The Economic Exploitation of the Swiss Area in the Mesolithic and Neolithic Periods 9780860540724, 9781407349916

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The Economic Exploitation of the Swiss Area in the Mesolithic and Neolithic Periods

Margaret Sakellaridis

BAR International Series 67 1 979

B.A.R.,

B.A.R.

122 Banbury Road,

Oxford OX2 7BP, England

GENERAL EDITORS A. R. Hands, B.Sc., :\I.A., D.Phil. D. R. Walker, :\I. A.

B. A. R. -S67, 19 79 : "The Economic Exploitation of the Swiss Area in the Mesolithic and Neolithic Periods" © Margaret Sakellaridis, 1979

The author’s moral rights under the 1988 UK Copyright, Designs and Patents Act are hereby expressly asserted. All rights reserved. No part of this work may be copied, reproduced, stored, sold, distributed, scanned, saved in any form of digital format or transmitted in any form digitally, without the written permission of the Publisher. ISBN 9780860540724 paperback ISBN 9781407349916 e-book DOI https://doi.org/10.30861/9780860540724 A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library This book is available at www.barpublishing.com

To Paul, my husband

PREFACE AND ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

The basis of this monograph is a thesis that I submitted to the Department of Archaeology, University of Cambridge (England) in October 1978. This thesis is here expanded and updated to survey the palaeoeconomies which existed within the Mesolithic and Neolithic periods in an area of limited geographical extent ('the Swiss area'). The monograph is arranged in two main sections. In the first section, Chapter 1 sets the theoretical background to the study, while Chapters 2 and 3 summarize and interpret the literature on the prehistoric environment and on the archaeological material of the region. These chapters represent a thorough review of the literature which had been published by October 1978, and are the English summaries of the Postglacial changes in the Swiss environment and of the Mesolithic and Neolithic cultural sequences for Switzerland. The drawings relating to the various material cultures described in Chapter 3 (Figures 10-13, 16-18, and 21-23) are by Miss Lynn Dyson-Bruce, and I am indebted to her for these. The second section, Chapters 4- 7 (with Chapter 8 as a final synthesis), presents the core of the original research and is based on field work that I carried out in Switzerland. Additionally, the analyses by myself of fauna! collections from three ZUrichsee sites are given. This work was only possible thanks to the generous assistance and hospitality of many Swiss archaeologists. In particular, I am grateful to Dr. U. Ruoff (ZUrich city archaeologist) for his permission to examine the fauna! remains from three sites which he had excavated, and to Dr. H. R. Stampfli for arranging that facilities for this in the Museum of Natural History in Ber n were made available to me. For the help and information that they provided, I also wish to thank Dr. Chaix (Geneve), Dr. Hartmann-Frick (Bottighofen), Dr. Schwab (Fribourg), the late Prof. Vogt (ZUrich), Prof. Vonbank (Bregenz) and Dr. Winiger (ZUrich). Finally, it is important that this work would not have been possible without the documentation on settlements which has been systematically collected for many years by Swiss cantonal archaeologists. I was permitted free access to these data, and in this respect I should like to · acknowledge the aid of Dr. Hartmann (Ct. Aargau), Dr. Ewald (Ct. Baselland), Dr. d 'Aujourd 'hui (Ct. Baselstadt-who also provided details of his thesis), Dr. GrUtter (Ct. Bern), Prof. Sauter and Dr. Gallay (Ct. Geneve), Dr. Zindel and Dr. Rageth (Ct. GraubUnden), Dr. Egloff (Ct. Neuchatel), Fr1tulein Grttningen (Ct. St. Gallen), Dr. Mttller (Ct. Solothurn), Dr. Bttrgi (Ct. Thurgau), Dr. Spe~k (Cts. Zug and Luzern), and Dr. Drack (Ct. Zurich).

CONTENTS

Page Preface

and Acknowledgements

List of Chapters List of Tables List of Figures Text, Chapters

1-186

1-8

187-216

Bibliography

217

List of Maps Figures

218-292

1-65, Table 1

Tables 2- 57

293-43 0

Appendix A

431-433

Chapter

1

THE STUDY OF PREHISTORIC

ECONOMY

The Area Topography and geology Pedology Raw materials History of Research The Research Topic Methodology Fauna and flora Site catchment analysis and settlement patterns Theory of animal behaviour Material remains Present and Past Economy in the Swiss Area Present-day agricultural economy Roman, Medieval and later economies Chapter

2

THE NATUML CONDITIONS IN THE SWISS AREA DURING THE MESOLITHIC AND NEOLITHIC PERIODS

Vegetation Hist:ory The Botanical Environment of the Mesolithic and Neolithic Periods Resources Available to Prehistoric Man Inferences Concerning the Mesolithic and Neolithic Climate from the Vegetation History

1 1 1 2 3 3 5 5 5 7 9

10 10 · 11

13

17 17 21 23 24

Page Postglacial Geomorphological and Pedological Lake Level Fluctuations The Mesolithic period The Neolithic peri_?d Fluvial Studies Palaeoclimatology (Mesolithic and Neolithic) Chapter 3

Changes

THE SWISS CULTURE SEQUENCE-MESOLITHIC AND NEOLITHIC

The Mesolithic FUrsteiner facies Federmesser horizon Azilian FUrsteiner with geometric components horizon Developed FUrsteiner with geometric components horizon Sauveterrian Notched Blades/Transverse Arrowheads/ Antler Harpoons horizon F1tllander horizon Horizon with Point Variants and Neolithic Flat Retouch The Neolithic The Cortaillod culture group Linearbandkeramik (L. B. K. ) and Stichbandkeramik (S. B. K. ) The ROssen culture The Lutzengttetle facies The Pfyn culture The Late Neolithic: the Horgen culture and LUscherz group The Auvernier group of the Sa.one-Rhone culture The Corded Ware culture The Bell Beaker culture The Chamblandes-Glis grave group The Landneolithikum The Dickenbttnnli point (D. B. P. ) Chapter 4

THE ZURICHSEE AND JURA LAKES: THEIR ENVIRONMENT, SITES AND PALAEOECONOMIES

The ZUrichsee The environment The lakeside finds and site territories Plant resources Animal resources The agricultural economy The Jura Lakes The environment The archaeology and site territories The Mesolithic economy The Neolithic economy

26 28 29 30 33 33

37 37 38 38 38 39 39 39 39 40 41 41 41 45 46 47 48 50 52 53 55 56 57 58

60 60 60 62 65 67 70 72 72 73 76 76

Page 76 77 80

Plant resources Animal resources Conclusion Chapter

5

PALAEOECONOMY GLACIAL LAKES

AND SETTLEMEN T ON THE

Lac Leman The Alpine Thuner- and Brienzersees The Zugersee The Bodensee The Pattern of Settlement on the Glacial Lake s The Neolithic The questi .on of contemporaneity of Neolithic Duration of Neolithic settlements The Neolithic population Spatial organization and site selection Economic exploitation The Mesolithic Chapter

6

83

settle ments

MESOLITHIC AND NEOLITHIC UTILIZATION MORAINE LAKES AND MARSHES

West Swiss Moraine Lakes The Lobsigensee The Moossee The Burg:tschisee and Inkwilersee The Mesolithic The Neolithic Plants from West Swiss moraine lakes Animals at West Swiss moraine lakes Mesolithic exploitation of West Swiss moraine lakes Neolithic exploitation of West Swiss moraine lakes Central Swiss Moraine Lakes The Wauwilermoos The Mesolithic The Neolithic Neolithic plant remains Neolithic animal remains Mesolithic exploitation of the Wauwilermoos Neolithic exploitation of the Wauwilermoos The Ebppensee The Sempachersee, Hallwilersee and Baldeggersee The Sempacher see The Hall wiler see Th e Baldeggersee Fl ora and fauna at these three lakes Conclusion BUnzen-Torfmoos

83 85 87 89 92 92 92 93 93 94 96 97

OF SWISS 98 98 99 99 100 100 100 101 102 104 104 107 107 107 108 109 110 112 113 114 114 114 115 115 116 116 117

Page Agerisee The Lungerersee and Sarnersee Moraine Lakes and Marshes in the ZUrichsee Vicinity The TUrlersee The Chatzensee, Haslisee and Neeracher Marsh The Greifensee and Pfiiffikersee The Greifen see The Pfttffikersee Plant remains Animal remains Mesolithic and Neolithic exploitation North-East Swiss Moraine Lakes and Marshes Plant material Animal remains Neolithic exploitation Settlement of the Moraine Lak es and Marshes The Neolithic The question of contemporaneity Duration of settlement The Neolithic population Economic exploitation Dissimilarities to glacial lake utili zation The Mesolithic The Phenomenon of Lake-Edge Settlement Chapter

7

THE PATTERN SWISS AREA

OF LAND SETTLEMENT

117 118 118 118 118

120 120 121 121 122 122 123 125 125 126 128 128 128 128 128 129 129 130 130

IN THE

The Alps The Rhone Valley, Canton Valais Exp lo itation of the Area Conclusion The Simmental The Upper Rhein to the Bodensee (Alpine Rhein) Late Mesolithic Neolithic Neolithic fauna! material The Neolithic economy The Mesolithic/Neolithic transition The North Mittelland and Jura River Valleys The Rhein and tributaries Easternmost Rhein and Surb The Limmat The Reuss The Rhein between the Aare and Ergolz junctions The Liest al or Ergol z valley The Birs valley The Aare river valley Land Settlement in the Mesolithic and Neolithic

136 136 136 137 138 140 141 142 142 143 144 145 145 145 146 146 147 147 149 150 154 157

Page Chapter 8

CONCLUSIONS ON THE MESOLITHIC AND NEOLITHIC: THEIR ECONOMIES AND THE TRANSITIONAL STAGE Relevant Parameters Palaeoeconomic Exploitation Settlement patterns ,vithin the Mesolithic and Neolithic Distribution of sites in the Neolithic Seasons of settlement in the Neolithic Mesolithic site distribution and seasonality The Mesolithic economic basis Neolithic economic practices Plant husbandry and collection Animal herding and hunting The Economies of Specific Cultures The Transition from th e Mesolithic to the Neolithic The flint industries Settlement patterns Economic data Conclusion

159 159 163 163

163 165 166 167 168 168 170 174 178 179 181 182 184

LIST OF FIGURES

Page

Figure 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

10 11

~2 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36

Features of the area Cantons of Switzerland Distribution of grain cult ivation Distribution of farm animals 1969-71 Subdivision of the Swiss territory according to land use &lbdivision of the cultivated land Distribution of shee p in Switzerland Fluctuations in lake levels Radiocarbon date s for the Mesoli t hic Fttr steiner facies Federmesser, Azilian and Fttrsteiner with geometric components indu str ies Sauveterrian, Ogen s and Notched Blade industries FH.llander and Point Variant horizons Radiocarbon dates for the Cortaillod Dispersion diagram of radiocarbon dates for Neolithic and Late Mesolithic cultures Cortaillod culture L. B. K. and 1Ws sen Lutzengttetle and Pfyn Radiocarbon dates for the Pfyn culture Radiocarbon dates for the Late Neolithic Horgen qulture Auvernier and Corded Ware Bell Beaker, the Dickenbitnnli Point, and ChamblandesGlis grave group The ZUrichsee area Meil en- Rohrenhaab and Horgen-Dampf schiffsteg Zurich-Kleiner Hafner The proportions of the four main species on the ZUrichsee by area and culture The Jura Lakes Chavannes-le-Chene and Baulmes-Abri de la Cure Greng-Grenginsel and Delley-Portalban II Twann-Bahnhofes and LUscherz-Innere Auvernier and St. Aubin-Port Conty The proportions of the four main species on the Jura Lakes by area and culture The area of Lac Leman Bellevue-Genthod and Belotte The Zuger see area

218 219 220 221 221 222 223 224 225 227 229 231 233 234 235 236 239 240 243 244 245 247 250 251 252 253 254 255 256 257 258 259 260 261 262 263

Page

Figure

37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65

Cham- Bachgraben Risch-Oberrisch Gutaltherr The Bodensee Steckborn-Turgi and Scherzingen-Bottighofen West Swiss lakes Moosseedorf-Ost and Bolligen- Flugbrunnen West Swiss lakes The Burgllschisee sites Central Swiss lakes Wauwilermoos sites and Schenkon-Trichtermoos Central Swiss Lake s Meisterschwanden-Erlenh0lzli and Hitzkirch-Seematt Lakes in the ZUrichsee vicinity H0ri-Llltten and Chatzensee-Unterer Wetzikon-Robenh au sen and Gr eifensee-Storen / Wildsberg North- East Swiss Lakes Pfyn-Breitenloo and Gachnan g -Niederwil Thayngen-Weier The Alpine region-Rhone valley and Simmental st. Leonard I and Es c hen - LutzengUetle The Alpine region- Upper Rhein to Bodensee Cazis-PetrushUgel and Sevenlen- Geissberg The Rhein, Surb , Limmat , Reuss and Ergolz river valleys Untersiggenthal-H eide nk Uche and Mumpf-Kapf Neumatt Sissach-Burgenrain , P{effin g en-Schalberg and Nenzlingen-Bir smat te n The Bir s valley The Aare river valley Egerkingen- Ba.melen, Olten - Dickenblln.nli and rntniken - stud en weid Total sites at each major chronological stage in the Swiss area

264 265 266 267 268 269 270 271 272 273 274 275 276 277 278 279 280 281 282 283 284 285 286 287 288 289 290 291 292

LIST OF TABLES Page

Table

221

1

(fucluded with Figures 4 and 5.) Percentages National Product of 1969 allocated to various enterprises

2

The vegetation 8000-800 b. c.

sequence

in the general

3

The vegetation

sequence

in the Alpine area 8000-800 b. c.

294

4

The vegetation b. C.

sequence

in the Jura range area 8 00-8 00

295

5

Comparison areas

6

Neolithic

7

Deductions methods

8

Hypothetical

9

Mesolithic

of the main vegetation

of Gross single

Mittelland

area

293

types in the different

296

sites with pollen information on the climate correlation

from the various of lake rises

sites with classified

10

Stratigraphical Swiss area

11

Penetrometer areas

12

Distribution

successions readings

297 298

and falls

299

industries

at Neolithic

in the ZUrichsee

of wood type at ZUrichsee

13 The ZUrichsee

research

300 sites in the

304

and Jura

309

Lakes

310

sites

sites

311

14

Stratigraphical

successions

15

Cantonal

16

Correlation of cultivable at ZUrichsee sites

17

Plant remains

18

Faunal remains

19

Age and sex structures

20

ZUdchsee

21

Sites on the Jura

22

Plant remains

figures

from Ziirichsee

for modern

317

area with frequency

from Neolithic

of settlement

sites sites

(ZUrichsee) at ZUrichsee

of fauna

Lakes

from settlements

321 322

of faunal remains

ranking

315

land usage

from ZUrichsee

region:

sites

325 sites

328 332 334

near the Jura Lakes

344

Page

Table 23

Faunal remains

24

Jura

25

The sites on Lac Leman

26

Plant remains from th e Lac Leman, and Bodense e areas

Thuners e e , Zuge rsee

358

27

Faunal remains

(glacial l ake s)

36 0

28

Thunersee

29

Zugersee

30

Sites of the Bod ense e

364

31

Moraine lakes in Wes t Switz erland

370

32

Plant remains

fro m the West Swiss mo r aine lakes

373

33

Faunal remains moraine lakes)

fr om Neolit hic s ites (West Swiss

37 4

34

West and Central

35

Moraine lakes in Central

36

Faunal remains from Mesolithic (Wauwilermoos )

37

Plant remains

38

Moraine lakes in Central

39

Faunal remains Switzerland)

40

Ranking of fauna-Central lakes

41

Moraine lakes and marshe s in the ZUrichsee

42

Plant rem ai ns from lakes and marshes vicinity

43

Faunal remains and North-East

44

Moraine lakes and marshes

45

Plant remains marshes

46

The Alpine region-Rhone

47

Fa unal remains valley)

48

The Alpine region-

Lakes:

from Neolithic

sites

(Jura Lakes)

346

ranking of fauna

352 354

from Neolithic

sites

and Brienze r s e e s ites

361

sites

362

Swis s m orain e lakes : ranking

of fauna

Swit zerland

from Central

376

and Neolithic

Swiss

moraine

Swit zerland

(2)

from Neolithic

sites

sites lakes

sites

(Centr al

384 t mo raine

in t he ZUr ichsee

390

vi cini ty

Switzerland l akes and

valley and Simmen tal sites

385 386

from North- East Swis s moraine

from Neolithic

380

vicinity

(ZUrichsee

in North-East

379

382

S\viss an d North-Eas

from Neolithic Switzerlan d)

375

(Alpine Rhon e

Upper Rhein to Boden see

391 392 394 396 398 400

Page

Table from Neolithic

sites

(Alpine Rhein valley)

403

49

Faunal remains

50

Mortality -Borscht

51

The Mittelland tributaries)

and Jura river

valleys

(Rhein and

405

52

The Mittelland

and Jura river

valleys

(the Birs)

411

53

Faunal remains

54

The Bir stal:

55

The Mittelland

56

Mortality

57

The Mesolithic/Neolithic

patterns at Eschen- LutzengUetle (no. 21) (Alpine Rhein valley)

from Mesolithic

ranking

(Birs valley)

404

415 417

of fauna Aare

418

for red deer (all Switzerland)

427

and Jura river

patterns

sites

(no. 20) an d

valleys-the

transition-

Material

evidence

428

CHAPT ER 1 THE STUDY OF P REHIS T ORIC ECONOMY

In Euro pe are encou nt ered many di fferent soils , to pographies and clim at es, and thus varied economic environme nt s. Hum an r e sponses or adaptations to t ese , in the form of land use, can be expect ed to be diversified , r equi r ing investigation at the local and not the wider pan-European level. Henc e on e such local area was selected for examination.

The Area The chosen region lies immedia te ly no r th of the Western Alp s and is contained within the frontiers of the Rhein , Jura and Alps (see Figure 1). Alth ough these frontiers are often des igna t ed "natural boundaries" or "lim its" and can be obstacles in adverse climatic conditions, they must not be regard ed as hindering comm unication com pletel y . Movement throu gh and into them can be a notable feature, particularly at certain seasons, but for th e Neolithic at least they did to some extent separate archaeological cultures. Distributions are never quite mutually exclusive but the Cortaillod, Pfyn , Horg en , LUscherz and Auvernier groups are confined almost wholly to the describe d ar ea , whereas the L.B. K. (Linearbandkeramik), Michelsberg (related t o Pf yn) and Bell Beaker are rare here, but common north of the Rhein and west of the Ju ra . However , the Ms sen and Corded Ware cultures feature bot h within and beyond these limits. Geographically, this area almost conforms to the modern political state of Switzerland, for of this country's 26 cantons (Figure 2) only &haffhausen and Baselstadt project beyond the Rhein in the north, the Jura canton west of the Jura mountain range, and Valais, Ticino and GraubUnden south of the Alpin e watershed, the last-named also stretchi ng east of the Rhein. In the se extreme northern and southern cantons occur the only true lowlands of modern Switzerland, but these will not be considered in detail. The region of thi s study th ere fore incorporates the higher land of Switzerland and Liechtenste in . th e east ern edge of France (part of the Jura Mountains and the Alps south of La c Leman), and the western border of Austria in the Rhein valley. Topography and Geology: Within this defined area are three topographical elements-the Jura, the Alps and the Swiss Plateau or Mittelland, which form 10%, 50% and 30% approximately of the total area of Switzerland , two-thirds of which is therefore mountainous (Swjss Agriculture 1972, p. 9). The J ur a range is comprised of simple folds of alternating parallel valleys and ri dge s (Laborde 1961), and its two main anticlinal ridges run to the nor th and no rth east for about 300 Ian. Transverse to the folded valleys , narro\'ler , steepsi ded valleys have been cut by streams. The folding is only a svrfac e ph enomenon caused by Tertiary movement of Mesozoic and Tertiary strat a ove r 1

a bed of salt, and the structure, bein g mainly composed of limestone, contains caves. Some sedimentary deposits of clays, conglomerates and sandstones do exist in the synclinal valleys. The geology of the Alps is extremely complicated (Collet 1927), but they can be viewed as a succession of broken curved bands (concave to the south) which stretch as far east as Vienna.· The Western Alps have a crystalline massif-mainly granite, gneiss and schists-and above this a cover predominantly of limestone but also marls and schists, which as a result of Tertiary tectonic movements slid over the massif to form a number of nappes and recumbent folds with their roots in Italian territory. As a late phase in the Alps' formation, geosynclines filled with a Tertiary deposit (flysch), and finally all was glaciated during the Pleistocene. The large east-west synclinal valley with the Rhone and Rhein rivers arose from folding, but most of the numerous transverse valleys are due to breaks and river erosion. In front of the Alps, i.e. to the north-west, lies the outer chain of Pre-Alps or ForeAlps which never extend above 3000 m. Consisting of piled-up nappes, their stratigraphy is complicated but they are mainly sedimentary conglomerates, sandstones and flysch, with some limestones and breccia too. The third element, the Central Plateau, is a moraine landscape between Lac Leman in the south-west and the Bodensee in the north. As a lower land broken by hills and with altitudes between the limits of 300 m and 1400 m, it is a synclinal basin (but anticlinal along the south-west/north-east axis) formed by the Alps and Jura uniting below it. Filling it is Tertia ry alluvial material from the mountains, and this has formed mainly a soft grey sandstone of freshwater and marine origin termed 'molasse'. Coarser deposits called 'Nagelfluh', conglomerates of different compositions, do also occur at the foot of the Alps and Jura, and represent shore lines and deltas. Drainage of the Alps is in several directions: part is drained south to Italy and part to France, but rivers also flow into the Swiss Plateau via several glacial lakes at valley exits at the foot of the Alps, e.g. Lac Leman, Thuner- and Brienzersees (formerly one lake), Vierwaldsrn.ttersee, Zugersee , ZUrichsee and Walensee, and the Bodensee. Similarly, at the south-east foot of the Jura Mountains is a long, flat valley containing Lac de Neuchatel, Bielersee and Murtensee (collectively 'the Jura Lakes'). Five major Pleistocene glaciers, the Rhone, Aare, Reuss, Linth and Rhein, in their northerly flow ground out these basins which are the basis of the present-day lake system (as also the river system), and the lakes are now formed by water accumulating behind the glacial end moraines. Acting as water-regulators, the lakes prevent flooding in the summer-levels are highest then owing to melting snows. Pedology: The mountainous areas generally have rather poor soils of podsolized forest type, but in the Plateau a variety of soils-clay, clayey sands, sands (rarely), peat-have resulted from weathering of various rocks and are on the whole better than those of the mountain zones, although they cannot be termed rich. Only a few areas have fertile soils, as for example the alluvial deposits of former lake basins , but often these are swampy and require drainage before agrarian use. Loess does occur, albeit in small amounts, in four areas of Switzerland (Heim 1919, pp. 319-23): 2

a) In the north around Basel, Schaffhausen and the Rhein valley are deposits up to 20 m thick, pre-Wurm in date and similar to the German loess. b) In the Thur valley, treat moraines.

loess of about 2 m thickness

is found on WUrm re-

c) In the Alpine Rhein valley north of Chur, a slightly sandy loess up to 6 m thick exists on both sides of the river. Located at altitudes of 100 m and 250 m, it is probably an Early Postglacial formation. d) In the Alpine Rhone valley east of Lac Leman are broken patche s of sandy loess of Postglacial date. Thus this area possesses no large tracts of loess such as those of the North European plain, and as its loess is at times heavy, it is not always useful as an arable soil. Raw Materials: This Swiss area is not abundant in raw materials of interest to prehistoric man. Some metals, particularly copper, have been mined in the Alps, but sources mostly lie in the East Alps and east of the area dealt with here. However, flint is available in the Jura range (not in the Alps-Deecke 1918) and as glacial pebbles, while hard stone for the manufacture of stone aces is plentiful, both in outcrops and as erratics in river beds and glacial end moraines. As far as salt is concerned, Switzerland has two sources, at Bex (near Geneve) and Rheinfelden (near Basel), but rock salt is also present in cantons Basel and Aargau, and saltpetre occurs as exudations on limestone rocks in the Alps, providing salt licks for animals (Girardot 1909, pp. 444/5). Many more sources are found in the French Jura region at springs on the lower western mountain slopes-e. g. at Lons-le-Saunier, Salins, Montmorot, Saint Lothian, Grozon and Nans (Girardot 1909, p. 439)-since a salt bed (as mentioned above) forms part of the lower stratification of this range. History of Research The selection

of this area for economic examination is easily explained. A. D. after very low lake levels (due to dry winters) had exposed previously submerged shores, the first prehistoric lakeside settlement was found (in 1829) and excavated (1853) at Meilen-Obermeilen (ZUrichsee), and subsequently many more were uncovered. The wealth of material remains at these sites, a direct result of the preservative quality of the water which had protected them, aroused great interest and the era of Swiss 'pfahlbau' research began. Publication started with the first "Pfahlb au Bericht" (Keller 1854) about sites on the ZUrich- and Bielersees, introduced by the words: In the 19th century

Die nachfolgenden Blll.tter bringen eine Erscheinung zur Kunde der Alterthumersforscher, die zwar schon vor H1ngerer Zeit in unbestimmten Andeutungen beobachtet, aber doch ihrem eigentlichen Wesen nach erst im Anfange des gegenWctrtigen Jahres erkannt wurde. AuE: einer Reihe von Entdeckungen ist nllmlich die Thatsache hervorgegangen dass in frUhester Vorzeit Gruppen von Familien . . . . am Rande der schweizerischen Seen Hutten bewohnten. (p. 67)

3

Th . second Bericht (Keller 1858) followed and dealt with lake sites both in Switzerland and further afield. Publication then proceeded regularly and. like the actual excavations, may be considered advanced for its time, even if defective by modern standards. Consequently, the fame of the finds spread far beyond the local archaeological researchers. In addition to normal archaeological investigation, a milestone in research into prehistoric man's life style occurred with the pioneering studies in this region on animal bones (RUtimeyer 1860 and 1862) and plant remains (Heer 1866) from excavated sites. Prehistoric economic research thus commenced in this region and these early reports paved a path which was followed for several decades: T. Studer, A. David, G. Glur, L. Reverdin, H. G. Stehlin, K. Hescheler, G. Kuhn, R. Vogel, J. RUeger, T. Josien and others, working in the late 19th century and the first half of this century, concentrated on the identification and measurement of excavated animaJ bones and their attribution to various species or races. In this century H. Hartmann-Frick, U. Imhof, H. R. Stampfl.i, and C. F. W. Higham were occupied less with the question of race and more with that of the age, sex, and possible economic role of the animal populations. Plant studies have been fewer and owed primarily to E. Neuweiler in the 1920s and 1930s, but C. Schrtlter in the 19th century and W. Rytz, M. Villaret-von Rochow, B. Pawlik and F. Schweingruber in this century have also contributed by discussing identifications and possible uses of plants.

Nevertheless, the total economy of the area has seldom been fully analysed. Stickel (1974) has discussed that of the Neolithic to some extent and his ideas will be examined in relevant sections later, while Higham (1966) tackled the same period from the aspect of animal exploitation, but most authorities have been content to view the Mesolithic as a time of mobile hunting and gathering bands, and the Neolithic as one of permanent agricultural villages with or without animal herding (e.g. Tschumi 1926B, Schwerz 1915, Heierli 1911). A further work, Gutzwiller 1936, did attempt a detailed look at the economy and is of value in proposing a possibility other than settled Neolithic agriculture; Gutzwiller believed that, by virtue of Swiss climate and topography, a Neolithic (and Bronze Age) economy of cattle-herding and nomadic Alpine pastoralism must have prevailed. "Ein solches Hirtentum muss in einem Land mit so ausgesprochenem Gebirgscharakter so alt sein wie die Nutzviehhaltung und seit ihrem Beginn immer existiert haben" (Gutzwiller 1936, p. 31). The lakeside sites he saw as home bases and trade centres of immigrant pastoralists from Asia (by the domesticated animals present) who had suppressed an older population practising arable farming and pig-rearing in forest clearances. A pastoralist herding economy between the lakes and Alpine heights, in his opinion, operated from the first introduction of ovicaprids into Switzerland, but few hard facts supported his arguments and none were archaeological, save for stone axe finds in the Alps. Rather his theory was based on linguistic and zoological evidence, and recently Gubler-Gross (1962) has attacked his proposals, favouring again the idea of a settled economy: Bei dem damals sicher Uberreichen Angebot an Waldweide, welche ft.tr die Schafe ein ideales Futter liefert, scheint mir kein dr:ngender Grund zu einem so erheblichen Standortwechsel-welcher am ehesten ft.lr diese Tiergattung in Frage kam-vorhanden gewesen zu sein. (p. 10) 4

The Research

Topic

As these are the sole efforts (concerned only with the Neolithic) at synthesizing the two main economic elements and producing a coherent picture for the region, a gap does exist which this monograph in debating the prehistoric economy is attempting to fill.. Prehistoric economy may be defined as the mode of utilization of resources by man in order to suppo r t life within the prehistoric society concerned, and therefore the nature of the societ_y, in addition to its natural environment, must be considered to have affected the choi ce of exploitation. The Mesolithic and Neolithic periods, as conventionall y defined in archaeology , were selected for study and in this area the y span approximately from 8250b.c. till 3400b.c . and 3460b.c. till 2010b.c., or 4850 and 1450 radiocarbon years respectively (Chapter 3). The general belief is that these were gr os sly dissimilar times, and this belief is partly based on an idea of economic differ ence. Examination of this hypothesis is undertaken in this work , with the r ange of economic systems present with in the two per iods being identifi ed and the degree and types of changes which o c curred be tween them (i.e. the nature of the Mes olith ic/Neolithi c transi tion) thu s b e ing deter min ed. The explanation of any economic change is not pursued in detail. A further aim of this mon ogr ap h is to consi der the role of the lake villages, which all publications up to date suggest were the prefe r red Neolithic settlement type. Meth odology To analyse Mesolithic and Neolithic economic exploita ti on two main research method s wer .e employed: Fauna and Flora: Much evidence is available from ani mal bo ne and plant studies carried out on excavated material. For the Me solith ic there i.s onl y a mod e st amount, as few sites are in situations allowing goo d preservation of organic remains, but for the Neolithic a useful body of information exists from a large number of published fauna! analyses. On ol de r excav ations culture layers were not always adequately recognized, and sites when re-excavated have often revealed additional culture layers (separ ated by s terile deposits). This of course must affect the economic interpretation , but th er e is now a growing body of recent and well-excavated faunal samples. Several are derived from excavations (mainly underwater) by Dr. Ruoff of the "Buro fUr Stadt Archaologie" (Zurich) and I was permitted to examine three of these, from the sites Zurich-Kleiner Hafner, Horgen-Dampf schiffsteg and MeilenRohrenhaab. Details of these are given later. Certain animals are consistently encountered in Mesolithic and Neolithic faunal assemblages, and it has been normal in previous works to separate these into the categories:a)

"domesticated"-

cattle, Bos primigenius taurus pig, Sus scrofa domesticus sheep, Ovis ammon aries go at, Capra aegagrus hircus dog, Canis lupus familiarus

5

b)

"wild" -

aurochs, Bos primigenius bison, Bison bonasus wild pig, Sus scrofa red deer, Cervus elaphus roe deer, Capreolus capreolus plus many others .

The basis for this division is briefly as follows: sheep and goat are the sole non-native animals (absent at Mesolithic sites) and as such were assumed to have been introduced and controlled by man in the Neolithic, while the fact that swine and cattle are of large size in Mesolithic samples but are both found as large and small animals in the Neolithic, was used to differe::itiate "wild" (large) from "domesticated" (small) varieties, for the size decrease in these animals occurred at a time when red deer size increased (Stampfli, 1979). Whether these distinctions in pig and cattle can be accepted has to be determined in this work, but it has proved necessary to conform to some extent to the presentation in available literature, and hence they are retained at this stage. Lastly, animals such as bison , red deer and roe deer were always presumed as "wild" because they are not domesticated in the region today. In the belief that the division between "domesticated" and "wild" may be artificially clearcut, engendering _presuppositions about the lrusbandry and utilization of the animals (Jarman and Wilkinson 1972), these adjectives are not employed here; "small" and "large" are used for the different pig sizes , and "cattle" and "aurochs" for the different Bos. Preference is given to considering the intensity of the man-animal relationship for each species, and here the animal population structures are most important. By assessing the exploitation and economic significance of each species, the extent to which it was t'"'r1? ... control may be ascertained. A fu.tther problem tackled is the degree to which animal economies were either culturally controlled or locally determined by environment . Higham (1966) adopted the idea of culture-specific attitudes to husbandry through ou t the Neolithic, and for only the Cortaillod culture could not identify such . His inability to detect a consistent species preference for this culture was probably a reflection of the larger number of sites and of the varied environments studied for it. Clearly the localized prehistoric environments must have mattered, but equally as a reasonable timespan was involved, adjustments may have occurred. Higham 1s work dealt with too few sites and this led to a biased emphasis on cultural preference; for this reason details of all Mesolithic and Neolithic bone reports for the Swiss area are analysed here for cultural and regional harmonies or disharmonies. From a recent analysis at Egolzwil 5 (Wauwilermoos), other points have emerged. Here Stampfli (1976A) argued that, by the protein needs of this totally-excavated site's population, only 1% of the original quantity of animal bones had bee~ preserved and, although this figure is most probably too low since no allowance was included for the protein obtained from plants, it does suggest a need for caution in two respects. Firstly, it is necessary to study as many site reports as possible so that generalities or consistencies can be determined, and any inconsistent sample must be regarded as highly 6

suspect-perhaps deriving from a special area of the site-and treated with great caution. Furthermore, total numbers of animals killed at a site cannot be calculated and used in a direct estimation of the imix>rtance of particular species. Only the relative frequencies of species are significant. A case in ix>int is Uerpmann's estimate (Uerpmann 1976) from the number of bones at Seeberg-Burgaschisee Si.id of a kill of only 2 red deer per annum, from which he concluded that husbandry of this species here was inconceivable. If the preservation at this site was for example 1%, this figure could be 2 00 red deer per annum i.e. one red deer every second day, and any opinion of the role of this species would have to be altered radically. Neolithic sites also yield abundant plant finds, some of which are in roduced types and therefore grown by man, but many of which are part of the natural flora. It is imix>rtant that the relative significance of local and nonlocal plants be determined and also whether the former are present acc·de tally, through deliberate gathe:ri:1g or even as a result of cultivation. Dennell (1976) has recently advocated that neither actual plant seeds nor their number s ought to be used in judging prevailing agricultural economies or the economic status of plants, as the relative preservation of types is affected by their seeding abilities, the processes through which they have gone and the uses to which they have been put. Only by assessing activities carried out where seeds are found can the effect on the crop be calculated. This is a valid warning, but the plant information in this monograph was procured from pub-lished reports in which only the presence/absence of species or (occasionally) the quantities were recorded. This has therefore dictated the approach. Identifying consistent use of a plant in quantity is one method of suggesting a staple within the economy. Site catchment analysis and settlement patterns: Many sit e s were also visited and examined by means of site catchment analysis. By this technique, explained in Higgs 1975, the archaeological site is related to the surrounding area, the aim being "to assess the resource potential of the area exploited from that site" (Higgs 1975, p. 223). The economic exploitation pattern at the level of the single site is therefore sought, but also at a level incorporating more sites, so that the annual territory or whole area exploited in one year may be estimated. Site catchment analysis assumes that site location is governed by eco m ·c considerations such as the availability of food resources, as well as the proximity of water, fuel and building material. Where an extra cons· deration , perhaps defence or trade, must be taken into account it only partly determines the choice, as, for example, when a defendable site is selected; its situa tio n must also permit the normal business of food production to continue, eve n at the expense of some lost military benefit. The supply of food is always an important matter to be resolved. Choice of a site location is therefore dependent on the relative cost (in time) of obtaining basic needs, for in any economy a limitation on the time which can be input as energy in exploiting resources must operate. This time equates with distances regularly t r avelled from the site, which Chisholm (1968) has estimated as 1 km to cultivate and, 4/5 km to graze animals, and Lee (1968) as 10 km to collect plants or hunt . Translated back, these represent approximately 10 minutes', 1 hour's and 7

hours' walking respective site monly exploited area used from

and these time-distances are therefore taken as giving the te rr itories, where 'site territory ' is defined as the area comeconomically from the site, 'site catchment' being the total the same site (Higgs 1975).

