The Cultural Heritage of Manipur 9780367677572, 9781003132745

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THE CULTURAL HERITAGE OF MANIPUR

The Indira Gandhi Rashtriya Manav Sangrahalaya, Bhopal has a project to map the cultural heritage of North-East India. One volume is planned on each state. Manipur is one of the unique multi-ethnic states of North-East India which has a complex but distinctive cultural heritage of its own. This book presents the different facets of the cultural heritage of the border state of Manipur ingrained within its historicity, identity and political ecology. This book will be of much value for scholars across the disciplinary frames and pave the way for further research. Sanjenbam Yaiphaba Meitei is presently teaching in the Department of Anthropology, Manipur University. He is the author of one book and has chapters in books and academic research articles to his credit. His main research interest is in Human Variation, Population Genetics, Biosocial Anthropology, and Health Research. Sarit K. Chaudhuri is Professor in the Department of Anthropology, Rajiv Gandhi University, Arunachal Pradesh. He was former Director of IGRMS, Bhopal and worked in AnSI, Shillong. Since last three decades he is engaged with various issues concerning North-East India. M.C. Arunkumar teaches in the Department of Anthropology, Manipur University, Manipur. He has published several academic and non-academic papers in various national and international journals. He is also associated with the All India Radio, Imphal as news analyst.

The Cultural Heritage

of Manipur

Edited by S. YAIPHABA MEITEI

SARIT K. CHAUDHURI

M.C. ARUNKUMAR

MANOHAR

First published 2021 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN and by Routledge 52 Vanderbilt Avenue, New York, NY 10017 Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business © 2021 IGRMS The right of S. Yaiphaba Meitei, Sarit K. Chaudhuri and M.C. Arunkumar to be identified as the author of the editorial material, and of the authors for their individual chapters, has been asserted in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe. Print edition not for sale in South Asia (India, Sri Lanka, Nepal, Bangladesh, Pakistan or Bhutan) British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A catalog record for this book has been requested ISBN: 978-0-367-67757-2 (hbk) ISBN: 978-1-003-13274-5 (ebk) Typeset in Adobe Garamond 11/13 by Kohli Print, Delhi 110 051

This book is dedicated to PROFESSOR LOKENDRA ARAMBAM

for his contribution and lifelong engagement for the promotion of Cultural Heritage of Manipur

Contents

Introduction

11

PART I: HISTORICAL PROGRESSIONS OF

MANIPURI DANCE FORMS

1. An Overview of Oriental Dance in Manipur: A Brief Survey A. RADHAMANBI DEVI

23

2. Rhythms of Manipuri Manoharsai Singing

LAIPUBAM SURACHANDRA SHARMA

33

3. Re-Thinking Cultural Heritage: The Sankirtan

Tradition of the Raseshori Pala

REKHA KONSAM

47

4. Maha Rasa Lila: Its Philosophical and Historical Aspects

YUMLEMBAM GOPI DEVI

55

5. Manipuri Dance to Santiniketan: Shaping the

Pedagogy of Rabindranritya

SRUTI BANDOPADHAY

63

6. Therapeutic Elements found in Jagoi R"asa L∂la

of Manipur

RAJKUMARI GEETANJALI DEVI

79

7. Problems of Manipuri Dance with Reference to

Classical Manipuri Solo Dance

SINAM BASU SINGH

87

8. Dances of Manipur (Vaishnava and Pre-

Vaishnava Period)

YAIKHOM HEMANTA KUMAR

97

8

Contents PART II: PERFORMING ART HERITAGE

9 . Manipuri Diaspora and Rabindranath Tagore: Their Contribution and Nationalization of Manipuri Dance KHANGEMBAM KHONI

109

10. Nata Sankirtana and Manipuri Society M. THOIBA SINGH

119

11. The Perfoming Arts of Manipur KSHETRIMAYUM AMITA DEVI

127

PART III: LITERARY HERITAGE

12. Manuscripts Deterioration and their Preservation in Manipur LAISHRAM SADHANA DEVI

141

13. Manuscripts, Rare Books and Archival Materials as Literary Heritage of Manipur: Need for Preservation for Future Generations SALAM BINOY SINGH AND IBOHAL SINGH

155

14. The Old Stone Inscriptions of Manipur with Special Reference to Konthoujam Lairemma Stone Inscription RATNA MUTUM

167

15. Literary Heritage of Manipur PUKHRAMBAM MEMORY DEVI

179

PART IV: CULINARY HERITAGE

16. Entomophagy: A Culinary Heritage of Manipur K. GRACE KOM AND M.C. ARUNKUMAR

193

17. Ethnic Food Preparation of Vaiphei Tribes of Manipur H. SOROJINI DEVI AND KAMLENTHANG KHONGSAI

209

18. Culture and Food Heritage of the Meiteis with special reference to Kang Festival RABIKANTA SINGH AND S. SUMANTA SINGH

223

Contents

9

19. Chakluk: A Culinary Heritage of Manipur with South and Southeast Asian Flavours NGANGOM JAYSHREE DEVI

20. Food Heritage of the Vaiphei in Manipur Th. RABIKANTA SINGH AND Y. BILADINI DEVI

235 247

PART V: HERITAGE OF THE SOCIAL AND RELIGIOUS FESTIVALS

21. Anoirol: A Deep Root of Lai Haraoba and its Socio-Philosophical Aspect A. CHANCHAN DEVI

267

22. Lui Ngai-Ni: A Festival of Manipuri Nagas AHEIBAM KOIRENG SINGH

275

23. Study of the Lai Haraoba: Cultural Heritage of Manipur AKOIJAM RANJITA DEVI

285

24. Establishment of Cultural Resource Centre In The Shrines of Umanglai: A Proposal THOUNAOJAM RUHICHAND

297

PART VI: FOLKLORE HERITAGE OF MANIPUR

25. Hao-laa: Cultural Heritage in Tangkhul Naga Society WONCHIPEM K.S. AND M.C. ARUNKUMAR

311

26. The Kabui (Rongmei ) Folk Song of Manipur GAIHEMLU KAMEI

319

27. Reconstructing Cultural Heritage through Oral Traditions of the Meiteis of Manipur NARENDRA SINGH

339

28. Folk Tales and Ethnic Heritage: A Study among the Meitei Community of Manipur CHUNGKHAM SUPRIYA DEVI

347

10

Contents

PART VII: RELIGIOUS BELIEFS AND PRACTICES

29. Tarpan Katpa: A Way of Ancestor Worship in Khurkhul (A Case Study) NGATHEM PUNGFA SINGH

365

30. Situating Culture Sans Religious Belief: Culture of the Zeliangrong Christians KAMEI SAMSON

373

31. Cultural Heritage of Rongmei Tribe with Reference to Dance, Religion and Festival PETER PANMEI AND RABIKANTA SINGH

395

PART VIII: VISUAL AND MARTIAL ART FORMS

32. The Painting Heritage of Manipur THOIDINGJAM TOMBI

415

PART IX: SOCIO-ECONOMIC AND CULTURAL INSTITUTIONS

33. Tawmngaihna as the Basis of Communitarian Way of Life: A Simte Perspective ESTHER LALREMKIM AND JIBON KUMAR SINGH

433

34. Gender, Longshim (Dormitory) and Modern Educational Institution R.V. KHANCHUILA

447

35. Megalithic Heritage in Manipur: A Recent Study POTSHANGBAM BINODINI DEVI

36. Origin of Market in Traditional Manipur OKRAM SANAHANBI DEVI

455 487

37. Traditional Dress and its Cultural Significance: A Case Study of the Chiru Tribe in Manipur HOSEA THANGLEN AND LORHO MARY MAHEO

493

List of Contributors

503

Index

509

Introduction

SANJENBAM YAIPHABA MEITEI

Manipur, being homeland of many ethnic group and communities, has a complex cultural heritage. The heritage has a multiple number of layers of independent streams and is a synthesis of numerous cultural traits coming from the East and West. These layers show the unique and distinctive heritage of each ethnic group and com­ munity. Each ethnic group—major and minor—keeps its heritage against the strong winds of colonialism, liberalization and global­ ization. Likewise, various communities in the state preserve their cultural heritage. These heritages, as they perceive, are the identity markers of these groups. Still, it is also true that many elements of these heritages face a number of odd challenges leading towards gradual lading away. On the other hand, the art of cultural synthesis of the Manipuri brings out a unique heritage in the state. The cultural synthesis of traits of the East and the West took place since time immemorial. The cultural traits from Southeast Asia as well as mainland India reached the state even before the state formation that was com­ pleted in AD 33. The synthesis of many cultural traits of ethnic groups, due to constant social interactions over a long period, could develop a common heritage of the state. Moreover, the cultural synthesis in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries gave it a new set of cultural heritage. The cultural experiences and experimenta­ tions of these centuries are remarkable as they nurtured a new cultural order and heritage of the people. Due to cultural and political changes in the twentieth century, the art of cultural synthesis became weak and the heritage faced a number of chal­ lenges. Manipur, though it is a small state in the north-eastern border of India, it is famous for its rich and diverse cultural heritage all

12

Introduction

over the world. As it is the homeland of more than 35 ethnic groups, its enriched cultural heritage is also complex. The heritage has a number of layers of independent streams and is a cultural synthesis of numerous cultural traits coming from the East and the West. These cultural tradition are very much associated with the people and their daily activities. In fact, these heritages are the real identity of each community. Cultural heritage is the legacy of physical artefacts and intan­ gible attributes of a group or society that are inherited from past generations, maintained in the present and preserved for the benefit of future generations. Cultural heritage includes tangible culture (such as buildings, monuments, books, works of art, and artefacts), intangible culture (such as folklore, traditions, language, and knowl­ edge) and natural heritage (including culturally significant land­ scapes, and biodiversity) (Sullivan 2016).1 Both the tangible and intangible cultural heritage of Manipur are quite popular and the Sankirtana tradition of Manipur has been enlisted in the UNESCO’s Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Hu­ manity.2 UNESCO recognizes Sankirtana as an array of arts per­ formed to mark religious occasions and various stages in the life of the Vaishnava people of the Manipur plains. It narrates the lives and deeds of Krishna through song and dance, serving the social functions of bringing people together on festive occasion as cohesive force and reinforcing the relationships between the individual and the community through life-cycle ceremonies.3 Be it dance, music, theatre, arts, sports or food, it showcases the identity of Manipuri culture, but at the same time they are influ­ enced by different factors, of which few are threatening the cul­ tural identity. At the same time, it is also true that many elements of these heritages face a number of odd challenges leading towards extinction. The process of cultural amalgamation is seen even at the present period. Such a synthesis may bring out a new set of cultural heritage, and at the same time, pose a threat to the exist­ ing set of heritage. The book presents the different faces of the cultural heritage of Manipur covering varied and vast tradition. Most of the articles are documentation on different cultural traits of Manipur covering different aspects.

Introduction

13

Different contributors discuss Manipuri dance from different perspectives. Yaikhom Hemanta Kumar for instance, classifies the dance of Manipur into pre-Vaishanvite and post-vaisnavite. PreVaishnavite dance forms include Lai Haraoba and its different forms, while post-Vaishnavite includes different forms of Rasa Lila. Radhamanbi Adhikarimayum traces the origin of oriental dance in Manipur and provides a historical account of this dance form highlighting the contribution of eminent artists to it. Further, she also express her concern for the extinct yet beautiful dance forms of Manipur. Rajkumari Geetanjali Devi discusses the therapeutic or healing power of Manipuri dance, particularly Jagoi Rasa Lila in the form of spiritual and physical exercise. Further, she recom­ mends the importance of dance therapy as it deals with body flexi­ bility, strength, coordination, balance, etc., which can improvise a better and healthy lifestyle. Yumlembam Gopi Devi discusses the historical and philosophical aspects of Maha Rasa Lila. She opines that the intrinsic essence of Maha Rasa Lila is imparting the lesson of bhakti and true love as a means to reach Lord Krishna. Khangembam Khoni presents the contribution of the Manipuri diaspora, Manipur royalty and Guru Rabindranath Tagore towards the nationalization of Manipuri dance. The article traces the spread of Manipuri dance as performing arts through the intense experi­ ences of the Manipuri diaspora in history. Sruti Bandopadhay gives a historical account of the Manipuri dance in Santiniketan and also the contribution of Rabindranath Tagore and others in giving the Manipuri dance a higher standing. She opines that Manipuri dance and its composition has enriched the Rabindranritya. Sinam Basu Singh discuss the identity problems of classical Manipuri solo dance. In his article, he highlights the lack of proper institu­ tion to codify a uniform regulation regarding the Manipuri classical solo dance and suggests Manipur University and Manipur University of Culture to make work strategy for the upliftment of the same. Performing arts is an important aspect of Manipur cultural heri­ tage. Kshetrimayum Amita Devi highlights some of the important performing arts of Manipur, such as Rasa Lila, Pung cholom, Nupa pala, Maibi Jagoi, Lai haraoba, etc. Laipubam Surachandra Sharma

14

Introduction

attempts to highlight the dying tradition of Manipuri Manoharsai singing, to show how it grows up on the traditional soil of Manipur and explore the hidden aspects of rhythmic patterns of Manipuri Khol in an academic way. Thoiba Singh discusses the importance of Nata Sankirtana in Manipuri society. This ritualistic art form is associated with the cultural life of the Manipuris from birth to death. Rekha Konsam address the question of Manipuri women in the context of public performances, more precisely the Sankirtan practices of Manipuri Vaishnavism in the form of Raseshwori pala. Under the purview of festivals, Chanchan Devi discusses the socio-philosophical aspect of Anoirol, an ancient customary religious hymn performed during the Laibou daily sequence of Lai Haraoba festival. She describes Anoirol as an education through dance where the socio-political activities of the ancestors are imitated and con­ tinued in succeeding eras. Akoijam Ranjita Devi studies Lai Haraoba: Cultural Heritage of Manipur. In Lai Haraoba, there is a unique feature related to the tradition of Meitei society such as ritual programme, movements of the body and gesture, songs, in­ struments, etc. It helps one to know the cultural tradition. Thounao­ jam Ruhichand proposes establishment of cultural resource centre in the shrines of Umanglai to protect, preserve and propagate the rich traditional knowledge of Umanglai culture. The centre can serve as a library-cum-museum which will contribute and support the information required by the cultural activists, research schol­ ars, teachers, students, practitioners of Umanglai Culture, etc., and share and exchange the information resources (traditional knowl­ edge) available in the Umanglai culture. Aheibam Koireng Singh analyses the Luingaini festival of Manipuri Nagas in the political context. Luingaini being amalgamation of initials of three impor­ tant festivals of Naga sub-tribes, means to bring a common plat­ form for the Nagas. According to him, it is observed only at the district headquarters where Naga-based lobby groups use its festive ambience to further their political machinations like sever­ ing of ties with state government, separate administration, or even hate campaign during the yesteryears ethnic conflict days, etc. Rabikanta Singh and Sumanta Singh study the cultural and food

Introduction

15

heritage of Kang festival in Manipur. According to them, the Meitei Hindus perform the festival with indigenous touch right from the architectural structure of the chariot up to the cultural perfor­ mance of Sankritana in the form of chali, khubak esei, choidep chongba, etc. Besides, culinary heritage shows the blending of Meiteistic mind and Hinduism in terms of items and presenta­ tion. The notion of sharing, reciprocity, pleasure and respect of oblation and social coherence is also observed in the festival. Manipur has a rich tradition of folklores and folk songs. The book covers some of the issues. Folk tales in Manipur play a very important role in imparting education to the younger generation, according to Chungkham Supriya Devi. These folk tales give a certain sort of message to people and at the same time they reflect the cultural values, beliefs, customs and traditions of the commu­ nity. The custom of narrating folk tales by the grandparents to their children has been declining under the influence of modern­ ization. Gaihemlu Kamei attempts to classify the folk songs of Kabui tribe, which are sung on different occasions. Folk song is a very much part of the Kabui community as it reflects and mani­ fests the culture and practices of the Kabui ranging from their belief in the supernatural power, to their daily practices of life, such as in festivals, funerals, marriage ceremonies and other activities. Wonchipem and Arun Kumar analyse the Tangkhul folk songs, Haolaa, as part and parcel of their past life as singing and compos­ ing songs with the coming of each season and festivals depicting their past life. Orally transmitted, these Haolaa has been playing a significant role in preserving history and cultural identity of the Tangkhul Nagas. Narendra Singh attempts to reconstruct cultural heritage through oral traditions of the Meiteis of Manipur. Meitei society is well known for their oral tradition which contains reli­ gious, information of historical value, customs and tradition that has the values of local wisdom. Preservation of knowledge in oral tradition is one step into the collective responsibility of the government as well as community in preservation and storage of the oral tradition. Few studies come from the literary heritage of Manipur too.

