8; NeglC23/8: I 7’) – ˹ibila˺ (NeglC23/2: I 2’) – ibila-šu (NeglC011: 4’) aṣṣiātu (ana ṣiāti; ana ṣâti) adv. expression “in the distant time, for ever after” – aṣ-ṣi-a-tim (NaplC31/1: III 43; NaplC31/2: III 45) ašarēdu subst. “first and foremost, pre-eminent” – a-ša-re-du (NeglC23/1: I 6; NeglC23/2: I 5; NeglC23/7: I 6) ašāru vb. G “to muster, to organize” – a-ši-ir (NaplC23: II 14; NaplC31/1: I 3) – ˹a˺-[ši-ir] (NaplC31/2: I 3) ašru subst. “place, location, site” – a-šar (NaplC32: II 21) – a-šar-šú (NaplC32: III 32) – a-ša-ar-šu (NeglC23/1: II 3; NeglC23/6: II 5) – áš-ri (NaplC32: II 38, III 18; NeglC21/1: I 21) – aš-ri-šu (NaplB6: 17) – à-aš-ri-im (NaplC31/1: II 33) – ˹à˺-aš-ri-im (NaplC31/2: II 39) awātu subst. “word, command” – a-mat (NaplC32: III 13) – ˹a˺-ma-a-ti (NeglC011: 15’) – a-ma-tu-ú-a (NaplC32: III 12) – a-ma-at-su (NeglC21/1: II 6) awû – – – –

(amû) vb. G “to speak, to tell” a-ta-mu-ú (NeglC21/1: I 25b) i-ta-ma-a (NaplC12/1: 6; NaplC12/5: 4b’; NaplC32: I 13) i-ta-ma-˹a˺ (NaplC12/2: 6) i-˹ta˺-[ma-a] (NeglC011: 15’)

149

150 – –

Glossary

[i-ta-ma]-a (NaplC12/3: 6) mu-ta-mu-ú (NeglC011: 14’)

B babālu vb. G “to carry, to bring” – ba-bi-il (NaplC31/1: II 45) – ba-b[i]-il (NaplC31/2: II 53) bābu subst. “gate, door” – ká-šu (NeglC21/1: II 25) – kámeš-šú (NaplC12/1: 29; NaplC12/2: 29; NaplC12/3: 29) – ká.ká (NeglC23/1: I 21, 30) balāṭu subst. “life, well-being, good health” – ba-la-ṭa (NeglC21/1: I 21) – ba-la-ṭam (NeglC21/1: II 33) banû vb. G “to create, to build, to make” – ab-na-a (NeglC22: I 31, II 5; NeglC23/1: II 9; NeglC23/6: II 11) – [ab]-˹na˺-[a] (NeglC23/2: II 12) – ab-ni-ma (NaplC11/A1: 13; NaplC11/A2: 15; NaplC11/A3: 13; NaplC11/A4: 13; NaplC23: II 6); in these cases, one can also read ap-tíq-ma, see patāqu. – ib-na-a (NeglC23/1: II 7; NeglC23/6: II 9) bānû subst. “creator, begetter” – ba-an (NeglC21/1: II 5) – ba-nu-[ú-a] (NeglC22: II 18) – ˹ba˺-˹nu˺-˹šu˺ (NeglC22: I 2) – ba-ni-ja (NaplC31/1: II 13; NaplC31/2: II 18) barāqu vb. G “to lighten, to shine” Š “to strike, to cause lightning to strike” – mu-uš--ab-ri-qu (NaplC31/1: I 24) – mu-uš--ab-˹ri˺-qu (NaplC31/2: I 26) barû vb. G “to see, to look at, to check” – ab-re-e-ma (NaplC32: II 37b) – ab-re-e-ma (NeglC21/1: II 22) – ib-re-e-ma (NaplC12/1: 10; NaplC12/3: 10; NaplC32: I 19) – ib-re-˹e˺-[ma] (NaplC12/2: 10) – ib-re-e-[ma] (NaplC12/5: 8b’) – i-ba-ar-ri (NaplC12/1: 35; NaplC12/3: 35) – i-bar-ri (NaplC32: III 27) – i-˹ba˺-ar-ri (NaplC12/2: 35) – i-ba-ar-ru-ú (NaplC12/1: 9)

Glossary

– – – –

151

i-bar-ru-ú (NaplC12/5: 7’; NaplC32: I 16b) [i]-ba-ar-ru-ú (NaplC12/3: 9) [i-ba-ar-ru]-ú (NaplC12/2: 9) igi.tab (NeglC22: left end)

bašû vb. G “to be, to exist, to be available” Š “to bring into being, to produce” – ib-ši-ma (NaplC12/1: 24; NaplC12/2: 24; NaplC12/3: 24) – ba-ša-a (NaplC12/1: 7; NaplC12/3: 7; NaplC12/5: 5’; NaplC32: I 14b) – [ba]-˹ša˺-a (NaplC12/2: 7) – ú-ša-ab-ši (NeglC21/1: I 36b) – šub-ši-i (NaplC32: III 13) – šu-ub-ši-[i] (NeglC21/1: II 21) baṭālu vb. G “to cease, to miss, to fail” – ba-aṭ-la-ak (NeglC23/1: I 17, II 12; NeglC23/6: II 15) baʾūlātu subst. “people, subjects” – ba-˹ʾ˺-ú-la-a-ti (NeglC22: I 10) bēltu subst. “lady” – [be-el]-tim (NaplC22: II 12) – gašan-ja (NaplC22: II 7) bēlu subst. “lord, owner” – be-˹el˺ (NaplC31/2: I 38) – be-lu (NeglC22: I 2) – ˹be˺-˹lu (NeglC22: I 21) – be-lam (NaplC31/1: I 36, III 34; NaplC31/2: III 31) – be-lim (NaplB6: 9) – be-li (NaplC23: I 20) – be-lí (NaplC12/2: 35; NaplC12/4: 8’; NeglC21/1: II 19) – ˹be˺-˹lí ˺ (NaplC12/3: 35) – be-˹lí ˺ (NaplC12/1: 35) – be-li-ja (NaplC32: III 14) – be-lí-ja (NaplC31/1: I 7, II 49, III 22, 30, 52; NaplC31/2: I 8, II 57, III 16, 26, 58) – be-lí-[ja] (NaplC23: II 6) – be-lí-šu (NeglC21/2: I 5) – en (NaplC12/1: 8, 19, 40; NaplC12/2: 8, 19, 40; NaplC12/3: 19; NaplC12/5: 6’; NaplC21/ 1: I 5; NaplC21/2: I 5; NaplC21/3: I 5; NaplC22: I 21; NaplC23: II 11; NaplC31/1: I 1, 7; NaplC31/2: I 1, 7; NaplC32: I 15, 3, II 21b, III 27, 34; NaplB6: 7; NaplB7: 5; NeglC21/1: I 3, II 29; NeglC21/2: I 3; NeglC23/1: I 15, II 31) – en-ja (NaplC11/A1: 18; NaplC11/A2: 20; NaplC11/A3: 18; NaplC11/A4: 18; NaplC11/B1: 12; NaplC11/B2: 12; NaplC11/B3: 12; NaplC11/B4: 5’; NaplC11/B5: 11; NaplC12/1: 30; NaplC12/ 2: 30; NaplC12/3: 30; NaplC21/1: II 7, 12; NaplC21/2: II 8, 13; NaplC21/3: II 8, 13; NaplC32: III 10; NaplB7: 24, 28; NeglC23/1: I 17) – en-e-a (NaplC32: I 9) – en-šú (NaplB1/1: 1; NaplB1/5: 1; NaplB4/2b: 4; NaplB5/1: 1; NeglC21/1: I 5)

152 – – – – – –

Glossary

˹en˺-šu (NaplB4/2a: 4) en.en (NaplC12/1: 19; NaplC12/2: 19; NaplC12/3: 19; NaplC32: I 33; NeglC21/1: I 3; NeglC21/2: I 3) enmeš-e-a (NaplC12/1: 5, 20; NaplC12/2: 20; NaplC12/3: 20; NaplC12/5: 3’; NaplC32: II 2) enmeš-[šu] (NeglC011: 8’) [en]meš-[e-a] (NaplC12/2: 5); [enmeš]-˹e˺-a (NaplC12/3: 5)

bêlu vb. G “to rule over, to control” – bé-e-lu (NeglC23/1: I 16) – i-bé-lu-ma (NaplC12/1: 17; NaplC12/2: 17; NaplC12/3: 17; NaplC32: I 29b) – li-be-e-lu (NeglC23/1: II 42) bēlūtu subst. “rule, domination” – be-lu-ut (NaplC12/1: 12; NaplC12/2: 32; NaplC12/5: 10’; NaplC23: I 8; NaplC32: I 21, III 23) – be-lu-˹ut˺ (NaplC12/2: 12) – be-lu-tú (NeglC21/1: I 32) – be-lu-ut-su (NeglC21/1: II 7) – be-lu-ti-šu-nu (NaplC21/1: I 15; NaplC21/2: I 15; NaplC21/3: I 15; NaplB7: 15) – ˹be˺-[lu-ti-šu-nu] (NaplC21/4: I 7’) biblu subst. “action of bringing, produce” with libbu “heart’s desire” – bi-ib-il (NeglC022: I 3) billatu subst. “mixture” – bi-il-la-at (NaplC31/1: III 11; NaplC31/2: III 2) biltu subst. “tribute” – bi-la-at-su-nu (NeglC23/1: II 39) binītu subst. “creation” – bi-na-a-ti-šu (NeglC23/1: I 41; NeglC23/6: II 1) binûtu subst. “creature” – bi-nu-ut (NaplC12/1: 2; NaplC32: I 3) – bi-n[u-ut] (NaplC12/4: 2) – [bi-nu]-ut (NaplC12/2: 2) bīru subst. “divination” – bi-ri (NeglC022: I 4’) bītu subst. “house, temple” – é (NaplC12/2: 22, 24, 27, 30; NaplC12/3: 22; NaplC12/4: 3’, 11’; NaplC22: II 8, 13; NaplC31/1: III 25, 52; NaplC31/2: III 19, 57; NaplC32: II 20; NeglC23/1: II 34) – ˹é˺ (NaplC12/1: 22, 38; NaplC12/3: 24, 30)

Glossary

153

bīt gurši subst. “a part of a house; chapel” – ˹é˺ gur-šu (NeglC22: I 27) bukru subst. “son, child” – bu-uk-ra-am (NaplC31/1: III 8) – bu-uk-ra (NaplC31/2: II 68) bursaggû subst. “bursaggû-meal” (a kind of offering) – bur.sag.gá (NeglC21/1: II 18)

D dabābu vb. “to speak, to talk, to tell, to declare” – i-dá-ab-bu-˹bu˺ (NeglC022: I 5’) dādu subst. “darling, favourite” – da-du-ú-a (NaplC31/1: III 17b; NaplC31/2: III 11) daltu subst. “door” giš meš – ig (NaplC12/2: 29 ; NeglC21/1: II 26) – [giš]˹ig˺meš (NaplC12/3: 29) giš – ig[meš] (NaplC12/4: 2’) dāmâtu subst. (a dark-yellow paste used in medical recipes, in foundation deposits, on clay figurines) – im.sig7.sig7 (NaplC31/1: II 41; NaplC31/2: II 49b) damqu, adj. “good, favourable, propicious”; f. damiqtu as subst. “good things, good fortune, good words” – da-am-qá (NeglC21/1: I 27) – sig5-ti (NaplC11/B1: 14; NaplC11/B2: 14; NaplC11/B3: 14; NaplC11/B5: 14) – da-mi-iq-ta (NaplC11/A1: 19; NaplC11/A7: 4’) – da-mi-iq-tum4 (NaplC11/A4: 19) – da-mi-iq-˹tum4˺ (NaplC11/A3: 19) – da-mi-iq-ta-am (NaplC31/1: III 53) – da-mi-iq-ti (NaplC11/A2: 21; NeglC22: II 10) – da-mi-iq-ti-ja (NeglC011: 15’) – dam-qú-ti (NeglC011: 17’) – dam-qá-a-ti (NaplC31/2: III 33) – da-am-qá-a-ti (NeglC23/1: I 3; NeglB1/1: 3; NeglB1/2: 3) – da-am-˹qá˺-[a-ti] (NeglC23/7: I 3) – dam-˹qá˺-[a]-ti (NeglC22: II 23) – da-am-qá-a-tim (NaplC23: II 15; NeglC23/2: I 3) – da-mi-iq-tim (NaplC31/2: III 59) – da-am-q[á-ti-ja] (NeglC011: 14’)

154 – –

Glossary

munus.sig5-šu (NaplB4/2a: 5) munus.sig5-šú (NaplB1/1: 4; NaplB1/5: 4; NaplB5/1: 7)

danānu vb. G “to be strong, to become strong” D “to strengthen, to reinforce” – da-na-ni (NaplC12/2: 33) – da-na-un (NaplC32: III 24) – [da-na]-an-[ni] (NaplC12/3: 33) – ú-da-ni-in (NaplC23: II 9) dandannu subst. “all-powerful” – dan-dan-ni (NaplC12/1: 15; NaplC12/5: 13’; NaplC32: I 24) dannu adj. “strong, powerful, great” – dan-nu (NaplC32: II 12; NeglC21/1: I 14; NeglC21/2: I 14) – dan-num (NaplC32: II 41) – da-núm (NaplC31/1: I 22) – da-˹núm˺ (NaplC22: I 2; NaplC23: I 2; NaplC31/2: I 24) – dan-nim (NeglC21/1: II 27; NeglC21/1: II 27) – da-nu4-tim (NeglC23/1: II 29) – dan-nu-ti (NeglC22: II 34) dārâtu (dārītu) subst. “eternity” – da-rí-a-ti (NeglC23/1: II 41) – da-ri-ti (NeglC23/1: I 4; NeglC23/2: I 3) – [da-ri]-˹ti˺ (NeglC23/6: I 3) – ˹da˺-˹rí ˺-˹ú˺-˹tim˺ (NeglC22: II 16) – da-ra-ti (NeglC22: II 37) – da-rí-a-tim (NaplC12/1: 37; NaplC12/3: 37; NaplC31/1: III 41; NaplC31/2: III 41) – [da-rí-]-˹a˺-˹tim˺ (NaplC12/2: 37) – da-ra-ti (NaplC32: III 29) dārû adj. “lasting, eternal” – da-rí (NeglC21/1: I 28) – da-ra (NeglC21/1: II 39) – da-ru-ú-tim (NaplC12/1: 41) – ˹da˺-˹ru˺-ú-tim (NaplC12/3: 41) – da-ru-tú (NaplC32: III 36) dajjānu subst. “judge” – da-a-a-nam (NeglC021: II 11’) dekû vb. G “to raise” Š “to incite” – ad-ke-e-ma (NeglC23/1: II 23) – ad-kam-ma (NaplC12/2: 25; NaplC32: II 31) – ˹ad˺-kam-ma (NaplC12/3: 25) – [ad]-kam˺-[ma] (NaplC23: II 2) – ú-ša-ad-ka-an-ni (NeglC021: II 12’)

Glossary

155

dikûtu subst. “levy” – di-ku-ut (NaplC11/A2: 14; NaplC11/A3: 12; NaplC11/A4: 12; NaplC31/1: I 41; NaplC31/2: II 3) – di-ku-ut(!) (NaplC11/A1: 12) dīnu subst. “legal decisión, trial” – [di-i]n (NeglC22: I 25) – di-i-nim (NeglC022: I 4’) – ˹di˺-˹i˺-˹nim˺ (NeglC022: II 2’) dumqu subst. “goodness, good thing” – du-un-qu (NaplC12/1: 13) – ˹du˺-[un-qu] (NaplC12/2: 13) – dum-qí (NaplC32: I 22) – sig5 (NaplC12/5: 11’) dunnunu adj. “very strong” – du-un-nu-nim (NeglC21/1: II 16) duppussû (tuppussû) subst. “younger brother” – dú-up-pu-su-um (NaplC31/1: III 17; NaplC31/2: III 10) dūru subst. “city wall” – bàd (NaplC11/A1: 6, 18; NaplC11/A2: 6, 20; NaplC11/A3: 18; NaplC11/A4: 6, 18; NaplC11/ A7: 3’; NaplC11/B1: 5, 14; NaplC11/B2: 5, 14; NaplC11/B5: 5, 13; NaplC32: II 8, III 17, 30; NaplB1/1: 3; NaplB1/5: 3; NaplB5/1: 5; NeglC21/1: I 14) – ˹bàd˺ (NeglC21/2: I 14) – [bà]d (NaplC11/B4: 7’) dūru subst. “permanence” – du-úr (NaplC32: II 10b, III 6b, III 21; NeglC21/1: II 39)

E ē (ai) vetitive particle “not” – e (NaplC12/2: 33; NaplC32: III 24) – ˹e˺ (NaplC12/1: 33; NaplC12/3: 33) ebbu adj. “bright, pure” – e-eb-bi (NeglC23/1: I 28) ebēbu vb. G “to become bright, to become pure” D “to purify, to keep pure” – ub-bu-bi-im-ma (NeglC21/1: II 20) ebertu subst. “bank, other side” – bal.ri (NaplC32: II 41)

156

Glossary

ebīḫu subst. “belt, girdle, (citywall)” – e-bi-iḫ (NaplC32: II 41) eblu subst. “rope, string” – eb-le-e (NaplC31/1: II 22b; NaplC31/2: II 27) edēlu vb. G “to bolt, to shut” – i-di-lu (NeglC21/1: I 14) – e-di-il (NaplC32: II 12) edēšu vb. G “to be new, to become new” D “to renew” – ud-du-šu (NaplC21/1: I 7; NaplC21/2: I 7; NaplB7: 7) – mu-ud-diš (NeglB1/1: 2; NeglB1/2: 2) – mu-ud-di-iš (NeglC23/1: I 2; NeglC23/2: I 2; NeglC23/7: I 2) – [mu-ud]-di-iš (NeglC23/8: I 2) – mu-ud-di-ši-ka (NaplC31/1: III 47; NaplC31/2: III 51) – gibil-iš (AMB1: 2) ekallu subst. “palace” – é.gal (AMPS1: 1; AMV1: 2; AMV3: 2; AMV4: 2; NeglC23/1: II 15, 20) elat prep. “beyond, above” in elat šamê “beyond the sky, zenith” – an.pa (NeglC23/1: II 37) elēlu vb. G “to be pure” D “to keep pure, to purify” – ul-lu-lu (NeglC21/1: II 18) – ú-ul-li-il-ma (NaplC31/1: II 34; NaplC31/2: II 40) eli prep. “on, over, above, against” – el (NaplC32: III 13) – e-li (NaplC22: I 18; NeglC21/1: II 23; NeglC011: 8’; NeglC022: I 3’) – e-li-šu (NeglC21/1: I 25) elênu adv. “above, upstream” – an.ta (NaplC11/B1: 7; NaplC11/B2: 7) – an.[ta] (NaplC11/B5: 7) – [an.t]a (NaplC11/B3: 7) elītu subst. “upper part” – e-li-ti (NaplC23: I 17) ellu adj. “pure, clean” – el-lu-tim (NaplC21/1: II 6; NaplC21/2: II 7; NaplC21/3: II 7; NaplB7: 23) elû adj. “high” – e-lá-a-tim (NaplC23: II 20)

Glossary

157

elû adj. “upper” – e-li-i (NaplC32: II 34) elû – – – – – – – – – – –

vb. G “to go up, to arise” D “to make higher, to rise” ú-ul-lu (NaplC11/A1: 17; NaplC11/A2: 19; NaplC11/A3: 17; NaplC11/A4: 17) ˹ú˺-[ul-lu] (NaplC11/A7: 2’) ú-ul-li-im (NaplC31/1: III 29) ú-ul-(erasure)-lu-im (NaplC31/2: III 25) ú-ul-lu-ú (NaplC32: II 25) ul-la-a (NeglC21/1: II 24) ú-ul-la-a (NeglC23/1: II 28) ul-lu-ú (NeglC21/1: II 13) ú-ul-lu-ú (NeglC23/1: I 15) ú-ul-lu-[ú] (NeglC011: 16’) [ú]-˹ul˺-lu-ú (NeglC23/6: I 14)

ēm – – –

(ēma) prep. “where(ever), when(ever)” e-ma (NaplC31/1: II 26; NeglC23/1: II 37) [e]-ma (NaplC31/2: II 32) [e]-˹ma˺ (NaplC22: II 13)

emēdu vb. G “to impose, to make bear, to make carry” D “to apply, to build, to assemble” – e-mi-id (NaplC12/3: 26; NaplC32: II 32) – ˹e˺-˹mi˺-˹id˺ (NaplC12/1: 26; NaplC23: I 15) – e-˹mi˺-˹id˺ (NaplC12/2: 26) – e-mi-id-ma (NaplC31/1: III 21; NaplC31/2: III 15) – ú-um-mi-id (NaplC21/1: II 14; NaplC21/2: II 15; NaplC21/3: II 15) – [ú]-˹um˺-mi-id (NaplB7: 30) emqu adj. “experience, skilled, wise” – e-em-qá (NeglC21/1: I 11; NeglC22: II 1) – e-em-qá-am (NeglC21/1: I 4; NeglC21/2: I 4) – e-[em-qa] (NeglC022: II 10) – e[m-qá-am] (NeglC011: I 1’) – e-em-qú-tim (NaplC31/1: II 17b; NaplC31/2: II 22) emūqu subst. “strength, force” – e-mu-qu (NaplC12/2: 20, 33) – ˹e˺-˹mu˺-˹qu˺ (NaplC12/1: 20; NaplC12/3: 20, 33) – ˹e˺-˹mu˺-[qu] (NaplC12/1: 33) – e-mu-[qu] (NaplC12/4: 6’) – e-mu-qí (NaplC32: II 1, III 24) enēšu vb. G “to be weak, to become weak” D “to weaken” – i-ni-šu (NaplC11/A1: 9; NaplC11/A2: 9; NaplC11/A4: 9; NeglC21/1: II 15) – [i-ni]-šu (NaplC11/A7: 9) – i-ni-iš (NaplC32: II 26)

158 – –

Glossary

[i]-ni-iš (NeglC021: II 6’) un-nu-ša-tu (NaplC31/1: I 31; NaplC31/2: I 33)

enšu adj. “weak, sick, dilapidated” – en-šu-um (NaplC12/1: 19; NaplC12/2: 19) – en-šu (NaplC32: I 32) enû vb. G “to change” N “to be altered” – in-né-en-nu-ú (NaplC12/1: 40) – in-nen-nu-ú (NaplC32: III 35) enūma (inūma) conj. “when” – e-nu-ma (NaplC12/4: 11’; NaplC22: I 20; NaplC31/1: I 19, III 48; NaplC31/2: I 21, III 53) – ˹e˺-˹nu˺-˹ma˺ (NaplC12/1: 38) – [e-nu]-ma (NaplC12/3: 38) – ˹e˺-[nu-ma] (NaplC12/2: 38) – ì-nu-um (NeglC21/1: I 15; NeglC23/1: I 15) – [ì-nu]-um (NeglC21/2: I 15) – ì-nu-ma (NaplC32: III 30) – ˹i˺-nu-ma (NeglC011: 13’) eperu subst. “earth, soil” – e-pe-ri-šu (NaplC32: II 36) epēšu vb.G “to do, to make, to build” Š “to cause to build, to make build” – e-pú-šu (NeglC23/1: II 34) – e-pú-uš (NeglC23/1: II 27) – e-pu-uš (NaplC11/B1: 13; NaplC11/B2: 13; NaplC11/B3: 13; NaplC11/B4: 6’; NaplC11/B5: 12) – e-pu-uš-ma (NaplC22: II 9; NaplC31/2: III 22; NaplB6: 16) – e-pú-uš-ma (NaplC31/1: III 27) – i-pu-šu (NaplC32: III 17) – i-p[ú-šu-ma] (NeglC022: II 2) – i-pú-šu-ma (NeglC23/1: II 19) – i-pú-šu-ma (NeglC022: II 8) – i-pú-u[š-ma(?)] (NeglC021: II 1’) – e-te-ep-pu-šu (NaplC12/1: 14) – e-te-ep-pu-šu-um (NaplC32: I 23) – e-te-ep-pu-˹šu˺ (NaplC12/5: 12’) – e-˹te˺-[ep-pu-šu] (NaplC12/2: 14) – ú-še-pi-šu-ma (NaplC12/2: 23) – ˹ú-še-pi-šu-ma˺ (NaplC12/3: 23) – ú-si4-pí-iš-ma (NaplC31/1: III 6) – ú-si4-pí-iš-ma˺ (NaplC31/2: II 66) – e-piš (NaplC32: III 9) – e-pí-iš (NeglC23/1: I 3; NeglC23/2: I 3; NeglC23/7: I 3) – e-pi-iš (NeglB1/1: 3; NeglB1/2: 3)

