The generative structure of the Slovak sentence: Adverbials [Reprint 2017 ed.] 9783111634791, 9783111253466

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JANUA LINGUARUM STUDIA MEMORIAE N I C O L A I VAN W I J K DEDICATA edenda curat C. H. V A N

SCHOONEVELD

Indiana

University

Series Practica

165

THE GENERATIVE STRUCTURE OF THE SLOVAK S E N T E N C E ADYERBI ALS

by

f r a n t i S e k

miko

1972 MOUTON THE HAGUE —PARIS

PUBLISHING HOUSE OF THE SLOVAK ACADEMY OF SCIENCES BRATISLAVA

@ Copyright 1972 in Czechoslovakia Publishing House of the Slovak Academy of Sciences No part of this book may by translated or reproduced in any form, by print, photoprint, microfilm, or any other means, without written permission from the publishers.

L I B R A R Y O F C O N G R E S S C A T A L O G C A R D N U M B E R : 72-

Scientific Editor Dr. Jozef Ruzicka Reviewer Dr. Jan Horecky Translation by S. KostomJatsky

TABLE OF CONTENTS I. Introduction

9

II. The sentence structure Notes on the Phrase-Marker

15 22

III. Problems of Adverbials (Bl's)

29

IV. Generation of individual Bl types A. Optional Bl

49 49

a, Adverbial b, Adverbial c, Adverbial d, Adverbial e, Adverbial f, Adverbial g, Adverbial h, Adverbial i, Adverbial j, Adverbial k, Adverbial 1, Adverbial

of time (Temp) of Place (Loc) of Cause (Caus) of Condition (Cond) of Concession (Cone) of Purpose (Fin) of Effect (Eff) of Manner (Mod) of Measure (Grad) of Means (Instr) of Originator (Auct) of Regard (Resp)

B. Obligatory Bl (Bl°) a, b, c, d, e, f, g, h, i, j,

0

Temp Loc° Fin° Eff° Mod° Grad° Auct° Resp° Rsb° CompP

49 55 58 59 61 62 63 64 67 68 69 71 74 74 75 80 80 81 85 85 86 86 87

6

TABLE OF CONTENTS

V. Transformations in the Bl sphere

89

A. Simple eliminative transformations (T e ] im )

92

1. One-sentence T e l i m 2. Two-sentence T cIim

92 93

3- T a b s

94

B. Zeugmatic transformations (T zeug )

95

Tcoord

95

b, T coreI c > Tsubord

95 96

T^dispar

y Q7

d, T s u p l 1- [Loc] Xemp . 2. [Loc] Mod 3. [Temp] Cond 4. [Loc] Cond 5. [Mod] Cond 6. [Instr] Mod 7. [Sb]Cond> [Ob 4 ] C o n d , [Ob 3 ] Cond 8- [At 2 ] Cond

98 98 99 99 99 99 99 100 101

9. TPdV2

101

[Pdv 2 ] Mod

103

[Pdv2]c„nd,Conc,Caus

104

10. [Pdv] Conc H-Tabs 12. [Grad] 0 b e > Tcompar f,TAt

106 107 107 108 112

C. Condensation transformations (T condens )

114

a, Infinitive transformations (T inf ) [V-infW [V-inf] Resp2

114 114 116

[V-inf] C o n d 2

116

[V-inf] P d v 2

117

b, Gerund transformations (T transgr ) c, Passive transformation (T pass ) d, Nominalization transformations (T nom ) 1. Nominalization proper [V-nor]B,2

117 119 123 123

[A-nor] B 1 2

2. Nominalization transformations without the nor category

•

. . .

124

125

TABLE OF CONTENTS

1, [za (for) N ] P d v 2 2, T fSb V j

7

125 125

{ObjJPdv 3, [ S b

1

^

127

4, [Pdv]Temp2,Eff2

127

5, [N-cas] Temp 6, [Sb'] Loc2 7, [N-cas] Auct , 0b 8, [Pdv, Loc]At2 . . . References

128 129 129 130 131

I. INTRODUCTION* Traditional g r a m m a r generally interprets the sentence as a f o r m o f o n e level, c o m prising all the stages o f sentence construction in o n e representation. In this interpretation the sentence structure is usually sketched by its m o r p h o l o g i c a l a n d lexical exponents. Only recently has the description o f the sentence a s s u m e d a m o r e abstract character: either purely m o r p h o l o g i c a l or purely syntactic. E v e n if the traditional analysis o f a sentence actually distinguished the v a r i o u s stages bute,

of ...),

sentence construction the mutual

(subject

— predicate,

links b e t w e e n these

verb — object,

noun — attri-

stages a n d their hierarchy were

not

sufficiently discussed. T o be sure, traditional g r a m m a r led to considerable k n o w l e d g e in this regard, but its practitioners failed to draw the necessary structural c o n c l u s i o n s . A c c o r d i n g t o the generative e x p l a n a t i o n o f l a n g u a g e 1 the structure o f a sentence is n o t a p h e n o m e n o n that is perceivable at first glance, but must be considered as a * On this occasion I want to express my gratitude to Prof. Jozef Ruzicka, Prof. Jan Horecky, Prof. James S. Holmes, Miss Mary J. Hodor, and Dr. Richard Repka for reading the manuscript and for their valuable suggestions. 1

The best known exposition of this conception is in N. C h o m s k y , Aspects of the Theory of Syntax (Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1965). Cf. further N. C h o m s k y , Topics in the Theory of Generative Grammar (The Hague 1966), of his earlier studies mainly Syntactic Structures (The Hague 1963 3 ), The Logical Basis of Linguistic Theory (The Hague 1964), On the Notion "Rule of Grammar" (Proceedings of Symposia in Applied Mathematics, Volume XII, 1961, pp. 6 — 24), all three published also in Czech translation entitled Syntakticke struktury (Syntactic Structures, Praha 1966); English rev. of orig. by R. B. Lees, Language 33, 1957, p. 357 'ff.; the same author, Some Methodological Remarks on Generative Grammar (Word 17), 1961, p. 219 ff., and his comments on the book of B. F. S k i n n e r , Verbal Behaviour, New York 1957 (Language 35, 1959, p. 26 ff.). Of other literature see J. A. F o d o r — J . J. K a t z , The Structure of Language, in Readings in the Philosophy of Language (N. Jersey 1965, studies by N. C h o m s k y , J. J. K a t z , and P. M. P o s t a l ) ; J. J. K a t z —P. M. P o s t a l , An Integrated Theory of Linguistic Description (Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1964); E. B a c h , An Introduction to Transformational Grammars (New York —ChicagoSan Francisco 1964 2 ); R. B. Lees, The Grammar of English Nominalizations (Bloomington, Indiana 1960); E. L a n g , Terminologie der generativen Grammatik (Vorläufige Zusammenstellung, mim., Berlin 1967); Thesen über die theoretischen Grundlagen einer wissenschaftlichen Grammatik, Studia grammatica (Berlin 1962); M. Bier wisch, Ein Modell für die syntaktische Struktur deutscher Nominalgruppen (Zeitschrift für Phonetik, Sprachwissenschaft und Kommunikationsforschung 14, 1961, p. 244 ff.); the same author, Grammatik des deutschen Verbs, Studia grammatica II (Berlin 1964); W. M ö t s c h , Syntax des deutschen Adjektivs, Studia grammatica III (Berlin 1964).

10

INTRODUCTION

process of successive segmentation, shifting it from the most abstract stage, where it exists as an absolutely abstract idea symbolized by the sign S (sentence), to progressively lower stages until we arrive at the concrete form of the sentence actually pronounced. At each stage in this process of shifting only one change takes place, so that the whole process is theoretically (and pragmatically) surveyable and controllable, and every new component can be explicitly defined. Each such shift in structure, that is to say a shift of one component from a higher stage to a lower one, is recorded by a symbolic notation in a rule, which has a lefthand side (a symbol that is the input of sentence analysis), and a right-hand side (a symbol or a string of symbols that is the output of sentence analysis), and a sign of rewriting i.e. of their generative relation. This sign is an expression of the generative correspondence of the two sides, and thus in fact the very embodiment of the generative aspect of the generative conception of language. A summation of all the rules constitutes the grammar, which is the generative reproduction of the structure of all real and possible sentences of the language in question. Thus the grammar becomes a generator of sentences. The language itself is in turn the summation of all the sentences that can be produced by the grammar as its output. A grammar has formational rules (the formational part of grammar) and transformational rules (the transformational part of grammar). The formational rules are, in keeping with their character, branching rules, representation rules, subcategorization rules, and interpretation rules. In the case of each individual rule, it is not only the core of the rule that is important, but also the conditions of restriction, which point out the structural links between the generated unit and the context. This deals completely with the essence of context-sensitive grammar. The shifting of the sentence from one stage to another represents its generation, and at the same time its analysis. The advantage of this linguistic approach over the older genetic theories lies in the fact that the generative description of a language restricts itself to those structural elements that are univocally determined by their place in the corresponding rule of grammar. Vague and poorly defined concepts are excluded in such a description of the sentence. The new elements that appear in the generative rule on its right-hand side must correspond strictly to the principle of immediate constituents (IC): in other words every unit is broken down into its nearest lower components. Otherwise "leaps" and "gaps" in structure would make themselves manifest. The shift of sentence structure from the most abstract stage S to concrete sentences (the so-called idio-sentences) represents, in fact, a shift from the deep sentence structure to its surface structure. Unlike Saussure's discontinuous opposition of "langue" and "parole" Chomsky's approach makes the deep structure and the surface structure one connected whole. On the other hand, Chomsky's theory has resulted in a new opposition of "competence" and "performance", that is the mastering of a grammar and the concrete acts of speech.

INTRODUCTION

11

The terms deep structure and surface structure should be interpreted as follows. The deep structure is the structure common to all concrete sentences. This means that from one deep structure we can derive an unlimited number of concrete structures, that is to say, idio-sentences. From this point of view the Phrase-Marker (PM), which represents a summation of all the rules, does not specify the structure of just one idio-sentence, but is in fact the generator of all idio-sentences. It is a so-called archi-sentence, resulting in its output in idio-sentences. The generative aspect of sentences as such is not so conspicuous on the first plane, but rather their analysis, in the performance of which the generative aspect serves as an instrument. It might be said that the sentence structure is revealed by the process of sentence generation. In opposition to the traditional static conception of sentence structure as a simultaneous coexistence of all its constituents, generative grammar introduces the element of successiveness, and along with it the element of "abstract", "systemic" time (before, after, initially, finally, input, output...). The hierarchy of sentence structure can be satisfactorily explained and demonstrated in the succession of single abstract stages in the process of sentence generation. As we have pointed out, one important side of the particular form of generative grammar which was described by Chomsky is a contextual limitation of some rules. Not until these limiting, context-sensitive supplements have been applied does a grammatical rule acquire a more definite character. Traditional grammar theory has dealt only sporadically with the problem of limitation in the distribution of linguistic units. The generative conception of language also endeavours to comprehend explicitly all the constituents and concepts or categories of sentence structure. In the case of many of them traditional syntax often operated more or less in the dark. But generative analysis does not rely on overt categories only, that is to say, on such categories as are formally indicated. Instead, it also works with covert abstract categories that are not explicitly signalled in the sentence but can be reconstructed as abstract "interstages" that are necessary if we are to comprehend and interpret the structural spreads and gaps correctly. Between the predicate and the concrete verb, for instance, there are a number of abstract interstages: Pd -* VP -* MV -*• Vtr -* nosit' [n-o-s-i-t"]. It is true that traditional grammar distinguishes most of these interstages, but it employs them only as means or matter of classification and not as direct instruments of reproducing sentence structure. And here we encounter another significant step made forward by generative grammar. The generative approach vindicates the structural aspect as primary in contrast to the traditional stress laid on the systematic (taxonomic) view of language. It stands to reason that the adherents of the generative conception do not deny the systemic character of language, nor does traditional analysis altogether ignore the structural aspect of language, as is sometimes stated in polemic discussions. The only trouble lies in the fact that the traditionalists have declared the systemic conception absolute. The dominant idea of the system has even

INTRODUCTION

12

o u s t e d structural (syntagmatic) p o i n t s o f v i e w f r o m the very syntax. T h u s w e read a b o u t the system o f sentence members, a b o u t the system o f sentence t y p e s , 2 a n d so on. In the generative m o d e l o f the sentence the systemic aspect is included only as a n auxiliary

moment,

incorporated

in the

form

o f subcategorization

alternatives.

T h e s e alternatives o n the right-hand side o f the subcategorization rules in this m o d e l are in correspondence with the paradigmatic aspect o f tradional g r a m m a r . 2 i T h e generative c o n c e p t i o n strictly m a i n t a i n s the coherence o f its t h e o r y . 3 Its a x i o m s are binding. It is therefore sensitive to theoretical d e v i a t i o n s a n d admits alternative treatment to a l o w e r degree t h a n the traditional a p p r o a c h . Since f o r the traditionalists the postulate o f analysis c o m p l e x i t y is n o t so urgent as f o r the generative grammar. 3 " V i e w e d consistently, the p r o b l e m o f c o m p l e x i t y d o e s n o t permit us t o deal with partial p r o b l e m s before w e have s o l v e d central questions. Strictly deductive theory is sure t o resist impulses c o m i n g f r o m the empirical plane m o r e resolutely, 4 2

Cf. the syntactic miscellany Otazky slovanske syntaxe II. Strukturni typy slovanske vety a jejich vyvoj. (Questions of Slavic Syntax). (Structural Types of the Slavic Sentence and their Development), Brno 1968. 2a See J. B r o z o v i c , A Contribution to the Discussion on H. Birnbaum's Syntagmatische und paradigmatische Phonologie (in Phonologie der Gegenwart, Graz—Wien —Koln 1967, p. 344 ff.). According to this view the system is an alternative aspect of the generative structure. Single members of the system are in conformity with the structuralistic conception determined by privative oppositions. In specification rules this can be reproduced by signs ± used for semantic features: [±abstr], [±anim], etc. See further subcategorization of N, cas.pron, num.... To be sure, the question of the system has not been fully solved yet; for instance, the fact that the generative conception of language assumes besides the generative rules also an inventory of symbols ("vocabulary"), indicates that the system of the language units represents besides the generative structure also an integral dimension of language organization. 3

Cf. M o t s c h , op. cit., p. 12. As for this feature as well as other features of the scientific theory see Thesen tiber die theoretischen Grundlagen..., p. 9 ff., B a c h , op. cit., p. 10 ff., G. T u n i k s , Linguistic Theory in the Transformational Approach (Lingua 16, 1966, p. 371, et. al.). 3a

See A. V. I s a c e n k o , A Contribution to H. Birnbaum's Syntagmatische Phonologie, p. 350.

und paradigmatische

4 As for the dialectics of the theoretical strategy and the empirical stage in scientific knowledge, see I. H r u s o v s k y , Vyvin vedeckeho myslenia (Die Entwicklung des wissenschaftlichen Denkens. Trnava 1942), p. 81 ff.; by the same author, Problemy noetiky (Problems of Noetics, Trnava 1948), p. 45 ff., 57 ff. Naturally, the generative grammar does not deny the part played by the empirical instances in the development of a theory; it only refers the facts in the spirit of Cartesian rationalism to the heuristic phase of knowledge and demand to build the theory on a strictly defined hypothetical-deductive basis. Cf. M. B i e r w i s c h , Strukturalismus, Geschichte, Probleme und Methoden (Kursbuch 5, Frankfurt am Main 1966), p. 147 ff.; further S. K. S a u m i a n , Transformacionnaja grammatika (in Novoje v lingvistike II, Moskva 1962), p. 406 ff. This postulate may be theoretically accepted, but in practice it encounters difficulties. When the investigation acquires width and involves details, it often happens that the net work of the deductively built theory is disturbed by newly discovered facts, and it may not even be perceived at once. The stability of the theory becomes thus illusory. The theory must be continually revised.

INTRODUCTION

13

regardless of how liberal an attitude it may assume towards them. This is all the more true if the theory has been derived from restricted and morphologically "meager" linguistic material. 43 In spite of certain reservations springing from the results of detailed morphological investigation of the Slovak language, 5 we insist on the complexity and the coherent character of the generative analysis of language as a methodological asset. Nevertheless, since in the present study we intend to deal with the description of adverbials as heuristically prepared 6 and because we have to do with a language rich in morphology, we have deemed it appropriate to reserve more space for inductive statements (in contrast to a hegemony of deductive relations) than a strict methodology might allow. Whether we are right in doing so will have to be proved by the results obtained. Explicitness and completness are further methodological postulates that the generative theory claims in its support. It is possible to realize these features to a high degree in analytic work thanks to the consistent formalizing of the theory and thanks to the 1C principle. At the same time the symbolic notation facilitates surveyability, control, and, last but not least, simplicity, which is one of the basic criteria for the adequacy or inadequacy of the theory. Finally it is necessary to point out the recursive aspect of grammar, which is of utmost importance for the generative theory. Thanks to this feature it is possible to obtain a cyclic repetition of certain structural operations and thus to generate an unlimited number of sentences. 7 Another source of the generative capacity of grammar is the application of transformational operations to non-terminal structures. A more appropriate incorporation of transformation into the generative model in the latest versions of generative grammar 8 has reduced neither the consistency nor the explanatory power of this theory: on the contrary, it has contributed towards its further progress, and it will prove to be a very useful instrument in the argument and discussions in the present study. 4a

Even so, however, the coherence proves to be an inevitable and useful claim, but we had better see in it the aim than an attained reality. In the name of the immediate contact with the heuristic plane we require the right to operate with temporary incoherences when elaborating single problems. Cf. Fr. D a n e s ' s rev. N. C h o m s k y , Cartesian Linguistics (Jazykovedne aktuality 1,1967, rotaprint, Praha, pp. 17 — 18); also R. M r a z e k , K metodologii strukturniho popisu syntaxe rustiny (On the Methodology of the Structural Description of the Russian Syntax, Ceskoslovenska rusistika 10, 1965, p. 220). 5 J. R u z i c k a and coll., Morfologia slovenskeho jazyka SAV, Bratislava 1966; in further MS J). 6

(Morphology of the Slovak Language,

Cf. my chapter Adverbiale (Adverbials) for the collective monograph Syntax slovenskeho jazyka (Syntax of the Slovak Language, Jazykovedny ustav L. Stura SAV — Linguistic institute L. S. SAV, Bratislava). 7

B a c h , op. cit., pp. 10, 16.

8

C h o m s k y , Aspects, p. 128 ff.

14

INTRODUCTION

As our commentary on the single aspects of the generative conception indicates, we have found it impossible to restrict our attention in this study exclusively to the problem of adverbials; rather, the discoveries made in this specific field of syntax have led us to approach some central questions of syntax and to suggest certain changes. For this reason we must first concern ourselves with the questions of sentence structure in general. The problems concerning adverbials will not be treated in their full due at every relevant point. It is just here that the semantic interpretation will interfere most extensively with the structural description. An elaboration of the former must, however, be proceded by a skeleton elaboration of adverbials, a task we are attempting to perform in this study. But to make up for this drawback, we shall emphasize on an elaboration of the transformational aspect of adverbials, doing so more thoroughly than could be surmised on the basis of assumption. And in our opinion it is precisely this part of our work that presents some fundamental approaches to syntax. As we endeavour in this study to make the best use of all the knowledge obtained by traditional studies, we intend to effect a confrontation of the generative model of language with traditional structural views on a larger scale as is customary in generative literature.

II. THE S E N T E N C E S T R U C T U R E Noam C h o m s k y , 9 in evaluating such syntactic concepts as subject, predicate, object, and attribute, argues convincingly that these concepts are in a way superfluous, since they attempt to express what appears to be evident from the context. For instance, in the first formation rule in the sentence analysis S

NP'aux'VP10

it is evident that NP performs the syntactic function of subject. Chomsky expresses this relation, the function Subject-of, with the formula [NP, 5], This functional relation is sufficiently clear and specified in the above formation rule. Another objection which Chomsky raises against the concepts subject, predicate, object...11 is that these terms, while giving names to what even without such names is quite clear to us from structural connections, say very little about the relation they are to reproduce when isolated from such structural connections. When, however, we compare the concepts NP (Nominal Phrase), VP (Verbal Phrase)... on the one hand, and on the other hand the concepts Sb (Subject), Pd (Predicate), Ob (Object), At (Attribute), Bl (Adverbial), 12 Pdv (Predicative, that is noun, adjective, or adverb in the predicate, in the one-member sentence structure, 13 or secondarily in the jo-called complement 14 ), we cannot but admit that without the above-men9

Ibid., p. 63 ff., particularly p. 71 ff. The sign "'indicates syntactic connection, symbol aux represents predicative or actualizing categories of the verb (tense, mood, person...); see J. R u z i i k a , Zäkladne sporne otäzky slovenskej skladby (The Fundamental Controversial Problems of the Slovak Syntax, Jazykovedne stüdie 4, SAV, Bratislava 1959), p. 14 ff. 10

11

Cf. the likewise disagreeing attitude of J. J. K a t z — P . M. P o s t a l (An Integrated Theory, pp. 33 ff., 68, and Note 3) who maintain that there are no grammatical reason for introducing those terms into syntactic analysis. 12 We have chosen the symbol Bl for adverbials because all the precedent letters of this word before bl are already used in generative papers as symbols for other categories. 13 Here we have to deal with the basis of the so-called subjectless sentences (cf. R u z i C k a , op. cit., p. 24). 14 The "complement" (secondary predicate, predicative attribute, Ergänzung) is in the Czechoslovak grammatical, tradition either a nominal or adjectival component which is related to the subject through the medium of verb (narodil sa slepy — he was born blind; urobili ho poslancom — the made him an M. P.). We shall deal with these problems in the chapter on transformation.

16

THE SENTENCE STRUCTURE

tioned structural connections the first set of concepts tells us even less about the respective syntactic functions than the second. In the simple notation 5 ->• NP~aux~VP the syntactic relations aie definitely transparent. Yet, there are more complicated notations, for instance in connection with transformational rules, where the relations need not appear so explicit. And finally there are frequent cases in which the categories NP, VP ... are treated separate from structural relations and when it is often necessary to state what syntactic status the respective categories have. 15 To be sure, with the method suggested by S. K l i m a 1 6 it is possible to indicate the necessary information: [NP]S (NP with the symbol S subaffixed to it) is in fact NP in the function of subject, [ N P ] y p is NP in the function of object and so on. It is just the above-mentioned and also some other complications — as for instance the need to differentiate between Ob and Bl — that justify the demand for distinguishing the "higher" syntactic categories as Sb, Pd... The main reason for introducing these categories in the Phrase-Marker is, however, the structural one. In the first formation rules, the symbol aux appears. This category indicates, in fact, the predicate function, which is executed by the adjacent constituent VP. If it is so, the syntactic function (it is valid also for the other functions) does, actually, not remain implicit as Chomsky affirms. As the category aux is inherently connected with VP (resp. with V) and the concatenation aux" VP does not lead directly to the category S, there must be a mediating member Pd, which is not merely an indication of syntactic function but it includes in itself also the performer of this function. It is even the principle of IC that it requires. The constituent Pd is a highly syntactic category. After introducing the concepts of Sb, Pd... into sentence structure it is necessary to take into account the rules Sb —• NP, Pd —• aux" VP. In dealing with rules of this type we must make sure of precisely what they mean. There are at least two aspects to this meaning. By introducing symbols Sb, Pd, Ob... we have drawn a distinct line between what is often called purely syntactic level in sentence structure (syntactic in the narrower sense of the word, in contrast to the broader sense adopted in generative, literature) and the morphological level — just as these two levels are distinguished in Slovak Grammar in the light of the latest research. 17 The rules presented therefore undertake the shifting of the sentence structure from the syntactic 15

In this way we can greatly simplify the notation, particularly in the tranformation formulae. To be sure, the question of simplicity is not a purely practical matter: it is usually the IC principle that is in its backround. Thus it is an essential question. 16 17

E. S. Klima, Negation in English (in The Structure of Language, p. 246 ff.).

MSJ (J. R u z i c k a , Podstata morfológie—Substance of Morphology, p. 21 ff.). Cf. to this conception also J. P. R o n a , Las "partes del discurso" como nivel jerárquico del lenguaje (Litterae Hispanae et Lusitanae, München 1967, p. 433 ff.); further also F. Miko, Sú vzt'ahy medzi slovami len syntaktické? (Are Relations between Words only Syntactic?, in Otázky slovanské syntaxe, Praha 1962, p. 39 ff.).

THE SENTENCE STRUCTURE

17

level to the level of morphological representation. In our opinion it will be useful to take into account the difference between the sentence member as a syntactic category and the part of speech as a morphological category, even in the generative description of sentence. 18 As we shall see from what follows, the aux category (we have to deal with what are called predicative verbal categories, in the Slovak context the "actualization categories" 1 9 ) cannot be derived diiectly from S, so to say on the spot, as it has been done so far ( 5 -»• NP~aux~ VP), since aux is in one way very closely related to VP, as it has been said. But it is also impossible to derive it from the non-specified VP, for an infinitive, for example, cannot possess the aux category. In the latest version of generative syntax we encounter the following solution: the so-called PredicatePhrase is introduced as a mediating member between S and VP.20 This is actually a kind of compromise, since the Predicate-Phrase is in fact Pd. Even if aux is morphologically an exponent of the verb — it represents the defining content of what is called the finite character of the verb - it is, on the other hand, an exponent of the syntactic status of the verb forming the syntactic nucleus of the predicate. As syntactic relations predominate at this stage, it is correct to derive mx from the superimposed category Pd as a regular syntactic category, that is, what may be called the pure predicative feature pd: Pd

pd~VP.

It is not until the next stage that the morphological representation pd -+ uax can be taken into consideration. The need for these concepts and derivation proceduies if not evident at first glance, but it will become clearer once these arguments have been given a fuller explanation. As is obvious from the nature of other languages, which have a highly developed morphology — and these are, no doubt, primarily conclusive for the extent of the conceptual apparatus of linguistic theory — it is necessary to consider the syntactic exponent in relation to each sentence member. 2 1 The sentence member implies the respective syntactic function, which corresponds to the place the member 18

This differentiation is postulated in generative grammar by S. K a r o l y (Preliminary to a Hungarian Generative Grammar, Acta linguistica Academiae Scientiarum Hungariae 17, 3 — 4 , 1967, p. 247 ff.). However he does not tackle the problem in its full extent, but he operates with purely syntactic categories. This differentiation, as well as the simpler system of symbols, enable us to reproduce the sentence structure with greater usefulness and better survey than it has been case in the hitherto published generative papers (see e.g. R. R u z i c k a , Studien zur Theorie der russischen Syntax, Berlin 1962, p. 25 ff., 36 ff., and elsewhere). 19

See Note 10.