16

Introduction

Salam Binoy Singh and Ibohal Singh study the library systems, archives and museums existing in the state and examine the pres­ ervation of such rare literary heritage. The techniques and other methods of conservation and preservations of the materials are found to be traditional ones which can be replaced by new techniques using the latest digital technologies. Pukhrambam Memory Devi examines some of the old books preserving the culture and trad­ ition of the state particularly for the old and medieval period and tries to present a literary heritage of Manipur. Ratna Mutum studies old stone inscriptions written in archaic script on Konthoujam Lairemma Stone Inscription. Such inscriptions written in Meetei script are one of the most authentic, reliable and undisputed source of information pertaining to the reconstruction of the past history of this place as they are free from manipulations and tampering, giving a helping key in solving the much-disputed issue of the be­ ginning of writing in Manipur. Laishram Sadhana Devi examines the deteriorating factors of manuscripts in Manipur and its preser­ vation methods. She found out that many of these manuscripts are suffering from many deteriorating elements and unsuitable climatic conditions, due to poor knowledge and understanding of main­ taining and conserving the written records. Food is also an important part of cultural traits. Ngangom Jayshree Devi studies both tangible and intangible aspects of Chakluk, a culinary heritage of Manipur. Chakluk has been an integral part of Manipur society having both spiritual and aesthetic value. She also expresses the presence of South and Southeast Asian culinary traits in the Meitei culinary heritage. Grace Kom and Arunkumar explore insect eating as a food habit among in the three different communities and living on different ecological settings of Manipur. The practice of eating insects differs from one culture to another and is at the verge of extinction due to the modern mindset of people that view insects in disgust. Moreover, insects can play a major role in food security, health, environment management and culture of the people of Manipur. Sorojini Devi and Kamlenthang Khongsai present ethnic food preparation of Vaiphei Tribes of Mani­ pur. Simple boiling mixed with varieties of leaves and vegetables is the most common practice for preparing Vaiphei cuisines. Other

Introduction

17

methods such as steaming, smoking and charcoal grilling are also traditional methods used occasionally and shallow frying is mainly for preparing meat dish other than pork. Rabikanta Singh and Biladini Devi explores the food heritage of Vaiphei community. They examine cultural value as well as uniqueness of food in rela­ tion to the people concerned. Food is one of important cultural element for displaying respect and hierarchy in the social life of the Vaipheis. Besides, different scholars also cover each and every perspective of cultural tradition of Manipur. Panmei Peter and Rabikanta Singh discuss the cultural heritages of Rongmei tribe with reference to dance, religion and festival. The Rongmei have a unique cultural heritage regarding dance rooted in their myth and displayed in festivals of traditionalism. It allows them to distinguish themselves from others. It can provide a common sense of unity and belong­ ingness within the group through a better understanding of the bygone generations. Another benefit that comes from preserving cultural heritage as a whole is the communal support. Further, the feeling of preserving the patrimony in one way or the other is felt by every Rongmei regardless of their difference in religion. It means that the Rongmeis of Christian convert still value indigenous dance with cultural attachment though discarding traditional festival and religion. They propagate this intangible heritage in Christianity and also held competitions to infuse its value in the mind of present generation. Khanchuila attempts to study gender orientation through two integral types of educational institutions of the Tangkhul tribe of Manipur; the traditional dormitory institution known as the ‘Longshim’ where various values and skills were imparted and the educational institutions of today against the village milieu. The article examines the changes thereof and also underlines the fac­ tors responsible for the continuity and changes of gender values. Esther Lalremkim and Jibonkumar Singh study the communi­ tarian way of Simte life. The Simte community has traditional selfless culture (Tawmngaihna) though declining slowly with time. However, new roles of philanthropic organizations, churches-based mission, societies, groups, etc., having motives of selflessness emerge

18

Introduction

to promote this selfless culture, which will directly or indirectly improve equality of the people further and uplift weaker sections of the society. Okram Sanahanbi Devi gives an account of the origin of market in traditional Manipur. Keithel in Manipur or market may have arisen from the display of the goods for exchange either through barter system or money circulation. The origin of market is re­ flected in a number of myths, legends and folklores. Potshangbam Binodini Devi tries to make a comparative study on the megalithic heritages practised by the different communities in the past and at present. Megalithism is a living tradition of different tribes of Manipur as even the Christian converted com­ munities raise megaliths with some modification as memorial and commemorative stones while they are living and also after their death. Grouping into eleven types structurally, can be divided either witness stone, memorial, watch towers, grave stones, stone seats, small avenues representing the population of a clan or vil­ lage, holy stone, and capstone. Thoidingjam Tombi traces the painting heritage of Manipur. It can be of four phase in the evolution of painting tradition in Manipur. Each phase is marked by unique characteristics, such as close affinities with human and environment in the first phase, replete with Vaishnavite religion in the second phase, genre painting and sculpture in the third phase and finally concept and treat­ ment on socio-economic and political problems in the fourth phase. Ngathem Pungfa Singh studies Tarpan Katpa, a way of ancestor worship in Khurkhul. Every year they perform their ancient way of offering to the divine entities as ‘Tarpan Katpa’ in order to in­ voke their ancestors and appease them for good health and wealth. Kamei Samson studies the ideas of culture and identity and their dynamic relation among the Zeliangrong Christians. He reveals that Zeliangrong Christians who once condemned the culture of Zeliangrong traditionalists now fondly remember and relive them to cherish their ancestral culture. Hosea Thanglen and Lorho Mary Maheo explore the traditional dress of Chiru tribe of Manipur and its cultural significance. The study concludes that the Chiru tribe is very rich in culture, trad­

Introduction

19

ition, language, social norms, costumes, religion and beliefs that constitute the precious assets which have been handed down by their ancestors. A traditional dress indicates possession of rich trad­ itional knowledge and oral history and also reflects the cultural identity. In the present globalized days where culture contacts become usual, there is always both advantages and disadvantages in main­ taining the legacy of cultural heritage of a society even in Manipur. Provision of development of a new set of heritage does always exist against the threat to the already existing. Documentation of both tangible and intangible heritage is important before it is com­ pletely lost as a part of preservation and cultural management. At the same time, it is also important to screen the newly-introduced cultural attributes before they are accepted. Cultural conflict be­ tween the already existing and newly-introduced cultural charac­ ters is possible in the heritage itself, which may lead to chaos in the society. Such an important issue of cultural change in the context of cultural heritage of Manipur needs the attention from scholars. This book is expected to give an insight on the issues and also provide food for thought to preserve, control and document such an enriched cultural tradition of Manipur.

NOTES 1. Ann Marie Sullivan, Cultural Heritage & New Media: A Future for the Past, 15 J. MARSHALL REV. INTELL.PROP. L. 604 (2016) https://repository. jmls.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1392&context=ripl 2. http://pib.nic.in/newsite/PrintRelease.aspx?relid=176981 3. https://ich.unesco.org/en/RL/sankirtana-ritual-singing-drumming-and­ dancing-of-manipur-00843

PA RT I

HISTORICAL PROGRESSIONS OF

MANIPURI DANCE FORMS

CHAPTER 1

An Overview of Oriental Dance in

Manipur: A Brief Survey

A. RADHAMAN BI DEVI

INTRODUCTION

Culture is a very complex term. It is not only the manifestation of arts religious festivals. It has wide connotations and may be seen as a deep analysis of the social behaviour, human knowledge, belief, values, etc. Different anthropologists, sociologists, historians and politicians have defined culture differently according to their own perspectives and ideas, C.N. Shankar Rao (2007) explains it thus, The term ‘Culture’ is given a wide variety of meanings and interpretations . . . The man of culture has good manners and good taste. Further, one may be inclined to believe that a Bachelor of Arts degree possesses ‘better’ culture than others. In sociology ‘culture’ does not mean personal refinement. Historians use the word ‘culture’ in yet another way to refer to the so called ‘higher’ achievements of group of life or of a period of history. By ‘higher’ achievements they mean achievements in art, music, literatures, philosophy, religion and science.

Anthropologist Edwards B. Tylor (1871) defined culture as a ‘complex whole which includes knowledge, belief, art, morals, law, custom and any other capabilities and habits acquired by man as a member of society’. Again, in the words of E.V. de Roberty ‘Culture’ is defined as ‘the body of thought and knowledge, both theoretical and practi­ cal, which only man can possess’. Explaining about culture, sociologists R.M. MacIver and Charles remarked, ‘. . . certainly all cultural change involves social change,

24

A. Radhamanbi Devi

for, as we have seen, the social and the cultural are closely inter­ woven’. From these different viewpoints about culture, it is clear that culture, as such, is a very complex term which entails various shades of meaning according to the area and perspective in which it is employed. Moreover culture is specific according to different societies. A society always has its own distinct and well-marked culture. Nevertheless, a particular culture is never static and is always dynamic due to the various confluences and influences it absorbs from time to time. TWENTIETH-CENTURY SOCIO-POLITICAL ECONOMIC

AND EDUCATIONAL CHANGES

The twentieth century has been a great milestone in the history of Manipuri society. There have been significant changes in the socio­ economic and political scenario during this century. These changes have, in turn influenced the outlook of society. Among these various changes an important one is the introduction of British education modelled on the Western education system. Unlike the previous generation who had no opportunity to get formal education, people in Manipur had access to schools established by the British in Manipur during the twentieth century. The students learnt a variety of subjects including languages like English, Bengali and Hindi. All these changes after a period of time contributed immensely in making the Manipuri culture and society more erudite and cosmo­ politan. Some Manipuris also gained access to higher education in premier institutions outside the state. And when they returned they were highly imbued with new forms of knowledge in every field. Further, the new found influences related to higher education were applied and experimented in the creation of various cultural significations like music, dance, and art in general. UDAY SHANKAR Shri Uday Shankar (1900-77) is a world famous dancer for his

creation of a new type of Indian dance. Though he was not for­

An Overview of Oriental Dance in Manipur

25

mally schooled in dance and music, he became a world famous dancer by virtue of a favourable conjunction of good fortune, aptness and opportunity. His novel creation of dance came to be known as the Oriental Dance. In 1920, when he was quite young, he went to London to study painting at the Royal College of Arts under William Rothenstein. There he availed a good chance of meeting the famous ballerina Anna Pavlova who came to the city for an extensive tour. Since the ballerina wanted to include some dance based on Indian mythology and legends in her programmes, she inducted Uday Shankar in her troupe. Later, when Uday Shankar gave a performance with Anna Pavlova of Radha-Krishna ballet at Manhatan Opera of New York in 1929, he suddenly became famous. ‘Pavlova wanted a partner for Radha-Krishna ballet, and picked up Shankar for the purpose. The first performance of Radha-Krishna ballet was held at the Manhattan Opera House of New York in 1923’, wrote P. Banerji, 1982: 2. Completely diverting from the time honoured tradition and usage of Indian dance, he created quite a different dance accompanied with Western music but thematically based on Hindu mythology and legends. In the traditional Indian custom and tradition, song and music precede dance and the dancer dances to the tune and rhythm of the music. But in his novel dance, the steps, gestures and body languages are performed first and the musical accompa­ niment is adopted to suit the dancing. This was quite contrary to the well founded Indian style. In fact, his early dance composi­ tions were done mainly to attract the Western audience by adding episodes of Indian mythology and pathas of life. For that reason, Uday Shakar’s new dance gained popularity among Western audi­ ence and it came to be known as the oriental dance. It is mentioned in ‘Asian Dance’ by Kapila Vatsyayan (2011: 113): ‘Uday Shankar may or may not have done it knowingly, but he had, by adopting these two distinct modes, laid the foundation of what may be termed modern dance, as opposed to any of the classical Indian dance forms. His style came to be known as the “Oriental Dance”.’

26

A. Radhamanbi Devi THE ORIENTAL DANCE

The dance known as the oriental dance is a dance which is generally choreographed based on an event or episode in Hindu mythology or religious scriptures and displayed as a play through the me­ dium of dance. It expresses the vivid imaginative power and skill of the artiste very differently from traditional dance forms and is a new genre of dance created to suit an individual dancer. It is fairly free from the traditional norms and rules as it chooses its own types of dress, music, gesture and body language and also in its compo­ sition based on an episode or event from history or legend or the Purana, and in the display of the dancer’s skill to the fullest. Acro­ batic skills and difficult physical movements like those of an acrobat are also adapted for high visual effect and enjoyment. THE GENESIS AND HIS ORIENTAL DANCE

In about 1930, Uday Shankar’s dance compositions such as Shiva Tandav, Shiva Parbati, Pramila Arjun, Rhythm of Life, Integral Melody, etc., were reviewed with pictures in leading English news­ papers of India, like The Hindu, The Tribune, The Indian Express, etc. Gradually, the dance called the oriental dance spread to every nook and corner of India. In Manipur also, Uday Shakar’s Oriental dance movement influenced some educated young people who began to compose dances it in their own ways. LEADING EXPONENTS OF ORIENTAL

DANCE IN MANIPUR

The orintal dance form of Uday Shankar was made popular in Manipur. The second quarter of twentieth century by some Mani­ puri youths who had seen educated in Assam. Some the them were Rajkumar Priyagopalsana, Bachaspatimayum Shantikishar Sharma, Yambem Meghabir Singh, Nongmaithem Sudhir Singh, Akoijam Indubhushan Singh and Guruaribam Baldev Sharma, etc.

An Overview of Oriental Dance in Manipur

27

RAJKUMAR PRIYOGOPALSANA (1910-2000) Rajkumar Priyogopalsana Singh was born on 4 June 1910 to noted Nata Singer Rajkumar Suryaborosana of Thangmeib and Lourung Purel Leikai. After of matricualting from Sir James Johnston High School he studied at Cotton College, Guwahati and passed I.A. Shri Rajkumar Priyogopalsana may rightly be regarded as the Uday Shankar of Manipur. The former was junior to the latter only by ten years. At the time when Uday Shankar became famous through­ out Europe, Priyogopalsana was in Cotton College, Guwahati. On seeing the acclamations and pictures of Uday Shankar’s dance in the English newspaper, Priyogopalsana also began to dream of emu­ lating him and began to compose new dances of his own. Having a sound family background in dance and music he blended innate artistic talents, comeliness and good gesture in his dances.Without much training in the art of dance he could sway the audience of Assam through his dance when he was a college student. He was given the award of Nataraj by Earl’s Law College, Gawahati when he was only twenty-two years. With this he at once became a re­ nowned artiste. In the manner of Uday Shankar’s famous compositions like Shiva Tandav, Shiv Parvati, etc., Rajkumar Priyogopal Singh also choreo­ graphed dances, like Shiva Tandav, Shiva Sankar, Kamsabodh and Khamba, etc., one after another and it was much appreciated throughout India. The newspaper, Scardale Luquirer published in New York on 14 October 1955 said, Priyogopal, world famous Hindu dancer from Manipur. . . . Priyogopal became famous throughout India, and then felt the call to introduced his authentic dance forms to the rest of the world. He has founded several dance centres in India to preserve and cultivate the ancient dances. He has toured Australia and New Zealand under the auspices of the Board of Adult Edu­ cation, and has received acclaim in his tours of the United States of Canada.