Application of this theory on the ground is not difficult. In this study 10 minute and 1 hour territories were mapped (although larger areas were assessed) with present land use being noted, together with soils, physical features and water availability, so that the land potential could be classified into the categories 'arable' or 'grazing only'. It should be stressed that it was the resource or economic potential which was assessed, for, as is self evident, the present situation, affected by modern factors, may differ from that of the past. Possible changes in geomorphology and soils (e . g. recent drainage and alluvial deposits) therefore had to be identified, and also types of land usage promoted only with modern technological means. A particular part of the site catchment analyses was concerned with evaluating pedological conditions around sites, for the distribution of soil types can govern the exploitation of an area and dispersal of sites within it. D. Webley (1972) has listed the aspects of soils which require study: ease of tillage, moisture availability, meteorological conditions related to the soils' structure, physical support of plants and animals, animal and plant food potential, and the strata stability and topographical conditions. This last is important as the topography may influence localized placing of a site. For example, geologically identical soils in a catena on a slope can have different properties of ploughability relative to slope position, and a terrace may be preferred for settlement to a valley floor with soil which is similar but heavier owing both to poorer drainage and to the deposition of material eroded from the slope above. Research on soils must be on those now prese nt, but it is reas onable to assume that these (with certain exceptions as alluvial deposits and peat areas) do reflec t the pos t-P leistocen e condi ti ons , for P ostglaci al g eomorpholo gi cal changes in most of the Swiss area have been slight and of a cehain character (Chapter 2). Moreover, the same geomorphological forces have continued to act upon the same parent bedrock. In general, therefore, soils need be little different in terms of their potential land use, apart from some major soil modifications which can be identified in the field. In this study the ease of tillage of a soil had to be ascertained, and this was done firstly by assessing the soil's overall character (sand, silt, clay). One might generalize that heavy clays require ploughing by animal teams before cultivation (peat too, but after drainage), but silts-particularly with pebbles-are more easily tilled; sandy soils too are easily worked, but are often so light and dry that their fertility is low and they are better utilized for grazing . In spring, sands and gravels warm quickly and carry first vegetation growth, thereby providing early pasture. In addition, it was also -possible to measure the resistance of the soil profile to disturbance (soil strength) using a Vicksberg Cone Penetrometer. This instrument records in Newtons the force necessary to penetrate the soil and a series of probes are taken in each locality, with readings at increasing depths (every 3 inches in each probe); those for the top 3 inches are discarded because of modern disruption and

8

moisture fluctuations, and the mean of the second readings taken as the soil strength, after calibration (multiplying by 1 ½or 2) if plasticity is high because of precipitation. Unfortunately since permanent grasslands or areas of minimum disturbance are best for results, not all sites in the Swiss area could be sampled and some (especially those in built-up areas) were omitted from the survey. The readings obtained are given in relevant sections of this monograph and figures above 90 Newtons indicate soils too heavy for cultivation without an animal-drawn plough (D. P. Webley, Agricultural Development and Advisory Service, Cardiff, pers. comm.). Soil types were thus evaluated for their degree of workability, i.e. their ability to support arable cultivation. This is likewise a measure of their grazing potential: heavier soils support denser forests, while lighter soils have forests with herbaceous undergrowth wtich is good grazing. Thus the animal populations are also affected (indirectl y) by the soil type. With a site territory delimited and investigated, there then arises the question of whether it constituted the total economic area of a sedentary group, or whether it was only part of a larger annual territory in a mobile economy exploiting a number of environments. It cannot be assumed that presence of site structures indicates a permanent farming community, for villages have been excavated in the Near East (e.g. Tell Mureybit and Suberde) which are thought to have had a non-farming subsistence, and in the Alps mobile pastoralist societies have built non-permanent villages, used annually at certain seasons. Therefore site territories were studied in groups to elicit whether a seasonal pattern of exploitation may have applied. Moreover, where a locality such as a lakeshore appeared to have undergone extensive and repeated occupation, the reasons for the accumulation of sites there, as well as any complementary resource areas, were sought. Allied to these two main lines of research, borne in mind in this study were; -

further

types of information

Theory of animal behaviour: The habitat of an animal species including any seasonality elements, its normal population structure, distribution, and social behaviour are all relevant in interpreting both animal bone studies and site catchment data. The distribution and abundance of animals are governed by certain factors-temperature, climate, topography (e.g. mountain-dwelli,ng species), soils-but the dominant one is vegetation (with which the soil type is connected); most species are linked to a major vegetational formation which can provide the critical resource of food, and within which other requirements (shelter, water, physical conditions) can normally be met. Different species of similar ecological requirements can survive together, albeit in competition. However, when within a habitat there are seasonal changes in vegetation, these may elicit a response (usually in terms of movement) from the animals. A knowledge of the feeding habits and seasonal movements of animals utilized in the Swiss area therefore proved essential to this research: for example, Schmidt (1971) and Schloeth and Burckhardt (1961) have discussed movements of red deer in the Alps (where deer have recently reappeared) between a summer territory above 1500 m (at maximum 2600 m) and lower altitudes over 40 km away, deer starting the descent in September when snow comes. To some extent man can change the habitat and behaviour of some

9

species under his control, and this must always be taken into account. For example, he habitually keeps goats and sheep at altitudes lower than their preferred environment of high regions with good water run-off, such as slopes and limest:one plateaus. An optimum constant population density of animals balances with the plant biomass (Wynne-Edwards 1962), and both this and the related matters of animal population structure and social relationships were considered in contemplating the various hunting and herding methods which may have been undertaken by the Mesolithic and Neolithic societies. For instance, immature red deer stags are easily culled ·without seriously depleting the deer population, and are often on their own and so unvigilant that hunters can approach very closely. The killing of many mature stags is less economically advantageous, for if mainly young stags remain, their calves, which are born late in the year, are not likely to survive their first winter (Darling 1956). Finally, at this stage it must be remembered that alth ough it is usual to think of some species as normally exploited by hunting, other methods may apply. Youngson (1970) has described the rearing of red deer in captivity in Rhum (Scotland) by penning and feeding on milk, hay and potatoes until they became used to human presence. In this way they were tamed and controlled, i.e. domesticated. Material Remains: The artefactual evidence is also brought into the arguments used in this study,, but with great caution as it is not generally easy to equate specific tools with specific functions (Higgs and Jarman 1972, Clarke 1976). In particular, were flints such as microliths (e.g. trapezes) or shouldered points for hunting, bone hooks for catching fish, grinding-stones for milling cereals and special pottery and wooden vessels related to milk production? These questions often cannot be atisfactorily answered, since careful examination or wear trace studies, such as d 'Aujourd 'hui 's (pers. comm.) work on flint Dickenbannli points, are relatively rare. In one case, Hiir limann (1965) was able to separate (on the basis of their form) 161 grinding-stones and runners from the site Greifensee-Storen Wildsberg into types for cereal grinding, and types for roo .ts, reeds, etc. The problem of differentiating tool function is important above all in dealing with the supposed dichotomy between the Mesolithic and Neolithic material cultures, a dichotomy often attributed to different economic behaviour. Present

and Past Economy in the Swiss Area

The Swiss area is one of considerable altitudes with moderately heavy clay and peat soils, and it is also affected by substantial precipitation and long winters. These are natural conditions commonly assumed to be so adverse as to lessen its agricultural potential. Bonjour, Offler and Potter (1952, pp. 8 and 9) have claimed that "Height and broken relief ••• have made for a general poverty in agriculture" and that "Switzerland was essentially a pastoralist country, and over much of it the cow was too exclusively the basis of existence". The supposition is therefore that with so limiting an environment', an economic situation comprising primarily cattle-herding with a little arable farming must have applied at all times in this region. That the physical conditions are of major impqrtance cannot be denied, for 10

they have obliged the Swiss Gov ernme nt to subsidize Swiss agriculture and protect it by law; to determine if they are the only controlling factors, however, and whether the economy can be so easily described, recorded present and past economic preferences are now discussed. Present-day agricultural economy: Modern economy in Switzerlan d is b a sed on animal-keeping, with cattle as "the mainstay of Swi s s farmers" (Swiss Agriculture 1972, p. 19). A special fostering of such an economy began in the 19th century A. D. when new roads and communication methods meant that grain could be imported easily, and as a result crop production (particularly cereals) fell so low that a government law (Corn Law 1959) was passed to promote home production, before dependence on other countries became total. For climatic reasons the Central Plateau is the main arable zone (Figure 3), particularly for wheat, with the West Mittelland being the m ost favourable part of that area because it lies in the rain shadow of the Jura range. Flat land in Canton s Aargau, Thurgau and Jura also supports reasonable amounts of cereal cultivation, but in the rest of Switzerland pastureland predominates. Although some cattle are bred for meat (as in the north-east around Canton Schaffhausen), most are kept for dairy produce. It should be marked that 6 0% of Swiss dairy cattle graze in the Mittelland (and are stall fed for a long winter period)- "from this area Switzerland has drawn not only her bread but also most of her butter" (Bonjour, Offl.er and Potter 1952, p . 7). Their density is highest in the grassland zone of East Switzerland. Large numbers of swine are also present , mostly around the Zuger- and Vienvaldsrnttersees and south of the Boden see, but sheep are few, although marginal land is now being converted into sheep pastures. Goats are even scarcer, and oth sheep and goat have a scattered distribution in the Swiss area.

In the Jura Mountains arable land is uncommon, although cereals (mainly rye), vegetahles, and fodder crops are cultivated up to 1000-1300 m, and Roth (1885) has stated that in the 19th century A. D. cattle-raising and milk were the main concern owing to "the physiography of the country and to a larg extent the influence of peasant proprietorship" (p. 88 ). A vertical transh umant economy existed and cattle and swine were sent with a few men (5 men per 70-80 cows) from 1st June to 1st October to high pastures in the north and west of the area. For the rest of the year the animals were retained on farms at lower altitudes, the cattle in particular requiring shelter and stallfeeding soon after the beginnin g of October. In the Alps, crops can be grown at a higher altitude (circa 1900 m for oats ) than in the Jura, but most cultivation is in lower regions and is of vegetabl e s or hardy cereals, except that the western area (Valais) is noted for intensive fruit and vine-growing. However, the main product is hay, and the rati o of sown meadows to crops is 3:1 (Mutton 1961, p. 89). Cattle are the pred ominant animals owing to the improvement of grazing land by irrigation, but some land is still so marginal that only sheep and goats are pastured there . A colourful Alpine way of life has developed around a system of vertical tran shumance in which, at the end of April, a few villagers lead the cattle, sheep and goats to spring pastures which forest clearance has created on moun t a in slopes. Here there may be a temporary village at which pigs are kept and hay grown. At the end of June the cattle and ovicaprids are taken higher,

11

the latter up to 3000 m, where they graze until the end of September. Meanwhile in the valley, crops and hay are produced by the remainder of the families. The animals and herdsmen return in autumn via intermediate pastures and the cattle are stabled in November, the sheep and goats from December. This whole system may incorporate 6-8 changes of grazing ground in all, but the ·habitation normally remains fixed in the valley except under special local conditions: when cultivation can only be undertaken at the spring pastures families live mainly there, or the permanent village may be above a valley base which is subject to bad climatic conditions. One example, Gtlscheneralp village in the Upper Reuss catchment at 1700 m, was permanently inhabited until recently (Zoller 1966, p. 104). The movements of Alpine societies can be quite complicated and routines, worked out originally to provide selfsufficiency, have been established for many centuries. However, recently migrations have become reduced in some areas, and animals may return each night to the permanent village or even remain there all summer.

In addition to this local vertical transhumance, there is also a long-distance transhumance of sheep flocks which utilize some of the summer Alpine pastures. Those in the French Alps (Savoie and Isere) winter in South France or Italy, but those in the Swiss Alps are sold in autumn to traders in the Mittelland, where they graze for a short period before being killed at an average age of one year. These are therefore being almost solely fattened for meat (Gubler-Gross 1962, p. 17). In the latter case, although the animals transhume, movements of people are limited. Furthermore, some transference of cattle occurs from the Mittelland, but this may be of recent origin (pers. comm. S. Hasler, Cantonal Veterinary Office, Bern), for the animals are transported in vehicles up into the Jura over distances of less than 50 km, and also into the Alps, in this case over longer distances. Nowadays only 40% of all animals in Switzerland are taken to summer pastures, a reduction from earlier times. Figures illustrating the modern agricultural economy are readily available and those used here are from Swiss Agriculture 1972, the results of a 1969 census, and also from data supplied by the Eidg~ntlssische Technische Hochschule, Zurich. The Gross National Product for Switzerland, i.e. the cash value (in 1969, 4187. 3 million francs) of all agricultural products leaving the farm, was · subdivided in 1969 as in Table J. The main export was in fact cheese. In 1970 cattle produced 3. 2 million metric tons of milk, and in 1959 beef cattle gave 116, 300 tons of meat. These animal products were obtained from the distribution of animals shown in Figure 4. The total area of Switzerland is 4, 129, 315 hectares approximately and 25% of this is unused agriculturally, 7 5% is exploited in some way (including forests). Figure 5 illustrates the gross division of this land, showing 21 % as natural high pastures and 26% as cultivated and grazing land, and this cultivated land section ..is further subdivided in Figure 6 (values given are approximate). Only 7. 7% of bread cereals and 14. 3% of feed cereals are grown in the mountainous zone. Poppy and flax, crops of the Neolithic, are no longer present, but in 1939 some flax and hemp (13 hectares) and poppy (41 hectares) were still produced.

12

Roman, Medieval and later economies: The rang e of modern economic activi..ties thus demonstrates a highly animal-orientated econom y with the cow dominant, and such an economy is very suited to natu ral cond itio ns. However, to determine if these facts always applied, the lan d u se in earlier centu ries is reviewed here too. For the Roman period few particulars are known. Th e earliest mention of the Swiss area is in Strabo's The Geog r aphy, wr itten between 7 B. C. and 18 A. D. , in which he des cr ib ed the Alpine area as inhabited by numerous small tribes including the Rhaeti, and the plain between th e Alps and Jura by the Celtic tribe, the Helvetii. The Helvetii's domain ext end ed south to the Rhone and north beyond the Rhein. Farming in the mountains was reported as unfruitful, and tribes there were poor and "addicted t o robbery" (Strabo p. 304), so that Augustus Caesar was forced to conquer them. Gutzwiller (1936, p. 30) maintained that bovine pastoralism was the mainstay of the economy, and cattle were certainly kept, for Roman historians di s cussed their milk yield and cattle and cheese were exported to the Romans (Duerst 1923). However, the tribes were not self-sufficient in food production, On account of the want of food and other necessaries the mountaineers have sometimes been obliged to spare the inhabitants of the plains that they might have some people to supply them. (Strabo, p . 307 ) and fo r food exchanged resin, pitch, waxes, honey and cheese with the Helve t ii. In the plains agriculture was good, according to Strabo, and from here too cattle were traded to the Romans. As Roman influence waned (5th-6th centuries A. D. ) , two main invasions into the Swiss area marked the start of the Middle Ages, the Burgundians moving from the French area into West Switzerland and the Alemanni south into North and East Switzerland (Bradfield 197 4). The details of this period 's economy (lasting till 14th-15th centuries A. D.) are drawn from Duerst 1923 and Wackernagel 1936, although the little-studied Jura area has had to be omitted. Duerst and Wackernagel both agreed that a dichotomy existed b etween the Alpine and Mittelland economies, and Wackernagel stated (p. 2) "Die Schei dung, welche in die Alpen Hirt en und in das Mittelland Bauern setzt, stimmt gewiss im Grossen und Ganzen fUr das schweizerische Mittelalte r" . This predominance of an agrarian economy in the Central Plateau is unexpecte d , contrasting with today's land use in what is only a moderately useful cereal region, and yet in the Middle Ages the land was almost totally under a r able cultivation . Documents indicate that villages were surrounded by cultivat ed fields which were laid out in three 'Zelgen' (three-field system) and grew wheat and oats. One in rotation lay fallow each year. Some cattle were kep t as draught animals, but only a few since winter-pasturing was difficult. Swine, which fo raged in nea rb y woods, were m or e important, and an increase in Mixed Oak Fo r est b etween 6 00 A. D. and 1000 A. D. (from pollen analys is) is thought t o ind icate deliberate encouragement of oak for its fruits at this time (Hllrri 1940, p . 60). The Medieva l eco nomy in the Alps was more involved with animals than that of the Mittelland, but crop production, particularly of rye, oats and vines, was enough t o allow reasonable self-sufficiency. Whether arable farming formed the basis of life (Duerst 1923, p. 78), albeit in temporary fields (Smith 1967, p. 214), is not confirmed; certainly it was practised more 13

extensively than in the same region today. At first the commonest animal was sheep and its wool was the main product, but summer pastures may have been seldom utilized, although Gubler-Gross (1962, p. 10) mentioned a document of 1204 A. D. which refers to shepherds on the Alp Emet (South Alps). Approximately at the end of the 13th century A. D. cattle took over in importance from sheep (at the same time arable farming also decreased slightly), but the reasons for this change are obscure. Either it was precipitated by population expansion in the Mittelland (Wackernagel 1936, p. 7), although Guyan (1968, p. 9) has stated that in the Alemann region (North Switzerland) population density altered little until 1500 A. D. , or possibly it was due to pasture improvement schemes-a record of 1366 A. D. mentioned an irrigation canal (Carrier 1932, p. 26). The economy also became more intensive, incorporating Alpine pasture grazing, and as a result cheese, butter, meat and skins were exported to the Italian area and northward to the plains, reaching as far as Basel and Strasbourg. In contrast to the modern population distribution which shows a concentration in the Mittelland, Medieval settlement · was more evenly spread-in 1470 A. D. the Alpine cantons of Uri and Schwyz had 30, 000 population and the Zurich area was approximately the same (Wackernagel 1936, p. 4). Thus the threefield economic system did not support a large population in the Mittelland , whereas the Alpine system was better adjusted to its environment. As a result, the independent mountain people were important both economically and politically. With profits from their exports the men of Schwyz, Uri, Obwalden and Nidwalden purchased weapons and defeated the ruling Habsburgs in battle in .1315 A. D. (Martin 1932, pp. 188-90). This was the start of the 'Eidgent>ssen' or Swiss Confederacy, and therefore the existence of Switzerland as a political unit owes something to the efficiency of the Medieval Alpine economy. In later historic times this polarization into two economically distinct areas became less obvious , as cattle-keeping, dairy farming, pasture cultivation and clover-growing slowly gained in importance in the Mittelland. One regional district recorded in 1769 A. D. 10, 000 cattle, 1377 horses, 6000 sheep and 3482 pigs, and these are good representative proportions (Duerst 1923, p. 128). By this date, the Mittelland population had quintupled from that in the Medieval period (Wackernagel 1936, p. 4).

In the Alps, with improving communication, reliance on crop agriculture steadily decreased and cereals were imported, especially from Italy. More land was therefore devoted to pastures (forests were cleared for this), and the people were no longer self- sufficient but usually pastoralist, moving seve;ral times in the year to various altitudes. An intensified pastoralist dairy economy included summering on high Alpine pastures (the use of these reached a maximum between the 17th and 19th centuries A. D. -Carrier 1932, p. 221), and cattle preponderated in most areas, despite overwintering problems which were still not completely solved. However , these were being tackled by the improving of meadows, planting of forage crops and crossing of animals with foreign breeds. Sheep were also maintained, and more commonly than today~ as each family made its own cloth from their wool, while in Cantons Valais and Bern goats too were numerous. Pig-rearing near the homes completed the economy.

14

Transhumance over a long distance took place probably in both the Middle Ages and the later historic period, according to Gubler-Gross (1962) . Sheep migrations from the south into the French Alps were recorded as early a s th e 12th and 13th centuries A. D. in monastery documents (Carrier 1932, p. 96), and a transhumance also occurred of Bergamasker sheep and their sheph erds from Italy into the Swiss GraubUnden to summer for three and a half months . The State Archives in Bern for 1619 A. D. indicate that these large flocks (30, 000-40, 000 sheep) were present then in the Btlnder Alps (Gutzwiller 1936, p. 18), after a winter spent in the North Italian plains (Poebene) and a spring in the Italian Bergamo district on the edge of the Alps. Ethnological links between the GraubUnden and Bergamo districts (Gubler-Gross 1962, p. 16) may have favoured this transhumance, until in 1914 A. D. (Gubler-Gross . 1962, p. 10) the Swiss frontier was closed to these people. Two other tr-anshumance routes are less well identified-the Bern Archives mention French Jura cattle summering in the Bernese Alps in the 17th century A. D. (Gutzwiller 1936, p. 18), and from the North Swiss area sheep have migrated to spend the summer in Schwaben (South Germany), although when this transhumance began or ceased is unsure (Gubler-Gross 1962, p. 11). This discussion on Swiss agricultural economy in historical and modern times is very revealing, for reasonably similar natural conditions (some climatic alterations have occurred) obviously have been exploited in dissimilar ways. The modern agricultu _ral economy concentrates heavily on animalkeeping, particularly of cattle, and is pastoralist in the Alps and Jura. Switzerland can now supply almost all its animal food needs, e.g. 97% of pork, 90% of beef and veal, 99% of milk and 100% of cheese, and these figures can be compared with those for plant products-only 55% of bread grain and 44% of vegetables are home-produced, for these are more profitably imported (Swis s Agriculture 1972). However, this is a reflection of several components: good communication and transport, the political and social structure of this area and Western Europe, and the modern market economy; all mean that self-suffic iency need not be a criterion. Farmers can put all the ir efforts into a few fruitful products (in this case la r gely animal-derived). At the same time, modern science has instigated land improvement schemes and introduced new agricul tural techniques and machinery, permitting more intensive farming and exploitation of previously unusable terrain. This has proved necessary as higher wages in industrial centres have encouraged many peasants to leave the countryside and thus reduced the available labour there, while the overall population has risen . Finally, social conditions are also important, with recent prosperity producing a high demand for meat-almost all Swiss sheep are now killed for meat (mainly lamb) and only 3% of the national wool requirement is met by home production, outside wool being cheaper (Swiss Agriculture 1972, p . 21). Hence, the present economy may be regarded as a maximal exploitati on of the prevailing climate, soil, topography, etc. onl y when the factors outlined above apply, and in the past they did not always do so. Evans (1956, pp. 218 and 220) referred to the Swiss area as a "region of difficulty", "generally ill-suited by topography, soils and climate to largescale cereal cultivation", but it is a matter of historical record that in the

15

Middle Ages the growing of crops was widespread. The Mittelland had a manifestly arable economy in which swine were the most common animals, while in the Alps mixed farming occurred with a dominance of sheep or cattle. These exploitation patterns were clearly controlled by a self-sufficiency requirement, for sheep were needed for wool and most plant foods in the diet had to be grown locally. As the Alpine area increased its export of cattle and especially of dairy products to the Mittelland and Italy ( a road was constructed through the St. Gotthard pass before 1140 A.D.-Martin 1932, p. 186), its economy came to be based more on cattle, and imports provided a portion of cereal needs. However, it was only in the 19th century A. D. that transport was sufficiently good to allow Alpine communities almost to forsake cultivation and concentrate on animal-keeping. Better communication also allowed the accent of the Mittelland economy to switch from arable farming to pasturing of cattle, but both in the Plateau and the Alps high numbers of sheep were retained because of the need for native wool. This was true until recently (Figure 7). Therefore it was in the level of arable cultivation and sheepkeeping that earlier economies differed from the present economy, and the principal factors involved in the changes have been easier communication and transportation, but pasture improvement may also have played a part. Transhumance patterns have also altered, especially when the transhuma~ce from Italy to the Swiss Alps, which existed for centuries, was stopped by political measures in 1914 A. D. The vacant Alpine pastures then began to be utilized by Mittelland sheep and this had never occurred before: "erst im 20 Jahrhundert zu einer Transhumanz zwischen diesen beiden Regionen gekommen ist" (Gubler-Gross 1962, p. 16). Earlier conditions had not favoured this, as Mittelland winter pastures only became available in the 20th century because of land improvement schemes and decreased arable farming. Furthermore, awkward natural obstacles in the lower Alpine valleys (near the Mittelland) were overcome at the same time by modern engineering (GublerGross 1962, p. 17). Therefore it is evident that a number of parameters exist, and that alterations in these have elicited different economic responses. In considering the Mesolithic and Neolithic periods, the parameters applicable must be clarified before an understanding of the economies can be attained. The following are the areas in which they lie:a)

the natural environment - topography and geology have remained static, but other aspects have not, e.g. plant and animal life, soils, climate,

b)

the technological,

c)

the population density,

d)

the extent of communication and within the ethnic/social

exploitational

and agricultural

levels of knowledge,

and exchange with the transport organization of the periods.

16

available

CHAPTER 2 THE NATURAL CONDITIONS IN THE SWISS AREA DURING THE MESOLITHIC AND NEOLITHIC PERIODS An introductory outline of Swiss topography, geology and raw material availability, features identical or very similar in the prehistoric periods to now, has already been presented (Chapter 1); but other aspects of the natural environment have exhibited variations which require exposition in order to evaluate the environment faced by prehistoric man. Significantly, the climate has undergone modification since the Late Glacial, and as a corollary of this there have been alterations primarily in the vegetation, although soils, drain­ age and water levels have also been affected, but less noticeably. Research into a palaeoclimate is difficult and involves the use of data from several fields, particularly that of vegetation history. This chapter therefore begins with this. Vegetation History The character of the present-day vegetation is much modified by extensive clearing and also by husbandry of the forests specifically for timber (24% of all land in Switzerland in 1969-Swiss Agriculture 1972). In this husbandry, the planting of productive trees such as conifers (and especially spruce) is favoured. Nonetheless, the basic botanical potential of the Swiss area is relatively clear (Carrier 1932, Laborde 1961). Three altitudinal zones of vegetation exist and the lowermost, below 1500 m approximately, has naturally a beech and hornbeam deciduous forest. Above this to about 2200 m, a coni­ ferous forest of silver fir, pine and spruce predominates (larch and pine in the Valais), but near the upper limit of this zone there is less true forest,and dwarf trees such as dwarf pine, juniper and rhododendron take over, marking the present tree line which varies from 1700 m - 2300 m (this may be artifi­ cially depressed). The top zone, between this and the snow-line at 3000 - 3500 m, is the region of Alpine pastures where cattle are summered, and it consists of small areas of grass and herbs (amongst rocks) with rich nutritive qualities due to protein and nitrogenous substances. Alpine plants, such as Achillea, Digitalis and Veronica, abound in milk-forming juices at the time when cattle are brought to these pastures. Habitation exists up to 27 00 m, but above this altitude vegetation is scarce and composed mainly of lichen. This Aipine · pasture zone occurs naturally only in the Alps, although in the Jura clearance of forests near the tree boundary has provided pseudo-Alpine pastures, with, however, few of the Alpine plants. Postglacial vegetation changes within the Swiss area have been studied by pollen analysis and depicted in numerous pollen diagrams. They are most conveniently discussed under the separate regions of the Mittelland, Alps and

17

Jura, and Tables 2, 3 and 4, which use the Scandinavian terminology of the Blytt-Sernander vegetation zones (the climatic meaning of these is not assumed), were constructed from a number of pollen diagrams and the syntheses of Llldi (1954) and Zoller (1968). Table 5 gives a summary of the dominant tree types of each district. The classic Postglacial profile for the Mittelland from analyses at the following locations: Wauwilermoos, - mtrri 1940.

approximately

Baldeggersee, approximately - mtrri 1944. Hallwilersee, approximately - mlrri 1925.

22 km north-west

(Table 2) was obtained of the Vierwaldstf:lttersee

14 km north of the VierwaldsUlttersee 23 km north of the VierwaldsUlttersee

Greifensee,

approximatel

y 10 km east of Zllrich - Zimmermann

Chatzensee,

approximatel

y 12 km north of Zilrich - Furrer

1966.

1927.

Bern - Rytz 1937. Burgmoos (beside the Burgttschisee), approximately 33 km east of the North Bielersee - Troels-Smith 1955, Welten 1946A, 1955. It is quite evident that the traditional idea (e.g. in Zimmermann 1966) of a general sequence of pine, hazel, Mixed Oak Forest (M. 0. F. ), beech and then fir periods is a simplification of a complicated situation; moreover, it is not representative of the whole Mittelland, for vegetation changes here do not appear to have been precisely synchronous, and variations were occasionally gross enough to have altered the character of the pollen zones (Table 5). Notably, in the west and south-west, on the basis of diagrams from Lac L~man (Chaix 1970, Llldi 1939) and Lac de Neuchatel (L!ldi 1935), beech became abundant somewhat late. In addition, the early and significant appearance of fir here, together with the reasonable amount of spruce pollen in the SubBoreal Beech phase (£. 10% - Llidi 1939, p. 476), was possibly related to the proximity of the Jura Mountains and Alps. The North-East Mittelland (Bodensee) also differed from the norm, although this may be exaggerated because palynologists (e.g. Mllller 1947, Bertsch 1928A) have dated its sequence by links with the Federsee region of South Germany. A fairly open pine forest artemisia was 1. 17 % in Bodensee Pine Time diagrams and O. 44 % in the PineHazel Time (Firbas 1948, pp. 18 and 20) - persisted late in this area, with pine still registeringupto40 % inthe Hazel/M.O.F. period (Milller 1947). In the subsequent M. 0. F. /Hazel period of Late Atlantic and possibly Early SubBoreal date, the predominant species ~as hazel and this was accompanied . by M. 0. F. types, plus minor amounts of beech and fir (fir 4 %, according to Mtlller 1947, p. 84). Not until within the SubBoreal did beech and a M.O.F. of mainly oak (each with a value of 20 %-40 % - M!lller 1947, p. 7 5) form the basic vegetation, with fir remaining insubstantial except at higher altitudes.

In the Alps, three main climatic zones are involved: the slightly humid and oceanic North Alpine area was researched by Welten (1952); in the more continental and semi-arid Central Alpine region, the western part (Valais) 18

was studied by Keller (1935), Markgraf (1969) and Welten (1977) and the eastern (GraubUnden) by Keller (1930) and Zoller (1966); the Southern Alps, investigated by Zoller (196 0), have a more Mediterranean climate and are not within the scope of this monograph. \Velten (1958), in a comparison of all three areas which summarized a number of papers presented in 1957 at a meeting in Bern, highlighted the botanical differences not only between these zones, but also within them at different altitudes (Table 3, where TB denotes the possible tree boundary altitude). Significantly, by the Preboreal the tree lin e altitude in all Alpine districts was close to that of today, although it did occasionally drop lower, while by the Boreal it was perhaps already higher than today, and by the Late Atlantic and &lb Bore al on average 3 00 m above the present boundary. Temporary retreats of the tree line in the South Alps were recorded by Zoller (1960, 1968) as occurring between 5500 and 4500 b. c . and also between 3400 and 3000 b. c., and these, since they may have resulted from cold spells, are meaningful for the climatic history of the Alpine area. The Jura vegetation sequence (Table 4) is also distinct from that of the Mittelland as a result of altitude, and is most analogous to that of the ForeA lps, for silver fir was common by Zones VII and VIII, whereas heech and other deciduous trees were always less in evidence than in the Mittelland. The Nort h Jura range may have had a forest cov er different to that of the south-west, marked especially by a continuous though modest presence of hazel, but analyses are too scarce to permit certainty. The north is a climatically less favourable region today. The reasonable agreement of the samples conveys that the difficulties which can beset individual diagrams (Faegri and Iversen 1964) have been smoothen out, and that a representative picture of the composition and distribution of Postglacial vegetation in this region has been achieved. Nevertheless, as most analyses have been derived from open lakes a nd bogs at which local pollen production is only one component of the final pollen count (Ta uber 1965), the effects of a few factors must be taken into account in interpreti ng the events and values in Tables 2-4 (which are quoted verbatim from publica tions):1. Differential pollen productivity. This is readily corrected, as Andersen (1973) has completed measurements for the commonest tree spec ies. Most relevant to diagrams for the Swiss area is the fact of overproduction of pollen by pine, birch, and hazel, which must mean that the importance of these in the Early Postglacial is overplayed. In comparison ash and linden underproduce, and this suggests that they were more crucial in the Mittelland than is obvious from Table 2. However, hazel overproduces only in open stands, so that its pollen values for the later Postglacial period probably re present reasonably its participation in the vegetation then, when the Mittella nd was covered by beech/fir forests in which it would have formed part of the understorey. In the Alps silver fir and larch possibly featured to a greater extent in forests, but spruce and pine to a lesser, than their pollen values imply (Welten 1958). 2. The possibility of local tree stands, perhaps after migration close to the lake basin. One example is the high linden value (85%) in the Early Atlantic section of a diagram from the south-western Wauwilermoos (Tab le 2). 19

But of most concern are the recurrent increases of alder and willow pollen for the Late Atlantic and SubBoreal, which certainly reflect local marsh- or lake-edge stands, subsequent perhaps to lake shrinkages, rather than the true forest representation of these species. 3. Representation of pollen from furth~r afield. When transport was a factor (most diagrams here), some species (especially oak and pine) whose pollen grains are relatively easily carried by winds may have become overrepresented. In contrast, some pollen types may have been actively hindered. Outstanding work on this is Tauber's reassessment (1965) of the original ThayngenWeier pollen analyses (Ludi 1950B, Troels-Smith 1955), and principally of the Late Atlantic/SubBoreal episode when beech pollen abruptly declined in favour of fir (contemporaneous partially with the Pfyn culture settlement), and oak, hazel, birch and willow pollen rose. The littoral vegetation (willow) clearly had altered and would have effectively filtered any grains which were being transported. By estimating the relative degree of this filtering, Tauber was able to reconstruct the more probable distribution and development of vegetation in the area: following a genuine spread of beech (and fall in M. 0. F. ), alder and willow shore woods developed after a lake level fall, elm and ash declined (possibly owing to drought, for elm is a good pollen producer) and were replaced by more beech, while oak, hazel and birch all remained constant and fir increased only slightly over the general area. Contrary to the original evaluation therefore, fir in no way took over and the vegetation rem ·ained primarily of beech, with M. 0. F. alone (except for oak) decreasing. 7hen a This reasoning may be applied to most Mittelland diagrams. shore biotope is evident, then associated oak, birch and hazel rises may have to be discounted, but elm and ash changes are perhaps valid. A fundamental point is that a decrease in beech pollen may be the result only of filtration of its large grains, and this may explain the changing beech and fir dominance in Mittelland Zones VII and VIII, when lake alterations did take place.

4. In mountainous areas there is an extra dimension to the problem of pollen dispersal. Pollen from lowlands is transported to high altitudes by convection currents, and although the absolute quantity of this foreign pollen is similar to that transported over horizontal distances, in percentage terms it is higher because of the smaller pollen production of high altitude plants (Faegri and Iversen 1964, p. 101); in enclosed woods it is seldom greater than 10%, but in wood-free areas such as the Alpine pastures it can reach 40-7 0% (Welten 1958). Comparison of a number of diagrams does help-for example Markgraf (1969) took twelve pollen probes in the Upper Valais (2095 m)-but it may be that the marked M. O. F. and hazel pollen at altitudes over 1000 min the North Alps (after 6000 b. c.) was predominantly wind-transported from the Mittelland. However, the increase of beech pollen shown for the low altitudes in the Alpine Sub Bo real probably reflects a genuine occurrence.

20

The Botanical

Environment

of the Mesolithic

and Neolithic

Periods

The environment of prehistoric man is thus partly discernible from the above. Firstly, the Non-Tree-Pollen (N. T. P.) value, e.g. of Gramineae, Artemisia and Plantain, helps in estimating the extent of open ground and, secondly, the different light requirements of the different· tree species can indicate the density of the forest: pine, oak, elm, ash and particularly birch are all light-demanding, linden less so, and beech, fir and spruce least demanding, with the ability to move into already forested areas. It is in open, sunny places that the various fruit trees and shrubs (e.g. plum, blackberry) and also ivy are found, while alder, willow and yew are more typical of fen biotopes. The first Mesolithic sites appeared in the Preboreal and therefore in an environment of Scots and Mountain pine (also Arolla pine at high altitudes and around Geneve). The landscape was probably an open parkland of ste ppe heath-around the West Bodensee artemisia was 0. 81 %-1. 17% in pollen diagrams (Firbas 1948, p. 18)-with sporadic stands of pine and birch. To this period dates the Filrsteiner facies, as shown at Seeberg-Ftlrsteiner where Welten (1947, pp. 125-27) recorded circa 90% pine, 5-8 % birch and some artemisia, and also very probably the Azilian and Federmesser horizons . In addition, pollen from Ettiswil 8 at the Wauwilermoos suggests that it was occupied either near the end of this period or in the Bo real (H~rri 1940, p. 79). Most Mesolithic sites, however , coincide with the long Hazel and M. O. F. period when woods were more deciduous. To the Boreal, according to the pollen diagram from the relevant layer at Baulmes-Abri de la Cure (LeroiGourhan and Girard 1971), can be attributed the Ogens facies of the Sauveterrian and perhaps too the "Filrsteiner with geometric components" horizon (Wyss 1968, p. 132). At this time, there was a great deal of hazel in the Mittelland and Jura, but in pure stands rather than as a true hazel wood (Rytz 1937, p. 42). Pine and birch were probably restricted to certain areas such as slopes and sandy soils, and alder and M. 0. F. species were begin ning to appear on suitable ground. It must be remembered that ash and linden may both be under-represented by their pollen. Two more sites on the Wauwilermoos are pollen-d ated but of indefinite typology: Sch~tz 6 is Boreal and Ettiswil 10 is classifiable as Early Atlantic on the basis of the high values of M.O.F. and accompanying hazel (H~rri 1940, p. 76). Groups of both t he ''Developed Ftlrsteiner with geometric components" horizon (e.g. at Wetzik onRobenhausen Furtacker-Wy ss 196 8, p. 133) and the Sauveterrian horizon (e.g. at Nenzlingen-Birsmatten-Bandi 1964) lived in this Early Atlantic period; the same may be true of a few groups using a Notched Blade industry , e.g. at Baulmes-Abri de la Cure (Leroi-Gourhan and Girard 1971). The Mittelland in the Early Atlantic possessed denser M. O. F. woods than previously, although the presence of hazel does indicate that there were some open spaces. The vegetation in the Jura was similar to circa 1200 m, but above this altitude silver fir and pine predominated. It is conceivable that in these periods man had penetrated the NorthWestern Alps, since the site of Diemtigen-Oeyenriedschopf (1180 m), acc ording to analysis of wood charcoal from its occupation layers, may predate

21

the appearance of fir (Andrist, FHlkiger and Andrist 1964). The lower parts of Alpine slopes would also have been M. 0. F. and hazel-clad, but a pine forest covered the slopes above 1600 m, and perhaps also above llOO m. Nevertheless, it is probable that the majority of Notched Blade horizon layers belong to the Late Atlantic (e.g. at Nenzlingen-Birsmatten-Bandi 1964), when beech and fir were colonizing the Mittelland and Jura. In general, beech formed the main lowland vegetation (a thick forest) but some M. 0. F. and hazel still survived, the latter either in the understorey or in restricted open areas. In the North-East and West Mittelland, however, beech was barely present and woods had mostly M. O.F. and hazel. Higher altitudes were dominated by silver fir (with some spruce) and the sparsely-settled lower regions of the Alps by M. O. F. and pine rather than beech. Presumably, Linearbandkeramik, Stichbandkeramik and R~ssen sites also date to the Ltlte Atlantic period, although no pollen analyses are available, and the oldest pollen-dated Neolithic cultures of the Mittelland and Alpine river valleys, the broadly contemporaneous Pfyn and Cortaillod. certainly do. They fall at the end of this zone and the transition to the SJ.bBoreal. From many borings around the Wauwilermoos, mlrri (1940, p. 27) did find that a hiatus separated Mesolithic and Egolzwil/ Cortaillod occupation there, the former preceding the main beech increase and the latter occurring after beech had reached its 43 % maximum. Neolithic sites with pollen information are arranged in Table 6 by zone and culture. Man's influence on the environment is manifest in this Late Atlantic peri od, for recent diagrams have registered pollen grains of cereals, leguminosae (as at the Burgmoos-Welten 1955) and culture-connected plants such as Plantago major, all of which are almost categorical evidence of man's presence. His activity may be further recognized by vegetational changes favouring light-demanding tree species and herbaceous undergrowth (the result of man-made forest clearances? ),the latter being demonstrated in improved N. T. P. values. N. T. P., however, has not been identified in all diagrams, older analyses mainly recording fluctuations in the values of tree species, and Tauber's work (1965-mentioned above) has shown that certain changes in tree pollen may be illusory, related largely to lake level variations. These changes must therefore be interpreted only with caution. A general retreat of M. 0. F. during the Late Atlantic, nevertheless, can be accepted, and it was due partly to the natural vegetation succession and partly to climatic factors (there are climatic change indicators-Frenzel 1966, Tauber 1965, Troels-Smith 1956). It was a retreat characterized by sharp elm and linden pollen falls, falls which began before direct evidence of agriculture appeared, but accelerated with this. The shoots of these trees may therefore have been cut for fodder (as today in parts of Valais-Welten 1977, p. 304), and elm leaves were found in a building at Thayngen-Weier (Troels-Smith 1960, p. 23). Likewise, the pollen of ivy and mistletoe almost dis.appeared in culture layers with signs of forest clearance, and since ivy is normally encouraged by this type of activity, these species may also have been cropped for fodder (TroelsSmith 1960, pp. 9/10). Other trees are known to have been felled to build structures at Neolithic sites, particularly species such as birch which are easily-cut-Tauber (1965, p. 52) estimated that 6-12 acres of birch were cut around Thayngen-Weier. Hence, oscillations in the pollen values of these species may at times be valid,

22

but the frequently-recorded drop in beech, which has been i nterprete d as resulting either from felling by man or from depletion by cattle (Troe lsSmith 1955, 1956 ), may have been caused by climatic change (H~rri 1940) or by shore vegetation hindering the deposition of its pollen . In any eve nt, decreases in beech pollen on their own cannot be taken to suggest exploit ation by man. Whereas such man-induced environmental changes are not unknown for the Mesolithic period, they are much more evident at Neolithic dates and sites-at Baulmes-Abri de la Cure, the influence of man was more marked in the pollen from Cortaillod levels than in that from earlier Mesolithic laye rs (Leroi-Gourhan and Girard 1971). Even in samples not especially close to known sites, as in the Southern Jura, such alterations have been observed at a period equivalent to the earliest Neolithic (Wegmftller 1966). One can conclude that around Pfyn and Cortaillod settlements man often made sma ll clearances which light-demanding trees (birch, hazel, etc.) possibly later recolonized, but large-scale clearances do not appear to have existed-in the Bodensee area at this date artemisia was still decreasing (Firbas 1948, p. 21). By the Early

SubBoreal, a natural vegetation of thick beech/fir forest with fir and spruce at higher altitudes had spread over most of the region except the north-east. Here, M. 0. F. and hazel still persisted. Ltlscherz, Horgen, Auvernier, Corded Ware and Bell Beaker sites all date to the early part of this zone, and occupation reached high into the Alps: two sites in the Simmental (Boltigen-Ranggiloch at 1845 m and Lenk-Die Tierberghtshle at 257 5 m), although of indefinite typology, appear to belong in this pollen zone (Andrist, Flilkiger and Andrist 1964) when the Alps were well-wooded to above the modern limit. Modification of the vegetation in localized areas is again demonstrable, and was often marked or continuous. For example, large clearances were produced at Yverdon-Avenue des Sports in West Switzerland (Liese-Kleiber 1977) at this date-N. T. P. rose dramatically above its level in the Cortaillod layer-and artemisia was increasing in the Bodensee region (Milller 1947, pp . 77 and 84). Mention must be made of the fact that after its initial decline, elm recovered later in this period. Resources