20

C h o m s k y , Aspects, pp. 102, 108 and others.

21

This is practiced by K a r o l y (op. cit., p. 248 ff.), but not quite consistently as he formulates the syntactic component as a morphological category.

18

THE SENTENCE STRUCTURE

is allotted in the sentence structure, and also the respective performer of this function. In connection with Sb we therefore have to take into account also Sb

stTNP.

The situation is analogous to other sentence members (Ob -*• ob^NP...). In Slovak the sb and ob categories find their morphological realization in the case category:

We feel justified in presenting this explanation apart from the above-mentioned arguments on the basis of the IC principle, and also because we claim the right to distinguish in the sentence structure mediating abstract categories as well. Contrary to the indications springing from the inflectional character of the Slovak word, in which its categorical segment (categories of case, gender, number, person, tense... represented by the inflectional morpheme) is closely connected with the lexical segment (the stem), by introducing this solution we give preference to the generative view that the categorical segment of the word must be treated as an independent component even on the syntactic level. This view likewise corroborates the assumption that the sentence structure is multidimensional and highly graduated, that it cannot be identified with its "physical" shape, and that it is on the whole right to differentiate the surface structure of the sentence from its deep structure. At the moment when the morphological representation may be assigned to the categories NP, VP, the need for further symbols becomes evident. The NP and VP symbols are justified to the extent that their further analysis is assumed (NP N~~At, VP —• V"Ob...). If such divisible groups can also occur with adjectives and adverbs (velmi vysoky, schopny akehokolvek cinu, matematicky presne — very high, capable of any action, mathematically correct...) it is proper to use parallel symbols AP, BP (Adjective-Phrase, Adverb-Phrase). The Sb category need not be represented only by the NP group. The function of the sentence subject can also be represented by means of a pronoun, 2 2 a numeral, or a clause or its condensation. According to the IC principle some symbol comprising these possibilities is demanded. As their common feature is their nominal character, it stands to reason that the term Nominalia (Nom) offers itself as a natural suggestion. Similarly it is justifiable to employ the terms Adjectivalia (Adj) and 22

The pronoun is a multifunctional category: thus it enters the sentence simultaneously in different places of the sentence. In connection with expanding subordinate clause in the formation part of the Phrase-Marker already the pronouns must exist in the sentence structure even primarily, as some of the alternants of Nom, Adj, Adv (see respective rules in PM). Pronominalization, i.e. transformative introduction of pronouns occurs only in the course of he adjustment of coordinate or subordinate clauses, i.e. when constructing a coherent context cf. also Lees, op. cit., p. 98).

19

THE SENTENCE STRUCTURE

Adverbialia (Adv).23 As for the verbs, this is not necessary because in Slovak there is only one morphological representation of Pd, i.e. VP. This question is connected with the conception of the paits of speech as it was expounded in Morfologia slovenskeho jazyka (The Morphology of the Slovak Language). 24 The axis of the system of parts of speech is the so-called basic series N, A, B, V. The quantitative transposition of this series gives us the nominal, adjectival, and adverbial numerals: numN, numA, numB. This numeral series is succeeded by the pronominal reflection of the two series, pronN, pronA, pronB, (pronv), pronumN, pronumA, pronumB, and by the auxiliary series: Basic series Numeral series Pronominal series

N A B numN numA pronN VronA pronumN pronumA

Auxiliary series

prep

numB PronB pronumB

V — (Prnv) — conj pel it]

Notes: pronum = pronomina numeralia (numeral pronouns), prep = praepositiones (prepositions), conj = coniunctiones (conjunctions), pel = particulae (particles, i.e. the so-called sentence adverbs), itj = interiectiones (interjections). In this survey the groups Nom, Adj, and Adv are distinctly separated in columns. The semantic and derivational transpositions of parts of speech, for example, the non-finite forms of the verb (gerund, participle, verbal noun) are not dealt with here, as they belong to the sphere of transformation interpretation. One of the peripheral problems of generative syntax is the question of the sentence boundary. It is usually indicated by the following simple sign: # S ft. Yet, this is not merely a matter of intonation and pause, as it would appear, for in trying to fix the boundary of a sentence we not only have to consider the question of the relationship of the sentence to the context, but must also take into account the participants in the act of communication. The sentence structure, namely, reacts not only on the context but also on the communicator and on the addressee. Furthermore we must admit that a sentence not only registers the context which precedes, but also signals its continuation. These phenomena are reflected both in intonation and in morphology (conjunctions, pronouns, particles, interjections, and so on). The concept "sentence boundary" will therefore have to be interpreted as a kind of syntactic category, the lim category, which displays its own character. In this way 23

This term should not be confused with the term adverbiale (adverbial, BP). Unfortunately equivocality could not be avoided here. We should like to point out that we shall denote the basic morphological categories noun, adjective, adverb, and verb with simple symbols N, A, B, V. Symbol B has be chosen for the same reason as symbol Bi (cf. Note 12). 24

MS J, p. 27 ff.

20

THE SENTENCE STRUCTURE

also such categories as conjunctions, particles, and the like can be allotted their proper places in sentence structure. Moreover, the sentence generator, which is sensitive as to the context and which enables the sentence to be continued after the introduction of certain recursive rules, becomes at the same time the text generator. All the formational rules which determine the development of the sentence structure together constitute the so-called Phrase-Marker (PM). The first stages in applying the Phrase-Marker to the procedure of sentence structure derivation are therefore the following: 1. 2. 2.1

S lim a

—•

2.11

ctext

—•

2.12

ctact

2.13

expr

- >

—>

IinTS° oTZ~a> [while Z = S°] (ctext) (ctact) (expr) conj pron pel « ^ctext

2.211 2

25

CO

cad-

3. 4. 5. 5.1 5.2 5.3

S° Pd pd aux aux 0 i

5.41 2 3

tmp

5.51 2

fut

•

CPU) cas I WC ^ ' s P o s e a'so cas alternative (it is the genitive which is taken into account here). At the same time, from the transformational viewpoint, the synonymous character of certain constructions may come into consideration, e.g. dom mójho otea (the house of my father) — mój otee má dom (my father has a house) — dom, ktory patri mdjmu otcovi (the house that belongs to my father). I believe, however, that the predominant feature here is the semantic affinity of the quoted constructions. Their structural affinity — and it is only one that comes into consideration in connection with transformation — is problematic. The assertion that only bifunctional members or constructions may be interpreted by applying the principle of transformation to them seems to be in conflict with the 50

Krízková, cit. op.

44

PROBLEMS OF ADVERBIALS

idea of coordinative construction. In the sentence ,,Na brehu stala osamela breza a topoF' (On the bank there were a solitary birch and poplar) the coordinated Sb „topol" (poplar) seems to have only one function. Here we have to start with the implicit principle of "self-blocking" of categories, which, so far as I know, has not been dealt with in generative papers as yet. If we have introduced a certain category into a construction, the construction in quertion is already "satisfied" in respect of that particular category, and tends to resist a further supply of the same category. That is why we cannot accept the theory of coordination of sentence members in the formation sphere. 51 Coordination of these members results from the coordination of sentences specified by the formation Rule 2.21, relating to the sentence termination (of), that is to say after the respective transformative arrangement (elimination of repeated members, etc.). In the given example Sb2 is a successor of a complete coordinate clause, in a word, we must perceive in it the disappeared predicate, at least in form of a "stop". And this fact constitutes its bifunctional character. For the "self-blocking" some general rule would have to be accepted, which exceeds the limits of the Phrase-Marker. The rule would run as follows: A -> B~X (while X * B). From the functional point of view Bl is according to the above discussion a simple sentence member, and in sentence structure we consider it as primary. Its optional character is indicated simply, by parentheses. In this connection we also realize that the obligation of a sentence member should definitely be distinguished from the question of its transformative character. Thus for instance Ob, as well as Bl° can be either primary or secondary: Veduci priniesol pripis. (The head of the department brought a document.) Veduci priniesol poverenie od riaditela urobit' inspekciu. (The head of the department brought an authorization from the manager to arrange an inspection.) Mladenec sa zatvaril mrzuto. (The young fellow looked sulky.) Mladenec sa zatvaril ako saso. (The young fellow looked like a clown.) And finally there is also the question of the context limitation of Bl and of the variety in selection of Bl and Nom representation. The problem of the context limitation of bl is the problem of its governing. The governed Bl° does not find support in some general morphological feature of the verb, as it is the case with Ob, whose support is the verbal intention. Verbs associating with Bl° do not form a compact group. Semantic groups may be specified only with the single Bl° types and they may be expanded according to Rule 6.16: 51 Cf. S. Yamada—I. Igarashi, Co-ordination in Transformational Grammar (Zeitschrift fur Phonetik, Sprachwissenschaft und Kommunikationsforschung 20, 1967, 3, p. 143 ff.), who admit it.

45

PROBLEMS OF ADVERBIALS

6.161

BP

Temp 0 Loc° Fin° Mod0 Compi 0

[if V t e r m , V dur ] [ i f V s i t , V dir ] [ i f V f i n , V eff ] [ifV m o d ] [if V vid ]

Vvii — empty content V Compi — content complementation of V Other subaffixes see pp. 74 ff.

These are small, semantically rather vaguely determined groups of verbs, without narrower mutual relations. Ungoverned Bl is not essentially restricted through being bound up with some semantic features of the verb, and enjoys upon the whole a rather free distribution. The restrictions related to the verbal categories of time and mood concern only Temp. In the lexical representation of Nom and Adv, primarily of N and B in the function of Bl, there are some specifically lexical and some more general limitations. The former are associated with the presence of semantic features, such as [+temp], [+grad], [+resp], etc., conveying the meaning of N and B. These are features without systemic character. On the other hand, we must ascribe systemic character to such features related to N as e.g. [±abstr], [±compt], [+anim]. In papers on generative grammar we can find several attempts to subcategorize morphological featuies of N (morphological in accord with the conception that parts-of-speech are morphological categories). 52 In conformity with our research in Slovak such subcategorization must respect the following order: 12.21 N 2 [ — abstr] 3 [+anim] 4 /[+compt] \ U-abstr] j 5 [—compt] 6 [+grup]

([ + N]> [ ± abstr], [ ± compt]) [±anim] [±hum] ([±propr], [±grup]) [±coll] [±pseudopl]

abstr compt anim propr coll grup hum pseudopl

— — — — — — — —

abstract IV countable N animate N proper N collective N group N personal TV pluralia tantum

The classes [ ± g r u p ] and [ ± pseudopl] are of no significance for Bl and will not be included in our discusssion. This classification is not quite consistent from the practical point of view. E.g. the division [ + a n i m ] was associated only with [ — abstr]. In reality we see that even [+abstr] are [—anim]. It is just as sure that [ — compt] are also [—propr]. This problem, however will be best illustrated by the following schemes, demonstrating the N subcategorization: 52

Cf. C h o m s k y , Aspects, p. 85; also R. Z a t o r s k i , Early and Later Versions of the Theory of Transformational Grammar (Zeitschrift für Phonetik, Sprachwissenschaft und Kommunikationsforschung 20, 1967, p. 3).

46

PROBLEMS OF ADVERBIALS

Scheme

| •

Jan

Zahraj

Krivan

chlap (man)

pes (dog)

dub (oak)

vtactvo (birds, fowl)

listie (foliage)

Fudstvo (mankin


:>

rok (year)

plac (cry)

voda (water)

J> =

— [—abstr]

—

— [+compt]

—

— [+anim] — [+hum]

— [—propr] ~ ~ ^ — [—coll]

Scheme abstr Jan muz (man) Zahraj pes (dog) Krivan dub (oak)

-

+ + + + + +

-

-

-

— -

-

Tudstvo (mankind) vtactvo (birds) listie (foliage) voda (water) rok (year) plac (cry)

compt

anim

propr

hum

coll

+ + + +

+

+ +

+

-

-

-

-

+

0 0 +

0 0 0 0 0 0 + + +

-

-

-

-

+ +

-

-

0 0 0 0 0 0

-

-

+ +

+ -

0 0

0 0 0 0

-

0 -

The [±anim] quality can be taken into consideration only with concrete N; with abstract nouns it is a priori out of question. The same holds in respect to [ ± propr] and [+compt]. In the latter case individual denotation with an individual proper name comes into account only with countable N. With names of material and abstract nouns it is again a priori impossible. Yet, for practical reasons it is necessary to add the following complementary rules to make a simplified notation possible: 12 27 Vcera, a to vecer, dosla k nam necakana navsteva. (Yesterday, that is in the evening, an unexpected visitor arrived.) =» Vcera vecer dosla k nam necakana navsteva. ("Yesterday evening" an unexpected visitor arrived.) We shall deal with it again in the transformational part. There we shall discuss also cases of the pattern of od nedele do stredy (from Sunday to Wednesday). Another matter must be subjected to treatment. It is the morphological and lexical representation of bl, Adv, and Nom for Temp. With this aim in view we must first fall back upon the general representative Rules 18.69, 23.1 - 3 , 21.1 — 3, 22, 11.1 — 3, 12.1—2 and present them in the specific form, while starting from 6.11: VP -* VPX (Temp). Before doing so we shall, however, have to introduce the subcategorization of Bl, [ — int], B, numB, a n d p r o n B in conformity with accepted type specification: 6.01-15

Bl

Temp, Loc, Caus, Fin Mod Cond Eff Grad Cone Instr Auct Resp

18.691-12

[-int]

t, 1, c, f, m, st ed e g md es instr auct

23.01-21

B

BT, B l , BC, Bcs

riwu

Bf> B m , b B E Bg BG B BR

[while [Bs, »

Md]pdv]

52

GENERATION OF INDIVIDUAL B1 TYPES

21.21 — 5

21.31-9

num B

pron B

| n u m T , num E , num M num G num R pron x , pron L , pron G , pron F , pron M (pronum T ) pronum M pron Cs pron E pron G (pronum G ) (pronmstr) pron R (pronum R )

Note: Commas between the symbols indicate alternation of the members. — cases expressing time, place, cause,... t,l,c,... — B of time, place, cause, .. BT, BL, BC, 5 S ( , BMI — B of state and modality.

In order to synchronize the symbols and to facilitate to the understanding of the technique of notation we shall present a survey of the symbols: Sentence members Sb Ob Bl At Pdv Pd

Syntactic functions sb ob bl at pdv pd

Phrases Morphol. classes NP NP ÌNPÌ

Parts of Morphol. speech categor.

Nom

N

Adv Adj

pron num

cas

p r o % numjv

B A

cgn

pron B num B pron A num A

V

aux

(pron v )

BTP

BJ

BLP

BL

t 1 c cd cs f e m

pron T num T pron L pron c

M AP AP VP

Symbols for Bl specification: Temp Loc Caus Cond Cone Fin Eff Mod Grad Instr Auct Resp

BC BCS BF BE

BMP

BM BG

BR

g instr auct r

pron Cs pron F pron E pron M num M num G

pron R num R

GENERATION OF INDIVIDUAL B1 TYPES

53

For cgn do not exist in Slovak any pecularities with respect to B, as we dispose of one single cgn form, namely 0 for all the BA (de-adjectival adverbs), represented by the morphs —e, —o, —y. To study the distribution of these morphs, however, and to formulate the respective morphological rules is not our task. Nevertheless, it is advisable to indicate at least the extent of the lexical representation of Bx. As for de-adjectival temporal adverbs, there are relatively few of them in Slovak. 18.6911 t

4 5

-»

< 4 > na, cez, o, v, pred, medzi (on, over, about, in, before, between) [if N] na-, za-, vo[if_B N ] < 6 > na, po, pri, v, o (on, after, at, in, about) [if N] na-, po[if B N ] do, od, z, za, okolo, pocas (till, from, out of, [if N] behind, round, during) do-, od-, s-, z[if B N ] < 3 P k, proti (to, opposite) [while_N] pred, nad, medzi, s (before, above, between, [if_N] with) za-, pod-, medzi[if_B N ]

[if_B 0 ]

Note: Restrictive conditions will be in /, c, cs, ... specification the same ones. It is why we will not repeat them. 23.01

([+B], [+temp], ...): nacas, podvecer, popoludni (on time, towards the evening, in the afternoon) ...; minule, predosle, buducne (in the past, recently, in the future)...; dnes, vecer, zajtra, vlani (today, in the evening, tomorrow, last year)...; 5 6 skoro, neskoro, davno (soon, late, long ago)...; predcasne, docasne, casom, chvifami (prematurely, for the time being, in the course of time, at times)...

21.21

num T -> / [ + n u m ] , [+B], [+temp],}[+multipl],... Y\ ^ |[+card], [—def],... j j ' raz, dva razy, tri razy (once, twice, three times)...; dvakrat, trikrat (twice, three times)...; (po) prvy raz, (po) druhy raz (the first time, the second time)...; pri prvom raze, pri druhom raze (at the first time, at the second time) ...; mnoho, vela, malo, hodne (much, much, little, a l o t ) . . .

Adverbs are introduced into PM with their grammatical morphemes. The adverbial morphemes in their lexicalized form are indispensable components of the adverbs: they represent the derivative exponents of the single adverbs (on the backround of respective nouns, from which the former are derived), and enter at the same time under the bl heading as grammatical exponents of adverbs (on the backround of the full grammatical form of nouns). Cf. Note 54.

GENERATION OF INDIVIDUAL BI TYPES

54

21.31

pron x -»• ([+pron], [+B], f+temp], [±k], ...): potom, predtym, dosial, teraz (after, before, so far, n o w ) . . . ; vtedy, odvtedy (at that time, since that time)...; niekdy, hocikedy (sometimes, any time)...; nikdy (never) ...; kedy, odkedy (when, since w h e n ) . . . 2 pronum x ->• ([+pron], [+num], [ + B], [+temp], [±k], ...): kolko, kolkokrat, (po) kolky raz (how much, how often, how many times)...; tolko, tolkokrat, po tolky raz (so much, so many times)...; niekolkokrat, niekofko raz, ani raz (several times, not once).

In the preceding rules we have presented the semantic specification of adverbial representation of Temp. In square brackets there are the respective semantic (morphological) features of BT, numT, pronT, and pronumT. After each rule we give the lexical representation according to the single subclasses of the respective part of speech. One of the Adv realization with Temp is also the phrase BrP. Its further specification is as follows: 21.11

BTP

BxiGrad 1 |Resp° [if[_] P d v ]J

We have in mind here the examples velmi davno (very long ago), trochu neskoro (rather late); bolo priskoro na spanok (it was too early to go to bed): B is here in the position of Pdv (see Rule 10.3). There is still the nominal Temp representation to be dealt with. A strict subcategorization of N is, as we have pointed out, out of question, in view of the individual Bl types. However, some limitations of N with respect to specific Bl having the form of morphological and semantic features may be indicated from case to case empirically. This implies at the same time further specifications of N in reference to Rules 12, 14, and 15, i.e. lexical representation of N and At with N (numA, pronA, A). 12.21

N T e m p -> ([ + W], [ + abstr], [ + temp], ...): cas, doba, faza, vek (time, period, phase, age)...; hodina, minuta, sekunda (hour, minute, second); den, tyzden, mesiac, rok, storocie (day, week, month, year, century); pondelok, utorok (Monday, Tuesday)...; Jan, Jozef (John, Joseph; names of days)...; Vianoce, Velka noc (Christmas, Easter)...; jar, leto (spring, summer).. .;januar, februar (January, February)...; prazdniny, dovolenka, prilezitost', prestavka (holidays, leave, vacation, b r e a k ) . . .

As to N occurrence, Rule 12 applies not only with respect to 11.1 but also to 13.2 (genitive attribute): v jeden vecer minulej zimy (one evening last winter), na jar predchadzajuceho roku (in.the spring of the year before). The specification of NTemp is restricted by the condition: [N]Temp = V. This restriction says that a certain temporal proportionality must be observed between the Bl time and the verbal action, otherwise bizarre sentences will result:

55

GENERATION OF INDIVIDUAL B1 TYPES

(n)* Sestra odcestovala v dvadsiatom storoci. (*My sister left by train in the twentieth century.) (o)* Robotnici stavali o pol druhej priehradu. (*The workers were building the dam at half past one.) It is especially the verbs of mental actions that react sensitively to this restriction: in some cases they do not tolerate Temp at all. (p)* Minulej zimy Katka plakala. (*Last winter Kitty was weeping.) (q)* O tri stvrte na osem som si predstavoval obraz buducich storoci. (*At a quarter to eight I imagined the picture of the centuries to come.) 14.21

[num A ] Temp -> A + num], [ + A ] , i[ + card]|, V U + ordJ | jeden, dva (one, two)...; kolko, tolko (how much, so m u c h ) . . . ; prey, druhy (first, second)...; kolky, tolky (which in ordei, such and such in o r d e r ) . . .

The occurrence of numA betrays no particular features. We quote it because a quantitative determination is very characteristic in connection with [N]Temi,Another characteristic phenomenon associated with [N] Temp is the pronominal attribute, which however, does not require any further specification. 15.21

[A] l e m p -» ([ + A n ' b ], [ + temp],...): [while N and B in A n ' b = [ + temp]] buduci, minuly, uplynuly, davny, stary (future, past, bygone, ancient, old)...; dnesny, vcerajsi, vlahajsi(of today, of yesterday, of last year)...; pondetnajsi, sobotny (Monday's, Saturday's)...; januarovy, februarovy (of January, of February)...

b) Adverbial of Place (Loc) 6.021

Loc

Loc'

Grad

if 1 =

23.021

< 4 > na-, po-, v- (on, after, in) (vedla, okolo, kraj, konca, uprostred (beside, round, on < the side, at the end, in the middle) . . . ; do-, od-, zo-, [z-, s- (to, from, up) < 6 > fna, v, pri (on, in, at) \na-, po-, v-, o ( [ + B ] , [ + loc], ...):

daleko, blizko, vysoko, (north of, west of) ...; top, up, down)...; from the left)...; von, about)... 21.321

nizko (far, near, high, low) ...; severne, zapadne bokom, vrchom, hore, dolu (on the side, over the naprostriedku, skraja, zfava (in the middle, mimo, opodial, zokol (out by, near by, round

pron L -» ([ + pron], [ + B], [ + loc], [±k], ...): tu, tarn (here, there), stade, odtade potade (from here, from there, as far as), niekde, dakde, hocikde, vsade (somewhere, elsewhere, everywhere), nikde (nowhere), kde, skade, pokade (where, wherefrom, whereto)

GENERATION OF INDIVIDUAL B1 TYPES 12.22

[N] LOC -

57

( [ + N ] , t - a b s t r ] , [ + loc], . . . ) :

[while [N] LOC 5 [N] SB ,

GB]

a) miesto, priestor, rovina (place, space, p l a i n ) . . . ; b) st61, stolicka, dlazka, dvor (table, chair, floor, courtyard) . . . ; voda, vzduch, hlina (water, air, e a r t h ) . . . ; pero, spendlik, drot (pen, pin, w i r e ) . . . The semantic feature [ + /oc] is inherent only with such TV's as express idea of place directly. Other N's only acquire this character ad hoc, in the function of Loc. In the case of Loc° the extent of N is wider, for the meaning [+loc] may be received here metonymically also by [ + abstr\. pracovat'v doprave (to work in the transportation o f ) , pracovat' vo vyrobe (to work in the production of), byt pri kolaudacii (to be present at the a p p r o b a t i o n of), etc. T o be sure, these are already secondary Bl°, i.e. Bl2. The limitation implied in the rule concerns spatial relations between N in the position of Loc a n d N in the position of Sb and Ob. If these relations are strongly disturbed, we may get unacceptable sentences, such as: (w)* Mucha driemala na vrchu. (*A fly was doozing on the hill.) (x)* Vide I v uchu si on a. (*He saw an elephant in his ear.) (y)* Chlapec zazrel v Parizi mravca. (*The boy caught sight of an ant in Paris.) (z)* Vtak spieval nad Europou. (*The bird was singing over Europe.) (a)* Vrah cihal za ihlou. ( T h e murderer was lurking behind a needle.) With respect to these spatial p r o p o r t i o n s (which, as could be seen in connection with Temp, are valid also for the relation between temporal extent of action a n d the extent of Temp) we might consider the concept of spatial (and temporal) congruence. This problem, however, requires a semantic analysis. This condition implies that N in the Sb function must not be identical with N in the Loc function, noi must the two be mutually related as a part to a whole or vice versa. Disregarding this condition does n o t result in incorrect sentences, but in a Mod (Instr) in place of a Loc meaning: pracovat' na poll one's knees).

— pracovat' na kolenach

(to work in the field — to work on

In the case of Loc° there are such cases as stat' na zemi — stat' na vlastnych nohach (to stand on the g r o u n d — to stand one's own feet). F o r [N] i o c there are also other restrictive conditions t h a t are the o u t c o m e a specific social or existential situation. If these are disregarded, in place of besides) the expected Loc the meaning of Mod also occurs: klacat na schodoch klacat' na hrachu (to kneel on the stairs — on peas, punishment), stat' v blate stand in the mud), stat' vo vode (to stand in water), sediet na zemi (to sit on ground).

on of (or — (to the

This holds to a lesser degree also for Temp: chodii v noci (to walk in the night). Cf.: To sa chodi takto — v noci? (One goes for a walk like t h a t — in the night?).