BACHASPATIMAYUM SHANTIKISHWAR SHARMA (1912-54) Bachaspatimayum Shantikishwar Sharma, son of Shri Bachas­ patimayum Tatwabir Sharma popularly known as Tabapi Sharma,

28

A. Radhamanbi Devi

a drummer and dance teacher of Khwai Brahmapur Bachaspati Leikai was born in 1912. Born in a family of sound background of music and to a couple devoted to dance, Shantikishwar Sharma had a special skill of drum, dance and music. When he was a con­ siderably grown up boy he began to learn the drum from the re­ nowned drummer Shri Aribam Gopal Sharma around 1923. After learning the drum from the guru for about four/five years, when he was a youth, he joined a circus party in about 1932 and toured various places of Assam and Bengal. During his tour he saw in the newspaper the dance with a picture of Uday Shankar when he was a world famous dancer. On seeing it he felt a strong desire to fol­ low his footsteps. Consequently, he began to compose his own dances, such as Shiva Tandava, Chitrangada, Khamba-Thoibi, Naga Dance, Ngafa Jagoi (Fishing Dance), Loukhao Jagoi (Harvest Dance), Shikari (Hunter) and Agni Nritya (Fire Dance), one after another and gave public performances, thus becoming a full-fledged professional dancer. While mentioning about the precursors of the oriental dance movement in Manipur the names of Shri Bachaspatimayum Shanti­ kishwar Sharma and Shri Rajkumar Priyogopalsana Singh come to the fore. They were eminent contemporary performers of the oriental dance and their performances could sway the audience. Both of them are highly commendable for their great proficiency in oriental dance. NONGMAITHEM SUDHIR SINGH (1914-74) Born in 1914 as the son of Nongmaithem Tompishak Singh and his wife Angoubi Devi of Yaiskul Chingakham Leirak, Imphal, Nongmaithem Sudhir Singh was the second among six children. Hailing from a family with a good musical background who also had close acquaintance with the song and drama activities of the royal palace, Nongmaithem Sudhir Singh had the opportu­ nity of easy access to renowned song and dance teachers, like Sarvashri Laishram Kullabidhu, Maisnam Amubi, Gourachandra Sharma, Takhelchangbam Amudon Sharma and Tolchou Singh, etc., and acquired the knowledge and art from them. He also learned Sanskrit from Pandit Raj Atombapu Sharma.

An Overview of Oriental Dance in Manipur

29

As Manipur was fairly advanced in English education, N. Sudhir Singh studied at Sir Johnston High English School, Imphal and passed Matriculation examination in 1934 under Calcutta Uni­ versity. Studying further at Cotton College, Gauhati, he passed I.A. (Intermediate Arts). Being inspired by the rising trend of proscenium theatre in Manipur and the widespred global fame of Uday Shankar’s oriental dance in Indian newspapers, there came a strong desire in Nongmai­ them Sudhir Singh to expose the rich wealth of Manipuri dance and music to the outside world. Consequently, he began to make efforts to convert the custom­ ary, ritualistic and traditional Manipuri dances usually performed at mandaps (Pavilligns) and laimangs (precincts of folk deities) into stage performances so as to be suitable and acceptable to the audience of Manipur and outside. He composed new dances, such as Khamba Thoibi, Leima Jagoi, Leisemba, Poireiton Khunthokpa, Keiga Yenga, etc. Besides these, he performed oriental dances, such as, Lava-Kusha Ashtrashikshya (Learning of Martial art by Lava and Kusha), Chitrangada Arjuna, Abhisarika, etc. His dances with good form, fair complexion and handsomeness made him a dancer par excellence and his performances are unforgettable. SHRI YAMBEM MAHABIR SINGH (1922-53) Born in 1922 at Uripok Yambem Leikai, Imphal, Shri Yambem Mahabir Singh was the son of Y. Angou Singh, a drummer. Learn­ ing the drum from early boyhood, he became a renowned drum­ mer during his early adolescence. By a favourable continuation of talent, destiny and luck he availed the opportunity of acquainting himself with the world famous oriental dancer Shri Uday Shankar. He was the only Manipuri artiste who was enlisted in Uday Shankar’s dance troupe and got the opportunity of touring the world. When Shri Maisnam Amubi Singh was invited to be a dance teacher at the newly established Uday Shankar Cultural Centre at Almora in 1939, Mahabir Singh (17 years of age then) was taken along as a drummer by Guru Amubi and he (Mahabir) remained there with his guru and got to know the world famous dancer Uday Shankar.

30

A. Radhamanbi Devi

The message from Uday Shankar to the guru inviting him to Almora again reminded him of his ordained duty. Without a mo­ ment of hesitation he decided to accept the invitation with him. He took young dancer named Mahabir Singh who had received training from guru Amubi and had also been trained in the art of pung playing by other traditional maestros. Though Y. Mahabir was a drummer by trade, by dint of his versatility and talents, he played not only the drum but could participate in other dance programmes of Uday Shankar. Thus in availing the rare opportunity of contact with Uday Shankar for about two years he could acquire much invaluable knowledge and practical experiences. At the same time Uday Shankar was also very happy to find a talented, energetic, resourceful and depend­ able young artiste. In the beginning of 1942 Guru Maisnam Amubi and Yambem Mahabir Singh had to return to Manipur from Uday Shankar Culture Centre at Almora due to the outbreak of the Second World War. When the war ended, Shri Yambem Mahabir found it conve­ nient to create his new dance compositions, such as Kath Putli (the wooden doll), the Kite dance, Urvasi, Abhimanyu, Durga Dance, etc., and gave public performances in Manipur. In the newspaper Thought published on 27 December 1952 it was re­ ported about Yambem Mahabir: ‘But there was nothing to match the two pieces Sri Mahabir Singh—the Pungcholom and the Naga dance. The great range of the musical sound on the Khol which Mahabir Singh can evoke invariably results in an appreciable quick­ ening of the pulse in the spectator.’ GURUARIBAM BALDEV SHARMA (1935-91) Born on 5 October 1935 at Brahmapur Guruaribam Leikai, Shri Guruaribam Baldev Sharma was the son of GuruaribamTomba Sharma and Madhumati Devi. Having the inclination for art from childhood, he stepped into dance and music at the age of fifteen as a disciple of the renowned oriental dancer Shri Bachaspatimayum Shantikishwar Sharma. When he was young, he performed dances, like Khamba-Thoibi, Khamba Kao Faba (Khamba as a matador),

An Overview of Oriental Dance in Manipur

31

Agni Nritya (Fire Dance) and Naga Shikar (Naga Hunting), etc., under his guru and became very popular. Thus, since 1950 he took part in various dance programmes of his guru Bachaspati­ mayum Shantikishwar Sharma. When his Guru Bachaspatimayum Shantikishwar Sharma died in 1954, Guruaribam Baldev Sharma started dancing as a successor of his deceased guru. The dance performances he gave were Chitran­ gada, Shivatandav, Shiv Parvati, Kalidamon, Bhakta Prahlad, Abhimanyu, etc. In 1956 he was honoured by Brahmasabha by being conferred the award of Nataraj, after the display of his new dance composi­ tion ‘Veer Paona’ at Johnstone High School in 1956 on the occa­ sion of Swadhinta Sangan. He created many new dance composi­ tions and gave public performances, such as Mahishasor Badha, Ramayana, Seetaharan, Lava-Kusha, Pakhangba Fambal Tongba (caronation of Pakhangba), etc. A Manipuri dance troupe led by Shri Guruaribam Baldev Sharma participated in the dance and drama festival at Madras in 1958 organized by Indian People’s Theatre Association (IPTA). Since then he became the Secretary of IPTA, Manipur Branch and worked for the organization. THE DECLINE OF ORIENTAL DANCE

After Uday Shankar created a novel dance form and showed his Radha-Krishna ballet in the USA in 1923 he became famous in­ stantly and his dance came to be known as the oriental dance. When he set up his organization named Uday Shankar Culture Centre at Almora in 1939, the people of India received it warmly. The global wave of the oriental dance having swayed India, some Manipuri youths who had artistic talents and who were studying outside Manipur, learnt about Uday Shankar’s novel dance and began to imitate him. The movement of oriental dance entered Manipur around 1930 and after gaining a huge popularity, it started declining slowly. After fulfilling their dream of carving a name in the world of dance, the renowned gurus of oriental dance ceased to work and perform.

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A. Radhamanbi Devi

Moreover the legacy of their dance form was not learnt and carried on by the future generation. The movement which had a meteoric rise finally slipped away from the world of dance around the late 1950s. CONCLUSION

Manipur being inhabited by various ethnic groups having different languages, customs and tradition, is abundant in different forms of indigenous dance, music, and festivals. Beautiful music and dance concerning with different occasions had been existing in Manipur from very early times. Songs, music and dances pertaining to reli­ gion, rite and custom, etc., are mainly preserved and perpetuated and put in vogue, for need and inevitability to save from extinc­ tion. But many dances, songs, festivals, etc., concerning simple enjoyment and merriment have vanished with the change of time and social conditions and have been reduced to dead art and cul­ ture. Therefore, there should be an ardent attempt to revive ex­ tinct but beautiful dance forms, such as Mareibak Jagoi, Baiji Jagoi, Pasa Khala, etc., through research by ardent researchers.

REFERENCES Banerji, P., Uday Shankar and His Art, Delhi: B.R. Publishing Corporation, 1982. Foot, L.L., Dance: Rituals of Manipur, Delhi: Ministry of Scientific Research and Cultural Affairs, 1958. MacIver, R.M. and C.H. Page, Society: An Introductory Analysis, London: Macmillan, 2001 (rpt.). Rao, C.N.S., 1999, Sociology: Principles of Sociology with an Introduction to Sociological Thought, Delhi: S. Chand and Company, 2007 (rpt.). Vatsyayan, K., Asian Dance, Delhi: B.R. Rhythms, 2011.

CHAPTER 2

Rhythms of Manipuri

Manoharsai Singing

LAIPUBAM SURACHANDRA SHARMA

INTRODUCTION

Without rhythm a musical art can’t exist. Rhythm is the time configuration of beats and strokes. Manipur, once a princely state had experienced the glorious past of using their own time keeping devices. The people of this land had the knowledge of as many as twenty-seven stars that had been named according to their loca­ tions and used as the important element in knowing the rhythm. There is a belief that the people of this land had known the use of rhythm in an appropriate manner since Nongta Lairen Pakhangba. The ancient times of Manipuri sculpture date back to the reign of Meidingu Khuiyoi Tompok in the second century AD. It was during his rule that the first known sculptures known as yangdouba and yangdoubi were created in the form of wooden statues. The statues are symbolic of the time controlling deities of the Meiteis. A spe­ cial device called tanyipung (a cylindrical, hollow and wooden drum) is attached to the statue, which serves as an indicator of time. Now a replica of this statue is preserved under the custody of Govindaji Temple. Originally, there were various types of pung depending on its shape and the purpose. In the early days, Manipuri people had pung, which were called khong, harao-pung, lai-pung, yai-pung, tanyei-pung, khun-pung, lan-pung etc. We can also find the men­ tion pung as the times configuration system of measuring time at different times of a day in ancient Manipuri manuscripts like Leithak Leikharol and Pudin Puya. In the context of music, the term pung is a Manipuri word that also represents the percussion instrument

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Laipubam Surachandra Sharma

made from animal skin. Its function is to control the time of the musical performance. The mridanga or pung player expresses the rhythm through the percussion instrument. The first pung or drum of Manipur is said to have been made of the wood of wang tree in the first century AD during the reign of King Khuiyoi Tompok in AD 154. This shows that the long history before the advent of Vaishnavism along with the cultural influence from western India, Manipur had a long tradition of its own way of musical rhythmic concepts. BIRTH OF MANIPURI MANOHARSAI

KIRTAN SINGING

Since the very early time, Manipur has been a storehouse of ex­ change where the east and the west meet. It has a composite culture and cultural heritages. Concerning the religious faiths and beliefs of the neighbouring lands of the east and the west are Buddhism and Hinduism respectively. When the time and situations came in course of the socio-political history of Manipur and forced the inhabitants of the monarchical kingdom by the pressures of the Buddhist or Burma for security, protection and safeguard the free­ dom, independence and sovereignty, Manipuri adopted Hinduism. It is believed that Vasinavism in the Meitei Society began with Krisna cult under Nimbarka school followed by Rama cult under Ramandi school and again by the revival of Krisna cult under Chaitanya Vaisnavism in the Meitei Society was mainly due to ‘Sankirtan’ itself which is the form of worship of Krisna and Radha through hymns of praise and dramatization of scenes from their lives and sporting in the garden of Vrindavan. This actually suited the taste of the Meiteis whose traditional religion expresses itself in the synthesis of music, singing, dancing and drama.

Therefore, the ‘Sankirtan’ infused with the artistic genius of the Meiteis, created an atmosphere where dance and music became the dominant elements of their religion and life, providing an emotional outlet to the people. As the spreading out of the Hindu­ ism in the mainland India extended, the majority of the valley

Rhythms of Manipuri Manoharsai Singing

35

people adopted Hinduism or the Sanatana religion. The common faith of the people, as well as their religious ideal were adapted into the deep philosophy of Hinduism and the valley people, especially amongst the Meitei community, the Bhakti philosophy was absorbed as an ideal religion. During the reign of Rajarshi Bhagyachandra, the fifty-fourth king of Manipur, deeply religious and the patron of tradition and culture who ruled Manipur for 40 years (c.1759-61 and AD 1763­ 98), considerable development in the performing art forms in Manipur could be perceived. It was under his patronage that the world famous Manipuri classical form of Ras Leela having live forms namely Maharasa, Kunjarasa, Basantarasa, Nityarasa and Divyarasa were composed wherein subtle emotional acting is manifest with rhythmic dance and music. Some three centuries ahead, during the dark age of hypocrisy and quarrel, Chaitanya Mahaprabhu or Lord Gauranga distributed love of God through the chant of bhajan and kirtan. Bengal is known for the birthplace of Sankirtan. Lord Gaurangahad introduced kirtan singings in Bengal, Assam and Orissa during the fifteenth century. His kirtans are sung widely there. It was the beat and the rhythm of khol that the lyrics based on bhakti were chanted. This chanting of kirtan crossed the threshold of Manipur lately after the people of Manipur were converted to Hinduism. As in Bengal, Orissa and Assam the singing of the kirtan was accompa­ nied by the khol and cymbal. It is a well-known fact that the present Nat Sankritan of Manipur is a derivation of the kirtan tradition after fusing it with folk elements and traditions suitable for the soil of this land. According to scholars, there are two forms of kirtan in Manipur such as nat kirtan and manoharsai kirtan. In the recital of both the kirtans, the percussion musical instrument namely the Meitei pung and khol are used to control the rhythms of the songs. The belief that both the instruments occupy a sacred status and its perfor­ mance began after arati is because of its associate with the sacred chant of the name of the Lord. The present khol (mridanga) that is used in Manipuri tradition is made of wood. The sound thus produced by this musical instru­