Available

to Prehistoric

Man

The Postglacial floral environment described above was strikingly dissimilar to that of the Palaeolithic (and present-day Switzerland) by reason of the increasing forest cover, which furnished new plant foods. In the summe r and autumn months in such deciduous woods, especially in hazel and M. O. F. stands, are available acorns, nuts, fruits and berries, and these would have been particularly plentiful in the Mesolithic; nuts, and to a lesser extent acorns, may continue to lie on forest floors throughout winter. Also prese nt between spring and autumn in the forest undergrowth are many herbaceous plants useful to man for nutritional and other purposes, in addition to roots and tubers such as bracken which are edible all year if properly treated. But the only forest plant foods obtainable throughout the year are the various fungi and mosses. Around lakes and marshes, water and marsh plants suc h as reeds and rushes can provide extra seasonally-available nourishment. Inhabiting these forests were many animal species (Hartmann-Frick 19 69). Those most frequently exploited by man (Chapters 4-7) were red deer, roe dee;r,

23

aurochs, bison, elk, boar, bear, wolf, fox, cat and lynx; of less importa nc e were badger, squirrel and marten. Ibex and chamois, creatures of hig h altitude, were rarely utilized. This rich animal life was further increased around rivers, lakes and marshes by aquatic species such as beaver, otter, duck, swan and of course fish. Pike, carp, perch and salmon (the last on the Rhein) are the fish whose remains are most commonly found in excavatio ns , but it is not known how abundant they were in the Postglacial period. Today the larger lakes are not much fished because of pollution, but they were productive at one time and intensively exploited by small fishing fleets in the 19th century A.D. It cannot, however, be stated with certainty that similar high yields would have been available, or indeed achievable, in the Mesolithic and Neolithic. Inferences concerning History (Table 7)

the Mesolithic

and Neolithic Climate from the Vegeta tion

Floral history provides just one line of research into general and regional variations of climate, through the occurrence and movements of arboreal species as well as the positioning of upper forest boundaries (identified by N. T. P. values). The latter in particular are thermally controlled, but differ ent tree types have differing preferences with regard to temperatures and precipitation; a lack of rainfall is especially important, as it causes a re duction in plant moisture. Of course, many other factors affect pollen spectr a, which do not therefore reflect climatic conditions with total accuracy (Raike s (1967) even felt that any inference of climatic fluctuations is impossib le), and Frenzel (1966) has outlined some of the difficulties in making climatic interpretations from pollen diagrams:a)

Insufficient

or inexact dating of possible

b)

Local geomorphological of vegetation changes.

c)

A number

of processes or local events - lake l evel alteration, devel opment of soils, fires, epidem i c plant diseases, interfere nce by man - may produce vegetation changes resembling those induced by changes of climate.

d)

The natural vegetation succession of pioneering and light-needing species followed by more shade-tolerant types (pine/birch to hazel/ M. 0. F. to beech/fir) can also be construed as a change from a continental to a more suboceanic climate .

conditions

climatic

fluctuations

.

can also influence the strength

As climatic changes are more visible in pollen from mountain areas, the Swis s area is a suitable region in which to attempt their reconstruction, although the problems of interpretation have to be borne in mind. A generally fast Postglacial expansion of forest is already noticeable in the Preboreal (IV), the colonizing trees spreading easily in the sparsely forested landscape, and even for an Alpine altitude of 2095 m only 35% N. T. P. was recorded (Markgraf 1969, p. 30). This forest expansion can be linked to a marked temperature rise, and, since Arolla pine, Joint pine (Ephedra) and Artemisia were present in the Alps, the climate was also dry and continental. One drop in temperature, the Piottino oscillation dated 8100-7700 b. c.,

24

is observable from a temporary lowering of the tree line in the North and South Alps (Zoller 1960); in Canton Vaud, Alpine meadows replaced pine forest at 1930 m (Frenzel 1966, p. 103). Later in the Preboreal, the appearance of hazel in the Mittelland demonstrates that summer temperatures were steadily increas ing. However , glaciers did remain more extended than today (near the Upper Rhein to 1700 m till circa 7000 b. c. - Zoller 1966, p. 79), and thus winter temperatures were colder than now. These glaciers made the Alps still a partial barrier to the spread of pollen at this time from the south. In the Boreal (V) the forest was of similar although higher extent, but of different composition. Hazel, which reaches maturity in a short time, rapi dly covered the Mittelland, Jura and North Alps, while M. 0. F. arrived later owing to its poorer rate of migration (that linden may be under-represented in diagrams must be rememb ered). By this date, silver fir and alder were reaching the Swiss area from south of the Alps, therefore glaciers were clearly retreating. These mesoth ermic woods, and the presence of larch in the Alps, denote a warmer, moderately dry climate; but ivy pollen in some diagrams (characteristic of mild winters) and an increase of birch in the Alps at 6300 b.c. (Markgraf 1969, p. 32) suggest that the climate of the Boreal was less continental and slightly wetter than that of the Preboreal. Temperatures were probably close to those of today. The floral sequence over much of Europe shows a Postglacial warm opti mum circa 5000-3500 b.c. (Zone VI - Lamb 1974, p. 209), and in the Swiss area this is represented by M. 0. F. (especially linden and elm) at maximum extent. In some diagrams ivy reached 1. 34% and mistletoe 0. 36 ~ (Troels Smith 196 0), and such a luxuriant flowering of these plants indicates mild winters (never below -1. 5°C) and warm summers (generally above 18°C). The trend towards an oceanic climate continued, for, in the Alps, Arolla pine decreased while birch and silver fir spread. However, Zoller (1960) did identify three cold spells (the Misoxer phase) in the Alps betwe en 5500 and 4500 b. c., when the tree boundary lowered and vegetation altered slightly. So far, researchers have been in close agreement on this picture of climat ic change. In the Late Atlantic (VII), the tree boundary was at its highest Postglaci al extent so that it did remain warm. However, mistletoe and ivy values droppe d (relative to other light-requiring species - Troels-Smith 1960), and therefo re a lower annual temperature is implied, with cooler summers and winters. Since holly also declined, winter temperatures below -0. 5oc may have occurred . Furthermore, the spread of beech in lowland regions, together with the expa nsion of fir in the mountains and West Mittelland, have been interpreted as indicators of higher precipitation, but this is controversial for the change may represent nothing more than the natural vegetation succession. Certainly any change to wetter weather was slow with larch and Arolla pine persisting in the Alps. Moreover, according to dendrochronology, the period of Thayngen-Weier and Seeberg-Burg~schisee Stld (end Late Atlantic) was more continental than now-annual variations in tree ring widths were gre ater than in trees there today (Frenzel 1966 , p. 118). Thus generally the clima te was cooling and perhaps becoming more oceanic, but it was still drier than now. At 3400-3000 b. c. a cold phase, the Piora oscillation, was recorde d in the South Alps (Zoller 1960).

25

Yet another cold spell near the SubBoreal transition is possible, the number of fluctuations at this time not being clear, but generally forests re mained at the same altitude in this period as in Zone VII. The nature of the EbbBoreal climate is a matter of conflict because of the constant variations in tree values, some of which at least were due to man. That beech and fir were dominant is often taken as indicative of colder and wetter weather, but Troels-Smith (1955, 1960) has argued that the climate remained as before, and Tauber (1965) that elm and linden decreases resulted from dry weather . However, while there is no doubt that man's use of the forest has complicated Mittelland pollen results, diagrams from the Alps are more helpful. Here and in the Jura, spruce was replacing silver fir, so that winters were probably colder; at the same time they were reasonably dry since Arolla pine was still present. In the Mittelland, rising ivy values and the persistence of miseltoe (once more related to other light-requiring species-Troels-Smith 1960) suggest higher overall temperatures again, as does the presence at some Neolithic sites (e.g. Wetzikon-Robenhausen-Messikommer 1913, p. 88) of macroscopic remains of water chestnut (Trapa natans), a plant requiring high summer temperatures. Hence, the most reasonable conclusion is that the climate was more continental (warm summers, cold winters) and fairly dry (Frenzel 1966). The possibility of fluctuations towards wet conditions (ivy, beech and fir) cannot be excluded. Postglacial

Geomorphological

and Pedological

Changes (Table 7)

In the Swiss area, most landform changes occurred during the Pleistocene or in post-Roman times. In this later period they were mainly peaks of alluvial sedimentation, such as the large deltaic fan which formed at Port Valais, a Roman port on Lac Leman. As a result of this deltaic deposit, this town is now 2 km distant from the lake (Hantke 1969, p. 6). Thus prehistoric man lived in a physic al landscape which was slightly different to that of today.

However, as moulding of relief is a continual process, minor changes were taking place between these major episodes, and these are of use in reconstructing the palaeoclimate. The physical and chemical structures of sediments or detritus accumulations (such as river beds and deltas, valley fillings, and cave deposits) can determine the method by which they were produced, as well as the conditions then and during their subsequent weathering. Cave deposits require special interpretation since they may derive from inside or outside the cave. Particularly useful are the stratigraphies of peat bogs and moors, but unfortunately in the Swiss area many marshes are postNeolithic in date (Garns and Nordhagen 1923, p. 123). Further information is provided by evidence of glacial extent and movements. Glaciers had disappeared from the Mittelland by the time of the Preboreal and were under sustained retreat in the Alps, although still extending down to at least 1700 mat 7000 b.c. (Zoller 1966, p. 99). As valley flanks were poorly-forested and subject to landslips, Preboreal rivers carried large amounts of detritus and formed considerable fan-shaped deltas at their mouths and junctions~ especially those junctions of the large Alpine river valleys with their tributaries. For example, in the Aare System the Ltlschine and Lombach rivers' debris built up in the Oberlandersee and split it into the

26

present Brienzerand Thunersees (Hantke 1969, p. 6). By the end of the period, however, slope wash was less as a result of the spread of forests . The first gradual sedimentation of Alpine valleys and Mittelland basins began in the Preboreal, notably in the Jura Lakes' basin; here the single Pleistocene lake had already divided into three, and parts of the original basin-sout h of Lac de Neuchatel along the Thielle river, south of the Murtensee, and the narrow valley north of the Bielersee-started to fill with debris (Llldi 1935, p. 127). In the area north of the Murtensee and west of the Bielersee, viz . the Grosses Moos, peat formation also commenced, although this may have been owing to a local drainage phenomenon (Lildi 1935, p. 127). As regards climate, E. Schmid consid ered from the sediment at Nenz lingen-Birsmatten that the Preboreal, while relatively dry and cool, was warmer than before (Bandi 1964). In the Boreal, increasing forest cover virtually checked erosion in lower lands, and Preboreal cones of debris stabilized and were chosen for settlement because of their good drainage. At higher altitudes , ice was still melting and depositing detritus in upper rivers and valleys (Hantke 1969, p. 8). Sedimentation continu ed in the lowland basins, and peat-building in the Grosses Moos (LO.di 1935). At Nenzlingen-Birsmatten, falls of rock debris from the cave roof at this period confirm that temperatures were rising (Bandi 1964, p. 71). The Early Atlantic appears to have been a steady climatic optimum in the lowlands, where the absence of frost traces (Starkel 1966, p. 26) indicates that winters were warm. Nevertheless, in the Alps several cold phases (the Misoxer oscillations) with glacial readvance occurred between 5500 and 4500 b. c. As several peat bogs developed at this time (including much of the Grosses Moos), ground water level must have been high, but whether as a result of greater humidity and rain or of changing drainage patterns (as Raikes 1967 has maintained) is unsure. Certainly the build-up of the Grosses Moos was the result of local drainage problems (Lil.di 1935, p. 125). Thus it can be concluded that the climate was warm, less continental and perhaps wetter than in the Boreal, and at Birsmatten too the same can be inferred (Bandi 1964, p. 71). This climatic situation continued in the Late Atlantic, as far as one can tell by geomorphology, except for a slight reversal at the endglaciers returned to 1700 min Alpine side valleys (Zoller 1966, p. 155). Erosion and sedimentation of limited volume did still take place in this zone, and the area south of Lac de Neuchatel finally took on its present appearance (LO.di 1935, p. 211). In the SubBoreal, glacial deposits point to a continuation at first of the cold period mentioned above, but then glaciers retreated and the climate improved (Zoller 1966, p. 155). Variations in precipitation are indicated by the fact that the speed of peat formation was apparently oscillating; a dryingout often occurred (river deposits above peat-Gradmann 1949 /50, p. 15), and one very dry phase (dated about 2300 b. c.) is represented by a recurrent surface in Alpine peats (Garns and Nordhagen 1923). To summarize, in the SubBoreal it seems to have been basically warm with varying precipitationat times very wet (as at Birsmatten - Bandi 1964), but occasionally fairly dry.

27

Lake Level Fluctuations

(Table 7)

The question of lake size is without doubt the 'cause cel~bre' of Swiss prehistory, and much of the relevant literature is both contradictory and circular in argument; the cause of the dispute has been the matter of whether prehistoric lake sites lay on the shore it sell or on platforms above the water. Keller (1854) instigated the 'water-village' idea, basing it on ethnography and on the fact that present lake levels often cover sites, while Reinerth (1921) supported the 'dry settlement' theory, believing that houses were on the land and on piles only to protect them from inundation at times of high water. The argument raged, with the water settlement view generally most prevalent, until Paret (1941/2, 1958) set out to prove by means of structural, archaeological and geological site evidence, and also general climatic ideas, that buildings were placed directly on the ground. "Ja, die Pfahlbauten waren ein durchaus begreiflicher, aber, wie wir jetzt sehen, doch ein romantischer, ein phantastischer Irrtum" (Paret 1941/2, p. 106). Opinion then veered in favour of this last concept. Relevant evidence is still being meticulously and scientifically collected at sites. The primary problem is one of positively recognizing lake levels and their variations. Past changes in lake levels can be determined by mapping old strand lines or by observing alterations in the lake base, but more usually from the stratigraphy or the vegetational succession at lakeside prehistoric sites. The stratigraphical sequence resulting from a former lowering of lake level is one of basal chalk, succeeded by gyttja and then peat. In the case of newly-exposed chalk or gyttja having been immediately lived upon, peat may not have developed; if this happened, a culture layer may lie directly on chalk/gyttja without there being an intervening peat layer, a succession often wrongly assumed to mean that the site had been built above the water. The reverse stratigraphy of chalk superimposed on peat holds for a past lake rise, but chalk above a culture layer may have two explanations-either the lake level rose following a shore settlement, or the settlement was over the water and the level of this remained unchanged after the site was abandoned. Thus from stratigraphical evidence it is possible sometimes to identify a past fall or rise in lake level, but a statement that the level did not alter is impossible, and in this case the vegetational succession may assist. For example, at Burgmoos, Troels-Smith (1955, p. 46) found gyttja throughout his probe sample and yet plant pollen indicating lake variations. In studies of vegetational succession, emergent marshy shore-lines are suggested by fewer water plants, more prolific marsh types and later colonization by typical shore-line trees. When lakes increase in area opposite results are witnessed, and shore woods may flood. However, there are problems with this method too, for it is not certain that short-term and minor fluctuations always affect vegetation enough to be recognized. There are therefore difficulties in identifying every past lake le~el change which took place, but in extrapolating the palaeoclimate a further complication exists of determining whether confirmed lake changes were local or area-wide; lake levels are balanced between precipitation and inflow on the one hand and evaporation and outflow on the other, and alteration of any of these can produce a changed level. In the Swiss area, factors which have affected the levels of individual lakes include tectonic movement and inflow /outflow changes. In 28

the first case, although no large-scale tectonic movements occurred in the Postglacial here, a local movement may have affected Lac Leman, where the extremely low positioning of sites (especially Bronze Age sites) is unlikely to have resulted solely from climatic amelioration (Ltldi 1935, p. 274). Inflow /outflow changes have been common, for it is rare that a balanced or constant level has been maintained like that of the Greif en see over the last 5000 years (Zimmermann 1966, p. 20). In the Postglacial period, outflow erosion frequently caused lake level sinking, but damming of the outflow by debris, with a consequent lake rise (until the outflow eroded again), was not unknown: Sihl river detritus several times blocked the Limmat, the Ztlrichsee outflow (Schindler 1971, Joos 1976, p. 120); and in West Switzerland Aare debris likewise blocked the Zihl as it drained the Jura Lakes, and Arve debris the Rhone as it left Lac Leman (LUdi 1935). Local inflow alterations have been more unusual and have mostly resulted from diversion of a river's course, For example, continual oscillations of the Aare (forced by its own debris build-up), between its original course to the north of the Jura Lakes and another of direct westerly flow into these lakes, have produced sudden lake level variations of 3-4 m altitude (Schwab and Mtlller 1973, p. 173). Thus at the local level, erosion and detritus accumulation have been the important factors causing lake changes. However, there is still the problem of whether they themselves were sometimes climatically-induced, with all the lakes being affected. Climate, through the two particular aspects of change in temperature and variation in precipitation, may have a widespread influence on lake levels. In Switzerland, increased temperatures and melting of glaciers at the start of the Postglacial meant that lake levels were initially high but later lowered -in the Jura Lakes the general tendency from 11, 000 to 1, 300 B. C. was clearly downwards, although this lowering was punctuated by several rises of local origin (Schwab and Mtlller 1973, p. 157). Local deepening of outflows was probably largely responsible for the lake falls, but consistently-improving temperatures (and thus more evaporation) must have helped, especially if associated with low precipitation (as in the Bronze Age). Periods of high rainfall may have produced some of the visible lake rises, perhaps as much by creating more detritus as by greater inflow, for such detritus can block local outflows (large amounts of detritus may arise in other ways too, as when extensive wood clearances were completed in Medieval times - Staub 193 8, p. 217). Furthermore, climatic alterations may have affected certain areas to a greater extent through local peculiarities. Interpretation is therefore not easy. The Mesolithic period (Figure 8): The situation for this period is straightforward, with unequivocal evidence that lakes steadily fell from high levels. Stratigraphical evidence of this shrinking is available at several small moraine lakes, e.g. the Burgfischisee (Welten 1946A, 1955), Wauwilersee (now Wauwilermoos - Harri 1940, Troels-Smith 1955) and Baldeggersee (Hfirri 1944); here Mesolithic finds circumscribe a larger area than Neolithic remains. The large glacial lakes too were at maximum extent in the Early Postglacial and shrank during the Mesolithic, as is shown by the altitudes of finds: the Bodensee from 407 m to at least 399 m (Ltldi 1935, pp. 305/6), Lac Leman from 382 min the Preboreal to 372 m in the Atlantic period

29

(Olive 1972, pp. 257-261, Gallay and Corboud 1979, p. 44), from 437 m to 421 m (Bfittler 1940/1, p. 220) or 420 m (the the Zfirichsee from 416/415 m (Joos 1976, p. 120, Schindler and the Jura Lakes from 432/1 m in the Early Mesolithic to the Late Mesolithic (LUdi 1935, Schwab and Muller 1973, p.

the Zugersee altitude of finds), 1971, p. 300), below 430 m in 12).

In the Preboreal all were high, with stratigraphical evidence of a fall only at the Wauwilersee (this possibly due to a decrease in inflow for localized reasons - Hftrri 1940, p. 25 ), but lake levels certainly fell in the Bo real, as at the Wauwilersee, Bodensee, Lac Leman and Jura Lakes (references as above). For the Early Atlantic the picture is not quite so uniform - the Wauwilersee, Lac Leman and Baldeggersee lowered (the first with a fast decline towards the end of this zone - H~rri 1940, p. 92). With the exception, however, of the Baldeggersee (H~rri 1944, p. 12), these were still larger than in the Neolithic. The Burg~schisee stratigraphy is more complicated, and this lake appears to have had two falls (peat and a decrease in water plant pollen) with an intermediate rise (gyttja), although no cause has been identified (Welten 1955, p. 74). The Jura Lakes were also different. At 5200 B. C. approximately, they rose dramatically withi n a few weeks, when the river Aare changed its course to empty directly into the lakes and the draining Zihl proved incapable of coping with more than half of this inflow (Schwab and Mfiller 1973). This high level suddenly dropped about 200 years later (5000 B. C.) as the Aare returned to its original course. A more gradual sinking then followed. Generally in the Early Atlantic, lake levels were higher than those of today. Thus there was a uniform gradual decrease, related partly to a deepening of outflows (especially in the large lakes) and also partly to a reduction of inflow. The latter was probably both climatic in origin-less precipitation, higher temperatures and therefore more evaporation-and also due to diminishing amounts of glacial melt. Only two lakes had an Early Atlantic rise, and, since this resulted from a local event at one of these, a climatic alteration is not evident as the cause of the two rises. The Neolithic period: To earlier workers culture layers of Neolithic and Bronze Age sites consistently appeared to be below present water levels, those of Bronze Age sites especially so. Hence, if these culture layers represented shore settlements, lakes must have been smaller than now, if water-villages, then the same would still apply for the Bronze Age as the technology of the time would have precluded building in water greater than 2 m depth (Gradmann 1949/50, p. 17). In addition to site positions, other facts supported this view of low Neolithic and Bronze Age lake levels, such as the large increases in alder pollen recorded at many lakes, e.g. Lac Leman (Ltldi 1939, p. 484) and the Hallwilersee (H~rri 1925, p. 159). A steady Late Atlantic and SubBoreal shrinking of lakes was therefore considered to have occurred to a level so low in the Late Neolithic and Bronze Age, that only a long, warm and dry spell could have caused it. This, however, has proved to be a simplification and the question is whether, with the differences which can be documented, such a climatic trend can still be upheld. Stratigraphical evidence of at least one break in the steady drop in lake level within the Neolithic has been observed at a number of sites (as chalk

30

above peatj. For example, at Ffillanden-Riedspitz (Griefensee) chalk succeeded the peaty lower Horgen layer (Zimmermann 1966, p. 77). Few lakes have been examined in more detail than this, but it is on these few that reliance must be placed. Of the large glacial lakes, recent work on the Ztirichsee at Meilen-Feldmeilen has revealed a multitude of fluctuations between 403. 5 m and 407 m-a minimum of 21 separate lake falls, with which the building phases correlated, and 21 refloodings-and although these need corroboration, it may be speculated that they represent mainly short-term changes due to local outflow and local climatic conditions (Joos 1976, Winiger 1976). Two rises were, however, more prolonged, and these were at the time of the transition from Ffyn to Horgen culture and again late within the Horgen (Winiger 1976, p. 61). The Jura Lakes have also been investigated , initially by LUdi (1935) in a comprehensive study which MUller (Schwab and MUller 1973) has reviewed and confirmed , and so, although Joos (Kaenel 1976C) has rejected it as oversimplified (he saw more lake increases), it is used here (Figure 8). In the Late Atlantic around 36 00 B. C., a sharp lake rise lasted about 200-450 years. At Auvernier on Lac de Neu chatel this just preceded the lowermost culture layer (Cortaillod), which at 431 m was laid down when the lake was approximately at today 's height but dropping sharply. Another inundation of 350-550 years' duration occurred circa 27 50 B. C., and was succeeded at Auvernier by the remaining Neolithic layers , when the lake was at 429-430 m approximately and falling towards its extremely low Bronze Age value. Some confirmation of this comes from the finding of an old shore line at 429. 4 m on the Bielersee, near the Neolithic site of Ltlscherz-Fluhstati on (Staub 1938, p. 216). Thus for the Jura Lakes, a general decrease in the Neolithic was punctuated by at least two sharp rises which Mtlller felt resulted from a change in the river Aare's course. Since the SubBoreal rise started more slowly than that of the Late Atlantic (and that of the Early Atlantic), blockage of the Zihl by debris may have caused the first difficulties in the SubBoreal (Ltldi 1935, p. 329) prior to the change in the Aare's course. Several small moraine lakes and marshes have also been examined, basically by palynology but with stratigraphical support, and Troels-Smith (1955) has integrated the results of these analyses. The Burg!schisee (\Velten 1955, Brunnacker et al. 1967) rose at the beginning of the Late Atlantic and then lowered near the end of this period, according to profiles at the three sites Seeberg-Burgfischisee Stld, Seeberg- Burggschisee Endwest, and Burgfischi Nord. This lowering predated Cortaillod levels here and can perhaps be correlated with a Wauwilersee decrease (Hf:lrri 1940) at the Egolzwil culture site of Egolzwil 3, evidence for the latter being visible only in the changing pollen (there was no peat formation). Troels-Smith (1955) suggested a further synchronization of these falls with the Late Atlantic lowering of the former lake at Thayngen-Weier, although this cannot be verified. Subsequently, in the SubBoreal, the Wauwilersee and the lake at Thayngen-Weier both rose again only to fall once more, and this second sinking was probably contemporaneous with Cortaillod settlements at the Wauwilersee, while at ThayngenWeier it preceded the Pfyn settlement. At the Burgfischisee, pollen results were ambiguous for this time: at Burgf:lschi-Nord, Welten (1955, pp. 74-77) could only distinguish the one gradual decrease which had commenced in the Late Atlantic as mentioned; the Cortaillod layers at this lake dated to a late phase of this decrease. Towards the end of the Cortaillod period, however, the Burgf:lschisee began to expand and lake chalk covered all Cortaillod sites.

31

Satisfactory correlation of all these level changes, while difficult to achieve because of the imprecise dating, is attempted in Table 8. The nea t est, most economical explanation is that there occurred during the Late Atlantic and SubBoreal three/four periods of increased precipitation separated by drier spells, but the level of synchronization must be evaluated. Rise (5) appears to have been the most widespread and perhaps equals the time of cooling (on pollen evidence) at the Late Atlantic/SubBoreal transition, although rise (3) may also have been an earlier episode within this cooler period. Rise (7) is the least verified. Falls (2) and (4) were part of a general lake lowering (outflow erosion and improving temperatures), and fall (6) may correlate with recurrent surfaces on Alpine moors dated to circa 2300 b. c. (geomorphology section above). This last perhaps signifies a marked dry phase. The Late Neolithic and Bronze Age fall (8) may indicate improved drainage or a dry, warm climate then-evidence for this exists also in England from 2500 b. c. until the end of the SubBoreal (Lamb 1974, p. 212). The fact that correlation is not exact does not exclude these climatic interpretations, for it must be remembered that local factors influence the reaction to climate. While some areas (e.g. large lakes) can cope well with climatic changes, others, such as the Jura Lakes which drain a large portion of Swiss precipitation and also the shallow-sided moraine lakes, are more vulnerable to such changes. The similarity of the Burg~schisee and Jura Lakes is probably relatable to their mutual proximity. The alternative explanation to that of climatic origin for the lake fluctuations is that they were precipitated by localized hydrological factors-river course changes, detritus accumulation, etc. Hence, to return to the question under consideration at the start of this section, it can be concluded that Neolithic lake levels frequently dropped below those of today, and settlements were often established at precisely these times, e.g. at Meilen-Feldmeilen (Winiger 1976). Ipso facto, settlements were not automatically water-villages. Nevertheless, determ ination of the nature of these settlements has not yet been wholly and conclusively achieved. Current opinion is that, notwithstanding the possibility that some sites had houses individually raised on piles above areas at least regularly overflowed (by the observable effect of water on the layers)-such as Auvernier-La Saunerie and Yverdon-Avenue des Sports on Lac de Neuchatel, and HorgenDampfschiff steg and Meilen-Feldmeilen on the Zilrichsee (Strahm 1966, 1972/3, Ruoff 1976, Winiger 1976)-many were placed directly on the ground. AuvernierBrise Lames on Lac de Neuchatel, by the construction details, seems to have been built on firm ground (Boisaubert, Schifferdecker and Petrequin 1974), and at Delley-Portalban II (Lac de Neuchatel) and Twann-Bahnhofes (Bielersee) floor horizons with hearths were intact and clearly in situ (Schwab 1968/9, Furger et al. 1977). This holds true also for many sites on the small lakes, e.g. on the Burg~schisee and Wauwilersee (Milller-Beck 1961, Vogt 1957) . Taking the Ztlrichsee as an example, the usual low level for the Neolithic is thought to have been 403. 5 m (Schindler 1971, p. 311). As this would have varied by 1 m within any year (the normal yearly fluctuation), the lake could have reached a level of 404. 5 m, and on top of this any damming of the outflow by the Sihl may have caused a further increase. The maximum fluctuation in one day in recent observations has been 36 cm, enough to produce 1 m within three days and make flooding of any settlement possible.

32

Fluvial Studies The essential character of a physical landscape is dictated by its drainage system, but the prehistoric system in this Swiss area cannot be definitely identified since Holocene river studies are so rare. Probably the general pattern was consequent upon the form of the land surface and therefore similar to that of today, with rivers draining from the Alps and Jura into the Mittelland and then northwards. It is likely that the main rivers flowed from the Alps in the well-defined glacial valleys, in the same way as they do today except for more pronounced meanders-the Rhein, for example, has been straightened in its northward course in recent times. These broad valley bases would have been fairly marshy, with rivers often altering course and overflowing. However, in the Central Plateau and especially in areas of poor relief, river diversions are known to have occurred, although these were of strictly local relevance. Since A.D. 1714 the Kander river has flowed directly into the Thunersee from the Alps, but previously it avoided the lake and joined the Aare further northwest (Ltldi 1935, p. 285). Similarly, the Sihl river originally met the Limmat north of the Ztlrichsee and was later pushed eastwards by detritus (Hantke 1969, p. 7). But it is the West Swiss area which has had the main river changes (the Aare and Emme - Hantke 1969, p. 7). The Aare till circa 5500 B. C. joined the Zihl north of the Jura Lakes, and then at 5200 B. C., 3500 B. C. and 2600 B. C. it altered course for short periods to flow into Lac de Neuchatel, causing overflows of the lakes and formation of the Grosses Moos (Schwab and Mtlller 1973, p. 7). The drainage system of the Jura lakes was therefore usually independent of the Aare, unlike the present situation which was engineered in the 19th century Jura water correction. Many small rivers must also have changed course, or even silted up as at the Pfa.ffikersee (to the east of the Ztlrichsee) where the la ke's original outflow to the north gradually became dammed by peat development and has now been replaced by one at the south (Messikommer 1913, pp. 19/20). Palaeoclimatology

(Mesolithic

and Neolithic)

Present-day Switzerland is subject to a not very favourable climate (figures here were provided by the Schweizerische Meteorologische Zentralanstalt, Ztlrich) which is midway between a marine and a continental type, as the average temperatures in the Central Plain show: -0. 9°c in January, 17. 7°C in July and 8. 4°C yearly. The circumstance which most obviously modifies these temperatures is altitude (e.g. the mean July temperature at Gen~ve at 378 mis 18.3°C, at Santis at 2504 m only 5.0°C), but other factors affect them too. Important is the orientation of the land, especially in the Alps where south-facing valley slopes have higher temperatures than those facing north, and also of concern is the degree of proximity to the large lakes. The thermal properties of these lakes (their great depths make them storehouses of warmth, particularly in winter) are beneficial to temperatures in their immediate neighbourhood. As a comparison, the mean cTanuary temperature at Gen~ve on Lac Leman is +o.2°c and at Olten -0. 5Oc, this latter in a river valley at lower altitude. Additionally, the climate in the Jura Mountains is less congenial (with longer and colder winters) than at similar Alpine heights, and this is because the Jura is a range exposed to a cold air 33

stream

from the north and lacking a wind corresponding

t9 the Alpine Ftlhn.

Precipitation is by and large from the west and south-west, with most rain falling in summer-at Ztlrich, the mean February precipitation is 61 mm whereas in July it is 139 mm. Rainfall is heaviest in the Jura and Alps, except for certain sheltered valleys in the interior of the Alps which feature very low precipitation. For example, in the Alpine Rhone valley, Sion has only 592 mm precipitation yearly on average, whereas Ztlrich in the Mittelland and at nearly identical altitude has 1128 mm yearly. The western part of the Mittelland lies in the rain shadow of the Jura range and has therefore less rain than the eastern. Over the whole region snow falls in winter, but in some districts this is in relatively small amounts-at Basel (317 m) the mean snowcover in January is 12 cm. Only the highest Alps have permanent s.oowcover. Accurate judgements on the palaeoclimate, a major feature of the prehistoric environment, are not easily reached, and the subject has to be approached in a number of ways. Areas may be studied locally: so far in this chapter the Swiss vegetation, landscape and lake fluctuations for Mesolithic and Neolithic times have been surveyed and used to postulate the local climate and its variations (Table 7). However, although climate does partly depend on local conditions (which alter the radiation absorbed), the regional context is also significant, and three researchers have worked on this but have employed very different methods, As a result of an analysis of yearly air temperatures which were derived from oxygen isotope measurements plus studies of foraminifera in ocean beds and of fossil pollen, Lamb (197 4) was able to compute predominant atmospheric pressures and thus the prevailing winds or atmospheric circulation patterns for the Northern Hemisphere, especially Europe. These winds (westerlies) both bring and remove heat and moisture, and, since the sun's strength remains constant in these latitudes except for seasonal alterations, they must have been the main influence on past climate and its changes, according to this researcher. From this information he then investigated climatic trends for Europe. L. Starkel (1966) also worked on the Postglacial European climate, but using geomorphological studies of the various floral zones, while in Central Germany and Bohemia, H. Gross (1958) collected 120 probes which included loess sections. He both analysed their pollen and obtained radiocarbon dates, in these ways producing a condensed picture of the medium July temperatures in the area concerned (at present 19. OOC). The conclusions of these three researchers on the general European climate are now given. Much of the Postglacial had warmer weather than now, and in the Preboreal there was already a sharp rise in the medium July temperature from 11°? at t_he start of the period to 16°c at 7300 b.c. and 200c at the end of the period (figures are not for the Swiss area but for Central Germany _ Gross 1958, p. 181). The climate was rather dry, since lakes generally seem to have fallen (but not in Switzerland). This moderate dryness was true also of the Boreal, in which a marked rise in sea level occurred as a result of a warmer climate and the melting of glaciers. Temperatures were 20_3oc higher than now (Gross 1958, p. 181) and allowed the high forest boundaries of the Swiss area.

34

In the Early and Late Atlantic chemical weathering of soils was marked (Starkel 1966, p. 25), suggesting a continuation of the high July temperatures. Winters were warm too, for no traces of frost have been detected. Moreover, high sea levels persisted and forest boundaries became further extended, in Scotland penetrating zones which today are treeless (from radiocarbon-dated pine stumps - Lamb 1974, p. 203). However, since there was a great deal of fluvial transport and many peat bogs were formed (Starkel 1966, pp. 25/6), humidity and precipitation were presumably increasing, and there may even have been long periods of heavy rainfall, although the high ground water level could have resulted from changing drainage alone. Throughout this period the climate was reasonably stable, but a cooler period (3400-3000 b. c.) marked the end of the Atlantic and the transition to the SubBoreal in Central Europe.

The concept of a completely dry SubBoreal, as once postulated, has been found to be untrue. Nevertheless, some general trends have been established. Mostly it was a warm period (sea levels remained high), but not so warm as in the Atlantic for the degree of chemical weathering was less marked; according to Lamb (1974, p. 206), the SubBoreal temperature was higher than that of today by 1°-2°c and dropped after 1000 b. c. ; Gross (1958) saw this decrease as starting about 3000 b. c. , with the temperature falling to a level similar to that of present times by the end of the zone. Lakes remained low in most areas, as it was rather dry generally (but moister towards the end of the period), and this dryness is confirmed by the small material load transported in European rivers and also by the low water-table in Britain post-2500 b. c. Nevertheless, Lamb (1974, p. 218) has determined that to some extent after 3000 b. c. and most definitely from 2000 b. c. the atmospheric circulation pattern was weak, with an anticyclone belt spreading to high latitudes. Such a stagnant circulation pattern would have produced a high frequency of sunshine and also quiet seas to 60°N, but also many variations in the temperature, rainfall and humidity some of which would have been long-lasting and others short. These oscillations would have been especially noticeable in mountainous areas. Thus, superimposed on the general climatic trend outlined above, the re occurred several fluctuations:a)

Drier conditions applied between 1800-1400 b. c., and there was at least one period of extreme dryness when bogs dried out at circa 1000 b. c. A further two are possible at 2500 b. c. and 1200 b. c. respectively.

b)

Following the dry periods , there were wet phases with cooler summers at 2200 b. c., 1200 b. c. and 500 b. c. At these times peatbuilding renewed. Another inclement period (wet and windy) may also have occurred at 1600 b. c., and it is even likely that something similar recurred every 200-400 years.

It must be stated that another researcher (Raikes 1967) has refused to recognize these Postglacial climate changes- "There has been no ecologically significant secular climate change since about 7000 B. C." (p. 74). Refuting the usual ways of assessing evidence, he considered that the climate after 7000 B. C. (rainfall and temperature as the main parameters) was essentially as it is now and is inferable from today's data, the only ecologically significant 35

alteration being the yearly variability, characteristic now as then. Otherwise, he accepted only one general change- that of a more oceanic climate between 6200 and 3500 B. C. -but regarded it as local to the North Sea area and as due to rising levels of sea and ground water. Similar adjustments in drainage near glaciated areas could also have produced symptoms of climatic change there. However, the two lines of research in this chapter, the general (by Starkel, Gross and Lamb) and the local, do agree in many respects, and so the results of these are given (Table 7). Complete unanimity is apparent that in pollen zones IV, V and VI temperatures were moderate to high, although cold spells did occur near the Alps. The evidence is less conclusive for the Late Atlantic; the lower temperature shown for this period in the vegetation column is based on falls of ivy and mistletoe, which Troels-Smith (1960) felt were climaticallyinduced (were they instead due to use by man?), but the other information points to continued high temperatures except near the end of the zone. In both the Early and Late Atlantic a more humid climate than before may have existed and therefore aided the natural succession of spreading beech and fir. The SubBoreal climate is the most difficult to ascertain. On the basis of the mountain vegetation record, it is possible to postulate a trend towards dryness and towards winters colder than before-the general ivy increase may only indicate local regrowth and not that temperatures were higher than in the Late Atlantic. The fluctuations in precipitation which were described by Lamb (1974) as most noticeable in mountainous areas are not evident in the vegetation record, but it does seem justifiable to link these with the lake variations in Switzerland, particularly the lake rise at circa 2500 b. c. (the most widespread) and the subsequent marked fall. In conclusion, Mesolithic groups (zones IV, V, VI and part of VII) enjoyed very favourable and stable weather with temperatures higher than now on average, although the climate did become wetter in the latest Mesolithic. However, in the Neolithic it was less settled. Generally warm, dry and anticyclonic (i.e. clear and not stormy), temperatures were slightly higher than or similar to those of the present day-Hantke has suggested an average July temperature of 18.4°C and an average yearly temperature of 9. 1°c in Switzerland (Stickel 197 4, p. 240). Such weather was punctuated by inclement periods, and the main ones may correlate as follows (Chapter 3):a)

at the end of the Late Atlantic

- within but towards the end of the Cortaillod and Pfyn timespans.

b)

circa

- within the Auvernier Ware time spans.

2200 b. c.

There was also a marked and L'uscherz timespans.

and Corded

dry phase at 2500-2300 b. c. - within the Horgen

It is even possible that the wetter and cooler phases recurred every 200-400 years and resulted in rises of lake levels. These would have affected the life of people settled along the shores.

36

CHAPTER 3 THE SWISS CULTURE SEQUENCE - MESOLITIITC AND NEOLITHIC

To establish the chronology of the Swiss area, it is necessary to review the archaeological evidence traditionally ascribed to the Mesolithic and Neolithic periods in this area. The terms Mesolithic and Neolithic are employed at this stage in the conventional manner, even though this unfortunately implie s a sharp division between them-the habitual hypothesis regarding the Mesolithic/Neolithic transition has been that Neolithic colonists invaded the territories of indigenous hunting/gathering communities (Mesolithic), bringing pottery, polished stone tools and domesticated animals and plants, which transformed the mode of life. Such a sharp division is indeed questionable and this will be discussed fully later (Chapter 8).