Glossary

– – – – – – – –

e-pe-šu (NeglC23/2: I 7; NeglC23/6: I 8; NeglC23/7: I 4) e-pé-šu (NeglC011: 9’; NeglC21/1: I 25, 28) e-pe-e-šu (NeglC23/1: I 4) e-pe-˹šu˺ (NeglC23/2: I 6) e-p[e-e-šu] (NeglC23/2: I 3) e-pé-e-šu (NeglC23/1: I 7, 9; NeglC23/6: I 6) e-pé-˹ša˺ (NeglC22: I 16) dùeš (NaplB4/2a: 4; NaplB4/2b: 4)

epištu (ipištu) subst. “deed, action” – i-pí-iš-tim (NaplC31/1: III 39; NaplC31/2: III 38) – e-ep-ši-ti-ja (NaplC23: II 15) – ep-še-tu-šu (NaplC22: I 17) – e-ep-še-ti-ja (NaplC31/1: III 35; NaplC31/2: III 32) erēbu vb. G “to enter” – e-ri-bi-[ma(?)] (NeglC22: II 4) erēnu subst. “cedar” giš – eren (NeglC23/1: II 29) erṣetu subst. “earth, underworld” – er-ṣe-tim (NaplC12/1: 8; NaplC12/3: 8) – er-˹ṣe˺-ti (NeglC22: I 9) – ˹er˺-˹ṣe˺-˹tim˺ (NaplC12/2: 8) – ki-tim (NaplC32: I 15b) eršu adj. “wise” – ˹er˺-ša (NaplC23: I 21) ešertu subst. “chapel, shrine” pl. ešrētu, ašrātu – eš-re-e-ti (NaplC21/1: I 7; NaplC21/2: I 7; NaplB7: 7) – [eš]-˹re˺-e-ti (NaplC21/3: I 7) – e-eš-re-e-ti (NeglC22: I 30; NeglC23/1: I 19) – à-aš-ra-at (NaplC12/1: 5; NaplC12/2: 34; NaplC12/4: 7’) – ˹à˺-˹aš˺-˹ra˺-[at] (NaplC12/1: 34; NaplC12/3: 34) – à-aš-ra-[at] (NaplC12/2: 5) – [à]-˹aš˺-˹ra˺-[at] (NaplC12/4: 5) – ˹aš˺-rat (NaplC12/5: 3’) – áš-rat (NaplC32: I 9, III 25) – aš-ra-a-tim (NeglC21/1: I 5; NeglC21/2: I 5) – aš-ra-ti-ka (NeglC21/1: II 38) ešēru vb. “to be well, to go straight” Št “to put in order, to keep in order – uš-te-eš-še-er (NeglC22: I 30) – uš-te-te-eš-še-er (NeglC23/1: I 19)

159

160 – – – – –

Glossary

uš-te-te-ši-ir (NeglC23/1: II 5; NeglC23/6: II 7) ú-uš-te-ši-ir-ma (NeglC021: II 14’) ú-uš-te-[ši-ir-ma] (NeglC022: II 6) mu-uš-te-ši-ru (NeglC21/1: I 10; NeglC21/2: I 10) šu-te-šu-ru (NeglC23/1: I 42; NeglC23/6: II 2)

eššu adj. “new” – e-eš-ši-iš (NaplC22: II 9; NaplB6: 15) – ˹e˺-eš15-ši-iš (NaplC23: II 6) – eš-ši-iš (NaplC11/A1: 13; NaplC11/A2: 15; NaplC11/A4: 13) – [eš]-ši-iš (NaplC11/A3: 13) ešû (ušû) subst. “ebony” giš – esi (NaplC31/1: I 38; NaplC31/2: I 41) etellu adj. “pre-eminent” – e-te-el-lu (NeglC21/1: II 29) eṭēru vb. G “to save, to preserve” – e-ṭi-ri (NeglC23/1: I 12) – [e-ṭi]-ri˺ (NeglC23/7: I 10) eṭlu – – –

subst. “young man, (manly)” eṭ-lum (NeglC21/1: I 12) ˹eṭ˺-˹lu˺ (NeglC011: 12’) e-˹ṭe˺-˹el˺(?) (NeglC011: 12’)

G gabarû (gabrû) subst. “copy, duplicate” – gaba.ri (NaplC31/1: III 25; NaplC31/2: III 19) galātu vb. G “to tremble” D “to cause trouble” – mu-gal-li-tú (NeglC21/1: I 36) gamālu vb. G “to save, to do a favour” – ga-ma-lu (NeglC23/1: I 12; NeglC23/2: I 10; NeglC23/6: I 11) gamāru vb. G “to complete, to bring to conclusion” – ag-mu-úr (NaplC12/3: 27) – ag-˹mu˺-úr (NaplC12/2: 27) – ig-mu-ru (NaplC12/1: 23; NaplC12/2: 23; NaplC12/3: 23) gapšu adj. “arisen, numerous” – ga-ap-šu-ti (NeglC23/1: I 42)

Glossary

– –

161

˹gap-šu-ti (NeglC22: I 22) ga-ap-šu-tim (NeglC23/6: II 2)

gārû (gērû) subst. “opponent, enemy” – ga-ri-ja (NaplC12/1: 16; NaplC12/2: 16; NaplC12/3: 16; NaplC32: I 27) – ga-ri-ka (NaplC12/1: 34; NaplC12/2: 34; NaplC12/3: 34; NaplC32: III 26) gašru adj. “very strong, powerful” – ga-áš-ra-[a-ti] (NaplC12/1: 20) – ˹ga˺-[áš]-˹ra˺-a-ti (NaplC12/2: 20) – ˹ga˺-˹áš˺-ra-a-ti (NaplC12/3: 20) – ga-áš-ra-a-tim (NaplC32: II 1) ginindanakku subst. “measuring rod” – gi.nínda.na-kum (NaplC31/1: II 19; NaplC31/2: II 24) gišḫuru subst. “plan, design” – giš.ḫurmeš (NaplC32: II 21) gitmālu subst. “perfect, ideal” – gi-it-ma-lum (NeglC21/1: I 12) – [g]i-it-ma-lum (NeglC21/2: I 12) – gi-it-ma-lu (NeglC011: 12’) guršu see bīt gurši gušūru subst. “beam” – giš.ùrmeš (NaplC12/2: 28) – giš.[ùrmeš] (NaplC12/4: 1’) – [giš].˹ùr˺meš (NaplC12/3: 28)

Ḫ ḫadiš adv. “joyfully” – ḫa-di-iš (NaplC23: II 16; NaplC31/1: III 36; NaplC31/2: III 34; NeglC21/1: II 32) ḫadû vb. G “to be ḫappy, to rejoice” – li-iḫ-[du-ù] (NeglC22: II 30) ḫarrānu subst. “way, road” – ḫar-ra-an (NeglC011: 20’) ḫaṭṭu subst. “stick, sceptre” – ḫa-aṭ-ṭa (NaplC23: I 9, II 16) giš – níg.gidru (NeglC21/1: I 29; NeglC22: I 7; NeglC23/1: I 10; NeglC23/2: I 8; NeglC23/6: I 9) giš – [níg.gidru] (NeglC23/7: I 9)

162

Glossary

ḫengallu (ḫegallu) subst. “plenty, abundance” – ḫé-gál-lam (NeglC23/6: II 1) – ḫé-gal-˹la˺ (NeglC22: II 4) ḫerû vb. G “to dig, to excavate” Š “to cause to excavate” – ú-ša-aḫ-ra-am-ma (NaplC21/1: II 5; NaplC21/2: II 6; NaplC21/3: II 6; NaplB7: 22) – ú-ša-aḫ-ri-ma (NeglC22: I 35 ; NeglC23/1: II 8 ; NeglC23/6: II 10) – ú-ša-aḫ-ri-˹ma˺ (NeglC22 : II 3) – ú-ša-aḫ-ru-ma (NeglC22: I 33; NeglC23/1: II 6; NeglC23/6: II 8) ḫiāṭu vb. G “to supervise, to seek out, to investigate” – a-ḫi-iṭ (NaplC32: II 37; NeglC21/1: II 22) – i-ḫa-ṭu (NaplC12/2: 35; NaplC32: III 27) – ˹i-[ḫa-ṭu] (NaplC12/3: 35) – [i-ḫ]a-[ṭu] (NaplC12/1: 35) – ḫa-ʾ-iṭ (NaplC32: III 4) ḫibištu subst. “crushed pieces of aromatics” – ḫi-bi-iš-tim (NaplC31/1: III 11b; NaplC31/2: III 3) ḫittu subst. “lintel” giš – gan.du7-ša (NeglC23/1: II 30) ḫiṭītu subst. “error, defect” – ḫi-ṭi-tim (NeglC21/1: II 21) ḫurāṣu subst. “gold” – kù.gi (NaplC31/1: II 37, III 5, 20; NaplC31/2: II 44, 65b; NeglC23/2: II 1) – kù.g[i] (NaplC31/2: III 14) ḫuršāniš adv. “like a mountain” – ḫu-úr-sa-ni-iš (NeglC21/1: II 24)

I/J ibratu subst. “(outdoor) cult niche” – ib-rat (NaplC32: II 17) idu – – – – –

subst. “arm, side, strength” i-di-ja (NaplC12/1: 13; NaplC12/3: 13) ˹i˺-di-ja (NaplC12/2: 13) i-di-já (NaplC32: I 22) i-da-a-a (NaplC12/1: 15; NaplC12/3: 15; NaplC22: I 22; NaplC32: I 25) ˹i˺-da-a-a (NaplC12/2: 15)

Glossary

163

igāru subst. “wall” – i-ga-ru-šú (NaplC32: II 28) – i-ga-ru-ša (NeglC21/1: II 15; NeglC23/1: II 23; NeglC021: II 2’, 9’) – é.gar8 (NeglC21/1: II 9) igigallūtu subst. “wisdom” – igi.gál-ú-tu (NaplC31/1: II 10) – igi.gál-[ú]-tu (NaplC31/2: II 14) igisû subst. “contribution, gift” – i-gi-se-e (NeglC21/1: I 7; NeglC21/2: I 7) – ˹igi˺.˹sá˺ (NeglC22: I 28) ilu subst. “god” – ì-lí (NaplC21/1: II 2; NaplC21/2: II 3; NaplC21/3: II 3; NaplB7: 19; NaplC23: II 14; NeglC21/ 1: II 30) – ì-[li] (NaplC23: I 7) – dingir (NaplC31/1: I 14, 18, II 13, 29; NaplC31/2: I 16, II 18; NeglC21/1: II 5; NeglC22: I 2, II 18; NeglC23/1: I 5; NeglC23/2: I 4; NeglC23/3: II 3’; NeglC23/7: I 5; NeglC022: I 9) – ˹dingir˺ (NeglC22: I 15) – dingir-ja (NaplC32: III 14b) – dingirme (NaplC32: I 15) – [dingir]˹me˺ (NaplC31/2: I 2) – dingirmeš (NaplC12/1: 8, 15; NaplC12/5: 6’; NaplC32: I 24, 28, II 22) – ˹dingir˺meš (NaplC12/2: 8) – ˹dingir˺[meš] (NaplC12/5: 13’) – dingir.dingir (NaplC22: I 16; NaplC31/1: I 2, 5; NaplC31/2: I 20; NeglC21/1: I 15; NeglC22: I 13, 19, 30, II 2, 18; NeglC23/1: I 6, 13, 25, 35, II 13, 31, 32; NeglC23/2: I 5; NeglC23/3: II 3’; NeglC23/6: I 12, II 16; NeglC23/7: I 6) – ˹dingir˺.dingir (NaplC31/2: II 35) – dingir.din[gir] (NeglC022: II 11) – [dingir].˹dingir˺ (NaplC31/2: I 5) – di[ngir.dingir] (NeglC23/8: I 6’) ilūtu subst. “divinity” – i-lu-ti-šu (NeglC21/1: I 24) imnu subst. “right side, right hand” – im-ni-ja (NaplC23: I 21) imtu subst. “poison” – i-ma-at (NeglC23/1: I 27) ina prep. “in, on, by, from” – in (NaplC11/A1: 10, 12; NaplC11/A2: 10, 13; NaplC11/A4: 10, 12; NaplC23: II 19, 20, 21) – ina (NaplC12/1: 5; NaplC12/2: 5; NaplC12/5: 8’, 9’; NaplC32: I 22; NeglC22: I 22, II 4, 17)

164 –

– – – – – – –

Glossary

i-na (NaplC12/1: 4, 10, 11, 13, 14, 18, 20, 29, 40; NaplC12/2: 10, 11, 14, 18, 29, 31; NaplC12/3: 13, 20, 29; NaplC12/4: 13’; NaplC12/5: 11’; NaplC21/1: II 10; NaplC21/2: II 11; NaplC21/3: II 11; NaplC31/1: I 19, 32, 38, II 9, 10, 11, 12, 15, 19, 29, 31, 35, 38, 47, III 3, 26, 37, 49; NaplC31/2: I 34, 41, II 13, 16, 24, 46, 55, 63, III 20, 36, 54; NaplC32: I 7, 18, 19, 23, 28, 30, II 1, 24, 26, 27, 38, 39, III 16, 18, 34; NeglC21/1: I 18, 26, II 2, 3, 5, 6, 7, 14, 25, 27, 36; NeglC22: I 15, 36, 37, II 10, 18, 36; NeglC23/1: I 21, 23, 29, 30, 32, 34, II 1, 8, 20, 25, 33, 35, 41; NeglC23/2: II 4, 11; NeglC23/4: I 7’, 8’; NeglC23/5: I*1*; NeglC23/ 6: II 3, 10; NeglC23/8: I 5’, 6’, 8’; NeglC011: 2’, 19’; NeglC022: I 4’, 7’, II 12, 2’) ˹i˺-na (NaplB7: 26; NaplC31/2: II 14, 15, 37, 41; NeglC22: I 3, 34; NeglC011: 17’) i-˹na˺ (NeglC23/4: I 1’) ˹i˺-˹na˺ (NaplC12/2: 4; NeglC22: I 23, 24, 25, II 7; NeglC23/1: I 37) ˹i˺-[na] (NeglC23/2: I 4’) [i]-˹na˺ (NaplC12/2: 20; NaplC31/2: II 20, 35) i-[na] (NaplC12/3: 18; NaplC31/2: I 21) [i-n]a (NeglC021: II 5’)

inimmû subst. “word” – i-nim-ma-a-a (NaplC32: III 15) īnu – – – – –

conj. subjunct. “when” ì-nu (NaplC21/1: I 5; NaplC21/2: I 5) i-nu-um (NaplC32: I 7) ì-nu-um (NaplC12/1: 4; NaplC12/2: 4; NaplB6: 6) ì-˹nu˺-um (NaplC23: I 7) ˹ì˺-˹nu˺-˹um˺ (NaplC12/4: 4)

inūmīšu adv. “at that time, in those days” – ì-nu-mi-šu (NaplC31/1: I 28; NaplC31/2: I 30; NaplB6: 13; NeglC23/1: II 15) – ˹ì˺-nu-mi-šu (NaplC22: II 5) – ˹ì˺-˹nu˺-mi-šu (NeglC22: I 32) – ì-˹ni˺-u4-mi-šu (NaplC23: II 5) – ì-nu-mi-šu-um (NaplC21/1: I 10; NaplC21/2: I 10; NaplB7: 10) – ì-nu-˹mi˺-[šu-um] (NaplC21/4: I 2’) – [ì-nu-mi]-šu-um (NaplC21/3: I 10) – in-u4-mi-šu-ma (NaplC23: I 14) inūšu adv. “at that time” – ì-nu-šu (NaplC32: II 6) – ˹ì˺-˹nu˺-˹šu˺ (NaplC12/1: 22; NaplC12/2: 22; NaplC12/3: 22) irtu subst. “breast, chest” – i-ra-at (NaplC31/1: I 32; NaplC31/2: I 34; NaplC32: II 39) isinnu subst. “festival” – i-sì-in-ni (NeglC23/8: I 6’)

Glossary

165

išariš adv. “correctly, normally” – i-ša-ri-iš (NeglC21/1: I 19; NeglC022: I 5’) išaru adj. “correct, just” – i-ša-ar-ti (NeglC22: I 7; NeglC23/1: I 10) – i-ša-ár-ti (NeglC21/1: I 29) – i-ša-ar-tim (NaplC23: II 17; NeglC23/2: I 8; NeglC23/6: I 9) išarūtu subst. “righteousness” – i-ša-ru-ti-ja (NeglC21/1: I 22) išdu subst. “foundation, base” – iš-di (NaplC22: I 5; NaplB6: 5) – i-šid-su (NaplC32: II 40) – i-ši-id-sa (NeglC23/1: II 26) – iš-da-a-šú (NaplC12/1: 36; NaplC12/2: 36; NaplC12/3: 36) – iš-da-šú (NaplC32: III 28) – suḫuš (NaplC31/1: III 44; NaplC31/2: III 46) – suḫuš-sà (NaplC31/1: I 32; NaplC31/2: I 34) išid šamê “base of heaven, horizon” – an.úr (NeglC23/1: II 37) iššiakku subst. “city-ruler” – iš-ša-ak-ku (NeglC022: I 4) – iš-˹ša˺-[ak-ku-um] (NaplC23: I 4) – énsi (NeglC21/1: I 6; NeglC21/2: I 6) ištānu (iltānu) subst. “north” – im.si.sá (NeglC21/1: II 9b) ištaru subst. “goddess” – iš8.dar (NaplC31/1: I 14) ištu (ultu) prep. and conj. “from, out, since, after” – iš-tu (NaplC32: II 9; NeglC21/1: I 19; NeglC23/1: I 41, II 17, 37; NeglC23/6: II 1) – ul-tu (NaplC11/B1: 6; NaplC11/B2: 6; NaplC11/B5: 6; NaplC12/2: 17; NaplC12/3: 21; NaplC32: II 3, 33) – ˹ul˺-˹tu˺ (NaplC12/1: 17) – [ul]-tu (NaplC12/1: 21) itti prep. “with” – it-ti (NaplC12/1: 36, 37, 39; NaplC12/2: 36, 39; NaplC12/4: 9’, 10’; NaplC31/1: III 12; NaplC31/2: III 4; NaplC32: III 19; NeglC23/1: I 22, 31; NeglC23/8: I 1’) – ˹it˺-˹ti˺ (NaplC12/2: 37; NaplC12/3: 36, 37)

166 – – itû – – – –

Glossary

[it]-ti (NaplC12/3: 39) ki (NaplC32: III 28, 29, 33) subst. “boundary, limit, side” i-te-e (NeglC23/1: I 42, II 1, 5; NeglC23/6: II 2, 3, 7) i-te-[e] (NeglC23/2: II 3) i-˹te˺-[-e] (NeglC23/2: II 8) ús (NaplC11/B1: 7, 8: NaplC11/B2: 7, 8; NaplC11/B5: 7, 8)

iṭṭû subst. “bitumen” – esir (NaplC31/1: II 6; NaplC31/2: II 10) izuzzu (uzzuzzu) vb. G “to stand” Š “to erect, to install, to set up” N “to take a stand” – na-an-zu-zu (NeglC23/1: I 22) – ú-uš-zi-iz (NeglC23/1: I 32 ; NeglC23/8 : I 3’) – uš-zi-zu (NeglC23/1: I 24) – ú-uš-[zi-iz-ma] (NeglC022: II 7) – ˹ú˺-˹uš˺-[zi-zu] (NeglC23/4: I 2’) – ú-[uš-zi-iz-ma] (NeglC021: II 16’)

K kabattu subst. “liver, innards, intention” – ka-ba-at-tim (NaplC32: I 13) kabtu adj. “heavy, important” – ka-ab-ti (NaplC12/1: 18; NeglC21/1: II 30) – ka-[ab-ti] (NaplC12/2: 18) – ka-ab-tim (NaplC32: I 30) – ka-bít-ta (NaplC12/1: 6; NaplC12/3: 6) – ka-bít-˹ta˺ (NaplC12/5: 4b’) – ˹ka˺-˹bít˺-˹ta˺ (NaplC12/2: 6) – ka-bi-it-ti (NaplC21/2: I 8; NaplB7: 8; NeglC23/1: II 39) – ka-bi-it-(NaplC21/1: I 8) – ˹ka˺-bi-it-[o]-ti (NaplC21/3: I 8) kajjānu adj. “constant, regular, permanent, true” – ka-a-a-na-ak (NeglC23/1: I 17) – ka-a-nam (NeglC23/1: II 14) – ka-a-a-nam (NeglC23/1: I 20, 22) – ka-a-a-[nam] (NeglC23/6: II 17) – ˹ka˺-[a-a-nam] (NeglC011: 5’) – ka-a-a-nim (NaplC12/1: 5, 9; NaplC12/3: 5, 9; NaplC32: I 10; NeglC21/I: I 23) – ka-˹a˺-˹a˺-˹nim˺ (NaplC12/2: 5) – ˹ka˺-˹a˺-˹a˺-˹nim˺ (NaplC12/2: 9)

Glossary

– – –

ka-a-[a-nim] (NaplC12/5: 7’) ka-a-a-ni (NaplC32: I 16b) ka-a-a-an-tu-um-ma (NaplC32: III 15b)

kakku subst. “weapon” – ka-ak-ku-šu (NeglC22: I 14; NeglC23/1: I 13; NeglC23/2: I 11; NeglC23/6: I 12) giš – tukul-kí (NaplC31/1: I 22) giš – tukul-˹kí ˺ (NaplC31/2: I 24) kakugallūtu subst. “profession of incantation priest” – ka.kù.gál-ú-tu (NaplC31/2: II 37) – ka.kù.gál-ú-te (NaplC31/1: II 31b) kalāma subst. “all, everything” – ka-la-mu (NeglC21/1: I 17) kalû subst. “whole, totality” – ka-al (NeglC23/1: II 13, 38; NeglC23/6: II 16) – ka-li-šu-nu (NeglC21/1: II 1) kamāru vb. G “to heap up” – ik-kam-ru-ma (NaplC32: II 29) kamru adj. “accumulated” – kam-ru-tu (NaplC32: II 36) kanānu vb. G “to wrap up, to roll up” – ak-nu-un-ma (NaplC31/1: III 1; NaplC31/2: II 61) kanāšu vb. G “to bow down” D “to subject” – ú-ka-an-ni-iš (NaplC31/1: II 50) – ú-ka-an-ni-su (NaplC31/2: II 58) – mu-ka-an-ni-iš (NeglC21/1: I 33) – ku-nu-uš (NaplC23: I 12) kanšu adj. “submissive” – kan-šu (NaplC32: III 1) – ka-an-šu (NeglC21/1: I 3; NeglC21/2: I 3) kanšūtu subst. “submissiveness” – ka-an-šu-ti-ja (NeglC21/1: I 23) kânu vb. G “to be permanent, to become permanent” D “to establish firmly, to install” – i-ku-un-na (NaplC32: III 28) – i-ku-un-˹na˺ (NaplC12/1: 36)

167

168 – – – –

– – – – – – – – – –

Glossary

˹i˺-˹ku˺-˹un˺-˹na˺ (NaplC12/3: 36) i-[ku-un]-˹na˺ (NaplC12/2: 36) li-ku-˹un˺-˹ma˺ (NeglC22: II 23) ú-ki-in (NaplC11/A1: 11; NaplC11/A2: 12; NaplC11/A4: 11; NaplC21/1: II 8; NaplC21/2: II 9; NaplC21/3: II 9; NaplC31/1: II 36; NaplC31/2: II 43; NaplC32: III 21; NaplB7: 24; NeglC21/ 1: II 23; NeglC22: II 7; NeglC23/1: II 11; NeglC23/6: II 13) [ú-ki-i]n (NaplC11/A3: 11; NaplC11/A7: 12) ú-kin-nu (NaplC32: II 24) ú-ki-in-ma (NeglC21/1: II 25) ú-ki-in-nu-um (NaplC31/1: II 23) [ú-ki]-in-nu (NaplC31/2: II 28) ku-un-ni (NaplC12/1: 6; NaplC12/5: 4’; NaplC32: I 11) ku-˹un-ni˺ (NaplC12/2: 6) ku-un-na (NaplC31/1: III 43; NaplC31/2: III 44) ˹mu˺-ki-in (NaplC22: I 5) mu-ki-in (NaplB6: 4)

karābu vb. G and D “to pray, to bless” – ku-ru-ub (NaplC31/1: III 47; NaplC31/2: III 52) karānu subst. “wine” – geštin (NaplC31/1: III 11b; NaplC31/2: III 3) karāšu subst. “military camp” – ka-ra-šu (NaplC32: II 19) karmu subst. “heap, mound” – ˹ka˺-ar-mu (NaplC22: II 4) – ka-ar-mi (NaplC31/1: I 27; NaplC31/2: I 29) kāru subst. “quay, port” – kar (NaplC21/1: II 13; NaplC21/2: II 14; NaplC21/3: II 14; NaplB1/1: 2, 4; NaplB1/5: 2, 3; NaplB4/2a: 4, 5; NaplB4/2b: 4, 5; NaplB5/1: 4, 7) kaspu subst. “silver” – ˹ka˺-[as-pu] (NeglC23/4: I 6’) – kù.babbar (NaplC31/1: II 37, III 5, 20; NaplC31/2: II 44, 65b; NeglC23/1: I 22, 28, 31, 39; NeglC23/5: I* 1*) kaṣāpu vb. G “to think” D “to take into consideration, to ponder” – ú-ka-ṣi-pu (NaplC31/1: II 28) – ˹ú˺-ka-ṣi-˹pu˺ (NaplC31/2: II 34) kaṣāru vb. G “to tie, to knot” – ak-ṣu-˹úr˺-[ma] (NeglC22: I 35) – ik-ṣú-ru (NeglC22: I 34)