36

Laipubam Surachandra Sharma

ment is a bit different from that produced by the khol used in Bengal and Assam. The manoharsai tradition of Bengal is deemed to have extinct with the advent of other art forms. However, when the kirtan tradition came into contact with the Manipuri genius, it underwent artistic transmutation in its texture in this rich cul­ tural soil by ameliorating it with the fusion of the traditional and indigenous rhythm and music, to name a few: naheiroi, shikaplon, huikaplon, jat, lam-in, hiripabot, etc. In the context of Manipur, it was during the period of Maharaj Chandrakirti that the artistic form of manoharsai was popularized in this land as gurus from Bengal; Goshwami Gourachand, Bhramananda Kshetramohan and Gadadhar from whom recitals of the manoharsai were learned came to Manipur. As the canon of singing the manoharsai follows a religious tradition with certain sanctum, this article will not go to detail on how it is performed inside an arbour and the depth of the philosophy thereof. How­ ever, it is a point to be discussed on the context of different occa­ sion where manoharsai kirtan singing is participated along with Khol. RHYTHMIC PERFORMANCES OF MANOHARSAI

KIRTAN SINGING

As the performances of the manoharshai kirtan singing of Manipur developed and ameliorated extensively, the accompaniment the Manipuri khol also developed correspondingly. They play a major role to recreate the rhythmic equivalents of the whole performance. Here we can elaborate with some specific examples of religious occasions and spiritual ceremonies to where khol acts as rhythm provider. (a) Rasa Lila: In the seventeenth century the Rasa Lila was intro­ duced by the King Bhagyachandra and as a custom there should be at least a performance of manoharsai kirtan just before the commencement of the Rasa Lila. In the present day also, in the temple of Ramjee Prabhu the system of starting with a manorharsai kirtan accompanied with khol for a Rasa

Rhythms of Manipuri Manoharsai Singing

37

Lila is done by keeping the old system as it was. Thus, for Ramjee Prabhu’s temple starting with a manoharsai accompa­ nied with khol is an unavoidable rule and tradition. (b) Goudlila: At the time of king Chandrakirti Maharaja the Goudlila was introduced in Manipur. The using of notes, bols and strokes of cymbal was the same as in manoharsai. So thus for the percussion instrument those artists used were khol and mridanga as an accompanying instrument on that specific occasion. (c) Ram Lila: In the day of Ramanavami and Sitanavami, in the temple of Ramjee Prabu there was a specific performance of Ram Lila. In that performance, the khol and mridanga was used and even now the same tradition continues. (d) In the Gostha Lila and Kangshabodha Lila too the khol and mridanga were used as accompaniments. (e) At the time of establishment of Basak Ishei, Khubak Ishei, Jhulan Jatra Ishei, singings of Durga Pujah, Kali Kirtan, etc., the khol and mridanga were played in Manipur society. (f ) Kotha kirtan, a type of singing at every locality of Manipur in the temple of Shri Hari for a complete month of Mera (September-Ocober) were also performed accompanied khol and mridanga, and on the occasion of Hari Uthan Kang (a chariot) chingba (pull) there was also a singing and in that singing the khol and mridanga were used as accompaniments. In the night time nam-kirtan (a type of singing) was also offered with dhup (scented smoke) and arati accompanying with cymbal and khol and mridanga. (g) Gita Path /Prabachan: By reciting the Bhagavad Gita during the Shraddha ceremony, Death Anniversary ceremony. On this occasion, the chanters recite solha nam (16 name) singing, i.e. hare krishna hare krishna rishna krishna hare hare, hare ram hare ram ram ram hare hare accompanined khol and mridanga. (h) Rath Yatra: There were seven sampradai (group) and those seven groups together performed the manoharsai kirtan for Rath Yatra. In a group, there were two percussionists playing the khol and seven kirtan singers. Fourteen khol percussionists took

38

Laipubam Surachandra Sharma

part in playing the khol in the manoharsai kirtan, which were the offerings to Shri Shri Govindaji during Rath Yatra. This is called chawdhaman/chawdhmardle. In addition, while performing Jaydeva recital (Jaydev Chongba in Manipuri) in the Kang (Rath Yatra) ceremony the performers were using khol and mridanga with cymbals. (i) Dhop Pala: In older dhop pala kirtan at Shri Shri Govindajee Temple, the percussionists used the khol and mridanga for regulating rhythm and tone with other musical instruments like sitar, israj, harmonium and tabla etc. (j) At the time of King Bodhachandra, the king established manoharsai holi pala at Shri Shri Govindaji Temple and his highness himself performed as a khol player at several places in Manipur on the occasions of manoharsai holi pala every year. DEVELOPMENTS OF RHYTHMIC PATTERNS

OF MANIPURI KHOL

Before we study the different rhythmic structure of Manipuri khol we need to first understand the theoretical backgrounds of their rhythmic patterns and developments. We can see in one pairing of a taal there is more than one cycle of the basic taal. This is done to meet the requirements of the song, to maintain its aesthetic qual­ ity. For instance, the dashkosh taal is composed on 7 beats but according to the requirements of the particular composition one pairing may contain 14 or 21 beats, i.e. two or three avartanas (basic cycle) come under one pairing more than one syllable in one beat or varnakala. In Sangeet-ratnakara only one syllable constitutes one vamakala—ka, cha, ta, tapa. While in Manipuri many syl­ lables may constitute one varnakala like khitkhit/gregre/dhindhen. The explanation of Manipuri rhythmic system, is quite unlike other traditions. Referring to stresses or accented beats in a metrical cycle (avartana), Darshana Javeri mentioned unaccented beats like nishabda anga bringing out patterns of rhythm. But in Manipuri two or more taals can form one avartana in taal-prabandhas, which are of two types—one in which the taal composition is complete in itself and the other one in which incomplete compositions of

Rhythms of Manipuri Manoharsai Singing

39

taals are grouped. Shalaga or phertal is a combination of two taals and sankirna, which has more than two taals grouped together. Prabandhas, mentioned in Sangeeta-ratnakara is used in plenty in Manipuri. In fact, the original work done in the field of rhythmic pattern of Manipuri kirtan singing is highly creative and amazing. The Manipuri rhythmic system is based on various Vaishnava sangeet shatras of ancient Indian texts. However, they have not only created original taals and rhythmic pattern but have also evolved an indi­ vidual method of documenting them in their manuscripts such as Mridanga Vyasvastha Sangeet, Mridanga Sangraha, etc. Manipuri scholars were well versed in the technical elements mentioned in the ancient sangeet shastras. Let us consider, Ektali (Mridanga Sangraha, p. 3) as an example of the intense research work done by the Manipuri gurus. This ektal is considered as the basic taal from which all the other taals have evolved. This is mentioned in Krishnaras Sangeet Sangraha (chap. IV, verse 527) and Panchamsara Samhita (chap. IV, verse 13). The entire duration of a taal is subdivided into intervals and these constituent units are known as angas. In all the different angapranas, be it guru, laghu or pluta, the number of stresses is one and thus, these taals are called ektal in spite of difference in rhythm patterns caused by difference in varnakala or time measure. For example, laghu has 4 varnakalas while guru has 8, but the taals with either laghu or guru as anga will be called ektals since the number of stresses is one in both cases. In such cases, not only angaprana but jatiprana is considered. Jatis are formed as variations in the varnakalas of laghu which is considered to be the standard division of taal. Since there are no angas with 6, 7 or 9 varnakalas, jatis are applied as variations in the varnakala of laghu. The number of stresses, however, is one. If we take taal bhangadesh of 8 varnakala, it is divided as 12/345678; thus, it has angaprana druta but since there is no anga of varnakala 6, we have to take the ritujati of laghu. Another interesting aspect of Manipuri rhythmic system is men­ tioned in the old manuscript, Mridanga Vyavastha Sangeet. Taal tanchup of four beats and one stress is considered the standard

40

Laipubam Surachandra Sharma

ektal. Every Manipuri taal has two sections, that is right (yet) and left (oi) which is similar to bhari and khali of Hindustani Music. The tanchup with four varnakala is called akuppa in Manipuri while in Sanskrit it is denoted as ektal. Sometimes this four varnakala of tanchup is extended into 8 or 16 varnakalas. In that case, the taal does not change but the time span is expanded. Tanchup of eight varnakala is called mayai (middle) in Manipuri and dwikal (two times) in Sanskrit while tanchup of 16 beats is called araoba in Manipuri and chatuskal (four times) in Sanskrit. The taals are divided into shudha (pure) shalag (having com­ bination of two taals in the basic cycle) and sankirna (having combination of more than 2 taals in the basic time cycle). These divisions are mentioned in Krishnarasa Sangeet Sangraha (fourth chapter). The shalag and sankirna taals in Manipur are known as phertal, where in Bengali padavali kirtan is known as tal pherata (reference is found in Banglar Vaishnav Samaj Sangeet O Sahitya by Vasanti Chowdhury (p. 82) as well as Suresh Chakraborty’s introduction to Geeta Govinda by Harekrishna Mukhopadhyay). SOME TERMINOLOGIES

Taal : It is the rhythmical beating of the heart in every living being. However, the term taal is being used in this book to indicate the measure of time and the measure of movement from one end to another. Taantha: In a repeated cycle of limited beats, the fixed beats for various numbers of strikes is called taantha. Matra: Each beat after equal division of many beats in a cycle of a taal is called matra. Punglon: It is the notes/boles of the pung or the sound of pung when played. Mapung: A complete cycle of the punglon that is usually played repeatedly. Ahaappa: A piece of punglon that is played suitably in a punglon mapung without changing the taal pattern but that enhances the note aesthetically/rhythmically giving richness of variety.

Rhythms of Manipuri Manoharsai Singing

41

Vahoudok: It is he characteristic of the opening bol of any dance or music composition. Paring: Groups of bols composed on a basic taal. It is the theka of Hindustani music. Alankar : Ornamentation of rhythm patterns (prastar/toda) on the basic taal. Akhaiba: It is the transitory bol between two rhythm patterns. It is a piece of adjoining punglon that is played as a change over for a new mapung or new taal. Konnabi: It is the combination of syllables of the drum reproducing the sound pattern of the song or poem spoken in rhythm. Athaba: It is theconcluding phrase of rhythm patterns of an item. Phertal: Combination of two or more avartanas (basic cycle) of the taal according to the avartan of the basic taal is called phertal. Taal prabandha: A harmonius composition based on the combi­ nation of two or more taals. It is different from shalang and sankirna taal which combine only one avartana of different taals. Tal prabandha is a full composition using many avartanas of the constituent taals. SYMBOLS AND SIGNS USED IN RHYTHM NOTATION

+

SUM (the first main strike), same as in Hindustani.

1,2,3.. CHAPOR denotes the no beats of a taal, where matra as in Hindustani. 0

PHAK means weaving of hands, where khali or phak as in Hindustani.

.

BINDU represents one matra, where one syllable as in Hindustani.

!

BIRAM represents the space of one matra, where the sign, ‘S’ as in Hindustani.

:

Half matra, where the sign, ‘—’ is used in Hindustani.

42 |

Laipubam Surachandra Sharma BHARI or GHAT where clapping of taal is indicated, where it is the BIBHAG in Hindustani. YUGAL indicates the place of imposition of another simi­ lar taal within the taal itself. AROHAN—ABROHAN indicates sequential weaving of hands of a singer in the manner of back and forth. Besides, the taal angas like laghu, guru, plut and jati systems of Carnatic music was also used to indicate the numbers of matra or aksharkal of a taal by Manipuri gurus.

On observing the above statements, it seems to be a product of assimilation of Carnatic and Hindustani taal system. Further, if we look at some terminologies, naming of taals and their structures, etc., there is a lot of similarity with Hindustani taal system. We can study them briefly from the modern view of Hindustani taal sastra in the following manners: Padavali Kirtan Taals: Brahma Taal:

The above is the symbolic representation of brahma taal of 28 matras where, laghu- ‘ | ’ is 4 matra and drut- ‘o’ is 6 matras respectively. Only its angas indicates a taal, i.e. taal murtis which is the representation of that particular taal. All of the taals are based on angas of Carnatic Music. Later on, modern taal lipi system of Bhatkhande is also vey commonly used by Manipuri gurus. Beloware the examples of a Manipuri taal, shown in the form of mnemonic syllables, which represents the modern notation system of manoharsai kirtan in Figure 2.1. In addition, Figure 2.2 repre­ sents the local notation system similar to Bhatkhande Notation. COMPOSITIONAL FORM OF HATUTI

The solo compositions are known as hatutis. Hat means ‘hand’ and tuti, ‘repeating again and again’. All kirtan melodies are composed of different hatuti-mantras, either partially or in complete form.

Rhythms of Manipuri Manoharsai Singing

Figure 2.1: As shown in Hindustani

43

Figure 2.2: As shown in Traditional

Another example of a rhythmic cycle (taal ) in Bhatkande Notation:

Thus, by learning hatuti, not only hand become very strong but also learn to speak on the khol, by meeting the vast realm of different taal and rhythms. Hatuti is a combination of bols that are passed from generation to generation. They are very carefully put together and consist of mainly of three parts; introduction part, developing part and resolving part. There are 108 hatutis and usually, dependingon the audience and occasion, one or more are played with an accompaniment of karatals and other percussion instruments. Before staring hatuti

44

Laipubam Surachandra Sharma

compositions, one usually plays an introductory composition several cycles long. The introductory composition can itself be a hatuti, with all the parts. Between one hatuti and the next, the khol player plays the connecting (mukhras) hatuti which can be understood as a kayda in the Hindustani Music. The developing part can be re­ presented as paltas/relas, theresolving part as tihais, and introduc­ tory part as peshkars or long mukhras. INTRODUCTORY HATUTIS (STAGE SETTING)

This hatuti recital is intended for small solo presentations before performing devotional rituals, public parades, bhajans, etc. The hatuti uses some of the non-khol sounds, such as clapping of hands. The main developing part is a short, groovy, rhythmic pattern, that is similar to those pieces played on public rituals involving group dancing, etc. However, the ending tihais are somewhat hard and cannot be used as an accompaniment to other instrumental music. This hatuti is introductory and goes together whit some other hatutis that use clapping or waving of hands. 1. Introduction Part Da Tete tete tete tete tete ete

guru tete tete tete tete tete tete

gur kheta kheta kheta kheta kheta kheta

jha tak tak tak tak tak tak

jha

tere tere tere

kheta kheta kheta

tete

kheta

tak

tere

kheta tak

dhinta dhinta

tete

kheta

tak

tere

kheta tak

dhinta dhinta

tete

kheta

tak

tere

kheta tak

dhinta dhinta

Resolving Tehai tete jha tete jha tete

Rhythms of Manipuri Manoharsai Singing

45

2. Developing Part tak tak tak tak tak tak tak tak tak

dhin dhin dhin dhin dhin dhin dhin dhin dhin

taka digi taka digi taka digi digi digi digi

taka digi taka digi taka digi digi digi digi

tak tak tak tak tak tak tak tak tak

dhin dhin dhin dhin dhin dhin dhin dhin dhin

ta, dhin

tak dhin ta, ta . . . So on.

ta ta ta ta ta ta ta ta ta

(clap) (clap) (clap) (clap) (clap) (clap) (clap) (clap) (clap)

Variation 1 tak dhin dhin tak

tak

dhin

tak

3. Resolving Part (Ending Tehai ) tere tere tere tak tak tak tak tak tak

kheta kheta kheta dhinta dhinta dhinta dhinta dhinta dhinta

gade gade gade dhinta dhinta dhinta dhinta dhinta dhinta

ghine tak ghine tak ghine tak jha jha

dhin tadhin ta dhin tadhin ta dhin tadhin ta

jha jha

jha jha finished CONCLUSION

Thus, the usage of the rhythm of Manipuri khols in the tradi­ tional Manipuri manoharsai singing is purified and becomes the most spontaneous activities of social life in general are not without some musical characteristics. Musical tones and rhythms are sym­ bolic of social facts. All races are genuinely musical at all times and places and each phase of human existence brings forth its own perfect musical expression. Thus, rhythm communicates the state

46

Laipubam Surachandra Sharma

of human nature in the context of different cultures. It is a fact that the standard of development of Manipuri society can be known from its achievements in the field of arts and culture, as it is an indispensible part of Manipuri society and the mirror of its aesthetic values.