In Switzerland most cantons maintain an archaeological office where local finds are recorded, and it is from these records, supplemented by publications, that the area lists in this monograph have been compiled (Chapters 4-7). These lists, with site references attached to eliminate continual textual reference, are the source of the cultural data of this chapter. The Mesolithic In the Swiss area, the Mesolithic commenced at the end of the Ice Age (8300 B. C.) and persisted till the 4th millennium B. C. It is identified almost solely by flint industries at a minimal total of 113 findspots (and more likely circa 171) which might be suggestive of long- or short-term encampments. The inexact numbers arise from doubts both about typology (i.e. Mesolithic or not) and about the extent of flint scatter at many places where no excavation has been undertaken. Indeed, from only 59 sites is the material attributable to a specific industry (Table 9). The sites occur throughout Switzerland; in the Jura the highest is located at 1000 m (Le Locle-Col des Roches) and in the Alps at 1845 m (Boltigen-Ranggiloch, although its dating is not definitive), but it is the flatter Mittelland, and particularly its easten1 section, which has the heaviest concentration of sites. Here, sites are known both on river terraces and on old lake shorelines, e.g. 58 around the Bodensee and 29 at the Wauwilermoos (Reinerth 1931, m1.rri 1940). However, this distribution to some degree only reflects the regions re.searched. Regarding settlement structures, there is little detail either from the caves/shelters (total 23) in the Jura and Alps or from open-air Mittelland sites. A dearth of woodworking tools at excavated sites suggests that buildings were light, but destruction by ploughing and erosion has probably also helped to produce this lack of detail. As Wyss (1968, p. 126) has remarked : Da jedoch der Einerdungsprozess -wenn tlberhaupt - im Gegensatz

37

mesolithischer zu neolithischen

Siedlungstellen Moorsiedlungen

nur ~usserst langsam vor sich ging, stellte eine vollkommene Verwischung und Zersrnrung der Freilandsiedlungen durch Erosion selbst bei minimaler Bodenneigung die Regel dar. Even sites on lake shorelines were not, unlike their Neolithic counterparts, inundated and thus preserved by water , and only Wetzikon-Robenhausen Furtacker (Pfaffikersee) had wood remains (worked tree trunks). These have survived because this settlement was covered by relatively fast peat growth. The largest Mesolithic shore settlement known is Sch~tz I-Fischerhtlusern (Wauwilermoos) with its 35 probable hutbases, and these could mean effective village settlement if they wer e all contemporary.

In recent years the researcher who has done most to categorize the Mesolithic is Wyss (1953, 1960, 1968) , and he has had to rely on the flint typologies to define the Swiss sequence, as at only 8 sites have industries been discovered in stratigraphical association (Table 9). The following is largely based on his work, with a few differences being highlighted. The oldest Mesolithic on th e basi s of C14 (Figure 9) is the Ftlrsteiner facies (Figure 10) and it is known from at least 14 Central Plateau sites, the eponymous site being Seeberg-Ftlrsteiner (Burg~schisee). This facies has backed blades of "Federmesser" type (viz. pointed), and frequent burins and grattoirs. However, it is devoid of borers and notched points, except at Moosseedorf-Moosbtlhl (Moossee) which is part Magdalenian (Figure 10), so that it did not derive directly from the Swiss Magdalenian, but was possibly influenced by the Aurignacian to the east. Although it is a small-tooled industry (80% chips), microliths are absent, and its root and character is thus Palaeolithic. This is confirmed by the fact that the main tool is the burinburins, grattoirs, and combinations of the two amount to 46 % of all worked tools, and notched grattoir burins alon e represent 11 %. Another early phase of the Mesolithic sequence is the Federmesser horizon (Figure 11), and the early dating of this horizon is based on the flint typology and fauna of the sole site, Balm bei Gunsberg (in the Jura, north of the Aare). Here, Alpine and steppe species suggest a date prior to maximum Postglacial temperatures. The industry is dominated by all forms of backed blades including the Federmesser, and it possesses also micro-grattoirs. It therefore resembles the German Epipalaeolithic (Freung 1963, Gersbach 1941-7) and French Azilian more than the Swiss Magdalenian or Ftlrsteiner facies. In particular, it differs from the last in not possessing multi-purpose tools. Not dissimilar is some of the material from four sites near the Birs river (Jura), and from two of these (Arlesheim-Birseck Hohler Felsen and -Schlossfelsen) this material was classified by Sarasin (1918) as Azilian (Figure 11) on the basis of caches of painted pebbles. However, Ltldin 1960/1 was less sure of this classification, although he did feel able to identify Azilian in the lower layer at Grellingen-Wachtfelsen. Equally uncertain is Bandi 's postulation (1967 /8) that the industry at Pleigne-Neumilhle is Azilian (Figure 11). Wyss has not agreed with any of these Azilian identifications, but a regional grouping of Azilian character (micro-grattoirs and Federmesser knives), and therefore Early Mesolithic, does seem to have existed in the Jura. Alpine and steppe animals at Pleigne support the date and, like the typology, provide cross-dating with the Federmesser horizon site, which may therefore belong to the same Jura group. 38

In the Mitt ellan d a new industry, the Ftlrsteine r with geom etric compone nts (Figu r e 11) , developed from the Ftlrsteiner fa cies and is st r atified above it at Wau wil 16 and 25 (Wauwilermoos). This retains many of t he Ftlrsteiner flint types, although bur ins are less important, but fresh elem ents -mi c rolithiz ation, geometric tools and manufacture by m i c ro b ur in t echnique -are apparen t. These elements may represent influence via the Jura fr om the Sauveterrian industry further we st (France). This phase is encountere d at 7 sites, and at one of these, Wetzikon-Robenhausen Furtacker (Pffilfiker see), it is succeeded by an indu stry which is almost identical (Figure 11) except that it displays two new microlith s. th e crescent and backed bladelet (often with flat retouch). This De velop ed F tlrst einer with geometric components is lmown at 9 sites, and i s poll en - dated at F urtacker as Early Atlantic. The whole Ffi.rsteiner with geometric components horizon was probably very durable, persisting from the P re bo re al or Boreal (Wyss 1968, p. 132) till the Early Atlantic and possibl y eve n later , for at Hochstetten-Rtlteliacher (Burgaschisee) little trace of the o rig inal Ftlrsteiner tools remains. Recorded at three Birs vall ey si t es is a purer Sauveterrian (Figure 12), which is typologically sync hronous wi th th e Filrsteiner with geometric components horizon and is also radiocarbon-dated (F igure 9). At NenzlingenBirsmatte n , it is encountered in three stages : the first of these ha s both microliths and stunted macroli t hs, particularly short grattoirs; the microliths then become commoner and double or Sauveterrian points plus als o large notched blades are introduced; in the final pha s e, there is a decline of microliths, above all of backed bladelets, but points maintain their presence. The cultural material from this site also includes bone awls and points, coloured stones, ochre and a notched stone (?net weight) . Three more sites near La c de Neuchatel exhibit a distinct facies of this culture, th e facies d 'Ogens (Figure 12) which is dated as Early Sauveterrian at Ogens (Figure 9) . This is characteristically an extremely small industry, witho ut burins or later tool types such as Sauveterrian points or notched blades. At Ogens and Baulmes-Abri de la Cure bone points, and pendants of bone, antl er (illustrated) or animal teeth add to the picture of this facies. In the L ate Mesolithic horizon of Notched Blades/Transverse Arrowhea ds / Antler Har poon s , formerly termed Tardenoisian, the new flint tools which are exhibited are tra pezes (transverse arrowheads), trapezoids, and typica l Tardenoisian points with retouched bases; in short, a more geometric in dustry (Figure 12), which Wyss (1968, p. 136) has attribut ed to an intrusion from either the south-west or north. Nevertheless, the presence of many Sauveterrian elements, in particular the Sauveterrian point, demonstrates strong conti nui ty from this earlier industry, alth ough crescents are rare in the new horiz on. An increased quantity of sites exists with this new indus try, and these are divided among the Jura (14), Mittelland (14) and Alps (4) . Indeed, this is the only Mesolithic industry identified in this last area. In the Jura, this horizon clearly postdates both the Sauveterrian and the Azilian, on the basis of avail able radiocarbon dates (Figure 9-to which should be added the new dat e of 4270 .±340 b. c. for Liesberg-Liesbergmilli VI) and th e st r atigr aphie s of fo ur sites; . at two of these four sites, Nenzlingen-Birsma tt e·n and Baulmes - Abri de la Cure, the Notched Blade horizon is succeeded by the Neolit hic . Sev eral stages of this industry have been identified in the J ura,

39

and the early stage (2 sites in all) has all the new types (notably points with flat retouch) except for trapezoids; in the Middle Tardenoisian (4-5 sites), although trapezoids remain absent, classic long, curved notched blades are more prevalent (Ltldin 1960/1); and in the last phase (8 sites) trapezoids finally appear, but triangles are few and crescents and double grattoirs have disappeared. The growth in site numbers from the early to late period may well be valid, for the caves of this Jura area have been reasonably well surveyed. In the Mittelland, no such clear internal division or indeed chronological placing can be determined (no stratigraphical succession exists), and it is only by analogy with the Jura sequence that this industry is supposed to have followed in this area the Ftlrsteiner with geometric components horizon. Such cross-dating by reference to the Jura material is not altogether wise, firstly because the Mittelland Tardenoisian has a slightly different typology to that of the Jura (no flat-retouched points but trapezoids throughout in the Mittelland); and, secondly, this industry may have been shorter-lived in the Mittelland than in the Jura-the internal chronological stages are missing in the Mittelland version, and in this area there are possibly later Mesolithic industries. Associated with the flints of this industry are significant numbers of bone and antler harpoons-22 in the Jura (20 at Nenzlingen-Birsmatten), 1 in the Mittelland at Schatz 7 (Wauwilermoos) and 2 in the Alpine Rhein valley at Koblach-Krinne-and these have a variety of forms which may correlate with function. Hence, between the time of this culture and that of the earlier Azilian and Maglemosian groups to the west and north, there is an apparent gap in harpoon-manufacture, and this covers the period of the Sauveterrian and of the Ftlrsteiner with geometric components horizons. This gap is genuine at least in the Jura region. Only one harpoon is possibly contemporaneous with it, and that is the example found near the Wauwilermoos. Analysis of pollen embedded in it (73% M.O.F., 29% elm) has made an Early Atlantic date most probable for this harpoon (Vogt 1952B). It is interesting that Wyss (1966) has proposed that the long narrow scalenes of the Sauveterrian and Ftlrsteiner with geometric components industries could have fulfilled the same purposes as harpoons (which presumably included hunting and fishing). A regional inequality in the density of harpoon finds (viz. most in the Jura) is also apparent and this may relate partly to chronology, but must be linked primarily to the poor preservation at Mittelland sites. In the Jura, other bone and antler tools consist of points, awls, spatulae, perforated animal teeth and a piece with criss-cross decoration (at Birsmatten). The accompanying stone industry comprises hammerstones. For the Mittelland, Wyss (1968) has differentiated two further industries (Figure 13), and the first of these, the F&llander horizon defined from F&llanden-Aussenriet (Greifensee), is present at three sites where the many Notched Blade/Transverse Arrowhead horizon elements reveal that these two groups are related. However, as Sauveterrian points, crescents and backed blades are completely absent in the F&llander, a younger age for it is assumed. Making their first appearance in the Swiss area are three new tool types, viz. Dickenb!nnli points (D. B. P. - see below p. 58), arrow prototypes like leaf-shaped points, and stone micro-axes. The last are unknown in the Jura Mesolithic. Wyss (196 8) assigned three more Mittelland 40

site s to a st ill later Horizon with Point Variants an d Neolithi c Sur fac e Retouch, on the basis that geometric microliths are scarce (tr ap ezes ab sen t ) but microaxes and Dickenbftn nli points occur, along with bifac i a l surface retouch on arrows. These arrows are the dominant tool type. This surface retouch i s usually taken as ch a racteristically Neolithic, and i s un kn own b efore this industry, although flat retouch does appear occasionally in the Ftlrsteiner wit h geometric components, Notched Blade and F~llander horizons. In these, however, it never extends over the whole tool surface, apart from on one Fftllander flint. These two industri e s we re termed Mesolithic by Wyss (1968) for typological reasons, and also because evidence of agriculture or pottery-making is absent. No other means of dating exists, and so Wyss' judgement is dubiou s for these industries incorporate some elements which are deemed typically Mesolithic (microliths, abrupt edge retouch), but others which are typically Neolithic (leaf-shaped points, stone axes, surface retouch). Moreover, the lack of pottery or agricultural evidence is not unexpected at sites which are either unexcavated or poorly preserved. The ascription of these industries to the Mesolithic period is thus not cate gorical, although they must date somewhere near its end. The y could equ a ll y be transitional to the Neolithic (i.e. proto-N.eolithic), or perhaps contemporaneous with the first Neolithic cultures such as the Linearbandker am ik. The information on the Mesolithic is therefore rather meagre, but sufficient to establish a reasonable Swiss sequence of flint industries (here modified from that of Wyss). This sequence is largely chronological and partially regional. Clearly, almost all of the flint types (Figures 10-13) have edge retouch, and microliths are frequent until the last stages (F~llander and Point Variant). The fact that there may be an increase in sites of the Late Mesolithic is important: 38 sites of the Notched Blade, F~llande r and Point Variant horizons contrast with 21-22 of the Middle Mesolithic (Sauveterrian, Developed Ftlrsteiner and Ffi.rsteiner with geometric components), and 20 of the Ffi.rsteiner, Azilian and Federmesser Early -Mesolithic industries. But neither the exact duration of these stages nor the identity of industries at approximately 100 more sites is known, and these could radically alter both the figures and their meaning. Throughout the sequence new forms repeatedly appear and, as already emphasized, their similarities are usually with material to the west (France) or to the north (Germany). The most marked change occurs at the beginning of the Sauveterrian. It cannot be established from present information to what extent these new flints indicate migration of groups, diffusion of types through contact with other tool-making societies, or similar exploitational reactions to environmental alterations such as denser forests, shallower lakes , or new animal and plant species. However, a basic continuity of flint types-and therefore presumably of the local population-is also evident throughout the sequence, and should not be overlooked. The Neolithic The Cortaillod culture group: The orthodox view holds that the advent of the Neolithic in West and Central Switzerland is indicated by material of the Cortaillod culture, and indeed this Neolithic culture is twice placed stratigraphically

41

above the Mesolithic (Table 10). Furthermore, although some Mesolithic and Cortaillod radiocarbon dates overlap (Figures 9 and 14), the dispersion diagram (Figure 15) shows the inter-quartile ranges as separated, but the outer-quartile (for Egolzwil) as overlapping. This method of projecting dates, described in Ottaway 197 3, is helpful in determining whether contact occurred between cultural groups: if inter-quartile ranges do not overlap then the statistical probability is high that the populations of dates are discrete; but the converse does not apply, for their overlap can indicate one of three possibilities, viz. that groups were contemporaneous, were removed by a short interval only, or that dating difficulties exist. Despite contact still being a possibility when only outer-quartile areas overlap, cultural transmission is then unlikely to have been significant (Ottaway 1973, p. 8). Thus it can be proposed that, although the number of Mesolithic dates is below the requisite amount of nine and therefore less reliable, the dated Mesolithic (the Jura Notched Blade horizon) and the Cortaillod were groups separated in time, and any contemporaneous contact between them is improbable. According to cantonal information, between 77 and 102 Cortaillod sitescomprising 4 cemeteries and the remainder habitations-are known in the Swiss area, with a further cemetery and 6 settlements in France. The confusion over exact numbers (as in all cultures) is attributable to the fact that finds from old excavations (19th century) have subsequently become mixed. Although the distribution of Cortaillod sites extends as far eastwards as the Ztlrich- and Pf filfikersees, it is densest near the South Jura arc, for of 51-66 sites on Swiss glacial lakeshores, only 4-5 are not on the Jura Lakes or Lac Leman. Moraine lakes in West and Central Switzerland account for a further 13-21 settlements, while 13-15 are land sites located predominantly in river valleys and above all in that of the Alpine Rhone. Le Locle-Col des Roches at 1000 mis the highest Cortaillod site. The culture was defined originally as 'Neolithique lacustre ancien' by Vouga (1929), who expressly commented on the well-fired pottery, but the task of attempting to classify the Cortaillod' s plentiful but seldom stratigraphically recorded material has befallen later workers. In doing this, problems certainly abound:"Heute wissen wir fiber den Entwicklungsgang dieser wichtigen Gruppe eher weniger Sicheres, obschon - oder weil - das Fundmaterial erheblich zugenommen hat" (Vogt 1964, p. 14). Nonetheless, researchers such as von Gonzenbach (1949), Vogt (1964, 1967), Sauter and Gallay (1969) and Phillips (1971) did construct internal subdivisions which were in broad, if not total, agreement, and which were generally interpreted as chronological. The first of these, the Egolzwil culture, occurs on the Wauwilermoos at Egolzwil 3 and Egolzwil-Sch8tz 2, and the limited and simple pottery forms of this group (Figure 16 ), along with the presence of RlSssen globular beakers which are integral to it, were the foundation of its hypothetical early dating. It may also have been identified at Ztlrich-Kleiner Hafner. A stylistically closed group-, it is linked to the Cortaillod by a similarity of form. Also consi~ered early, although following the Egolzwil culture, was von Gonzenbach' s Early Cortaillod West group, the type site of which was St. Aubin-Port Conty (Lac de Neuchatel). Typical of this group are simple, curved and round-based pots, and these are decorated with lugs (Figure 16). Vogt (1964, p. 15) 42

related this group to the material of the lower layer at Hitzkirch-Seematt on the Baldeggersee (Early Cortaillod Central), where the pottery additionally exhibits flat bases, plastic ornamentation, and more diverse forms (Figure 16). This in turn he connected to the material of several Zfi.richsee sites, whose rather atypical CortaJllod assemblages have further variations (Figure 16) and are surely of a regional character. These early stages, to which 25-37 sites have been assigned, were felt to have developed into the Late Cortaillod (41-65 sites), in which vessels have sharper profiles and, although they are still rarely decorated , new decorative motifs done by stabbing, stroking or impression. It was, however, birchbark decoration (usually on carinated bowls) which was taken as specific to this group. This separation of Early and Late Cortaillod was based on the one stratigraphical succession known (at Hitzkirch-Seematt, Table 10), but it is supported neither by radiocarbon (Figure 14) nor by the stratigraphies emerging at new excavations. The relevant new sites are Auvernier-Port (Lac de Neuch'a.tel) and Twann-Bahnhofes (Bielersee), and at these 'Late Cortaillod' assemblages, now named Classic Cortaillod-polished pottery with bi:rchbark decoration, carinated bowls , gynaecomorphic flasks and antler beakersstart the sequences. Through the degradation of technique and the disappearance of forms and decoration (the main vessels become jars decorated only with. knobs and impressions), the assemblages eventually resemble the socalled 'Early Cortaillod', and this late stage is now termed 'Cortaillod tardif', i.e. Evolved Cortaillod (Kaenel 1976 C, St'ockli and Suter 1976) . Stackli (Furger et al. 1977, p. 42) includes most 'Early' and 'Late' Cortaillod in the Classic stage, and thus only a few sites are classified as Evolved Cortaillod. The Egolzwil culture he still classes as the earliest Cortaillod, and admittedly it is stratified (provisionally) below Cortaillod at Ztlrich-Kleiner Hafner (Zffrichsee), but radiocarbon dates so far fail to confirm this early placing. In fact, the overlapping of Egolzwil and Cortaillod inter-quartile ranges (Figure 15) suggests, but does not verify, contemporaneity. The matter is thus unsolved. especially as the Egolzwil dates originate mainly from Egolzwil 3 (the mark~dly early date is possibly a poor one- Stickel 1974, p. 156); the date from Ztlrich-Kleiner Hainer is younger than that from the Cortaillod layer there, and so it is probably inaccurate. The Egolzwil could yet prove to be merely a regional grouping. The consensus of opinion on the origin of the Cortaillod culture is expressed in Phillips' statement (1971, p. 469): "The Cortaillod culture is probably also a regional development of the Chas seen". This theory is based on the style of the pottery-roundish , simple and decorated with knobs-which has a great affinity with that of Southern France. There may be a link too with cultures of North Italy, mostly with the Lagozza but also with the Bocca quadrata culture, e.g. some engraved pots at Muntelier-Dorf (Murtensee). Further items which indicate influence from other cultures are the Rtsssen pots present in the Egolzwil and Central Swiss Cortaillod layers, while in the latter and in the Zfirichsee Cortaillod there are also objects like those found in the Pfyn culture, such as handled jugs, ladles, baking-plates, large funnel-necked jars, a cruc.ible, and some stone axe types, e.g. the early X-axe at Muntelier.

43

Two further subdivisions are normally listed, but the place of oneEgolzwil 5 and the earliest settlement at Egolzwil 4 (4/1), regarded by Vogt (Vogt 1967, Wyss 1976) as early-is now only speculative Ly within the Cortaillod culture. It is in fact closer in appearance, by reason of its jar shapes and flat vessel bases (Figure 16 ), to the Pfyn culture, although many of this latter culture's diagnostic elements are missing. Radiocarbon dating has given it an early position (Figure 14), and Wyss (1976) has suggested that it is best paralleled by the early Munzingen Michelsberg facies (Michelsberg II). The other group (in the Alpine Rhone valley) is distinguished by the degree of red-incrusted decoration on the pottery of 9 settlements and 2 cemeteries. Some forms (lugs and cordons) are types featured in the Cortaillod, but the Cortaillod's typical high S-profiled jars and birchbark applique are lacking. Other forms, such as the bowls with multi-perforated cordons at the base, are types which are present also in Chasseen contexts; a square-mouthed dish (at St. Leonard I) resembles those of the Italian Bocca quadrata culture, and engraved wooden combs can be found also in the Lagozza culture. In addition, although the technique of channelling appears to have been a local introduction, decorative motifs indicate several origins-engraved parallel lines and triangles filled with points are both Chasseen and Lagozzan, while St. Leonard I has a bowl ornamented in RlSssen style. Vogt (1964) therefore classified this group as Chasseen, but Spreter (197 5) saw a greater affinity with the Lagozza culture. Several facts may denote that the group survived for a long time: Rassen and Bocca quadrata elements are early, but at almost all sites this group is overlain by Bronze Age material (Table 10); its radiocarbon dates have a long range; additionally, a vessel typologically similar to those of this group was found in Twann-Bahnhof's uppermost Cortaillod layer and therefore in an Evolved Cortaillod context, but another at Yverdon-Avenue des Sports was in a level probably contemporary with the Ltlscherz layer (Furger et al. 1977, p. 40, Strahm 1973, pp. 68/69). Moreover, as flint is rare in this Rhone valley region, the chipped stone industry is often on inferior rock crystal (884 pieces at St. Leonard I) and strongly resembles Mesolithic industries, despite being poor in regular artefacts: "qui soutiennent la comparaison avec ce que peut offrir une industrie mesolithique du silex" (Sauter 1959, p. 24). Most workers have incorporated into this Cortaillod/ Chassey /Lagozza group the site of Chavannes le Chene-Vallon des Vaux, and Phillips (1971, p. 430) has also included Baulmes-Abri de la Cure (both are in West Switzerland). However, the pottery of these two sites has more noticeable Cortaillod tend_encies, especially as high S-profiled jars and present, a~d StlSckli (Stifokli and Suter 1976, p. 282) has connected the first site rather with the Egolzwil culture.

In the Cortaillod, there is no evident sign of metal-working, and the few metal objects, copper ring beads and flat axes, probably originated from nearby Ffyn sites (Bandi, Sangmeister et al. 1973, pp. 194/195). The frequency of personal ornaments such as antler pendants (Figure 16) is notable, as is the general wealth of the bone and antler industries. These consist of many beakers, ladles, sleeves, axes, hoes, harpoons, and fish-hooks which are either curved (possibly a flint was inserted in these) or straight and double-ended (Figure 16). The antique appearance of some of these bone tools suggests a possible element of continuity with the Mesolithic (Vogt 1964, 44

p. 17). Thanks to the preservation common in this Swiss area, the wood industry is also known and can be seen to have been rather unspecializedof interest are the long tools which may have been long-handled ards or furrowing-sticks (Mfi.ller-Beck 1965), although a function as threshing-sticks is also a possibility (Guyan 1976). The flint material is best described as a fine blade industry (coarser in Central Switzerland), which is characterized by abrupt edge retouch but rarely displays shallow surface retouch. The main tool types are large points , point scrapers, backed blades and grattoirs (Figure 16 ), all of which are, except in their large size, similar to the macroelements of Mesolithic industries. Interestingly, at Egolzwil 3, backed blades were hafted in a way which implied that they had been single-bladed sickles (Vogt 1951, pp. 207 /208). Unlike most Neolithic cultures triangular arrows are relatively scarce, but the straight double-ended bone points (Figure 16) and also the geometric microliths which have been found at a few sites (Chapter 8) may have been substituted for these, the last of course being identical to Mesolithic types. In general , then , the number of similarities which the Cortaillod has with the Chasseen and Lagozza cultures has led to an assumption that the Cortaillod began through diffusion or colonization from the regions of these other cultures. The greater degree of similarity at Alpine-area sites (a possible contact zone) gives some support to this idea. Nevertheless, the Cortaillod does possess a strong cultural identity which should not be disregarded. It has some almost unique elements, e.g. birchbark decoration and lamps, and others, such as antler beakers and g,}llaecomorphic flasks, which are much more numerous in the Cortaillod than in other cultures. Linearbandkeramik (L.B.K.) and Stichbandkeramik (S.B.K.): In North and East Switzerland, the Neolithic sequence commences differently and is most analogous to that of the region north of the Rhein. Here, the first Neolithic settlements have Flomborn style Linearbandkeramik (Figure 17 ), i.e. Early L.B.K. or Group 1 of the South-West German sequence (Gallay 1970), but it was only at the time of Group 3, a chronologically later L.B. K. (Figure 17 ), that a site was established in the Swiss area (Bottmingen-Baumliackerstrasse -Birs valley region). This site may well have been short-lived, for excavation revealed only a hearth and otherwise no building remains. Some uncertainty exists as to whether Stichbandkeramik (S. B. K. ), which is defined by sherds decorated in zones and with broken stab lines, can be termed in this North Swiss/South German region a separate culture. Furthermore, if it is such, it is unsure whether it postdates L.B. K. or is partially synchronous with it, originating perhaps in L.B.K. influence on local Mesolithic groups (Mauser-Goller 1969, p. 35). Pottery of S.B.K. type has been identified (by Sangmeister 1967, p. 24) in collections from only two Swiss sites-Wetzikon-Robenhausen (PHlffikersee-two sherds) and GachlingenRiefenbach, a Canton Schaffhausen site north of the Rhein (Guyan 1971, p. 79) which has L.B.K. and RBssen material too.

If a chronological placing similar to that of these groups in Germany may be assumed, then Bottmingen and Gachlingen must be the earliest North Swiss Neolithic sites, dated circa 4500-3500 b. c. and contemporaneous in all probability with the Late Mesolithic; a Notched Blade horizon antler harpoon 45

from Grellingen-Wachtfelsen (Birs valley) does resemble L.B.K. types. Additionally, although the Bandkeramik flint industry is without microliths (the main tools are flat-retouched blades), it does have D.B.P. (Gersbach 1941-7) and is in this respect like the transitional Mesolithic/Neolithic industries described above. However, the L.B.K. 's characteristic shoe-last celts (Figure 17) are unknown at Mesolithic sites. The RcSssen culture: Subsequent to these groups in South-West Germany, there appeared the dark and highly polished pottery of the russsen culture, for Early RlSssen (Figure 17) overlies Early L.B.K. at one site (Gallay 1970, pp. 32/33). Late RlSssen or South-West German Stichkeramik (Figure 17) is synchronous with Early RlSssen, but also persists after it in the period of the Early Michelsberg culture (Gallay 1970, pp. 32/33, Ltlning 1967). This Stichkeramik is a style combining L.B. K., S. B. K. and Early RlSssen elements and is occasionally associated with the penultimate, e.g. at GachlingenTiefenbach. Altogether, the RlSssen development in this South-West German region, far from the RcSssen group's core area, is confused as good stratigraphical successions are few and the various styles overlap somewhat. Within the Swiss area RlSssen sherds are known from several sites, and this is particularly true of sites on the Bodensee, where the precise layer derivation of these sherds is unsure although they probably have come from Michelsberg-Pfyn layers. For example, Michelsberg-Pfyn bowls from Sipplingen have RcSssen decorative tendencies. Three sites-WilchingenFltlhhalde and Neuhausen-Ottersbuhl which both lie on Jura range spurs in Canton Schaffhausen, and Balzers-Gutenberg which is in Liechtensteinhave Early RlSssen material (Kimmig 1948/50, p. 60, Sangmeister _1967, p. 26), although Gallay (1970, p. 41) assigned the RlSssen material from Wilchingen to the Wauwil subgroup (see below). At the first site, the RlSssen culture is stratified below, but at the second site mixed with the Michelsberg-Pfyn material, so that these two cultures may have partially co-existed here. A further three sites, Gachlingen-Tiefenbach and Schweizersbild in Canton Schaffhausen and Wetzikon-Robenhausen (PfMfikersee), have Stichkeramik (Sangmeister 1967, p. 24, Guyan 1949/50, p. 166). However, the classic RlSssen pottery of the Swiss area is that of the localized Wauwil RlSssen subgroup. This pottery normally accompanies the material of other cultures, especially that of the Egolzwil (at 2 sites) and of the Cortaillod (at 6 sites, including St. Leonard I in the Valais). One Wauwil RBssen sherd was also excavated from the uppermost Notched Blade/Transverse Arrowhead layer at Nenzlingen-Birsmatten (Birs valley). Hence, this Wauwil russsen group spans the periods of the terminal Mesolithic and of the Cortaillod, but only rarely occurs in separate closed complexes, as at DHniken-Studenweid (Aare valley) and Eschen-Borscht (Alpine Rhein). Its possible stratification below the Pfyn layer at this latter site suggests that it predates this culture in certain regions at least. The position of the Wauwil RlSssen group within the RlSssen culture is assessable only by typology, and as a result is indefinite. The main pottery shape is the glob lar beaker (Figure 17), and this is conceivably an Early RlSssen form (although it possesses less geometric ornamentation than is usual on Early RlSssen pottery). According to the various authorities this beaker developed either in advance of, or contemporary with, Stichkeramik and under 46

from either the Aichbilhl culture or Early Michelsberg (Vogt 1964, p. 9, Sangmeister 1967, p. 26, Mauser-Goller 1969, p. 53). Opinions do therefore differ about this group-for example, Vogt (1964, p. 9) categorized the EschenBorschf finds as Wauwil Rl:Sssen since flat bases and carination are absent, whereas Sangmeister (1967, p. 25) thought they belonged to the Aichbilhl culture because of the funnel-neck forms-but most researchers have concluded that Wauwil Rl:Sssen pottery is of slightly later date than true Early Rl:Sssen pottery. The Rl:Sssen stone industry resembles that of the L.B. K. culture, especially as disc bracelets and shoe-last celts are typical; the generalized bone equipment includes antler hoes and axes; and the flint industry is again based on blades. Backed blades, grattoirs, and flat-retouched arrows are all present, as also are burins, Dickenbf!nnli points, transverse arrowheads and obliquely-retouched points. The last two types are microlithic, and the D.B.P. are more frequent at Swiss than at German sites (Kimmig 1948/50, p. 57). The Lutzengtletle facies (Figure 18): The fine thin pottery in the basal layer at Esch en- Lutz engtletle (Alpine Rhein valley), particularly the strap-handled jugs and funnel-necked jars with lugs on their bellies, was originally characterized by Vogt (1964, p. 10) as typical of the South German Schussenried culture. However, some of the shapes, such as the conical and the straight beakers, are reminiscent of types in the Rl:Sssen culture; furthermore, the decorative style of the pottery is less rich than that of Schussenried pottery and also lacks the banding common on the latter, despite incorporating its cross-hatching; but the decoration does include RlSssen techniques (e.g. stabbing) as well as independent techniques and motifs like vertical stroking and zigzag lines (the 'flying bird' style). For these reasons, Vogt (1967, p. 6) reassessed the assemblage and defined a new Lutzengfietle group. This revision also explained an apparent dating disparity, for Schussenried is predominantly linked with Michelsberg III and IV which in turn equate typologically with Early and conceivably Middle Pfyn, whereas this Lutzeng(letle facies resembles Michelsberg II and at EschenLutzengiletle underlies Early Pfyn (Lfining 1967, Winiger 1971). However, the possibility that the Lutzeng(letle group may have been the forerunner of the Pfyn culture cannot be totally substantiated, since Lutzengtletle sherds were found in the Pfyn layer at Eschenz-Insel Werd (Bodensee) and also in the Cortaillod level at Zilrich-Bauschanze (Ztlrichsee), and this suggests some contemporaneity with these cultures. Nevertheless, an early dating for it is· likely, given its Rassen tendencies and stratigraphical position at EschenLutz engiletl e. This facies has not yet acquired cultural status for, in addition to EschenLutzengiletle and isolated sherds at three more sites, only two other Lutzengiletle settlements exist, namely Herblingen-Griithalde which is situated in a Schaffhausen Jura valley and the recently-excavated Chur-Areal Zindel, a site on the banks of the Alpine Rhein. The pottery of the last site was classified by Vogt as Late Rassen, but it is more likely that it belongs to either the Lutzengtletle or the Early Pfyn, although it has some similarity to Italian styles too (pers. comm. C. Zindel, Canton Graubtlnden).

47

In general, the material associated with Lutzengtletle pottery has not been specified. However, the flint industry of Herblingen-Grtlthalde consists of blades, scrapers, arrows, a few burins, and many small points-long and flat tanged points. long plump points, triangular points and over 800 Dickenb!tnnli points. Clearly contrasting with this industry is that of Eschen-Lutzengtletle with its complete absence of D. B. P. and its prevalence of arrows. At ChurAreal Zindel, rock-crystal scrapers and arrows are common.

The Pfyn culture: Scollar (1959) was the first researcher to separate the Pfyn, a regional Swiss group, from the Michelsberg north of the Rhein (the latter has been divided by Ltlning 1967 into five chronological groups 1-V -Michelsberg II he equated with Stichkeramik, III and IV with Schussenried). But not till Winiger's publication (1971) did a specialised study of the Pfyn become available, and this is the source of the data in this section. Winiger viewed the Pfyn cu.lture as 1-a.sting from Michelsberg II till after IV /V, since in the stratigraphies at Eschen-Borscht and -Lutzengtletle (Alpine Rhein valley) the Pfyn layer is placed after those of the Wauwil R6ssen and of the Lut~engttetle facies respectively, and since at Neuhausen-Ottersbtlhl and Wilchingen-Fltlhhalde (both are sites in Canton Schaffhausen) Pfyn pottery is partially contemporaneous with Early R6ssen pottery, and partially postdates it. In North-East Switzerland this is the first major Neolithic culture, with radiocarbon dates ranging from 3460 b. c. till 2430 b. c. (Figure 19), and tt .ese dates overlap only in their outer-quartile range (Figure 15) with dates from Notched Blade horizons (possibly not the latest Mesolithic industry in the area in which the Pfyn culture occurs).-Little contact is therefore detectable, and indeed Pfyn pottery is only once associated with Mesolithic flints-:-i.n the surface finds at Muttenz-Rtlttihard (Rhein valley). Unlike in the Michelsberg, no direct R6ssen marks are evident in the Pfyn pottery, and so the Pfyn culture does not appear to have evolved from the R6ssen (as Vogt 1967, p. 17, and Waterbolk and van Zeist 1966, p. 579 thought). Rather its pottery has two roots: its flat bases, edge cordons and rustication may be derived from pottery of the German Aichbtlhl culture (pre-Schussenried), and its jugs and conical cups from that of the Schussenried or Luzenguetle groups, although the pottery decoration of these last two groups is dissimilar.

Pfyn pottery (Figure 18) is not distinguished by any typical vessels, but instead by a predominance of flat bases and by a variety of surface-workings. Although none of these are unique to Pfyn pottery, on it alone are they found in association. The pottery consists primarily of large jars and of jugs with occasionally ornamented handles; other types include bowls, flasks, and squared or oval clay crucibles (for smelting), and the scant decoration lies normally near the rim on all types. This material is found at 1 cemetery and 54-77 mainly lakeshore settlements (only 3 of these are on river banks and 12 on higher land), the settlements being confined to a clear zone between the Rhein and the Sempachersee/Zugersee. Some limited regionalization is discernible: on the Ztlrichsee, pottery is thinner, has less rustication and consists of fewer jugs; the pottery at Alpine Rhein valley sites possesses more decorated cordons; in the north (Thayngen-Weier especially), Michelsberg elements and jugs with double knobs are more prevalent; and on the Bodensee, Michelsberg and Altheim imports exist but crucibles are absent. Regarding the Bodensee material Winiger (1971) and Ltlning (1967) had opposing opinions, 48

the former elements.

viewing it as Pfyn pottery

but the latter as Michelsberg

with Pfyn

Winiger (1971) also searched for chronological variations within the Pfyn culture, and judged the pottery of Hombrechtikon-Feldbach (ZUrichsee) and of the lowest Pfyn layer at Eschen-Lutzengtletle (Alpine Rhein valley) to be Early Pfyn, with Chur-Areal Zindel (Alpine Rhein valley) being a possible third . ~arly Pfyn site. The pottery of this stage is distinguished by conical 'jars (resembling Aichbtlhl specimens), jugs with handles set below the rim (jugs are, however, uncommon), and by the fact that surface-working is rare. A Middle Pfyn group is later according to C14 dates and the stratigraphy of Eschen-Lutzengtletle. This phase is discernible at 8-10 sites and its pottery has a greater diversity of surface-working, of ornamentation of forms, except that double knobs are rare and crucibles are missing. Crucibles are therefore used to define the Late Pfyn subdivision (9-10 sites) in which, additionally, jugs have edge-set handles, but this group has delivered the earliest Pfyn dates (Figure 19) and lacks stratigraphical corroboration of its dating. Hence, it may not be a truly late phase. Despite their dissimilar origins,the pottery of the Pfyn culture is most comparable in its forms and decoration to that of the Michelsberg culture, except that the latter has many tulip beakers with pointed bases. The Bodensee material well demonstrates that a movement of ideas must have occurred between the two contemporaneous cultures. The Pfyn culture is on the basis of C14 (Figures 14, 15 and 19) also broadly synchronous with the Cortaillod culture and, furthermore, according to dendrochronology, Seeberg-Burg~schisee Stld (Cortaillod) dates between the first two Middle Pfyn settlements of Thayngen-Weier (Huber and Merz 1963). The interchange of forms between these two cultures (mentioned above-Cortaillod section) is therefore not surprising, and Cortaillod-influenced Pfyn pottery (thin and including carinated bowls) is most noticeable on Ztlrichsee sites. For example, at MeilenRohrenhaab the lowest layer was classified first as of the Cortaillod culture but this was revised afterwards to Pfyn (pers. comm. Dr. U. Ruoff). The Pfyn material assemblage is a little-differentiated one in which, apart from pendants, personal ornaments are rare. Antler harpoons and sleeves, widely-splayed bone scrapers (Figure 18), bone combs, weavingweights and rare spindle-whorls (at Bodensee settlements these are decorated - Maier 1959) are part of the equipment, along with wooden ards which resemble those found at Cortaillod sites. The Pfyn is the earliest Swiss metalworking culture, and therefore has crucibles and finished tools of arsenic copper (Spindler 1971, p. 108) which include awls, daggers and typical Thayngen flat axes-long, narrow but thick (Bandi, Sangmeister et al. 1973, p. 195). Of the polished stone tools which were manufactured by a sawing technique using a cord and sand, the battle-axes help to define the internal Pfyn divisions, for the straight grooved type (i.e. Michelsberg or X-axe) of the Middle Pfyn stage changes to a pommel axe in the Late Pfyn group (Figure 18). The flint industry (Figure 18) is again based on blades and these have more flat retouch than Cortaillod tools. Overall, however, the industry has a coarser appearance, especially as long blades are rare, and the tools do appear to represent few functions. Arrowheads of many types are frequent e.g. at Wetzikon-Robenhausen (PfMfikersee - Drack 1969, p. 76), and at the 49

Lenzburg cemetery (Aare valley) they are present in each male grave. Geometric microliths are almost non-existent, while Dickenb&nnli points are associated only three times with Pfyn pottery (Winiger (1971) did not acknowledge this)-at Muttenz-Rfittihard (Rhein valley), at Eschenz-Insel Werd (Bodensee), and at Thayngen-Weier. The Late Neolithic: the Horgen culture and Lfischerz group: The Horgen culture was originally identified by Vogt (1938) and proclaimed as the first pan-Swiss Neolithic culture. It occurs at 80-103 habitation sites which cluster in the north and east of Switzerland (an additional few extend into South Germany), while in West Switzerland they are more sporadic. In their situation these sites conform to the Neolithic pattern, i.e. they are mostly on lake-edges (64-83); but 16-20 are land sites and are mainly located in high positions, this being a greater percentage than is normal. Two definite burial sites are also known, and a further 6 by their nature (mound-covered cists with porthole slabs) have been postulated as of the Horgen culture (Itten 1970, Gersbach 1966/7). However, at these there are few finds, and Strahm (1975) has suggested that they belong rather within the Saone-Rhone culture (see below). Correlating with the Early Seine-Oise-Marne Group (S. 0. M.) in France and with Michelsberg V to the north (Itten 1970, p. 61, Lfining 1967, p. 173), the Horgen culture has a well-established chronological position (Table 10). In stratigraphical successions it follows Wauwil R6ssen once, Pfyn 7 times, and Cortaillod 7-10 times, and it has radiocarbon dates which span between 2710 and 2090 b.c. (Figure 20). Although only the outer-quartile range of its dates overlaps with those of Pfyn and Cortaillod (Figure 15 - this implies no or minimal contact with these groups), Horgen pottery is associated with Cortaillod pottery twice and with Pfyn pottery possibly three times (Table 10). Moreover, the stratification at Meilen-Feldmeilen (Ztlrichsee) of Early H6rgen above Late Pfyn is not evidence that there was no overlap or contact, for neither grouping has positive chronological meaning. Htlrgen pottery (Figure 21) is well characterized by its style and coarseness (Itten 1969, 1970, Vogt 1938, 1952A) and is also deficient in forms, as vessels consist overwhelmingly of large, steep and thick-walled tubs. These are generally flat-based and were manufactured primitively without use of the clay roll or 'sausage' technique. Decoration, if present-channels, applied cordons, knobs or a row of stabs or holes-is confined to the upper half of pots, and the pricked or scratched non-tectonic decoration of five examples (Figure 21) is unparalleled within the Swiss Neolithic. A few stylistic differences do exist, and Itten (1969) proposed that some of these have chronological meaning -at Ztlrich-Utoquai (Ztlrichsee) an older phase (by stratigraphy) has pottery with edge decoration and a younger phase vessels which are straighter and unadorned. However, this Early: Late classification has not yet been corroborated, even at the adjacent Erlenbach-Widen (4 msrgen layers). On the other hand, regionalization is certainly identifiable (Itten 197 0): the pottery of Central Switzerland has outgoing profiles and rich decoration, this decoration being in Canton Luzern mainly plastic and in Canton Ztlrich grooved and stabbed; in North Switzerland, straighter profiles and plastic ornamentation (north of the Rhein also channelling) are most prevalent; and in East Switzerland straight plain vessels form the majority of types, and decoration (when present) is by cordons and knobs. 50

In West Switzerland, a further Horgen variation-plain, slightly-bellied jars with bases expressed-is distinguishable at several find spots (Furger . et al. 1977, p . 87), but Strahm (1965/6) has isolated in this area a separate andcommoner LUscherz group. The pottery of this group is round-based and consists mainly of coarse, baggy pots ornamented by small bosses. Under new terminology, the Lflscherz group is considered the transition stage to the Saone-Rhone culture, a locally-evolving Late Neolithic around the Saone and Rhone basins (Kaenel 1976C, p. 50). As far as its dating is concerned, this Lflscherz group is of similar age to the Horgen culture (Figures 15 and 20); its pottery is associated with that of Horgen five times and with that of Cortaillod twice, while it overlies the Horgen culture only once and the Cortaillod four times (Table 10). The predominant distribution of Ltlscherz sites is in Cantons V~ud, Neuchatel, Fribourg and Bern, and the 17-19 sites (wit h one exception, _Cazis-PetrushUgel - Alpine Rhein valley) are situated in lake shore localities. An additional 28 lakeside settlements (at 3 the material concerned is stratified above Cortaillod) have not yet been clearly assigned to either the Horgen or the LUscherz groups, and therefore these settlements are termed Horgen/Ldscherz here.