Glossary

kašādu vb. G “to reach, to conquer” Š “to cause to reach” – ak-šu-ud (NeglC23/1: II 24) – lu-uk-šu-ud (NeglC23/1: II 35) – ˹lu˺-uk-šu-ud (NeglC23/3: II 6’) – ú-ša-ak-ši-du-šu (NaplC22: I 13) – ka-ša-dam (NeglC22: I 12) kašāru vb. G “to repair” – ik-ši-ru-˹ú˺-ma (NeglC021: II 3’) – ik-ši-ru-m[a] (NeglC022: II 5) kaššu adj. “massive, strong” – ka-aš-ši-im (NaplC31/1: II 5b; NaplC31/2: II 9) kī conj. and prep. “like, just as” – ki-i (NaplC31/1: III 31; NaplC32: III 31) kibru subst. “bank, shore” – ki-bi-ir (NaplC21/1: II 9; NaplC21/2: II 10; NaplC21/3: II 10) – ˹ki˺-bi-ir (NaplB7: 25) – ki-ib-ra-a-ti (NeglC23/1: II 38) – [ki]-˹ib˺-ra-a-ti (NeglC22: II 33) – ki-ib-ra-a-tim (NaplC23: II 14, 19) kīdānu adv. “outside” – ki-da-nu (NaplB1/1: 2; NaplB1/5: 2; NaplB5/1: 4) – ki-dam-a-nim (NeglC23/1: II 20) kidinnu subst. “aegis, protection” – ki-di-ni (NaplC32: II 20) kidudû subst. “rites” – ki-du-de-šu-un (NaplC12/1: 6; NaplC12/3: 6) – ki-du-de-e-šu-nu (NaplC32: I 12) – [ki-du]-˹de˺-šu-un (NaplC12/2: 6) – ki-du-[de-šu-un] (NaplC12/5: 4’) kigallu subst. “sockel, pedestal” – ki-gal-lu (NaplC32: III 6) – ki-gal-la (NaplC32: II 39) – ki-gal-lam (NeglC23/1: I 32) – ki-gal-lim (NaplC11/A2: 10; NaplC11/A4: 10) – ki-gal-lim(!) (NaplC11/A1: 10) – [ki-gal-li]m (NaplC11/A3: 10) – [ki]-gal-lim (NaplC11/A7: 10) – ki.gal-e (NaplC31/1: I 32, II 35; NaplC31/2: I 34, II 41)

169

170

Glossary

kīma prep. “like, as, in the manner of” – ki-ma (NaplC11/A1: 16; NaplC11/A2: 18; NaplC11/A3: 16; NaplC11/A4: 16; NaplC11/A7: 1’; NaplC12/1: 30; NaplC12/2: 30; NaplC12/3: 30; NaplC22: II 10, 18; NaplC23: II 7, 12; NaplC31/1: II 3, 5, III 27, 42; NaplC31/2: II 7, 9, III 23, 27, 42; NeglC21/1: I 14; NeglC22: II 28, 29; NeglC23/1: I 30, 32, II 4; NeglC23/6: II 6; NeglC23/8: I 2’) kiništu subst. “kiništu-priest, priesty collegium” – ki-ni-iš-ti (NeglC21/1: II 10) kinnu subst. “mountain” – ki-in-na-a (NaplC32: II 11) kīnu adj. “true, just, permanent” – ki-i-nu (NaplC12/1: 37; NaplC32: III 18; NeglC21/1: I 31, 35) – ˹ki˺-˹i˺-˹nu˺ (NaplC12/1: 36; NaplC12/3: 37) – [ki-i]-˹nu˺ (NaplC12/2: 36) – ˹ki˺-i-˹nu˺ (NaplC12/2: 37) – [ki]-˹i-nu˺ (NaplC12/3: 36) – ˹ki˺-i-num (NeglC22: II 13) – ki-num (NaplC32: III 28, 29) – [ki]-˹nam˺ (NaplC23: I 5) – ki-i-nim (NeglC23/1: I 10; NeglC23/2: I 8; NeglC23/7: I 9) – [ki-i]-˹nim˺ (NeglC23/6: I 9) – k[i-i-nim] (NeglC011: 4’) – ki-nim (NeglC22: I 7; NeglC23/8: I 7’) kisallu subst. “forecourt” – ki-sal-lu (NaplC32: II 14) kisû – – – –

subst. “plinth” ki-se-e (NeglC23/1: I 30) ki-sè-e (NeglC23/1: I 21) ˹ki˺-˹sè˺-[e] (NeglC23/4: I 8’) ki-˹sa˺-a (NeglC21/1: II 27)

kisurrû subst. “border, territory” – ki-su-úr-ri-im (NaplC31/1: II 23b; NaplC31/2: II 28) – ki-sur-ra-a (NaplC32: II 10) kišādu subst. “neck, bank” – ki-ša-du (NeglC23/1: II 18, 21) – ki-ša-dam (NaplC31/1: II 50; NaplC31/2: II 58) kiššatu subst. “totality, world” – ki-iš-[ša]-at (NeglC22: I 8)

Glossary

171

kiššūtu subst. “authority” – ki-iš-šu-ti (NeglC23/1: I 7; NeglC23/2: I 6) – [ki]-iš-šu-ti (NeglC23/7: I 7) kittu subst. “truth, justice” – ki-it-ti (NaplC12/1: 7; NaplC12/2: 7) – kit-ti (NaplC12/5: 5’; NaplC32: I 14) – ki-it-tim (NeglC21/1: II 36) kullatu subst. “totality, all of” – ku-ul-la-at (NaplC12/1: 17) – ˹ku˺-˹ul˺-˹la˺-˹at˺ (NaplC12/3: 17) – [ku]-˹ul˺-la-at (NaplC12/2: 17) kunnu adj. “fixed, firmly established” – ku-un-nu (NeglC21/1: II 34) – ku-un-nu-um (NeglC21/1: II 17) – ku-un (NeglC22: I 3) – ku-un-na-am (NaplC22: II 20) kupru subst. “bitumen” – ku-up-ri (NeglC22: I 34 ; NeglC23/1: II 8, 25 ; NeglC23/6: II 10) – ku-up-˹ri˺ (NeglC23/2: II 11) – esir.ud.du.a (NaplC21/1: II 10; NaplC21/2: II 11; NaplC21/3: II 11; NaplB7: 26; NaplC31/1: II 6; NaplC31/2: II 10) – esir.ud.a (NeglC21/1: II 27) kussû subst. “throne” giš – ku-sa-a (NaplC23: II 17) giš – gu.za (NeglC21/1: II 34) giš – gu.za-ja (NaplC31/1: III 44; NaplC31/2: III 46)

L lā negative part. “no, not” – la (NaplC12/1: 4, 10, 40; NaplC12/2: 23, 27; NaplC12/3: 10, 23; NaplC12/5: 8’; NaplC23: I 12; NaplC31/1: II 4, III 38; NaplC31/2: II 8, III 37; NaplC32: I 8, 18, III 12b, 13, 15b, 32, 35; NeglC21/1: II 1, 13, 16, 17, 21, 36; NeglC22: I 34; NeglC23/1: I 17, 24, II 7, 10, 12, 33; NeglC23/3: II 4’; NeglC23/4: I 2’; NeglC23/6: II 9, 12, 15; NeglC022: II 8) – ˹la˺ (NaplC12/1: 23; NaplC12/3: 27; NaplC12/5: 2’; NeglC22: I 36, II 6; NeglC022: I 10) labānu vb. G “to spread out, to make bricks” Š “to have bricks made” – al-mi-in (NaplC31/1: II 1) – al-mi-[in] (NaplC31/2: II 5) – ú-sa-al-bi-in (NaplC31/1: II 1; NaplC31/2: II 5)

172

Glossary

labāru subst. “long duration, longevity” – la-bar (NaplC32: II 10b) – la-bar (NaplC32: II 26) – la-ba-ri (NeglC21/1: II 34; NeglC021: II 5’) labāru vb. G “to be old, to become old” D “to make long-lasting” Š “to bring to old age, to allow to last long” – li-bu-úr (NaplC31/1: III 41; NaplC31/2: III 40) – ú-la-bar (NaplC32: III 29) – ú-la-˹bar˺ (NaplC12/1: 37) – ˹ú˺-˹la˺-˹bar˺ (NaplC12/3: 37) – ú-[la-bar] (NaplC12/2: 37) – šu-ul-bi-ri-im (NaplC22: II 21) labāšu vb. G “to wear, to put on” Š “to clothe, to overlay” – ú-ša-al-bi-iš-ma (NeglC23/1: I 28) – ú-ša-al-bi-iš-šu (NeglC23/1: I 40) – ú-ša-al-bi-iš-[šu] (NeglC23/5: I* 2*) labīru adj. “old, former, ancient; long-lasting” – la-bi-ru (NaplC32: II 37) – la-bi-ri (NaplC11/B2: 9; NaplC11/B3: 9; NaplC11/B4: 2’; NaplC11/B5: 9; NaplC32: III 4; NeglC23/6: II 5) – la-bí-ri (NeglC21/1: II 22, 23; NeglC23/1: II 3) – la-bi-˹ri˺ (NaplC11/B1: 9) – la-bi-[ri]-ma (NeglC23/6: II 6) – la-bi-ri-im-ma (NeglC23/1: I 30, II 4) lalû subst. “plenty, exhuberance” – la-la-a-šu (NeglC23/1: II 34) – [la-la-a-š]-˹šu˺ (NeglC23/3: II 5’) lamādu vb. G “to learn” Gt “to be experienced” – li-it-mu-du (NaplC31/1: I 15; NaplC31/2: I 17) lamassu subst. (a female tutelaty deity) d – lamma (NaplC12/1: 13; NaplC12/5: 11’; NaplC32: I 22) – [d]˹lamma˺ (NaplC12/2: 13) lemnu adj. and subst. “bad, evil; enemy, evil person” – le-em-nim (NeglC23/1: I 27; NeglC23/4: I 5’) lēʾûtu subst. “competence, skill, power” – ˹le˺-ʾ-ú-ti (NeglC22: I 24) libbu subst. “heart, inner body, mind, spirit, will” – li-ib-ba (NeglC021: II 12’)

Glossary

– – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – –

173

li-ib-ba-am (NaplC31/1: II 26; NaplC31/2: II 32) lìb-bi (NaplC12/1: 8, 35; NaplC12/2: 8, 35; NaplC12/3: 35) li-ib-bi (NeglC21/1: I 17; NeglC23/1: II 20; NeglC022: I 3) ˹li˺-˹ib˺-˹bi˺ (NeglC21/2: I 17) li-ib-bi-im (NaplC31/1: II 12) ˹li˺-˹ib˺-bi-im (NaplC31/2: II 16) lìb-bi-ja (NaplC12/1: 10; NaplC12/5: 8b’; NaplC31/2: III 9) lìb-bi-˹ja˺ (NaplC12/3: 10) ˹lìb˺-˹bi˺-˹ja˺ (NaplC12/2: 10) li-ib-bi-ja (NaplC31/1: III 10; NaplC31/2: III 1) lìb-bi-ka (NaplC12/1: 33; NaplC12/2: 33; NaplC12/3: 33) li-ib-bi-šu (NeglC22: I 3) ˹li˺-ib-bi-ši-na (NeglC22: II 10) li-ib-˹bu˺-[uš-šu] (NeglC22: II 14) šà (NaplC12/5: 6’; NaplC32: I 15, II 7, III 3, III 27) šà-já (NaplC31/1: III 16; NaplC32: I 19) šà-ka (NaplC32: III 24) šà-šú-nu (NaplC32: II 24)

libittu subst. “mudbrick” – li-bi-in-tim (NaplC31/1: II 1b) – [li]-bi-in-tim (NaplC31/2: II 5b) – li-bit-ta-šú (NaplC32: II 38) – li-bi-it-ta-ša (NeglC021: II 13’; NeglC022: II 6) – li-bi-it-t[u-ša] (NeglC022: II 4) – sig4 (NaplC32: III 5) – sig4.sig4 (NaplC22: II 18; NaplC31/1: II 42, III 2, 42; NaplC31/2: II 50, 62, III 42) liptu subst. “job, creation, handiwork” – li-pí-it (NaplC31/1: III 40; NaplC31/2: III 39; NeglC21/1: II 31) līpu subst. “descendant, scion” – li-i-pu-ú-a (NeglC23/1: II 41) – ˹li˺-[i-pu-ú-a] (NeglC23/2: II 1’) littūtu subst. “extreme old age” – li-it-tu-tú (NeglC21/1: II 33) – li-it-tu-ú-ti (NeglC23/1: II 36) – [li-it-tu-ú]-tu (NeglC23/3: II 7’) lū precative, concessive, asseverative prtcl. “be it, indeed” – lu (NaplC11/A1: 13, 17; NaplC11/A2: 15, 17, 19; NaplC11/A3: 13, 15, 17; NaplC11/A4: 13, 15, 17; NaplC21/1: II 5, 8, 11, 14; NaplC21/2: II 6, 9, 12, 15; NaplC21/3: II 6, 9, 12, 15; NaplC23: I 16, II 6, 7, 9, 10, 13; NaplC31/1: I 39, 42, II 1, 8, 39, 43, 46, 48, 50, III 6, 13, 18, 21, 24, 27, 29, 33; NaplC31/2: II 1, 4, 12, 47, 51, 54, 56, 58, 64, 66, III 5, 13, 15, 18, 22, 25, 30; NaplC32: III 22; NaplB7: 22; 24) – ˹lu (NaplC11/A1: 15)

174 – – – – –

Glossary

˹lu˺ (NaplC11/A7: 2’; NaplC23: I 15; NaplC31/2: II 61) lu-ú (NaplC11/B1: 13; NaplC11/B2: 13; NaplC11/B5: 12; NaplC12/2: 31; NaplC12/3: 31; NaplC31/1: III 1, 4; NaplC32: II 38b, 40, 41b, III 21; NeglC21/1: I 20, 21, 30, 32, 34, II 37) ˹lu˺-ú (NaplC11/B4: 6’) [lu]-ú (NaplC12/1: 31) [lu]-˹ú˺ (NaplC11/B3: 13; NaplC12/2: 31)

lubāru subst. “garment” – lu-ba-ra-am (NaplC31/1: II 51) – lu-ba-ra(!) (NaplC31/2: II 59)

M madādu vb. G and D “to measure“ – ú-ma-an-di-id (NaplC31/1: II 20) – [um-ma]-an-di-da(!) (NaplC31/2: II 25) māgiru subst. “submissive“ – ma-gi-ri (NeglC21/1: II 1) – ma-gi-ri-im (NaplC23: I 12) maḫāru vb. G “to face, to receive” – lu-um-ḫu-úr (NeglC23/1: II 40) māḫāzu subst. “shrine, cultic centre” – ma-ḫa-az (NaplC23: II 11) – ma-ḫa-zi (NaplC21/1: I 6, 12; NaplC21/2: I 6, 12; NaplC21/3: I 6; NaplC21/4: I 4’; NaplB7: 6, 12; NeglC23/1: II 13; NeglC022: I 9) – ˹ma˺-˹ḫa˺-˹zi˺ (NeglC22: I 18; NeglC23/6: II 16) maḫrû adj. “first, previous, former” – maḫ-ri (NaplC12/2: 23) – ˹maḫ˺-˹ri˺ (NaplC12/3: 23) – [ma]ḫ(?)-ri (NeglC021: II 3’) – ma-aḫ-ri (NeglC21/1: II 12; NeglC22: I 26, 33; NeglC23/1: I 24, II 1, 6, 19; NeglC23/2: I 4’; NeglC23/6: II 3, 8; NeglC022: II 2) – [ma-aḫ]-ri (NeglC23/5: I*1*) – ma-aḫ-ri-ja (NaplC32: III 16b) – ma-aḫ-ri-já (NaplC32: III 31) – maḫ-˹rí ˺-[ka] (NeglC22: II 23) mālaku subst. “passage, walk, access” – ma-la-ak (NeglC23/1: II 4; NeglC23/6: II 6) – ma-la-˹ak˺ (NeglC23/2: II 7)

Glossary

175

malû vb. G “to be full, to become full” D “to fill, to hand over, to entrust” – ú-ma-al-lu-ú (NeglC22: I 6) – ú-ma-al-lu-˹ú˺ (NaplC23: I 19) mamman (mammāna) indef. pron. “whosoever, somebody, anybody, nobody” – ma-am-ma-nim (NaplC12/1: 4) – [ma-am]-ma-nim (NaplC12/2: 4) – [ma-am-ma]-nim (NaplC12/3: 4) – ma-am-ma-na-ma (NaplC32: I 8) manāma indef. pron. “somebody, whosoever” – ma-na-ma (NaplC12/2: 31; NaplC32: III 11, 22) – ma-na-˹ma˺ (NaplC12/4: 4’) – ˹ma˺-na-[ma] (NaplC12/1: 31) – [ma-na]-˹ma˺ (NaplC12/3: 31) manû in lā manû adj. “counted” – ma-nu-tim (NaplC31/1: II 4) – ˹ma˺-˹nu˺-tim (NaplC31/2: II 8) maqātu vb. G “to drop, to fall” Š “to cause the downfall of somebody/something” – ú-ša-am-qì-it (NaplC12/1: 16; NaplC32: I 27) – ˹ú˺-˹ša˺-˹am˺-˹qì˺-˹it˺ (NaplC12/3: 16) – ú-ša-˹am˺-[qì-it] (NaplC12/5: 14’) – [ú-ša-am]-˹qì˺-it (NaplC12/2: 16) maqittu subst. “dilapidation, disrepair” – ma-qí-it-ta-ša (NeglC021: II 15’) – ma-qí-it-ta-šu (NeglC022: II 7) marru subst. “shovel, spade” giš – mar-ri-im (NaplC23: I 16) giš – mar (NaplC31/1: III 18; NaplC31/2: III 12) giš – marmeš (NaplC31/1: I 37; NaplC31/2: I 39) māru subst. “son” – dumu (NaplC12/1: 4; NaplC12/3: 31; NaplC12/5: 2’; NaplC32: I 8, III 22, 29; AMB1: 3; AMV3: 3; AMV4: 3; NeglC21/1: I 11; NeglC23/1: I 14) – ˹dumu˺ (NaplC12/1: 37; NaplC12/2: 31; NeglC21/2: I 11; NeglC011: 11’) – dumumeš (NaplC23: II 9) – dumu.dumu (NaplC12/1: 31; NaplC12/2: 31; NaplC12/3: 31; C32: III 22) mār(ū) ummāni subst. “craftsman, specialist” – dumumeš um.me.a (NaplC31/1: II 17) – [dumumeš] ˹um˺.me.a (NaplC31/2: II 22)

176

Glossary

maṣṣartu subst. “safe custody, proper care, protection” – ma-aṣ-ṣa-ar-ti (NaplC23: II 8) – ma-aṣ-ṣa-ar-tim (NeglC21/1: I 13) – [ma-aṣ-ṣa-a]-˹ar˺-[tim] (NeglC21/2: I 13) maškan subst. “place of putting, site” – maš-kan (NaplC32: II 18) matīma interr. and adv. “ever, always” – ma-ti-ma (NaplC12/2: 31; NaplC32: III 22) – [ma]-ti-˹ma˺ (NaplC12/3: 31) mātu subst. “land, country” – ma-a-tú (NeglC21/1: I 29) – ma-a-ti (NaplC12/1: 12, 18; NaplC12/2: 18, 32; NaplC12/3: 18; NaplC23: I 8, 17; NaplC32: I 21, 31; NeglC22: I 37; NeglC23/1: I 12; NeglC23/2: I 10) – ma-a-ti˺ (NeglC22: II 4) – ˹ma˺-˹a˺-˹ti˺ (NaplC12/2: 12) – ma-a-tim (NeglC21/1: I 14, 26, II 2) – ma-ti-ja (NaplC11/A1: 12; NaplC11/A2: 14; NaplC11/A3: 12; NaplC11/A4: 12) – ˹ma˺-˹ta˺-˹a˺-˹ti˺ (NeglC011: 22’) – ma.da (NaplC22: I 5; NaplB6: 5; NeglC23/1: I 16, II 11; NeglC23/6: I 11, II 13) – ma.da-ja (NaplC31/1: I 41) – ˹ma˺.da-ja (NaplC31/2: II 3) – ma.da-su (NaplC31/1: I 26; NaplC31/2: I 28) – ma.da ma.da (NeglC23/1: I 7; NeglC23/2: I 6) – ma.da ma.˹da˺ (NeglC23/7: I 7) – kur (NaplC12/1: 11; NaplC12/2: 11; NaplC12/5: 9’,10’; NaplC32: I 19, II 12, III 23; NaplB6: 10) – kur(?) (NaplB6: 8) meḫretu subst. “opposite side” – mé-eḫ-ra-at (NeglC21/1: II 9) – mé-ḫe-ra-at (NeglC23/1: II 25) melammu subst. “fearsome radiance” – mé-lam-mu (NeglC23/1: I 40; NeglC23/5: I* 2*) mēlītu subst. “step, stairway” – mé-lit (NaplC32: II 15) mēlû subst. “height, altitude” – mé-la-a-šu (NeglC21/1: II 24) mērešu subst. “wisdom” – me-re-šu (NaplC31/1: II 9) – me-re-[šu] (NaplC31/2: II 13)

Glossary

177

meṣḫerūtu subst. “childhood, youth” – mé-eṣ-ḫe-ru-ti-ja (NaplC12/1: 4; NaplC32: I 7; NeglC21/1: I 19) – mé-eṣ-ḫe-ru-ti-já (NaplC12/5: 2’) – ˹mé˺-˹eṣ˺-[ḫe-ru-ti-ja] (NaplC12/2: 4) middatu subst. “measure” – mi-in-di-a-tú (NaplC31/2: II 25) – mi-in-di-a-tam (NaplC 31/1: II 20b) – mi-in-di-a-tim (NaplC31/1: II 28; NaplC31/2: II 34) – mi-in-di-a-tú (NaplC31/2: II 25) migru subst. “consent, approval” – mi-gi-ir (NaplC22: I 9; NeglC21/1: I 2; NeglC21/2: I 2) mīlu subst. “high water, flood” – mi-li-im (NaplC31/1: II 5) – [mi-li]-im (NaplC31/2: II 9) mimma indef. pron. “something, anything, everything” – mim-ma (NaplC12/1: 14; NaplC12/2: 14; NaplC32: I 23) – ˹mim˺-ma (NaplC12/5: 12’) mīšaru subst. “justice” – mi-ša-ri (NaplC12/5: 5’; NaplC32: I 1, 14; NeglC011: 18’; NeglC21/1: II 2) – mi-ša-ri-im (NaplC12/1: 1) – mi-ša-ri-am (NaplC12/1: 7) – mi-ša-[ri-am] (NaplC12/2: 7) mitḫāriš adv. “in the same manner, everywhere, at every occasion” – mi-it-ḫa-ri-iš (NaplC11/B1: 11; NaplC11/B2: 11) – mi-it-ḫa-˹ri˺-iš (NaplC11/B4: 4’) – [mi-it]-ḫa-ri-iš (NaplC11/B3: 11) – mit-ḫa-riš (NaplC11/B5: 10) mitluktu subst. “advice, deliberation” – mi-it-lu-uk-ti (NeglC23/1: I 5) – mi-˹it˺-lu-˹uk˺-˹-ti˺ (NeglC23/2: I 4) – mi-[it-lu-uk-ti] (NeglC23/7: I 5) – [mi-it-lu]-uk-ti (NeglC23/6: I 4) mû – – – – – –

subst. “water” mu-ú-šu (NeglC23/1: I 42, II 1; NeglC23/6: II 2, 12; NeglC23/6: II 3) me-e (NaplC21/1: I 16, II 6; NaplC21/2: I 16, II 7; NaplC21/3: I 16, II 7; NaplB7: 16, 23) ˹me˺-˹e˺ (NaplC21/4: I 8’) [me]-˹e˺ (NeglC22: I 22) mé-e (NeglC22: I 36, II 4, 6, 9, 16; NeglC23/1: II 10, 24, 25; NeglC23/6: II 12) mé-e-šu (NeglC23/1: II 4 ; NeglC23/6: II 6)

178

Glossary

mūdû subst. “wise, experienced” – mu-du-ʾ (NeglC22: II 2) – mu-du-ú (NaplC12/1: 8; NaplC12/2: 8; NaplC12/5: 6’; NaplC32: I 15; NeglC21/1: I 17b) – ˹mu˺-˹du˺-˹ú˺ (NeglC23/1: I 25) muḫḫu subst. “skull, top, upper part” – mu-úḫ (NeglC23/1: II 21) musukkannu subst. (a kind of wood) “Magan-tree” giš – mes.má.gan.na (NaplC31/1: I 38b; NaplC31/2: I 42) mūšabu subst. “dwelling” – mu-ša-bu (NeglC23/1: II 15) mušarû (musarû) subst. “inscription” – mu-šar-re-e-ka (NaplC12/1: 39) – [mu-šar-re]-˹e˺-˹ka˺ (NaplC12/3: 39) – mu-[šar-re-e-ka] (NaplC12/2: 39) – mu-sar-re-e (NaplC32: III 31) – mu-sar-ri-ka (NaplC32: III 33) mušḫuššu subst. “serpent-dragon” – muš.ḫuš (NeglC23/1: I 21, 26) muštālu subst. “who deliberates, adviser” (Ptc. Gt šâlu) – mu-uš-ta-lam (NeglC022: I 6) – mu-uš-ta-li (NeglC21/1: I 16) muštarḫu subst. “noble, proud one” (Ptc. Gt šarāḫu) – mu-uš-ta-ar-ḫa (NaplC31/1: I 2) – ˹mu˺-uš-ta-ar-ḫa (NaplC31/2: I 2) mutnennû subst. “who prays much, pious” (Ptc. Gt utnēnu) – mu-ut-né-en-nu-ú (NeglC21/1: I 4; NeglC21/2: I 4) – mu-ut-né-en-nu (NeglC22: II 1) mūtu subst. “death” – mu-ú-ti (NeglC23/1: I 27)

N naʾādu vb. G “to be attentive, to pay attention” – at-ta-ʾ-id-ma (NeglC21/1: II 8) – at-ta-ʾ-˹id˺-[ma] (NeglC022: I 6’)