REFERENCES Das, B., Introduction of Basic Mridanga Book. Accessed from kupdf.net/down­ load/mridanga-book-by-bablu-das_59fa831ac2b6f5f93bff4880_pdf Devi, J., Cultural history of Manipur, Delhi: Mittal Publication, 2010. Devi, L.T., Manipuri natka mari leinaba eshei yantrasing, Imphal: Digital Printers, 2009. Singh, L.B., ‘Folk Music of the Ethnic Minorities of Manipur’, Indian Folklife 30, 2008, pp. 13-14. Singh,B., Manipuri Naartaney Tal O Alankar, Calcutta: Manipur Nartalaya, 1992. Shreejayanthi, G., Mridanga, Delhi: B.R. Rhythms, 2004.

CHAPTER 3

Re-Thinking Cultural Heritage:

The Sankirtan Tradition of the

Raseshori Pala

REKHA KONSAM

In today’s interconnected world, culture’s power to transform societies is clear. Its diverse manifestations—from our cherished historic monuments and museums to traditional practices and contemporary art forms—enrich our everyday lives in countless ways. UNESCO 1

What does it mean to think about or approach something as ‘cultural heritage’, whether it be tangible as a building or intan­ gible as a practice? How is it different from approaching the same as ‘tradition’? The article attempts to engage in these questions taking the case of the Raseshori Pala.2 The article is foregrounded in the recognition of the nat sankirtan tradition of Manipuri Vaishnavism as part of the UNESCO’s ‘intangible cultural heritage’ in 2013.3 The article takes up two points: (i) a critical approach towards a theoretical understanding of the concept of ‘cultural heritage’ with particular reference to practice; and (ii) taking this understanding to the specific case of the sankirtan tradition of the Raseshori Pala. It draws on an on-going research project. To begin with, the notion of cultural heritage is not an easy concept to pin down. How do we understand or translate it in a different language and how does one work vis-à-vis such categori­ zations? This is a question that Adele Esposito (2014) pursues in an attempt to study how language and concepts play out. Imran

48

Rekha Konsam

bin Tajudeen (2011) highlights how the terms ‘heritage’ and ‘tra­ dition’ are both ambiguous terms that also share similarity in their basic meaning to mean something which has been handed down. He goes on to say how they become laden when used with ‘cul­ ture’. As he argues, the exercise of producing cultural heritage involves contemporary frames of reference and signification. In a sense, it emerges at a point when there is a realization of the need to salvage certain things/practices/beliefs in a rapidly changing mate­ rial world as against those which are seen to be losing ground.In this sense, there is a strong sentiment of ‘saving’associated with a sense of threat as against which there is a need to nurture and retain them. It works within the realization that these aspects of culture are under threat and that special actions or focussed inter­ ventions are required to sustain them in the contemporary world. In the context of tangible cultural heritage, the conservation of concrete structures has taken an important place. In recent times, there has been much concern about threats posed to them sparked by the current political trends in places like Afghanistan and Syria. An important point in these discussions has been the juxtaposi­ tion of ‘heritage’ as remnant of the past as against the immediate needs of the present where lives of people are at stake in the same society that has seen a lot of instability and destruction. It high­ lights the tension between (keeping alive of ) the past and (the demands of ) the present. This tension is even more pronounced in the case of those intangible cultural heritages that are primarily rooted in practice. Rather than objects or artefacts that stand apart outside the individual, these are lived and carried forward across generations through its practitioners, its people. In other words, the practice survives in the people. As Philip Scher (2002) notes in certain kinds of writings where traditional practices are presented and discussed, it is presented in such a way that it is removed from its people who are the actual practitioners of the said practice. Keeping in mind the notion of cultural practice as something intangible that is carried forward through the people, I focus at­ tention on the sankirtan tradition of the Raseshori Pala in the back­ drop of the UNESCO recognition of the nat sankirtan as an intangible cultural heritage on the one hand while on the other

The Sankirtan Tradition of the Raseshori Pala

49

hand, there is an extension of support by the present government with its announcements to foster the sankirtan tradition.4 The de­ votional performance of sankirtan has an important place in the practice of Manipuri Vaishnavism (Khangamcha, 2014; Sharma, 2016). It is comparable to a yajna and for this reason, it is crucial in the life cycle rituals of the Hindu Meitei.5 There are various technicalities and critical points that are involved in the sankirtan tradition. This article focuses specifically on the tradition of the Raseshori Pala. THE INSTITUTING OF THE RASESHORI PALA

Established under the tutelage of Maharaja Bhagychandra ( AD 1763-98), the Raseshori Pala was a dream conceived by his daughter, Princess Bimbavati. She is also known as ‘Raseshori’ for being privileged to perform the part of the divine lover of Krishna in the first ever performance of the Rasa Lila held at Langthabal. The princess is said to have been a young girl when she graced this performance and as she grew up, she remained devoted to the Lord Shri Govinda. Due to her fervent devotion, she came to be known as Shija Laioibi. It was the dream of this devout princess to organize a group comprising of women to perform the devotional sankirtan singing (Devi 2006, 2009, 2010). The sankirtan performance, until this point of time, was per­ formed exclusively by men. While women were allowed to attend and experience its devotional milieu, they were restricted from participating in it. The Raseshori Pala holds the distinction of being the first women’s sankirtan group. The instituting of the Raseshori Pala as such a group paved the way for the inclusion of women in the performing tradition of the sankirtan which had, until then remained within the exclusive purview of male performers. It, however, continued to remain exclusive as it was not open to all women but restricted to the women of the Karta line of descent. The Jalakeli Pala was later instituted along similar lines asa group exclusive to the daughters of the Narsingh line of descent. While the Raseshori Pala remained delimited to the daughters and grand­ daughters of the Kartas, the Jalakeli Pala, during a later period

50

Rekha Konsam

during the reign of Churachand Maharaj (1891-1941), initiated a sub-section to allow the inclusion of women married into the Narsingh fold.6 The Nupi Pala, as is more frequently used to refer to the women’s pala in the broader sense, is believed to have fol­ lowed the two groups linked to royalty. The term usually refers to the women’s group of sankirtan performers whose members are specially trained in the singing tradition of these devotional songs. It is not a restricted group and its membership is open to all women. DEVOTIONAL PERFORMANCE AND

THE RASESHORI PALA

The tradition of Raseshori Pala opens up interesting questions. Its establishment was significant as it carved the way for the partici­ pation of women in nat sankirtan performance which, until that point of time, had remained a restricted arena for women. It was the exclusive domain of men to which the participation of women had remained excluded. To understand the importance of this point, one needs to remember that the nat sankirtan performances were not just devotional singing by a devotee. It was a structured event that was minutely detailed in terms of religious philosophy as well as aesthetic expression of Manipuri Vaishnavism. The establishment of the first women’s pala involved detailed discussions and deliberations on the established customs and norms of the time.In the oral accounts of how this came to take concrete form, credit is given to the princess Bimbavati and her devotional fervour, particularly her semi-divine status. She was the princess who had taken the part of Raseshori (another name for Radha) in the first performance of the Rasa Lila organized by Maharaja Bhagya­ chandra. The image of Raseshori could not be completed in time for the event for various reasons. As a result, it was only the image of Govinda that graced the performance. Bimbavati, as a young girl, performed the part of Radha. The princess is said to have never married a man as she considered herself married to the deity to whom she was devoted. She came to be called Shija Laioibi (Devi, 2009). Because she had been blessed with the privilege of performing the part of the divine consort and spent her life in

The Sankirtan Tradition of the Raseshori Pala

51

fervent devotion to the Lord Govinda, she is given a special place in the religious tradition of Manipuri Vaishnavism. It was the expressed wish of the semi-divine princess that there be a group of women singing the sankirtan devotional songs that are dedicated to Shri Govinda. Her wish was initially refused by her father, the king on the grounds that women cannot perform the sankirtan. The matter was further taken up for discussion be­ tween the king and ‘knowledgeable’ concerned people. It was fi­ nally decided that the wish of the princess was the expressed wish of the divine ‘Raseshori’ and as a wish coming from her, it was decided to institute a women’s sankirtan group. Instituting this was not just the replacement of the male singers by the female singers, it involved re-working the performance structure in such a way that women could be a part of a sankirtan performance. While this article does not address the structure of the performance, it is worth noting that the establishment of the Raseshori is significant not just because it was the first women’s pala but that it was an innovative tradition in its time. WOMEN AND THE RASESHORI PALA

The Raseshori Pala was an exclusive tradition. It included people closely linked to the royal family. Through the passage of time the group has primarily consisted of the daughters and granddaugh­ ters of the Karta (Bhagyachandra) line of descent. In the present time also, they continue to form its active members and the privi­ lege parts in the performance continue to be performed by people belonging to this core group. Approaching the Raseshori Pala in the context of the sankirtan, devotional performances open out to the promise of an enriching depth in understanding the practices of Manipuri Vaishnavism. However, it is not the only way of approaching it. As discussed in the earlier part of this article, there are different ways of approach­ ing ritual practice. Attention can be focussed on the practice itself or it can be seen as a practice carried forward by its practitioners, its people. Following the second line of approach, the Raseshori Pala is a tradition initiated during the time of the Princess Bimbavati

52

Rekha Konsam

but it is carried out today by the female descendants of Bhagya­ chandra Maharaj. As it stands today, most members of the group are not trained in singing. A majority of them are retired from service with the added responsibilities of the household which often makes it diffi­ cult for them to carve out time for themselves. What does the Raseshori tradition mean to them? To many of these women, it is a sacred tradition left behind by the semi-divine Shija Laioibi. It is a duty which they hope and pray that they would be able to take part in for a long time. It is a responsibility that they have to carry forward as women of the Karta descent. As women of this kin group, they embody certain ways. This could be seen in the way in which they present and carry themselves as also the way in which their performance is carried out. CONCLUSION

To this day, the active participation of women remains curtailed in many ways in the Manipuri society as also a recognition of their contributions. The article is, thus, an attempt to address the ques­ tion of Manipuri women in the context of public performances, more precisely the sankirtan practices of Manipuri Vaishnavism. Shija Laioibi, as she is more popularly known, is often talked about in the language of religious devotion. This devotion is central to the expressive forms of Manipuri Vaishnavism that has elements of an ecstatic religion wherein dance and music have a defined place. The Manipuri society of the eighteenth century when the Raseshori Pala was instituted has undergone many changes. The eighteenth century is an important period of time not only for Manipuri Vaishnavism but also of many important currents within Manipur as also in international politics. It is different from the contempo­ rary period in significant ways. Not only has this cultural link undergone changes but there have been significant changes in the way of life under the monarchy and its elite as also the politics and economy of the society. The way of life that once fostered sankirtan is no longer the case in today’s economy of monthly salaries and demands of being a part of an increasingly globalized world along

The Sankirtan Tradition of the Raseshori Pala

53

with the fear of being left out from this larger world. Added to this is the need to take into account the lives of women into special consideration where it concerns traditions that are either carried forward by them or of which they are custodians. How then do we begin to think about intangible heritage in the context of cultural practice where the practitioners are themselves a part of the con­ temporary lived reality? In a society like that of the Meiteis wherein women are bound by familial life and responsibilities while at the same time engaged in economic pursuits, what does it mean to keep alive a cultural tradition that is under threat?

NOTES 1. http://en.unesco.org/themes/protecting-our-heritage-and-fostering-creativity 2. In the official papers of the Shri GovindaRaseshwari Pala Marup, it is spelt as ‘Raseshwari’. There are variances in the way it is spelt—Raseswari, Raseshori, Rasheshwari, etc., I have spelt it as ‘Raseshori’ as it seems to be closer to the way that it is pronounced among the Meiteis. 3. https://ich.unesco.org/en/RL/sankirtana-ritual-singing-drumming-and­ dancing-of-manipur-00843 4. http://kanglaonline.com/2017/12/governor-proposes-creation-of-research­ centre-in-culture-varsity/; http://www.manipur.org/news/tag/international­ sankirtan-day/ 5. Personal interview with A. Chitreshwar Sharma. 6. Personal interview with Th. (o) Lakshmipriya Devi, senior member of the Jalakeli Pala.

REFERENCES Arambam, L., ‘Manipur: A Ritual Theatre State (Coronation Model and Concept of Welfare)’, in N. Sanajaoba (ed.), Manipur, Past and Present: The Heritage and Ordeals of a Civilization, vol. 4, Delhi: Mittal Publica­ tions, 2005, pp. 57-75. Chaki-Sircar, M., Feminism in a Traditional Society: Women of the Manipur Valley, Delhi: Shakti Books, 1984. Devi, C.J., Shija Laioibi Amasung Maharas, Imphal: Raipravina Brothers, 2006.

54

Rekha Konsam

——, Raseshori Pala gi Parampara, Shri Shri Govinda Raseshori Pala, Imphal: Marup Raj, 2009. ——, 2010, Cultural History of Manipur: Sija Laioibi and the Maharas, tr. Sheela Devi Chaudhary, Delhi: Mittal Publication, 2010. Esposito, A., ‘Theorizing Heritage in Asia as an “Encounter”’ in The Newsletter, no. 69, Netherlands: Autumn, 2014. Handelman, D. (ed.), Models and Mirrors: Towards an Anthropology of Public Events, New York: Berghahn Books, 1998. Hashimoto, H., ‘Between Preservation and Tourism: Folk Performing Arts in Contemporary Japan’, Asian Folklore Studies. 62(2), 2003, pp. 225-36. Hobsbawm, E. and T. Ranger (eds.), The Invention of Tradition, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983. Khangamcha, P.M., ‘Manipuri Vaishnavism: A Religion of Aesthetico Devo­ tional Performance, Sandhan, XIV(1), Delhi: Centre for Studies in Civili­ zations, 2014. Lightfoot, L., Dance Rituals of Manipur, Delhi: Standard Press, 1958. Nongthombam, P., Rituals and Performances: Studies in TraditionalTheatres of Manipur, Imphal: Cultural Resource Centre, 2005. Scher, P.W., ‘Copyright Heritage: Preservation, Carnival and the State in Trinidad’, Anthropological Quarterly, 75 (3), 2002, pp. 453-84. Sharma, L.B. (ed.), Soyam Lokendrajit: Philosophical Writings, Imphal: Soyam Educational Foundation, 2016. Singh, E.N., ‘Classical Tradition of Nata Movements’, Sangeet Natak, 10, 1968, pp. 26-34. ——, Aspects of Indian Culture, Imphal: Jawaharlal Nehru Manipur Dance Academy, 1982. ——, Fragments of Manipuri Culture, Delhi: Omsons, 1993. Tajudeen, I.B., ‘Cultural Heritage’, The Newsletter, 57, Netherlands: IIAS, 2011.