In the material industries of the Horgen and Ldscherz groups, stone tools are both plentiful and well-manufactured by employing typical flat stone-sawing plates. The rhomboid and triangular battle-axes (Figure 21) are perhaps characteristic. Axes are hafted in antler sleeves with winged projections (Figure 21) and these are particularly massive in West Switzerland, while antler 'net needles' in the same region are only encountered in Ltlscherz contexts. Textiles of fine aspect are known, but there are few ornaments (pendants) and only one copper blade, this being much less metal than in either the Cortaillod or the Pfyn cultures. Finally, flints, which include the usual points, grattoirs and backed blades (wide), are scarcely culture-specific, except for some masterly surface-retouched long blades and arrows-the rhombic tanged arrows (Figure 21) are derived only from Ltlscherz layers. The pr ob lem of the origin of the Horgen culture is still unsolved, alt houg h most researchers (e.g. Vogt 1952A, p. 163) have concurred that it breaks with earlier Swiss traditions in its heavy, poorly-made pottery and in its contrasting superior ·stone tool manufacture. Nevertheless, stratigraphical evidence suggests some contact with both the Pfyn and Cortaillod cultures (not necessarily developmental), and the changeover Cortaillod :Horgen is now assumed not to have been an abrupt break. For example, the pottery of Twann-Bahnhof 's lowermost Horgen layer (Bielersee), despite differences in shape, is nearer Cortaillod pottery in quality than is the Horgen pottery of the upper two layers (Furger et al. 1977, p. 82). Pfyn and Horgen vessels have more similarity than Cortaillod and Horgen pottery (Drack 1969, p. 77 ), and several Zurichsee layers (admittedly with little material) have been classified as "Pfyn or Horgen". In addition, Pfyn storage jars are possible Horgen prototypes (Scollar 1959), but despite these facts both Winiger (1971) and Vogt (1952A) have firmly rejected that the possible origin of the Horgen culture is in the earlier Pfyn culture. A third concept is that the Horgen culture may represent acculturated Mesolithic groups (Vogt 1952A), but neither of this theory's twin props, namely the primitiveness of Horgen houses and the importance of swine-keeping (Higham 1966), are convincing when all sites are considered (Chapters 4- 8). 51

The most favoured hypothesis therefore remains that the Horgen culture originated outside Switzerland from a parent culture which was either the French Early S. O.M. or the Bavarian/ Alsace Michelsberg (Itten 1970, Vogt 1938, Furger et al. 1977, p. 89) and the distribution of the latter makes it the more likely candidate, as a distributional gap exists between the easterRmost S. O. M. and the westernmost Horgen sites. These three groups produced similar coarse pottery of few forms, while that of both the S. 0. M. and Horgen cultures has edge holes as decoration (these cultures also have identical battle-axes), but there are ornamental differences, and, furthermore, the profiles of S.O.M. pottery are seldom straight (unlike Horgen pottery). However, as Twann's first Horgen layer has pottery closely resembling S. O. M. pottery, but the later two have more classic pottery, the Classic Horgen may have developed within Switzerland after the earlier introduction (Furge r et al. 1977 , p . 88) . Recent excavations have cast more light on the Lilscherz group. Its pottery incorporates both Cortaillod and Horgen elements, but more especially the latter (Strahm 1965/6, p. 304, 1973, p. 60), and this, combined with the fact that the material of Twann's uppermost Horgen layer has more Lilscherz tendencies than that of the earlier two (Furger et al. 1977, p. 90), suggests that the Lilscherz can be envisaged partly as a localized development of Horgen. In addition, a steady transformation from Cortaillod pottery through processes begun in the Evolved Cortaillod-viz. a degradation of technique and a reduction in decoration and types-is traceable, so that Lilscherz pottery most like that of Cortaillod may be earlier in date, whereas later pottery is coarser and has occasional cordons. At this later stage it is also associated with new elements which are indicative of French connections (e.g. Grand Pressigny flints-Kaenel 1976C, p. 103). It thus appears that a natural retrogression of Cortaillod was influenced by Horgen and French groups. Nach dem spf!ten Cortaillod .•.. entwickelte sich daraus die verarmte Formengruppe von Chable-Perron II, Schicht 4. Gleichzeitig taucht ebenfalls an den westschweizer Seen eine 'horgenoide' Gruppe vom Typ Twann, Schicht 83 bis 85 auf, die ihre Impulse aus Frankreich erhalten hat (Jura, Videlles). Aus dieser Fr1lhform entwickelt sich .... das Horgen westschweizerischer Pr!gung. Gleichzeitig wandelt sich die 'rundbodige Gruppe' vom Chable-Perron-Stadium zu Ldscherz (Furger et al. 1977, p. 91). The Auvernier group of the Saone-Rhone culture: This group was first isolated by Strahm (1969) from the material of the 'recent' layer (Vouga 1929) at Auvernier-La Saunerie (Lac de Neuch1ltel), and new West Swiss excavations have ascertained its chronological placing; it has been identified at 17 -32 settlements which are located almost entirely on the three Jura Lakes-only three sites lie on Lac Leman, two questionable sites are on moraine lakes, and 1 burial site is in the Rhone valley. Two or three times stratified above the Cortaillod culture and 1-3 times above the Horgen culture, the Auvernier group is generally later than the Lttscherz group (at 4-6 sites), but also twice co-exists with this (Table 10). Its evolution was internally from the Lttscherz group and this is best observed at Yvonand-La Peupleraie and Yverdon-Avenue des Sports on Lac de Neuchatel (Kaenel 1976C, p. 50). The Auvernier forms the eastern regional grouping (Swiss) within the larger Saone-Rhone culture 52

(2400-1900 b.c.), (197 5).

which extends west to the Saone and is described

by Strahm

Auvernier pottery is most analogous to that of the Ltlscherz group, and consists of flat or round-based ,barrel-shaped but occasionally S-profiled vessels, with knobs which are thin and elongated in earlier layers but later thicker (at Yverdon-Avenue de s Sports). The rare decoration uses the motifs of cordons, stabs or zigzag lines (Figure 22), and in the later Clendy phase the stabbing techniq ue s hows Corded Ware influence. Altogether, shapes are few and the quality on ly moderate. Otherwise, not much of the material culture is characteristic (Strahm 1969) , ex cept that the stone tools have only their edges ground and th eir bodi e s are simply coarsely retouched. Numerous flints are finely-worked-long dagger blades, backed blades and arrowheads (barbed and tanged, and several with side notches)-and some of these were perhaps traded as finished implements , e.g. those of Grand Pressigny flint (this flint plays an important role). However, the range of flint types is limited. Also known are bone and antle r pins which, on the basis of their typology, demonstrate Corded War e influ en ce, a nd antl e r tools are fa i rly common. The localized evolution of this Auv e rnier group from the Ltlscherz group does appear to have been affected by developments within the Eastern French regions of the Saone-Rhone culture , and the pottery in particular is reminiscent of that in the Western Jura (Lac de Chalain) and in the Saone valley (Groupe de la Treille). Additionally, the association of Auvernier forms with Corded Ware pottery in closed horizons on Lac de Neuchatel (at Auvernier-La Saunerie and Yverdon-Avenue des Sports-at the latter site in the final Auvernier phase only) reveals that contact also took place with this northern culture. Furthermore, long tanged arrows imply relations with the Remedello culture (Italy), and one bowl at Yverdon-Avenue des Sports is Late Chasseen in type. The Corded Ware culture: Die Schnurkeramik ist eine der wichtigsten neolithischen Kulturen, die u. a. die ganze damal~ bewohnte Schweiz besiedelte und deren Spuren noch in spateren Zeiten festzustellen sind. Sie ist die spatneolithische Kultur nicht nur in der Schweiz , sondern ganz Mitteleuropas bis weit in den Osten (Strahm 1969, p. 99). Postdating Michelsberg V stratigraphically (Ltlning 1967, p. 171), this Corded Ware culture is found throughout Switzerland at 3 cemeteries and 86-104 settlements which are situated primarily on the glacial lakes (80 maximum). 19 are on moraine lakes and 5 are land settlements. Stickel (1974, p. 185) has suggested that the Horgen and Corded Ware cultures coincided in date (by radiocarbon - see Figure 20), but he seriously underestimated the stratigraphical evidence (Table 10), for corded pottery postdates Horgen pottery 7-9 times and Llischerz pottery 2-3 times. Furthermore, the relative radiocarbon interquartile ranges are just separated (Figure 15). Ruoff has, however, recently published dendrochronological results (Ruoff 1978, p. 281) which show a correlation of samples from the Cor ded Ware layer at Ztlrich-Pressehaus (Ztlrichsee) and from the Liischerz layer at Auvernier (Lac de Neuchatel). Hence, there may have been some slight contemporaneity or contact (visible at Risch-Schwarzbach Nord,

53

Zugersee), although many Corded Ware settlements indubitably flourished after those of Horgen/Lilscherz. With Horgen material the Corded Ware to ol kit appears to have little kinship , apart from similar antler sleeves which are unrecognized in other Corded Ware regions (perhaps as settlements are rare there), so that an immigration of Corded Ware groups into East Switzerland towards the end of the Horgen period is normally assumed. In West Switzer land, however, foreign Corded Ware types appear in 3-6 settlements of the Auver ni e r group (see above), and at these corded pottery later achieves predominance, e.g. at Auvernier-La Saunerie. Thus , in this area, local evolution from the Auvernier group under stimulation of external ideas seems a more probable hypothesis than one of immigration. The following arrangement of the Swiss Corded Ware culture is based largely on the research of Strahm (1969, 1971), who has compared the Corded Ware development in the Swiss area with that in Germany and Jutland (Glob's sequence), despite the fact that Corded Ware sites there are mostly graves. In North Switzerland there are numerous stray Glob A axes, and these in Jutland belong to the oldest Corded Ware period (Lower Grave period). They may therefore represent the earliest Swiss phase, along with Corded Ware finds within the 'recent' layer at Auvernier-La Saunerie (Lac de Neuchatel) A axes, and pottery less-shouldered and more coarsely de co rated t han th e true Corded Ware pottery stratified in the layer above (Eneolithique). Ot her wise, a developmental but conservative sequence of corded beakers and battleaxes Types Glob B-L is recognizable, and three independent phases are featured, which do, however, have similar fundamental forms, viz. flat-based beakers, amphorae, and jars with tunnel lugs but no handles. The first stage is the uniform Sutz complex from Sutz/Lattrigen-Von Rlltte (Bielersee) of A axes (poorly-made), and A and B beakers which carry a wide zone of strong ly linear decoration (Figure 22). These finds are scarcely comparable to those further north, but probably postdate the Lower Grave period, for some of the ornamentation present (e.g. by impressions) is encountered only in the Bode n and Upper Grave periods of Germany and Jutland. The cemetery at Schafflisd or fEgg (Limmat r iv er) is the type site of the next phase (Figure 22), and its material is only slightly analogous to that of the Sutz stage . This Sch i:S ffl is dor f phase features 'stroke-bundle' A amphorae (i.e. decorated by groups of lines . which are almost parallel) and wide-based but short-necked beakers (Types Glob I and K). The motif arrangement applied to these beakers is repeated on the beakers of the Central German Upper Grave period, on those of the German Mansfelder group and on those of the Single Grave culture (Denmark). Nevertheless, the Swiss burial rite present at Schofflisdorf (partial cremation under a mound) is exceptional and is of uncertain derivation. The most significant Swi ss Corded Ware phase is, however, the Utoguai phase (Figure 22), and this is richly displayed over the whole Mittelland, e.g. at Vinelz-Vinelz (Bielersee) and ZUrich-Utoquai (Zftrichsee). At the latter site, it unequivocally postdates Horgen. Its shouldered beakers resemble forms in the Late Central German Corded Ware, and its coarse storage jars with their finger-impressed cordons (' short-wave moulding') likewise German material of the Late Single Grave or Upper Grave periods (Becker 1955). These types therefore confirm that this is a late stage, but most characteristic of the Utoquai stage are the amphorae 'Type Vinelz' with their 54

patterning by wavy lines in the spaces of which occurs stabbed decoration; this is a style of the Alpine Foreland alone, ~.lthough in the Beaker-influenced Late East German Corded Ware are slightly.:reminiscent vessels. K Type battle-axes make their appearance with this pottery. Items other than pottery are less useful in identifying the Corded Ware culture, but some new types do appear which are typically Late Neolithic and which may often belong specifically to the Corded Ware culture: stone winged beads (Figure 22), antler and bone pins which possess various head shapes (Figure 22, lateral globular heads from West SWitzerland mainly), antler hoes of battle-axe form (Figure 22), flat round weaving-weights, and flat stone pendants. In the west, flints hardly differ from types of the Auvernier group (see above - although the variety is greater), but in East Switzerland they are of poorer workmanship and generally have steep edge retouch (Figure 22). The sole flint type common to both eastern and western regions is the surfaceretouched Grand Pressigny knife/dagger (copying metal prototypes - Figure 22), and these are hafted in wooden or antler handles with pommels (Strahm 1961/2). With the Corded Ware culture, the main diffusion of metal into the Swiss area took place (Spindler 1971, p. 109), and pertinent copper objects (Schwab 1970B, Strahm 1961/2 - Figure 22) include double conical beads, awls, axes with flat or raised edges, and daggers both of imported type (long, narrow and with hammered edges) and of local manufacture - simple, triangular and with a row of holes at the top edge (these imitate flint forms). The presence of pieces of wooden wagon wheels at Ztlrich-Pressehaus (Zdrichsee) in the Corded Ware layer is also noteworthy. Contact with other areas during the Corded Ware period is evident, for Grand Pressigny blades and winged stone beads are recorded in the French Chalcolithic, and copper daggers are known of similar form in the Italian Remedello culture; furthermore, at Swiss Corded Ware sites objects typical of the Bell Beaker culture are also found (see below); but the most intensive contact appears to have been that with adjoining Bronze Age groups. While some continuity of Auvernier elements (wide knobs, barrel profiles) is observable in Bronze Age material, Corded Ware groups actually appear to have developed alongside those of the Bronze Age. Using the chronology of Gemeinlebarn, Austria (Gallay and Gallay 1968), the Sutz and Schofflisdorf phases were probably synchronous with Early Bronze Age I in the Valais, the Utoquai stage with Early Bronze Age II in the Valais and Early Bronze Age III of South Germany, but this Utoquai stage was succeeded by Stage IV (Reinecke A2/Bl), e.g. at Hochdorg-Baldegg (Baldeggersee). Naturally, ideas were exchanged and the Corded Ware material culture has imitations of Bronze Age types: bone/antler pins copy Aunjetitz metal pins, double spiral pendants (Figure 22) resemble those of the German Reinecke Al Straubing culture (Spindler 1971), copper axes with raised edges imitate the longer specimens of the Swiss Bronze Age, and arrows with long barbs (West Switzerland) are derived from the French Early Bronze Age. But this influence was not one-sided, for Bronze Age pottery took on some of the decorative styles of Corded Ware pottery, such as the wavy lines. The Bell Beaker c lture: Although always considered a most characteristic prehistoric and Late Neolithic culture, the Bell Beaker culture impinges little on the Swiss area. In the north-western corner around Basel, a small cluster 55

of sites-2-3 grave are3;s,1-2 settlements, and one stray pottery sherdforms the south-western outlier of the Southern Upper Rhein group, which in turn belongs to the Eastern Beil Beaker group (Strahm 1969). Predominant types of this group are the undecorated vessels (Figure 23) plus the beakers with zones of stamped ornamentation or of cord lines (Kraft 1941-7, p. 128). Material of a further cemetery, Sion-Petit Chasseur in the Alpine Rhone valley, exhibits connections with that of Bell Beaker groups in all directions, perhaps as metal ores are available near this site (Strahm 1969), while west of Lac Leman and in the Jura there are a few graves with finds of Pan-European type but little variation in style (occasionally with corded lines). These last finds can be linked to the French Beaker group (Gallay and Gallay 196 8). Further possible Bell Beaker graves at Rilthi-Hirschensprung (Alpine Rhein valley) and on Lac de Neuchatel at St. Blaise-Chemin du Diable complete the list of sites. The remaining discoveries are all isolated objects from Mittelland Neolithic sites (mainly settlements): 5 wristguards from Ztlrich-Limmat (Ztlrichsee), from Nidau-Steinberg ?.nd Neuenstadt-Schaffis (both Bielersee), and from Estavayer-Les Tenevi~res and St.Blaise on Lac de Neuchatel (this last site also has produced a tanged copper dagger); and 4 vessels from Sutz/Lattringen -Sutz (Bielersee), from Hochdorf-Baldegg (Baldeggersee), from Berg-Heimenlachen (North-East Switzerland) and from Sch6fflisdorf-Egg (a cemetery near the Limmat river). These vessels have many narrow and obliquely-stamped zones and therefore belong to the Western Bell Beaker culture (Figure 23), being presumably imports from it. In fact, the Bell Beaker and Corded Ware cultures have almost mutually exclusive distributions in the Swiss area, and the contact zone between the Mittelland Corded Ware culture and the French Bell Beaker culture seems to have lain near the Jura lakes, judging by wristguard and pottery finds. Proof of the contemporaneity of Swiss beakers with the Corded Ware culture (? all stages) is not lacking: Sion-Petit Chasseur had specimens of both groups in the same layer (Strahm 1969, p. 107); at Sch6fflisdorf-Egg, a West German Bell Beaker sherd was present in a Corded Ware grave; barbed and tanged arrows occur in several Corded Ware inventories in West Switzerland (e.g. at Vinelz on the Bielersee); and, finally, the wristguard and tanged copper dagger at St. Blaise (mentioned above) were recovered from a Corded Ware layer (Gallay and Gallay 196 8). Bell Beakers also partially coincided with the Early Bronze Age, the Basel group probably with Reinecke Al and A2 (Gallay 1970, K6ster 1965/6) and Sion-Petit Chasseur with Early Bronze Age I and II (Strahm 1971, p. 148), while the Early Bronze Age sites of the Mittelland and Jura display Beaker influence in their wristguards and Vperforated buttons (Gallay and Gallay 1968). The Chamblandes-Glis grave group: Named after the sites of Pully-Chamblandes (Lac Leman) and Glis-Heh Hischi (Alpine Rhone valley), a nomenclature which highlights its areas of densest distribution, this group consists of cemeteries of small cists which contain single or multiple crouched burials, although occasional contracted inhumations do exist (Sauter and Gallay 1969). The cemeteries range in size from Pully-Chamblandes which has at least 35 graves (but is reputed to have had hundreds - Tschumi 1920, p. 225) to simple single graves as at Lausanne (Lac Leman). As pottery is rarely present, any cultural 56

ascription of these graves is problematic, except that in the Alp in e Rhone valley the Collombey /Muraz-Barmaz cemeteries did have Cortaillod sherds. Outside the main area of distribution, in regions where cemeteries are more sparse, Wauwil RlSssen pottery has been found in cists of this type at Dfulike nStudenweid and Pfyn pottery in others at Lenzburg-Goffersberg. Both of these sites are situated near the Aare river. The grave morphology itself is not distinctive, and the analysis of grave goods undertaken by Sauter and Gallay (1969) only complicates the cultural issue, although they assign most of these goods to the Middle Neolithic. Two fundamental types are clear: lenticular and perforated Glis buttons/beads (Figure 23) which differ from the conical Bell Beaker buttons and were found with Cortaillod/Chassey /Lagozza pottery at St. L~onard I in the Alpine Rho ne valley; also typical are the pointed Glis flint axes (Figure 23). Alternative ly, the latter may be intrusive in the cists (Sauter and Gallay 1969, p. 61), for they are considered by Strahm (1969, p. 108) and Kimmig (1949/50) to be diagnostic of the Late Neolithic in South Germany. Other common objects in Chamblandes-Glis cists are axe-shaped pendants which are reminisc -ent of Rassen ornaments and have been discovered also in flat graves in Canton Schaffhausen caves (Guyan 1949/50); perforated boar tusks (also found in Schaffhausen); antler pendants which are characteristically Cortaillod; perforated triangular hammer-axes (Figure 23) known in the South-West German RlSssen; and pendants and bracelets of Mediterranean shells, these being unusual on Swiss habitation sites. Relatively common at all sites, and especially in graves of males, are triangular arrowheads. Precise dating of this group is impossible, but enumerated ties are primarily with the Pfyn, RlSssen and Cortaillod/Chasseen cultures. Furthermore, reasonable grounds exist for stating that the material at the bulk of the graves (in South-West Switzerland) has its closest affini ty to finds of the Cortaillod/Chassey /Lagozza culture there, especially as the Collombey / Muraz cemeteries displayed Cortaillod pottery . This Cortaillod/Chassey / Lagozza group probably had a long development (described above) and persisted later than did the Cortaillod culture in the Mittelland. If this long development also applied to the Chamblandes-Glis group in the south-west, then the Late Neolithic features such as the flint axes are explained (Sauter and Bocksberger 1959, p. 1013), although it is still possible that these represent a second group of Late Neolithic date. One definite burial site (multiple burial) of the Saone-Rhone culture is known in this region-at Sion-Petit Chasseur (Alpine Rhone valley). The Landneolithikum: This is documented entirely from non-lake shore loca-. tions and usually from surface finds (Chapter 7 ), and it is a lithic industry consisting of small (but not microlithic) blades. The various forms include surface-retouched grattoirs, points (including Dickenb~li points), backed blades and triangular arrows (these last are frequent), but the cultural connec tions of this industry cannot be defined (Wyss 1953). Where these flints are accompanied by stone axes and simple pottery, they are in all probability genuinely Neolithic in date and subsequent to Late Mesolithic industries, with which, on the basis of the typology, they seem to have been connected developmentally. Nevertheless, where flints alone are represented, their proposed Neolithic dating is more dubious, especially as notations made in cantonal

57

records at the time of discovery often do not contain adequate descriptions . Moreover, even when information is given, flints appear to have been identified as Neolithic if either of two features-surface retouch or triangular arrows -was present. Such neat compartmentalization is not justified, and it may be that some of the material classified as Landneolithikum could equally be dated as Late Mesolithic or as transitional to the Neolithic (i.e. proto-Neolithic). The relationship of the genuine Landneolithikum to the various Neolithic cultures is difficult to unravel. Few of the most characteristic 'pfahlbau' tools appear on Landneolithikum sites, for which preservation problems may be partially responsible, while at lakeside Neolithic habitations Landneolithikum forms do occur, albeit uncommonly. These forms are, however, much more obvious at culturally-identified land settlements (unfortunately such settlements are few because the poor preservation which exists at land sites discourages identification of pottery at these). For example, at Lenzburg-Goffersberg (a Pfyn culture site near the Aare valley), there were many arrows. It is therefore unwarranted to state, as Wyss has done (1953, p. 110), that the Landneolithikum preceded all these Neolithic cultures, and it may even be that it represents the whole timespan of the Neolithic. The DickenbH.nnli point (D. B. P.): This review of Mesolithic and Neolithic material cannot terminate without discussion of the Dickenb[nnli point, a flat-based small flint (varying 9-27 mm) with a slightly oblique projection which has steeply-retouched sides and an end blunted or truncated but ra r e ly pointed (Figure 23). The data given here were provided by d 'Aujourd 'hui (pers. comm., thesis submitted to Basel University). These D.B.P. are characteristically found in large numbers at sites like Olten-DickenbH.nnli (Aare valley-possibly thousands) and Herblingen-Grtlthalde (in North-East Switzerland-800), and they form an integral part of the Landne olithikum. They are also occasionally found with Glis axes ( Sauter and Gallay 1969, p . 53), which would seem to connect them to the West Swiss Cortaillod. In fact, D.B.P. are never associated with this culture, rather being linked to the East Swiss Fallander and Point Variant industries and to almost all other Neolithi c cultures: to L.B.K. north of the Rhein (Gersbach 1941-7), to RBssen at Wilchingen-Flflhhalde and Neuhausen-Ottersbtlhl (Canton Schaffhausen), to Lutzengdetle at Herblingen-Grtlthalde, to Pfyn at Muttenz-Rtltti'.hard (Rhein valley), Eschenz-Insel Werd (Bodensee) and perhaps Thayngen-Weier (NorthEast Switzerland), to Michelsberg at Egolzwil 5 (Wauwilermoos), to Horgen at Mumpf-Kapf Neumatt (Rhein valley) and Sissach-Burgenrain (Ergolz valley), and to Corded Ware at Eschenz-Insel Werd. Their main spread, however, is indeed in the earlier Neolithic, as is also the case in South Germany (Reverdin 1924B, Guyan 1949/50), and this fact, in conjunction with that of their small size, has led to the idea that D. B. P. represent a residual Mesolithic industry at this Neolithic period (Sauter and Gallay 1969, p. 58). In distribution, D. B. P. feature most strongly on land sites of the North Mittelland (Aare and Ergolz valleys particularly), but they are present only intermittently in Central Switzerland-once on the Reuss and once on the Emme-or on lakeshores; they have been identified at settlements on the Bodensee (Eschenz-Insel Werd, Ermatingen-Langen Rain, Unteruhldingen), Greifensee (FH.llanden-Ausserried), Wauwilermoos (Egolzwil 5) and Sempachersee 58

(Neuenkirch-Steinibdelacher); but they appear to be absent from · all other lakes and from the Alpine region. Their function has always been a puzzle, and early suggestions include ideas that they may have been needles (tattooing or otherwise), bird arrows, blow pipe arrows, sickles, or teeth of a comb or threshing-tool. However, it is important that, although isolated examples are known in an unfinished state as at Lausen-Rllti (Ergolz valley), more usually all are finished tools (true at Olten-Dickenblinnli , Reverdin 1924B, p. 230). Their great number is thus not the result of their manufacture at the discovery spot. but rather of their having been employed in specialised production there, or alternatively, of their mode of use having necessitated frequent tool renewal. Their size and basal obliqueness led Paravicini (1939) to propose that they were barbs of arrows or throwing-spears (several to each, thus accounting for their numbers) which had been used to defend certain settlements, and indeed they are often accompanied by triangular arrowheads. But Schweizer (1940/1) disputed this theory, for in the Aare region they are common on low-lying settlements whereas on some high ones, e.g. Lostorf-Grosser Kastel, they are missing altogether. More recently d 'Aujourd 'hui by a microscopic study of wear traces, has demonstrated that D. B. P. are boring tools employed for a purpose which would have made them quickly lose their sharpness. He envisaged that this may have been a purpose akin to bead-making (not flint manufacture), and it is interesting that in the area and period of greatest D. B. P. frequency, several burials show a dress style which incorporated many beads at the neck and feet. For example, one skeleton at Thayngen-Untere Bsetzi (North-East Switzerland-Guyan 1949/50, p. 176) had 114 beads and 33 buttons, and a Rossen burial at D~niken-Studenweid (Aare valley - Dubuis and Osterwalder 1972, p. 299) had 40 beads.

59

CHAPTER 4 THE ZifRICHSEE AND JURA LAKES: THEIR ENVIRONMENT, SITES AND PALAEOECONOMIES

Within the Swiss area the greatest density of Neolithic sites (usually multiperiod) appears to be quite markedly along the shores of the glacial lakes-these are the large lakes in the main basins of former glaciers-and the settlement of these may therefore have been a particular phenomenon, especially as Mesolithic remains in their vicinity indicate similar shore settlement then. In studying this phenomenon, two regions with good data were selected for detailed investigation, namely the Ztlrichsee and the Jura Lakes. The Ztlrichsee This is an important lake for the Swiss Neolithic (no Mesolithic sites are known) owing to the recent underwater work of Dr. Ruoff (Bftro ftlr Stadt Arch'aologie, Zlirich) with its emphasis towards good stratigraphical successions. These are obtainable here because waves have not destroyed the sequence of layers in this lake's narrow basin, as has happened in some larger lakes, e.g. the Bodensee (U. Ruoff, pers. comm.). As a result of this work, a new picture of prehistoric settlement on the Ztlrichsee has emerged. The Environment: This lake and the connected Walensee to the east lie in the b~sin of the former Linth glacier, within the Central Plateau (Figure 1) but little distant from the Alps, in the drainage of which they assist (Figure 24) via rivers like the Jona, Aa and Linth (the course of the last much altered by modern canalization). The Ztlrichsee outflow is the Limmat, joined now to the north by the Sihl, but this latter river did at times discharge its material near the lake end, thus blocking the Limmat and causing lake fluctuations (Schindler 1971). Around the Ztlrichsee shores are Miocene and Oligocene deposits of 'Susswassermolasse', a sandstone with some conglomerate 'Nagelfluh', but the topography is dominated by moraines of Riss-Wilrm date which rise from the lake surface of circa 406 m, and are especially steep in the north and west. On the right bank (north-east) altitudes of 800 m are reached in the north, the east-west section having more gentle slopes, while the abrupt gradient of the left bank is cut before it crests at 900 m by the steep-sided Sihl river gorge. Again, the east-west section of this left bank (at the Obersee) is flatter near the lake. The Walensee is set clearly within the Alps. This situation determines the weather experienced, as records provided by the Schweizerische Meteorologische Zentralanstalt for their Ztlrich station at 569 m demonstrate. The average yearly rainfall is 1128 mm, with a maximum falling in summer (e.g. a July average of 139 mm) and least between January and March (61-69 mm per ·month). Snowfall is on average 18 cm in 60

January, 13 cm in February and 10 cm in March, although as high as 43 cm and as low as 2 cm per month has been documented. Both precipitation and snowfall are slightly higher on the left bank. Summer and winter temperatures are below average for the Mittelland by about O. 5°C to 1. o0 c, with a low in January of -1.0°c (as cold as -9. s0 c has been known) and a high of 17 .2°c in July. However, the quantity of sunshine is about average for Switzerland at 1,693 hours per year. The present-day climate of the Ztlrichsee can be summarized as being characterized by frequent storms which spread from the Alps (especially in summer). Two points about these figures require emphasis. At the altitude of this meteorological station, temperatures are lower (and consequently snowfall greater) than at the lakeshore itself; close to the lake they are the most favourable in this immediate area, but still below those at certain glacial lakes. Secondly, in the Neolithic it may have been warmer, although with cool periods of heavy rainfall (Chapter 2). The 'Atlas der Schweiz' incorporates a map which identifies the soils on the right bank as 'Parabrown soils and lessives', and those on the left as 'Acidic brown soils'. The former category indicates alkaline soils, not very permeable to water but fairly good for plant growth, the latter more weathered acidic types which carry poorer vegetation. However, these pedological categories (for fuller discussion see Stickel 1974) are too generalized, and the local soil conditions were therefore surveyed by visual assessment and penetrometer, as described in Chapter 1. The measurements obtained are given in Table 11, and form part of the basic information used for the site territories. They show that no soil in the Ztlrichsee vicinity is excessively heavy, and certain areas have light sandy soils which, although they can carry crops, are better utilized as grazing land, particularly in the spring when first growth appears on these since they warm quickly-in modern times vegetatiov growth commences about 10th April on the right bank and about 20th April on the left. An environmental study cannot be complete without some information on vegetation. The modern botanical environment of the Zilrichsee has been altered by agricultural needs and municipal decisions, but a reconstruction of it based on the present soils suggests a potential flora dominated by beech and relatively unchanged since Late Atlantic/SubBoreal date (Kuhn 1967). Ludi (1957) has shown that the M. 0. F. of the Early Atlantic here was succeeded in the Late Atlantic and Sub Bo real by a dense forest of beech and fir, and an early spread of fir (and spruce) on the high slopes can be related to the region's closeness to the Alps. A recent pollen study at Ztlrich-Kleiner Hafner (Heitz-Weniger 197 8) has confirmed this, and further information has been contributed by the identification of wood samples at eight sites (Table 12). Of these, the majority were of oak, alder, willow, ash and fir:on the right bank 6 0 :20 :46 :34 :21 respectively on the left bank 29:39:26:20:13

respectively

(numbers (numbers

of wood pieces). of wood pieces).