58

GENERATION OF INDIVIDUAL B1 TYPES

The Mod meaning may also be in similar relationship to the other Bl types, which get this meaning in this way. It may suggest that the Mod possesses a more general, abstract meaning which deals completely with defining relation to the verb. In this respect Mod is more "grammatical" (in K u r y l o w i c z ' s interpretation) than the other BVs, it is in a closer relation to the other "grammatical" sentence member (Ob, At), it is, so to say, merged most deeply in the sentence and forms in respect to the other Bl types the closest link with verb, so that its word-order in the sentence is quite legitimate. The above-mentioned restrictions that are here taken into account must, however, be subjected to a closer analysis. c) Adverbial of Cause (Caus) 18.6931 c ->

3

< 4 > jpre, za, na (for, for the sake of, on)| \naj < 2 > jz, od, za, podia, bez (out of, from, for the sake of,| | according to, without) j < 6 > j v, po, pri (in, after, in connection with))

4 5

< 3P

2

\vo-

\

kvoli (because of) pod, i (under, with)

24.031 Bc -> ([ + B], [ + caus], ...): umyselne, dovodne, zamerne, bezdovodne, zbytocne (intentionally, with reason, deliberately, without any reason, needlessly,) 21.33 pron c -> ([ + pron], [ + B], [+caus], [+k], ...): preco, co, coze, zaco (why, what, don't say so); preto, zato, tak (therefore, for that, so); akosi, nejako (somewhat, somehow) 12.23

[ + N ' ], [ + abstr], ...) ([+N], [ — abstr], ...) ["only if | pre (for) VI L j < 3 > kvoli (because of)) J [ +abstr]: pricina, dovod, zamienka, umysel, vina (cause, reason, pretext, intention, guilt)... [N]Caus

In num Caus has no possibility of assertion. The symbol ([ + iV~ v ' _ / ( ], [ +abstr}) represents a category of abstract nouns that do not express any actual action or property. Deverbatives and de-adjectives point to a transformation. Concrete nouns are not exemplified, as we associate no restriction with them. As to abstract nouns, on the other hand, their lexical representation is rather meagre. Otherwise, we might think of the transformational origin even in the case of [+N-y.-A]: (b) Pristroj z nejakej reason.)

priciny

nefunguje. (The apparatus does not work for some

GENERATION OF INDIVIDUAL B1 TYPES

59

(b') Pristroj nefunguje (preto), (preto) ze je tu nejaka pricina. ("The a p p a r a t u s does not work because there is some reason f o r it.") (c) Stalo sa to z mojej viny. (It happened due to my fault.) (c') Stalo sa to preto, ze ja som vinny. (It happened because I a m guilty.) (c") Stalo sa to preto, ze ja som to zavinil. (It happened because I have caused it.) (c'") Ja mam na torn vinu, ze sa to stalo. (It is my fault that caused it to happen.) In spite of all these examples, however, the objections we have alluded to are to be applied here. The n o u n vina (fault) is not directly deverbative in Slovak a n d therefore does not d e m a n d a transformational explanation. In this way we interpret transformationally chiefly the preposition z (due to, for). Prepositions, however, do not need to be interpreted by t r a n s f o r m a t i o n as they belong to primary categories. In the case of concrete nouns the transformative origin may be said to be indicated due to a certain lack of semantic connection: (d) Jano nevedelpre svojho syna ani spat'. (Jano could not sleep because of his son.) (d') Jano nevedel spat', pretoze jeho syn... (Jano could not sleep because his s o n . . . ) (e) Tento muz zabilprepeniaze nevinneho cloveka. (This fellow killed an innocent m a n because of money.) (e') Tento muz zabil nevinneho cloveka, pretoze... peniaze... (This fellow killed an innocent m a n b e c a u s e . . . m o n e y . . . ) The transformational interpretation must be rejected because this would mean that in the assumed starting sentence (S Caus ) we should miss the important sentence member Pd, which can be by no means reconstructed f r o m the sentence alone. A n d an elimination resulting in an ellipsis assumes the existence of rather definite semantic (i.e. lexical) units, or at least the category of such units. In any case, Caus must be considered as a peripheral constituent of the deep structure of sentence. The real " h o m e " of Caus is the transformational sphere. In the deep structure there are only a limited n u m b e r of examples that have lost their transformational connection. d) Adverbial

of Condition

(Cond)

The above-mentioned conclusions are even more valid in respect to Cond and Cone (which is derived f r o m Cond). Both these categories only seldom occur in the deep structure. A n d this rare occurrence is not original (there are connections with Temp a n d Mod). Cond itself is subjected to expansion: 6.071 2

Cond

6.073

Cone

J Cond) { Cone ) -»• p c P C o n d ' n e g

[while pel = iaj (even) L

11

\ a w (even not) j J

Cond occurs only in f o r m of pronCd as a correlative element in the principal clause

60

GENERATION OF INDIVIDUAL B1 TYPES

which governs the subordinate conditional clause. The latter is afterwards the starting point of transformation, which gives rise to Cond. (f) Vtedy, kedbude nepriaznivé pocasie, slâvnost' sa odkladâ na vecer. (In case it is bad weather, the celebration will take place in the evening.) ( f ) Pri nepriaznivom pocasi slâvnost'sa odkladâ na vecer. (In bad weather, the celebration will take place in the evening.) (g) Tak, ked sû zlé podmienky, nedâ sa pracovai. (If the conditions are bad, people cannot work.) (g') Pri zlych podmienkach se nedâ pracovat'. (In bad conditions people cannot work.) Thus we have only one rule: 21.351

pron Cd

/ [ + p r o n ] , [+B], f[+temp]l, [±k], V U + mod]) J while [aux] Scond = ( près atemp} and f[+temp]l = [ + cond]"l

[

[prêt by J }[+mod]J J vtedy, tak, takto, pritom (then, so, at the same time); kedy, ako (when, how) The correlative pronouns, as we can see, did not originally have a [+cond] meaning. It is the outcome of a double influence. It is suggested by the conditional meaning of the verb in the matrix sentence and it is a reflex of the conditional clause to which the correlative pronoun refers. When this clause has been eliminated, the pronoun becomes its substitute: (f") Vtedy sa slâvnost'odkladâ na vecer. (Then the celebration will take place in the evening.) (g") Tak sa nedâ pracovat'. (So the people cannot work.) To be sure, in the case (g") we may be encountering also pronominal alternates of Bl2. (f*)Pri nepriaznivom pocasi slâvnost' sa odkladâ na vecer. (In bad weather the celebration will take place in the evening.) f ' " ) Vtedy sa slâvnost'odkladâ na vecer. (Then the celebration will take place in the evening.) (g') Pri zlych podmienkach sa nedâ pracovat'. (In bad conditions people cannot work.) (g'") Tak sa nedâ pracovat'. (So people cannot work.) The interrogative and relative pronouns kedy, ako (when, how) are likewise no more than such alternates: (h) Kedy sa slâvnost'odkladâ na vecer? (When will the celebration take place in the evening?) (i) Ako sa nedâ pracovat"? (How can people not work?) Otherwise transformed Cond2 has its own regular morphological representation. To not overload the section dealing with transformation we have decided to present

GENERATION OF INDIVIDUAL B1 TYPES

61

its rules here. It will be useful for another reason: we shall have the chance of comparing this representation with other Bll. 25.41

cd 2

jz, od, do (out of, from, to)| ]z-, od-, do-, sj < 6 > | p o , v, na, o, pri (after, in, on, about, at)] ]/>0-, vo< 3 > proti (against) B m ((Mod) Grad [if BM = positive, comparative] (Resp)

This rule concerns the following cases: neprijemne chladno (unpleasantly cold), pretvaravo pokorne (falsely humbly), zensky povabne (with womanly attractiveness), detsky naivne (with childish simplicity), bolestivo jasne (with painful frankness); velmi pekne (very nicely), dost' neprijemne (rather unpleasantly), trochu nezvycajne (a bit uncommonly), hodne vyumelkovane (with a good deal of affectation), znacne sebavedome (with considerable conceit), omnoho krajsie (much more beautifully), ovefa lepsie (considerably better), o kusok pomalsie (a little slower); matematicky presne (with mathematical precision), teoreticky narocne (exactingly from the theoretical point of view), politicky unosne (politically supportably)... Mod and Resp are in such instances realized only as BA, Mod being subjected to considerable lexical restriction, which, however, cannot be specified in the context. We shall not discuss here the question of BA graduation (for Rule 23.82). A situation in the specification of Mod similar to that we met with in Rule 23.81 —3 exists also with respect to Bl associated with adjectives (according to Rule 15.1—2): AP ^

JAC(B1)|:

\A 15.11

i

[B1]ap ->•

Mod Grad [if A = positive, comparative] Resp

Here we have to deal with the same examples as those we encountered in Rule 23.81 — 3: neprijemne chladny (unpleasantly cold), pretvaravopokorny (falsely humble), zensky povabny (womanly attractive), detsky naivny (childishly naive), etc. Cases with pronB in such AP are at the same time subjected to transformation, viz. to what is called attraction, for the norm in written Slovak does not agree to: tak pekny (=> taky pekny-, so nice => such a nice), nejako pomaly (=> nejaky pomaly; somewhat slow => some slow), akosi usmievavy (=> akysi usmievavy\ somewhat smiling => some smiling). Mod has upon the whole the widest representation of all the BVs and is the kernel of this category. Nevertheless, its contextual limitation will still have to be investigated.

67

GENERATION OF INDIVIDUAL B1 TYPES

i) Adverbial of Measure (Grad) 18.6991

4 5

g

\za, na, nad, o, po (behind, on, above, about, after) ] yna-, nad-, za-, of jz,z, do, do, vyse, bez (out of, up to, over, without)) f jz-, S-, od-, do I na, po, v (on, after, in) \po A; (to) < 7 p (s (with)) zaf

23.081

B G -> ([ + B], [+grad],...): ciastocne, uplne, enormne (partly, totally, enormously)...; celkom, kusok, nadmieru, odusu, docista, zvacsa (upon the whole, a bit, excessively, with all his might, downright, mostly)...

21.241

num G -» / [ + num], [ + B], i [ + grad] ), V }[ + multipl]J mnoho, malo, vela, dost (much, little, very much, enough)...; raz, dva razy, dvakrat, trikrat (once, twice, three times)...; dvojnasobne, trojnasobne (twice as much, three times as much)...

21.3121

pron G ^ (t+pron], [+B], [ + grad], ([+num]), [ ± k ] , . . . ) : ako, kolko, kolko raz, kolkokrat, kofkonasobne (how, how much, how many times)...; tak, tak isto, tolko, tolko raz, tolkokrat, tolkonasobne (so, just so, so much, so many times)...; nejako, akosi, niekoiko raz, niekolkokrat, niekolkonasobne (somehow, several times); hocijako, hocikolko, nijako (in any way, how often, in no way)

11.39

[pron N ] Grad -> ([+pron], [+N], [ ± k ] , . . . ) [ w h i l e _ < 4 > ] : co, nieco, daco, volaco, nic (what, something, anything, nothing)

11.29

Ì

[num N ] Grad

([+num), [+N], [+card],...):

[if V mat [ + card] 0b ] jeden, dva, tri (one, two, three) 12.91

Vmdt -

V

denoting arithmetical

operations

t_N]Grad -» ([ + N - V , _ A ] , [±abstr], f - a n i m ] , [ + grad],...] while— (A g r a d )l |num J J

Rule 11.29 concerns instances of the type nasobit' styrmi (to multiply by four), delii dvoma (to divide by two), umocnit' troma (to raise to three)... Grad is varied morphologically and lexically, and, besides, it has great syntagmatic possibilities. It is the most frequently, occurring Bl, by means of which both the adjective and the adverb are expanded. It has primarily the adverbial and numeral representation. We have demostrated that in Temp, Loc, and Mod expressions it

68

GENERATION OF INDIVIDUAL B1 TYPES

can also expand a preposition (dva dni po termine — two days after the term, kusok pred zastdvkou — a short way before the stop, akosi bez chuti — rather tasteless). Grad associates for instances also with num (veimi mnoho — very much, o dve menej — two less, trikrat tolky — three times as many, trikrat tolko — three times as much) and with pron as well (dva razy taky vysoky — twice so high, dva razy tak vysoko — twice so highly, trochu iny, trochu inaksi — a bit different, trochu inac, trochu inaksie — a bit differently). It would be therefore proper to acknowledge also the respective — numeral and pronominal — phrases: numP, pronP. The corresponding expansion would be the following: numP -> num (Grad) [while num^, B] pronP -» pron (Grad) [while pron x , B ] These vast syntagmatic possibilities of Grad may be explained by the fact that the idea of measure is a very general feature in the sphere of objects and their qualities. As the consequence of it, Grad appears as a most peripheral element of the sentence structure. The meaning of measure in the case of [N]0rai is expressed in two ways: morphologically, i.e. by a preposition and case, or lexically, or both: po kolena (up to the knees), do pasa (as far as the waist), nad slnko (surpassing the sun), do krajnosti (to the utmost), do nevydrzania (beyond bearing capacity). Instances of morphological meaning of measure are, however, not original. They represent a semantic transformation of the original Loc, E f f . Nor can the lexical cases be ascribed distinct originality. Here again we have to deal with the original Temp, Mod, Resp or with original sentence construction with this value. The original nominal Grad are represented by N with a pregnant meaning of extreme quantity made conspicuous by an intensifying adjective: o vlasok (within a hair's breadth), o kusok (a bit), nad vsetky pochybnosti (beyond all doubts), do vsetkych podrobnosti (to the last details), z celej duse (with all one's soul), zo vsetkych sil (with utmost energy), plnou parou (with full power), o macny mak (about nothing). Or else we have to deal directly with a noun of measure qualified by a numeral attribute: o dve kila (by two kilogrammes), o tri metre (by three meters). In this connection it should perhaps be stressed that this analysis is in fact restricted to the syntactic-morphological level, while the morphological-lexical and the semantic levels offer a separate and even more complex set of problems, which can only be dealt with after a general semantic theory has been elaborated. The same would apply also to the transformation problems. j) Adverbial of Means 18.69101 2 3 4

instr

(Instr) < 4 > na, za (on, behind) < 2 > do, z (to, out of) < 6 > na, v, po, o (on, in, after, about)

GENERATION O F INDIVIDUAL B1 TYPES

69

21.3141

pron, nstr -» ([ + pron], [ + B], [+mod], [ + k],...): ako, tak, nejako, hocijako, nijako (how, so, somehow, anyhow, in no way)

11.4

[pron N ] Instr - ([+pron], [ + N], [ + k ] , . . . ) [ w h i l e _ < - i > prep] co, to, nieco, hocico, nic (what, that, something, anything, nothing)

12.101

[N],nstr

([+N], [ - a b s t r ] , [ - h u m ] , [+instr],...)

It would appear that the feature [ - h u m ] in Rule 12.101 cannot be applied strictly, as there are such constructions as: poslat spravu po niekom (to send the message via somebody), dat ho odviest' zandarmi (to have him taken away by policemen). We interpret these cases however as Auct, that is to say, as Bl of the so-called indirect originator. The semantic feature [+instr] is optional because it depends on the context (cf.: vyniest'popol — to take out the ashes; but umyt' hrniec popolom — to scrub the pot with ashes). Instr represents a very special qualification of action. It is a syntactically, morphologically, and lexically limited category. In connection with Instr one might consider the transformative possibilities: pise ceruzkou — ceruzka pise (he writes with a pencil —the pencil writes). In reality it re, however, a metonymic shift of the means of action to the function of its agent. k) Adverbial of Originator

(Auct)

This is still a more limited category than that of Instr, and in a certain sense represents a specifying modification of it. In the generative conception of the sentence this category plays a special part. It is a mediating link in the transformation of an active construction into the passive form. It is closely associated with the Sb category in the active construction. In the passive construction it is understood as a reflection of this category. According to more recent versions Auct appears in the deep structure with an empty representation of Sb.51 In the light of our investigation of the transformation the passive construction (in reality only the past-passive participle) is a secondary phenomenon in the sentence, and that is why Auct, which is the successor of the Sb from the active construction, does not belong to the deep structure. We shall deal with this again in the section on transformation. Apart from this Auct there is, however, a primary Auct in the deep structure. This is what is known as the indirect originator of the action. Such an originator is in reciprocal relation to the action in question: kupil od Jana, i.e. Jano predal (he bought from John, i.e. John sold), dal ho odviest' zandarmi, i.e. zandari odviedli (he had him taken by the policemen, i.e. the policemen took him away). Reciprocity exists here between the verbs kiipit — predat' (to buy — to sell),- dat odviest — odviest' (to have taken away — to take away). 57

C h o m s k y , Aspects, pp. 174, 129 ff.

70

GENERATION OF INDIVIDUAL BI TYPES

This, however, would imply that also here it is possible and even necessary to advocate the transformative approach. As a matter of fact, the relation of Auct to the reciprocal action is obscure. Certainly such an action is often hard to define (cf.: z pivnice to vialo chladom — pivnica „viala" chladom, from the cellar you could perceive a chill blowing — the cellar "blew" chill). The transformative connections are therefore not immediate and thus not in the first level. These connections only impart to this category specific semantic outline. Nevertheless, we must acknowledge a certain kind of peripheral position in the sentence structure even here. 18.69111 auct 2 12.111

i < 2 > od, z, za (from, out of, behind)) pri (at)

J

V _A

[N] Auct -*• ([ + N ~ '

] , . . . ) [while—V orig ]

This category is very specialized as to its semantics, syntax, morphology, and lexical aspect. It is restricted to a few groups of verbs that either express the origin or else assume this idea optionally: mat, kupii, pozicai, dostai, nadobudnut', ziskat' (have, buy, lend, get, gain, win)... prosit', ziadat', chciet', vymoct', drankat' (beg, ask, want, demand, beseech)... pocut', pytat sa, dozvediet'sa, ucit' sa (hear, inquire, get to know, learn)... nieco od niekoho — something from somebody vonat', razii, zapachat', smrdiet', ziarit', srsai, prystii, salai, kypiei, vriet', viat', zniet', hucat', sumiet' (sniff, smell, have an odour, stink, glow, flash, spring, radiate, bubble over, boil, blow, sound, roar, hum)... niecim od niekoho — with something from someone niecim z niecoho — with something out of something zaspinii sa, zamticit' sa, zaprasii sa, nakazit' sa (soil oneself, get white with flour, get dusty, get infected)... niecim od niekoho — with something from somebody cervenat' sa, zelenat'sa, zarast (turn red, turn green, get grown over)... niecim, od niecoho — with something, from something byi cerveny, zeleny, spinavy, zamasteny (be red, green, dirty, greasy)... od niecoho — from something, with something urobit', spravit, vytvorii, stvorit', vypestovat, zlozit, zostavit', zhlobii, zbii, zlepit', zmontovai, zostrojit', vytesat', vykresat', vystrihnut', vymodelovat', narezat', nasekai, vyratai (do, produce, create, cultivate, compose, set up, join by nails, stick together, fit up, construct, carve, strike fire, cut out, mould, cast, mow, calculate) urobit' sa, spravit' sa, utvorit' sa, vytvorit' sa (make oneself, do up oneself, create oneself)... nieco z niecoho — something from something Besides the general idea of means which Auct implies the Auct meaning is characterized by a more intimate relation to the originated result and thus also by a "ma-

GENERATION OF INDIVIDUAL B1 TYPES

71

ierial" participation in originating this result: súchat si snehom ruky — urobit zo snehu snehuliaka (to rub the hands with snow — to make of the snow a snowman). One may even take into consideration the relation of Auct to Caus: zomriet z vycerpania — smrt nastala z vycerpania (to die of exhaustion — death resulted fiom exhaustion). The second construction conveys a double meaning: 1. exhaustion gave rise to death (had death for its result), 2. exhaustion was the cause of death. In the phrase like z pece sálalo teplom (the oven glowed with heat) the expression teplom (with heat) may be taken even for Auct (cf. heat glowed from the oven). If used in the intrumental case, the word indicates the result of the action. The principle of hierarchy prevents us from conceiving the result of the action as its circumstance. That is why we interpret the form teplom (with heat) as Ob (cf.: pec „sálala" teplo, horúcavu — the oven "glowed" heat, warmth). /. Adverbial of Regard 18.69121 2 3 4 5 23.091

21.251 21.3131

12.121

(Resp) ina, v.pre, nad (on, in, for, above)|

I®0" i (na, v, po, pri (on, in, after, at)} \v-, oj < 3 > k, proti, oproti (to, opposite, opposite to) < 7 > s, nad, medzi (with, above, between) n \ = [ + categ]~l B r -> [ + B], [ + resp],... ["while N in ÍB n A N A } A for A in B J J L }A for A in B < vojensky, politicky, umelecky, subjektivne, kompozicne (in military, regard, politically, artificially, subjectively, in regard to composition)...; vospolok, ucelku, navonok, naoko (jointly, upon the whole, on the outside, as make-believe); navzajom (mutually)... num R ([ + num], [+B], [±multipl],...): dvojnasobne, trojnasobne, dvojako, trojako, (in two, three regards)... pronR ([+pron], [ + B], [+resp], [±k], ( [ f n u m ] ) , . . . ) : ako, kofkorako, tolkorako, niekofkorako, nijako (in what respect, in how many regards, in so many regards, in several regards, in no regard); osve, osebe (extra, in respect to itself) [N]Resp ([ + N- V '" A ], [ + categ],...) if N = ohfad, stranka, zretel (regard, point of view, respect) then A* while N' possesses also [+categ]

The semantic feature [ + categ] is conceived in the restrictive condition in 23.091 and in the specification of N in 12.121 only as auxiliary. What matters here is that nouns which perform the function of Resp or which are the derivation starting point for BN cr for A in BA designate what are known as categorical phenomena and things in respect to which the Pd reach in the sentence is limited:

72

GENERATION OF INDIVIDUAL B1 TYPES

spolocnosi, zivot, hospodarstvo, financie, politika, pravo, vojenstvo, kultura, nabozenstvo.filozofia, moralka, veda, teoria, prax, vychova, vyvin, historia, jazyk, struktura, system, kompozicia,funkcia,forma, obsah, tvar, vlastnosi, povaha, podstata, charakter, raz, schopnosi, sila, vykon, ucinok, kvalita, kvantita, rozmer, rozsah, dimenzia, matematika, logika, psychologia...; hmota, duch, dusa, telo, ruka, noha, zdravie, oci, sluch, hmat... society, life, economy, finance, politics, law, military, culture, religion, philosophy, morality, science, theory, practice, education, development, history, language, structure, system, compostion, function, form, content, shape, propriety, nature, substance, character, characteristic feature, ability, power, feat, effect, quality, quantity, dimension, extent, dimension; mathematics, logic, psychology...; matter, spirit, soul, body, hand, foot, health, eyes, hearing, touch... The restricting condition relating to 12.121 maintains that N when represented by "key" nouns zretel, ohlad, stranka (respect, point of view, regard) is accompanied by the obligatory A resulting from "categorical" N: politicky — po politickej stranke (politically — from the political point of view); vojensky — vo vojenskom ohlade ("militarily" — with respect to military matters); politicky — z politickeho zretela (politically — with regard to politics). The very concept of regard, as well as the above-mentioned derivative connections suggest that we have to deal here with a strong relational meaning which is very transparent even on the syntactic level. Cf. sentences: (t) Chlapec telesne skoro vyspel. (Physically the boy has matured early.) (t') Chlapcovo telo skoro vyspelo. (The boy's body matured early.) (u) Obratil sa ocami k dveram. ("He turned with his eyes to the door.") (u') Obratil oci k dveram. (He turned his eyes to the door.) (u") Jeho oci sa obratili k dveram. (His eyes turned to the door.) These connections are, however, not transformational because the shift of [jV]R(,SP to the position of Sb is only metonymic and is not in full conformity with the meaning of the starting sentence. The quoted rules are applicable to Resp generated from VP and also generated from AP (according to Rule 15.1) as or from BP (according to Rule 23). Besides, it is possible to generate Resp to a very narrow extent from rtumP and from pronP. Cases of Resp from AP, BP, numP and pronP require a special treatment. For the sake of clarity let us recapitulate the respective rules. 15.11 2 3

B1 ap -»• (Mod Grad Resp [ i f _ [A]Pdv]

Rule 15.23 concerns cases of the following type: (v) Protivnik bol fyzicky silny. (The opponent was physically strong.)

GENERATION OF INDIVIDUAL B1 TYPES

73

The restrictive condition demands A in the position of Pdv. Therefore we shall consider Resp with [A]At as a secondary (it is the whole Resp^A that is secondary): (v') Protivnik, fyzicky silny, mohol mu byt' nebezpecny. (The opponent, physically strong, could be dangerous to him.) (v") Fyzicky silny protivnik mu mohol byt' nebezpecny. (A physically strong opponent could be dangerous to him.) 22.1 2

BtP -

Bt

This Resp0 of the type bolo neskoro na spanok (it was late for going to bed), bolo skoro na odchod (it was early to leave) is obligatory but at the same time also secondary, and that is why we shall abstain from analysing it here. 6.021

Loc

Loc'

((Grad)l {(Resp)/

Cases concerned here are such as the following: severne od 30. rovnobezky (north of the 30th parallel), na zapad od mesta (west of the town), nedaleko od dveri (not far from the door), blizko k skrini (near the case). 22.81 B m P B m [(Mod) (Grad) 2 3 ((Resp) 22.83 concerns examples such as matematicky presne (precisely from the mathematical point of view), umelecky dostacujuco (satisfactorily from the aesthetic point of view)... As for numP -> num (Resp), we have in mind the instances druhy zlava (second from the left), treti zhora (third from the top); je to vela na teba (it is too much for you), bolo to malo pre mna (it was to little for me). Of interest is here the first type, BL associated with ordinal numerals. One might consider transformation in this connection (there is a cumulation of Loc and Resp): (w) Je druhy, ak sa divame (ideme) zlava. (He is the second if we look (go) from the left). The conditional value of the reconstructed starting sentence and the assumed verbs in it have a very vague connection with the interpreted sentence. The last phrase to be mentioned is pronP -> proiCResp, while [pron]Pdv: (x) Je n a ok o iny, ale vnutorne ostava ten isty. (In appearances he is different, but inwardly he is the same.) (y) Akyje vo svojom vnutri? (What is he like inside?) Also here the Loc meaning is theoretically "in the way o f " . Both with num and with pron this meaning is blocked by the fact that Loc would have to be related to V, while in these cases it is the num and the pron to which it is related.