CHAPTER 4

Maha Rasa Lila: Its Philosophical

and Historical Aspects

YUMLEMBAM GOPI DEVI

INTRODUCTION

Manipur, a small and beautiful state situated at the north-eastern frontier of India, has a rich cultural heritage from time immemorial. Today, Manipur is best introduced through her dances. Dancing is an integral part of the religious and social life of the people here. And it is here that its people had developed for ages, a form of artistic expression and culture through the form of dancing that today, has been the admiration of the world as a priceless relic of ancient Indian dance culture and technique. The culture of Mani­ puri dance is a fresh, vigorous and virile tradition which has been playing its own important and creative part in the renaissance of the ancient dance culture of India. Manipuri Dance has given birth to an indigenous form of classical dance known as Manipuri Rasa Lila dance. During Bhagyachandra’s reign, the unforgettable incident was his Rasa Lila. King Bhagyachandra was not only a great warrior, administrator and diplomat, but also a deeply religious soul, he encouraged Vaishnavism in Manipur. He propagated Vaishnavism throughout his country. The most remarkable contribution of Bhagyachandra was the construction and installation of the idol of Shri Govindaji. The most famous Indian classical dance Raslila of Manipur was introduced for the first time in Manipur by King Bhagyachandra. The image of Govindaji was installed in AD 1779 at Canchipur and a five-day Rasa Lila was enacted for the first time in AD 1779. In the Nata Sankirtana preceding the Raslila, Bhagyachandra played

56

Yumlembam Gopi Devi

on the pung (mridanga) while his uncle, Ngoubram Shai (Shah) was the leader of the vocal group. In the Maharas that followed young princess Bimbabat played the role of Radha while the chief queen did the leading sakhi (Makok Chingbi—Vrinda Sakhi) with other queens and members of royal family participating as gopis. The king introduced the three forms (styles) of Rasa dance in the line of devotion and art, beautifully blended under his own supervision and gave different shades with the following name: (1) Maha Rasa (2) Kunja Rasa and (3) Basanta Rasa. Later, King Chandrakriti introduced Nitya Rasa and lastly Deba Rasa was intro­ duceds by King Churachand. Of all the five kinds of Rasa Lila, Maha Rasa Lila is considered the most important. It was first offered to Lord Govindaji by King Bhagyachandra on the day of Lord Govindaji’s consecration at the Langthabal palace. Maha Rasa is enacted only on the full moon day of the month of Karttika (Mera Waphukpa) in the premises of Shri Govindaji, Shri Bijoy Govindaji and the other localities. This form of Rasa is played based on the theme of Rasa Panchadhayay of Shrimad Bhagavat where the theme is expressed through songs. The steps are somewhat similar to those other Rasa. Only in this Rasa, the episode of disappear­ ance of Shri Krishna and searching for him by the gopis are added. In the Maha Rasa performed at the palace, i.e. in the premises of Shri Govindaji Temple, the two statues of Radha-Krishna in yugal roop is placed at the centre of Rasmandal, the Bhadrachakra. After that the nupa-pala completes poovaranga and the priest (poojari) offers Kunja Aarti. Then the dance teacher (guru), sutradhari, flutist, conch shell players are offered the flowers and chandan which has been offered to the Lord. The participants are then offered pain and cloth which is called boriba in Manipuri lan­ guage. After, that rasdhari (Guru) plays the Raga-Macha. At the beginning of the raga, the conch shell is played by the Moibung Khongba (conch shell player), declaring the start of the first step of the Ras. The sutradhari will start the raga of the song, followed by Vaishnav Bandana and will sing Vrindaban Varnan. They chant the first shloka up to the third shloka of Ras Panchadhyay begin­ ning with Shri Bandarayani Rubach up to Bamdrishang Monoharam. There is ‘Murlinada’ and it is followed by chanting of the shlokas 4 to 10 beginning with ta dristantic mayata and sung up to the

Maha Rasa Lila: Its Philosophical and Historical Aspects

57

sixth shloka in distinct chhanda. The Gopi Abhisar will follow the song. After reaching the place where Shri Krishna is, the sakhis— Lalita, Bishakha, etc., will recite one shloka each, the gopis will present prarthana without the help of the sutradhari. It will be followed with mandali. The sajan song of the sutradhari and the gopis will stand in a row and dance on the teentaal achouba fol­ lowed by mell, tanchap and chali, etc. After the completion of the above, bhangi pareng achouba will be performed. It will be fol­ lowed by duital, tanchap and chali. While doing so, Shri Krishna will disappear from the scene. In the performance of this Rasa, all lights are turned off while this act of disappearance is performed the acts of leaving shrimati Radhika, the lamentation of Radha and the meeting of Radha with the gopis are completed in dark­ ness. This is followed by a sutra and gopigeet will be recited. After the completion of reciting the shlokas of the fourth chapter and Krishna abhirbava, the light will be switched on again suddenly. Following the song of the sutradhari, there will be a dance sequence, which will be followed by the song of yugal natan where the dance se­ quence of Vrindavan pareng is performed. Flowers will be scattered all around and the priest (pujari ) will do the aarti which will be followed by a song of prarthana by the gopis. Thus, the Maharas comes to an end. There is no grihagaman in the Maha Rasa played at the premises of Shri Govindaji Temple. Persons who participated in the first introduction of Maha Rasa were: 1. 2. 3. 4.

Shri Krishna—Shri Govindaji Radha—Princess Bimbavati (Shijalai Oibi) Makokchingbi—Nangbam Ningol Harimati. In the role of other gopis: The other princess, the queens and others. SIGNIFICANCE OF MAHA RASA

The significance of Maha Rasa Lila is imparting the lesson of bhakti

and true love as a means to reach Lord Krishna. It is also an expe­ rience of self-realization of the gopis who took pride in their love

58

Yumlembam Gopi Devi

and affection for Lord Krishna. The gopis started thinking Lord Krishna as their own Lord. When Lord Krishna realized there was pride and jealousy in their hearts, he vanished with Radhika. As Radhika also developed the same feeling, Lord Krishna left her all alone in the forest and suddenly disappeared. The pang of separa­ tion somehow made all the gopis including Radhika suffer in grief and search for Lord Krishna in the deep and dark forest without any fear and inhibitions. It is a test of how sincerely the gopis loved and worshipped Krishna. So, Maha Rasa highlights the way to worship the Lord with sincerity, faith and purity of heart—as Shri Krishna left all of them the moment their heart became self­ ish and impure. The discourse of Maha Rasa here, has been abridged, as it will be dealt with in detail with while discussing the performance structure of the Rasa Lila as a whole. RASMANDAL (THE PERFORMANCE SPACE)

Maha Rasa Lila is performed in the mandap attached to a temple. In local areas where there is no mandap, a temporary mandap is set up or erected. The mandap as such is constructed with great care fulfilling the required rules, as it signifies the holy place where the divine sport of Krishna and gopis is to be performed. The exact performance space of the Rasa Lila is known as rasamandal. Rasamandali is the central space of the mandap where the perfor­ mance takes place. The rasamandali, in the centre of the rasamandal of mandap, is round in shape with four gates in four directions. It is heavily decorated with flowers and creepers. In the centre, there is a round movable chakra-pith (kama chakra) for the consecration of the idols of Shri Govinda and Rashewori. The chakra will move along with the gopis when they dance. There is no chakra-pith in Rasa Lila performed in the villages where two artiste take the roles of Shri Govinda and Rasheswori. The twelve inner posts of the natamandap bordering the rasamandal are generally covered with white cloth and these pillars support a big white canopy covering the perform­ ing area. White colour is generally used at the time of worship and service to Shri Govinda, while sometimes the decoration of the mandap is done with green leaves, branches of trees, etc.

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COSTUMES OF MAHA RASA LILA OF MANIPUR

The costume of the Manipuri Rasa Lila is perhaps its most extraordi­ nary feature. It reveals the innovative artistry and creativity of the people. There is specific costume for each character. The costume of Rasa Lila as such is not to create a visual effect. The form of the attire, the colour, symbol and motifs have its own meaning and underlying relationship with the concerned characters. There is a myth that the Rasa Lila costume appeared a dream to King Bhagya­ chandra. But a close examination suggests the similarities and pos­ sible influence of dress of the pre-Hindu Lai Haraoba. A group of potloi setpa or professionals who are engaged in the making and dressing up of the attires are hired by the Rashdhari for dressing up the actors. The costume used in the Manipuri Maha Rasa Lila may be broadly classified into two: one for the male participants and the other for female participants. The costume meant for the role of Krishna is used by others in the role of cowherds (gopas). The female costume is again subdivided into two: the old one and the original in which conical veil is used and the new one which was introduced by the King Chandrakriti Maharaja of Manipur in Nityaras is without the conical veil. MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS USED IN MAHA RASA LILA

Mridanga, song and dance constitute sangeet. These three are in­ separable from one another. The musicians of Manipuri Rasa Lila consist of drummer (mridanga player), flutist, conch shell blower, and esraj (stringed instrument) player. The musicians occupy the north-west corner of the rasamandal. The guru of the Rasa Lila will play on the mridanga and another mridanga player will assist him. The guru will sit by the left close to the sutradhar facing the east. The mridanga used in the Rasa Lila is known as meitei pung and the mridanga made of wang tree is considered the best. Flute is another instrument used a lot during the sequence of bhangi pareng. This is a flute recital known as murali nad in the Rasa Lila. The conch shell (moibung) is auspicious in the Rasa Lila. The conch blower places a pair of conch in front of him and blows at the nata pala sankirtana during the beginning, intervals and at

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the end of the pala. The conch is also blown at the raga houba (melodies of fixed notes) of the Rasa Lila during the entry of Krishna, gopi abhisar and at other episodes of the Rasa Lila. Finally, the conch is played at the end as an offering aarti. SONG IN MAHA RASA LILA

The songs of the Maha Raslila are presented as solo, duet and chorus attributed and interchanged a couple of times. The songs are concerned with the immortal story of the divine love of the Lord and his consort. Most of the songs are sung by the sutra. The female sutra sings the songs of Radha and gopis of the Rasa Lila. The gopis sing in chorus in some episodes of the lila. Songs are sung in between by the chorus. The songs of the Maha Rasa Lila are set in tintal, tanchap and menkup in succession. The songs are generally in Sanskrit, Brajaboli and Bengali taken from the relevant chapters of Vaishnav Padavali. The renowned gurus and teachers make modifications from time to time in the songs. The change however does not affect the four songs of bhangi. In the beginning Bengali and Sanskrit lyrics were translated by Oja Amubi and Oja Tomba into Manipuri. The replacement by Manipuri songs in the Rasa Lila performance has made the audi­ ence understand the meanings easily. BHANGI PARENG

The bhangi pareng dance movements specially through gesture of body and hand were formed by King Bhagyachandra. Rasrastri­ vangarup is made up of three body poses which are the main forms of bhangi pareng achouba (a major bhangi form). The gopis dance the bhangi sequences which represent the forming of Lord Krishna Srimurti or image from beginning to end. Within the completion of each form gopis enact the divine darshan of the Lord through gestures and movements. Bhangi achouba pareng is the most important one which depicts the joy of the gopis in differents ges­ tures. Therefore, bhangi is referred to as the soul of Rasa Lila.

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There are five types of bhangi pareng. They are bhangi pareng, achouba, gostha bhangi, gostha vrindavan pareng, vrindavan pareng and khurumba bhangi pareng. Bhangi pareng achouba was intro­ duced during the reign of Maharaja Bhagyachandra. The gostha bhangi pareng and gostha vrindavan pareng were introduced by King Gambhir Singh following the steps taken up by his royal father (AD 1830). Vrindavan pareng and khurumba bhangi pareng were developed with due reference to the tradition by King Chandra­ kriti Maharaja (AD 1860). Bhangi pareng achouba is known as sambhoga, vrindavan pareng as vrindavan parikrama or varnan and khurumba pareng is said to be yugal prarthana. The gostha and gostha vrindavan pareng is used in the gostha lila.

REFERENCES Devi, K.T., ‘Post 2nd World War Manipuri Classical Dance’, paper presented in the Seminar on Classical Manipuri Dance, Imphal, 2000. Devi, Y.G., ‘Post 2nd World War Songs of Classical Manipuri Dance’, paper presented in the Seminar in Classical Manipuri Dance, Imphal, 2000. Ibungohal,L. and N. Khelchandra, Cheitharol Kumbaba, Imphal: Manipur Sahitya Parishad, 1966. Sharma, P.I., Jagoi Ras ki Phijet amasung Shetpagi chatnabi, Souvenir of JNMDA, Imphal, 1964. Shiltajit, R.K., Ras Lila, Imphal: Gandhi Memorial Press, 1981. Singh, E.N., Aspects of Indian Culture, Imphal: JNMDA, 1982. ——, ‘Introduction’, in S.S. Sharma (ed.), Bhangi in Manipuri Ras Dance, Imphal: R.B. Printing House, 1993. Singh, M.K., Religious Developments in Manipur in the 18th and 19th Centuries, Imphal: Manipur State Kala Acadamy, 1993. Singh, P.D., Manipuri Ras ki Lengdraba Itihas, Imphal: Regional Printing, 1992. Vatsyayan, K., ‘Introduction’, in S. Doshi (ed), Dances of Manipur (The Classi­ cal Tradition), Bombay: Mary Publication, 1989.

CHAPTER 5

Manipuri Dance in Santiniketan:

Shaping the Pedagogy of

Rabindranritya

S R U T I B A N D O PA D H AY

INTRODUCTION

Santiniketan, the peace hermitage of Rabindranath Tagore, boasts of a tradition of dance, the Rabindranritya. It is an outcome of the tradition of Rabindrasangit, the songs by Rabindranath. The visuals on Rabindrasangit were an attempt of Rabindranath to express his words in the universal language of dance. We find him elaborating his idea before a performance of Shapmochan in Colombo. I am requested to give our audience some idea of the story upon which the musical play to be performed tonight is based. Let me confess that the story is immaterial. It can be ignored with impu­ nity. I ask my audience not to distract their attention by seeking meaning which belongs to the alien kingdom of language; but keep their minds passive in order to be able to receive an immedi­ ate impression of the whole to capture the spirit of art which re­ veals itself in the rhythm of movements, in the lyric of colour, form and sound and refused to be defended or described by words. (Ghosh 1396 BS: 132) Way back in 1899 Rabindranath witnessed Vasantotsava in Tripura. Here Manipuri dances were presented. The graceful move­ ments coupled with devotion were not only a treat for Rabindranath but also an eye opener to the possibilities of the art of dance at a time when dance was a prohibited practice in society. Rabindranath

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knew about the ‘bai’ dance. We find him writing from Java to his son about the dances of Java, ‘. . . the dances in Bali create the mythological stories as a visual interpretation while we make these only as an audible construct. What we call “dance” in Bai or other objects is not the ideal of dance for these countries’ (Tagore, 1392 BS: 64-5). But it was here in Tripura that he could suddenly envision dance as an art of beauty and had realized its power as a universal phe­ nomenon. Moreover the ‘subdued eloquence’1 that Manipuri dance carried, suited perfectly to his taste and nature. The impact of this experience had a permanent impact on him. He established Santini­ ketan Asrama in 1901. In 1908 Sharodotsava was performed in Santiniketan. Interestingly now his dramas were ornamented with aesthetic movements—dances, maybe not in a very meaningful manner, but for fun, beyond the drama language, for the universal audience. ‘Here dances were supposedly assimilated, perhaps not academically but aesthetically to give the dramatic structure an enhanced appeal’ (Bandopadhay, 2010: 389). As he visited Machimpur in Silchar in 1919, he was treated to a Rakhal Ras dance performance. Rakhal Ras in Manipuri dance is performed by children and the story of child Krishna is the theme. Rabindranath decided to have a Manipuri dance teacher for the boys in Santiniketan so that the practice of this dance would bring about lucidity in the muscles and serve the purpose of interesting exercises for the boys. Budhhimanta Singh, at the request of the then Tripura ruler Birendrakishor Manikya, joined the Asrama. The first formal dance training started in Bengal. It was the training of Manipuri dances. With this started the era of learning and practice of Manipuri dances in Bengal. THE RITUNATYAS (SEASON DRAMAS)

Rabindranath’s theatre was initiated at the Jorasanko, his ancestral house. Here his drama experiments were influenced by European opera and his productions Balmiki Pratibha, Kalmrigaya and Mayar Khela are coined as the gitinatyas or the song dramas. Interestingly Rabindranath’s writings had a permanent place for dance from