From this information, Pawlik and Schweingruber (1976) deduced the relevant Neolithic micro-environments: sparse reed with willow and alder at the shore graded into ash and then sycamore further back, while around the sites were bushy areas with much hazel and probably also apple and oak. On the lower slopes to circa 410 m, a forest with plentiful oak, ash and sycamore,

61

and therefore not too dense, predominated (and may have been more marked on the gentler right bank), but above 410 m a beech forest with oak occurred and in this forest the percentage of fir increased with altitude. The Lakeside Finds and Site Territories: On the shores of the Ztlrichsee approximately 42 Neolithic sites have been uncovered together with a single grave at Erlenbach (Figure 24 and Table 13, with all relevant references attached), while in the close vicinity ten stray finds are known. On the Walensee there is one additional site (no. 43). The exact total of Ztlrichsee habitation sites is unresolved, for, although the canton files list 29 sites on the right bank and 13 on the left bank, several are closely situated and may be different parts of the same site. Eight sites are only hypothetically Neolithic, being recorded solely in old reports or as discoveries of a few undateable objects and/or piles, but for a further eight, significant finds allow classification in the Neolithic, although not yet to a specific culture. At KilchbergBendlikon Schoren (no. 34), for example, no culture layer could be identified and the settlement here must have been small or short-lived. Several sites have been subjected to recent investigation and have still to be published. From the remaining 26 sites (20 on the right bank and 6 on the left) cultural information has been extracted, but often solely by relying on the typology of excavated material since older excavations have consistently underestimated the number of culture layers. Reinves igation has always found more layers, and indeed has made available stratigraphies at eleven sites (Table 14). These results have permitted the sequence of cultures on the Ztlrichsee to become firmly established. The easternmost occurrence of the Cortaillod culture is included, but most layers (and therefore settlements) pertain to the Pfyn and Horgen cultures. The absence of Mesolithic finds, either strays or settlements, in this well-researched area is notable. The only rather dubious clues are four early dates (Stickel 1974) from wood fragments in Neolithic layers at Hombrechtikon-Feldbach (no. 26) and Oberrieden-Seegarten (no. 35), but this wood could of course have been driftwood. Neolithic sites congregate on the lake's right bank, the sunnier and drier side, and particularly on that section (sites no. 10-28) where vines now grow on the alkaline slopes. A fairly open M. 0. F. with edible plants would have applied here in the Neolithic. But for further identification of settlement determinants, site catchment analysis was undertaken at several sites. The soil survey and penetrometer measurements (Table 11) have already been mentioned, in addition to the fact that readings over 90 Newtons indicate soils too heavy for cultivation unless an animal-drawn plough is available (Chapter 1). From the beginning of the Swiss Neolithic the tool range included possible hoes as well as ards or furrowing-sticks (Chapter 3 ), and the hoe would have been a most suitable implement in the forest conditions of that time, as less force is required to disturb forest soils and as tree stumps hinder ploughing. One man with a hoe can clear 3 hectares per season (D. Webley, pers. comm.). The ard is a development of the hoe and best used on light or disturbed soils with little vegetation, but in the vegetation conditions which apply north of the Alps, viz. thick weed growth (due to high precipitation), a mouldboard plough drawn by oxen (or more preferably horses) is needed for heavy soils. For this last implement, there is no eviden~e in the Swiss Neolithic (or in the Mesolithic), and it is therefore assumed that only the lighter soils (below 90 Newtons) could 62

have been cultivated then, and that they would have been chosen in preferen ce to those now classed as 'good/ rich agricultural soils', which are often fairly heavy. At the Zflrichsee, most soils on the right bank would have been suitable for Neolithic agrarian exploitation, but on the left a higher percentage are marginal soils (Table 11). Present-day land use was also considered in researching the site territories, and details for this region are given in Table 15. Those for Canton Ztlrich best typify the Ztlrichsee region (Cantons Schwyz and St. Gallen are largely Alpine in nature)-the land is predominantly in pasture but reasonable amounts of arable cultivation (mainly wheat), orchards and vines occur on the lakeside slopes, particularly on the north-eastern bank. The growing season lasts from mid-April till mid-November. Agrarian utilization is, however, less widespread than in either the extreme north or south-west of Switzerland (Figure 3), and the large percentage under pasture around the Ztlrichsee is to some extent a reflection of the soils, of the slightly inferior climate (rainfall and temperatures) and of the hilly terrain, but the element of modern choice cannot be ignored. Although today's exploitation methods, supported by the modern economic system and its communications, may be ideal for the region, a larger amount of arable agriculture is not precluded by the natural conditions here, especially in the Neolithic when a more favourable climate at times existed. That the soils around the lake are not now felt to be particularly suitable for arable agriculture is no guide to their role in the Neolithic. Accordingly, site territories were drawn and Figure 25 depicts the contrasting situations on the opposing banks. At Meilen-Rohrenhaab (no. 15), the 10 minute territory has no slopes which are too steep for tilling, and the soil is a silt, at times sandy or clayey but always permitting Neolithic cultivation (no impeded soils were observed). Thus, agrarian use of the whole 10 minute region (150 hectares approximately) is a feasible proposition. Within the larger 60 minute territory (now mostly pasture or forest) the soils are still primarily silty, grading from heavier loams at the foot of slopes to light sands and gravels in some localities (penetrometer readings 2 and 31 Table 11). 'Grazing only' zones in the diagrams are due to the gradients of slopes or to thin soil cover (around 800 m) rather than to marshy soils. HorgenDampfschiffsteg (no . 38) on the left bank has a smaller territory as most land is sharply inclined, and owing to the sharp inclinations, only a narrow strip of land along the lake can be tilled within the 10 minute distance. Pedological evaluation of the semi-urban area here is difficult, but there appears to be a silty sand (modern deposit?) on which arable agriculture is practicable despite its lightness (penetrometer readings 10 and 12, Table 11). Further back from the lake a heavier loam predominates (penetrometer reading 11). Hence, much of this territory has reasonable grazing, but is excluded from arable consideration owing to the gradients and also at times the soils . At Ztirich-Kleiner Hafner (no. 3, Figure 26) the reconstructed land use is more hypothetical, since this site lies in the largest city of Switzerland. Therefore, territories had to be drawn on the basis of the gradients present, of the soils in park areas and from pedological maps. In the Neolithic, this site was located on an off shore island and this would have affected its territory slightly (reducing it)-that shown here is typical of the majority of sites in this

63

region near the lake outflow, and it is considerably larger than for sites on either bank. Within and beyond the 10 minute radius (area 200-220 hectares, arable area perhaps 17 5-200 hectares) the soil is generally cultivable, save to the north-east where some steep slopes are present and also to the west, for here clay soils on slopes have resulted in regions of poorer grazing only. From these analyses certain conclusions may be specified. No site on the Ztlrichsee is devoid of potentially arable land within its 10 minute territory, but some are not plentifully endowed, e.g. Horgen-Dampfschiffsteg with 40-50 hectares of arable land, and this a maximum in view of the uncertainty over soil conditions. That such situations were chosen implies that arable land was not the primary consideration at these sites, and as the grazing potential is good at all sites, the accent may have been generally on animal exploitation whether husbandry or hunting. Having stated this, it must be emphasized that the density of sites is greater near the lake outflow and on the right bank, where larger areas of tillable land are present in 10 minute territories and where better natural conditions (affecting cultivation) apply-a drier and sunnier climate, lighter soils, and a more open Neolithic forest (with better plant food potential). Relevant too is the fact that more sites on the right bank than on the left were repeatedly settled (Stickel 1974, p. 386), and this suggests that the right bank was more conducive to successful economic exploitation. Taking this a step further, the area of potential arable at sites where details of habitation are known was investigated, using Ztlrich-Kleiner Hafner (175200 hectares of arable land), Meilen-Rohrenhaab (150 hectares) and HorgenDampfschiffsteg (40-50 hectares) as guide sites (Table 16). The estimates of arable area assume that there was only a slight extent of marsh at the lakeshore (from the soil survey on both banks, and also from Heitz-Weniger 197 8 and Pawlik and Schweingruber 1976), although the circumstances near the outflow are uncertain, and if there was more marsh here (a possibility, Schindler 1971, p. 304), then the area of arable potential at the Ztlrich sites would have been lower than that given. A rough correlation between a site's arable area and its frequency of settlement can indeed be ar gued, as those with large areas have more occupation layers than those with r educed potential for cultivation. Whether the territory of Ziirich-Wollishofen Haumesser fits this classification cannot yet be verified, and those at Hombrechtikon and Erlenbach may fall between the Horgen and Meilen extremes. Hence, the amount of potentially arable land appears provisionally to have been a factor in the selection of many site positions, i.e. situations with more scope for cultivation were favoured and those with less tended to be avoided; in the latter, and therefore perhaps at all, the overriding economic resource was presumably the animal population. A further point is that only one site has been discovered on the Upper Ztlrichsee or Walensee banks, which are extremely steep and encompassed by Alpine heights. It is interesting to conjecture what these arable areas may have meant in human. terms. If only 50% of available land was tilled in any one year and the rest left fallow (an approximate figure - Dennell and Webley 1975, p. 106), then at Meilen-Rohrenhaab, 75 hectares (185 acres) could have been worked and would have furnished an adequate cereal supply for a group of 12-15 families, assuming a family requirement of 5-6 hectares (D. Webley, pers. comm.). 64

Franklin (1969) has mentioned small peasant holdings in Europe of less than 10 hectares, and this corroborates the 5-6 hectare figure as sufficient. Alternatively, calculating by probable crop yields of about 400 kg/hectare (Dennen and Webley 1975, p. 106, although barley and wheat yields today in the Swiss area are much higher than this, about 2500-3000 kg/hectare), then the 30, 000 kg total probable yield from this 7 5 hectares could have provided 20 , 000-22, 000 kg for consumption each year (if 25 %-33 % was kept for seed)-enough for 95-105 people, or 15-20 families (210 kg per person). The figure given by this last method is probably high , for Medieval yields in England were only I/6th of modern amounts (T. McLean, Department of Medieval History, University of Cambridge, pers. comm.), and prehistoric production is likely to have been less. By the first method of calculation, Ztirich-Kleiner Hafner could have sustained 15-20 families, but Horgen only 3-5 families. As it is certain that arable agriculture was not the sole com ponent of the Neolithic economy, these assessments of sustainable population (hypothetical as they are) are minimal , for other food resources were available and were us ed (see below). Howev e r , it is sufficiently proved that the results of cultivation cou l d have satisfied the dietary needs of Neolithic groups on this lake, and at the very least crop-growing had the potential to be a stabilizing factor in their economy. Even if the hoe alone was employed, one man could still have worked 3 hectares and grown food for about three people. On the assumption that groups achieved greater success where more arable land was available, first consideration is now given to:Plant Resources: Macrobotanical finds have been recorded in large numbers from Swiss sites, and they are divided in this monograph into the following gr oup s:Group 1. Group 2. Group 3. Group 4.

Plants which are assumed on the basis of their morphology or habitat to have been cultivated. Nuts and fruits of local availability. Native plants which are present at some sites at least owing to the deliberate action of prehistoric man. Native plants with properties desirable to man, but which are not verifiable as intentionally present at sites.

Details are given i n Appendix A, and the sources of this information are Hedrick 1919, Polunin 1969, and Renfrew 1973. The problem is one of identifying which plants were more than just a casual resource or accidental inclusion, especially those plants of Groups 3 and 4, many of which are weeds of cultivated ground and may therefore have been incorporated in cultural deposits as a result of imperfect cleaning of reaped cereals-even poppy and flax (Group 1) can grow as segetal crops in cereal fields. Despite the warning of Dennen (1976, and Chapter 1), and for the reason that almost all the Zilrichsee plant finds (Table 17) are derived purely from soundings, the judging of which plants were intentionally present and what the significance : of these was as a resource has to be based solely on their frequency at sites. No correlation is evident between specific soils (e.g. on the respective banks) or cultures and the presence or frequency of particular plant types, except perhaps that pea is known solely from Late Neolithic layers (Horgen and Corded Ware). However, as a plant which needs no preparation by

65

parching, it may be less readily preserved and thus is perhaps undervalued in the record (most plant remains in the Swiss area are carbonized). Plant appearances at all sites were totalled (Table 17), and of the cultivated species wheat (mainly emmer and clubwheat), poppy and flax rank highest and thus were probably preferred crops. Poppy and flax were therefore certainly neither accidentally incorporated (through poor cereal crop cleaning), nor were they a casual resource in the Neolithic here; flax is a suitable plant for this region since it possesses the ability to withstand a high water table. The presence of clubwheat is interesting, for although there is now some doubt about its status as a botanical sp ecies (H. Jarman, Department of Archaeology, Cambridge, pers. comm.), if it has any validity, then it may be a type able to cope well with high summer rainfall: precipitation near the Ztlrichsee is higher than the optimum (900 mm) for wheat agriculture. The absence of definitely identified breadwheat ma y be owed to the fact that this species also requires no parching (for its grains to be released), but on the other hand millet was perhaps genuinel y a rare crop on the Ztlrichsee, for Broomcorn millet is susceptible to frost and Italian millet dues not tolerate wat e rlogged conditions {Renfrew 1973). Of the plants of Groups 2-4, none of which can be specified on the basis of their morphology to have been cultivated, fruits and nuts are the commonest, and these indicate that the forest potential was intensively exploited by deliberate gathering of these as they ripened. Doubtless, they added variety and vitamins to the Neolithic diet. Blackberry, raspberry, strawberry and apple feature most frequently: apple is usually only registered in reduced numbers, and this could reflect its lesser importance or perhaps its mode of utilization. For example, few may have been stored, or, if they were crushed for juice, little of these fruits may have survived, especially if the pulp was fed to animals. The abundance of raspberry and blackberry may be partly because they have many seeds per fruit. Acorns and beechnuts are scarce, and hence it is uncertain if Neolithic man normally collected these for animal fodder. The plants of Groups 3 and 4 which are found in the greatest bulk at Ztlrichsee sites (and are therefore more likely to have been collected deliberately) are Chenopodium album, Galium palustre, Lycopus europaeus, Najas, Polygonum and Ranunculus species, Sambucus ebulus, Solanum dulcamara and Stellaria media. The identification of Galium palustre (made at many Swiss sites) may be questionable, for recently Villaret-von Rochow (Brunnacker et al. 1967, p. 28) has maintained that these seeds may rather be Brassica campestris. All these species, apart from Najas and Ranunculus, do have useful qualities (Appendix A) and the general quantity of weeds suggests that they were reaped from fallow fields (Helbaek 1959), although this is no more than a hypothesis. The issue is particularly confused for Chenopodium album, a plant with many seeds (3000 per plant), for this fact could partially explain its large representation at sites (Mtlller-Schneider 19 58). The large quantities of Group 2 and 3 plants (hypothesized as having been deliberately collected) suggest that these may even have had a more important economic status than cultivated crops. However, as the interpretation of plant figures is problematic, this proposal must not be regarded as unequivocal.

66

Animal Resources: Zoologists have previously analysed the fauna of seven Ztirichsee sites, and the three samples provided by Ruoff to myself have increased this total to ten sites (Table 18, where the faunal analysts responsible are identified). All samples have been studied in the categories discussed in Chapter 1 and are therefore easily comparable. None of the collections is large (e.g. only 24 bones from M!lnnedorf) and the most substantial is that from Meilen-Rohrenhaab (1606 bones), so that the sample sizes do place a limitation on possible results, particularly in obtaining the sex ratios. The three latest analyses completed by myself (Ztirich-Kleiner Hafner, Meilen-Rohrenhaab, Horgen-Dampf schiffsteg) are not yet fully published; for the purposes of this monograph, the minimum number percentages for the various species present are given in Table 18 and the mortality and sex patterns in Table 19. It must be stated that for these sites, despite the application of standards used in all Swiss reports, it proved difficult to distinguish between cattle and aurochs, as no separate clusters of bones emerged. There is therefore a size overlap between these two categories. Moreover, bison could only be certified morphologically on a few suitable pieces, so that a classification "aurochs/bison" is retained. Groups of large and small pig were more easily differentiated on the size criterion. Butchering techniques were studied too for these sites, and the various skeletal parts of species were normally present in reasonable proportions except for those of aurochs, bison and elk. For these animals mainly limb bones were identified, so that they may have been slaughtered away from the sites. Dog was manifestly treated differently to other species; a high percentage of its bones were whole bones (always over 50% and often 100%), and occasionally there were even whole skeletons (i.e. articulated); of all its bones only one was observed with a cutmark. It is difficult to escape the conclusion that dogs were not eaten and thus were not kept to furnish meat, but rather were for purposes of guarding or hunting. Since this study is seeking to explain the exploitation of the various animal species, and also to discover the control imposed on this by both the environment and by cultural lmowledge, all the samples were investigated together for regional and cultural harmonies and disharmonies (data from Table 18, references in Table 13). Although the environment is a fairly stable element-all sites are at low altitudes on the lakeshore-there is some variation, as the less sunny, wetter and heavier-soiled left bank carried denser v~getation (more beech, less M. 0. F.) than the right bank, and this less airy forest would have had poorly-developed undergrowth. Furthermore around the outflow region there may have been more marsh. Accordingly, the relative values of animal species at the three main areas were estimated by the importance (or rank) of each species in every sample irrespective of its cultural derivation, and also by the average of minimum number percentages (Table 20, first section). Always cattle, small pig and red deer rate most highly, on the opposing banks in that order, but at the outflow region (Ztlrich sites) small pig taking precedence and beaver being rather more in evidence (Figure 27). On the left bank, large pig and roe deer formed a more essential supplement to the main animals, and ovicaprids were less important despite the steep topography, a fact doubtless related to the reasonably dense vegetation cover there during the Neolithic (although the absence of a Corded Ware deposit may contribute - see below). 67

Similar examination by culture groupings (Table 20, second section) demonstrates a clear disparity between the earliest Neolithic cultures of this region, the Pfyn on one hand and the Egolzwil/Cortaillod on the other. The animal economy of Ffyn groups around the Ztlrichsee appears to have been dependent generally on cattle husbandry to a greater extent than that of any other culture, and small pig and red deer were somewhat less important, especially the latter, although its values oscillate (Figure 27). The tendency observable for ovicaprids to have a very low ranking, following large pig and roe deer, is partly because of the four Pfyn layers on the left bank. In so far as aurochs/bison and cattle could be distinguished, they do manifest dissimilar mortaility patterns; aurochs/bison were killed largely when adult and therefore were perhaps hunted for meat or to use for breeding, but cattle have peak slaughter ages at 2-3 years and below 1 year (this including several newborn calves). Pfyn groups therefore had problems in overwintering their cattle (only 14% generally are adult, but their sex is unknown) in a husbandry not unlike that of small pig, although this latter has somewhat larger percentages which are adult and below 1 year; at Meilen-Rohrenhaab and HorgenDampfschiff steg approximately 20 % are suckling pig. Again adult sex ratios could not be specified, although almost 50 % of the 1-3 year old swine are female. Both these species (namely cattle and small pig) may have been reared for meat. In contrast, large pigs are on the whole mature and male -altogether 4 males were identified but no females-and it is plausible that boars may have proved a problem and were purposefully hunted. As mentioned, ovicaprids are rather few in Pfyn layers and could not be sexed, so that the economic attitude adopted towards them is unsure (?perhaps for meat), but for the larger, predominantly adult sample of red deer, 3 adults were ascertained as female and 2 as male, 1 juvenile as female and 1 as male. An even greater percentage of roe deer is adult (1 female and 1 male). A definite explanation of the exploitation of deer cannot be offered: chance hunting or a herding policy directed at adults are both possible, but no selective hunting of immature animals (as in some hunting strategies) can be envisaged, although three 2-5 month old red deer calves were present in the samples . Conversely, the Cortaillod and Egolzwil groups utilized the fundamental Mesolithic fauna of red deer, large pig and aurochs/bison much more than did the Pfyn groups, and although little can be said about the animal economy of the Egolzwil culture as only one small collection was available (28 bones from Ztlrich-Kleiner Hafner), it should be noted that the high percentage of beaver (all adult) probably relates to the environment of this site. The one large pig present was adult and male. The Cortaillod sample is noteworthy because of its multiplicity of animal types (17), the majority of these in small numbers and therefore probably obtained by hunting. Small pig and cattle were kept, but in reduced numbers in comparison with other cultures, and cattle are even outranked by the mostly adult aurochs and bison (counted together). In addition, the husbandry of small pigs differed from that of the contemporaneous Pfyn, for the even spread of ages between 1 year and maturity indicates that, although the objective was still probably meat procurement, there was less killing (? also less fattening) of immature animals. This could mean a poorer appreciation of husbandry techniques suitable for this species, and it may be significant that the exploitation of large pigs was almost identical. Ovicaprids are relatively common in th e Cortaillod sample, their kill 68

pattern not differing from that in the Pfyn, and the most important species, red deer, is primarily adult (62%); as the sex of only one deer was recognizable (male) no more can be said of its exploitation than that already proposed for the Ffyn culture. The differences from the Pfyn culture (in particular many animal types, few of which are certainly husbanded) need not be regarded as a feature of the Cortaillod-they may have arisen because there is one Cortaillod sample only, or because the Zdrichsee was a marginal area in the di stribution of this culture. In the succeeding Hor gen culture, swine dominate at most settlements (Figure 27, Horgen-Scheller on the left bank bein g an ex ception to this statement), and this may have occurred at the expense of cattle , percentages of which are reduced from those at Pfyn sites (on the left bank too). But at a few sites high red deer and dog percentages distinguish this culture, and at Horgen-Scheller these animals replace pig as the dominant species, a fact which can be linked to the general trend at all layers on this left shore. Hence, it can be concluded that swine are not consistently the principal animals at all Horgen settlements, but rather this applies in certain environments only. Additionally, contrary to th e claim by Higham (1966 ), these husbanded pigs are no larg e r in size than in other culture layers, e.g. at Zilrich-Kleiner Hafner. The age structures of ovicaprids, roe deer, aurochs;bison, large pig and also small pig all resemble those of the same species in the Ffyn culture, although rather mo r e of the small pig were taken through their first year, but still only 21 % reached adulthood (2 of the 5 are female, of the subadults 3 are female and 3 male). Both cattle and red deer, however, show a very different patterning to that in the Pfyn culture. Almost 50 % of cattle were mature when slaughtered and only 21 % did not survive their first winter, a further 7% their second, and this appears a more developed cattle husbandry in which the adult animal was paramount, perhaps being kept for breeding or dairy purposes (draught use seems unlikely because of the lack of evidence for heavy ploughs). In contrast, more red deer were immature when killed, which may denote a selective killing of these (either by hunting or within a husbanded herd), but unfortunately sexing of these animals was not feasible. Final Neolithic Corded Ware groups chiefly reared cattle and pig, and the numbers of red deer, aurochs;bison and large pig (all predominantly adult) are small, although the absence of left bank samples may account for this. Despite the small numbers, the exploitation of these last thr e e types matches reasonably that of the same animals in the Pfyn culture. However, immature small swine are more numerous compared to their pr e s ence with previous groups, the peak kill age lying at 1-2 years, but immatur e cattle numbers are diminished-for the first time, over 50 % are adult. Clearly the husbandry of these species was becoming better organized, although it must be remarked that at Meilen-Rohrenhaab cattle are noticeably smaller than in preceding layers. Ovicaprid husbandry appears to have been gaining ground and the keeping of these animals for their fleece may have commenced, especially at Meilen-Rohrenhaab where over 60% are mature, but Bronze Age husbandry may have influenced the result in this mixed layer. Unlike the usual situation, Corded Ware roe deer are largely juvenile and, at Zfi.FichUtoquai particularly, selective killing of these is a possible interpretation of the figures (immature males are easier to hunt).

69

Other species mentioned in Table 18 must be assumed to have been of little importance, and therefore were very likely hunted sporadically (e.g. elk, horse) or at times for their pelts, e.g. squirrel, bear, fox, and beaver. The fowl identified at Meilen-Rohrenhaab is probably of Bronze Age derivation in this mixed layer, for this species is as yet unknown at purely Neolithic sites, but water-fowling and fishing did supplement the economy around this lake, both apparently having been undertaken to a slight degree only. However, archaeological finds confirm that fish bones were intentionally present in the layers-at Horgen-Dampf schiff steg, for example, three bound bone points formed a leister-like tool which was probably a fishing implement. The Agricultural Economy: This review has provided particulars on all known seeds, nuts, fruits and animal bones excavated, in conjunction with deductions on how they were utilized, and Neolithic settlements on the Zttrichsee were plainly founded on integrated animal and plant husbandry. From the site catchment analysis, it can be argued that all situations possessed plentiful animal resources (both mammal and fish) although, to judge by the faunal remains , fish were not a quantitatively important source of food. It must be presumed therefore that the mammals were essential in the economy, whereas native and cultivated plants were of secondary consideration within this framework, since some sites (on the left bank) probably did not have extensive amounts of suitable forest (for the collection of fruits and nuts) or of arable land. The amount of cultivable land did, however, have a bearing on the success of the economy, for locations favourable in this respect were repeatedly sought, and indeed there was always the potential to feed several families from the arable land . With the produce from cultivation added to the animal resources, the Neolithic people clearly could have had a more than adequate food supply. The most prevalent animals were cattle, pig and red deer, but ovicaprids were kept, particularly in the final stages of the Neolithic. At first, Neolithic groups had difficulty in overwintering their cattle which they may have reared primarily to provide meat, but later, as husbandry improved (more cattle reached adulthood), dairying techniques may have been used. In no sample and no culture, however, can interbreeding of these animals with the native aurochs be excluded as a possibility; this could have occurred naturally in the forest where the cattle may have foraged, or even by the deliberate intent of man who may have captured and brought adult aurochs to the sites (although not in the latter way if the butchering details for aurochs are valid). Swine supplied meat to all groups, but in this area there is not much evidence that winter fodder (acorns and beechnuts) was collected for this animal. The third definitely husbanded category, sheep and goats, was generally an insignificant resource at Zttrichsee sites, probably through these animals being unfitted to the forested environment, and they may merely have provided meat until the Late Neolithic. Red deer were surely a major resource for their antlers and bones (good for tool manufacture) as well as for their meat, but in what way man exploited this staple and the smaller variety of roe deer is debatable, and the options remain open amongst all conceivable utilization methods. All other animals can be assumed to have been hunted, large· pig perhaps selectively so.

70

The agrarian section of the Neolithic economy around the Zftrichsee was based on cereals (mainly wheat), on flax and poppy cultivation and to a smaller extent on legumes, the last certainly being grown from the time of the Horgen culture onwards. According to the macrobotanical analyses and also to the pollen analysis at Zilrich-Kleiner Hafner, cereal cultivation was in progress from the time of the first Neolithjc cultures (Pfyn and Egolzwil), and it was undertaken in clearances which Heitz-Weniger (1978) thought were of only modest size-while N. T. P. values were relatively high, much of the N.T .P. had been brought directly by the site's inhabitants. Not till the Upper Horgen layer at Zdrich-Kleiner Hafner did the clearances increase somewhat in extent, although Ruoff (1979) has stated that according to the pollen analysis at Zurich-Grosser Hafner the cleared land in the Neolithic was much more restricted than in the following Bronze Age. Altogether, therefore, wheat may have been the principal cultivated plant which provided food in the Neolithic. Fruits and nuts of the forest were also important (particularly at certain seasons) and were intensively harvested. In addition, Neolithic groups probably collected edible weeds either from the previouslyreaped cereal fields or from fallow land. Fallowing on a reasonable scale would have been nec e ssary on the not particularly rich soils around the Zdrichsee, to the amount of at least 33% (1 in 3 as in the Medieval period) or even the 50% postulated in the calculations above, and, from information on site durations, it can be stated that Neolithic agriculture was probably semi-permanent. Dendrochronological studies at Meilen-Feldmeilen and Horgen-Dampfschiff steg have given no very satisfactory answers (as water action has moved wood through the layers), but they can be combined with the radiocarbon results from Meilen-Schellen (Stickel 1974). They may attest to periods of circa 30-50 years from the start of one Pfyn settlement till the next was established, and corresponding periods of 60-146 years in the Horgen; the Corded Ware occurs in single layers only and was therefore perhaps not a long-lasting culture, although an alternative explanation is that, with their superior animal husbandry, Corded Ware groups finally attained continuous settlement. A further question to be discussed is that of seasonality. Considering first the environment and its relationship to the economy, by virtue of the milder winter temperatures and reduced snowfall at lakeshores (important for swine and deer), in addition to the availability of early spring fodder in the vicinity of sites, winter to springtime occupation is a rational proposal. Furthermore, · for the sowing, tending (weeding) and harvesting of crops, attendance by some people from autumn till spring is helpful if not a necessity. Assuming that site inhabitants did obtain their resources locally, then specific items give some indications as to the seasons:Spring - newborn cattle at Meilen-Rohrenhaab

and Horgen-Dampfschiffsteg.

A date between March and June - cast red deer antler (almost 100% at Zfirich-Utoquai, and 50% at ZUrich-Kleiner Hafner and MeilenRohrenhaab). Mid-summer -- fruits like raspberry and strawberry at many sites. A 2 month old red deer at Meilen-Rohrenhaab (July or August - the 6 0 minute territory of this site includes hills where deer could have summered). 71

Autumn - hazelnuts at many sites. 4-5 month old red deer at Meilen-Rohrenhaab till November). A date between May and November at Meilen-Rohrenhaab. Winter

- roe deer antler

(September with skull attached

- ibex at Meilen-Oberme ilen. swan at Meilen-Rohrenhaab ( a seasonal visitor in December and January). uncast red deer antler at several sites (November till March).

This collective evidence suggests that part of the cultural group at least remained at these sites throughout the year. Neither in modern times nor in the Medieval period in this region has it been necessary to move animals seasonally, but if it was desired in the Neolithic, then summer Alpine pastures present themselves in Cantons St. Gallen and Schwyz at 50 Kilometres distance approximately (Figures 1 and 24). A few people of any group could have taken cattle and ovicaprids there in order to preserve resources near the sites. A final interpretative synthesis of all these data, es pe c ially i n conne ction with the relationship of faunal differences to culture or environment, is reserved until the final chapter (Chapter 8), so that all regions can be assessed together. The Jura Lakes The Environment: The three Jura Lakes, viz. the Bielersee, Murtensee, and Lac de Neuchatel, occupy the former basin of the Rhone glacier, and in the west they nestle against the limestone Jura Mountains, which quickly reach elevations of over 1400 m above the lakes (Figure 1) . On their right shores and around the Murtensee a moraine landscape ('molasse' s ub soil) rarely above 600 m prevails. The present water level of 429 m is maintained by the inflowing Thielle, Broye, Areuse and Aare rivers together with the draining Zihl and Aare (Figure 28), but in the Postglacial the Aare river did not always flow into the lakes, and alterations to its course caused lake oscillations between 427. 5 m and 433 m, in addition to occasional flooding of edge areas including that of the Grosses Moos (Chapter 2). In terms of climate these lakes have a fortunate situation, for they lie in the rain shadow of the Jura and consequently experience less precipitation than many Mittelland areas-981 mm average per year at Neuchatel on the western shores (Schweizerische Meteorologische Zentralanstalt), and this falls heavily in summer (104 mm in August). Temperatures in summer are similar to those at the majority of glacial lakes (18. 6°c average in July), but in winter they are higher than the usual for the Mittelland (January average of o. o0 c at Neuchatel, although -8. 2°c has been recorded) so that snowfall is relatively low, occurring on average on 25. 9 days per year. Furthermore, mu.ch of the time is frost-free. The lakes' vicinities also benefit from a fair proportion of sunshine, particularly on the eastern shores -cf. 1699 hours of sunshine ·at Neuchatel to 1810 hours at Payerne (eastern bank). With this climate spring arrives early, in modern times in the first week of April. 72

Examination has shown that, as at the Zilrichsee, most soils surrounding these lakes are light enough for working by Neolithic man (Table 11). Immediately at the shores lies recent alluvium (Penetrometer Reading 1), and behind this soils -vary from sandy silts (Reading 2) to silty loams (Reading 3), which on the eastern shores are rather marly. Some gravel and sand terrace areas are present too, but the sole localities with noticeably heavy soil are the Areuse detrital cone (in parts, around Reading 4), the Broye basin southwest of the Murtensee, and the Grosses Moos, the last two regions consisting of drained clay and peat. The pollen analysis from Baulmes-Abri de la Cure (Leroi-Gourhan and Girard 1971) implies that Early Mesolithic groups lived in an open landscape of hazel, linden and pine, but by the later Mesolithic, M. 0. F. and hazel, and thus the corresponding availability of edible plants, were fast increasing. Taken with other studies (Chapter 2, Tables 5 and 6 ), the results of this analysis point to extensive M. 0. F. cover in the Late Mesolithic and Neolithic on the eastern lakeshores and on the lower western slopes to 600 m approximately; above this altitude the forest was predominantly of silver fir. Beech or pine played little part in the Neolithic vegetation, and Liese-K.leiber (1977) has reconstructed the environment at Neolithic sites: behind a lake-edge alder belt (no reed) lay a zone of elm and ash forest with a few willow trees, and after this zone the true M. 0. F., essentially of oak, elm and sycamore, began. The Archaeology and Site Territories: Table 21 and Figure 28 illustrate the vast number of sites around these three lakes, and most of these were investigated in the 19th century A .D. after their exposure in a major lake drainage scheme. Of the 171 habitation sites and 6 graves, only 6 are Mesolithic, but the Mesolithic period is under-represented, for in addition to the Sauveterrian industry site of Vully-le-Haut-Wistenlacherberg (no. 27, Lac de Neuchatel), extra unillustrated and unlisted finds have been made in the shore strip between the 429 m and 440 m contours, an area never wider than 0.4 km (Schwab and Mtlller 1973, p. 12). East of the Bielersee, several Mesolithic strays (flints) and one conceivable settlement, Treiten-Mooswaldes (no. 2, Murtensee-charcoal and one artefact), rim a drained area which is connected to the Grosses Moos. In the relevant period this Grosses Moos would have been a marsh for most of the time, but it would also have been occasionally inundated by lake water (Ltldi 1935). Ogens and the Baulmes sites (nos. 51, 126 and 127-Lac de Neuchatel) are rock shelters, the first-named situated in a steep river valley and those at Baulmes located at the point where a Jura stream emerges into a wide plain. Parts of this plain were in the past marshy (Figure 29). At these sites repeated but short occupation was demonstrated, e.g. at Ogens, 4 layers with hearths were separated by sterile sand deposits, and one interpretation is that the use of the sites was seasonal. The sixth Mesolithic site, Le Locle-Col des Roches (no. 93, Lac de Neuchatel), is a somewhat exposed shelter at 1000 m and over-looking a wide Jura basin; summer habitation here in the Mesolithic is a reasonable hypothesis and this was partly aimed at obtaining flint, for the nature of the flints suggested a workshop. This site is also interesting as a positively Mesolithic industry (Notched Blade horizon) started the succession and was overlain, after a sterile deposit, by a layer with pottery (Cortaillod probably) but flints of the

73

same character as before. The uppermost archaeological complex, again separated from the earlier deposit by sterile rock debris, was fully Neolithic and includ ed pottery and flints of Neolithic typology, e.g. arrows. Neolithic settlements lie almost exclusively on the lakeshores or on the banks of rivers not far from t he lakes. The stratigraphies at these sites are only sporadically known , possibly because water action, as described for Yverdon-Avenue des Spor t s and Auvernier - La Saunerie, has affected remains and precluded good documentation. Certainly , successions given in older reports are unrealistic-at Auvernier, Jequier and Strahm (1965) intimated that seven occupation phases spanned Vouga's top two layers (Vouga 1920, 1921). Recent excavations have revealed continual reoccupation of sites, similar to the situation on the Ztirichsee; m ention may be made of the 12 culture layers at Ltischerz-Innere, 6 at Twann-Bahnhofes, 8 at Chable-Perron II and approximately 9 at Yverdon-Garage Martin (17 layers with archaeological finds); and of these 35 occupation phases mentioned, the majority (26) are of the Cortaillod culture. For two such Cortaillod phases at Yverdon-Garage Martin, the time span is kno wn- togeth e r th ey lasted less than 7 5 years, and this can be compared with the length of the Auvernier group's settlement (50100 years) at Auve rnier-La Saunerie. On the basis of the stratigraphy at Auvernier-La Saunerie, Yvonand IV and Yverdon-Avenue des Sports, the culture sequence at these lakes is assured and has Cortaillod as the earliest Neolithic culture. After this culture, a marked lake rise occurred (Chapter 2) and was followed by the Horgen, Ltlscherz, Auvernier and Corded Ware cultures in that chronological order, all these being linked to a time of steady lake fall. The Neolithic sites are well distributed around the lake margins, all parts of which benefit (as stated above) from a Mittelland climate better than usual for economic exploitation, and particularly good for cereal agriculture (even better still in most of the Neolithic). Nevertheless, there is an obvious disparity in the topography at different parts of the lake margins, and this is highlighted by modern farming choices. The Canton Vaud data in Table 15 are most representative of the agricultural situation east of the lakes and at the Murtensee, although they somewhat undervalue the extent of crop-growing in this well-cultivated district (Figure 3); but some areas of rich arable land here would have been marshy in the Neolithic (see soil section above), thus preventing their cultivation. The r easonable quantity of arable potential land present at sites on the right banks (excluding only nos. 16-19 on the Bielersee, and nos. 31 and 45 on Lac de Neuchatel) is typified in the territories of GrengGrenginsel, Delley-Portalban and Ltlscherz-Innere (Figures 30 and 31). In clear contrast is the economic potential of the western banks, for here the proximity of the Jura mountain range makes most land fit only for grazing, and figures for Canton Neuchatel (Tabl e 15) express adequately the preponderant pasture of this area. Today the lower slopes have vines, above which crops and pasture occur in flattish basin-like areas, and these areas are surrounded by forested rocky slopes which possess only thin soil cover. The restriction on total territory and, more significantly, on cultivable area (as a result of the topography and thin soil cover) is striking at Twann-Bahnhofes and Auvernier (Figures 31 and 32), and in the latter diagram the arable area at the Areuse mouth may even be less than depicted because of some heavy soils. Twann in 74

particular has less arable potential land in its 10 minute territory than any Zftrichsee site. South of Auvernier, however, more arable land does exist, e.g. at St. Aubin-Port Conty (Figure 32). The relative density of Neolithic sites is clearly meaningful, for a bias towards regions of good agrarian potential is evident and those regions of lesser potential were more sparsely settled; the Bielersee's right bank was preferred to its left, and the section south of Auvernier on Lac de Neuchatel' s left bank to that to the north. But the approach of the Jura cliff edge close to the north-western lake-edge means that the one hour territories of sites there are impoverished not only in arable land, but in almost every aspect of the economy: in deciduous forests with concomitant fruit and nut availability, in good grazing (because soil cover is thin), and even in fish as the steep banks make fishing difficult here. The Neolithic choice of settlement position was therefore directed at locations with the greatest variety of resources. A further question remains to be solved, namely the question of identifying the economic rationale behind those left bank sites north of Auvernier which have one hour territories that are deficient in resources. The answer must surely lie in the fact that many of these sites are placed at the lakeside openings of valley routes to basin-like areas of rich grazing potential at higher Jura altitudes (over 7 00 m, but well below the tree line): a)

Twann-Bahnhofes (no. 36, Bielersee) is at one exit from the Montagne de Diesse region (depicted in the site territory, Figure 31), with Ligerz-Bipschal (no. 37) and Le Landeron II (no. 40) at two others.

b)

Twann-Abri Eselhtlsli around Gaicht.

c)

St. Blaise

d)

The Auvernier sites (nos. 80-83) are placed just south-west route to the Val de Ruz.

e)

The Boudry and Rochefort cave/shelter sites (nos. 89-92, Lac de Neuchatel) could have controlled the exit from a basin area above Rochefort, in addition to the Val de Travers route (Areuse valley) through the Jura. The sites nos. 86-88 and 94-99 are disposed around this Areuse delta.

f)

Further south, the Baulmes sites (nos. 125-128), already mentioned in connection with the Mesolithic, are also placed at the exit of an important Jura pass.

(no. 35, Bielersee)

(no. 73, Lac de Neuchatel)

lies below a small area

has a small area above it. of the

Hence, a special adaptation to the topography appears to have arisen on the western banks, and, although sites do not completely correlate with basin exits, at those mentioned the inhabitants were well placed to exploit movements of forest animals towards the shores (as in cold weather), or to take their own herds into good Jura grazing areas. Le Locle-Col des Roches (no. 93, Lac de Neuchatel) is found at one such area at 1000 m. One last site remains to be discussed; the shelter at Chavannes-le-Chene -Vallon des Vaux (no. 50, Lac de Neuchatel) lies in a steep river gorge which renders its 10 minute territory almost unusable, except for rough grazing and for some arable land just reachable above the gorge (Figure 29). In 75

addition to the settlements, many stray finds are distributed around the lakes, and these are mostly single items which are not definitely Neolithic-stone axes, spindle-whorls, etc. Although the full record of these finds could not be retrieved, especially for Canton Vaud , they do demonstrate man's activity near the lakes, and those strays near the Baudry and Baulmes sites should be especially marked, for they are on the routes referred to above. The Mesolithic Economy: At two Mesolithic sites hazelnuts have been discovered, but so far there have been no cereal remains (Table 22), although cereal pollen grains are known from the Mesolithic layers at Baulmes-Abri de la Cure, in the form of isolated grains (wheat) from a Preboreal level which is prior to any occupation and also from the Late Notched Blade horizon (2.45 m, estimated at 4000 B. C. ). However, these grains precede deforestation (which first occurs at 2 .15 m) and are considerably before the start of the cereal curve proper (at 2. 02 m with Neolithic pottery), so that active Mesolithic cereal cultivation need not be implied, for these few pollen grains could have sunk from the Neolithic levels above (see Couteaux 1977). As far as animals are concerned, a single Mesolithic site, the high altitude site of Le Locle, has a faunal report (Table 23) and it reveals that only two species, red deer and bear, were killed-the identification of ovicaprids here is anomalous (? ibex) and is the only case of such in the Swiss Mesolithic. At Baulmes-Abri de la Cure and Ogens (no statistical reports) red deer bones were also numerous, and the pollen analysis from the former site is important in this respect, for there occurred an expansion of ivy pollen to 40 %, accompanied by possible deforestation (tree species alteration), in a Notched Blade horizon layer (circa 5000 B. C.). This value of 40 % is considerably above any to be expected, even with forest clearance (which advances ivy growth), and it can be compared with the 35% value from a Thayngen-Weier floor (Chapter 6), so that deliberate gathering of this plant in flower seems a reasonable hypothesis (Simmons and Dimbleby 1974). Perhaps the ultimate purpose was to bait forest clearances with the ivy in a hunting strategy, or perhaps it was to feed animals (red deer?) which were confined nearby. In the latter case, the classification of "domesticated" which is normally given to Neolithic species could well apply to whichever animals were confined. Overall, a dependence on red deer may well have been crucial to the Mesolithic economy in the Jura Lakes' vicinity, as whole or part groups appear to have followed these animals from their winter feeding grounds near the lake (ivy, as found at Baulmes, flowers in November) to high altitudes in summer; the absence at Le Locle of chamois, which ascend above 1400 m in summer, serves to confirm that this site was inhabited during the summer season. Deliberate collection of hazelnuts also occurred. A greater use of shallow lakes/marshes (e.g. east of the Bielersee) than in the Neolithic is also a possibility, and the fact that marshes provide rich late grazing may be relevant; in addition, fishing is easier in such shallow waters as would have occurred in these marshes at times of inundation. Fish therefore could have been an important resource in the Mesolithic. The Neolithic

Economy:

Plant Resources: The recovered plant material of Neolithic sites is set out in Table 22, but as proper studies were only undertaken at four sites (none 76

quantitatively), few definite conclusions can be reached. Of note, however, is the presence of bean and lentil (both unknown on the Zilrichsee) in possible Corded Ware layers. Other wis e, differences of plant usage by culture or by area are not observable, but the presence of flax and wheat at NeuenstadtSchaffis does convey that crops could be, and were, grown at sites on the steep left bank of the Bielersee . A similar conclusion applies also at Chavannesle-Chene, unless seeds wer e brought to this site from elsewhere. The frequency of cultivated pla nts was estimated (end of Table 22), and wheat (particularly clubwheat which is more tolerant of precipitation) and barley seem most important; the latter together with breadwheat, millet and pea (in this region present in Cortaillod layers) are all encountered more frequently than on the Ztlrichsee, whereas emmer is absent in these plant collections and poppy appears much less than on the Ztlrichsee, although it was stored at Ltlscherz-Innere. There is no obvious reason for most of these dissimilarities to the Ztlrichsee-except perhaps that breadwheat would hav e been a more satisfactory crop at the Jura Lakes than at the Zurichsee because of the lower rainfall in the first region. These differences may therefore be largel y illusory, the result of the generally poor quality of floral studies for the Jura Lakes' sites. At Port, provisions of cereals (in jars) were found in a cleaned state, and peas were stored alongside the cereals. Liese-Kleiber's pollen studies (1976, 1977) have further information on the agriculture (at the Yve ·rdon sites), for cereal pollen was already present before the Yverdon sites were established and it attained a reasonable value (circa 40 %) in the Cortaillod layers. This 40 % value suggests that fields were nearby, particularly as clearances were only of slight extent (Plantago 2 %, grasses 5. 2 %). Later, they were of more appreciable extent-at the Llischerz level N. T. P. values were moderate, and in the Auvernier and Corded Ware layers they had become high. Theclearances could of course have been desired for arable or for grazing land. Stores of hazelnuts, acorns, cherry, birdcherry, and rosehip had been amassed at the Ltlscherz and Greng sites, while blackberry, raspberry and beechnuts are occasionally common, and the increased importance of hazelnuts in this area in comparison with the Zilrichsee may be related to the greater presence of hazel in the vegetation cover of West Switzerland. Apples and plwns also occur frequently, but of special interest are the Group 3 plants which were stored at Ltlscherz and were therefore of value to its inhabitants, although the purpose of Ranunculus and Scabiosa must remain problematical. These stored Group 3 plants serve t o confirm the hypothesis previously stated, namely that Neolithic man harvested natural plants of the forest and perhaps also the herbaceous weeds which would have grown in the cleared areas or fallow fields (there is no evidence for the cultivation of Group 2 or 3 plants). Animal Resources (Table 23): Twelve Neolithic lakeside sites have pertinent faunal reports which indicate that, once again, animals were generally butchered on site. In this region, the evidence regarding the utilization of dog is not so conclusive as on the Zilrichsee, for, although most material is similar to that at Ztirichsee sites, at Yverdon-Garage Martin and perhaps St. AubinPort Canty butchering traces were observed on dog bones and could imply that they had been slaughtered in order to provide food.