74

GENERATION OF INDIVIDUAL B1 TYPES

Some Br are homonymous with BM: (z) Protivnika bolo treba porazit' vojensky i politicky. (It was necessary to defeat the opponent "militarily" and politically.) i.e. 1. with respect to his military and political power 2. by military and political means Both these meanings could be joined in a paradoxical manner in one sentence, side by side: (z') *Protivnika bolo treba porazit' vojensky i politicky, a to vojensky i politicky. (*It was necessary to defeat the opponent "militarily" and politically, and that "militarily" and politically.) Such a sentence is, however, objectionable, for the inherent homonymous character results here in an undesirable pleonasm. As Mod and Resp are kindred categories we must apply here the rule of "self-blocking": A -* B"X [while X 4= B],

B. O B L I G A T O R Y Bl (Bl°) The Bl° types are syntactically incompatible by their very nature: Bl° of the certain type is always bound to a certain type of VBr, while other Bl° were with the same VBr excluded. Thus the Bl° expansion will be satisfied by a detailed subcategorization rule: 6.61-13

Bl°

Term 0 , Sit", Fin°, Mod°, Dur° Dir° Eff° Grad° Lsb Auct° Resp°

Compi 0 [if_V B ,°]

RSb The context limitation will be dealt with in detail as the individual Bl° are discussed. a) Temp° V term -

([ + V], [ +exist],...):

datovai, odlozit', odsunut', prelozit', byt', vyskytovat' sa, jestvovat, existovat, stai' sa, udat' sa, prihodit' sa, vzniknut', nastat', povstat, skrsnut', vypuknùi, zacat' sa, skoncii sa, narodit' sa, zomriet' (date, postpone, put off, transfer, be, occur, exist, become, happen, originate, set in, rise, get born, break out, begin, end, be born, die)... zit', panovat, vlàdnut (live, rule, reign) V dur -

([ + V], [ + dur],...):

trvai, zit', panovat', vlàdnut' (last, live, rule, reign) In the case of the verbs zit', panovat', vlàdnut (live, rule, reign) the government is alternative: if without Term°, they require Dur°.

GENERATION OF INDIVIDUAL B1 TYPES

75

The verbs of the above-quoted groups with the exception of trvat' (last) hold the alternatives Term°/Dur°jSit°, while Temp and Sit may be cumulated, naturally, only one of them can be considered as obligatory: (a) Dante zil v 13. a 14. storoci. (Dante lived in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries.) (a') Dante zil v Taliansku. (Dante lived in Italy.) (a") Dante zil 56 rokov. (Dante lived fifty-six years.) a'") Dante zil v 13. a 14. storoci v Taliansku. (Dante lived in Italy in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries.) Some Bl with Vterm seem not to be obligatory: (b) Vcera sa stalo nest'astie. (Yesteray, a misfortune happened.) (b') Stalo sa nest'astie. (A misfortune happened.) (c) Potom vypukla hadka. (Then a quarrel broke out.) (c') Vypukla hadka. (A quarrel broke out.) (d) Moj brat zomrel minuleho roku. (My brother died last year.) (d') Moj brat zomrel. (My brother died.) (e) Potom sa mu narodil syn. (Then a son was born to him.) (e') Narodil sa mu syn. (A son was born to him.) (f) Vcera pacient este zil. (Yesterday the patient still lived.) (f') Pacient zil. (The patient lived.) As a matter of fact, the sentences with apostrophes assume a context with a rather definite perspective in time. Without this assumption — e.g. in altogether isolated sentences or at the beginning of the narrative — they would be semantically defective. In the sentence ( / ' ) the verb zit' (live) has a pregnant meaning, without [ + exist]. b) Loc° V.„

/ [ + V], \

t + sit], [+prof] [+cop]

[while [+cop] N p r o f ]

byi, ostat', nachadzaf sa, jestvovat', existovat', vaziet, kotvit', treat, zdrzovat' sa, spocivat, sediet', ocitnut' sa, zastavit' sa, pristavit' sa, ostat' stat' (be, stay, to be found, exist, stick in, lie at anchor, stick, sojourn, rest, sit, find oneself, stop, stand next to, stand still)... hlasit sa, prihlasii sa, zahlasit' sa, ohlasit' sa (present oneself, make application, announce oneself)... ulozii, skryt', schovat', odlozit', najsi, hfadat' (deposit, conceal, hide, put away, find, seek)... byi ulozeny, skryty, schovany, ubytovany, prihlaseny, ohlaseny (to be deposited, concealed, hidden, put up, registered, announced)... byvat, ubytovat sa, travit, preckat', pockat, cakat', nocovat', prenocovat, stravovat' sa (dwell, put up, spend, survive, wait, be waiting, overnight, stay overnight, board)...

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GENERATION OF INDIVIDUAL B1 TYPES

posobit', ucinkovai, pracovat', robit, praxovat', studovat', vojencit', hrat' (profesionalne), spievat', vystupovat', ucii, varii, predavat', prednasat' (work, labour, practice, study, serve in the army, play (profesionally), sing, perform, teach, cook, sell, lecture)... byi zamestnany, byi uctovnikom, lekarom, riaditelom, predsedom, funkcionarom (be employed, be a bookkeeper, physician, manager, chairman, functionary)... V dir -

([ + V], [ + dir]

):

ist', prist', odisi, cestovat', pricestovat', odcestovat', vstupit', vbehnui, dostai sa, pustit' sa, ponahlat' sa, vyjst', vybrat' sa, vyskocif, prejsi, preskocit', preniknut', presmyknut' sa, prechadzat' (go, come, leave, travel, arrive, depart, enter, run in, get to a place, let go, make haste, start, set out, jump up, go over, jump over, penetrate, slip through, pass through)... hodit', vhodit', vlozit', ulozii, polozit', poslai, skryi, schovat' (throw, throw in, put in, put away, put down, send, conceal, hide)... Mas it sa, prihlasit sa, zahlasii sa (report oneself, announce oneself, get registered)... dir

\na,za,pred,pod,medzi,o,cez,skrz(on, behind, before, under, between, about, over, through) na k, proti, oproti (to, against, opposite) < 7 > von, dolu, hore (out, down, up)

Bd

([ + B], [ + dir],...):

daleko, vysoko, severne, juzne, hore, dolu, domov, nalavo, navrch, prec (far, high, north of, south of, up, down, home, to the left, to the top, away)... pron D

([ + pron], [+B], [+dir], [ + k ] , . . . ) :

kam, kade, tak, tade, sem, niekam, niekade, hocikam, hocikade, kamkohek, nikam, nikade (whereto, which way, there, this way, here, somewhere, some way, elsewhere, anywhere, nowhere, no way)... V sit byi, ostai, pristavit' sa (be, stay, stop) and Vdir have an alternative rection ) :Fin°, involving possible cumulation: \Dir°]l (g) Prisiel do mesta. (He came to the town.) (h) Prisiel za nakupom. (He came to go shopping.) (i) Prisiel za nakupom do mesta. (He came to the town to go shopping.)

GENERATION OF INDIVIDUAL B1 TYPES

77

In the example (i) we take Dir° for governed, because it is more explicitly bound with the meaning of the verb. This assumed we consider Fin as free. That is why it precedes Dir° in the sentence. The fact that Dir° is secondary here makes no difference. Vsit and Vdic have further for their alternatives also (Sit0/ i/Vi;(2)\\: \Dir°/\Ob2 )| (j) Boli sme v kasi. (We were in a mess.) (k) Lezi vo vodorovnej polohe. (He lies in a horizontal posture.) (1) Pochoduju v dvojstupe. (They are marching in two files.) (m) Sedel v kabate. (He sat with his coat on.) (n) Sedel nad knihou. (He sat with his book.) In the instances (j), (k), (/), (m) we have to deal with Pdv, in (n) with Ob2. Pdv in (k), (/), (m) is a secondary constituent coming from a manner sentence: Sedel tak, ze bol v kabate. ("He was sitting in such a condition that he had his coat on.") The Sit meaning is out of the question whether in (m) or in (n), as it would imply a contradiction of the limiting condition concerning the dimensional proportion of Loc: [Ar]ioc > [N]Sb. In (j), (k), (I) there is a primary or secondary meaning [ + abstr], which excludes Loc". As for Ob2, it is a secondary object. The Ob meaning resulted from Loc through a violation of the rule [AHLOC > [A'lst- This brought about the following change of the verb : ( [ + K ] , ...)=> ( [ + F ] , [+int],...). This Ob2 also associates with such verbs as originally can do without Loc°: (o) Pracoval na tomto years.)

plane

dlhe roky. (He worked on this plan for many

There are cases which permit a double interpretation: (p) Dival sa na dvor. (He was looking into the courtyard.) Dir°IOb (p') Dival sa na dvor, kde sa hrali deti. (He was looking into the courtyard where children were playing.) Dir° (p") Dival sa na dvor na deti, ktore sa tarn hrali. (He was looking into the courtyard at children, who were playing there.) Dir° + Ob (p'") Dival sa na dvor, ci je cisty. ("He was looking at the courtyard (to see) whether it was clean.") Ob Similarly: (q) Pracoval na novom stole. (He was working on the new table.) Loc (i.e. he was on the top of it) (q') Pracoval na novom stole. (He was working on the new table.) Ob2 (i.e. he was making it) Bl°

Lsb° Tif Sb c Loc, while N = l[+hum]l]

L

\[+corp]| J

78

GENERATION OF INDIVIDUAL B1 TYPES

Lsb° is Loc which is as a matter of fact near Sb, it is, so to say, contained in it (symbol c ) : (r) U Stankovcov sa narodilo diet'a. (A child was born at the Stanko's.) (s) U Strmenovcov majû malé. (At the Strmen's they have a baby.) (t) U susedov horelo. (A fire broke out at our neighbour's.) (u) U starého Korena je uz tma. (It is dark already at old Koren's.) (v) U nâs sa tomu hovori "kredenc". (Among us this is called kredenc.) (w) Na dedine sa vtedy vela pilo. (There was a lot of drinking in the village at that time.) (x) Do starca vstûpil jed. (The poison "entered the old man's body". The old man got infuriated.) (y) V ociach mu iskril smiesok. (Laughter sparkled in his eyes.) (z) Bolo mu uzko pri srdci. ("It was him anxiously at his heart." He felt anguish in his heart.) (a) Vosiel mu krc do nohy. ("The cramp entered into his leg." He got a cramp in his leg.) In school grammars it is particularly in sentences without a subject that Loc is interpreted as Sb. This view has its origin in the relation Sb c Loc. This relation, however, does not imply an identity of the two categories, it only means that Loc is, due to meaning associations, obligatory. The suggestion of Loc being a Sb is supported also by the fact that N is [ + hum] or [ + corp\ (part of body). In cases (r), (u), (x), (a) and in similar ones the obligatory character is twofold, based on Vsit or Vdir, and on [Ar]S() ([+V], [ + hab],...) (hab = feature of the verb indicating that the action concerns a habit, i.e. manner of appearance behaviour, or situation in which one finds oneself.)

82

GENERATION OF INDIVIDUAL Bl TYPES

1. spravat' sa, drzat sa, vynimai sa, nosit' sa, satit' sa, vystupovat', vyzerai, zdat sa, citit' sa, pripadat si, pozddvai sa, javit' sa, pripadat', prichodit', mat sa, stat' (behave, hold out, appear, carry oneself, dress, come forward, look, seem, make impression, feel, seem to be, appear, fall to, get on, stand)... 2. robit' sa, ukazovat' sa, pokladai sa, predstavit' sa (show off, consider oneself, introduce oneself)... 3. vyslovif sa, vyjadrit' sa, zmyslat, hovorit', vediet, vynadat, nadavat' (express oneself, declaie, to have views, talk, know, scold, abuse)... 4. zaobchadzat', odbavit'(treat, get rid of)... 5. volat, menovat', nazyvat', prezyvat', titulovat', krstif; volaf sa, nazyvat' sa, predstavit' sa, vyhlasit' sa, dokazat' sa, preukazat' sa, kvalifikovat sa (call, name, give a name, give a nickname, give a title, christen; be called, have a name, introduce oneself, declare oneself of to be, attest oneself, prove oneself, to be fit, suitable for)... 6. pristihnut, zastihnut', prichytii, stretnui, najsi, nechat', hfadat', vidiet (catch, reach, overtake, encounter, find, leave, seek, see)... 7. pokladai, predstavit', vyhlasit', mat' (take for, introduce, declare, have)... If t + h u m ] or A are in the position of Mod°, we have to deal with secondary Pdv2, which is the successor of a subordinate clause of manner: (j) Citil sa slabochom (j') Citil sa (tak), [weak].")

(slabym).

("He felt as a weakling [weak].")

ze je slaboch (slaby).

("He felt so as to be a weakling

In case Loc occupies the position of Mod0, we again have to deal with a secondary sentence member. It is a Loc which is the successor of a clause of manner: (k) Vide! neznamehopri

dverach.

(He saw the unknown man at the door.)

(k') Videl neznameho tak, ze (neznamy) man so that the latter was at the door.")

bol pri dverach. ("He saw the unknown

If other meanings are involved, we practically always encounter a secondary Pdv2: (1) Nasiel otca v horucke. (He found his father in a feverish state.) (1') "Nasiel otca (tak), ze (otec) bol v horucke". ("He found his father in such a state that the latter was in a feverish state.") (m) Nechal kamaratov pri kartach. (He left his friends at cards.) (m') "Nechal kamaratov (tak), ze (kamarati) boli pri kartach." ("He left his fiiends in such a condition that they were at cards.") The Pdv2 function must be attributed even to such cases whose seemingly primary meaning is that of Mod: (n) Jana zastihols kamaratmi.

(He found Jano with his friends.)

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GENERATION OF INDIVIDUAL B1 TYPES

(n') „Jana zastihol (tak), ze (Jano) bol s kamaratmi.1' such a condition that the latter was with his friends.")

( " H e found Jano in

The phrase s kamaratmi (with his friends) in («') does not have the value of Mod, for it is in a position next to Vcop. The synsemantic verbs do not permit any determination with exception of Temp, besides with the autosemantic verb byi (to be) the Mod category is excluded. Finally we must also include here cases of seemingly primary Loc combined with the verb mat' (to have): mat ciapku na hlave (to have a cap on one's head), ruky vo vreckach (hands in one's pockets), palicu v ruke (a club in one's hand), syna na vojne (one's son in the army), diet'a v horucke (one's child down with fever), hlavu v obvazoch (one's head in bandage), rozum v hrsti (one's wits about o n e ) . . . The verb mat (to have), if used as a copulative possessive verb, 5 8 does not tolerate such a concrete phrase as Loc. That is why we interpret the quoted combination as a transformational phenomenon: (o) Mai ruky vo vreckach. (He had his hands in his pockets.) (o') „Mai ruky (tak), ze boli vo vreckach." ( " H e had his hands so that they were in his pockets.") We believe that this is the key that enables us to explain such Slovak cases as: mat' oci podliate krvou ("to have eyes suffused with blood", to see red), mat obed uvareny (to have one's dinner cooked), mat upratane (to have one's home tidied), etc.; see the respective explanation in the section dealing with transformation. The expressions v Trnave, v nemocnici (in Trnava, in the hospital) in the phrases mat syna na vojne v Trnave, mat' diet'a v horucke v nemocnici (to have one's son in the army in Trnava, to have one's child down in fever in the hospital) are Loc2 coming from the complex sentences: mat syna (tak), ze je na vojne, a (tak), ze je v Trnave ("to have one's son so that he is in the army, and so that he is in Trnava"); similarly in the second case. The Loc v Trnave in the starting clause is related to Vsit byi (to be). Besides the above quoted cases of Mod0 there is a Mod" type which is not in conformity with them. This Mod" is conditioned by a construction with the reflexive personal or impersonal form of various verbs and with the so-called Dative of State:59 zije sa nam dobre ("it lives itself well to us", i.e. we are getting on well), pracuje sa mi znamenite (I find it easy to work), rubalo sa mi lahko (it was easy to me to cleave), drevo sa mi rubalo lahko ("the wood cleaved itself to me easily", i.e. I found it easy to cleave w o o d ) . . . 58

As for the possessive copula, see MSJ, pp. 371—372.

59

As for the Dative of State, see Miko, Rod, cislo a pad podstatnych mien, p. 191 ff.

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GENERATION OF INDIVIDUAL B1 TYPES

The adverbs of manner dobre, znamenite, lahko (well, excellently, easily)... do not convey in these constructions an ordinary adverbial meaning as they do not indicate the quality of the action, but the mental condition of the performer of the action. We have to do here with a special type of B, viz. the so-called B of state (St). The verbs in this construction are to be specified as follows: V]sut - [+V], [-state], [ - p f ] , ...) while_ia (self) [+hum] S b Sb 1 => Ob^ (Obi Sb 2 )]

—stat — F n o n expressing condition —pf— imperfective aspect of V Stat — construction expressing condition

This means that the construction is not primary and must be interpreted by a transformation (Sb1, Ob1 = Sb, Ob in the starting sentence, Sb2, Ob2 = Sb, Ob in the transformed sentence, Ob3, Ob4 = Ob in the dative and accusative): ( p ) 2 i j e sa nam dobre. ("It lives well for us," i.e. we live well.) (p') 2ijeme tak, ze je nam dobre. (We live so as to feel well.) (q) Diet'at'u sa spi sladko. ("It sleeps sweetly to the child", i.e. the child sleeps sweetly.) (q') Dieta spi tak, ze je mu sladko. (The child sleeps so as to feel sweet.) (r) Drevo sa mi rubalo lahko. (I found it easy to chop wood.) (r') „Rubal som drevo tak, ze mi bolo fahko.il ("I cleaved wood so that I found it easy.") Thus the adverbs dobre, znamenite (well, excellently) and the like imply in the transformed sentence two meanings, that of state (coming from predecessory [B]Pdl,) and that of manner (coming from the predecessory clause of manner). In respect to the instance (r) we could even take into account another eventuality: (r") „Drevo sa mi rubalo tak, ze mi bolo lahko." that it, i.e. the cleaving, was to me easily.")

("The wood cleaved itself so

But it should not be a solution, as the dative remained intact by transformation so that pronoun tak (so) continues to be [ + stat], what leads, besides, to a certain pleonasm (the repetition of [+stat] in the two sentences). As the Mod" in the constructions in question is neither primary, nor pure in the semantic respect, it is not, in actuality, a Mod0 and cannot be considered in its frame. There are even other cases of the seemingly obligatory Mod with an impersonal verb form and with the Dative of State, which do not fall into the abovementioned group: dari sa mi dobre (I am getting on well), chuti jej znamenite ("it tastes excellently her", i.e. she enjoys eating very much), vodt sa mu nie najhorsie (he is getting on fairly well). The transformation in the respective sense is here excluded. We were dealing with an ordinary Mod in the two first examples, while the last example is a Compl".

GENERATION OF INDIVIDUAL B1 TYPES

85

/ ) Grad° 6.610

BP -> Grad° [if V => na-~V~sa, while Adv = num B ] na intensifying prefix with V sa — intensifying reflexive morpheme

Examples: nanosit' sa vela toho klobuka (to wear the hat more than enough), dost sa nachodit' (to have plenty of walking), nemàlo sa natràpit' (to have no end of worry), co som sa ho naprosil (1 did beg him many times)... These verbs may be used even without Grad°, and in such cases they convey a pregnant intensification meaning: Nachodil som sa tam\ (I would go there!) Ale som sa natràpill (I did worry many times!) g) Auct° V auct

([ + V], [ + orig], ...):

[-t-on£] — action of origin

1. byt, povstat', vzniknut', skrsnut', prist, vzist', vyjst', plynui, vyplynut, kynuf, pochadzat', vy vinùt' sa, zrodit'sa, vykvitnut, vyràst, robit' sa, urobit' sa, stai sa (be, arise, originate, come into being, come, germinate, come out, flow, follow, result, rise, come from, develop, be born, blossom, grow up, make oneself, happen, become)... z niekoho niekto — from somebody somebody, z niecoho nieco — from something something 2. vyvodit', odvodit', vycitat, vyrozumiet', vytusii, usudit, ziskai, vymàmit', vyprosif, vynutif (conclude, derive, guess, understand, judge, gain, wheedle, obtain by asking, extort)... 3. urobit', spravit', vytvorit', stvorit, vychovat (do, make, produce, create, bring up)... 4. vytvorit' sa, utvorii sa, spravit' sa (turn out, do up oneself, create oneself)... z niekoho, niecoho nieco — from somebody, something something 5 zìi, vyuzit', tazit, koristii, bohatnut', tucniet' (live, make one's living, draw upon, exploit, grow rich, grow fat)... z niekoho, z niecoho — from somebody, from something 6. sediet', skryvat' sa, treat', vazief, hovorit', konai (sit, hide, stick, talk, do)... niekto v niekom — somebody in somebody 7. vetrit, vidiet', tusit, citii, mai (get wind of, see, guess, feel, have)... nieco, niekoho v niekom, z niekoho — something, somebody in somebody, from somebody Cases without Auct in some of these constructions, particularly when N = [ — hum] (povstal hurhaj — a cry arose, urobil ohradu — he made a fence, vykvitli ruze — the roses got blossoms...), should be explained by the fact that the verbs in these connections are verba fiendi and not Vorig. With the verbs vzniknut' and skrsnut' (originate, occur) Auct" alternates with

86

GENERATION OF INDIVIDUAL B1 TYPES

Temp". In a combination like stala sa nehoda (an accident happened) the verb stat' sa (happen) is not [ + o r i g ] . Otherwise the boundary between Auct and Auct0 is not clear, namely with instances robit' sa, urobii sa, spravii sa, vytvorit' sa, utvorit' sa, robit', urobit', spravii, vytvorit', stvorit', pestovat' (see points 3 and 4): (s) Z muky sa urobila kasa. (From the flour a poridge arose.) (t) Z rozhovoru sa napokon urobii velky krik. (From talk a great scream finally raised.) In ( 5 ) we are dealing with Auct", as [Af]s,of> implies [/V]^uc( as its material specification. It holds especially for [A^]st> 0f, = [+hum]. The problem needs to be further investigated. h) Resp" 6.612

BP

Resp c

if [ ] AP Resp 0 =

and A = comparative, superlative while Nom < 2 | > od, z, spodmezi (from, out of, from among) < 7 > nad (above) (pron) '-'com par

In such cases an adjective may have even two Resp: (u) Rimania boli vojensky silnejsi(,,od toho"), ako (boli silni) Greci. (The Romans were in military matters more powerful ["in respect to that"] than the Greeks [were powerful].) Resp vojensky (in military matter) is substantiated by A being the adjective, Resp0 by A being a comparative. Thus this is not a Resp cumulation. 0 Rsb" Here we have to deal with Resp related to the restriction Resp e Sb (i.e. the subject of an action or of a state is to be found in the sphere of Resp): s bratom bolo zle (with brother all went wrong), s chlapcom bolo do nevydrzania (it was impossible to put up with the boy), s kartami je koniec (there is an end to the card playing), s domom bolo len trapenie, ostara, starost' (we had only worry, trouble, anxiety with the house), Janovi nie je do mojich rodicov rtic (as for my parents, that is none of Jano's business). Here we meet with Rsb" in a combination with a state Adv or what is called the State nominative. It is a nominative in the function of Sb = Pd. Thus: 6.613

Bl°

Rsb'

P

if (Adv = St in Pdv function, while Sb = A [ N = Sb = Pd

GENERATION OF INDIVIDUAL B1 TYPES

87

j ) Compl" This has to d o with Bl with verbs that in this connection have lost their full meaning, so that they c a n n o t a p p e a r independently in the sentence. In such cases Bl becomes the notional kernel of the phrase, it fills the empty verbal frame, f o r m s with it together a functional whole, i.e. it has no specific function of its own in the sentence. T h a t is why it becomes obligatory. Compl" f r o m Temp: mat' kedy (to have time); Compl" f r o m Loc: brat' na musku (draw a bead on), prist na rozum (enter in one's mind), sadnut na lep (swallow the bait), skocit' do reci (butt in), 1st' na koren veci (get to the root of this thing), starosi odpadne z hlavy (get the worry out of one's head), zavriet sa do seba (become reserved), dostai sa do uzkych (get into a tight corner), dostat'sa do kase (get into a mess), dostai sa do pomykova (get into embarrassment), prist' do rozpakov (feel at a loss), prist' do pomykova (land in embarrassment), prist' do t'azkosti (land in t r o u b l e ) . . . Compl" f r o m Fin: dat' na vedomie (let know), dat' najavo (make clear), dat' k dispozicii (place at somebody's disposal), dat sa do prace (get down to work), pustit sa do prace (take up work), dat' (sa) do parady (put o n finery), dat'(sa) do poriadku (get into order), dat (sa) dokopy, dohromady (get together), vyjst' navnivoc (come ,to nothing), vyjst na psi tridsiatok (come away empty-handed), vyjst najedno (turn out the s a m e ) . . . Compl" f r o m Mod: brat's rezervou (take with reserve), pustit sa za pasy (come to close quarters), drzat' sa pokope (hold together), vodi sa mi dobre (I a m getting on well)... Deserving special attention are the instances with the possessive copula mat (to have), which presuppose t r a n s f o r m a t i o n a n d in which Compl° is represented only by the pronominal exponent tak (so) referring to a clause of m a n n e r : mat'na mysli, na ume (have in mind), mat v umysle (have the intention), mat' v plane (plan), mat'v ucte (have respect), mat' v hrsti (have in one's pocket), mat' za lubom (have a design), mat v suchu (have made a pile), mat' poruke (have at hand), mat' k dispozicii (have at one's disposal), mat' naporudzi (have at hand), mat'jasno (it is clear to me), mat' naponahle (be in a hurry), mat' namale (have a narrow escape)... (v) Tvoj obraz mam stale na mysli. (I always have your picture in mind.) (v') „Tvoj obraz mam stale tak, ze je na mysli." ("I have always your picture so that it is in my m i n d . " ) Combinations of all these Compl0 with the verb byi (to be) can be determined Pdv: byi v kasi (to be in a mess), byi v pomykove (to be in an embarrassment), v rozpakoch (to be at a loss), je mi jasno (it is clear to m e ) , . . . All cases of Compl0 represent some kind of closer denominative connection two components, often of phraseological character. T h a t is for instance why consider the transformation as abated in cases with the verb mat' (to have).

as byi of we

V.

T R A N S F O R M A T I O N S I N THE Bl S P H E R E The transformative operations do not form a separate component in the description of the sentence; they are located at different places and stages in the sentence structure. They are closely linked with the formational rules. As we have concluded, with the exception of "technical" transformations, which are represented by the permutation of morphemes and their integration in grammatical forms (what is called morphological and morphonological transformations), all what is called "real", syntactic transformations occurs wherever a cumulation of two syntactic functions in one sentence member takes place. We have to deal with: a) permutative transformations, viz. the change of the word-order, bringing about a cumulation of the respective sentence member with emphasis or expressiveness (this cumulation can explain the traditional conception of what is called psychological subject and predicate — this is the substance of Mathesius' functional sentence perspective)', b) eliminative and substitutive transformations, which imply the deletion and substitution of some sentence members or components; c) embedding transformations, in the course of which a structural formation, after having lost its sentence value by way of elimination or substitution, is embedded in the matrix sentence. In accordance with the starting from either one sentence or two sentences in the transformations, we distinguish the one-sentence and two-sentence transformations. Three-sentence and more-sentence transformations can be reduced to the two-sentence transformations. The respective kinds of transformations may be applied singly or in combination. There are simple transformations or complex transformations. The simple eliminative transformations (Telim) may take place in a simple sentence or in the complex sentence. The complex transformations are represented by zeugmatic transformations and by what is called condensation transformations. The zeugmatic transformation takes place in the case of two sentences having all their members in common except Bl. After the elimination of the duplicate members from the second sentence the left-over Bl is embedded into the first matrix sentence.