Glossary

nabāṭu vb. G “to shine” Š “to make shine” – ú-šá-an-bi-iṭ-˹ma˺ (NaplC12/2: 30) – [ú-šá-an-bi]-˹iṭ˺-ma (NaplC12/1: 30) – [ú]-˹šá˺-˹an˺-[bi]-˹iṭ˺-ma (NaplC12/3: 30) nabû vb. G “to name, to decree” – ˹ib˺-bu-ú (NaplC23: I 9) – im-ba-an-ni (NeglC21/1: I 20) – it-ta-ba (NaplC12/1: 12; NaplC12/3: 12; NaplC12/5: 10’) – it-ta-bi (NaplC32: I 21b) – [it]-˹ta˺-˹bi˺ (NaplC12/2: 12) – i-na-ab-bu-ú (NaplC12/3: 32) – [i]-˹na˺-ab-bu-ú (NaplC12/1: 32) – ˹i˺-˹na˺-ab-bu-ú (NaplC12/2: 32) – i-nam-bu-ú (NaplC32: III 23b) nadānu vb. G “to give” Št “to ponder” – i-din-nam (NaplB6: 9) – id-di-nam (NeglC23/1: I 16) – id-di-nu-šu (NeglC23/1: I 13; NeglC23/6: I 12) – ˹id˺-˹di˺-˹nu˺-šu (NeglC23/2: I 11) – [id]-di-nu-šu (NeglC22: I 14) – ú-ša-ta-ad-di-im-ma (NaplC31/1: II 16) – [ú]-˹ša˺-ta-ad-di-im-ma (NaplC31/2: II 21) – ú-uš-ta-ad-di-nu (NaplC31/1: II 27) – [ú]-uš-ta-ad-di-nu (NaplC31/2: II 33) nadû vb. G “to throw, to arrange” Š “to chase out” – ad-di (NaplC32: II 38b) – id-du-ma (NeglC21/1: II 12) – ú-ša-ad-di (NaplC12/1: 21; NaplC12/2: 21; NaplC12/3: 21) – ú-ša-ad-di-im (NaplC32: II 5) – ˹na˺-[de-e] (NeglC21/1: II 18) naʾdu adj. “attentive, reverent” – na-a-du (NeglC21/2: I 2) – na-a-da (NeglC21/1: I 2) – na-a-dam (NeglC022: I 2) – na-ʾ-dam (NaplC22: I 6; NaplC31/1: I 11; NaplC31/2: I 13) nakāmu vb. G and D “to pile up, to heap up” – [ú]-na-ak-ki-mu (NeglC22: I 37) nakāru vb. G and D “to change, to alter” – ú-nak-ki-ru (NaplC32: III 32) – ut-ta-ak-ka-ra (NaplC31/1: III 38) – ˹it˺(!)-ta-ak-˹ka˺-˹ra˺ (NaplC31/2: III 37)

179

180 – – –

Glossary

na-ka-ri (NeglC21/1: II 36) na-ak-ri (NeglC23/1: II 33) na-ka-ri (NeglC23/3: II 4’)

nakliš adv. “skilfully” – nak-liš (NaplC32: II 25) naklu adv. “skilful, clever” – nak-la-a-ti (NaplC32: II 21) nakru subst. “strange, hostile” – na-ki-ri (NeglC011: 20’) – [n]a(?)-ak-ru-t[i] (NeglC011: 24’) nalbattu subst. “brick mould” giš – ù.šubmeš (NaplC31/1: I 37) giš – ˹ù˺.šubmeš (NaplC31/2: I 40) namāru (nawāru) vb. G “to be bright, to become bright” D “to make bright, to make shine” – li-na-am-ri (NeglC22: II 27) – ú-nam-mir (NaplC12/1: 30; NaplC12/2: 30; NaplC12/3: 30) – ú-na-mi-ir (NaplC22: II 10) – ú-na-m[i]-ir (NaplC23: II 7) – nu-[wu]-˹rí ˺-[im] (NeglC22: II 29) namru (nawru) adj. “bright, shining” – [nam]-ru (NeglC23/1: 40; NeglC23/5: I*2*) – ˹nam˺-[ru] (NeglC23/2: II 1) – na-we-ru-tim (NaplC31/1: II 40; NaplC31/2: II 48) nanzāzu subst. “person attending, station, prominent position, post of honour” – ˹na˺-an-za-az (NaplC32: II 16) naparkû adj. in lā naparkû “unending, unceasingly” – na-pa-ar-ku-ti (NeglC22: II 6; NeglC23/1: II 10) – na-pa-ar-ku-tim (NeglC23/6: II 12) – ˹na˺-pa-ar-ka-a (NeglC022: I 10) – ˹na˺-˹pa˺-[ar-ku-ti] (NeglC22: I 36) napḫaru subst. “whole, entirety, universe” – na-ap-ḫa-ar (NaplC23: I 14) naqû vb. G “to pour” – ˹aq˺-˹qá˺-a (NeglC22: II 9)

Glossary

181

narāmu subst. “loved one, beloved” – na-ram (NaplC12/1: 3; NaplC12/3: 3) – na-ra-am (NaplC21/1: I 13; NaplC21/2: I 13; NaplC21/4: I 5’; NaplC22: I 10; NaplC31/1: I 21, III 10; NaplC31/2: I 23, III 1; NaplC32: I 6; NaplB7: 13; NeglC022: I 5) nāru subst. “river” – íd (NaplC21/1: II 9; NaplC21/2: II 10; NaplC21/3: II 10; NaplB7: 25; NeglC23/6: II 1) nasāḫu vb. G and D “to tear out, to remove” – as-sú-uḫ-ma (NaplC32: II 36) – ú-na-as-su-ú (NeglC021: II 9’) nasāku vb. G “to throw, to drop” Š “to remove, to eliminate” – šu-us-sú-ki (NaplC32: III 12b) nasqu adj. “selected, choiced, precious” – na-as-qu (NeglC22: I 25) – na-as-qá-a-tim (NaplC32: III 12) naṣāru vb. G “to guard, to protect” – na-ṣi-ir (NeglC21/1: I 12) – na-˹ṣi˺-[ir] (NeglC21/2: I 12) našû vb. G “to lift, to carry” D “to move, to dislodge” Š “to make lift, to make carry” – ú-šá-áš (NaplC32: II 32) – ú-ša-aš-ši (NaplC12/2: 26) – [ú]-ša-aš-ši (NaplC12/3: 26) – ú-ša-aš-ši-im (NaplC23: I 16; NaplC31/1: I 41) – ú-[ša-aš]-ši-im (NaplC31/2: II 4) – ú-ša-aš-ša-an-ni-ma (NeglC21/1: I 35) nazāqu vb. G “to be vexed, to be opressed” Š “to oppress” – ú-šá-az-zi-qu (NaplC32: I 31) – ú-ša-[az]-˹zi˺-˹qu˺ (NaplC12/1: 18) – ˹ú˺-ša-az-zi-qu (NaplC12/2: 18) – ˹ú˺-˹ša˺-˹az˺-˹zi˺-qu (NaplC12/3: 18) nēḫu adj. “calm, peaceful, safe” – ne-eḫ-ti (NaplC23: II 10) nēmequ subst. “wisdom, sagacity” – ne-me-qu (NaplC31/1: II 11) – ne-[me-qu] (NaplC31/2: II 15) – né-me-qá (NaplC31/1: II 32)

182 – –

Glossary

[ne]-me-qá (NaplC31/2: II 38) né-me-qí (NeglC21/1: II 5; NeglC22: I 23; NeglC022: I 6, II 12)

nêru vb. G “to strike, to kill” – a-na-ar (NeglC21/1: I 37) – a-na-ru (NaplC31/1: I 25; NaplC31/2: I 27) – [a]-na-ru (NaplC22: II 1) – i-na-ar (NaplC32: I 26) – i-na-˹ar˺ (NaplC12/1: 16) – ˹i˺-˹na˺-ar (NaplC12/2: 16) – li-na-ar (NeglC22: II 26) – li-na-ru (NaplC12/1: 34; NaplC12/2: 34; NaplC12/3: 34; NaplC32: III 26) – na-a-ri (NeglC22: I 12) nesû vb. G “to be distant” D “to remove” Dt “to be carried away” – is-si-šu-ma (NaplC21/1: I 14 ; NaplC21/2: I 14; NaplC21/3: I 14; NaplB7: 14) – is-su-ú (NeglC23/1: II 2; NeglC23/6: II 4) – is-˹su˺-[u-ú] (NeglC23/2: II 5) – ú-na-as-su-ú (NeglC022: II 4) – ut-ta-as-sú-ú (NaplC32: II 28) nibītu subst. “naming” – ni-bit (NaplC12/1: 1; NaplC12/3: 1) – ni-bi-it (NaplC32: I 2) – ni-bi-ta (NaplC12/1: 12; NaplC12/2: 12; NaplC12/3: 12; NaplC32: I 21b) – ˹ni˺-[bi-ta] (NaplC12/5: 10’) nipḫu subst. “rising” – ˹ni˺-˹ip˺-˹ḫi˺ (NeglC22: II 28) niqû subst. “offering” – ni-qu (NeglC22: I 28) nīru – – –

subst. “yoke” ni-ri-šu (NaplC12/2: 18; NaplC32: I 30) ˹ni˺-˹ri˺-šu (NaplC12/1: 18) ni-ir-šu-nu (NaplC12/1: 21; NaplC12/2: 21; NaplC12/3: 21; NaplC32: II 5)

niṣirtu subst. “protection, shelter” – ni-ṣir-tim (NaplC32: II 22) nišu subst. “people, humanity, population” – ni-šu (NaplC32: I 21) – ni-šì (NaplC23: I 17) – ni-ši (NaplC32: I 18, 31; NeglC21/1: I 28, 31) – ni-šim (NeglC22: I 4; NeglC23/1: I 12, 16)

Glossary

– – – – – – – – – – –

183

˹ni˺-šim (NeglC23/6: I 11) ni-[šim] (NeglC23/7: I 10) [ni-š]im (NeglC23/2: I 10) ni-ši-im (NaplC12/1: 9, 10, 12, 17, 18; NaplC12/2: 9, 17, 18; NaplC12/3: 17, 18; NaplC32: I 16; NaplB6: 8) [ni-ši]-im (NaplC12/3: 10) [ni]-˹ši˺-im (NaplC12/3: 12) ni-ši-ja (NaplC23: I 10) ni-ši-ja (NeglC21/1: II 3) ni-ši-ša (NeglC21/1: I 18) unmeš (NaplC12/5: 7’) unme (NaplC12/5: 8’, 10’)

nīšu subst. “(oath of the) life” – ni-iš (NaplC32: III 14) nizmatu subst. “desire, objective” – ni-iz-˹ma˺-˹su˺ (NaplC22: I 13) nūgu subst. “joy, jubilation” – nu-ug (NaplC32: II 24) nuḫšu subst. “abundance, plenty, fertility” – nu-uḫ-šu (NeglC22: II 16; NeglC23/1: II 10; NeglC23/6: II 12) – nu-úḫ-˹šu˺ (NeglC22: I 22) – nu-˹uḫ˺-˹šu˺ (NeglC22: II 9) – [nu]-˹uḫ˺-˹šu˺ (NeglC22: I 36) – nu-úḫ-ši (NaplC21/1: II 6; NaplC21/2: II 7; NaplC21/3: II 7; NaplB7: 23) – nu-˹uḫ˺-ši (NeglC22: II 6) nūru subst. “light” – nu-úr (NaplC31/1: I 5; NeglC23/1: II 32; NeglC23/3: II 3’) – nu-ur (NeglC21/1: II 30) – nu-[úr] (NaplC31/2: I 5)

P pakku subst. “sagacity” – pa-ak-ki-ja (NaplC31/1: II 15) – pa-ak-ki-ja(!) (NaplC31/2: II 20) palāḫu vb. G “to fear, to revere” – pa-la-aḫ (NaplC31/1: I 14; NaplC31/2: I 16) – pa-la-ḫa (NeglC23/1: I 25; NeglC022: II 11)

184

Glossary

palāsu vb. G “to look at” N “to gaze, to look at (with benevolence), to take into consideration” – ip-pa-al-sa-an-ni-ma (NeglC21/1: I 26) – ip-pal-sa-an-ni-m[a] (NeglC011: 17’) – na-ap-li-is-ma (NaplC23: II 16; NaplC31/1: III 36; NaplC31/2: III 35; NeglC21/1: II 32) palgu subst. “canal, ditch” – pa5 (NeglC22: I 32; NeglC23/1: II 6, 8; NeglC23/2: II 9, 10; NeglC23/6: II 8, 10) palḫiš adv. “fearfully” – pa-al-ḫi-iš (NeglC022: I 6’; NeglC21/1: II 8) palḫu adj. “fearful, reverent” – pa-li-iḫ (NaplC21/1: II 2; NaplC21/2: II 3; NaplC21/3: II 3; NaplC32: III 2; NeglC21/1: I 3; NeglC21/2: I 3) – ˹pa˺-li-iḫ (NaplB7: 19) – pa-˹li˺-˹ḫu˺ (NeglC22: II 2) palkû adj. “wide, broad” – pal-ka-a (NaplC32: II 14) palû subst. “period of office, reign” – pa-le-e (NaplC23: II 18; NeglC21/1: II 34; NeglC23/1: II 1; NeglC23/6: II 3) – pa-˹le˺-[e] (NeglC23/2: II 4) pānu subst. “front, face” – pa-ni (NeglC21/1: I 14; NeglC21/2: I 14) – pa-nim (NeglC022: II 5) – [p]a-nim (NeglC021: II 1’) – pa-ni-šu (NeglC011: 17’) paqādu vb. G “to take care of” – pa-qí-id (NeglC22: I 8) parakku subst. “cult dais, sanctuary” – bára (NeglC23/1: I 33; NeglC23/8: I 4’) parāsu vb. G “to cut, to decide, to determine by divination” (see (w)arkatu) – ap-ru-us-ma (NaplC12/2: 21; NaplC12/3: 21; NaplC31/1: II 25; NaplC32: II 4) – [ap-ru]-˹us˺-ma(NaplC12/1: 21) – [ap]-ru-us-ma (NaplC31/2: II 31) – pa-ra-si (NaplC31/1: II 29; NaplC31/2: II 35) parṣu subst. “rite, ritual, power, symbol” – pa-ar-ṣu (NeglC23/1: I 20) – pa-ar-ṣi-šu-nu (NaplC12/1: 6; NaplC32: I 11)

Glossary

– –

par-ṣi-šú-nu (NaplC12/5: 4’) ˹pa˺-ar-ṣi-šu-nu (NaplC12/2: 6)

pašāḫu vb. G “to be at rest” D “to calm, to heal, to restore” – tu-pa-aš-ša-ḫu (NaplC12/1: 38) – tu-pa-áš-šá-ḫu (NaplC32: III 30b) – tu-pa-[aš-ša-ḫu] (NaplC12/2: 38) – [tu]-pa-˹aš˺-˹ša˺-˹ḫu˺ (NaplC12/3: 38) patāqu vb. G “to shape, to create” – ap-tíq-ma (NaplC31/1: I 39, II 46; NaplC31/2: II 1, 54); see also banû above. – e-ep-ti-iq-ma (NeglC23/1: I 26; NeglC23/4: I 4’) – ip-ti-qu (NeglC23/1: I 39) – ip-ti-[qu] (NeglC23/5: I*1*) – ú-ša-ap-ti-iq (NaplC31/1: II 2) – ú-sa-˹ap˺-[ti]-˹iq˺ (NaplC31/2: II 6) paṭāru vb. G and D “to release, to dismantle, to loosen” – up-ta-aṭ-ṭi-ri (NeglC23/1: II 22) pisnuqu adj. “feeble” – pí-is-nu-qu (NaplC12/1: 19; NaplC32: I 32) – [pí-is]-nu-qu (NaplC12/3: 19) – [pí-is-nu]-qu (NaplC12/2: 19) pitqu subst. “casting” – pi-ti-iq-šu (NeglC23/1: I 39) – [pi]-ti-iq-šu (NeglC23/2: I 4’) pû subst. “mouth” – pí-i-im (NaplC12/2: 35) – ˹pí ˺-˹i˺-im (NaplC12/1: 35) – ˹pí ˺-˹i˺-˹im˺ (NaplC12/3: 35) – pi-i (NaplC32: II 12, III 27) – pi-i-˹ka˺ (NeglC22: II 36) puḫru subst. “assembly” – pu-úḫ-ri-šu-nu (NeglC22: I 15) puluḫtu subst. “fearsomeness” – pu-lu-úḫ-tim (NeglC21/1: I 24) – pu-[luḫ-ti] (NeglC011: 3’) pulukku subst. “boundary, mountain pinnacle” – ˹bulug˺ (NaplC32: II 9)

185

186

Glossary

Q qabû vb. G “to say, to speak” – iq-bí-a (NaplC31/1: I 36; NaplC31/2: I 38b) – iq-ba-am (NaplB6: 12) – ˹iq˺-[bu]-šu (NeglC22: I 16) – qí-bi (NaplC11/B1: 14; NaplC11/B2: 14; NaplC11/B3: 14; NaplC11/B5: 14; NaplB1/5: 4; NaplB4/2a: 5; NaplB5/1: 7) – qí-[bi] (NaplC11/B4: 8’) – qí-ba (NaplB1/1: 4) qadāšu vb. G “to be pure, to become pure” D “to purify” – qú-ud-duš (NaplC21/1: I 15; NaplC21/2: I 15; NaplC21/3: I 15; NaplC21/4: I 7’; NaplB7: 15) qâpu vb. G “to fall down, to buckle” Š (stat.) “was allowed to collapse” – i-qú-pu (NaplC11/A1: 9; NaplC11/A2: 9; NaplC11/A3: 9; NaplC11/A4: 9; NaplC11/A7: 9) – i-qu-up-ma (NaplC32: II 26; NeglC23/1: II 22) – i-qú-up-ma (NeglC021: II 6’) – i-qí-pí-im (NeglC21/1: I 32) – šu-qú-pa-at (NaplC31/1: I 31; NaplC31/2: I 33) qaq(a)dâ (kakdâ) adv. “constantly” – qá-qá-da-a (NeglC21/1: I 22) qaqqadu subst. “head, top, upper part” – qá-qá-di-ja (NaplC31/1: III 3; NaplC31/2: II 63) – qá-qá-dam (NeglC22: I 5, II 30; NeglC23/1: I 9, II 42) – qaq-qa-du (NeglC23/2: I 7) – sag-du (NeglC23/6: I 8) – sag-šú (NaplC32: II 25) qaqqaru subst. “ground, earth” – qaq-qar (NaplC32: II 22) qarrādu subst. “hero, warrior” – qar-ra-du (NaplC32: II 19) – qar-ra-ad (NaplC22: I 11; NeglC22: II 19) – ˹qar˺-[rad-de] (NeglC22: II 19) – qar-ra-[de-e] (NaplC22: I 11) – qá(?)-á[r(?)-du] (NeglC011: 12’) qâšu vb. G “to bestow, to grant” – i-qí-˹šu˺ (NeglC22: I 24) qatû adj. “ended, finished” – qá-ta-a (NaplC12/2: 27) – ˹qá˺-˹ta˺-˹a˺ (NaplC12/3: 27)

Glossary

187

qātu subst. “hand” – qá-ti (NaplC11/A1: 3; NaplC11/A2: 3; NaplC11/A4: 3; NaplC11/A7: 3; NaplC12/1: 3; NaplC32: I 5) – qá-t[i] (NaplC11/A3: 3) – ˹qá-[ti] (NaplC12/5: 1’) – [qá]-˹ti˺ (NaplC12/2: 3) – ˹qá˺-a-ti (NaplC011: 3) – qá-at (NaplC21/1: I 3; NaplC21/2: I 3; NaplC22: I 7; NaplC23: I 5; NaplC31/2: I 14; NaplB7: 3) – ˹qá˺-˹at˺ (NaplC21/3: I 3) – qá-tu-ú-a (NaplC23: I 13; NeglC21/1: I 34) – qá-ti-ja (NaplC23: I 19; NaplC31/1: III 40; NaplC31/2: III 39; NeglC21/1: II 31) – qa-tu-uš-šu (NeglC23/1: I 11) – qá-tu-uš-šu (NeglC22: I 6, 11; NeglC23/2: I 9; NeglC23/6: I 10) – šuII (NaplC11/B1: 3; NaplC11/B2: 3; NaplB5/1: 3; NaplB4/2b: 2) – ˹šuII˺ (NaplB4/2a: 2) – [š]uII (NaplC11/B3: 3) qerbu subst. “centre, interior” – qé-reb (NaplC12/1: 22; NaplC12/2: 22; NaplC12/3: 22) – qé-re-eb (NeglC23/1: I 33, 36, II 16) – qé-re-[eb] (NeglC23/8: I 4’) – qé-re-éb-ka (NaplC31/1: III 51; NaplC31/2: III 56) – qé-re-eb-šu (NeglC22: II 7) – qer-bi-šú (NeglC22: II 9) – qé-re-eb-ša (NaplC22: II 15; NeglC21/1: II 11) – qé-er-bi-ša (NeglC23/1: II 35, 41) – qé-er-bu-uš-ša (NeglC23/1: II 40) – qé-er-bu-uš-šú-nu (NeglC22: I 31) qiāpu vb. G “to entrust, to believe” – i-qí-ip-˹pu˺ (NeglC22: I 28) – ˹i˺-qí-pu-ù-ni (NaplC23: I 11) qibītu subst. “speech, command, order” – qí-bi-it (NaplC12/1: 40) – ˹qí ˺-bi-it (NaplC12/4: 13’) – qí-bit (NaplC32: III 34) – qí-bi-ti (NeglC22: II 18) – qí-bí-ti-ka (NaplC31/1: III 37; NaplC31/2: III 36) – ˹qí ˺-˹bí ˺-ti-ka (NaplC23: II 21) – qí-bi-ti-ka (NeglC21/1: II 36; NeglC23/1: II 33) – qí-bit-su (NaplC12/1: 40) – ˹qí ˺-bit-su (NaplC12/3: 40) – qí-bit-sú (NaplC32: III 35) – qí-bi-ti-šu (NeglC011: 19’) – qí-bi-i[t-su-nu] (NeglC011: 10’)

188 – –

Glossary

qí-bí-a-tim (NaplC31/1: I 19) qí-ba-a-ti-já (NaplC32: III 13)

qû subst. (a capacity measure) – qa (AMV1: 1; AMV3: 1 ; NeglV1: 1) quppu adj. “collapsed” – qu-up-pu-tu (NeglC23/1: II 23) qurādu subst. “hero, warrior” – qu-ra-du (NaplC32: II 18)

R rābiṣu subst. “beiliff, invigilator, custodian” – ra-bi-[ṣu(?)] (NaplC23: I 21) rabû adj. “big, great” – ra-bu-ú (NeglC21/1: II 19) – ra-bí-ù (NaplC22: I 21; NaplC31/1: I 1; NaplC31/2: I 1, II 20; NeglC22: I 2, 21) – [ra]-bí-a (NaplC23: I 21b) – ra-ba-a (NaplC11/B1: 5; NaplC11/B2: 5; NaplC32: II 8) – ˹ra˺-[ba-a] (NaplC11/B5: 5) – [ra-b]a-a (NaplC11/B3: 5) – ra-bí-a-am (NaplC11/A1: 6; NaplC11/A2: 6; NaplC11/A4: 6; NaplC11/A7: 6) – [ra-b]í-a-am (NaplC11/A3: 6) – ra-bi-i (NaplC32: III 19) – ra-bí-i (NaplC12/1: 40) – [ra]-˹bí ˺-[i] (NaplC12/3: 40) – ra-bí-[x] (NaplC23: II 3) – ra-bi-im (NaplC23: II 11) – ra-bí-im (NaplC31/1: II 15) – [ra]-bí-ú-tim (NaplC23: I 7) – ra-bu-tú (NaplC32: II 27) – ra-bu-ù-tim (NeglC21/1: I 7) – ˹ra˺-bí-ú-tim (NeglC021: II 8’) – ra-bi-ú-[tim] (NeglC21/2: I 7) – ra-bi-tim (NaplC32: II 17) – gal (NeglC23/1: I 15, II 31) – gal-ú (NaplC21/1: I 5; NaplC21/2: I 5; NaplC21/3: I 5; NaplB6: 7; NaplB7: 5) – gal-i (NaplC32: III 34) – gal.gal (NaplC22: I 16; NaplC31/1: I 18, II 29; NeglC22: I 15; NeglC23/1: I 5; NeglC23/2: I 4; NeglC23/7: I 5; NeglC022: I 9) – gal.˹gal˺ (NaplC31/2: II 35) – ˹gal˺.[gal] (NaplC31/2: I 20) – galmeš (NaplC32: II 22)

Glossary

189

rādu subst. “rainstorm” – ra-a-du (NeglC021: II 7’) – ra-a-[du] (NeglC022: II 3) – ra-a-di (NaplC32: II 27) rakāsu vb. G and D “to bind, to tie, to install, to insert” – ú-ra-ak-ki-su (NeglC23/1: II 19) ramkūtu subst. “ramkūtu-priest, priesty collegium” – ra-am-ku-tim (NeglC21/1: II 10) ramû vb. G “to establish residence”” – i-ra-am-mu-ù (NaplC31/1: III 50; NaplC31/2: III 55) – i-ra-am-mu-ú (NeglC23/1: I 38) – i-ra-am-[mu-ú] (NeglC23/2: I 3’) – ta-ra-am-mi-i-im (NaplC22: II 15) – ra-mu-ù (NeglC21/1: II 11) rapāšu vb. G “to be broad” D “to enlarge, to extend, to give copiously” – mu-ra-ap-pí-ša-at (NeglC21/1: I 29) rapšu adj. “wide, extended” – ra-ap-ša-a-tim (NeglC21/1: I 18, II 3) – ra-ap-ša-a-ti (NeglC22: I 4) rašādu vb. G “to lay foundations” Š “to lay, to found, to establish” – ú-šar-ši-id (NaplC32: II 40) – ú-ša-ar-ši-id-ma (NaplC21/1: II 11; NaplC21/2: II 12; NaplC21/3: II 12; NeglC23/1: II 26) – ˹ú˺-ša-ar-ši-id-ma (NaplB7: 27) rašû vb. G “to acquire” Š “to supply with” – ú-ša-ar-sa-an-ni (NaplC31/1: II 14) – ˹ú˺-˹ša˺-ar-sa-an-ni (NaplC31/2: II 19) rašubbu adj. “terrifying” – ra-šu-ub-bu (NaplC31/1: I 23) – ˹ra˺-šu-ub-bu (NaplC31/2: I 25) – ra-šu-˹ub˺-[bu] (NaplC22: I 12) redû vb. G “to drive, to lead” – ri-te-ed-de-e (NaplC23: I 10) – ˹er˺-te-˹ed˺-d[e-e-ma] (NeglC011: 20’) – ir-te-id-dan-ni (NeglC21/1: I 21) rēqu adj. “far, distant” – re-e-qu-tim (NaplC23: II 18)