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1921 onwards in Santiniketan. His journey of theatre endeavour started with the gitinatyas and travelled towards the ultimate flow­ ering of the nrityanatyas. The ritunatyas however stood as a linkage or a bridge to these two (Das, 1398 BS: 113). The ritunatyas are actually not proper dramas. In these, the purpose is to originate emotional linkages to nature through songs, verses and dances. The base of these was the hermitage of Santiniketan. Though these are not pure dramas, the importance of these in the discussion of Rabindranath’s drama is immense. Dance was an important ele­ ment of expression here. And at many a place we observe that Rabindranath blended the techniques of Manipuri to give a visual image to his lyrics. Barshamangal, Nataraj Rituranga-shala, Basanta and other ritunatyas are examples of mixing Mani-puri dances with his songs. NATIR PUJA (THE WORSHIP OF NATI )

On 8 May 1926 the production Natir Puja (The Worship of the Dancing Girl) had the dancer (nati ) dancing in the Manipuri tradition. Natir Puja was dramatized from the poem Pujarini. Pratima Devi, Rabindranath’s daughter-in-law, decided to have this poem enacted in drama form with recitation, mimetic ges­ tures on songs, as well as Manipuri dances directed by Nabakumara Singh, the then teacher of Manipuri dance in the Asrama. But Rabindranath took up the responsibility to turn Pujarini into a proper dance drama, selected the girls for acting and trained them for the performance, the songs were the responsibility of Dinendranath Tagore and the dance was the responsibility of Pratima Devi and Nabakumara Singh. Initially Smt Hati Singh, who came to be known as Srimati Tagore later, was selected in the role of nati. But later when the poem was turned into the play Natir Puja, an actor with proficiency in both singing and dancing was needed for the role. Hati Singh being non-Bengali was unable to sing Rabindranath’s song. So Smt. Gouri Devi was selected for the role (Chakrabaorty, 1995: 206). Bengal was facing the uprising communal problem of the Hindu and Muslim sects. In this background the production that high­

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lighted the sacrifice and search for truth by nati came up as the most suited contemporary theme and presentation of that time. It was performed on Tagore’s birthday at uttarayan in Konark house. The house had two low balconies on the east and west sides. Be­ low them there was an elevated floor. This was taken as the stage for the performance. The actors2 faced the east where the audience was seated on rugs. On the west balcony big pitchers were turned upside down and used as the stupa of the Buddhists. This set was designed by Nandalal Bose and Surendranath Kar. There were two groups enacting the Hindu and Buddhist sects. These two groups demonstrated the communal violence as indicated in the drama. This was directed by Santosh Majumdar. The groups had sticks, weapons and fire torches. They recited the hymns of their respec­ tive religion and clashed among themselves. The sound of the sticks on the pitchers, the breaking of the pitchers and the smoke of the fire torches created an exciting atmosphere. Nati was performed by Gouri Devi, who happened to be the daughter of the renowned painter Nandalal Basu. The acting of nati by Gouri Devi was re­ strained with purity of approach to devotion and her dance made the audience shed tears of joy. The character of nati and its visual­ ization through the dance language played a very important role of propagation of the message of peace for the then soco-political situation. Moreover, the women taking part in dance to promul­ gate anti-communal feelings through aesthetic consciousness added to the social movement. The body language of Manipuri dance was undoubtedly a medium for expression at that point. Natir Puja and the dances in it touched Tagore at the core of his heart. He could feel the power of dance and started to admire the phi­ losophy of dance. Nati had submitted herself to the Almighty and her meditation takes her away from the veracities of life. At the end nati’s dance of self-submission with the song amaye kshamo he kshamo (please forgive me) put across the message of peace to the audience. There were no male performers in this drama. Natir Puja was performed in Jorasanko in January 1927 when Tagore himself appeared in the role of Upali, the Buddhist monk. Gouri Devi explained in an interview that the participation of girls of Santini­ ketan might have aroused reprehension from the community; hence

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Rabindranath attached himself with the show in Jorasanko (Chakra­ baorty 1995: 208). The dances were composed by the Manipuri Guru Navakumara Singh. Manipuri dance with its lyrical gestures and postures, seemed the most suitable for the song. Also the core of this dance form, the humility and conscience of humanity fully served the purpose of the message of the drama. This dance drama is treated as an important landmark in the history of dance in Santiniketan. The dance had simple and easy flowing movements that absorbed the viewers. Nati’s dance rendered an out of the world divine beauty which has remained as a radiant moment in the history of per­ forming arts of Bengal. At this point Rabindranath was convinced that Santiniketan was now ready to contribute to the dance world (Mukhopadhyay 1982: 266). After the performance at Jorasanko, witnesses write3 about the dance of Gouri Devi some of them, The drama is completely different here. There were female characters only; this is not unprecedented. The appearance of Rabindranath for a brief period is also not a complete blend in the drama. The astonishing part here was the last scene. The dance on the song amayekshamo he kshamo by Srimati created a magic in front of me. . . . Such a saintly scene of divinity is rarely witnessed on stage. I returned with the pondering effect. For many days I could not come out of the impact. (Goswami 1958: 194) Even without knowledge of the technique of dance, Gouri expressed the devotional sentiment, which was incomparable. I have not seen something like that even today. She had externalized the inner feelingsand expressed those with beautiful dance gestures. Those who witnessed the dance could never forget the experience in their lives. (Devi 1961: 247) When she danced as nati, it was a remarkable one. Haven’t seen something like that before. . . . I told Nandalal that your daughter has touched the fire, keep her safe. (Chanda 1348 BS: 142)

How Gouri Devi prepared herself for the dance had been penned down by Amita Sen. She wrote that during rehearsals Gouri Devi used to go to a secluded room underground in the Udayan build­ ing and practise the dance on her own. Gouri Devi composed the dance with devotional sentiments. The compositions took place in

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the underground room, which others could not see. Around a few days prior to staging the drama, rehearsals were held at Konark building. It was here that all were astonished to see her dance (Sen 1983: 105). She was trained by Nabakumar Singh and Pratima Devi.In an interview Gouri Devi explained that Rabindranath would explain the character of nati to her. Rehearsals were held only for nineteen days for more than twice a day. Apart from gen­ eral rehearsals Rabindranath would do special rehearsals with her (Chakrabaorty 1995: 215) Today after almost hundred years of this incident we may assess that the dance of Gouri Devi as nati was perhaps the first strong base of Rabindranritya. ●

●

●

●

●

First, the dance cleared the taboo associated with dance at that time in society. Second, it communicated that dance gestures can arouse divine feelings and emotions among spectators. Third, Bengali girls could now enjoy learning and execution of dance art that was not only for fitness purpose but would also enhance their psyche and fill it with joy. Fourth, the philosophy behind a creation of dance was augmented by an indigenous dance of the soil. Last, the theme conveyed current issues, consciousness of which provided much impact in society. THE NRITYANATYAS

Swinging between the characteristics of drama and dance in his productions, Rabindranath now moved on to pen dance-dramas to be staged in entirely stylistic gestures. Popularly called the nritya­ natya (dance-drama), these had many of our Indian traditional and folk dances merged to render visualization to his lyrics and the drama in holistic form. As we look deeply in his dance-dramas, we see that each character is assigned the technique of a dance form which would suit the nature of the character, like Manipuri for female characters and Kathakali for male characters. Often foreign dances garnished the product in many ways. The narratives of these dance-dramas underscore the contemporary issues of that time.

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Before the formation of the dance-dramas, the dances were mostly used to ornament the seasonal songs. The songs were written first and then the movements set to that song following the sentiment of the lyrics. Nowhere was dance used to build-up theatrical sequences. But coming to dance-dramas we see that songs were composed according to the demand of the story to bring out the climax. In this process of evolution, two productions stand apart— Shapmochan and Tasher Desh—which may be taken as bridging the gap of the ritunatyas and the nrityanatyas. Shapmochan or The Redemption was taken up on the occasion of Rabindranath’s seventieth birthday to be performed in Jorasanko, Kolkata. According to Amita Sen, Nabin and Gitotsava were selected for the celebration. But Rabindranath wrote the new drama, Shapmochan, which had plans of putting in many dance sequences (Sen 1983: 143). Shapmochan was a reformed version of his earlier drama Arupratan, which was again an altered form of the drama Raja. Raja was inspired from a Budhhist Jataka story; hence Shap­ mochan to some extent had a link with the Jataka. The first staging of Shapmochan is described in detail by Amita Sen, where she states that Rabindranath was directing the play despite has busy schedule, though the advertisement bore the names of Dinendranath Tagore and Nandalal Bose as the joint directors of the play. Among the cast,4 the role of the king was assigned to Shantidev Ghosh, who fell ill with measles and hence Rabindranath gave the role to Dr. Harry Timbers. Senwrites5, ‘Rabindranath would explain every song and its words and on that Timbers would act and dance. Rabindranath would act and dance himself to show him, not once but repeatedly—a rare event that I have witnessed to my full satis­ faction’ (Sen 1983: 145-6). The heroine Kamalika in Shapmochan danced in the Manipuri style, which was composed by Guru Nabakumar Singh. He also put in some rhythmic compositions in between the songs. The other characters had Kathakali, Malabar and other Indian and for­ eign dance forms (Ghosh 1978: 159-60). According to Pratima Devi, it was in Shapmochan that Rabindranath attempted to ex­ press dramatic themes with dance gesticulation. Shapmochan had proper dance movements and also mimetic gestures to express the

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climax of the story. Yet at the end, the total production could not take the shape of a dance drama (Devi 1994: 21). The reviews of Shapmochan in the newspapers appreciated the production. A few excerpts below will only testify the creation of a new dance form initiated by Rabindranath on the soils of Bengal. Liberty wrote on 1 April 1933 The amateur cast consisting of boys and girls of Santiniketan rose to the height of excellence in presenting the immortal and the inimitable produc­ tion of Rabindranath. The whole play is an allegory referring to a scriptural anecdote. The theme and the moral is intensely appealing. The songs and the dances were superb treats and can undoubtedly be regarded as a new chapter in the history of Bengal’s histrionic Art.

Nabashakti writes on 7 April 19336 Surpassing the conventions of stage, an innovative direction of creation in the dance acting (nrityabhinaya) under the footlights initiated a new phase in the history of our theatre world, that will long be remembered. The acting portion of Shapmochan did not have any dialogues. Rabindranath sat at the back of the stage and read out the story and the actors gesticulated it—these gestures were at times mimetic, or at times these became unparal­ leled dances of beautiful rhythm. Another feature while arranging the scenes, kept us spellbound. Kaviguru has merged two scenes like the inset in films. The emotion and the tune of both the scenes had a unity and went through no interruption. On the contrary this gave the incident a phenomenal perfection. . . . The dances had beautiful movements that was unique in their creations.

In 1933 Tasher Desh (the Land of Playing Cards) was produced. It is a dramatization of Tagore’s short story Ekti Asare Galpo (A Queer Tale). Can be termed as an absurd play or a burlesque kind of writing, Tasher Desh is a symbolic drama,where the novel idea and the comic flavour had won over the audience instantly. The first staging of Tasher Desh was in September 1933, when it was coined as a peculiar comical drama by Rabindranath. But after five years it was edited and published as a booklet, when it was coined asnatika or a short play. This was its second edition. Rabindranath dedicated it to Subhas Chandra Bose. At the first instance the drama seems to be a mere humorous drama. But on close assess­

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ment one feels the significance that a society lives as a livingdead entity while trying to protect itself from the influence of the outer world. The characters were based on folk forms and the cards expressed themselves with the puppet dance form. Rabindranath consciously assigned certain typical movements for the characters of the King­ dom of Cards. Their movements were trapped within a rhythm. Even the delivery of dialogues was tailored like those of machines. This gave an effect of lifelessness in the characters with dull and inert expressions. The stagecraft, costumes and the style of move­ ment rendered exceptional character to the drama. In this highly interesting drama we find that the romantic character Haratani was assigned the Manipuri form to express the spirit. The grace of Manipuri dance was explored to convey the break in lifeless living. The main message of the drama being to initiate a beautiful world with independence from human agony was envisioned through the graceful Manipuri style of dancing here. But the mode of expression, the dialogues and other presenta­ tional aspects still reflect Tasher Desh as having dramatic qualities in excess than qualities of a dance-drama. Again, many recent pro­ ductions have brought in the flavour of dance-drama in their pre­ sentations, where the dialogues are not recited by the characters on stage as was done originally. The dialogues would also be recited in the accompanying music arena. Then the presentation bends more towards dance drama. Hence I would argue that in the journey to the destination for nrityanatyas or the dance-dramas, the bonding productions were Shapmochan and Tasher Desh. Both were experi­ mental in nature and later included as productions of modern theatre. Rabindranath wrote and produced three dance-dramas—Chitran­ gada, Chandalika and Shyama. All three were named after women and the stories evolved around sensitized issues like caste-distinc­ tion, gendering and fixation in society. The dance dramas were his last experiments on stage and these gave a separate dimension to the plays that he produced all through his life. As discussed ear­ lier, before coming to the dance-dramas he often blended dance in his dramas, but these three dramas had dance as the primary

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element and hence the dramas took the new turn in its expression— the expression of the universal language deeply rooted to the es­ sence of the writing of the story. Chitrangada was first staged in 1936. In the prologue to the poetry drama, written in his young age, a more mature Rabindra­ nath wrote much later that if a beautiful woman feels she has at­ tracted her lover only with the illusion of her youth, then she would detest her beauty for sharing her love as a co-wife in her fortune. This beauty is an external fixation. Rabindranath treated this state of mind in the character of Chitrangada as a psychologi­ cal process. The use of the word co-wife, satin in Bengali, has a unique usage. By this word Rabindranath has indicated the sepa­ rate existence and opposite subsistence of the body and mind. Rabindranath made us conscious of the role of the women in society in an unprecedented manner. Also through many conflicts in the character, a sublimation of the woman self is illustrated. Towards the end of the same prologue, Rabindranath writes that as he thought of expressing this idea, he remembered the story of Chitrangada of Mahabharata. He aspirated to make over the story for quite some time. Finally he got the scope to do it in his poetry drama, Chitrangada. The imaginary Chitrangada of Rabindranath took an absolute new turn when transformed from the poetry drama to dance-drama. A different emotion emerged with the dance drama. Many call Chitrangada a pure dance-drama where the beautiful heroine danced in graceful Manipuri technique, while other characters had Katha­ kali, Bharatnatyam and some folk dances blended in the choreog­ raphy. The primary characteristic however is Rabindranath’s songs on which the entire dance-drama is based and consequently his songs are pivotal to the manifestation of the fresh look of the pro­ duction. The comments in reviews in the newspapers only suggest the initiation of a dance tradition in Bengal under the leadership of Rabindranath. The Statesman writes on 12 March 1936: The novelty of the programme last night was that the whole action was carried out in rhythm with vocal accompaniment forming a musical back­ ground. Such an attempt as combining opera and ballet has not been made

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before. . . . Both music and dancing were inseparable from the mood and motif of the play. It is apparent that in Santiniketan not only are the tradi­ tional and ancient dances preserved in their original form, but a new art is evolving a synthesis of all the forms handed down by tradition.