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TRANSFORMATIONS IN THE B1 SPHERE

According to the relation of the embedded Bl in the matrix sentence we can distinguish here coordinative, correlative, subordinative, substitutive, comparative, and attributive transformations (TC00l.d, Tcorei, Tsubord, Tsupl, Tcompar, Tattrib). The condensation transformations are most complicated. After the elimination of the members of the second component sentence ( S c ) some other members are substituted, and after permutations this rearranged sentenceless formation is embedded into first, matrix sentence (S M ). Among the condensation transformations must be included the infinitive, gerund, passive, and nominalization transformations (Tinf, T T T ) ^transgri paw • nom'' A survey: A.

T elim

B.

T* zeug* 11> 4Tcoord 1 9 T corel 1 T •••subord 4, T s u p l 5 *compar T ^i Tattrib

C.

T1condens* - I' Tinf 1 transgr 1 3 T pass 1 4>T nom

According to their occurrence in the sentence transformations are further subdivised into optional and obligatory. The latter are very important from the structural point of view, as they contribute to interpreting some complex surface structures by way of reconstructing their primary shapes. The primary constructions from which these transformations start are not used in practice, while the reason is not their non-grammatical character, but their excessively periphrastic shape (it is thus a matter of style): (a) „Deti sa vratili tak, ze boli zdrave." ("The children returned so that they were healthy.") => (a') Deti sa vratili zdrave. (The children returned healthy.) (b) „Robotnici pracovali na poskodenej trati od rana a robotnici pracovali na poskodenej trati do vecera." ("The labourers were repairing the damaged railway line from morning on, and the labourers were repairing the damaged railway line till evening.") => (b') Robotnici pracovali na poskodenej trati od rana do vecera. (The labourers were repairing the damaged railway from morning till evening.) As we apply transformations at different stages of sentence structure we must take into account only those categories that belong to the respective stage. This, however,

TRANSFORMATIONS IN THE B1 SPHERE

91

concerns only those categories that are subject to t r a n s f o r m a t i o n ; as for the other categories, we prefer their most concise, i.e. most general, notation. T h u s in the transf o r m a t i o n f o r m u l a e we find side by side heterogeneous categories, which, however, d o not obstruct f r o m the structural point of view. In the course of further expansion (lexical and phonological) the more abstract categories "catch u p " with the more specific categories, a n d in the end b o t h are on a unique level. Categories that figure side by side in the even in the structural respect: V — Resp notation (and a linear shape of a sentence respect the multidimensional character of

t r a n s f o r m a t i o n formulae may be disparate — Pdv — Loc... T h a t is because a linear in its surface structure in general) c a n n o t the deep structure:

Loc - V I Resp

Pdv

In the course of transformation only sporadic attention is paid to the word-order, since it is primarily economic reasons that induce us to ignore the permutative transformations. A transformation concerns, as a rule, a whole sentence. However, even in such a case when it refers only to some elements, the change affects the structure of the whole sentence. If a sentence as such loses in the course of transformation its validity, that is to say, if Pd changes into another sentence member, the transformation affects, as a matter of fact, even the other sentence, i.e. the matrix sentence, to which it is related a n d into which the sentenceless remainder is embedded after the q u o t e d substitutive transformation. That is why we must also include the matrix sentence in the transformation. T h u s the o u t p u t of the t r a n s f o r m a t i o n must every time have the character of a sentence. In other words, the input material for transformation must be ample enough to produce at least one sentence in the result. This condition may be formulated as follows: Sjyj (S& => SM

S 1 — input of T, primary 5 S2 — output of T, secondary 5 => — transformation symbol

The condition that the T o u t p u t must be a sentence results in a n o t h e r implicit condition: S2 = 0 This concerns the deletion of sentence members, a n d in such a way, that the elimination must not affect all the members. Bl is a very plastic sentence member in respect to the transformation. It easily takes over the "successory" syntactic functions for the extinct sentence constructions, forms various bifunctional combinations, a n d offers ample possibilities of condensing the more complex sentence structures, so that it provides wide transformative valence.

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TRANSFORMATIONS IN THE B1 SPHERE

A. S I M P L E E L I M I N A T I V E T R A N S F O R M A T I O N S 1. One-sentence

(Telim)

Telim

It is in the first place the one-sentence transformation that involves the deletion of several categories. In this work we are interested only in such sentences in which there remain one or more Bl after elimination. The situation is more simple in the case of V elimination. It is Bl that represents afterwards the whole Pd, so that the sentence is not left a two-member character. It occurs in newpaper headlines: (Dukla to South America in January.) (c) Dukla v januari do Juznej Ameriky. (d) Killy vcera suverenne. ("Killy supremely yesterday.") (e) Dnes finale. (The final today.) ( f ) ¿elezniciari podia noveho cestovneho poriadku. (The railway employees according to the new time-table.) The second type of this transformation consists of cases with left-over Bl, in which the two-member character of the sentence (i.e. Sb — Pd) is only implicit: (g) V novom roku s novou technikou. (With new technology in the new year.) (h) Tohto roku usilovnejsie. (With greater effort this year.) (i) V Tesle po novom. (In Tesla a new.) (j) Na zem! — Vpred! — Celom vzad! (Down! — Forward! — About turn!) (k) V zime. — Cestou. — Pred skuskou. — Po Amazdnke. (In winter. — On the way. — Before the examination. — Along the Amazon.) This last group includes titles of articles, books, names of pictures, commands, slogans, and the like. The transformation may be formulated as follows: T 1

5

elim

1

52

Sb —aux r r v i ( M o d ) ) l (Loc)~| (Temp)

Condition: optionally

LL ((Resp)j J J (Sb) f(Mod) j (Loc) (Temp) {(Resp)j

Also other Bl types come into consideration here. Due to the simplicity of the problems, however, the above formulation is quite instructive. Cases of the type Rapid zasliizene majstrom (Rapid, well deservingly a champion) should not be included here as the successor of Pd is presented primarily by Pdv (,majstrom — a champion) and not by Bl (zasliizene — deservingly). In such cases as Amerika dnes (Amerika of today), or Slovensko pred prvou svetovou vojnou (Slovakia before the First World War) there is already a two-sentence Tsup The condition of optional character seems to not be strictly valid. Piecisely in those

T R A N S F O R M A T I O N S IN THE BI SPHERE

93

places where this type of sentences occurs most frequently (titles of articles, commands, slogans and the like) there is a clear tendency to standardize by imitating the prototypes mechanically. As the result of this V can no more be reconstructed lexically. But if the transformation proceeds on the morphological level (we delete not the lexical V but the V category, i.e. we transform not concrete sentences but categories of sentences, that is to say, the sentence in its deep structure), the condition "optionally" can be maintained. 2. Two-sentence

Telim

This group concerns transformations in which rel and Vcop are deleted from the subordinate attributive Sc possessing Pdv, and the whole formation is embedded into SM with the validity of a free or close At. In reality we have here already to deal with a substitutive T (predicative A substitutes for Srel). However, from the point of view of the Bl which associates with A we have to deal with a simple elimination only. (1) Miso, na tvari cely cerveny, vytratil sa z izby. (Miso, all red in the face, disappeared from the room.) (m) Konare stromov, pred chvifou este hole a smutne, zaskveli sa zrazu belobou snehu. (The branches of trees, bare and sad shortly before, glittered all at once with the whiteness of the snow.) (n) Stryc, dlhe roky stolicny asesor, bol vynikajuci pravnik. (Uncle, a district official with long years of service, was a prominent lawyer.) (c) Karas, donedavna bezvyznamny uradnik, stal sa zrazu vyznamnou osobou. (Karas, until lately an insignificant clerk, suddenly became an important person.) (p) Mat'o, vzdy v uradnej ciapke, vstal a zasalutoval. (Mat'o, always with his official cap on, stood up and gave his salute.) (q) Jano, kazdy deii od rana v hostinci, nevychadzal z biedy. (Jano, in the inn every day from early morning, remained always in poverty.) (r) Svoj navrchu vyplznuty klobuk nevypustil z ruk. (His hat, so shabby at the top, he grasped firmly in his hands.) (s) Vytiahol si svoj najmenej dvadsat'rocny sviatocny oblek. (He took out his more than twenty-year old Sunday clothes.) (t) Svoju vecne spinavu tvar prikryval dlanami a mlcal. (He covered his always dirty face with his hands and was silent.) (u) Podal mi na sedliaka prills hladku ruku. (He shook my hand with his own, too smooth for a farmer's.) S1 Sl

X —N —cas —Y —scad rel - N' - sb - BlI ff ijNom|"lcad NomHc LlAdj U p X - N - c a s ( s c a d ) Bl r f N o m j l c a d [_ [Adj Ati

JJ

Conditions: optionally N = N' if scad => 0 and A t 2 = A then N — A t 2 => A t 2 - N Bl = Temp, Loc, Resp rel = relative pron

94

T R A N S F O R M A T I O N S I N T H E B1 S P H E R E

The kernel of this transformation is the deletion of rel, N\ sb and the functional change Pdv => At2, though perhaps, if At2 is close (i.e. scad => 0), also the permutation N—A => A—N may come into consideration (sentences (r) to (u)). The condition at2 = cas means a congruence of the attributive categories and the N categories in the matrix sentence. In the course of this transformation Bl does not actually undergo any change. The transformation merely helps to explain why Bl found itself associated with the attributive AP and NP, for Temp and Loc are essentially adverbial. 3- Tabs This is a transformation that leads to the Absolute nominative and the Absolute accusative in the adnominal position: (v) Stary vojak, puska na kolene, pokojne pofajcieval. (The old soldier smoked calmly, his rifle on his knee.) (w) Stary vojak, pusku na kolene, prekvapene pozrel na nets (The old soldier, his rifle on his knee, looked at us with surprise.) (x) Nevesta, dve male deti na rukach, stalapredo dvermi a cakala. (The daughter-in-law, two small children in her arms, was standing in front of the door and waiting.) S1

5

1

5

2

["Nj-Sb-X-Y-Scad

"1

[_rel-N'i -cas, -Z-N 2 -cas 2 -V-Loc-cadJ

Conditions: optionally

N x = N\

=> N 1 -sb-scad-Z-N 2 -cas 2 -Loc-scad-X-Y-cad cas2 = ( < \ >

and caSj =

|

have) and c a s ! =

j

if V = byt' (to be) i f V = mat'(to

X , Y , Z = arbitrary members

At the same time constructions with the verb mat (to have) in Sl are as such also secondary (see Tsupl with the possessive copula mat' (to have)). We take into consideration this transformation only in order to explain the seemingly adnominal position of Loc. Otherwise we interpret the absolute nominative and accusative in the Pdv2 position in connection with Tsupl. Cases of the attributive absolute nominative and accusative of the type Stary, hlava v obvazoch, lezal nehybne na posteli (The old man, his head in bandages, was lying motionless in his bed) should not be included here, as the expression v obvazoch (in bandages) cannot be qualified as Loc but as Pdv. As a matter of fact, in the primary S"1 we are not concerned with localization (i.e. with the concrete meaning of the verb byt' — to be), but the expression v obvazoch (in bandages) means the determinative quality related by Vcop to Sb.

95

TRANSFORMATIONS IN THE B1 SPHERE

B. Z E U G M A T I C T R A N S F O R M A T I O N S

(Tzeug)

Here we have to do with elimination and embedding (or peihaps permutation) in the two-sentence transformations. The input of this transformation are two sentences with identical sentence members except Bl. In the output is the zeugmatic joining of the two sentences into unique one with both BVs coordinated, complementarily correlated or subordinated (Tc00ri, Tcorrel, Tiubord). The second type of these transformations is represented by the cases in which Bl or another sentence member after the deletion of the residual sentence members of the adverbial clause becomes successor of the given clause, and is as such embedded into the matrix sentence (T supl ). Its specific kind is the comparative transformation (T compar ). And finally there are transformations, in the course of which Bl moves from its starting relative clause into the matrix sentence joining to N as its attribute (TAt). In such cases there is an extinction of Bl function or a shift of Bl to another function level. Tcoord (y) Vcera a dnes sa nestalo nic zvlastneho. (Yesterday and today nothing extraordinary happened.) (z) Peniaze najdes v skrini alebo v stole. (You will find the money either in the case or in the table.) (a) Ticho a opatrne sa priblizil k plotu. (He came near the fence silently and carefully.) This transformations differs in no way from Tcoord of other sentence members. One common rule is valid here, which is related to the coordination rule 2.21 concerning the expansion of the end of the sentence: fX-Bli-Y-scad Tx-Bli-Y-Scad "1 "1 [conj-X'-B^-Y'-cadj

S1

S

1

Conditions: obligatory X = X \ Y = Y'

X-Bl a '(scad) c o n j - B l b - Y - c a d

X, Y = arbitrary Bl a , Bl b are of the same kind with further T c o o r d conj => 0

(

scad occurs, if conj = iale ale (but), (bm

|

a

\ avsak (however)J

conj = [+coord] b)

^Corel

(b) Slavnost'prelozime zo stredy from Wednesday to Saturday.) (c) Skusky potrvaju od utorka from Tuesday to Saturday.)

na sobotu.

(We shall put off the celebration

do soboty.

(The examinations will continue

96

TRANSFORMATIONS IN THE B1 SPHERE

(d) Majster vykladal z batoha na stol vselijake nacinie. (The master was taking various tools out of his tool-kit onto the table.) (e) Zlava napravo neustale prechadzali ludia. (People were continually passing from the left to the right.) (f) Zhora padali na zem kusy tehal. (Pieces of bricks were falling from the top to the ground.) ("S1 [S1

X-Bli-Y-scad "I conj-X'-Bli-Y'-cadJ X-Bli(Z)Blb-cad

Conditions: obligatory X', Y \ Bl a , Bl b as above

B1 = fTempl

\Dir

/

[prep]B1 = correlative, e.g. od — do (from — to) z — na (out of — onto) [N, B]b1 are often antonymous Z = optional member between Bl 1 and Bl 2

Cases of correlative Bl are semantically so interrelated that they form one complex semantic unit. As the result of this, tautonymic cases cannot be interpreted by transformation (even as they have partly assumed a phraseological character): z casu na cas (from time to time), zo dna na den (from day to day), z jedneho dna na druhy (from one day to another day), z pondelka na utorok (from Monday to Tuesday), z roka na rok (from year to year); z domu do domu (from house to house), z izhy do izby (from room to room), od Pavla k Savlovi (from Paul to Saul),... Exceptionally there are correlated Mod's: z kroka na krok (from step to step), z nohy na nohu (from foot to foot), z riik do ust (to live from hand to mouth), z rucky do riicky (from hand to hand). C

)

1subord

(g) V sobotu o jednej cakam pred autobusovou stanicu. (On Saturday at one o'clock I will be waiting in front of the bus station.) (h) Vcera vecer dostala Maria neocakavanu navstevu. (Yesterday night Mary got an unexpected visit.) (i) Vtedy v zime som to este nemohol vediet'. (At that time in winter I could not have known it yet.) (j) V Tatrach zriadili v Smokovci novy lyziarsky vlek. (In the Tatras they made a new rope-way for skiers at Smokovec.) (k) Hiadanu miestnosi najdete na tejto chodbe vlavo. (You will find the room you want in this corridor on the left.)

97

TRANSFORMATIONS IN THE B1 SPHERE

(1) Doma mame v izbe akvarium. (At home we have an aquarium in the sitting room.) (m) Drevo je dolu pod schodmi. (The wood is down below the stairs.) (n) Tarn na konci stal vtedy osamely dom. (At that time one solitary house stood over there at the end.) (o) Rieka musi byi tu blizko. (There must be a river nearby.) (p) Tieto slova povedal tak pomaly. (He uttered those words so slowly.) (q) Opakujpekne ticho vsetko, co si videl. (Now repeat rather quietly everything you saw.) S1 S1

Conditions: obligatory

fX-Blg en -Y-scad I conj-X'-Bl' -Y'-cad X-Bl^n-Bls2pec-Y-cad X-Y-Bl^en-scad fconj 2

Bl g e n , Bl s p e c are related as genus to species B1 = Temp, Loc, Mod BlSpec-cad

j(Z)

X = X \ Y' = Y' X, Y = arbitrary Z = optional member and Bl 2 conj = [+coord]

between

Bl l

Mod is doubtful here. A marked variant of this transformation is apposition (alternating formula in brackets, conj2 = a to (namely): (k') Hladanu miesnost' najdete na tejto chodbe, vlavo. (You will find the room you want in this corridor, on the left.) (k") Hladanu miestnost'najdete na tejto chodbe, a to vlavo. (You will find the room you want in this corridor, namely on the left.) Otherwise the sentence (k) is homonymous. As a matter of fact, the expression vlavo (on the left) may be interpreted also as an attribute and is generated in TAt. In the case of permutation of BPs in question they stand in apposition and have a reversed meaning: vlavo (t.j.) na tejto chodbe—on the left (that is) in this corridor. TSUbori may be repeated recursively: (r) V oktobri v poslednu nedelu populudni o tretej hodine slavnostne otvorili muzeum tohto mesmrtelneho umelca. (The last Sunday of October at three o'clock in the afternoon they ceremonilly opened the museum for this immortal artist.) T 1

dispar

(s) V sobotu som pracoval cely den. (On Saturday I worked all day.) (t) V Bulharsku nakladaju papriku do sudov. (In Bulgaria they pickle peppers in barrels.) This is in fact, the same T as Tsubord, it only lacks the relation genus—species in connection with Bl. Both BFs in question denote different sub-types (Term-Dur,

98

TRANSFORMATIONS IN THE B1 SPHERE

Sit-Dir) within the framework of the same type. The word-order of the two Bl, s is not bound up with the transformational conditions. d

)

Tsupi

This is a rich set of two-sentence transformations, whose input is a complex sentence with a subordinate adverbial clause. This component sentence is in the course of T reduced to the nuclear sentence member (the kernel of utterance according to Mathesius), which takes over the validity of the sentence after its extinction and is embedded into the matrix sentence. The transformation is signaled here by the double value of the component, as well as by the intonation. These transformations will be differentiated according to the remaining fnember and according to the type of the sentence from which the member has originated. E.g. [Loc]Temp is Loc from -S^mp- The transformation rules are a continuation of respective formation rules, which introduce SB, in different stages of their further development. 1. [Loc]Temp (u) Na konci ulice zabocte doprava. (At the end (u') Ked budete na konci ulice, (vtedy) zabocte end of the street, turn to your right.) (v) Doma daj kvety do vazy. (Put the flowers in a (v') Ked budes doma, (vtedy) daj kvety do vazy. flowers in a vase.)

of the street turn to your right.) doprava. (When you are at the vase at home.) (When you get home, put the

Cases («) and (v) may be also interpreted as r e n m (Na konci ulice zabocil a zabocil doprava — At the end of the street he turned and he turned to his right). Nevertheless, the contrasting intonation stress put on the phrase na konci ulice (at the end of the street) indicates a concealed S Xemp validity. Here we may also include cases with one Loc: (w) Viirade nezabudni zavolat' domovu spravu. (Do not forget to ring up the landlord's office from your office.) (x) Pri brane ho pristavil straznik. (At the gate he was stopped by a policeman.) A very clear semantic feature of such constructions, distinguishing them from constructions with the primary Loc, is the fact that Loc here has a different temporal situation from the rest of the sentence. Loc implies precedence which refers to another sentence: Sl

rconj-N-sb-V-Loc-scadl

51

[ pron c -X-N'-Y-Z-cad J

2

=> Loc (scad)X-N'-Y-Z-cad

5

Conditions: optional conj = [+temp] pron = vtedy (then) V = byi (to be) N = N' X, Y, Z = arbitrary

TRANSFORMATIONS IN THE B1 SPHERE

99

2. [Loc]Moi (y) Chlapi isli pred vozami. (The men walked in front of the carts.) (y') Chlapi isli tak, ze boli pred vozami. (The men walked so that they were in front of the carts.) (z) 2eny islipri vozoch. (The women walked beside the carts.) (z') ¿eny isli tak, ze boli pri vozoch. (The women walked so that they were beside the carts.) We can include here even the more complex, phraseologically stabilized cases, when the original SMoi has as its transform more than one component: hlava na hlave (head to head — crowds), piece pri pled (breast to breast), chlap popri chlapovi (man beside man)... Thus we have to do with [Sb-Loc]Moi: (a) Eudia tam stali hlava na hlave. ("People stood there head to head" —in a compact mass.) (a') Eudia tam stali tak, ie hlava bola na hlave. ("People stood here so that head was to head.") (b) Chlapi kracali piece pri pleci. (The men marched shoulder to shoulder.) (c) Vojaci postupovali chlap popri chlapovi cez pole. ("The soldiers went forward man to man.") 3. [Temp]Cond (d) Pred rokom by bola operacia este mozna. (A year ago an operation was still possible.) (d') Keby to bolo pred rokom, (vtedy) bola operacia este mozna. (If it were a year ago, then the operation would still be possible.) (e) V noci by to bolo nevhodne. (It would not be convenient at night.) (f) Zajtra by bolo neskoro. (Tomorrow it would be late.) 4. [Loc]Coni (g) Do ma by bol inac hovoril. (At home he would have spoken differently.) (h) Na slnku sa citila dobre. (In the sun she felt well.) 5- [Mod}Coni (i) Nasilim ludi neziskas. (You will not win over people to your side by force.) (j) Takto jednoducho to nepojde. (It will not be carried out so simply.) 6. [Instr]Mod (k) Na takomto stroji like this.) (1) Takouto ceruzkou a pencil like this.)

nevyrobite nic. (You will produce nothing by a machine to nenapises pekne. (You will not write it nicely with

100

TRANSFORMATIONS IN THE B1 SPHERE

All these cases may be interpreted according to one T: S1 51

rconj-[pron N ] sb V-aux-Bl-scad"| [_pron Cd -X-Y-Z-neg-cad J

5 2 => Bl-scad-X-Y-Z-neg-cad _ V = byt', stat' sa (to be, to become)

Conditions: optional conj = [+cond] aux = [+cond] pronN = to (it) B1 = iTemp, Loci (Loc, Instr J

According to the relation Cone pcCCond'neg it is also possible to perform this transformation for [Loc]Cmc, [Temp]Conc, and [Mod]Conc. (m) Aj pred rokom by uz bola operdcia nemozna. (Even a year ago an operation would have been impossible.) (m') Ani teraz be possible.)

by uz nebola operdcia mozna. (Not even now would the operation

(n) Aj doma by bol takto hovoril. (He would have spoken like that even at home.) (n') Ani tu by nebol inac hovoril. (He would not have spoken differently even here.) (o) Aj ndsilim

ludiziskas.

(o') Ani po dobrom

(You will win over people to your side even by force.)

tudi neziskas. (You will not win over people to your side

even by kindness.) (p) Aj takto (p') Ani

jednoducho to pojde. (It will be possible even in this simple way.)

takto

komplikovane

to nepojde. (It will not be possible even in this

complicated way.) (n) Aj na takomto

stroji

to vyrobime. (We can produce it even with a machine

like this.) (q') Ani na inom stroji another machine.)

by ste to nevyrobili. (You could not produce it even with

By means of such transformation substitutes of the form [X]Cond and [X]Canc may also originate with other sentence member, while Sb and V are identical in both input sentences. 7

- [Second* [°bi]c0nd > [Ob3]Coni

(r) Styri auta takyto naklad neodvezu. (Four lorries will not cart away such a load.) (s) Takyto naklad styri auta neodvezu. (Such a load four lorries will not cart away.) (t) Poviem to iba riaditelovi. (I shall tell it only to the manager.) (t') „Poviem to iba vtedy, ked to poviem riaditelovi." ("I shall tell it only when I tell the manager.")

101

T R A N S F O R M A T I O N S IN THE B1 SPHERE

S1 51

rX-N-V-aux(pcl)pron cd -scad~| J_conj-X'-V'-aux'-N'-neg-cad

J

5 2 = X-V-aux(scad)(pcl)N-neg-cad

Conditions: optional pron Cd = vtedy (then) pel = ten, iba (only)

aux- = a u x =

[+cond]

conj = [ + c o n d ] X' = X = arbitrary N ' = N = iSb \ \Ob }

Type [SA]^^ etc. is identical with [Sb]Cond..., with only exception that pel (aj, ani — even, not even) and the negation are added: (u) Ani vlastnd matka ti uz nespomdze. (Not even your own mother will help you any more.) (v) Nepoviem to ani vlastnemu bratovi. (I shall not tell it even to my own brother.) 8- [At2)Cond (w) Nova metla dobre metie. (A new broom sweeps clean.) (w') Metla metie dobre vtedy, kedje (metla) novä. (A broom sweeps clean (then) when it is new.) (x) Tic ha voda brehy myje. (Still water washes away the banks.) (y) Zlä zelina nevyhynie. (Wild growth will not become extinct.) S1 51

rconj-N-sb-Vcop-Pdv-scad "I [_pronCd [N']SbX-Y-neg-cadJ

5 2 => At scad [N'] sb X-Y-neg-cad

Conditions: optional

Pdv = At2 = A

conj = [ - f c o n d ]

N' = N

X, Y = arbitrary

With the help of pel and neg we can also obtain the type [At2]Coni: (z) Aj stard metla niekedy dobre metie. (Even an old broom sometimes sweeps clean.) (z') Ani novä metla niekedy dobre nemetie. (Not even a new broom sometimes sweeps clean.) 9. TPdvi All the sentence constructions in Slovak, in which Vsit, Vdir, and Vhab are associated with what is called "complement" (doplnok, Ergänzung', second predicate, predicative attribute60), are not primary, but they originate in subordinated clauses 60

As for the determination of the "complement" as the second predicate, see R u z i i k a , Zakladne sporne otäzky slovenskej skladby, p. 23. Another discussion of the question of the "complement" in Slovak can be found in J. S v e t l i k , Doplnok v slovencine ("Complement" in Slovak, Jazykovedne Studie I, SAV, Bratislava 1959, p. 89 ff.); J. K a ö a l a , Doplnok a intenenä struktüra (The "Complement" and the Intention Structure, Jazykovedny ¿asopis 18, SAV, 1967, p. 129 ff.).