190 – –

Glossary

re-e-qú-tim (NaplC22: II 22; NaplC31/2: III 48) re-e-qú-te (NaplC31/1: III 45)

rêqu vb. G “to be far, to be distant” – i-re-qu (NaplB7: 16; NeglC23/6: II 4) – i-re-e-qu (NaplC21/1: I 16; NaplC21/2: I 16; NaplC21/3: I 16; NeglC23/1: II 2) – ˹i˺-[re-e-qu] (NaplC21/4: I 8’) rēštu subst. “beginning, first part, first quality” – re-še-e-ti (NaplC32: I 20) – re-še-e-tim (NaplC12/1: 11; NaplC12/2: 11; NaplC12/3: 11) – ˹sag˺-[tim] (NaplC12/5: 9’) rēštû adj. “first, pre-eminent, old, original” – re-eš-tu-ù (NaplC31/1: III 9; NaplC31/2: II 68) – reš-ta-a (NaplC32: II 9) – reš-ti-i (NaplC32: II 38, III 6) – re-eš-ti-im (NaplC11/A1: 10; NaplC11/A2: 11; NaplC11/A3: 10; NaplC11/A4: 10; NaplC31/1: II 35; NaplC31/2: II 42) – [re-eš]-ti-im (NaplC11/A7: 11) – re-eš-tu-tu (NeglC23/1: I 20) – re-eš-ta-a-ti (NeglC23/1: I 32) rēšu subst. “head, top” – re-eš (NeglC011: 16’) – re-e-ša (NeglC23/1: I 34; NeglC23/8: I 5’) – re-ši-šu (NaplC11/A1: 17; NaplC11/A2: 19; NaplC11/A3: 17; NaplC11/A4: 17; NaplC11/A7: 2’) – re-e-si-šu (NaplC31/1: III 28; NaplC31/2: III 24) – re-e-si-ša (NaplC31/1: I 34; NaplC31/2: I 36) – re-e-ši-ja (NeglC23/1: I 15) – re-e-ši-ša (NeglC21/1: II 13) – re-ša-an (NaplC23: II 20) – re-e-ša-a-ša (NeglC23/1: II 28) – re-e-ša-[a-ša] (NeglC022: II 9) retû – – –

vb. G “to fix, to drive in” D “to install” e-er-ta-a (NeglC21/1: II 26) ú-rat-ta-a (NaplC12/2: 29; NaplC12/3: 29) [ú-rat-ta]-a (NaplC12/1: 29)

reʾû vb. G “to pasture, to tend” Gt “to constantly tend” – ar-ta-ni-ʾ-e (NeglC21/1: II 4) – ˹re˺-[ʾ]-˹e˺ (NeglC22: I 5) rēʾû subst. “shepherd” – re-é-um (NaplC12/1: 1; NaplC32: I 2; NaplC32: III 3) – ˹re˺-[é-um] (NaplC23: I 5)

Glossary

191

rēʾûtu subst. “shepherdship” – re-é-ú-ti (NeglC23/1: I 9; NeglC23/2: I 7) – re-é-ú-tim (NeglC21/1: I 28) – [re]-˹é-ú-ti (NeglC23/7: I 8) – ˹re˺-˹ʾ˺-˹ú˺-˹ti˺ (NeglC22: II 25) riksu subst. “knot, bond” – ri-ik-sa-ti-ša (NeglC21/1: II 16) rīmu subst. “wild bull” – ri-i-mu (NeglC23/1: I 22, 31) rīqu subst. “aromatic substance” – šimḫi.a (NaplC31/1: II 41; NaplC31/2: II 49) rīštu subst. “rejoicing, celebration” – ri-si-a-te (NaplC31/1: III 26b) – ri-se-e-tim (NaplC31/1: III 49; NaplC31/2: III 54) – ri-si-a-tim (NaplC31/2: III 21) rubû subst. “prince, ruler” – ru-bu-ú (NaplC12/1: 3; NeglC21/1: I 16) – [ru]-bu-ú (NaplC12/3: 3) – [ru-bu]-ú (NeglC21/2: I 16) – ru-ba-a (NeglC21/2: I 2) – ru-ba-a-am (NaplC22: I 6; NaplC31/1: I 11; NaplC31/2: I 13; NeglC21/1: I 2; NeglC022: I 2) – ru-ba-a-a[m] (NeglC011: 11’) – ru-ba-tim (NaplC22: II 7) – ru-ba-ti (NaplC12/1: 2; NaplC32: I 4) – nun (NaplC32: I 6; NeglC21/1: I 11; NeglC21/2: I 11) rūqu adj. “distant” – ru-qu-te (NaplC12/1: 17) – [ru]-˹qu˺-˹te˺ (NaplC12/2: 17) – [ru-qu]-˹te˺ (NaplC12/3: 17)

S sâbu vb. G “to draw” – sa-a-bu (NaplC21/1: I 16b; NaplC21/2: I 16b; NaplC21/3: I 16b; NaplC21/4: I 8’b; NaplB7: 16; NeglC23/1: II 2; NeglC23/6: II 4) saḫāru vb. G “to go around” Š “to surround” – ú-šá-as-ḫir (NaplB1/1: 3; NaplB1/5: 3) – ú-ša-as-ḫi-ir (NaplC32: II 41b)

192 – –

Glossary

ú-ša-às-ḫi-ir (NaplC11/A1: 15; NaplC11/A2: 17; NaplC11/A3: 15; NaplC11/A4: 15; NeglC21/1: II 28) ú-šá-as-ḫi-ir (NaplB5/1: 6)

sakkû subst. “cultic rites” – sak-ke-e-em (NaplC22: I 15) – sà-ak-ke-e (NaplC31/1: I 17) sāniqu subst. “controller” – sà-a-ni-iq (NaplC31/1: I 4) – ˹sà˺-[a-ni-iq] (NaplC31/2: I 4) santak(ka/u) adv. “continuously” – sa-at-ta-kam (NeglC23/1: II 12; NeglC23/6: II 15) sattukku subst. “regular offering” – sa-at-tu-uk-ku (NeglC21/1: I 9) – sa-at-tu-[uk-ku] (NeglC21/2: I 9) – sa-at-tuk-[ku] (NeglC21/1: II 20) – sa-at-tu-[uk-ki] (NeglC011: 7’) siḫirtu subst. “enclosure wall” – si-ḫi-ir-tim (NeglC21/1: II 9) simmiltu subst. “staircase” – sim-mi-lat (NaplC32: II 15) simtu subst. “appropiate symbol” – sì-ma-a-ti-šu (NeglC23/1: I 32) – sì-ma-a-[ti-šu] (NeglC23/8: I 2’) sippu subst. “door-jamb” – sì-ip-pe-e (NeglC23/1: I 22, 31) – si-ip-pu-šu (NeglC21/1: II 17, 25) – sì-ip-pu-šu (NeglC23/1: II 19) sukku see (u)sukku sulû (šulû) subst. “street” – su-le-e (NeglC23/1: II 17) surrātu subst. “crimes, lies” – sur-ra-tu-ma (NaplC32: III 15)

Glossary

Ṣ ṣabātu vb. G “to seize, to protect” Š “to cause to seize” – ú-ša-aṣ-bi-it (NaplC31/1: III 18; NaplC31/2: III 13) – ṣa-bit (NaplC32: III 7) – ṣab-ta-an-ni (NeglC21/1: I 19) ṣaḫru (ṣeḫru) adj. “small, young” – ṣa-aḫ-ra-am (NaplC32: I 17) – ṣa-aḫ-ri (NaplC12/5: 8’) – ṣa-aḫ-ri-im (NaplC12/1: 10) – ṣa-˹aḫ˺-˹ri˺-im (NaplC12/2: 10) ṣalmu subst. “image, effigy” – ṣa-lam (NaplC32: III 16) – alan (NaplC31/1: II 44; NaplC31/2: II 52) – alan-ja (NaplC32: III 20) ṣalmu adj. “black, dark” in ṣalmāt qaqqadi “the black-headed, the people” – ṣa-al-ma-at (NeglC22: I 5, II 30; NeglC23/1: I 9, II 42; NeglC23/2: I 7) – ṣa-˹al˺-[ma-at] (NeglC23/7: I 8) – ṣa-[al-ma-at] (NeglC23/2: II 3’) – [ṣa]-al-ma-at (NeglC23/6: I 8) ṣapšu subst. (a substance poured in foundation rituals) – ṣa-ap-šum (NaplC31/1: II 40) – ṣa-áp-šum (NaplC31/2: II 48) ṣerretu subst. “leading-rope” – ṣe-re-es-˹su˺ (NaplC23: I 18) ṣēru subst. “back” in loc.-adv. “upon” – ṣe-ru-uš-šu (NeglC23/1: I 38) – [ṣe-ru-uš]-˹šu˺ (NeglC23/2: I 3’) ṣī šamši “sun-rise” see ṣītu d – utu.è (NaplC32: II 41; NeglC23/1: II 6; NeglC23/2: II 9; NeglC23/6: II 8) d – utu.˹è˺ (NeglC22: I 32) ˹d˺ – [utu.è] (NeglC23/4: I 7’) ṣiātu (ṣâti) subst. “distant times, far-off days” see also aṣṣiātu – ṣi-a-tim (NaplC22: II 20) – ṣa-a-tim (NaplC32: II 9) ṣimdu (ṣindu) subst. “yoke” – ṣi-in-du-šu (NeglC23/1: II 22)

193

194 ṣīru – – – – – – – – – – – –

Glossary

adj. “exalted, august, supreme, excellent” ṣí-i-ri (NaplC21/1: I 12; NaplC21/2: I 12; NaplC21/3: I 12; NaplB7: 12) ṣi-i-ri (NeglC21/1: II 29; NeglC021: II 11’; NeglC022: I 4) ṣ[i-i-ri] (NeglC011: 13’) ṣi-ri-im (NaplC23: I 8, 11) ṣi-ir-ti (NeglC23/1: II 33) [ṣi]-ir-ti (NeglC23/3: II 4’) ṣi-ir-tim (NaplC12/1: 2; NaplC22: II 7; NaplC31/1: III 37b; NaplC31/2: III 36b; NaplC32: I 4) ṣi-ir-ti[m] (NeglC011: 19’) ṣi-ir-[tim] (NaplC23: II 21) ˹ṣi˺-˹i˺-˹ru˺(?)-˹ti˺ (NeglC22: I 18) ṣi-ra-a-tim (NaplC12/2: 29) ṣi-˹ra˺-[a]-˹tim˺ (NaplC12/3: 29)

ṣītu subst. “exit” in ṣīt libbi “offspring” and in ṣī šamši “sun-rise” – ṣí-it (NaplC31/1: III 16; NaplC31/2: III 9) ṣubbû vb. D “to observe, to inspect” – ú-ṣab-bi-ma (NaplC11/B1: 10; NaplC11/B2: 10; NaplC11/B4: 3’) – ˹ú-ṣab˺-bi-ma (NaplC11/B5: 10) – [ú-ṣab]-bi-ma (NaplC11/B3: 10) ṣulūlu subst. “roof, canopy” – ṣu-lul-šú (NaplC12/1: 28; NaplC12/2: 28; NaplC12/3: 28) – ṣu-lu-ul-šu (NeglC022: I 2’) – ṣu-lu-li-ša (NeglC23/1: II 30) ṣurru subst. “interior, heart” – ṣú-ru-uš-šu (NaplC31/1: I 15) – ˹ṣú˺-[ru-uš-šu] (NaplC31/2: I 17)

Š ša rel. and det. pron. “of, that, which, that of” – ša (NaplC11/A1: 7, 8, 16; NaplC11/A2: 7, 8, 18; NaplC11/A3: 16; NaplC11/A4: 7, 8, 16; NaplC11/B1: 5, 8; NaplC11/B2: 5, 7, 8; NaplC11/B3: 5, 7, 8; NaplC11/B5: 8; NaplC12/1: 8, 9, 10, 36, 37, 40; NaplC12/2: 9, 10, 17, 20, 22, 32, 33, 36; NaplC12/3: 10, 20, 22; NaplC12/ 4: 6’, 9’, 10’; NaplC12/5: 4’; NaplC22: I 12, 16, 17; NaplC23: I 18, II 12; NaplC31/1: I 14, 23, 30, II 9, 10, 11, 13, III 31, 38; NaplC31/2: I 16, 20, 25, 32, II 14, III 27, 37; NaplC32: I 15b, 16, 18, II 10b, 13, 14, 18, 21b, 23, 34, 35b, III 4b, 6b, 7, 8; NeglC21/1: I 14, 17, 22, 23, 25, 28, II 6, 10, 12, 36; NeglC22: I 24, 25, II 33; NeglC23/1: I 4, 21, 22, 25, 27, 31, 33, 34, 37, 41 II 6, 16, 19, 33, 38; NeglC23/2: I 3, 4’; NeglC23/3: II 4’; NeglC23/4: I 5’; NeglC23/6: II 1, 8; NeglC23/7: I 4; NeglC23/8: I 4’; NeglC011: 2’, 8’; NeglC022: I 7, II 2, 11, 12)

Glossary

– – – – –

195

˹ša˺ (NaplC12/1: 17, 22, 33; NaplC12/2: 37, 40; NaplC12/3: 33, 37; NaplC31/1: I 18, II 13, 15, 18; NeglC21/2: I 17; NeglC22: I 2, 7, 8, 19, 23, II 6, 9) [š]a (NaplC11/B4: 1’) šá (NaplC11/B1: 7; NaplC12/2: 23; NaplC12/4: 5’; NaplC12/5: 6’, 7’, 8’, 8b’; NaplC32: I 11, 19, 28, II 2, 8, 9, 11, 17, 19, 20, 22, III 5, 17, 23, 24, 28, 29, 31, 35) ˹šá˺ (NaplC12/3: 23) šu-ut (NaplC12/1: 6; NaplC12/2: 6)

šadādu vb. G “to drag, to tow” – ta-aš-du-ud (NaplC12/1: 33; NaplC12/2: 33; NaplC12/3: 33) – taš-du- (NaplC32: III 24) – iš-ta-ad-dú-um (NaplC31/1: II 22) – [iš-t]a-ad-du-um (NaplC31/2: II 27) šadāḫu vb. G “to walk, to stride” Gtn “to march” – i-ša-ad-di-ḫu (NeglC23/8: I 7’) – [i-ša]-˹ad˺-di-ḫu (NeglC23/1 : I 36) – ši-ta-ad-˹du˺-[ḫi] (NaplC23: II 20) šadlu adj. “broad” – šad-lu-tim (NaplC12/2: 28) – ˹šad˺-[lu]-˹tim˺ (NaplC12/3: 28) – sa-ad-li-a-tim (NaplC31/1: I 40; NaplC31/2: II 2) šadû subst. “mountain” – ša-di (NeglC011: 21’) – SA.TU.I (NaplC31/1: II 37; NaplC31/2: II 45) – SA.TU.IM (NaplC31/1: III 27; NaplC31/2: III 23) šagapūru adj. “mighty, majestic” – ša-ga-pú-ru (NeglC22: I 13; NeglC23/1: I 13) – [ša]-˹ga˺-pú-ru (NeglC23/7: I 11) – [ša-ga]-˹pú˺-˹ru˺ (NeglC23/6: I 12) šagāšu vb. G “to kill, to slaughter” – aš-gi-iš (NeglC21/1: I 37) šaḫṭu (šaḫtu) adj. “reverent, humble” – ša-aḫ-ṭu (NeglC23/1: I 25) – ša-aḫ-ṭam (NaplC22: I 14; NaplC31/1: I 13) – ša-aḫ-˹ṭam˺ (NaplC31/2: I 15) – ša-aḫ-ṭim (NaplC21/1: II 1; NaplC21/2: II 2; NaplC21/3: II 2; NaplB7: 18) šakānu vb. G “to put, to place” – iš-ku-nu (NeglC23/1: I 5; NeglC23/2: I 4; NeglC23/7: I 5) – iš-ku-na-an-ni (NaplC12/1: 11; NaplC12/5: 9’; NaplC32: I 20)

196 – – – – – – – – – –

Glossary

[iš-ku]-na-an-ni (NaplC12/3: 11) [aš-ku-u]n (NeglC22: I 31) aš-ta-ka-an (NaplC23: II 13) aš-ta-ak-ka-an (NaplC31/1: II 48; NaplC31/2: II 56; NeglC21/1: II 2) li-iš-ša-kin (NeglC22: II 36) liš-šá-kin (NaplC32: III 36) li-iš-ša-ki-in (NaplC12/1: 41) li-[iš-ša-ki-in] (NaplC12/2: 41) šu-kun (NaplC32: III 33) šu-ku-un (NaplC12/1: 39; NaplC12/3: 39)

šakkanakku subst. “governor” – šakkanakku (NaplB6: 3) – gìr.níta (NaplC31/1: I 9; NaplC31/2: I 10) šalālu vb. G “to plunder, to carry off” – ša-la-lam (NaplB6: 11) šalāmu vb. G “to be safe, to become healthy” D “to keep well, to make safe” – ú-ša-li-im (NaplC12/1: 14; NaplC32: I 23b) – ú-ša-˹li˺-˹im˺ (NaplC12/3: 14) – ˹ú˺-ša-al-la-mu (NeglC011: 10’) – ú-ša-lam-an-ni (NeglC22: I 25) – šu-ul-lu-mu (NaplC12/1: 6; NaplC32: I 12; NeglC21/1: II 20) – ˹šu-ul˺-[lu-mu] (NaplC12/2: 6) – šul-˹lu˺-mu (NaplC12/5: 4’) – [šu-ul-lu]-mu (NaplC12/3: 6) – šu-ul-mi-im (NaplC21/1: II 13; NaplC21/2: II 14; NaplC21/3: II 14) – ˹šu˺-ul-mi-im (NaplB7: 29) – mu-ša-al-li-im (NeglC21/1: I 31) šamāmū subst. “heavens” – ša-ma-mi (NaplC31/1: I 34; NaplC31/2: I 36; NaplC32: II 15) – šá-ma-mi (NaplC32: II 11) šamnu subst. “oil, fat” – ì (NaplC31/1: II 41; NaplC31/2: II 49) – ì.giš (NaplC31/1: III 11b; NaplC31/2: III 3) šamšiš (šaššiš) adv. “like the sun” – šá-áš-ši-iš (NaplC12/2: 30) – ˹šá˺-˹áš˺-[ši-iš] (NaplC12/3: 30) – ˹šá˺-[áš-ši-iš] (NaplC12/4: 3’) šamû subst. “sky, heaven” – ša-me-e (NaplC12/1: 8)

Glossary

– – – – – – –

˹ša˺-mé-e (NeglC22: I 9) ˹ša˺-me-e (NaplC12/2: 8) [ša]-me-e (NaplC12/3: 8) sa-me-e (NaplC31/1: II 3) sa-we-e (NaplC31/2: II 7) an (NaplC12/5: 6’) an-e (NaplC32: I 15b)

šanānu vb. G “to equal” Gt “to compete, to be alike” – šit-nu-nu (NaplC32: II 11) – ši-it-nu-ni (NaplC31/1: I 35) – si-it-nu-ni (NaplC31/2: I 37) šāninu subst. “rival” – ša-ni-nu (NeglC21/1: I 36) šapāku vb. G “to heap up” N “to be heaped up” – aš-tap-pá-ak (NaplC31/1: II 43; NaplC31/2: II 51) – iš-ša-ap-ku (NaplC32: II 30) šapālu vb. G “to be deep” Gtn “to become progressively lower” – iš-ta-ap-pí-lu-ma (NeglC21/1: II 14) šaplānu adv. “underneath” – ša-ap-la-nim (NaplC31/1: II 42; NaplC31/2: II 50) šaplu subst. “lower side, bottom, underside, downstream” – ki.ta (NaplC11/B1: 8; NaplC11/B2: 8) – ˹ki.ta˺ (NaplC11/B5: 8) – [ki.t]a (NaplC11/B3: 8) šaplû adj. “lower” – šá-ap-li-i (NaplC32: II 35) – ša-ap-li-tim (NaplC23: I 17) šarāku vb. G “to give” – iš-ru-ku (NeglC22: I 23) – iš-ru-kam (NeglC21/1: I 30) – iš-ru-˹ka˺-[am] (NeglC022: II 13) – ˹iš˺-˹ru˺-˹kam˺ (NeglC011: 18’) – ˹iš˺-˹ru˺-˹ku˺-˹šu˺-˹ma˺ (NeglC22: I 4) – aš-ru-uk-šum (NaplC31/1: III 24; NaplC31/2: III 18) – šu-úr-kam (NeglC21/1: II 35) šarru subst. “king” – šar (NeglC21/1: II 12)

197

198 – – – –

– – – – – – – –

Glossary

šar-rat (NaplC12/1: 2; NaplC12/3: 2; NaplC32: I 4, II 17) šar-ra-a-tim (NaplC32: I 4b) šar-ra-a-te (NaplC12/1: 2; NaplC12/3: 2) lugal (NaplC11/A1: 2; NaplC11/A2: 2; NaplC11/A4: 2; NaplC11/B1: 2; NaplC11/B2: 2; NaplC11/B5: 2; NaplC12/1: 1; NaplC12/2: 23, 31; NaplC12/3: 23, 31; NaplC21/1: I 2; NaplC21/2: I 2; NaplC22: I 2, 3, 4, 17, II 17; NaplC23: I 2, 3; NaplC31/1: I 10, III 46; NaplC31/2: I 11, III 50; NaplC32: I 1, II 6, III 11, 22, 31; NaplB1/1: 2; NaplB1/5: 2; NaplB4/ 2a:1; NaplB4/2b: 1; NaplB5/1: 2; NaplB6: 2; AMPS1: 1, 2; AMB1: 1, 3; AMV3: 3; AMV4: 2, 3; NeglC022: I 1, II 2, 5; NeglC21/1: I 1, II 37; NeglC22: I 1, 20, II 2, 18; NeglC23/1: I 1, 14, 24, II 1, 6, 19; NeglC23/2: I 4’; NeglC23/6: II 3, 8; NeglC23/7: I 1; NeglC23/8: I 1; NeglB1/ 1: 1; NeglB1/2: 1; NeglV1: 2) ˹lugal˺ (NaplC011: 1; NaplC12/4: 4’; NeglC21/2: I 1; NeglC22: I 33, II 12) lu[gal] (AMV3: 2) [l]ugal (NaplC11/A3: 2) [lu]ga[l] (NeglC011: 26’) [lu]gal (NaplB7: 2; NaplC11/A7: 2) [luga]l (NaplC21/3: I 2) lugal.lugal (NaplC22: I 18; NeglC23/1: II 38) lugal.lug[al] (NeglC22: II 33)

šarrūtu subst. “kingship” – šar-ru-ti (NeglC011: 18’) – šar-ru-tim (NeglC21/1: I 27) – šar-ru4-tim (NaplC22: II 21) – šar-ru-ti-ja (NaplC31/2: II 52; NeglC21/1: I 30, 36; NeglC23/1: II 15) – šar-ru4-ti-ja (NaplC31/1: I 21, II 44, 51b; NaplC31/2: II 60) – šar-ru-ti-[ja] (NaplC23: II 22) – ˹šar˺-˹ru˺-[ti-ja] (NaplC31/2: I 23) – lugal-ti (NaplC32: III 16) – lugal-ú-ti-ja (NeglC022: I 7’) – lugal-ú-˹ti˺-ja (NeglC011: 16’) – lugal-ú-ti-šu (NeglC23/1: I 4; NeglC23/7: I 4) – [lugal-ú-ti-š]u (NeglC23/2: I 3) šāru subst. “wind” in šār erbetti “the four winds” – im.límmu.ba (NaplC11/A1: 14; NaplC11/A2: 16; NaplC11/A3: 14; NaplC11/A4: 14; NaplC23: II 4) – ˹im˺.límmu.ba (NaplC011: 4) šatti adv. “therefore, thereupon” in ana šatti – ša-at-tim (NaplC22: II 11) šattu subst. “year” – ša-at-ti (NeglC23/1: I 34) šebû vb. G “to be full, to become satisfied” – lu-uš-ba (NeglC23/3: II 5’)

Glossary

– –

199

lu-uš-ba-a (NeglC23/1: II 36) lu-uš-bu (NeglC23/1: II 34)