77

The faunal samples were first scrutinized, as on the Zilrichsee, for any evident divergence of exploitation between sites on the left and on the right banks (Table 24, Figure 33), since these opposing banks differed in both vegetation and topography in the Neolithic. The main feature of sites on the flatter, eastern region is the preference displayed towards cattle, and this is further corroborated by the fact that at Sutz /Lattrigen-Lattrigen cattle (with 69 individual animals) formed 50 % of the fauna. On this right bank red deer rate similarly to small pig which, despite the predominant M. 0. F. in the Neolithic, are not especially common, while sheep/goat have reduced numbers and roe deer are of sporadic importance only. A sample from the Chavannes-le-Chene river bank shelter included the usual animals, and small pig at 29% was the dominant species at this site. At sites on the steeper west banks a more diverse economy operated, and the major species of cattle and small pig are only marginally more numerous than ovicaprids, the last being exploited to a greater degree than on the eastern shores (as also were small pig). This increase in sheep/goat can clearly be explained by the heights behind the sites. Red and roe deer in this region are secondary to these three species; of less consequence still, but more frequent than in the eastern area are beaver and fox. From two cave/shelters, Twann-Abri Eselhdsli and Boudry-La Grotte du Four, came reports of similar species found there as on the lakeside sites, while at Le Locle (1000 m, Table 23) red deer are of overwhelming importance, as in the preceding Mesolithic. The same data also display cultural adaptations (Table 24, Figure 33). In the Cortaillod culture the economy was primarily dependent on cattle husbandry, but the two opposite micro-environments (rather than any specific cultural desires) were the controlling factors, for the animal species were exploited at Cortaillod sites in the two regions as in the above descriptions; on the eastern shores_ cattle dominated to a never-equall d degree, while in the west ovicaprid husbandry (which was seldom important on the right bank) supplemented that of cattle. Other principal species in the Cortaillod culture were red deer and small swine, the latter, however, registering its least marked appearance in this culture in comparison with its values for later groups. It must be stressed that on neither bank was the Cortaillod a hunting culture. From published reports (Tables 21 and 23), the methods of husbandry which were applied to these species can be inf erred, and especially useful is Higham 's re-examination (1966) of the St. Aubin-Port Conty material. Here cattle has mortality peaks at over 3 years (36. 1 %) and below 1 year (37. 0%, with 16. 4% at 5-6 months), with the majority of immature cattle being males. From similar figures at other sites (although occasionally more animals reached full growth, e.g. 75% at Auvernier-La Saunerie), it can be deduced that Cortaillod cattle husbandry involved the slaughtering of immature males for food, and the rearing of females to adulthood for the purposes of breeding or of milking. However, the 50 % cattle killed before 6 months of age at Twann-Bahnhofes (autumn kill?) may indicate that there was a greater overwintering problem th.ere, although this sample is incomplete. The pattern for sheep/goat is almost analogous: at St. Aubin, where goats equal sheep in numbers, most ovicaprids are below 1½ years (21.1 % at 3 months) and only 19% are fully grown, of which 10% are males (at Ltlscherz-Innere 25 % males); 78

at Twann-Bahnhofes an even greater percentage of sheep are juvenile sheep -70% below 7 months. Hence~ again, it was the females which most usually gained maturity (although not so at Twann), and ovicaprids were therefore probably a source of meat and milk (adult goats) but not of wool. The husbandry of swine was also largely for meat, as the normally low values of mature swine reveal-20 % at Auvernier, 41 % at Yverdon-Garage Martin. The storage of acorns at Ltlscherz-Innere and the frequency of beechnuts in plant samples (Table 22) ma y imply that fodder was collected for these animals (or these nuts may have been collected for human consumption, e.g. acorn bread and beech mast). But for red deer no consistent pattern of exploitation is yet forthcoming , since t he predominantly adult samples at Auvernier-La Saunerie and Ltlscherz-Inner e are offset by the data from Twann (44% below 6 months, 56% adult) and Yverdon-Garage Martin (circa 50 % below 1 year and 50% adult). Neither herding nor selective killing of these herbivores is therefore apparent. Roe deer and large pig are not noticeably important in this culture, but generally they were mature when killed. Thus, little can be added to what was stated in the Ztlrichsee section about their exploitation. However, high frequencies of aurochs are registered at Ltlscherz-Innere and at Port, and if these values are genuine (aurochs were only listed for Port in Imhof' s reassessment - Imhof 1964), then they are significant in considering whether local domestication was in progress. The remaining features of the Cortaillod economy are the occasionally notable presence of badger and fox, in conjunction with a tendency for beaver to be scarcer than in other cultures. In Horgen/Ltlscherz layers the animal economy, although still based on four species, was rather differently balanced, for cattle and small swine are represented to approximately equal degrees, and thus the earlier (Cortaillod) reliance on cattle appears to have diminished. This situation therefore resembles that in some Ztlrichsee Horgen settlements. Another difference is that red deer were of more concern to Ltlscherz economies on the left bank than was previously the case, and this change probably compensated for the somewhat diminished ovicaprid-keeping. At Yverdon-Garage Martin and Auvernier-La Saunerie the management of some, but not all, of these species was analogous to the Cortaillod management of these: pig were killed at all ages, ovicaprids were probably kept primarily for meat (60% immature at Auvernier), but over 50% of cattle survived till adulthood; overwintering techniques must therefore have improved. The nature of the exploitation of red deer is still uncertain, as percentages of adult animals are comparable to those for juveniles at Yverdon, but to those for 1-2 year olds at Auvernier, and the last situation is ·more suggestive of selective killing. Roe deer and aurochs/bison are minimal in this culture, although hunted animals such as elk, beaver, badger and fox are more common than in the Cortaillod culture, and the peak percentages of fox at Auvernier-La Saunerie may denote the presence of a skin workshop there. Almost certainly this is the case at AuvernierBrise Lames, where 518 marten bones (31 animals) were recovered from one area. Even with the fewer samples from Auvernier group layers, it seems clear that the mainstay of the animal husbandry at this time was still the keeping of small pigs. Ovicaprids were also important (on both banks) and th ey had 79

regained their former significance on the left bank. Red deer and cattle numbers are less than in earlier cultures but this trend may have reversed in the Corded Ware, although not definitely so, as only two relevant reports are available. In the Corded Ware culture, sheep/goat are as common as in the Auvernier economy, and this situation parallels the increase witnessed on the Zurichsee in the Final Neolithic. In Auvernier and Corded Ware samples, roe deer have reasonable values, but other species are negligible, with the exception of large pig in the Corded Ware. Consequently, hunting appears to have been of minor importance in the economies of both groups. Information on mortality patterns in the Auvernier and Corded Ware economies is only available from several reports for Auvernier-La Saunerie. These reports are at ti .es conflicting, but they do agree reasonably that the large majority of both red deer and cattle reached maturity before being killed, despite the figure of 37% juvenile cattle in one analysis. Many small swine were also kept until fully grown, with meat procurement presumably still being the main objective, but all large swine that could be identified are adult. Although the sex of these large pigs remained unrecorded, this killing of mature animals only could denote a comparable exploitation to that proposed for Ztlrichsee sites, viz. selective hunting. Of particular significance are the figures for ovicaprids, for associated with their greater frequency is a general rise in percentages of adult individuals (which are predominantly female)-71-76% in some reports (but only 30% in the sample analysed by Stampfli 1976B). This increase in the numbers of mature ovicaprids may point to better economic methods and perhaps also to the start of wool production. The remaining species of Table 23 were probably hunted irregularly, either to supply food or other necessities such as skins, and birds and fish were a further supplement in some cultures (no birds were identified from Ltlscherz or Corded Ware samples). Percentage-wise the birds and fish are of little note, although occasionally fishing may have assumed more significance: at Port there were 30 cm-thick layers of fish scales and also a basket filled with these; at Auvernier-La Saunerie along with plentiful net-weights there were, in a limited area of the Auvernier layer, 265 pike bones (minimum 16 fish); and at Ldscherz-Innere birchbark-wrapped stones (connected in chains) were common and were conveivably net-weights. Conclusion: From the site catchments and faunal material it is apparent that in the Neolithic a mixed farming economy operated around the Jura Lakes and that, as some sections of the left banks would have been virtually only exploitable by grazing (Figure 31) with cultivation there almost impracticable (but . not totally- see Neuenstadt-Schaffis, Table 22), this economy was pivoted on animal husbandry. At the same time, although all lakeside micro-environments were deemed by Neolithic groups to be suitable for settlement, the Neolithic site distribution is biassed towards regions with hinterlands which are both better for cultivation and for natural plant provision. Thus arable agriculture and plant ga t hering may have helped to stabilize the basic economy which was of animal husbandry. Fishing and hunting were additional resources but were of debatable importance-hunting was perhaps more regularly practised by Horgen and Ltlscherz groups.

80

In general, cattle were the pre-eminent herded species and were accompanied, particularly on the left banks, by swine and ovicaprids, but it is clear that over the timespan of the cultural groups here, ,the economic management of cattle did develop; although cattle constituted a smaller share of total livestock in the samples of later cultures, more were then reared successfully to maturity than in the Cortaillod culture. Dairy farming may, however, have been known by every cultural group. The husbandry of ovicaprids was at first directed towards obtaining meat (and dairy products?), and the decline in their numbers in Horgen/Lflscherz layers in favour of red deer perhaps reflects their inefficiency in this respect. Their numbers did recover in the economies of later groups, and these groups may have acquired the technique of wool production. Certainly, the larger clearances then (Liese- Kleiber 1977) would have benefited these animals. Small pigs were possibly fed on acorns and were always available to supply meat, particularly at Horgen/ Lflscherz and Auvernier sites. Likewise , red deer would have furnished meat, but the exploitation of these animals cannot be seen to have pursued a regular pattern, and this fact could signify either that chance hunting was the mode of utilizing them, or that there is an insufficiency of data. Once again it is plain that a clear division between the bones of aurochs/ bison and of cattle does not always exist, for, in addition to the alteration already mentioned for the Port sample (Cortaillod husbandry), Revilliod and Dottrens (1947) also had to revise (downwards) the aurochs estimate for st. Aubin-Port Conty. Interbreeding of cattle and aurochs therefore is likely to have occurred, but in all probability this took place naturally and not through human encouragement, since at Auvernier-La Saunerie aurochs were represented by cranial bones and phalanges only, and this implies that aurochs were killed away from the settlement. As they were all adult animals, they may have been exploited by hunting, and this may have applied also for large pigs, the adults of which were selected for killing. Of the vegetable foods available, fruits, nuts and various herbaceous weeds were deliberately harvested and were stored alongside the results of arable farming. The commonest crops were wheat and barley, and the detectable development of animal husbandry on the Jura Lakes was perhaps mirrored by corresponding agrarian improvements-bean and lentil may have been new Final Neolithic crops, and if so, they reveal a possible increase in legume cultivation. Commensurate with these economic advances and indicative perhaps of a greater economic success, there is also apparent an increase in the duration of settlement for later Neolithic groups. As for the season of lakeside habitation, environmental and crop management features similar to those quoted for the Zflrichsee would again have applied here and would project autumn till springtime occupation as most rational. Further help on seasons is given by particular finds:spring - newborn cattle at Yverdon-Garage Martin. Possibly also crane (at the same site and at Lflscherz-Innere)-this bird passes through the Swiss area on equinoctial migrations. A date between March and June - cast red deer antler at YverdonGarage Martin and at Auvernier-La Saunerie, and a red deer skull without antler at Lflscherz-Innere.

81

May/ June - newborn red deer at Yverdon-Garage summer

- soft fruits

Martin.

at sites.

autumn - hazelnuts, acorns and beechnuts at sites. This is also an alternative season when crane may have been obtained. A date between May and November - a roe deer skull with attached antler at Twann-Bahnhofes. December/January - cast roe antler at Twann-Bahnhofes. Also swan at Sutz, Ltlscherz-Innere and Neuenstadt-Schaffis. Once more, all year habitation at these lakeshores is the most convincing hypothesis, for, although in the Cortaillod levels at Yverdon-Garage Martin 2-6 month old red deer were absent (all other age stages below 1 year were found), this gap corresponds to the period July till October /November when red deer would have ascended to higher Jura pastures. Given the Le Locle evidence, it is most likely that part of the population followed deer to these pastures and took with them their cattle, swine and ovicaprids; possible substantiation of this idea is provided by the locations of some west bank sites, and by the fact that such a movement of people and herds was known in recent times (Chapter 1). Whether the various shelter sites, such as those at Baulmes and Chavannes-le-Chene, were involved in these seasonal movements or were permanent cannot be conclusively inferred from present evidence, although the former alternative seems the more probable in view of the situations of these sites.

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CHAPTER 5 PALAEOECONOMY AND SETTLEMENT

ON THE GLACIAL LAKES

Before reaching a conclusion on glacial lake settlement, the Ztlrichsee and the Jura Lakes must be compared with other glacial lakes, although the remaining lakes :have to be treated in a more summary fashion because of inadequate information. The lakes involved are Lac Leman in South-West Switzerland, the Thuner- and Brienzersees and the Zugersee in Central Switzerland, and the Bodensee in the north-east (Figure 1). Lac Leman The most southerly glacial lake is the large expanse of Lac Leman, fed and drained by the great Alpine Rhone (in the Pleistocene, a glacier). To its north-west lie the Jura, to its south and east the Alps, but, save in the east, the topography inland from the lake (the lake level is 372 m now, and was 369 m for most of the Neolithic - Gallay and Corboud 1979, p. 44) is undulating for at least 5 km before these mountain ranges are encountered. Climatically this is the best Mittelland locality (figures from Schweizerische Meteorologische Zentralanstalt's station, Geneve 430 m), and it experiences only modest precipitation particularly at the south-western end-less than 10-00 mm on average per year. Temperatures are also reasonable, the July average being 18. 3°c and the January average o.2°c. Snowfall and frost are therefore minor, while sunshine is at a maximum for the Mittelland (1979 hours per year), the northern shore being the sunnier in summer. As a result, spring commences early on the north and west lake-edges (early April), but arrives slightly later on other sections. Furthermore, soils are mostly light or loamy silts (of moraine origin), except for the gravel and sand on Pleistoce~e terraces (which lie immediately behind the shores) and for some isolated clay /peat patches. Only the last type would have been untillable in the Neolithic. These data therefore give a promise of good arable potential, and this is confirmed by the modern agricultural choices in Cantons Vaud and Geneve (Table 15), for the latter area produces more cereals than any other Swiss canton. The final aspect of the environment, viz. vegetation, would in the Neolithic have closely resembled that at the Jura Lakes, with M. O. F. (predominantly oak) surrounding the lake while fir. nine and beech would have been present at greater distances (LUdi 1939). It is regrettable that the area's archaeology has been poorly determined owing to the eepth at which lakeside settlements lie (3-6 m below the lake surface), and most "excavations" have been performed by groping from boats with long-handled tools (until the few excavations of the last years - Gallay and Corboud 1979). To add to the problems, pottery is rare, and many sites remain unattributed either to specific culture or to time period (Table 25,

83

with references included): so far Mesolithic remains are absent, and at Neolithic settlements only the Cortaillod, Saone-Rhone, and Corded Ware cultures are represented. Classification has been by typology mainly, as stratigraphies are almost unknown except at the recently-excavated sites nos. 14 and 40, and also at Malpas and Genissiat (nos. 69 and 70). At Genissiat, which is in the Rhone gorge, two Bell Beaker sherds were al so recovered. Of the numerous graves in this Lac Leman area, several are an integral part of the Chamblandes-Glis group, and these, along with others of similar typology (cists), form a seemingly unified local group at the eastern end of this lake (Figure 34). In the south-west there is also one solitary Bell Beaker grave (dolmen) at Cranves-Sales (no. 68). The majority of both settlements and graves are positioned on the undulating northern and south-western lakeshores (Figure 34), which are favoured by less rainfall and by more summer insolation, and which, thanks to this climate, are particularly suited to agrarian exploitation. This is evident in the territories drawn for the sites Belotte (no. 38) and Bellevue-Genthod (nos. 3 and 4 - surmised to be two parts of one settlement), where apart from a few contracted areas of impeded soils or sharp gradients, all land would have been potentially arable in the Neolithic (Figure 35). The paucity of sites in the east and in the French zone may relate partially to the state of research, but also to the disadvantageous climate and topography, for encroachment of the Alps on these sections of the lake margins would have reduced in the Neolithic not only the extent of cultivable land and of M. O.F. cover (and thus edible plants), but also the potential for catching fish since the lake basin is steep in these regions. Certain sites are located at a distance from the lake: nos. 55 and 37 are pile-dwellings in marshes near the Jura and Alps; nos. 57-60 and 62-67 are mainly caves at the base of or on the slopes of Mont Saleve (no . 67 is on the summit), a steep-sided outlier (1300 m) to the Alps; nos. 69 and 70 are shelters with settlement material which are positioned in valley routes to the south. In company with the numerous stray objects (only those with exactly known findspots are depicted in Figure 34), these sites may denote utilization (for summer pasturing or hunting of animals?) of the Jura and also of the Alps, for finds cluster particularly around Mont Saleve and at the exit of the Arve valley from the Alps. For only two sites, Genissiat and Eaux-Vives, do published floral/faunal analyses exist (Tables 26 and 27). However, in the first case by reason of the poor quality of the original excavation, and in the second owing to confusion over the sample's provenance (the bones lay 50 years in storage before study), the material is not unequivocally from Neolithic layers alone. The presence of spelt at Genissiat and the frequency of horse at Eaux -Vives and of ovicaprids at both sites may be Bronze Age elements, since horse is normally rare and spelt absent in the Neolithic. Otherwise, the plants (from Nernier too) and the animals are usual for Neolithic cultures, with cattle, small pig and ovicaprids featuring as the most prominent animal species. Crane was identified at Genissiat, and this is a seasonal indicator of spring or autumn habitation there. Sporadic mention is made of faunal material at four more sites, and to the given animal lists can be appended the species large pig, bear, ibex, and chamois which were also utilized around this lake. This is the evidence in its entirety. 84

Hence, it is feasible that the economy of the Lac Leman sites included controlled animal-herding, hunting, growing of crops and plant food collection. Proof of fishing is, however, wanting (although the absence of fish bones may mean little), and identification of the staple resource or of the weighting of individual parts of the economy will only be forthcoming with further data. At this stage, it can merely be proposed that Neolithic groups selected situations which possessed a good varie ty of resources and where arable cultivation would have been most rewardin g . Additionally, it is not inconceivable that they incorporated into their animal husbandry the high land present in the nearby Jura and Alps. The Alpine Thuner- : and Brienzersees These glacial lakes (at 558 m) of the Aare river system are surrounded by the heights of the Bernese Oberland Alps (over 2000 m), and only the west and south-west margins of the Thuners ee, together with the delta which separates th e lakes, have low gradi ents. From meteorologi cal information (Schweiz e rische Meteorologisc he Zentra lan sta lt - stat ion Int e rl aken 574 m), it i s apparent that this Alpine sit uation results in lon g winters, whi ch are not , howev e r, extreme at the l akes b ec ause of the ir warm t h stora ge facilities and their low altitude. The mean January temperature is below o0 c but above -2. o0 c, and although there is snowcover on average for 57 days per year (longer than in the Mittelland), the average monthly depth does not surpass 2 cm. In comparison with other glacial lakes, July temperatures are rather low, sunshine is not frequent, and precipitation is high-over 1200 mm on most of the lake-edge. Spring therefore arrives late at these Alpine glacial lakes (near the end of April in modern times). The Postglacial forest expansion in this region is represented by the pollen profiles of the North Alps and ForeAlps (Chapter 2), while the anal y sis from the site of Thun-Marktgasse (Beck et al. 1930) defined the Neolithic vegetation of this neighbourhood: around this Thunersee site, a forest existed which was mainly of M. 0. F. (18 %), hazel (25 %), and alder (10%), but there were some open areas (N. T. P.) and on the slopes above silver fir (43%) predominated along with some pine and spruce. As the region was not surveyed personally, the nature of the soil is unknown. Nevertheless, agrarian use is only feasible · on the minor zones of fairly level ground which are mentioned above, and, in reality, the most notable agricultural features of this region are the preponderant grazing land · and the accessible summer pastures (Canton Bern information - Table 15). The records of Canton Bern (Table 28, with references listed) document only two graves on the sharp.y-rising northern banks (on the Brienzersee), and near to these were found a flint blade and arrow. Both graves (nos. 2 and 3) were empty of goods, and their tentative ascription . to the Middle Neolithic arises solely from their cist-like structure. Otherwise, all known Neolithic remains are derived from the flatter (and perhaps cultivable) areas: one barbed and tanged point was retrieved from the delta area between the lakes; and from the western end of the Thunersee came several axes but also, and more significantly, evidence of the existence of pottery, hearths and wooden structures in four separate marsh areas. There is a high probability therefore that these find areas had been settlements (nos. 4-7), which have 85

now been destroyed by peat-working. However, the most important Neolithic discovery on the western Thunersee shore is the site of Thun-Marktgasse (no. 1), which is situated on an old course of the Aare (the lake outflow) and which demonstrates penetration of this Alpine area by Cortaillod groups. Excavated in 1924, its floral and faunal material has been analysed. The plant study is comprehensive (Table 26) and it promotes the theory that Cortaillod cultivation here was aimed at producing flax and wheat, particularly clubwheat (a suitable crop in this rainy area) - not only do clubwheat seeds outnumber those of other crops, but it was also the only species found stored in a jar, where a few peas were mixed in with it. It is interesting that flax seeds were both carbonized and uncarbonized, and the latter seemed to have been pressed flat, which makes it plausible that oil extraction from these was a regular part of the economy. The remaining plants tabulated are those types which are not positively cultivated, and which are more likely to have been collected in the nearby forest or open areas. Of these, the commonest fruits are apple, elderberry, blackberry and strawberry. But many species of edible native weeds also occur; the seeds of Bittersweet (Solanum dulcamara) were identified from human excrement, and this confirms that this plant was indeed consumed. Despite the inferior climatic conditions, these collected plants (Groups 2, 3 and 4) do not seem any more numerous than the cultivated varieties at this site. Unfortunately, of the original sample of animal bones (size unknown) only a portion was studied (100 bones), and in this portion red deer clearly rank supreme (Table 27), although cattle, aurochs and bison reach an equal percentage if counted together. Once more, the original classification of these last three animals (by Stehlin - Beck et al. 1930) has had to be reassessed, and Michel's revised estimates (Michel 1964) are quoted here (for pig too). After Bos and Bison, chamois have the highest value (3 individuals), and these animals, which rarely occur on other Neolithic sites, may have been more numerous here because of the site's geographical situation. Although their exploitation is indeterminable on account of both the small size and the nature of the sample (true of all species here), procurement of these animals is unlikely to have been a primary economic aim, as chamois are shy, difficult to approach and thus not easily hunted. Furthermore, from their usual habitat above the tree line(circa 2000 m), they retreat into forests only in winter, so that their presence near this site must have been unusual; the fact that three animals were estimated from a mere five bones (one being a skull) is probably only because this sample is incomplete, and need not suggest that they were hunted and butchered away from the immediate area of the site. Altogether, the most important feature of this sample is that hunted species do seem to have constituted a higher proportion of the animals than at most sites on glacial lakes, with the possible exception of the Cortaillod settlement at Ztlrich-Kleiner Hafner. An element of adaptation to the local environment is thus apparent in this Thun faunal sample. To conclude on the Neolithic economy of this region, it seems that cultivation was achieved on the soils here. Certainly, the topography is a factor which would have limited the area available for arable farming, but only suitable flat areas were settled. The results of the arable farming were combined with those from natural plant gathering and from animal-herding 86

(especially of cattle), while hunting may have been relied upon to a greater degree than at the Ztlrichsee or at the Jura Lakes. Red deer, whether hunted or herded, was an important animal. On the basis of the plant material, Thun-Marktgasse can be interpreted as a summer/autumn settlement at least, but red deer would have been absent at this season from lakeshore altitudes and would have returned only before snowfalls in late autumn or early winter. Furthermore, the presence of chamois cannot be taken as definitely indicative of winter occupation because its bones are so few. As yet, therefore, neither seasonality nor permanency of this area can be proved or discounted. The Zugersee This lake adjoins the VierwaldsUlttersee in a complex occupying the bed of the former Reuss glacier and lying just north of the Alps (Figure 1). Since only a few stray objects have been discovered around the VierwaldsUlttersee, it must be assumed that the steepness of its banks and basin has discouraged settlement or alternatively has precluded retrieval of its remains, and the southern half of the Zugersee is analogous; elevations of over 1500 m surround it and the lake basin drops by 200 m close to the shore. In contrast, the hinterland of the northern section (where most sites are located - Figure 36) is undulating. Here, the Lorze river both feeds and drains this lake, running eventually into the Reuss river and sustaining a present lake level of 415 m, thanks to Medieval drainage alterations (the prehistoric lake was higher). In this Alpine boundary situation, weather conditions are worse than at most glacial lakes, although they are an improvement on those at the Thunersee. Temperatures are moderate - 17. s0 c July mean, -0. 9oc January mean but these are combined with relatively low sunshine (1541 hours per year) and with considerable precipitation, this falling especially in summer (often over 1200 mm yearly). Fairly heavy snowfall results, and this occurs on 30. 8 days per year on average (Schweizerische Meteorologische Zentralanstalt, station Luzern 498 m). At the north of the lake spring arrives in mid-April, but in the south, where the climate is poorer, it is delayed by a few weeks. The lake is rimmed by alluvial silt (lake-laid) and behind this the soils vary from sandy silts to silty loams, which in places are heavy and unworkable without a plough. However, the extensive alluvium and clay at the inflow region (shown in Figure 37) accumulated as a consequence of Medieval and later forest clearances, and therefore it dates only from these periods. Around the northern half of the lake, these soils probably supported a prehistoric vegetation which approximated that of the Ztlrichsee 's right bank, namely ; plentiful M. 0. F. for most of the Mesolithic and Neolithic periods, and this forest would have provided many edible plan.ts. In contrast, the southern half would have had a forest cover largely of pine or silver fir (Chapter 2, Table a - ForeAlps section). • The archaeology of this region is again insufficiently known, but for a different reason to that which applied to Lac Leman: Medieval drainage improvements at the Zugersee have left prehistoric sites exposed above the lake and thus caused their partial destruction by agricultural working. Several collections of Mesolithic flints have been found at the outflow end of the lake (Figure 36 and Table 29 ,with references): at Cham-Grindel (no. 9) there is a row of flint scatters and at Steinhausen-Hinterberg (nos. 10-14) five 87

more finds; at the latter the Developed Fursteiner with geometric components horizon is definitely represented. These finds lie in an area of wet pasture and recent alluvial deposit (this fact is probably responsible for their preservation), but an equivalent poorly-drained area cannot be assumed during the Mesolithic period, and it is more likely that these flints reflect settlements at a shoreline, which, if it approximated to the 420 m contour (the finds are close to this contour), would have formed a wide shallow bay. Hence, it must not be supposed that the Mesolithic economy was directed towards this locality because it may have been marshy. It was, however, an area with easy access to the hinterland and fishing would have been very rewarding here, especially in summer when fish come close to shore. Neolithic sites are almost only assignable to the Late Neolithic (Horgen and Corded Ware), and only one settlement is certainly and one possibly of the earlier Ffyn culture; this area is therefore marginal to the distribution of the Pfyn culture. All settlements and stray finds encircle the undulating northern lake end, but the stray finds are not plotted on Figure 36 as their exact placings are unknown. This northern zone would have had a better climate and a more open deciduous forest in the Neolithic than would the southern region, but its choice for settlement could have been a matter of convenience as much as for economic reasons, for on the steep southern banks building would have been technically difficult. Owing to inadequate preservation, faunal remains are both few and also little studied. Details have only been published for Zug-Vorstadt, and with reference to the animals, Rtltimeyer (Keller 1863) simply named the species represented (many bones had been discarded and only the best were retained) as cattle, pig, sheep (? ), dog, red deer, roe deer, bear, horse and hare. Neuweiler (1905, Table 26) analysed the plant material, and here a problem exists over the question of cereal seeds - Keller (1863) specifically stated that .there were no remains of cereals, but he said likewise for flax which Neuweiler was able to identify; the omission of cereals from Neuweiler' s list is no guarantee of their absence, for he had deliberately excluded them from his study. Keller's assertion that cereals were lacking can therefore only be treated as a possibility. The majority of plants at Zug-Vorstadt were types native to this environment (hazelnuts too at Zug-Galgen), and the presence of water chestnut is indicative of a climate warmer than today, when it is no longer part of the natural flora. What range of economic exploitation would have been practicable in the Neolithic here? It is tempting to link the supposed lack of cereals at ZugVorstadt with both the heavy soils and the poor climate, and to assume that Neolithic cultivation was either little attempted or was unfruitful. This region is not ideal for arable today (Table 15 - Canton Zug), but it is partly through modern choice that few crops are grown, and in the more amenable climatic conditions of much of the Neolithic, cultivation may have had more success than now. Indeed, even at the mo st exceptional site settings, although soils are marginal in respect of their workability in places (e.g. near the Risch-Schwarzbach sites nos. 22-24), agrarian farming would have always been feasible (Figures 37 and 38). Nevertheless, it is unlikely that crops were ever the key economic resource, and animal husbandry, hunting, and collecting of plants probably comprised the bulk of Neolithic economic under88

takings. Sites were occupied in late spring (cast red deer antlers at ZugVorstadt), in summer (fruits and water chestnut at the same site) and in autumn (apple, hazelnuts etc.), and they would have made good bases from which the Alpine summer pastures in Canton Schwyz (Table 15) at the southern end of this lake could have been utilized. No resource can be taken as categorical evidence of winter habitation too. The Bodensee

(3 06 m)

At Switzerland's north-eastern border and in the path of the Rhein river (formerly a glacier) lies this sizable glacial lake (Figure 1). The Alps infringe on its south-eastern end, but otherwise its environs are undulating, apart from occasional steep sections (which have a- sandstone-rich 'molasse' substructure) on the margins of the ttberlingerand Untersees (Figure 39). Most soils are silts, occasionally clayey but often fine or sandy, except that the immediate lake-edges have some areas with alluvial gravel and sand (probably recent) and others with clays. These last are uncultivable without a plough. Both the physical landscape and the soils would only have prevented cultivation in small limited areas under Neolithic conditions. Moreover, in comparison with other glacial lakes climatic conditions are average, with the mean January temperature not dropping below -2. o0 c, the mean July 0 one being above 18. o c, the sun shining on average for 1694 hours per year and about 50% of days being frost-free (Kreuzlingen 446 m, Schweizerische Meteorologische Zentralanstalt). On the north-western banks precipitation is as low (905 mm average per year at Kreuzlingen) as at the Jura Lakes and at Lac Leman, although it steadily increases towards the south-east and the Alps, and for most of the lake first fodder availability (spring) now occurs in mid-April. Altogether, the natural conditions of the Bodensee area allow reasonable quantities of crops to be grown there (Table 15 - Cantons Schaffhausen and Thurgau, which have some loess soils), and this would have applied especially in the warmer periods of the Neolithic (Chapter 2). Subsequent to the Pleistocene, a deciduous forest spread in this region (Chapter 2, Table 5), and in both the Late Mesolithic and the Neolithic the vegetation of the Boden see shores consisted of M. 0. F. with sub st anti al amounts of hazel, but above 600/800 m pine, fir and spruce predominated. Only in the Late Neolithic did this forest become more closed, as beech progressively infiltrated - within the Horgen levels at Sipplingen (Reinerth 1938). Thus, edible plants would have been plentiful in both the Mesolithic and Neolithic periods around the Bodensee, except on its south-eastern slopes. Of the 58 or so Mesolithic flint finds at this lake (Reinerth 1931), only a few are plotted on Figure 39 (Table 30, with references). However, most were discovered around the north-western bays (near sites nos. 24 and 55), along the 407 m and 399 m contours (at the latter they were of Notched Blade horizon typology), and borings by Rytz and Tschumi (Tschumi 1930) confirmed that these finds lay on former shorelines (at the altitudes mentioned). Thus, although the flints were on mounds within a badly-drained area which stretches from these contours to the present lake (over 4 km or so), they do represent lake-edge visitations - much of the modern marsh area must have been covered by the Mesolithic lake. In these concentrations of flints, hut outlines could be detected. That Mesolithic sites are almost totally absent elsewhere on the

89

Bodensee may simply mean that erosion or agricultural working has destroyed those in more exposed situations. Alternatively, Mesolithic groups may deliberately have sought these north-western bays, and if so, then in view of the small likelihood of marsh (i.e. good grazing), the sole economic factor which might have attracted them is the ease of fishing there (as on the Zugersee). No other pointers are identifiable as to the purpose or season of these Mesolithic lakeshore habitations, devoid as they are of faunal or floral remains, but it should be noted that they may well number far more in these limited areas than do Neolithic sites the re. For the Neolithic, well-excavated sites are scarce as wave disturbance of successions at the lakeside sites is marked, and so the cultures which are present at •sites (Table 30) are recognized almost exclusively from the study of collected material (sites nos. 6, 26 and 71 are exceptions). On this basis, the most common culture appears to be the Michelsberg-Pfyn, which incorporates both Michelsberg (Baer 1959, Ltlning 1967) and Pfyn (Winiger 1971) elements and thus may be judged a regional grouping here. Contrary to an often-stated view , the Horgen also frequently appears and outnumbers Corded Ware identifications, but other groups are only detected as yet by a few sherds from sites. The stray finds portrayed are all single stone axes or flint tools on the Swiss banks, details for the German sections being unknown. Two settlements are not positioned precisely on the Bodensee shores: no. 53 is at a small lake (the Mindelsee 407 m), and no. 73 Herdern is placed on a rocky spur (576 m) which has steep slopes to its east, west and north (towards the Bodensee). The remaining sites congregate on the northern and western banks of the Bodensee, and few exist in the south-east (Figure 39) where higher rainfall adversely affects the arable potential and where, in the Neolithic, edible plants and grazing for animals would have been deficient in the more coniferous forest. Aside from this south-eastern zone, all areas would have been equally suited to animal pasturing, to fishing and to pla 'nt gathering, and yet a further unevenness iD: site distribution is distinguishable; a majority of sites have open, undulating 10 minute territories whereas a minority possess territories which are reduced by the steep gradients immediately behind the shores. Unless this simply reflects the relative distribution of open to restrictive topography at this lake, it may be relevant that these two types of territory have differing amounts of arable land. As stated, mos t sites (73 in all) belong in a category with plentiful tillable land:nos. 9-14,

17-23,

28-50,

56, 58-63, 68-71,

of open territories

84-112

and such a territory is illustrated for Scherzingen-Bottighof en (no. 96 Figure 40), the part marked with a question mark being the modern city of Konstanz. At five of these sites, summary mentions of plants (Table 26 Nussdorf, Litzelstettern, Horn, Stein am Rhein and Konstanz) include cultivated flax and Broomcorn millet (both from a Michelsberg-Pfyn layer) plus types which would have been available in shore wocrls, such as hazelnuts, acorns and fruits. Considerably fewer sites (23) have only a meagre amount of arable land:nos. 1-4, 6-7,

15-16, 26-27,

53, 72, 74-82

90

and Steckborn-Turgi (no. 79) has a reasonably typical 10 minute territory (Figure 40), although Bodman-In dem Weiler's cultivable area is even more restricted by reason of proximal marshes here : as well as the steep gradients. Nevertheless, plant s~udies for Sipplingen, Steckborn-Turgi, and SteckbornSchanz (Table 26) explicitly reveal that cereal agriculture, especially of cltlbwheat, emmer and six~row ·barley, was well advanced at these sites, and possibly included the cultivation of Broomcorn and Italian millet. Pea was also grown from the period of the Pfyn culture. It is important to note that parsnip (Pastinaca sati va) at Steckborn, as also carrot (Daucus carota) and pars ,ley (Petroselinum hortense) at Sipplingen are native varieti _es and were not cultivated vegetable crops. Two sites in this category, Bodman-Blissenhalde (no. 27) and Steckborn-Turgi (no. 79), are placed with access to good grazing areas back from the shores (perhaps the Steck.born site no. 74 too), but in the absence of detailed faunal studies no conclusions can be drawn. Those few sites not yet discussed - nos. 5, 51, 57, 64-67 , 83 - have an intermediate type of territory , and at one , Wangen, substantial cultivation is again repres ented(Table 26) and wa s primarily of breadwheat and six -row barley, for seeds of these two cereals had been stored in separate ar e as of the site. A storage area (or spinning-room) for flax was also identifiedunworked stems, cleaned bunches of fibres, and spun threads were discovered together. The classification of millet at this site is unequivocal as its seeds were in consolidated agglomerations. Deliberate collection of fruits and nuts at this site is also certain, for bowls of beechnuts, hazelnuts, raspberries, pears and apples were present, and the last fruit was especially common as layers of its seeds were excavated. From only one site, Sipplingen, is there a quantitative faunal study (Table 27 and Vogel 1933), and here the animal bones present an exceptional picture as red deer are strikingly few, being recorded in a proportion of only 1: 8 to the principal species (small pig). The latter were killed for meat, as demonstrated by a slaughter pattern of 60 % under 1½ years of age and only 25 % adult, and they outnumber cattle by 8: 5. Of the cattle 50% reached maturity, whereas the majority of ovicaprids (60%), the third most important species, are not 10 months old; as the sex ratio was unrecorded, it is not positive that ovicaprids were purely a meat source. The fact that swine are common at this site (also large swine, 82% of which are adult) may have been related partly to the predominant M. O.F. vegetation in the Bodensee region during the Neolithic, but it is a feature too at several sites of the Horgen culture. The closest replicas of the Sipplingen proportions are those of Horgen , Lftscherz and Auvernier layers at Zftrich-Kleiner Hafner (Z'urichsee), at Auve rnier-La Saunerie and at St. Aubin-Port Conty (both on the Jura Lakes). However, red deer are more numerous at these three sites, and it requires stressing re. the thesis of Higham (1966) that for this Horgen site of Sipplingen little hunting is evident (whether red deer are included or not). The low red deer percentage is difficult to explain-it may be a freak figure, or the height s behind the site may have ihindered the access of this species to the shore here. Alternatively, the site may have been occupied at a season (summer) when red deer had left the immediate lakeside vicinity, and the plant remains do denote summer and autumn habitation. Similarly, a 2 week old lamb implies spring occupation, but there is no concrete evidence of continued winter presence, apart from the level of arable agriculture.