102

T R A N S F O R M A T I O N S I N THE B1 SPHERE

of manner, in which the predecessor of the "complement" is represented by the primary Pdv or Loc. After T, i.e. after the deletion of residual sentence members Pdv or Loc become the successor of SMn,,. We label it as Pdv2. I.e. fr ffPdv) => Pdv 2 . P d v i1l [_(LocJJ Mod As to Pdv2 the following representative rules hold: pdv

' ~ A t ] | [ i f _ N ] < 6 > v, na, pri (in, on, at) medzi, s (between, with) if I Adj ; - y l = [if_V i t r ] | |pcp — y4= [otherwise]] i f _ B A and V,s i t + i t r J ' —0—

Cases with A rV ' A are more complex, and here we refer to Tcondens. There exist various types, according to the sort of verbs, according to their transitiveness and the representation of Pdv2: Pdv:

stài (he stood) sedi (he is sitting) V dir : prisiel (he came) pristupil (he stepped up to) poslal ho (he sent him) priviedol ho (he brought him up) V hab : videi sa (he saw himself) videi ho (he saw him) zastihol ho (he found him)

bez ciapky, bez zeny (without one's cap, without his wife) v kabate, v pomykove, v bezvedomi, v dobrom zdravi (with his coat, in the embarrassement, unconscious, in good health) s knihou v ruke, s priatelom hand, with a friend)

(with a book in his

dobrej vole (willing) spokojnylspokojneho ticho, pokojne,

(content)

smutne

(quietly, peacefully, sadly)

vyobliekany/vyobliekaneho denyjnenavideneho

do novych siat,

od vsetkych,

nenavi-

strazenylstraze-

neho dvoma vojakmi (dressed in new clothes, hated by all of them, guarded by two policemen) odpocivajuceho

(reposing)

[postloc N o m ] p d v 2 : na bale, na polovacke, pri kartach (on the ball, on the chase, at cards) Loc: v skole, na terase, pri rieke, medzi priatelmi, medzi stromami, doma, daleko (in the school, on the terrace, at the river, among the friends, among the trees, at home, far)

103

T R A N S F O R M A T I O N S IN THE B1 SPHERE

[Pdv]Mod => Pdv 2 S1 S1

X-N < i P -V-Y-pron M -scad conj-N' < 1 P -òji'fPdvl cad (Locj X-N-V-Yj^|Pdv|J

cad

Conditions: obligatory 1) < i >

i < l > [if_Vilr] \ I < 4g> [otherwise]/

2) V = | V s i t (exc. byi — to be),j

|

3) byf (to be) = ( [ + c o p ] [if Pdv]) \[+sit] [if_Loc] | 4) Pdv = r ( N o m i [ w h i l e _ V s i l < Adj !• ' [pep ) . postloc N o m [while

hab]

dir

Vhab]

5) If [B] Pdv 2 than—V s i t and B = [ + stat] 6) Loc = i N o m [ w h i l e _ V h a b ] l | Adv [otherwise] f 7) pron M — conj = tak — ze (so — that) 8) N ' = N; X, Y = respective other members Notes: Postloc Nom = cases of type na bait, na pofovacke, pri kartach (on the ball, on the chase, at cards). In Vsit~Loc we have to deal with Loc 1 .

The main reason for transformational interpretation is to be found in the fact that the member under consideration a) is related not only to the verb (in cases of N-prep and B), but also to Sb or Ob resp.; b) is related not only to Sb or Ob (in cases of Adj and pep), but also to the verb: Chlapec sedi bez ciapky. (The boy is sitting without his cap.) Ako sedi? (How is he sitting?) Sedi bez ciapky. (He is sitting without his cap.) Aky sedi? ("What like" is he sitting?) Je bez ciapky. (He is without his cap.) Chlapec sedi smutny. (The boy is sitting sad.) Aky sedi? ("What like" is he sitting?) Je smutny. (He is sad.) Ako sedi? (How is he sitting?) Sedi smutne. (He is sitting sadly.) Contrary to the native syntactic tradition, in accord with H. K r i z k o v à 6 1 we also include here cases with B: Chlapec sedi smutne. (The boy is sitting sadly.) Ako sedi? (How is he sitting?) Sedi smutne. (He is sitting sadly.) Aky sedi? ("What like" is he sitting?) Je smutny. (He is sad.) K r i z k o v à , second cit. op. from Note 45.

104

TRANSFORMATIONS IN THE B1 SPHERE

Cases with A and B are identical in their input sentences (i.e. [A]Piv), but nevertheless they differ in the transformation result. While in A transform the relation to N(=Sb, Ob) remained predominant (the relation to the verb, to be sure, did not cease to exist), in B transform it was, on the other hand, the relation to the verb which prevailed, while the relation to N likewise was preserved. Cases, in which [7V]Ml)2 is associated with prepositions na (on), za (for, as), belong to the group of Tcondens: uznâvat' niekoho za odbornika (to take somebody for an expert), prijat' niekoho za sekretârku (to accept a person as secretary). Among the Vhab cases we also include the verb mat (to have) in various constructions: mat' satku na hlave (to have a scarf on one's head), mat' ruku v obvàze (to have one's hand in bandage), mat' priatela na vojne (to have a friend in the army), mat' starsich v ûcte (to honour one's elders), mat' obed navareny (to have dinner prepared), mat' upratané (to have one's home tidied). Transformation must be insisted on here because the verb mat' (to have), owing to its abstract meaning, cannot associate with special Bl determination (of place, concrete circumstance...). [Pdv2]Cond , Cone,

Caus

Here we have to do with a transposition of the precedent type into the categories Cond, Cone, and Caus: (a) Pivo sa pije studené. (Beer is drunk cold.) (b) Pivo je dobré studené. (Beer is good when cold.) (c) S tou fasâdou je dompekny. (The house is nice with its façade.) (d) Je vesely s kamarâtmi. (He is jolly with comrades.) (e) Bez penazi sa nevracaj! (Don't come back without money!) (f) Vajicka mu nikdy nechutia na màkko. (He never likes soft-boiled eggs.) (g) Aj bez tych nohavic budes peknâl (Even without the trousers you would look nice!) (h) Vydrzim aj bez kyslika. (I shall get along even without oxygen.) (i) Je to dobré aj s tou zâplatou. (It is all right even with that patch.) (j) Bola pôvabnâ s tym chlapcenskym ûcesom. (She was charming with her boyish hair.) (k) Bez prislusného materiâlu neurobim nié. (Without the needed material I shall not do anything.) This is mutatis mutandis the same type of transformation. In connection with Pdv2 we may pose an interesting question. It concerns the primary character of [A]Pdv and [N< 1 >] PlJ „, i.e. such cases as je usilovny (he is diligent), je slaboch (he is a weakling). As a matter of fact, neither the adjective nor the nominative of nouns find any structural support in the verb. The adjective is a category which is directly bound up with N, while the nominative of N is primarily an independent sentence member. In accordance with the experience hitherto acquired in analysing sentence structure and in transforming them it is clear that we must primarily assume adverbs and N taky dobry: so good -- "such good"; ako vysoky => aky vysoky: how high => "what high") we feel induced to take into consideration also the possibility of an attractive transformation (T alr ): 51 5

2

X - N < y i > A d v A —0 —Y

Conditions: obligatory

=> X - N < y > A d - y ' i ' = - Y

Y'=Y Adv A = |[pron] A p i

\[BA]pdv f 10. [Pdv]Conc Here we have to do with a primary Pdv from a concessive clause which is replaced by the former: (o) Pán-nepán,

musís ist'pesky.

(Lord or no lord, you must go on foot.)

(p') Ci si pan, ci si nepán, musís ist'pesky. (Whether you are a lord or whether you are no lord, you must go on foot.) (p) Brat-nebrat, tree!)

z ceresne dolu\ (Brother or no brother, down from the cherry-

(q) Svagor-nesvagor, pay your debt!")

dlh zaplañ

("Brother

in-law or

no

brother-in-law,

Here we have to do with three-sentence transformations, whose input is two concessive clauses in a disjunctive coordination: S1 S1 S1

conj-Sb-V cop -N-scad conj'-conj"-Sb'-V c o p -neg-N'-scad (pcl)pron-Sb"-X-Y-Z-cad

S 2 => [N-neg-N] Conc scad-Sb"-X-Y-Z-cad

Conditions: optional conj" = conj = ci (whether) conj' = alebo (or) pron = vt edy (then) pcl = a j (even)

N' = N = [+hum] Sb" = Sb' = Sb = [+hutn] X, Y, Z = arbitrary

Here we may also include isolated cases with pronouns akokotvek (however), hocijako ("anyhow", any way, in any case), which should be likewise interpreted as [PdvVonc(r) Akokofvek, it.)

ale to si nemal robii. (Be that as it may, you should not have done

107

T R A N S F O R M A T I O N S IN THE B1 SPHERE

(s) Hocijako, first place.)

ale povintiosf je na prvom mieste. (Anyway, duty comes in the

S1 51

[

52

[pron] Conc scad-X-Y-Z-cad

Conditions: optional

(pcl)conj-Sb-V cop [pron] Pdv scad~| conj'-X-Y-Z-cad J

conj = [ + c o n c ] conj' = ale (but) Sb => A pron = akokohek, hocijako X, Y, Z = arbitrary

11. Tml

[Wfc}]

JMod => Pdv2

One type of [Pdv2]Mod is the Absolute nominative and accusative, which are successors of a subordinate clause of manner: (t) Chlapec lezal, ruka v obvazoch. (u) Chlapec stal, ruku vo vrecku.

(The boy lay, his hand in a bandage.) (The boy stood, his hand in his pocket.)

(v) Nevesta stala predo dvermi, dve male deti na rukach.

(The daughter-in-law

stood before the door, two small children in her arms.) (w) Otec spal, ruky pod hlavou.

(Father slept, his hands under his head.)

We have encountered this nominative and accusative already in the discussion of Telim, while trying to explain the seemingly adnominal position of Bl. S1 1

s

[N i ] Sb X-Y-pron M -scad conj-Ni -cas i -N 2 -cas 2 -V f Loc (Pdvj_

Conditions: optional N/

= N,

pron M = tak (so) X, Y = arbitrary

2

S => [N,] S b X-Y-["N r cas 2 i L o c | ] L

jpdv) J pdv cas 2 = i < l >

if v = byt (to be) and c a S l = < 2 > | } < 4 > if V = mat' (to have) and cas 2 =- < 1 Ji>)

When V = mat' (to have), the permutation N2-cas2-V => V-N2-cas2 is necessary. The Pdv function of the rest complex is substantiated by the fact that the complex has a predicative relation to [7V|]S), (in S2). The functional situation in this type of T might be expressed as follows: n~N 2 -cas 2 - i L o c | l ~1 LL |PdvJ J Mod J Pdv 2 At the same time the function of Mod is a relict from SMod (the complex replaces •Sjtfod)» while the function of Pdv2 is acquired after embedding the complex into SM. 12. [Grad]0b A special type of substitutive transformation, exceptionally a one-sentence T, is presupposed in cases like zjest' mnoho (eat up a lot), napisat vela (write a lot),

108

TRANSFORMATIONS IN THE B1 SPHERE

vziat' trochu (take a little), vypit flasu (empty a bottle), doviezt dve tony (bring two tons), etc.: 51

5

2

X-V t r -fnum G | N ' < 2 ^ - Y - c a d [N J

=> X-V tr r|num G Ì 1

Conditions: optional N = [+quant] N' = i[—compt] < > i j[+compt] « > f [Adj]NP = | [ +quant] \ l[+num], [+cardj

Y-cad

e) Tcompar : [conj(Sb)(Ob)(Bl)]Modi This is a characteristic type of Tsupl. The comparative phrase originates in a subordinate clause of manner, from which the comparative conjunction (in fact pronoun) ako (like, as, the same as) together with some member or members remain {Temp, Loc, Caus, Fin, Instr; Sb, Ob; Sb + Temp, Sb + Loc, Ob + Temp,...): Karol sa spräva (tak) ako vcera

ako Jano vcera

ako doma

ako Jano doma

ako nevychovanec

ako Jano vcera doma

Karol behaves (so) the yesterday same at home as I an unmannerly fellow Matka sa obliekla (tak) ako do divadla

Jano (did) yesterday Jano (did) at home Jano (did) at home yesterday ako vcera do divadla ako ja vcera do divadla for the theatre yesterday the same me for the theatre yesterday as

Mother dressed as for the theatre

Jano pise strojom (tak) ako perom ako ja perom Jano writes with the typewriter as well as with pen as well as I with pen Oklamali ho (tak) ako Jana ako vcera Jana ako doma Jana They deceived him the same as

ako vcera doma Jana ako Joio Jana ako Jozo Jana vcera doma

Jano Jano yesterday Jano at home

Jano (did) at home yesterday Jozo (did) Jano Jozo (did) Jano at home yesterday

TRANSFORMATIONS IN THE B1 SPHERE

Nadal mu (tak) ako Janovi ako doma Janovi ako vcera Janovi He abused him just just just just just just

as as as as as as

109

ako vcera doma Janovi ako Jozo Janovi ako Jozo Janovi vcera doma

(he did) Jano (he did) Jano at home (he did) Jano yesterday (he did) Jano at home yesterday Jozo (did) Jano Jozo (did) Jano at home yesterday

If there is a pronc in the matrix sentence, the comparison assumes the character of Grad: Jano pise strojom tak rychle ako ja ako na pretekoch

ako vcera ako perom

Jano types [is typing] as quickly as I (do) as at a competition

as yesterday as (he writes) with pen

A comparative in SM is followed by the Resp function: Otec je prisnejsi ako matka ako vcera ako doma

ako matka vcera ako matka doma

Father is stricter than mother than yesterday than at home

than mother (was) yesterday than mother (was) at home

Jano pise lepsie strojom ako perom ako ja perom Jano writes better with the typewriter than with pen than I with pen Cases with Caus, E j f , Cond, Cone in the comparison phrases associate with verbs in the conditional in the second S 1 : Pozvali ho akoby zo slusnosti akoby just

akoby jemu natruc

They invited him as if for decency's sake as if out of spite 1 1

as if to spite him

i~Sb—V (Ob) (Bl) pron—scad "1 [conj - Sb' - V' (Ob') (Bl') cad J S b - V (Ob) (Bl) [conj (Sb') (Ob') (Bl')]Mod2 cad

110

TRANSFORMATIONS IN THE B1 SPHERE

Conditions: optional Bl' = Temp, Loc, Caus, Cond, Cone, Fin, Eff, Instr conj = jako, sta, nez (like, as, than) 1 \akoby (as if) [while Caus, Cond, Cone, Eff]) pron =

Sb'

[+mod] [+grad] [+resp]

while pron = od toho (from that) and fA\comparative IB| taky isty, iny, rovnaky (such, other, equal)

(N ) [ A [in gnomic value])

[Nom]Sb0bB1> = |N \ I (pron) (S)J

The condition Sb' = [AOwith the possibility A concerns the "gnomic comparison": W

(x) Vstal ako na rozkaz. (He rose as if at the word of command.) (x') Vstal (tak), ako sa vstava na rozkaz. (He rose (so) as (people) rise to order.) (y) Ach, — vzdychol ako po namahavej robote. ('Ah', he sighed as if after strenuous labour.) (z) Dedina lezi ako na dlani. (The village lies as if on the palm of a hand.) (a) Povie to ako na zart. (He tells it as if in fun.) (b) Nadal mu ako chlapcovi. (He scolded him as if [he were] a boy.) (c) Zbili ho ako psa. (They beat him like a dog.) The last condition stipulates that in a comparison we may find a pronoun referring to a relative clause: (d) Sedel ako ten, komu uz neostava nijaka nadej. (He was sitting like one for whom there is no more hope.) (e) Robil to ako vtedy, ked bol pri mame. (He did it as if he was with his mother.) (f) Citil sa ako tam, kde cloveka nemaju radi. (He felt as in a place where people do not like you.) A special type of Tcompar is as follows: ako (as) [Pdv]Bl => Pdv2: (g) Knihu som cital este ako student. (I read the book as [i.e. when] a student [i.e. when I was a student].) (h) Tieto medaily ziskal brat ako sportovec. (My brother won these medals as a sportsman.) (i) Ako malemu chlapcovi mi to casto rozpravala matka. (I was often told this by my mother as a little boy.) (j) Poznal som ho az ako patdesiatnika. (I got to know him (when he was) a fifty-year old man.)

T R A N S F O R M A T I O N S I N T H E B1 S P H E R E

(k) Zoznamil

som sa s nim este ako so slobodnym.

111

(I got acquainted with him as

a man still single.) (1) Bali sa ho este ako starca. (They were still afraid o f him as an old man.) (m) Spominam

si nahho este ako na male diet'a. (I still remember him as a little

child.) (n) Bo I taky uz ako mlady clovek. (He was like that even as a y o u n g man.) (o) Pracoval

tam ako dozorca.

(p) Ako povodcu

vsetkeho

(He w o r k e d there as an over-seer.)

oznacili jeho.

(They named him as the instigator o f all

this.) (q) Vyslali ho ako delegata.

(They dispatched him as a delegate.)

(r) Rozpravali o nom ako o sikovnom chirurgovi. (They spoke o f him as o f a dexterous surgeon.) (s) Chodi ako namesacny. (t) Dobehol

(He walks like a somnambulist.)

ako prvy. (He finished the race first.)

(u) Vyzera ako chory. (He looks like a sick man.) (v) Zaviedol

ho do zaznamu ako nepritomneho.

(He entered him in the list as an

absentee.) f " S b - V (Ob) (pel) p r o n B - s c a d ~ | 51

[_conj j — Sb' — V c o p — Pdv — cad J S b - V (Ob) (pel') [conj 2 —Pdv'] p d v 2 cad

52

Conditions: optional Sb = Sb' conjj =

[cas]p

j

(ze (that) I ked (when) [+fin] [+caus] l [+cond]

B1 = Temp, M o d c o n j 2 = ako, sta (as, as if) pel' = aj, arti [if

[+conc]]

(even, not even) pel =

(uz, az, este [if

[+temp]]

] (already, till, still) la/, ani (even, not even) [if pron B =

| ! [+conc]]l

[+temp] [+mod] [+fin] [+caus] [+cond] [+conc]

[cas] pdv . -

i [ + i n t ] [if V = [+int], while < i > = 1
=> < 1 > , f < 1 > ) => [ + i n t ] \ , we have here to deal with V 1J J a substitutive transformation, that is to say, with a condensation (T condens ). However, in order to preserve Tcompar as a whole, we have made an exception in order to deal with it here. / ) Tm : [Bl]At, There are substitutive transformations in the course of which Bl is transferred from its original relative clause to the adnominal position in the value of At2-. (d) Kohut na dvore hlasno zakikirikal. (The cock in the courtyard crew loudly.) (e) Pozrel sa na obraz v zrkadle. (He looked at the picture in the mirror.) (f) Slovensko dnes je ine ako Slovensko predprvou svetovou vojnou. (Slovakia of today is different from the Slovakia before the First World War.)

TRANSFORMATIONS IN THE B1 SPHERE

S1 51 5

2

3

|"X — Y — N — pron A — scad |_pronA — N' - V - B1 - cad => X - Y - N [Bl]At2 cad

113

Conditions: optional V = byt' (to be) N' = N pronA = B1 = Loc, Temp

We must also interpret Loc in more complex constructions in this same way: (g) Driemala s rukami pod hlavou (s rukami, ktoré boli pod hlavou). (She was drowsing with her hands under her head — with her hands that were under her head.) (h) S usmevom na tvàri vràtiljejpeniaze. (With a smile on his face he gave her back the money.) We classify the cases with Bl associated with Vcop as Pdv, and that is why they do not concern us here. Otherwise they ought be interpreted similarly as Loc and Temp: (i) Na nàstupisti stài muz so zenou. (The man with the woman stood on the platform.) (j) Chlapec s cervenou ciapkou vyzyvavo vystupil dopredu. (The boy with a red cap stepped provocatively forward.) (k) Dievca v ruzovom svetri podàvalo caj. (The girl in the pink jersey was serving tea.) (1) Prisla so psom na povràzku. (She came leading a dog on a string.) In Slovak cases of the type (/), in which [jV]p pi) as if we had to deal with a multiple subject: (i') Muz so zenou stali na nàstupisti. ('The man with the woman stood' on the platform.) In the Slovak linguistic literature cases of this kind have been explained as hypotactic coordination. 65 As for the transformation in which the outcome is Pdv2, we can make the general statement maintaining that this category is defined by the relation => Pdv2. In this way one of crucial problems of Slovak syntax is solved by means of transformation, namely the question of what is called the «^complements. It is a secondary Pdv2 from the adverbial subordinative clause. More precisely stated, it is [Pdv]Sg => Pdv2.

65 See J. R u i i d k a , Viacndsobny vetny ölen (The Multiple Sentence Member, Jazykovedne Studie I, SAV, Bratislava 1956, p. 162 ff.)

114

T R A N S F O R M A T I O N S IN T H E B1 S P H E R E

C.

CONDENSATION

a) Infinitive transformations

TRANSFORMATIONS

(TcondeJ

(Tinf)

This is a substitutive transformation with the substitution verbum finitum => infinitive, while Sb is deleted and the infinitive acquires, after embedding into the matrix sentence, the value of Bl (Fin, Cond, Resp): [V-inf}Fin (m) Stary otec prisiel porozpravat' sa so synom o zajtrajsej robote. grandfather came to discuss the work of the following day with his son.) (n) Vybehol von zafajcit' si. (He ran out to have a smoke.) (o) Dali ho studovai. (They sent him to follow a course of study.) S1

(The

Conditions: optional

51

Sb' = Sb

52

conj = aby (in order that)

=> Sb —V d i r (Dir) [V' —inf—X] F i n 2 cad

pron F = [+fin] V' =F

X = arbitrary

The essential feature of this transformation is the substitution aux° => inf. A t the same time the inf category need not be conceived traditionally as "verb in the infinitive mood", but only as an infinitive morpheme (with its respective meaning). This refers also to the categories transgr (gerund, i.e. verbal function of the participle), pep (participle, i.e. adjective function of the participle), and nor (nominalizer, i.e. the nominalization morpheme of the VN = nomen verbale — verbal noun). Verbal forms with these categories are not considered to be primary morphological forms. When deriving them we always apply transformation. This concerns also the infinitive with M, i.e. with verbs of mood: chcem pisai (I want to write), and historically also the infinitive in the compound future tense: budem pisat' (I shall write). The inf category is essentially defined by the relation pd => pd° or pd ---> [inf]pi„. Symbol pd° represents absence, loss of the predicative character without any substitute for it. That is why an infinitive as a form with annulled predicative character, i.e. a form without function, may serve as a nominalizing verbal form. This extraction of the verb from its functional connections appears to give it the character of a denominative form like it is to find with the nominative of N. Y e t , the change pd => pd° can in reality not be identified with nominalization, and neither the pd° outcome with nominative of N. T o be sure, nominative is also a denial of its, i.e. case, category ([—ftw]), but this denial has its own specific functional me-

TRANSFORMATIONS IN THE B1 SPHERE

115

aning, which results in TV < 1 > becoming the primary subject in the sentence. In contrast, an infinitive may perform various sentence functions (sb z , ob2, bl2, at2, pdv2), which really means that it is annulled from the functional point of view, that it is free and unbound. The respective functions are not explicitly expressed or differentiated in inf. Morphologically inf is specified as follows in Slovak: inf —• -t: nosi-t, pisa-t', sedie-f, nies-i, ... (carry, write, sit, carry)... [+stat]

j

The restriction V + < M

; blocks the infinitive Fin construction in the

_.neg, pel) case of verbs of state, of mood, and the infinitive with negative and

modal

particles: (p)* Poslal syna starnut.

(*He sent his son to grow old.)

(q)* Postal syna moct' sa presvedcif o skutocnom stave. (*He sent his son " t o m a y " ascertain the real state of things.) (r)* Poslal syna nepresvedcit' sa o skutocnom stave. (*He sent his son not to ascertain the real state of things.) (s)* Poslal syna pravdepodobne sa presvedcit o skutocnom stave. (*He sent his son to have the likelihood of ascertaining the real state of things.) These connections are, however, already blocked in the input final clause, and concern more the conditional with V than our transformation. Infinitive may be omitted in such constructions, and in this case the substitute of the final clause is Dir": (t) Idem k lekarovi treatment].)

(dai sa osetrit). (I am going to the doctor's [to undergo

(u) Slubil sa na luky (kosit). (He bound himself to the meadows [to mow].) (v) Vypravili ho do skol (studovai). (They sent him to school [to study].) (w) Chodi do fabriky

(pracovat). (He goes to the factory [to work].)

Thus the resulting sentence has the following form: S b - V d i r [Dir°] Fin 2 cad. The successory Fin meaning may be acquired with Vdir also by other Bl, e.g. by Mod: (x) Poslal ho s knihou (vratit'ju). (He sent him with the book [to return it].) This may be the case even if Dir" is in the sentence already: (y) Idem k lekarovi s dcerou (dai ju vysetrit). (I am going to the doctor's with my daughter [to have her examined].)

116

T R A N S F O R M A T I O N S I N T H E B1

SPHERE

Thus: S b — V d i r —Dir° [Mod] Fin2 cad. I V-inf\Respi (z) Sestra nebola schopna vydat' zo seba to utter a single word.) (a) Nie je suci na to byt'predsedom. (b) Je este skoro vstavat'.

S b - V c o p j A r e s p | pron R — scad

51

conj - Sb' - V - aux 0 - X - cad

(Sister was unable

(He is incapable of being chairman.)

Conditions: optional V

®resp

5 2 => Sb - V c o p fA r e s J [V - i n f - X] Resp2 cad 1

slovo.

(It is early to rise.)