šebû adj. “satisfied” – še-be-e (NeglC21/1: II 33) šēpu subst. “foot” – še-ep-šu-nu (NaplC12/2: 21; NaplC12/3: 21; NaplC32: II 4) – še-˹ep˺-[šu-nu] (NaplC12/1: 21) šeriktu (širiktu) subst. “present, gift” – še-ri-ik-tim (NeglC21/1: II 35) – ši(!)-ri-ik-ti (NaplC23: I 9) – ši-ri-ik-tim (NaplC23: II 22) – ši-ri-ik-tim (NaplC31/1: III 23; NaplC31/2: III 17) šerru subst. “young child” – še-er-ra-am (NaplC31/1: III 16; NaplC31/2: III 8) šēru subst. “morning, morning star” – še-ri-šu (NeglC22: II 21) šeṭṭu subst. “crime, evil deed” – še-eṭ-ṭim (NeglC21/1: II 21) šeʾû vb. G “to look for, to probe” Gtn “to seek constantly, to strive repeatedly for, to look for carefully, to be assiduous” – ˹iš˺-te-né-ʾ-ú (NeglC011: 5’) – iš-te-n[é-ù(?)] (NeglC011: 9’) – iš-ta-an-ni-ma (NeglC21/1: I 18) – aš-te-né-ʾ-a (NaplC12/1: 5; NaplC12/3: 5; NeglC23/1: I 20; NeglC23/1: II 14; NeglC23/6: II 17) – áš-te-né-ʾ-e-a (NaplC32: I 10) – aš-˹te˺-˹né˺-[ʾ-a] (NaplC12/5: 3’) – [aš-te-né]-ʾ-a (NaplC12/2: 5) – aš-te-ʾ-e-ma (NeglC23/1: II 3; NeglC23/6: II 5) – aš-te-ʾ-ú (NeglC21/1: I 24) – ši-te-ʾ-e-ma (NaplC12/1: 34; NaplC12/2: 34; NaplC12/3: 34; NaplC32: III 25) – mu-uš-te-ʾ-ú (NeglC21/1: I 5, II 38; NeglC21/2: I 5; NaplC12/2: 19; NaplC12/3: 19; NaplC32: I 33) – [mu-uš-te]-˹ʾ˺-ú (NaplC12/1: 19); – mu-uš-te-ʾ-e-em (NaplC22: I 15) – mu-uš-te-ʾ-em (NaplC31/1: I 17) – mu-uš-te-˹ʾ˺-[em] (NaplC31/2: I 19) šēzuzu adj. “very fierce” – še-zu-zu-ú-ti (NeglC23/1: I 26)

200

Glossary

šiāmu vb. G and D “to fix, to decree” – i-ši-mu (NeglC23/1: I 8; NeglC23/2: I 6) – mu-ši-im (NeglC23/1: I 6; NeglC23/2: I 5) – [mu-ši]-˹im˺ (NeglC23/7: I 6) – mu-š[i-im] (NeglC23/6: I 5) šibirru subst. “shepherd’s staff, sceptre” – ši-bi-ir-ri (NeglC21/1: I 31) – ˹ši˺-[bi-ir-ri] (NeglC21/2: II 2’) šībūtu subst. “old age” – ši-bu-tu (NeglC23/1: II 35) šiddu subst. “side, adge” – šid-di (NaplC32: II 34, 35) šiknu subst. “form, appearance” – ši-ki-in-ša (NeglC021: II 4’) šīmtu subst. “destiny, fate, what is fixed” – ši-ma-a-ti (NeglC23/1: I 6, 33; NeglC23/2: I 5; NeglC23/6: I 5) – ši-ma-a-tim (NeglC23/8: I 4’) – ši-ma-at-su (NeglC23/1: I 8; NeglC23/2: I 6) – [ši]-˹ma˺-at-su (NeglC23/6: I 7) šināti pers. pron. fem. pl. “they” – ši-na-a-ti (NeglC23/1: I 30) šinnu subst. “tooth” in šin pīri “elephant tooth, ivory” – zú ˹am˺.si (NaplC31/2: I 41) – zú am.su(!) (NaplC31/1: I 37) šipru subst. “work, mission” – ši-pí-ir (NaplC31/1: II 31; NaplC31/2: II 37) – ši-ip-ra-am (NaplC12/1: 14; NaplC12/3: 14; NaplC32: I 23b) – [ši]-˹ip˺-ra-am (NaplC12/2: 14) – ši-pir-šú (NaplC12/1: 23; NaplC12/2: 23; NaplC12/3: 23) – ši-pí-ir-šú (NaplC12/1: 27; NaplC12/2: 27; NaplC12/3: 27) šīpu subst. “beams, baulk” – ši-i-pí-ša (NeglC23/1: II 29) – [ši-i]-pí-šu (NeglC23/3: II 1’) šitimgallu subst. “master builder” lú – šitim.gal-e (NaplC31/1: II 21) – [lú]šitim.gal-e (NaplC31/2: II 26)

Glossary

201

šitrāḫu adj. “very proud” – ši-it-ra-ḫu (NeglC21/1: II 30) šiṭru subst. “writing” – ši-ṭi-ir (NaplC12/1: 39; NaplC12/4: 12’) – ši-ṭir (NaplC32: III 33) – ˹ši˺-˹ṭir˺ (NeglC22: I 31) šū pers. pron. “this” – ša-a-te (NaplC31/1: II 33) – ša-a-tim (NaplC31/2: II 39) – šu-a-ti (NaplC12/2: 24, 30; NaplC12/4: 3’; NaplC21/1: II 9; NaplC21/2: II 10; NaplC21/3: II 10; NaplC22: II 13; NaplC32: III 17, 30; NaplB7: 25) – šu-a-˹ti˺ (NaplC12/3: 30) – ˹šu˺-˹a˺-˹ti˺ (NaplC12/1: 38) – ˹šu˺-a-ti (NaplC12/3: 24) – [šu]-˹a˺-˹ti˺ (NaplC12/2: 38; NaplC12/3: 38) šubtu subst. “dwelling, seat” – šu-ub-ti (NaplC23: II 10) šuddulu adj. “very wide” – šum-du-lu (NaplC32: II 13) – šu-un-du-lu (NaplC31/1: II 12b; NaplC31/2: II 17) šuklulu vb. Š “to complete, to finish” – uš-ta-ak-la-lu-ma (NaplC22: II 14) – šu-uk-kal-lu (NeglC011: 13’) – ú-ša-ak-li-il-ma (NeglC23/1: II 27) – ˹ú˺-[šak-li-lu] (NeglC022: II 8) šulmu subst. “well-being, health” – šu-ul-mi (NeglC21/1: I 21, II 3) šuluḫḫu subst. “purification rite” – šu-lu-uḫ-ḫu (NeglC21/1: II 18) – šu-lu-úḫ-ḫi-šu-un (NeglC21/1: I 10) – šu-lu-˹úḫ˺-[ḫi-šu-un] (NeglC21/2: I 10) šumma ptcl. “if, whether” – šum-ma (NaplC32: III 15) šummuḫu adj. “very luxuriant” – šu-um-mu-ḫu (NeglC22: I 10, 28)

202

Glossary

šumu subst. “name” – šu-um (NeglC21/1: I 20, 27) – šu-ma-am (NaplC23: I 8) – ˹šu˺-˹mi˺-˹ja˺ (NaplC12/1: 39) – [šu-mi]-ja (NaplC12/2: 39) – šu-mi-[ja] (NaplC12/4: 12’) – šu-mi-ka (NaplC12/1: 41) – šu-˹mi˺-˹ka˺ (NaplC12/2: 41) – šu-m[i-ka] (NaplC12/4: 14’) – šu-mì-ka (NaplC32: III 36) – mu-já (NaplC32: III 33) – ˹mu˺-ja (NeglC22: I 31)

šuplu subst. “depth” – šu-pú-ul (NeglC23/1: II 24)

šūpû adj. “lordly, resplendent” – šu-pu-ú (NeglC23/1: II 31; NeglC23/3: II 3’)

šūquru adj. “very valuable” – šu-qú-ru-um (NeglC21/1: II 31)

šurbû adj. “very great” – šu-ur-bi-i (NeglC21/1: II 29) – šu-ur-ba-tim (NeglC21/1: II 6) – šu-úr-bu-tim (NaplC22: II 12)

šurrû subst. “start, begining” – šu-ru-ti (NeglC022: I 7’)

šuršudu adj. “firmly founded” – šu-úr-šu-du (NaplC32: II 10) – šu-ur-šu-da (NaplC23: II 17) – šu-úr-šu-dam (NaplC31/1: I 33; NaplC31/2: I 35) – šu-úr-ši-id (NaplC31/1: III 44; NaplC31/2: III 47)

šuteṣbû vb. Št “to execute work according to plan” (see commentary to NaplC32: II 25) – uš-ta-aṣ-bu-ú (NaplC32: II 25) – mu-uš-te(!)-eṣ-bi (NaplC32: III 6)

šūtuqu adj. “outstanding, surpassing” – šu-tu-qá (NaplC22: I 19) – šu-tu-qá-at (NeglC21/1: II 7)

Glossary

T tabrītu subst. “appearance, apparition” – ta-ab-ri-a-tim (NaplC31/1: III 32) – ta-ab-ra-a-tim (NaplC31/2: III 29) takkalātu subst. “clever behaviour” – ta-ka-la-at (NaplC12/1: 9; NaplC12/2: 9; NaplC32: I 16) – ta-ka-lat (NaplC12/5: 7’) taklīmu subst. (a food-offering) – ta-ak-li-mu (NeglC21/1: II 19) talīmu subst. “favourite brother” – ta-li-im-šu (NaplC31/1: III 15; NaplC31/2: III 7) tamāḫu vb. G “to grasp” Š “to cause to grasp” – [ú]-ša-at-mi-iḫ (NaplC23: I 13; NeglC22: I 11) – ú-ša-at-mi-ḫu (NeglC23/1: I 11) – ˹ú˺-ša-at-mi-˹ḫu˺ (NeglC23/2: I 9) – [ú-ša-at-mi]-ḫu (NeglC23/6: I 10) – ú-ša-at-mi-ḫa (NeglC21/1: I 34) tāmartu subst. “observation” – ta-mar-ti-šu (NeglC22: II 27) tamlīu subst. “filling, terrace, inlay” – ta-am-le-e (NeglC21/1: II 14) tanattu subst. “praise, glory” – ta-na-da-a-ti (NaplC23: II 13) tapšuḫtu subst. “rest, pacification” – ta-ap-šu-úḫ-ti-šu (NaplC22: II 8) tarāṣu vb. G “to stretch out” Š “to cause to stretch” – ˹it(?)˺-[ru-uṣ] (NeglC022: I 3’) – ú-ša-at-ri-iṣ (NeglC23/1: II 30; NeglC23/3: II 2’) – ú-ša-at-ri-ṣa (NaplC12/3: 28) – [ú-ša-at]-˹ri˺-[ṣa] (NaplC12/1: 28) – ú-˹ša˺-˹at˺-ri-ṣa (NaplC12/2: 28) tarbaṣu subst. “animal stall, courtyard” – tùr (NaplC32: II 13; NaplC32: II 19)

203

204 tarû – – – – – –

Glossary

vb. G “to turn, to return” D “to send, to restore” ú-te-er (NaplB6: 18) ú-te-er-ru (NaplC31/1: I 26) ú-˹te˺-˹er˺-ru (NaplC31/2: I 28) ta-a-ri (NeglC23/1: I 37) ˹ta˺-[a-ri] (NeglC23/2: I 1’) ta-a-[ri] (NeglC23/8: I 8’)

tebû vb. G “to arise, to set out” – ta-be-e (NeglC23/1: I 35; NeglC23/8: I 6’) tēdīqu subst. “dress, costume” – te-di-iq (NaplC31/1: II 51; NaplC31/2: II 59) tēdištu subst. “renewal, renovation” – te-diš-ti (NaplC12/2: 24; NaplC12/3: 24) – [te-diš]-ti (NaplC12/1: 24) – te-di-iš-ti-ša (NeglC021: II 10’) temēnnu (temmenu) subst. “foundation” – te-me-en-šu (NaplC11/B1: 9; NaplC11/B2: 9; NaplC11/B4: 2’; NaplC11/B5: 9; NaplC32: II 24, 37) – te-mé-en-šu (NaplC32: II 29) – [te-me-en]-šu (NaplC11/B3: 9) – te-me-en-ša (NaplC31/1: II 36) – te-me-en-na (NaplC31/1: II 47; NaplC31/2: II 55, III 4; NaplC32: III 19) – te-em-me-en-ni-šu (NeglC21/1: II 23) – te-em-me-en-ša (NeglC21/1: II 22) – temenen-šu (NaplC31/2: II 43) tenēštu subst. “human kind” – te-né-še-e-ti (NeglC23/1: II 38) – ˹te˺-né-še-e-ti (NeglC22: II 33) tiāmtu subst. “sea” – ti-à-am-te (NaplC31/1: II 37b) – ti-à-am-ta (NaplC31/2: II 45) tīku subst. “raindrop, drop” – ti-ik (NaplC31/1: II 3) tīlāniš (tīllāniš) adv. “into ruin mound, into tell” – ti-la-ni-iš (NaplC32: II 30) tīlu (tillu) subst. “ruin mound, tell” – du6 (NaplC22: II 3; NaplC31/1: I 27 ; NaplC31/2: I 29)

Glossary

205

tilpānu subst. “bow” – til-pa-nu (NaplC32: II 18) tiqnu subst. “proper equipment” – ti-iq-nim (NeglC23/1: I 40; NeglC23/5: I* 2*) tirṣu subst. “stretching out,” in tiriṣ qāti “stretching of the hand, designated by (the hand of)” – ti-ri-iṣ (NaplC11/A1: 3; NaplC11/A2: 3; NaplC11/A4: 3; NaplC11/B1: 3; NaplC11/B2: 3; NaplC12/1: 3; NaplC21/1: I 3; NaplC21/2: I 3; NaplC22: I 7; NaplC31/1: I 12; NaplC31/2: I 14; NaplC32: I 5; NaplB4/2b: 2; NaplB5/1: 3) – ti-˹ri˺-˹iṣ˺ (NaplB4/2a: 2) – ˹ti˺-ri-[iṣ] (NaplC12/2: 3) – ti-[ri-iṣ] (NaplC12/4: 3) – ti-r[i-iṣ] (NaplC11/B5: 3) – [t]i-ri-iṣ (NaplC11/A7: 3) – [ti-ri]-˹iṣ˺ (NaplC21/3: I 3; NaplB7: 3) – [ti-ri]-˹iṣ˺ (NaplC12/5: 1’) – [ti]-˹ri˺-iṣ (NaplC23: I 5) – [ti]-ri-iṣ (NaplC11/A3: 3) tīru subst. “overlay, covering of metal” – ti-i-ri (NeglC23/1: I 28; NeglC23/4: I 6’) tukšu subst. “shield” – tuk-šu (NaplC32: II 12) tukultu subst. “trust, support” – ˹tu˺-[kul-ti] (NeglC011: 2’) tupšikku subst. “corvee-basket, earth-basket” – tup-šik-ku (NaplC12/1: 26; NaplC12/2: 26; NaplC12/3: 26; NaplC32: II 32, III 8) – tu-up-ši-ik-ku (NaplC23: I 15) – tu-up-ši-kam (NaplC31/1: II 45, III 19; NaplC31/2: II 53, III 14) – tu-up-ši-ka-a-te (NaplC31/1: III 5) – tu-up-ši-ka-a-˹tim˺ (NaplC31/2: II 65)

Ṭ ṭābu adj. “good, sweet” – ṭa-a-bi (NeglC21/1: I 20, 25) – ˹ṭa(?)˺-[a-bu] (NeglC022: I 2’) – ṭa-ab-ti (NeglC022: I 7’) – dùg.ga (NaplC31/1: II 41; NaplC31/2: II 49)

206

Glossary

ṭaḫādu vb. G “to flourish” D “to supply copiously” – ˹ṭú˺-úḫ-ḫu-du (NeglC011: 7’) – mu-ṭa-aḫ-ḫi-id (NeglC21/1: I 9; NeglC21/2: I 9) ṭēmu subst. “instruction” – ṭe-em4 (NeglC22: I 22) ṭiābu vb. G “to be good, to become good” D “to improve, to repair, to heal” – mu-ṭib (NaplC32: II 7, III 3) ṭīdu (ṭīṭu/ṭīṭṭu) subst. “clay, mud” – ṭi-iṭ-ṭam (NaplC31/1: III 2, 11; NaplC31/2: II 62, III 2)

U u conj. “and” – ù (NaplC11/A1: 4; NaplC11/A4: 4; NaplC11/B1: 3; NaplC11/B2: 3; NaplC11/B3: 3; NaplC12/ 1: 3, 5, 6, 7, 8, 12, 20, 25; NaplC12/2: 7, 8, 20, 25, 33, 34; NaplC12/3: 8, 20, 25; NaplC21/ 1: I 4; NaplC21/2: I 4, II 11b; NaplC21/3: II 11b; NaplC22: I 4b, 8, II 19; NaplC23: I 17, 18; NaplC31/1: I 10b, 12b, 14, 16, 20, 22, 27, 37, 38b, II 6, 11b, 24b, 32, 37b, 41, III 2, 5, 11b, 20, 26b; NaplC31/2: I 12, 14b, 18b, 24, 29, 40, II 30, 38, 45, 49b, 62, 65b, III 3, 21; NaplC32: I 5, 9, 12, 14, 15b, 21, II 2, 7, 16b, 20b, 23, 27, 31b, III 2, 14b, 24, 25; NaplB4/ 2a: 3; NaplB4/2b: 2, 3; NaplB5/1: 3; NaplB7: 26; AMB1: 2; NeglC21/1: I 8, 13, 21, 36, II 21, 28, 34; NeglC21/2: I 8; NeglC22: I 9, 29, 34, II 19; NeglC23/1: I 2, 16, 18, 23, 27, 29, 37, II 8, 12, 25, 30; NeglC23/4: I 5’; NeglC23/6: II 10, 14; NeglC23/7: I 2; NeglC23/8: I 2, 8’; NeglC011: 4’, 6’, 8’; NeglC021: II 7’; NeglC022: I 4’, II 3; NeglB1/1: 2; NeglB1/2: 2) – ˹ù˺ (NaplC11/A7: 4; NaplC12/2: 5, 6, 12; NaplC23: I 6; NaplC31/2: I 16, 42, II 10; NaplB4/ 2a: 2; NeglC22: I 18; NeglC23/2: I 1’; NeglC022: I 9) – u (NaplC11/A2: 4; NaplC12/5: 3’, 4’, 5’, 6’, 10’; NaplC21/1: I 13, II 10; NaplC21/2: I 13; NaplC21/3: I 13; NaplC23: I 4, II 8; NaplB6: 4, 8; NaplB7: 13) ūl neg. ptcl. (in main sentences) “no, not” – ul (NeglC21/1: I 36b) ullânu prep. “before” – ul-la-nu-ú-a (NaplC11/A1: 8; NaplC11/A2: 8; NaplC11/A4: 8; NaplC12/2: 23; NaplC31/1: I 30; NaplC31/2: I 32) – ˹ul˺-la-˹nu˺-˹ú˺-˹a˺ (NaplC12/1: 23) – ˹ul˺-˹la˺-nu-ú-a (NaplC12/3: 23) – [u]l-la-nu-ú-a (NaplC11/A7: 8) – [ul]-la-nu-ú-a (NaplC11/A3: 8) ullû adj. “former, previous” – ú-ul-lu-tim (NaplC23: II 12; NaplC31/1: III 31; NaplC31/2: III 28)

Glossary

– –

207

ul-lu-tim (NaplC11/A1: 16; NaplC11/A2: 18; NaplC11/A3: 16; NaplC11/A4: 16) ul-li-i (NeglC22: II 14)

ulṣu subst. “pleasure” – ul-ṣi-im (NaplC31/1: III 26; NaplC31/2: III 20) ultu see ištu ūmišam adv. “daily” – u4-mi-ša-am (NeglC21/1: I 25; NeglC011: 3’, 9’) – u4-mi-šu (NeglC21/1: II 5) ummānu (ummiānu) subst. “army, troops, workers” see also mār(ū) ummiāni – um-ma-nim (NaplC11/A1: 12; NaplC11/A2: 13; NaplC11/A4: 12; NaplC31/1: I 40; NaplC31/ 2: II 2) – [um-m]a-nim (NaplC11/A3: 12; NaplC11/A7: 13) – um-ma-na-at (NaplC12/2: 25; NaplC32: II 31) – ˹um˺-˹ma˺-[na]-˹at˺ (NaplC12/3: 25) – um-ma-[na-at] (NaplC23: II 2) – um-ma-ni-ja (NaplC23: I 14; NeglC022: I 3’) – um-ma-na-ti-ja (NaplC31/1: III 12) – um-ma-na-˹ti-ja (NaplC31/2: III 4) – um.me.a (NaplC31/1: II 17) – ˹um˺.me.a (NaplC31/2: II 22) ūmu subst. “day” – u4-um (NaplC11/A1: 16; NaplC11/A2: 18; NaplC11/A3: 16; NaplC11/A4: 16; NaplC31/1: III 31, 45; NaplC31/2: III 27, 48; NeglC22: II 21; NeglC021: II 5’) – u4-mu-um (NaplC23: II 12, 18) – ˹u4˺(?)-˹mu˺(?) (NeglC22: II 14) – u4-mi (NaplC12/1: 30; NaplC12/2: 30; NaplC12/3: 30) – u4-me (NaplC32: III 36) – u4-mi-im (NaplC23: II 7; NaplC22: II 10, 22) – u4-mi-šu-ma (NaplC32: III 16) – u4meš (NaplC12/1: 17, 41; NaplC12/3: 41; NaplC32: II 10b, 26, III 6b, 21 ; NeglC21/1: II 33) – ˹u4meš˺ (NeglC22: II 37) urḫu subst. “way, path” – ú-ru-uḫ (NeglC011: 21’) (u)sukku subst. “cheek, side (of a canal, of a wall, etc.)” – su-uk-ki-šu (NeglC22: I 34, 35; NeglC23/1: II 7, 9; NeglC23/6: II 9, 11) – ˹su˺-[uk]-˹ki˺-˹ša˺ (NeglC22: II 5) ušparu subst. (a ruler’s staff, “cetre?”) giš – uš-pa-ri-im (NaplC23: I 11)

208 – –

Glossary

uš-pa-ri (NeglC21/1: I 33; NeglC22: I 7) ˹uš˺-[pa-ri] (NeglC21/2: II 4’)

uššu subst. “foundation” – uš-ši-šu (NaplC11/A1: 11; NaplC11/A2: 12; NaplC11/A3: 11; NaplC11/A4: 11; NaplC11/A7: 12; NaplC31/2: II 46; NeglC21/1: II 23) – uš-ši-ša (NaplC31/1: II 38; NeglC21/1: II 12) uznu subst. “ears, uderstanding” – uz-na-a-a (NaplC12/1: 7; NaplC12/3: 7; NaplC32: I 14b) – uz-˹na˺-˹a˺-˹a˺ (NaplC12/2: 7) – geštuII (NaplC12/2: 24; NaplC12/3: 24) – geštuII-[a]-a (NaplC12/5: 5’)

W (w)aʾāru vb. G “to go up to” D “to send” – ú-ma-ʾ-i-ra-an-ni (NaplC21/1: I 9; NaplC21/2: I 9) – ˹ú˺-ma-ʾ-ra-an-ni (NaplB7: 9) – [ú-ma-ʾ-i]-ra-an-ni (NaplC21/3: I 9) – [ú]- ˹ma˺-ʾ-i-[ra-an-ni] (NaplC21/4: I 1’) – ú-wa-ʾ-ir4-ma (NaplC31/1: II 18) – [ú]-˹wa˺ -ʾ-ir4-ma (NaplC31/2: II 23) wabālu vb. G “to bring, to carry” – ba-bi-il (NeglC21/1: I 7; NeglC21/2: I 7) *wadû vb. D “to make known, to reveal” – ú-ad-du-nim (NaplC31/1: II 30; NaplC31/2: II 36) (w)apû vb. G “to appear” Š “to make manifest, to produce” – šu-pu-ú (NaplC32: II 9) (w)arkatu subst. “rear, back, background” (with parāsu: “to examine background, to determine by divination”) – à-ar-ka-at (NaplC31/1: II 24) – [à]-˹ar˺-ka-at (NaplC31/2: II 29) – à-ar-ka-tim (NaplC31/1: II 29b) – ˹à˺-ar-ka-tim (NaplC31/2: II 35b) (w)arki conj. and prep. “after, behind” – à-ar-ki-ja (NaplC12/1: 31; NaplC12/2: 31;NaplC12/3: 31) – ár-ki-já (NaplC32: III 23)

Glossary

(w)arkû adj. “rear, later” – ar-ku-tim (NeglC21/1: II 33) (w)asamu vb. G “to be fitting” D “to adorn” Š “to make fitting” – [ú(?)-u]s(?)-si-mu (NeglC021: II 4’) – ú-ša-as-sí-im-šu (NaplC31/1: III 33; NaplC31/2: III 30) (w)aṣû vb. G “to go out, to rise” – a-ṣu-ú (NeglC23/1: II 37) – a-ṣu-˹ú˺ (NeglC23/3: II 8’) (w)ašābu vb. G “to sit, to dwell” Š “to allow to dwell, to install” – à-ši-ib (NaplC31/1: I 6) – à-˹ši˺-[ib] (NaplC31/2: I 6) – a-ši-ib (NeglC22: II 8, 34) – ú-še-ši-ib (NaplC23: II 10) (w)ašru adj. “humble, obedient” – áš-ri (NeglC21/2: I 3) – áš-ru (NeglC21/1: I 3; NeglC23/4: I 3’) – áš-ru (NeglC23/1: I 25) – áš-ri (NaplC32: III 1) – à-aš-ri (NaplC21/1: II 1; NaplC21/2: II 2; NaplC21/3: II 2) – ˹à˺-aš-ri (NaplB7: 18) – à-aš-ri-im (NaplC22: I 14) – à-aš-ru-um (NaplC31/1: I 13; NaplC31/2: I 15) (w)atû vb. G “to find, to discover” D “to select, to choose” – ut-tu-ú (NaplC12/1: 10; NaplC12/3: 10; NaplC32: I 18) – ut-tu-[ú] (NaplC12/5: 8’) – ˹ut˺-˹tu˺-˹šu˺-˹ma˺ (NeglC22: I 3) – mu-ut-tu-ú (NaplC32: III 5) (w)erû subst. “copper” – e-ri-i (NeglC23/1: I 21, 26) (w)uṣṣû vb. G “to spread out” – ú-wa-aṣ-ṣi-im (NaplC31/1: II 39) – ú-ma-aṣ-ṣi-im (NaplC31/2: II 47) (w)uʾʾurtu subst. “command” – úr-ta-šu (NaplC21/1: I 8; NaplC21/2: I 8; NaplB7: 8)