91

Other Boden see sites do have more red deer, e.g. Wangen, Unteruhldingen and Steckborn-Turgi and -Schanz, but the data from these are poor. Use of the lake resources is also demonstrated in this region-bypike bones and a quantity of fish scales at both Steckborn sites, in addition to the pike and water-fowl identified at Sipplingen. This outline of resources and site distributions demonstrates that in the warm Neolithic temperatures-water chestnut is encountered at more than one site-crops were effectively grown at all locations, with the possible exception of those at the south- east where heavier precipitatio~ may have caused marginal arable conditions. Indeed, the extent of arable land may have been one determining factor for Neolithic groups in their choiee of settlement positions. Despite the fact that arable farming did take place, little effect of the farming activity is recognizable in pollen diagrams as cereal pollen and N. T. P. always have low values (Mfiller 1947), and it may be that animal-herding was predominant in the Neolithic economy (i.e. the staple), especially as locations with little space for cultivation were not shunned outright. Furthermore, collected plants were possibly utilized to the same extent as the cultivated types-see quantities at Sipplingen-but generally fishing and hunting were insignificant in the economy. As a result of the poor resolution of the archaeological material, it is difficult to identify any correlation between the ty pe of site territory (viz. plentiful or restricted arable area) and the length or size of settlement, or even the culture present. How successful groups were at each type of territory is therefore unverifiable. The Pattern

of Settlement

on the Glacial Lakes

The Neolithic. From the preceding sections it is self-evident that at glacial lakes there are many sites, and Neolithic habitation sites on their shores total 367. This number has to some degree ensued from the richness of the first lakeside discoveries in the 19th century A. D., for aft er these were mad e , antiquarian attention then focussed on the la.keshores at any time of decreas ed lake level. The glacial lakes which were most researched at this early date were the Bodensee (with its flattish basin, a level change produces noticeable shore alterations) and also the Jura Lakes, the last at the time of the major 19th century drainage scheme there. As a similar drainage correction on the Zugersee occurred even earlier and prior to the time of educated interest in archaeological remains, most information there was lost. The lake least investigated is Lac L€man. Repeated settlement on these lakeshores is the most immediately striking feature of the Swiss Neolithic, and its apparent traits are now discussed. The Question of Contemporaneity of Neolithic Settlements: Taking as a basic assumption from the evidence at the Ztlrichsee and Jura Lakes that these Neolithic lake-edge sites were not occupied at certain seasons only, then the close juxtaposition which occurs of several of identical culture-e. g. Meilen-Feldmeilen and -Schellen (Ztlrichsee) with contiguous 10 minute territories-can only have been feasible if one of two eventualities applied. Groups may have co-existed in adjacent sites if the economic resources available in the small areas immediately around the sites were sufficient, thus preventing conflict over resources and territory. Alternatively, such sites, despite similar cultural remains, may not have been contemporaneous, and

92

this is a definite possibility, since the usual stratigraphy found at those sites which are carefully investigated is one of several settlements with intervening sterile layers (usually of chalk - Table 14). These sterile layers probably equate with lengthy periods of episodic encroachment by the lake on the settlement place, although they may only rep re sent the time of annual inundations (summer time), for their duration is unknown. This problem will only be solved by dendrochronological studies, and unfortunately those published so far for sites on the glacial lakes have given unsatisfactory results in this respect, although confirming that cultures did span several centures: 4 Pfyn layers at Horgen-Dampfschiffsteg covered 150-200 years (Ruoff .1976 ), 6 Horgen layers at Meilen-Feldmeilen circa 349 years (Winiger 1976 ), and the Auvernier settlements at Yverdon-Avenue des Sports about 200 years (Strahm 1972/3). Over such timespans, groups may well have vacated sites because of their destruction by burning (evident archaeologically at some), or as a result of rises in lake levels (depositing the lake chalk layers of the stratigraphies - but only sudden lake increases would have caused severe disruption). A further possibility is that groups may have left if crop yields began to :fall owing to soil exhaustion, and it is likely that continuous arable agriculture could not have been accomplished even with fallowing (D. Webley, pers. comm.). In any of these cases, it may only have been necessary to transfer the settlement to a loc ation nearby. Hence, it is probable that only a proportion of sites of one culture would have been inhabited simultaneously. Duration of Neolithic Settlements: An approximate idea of the duration of occupation at lakeshore sites is obtainable from the dendrochronological studies. The figures of 30-50 year periods in the pfyn culture and 60-146 year period~ in the Horgen have already been advanc~d (Chapter 4 - Zfirichsee), and it must be emphasized that these periods represent the duration from the start of one settlement till the site's reoccupation, i.e. settlement time plus desertion time. Similarly, on the Jura Lakes circa 7 5 years was proposed for the combined length of the two Cortaillod settlements at Yverdon-Garage Martin (Lambert and Oriel 1976) and 50-100 years for the Auvernier settlement at Auvernier-La Saunerie (Suess and Strahm 1970). Obviously, more results are required to confirm the implication of these figures, namely that later groups achieved longer settlement, a possibllity which may reflect improving economic methods. In this connection, the tendency for the Corded Ware culture to be represented only by single layers may signify that in this culture continuous settlement had been realized (or else, as stated in Chapter 4, thiE! was a culture of short overall duration). The Neolithic Population: If this picture of semi-permanent agriculture with groups subsisting for a period of time at one settlement and then transferring elsewhere is accepted, then clearly the population would have been less, particularly in the earlier cultures, than the number of sites at first suggests. The dense packing of sites around some lakes need not therefore mean that groups were in competition for economic resources here, or that they lacked alternative areas in which to find such resources. No site on a glacial lake has been totally excavated, but the areas of debris at some on the Jura Lakes have been recorded. The largest site on the Bielersee is Lfischerz-Innere, and from its area Phillips (1971) suggested a possible 250 inhabitants, far above the estimates for St. Aubin-Port Conty 93

(50 people) and for the Zdrichsee sites-12-15 families at Meilen-Rohrenhaab, 15-20 at Ztlrich-Kleiner Hafner and 3-5 at Horgen-Dampfschiffsteg-although these last figures represent only the population which could have been supported at these sites by arable agriculture alone, without other resources being taken into account. Other sites on the Bielersee do approach Lfischerz in size, e.g. Nidau-Steinberg and the Sutz/Lattrigen sites, and hence, if the calculations are valid, there were large agglomerations of people at some glacial lake sites; but it must be stated that these calculations may have two sources of error. Firstly, many sites were continually resettled (e.g. 12 culture layers at Lfischerz-Innere), and if the later buildings were not superimposed directly on the earlier, then the resulting total area of debris .must exceed any true settlement area. Secondly, archaeological material would have spread in any settlement over an area much wider than that which was in.habited. Since the number of sites which were simultaneously occupied at any lake is unknown, and since the upper limit for the number of occupants at any one site is dubious, a conclusion on the population density around glacial lakes is at this stage too elusive for further speculation. Spatial Organization and Site Selection: Recently Stickel (1974) investigated spatial relationships within the Swiss Neolithic, and a review of his work on settlements is appropriate at this stage, as he dealt mainly with the Ztlrichsee but by a very different approach to that employed in this work. There are many small points of disagreement, but only the essence of his work is now given. He commenced by examining the Swiss environment and, since almost all lakeside sites in the Ztlrichsee vicinity are bounded by the 800 mm and 1200 mm modern rainfall isoyhets, he selected precipitation as the crucial element with which the location of these sites correlates. As he could isolate only the production of cultivated foods as affected by overabundant water (wheat yields fall), he suggested that "agriculture was most important to the earliest Neolithic occupants of Switzerland" (Stickel 197 4, p. 2 82). T here is, however, no complete correlation of Neolithic sites with these iso.yhets over the whole Swiss area, for sites are found on lakeshores which receive over 1200 mm precipitation per year (e. g the Zugersee), while land areas with less than 800 mm (see Chapter 7) are not so heavily settled as the lakeshores. Moreover, although yields do indeed fall with high precipitation, this fall commences near the 800 mm level, and all lakeshores are subject to amounts greater than this. In any case, the factor of prehistoric precipitation variations (Chapter 2) does not permit use of these absolute figures. Thus Stickel's hypothesis, namely that rainfall in excess of 1200 mm limited settlement and produced the settlement pattern, is not valid per se, but that is not to deny that there is some correlation with precipitation within individual lakeshore localities (see below). Stickel then studied the Ztlrichsee and sought to isolate a single factor which might be causally related to the site situations; four main possibilities were examined but rejected: arable soils, abundance of plants, temperature at the lake, and fishing. Several reasons for these rejections were erroneous. For example, he employed an overgeneralized soil classification and also stated that no plant report and only two animal reports (without fish or waterfowl) pertained to the Zfirichsee area: this is refuted here by Chapter 4 (Tables 17 and 18). Consequently, unable to single out one pivotal cause, he

94

was forced into a statistical analysis dependent on theoretical variables, but, as he had stressed the importance of dryness and therefore, by deduction, of well-drained soils (p. 319), his ten adopted variables included seven associated with soils, and this weighting given to soils could be a problem. It is therefore unsurprising to read that after factor analysis, multiple regression analysis and bivariate regression analysis, a conclusion was reached that the presence of alluvial deposit was the best predictor of site location, while loess presence was a reasonable predictor too. These both imply that agriculture was the main aim. Stickel also claimed that a chalk and marl deposit was important and related to wild animals and plants, and that peat was a subsidiary soil type indicating minor resources such as fish and fowl. On the basis of the correlations involved, Stickel felt that Neolithic agriculture had not been intensive, and that the flat land which it required had no predeterminant value as it was always available. Interestingly, he considered that the Horgen culture had less regard than the Pfyn culture for alluvium and therefore for agriculture. There are two main difficulties in his calculations. Firstly, although at the start he mentioned husbanded animals, he lost sight of these as his arguments progressed and used the term 'agriculture' for what should have been called 'arable cultivation'. In other words, the factor of resources for husbanded animals was not fed into his data, and although he may have assumed that these are the same as for wild, there are differences with which a mixed economy has to reckon. Secondly, Stickel considered that all settlements are in a confined lakeshore environment, and this is not true for the Swiss Neolithic. Perhaps because of this misconception, in his search for a causally determinant factor, he missed the most outstanding one: the lakeshore. That is to say, he overlooked the more fundamental question of why so many sites are at the shore, and concentrated only on the different locations along it. Discussion of why the shore is the common denominator for so many sites must be left till the moraine lakes have also been exainined (Chapter 6), but it is now proposed that it was principally the shore itself which attracted settlement. With the primary objective of the lake-edge attained, then the long shores of the glacial lakes offered ample choice of locations, and the rationale behind the distribution of sites at each lake has already been argued:Zttrichsee - first preference was for the sunnier and drier right bank with its more open vegetation and its lighter soils, but within this preference, sites may correlate with the positions which provided the most arable land. Jura Lakes - areas with the greatest variety of resources plants, grazing land and f.ish) were chosen. A secondary access to Jura grazing land.

(arable land, edible consideration was

Lac Leman - undulating sections with low rainfall and good insolation were settled. These had a variety of resources and were suitable for any type of economy. Thuner- and Brienzersees - the few sites here were placed on ground of low gradient, again suited to any economic strategy. Zugersee - the undulating zone with its better climate and more open forest was preferred, although arable cultivation did not certainly take place here. On the rest of the lake-edge, it may have proved dilficult to erect buildings.

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Bodensee - first selection was of regions with lower rainfall and reasonably open forest in which edible plants and good grazing were available. Within these regions, a further choice may have operated for those situations better endowed with arable land. On the Ztlrichsee, many sites are also conspicuously placed in sheltered bays, as Ruoff put it "almost everJ bay on the north-east shore has a Neolithic site" (pers. comm.), but this is not so apparent on other lakes; although bays were often occupied, the opposite type of location is also known, as at GrengGrenginsel (Murtensee) which is on a peninsula. Thus Neolithic groups tended to prefer the sunnier and drier sections of the lakeshores, and therefore the climate was of some concern to them; but the same can be said of the availability of a variety of resources and of arable land, for, contrary to Stickel' s view, the latter is limited (mainly by gradient) to varying degrees near the lake-edge. This arable land was not the overriding factor bringing groups to lake-edges, as the terraces behind them often have considerably more cultivable land than the shores themselves. However, once man had settled at the shore for other reasons (Chapter 6 ), then the arable land appears to have become of value to him. As a further point it can be stated that there is no obvious correlation of particular locations with earlier or later cultures. Relatively poor (and better) regions were settled on the Ztlrichsee and on the Jura Lakes by all cultures. For example, the settlements of the Corded Ware culture at Freienbach, and of the Ffyn and Horgen cultures at the Horgen sites are all in poor positions on the Ztlrichsee, while on the Bieler see' s steep left bank the Cortaillod and Horgen cultures are evident at Twann and Neuenstadt-Schaffis; this last site also has Corded Ware material. Economic Exploitation: In brief, the Neolithic economies at glacial lakes had certain factors in common. A form of mixed farming was practised, which appears to have placed :most reliance on animal husbandry, this being a corollary of the following two facts: on the Ztlrichsee, Bodensee and Jura Lakes.locations.with little arable land were not rejected, and at the Zugersee poor soils and climate may have heightened the risk of crop failure. Four animal types were central to this husbandry, namely cattle, small pigs, ovicaprids and red deer, and the exploitation of these changed with the various cultures and also to some degree by region, most noticeably in that at sites in low or marshy regions fewer ovicaprids were kept than at sites near high altitudes (red deer also varied). Food needs were supplied also by hunting, fishing and fowling (probably to a small extent), by the gathering and the storing of edible native plants, and by growing crops, but on the basis of the faunal and floral samples in addition to the site distributions, these economic practices were all less important than animal husbandry, with one possible exception: the weighting of the native plant section of the economy cannot be well gauged from the n~ture of the data, viz. quantities of seeds, but it can be said that gathered plants appear at times to have been utilized more frequently than cultivated varieties (e.g. on the Ztlrichsee and Zugersee). As for cultivation, no situation would have precluded this, and most sites were surrounded by arable land s1.l.fficie)?.tto feed several families, i.e. cultivated crops potentially could have stabilized the economy. In general wheat, barley,

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poppy and flax W'ere the commonest increasing in later culture.

crops,

with legumes

fewer but perhaps

Neolithic sites on the shores of glacial lakes were inhabited throughout the year according to the evidence at the Ziirichsee and Jura Lakes, and at no site is purely seasonal occupation definite. However, it can be postulated that from bases on the Jura Lakes and Lac Leman (at least) summer grazing or hunting was undertaken on the Jura and Alpine heights. The Mesolithic. The good recovery of Neolithic data is not repeated for Mesolithic material at these lakes, for this has rarely been the specific object of survey and, moreover, it is poorly preserved. As a result of the virtual absence of evidence, little light can be shed on the Mesolithic utilization of glacial lake-edges, and the meagre information available is derived only from the Jura Lakes, from the Zugersee and from the Bodensee. A basic similarity of site location as in the Neolithic is plain, and might be interpreted as implying a similarity of purpose, Mesolithic groups using lakeshore sites as bases in an economy concerned with animal exploitation (? of red deer, as at Baulmes). However, a difference in the distribution of sites along the lake-edges can be detected, and most Mesolithic sites are concentrated in areas which are now marshy; two such areas (at the Zugersee and Bodensee) were in the Mesolithic shallow bays of the larger lakes of that time, and both had good access to the hinterland. These sites were definitely settlements, since hut outlines were recognized at the Bodensee examples, and two details are significant: within the confines of these particular bays, Mesolithic sites are considerably more numerous than Neolithic settlements (especially on the Bodensee), and, furthermore, Mesolithic sites appear on the whole to have been smaller than their Neolithic counterparts-this is certainly true on the Zugersee where the remains of both periods are badly preserved. One possible conclusion from these two facts may be that Mesolithic lakeshore sites were more transitory than those of the Neolithic, whether inhabited all year (but for shorter periods overall) or only seasonally. Seasonal occupation is therefore more likely than in the Neolithic, and the settlement around the shallow bays might signify that this was for fishing in summer (when edible plants were also available). On the other hand, red deer would have been absent from these altitudes in summer (although the site of Baulmes is not truly on the lakeshore), so that the season of occupation cannot be definitely inferred. Finally, the site of Le Locle indicates that Mesolithic economic life did incorporate high altitudes-the faunal material of this site suggests that this was a summer occupation for the exploitation of red deer.

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CHAPTER 6 MESOLITIIlC AND NEOLITHIC UTILIZATION OF SWISS MORAINE LAKES AND MARSHES

With the retreat of the Pleistocene ice from the Plateau area, there emerged a morainic landscape dotted with small moraine lakes and marshes, many of which were incorporated into the Mesolithic and Neolithic economic systems. These lakes and marshes are now considered in this chapter, but only those with definite settlement or base camp material. They range from lakes with areas half that of the Zugersee (the smallest glacial lake) to extremely modest examples such as the Lobsigensee (surface area less than 20, 000 sq. m. ), or to marshes, some of which were lakes in prehistoric times. In this ·study they are separated from the glacial lakes to prevent the excellent information of sites such as those at the Burgftschisee and Wauwilermoos from distorting the glacial lake data, and also because it is believed that these small lakes and marshes do differ from the large glacial lakes. In terms of environmental conditions, the moraine lakes have lower temperatures than the glacial lakes and a greater tendency to marshiness due to their shallow basins, while many have archaeological sites of a single or a few phases only, and these sites are by and large of the first Swiss Neolithic cultures (Cortaillod or P£yn) and of the Mesolithic. Hence, Mesolithic remains appear denser at these small lakes, but Late Neolithic less common, than at glacial lakes. West Swiss Moraine Lakes Commencing in West Switzerland, four lakes are of interest-the Lobsigensee, Moossee, Burga.schisee and Inkwilersee (Table 31, with references. Appended to this table is a lake near the Thunersee, the Dittligersee, but as this has only one little-investigated 'pfahlbau', it is not considered further). The four lakes in question lie east of the Jura Lakes in the former beds of the Rhone and Aare glaciers, and they are near the confluence of the Emme and Aare rivers amid terrain which is undulating (Figure 1). Despite their proximity to the Jura Lakes, these moraine lakes have a different climate, and in particular, unlike the glacial lakes, they have no alleviating influence on temperatures which are therefore 2°c-3°C lower than at the Jura Lakes (like most Mittelland temperatures). In addition, the summer precipitation at these lakes is higher (116 mm July average) than at the Jura Lakes and the winter snowcover is more prolonged, occurring on 32. 8 days per year (Schweizerische Meteorologische Zentralanstalt's station at Bern 572 m). These poorer conditions delay the first plant growth here by up to three weeks from that in the vicinity of the Jura Lakes, and at t>resent it begins in midApril, although the lake's localitie.s are used today to produce crops,

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particularly cereals. The agricultural details for Cantons in which these lakes are situated, demonstrate the pastures Alps and in the Jura to the south-east and north respectively

Bern and Solothurn, available in the (Table 15).

The Lobsigensee (514 m). This small lake has an outflow to the Aare river (Figure 41) and it is situated 10 km east of the South Bielersee, from which it is separated by the low-lying Grosses Moos. Prehistoric remains are infrequent here-two Neolithic settlements (near one of which were found some microliths) plus one burial cist indicate the usage of what was, according to the stratigraphy at site no. 1, a marshy lakeshore environment. Three more burial sites occur around the lake, and a stone axe was discovered in the high land to the south-east, therefore indicating that this region was visited. The Moossee (521 m). Located in a long valley to the east of the Lobsigensee and forming part of the Emme river system via the Urtenen, this lake's spatial relationship to the modern city of Bern is illustrated in Figure 41. There are two Mesolithic sites at the Moossee (nos. 10 and 11) and the main one, Moosbtlhl I, has evidence of repeated Magdalenian/Fdrsteiner habitation. At the time of this occupation (in the Preboreal and Boreal, according to the pollen) both sites were on marsh-surrounded peninsulas at the lake-edge, and hazel, linden and pine provided the forest cover nearby. Evidently the larger Mesolithic lake had shrunk by Neolithic times, for the relative finds are zonally distinct (Tschumi 1930), and those of the Neolithic are derived most probably from two settlements (nos. 7 and 9, no. 7 being the larger), but unfortunately these finds have not been separately conserved. The two settlements are most renowned for their Cortaillod occupation and they lie in the clay /peat belt depicted in Figure 42. Prior to 1856 A. D. when the lake drainage was improved, the area of this belt was a marshy valley. If poor drainage existed also in the Neolithic after the shrinking of the Mesolithic lake (conceivably with less advanced peat formation than is now present), then this would have restricted the land then available for arable agriculture near the lake. This is discussed further for the Burgn.schisee. However, beyond this clay /peat region the main soil now present is a dry, sandy silt, although gravels and sands also occur to the east, and on all these soils cultivation would have been possible in the Neolithic and natural plant foods certainly would have been available-the pollen analysis for MoosseedorfOst testifies to M.O.F. around the lakeside (33% beech, 16% M.O.F., 22% fir). To the south-east, grazing would have been available on the sandstonerich 'molasse' hills, especially those parts with thick sand deposits (giving early spring growth). In this district two Neolithic sites-Krauchtal-Mooshubels (no. 12) with a few flints, and Bolligen-Flugbrunnen (no. 13) with flints, a stone axe and forty pottery sherds-have almost identical locations on steepsided spurs, overlooking narrow valleys which open onto the undulating plain of the Moossee. As the territory of the latter site demonstrates (Figure 42), no crops could have been produced in the immediate vicinities of these sites. Nearby are several stray finds, and all those shown in Figure 41 are single flints.

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The Burgaschisee (465 m) and the Inkwilersee (461 m) (Figure 43). The region of these lakes is crucial in Swiss prehistoric research, for not only have five Neolithic sites provided rich assemblages (especially SeebergBurglischisee Sdd, which was totally excavated), but also this was the study area of Wyss' thesis (1953) which has given the most coherent definition of the Swiss Mesolithic. The Burg!schisee and the Inkwilersee are 22 km and 24 km north-east of the Moossee respectively, and they occupy low undulating land to the south-east of which are sandstone elevations, while the Jura folds are only 6 km to the north of the Inkwilersee. The lakes now discharge to the north into the Aare river, at a point east of its junction with the Emme, but it is conceivable that previously the Chrtlmelbach drained the Burg!schisee basin to the south-west into the Emme (Fltlkiger 1949/50, p. 93). The Mesolithic: T.he Burg!schisee' s Early Po stglacial level is estimated at circa 470 m (Mdller 1962, p. 274), and accordingly this contour has been marked (Figure 43), although it is uncertain that it correlates with the Mesolithic lake-edge in the area south-west of sites nos. 23 and 24. Several Mesolithic sites are positioned near this contour: in the north AeschiMoosmatten (no. 14), in the east Burg!schi-Hintereburg (no. 18), and in the south Seeberg III and VI (nos. 22 and 24) and -Ftlrsteiner (no. 23), the last being the type site of that industry which Wyss (19p3) proposed as the earliest Mesolithic industry. All these sites would have formed peninsulas at the Mesolithic lakeshore, and Hochstetten-Ruteliacher (no. 25) is on a sandy mound which lay at the edge of either the lake ot a marsh. These mounds were presumably dry habitation areas beside the Mesolithic lake or marsh (also Figure 44), but ploughing and erosion on them have rendered evidence difficult to retrieve there. Occupation of the region dates from the Preboreal when plant foods were somewhat restricted (90% pine, 5% birch and 5% grass pollen at Ftlrsteiner), but it spans the whole Mesolithic period, on the basis of the flint typologies evident at the various sites. The Neolithic: Prior to the Neolithic the Burgaschisee began to fall (but not steadily - see Chapter 2), and, at the time of the Neolithic sites, it had reached a level which was close to that of today (464. 6 m) and which certainly did not exceed today's level by more than 3 m (Brunnacker et al. 1967). Alterations in the level of this lake, however minor, produce noticeable effects as it has a shallow basin; in order to investigate whether the lake's shrinking may have caused extensive poorly-drained land in Neolithic times (as is present now, owing to a 2 m lowering in 1943 A.D.), the comprehensive study of Seeberg-Burg!schisee Stld was examined. For this site, Welten and Schweingruber have reconstructed the Neolithic environmen~ from analyses of both pollen and wood samples(Brunnacker et al. 1967): at the shore there was a reed belt behind which alder and willow graded into an alder /ash wood, and then on dry but still low land M. 0. F. with fruit trees and hazel predominated, while adjacent slopes had beech and fir (the site lay between the reed and alder /willow zones). Such a vegetation arrangement corresponds with that present today (alder 40%), when there is a clay /peat zone of pastureland around the lake and arable fields commence only at some distance from the lake. Moreover, Brunnacker and Welten (Brunnacker et al. 1967) both believed that the ground water level was still high at the settlement following upon the lake regression, particularly as Brunnacker could observe no shrinkage

100

channels and no evidence of soil formation. Thus the locality of the site was wetter than now, as shrinkage has occurred since 1943 and substantial peaty soil has formed. That the subsoil of the Neolithic site was wet and weak was confirmed by details of the excavation, for the inhabitants had renewed structures which were tilting because of ground slip, and, furthermore, they had applied many loam bases to insulate against dampness. It can therefore be concluded that the immediate surroundings of the BurgH.schisee in the Neolithic were poorly-drained but would have furnished good grazing, and that immediately at the lake the amount of arable land was at least as limited as now-see Figure 44, a corporate site catchment for all four Neolithic sites, with 10 and 60 minute distances calculated from the lakeshores. Beyond the wet . zone which surrounds this lake, light and dry loams, silts and sands offer easily tillable land away from the lake. Similar soils encompass the single-sited Inkwilersee, which has wide reed belts at its edges but only a limited development of peaty soils.

The four BurgH.schisee sites are all of the Late Cortaillod culture, but despite this they do have dissimilar pottery: BurgH.schi-Ost was perhaps the earliest on the basis of the associated R~ssen pottery, Seeberg-Burga.schisee Stidwest was synchronous with or just postdated the end of Slid (population 20-30, maximum 50) according to dendrochronology, and BurgH.schi-Nord probably followed Stldwest on the basis of the pollen data. Graves and stray objects (flints and stone axes) show use of the whole region, heights and plain (Figure 43), and one further site, Utzenstorf-Bilrglenhubel (no. 26), is on a mound in the gravel and sand plain of the Emme river. This last site was presumably a settlement, as a stone flooring with charcoal was uncovered, but finds were few-axes, simple pottery and flints (one D. B. P. )-and regrettably the animal bones have remained unstud~ed. Plants from the West Swiss Moraine Lakes (Table 32). Investigations have disclosed cultivated plants at five Neolithic sites (only Inkwil-Insel, where there was no proper study, has none), but, despite careful excavation, the site of Burg:tschi-Ost has furnished no cereals and Seeberg-Burgttschisee 3.ldwest only a few. Although groups may have removed cereals from these sites prior to their abandonment, it may be no coincidence that Burg:tschi-Ost has the least cultivable land around it. Only at Seeberg-Burg:tschisee 3.ld were the plants studied quantitatively , and, in conjunction with the results from the other sites, poppy is clearly the most frequent cultivated species for this region, and is followed by clubwheat (the main cereal) and barley. It is conceivable that these .findings may reflect some problem with ground water or precipitation in the Neolithic, as rainfall in the region in modern times is above the optimum (900 mm) for cereals (clubwheat can cope best with rainfall higher than this) and at the date of the sites' occupation, viz. mainly Cortaillod, a coot' wet period was perhaps commencing (Chapter 2). The absence of lentil at these early sites should be noted, for this plant prefers light soils and dry, warm weather. The pollen samples offer more information on this Neolithic agriculture, and as charcoal occurred both below and within culture layers and was associated with N. T. P. and cereal pollen (the last having a value of 30% at Seeberg-Burg:tschisee 3.ldwest, and of 114% inside the settlement at 3.ld but 8% at the site fence), forest burning had evidently opened up clearings for crops. However, on the basis of the low Plantago and

101

N. T. P. values (N. T. P. 18% at Endwest), these clearings were small and probably not adjacent to the sites (Welten in Brunnacker et al. 1967, p. 20). This evidence corroborates the suggestion made above that suitable land for the growing of crops was not available till some distance from the lake. The high cereal pollen value at Seeberg-Burggschisee End presumably resulted from cereals which had been brought back to the settlement. Locally-collectable fruits, nuts and edible plants also appear at all sites, and those which are present in proportions that may signify their deliberate gathering are: of Group 2, hazelnut, raspberry, blackberry , strawberry and perhaps water chestnut (the last not necessarily from Cortaillod levels), and of Group 3 Chenopodium album, Cornus sanguinea, Galium palustre/Brassica campestris, Sambucus ebulus and Solanum dulcamara. The Group 2 and 3 plants found at Seeberg-Burg!lschisee Stldwest unequivocally outnumber the cultivated seeds from the same site. Animals at the West Swiss Moraine Lakes (Table 33). The six animal bone collections from this area (from five sites which are mainly of the Cortaillod culture) include the large samples from Seeberg-Burg!lschisee Stld and from Stidwest (17,419 and 4711 bones respectively). Altogether, these collections have noticeably different compositions to those from glacial lakes, and they are distinguished above all by the high percentages of species which are usually termed ''wild". Red deer rank first in four samples, a situation repeated at glacial lakes only in the Cortaillod levels of ZUrich-Kleiner Hafner and of the Alpine Thun-Marktgasse. Large pigs are also present in appreciable numbers, while roe deer and aurochs;bison are slightly less common. N() glacial lake site duplicates exactly the pattern of .species ordering present in these collections (Table 34). Additional confirmation of this pattern is provided from Burgaschi-Ost, where red d€er were the most f equent species in its fauna, and also from Inkwil-lnsel which had many bones of ''wild" animals. The husbandry of small cattle was probably for meat and dairy produce, since the proportion of adult animals is always above 50% (at SeebergBurg!schisee Stldwest 61 %), but small swine were killed solely to provide meat: at Seeberg-Burg!schisee Stld only two of twenty-three pigs are above 2 years, and at Stldwest, although Josien (1956) estimated 66 % adults, Stampfli (1964) had many young in his sample. Of the ovicaprids, juveniles form 60% of sheep at Seeberg-Burg!schisee Stld and 50% at Stldwest. At the latter site, many sheep were slaughtered at 6 weeks and 3-6 months. More goats than sheep reached adulthood-at Stldwest there were 6 adults compared to 2 juvenile -and since at Burg!schisee Stld all adult ovicaprids are female and at both Stld and Stldwest the sheep:goat ratio equals 2:1, an assumption is tenable that ovicaprids were reared for meat and milk (for milk because adult goats are common), but not for their fleece as there are no adult males known (either sheep or goats). At Moosseedorf-Ost ovicaprids were kept on site, for their excrement was found there. It can be added that at Stld and Sddwest butchering evidence sui~gests that dogs were not eaten. However, there is also the question of the exploitation of the very numerous ''wild" animals. For red deer, information is ambiguous-at two sites, Moosseedorf-Ost and Burgaschi-Nord, an even range of all age stages is 102

present for this herbivore, whereas at Seeberg-BurgAschisee Sildwest and Sttd over 70% of the red deer are adult. Fu r thermore, 70 % of the sexed red deer at the last settlement are male (44 males and 18 females classified of 120 animals), and of these males over 50 % are below 3 years old. Jarman (1972) believed that the best explanation of these figures is that there was a husbanded red deer herd from which young males were selectively removed, and thus the herd size was maintained. Whilst this is a reasonable proposition, others have pointed out (Uerpmann 1976, Wilkinson 1976) that chance hunting cannot be categorically exc luded here. However, any argument based on the absolute numbers of red deer at this sit e is not valid (see Chapter 1, p. 7), as these numbers are incalculable without knowledge of the degree of preservation present. For roe deer there i s a similar situation, with adults predominant at Seeberg-Burgllschisee Stld and Stldwest and with males numerous at the former-17 males to 8 females of the total of 40 animals. The data for large pig at first appear more uniform , as four collections have almost exclusively adult large pigs, a fact which may imply (? selectively) hunted populations, but at Seeberg-BurgAschisee Stld immature specimens are numerous -30 are below 1 year , 8 at 1-2 years and 24 are adults, a mortality p~tt~r;n which is not dissimilar to that for small pig. At the same site, 26 %-55 % of aurochs (the figure depending on the skeletal part counted) are also juvenile -the adults being mainly female-and this is in comparison with 20 % juvenile at Stldwest. Again, these resemble the figures for small cattle. Hence, at Seeberg-BurgAschisee SUd, although aurochs/cattle and large pig/small pig are clearly separated here by size, it is arguable that aurochs and large pig were being husbanded in a similar way to that used for small cattle and pig. Since the kill patterns of these four ''wild" species all seem to agree in suggesting that they were exploited by either selective hunting or careful husbandry, this adds weight to the hypothesis that one of these methods of exploitation did occur. · Against this must be set the fact that m ost of the details are from one site, namely Seeberg-Burgllschisee Stld, which was, however, totally excavated and has provided the largest sample. It therefore seems unlikely that the data arose fortuitously from non-selective hunting, and a system of exploitation which is dissimilar to any detectable at a glacial lake for these four species can be inferred for this West Swiss region. Other species were probably hunted (for skins?), and at these shallow lakes with their plentiful fish, groups appear to have relied upon fishing and fowling to a greater extent than at glacial lakes: from Moosseedorf-Ost came many bird and fish bones (including bones of salmon) and several antler harpoons, and from Seeberg-BurgAschisee Stldwest came fish scales, harpoons and a chain of 44 pebbles wrapped in birchbark (interpreted as net weights); Seeberg-Burgllschisee Stld also had harpoons and net weights in addition to the bones of 21 water-fowl, 30 frogs, but only 3 fish (5%, 7. 2 % and o.7 % respectively of the animals at this site, although much smaller percentages if these are calculated by meat weight). For the Mesolithic,

no full report is available, Seeberg-Ftlrsteiner posand at Moosseedorf-MoosbUhl I a Mesolithic fauna of aurochs, large pig, roe deer and red deer was excavated, and the last formed the majority of the animals. Mesolithic groups probably also used the lake resources, for there were possibl :e fishing implements at MoosseedorfMoosbtlhl I and at Hochstetten-Ruteliacher . sessed one worked red deer bone,

103

Mesolithic Exploitation of the West Swiss Moraine Lakes. Mesolithic industries reveal that there was exploitation of this locality throughout the Mesolithic period, and that most sites were frequented several times. For example, according to the flint typology, Burg!schi-Hintereburg was utilized a minimum of three times and Hochstetten-Rfiteliacher twice (94% of finds here are, however, types of the Late Mesolithic), while at MoosseedorfMoosbffhl there was repeated Early Mesolithic occupation. Marked typological differences between the flint groups at individual sites appear to negate any idea of continuous cultural development at these sites (Wyss 1953), and settlement gaps therefore probably existed, i.e. sites were occupied for specific lengths of time, whether seasonal or longer, and then deserted. Although the sites of this region may all have been incorporated within a seasonal round, this cannot be proved since the evidence is not sufficiently detailed for such a conclusion to be reached. Only two clues exist as to the possible seasons of occupation at these Mesolithic sites: firstly, the position of Hochstetten-Rtlteliacher, which is at a valley exit on a deer migration route from the Fengellierg to Herrenwald (Fltlkiger 1949 / 50, p. 107), is perhaps an ideal spot for autumnal or late vernal deer hunting; in addition, red deer are predominant at Moosseedorf-Moosbffhl I, and these animals would have been at higher altitudes than this during summer, and therefore would have been absent from the vicinity of this site then. It is likely that the economy of these Mesolithic groups relied upon red deer, large pig, aurochs, roe deer and fish, but many edible plants were also available in the later Mesolithic. At those levels in the pollen diagram from the nearby Burgmoos which corr~spond to the period of M. 0. F. cover (the later Mesolithic) , some charcoal was found but it was associated with low N. T. P. , so that although Mesolithic groups produced clearances, these were small and they had little influence on the vegetation of the region (Welten 1955, p. 62). Two cereal pollen grains were also present, and this is at a time considerably before the Neolithic occupation of the Burg!schisee.

Neolithic Exploitation of the West Swiss Moraine Lakes. For a number of reasons it can be proposed that Noolithic arable produce was not a critical resource at these lakes: natural conditions were probably little better than now; and, most significantly, the land away from the lakes is better for arable farming than that in the lakes' vicin'ities, and it is therefore used as the modern cultivated region. Cultivation primarily of poppy, clubwheat and barley was therefore in all likelihood carried out in small fields at slight distances from the sites, although some sites had few seeds of cultivated plants, particularly Burg!schi-Ost which was possibly the earliest Burgttschisee Neolithic site. Moreover, forest fruits and nuts plus native plants (perhaps partly harvested from fallow fields) appear to have been at least as important as cultivated crops, and occasionally even more important. Although this agriculture may have been cyclic, using sites successively, it was not particularly short-term (Seeberg-Burg!schisee S-fidlasted 70 years) nor was the slash and burn me thod used, for weed pollen is too profuse for this (TroelsSmith 1955, p. 51). Thus animals again had a more significant role in the economy than plants, and the original view that meat was a trivial part of the diet at Seeberg-Burg!schisee Stld can be ignored, as it was a conclusion derived 104,

from .a calculation of total animal numbers (see Chapter 1 and Stampfli 1976A). Less utilization at these moraine lakes than at glacial lakes of those species normally assumed to have been herded (cattle, small pig, ovicaprids) is evident, and although high pollen counts of linden, maple, ivy and ramsons (Allium ursinum) within culture layers imply that Cortaillod groups collected these plants for fodder, certain facts may denote management problems of these husbanded herds. The facts concerned are the high percentages of animals slaughtered below 1 year, the summer /autumn kill of ovicaprids at Seeberg-Burg!schisee Sfidwest, and the very reduced stature of the cattle and of the small pig at Seeberg-Burg!schisee Sdd. Such husbandry difficulties may well explain the frequency of "wild" animals, and the grazing of the marshland surrounding the lakes would have attracted animals from adjacent high land, especially in autumn / winter. Red and roe deer, large pig and aurochs were more common than at glacial lakes and were also perhaps selectively killed (for juvenile males), and it is plausible that Cortaillod groups here were attempting to treat these forest animals like their herded species (through selective hunting), or alternatively were experimenting in domesticating them. Apparentl y fishing and fowling also supplemented food supplies, . although by meat weight these resources rema .ined unimportant. From the arch3:eology one may also gather that these lakes' vicinities were not so suited as those of glacial lakes to a Neolithic economy. By and large the culture which is represented at the sites is one of the earliest Swiss Neolithic cultures, namely the Cortaillod-although it is classified here as Late Cortaillod, this typological division is not necessarily chronologically late within the Cortaillod (Chapter 3)-and only Burg!schi-Nord and InkwilInsel, which , interestingl y have more arable land in their vicinit y (also Moosseedorf-Ost ?), possess Late Neolithic finds. Furthermore, all, except Burg!schi-Nord and Moosseedorf - Ost, are single-phase settlements, so that these moraine lakeshores were visited considerably less often than those of glacial lakes-cf. 12 Cortaillod levels at Liischerz-Innere (Bielersee). Nevertheless, all year habitation at the main Neolithic sites of these lakes (as at glacial lakes) is attested, and particularly around the Burgttschisee the seasons of occupation are unmistakable:spring - newly-born badger at Burg!schi-Ost (March), bears of a few months at Seeberg-Burg!schisee Sfid, and lambs at Sttdwest. April till June - roe deer and red deer of a few weeks at SeebergBurg!schisee Sttd. late spring/summer (March till August) - red deer antler which is cast at Seeberg- Burg!schisee Sfid and which is at the stage of first appearance at Burg!schi-Ost. summer

- salmon at Moosseedorf-Ost,

autumn - various nuts and fruits, October).

and various

e.g. bladder

fruits.

cherry

(September/

winter - wild swan at Burg!sch i -Ost (December / January)

105

However, certain sites in the lakes' proximity may well have been only seasonal. On the basis of their positioning in areas where grazing becomes ava.ilable early owing to the sandy subsoils, Bolligen-Flugbrunnen and Krauchtal-Mooshubels may be proposed as having been temporary camps for her

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