S1

) d

ani jedine

(

= {_pcl}

Sb' = Sb c o n j = aby X =

respJ

(in order that)

arbitrary

A r e s p = suci, schopny, sposobily (apt, able, capable); opravneny, splnomocneny (justified, authorized); silny, slaby (weak, strong) na nieco — for something B r e s p = skoro, priskoro, neskoro, vcas, privcas (early, too early, late) na nieco — for something Another type of (c) Fajcit', (d) Cestovat'

[V-inf]Respi:

brat nefajci. ( " A s for smoking, brother does not smoke.") by Milan cestoval, len nema na to. ( " A s for travelling, Milan would

like to travel, but he cannot afford it.) S1 51

i~conj — Sb' — V ' — aux° — scad ~1 |_cas-pronN-Sb-V-X-Y -cadj

52 -

[V' - inf]Resp2 Sb - •V - X - Y - cad

Conditions: obligatory conj = « cas = S b'

v

= Sb

=

(whether)

prepp

V

This transformation is purely reconstructive, for in practice a compound sentence Sl

+ Sl does not exist. In the second reconstructed sentence prepR (preposition of

respect) must be expressed periphrastically, with a whole sentence: (c') Pokial ide o to, ci brat fajci, brat nefajci. ("As far as the question is concerned whether brother smokes, my brother does not smoke.") lV-inf\Coniz (e) Mat'poruke zbran, not have been afraid.)

nebol by som sa bal. (If I had a weapon at hand, I should

(f) Nebyt' vojny, mohli sme v stavbe pokracovat'. (If it were not for the war, we could have proceeded with building.)

117

T R A N S F O R M A T I O N S IN THE B1 SPHERE (g) Byt' tak doma,

mal by som po starosti.

(If I were only at h o m e , I s h o u l d h a v e

n o worries.) S1

j~Sb — X — Y — p r o n — scad

51

|_conj — S b ' — V — a u x ° ( O b ) Z - c a d J

52

=> S b - X - Y

1

Conditions: optional = ^ r n e g (to be~neg),

if v

[(Sb') V - i n f ( O b ) Z] C o n d 2 c a d

Sb = N ° m ^ X, Y , Z = arbitrary

< 2 >

I V-inf\rdu± Here we h a v e to d o with a large with the f u n c t i o n o f Pdv2, (h) Videli ho utekat'polom. (i) Nechala

ho spat'.

(j) Zdal sa byt

g r o u p o f infinitive constructions after

w h i c h is the successor o f

( T h e y saw him run across the

field.)

(She let h i m sleep.)

disciplinovanejsi.

( H e seemed t o be m o r e disciplined.)

S1

("Sb — Vhab ( O b ) X - p r o n B - scad"!

51

[_conj — S b ' - V ' — aux ° - Y - c a d

52

Vhab

SMod:

Conditions: optional

J

pron = tak (so)

=> S b — W h a b ( O b ) [V' — inf — Y] P d v 2 X — c a d

conj = ie (that) S b ' = j S b [ i f V ^ V '.«¿j ,, J Ob [otherwise]

Vhah

= j verba

videndi

\zdat sa, citit'sa,

ukazat sa (seem, feel oneself, a p p e a r ) . . . ]

A s c a n be seen, the Vhab radius is here restricted. C a s e s with the v e r b nechat' (let) m a y be even interpreted as f o l l o w s : [V—inf}Fini.

A f t e r the verbs citit' sa, zdaf

sa,

ukazat' sa, javit' sa it is possible to o m i t the infinitive byt (to be) in the c o n s t r u c t i o n byt'—Pdv

(to be — P d v ) . In this case there is a t r a n s f o r m a t i o n like that in

(k) Zdal

sa disciplinovanejsim.

b) Gerund transformations

[Pdv]Moi\

( H e a p p e a r e d m o r e disciplined.) (Ttra„sgr)

In S l o v a k a g e r u n d expresses a semi-actual s e c o n d a r y a c t i o n s u b o r d i n a t e d to the main a c t i o n o f the sentence. T h u s the g e r u n d has here an inevitably circumstantial, i.e. a d v e r b i a l , character. T h i s is a VB with a zero c o n g r u e n c e . T h a t is w h y in S l o v a k it is specified together with active

participle (pepi):

pisuci

— pisuc

(a

writing

[man] — w r i t i n g [he w a s sitting]). T h e g e r u n d is a f u n c t i o n a l successor o f a s u b o r d i n a t e

Temp,

Caus,

or

Mod

clause: Temp: (1) Matka,

hladiac

na jej

mrzke

ruky,

usedavo place.

( T h e mother, l o o k i n g at

her ugly hands, weeps bitterly.) (m) Skrabuc

sa za uchom,

silent f o r a while.)

chvilu mlcal. (Scratching himself b e h i n d ear, he k e p t

118

TRANSFORMATIONS IN THE B1 SPHERE

(n) Dooruc, sadol si unaveny na pluh. ("Having finished ploughing, he sat down tired on the plough.") (o) Nalejuc do poharikov, strngol si s nimi. (Having filled the glasses, he drank a toast with them.) Caus: (p) Stic slabsej konstrukcie, Karol nevladal vsetko ponosit' dolu. (Being of weak construction, Karol did not manage to carry everything downstairs.) (q) Nemajuc co robit', pustil sa otec do murovania. (Having nothing to do, father tackled brick-laying.) Mod: (r) Potesoval ho, spominajuc mu jeho deti, zenu a dom. (He encouraged him, reminding him of his children, wife, and home.) (s) Vystavoval sa pred nimi, vyratuvajuc svoje uspechy. (He showed off before them, enumerating his successes.) (t) Marcel postupoval dopredu, opatrne sa pridrziavajuc steny. (Marcel went forward, carefully feeling the wall.) S1 51

|~Sb — X—Y — pron—scad ] Lconj — Sb'—V' — aux°—Z—W—cadj

5 2 => S b - X - Y - s c a d [ V - t r a n s g r - Z - W ] P d v 2 cad The pronoun pritom (at the same time) associates with the imperfective aspect of the verb, the pronoun potom (then, after) with the perfective gerund. With the Temp meaning, the two verbs are not semantically related to each other, indicating quite independent actions (running simultaneously or in succession). In [transgr]caas the verbal actions are joined with a causal link. In [transgr]Moi they either are identical in the wide sense (potesoval spominajuc — encouraged reminding; vystatoval sa vyratuvajtic — showed off enumerating), or else there is a close determinative relation between them (postupoval pridrziavajuc sa — he went forward feeling). The gerund is in fact defined by means of the relation pd => bl or pd => [transgr]bl. In Slovak its morphological specification is similar to that of the adjective participle (PcPiYJtransgr) -> f — ia — ) — c"cgn ["while cgn = j — yi = [ i f _ pcp^ | 1 {PcPl J \-u- J L |-0-[if„transgr] J J In the Slovak grammatical literature the gerund is estimated in the sentence as a so-called "complement" and also as Bl.66 As we have shown, in the background 66

See J. R u z i c k a , O pouzivani prechodnikov (On the Use of Gerunds), Slovenska re£ 21, 1956, pp. 2 82 ft'., particularly 284 ff.).

TRANSFORMATIONS IN THE B1 SPHERE

119

of every gerund there is a vanished pd as well as an acquired bl function. In each instance we have to do with Pdv2. There is, however, a problem involved: (u) I due domov, spievali si do kroku. (Going home, they were singing a marching song.) (v) Isiel, spievajuc si do kroku, domov. (He went home, singing a marching song.) The problem arises how to interpret this possibility of reversion from the functional point of view. And again it appears to be the word-order which plays the part of a criterion here (it confirms therefore, as a matter of fact, its character as a criterion). In the neutral word-order, the gerund at the head of the sentence has the value of Temp, while in another place it expresses a Mod meaning. We can verify this best of all in strongly bare constructions: iduc spieval — isiel spievajuc (marching, he sang — he marched singing). The word-order spievajuc isiel (singing, he marched) we perceive as marked, and, in fact, as wrong. This conclusion is based on the hierarchy of actions: singing as an accompanying element may express only the Mod function, and as such it cannot figure at the head of the sentence. c) Passive transformation

(Tpass)

This transformation is dealt with here owing to the fact that in a passive construction we encounter Auct, which is the successor of Sb in the input active sentence: (w) Most bol strazeny dvoma vojakmi. (The bridge was guarded by two soldier.) (w') Most strazili dvaja vojaci. (Two soldiers guarded the bridge.) N. Chomsky, in connection with the restricted task of transformation in his new model of generative grammar, solved the question of the passive voice by deriving the passive construction directly from the active construction, i.e. by way of a formation rule. It is maintained or silently presupposed thereby that 1. the subject category in active construction is left unspecified {Sb => A), 2. the category [ A ^ p , i.e. Ob, is revalued as Sb, 3. the category of Manner (in our notation = Mod) is specified by the components by~passive (by = Engl, prep.); the component by should be expanded as by"N with N which should be otherwise a Sb of the active construction; the componen passive is to be realized as the exponence of passive voice of V. This solution seems to be the result of the circumstance that in English the nominative and accusative (objective case) of N are homonymous, so that "nothing need be changed". However, in the more highly inflected languages differentiating nominative and accusative, the following transformation in [W]Ki, would have to take place: < 4 > => < 1 . This would, however, be in contradiction to the status of N situated in the position VP cannot govern a nominative. It might be only in the case of Pdv. Besides, this solution ignores the identity of [iV]s, i-e. of Sb in the active even-

120

TRANSFORMATIONS IN THE B1 SPHERE

tuality, with N of the string [by~N] Manner from the passive eventuality of the complex Chomsky's construction. It is true, the [7V]S is in the case of the passive alternative not further expanded, but the Phrase-Marker is valid both for active and passive alternative of the respective construction and it must record the link of this partial identity between them. Or shall this obvious kinship between active and passive construction be omitted? There is another objection. The complex construction containing both active and passive alternative is, in fact, primarily, a construction of an active character. The inserting of the elements by"passive in such a construction would mean the contamination of the incompatible components. Finally, by the fact that [NP] VP which occupies in the passive alternative the constitutive place of the sentence structure is not derived directly from S, one of the basic syntactic relations is broken. Be it as it will, transformation seems to be inevitable here. Yet, our solution is not based on these objections, nor on the a priori assumption that the problem of the passive construction should be solved in the transformation way. Our starting point is just the functional analysis of the participle form, in which we detect the extinct character of the predicate and, at the same time, the function of the object: strazeny = taky, ktoreho (niekto) strazi guarded = "such a (man) whom (somebody) guards" Note: [ ]A originates in the relative 5•A

•

Pep has the character of an adjective, i.e. it stands in the position of Pdv or At. According to that there is an extincted predicativity (strazi — guards), an objectfunction (ktoreho — whom), and a "successory" adjectivity (taky — such a). In exactly the same way the active participle pcpy is interpreted: straziaci = taky, ktory strazi guarding = "such a (man) who guards" Similarly:

=> pepj

We get the passive form by starting from the rule concerning the VC expansion as well as the following rules: Adj -

AP A num^ pron A (S A )

121

T R A N S F O R M A T I O N S IN THE B1 SPHERE

We are interested here in the last rule with its fourth eventuality: (pronK)(SA). Thus the sentence (vv) needs to be transformationally derived from such a starting point: (w°) Most 'je taky, ktory (most)' strazia dvaja vojaci. (The bridge 'is such that' two soldiers guard.) In the symbolic notation: Sb-V c 0 p -pron A -scad-rel A -N < 4 > -Sb-V-cad. This is a solution in which the word most (bridge) is from the very first a subject and, at the same time, in the Slovak relative clause, an object. From this clause, that is to say, from its aux° and ob function, and from its total A or At validity the category pcp2 originates through transformation: Si 51 5

2

RN] S b -pd-V cop [pdv-pron A ] Pdv cad | Lf r e l A-° b - N .]obV-pd'[N 2 ] S b, X-cadJ => Sb-pd-V c o p [V-pcp 2 ] P d v 2 ([N 2 ] A J x . c a d

Conditions: obligatory

[NJob = [Nlsb Sb' = Sb

v = vtr

X = arbitrary

The passive participle is found also in the position of At2: (x) Mostu, strazenemu dvoma vojakmi, nehrozilo nebezpecie. (No danger menaced the bridge guarded by two soldiers.) Here we can establish a link with the expansion At -> Adj > pronA (x') Mostu (takemu), ktory (most) strazili dvaja vojaci, nehrozilo (No danger menaced 'such a bridge as two soldiers were guarding'.) Si

[~X-Y-N-cas-pronA-scad

~1

51

|_[N 1 -cas 1 ] 0 b -V-pd[N 2 -cas 2 ] S b Z-cadJ

(SA)\ nebezpecie.

Conditions: obligatory

Nj = N

5 2 => X-Y-N-cas-scad[V-pcp 2 -cas 3 ] A t 2[N 2 ] A l I c l c a d

^

= J

cas 3 = cas X, Y, Z = arbitrary

Pcpx also occurs in At position: (y) Doom vojakom, straziacim most, nehrozilo two soldiers who were guarding the bridge.)

nebezpecie.

(No danger menaced

In the primary construction: (y') Takym dvom vojakom, ktori (vojaci) strazili most, nehrozilo nebezpecie. (No danger menaced two soldiers ('such as who were guarding the bridge'). We can reproduce the transformative generation of attributive pcpl and pcp2 in a unique formula:

122

TRANSFORMATIONS IN THE B1 SPHERE

Sx 51

X-Y-N-cas-pron A -scad

1

(JrelA-Ni-casJp V-pd[N 2 -cas 2 ] F i Z - c a d J

5 2 => X-Y-N-cas-scad[V-pcp-cas 3 ] A t 2[N 2 -cas 4 ] F 2 Z-cad Conditions: optional cas 3 = cas F = iSb while F 1 ; 2 = Ob, casj = 1, cas = cas 2 = 4, pep = pep^

J (pep = pcp 2 fpron) = i[+temp]| Iconj J | t+caus] > [f+mod])

Sb' = Sb X, Y, Z, W = arbitrary

pron T = ipritom (at the same time) [if__V dur ]l Xpotom (then) [otherwise]/ The 'abridged' passive construction in the position o f At2,

i.e. represented only

by pep2 without Vcop, seems to be more original in Slovak. This finds corroboration in the circumstance that precisely in this construction Slovak tolerates the expressed agent, in fact requires it as a rule. In the " c o m p l e t e " passive construction the agent (Auct) in the literary language is usually omitted. (z) Vymol,

vyjarceny castymi povodnami,

ustil do malej kotliny.

(The dry bed,

ravined by frequent inundations, led to a small basin.) (a) Cesta viedla do doliny, vrubenej z obidvoch stran nizkymi kopcami.

(The way

led to a valley lined with low hills on either side.) In the next stage o f development transformation passes from the free At2 to the anteposed close At2, the [N2}Auct and Z being as a rule deleted. (x') Strazenemu

mostu nehrozilo

nebezpecie.

(No danger menaced the guarded

bridge.) The pep2 category is in Slovak morphologically specified as follows: p c p 2 -> j - n j e g n .

The pep category is in reality an "adjectivizator". It need not be identified with the complex participle form. The latter is in fact VA, i.e. [V + pep]. Thus the symbol V is to be conceived as without the actualizing categories, i.e. without aux. F r o m the above solution of the " c o m p l e t e " passive construction we may conclude that if V in the matrix sentence has the character of copulative verb, then the Slovak passive voice is not a grammatical form. This view finds corroboration also in the circumstance already alluded to, that the literary language favours abridged passive construction. W e may, however, assume that the copulative verb passes through a process of morphemization so that its connection with pcp2 is morphemized, in other words,

TRANSFORMATIONS IN THE B1 SPHERE

123

the syntactic construction changes into a morphological form. In any case, however, it will not be possible in the future to place the Slovak passive voice side by side with the active voice as immediately as has been habitual in traditional grammatical practice. Apart from other things, the advantage of a complex study of the language levels, such as is adopted by generative grammar, becomes evident here. At the same time, however, it will be necessary to show an accurate respect for the differentiation and specifity of levels. d) Nominalization

transformations

(Tnom)

There are substitutive transformations which replace the subordinate clause with a nominal construction. Here we shall primarily be concerned with adverbial sentences. There are two types of substitutes that come into consideration: 1. The verb in a certain form changes into noun expressing action (this is nominalization in the proper sense of the word). 2. The whole sentence is replaced by a nominal form not expressing action. 1. Nominalization proper:

[V-nor]mi

(b) Po odchode hosti sestra rychle upratala. (After the departure of the guests my sister tidied up smartly.) (c) Pri jej placi sa mi stislo srdce ani do kliesti. (During her weeping I felt my heart stifled.) (d) Od zlosti sa isla roztrhnut. (She was choking with rage.) (e) Pri oprave vedenia treba zachovat' vsetky bezpecnostne opatrenia. (During the repairs of the line all the safety precautions must be observed.) (f) Napriek jeho umornej praci sa pokus nevydaril. (In spite of his strenuous efforts the experiment was unsuccessful.) (g) Prisla som kvoli zapisu svojho syna. (I have come concerning my son's enrollment.) (h) Teta na moj zarmutok neprisla. (My aunt did not come, to my grief.) (i) Drhla bez prestania. (She was working without cease.) (j) V plavani

bol Jano vynikajuci. (In swimming Jano was excellent.)

1

S 51

Conditions: optional

5 2 => X-Y-Z[V-nor-N-W] B , 2 cad

conj = J [ +temp] J

nor v = -ba, -a, -acka, ...

tie, -tie, | J

124

TRANSFORMATIONS IN THE B1 SPHERE

The nor category is defined by its relation pd => [nor]f, where / is a transformational variable for all the syntactic functions which Nv can perform. In our case therefore pd -> [nor]bl. Thus behind nor we must see the extinct predicative character. The transformative status of nor is supported by the possibility of reconstructing in association with it the other members of the extinct construction, particularly Sb and Ob, which assume subsequent to transformation the form of a genitive, or of possessive A or pron. Morphologically we specify the nor category as follows: nor

derN~cas

A sub-variety of this nominalization is represented by the post-adjectival N: [A-nor]m 2 (k) Zo skromnosti mlcal. (He kept silent owing to his modesty.) (1) Pri vâcsej sporivosti bol by s peniazmi vydrzal. (With greater thrift he would have managed with the money.) (m) Napriek svojej znâmej stedrosti nedal mu tento raz nic. (In spite of his well-known generosity, this time he has given him nothing.) (n) Vysledky vypocitavali s v elk ou presnost'ou. (They calculated the results with great preciseness.) (o) Poziar vznikol z jeho neopatrnosti. (The fire broke out owing to his carelessness.) S1 S

1

rX-Y-Z[pron]„, scad |_conj-N< 1 > V C0p -aux°-A-W-cadJ X-Y-Z[A-nor-N W]B|2 cad

Conditions: optional Bl - iCaus, Cond, Cone, Mod,| \Auct j conj = |[+caus] j [+cond]> [...] )

i

{

-osf, -stvo, -oia.i -oba, ... I

The norA category has the same property as norv, but it is represented by other derivative affixes. In connection with both these transformations the change of the genitive into possessive can be specified as follows: < 2 > => [poss]A poss -> J-of") cgn: |-zn j

otc-a => otc-ov-0 (of father = father's) matk-y => matk-in-0 (of mother = mother's)

In the case of pronouns this is likely the matter of direct transformation - moj (my), etc.

125

T R A N S F O R M A T I O N S I N THE B1 SPHERE

In sentence (n) there is another possible input of transformation: (n') Vysledky vypocitavali vefmi presne. (They calculated the results very precisely.) In this case, however, we would have to assume the change B => N, which is in opposition to the accepted conventions of derivation. 2. Nominalization transformations wihout the nor category These are transformations with a comparatively narrow range. 1, There are transformations of this kind associated with the verbs Vhab. We find here the construction [za(for)N] Pdv 2 substituting for the original [/V< 1 P-]Pdv and the respective SMod and SFi„: (p) Vyhlasili stareho za blazna. (They declared the old man a fool.) (p') Vyhlasili stareho (tak), ze je blazon. ("They declared the old man (so) that he was a fool.") (q) Mna vzali za sprievodcu. (They took me as guide.) (r) Jana vyvolili za predsedu. (They elected Jano a chairman.) Conditions: obligatory N, = N i[+mod]i U+fin]

/

2, A large group of transformations is represented by cases with Vhab, in which the successor of Pdv from the input sentence of manner has the function of Sb or Ob. Thus we here have to do with a contamination of the functions [/>£/t?]S(, or [Pdv]ob: (q) Z Katky bola napokon dobra gazdina. (In the end a good housekeeper 'was from Katka'.) (r) Z chlapca sa staval lahtikdr. (A frivolous fellow 'was from the boy'.) (s) Robil sa z neho namysleny clovek. (A conceited man 'was made from him'.) (t) Bola z nej zavistliva osoba. (An envious person 'was from her'.) (u) V Janovi sedel zlomyselnik. (A malicious man 'was sitting in Jano'.) (v) V rodicoch vazeli konzervativci. (Conservatives 'were remaining in the parents'.) (w) Vsusedovi sa skryvalposmeskar. (A scoffer lurked in our neighbour.) (x) V Karolovi (z Karola) hovoril ziarlivec. (In Karol —out of Karol — a jealous man spoke.) (y) ¿ije v tebe nerozvazny clovek. (An imprudent fellow lives in you.)

126 (z) (a) (b) (c) (d) in my

T R A N S F O R M A T I O N S IN THE B1 SPHERE

V svagrovi som mal spojenca. (I had an ally in my brother-in-law.) Citil som v nom soka. (I felt a rival in him.) Vetril som v nom nepriatefa. (I scented an enemy in him.) Urobili si zo mna blazna. ('They made a fool of me.') Mal som z brata (v bratovi) dobreho pomocnika. (I had a good helper brother.)

(e) Robil zo seba domovnika. (He was making a caretaker of himself.) Two solutions are possible here, with the input sentence SMod or Ssb S1

N | V l r [N'] 0b jpro m M -scad

s1

K J conj [N 1 ] Sb V cop [N 2 ] Pdv cad

s2

0b:

a) [N]Sb iV t r [N 3 ] 0 J[N 4 -cas] A u c t cad b)

ÎV i t r [N 3 ] S b j

Conditions: obligatory all N = [+hum] conj = ze (that)

cas = |
v (in)

/

N j = /N' if a), while if N 4 = N (i.e. zo seba — of himself), | then we have to deal with the case (e)

I*N n if i b) S' S1

s2

rtpron N ] F V hab [N] Auct oX-scad"J

Conditions: obligatory

[_conj [ N I ]SB V C O P [ N 2 ] Pdv-cad J

Nj = N

[ N 2 ] F V hah [N] A U C T „X-cad

all N = [+hum] cas = as above F = fSb if V h a b = V i t r l |Ob if otherwise J

It seems the second solution being a more appropriate. In the former solution we should deal with a reciprocal Vhab in the fiist S 1 . This V, however, could be only a hypothetical entity. The version with [S]sb>0b includes Auct" which is not affected by the transformation. Thus it does not belong in the frame work of adverbial transformations. It is to be noted still that in the case of (e) there is a possibility of the ¿s^Tmeaning: Robil domovnika ('He was making a caretaker'). Similarly: robil pomocnika, tajomnika, sluhu ('he was making an assistant, secretary, servant'). The Auct component is obligatorily deleted here. Further two types of cases, semantically closely akin to the precedent instance, are nearer to the adverbial transformation: a) mat' z niekoho osoh, uzitok, skodu (to have profit, harm from somebody); mat v niekom pomoc, podporu (to have help, support from someone)...:

127

T R A N S F O R M A T I O N S IN THE B1 SPHERE S1

rX-Vhab[N]0bpronM-scad"|

51

|_conj[N'] Sb V-aux°-cad

5

2

J

Conditions: obligatory

N' = N

=> X - V h a b [ N ' ] A u c t 2 [ V - n o r ] 0 b 2 c a d

b) citit nsbezpecie, zlo, nespravodlivost v niecom — v niekom (to apprehend danger, evil, injustice in something — in somebody)...: S1 51

rX-V h a b [N] 0 b promM-scad~l [_conj [N']SbVcop [A] Pdv cad J

5 2 => X-V hab [N'] Auct2 [A-nor] ob2 cad The [S] s()j0i , interpretation is, however, possible also here. 3, Special attention should also be paid to cases of the type pred Janom, po Janovi, za Janom (before Jano, after Jano) in the temporal sense: [ S f t 1 ] ^ , ^ : (f) Prisiel som este pred Janom. (I came even before Jano.) (g) Za nami pricestovali aj ostatnl. (The others also arrived after us.) (h) Pojdeme az po vas. (We shall go untill after you.) (i) Otec vstaval so sliepkami. (My father used to get up "with the birds", i.e. as early as the birds.) S1

TX-V-prone-cad

51

|_conj[N] S b V'-cadj

2

X-V[N-cas]Tem cad

5

Conditions: optional

N = f[+hum] \

V'= V

\([+anim])J' cas = J < 6 > po (after) | ; < 7 > pred, za, s (before, after,> ( with) J

If we replace V with Vcop, we can also interpret other cases by means of this transformation (while Caus, Cond, and Cone come into consideration besides Temp as well: [SA'Jcw...): (j) Pri sto stupnoch voda zacala vriet'. (The water began to boil at one hundred degrees.) (k) Pre teplo nemohol dobre dychat'. (Due to the heat he could not breathe well.) (1) Pre chlad kurcata hynuli. (The chickens were dying of cold.) (m) Za takej situacie sa nedalo nic robit'. (Nothing could be done in such a situation.) (n) Pracovat' sa muselo za kazdej situacie. (It was necessary to work in every situation.) With the type ( j ) and (k) the second Sl assumes the following form: conj[A]Sb Vcop[St]rd„cad. 4, The temporal (and derived conditional and concessive) meaning is to be ascribed also to phrases like od mlada, od malicka, za mlada (from one's youth, from one's

TRANSFORMATIONS IN THE B1 SPHERE

128

childhood, in one's youth), za sucha, za mokra, za studena, za tepla (in the dry atmosphere, in wet condition, in cold atmosphere, in warm condition), za vidna (in daylight), za mladenca, za dievcat'a (as a young man, as a maid): (o) Od mlada bol taky. (He was like that from his youth on.) (p) Za mlada sa Mat'ko este drzal. (When young Mat'ko still managed to be good.) (q) ¿elezo sa spracuva za horuca. (Iron must be worked when hot.) (r) Domov dosiel este za vidna. (He got home still in daylight.) (s) Ten sa za mladenca navystrajal. (When a lad he did many follies.) Similar are the cases with an Eff meaning: na makko, na tvrdo (soft-boiled, hardboiled), na cerveno, do zerava (to red, to hot)...: (t) Vajicka varime na makko or hard-boiled.) (u) Rozpalil kutac do zerava.

alebo na tvrdo. (We prepare eggs either soft-boiled (He made the poker red hot.)