Z zabālu vb. G “to carry, to deliver” Š “to make carry” – az-bi-il (NaplC31/1: III 4; NaplC31/2: II 64)

209

210 – – – – –

Glossary

ú-sa-az-bi-il (NaplC31/1: II 8) ú-sa-˹az˺-bi-il (NaplC31/2: II 12) ú-ša-az-bi-˹il˺ (NaplC31/2: III 5) ú-ša-az-bil (NaplC31/1: III 13) za-bil (NaplC32: III 8)

zāʾeru subst. “enemy” – za-ʾ-i-ru (NeglC21/1: I 33) – [za]-ʾ-i-ri (NeglC22: I 12) – za-à-ri-ja (NaplC31/1: I 24; NaplC31/2: I 26) – [za-ʾ-e]-ri-ja (NaplC22: II 2) zagmukku (zammukku) subst. “New Year Festival” – za-am-mu-uk-ku (NeglC23/8: I 5’) – za-am-mu- (NeglC23/1: I 34) zakāru vb. G “to say, to speak” – iz-ku-ur (NeglC21/1: I 27) – az-kur (NaplC32: III 14b) – ti-iz-ka-ar (NaplC11/A1: 19; NaplC11/A2: 21; NaplC11/A3: 19; NaplC11/A4: 19; NaplC31/1: III 54) – ti-iz-[ka-ar] (NaplC11/A7: 4’) – ti-iz-ka-ar-am (NaplC31/2: III 60) zāmânû subst. “enemy” – za-ma-nu (NeglC21/1: I 37) zanānu vb. G “to provide” – a-za-an-na-an (NeglC22: I 29; NeglC23/1: I 18) – za-na-nam (NeglC22: I 17) – za-na-an (NaplC21/1: I 6; NaplC21/2: I 6) – [za]-˹na˺-an (NaplB7: 6) – [za-na]-an (NaplC21/3: I 6) zāninu subst. “provisioner” – za-ni-in (NaplC31/1: I 16; NaplC31/2: I 18) – za-nin (NaplB4/2b: 3) – ˹za˺-˹nin˺ (NaplB4/2a: 3) – za-ni-nu (NeglC21/1: II 37) – za-ni-nu-um (NeglC21/1: I 6) – za-ni-nu-[um] (NeglC21/2: I 6) – za-ni-in-ki (NaplC22: II 17) zāninūtu subst. “rôle of provisioner” – ˹za˺-˹ni˺-˹nu˺-˹ut˺-˹su˺-˹nu˺ (NeglC22: I 16)

Glossary

zânu vb. G “to overlay with precious metals” – i-za-an-nu (NeglC23/1: I 27) zaqāru vb. G “to build high” D “to build very high” – ú-za-aq-qí-ir (NeglC21/1: II 24) zaqru adj. “high” – zaq-ru (NaplC32: II 11) zērūtu subst. “hostility” – ze-ru-ut (NaplC32: I 28) zinnātu subst. “support, provisioning” – zi-in-na-a-ti (NeglC022: I 7; NeglC23/1: II 13) – zi-in-na-a-[ti] (NeglC23/6: II 16) zikru subst. “utterance, speech, command, name” – zi-ki-ir (NaplC32: III 36) – zi-˹ki˺-˹ir˺ (NaplC12/4: 14’) – ˹zi˺-ki-ir (NaplC12/1: 41) – [zi]-˹ki˺-ir (NaplC12/2: 41) – [zi-ki]-˹ir˺ (NaplC12/3: 41) – zi-ki-ir-šú (NaplC12/1: 32; NaplC12/2: 32; NaplC12/3: 32) – zi-kir-šú (NaplC32: III 23b) ziqqurratu subst. “ziqqurrat, temple tower” – zi-qú-ra-at (NeglC022: II 1) – zi-iq-qú-ra-at (NaplC31/1: I 29) – zi-iq-qú--at (NaplC31/2: I 31) zunnu subst. “rain” – zu-un-nu (NeglC022: II 3) – zu-un-nim (NaplC32: II 27) – [zu]-un-nim (NeglC021: II 7’)

Numbers erba “four” – ar-ba-ʾ-im (NaplC23: II 19) išten “one” – 1 (AMV1: 1) šina “two” – 2 (AMV3: 1; NeglV1: 1)

211

212

Glossary

šalāš “three” – 3 (AMV4: 1) šamānû “eight” – 8 (NeglC23/1: I 26; NeglC23/4: I 4’)

Compound numbers –

22 (NeglC022: II 8)

Fractional numbers mišlu “half” – 1/2 (NeglV1: 1) šuššānû “one third” – 1/3 (AMV4: 1)

Dates – – – –

ud.5.kám (NeglC23/8: I 8’) ˹ud˺.˹5˺.˹kám˺(NeglC23/1: I 37) ud.11.kám (NeglC23/8: I 8’) ˹ud˺.˹11˺.˹kám˺ (NeglC23/1: I 37)

Personal Names Amēl-Marduk – lú-damar.utu (AMPS1: 1; AMB1 :1; AMV3: 2; AMV4: 2) – lú-[d]˹amar.utu˺ (AMV1: 2) Bēl-šum-iškun md – en-šu-um-iš-ku-un (NeglC21/1: I 11) md – en-šu-mi-iš-ku-un (NeglC21/2: I 11) d – en-šu-um-˹iš˺-˹ku˺-˹un˺ (NeglC011: 11’) – [den-šu]-um-iš-[ku-un] (NeglC23/7: I 12) d – en-mu-in.gar (NeglC23/1: I 14)

Glossary

213

Nabopolassar d – na-bi-um-ibila-ú-ṣu-úr (NaplC11/A1: 1; NaplC11/A2: 1; NaplC11/A3: 1; NaplC11/A4: 1; NaplC12/1: 1; NaplC21/1: I 1, 17; NaplC21/2: I 1, II 1; NaplC21/3: II 1; NaplC22: II 16; NaplC31/1: I 8; NaplC31/2: I 9) d – na-bi-um-ibila-ú-ṣu-˹úr˺ (NaplB7: 17) d – na-bi-um-ibila-ú-˹ṣu˺-[úr] (NaplC22: I 1) – [d]na-bi-um-ibila-ú-ṣu-[úr] (NaplC11/A7: 1) – [dna]-bi-um-ibila-ú-ṣu-[o]-úr (NaplC21/3: I 1) d – na-bi-um-ibila-ú-[ṣu-úr] (NaplC23: I 1) – [d]˹na˺-bi-um-ibila-[ú-ṣu-úr] (NaplC12/2: 1) – [dna-b]i-um-ibila-ú-ṣu-úr (NaplB7: 1) d – na-[bi-um-ibila-ú-ṣu-úr] (NaplC12/4: 1) d – na-bi-um-ibila-ú-ṣur (NaplC11/B1: 1; NaplC11/B2: 1; NaplC11/B5: 1) – [dna-b]i-um-ibila-ú-ṣur (NaplC11/B3: 1) ˹d˺ – [na-bi]-˹um˺-a-ú-ṣu-˹úr˺ (NaplC011: 1) d – na-bi-um-ibila-ùru (NaplB6: 1) d – ag-ibila-ú(?)-ṣur(?) (NaplB4/2b: 1) d – ag-ibila-ú-ṣur (NaplB5/1: 2) d – ˹ag˺-˹ibila˺-ú-[ṣur] (NaplB4/2a: 1) d – ag-ibila-ùru (NaplC11/B4: 8’; NaplC11/B5: 14; NaplC32: I 1, II 6, III 1; NaplB1/5: 1) d – pa-a-ùru (NaplB1/1: 1)

Nabû-šum-līšir d – na-bi-um-šu-ma-am-li-ši-ir (NaplC31/1: III 14) d – na-bi-um-šu--˹li˺-ši-˹ir˺ (NaplC31/2: III 6)

Nebuchadnezzar d – na-bi-um-ku-du-úr-ra-ú-ṣu-úr (NaplC31/1: III 7–7b) d – na-bi-um-ku-du-úr-ri-ú-ṣu-úr (NaplC31/2: II 67–67b) d – ag-ku-dúr-ri-ùru (AMPS1: 2; AMB1: 3) d – pa-níg.du-ùru (AMV3: 3) d – pa-˹níg˺.˹du˺-˹ùru˺ (AMV4: 3)

Neriglissar d – nè-iri11-gal-lugal-ú-ṣu-úr (NeglC22: I 1, II 12; NeglC23/1: I 1; NeglC23/7: I 1; NeglC022: I 1) d – nè-iri11-gal-lugal-ú-ṣu-˹úr˺ (NeglC23/2: I 1) d – nè-iri11-gal-lugal-ú-ṣu-ur (NeglC21/1: I 1) d – nè-iri11-gal-lugal-ú-ṣur (NeglC21/1: II 37) – ˹d˺˹nè˺-˹iri11˺-˹gal˺-˹lugal˺-˹ú˺-˹ṣu˺-˹úr˺ (NeglC21/2: I 1) – [d]˹nè˺ -iri11-gal-lugal-ú-ṣu-úr (NeglC23/8: I 1) – [dnè]-iri11-gal-lugal-ú-ṣu-úr (NeglC22: I 20) d – u.gur-lugal-ùru (NeglB1/1: 1; NeglB1/2: 1) d – nergal-lugal-ùru (NeglV1: 2)

214

Glossary

Divine Names Adad d – iškur (NaplC31/1: II 24b; NaplC31/2: II 30) Aja – –

d

a-a (NaplC21/1: I 13; NaplC21/2: I 13; NaplC21/3: I 13; NaplB7: 13) a-˹a˺ (NaplC22: I 10)

d

Anu d – a-nu-um (NaplC32: II 20) Anunnaki d – a-nun-na-ki (NaplC31/1: I 4; NaplC32: II 14, 23, III 8; NeglC21/1: II 7) – [da]-˹nun˺-na-ki (NaplC31/2: I 4) Bēl d – en (NaplC12/1: 36; NaplC12/2: 36; NaplC32: III 28, 29) – ˹den˺ (NaplC12/1: 37; NaplC12/3: 36) – [d]˹en˺ (NeglC23/3: II 3’) Bēlet-Sippar d – nin ud.kib.nunki (NaplC22: II 6, 11) Dagan d – da-gan (NaplC32: II 18) Ea – –

d

é-a (NaplC31/1: II 9, 32; NaplC31/2: II 13, 38; NaplC32: II 21b; NeglC22: I 23) [é-a] (NeglC022: II 12)

˹d˺

Enlil d – en.líl (NaplC12/2: 25; NaplC12/3: 25; NaplC23: II 14; NaplC31/1: I 2; NaplC32: II 20b, II 31; NeglC21/1: I 15; NeglC23/1: I 35, II 31; NeglC23/8: I 6’) d – e[n.líl] (NaplC31/2: I 2) d – [en.líl] (NeglC21/2: I 15) Erra d – ìr-ra (NaplC22: I 12; NaplC23: I 20; NaplC31/1: I 23; NaplC31/2: I 25; NeglC22: II 19; NeglC23/1: I 13) [d] – ìr-ra (NeglC22: I 13) Igigi d – i-gi4-gi4 (NaplC32: II 13, 23, III 7; NeglC21/1: I 17, II 6)

– i-gi4-gi4 (NaplC31/1: I 3) – [(d)i-g]i4-gi4 (NaplC31/2: I 3)

Glossary

215

Inanna, see Ištar Ištar d – iš-˹tár˺ (NaplC23: I 4) d – innana (NaplC32: II 17) Lugalirra d – lugal-gìr-ra (NaplC32: II 16) Mār-bīti d – a.é˺ (NeglC22: II 13) Marduk d – amar.utu (NaplC11/A1: 4, 18; NaplC11/A2: 4, 20; NaplC11/A3: 18; NaplC11/A4: 4, 18; NaplC11/A7: 3’; NaplC11/B1: 3, 12, 14; NaplC11/B2: 3, 12, 14; NaplC11/B3: 3, 14; NaplC11/ B4: 5’, 7’; NaplC11/B5: 11, 13; NaplC12/1: 1, 5, 20, 25, 34, 35, 40; NaplC12/2: 20, 25, 32, 34, 35; NaplC12/3: 1, 20, 25; NaplC12/4: 5’, 8’; NaplC12/5: 3’; NaplC21/1: I 4, 5; NaplC21/ 2: I 4, 5; NaplC22: I 8; NaplC23: I 18, II 14; NaplC31/1: I 1, 12b, 20, 36, II 10, 24b, 32, 49, III 22, 30, 34, 48, 52; NaplC31/2: I 38, II 14, 30, 38, 57, III 16, 26, 31, 53, 57; NaplC32: I 2, 9, II 2, 7, 31b, III 2, 10, 14, 23, 25, 27, 34; NaplB1/1: 1, 4; NaplB1/5: 1, 4; NaplB4/2a: 5; NaplB4/2b: 2; NaplB5/1: 1, 3, 7; NaplB6: 6; NeglC21/1: I 2, 15, II 5, 29; NeglC21/2: I 15; NeglC22: I 2, 24, II 18; NeglC23/1: I 6, 15, 17, 35, II 31; NeglC23/2: I 5; NeglC011: 8’; NeglC022: I 3) ˹d˺ – amar.utu (NaplC11/A3: 4; NaplC11/A7: 4; NaplB7: 4, 5) d – ˹amar˺.utu (NaplB4/2a: 4) [d] – amar.utu (NaplC11/B3: 12) d – amar.˹utu˺ (NaplC12/1: 32) d – amar.ut[u] (NaplC31/2: I 14b) – [d]˹amar˺.utu (NaplC12/2: 40; NaplC21/3: I 5) – [damar].˹utu˺ (NaplC12/3: 34; NaplC12/3: 35; NaplC21/3: I 4) d – ˹amar˺.˹utu˺ (NaplC23: II 3, 11) – ˹damar.utu˺ (NaplC23: II 6) ˹d˺ – [amar].utu (NaplC31/2: I 1) – ˹d˺˹amar˺.utu (NaplB4/2b: 4) – ˹d˺˹amar˺.˹utu˺ (NeglC21/1: II 19; NeglC21/2: I 2) – [d]˹amar˺.˹utu˺ (NeglC22: I 21; NeglC23/7: I 6) Meslamtaea d – mes-lam-ta-è (NaplC32: II 16b) Nabû d – na-bi-um (NaplC11/A1: 3; NaplC11/A2: 4; NaplC11/A3: 3; NaplC11/A4: 3; NaplC12/1: 3, 5; NaplC12/2: 20, 34; NaplC12/3: 20; NaplC21/1: I 3; NaplC21/2: I 3; NaplC22: I 8; NaplC23: I 18; NaplC31/1: I 12, 20, II 11; NaplB7: 3; NeglC23/2: I 8; NeglC23/8: I 7’; NeglC022: I 5) d – na-bi-˹um˺ (NaplC31/2: I 22) – ˹d˺na-bi-um (NaplC23: I 6) ˹d˺ – ˹na˺-˹bi˺-˹um˺ (NaplC31/2: II 15)

216 – – – – – – –

–

Glossary

d

na-bi-u[m] (NaplC11/A7: 3) na-bi-[o]-um (NaplC21/3: I 3) [dna-bi]-˹um˺ (NaplC12/1: 20) [d]˹na˺-˹bi˺-˹um˺ (NaplC12/2: 5) d na-bi-[um] (NaplC31/2: I 14) ˹d˺[na-bi-um] (NaplC12/2: 3) d ag (NaplC11/B1: 3; NaplC11/B2: 3; NaplC11/B3: 3; NaplC12/5: 3’; NaplC32: I 5, 9, II 2, 7, III 2, 25; NaplB4/2a: 2; NaplB4/2b: 2; NaplB5/1: 3; NeglC21/1: I 5; NeglC21/2: I 5; NeglC22: I 8; NeglC23/1: I 10; NeglC23/2: I 2’; NeglC011: 4’, 8’, 13’) d ag(?) (NeglC22: II 31) d

Nergal d – nè-iri11-gal (NaplC12/1: 15; NaplC32: I 24) d – nè-˹iri11˺-[gal] (NaplC12/2: 15) [d] – ˹nè˺-[iri11-gal] (NaplC12/2: 15) Ninmena d – nin.men.na (NaplC12/1: 2; NaplC32: I 3) – [dnin].˹men˺.[na] (NaplC12/2: 2) Ninurta d – nin-urta (NaplC12/1: 30; NaplC12/2: 22, 30; NaplC12/3: 22, 30) d – maš (NaplC32: II 19) Nissaba d – nidaba (NaplC31/1: II 11b; NaplC31/2: II 15b) Niššiku d – nin.ši.kù (NaplC12/1: 3; NaplC12/3: 3; NaplC32: I 6); d – ni-in-ši-qa˺ (NeglC22: I 22) Panunanki (Ṣarpanītu) d – pa4.nun.an.ki (NaplC32: III 3) Sîn –

d

30 (NeglC22: II 28)

Šamaš d – utu (NaplC12/3: 25; NaplC21/1: I 13, II 7, 12; NaplC21/2: I 13, II 8, 13; NaplC21/3: I 13, II 8, 13; NaplC31/1: II 24; NaplC31/2: II 29; NaplC32: II 31b, III 14b; NaplB7: 13, 24, 28; NeglC22: II 29; NeglC23/1: II 37; NeglC021: II 11’) – ˹d˺˹utu˺ (NaplC12/1: 25; NaplC12/2: 25) – [d]˹utu˺ (NeglC23/3: II 8’) – ˹dutu˺(?) (NeglC22: I 25; NeglC022: I 1’, II 14) ˹d˺ – [utu(?)] (NeglC022: I 4’)

Glossary

217

Šaššu (Šamšu/Šamaš) – ša-aš-šu (NaplC22: I 9, 20) Šazu (Marduk) d – šà.zu (NaplC12/1: 8; NaplC12/2: 8; NaplC12/5: 6’; NaplC32: I 15) Tašmetu d – taš-me-tum (NaplC12/1: 3; NaplC32: I 5) Uraš – [dú]-raš (NaplC23: I 4)

Names of Buildings and Structures Abul-Ištar – ká.gal dinnana (NaplC11/B1: 7; NaplC11/B2: 7; NaplC11/B3: 7; NaplC32: II 34) – ˹ká˺.gal dinanna (NaplC11/B5: 7) Abul-Uraš – ká.gal duraš (NaplC11/B2: 8; NaplC11/B3: 8; NaplC11/B5: 8; Napl C32: II 35b) – ká.gal d˹uraš˺ (NaplC11/B1: 8; NaplC11/B4: 1’) Aj-ibūr-šabû – a-a-i-bu-úr-ša-bu-um (NeglC23/1: II 17) E-edinna – é.edin.na (NaplC22: II 8) Emeslam – ˹é˺.˹mes˺.˹lam˺ (NeglC22: I 18) – ˹é(?)˺.(?).˹mes(?)˺.˹lam(?) (NeglC022: I 9) é.PA.GÌN.ti.la – é.PA.GÌN.ti.la (NaplC12/3: 22) – é.˹PA˺.˹GÌN˺.˹ti˺.˹la˺ (NaplC12/1: 22) – ˹é˺.PA.GÌN.ti.la (NaplC12/2: 22) Esagil – é.sag.íl (NaplC23: II 8; NaplC31/1: I 6, 16; NaplC31/2: I 6; NaplB4/2b: 3; AMB1: 2; NeglC21/1: I 8, 13, II 9, 10; NeglC21/2: 8; NeglC22: I 17, 29; NeglC23/1: I 2, 18, 21, 42, II 1, 5, 12; NeglC23/2: I 2; NeglC23/6: II 2, 3, 7, 14; NeglC23/7: I 2; NeglC23/8: I 2; NeglC011: 6’; NeglC022: I 7; NeglB1/1: 2; NeglB1/2: 2) – é.˹sag˺.˹íl˺ (NaplB4/2a: 3) – é.˹sag˺.[íl] (NaplC31/2: I 18)

218

Glossary

Ešarra – é.šár.ra (NaplC31/1: III 25; NaplC31/2: III 19) Etemenanki – é.temen.an.ki (NaplC31/1: I 28, III 42, 46; NaplC31/2: I 30, III 43, 49; NaplB6: 14) Ezida – é.zi.da (NaplC31/1: I 16; AMB1: 2; NeglC21/1: I 8; NeglC21/2: I 8; NeglC22: I 29; NeglC23/ 1: I 2, 18, 33, II 12; NeglC23/6: II 14; NeglC022: I 8; NeglB1/1: 2; NeglB1/2: 2) – ˹é˺.zi.da (NeglC22: I 27; NeglC23/2: I 2) – é.zi.˹da˺ (NeglC011: 6’) – ˹é˺.˹zi˺.˹da˺ (NeglC22: I 17) – [é].zi.da (NeglC021: I 1’) – é.˹zi˺.[da] (NeglC21/2: I 8) – é.[zi.da] (NeglC23/7: I 2) – [é.zi].da (NeglC23/6: I 2) Ganṣir – ga-an-ṣir (NaplC32: II 15) Imgur-Enlil – im-gur-den.líl (NaplC11/A1: 5; NaplC11/A2: 5; NaplC11/A4: 5; NaplC11/B1: 4; NaplC11/B2: 4; NaplC32: II 8, III 9) – [i]m-gur-den-líl (NaplC11/A7: 5) – [im-gu]r-den.líl (NaplC11/B3: 4) – [im-gur]-den.líl (NaplC11/A3: 5) – im-[gur-den.líl] (NaplC11/B5: 4) Ka-Ḫegal – ká-ḫé.gál (NeglC23/1: I 23, 29) Ka-Lamma-(a)rabi – ká-dlamma-a-ra-bi (NeglC23/1: I 23, 29) Ka-Utu-e – ká-dutu.è (NeglC23/1: I 23, 29) – ká-˹d˺[utu.è] (NeglC23/4: I 7’) Ka-ude-babbar – ká-u6.de.babbar (NeglC23/1: I 23) – ká-u6.de. (NeglC23/1: I 29) Nēmetti-Enlil – ni-mit-ti-d˹en˺.[líl] (NaplC23: II 5)

Glossary

219

Names of Cities, Lands and Peoples Akkade – a-˹kà˺-[dè]˹ki˺ (NeglC22: II 12) – uriki (NaplB6: 4) aššurû – aš-šu-ru-ú (NaplC12/1: 17; NaplC12/2: 17) – áš-šu-ru-ú (NaplC32: I 28) – aš-[šu-ru-ú] (NaplC12/3: 17) Bābil – ba-bi-luki (NaplC32: II 6) – ba-bi-i-lu (NaplB1/5: 2, 3) – ba-bi--i-lu (NaplB1/1: 3) – ba-bi-lamki (NaplC23: II 9, 11; NeglC23/1: I 37, II 16) – [ba]-˹bi˺-lamki (NeglC22: I 1) – ba-bi-limki (NaplC11/A2: 2, 7; NaplC11/B1: 2, 5; NaplC11/B2: 2, 5; NaplC11/B3: 5; NaplC32: II 8, III 4b) – [b]a-bi-limki (NaplC11/B3: 2) – tin.tirki (AMB1: 3; AMV4: 2, 3; NeglC21/1: I 1, 13; NeglC23/1: I 14; NeglB1/1: 1, NeglB1/2: 1; NeglV1: 2) – tin.˹tir˺[ki] (NaplC011: 2; AMPS1: 1, 2) – [tin.tir]˹ki˺ (NeglC23/6: I 13) – ká.dingirmeš (NaplC23: II 8) – ká.dingir.raki (NaplC11/A1: 2, 7, 14; NaplC11/A2: 16; NaplC11/A3: 2, 14; NaplC11/A4: 2, 7, 14; NaplC11/A7: 2, 7; NaplC21/1: I 2; NaplC21/2: I 2; NaplC21/3: I 2; NaplC22: II 19; NaplC31/1: I 7, 9, 29; NaplC31/2: I 7, 10, 31; NaplB4/2b: 1, 3; NaplB5/1: 2, 5; NaplB6: 2; NaplB7: 2; AMB1: 1; NeglC22: I 32, II 8; NeglC23/1: I 1, II 17; NeglC022: I 1) – ká.dingir.rak[i] (NaplC22: I 3) – [ká].dingir.raki (NaplC11/A3: 7) – ˹ká˺.˹dingir˺.˹ra˺[ki] (NeglC22: I 20) – ká.˹dingir˺.[raki] (NeglC23/7: I 1; NeglC23/8: I 1) – [ká.dingir].raki (NeglC23/2: I 1) – [ká.dingir.ra]ki (NeglC23/6: I 1) – ˹ká˺.˹dingir˺˹ki˺ (NeglC22: I 19) – ká.[dingir].raki (NaplB4/2a: 3) – ká.IIki (NaplB1/1: 2) Borsippa – bára.sipaki (NeglC22: I 26) Eridu – nunki (NaplC32: II 21b) Erṣet-Bābili – er-ṣe-tim ká.dingir.raki (NeglC23/1: II 16)

220 Māt – – – –

Glossary

Akkadî kur ak-ka-di-i (NaplC12/1: 21) [kur ak]-ka-di-i (NaplC12/2: 21) ˹kur˺ ˹ak˺-˹ka˺-di-i (NaplC12/3: 21) ma-at ak-ka-di-i (NaplC32: I 29, II 3)

Māt Šumeri – kur šu-me-ri (NaplB6: 3)

Māt – – – –

Šumeri u (Māt) Akkadî ma.da šu-me-rí-im / ù ak-ka-di-i (NaplC22: I 4–4b) ma.da šu-me-rí-im / ù ak-ka-di-im (NaplC31/1: I 10–10b) ma.da šu-me-ra-am / ù ak-ka-di-im (NaplC31/2: I 11–12) ma.da [šu-me-rí-im u ak-ka-di-i] (NaplC23: I 3)

Sippar – ud.kib.nunki (NaplC21/1: I 11, II 4; NaplC21/2: I 11, II 5; NaplC21/3: II 5; NaplB7: 11, 21; NaplC22: II 18) – ud.kib.˹nun˺ki (NaplC21/4: I 3’) – ud.kib.[nunki] (NeglC022: II 1) – [ud.kib].˹nun˺ki (NaplC21/3: I 11)

Šuanna – šu.an.naki (NaplC12/1: 22; NaplC12/2: 22; NaplC12/3: 22; NeglC23/1: I 36) – šu.an.na[ki] (NeglC23/8: I 7’b)

Šubarīu (Šubarû) – su-ba-ru-um (NaplC31/1: I 25; NaplC31/2: I 27)

Names of Rivers and Canals Araḫtu íd – a-ra-aḫ-ti (NaplB4/2a: 4; NaplB4/2b: 4) íd – a-ra-aḫ-tim (NaplC11/B2: 6; NaplC11/B3: 6; NaplC31/1: II 7; NaplC32: II 33)

– a-ra-aḫ-tim (Napl C32: II 35) ˹íd˺ – a-˹ra˺-aḫ-tim (NaplC11/B1: 6) íd – a-r[a]-aḫ-tim (NaplC31/2: II 11)

Lībil-ḫegalla – li-bi-il-ḫé-gál-la (NeglC22: I 32) – ˹li˺-˹bi˺-˹il˺-˹ḫé˺-˹gál˺-˹lu (NeglC22: II 3)

Glossary

221

Purattu íd – ud.kib.nun (NaplC21/1: I 14, II 3; NaplC21/2: I 14, II 4; NaplC21/3: II 4; NaplC21/4: I 6’) íd – ud.kib.nunki (NaplB7: 14, 20; NeglC23/1: II 18, 21) ˹íd˺ – ˹ud˺.˹kib˺.nun (NaplC21/3: I 14) – ˹íd˺ud.kib.nunki (NeglC23/6: II 1) íd – ud.[kib.nunki] (NeglC23/2: II 2)

222

Indices

Indices Divine names Adad 88. Aja 69, 71–72. Anu 26, 92, 96. Anunnaki 26–27, 88, 96–97, 100, 119. Aššur 1. Bēl 27, 62–63, 97, 104. Bēlet-Eanna 124. Dagan 26, 96. Ea (Enki) 19, 24, 26, 88, 96, 99, 123, 143. Enlil 11, 16, 26, 62, 75–76, 88, 92, 96, 119, 133. Ereškigal 100. Erra (see also Nergal) 8, 15, 17, 71, 73, 75– 77, 88–89, 122–123, 132. Igigi 26–27, 88, 96–97, 100, 119. Ilaba 103. Ištar 26, 75, 96, 101. Lugalirra 26, 96, 101. Mār-bīti 123. Marduk 3, 6, 8–12, 15–18, 20, 23, 25–28, 35, 38, 42–43, 47, 50, 52, 54, 62–63, 65, 69, 71, 73–76, 79, 88–89, 95–99, 103–104, 118–120, 122–124, 132–133, 136–137, 140–143.

Meslamtaea 17, 26, 96, 101. Nabû 3, 5, 8, 11–12, 16–17, 19–20, 25–27, 38, 42, 50, 54, 62–63, 69, 71, 75–76, 88, 96–97, 99, 118, 122, 132–133, 135– 137, 141. Nergal 8, 15, 17, 26, 62, 96, 100. Ninmah 13. Ninmenna 25, 62, 95, 98. Ninurta 26, 28, 55–56, 62, 96. Nissaba 88. Niššiku 25, 62, 96, 99, 123. Panunanki (see also Ṣarpanītu) 27, 97. Sîn 137. Ṣarpanītu 27, 97. Šamaš 8, 11, 13, 24, 26–27, 62, 69, 72–73, 75–76, 88, 96–97, 103–104, 123, 137– 139, 141–142. Šamšu (see also Šamaš) 73. Šarrat-Sippar 9, 71, 73. Šaššu (see also Šamaš) 8, 71, 73. Šazu (see also Marduk) 5–6, 62, 96, 99. Tašmētu 25, 62, 96. Uraš 75.

Personal names Amēl-Marduk 1, 12–14, 30, 32, 106–111. Assurbanipal 91, 124. Bēl-šum-iškun 14–15, 118, 132, 136. Belshezzar 92. Berossos 13–14. Cyrus 72, 97, 104. Egibi 14. En-nigaldi-Nanna 120. Esarhaddon 16. Hammurabi 70, 105. Maništūšu 103. Megasthenes 13.

Nabonidus 1–4, 7, 13–15, 18, 21–23, 31, 51, 72, 97, 100, 103–104, 120, 137–138, 142. Nabopolassar passim. Nabû-balāssu-iqbi 15. Nabû-šum-līšir 9–10, 89. Narām-Sîn 103. Nebuchadnezzar 1, 3–4, 9–10, 12–14, 17– 18, 22–23, 31, 63, 72, 89–90, 97–98, 106, 109–111, 124, 137, 140, 142–143. Neriglissar passim. Rīmuš 103. Sennacherib 99, 101.

Indices

Sîn-šar-iškun 6. Sîn-šum-līšir 6.

Šamaš-ibni 16. Šamaš-šum-ukīn

223

91.

Geographical names, names of rivers and canals, and names of peoples Abū-Ḥabbah 64, 73. Akadê 123. Akkad 6–8, 25, 43, 62, 71, 75, 88, 96, 98– 99, 103–104. Amran 41. Arahtu (also Arahtu-canal) 3, 26–27, 54, 88, 96, 101–102, 135. Aramean 7, 14, 16. Assur 8. Assyria 3, 5–8, 10, 65, 71–73, 76–77, 103. Assyrian 1, 3–9, 12, 25–26, 56, 62, 71–73, 79, 88, 90, 94, 96, 99, 101, 103. Babylon passim. Banītu-Canal 124. Bīt-Dakkūri 16. Borsippa 3, 13, 20, 91, 123, 133, 135, 137, 140, 142. Brisa 3, 22, 72, 90, 98. Chaldean 7. Cilicia 14, 20, 135, 137. Cutha 3, 8, 17. Dakkūru 7. Eastern-Canal (see also Lībil-hegalla) 124, 133. Ebih 102. Eridu 26, 96, 99. es-Sahan 79. Euphrates 3, 13, 19, 26–27, 30, 43, 63, 69, 96, 101, 106, 123, 133, 135. Harran 8, 76. Homera 125.

Hume 137. Ishin-Aswad 41. Jerusalem 14. Kadingirra (a city district in Babylon) 19, 133, 137. Kalhu 8. Kiš 124. Larsa 3, 11, 14, 24, 104–105. Lebanon 1, 137. Lībil-hegalla 14, 18, 23, 120, 123–124. Marad 3, 31. Medes 8. Merkes 31, 45. Nahr el-Kalb 72. Nār-hegalla 135. Nineveh 3, 7–8, 76. Nippur 11, 31, 92. Piriddu 137. Puqūdu 14–15. Purattu (see also Euphrates) 102. Sealand 98. Sippar 2–3, 8–14, 19, 22, 24, 31, 43, 63– 64, 69–74, 139–143. Sippar-Anunnītu 14. Šuanna (a city district in Babylon) 26, 62. Subarean 8, 71, 88, 90. Sumer 43, 71, 75, 88, 100. Susa 12, 32, 107–109, 143. Syria 14. Ur 98. Uruk 3, 92, 98.

Names of constructions, divine elements and festivals Aj-ibūr-šabû 123–124, 133. Akītu 133. Ālu-eššu 123.

Arahtu-wall 30, 38–42. Ebabbar (Larsa) 134. Ebabbar (Sippar) 9–11, 19, 64, 100, 142–143.

224

Indices

E-edinna 3, 9, 12, 22, 70–71, 73. Ehulhul 2–3, 31. Ekitušgarza 124. Ekunankuga (é.kun4.an.kù.ga) 141. Ekur 11, 31, 92. Emah 31, 93, 134, 137. Embankment 3, 30, 33, 35–38. Emeslam 17, 123, 141–142. é.PA.GÌN.ti.la 3, 5, 11, 24, 26, 31, 54, 56, 62–63. Esagil 3, 9, 11, 14–15, 17–18, 42, 76, 88, 106, 113–114, 118–119, 123, 132–133, 136–137, 141–142. Ešarra 89, 92. Etemenanki 3, 7, 31, 40, 42–43, 76–77, 79, 88–89. Eurmeiminanki 101, 140. Eulla 72.

Ezida 3, 13, 15, 17, 88, 106, 113, 118, 123, 132–133, 136–137, 141–142. Ganṣir 26, 96, 100. Gate of Abundance 133. Gate of Dazzling Wonder 133. Gate of the Guardian Angel 133. Gate of the Sunrise 133. Imgur-Enlil 3, 5, 11, 22, 25–27, 30–31, 39– 40, 44, 50, 54, 77, 93–94, 96–98, 100. Ištar-Gate (also Ishtar Gate) 26, 31, 35, 51, 54, 93, 96. Kasr 35, 39–41, 73–74, 110. Nēmetti-Enlil 3, 73–75, 77, 98. North Palace 13. South Palace (also Old Palace) 30–31, 45, 51, 112, 125. Uraš-Gate 27, 54, 96. Zababa-Gate 124.

Selected Akkadian Words and Expressions anḫūtu 104. ašru 73. banû 90. bari 124. binût Ninmenna 12. bīt guršu 123. bīt rēš 92. bīt simmagir 14. bukru 92. bukru rēštû 92. bursaggû 18, 119–120. ebīḫu 102. ēdil pī māt ajābi 100. emqu 142. enšu 12. ēpiš Imgur-Enlil ana Marduk bēlīja eṭlu qardu 138. ginû 100. ḫaṭṭu 16. ḫiṣib šadî u tâmāti 91. ibratu 101. kanšu 12. kasû 134. kiništu 18, 119–120. kinnû 100.

12.

kinnû zaqru 100. kisû 19, 133–134, 137. maškan tilpāni 101. mēlittu (mēlītu) 100. migir Bēl u Marduk 72. migir Marduk 72. migir Šamšu 72. muddiš Esagil u Ezida 13. mukīn išdī māti 72. musukkannu 88. mušḫuššu 19, 98, 133. mušteʾʾû bēl bēlī 73. mušteʾʾû sakkī ša ilī rabûtim 73. mutnennû 142. muttû libitti ša waḫrâtim 102. narām Aja 12, 72. narām Marduk 72. narām Nabû 72. nasāku 102. nasqu 102. nesû 101. pāliḫ ilāni 12. pašāḫu 104. patāqu 90. pitqa patāqu 90.

Selected Sumerian words and logograms

qarrād qarrādī 72. rābiṣu 77. ramku 18. ramkūtu 119–120. rēštû 92. rēʾû nibīt Marduk 12. rubû 15. rubû emqu 17. rubû naʾdu 12, 17. rubû narām Ninšiku 12. saniq 124. simmagir 16. ṣalmu 91. ṣapšu 89, 91. ṣapšu namru 91. ṣebû 101. ṣulūlu 142. šaḫṭu 73. šakkanak Bābili 12. šakkanakku 88. šalḫû 77. šar Akkadê 17. šar Bābili 12, 15, 17, 72. šar kiššati 8. šar māt Šumeri u Akkadî 12, 72. šar mīšari 12. šarru dannu 12, 72, 76. ša šitnuni šamāmī 100. šatammu 13.

šaṭir 124. šerram 92. šibirru 16–17, 119. širku 9, 92. šīpu 19. šīru/šēru/širru 92. šuluḫḫu 18, 119. šussuku 102. šuteṣbû 101. takkalātu 99. *takkaltu 63, 99. taklīmu 18, 119. tallaktu 99. tāraṣu 142. tarbaṣ karāši 101. temēnnu (temennu) 91, 101. tilpānu 101. tiriṣ qāti 38. tiriṣ qāt Nabû u Marduk 12. tiriṣ qāt Nabû u Tašmētu 12, 99. tupšikku 9–11, 26–27, 62, 75–76, 89, 91, 96–97. uddušu 104. (u)sukku 18–19, 123–124, 133. ušparu 16–17, 119. wašru 12. zābil tupšikka ša Anunnaki 12. zāʾiru (zajjāru) 89. zānin Esagil u Ezida 13.

Selected Sumerian words and logograms igi.tab

122.

225

226

Indices

Texts, text numbers and museum numbers (selection) (The texts edited in this volume are included in a selection) BM 51770 10. BM 78909 10. BM 84110 142. Enūma eliš VII 35 99. Frayne 1990 E4.3.6.12 4 105. Frayne 1990 E4.3.6.12, 20–24 70. Frayne 1990 E2.1.2.4. 73–78 103. Gerardi 1986 33 l. 12 104. Gerardi 1986 34 l. 10 99. Gerardi 1986 36 l. 10–14 6. Gerardi 1986 35 ll. 10–11 98. Gerardi 1986 35 ll. 12–15 6. Gerardi 1986 35 ll. 14–15 104. Glassner 2004 228 rev. 2’ 10. Grayson 1975 30–31, I 7–25 7. Grayson 1975 78–86, III 5 104. Grayson 1975 78–86, III 20 73, 77. Hunger 1968 46, Nr. 107, 5 99. KH I 40–44 124. KH XLVII (Rs. XXIV) 81 102. KH XLVIII (Rs. XXV) 99 102. Lambert 1996 [1960], 112 l. 26 (Fig. 31: 26) 120. NaplC11/A2 5–19 11. NaplC12/1 8–12 6. NaplC12/1 17 99. NaplC12/1 17–18 8, 25f. NaplC12/1 22–30 26. NaplC12/1 31–37 27. NaplC12/1 38–39 27–28. NaplC12/1 39–41 28. NaplC22 II 1–4 142. NaplC23 I 2–3 72. NaplC23 I 14–19 11. NaplC23 II 1–4 11. NaplC31/1 I 17–18 73. NaplC31/1 II 32 143. NaplC32 I 7–23 5. NaplC32 I 28–31 25. NaplC32 I 24–33 8. NaplC32 II 5 90. NaplC32 II 6–41 26. NaplC32 II 31–32 11. NaplC32 III 11–21 27.

NaplC32 III 16–18 27. NaplC32 III 22–29 27. NaplC32 III 30–33 27. NaplC32 III 30–36 27. NaplC32 III 34–36 28. NebkB14 2–3 137. NebkC211/1 II 25 137. NebkC212/1 II 1–2 101, 140. NebkC213 I 12–18 98. NebkC31/1 III 19–22 142. NebkC31/2 III 25–36 143. NebkC35/1 III 39–40 137. NebkC36 I 52 90. NebkC36 II 7–10 134f. NebkC36 II 22–24 98. NebkC38/1 I 72 90. NebkC39 II 1–10 137. NebkC41 46*–47* 143. NebkC41 68*–87* 76. NebkC033 I 4’-5’ 140. NebkC041/5 I 22’ 140. NebkC212/1 II 1–2 101. NeglC21/1 I 1–14 15. NeglC21/1 I 8–9 137. NeglC21/1 I 15–25 16. NeglC21/1 I 24–25 137. NeglC21/1 I 26–27 16. NeglC21/1 I 28–35 16. NeglC21/1 I 36–37 17. NeglC21 II 9–28 18. NeglC22 I 1–20 15. NeglC22 I 1–18 17. NeglC22 I 23 143. NeglC22 I 32–37 18. NeglC23/1 I 1–14 15. NeglC23/1 I 15–20 17. NeglC23/1 I 18–20 123. NeglC23/2 I 21–32 19. NeglC23/1 II 1–11 124. NeglC23/1 II 6–11 19. NeglC23/1 II 15–30 19. NeglC011 1’–12’ 15. NeglC011 13’–18’ 20. NeglC011 13’–18’ 16.

Indices

NeglC011 19’–26’ 19. NeglC021 II’ 23f. NeglC021 II’ 1’–16’ 18. NeglC022 I 7’–II 14 19. NeglC022 II 24. Prism IV 22’ 14. Prism IV 24’ 14. Schaudig 2001 2.1 2 I 22-II 2 100. Schaudig 2001 2.7 II 20 120. Schaudig 2001 2.9 1 I 12 104. Schaudig 2001 3.1 1 II 5 137. Schaudig 2001 3.1 2 III 24–25 138. ST II 19–23 138. Streck Asb. 42 iv 125 120. TCL 3 416 142. Tintir V 57–58 77. WBA I 12–13 137.

WBA WBA WBA WBA WBA WBC WBC WBC WBC WBC WBC WBC WBC WBC WBC

III 10–18 138. VI 44 90. VII 54–55 124. VIII 1–6 124. XIII 3’ 90. I 12 137. IIIb 14* 90. IIIb 27* 90. IVb 12*–13* 124. IVb 14*–22* 124. IVb 23*–26* 124. V 6–11 98. VII 13 91. VII 45 90. VIII 41–43 140.

227

228

Concordance

Concordance Arkeoloji Müzeleri (Istanbul) EŞ, unnumbered

AMV

Babylon Excavations, Koldewey Bab. Bab. Bab. Bab. Bab. Bab. Bab. Bab. Bab. Bab. Bab. Bab. Bab. Bab. Bab. Bab. Bab. Bab. Bab. Bab. Bab. Bab. Bab. Bab. Bab. Bab. Bab. Bab. Bab. Bab. Bab. Bab. Bab. Bab. Bab. Bab.

  (VA ) , Bab. , Bab. , , Bab. , Bab. , , Bab. , Bab. , , Bab. , Bab. , , Bab. , Bab. , , Bab. , Bab. , , and the Berlin Ex. VA Bab  , Bab. , Bab. , , Bab. , and Bab.   (VA Bab. )  (VA Bab. )    , Bab. , Bab. –    (fragment), and Bab. .   (?)     , Bab. , Bab. , , Bab. , Bab. , , Bab.  –,Bab. –, –, Bab. , –. , Bab. , Bab.  , Bab. , Bab. , and  

AMPS NaplC/A NaplB/

NaplB/ NeglC/ NeglC/ NeglC/ NaplB/ NaplB/ NaplB/ NaplB/ NaplB/ NaplB/ NaplC/A NeglB NaplC/A NeglC/ NeglC/ NeglC/ NaplB/

NaplB/

NaplB/ NaplB/ NaplB/

Iraq Museum (Baghdad)

Bab. Bab. Bab. Bab.

BE BE BE BE

   

(VA (VA (VA (VA

Bab. Bab. Bab. Bab.

) ) ) )

NaplC/ NaplC/ NaplC/ NaplC/

British Museum (London) BM BM BM BM BM BM BM BM BM BM BM BM BM

            

NaplC/A NeglC/ NeglC/ NaplC/ NaplB (=NaplC/) NaplC/ NeglC NaplC/ (lump) NaplC/ NaplC/ NaplC/ NaplC NeglC/

Carlos Museum (Atlanta) CM .

NaplC/A

Collection F. M. Th. de Liagre Böhl (Leiden) LB 

NeglC

Iraq Museum (Baghdad) IM  IM  IM -B- (IM )

NaplC/B NaplC/A NaplC/B’

229

230

Concordance

Larsa excavations L. .

NaplC

Nebuchadnezzar-Museum (Babylon) A A A A A

Babylon Babylon Babylon Babylon Babylon

    

NaplC/A NaplC/B NaplC/B’ NaplC NaplC/B

Pennsylvania University Museum (Philadelphia) CBS 

NaplC/

Objects in private collections (reported by Berger 1973) Private

NaplC/

St. Louis Public Library (St. Louis) SLPL W / (Grolier Nr. )

NeglC

Susa excavations Nr. 

AMV

Trinity College (Cambridge) ANE..

NeglC/

Yale Babylonian Collection (New Haven)

Unnumbered objects Unnumbered Unnumbered Unnumbered Unnumbered Unnumbered Unnumbered Unnumbered Unnumbered Unnumbered Unnumbered ( exemplars) Unnumbered ( exemplars) Unnumbered ( exemplar)

NaplB/ NaplB/ NaplB/ NaplB/ NaplB/ NaplB AMV AMV NeglV AMB NeglB NeglB

Vorderasiatisches Museum (Berlin) VA VA VA VA VA VA VA VA VA VA VA

 (Bab. ) Bab.  (Bab. ) Bab.  (Bab. ) Bab.  (Bab. BE ) Bab.  (Bab. BE ) Bab.  (Bab. BE ) Bab.  (Bab. BE ) Bab.  Bab  Bab.  Bab. 

NaplC/A NeglC/ NeglC/ NaplC/ NaplC/ NaplC/ NaplC/ NeglC NaplB/ NaplB/ NaplB/

Yale Babylonian Collection (New Haven) YBC 

NaplC

231

232

List of Photographs

List of Photographs The inscriptions of Nabopolassar and Neriglissar listed below are available as digital photographs on the accompanying CD-ROM. The aim of the CD-ROM is to provide high-resolution photographs to study the texts and their palaeography, to analyse their supports and to understand the inscriptions both as texts and archaeological objects. The photographs were taken by professional photographers and are published here with the permission of their respective tablet collections and museums. Single credits for the photographs are given in the technical descriptions of each text in the edition. Fig. 1:

NaplB1/5 (VA Bab 4383)

Fig. 2:

NaplB5/1 (VA Bab 4382)

Fig. 3:

NaplB4/2 (VA Bab 4384)

Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig.

NaplC11/A1 NaplC11/A1 NaplC11/A1 NaplC11/A1 NaplC11/A1

4a: 4b: 4c: 4d: 4e:

(VA (VA (VA (VA (VA

5952) 5952) 5952) 5952) 5952)

Fig. 5:

NaplC11/A2 (BM 26263)

Fig. 6a: Fig. 6b: Fig. 6c:

NaplC11/A7 (CarlosM 1921.131) NaplC11/A7 (CarlosM 1921.131) NaplC11/A7 (CarlosM 1921.131)

Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig.

7a: 7b: 7c: 7d:

NaplC12/1 NaplC12/1 NaplC12/1 NaplC12/1

(VA (VA (VA (VA

Bab Bab Bab Bab

630) 630) 630) 630)

Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig.

8a: 8b: 8c: 8d:

NaplC12/2 NaplC12/2 NaplC12/2 NaplC12/2

(VA (VA (VA (VA

Bab Bab Bab Bab

629) 629) 629) 629)

Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig.

9a: 9b: 9c: 9d: 9e:

NaplC12/3 NaplC12/3 NaplC12/3 NaplC12/3 NaplC12/3

(VA (VA (VA (VA (VA

Bab Bab Bab Bab Bab

631) 631) 631) 631) 631)

Fig. 10a: Fig. 10b:

NaplC12/4 (VA Bab 641) NaplC12/4 (VA Bab 641)

List of Photographs

Fig. 10c: Fig. 10d: Fig. 10e:

NaplC12/4 (VA Bab 641) NaplC12/4 (VA Bab 641) NaplC12/4 (VA Bab 641)

Fig. 11:

NaplC21/1 (BM 91104)

Fig. 12:

NaplC21/2 (BM 91105)

Fig. 13:

NaplC21/3 (BM 90910)

Fig. 14:

NaplC21/4 (BM 50842)

Fig. 15:

NaplC22 (BM 91108)

Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig.

NaplC23 NaplC23 NaplC23 NaplC23 NaplC23 NaplC23 NaplC23 NaplC23 NaplC23 NaplC23 NaplC23 NaplC23 NaplC23 NaplC23

16a: 16b: 16c: 16d: 16e: 16f: 16g: 16h: 16i: 16j: 16k: 16l: 16m: 16n:

(YBC (YBC (YBC (YBC (YBC (YBC (YBC (YBC (YBC (YBC (YBC (YBC (YBC (YBC

2309) 2309) 2309) 2309) 2309) 2309) 2309) 2309) 2309) 2309) 2309) 2309) 2309) 2309)

Fig. 17:

NaplC31/2 (BM 91090)

Fig. 18:

NeglC21/1 (BM 113233)

Fig. 19:

NeglC21/2 (BM 32550)

Fig. 20:

NeglC22 (BM 90913)

Fig. 21a: Fig. 21b:

NeglC23/1 (ANE.39.1902) NeglC23/1 (ANE.39.1902)

Fig. 22:

NeglC23/2 (BM 40073)

Fig. 23:

NeglC23/3 (VA Bab 620)

Fig. 24:

NeglC23/4 (VA Bab 610)

233

234

List of Photographs

Fig. 25:

NeglC23/6 (VAM Ph 2961)

Fig. 26:

NeglC23/6 (VAM Ph 2962)

Fig. 27:

NeglC23/7 (VAM Ph 2741)

Fig. 28:

NeglC23/7 (VAM Ph 3059)

Fig. 29:

NeglC23/8 (VAM Ph 873)

Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig.

NeglC011 NeglC011 NeglC011 NeglC011 NeglC011

30a: 30b: 30c: 30d: 30e:

(SLPL (SLPL (SLPL (SLPL (SLPL

W2/8) W2/8) W2/8) W2/8) W2/8)

Fig. 31a: Fig. 31b: Fig. 31c:

NeglC021 (VA Bab 2659) NeglC021 (VA Bab 2659) NeglC021 (VA Bab 2659)

Fig. 32:

NeglC022 (LB 2124)