As the backround of these meanings we see Pdv in the primary temporal or resultative clauses: S1 51

[~Sb-X-Y-pronB-scad 1 |_conj-Sb'-V cop [Z]p dv cadJ

5 2 => Sb-X-Y[Z-cas]B,cad

Conditions: optional S b' = Sb B1 = Temp, Eff ipronBl = i[+temp]l \conj / ¡[reff] | Z=|N )

^St while Sb' = Aj cas = f od,za (from, in course of) [if Temp]) j i < 2 > do (to)) [if Eff]' ( | < 4 > na (to)j j

5, And finally we may try to detect the temporal meaning behind the prepositional phrases in connections like chlap za chlapom, dom za domom, pohar za poharom, rad za radom (man after man, house after house, glass after glass, "row after row", i.e. all)...: (v) Chlap za chlapom pristupovali k stolu. (They were advancing to the table man after man.) (w) Prehliadali dom za domom. (They were inspecting house after house.) (x) Pil pohar za poharom. (He was drinking glass after glass.) S1 [~X-A1!-N-V-Y-pron x -scadl Conditions: obligatory 1 5 [conj-X'-Ata-N'-V'-Y'-cadJ At, = jeden (one) „ ,2

5

,,

,,

,

,,

,

=> X-N[N -cas] Temp V-Y-cad

At,2 ^ druhy (the other)

conj = ked (when) X', Y\ N\ V' = X, Y, N, V

TRANSFORMATIONS IN THE B1 SPHERE

129

This transformation is no more active. These are more or less set phraseological phrases, which as a whole usually have only a secondary meaning of manner or measure. 6, There are further cases of the type na zapase, na slavnosti, v praci (at the match, at the celebration, at work)...: [Sfc 1 ]^^. (y) Na zapase bob mnozstvo divakov. (There were crowds of onlookers at the match.) (y') „Tam, kde bol zapas, bolo mnozstvo divakov." ("There were crowds of onlookers where the match was taking place.") S1 51 5

2

Conditions: obligatory

^

X-Y-Z[N-cas]Loc2 cad

pron' = kde (where) cas = 1

The N position can be occupied by either deverbative or a de-adjectival and this requires further transformative interpretation. In fact, there is another special construction, demanding it, namely Kexist N< 1 P, but this problem lies outside the scope of this study. Otherwise the need of applying transformation in this type has for its motive the circumstance that Loc is represented here by N = [ + abstr], which contradicts the respective conditions for Loc. 7, A source of great difficulties when interpreting are the verbs Vorig in connection with Auct and N : srsat', sálat', razit', voñat', zapáchaí, smrdiet; kypiet, vriet'; zniet, hucai, sumiet' (sparkle, foam, glow, smell pungently, emit an odour, stink; swell, boil; sound, howl, hum)... (z) Z Jana (to) srsalo zlobou. ("From Jano it was foaming with rage.") (a) Z pece (to) sálalo teplom. ("It was glowing with heat out of the oven.") (b) Zo suda (to) rozvoniavalo stivovicou. ("It was spreading with smell of plumbrandy from the cask".) (c) Z pivnice (to) vialo chladom. ("It was spreading with cold from the cellar.") (d) Z tmavej noci (to) zabúcalo temnym vybuchom. ("It howled with a dim explosion from the dark night.") The impression prevails that we here have to do with contamination of the intentionally ambivalent V variants: (z') Jano srsal zlobu. ("Jano was foaming rage.") (z") Zloba srsala z Jana. ("The rage was foaming from Jano.") This contamination must therefore be derived by transformation from coordinated tautological input sentences. The output is a verb with neutralized intention and a contamination of Auct + Ob:

130

T R A N S F O R M A T I O N S IN THE B1 SPHERE

S1 51

r[N]s b V tr [N']o b scad "1 [_conj[N 1 ] A u c l V i t r N 2 sb c a ( lJ

Conditions: optional N' = N2 Nx = N

52 -

[N] Auct [Z] Sb V + t r [N'-cas] A u c t > 0 b cad

Z = (A I [to (it)/ cas = < 7 >

In this way we can also explain the manner meaning of [A"-«7s] Auc1j Q b : Ako vonalo z flase?

( " H o w was it smelling from the bottle?"). This meaning finds its origin in

Auct as one of the sub-types of Mod. T o be sure, in the resulting sentence there is one Auct already, and for this reason the Ob meaning predominates in the respective phrase (it is what is called Ob of Result). 8, A n d as the last item we must mention the case of the appositive nominative, which is the successor of Loc: (e) Jan Mally,

inzinier,

Kosice,

KNV,...

(Jan Mally, post-graduate engineer,

Kosice, K N V , . . . ) W e encounter here four appositions, which may be explained as follows: (e') Jan (taky), ktory je (priezviskom) ktory je (povolanim)

Mally, inzinier,

ktory je (bytorn) v Kosiciach, ktory je (zamestnanim)

na

KNV,...

"Jan (such) who is (in respect to his surname) Mally, who is (in respect to his profession) a postgraduate engineer, who is (living) in Kosice), who is (employed) at K N V , . . . " S1

N-X-pron A -scad

S1

relA-N'-V-RespiPdv|Loc-cad (LocJ N - Y [Pdv]At2 [Pdv]At2 [Loc] At 2 [Loc] At 2 cad

Conditions: obligatory N' = N

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G E N E R A T I VN A S T R U K T Ü R A

PRÌ SLOVKOVÉ

SLOVENSKEJ

VETY

URCENIE

(Resumé) I. Podstata generativnej koncepcie jazyka spociva v torn, ze interpretuje vetnii struktüru nie naraz, v jednom zobrazeni, ale postupne, v sukcesivnom jej cleneni. Vychädzajüc z absolütne abstraktnej predstavy vety (symbolizovanej znakom S = sentence), postupne rozkladä tüto predstavu, t. j. kategóriu S na jej bezprostredné zlozky (zàsada bezprostrednych zloziek = immediate constituents = IC). Tato analyza, ktorä je sücasne i generovanim, konkretizäciou vety, nepostupuje na "celom fronte" vetnej struktüry, ale uskutocnuje sa v jednotlivych "krokoch", pricom sa odohrä vzdy len jedna zmena. Je to tak preto, aby kazdy novy prvok, ktory sa objavi vo vetnej strukture, boi jednoznacne definovany. Kazdy takyto krok posüva vetnü struktüru zo vseobecnejsej, abstraktnejsej ürovne na konkrétnejsiu üroven, priblizuje ju k reàlnej vete. Vyjadri sa to pomocou symbolického zàpisu v pravidle, ktoré mä svoju Tavü stranu (symbol, z ktorého sa generuje), svoju pravü stranu (symbol, ktory1 sa generuje) a znak ich ekvipolentnosti ->. Tento tzv. „prepisovaci" znak je vyjadrenim generativneho priclenenia obidvoch stràn, a teda nejvlastnejsim stelesnenim generativneho aspektu tejto koncepcie. Sührn vsetkych pravidiel volarne fràzovym ukazovatelom (Phrase-Marker = PM). Je to vlastne to, co tradicne volarne gramatikou. Na vystupe PM dostävame konkrétne vety daného jazyka (tzv. koncové, terminälne ret'azce, „idiovety"). Jazyk v generativnej koncepcii je sührn vsetkych moznych viet, ktoré dostàvame z gramatiky—generätora na jej vystupe. Vetnä struktüra mä dve oblasti: hlbkovü struktüru a povrchovü struktüru. Prvà plynule prechädza do druhej, takze niet medzi nimi tej ostrej hranice, ako ju kladie F. de Saussure medzi langue a parole. Namiesto tohto saussureovského protikladu langue—parole vytycil N. Chomsky, zakladatel generativnej gramatiky, protiklad competence — performance ("ideàlne" ovlàdanie jazyka — individuälny recovy vykon). Kym hlbkovä struktüra je spolocnä pre vsetky vety daného jazyka, v povrchovej strukture sa alternativne kroky rozbiehajü k nespocetnym konkrétnym vetäm.

136

GENERATlVNA STRUKTURA SLOVENSKEJ VETY

Frazovy ukazovatel teda nie je zobrazenim jednej vety, ako sa to spravidla mysli, ale je "vetniskom", miestom zrodu vsetkych viet daneho jazyka. V postupnom odvijani sa vetnej struktury odraza sa exaktne hierarchia tejto struktury. Tuto hierarchiu dobre znazornuje graficky strom, ktory sa v generativistickej literature hojne pouziva. V nasej praci s nim ako s pomocnym prostriedkom z uspornych dovodov nenarabame. Generativna koncepcia vychadza zo strukturneho aspektu ako primarneho. Systemovy aspekt je len pomocnou zlozkou strukturneho aspektu a realizuje sa v podobe alternacii v jednotlivych odvodzovacich pravidlach, a to predovsetkym v tzv. subkategorizacnych pravidlach. Generativna gramatika sa usiluje o komplexnosf, exaktnost', prisnu koherentnost', explicitnost' a kompletnost'. Pri generovani vety sa striedaju rozclenovacie pravidla s reprezentacnymi, interpretacnymi a subkategorizacnymi pravidlami vo vsetkych planoch jazyka. Okrem toho sa rozlisuju aj tzv. transformacne pravidla. Pri generovani vety totiz v istych pripadoch mozno, resp. i treba niektore kategorie (a im zodpovedajuce symboly) vypustii, premiestnii alebo nahradit' inymi. V novsich verziach generativnej gramatiky je liloha transformacie obmedzena a transformacne pravidla su tesnejsie spate s ostatnymi, tzv. formacnymi pravidlami. Transformacie podstatne rozsiruju „produktivitu" gramatiky. Inym takymto prvkom, ktory^ znasobuje generativna kapacitu gramatiky, je tzv. rekurzivita pravidiel, t. j. moznost' cyklickeho opakovania toho isteho pravidla (napr. pri privlastku a pri prislovkovom urceni). Exaktnost' generativnej gramatiky sa zaklada na niekorkych prvkoch. Je to v prvom rade pouzivanie symbolick^ho zapisu. Pouzite symboly su v nom jednoznacne definovane vzajomnymi vzt'ahmi. Uplatnenim symbolickeho zapisu sa v generativnej gramatike prisne odlisuje vlastna teoria (t. j. v podstate frazovy ukazovater) od heuristickej, komentarovej a argumentacnej zlozky vedeckeho podania. Podstatne prispieva k exaktnosti udavanie kontextovych podmienok v pripade alternativneho vyberu kategorii. Tym sa alternacie dostatocne odlisuju od fakultativneho zavadzania kategorii do vetnej struktury. II. Vseobecne principy generativnej koncepcie jazyka, ako ich tu strucne uvadzame, treba odlisovat' od konkretnej formy, ktoru tato koncepcia nadobuda pri aplikovani na jednotlive narodne jazyky. Povodne bola tato koncepcia vybudovana na anglictine, ktora, ako je zname, ma chudobnu morfologiu. Tuto formu generativnej gramatiky nemozno preto bez vsetkeho pokladat' za zavaznu pre ostatne jazyky. Aj ked uzname velku vyhodu deduktivneho budovania teorie, treba deduktivnost' pokladat' radsej za ciel nez za dosiahnuty stav a pripustif pri aplikacii teorie na rozlicne materialove oblasti vacsiu pruznost'. A to znamena moznost' alternativnych rieseni. Aspon s provizornou platnost'ou. I v suvislosti so slovencinou sa ukazuje preto potreba konfrontovat' generativnu koncepciu so specifickou povahou tohto jazyka, ako aj s tradicnym jej strukturnym

GENERATÌVNA STRUKTÜRA SLOVENSKEJ VETY

137

vyskumom, ktory sa doteraz vykonal (Morfologia slovenského jazyka, SAV, 1966; rkp. kapitola Prìslovkové urcenie od autora tejto knihy pre chystanu Syntax slovenského jazyka). Po zvà/eni vyhod a nedostatkov na jednej i druhej strane prichàdzaju pri generativnom spracovani slovenciny do uvahy niektori zàsahy do doterajsej formy generativnej gramatiky. Ak chceme dòsledne respektovaf zàsadu IC, nemozno hladiet' na vetné cleny len ako na nadbytocné relacné pojmy (Chomsky), ale treba ich pribrat' ako spàjajuce ohnivkà medzi vetou a slovnodruhovymi kategóriami. Sùcasne sa ziada uznat' okrem aux ako exponenta predikàcie aj pri ostatnychvetnych clenoch exponentov ich syntaktickej funkcie (porov. Kàroly v madarcine, pravda, nie dòsledne). Tym sa zàroven dosiahne dóslednejsia binàrnost' pri cleneni: g

Sb Pd B1

Sb~Pd

~ sh

sb'Nom pd'VP

Pd Ob Bl At

^ ^ (B1) bl f A d v 1 (Nomi

=

zna

=

subjekt

= = — --

k P r e zretazenie

predikàt objekt prìslovkové uròenie (adverbiale) atribüt

sb, pd = exponenty prisluänej vetnodlenskej ob, bl, funkcie at ( ) = fakultativnost' clena { } = alternativnosf clenov

Tymto cinom mozno jednoznaönejsie specifikovai miesto tej-ktorej kategórie vo vetnej strukture, co je v morfologicky bohatom jazyku, ako je slovenöina, neodskriepitelnou vyhodou (pozri uzitocnost' tohto riesenia v transformacnej casti Bl). Prijatim vetnych clenov dòsledne odlisujeme syntaktickü rovinu jazyka (zàlezitosti konstrukcie) od morfologickej roviny (zàlezitosti slovnych druhov a gramatickych tvarov; pozri Morfologia slovenského jazyka; = MSJ). Vo veci slovnych druhov vhodne zapadla do fràzového ukazovatera koncepcia vypracovanà v MSJ, najmä paralelnost' zàkladného, pronominàlneho a numeràlneho radu. Sùcasne sa ukäzalo ziadùce dotiahnuf tùto koncepciu a prijaf i vertikàlne zovseobecnenie slovnych druhov zavedenim kategórii Nom, Adj, Adv (nominàlià = slovné druhy s charakterom N\ adjektivàlià = slovné druhy s charakterom A at Pdv .

Pdv2, alebo este lepsie

Od vety (5) treba odlisovat' homonymnú konstrukciu s vyznamom: Pracoval tak, ako pracuje nádeník. Ide tu o [Sè] Sa : S1 S1 S

2

[ S b - V (Ob) pron B - scad 1 [_conjj [N] Sb , —V' (Ob) c a d j S b - V (Ob) [conj 2 —N'] B i cad

Podmienky: fakultatívne N' = N Sb' = Sb V = V

Ako Pdv2 potom interpretujeme vsetky vyrazy, ktoré vieme transponovat' do vedlajsej vety spôsobovej vo funkcii Pdv, teda predlozkové vyrazy, adjektiva a aj prislovky (Krízková). Ak je sloveso v prvej zlozkovej vete intencné, vzt'ahuje sa doplnok na predmet: sedi stojí prisiel poslal ho zastihol ho videi ho

bez ciapky, bez zeny pri kartách, pri kamarátoch v kabáte, v bezvedomi, v dobrom zdravi s knihou v ruke, s priatelom spokojny, spokojného ticho, pokojne

GENERATIVNA STRUKTLfRA SLOVENSKEJ VETY

J

S1

| X — N < i > V — Y — pron M — scad

51

|_conj-N' < 1 >

52

Podmienky: obligàtne

Vcop-Pdv-cad

-> X —N < i > V —Y — P d v 2 - c a d

145

i < 1 > ak Vj V | inai inai V = /v„ t , v d i r ì

V i t r = neprechodné sloveso

K * / Pdv2 = Pdv pronM = tak N' = N X, Y = lubovolné ileny

V ha (j = slovesà, ktorych dej implikuje „habitus" subjektu alebo objektu

V suvislosti s tymto riesenim sa nadhadzuje otàzka primàrnosti A vo vete. Kongruencia ukazuje, ze adjektivum j e urcené pre pozicu pri N. K slovesu ho niò vyslovne neviaze. Historicky treba preto pri Vcop predkladat' prvotne prislovku (t. j . je „usilovne"

miesto je usilovny).

Len neskorsie tu doslo k atrakcii.

Pri rieseni kondenzacnych transformàcii sa vychàdza z toho, ze za neurcitymi slovesnymi tvarmi (a za dejovymi substantivami) treba vidiet' zaniknutù predikàciu: (pisa)i

= to, ze (niekto)

(pis)uc

= vtedy, (niekto)

(napis)uc

ked pise;

= potom,

pise

£\itpd

(niekto) preto,

pise;

ze (niekto)

ked (niekto)

(straziaci

= taky, ktory stràzi

(strdz)eny

= taky,

(stràz)enie

= to, ze (niekoho)

ktorého

tak,

Se

pd°, t.j. inf.

Cize [pdJM =- transgr.

pise

napisal

(niekto) (niekto)

Cize \pd] =- PcPi stràzi stràzi

Cize \pd\ => pcp2 lobi tize pd

nor nor = nominalizàtor

Pritom pod inf, transgr, pcp a nor netreba vidiet' cely slovesny tvar, ale len prislusnu morfému. Pri inf nemòzeme hovorit' o vyslovnej nominalizàcii, lebo povaha tejto kategórie spociva v „anulovani" predikàcie, pricom miesto zaniknutej funkcie nenastupuje nova. Inf j e funkcne volny, preto sluzi ako pomenovaci tvar a stoji v najrozmanitejsich funkciàch, pravda, bez ich explicitného vyjadrenia. Okrem iného stoji ako nàstupca vedrajsej vety ucelovej po Viir (priSie/ 51 s1 5 2 => S b —V d i r (Dir) [V' —inf—X] F i n cad J a d r o m tejto transformàcie j e substitucia aux

pofajéit'):

Podmienky: fakultativne pronF = preto Sb' = Sb conj = aby X = Tubovorny Clen => inf.

Inf mòze byt' aj nàstupcom podmienkovej, pripustkovej a spòsobovej vety:

GENERATIVNA STRUKTURA SLOVENSKEJ VETY

146

(t) Mal po ruke zbran, nebol by sa zfakol. S

1

S

1

S

2

[V—inf—X]Cmd Podmienky: fakultativne

(~Sb — X —Y — pron pro —scad [ c o n j - S b ' - V - iaux (Ob) Z - c a d

ak V = byt'_ neg, vtedy Sb' = N y

Sb - X - Y - [(Sb*) V - inf (Ob) Z] C o n d 2 cad (u) Nebol süci na to, zastävat takü funkciu.

— inf — X]Respi Podmienky: fakultativne

Sl

Sb-Vcop-

51

conj Sb' — V — aux - X — cad

52

S b - V c o p - j A r e s p j [V —inf—X] R c s p 2 cad

• pron R — scad B,

Sb' = Sb conj - aby X = lubovorny £len rcsp = suci, opravneny, slaby, silny... B res[) = skoro, priskoro {na mecd)

Brespj

(x) Fajcit' brat

s' s'

nefajci. Podmienky: obligätne

S b — V — X — cas — pron N — scad conj S b ' —V' —aux —cad

Sb' = Sb V' = V conj = ei cas = < i > prepR

[V' - inf] R c s p 2 Sb - V - X - cad

J e to cisto rekonstrukcna transformäcia. Odkazovaci vyraz (cas —pron N ) tu treba vyjadrif perifrasticky, celou vetou: {\ )Pokiaf

ide o to, ci brat fajci,

(brat)

(y) Videli ho bezaf pomedzi stromy. S1

r S b - V h a b (Ob)

51

[ c o n j S b ' - V ' - aux - Y - cad

5

2

-

nefajci.

[V—irtf—

-X-pronB-scad

Y]Pi„i. Podmienky: fakultativne V h a b = verba videndi: zdat' sa, citit'sa...

S b - V h a h ( O b ) [ V ' - i n f - Y W cad

Sb' = (Sb [ak V h a b = V itr ] ( (Ob inäi I Prechodnikovä

transformäcia je

celkom jednoduchä.

Transgr

vedrajsej vety casovej, pricinnej a spösobovej a mä funkciu Pdv2: Z participiälnych transformäcii prichädza do üvahy

je

nästupcom

[V—transgr

pd~\ -> pcpcize

—X]Pdvi. pasivna

L ^ J transformäcia so Sb

Auel2.

C h o m s k y proti pövodnemu, transformaenemu rieseniu pasiva uchyruje sa v novsej verzii generativnej gramatiky k jeho priamemu zavedeniu vo formaenej casti

PM.

Nehiadiac na inkompatibilitu kategörii, ktore sa tu ocitajü vedra seba (aktivum — Auct, [7V]S(, vedra [¿"¿>]0b, aktivny

a pasivny

tvar slovesa).

narüsajü sa tu zäkladne

vzt'ahy vo vete: Sb v pasivnej konstrukeii sa vyvodzuje z VP a nie z S. T o t o riesenie mozno zachränit' iba popretim vetnych clenov (najmä Sb) v povrchovej strukture,

147

GENERATfVNA STRUKTURA SLOVENSKEJ VETY

pripadne popieranim vetnych clenov vòbec. Okrem toho je spomenuté rie§enie komplikované, pricom sa nevyhlo transformacnym upravàm (Sb > A, Ob > Sb). Nase riesenie nebolo motivované kritikou spomenutého riesenia, ale vychàdza z predpokladu kontaminàcie dvoch funkcii v participiàlnom tvare. V trpnom privasti je skrytà objektovà funkcia a predikativna funkcia: pd~\ --- pcp2. òo pokladame za exaktné vymedzenie povahy trpného pricastia. Pasivnu konstrukciu dostaneme, ked trpné pricastie po transformàcii zavedieme v platnosti Pdv2 do prislusnej konstrukcie: (v) Most je taky, ktory (most) strazia dvaja vojaci. i- Most je stràzeny dvoma vojakmi. V tomto rieseni je slovo most od pòvodu subjektom. Jeho objektovà platnosf je zachytenà vo vzt'aznej vete. S1 51 52

f[N] s b — V cop — pron A — scad Lrel A [N,] 0 b V - a u x [ N 2 ] S b , X - c a d -

Sb —V cop [V — p c p 2 ] P D V 2 [N2]AUCI2

Podmienky: obligàtnc [ N , ] 0 B = [NJS B

v = vtr

X = fubovoiny cilen

Trpné pricastie marne aj v pozicii At 2 : (w) Mostu, stràzenému Ieri dvoma vojakmi, hrozilo nebezpecie. Tu treba nadviazat' na expanziu At -* Adj -* (pronA) ( S J : (w') Mostu takému, ktory (most) strazili len dvaja vojaci, hrozilo S1 S1

X — Y — N cas — pron A — scad relA —N, —cas, —N 2 c a s 2 — V - Z - c a d

nebezpecenstvo.

Podmienky: obligàtne cas 3 = cas

S2

=> X — Y - N - c a s - s c a d - [ V - p c p - c a s 3 ] A l 2 ([N 2 ] A U C | J ) Z - c a d

Tuto transformàciu mozno rozsirit' aj na pcpt (pozri formulu v anglickom texte). „Skràtené" pasivum v pozicii At2 pokladàme v slovencine za pòvodnejiie. Svedòi o tom okolnosi, ze pràve tu znesie slovencina vyjadrenie agensa, a spravidla ho aj pozaduje. V „plnom" pasive sa spisovnà norma vyjadreniu agensa vyhyba. Z uvedeného riesenia ticho vyplyva, ze v „plnom" pasive stoji pricastie pri sponovom slovese, takze pasivum by v slovencine nebolo gramatickym tvarom. Nasvedéuje tomu okolnost', ze slovencina uprednostnuje „skràtené" pasivum. Mozno vsak pripustit', ze sponové sloveso tu podlieha „morfematizàcii" a ze celé spojenie sa morfologizuje, cize syntaktickà konstrukcia sa meni na gramaticky tvar. Pokiai v5ak existuje Auct2, totozné so Sb v aktivnej vete, a pokial jestvuje skràtené pasivum, pocit'uje sa i sekundàrnosf a tym i „syntaktickosf" celej konstrukcie. Podia toho pasivum nebude mozné klàsf bezprostredne vedia aktiva ako rovnocenny tvar.

148

G E N E R A T Ì V N A S T R U K T U R A SLOVENSKEJ V E T Y

Z nominalizacnych transformàcii nàs zaujimaju pripady, ked' nominàlny vyraz, HV'inori ktory nahràdza zaniknutu vetnù konstrukciu, dostàva funkciu Bl2 •: (z) Po odchode hosti sestra chytro upratala. (a) Zo skromnosti mlcal. S1

| " X - Y - Z (pronB) scad

S1

[_conj N cas — V a u x — ( A ) — W — cad J

S^X-Y-Z|-iV)„o,] L ( AJ

JBI

"1

Podmienky: fakultativne bl = Temp, Caus, Cond, Cone, Fin,

N zahrftuje Auct", ktorého sa transformácia nedotyka, takze nepatrí do rámea adverbiálnej transformácie. Treba poznamenat', ze v prípade (m) je moznost' vyznamu Ejf\ Robil domovnika. Podobne: robil pomocnika, tajomnika, sluhu... Prvok Auct je tu obligátne vynechany. Velmi blízko k adverbiálnej transformácii sú dalsie dva typy prípadov, ktoré sú sémanticky príbuzné s predchádzajúcim typom: a): mat z niekoho osoh, úzitok, skodw, mat v niekom pomoc, S1 51 5

2

| X - V hab [N] 0b pron M - scad [conj [N']Sa V —aux° —cad -

Podmienky: obligátne N' =-• N

X —Vhab [N']Auct2 [V—nor]0b2 cad

b): citii nebezpecie, zio, nespravodlivost' v niecom S1 51 52

podporu...:

[~X — V hab [NJob pron M - scadi |_conj [N'Jsb V cop [A]Pdv cad J > X - V hab [N']Auct2 [A - nor]0b2 cad

v niekom... :

] 50

GENERATÍVNA STRUKTÚRA SLOVENSKEJ VETY

Pravda, je tu mozná aj interpretácia [5] S(Ii06 . Uvádzali sme tu vedla závaznejsích transformácií hlavne transformácie, ktoré sú menej priehladné alebo problematické. Ostatné transformácie pozri v anglickom texte.