The Amritabazar Patrika writes on the same day, ‘The exquisite songs and the newly convinced dances, that were far above the conventional, performed to the accompaniment of Manipuri dance drum, the variegated artistic dresses and the multi-colored lights— all combined to lead a particular charm to the illusion of the stage.’ Anandabazar Patrika writes7 on 13 March 1936: Those who have not witnessed Chitrangada will have no idea how a dance art can be elevated to a classic art. The total story with its variety of forms and emotions flowered into a universal appeal in a beautiful form through newer dance rhythms. The poet has unfolded in front of our wondrous eyes in this dance drama the immense grandeur and wealth of the Indian tradition. Dance has disappeared from our lives. Even in entertainment programs its existence was dying out. The poet’s long time and whole hearted care and effort has established it as a new pride again. . . . The meaning of each word—the expression of each emotion—the conflicts in the drama—how all these can be developed through dance was not in our ideas until we witnessed Chitrangada. . . . The dance drama Chitrangada is precisely a novel creation.

Prabasi writes: In this a combination of the western Ballet and Opera was seen. In the modern age this form of theatre is completely a new creation. . . . Costumes, ornaments and the colour design were diverse and charming. During the acting it seemed that the illustrations in the paintings have come live. I believe that in the scenario of Indian theatre the dance drama Chitrangada will initiate a new chapter. (1342 BS)

The play Chandalika was turned into a dance-drama in 1938 and performed in 1938 on the full moon day of Holi in Santiniketan. This dance drama dealt with the very contemporary theme of the pangs of an untouchable girl and the message of equality of hu­ manism. Earlier the play was more on the poetic note but the dance-drama had more dramatic sequences woven in the form of sung dialogues, dances and dramatic moments. The critics assessed

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it as a blending of ballet and opera, but the Indian root to the performances could not be denied. This dance-drama used dis­ tinctly classical dances for the main characters. The sensitiveness of Manipuri was blended with the hasta usage of the south Indian dances. On 19 March, The Statesman wrote, . . . The entertainment was executed in a dance drama, which was of special interest in that it was a revival of the oldest form of Indian play acting. . . . The dialogue had been converted into song and took the form of back­ ground music, to which the actors gave the expression by means of dance. . . . The theme was particularly suitable to the present time, as it dealt with the Harijan question. . . . The expressive dance of Prakriti, the untouchable girl, and her mother easily conveyed the sense of the drama, while their proficiency in the art was unquestioned. This also applied to the ascetic Ananda, whose revelation of his mental struggles was illuminating to the extreme. The chorus of boys and girls was also in keeping with the standard of the principals.

The Amritabazar Patrika writes on the same day, The dances followed the traditional styles of Kathakali with snatches and catches from Monipuri, both the styles being harmoniously blended. The artists brought a rich gesture—vocabulary and complex foot work to bear on their repertoires. The drum cadences of the ‘Khole’ of the Monipuri were an integral part of their movements which at times, may be conform to the traditional forms, but beautifully portrayed the joyous expressiveness of life’s moods, passions, aspirations and anguishes.

In between Chitrangada and Chandalika, another dance-drama Parishodh (revenge), which was later shaped into Shyama, was staged in 1936. The Statesman wrote on 16 October, ‘Moreover he gives a dignity to the performance- nautch is transformed into dance. The dancers are no longer to be exploited for our pleasure but are broth­ ers and sisters, as the winds, and the stars are our brothers and sisters, joyously dancing and shinning around us.’ The next performances of Porishodh were on 3 and 4 September 1938 at Singha Sadan. Rabindranath was present and invited Dr. Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan, who had come for a visit to Santi­ niketan, to the performance. There were proficient artists performing

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Porishodh. Mrinalini Swaminathan (later the very famous Mrinalini Sarabhai) performed as Bajrasen (the hero). She was an expert in south Indian forms and Bajrasen was composed on Bharatanatyam. Nandita Devi performed the role of Shyama (the heroine). Nandita was trained in Manipuri Dance, so Shyama used the Manipuri dance form. Asha Ojha performed Uttiya (the young lad in love with Shyama). She was a Jayapur Gharana Kathak dancer. The Kathakali dancer Kelu Nair performed prahari (the guard) and Anangalal from Sri Lanka took the role of kotal (the killer) in Kandian dance style. The friends or sakhis were Mamata, Sukriti, Anita, Seba and Sujata. The group dances followed the Manipuri style of dance. Some characters were put into folk dance dictum. Porishodh was transformed into Shyama with many alterations in 1939. This time Kelu Nair played the role of Bajrasen and Mrinalini played the role of uttiya. Nandita played Shyama and the Japanese dancer Maki played the role of prahari. The gestures, expressions and the sentiment embedded in all these dance styles appealed to Rabindranath and he utilized these elements for visually express­ ing his own writings. He felt that dance idiom adds to the beauty of ordinary acting just as the rhythm of a poem adds beauty to its language and the tune adds to the beauty of its lyrics. Assessing the evolution of Rabindranath’s drama presentations it is understood, Tagore spoke of dance as a non-mimetic but systematized co-relation of motion playing gracefully through the human body, and it is true that he did not think of dance as a tool of realistic representation. But he did see it as a language of the body in motion that spoke of emotional experience. That is why Tagore saw dance as a perfect articulation and his songs and poetry and took the expressionist line of choosing movements that would bring out the emotional action inherent in the text. This aesthetic scheme made Rabindra­ nritya an essential constituent of Indian modernity by claiming for the indi­ vidual artist the unfettered freedom of imagination and expression. (Bose 2009: 194)

In Santiniketan the productions are still staged in the same ways that Rabindranath had followed. Almost no changes are in­ corporated and hence the productions have taken a lineage. Many portions of the presentations as well as the musical sections are

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now played as a practice for years. Costumes, sets and music com­ positions like offering of water to the Buddhist monk in Chandlika or the interim music in the conversion of Chitrangada in the dancedrama are all carried on for years. Compositions are followed as had been originally visualized like Manipuri for female characters, Kathakali for male characters and so on. Santiniketan under its various institutes like Patha Bhavana, Shiksha Satra, Sangit Bhavana diligently follow this tradition. Sangit Bhavana has also introduced Honours in Rabindranritya from 2014. Today after more than 150 years of Rabindranath’s birthday and almost 100 years of Rabindranath’s theatre experimentation a pedagogy of Rabindranritya is distinctly visible, where Manipuri dance still plays a pivotal role.

NOTES 1. Words used by scholar Nilakantha Singh to describe Manipuri dance. 2. Lokeswari-Malati Sen, Mallika-Amita Sen, Rajmkumar-s-Rama Majumdar, Mamata Sen, Latika Ray, Chitra Thakur and Jyotsna Chattopadhay, Utpalparna-Iva Basu, Srimati-Gouri Basu, Malati-Amita Chakraborty and others. 3. Translated from Bengali. 4. Raja-Shantidev Ghosh/Dr. Harry Timbers, Rani-Amita Sen, UrvashiHaimanti Devi, Surasen-Nityananda Goswami, Madhusree-Geeta Ray, Sakhi (Primary)-Jamuna Devi. 5. Translated from Bengali. 6. Translated from Bengali. 7. Translated from Bengali.

REFERENCES Bandopadhay, S., Manipuri Dance: An Assesment on History and Presentation, Delhi: Shubhi Publications, 2010. Bose, M., ‘Indian Modernity and Tagore’s Dance’, in Kathleen M. O’Connell and Joseph T. O’Connell (eds.), Rabindranath Tagore: Reclaiming a Cultural Icon, Kolkata: Visva Bharati, 2009, pp. 193-203. Chakrabaorty, R., Rangamancha O Rabindranath: Samakalin Prokriya. Kolkata: Ananda Publishers, 1995.

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Chanda, A.T. and Rani Chanda, Gharoa, Kolkata: Visva Bharati, 1348 BS. Das, P., Mancha, Abhinay, Natyakala O Rabindranath, Kolkata: M.C. Sarkar and Sons, 1398 BS). Devi, P., Nritya. Santiniketan, Visva Bharati, 1994. Devi, S., ‘Kabir Sangsparshe’, in Rabindrayan, Vishva Bharati, 1961, p. 247. Ghosh, S., Gurudev Rabindranath O Adhuik Bharatiya Nritya (Bengali). Calcutta: Ananda Publisers, 1396 BS. Ghosh, S., Gurudev Rabindranath O Adhunik Bharatiya Nritya. Calcuta: Ananda Publishers, 1978. Goswami, P., Smritichitran, Kolkata: Visva Bharati, 1958. Mukhopadhyay, P.K., Rabindrajibani, vols. 1-4, Santiniketan: Visva Bharati, 1982. Prabasi, Santiniketaner Chhatrigankartrik Chitrangada Nrityanatya Abhinaya. Chaitra (March-April) 1342 BS, p. 889. Sen, A., Ananda Sarbakaje, Kolkata: Visva Bharati, 1983. Tagore, R., Java Jatrir Patra (Bengali), Kolkata: Visva Bharati, 1392 BS.

CHAPTER 6

Therapeutic Elements Found in

Jagoi R"asa L∂la" of Manipur RAJKUMARI GEETANJALI DEVI

INTRODUCTION: TRADITIONAL RELIGIOUS PERFORMANCE OF JAGOI RÅSA L+I LÅ

From the time of Bhagyachandra Maharaj the Jagoi R"asa L∂la" was started in AD 1779 at the auspicious/sacred shrine Langthabal of Shri Shri Govindaji Temple mandap. History tells us the first ever performance of Jagoi R"asa L∂la" was only Bhangi Pareng Achouba which came to be known as Jagoi R"asa of Manipur. Later on two types of Jagoi R"asa were also created, Kunja Rasa " and Vasanta Rasa " during the time of the same king. All these three types of Jagoi R"asa L∂l"a were performed at Shri Shri Govindaji Temple on particular days. Mah"a Rasa " was performed on Karttik Purnima (Mera Waphuk­ pa/Hiyangei ), Kunja R" asa on Aswin Purnima (Mera Wakhinba/ Mera). Both months falls on autumn season according to Vedic calendar, and Vasanta R"asa on Cheitra Purnima (Sajibu) spring. In olden days, the traditional ritual performances took place only at temple mandaps. Starting the performance of Jagoi R"asa L∂la" at Shri Shri Govindaji Temple pavilion, it was then continued to per­ form at Shri Shri Bijoygovindaji Temple shrine. Later the perfor­ mance space was extended to local temple shrines as well as by creating temporary mandaps, all over the state among the Meitei/ Meetei Vaishnava communities. It is believed that the period when the Jagoi R"asa L∂la" started at local temple mandaps might be later, after Bhagyachandra Maharaja’s reign but no records of specific date or year has been found. Two more types of Jagoi R"asa L∂la"

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were also created later on, namely Nitya R"a sa during the time of King Chandrakirti Maharaj and Diva R" "a sa at the time of Churachand Maharaj. Both these r"asa dances are performed only at local temple mandaps. The traditional practice of Jagoi R"asa has its codified rules to be observed from the beginning to the end. It begins with a nata sankirtana sequence but prior to this all the palas enter the perfor­ mance arena before changing their costumes in a humble process of khurumba (bow down), just before entering the mandap, at the centre, and to the audiences. After this the arangpham or the programme manager offers chandan and kwa tanga (betel nuts and betel leaf decorated in the traditional process) as a symbol of welcome and also to sanctify the palas. After this ritual the palas change their costume and once more they repeat the process of entering the arena. The second time the arangpham perform boriba offering chandan and kwa tanga along with clothes to the palas as a token of gift for their service. Then nata sankirtana proceeds and Jagoi R"asa L∂la" continues.

As a religious spiritual performance the Jagoi R"asa L∂la" has many traditional beliefs from the religious point of view. The perfor­ mance date of R"asa L∂la" at Shri Shri Govindaji is fixed on the dates mentioned above, but if someone wants to organize it, they have to consult an astrologer to check for an auspicious date first. A day to start the training or the dance class where all the participants and the teacher will gather is fixed, and by observing a simple prayer or puja the dance class begins. One day before the performance there is a process called barton houba, a ritual invitation is sent to the participants for their role to perform the Jagoi R"asa and also receive blessing from the guru. From this day all the participants must remain vegetarian until the performance is over. On the evening of the same day, offerings of flowers, fruits, incense sticks, light are placed in the front yard as a process of inviting the demi­ gods from all the direction to witness the Jagoi R"asa L∂l"a. In the night, offerings are made to the Lainingthou Sanamahi in each house of the participants and a light keeps burning (a lamp) at the place of sanamahi until the performance is over. This is done as a worship to make the performance a success without any break.

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On the day of the performance when the participants started dressing up, they are not allowed to talk to other people. After the performance, they have to take a bath after which they can start talking with others. Traditionally there is a ritual. When all the participants are fully dressed and ready for the performance, a Brah­ min will do the ritual of sanctifying the artistes who are going to take the role of God and Goddesses with Vedic rituals. He also offers a prayer to cleanse them of the previous sins committed by them. Thus, after they are sanctified, the abhishekh sankalpa is performed for successful performance of the r"asa dance. All those who have been sanctified, should not mix with other persons who are not sanctified. There is a scientific reason for this observation that it is a form of meditation of being in the state of gopibhava (in the mental state of gopi) where the meditation can break if they talk to people and the process of transforming the soul into the eternal mental environment might be disturbed. This practice is not followed strictly nowadays. The significant component of religious ritual is Belief that leads an individual to uplift its physical and psychological state. ‘Science is showing that how you feel isn’t just about what you eat, or do, or think. It’s about what you believe’ (Vance 2016). Just as a good performance in a theatre can draw us in until we feel we’re watch­ ing something real, the theatre of healing is designed to draw us in by creating powerful expectations in our brains. When one enters or involves oneself with the religious theatrical environment, the power of healing increases with the hope that they can make others feel better. A crucial part of an inspiring performance is sets and costumes. There is a belief that when a person is facing misfortune in his/ her life, he or she should organize a Jagoi R"asa L∂la" performance in order to bring good fortune to his or her life. At times persons who don’t have any children pray for a child by conducting a Jagoi R"asa L∂l"a with a promise to make the child play the role of Krishna or R"adha" in a Jagoi Rasa " L∂la" if they have one. Hence, when someone wishers to have a good, blessed life, to overcome obstacles and difficult situations, to be freed from sins or perform some major work, they organize a Jagoi R"asa Lila" as a puja

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or worship or prayer with a belief to become lucky or to make their wishes come true. THERAPEUTIC ELEMENTS

Three areas are working together from which many studies show­ ing therapeutic elements for healing qualities are found. They are Dance, Religious and Spiritual. 1. Dance has the power to increase the co-ordination of motor nerves and brain function by developing and improving on a variety of levels. Increasing the amount of physical exercise improves strength and flexibility which increases balance and co-ordination. It also reduces stress, improves relaxation and also helps to control the body. Not only this, when confidence is gained through achievements in dance, it helps to build social skills, increase self-esteem and the ability to communicate well in a group. Not only are emotional and aesthetic benefits of dance achieved, but it is experienced as a spiritual practice which is a path to well-being and health which helps in bringing a good lifestyle by creating a healthy diet, reducing in alcohol consumption and to have good behaviour and character. Having experience in dancing is also connected to some type of spiritual experience or transcendence. Many also mention the communicative or didactic potential of dance as a reason as to why dancing is important to religious setting. Dance has been also used as a therapeutic tool in various ways. It has its roots in the rituals and traditional healing practices of indigenous cultures from around the world. Employing the dance or movement as a therapy is holistic in nature where the individual is viewed as an integrated unity with mind and body reflecting and affective each other. It aims to increase the individual’s sense of their own well-being. 2. Studies show that there are positive benefits that religious and spiritual practices can give to one’s health and well-being. Starting at an early age, the choices one makes based on spiritual beliefs

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and values relate directly to the creation of certain lifestyle habits, such as diet, use of alcohol, and sexual practices. Moreover, the benefit of a religious community made up of a variety of indi­ viduals for many generations also provides a strong sense of support and connection. The overall effect of such practices on one’s health and well-being is found to be positive throughout one’s lifetime. Meditating, yoga, fasting, dancing in group, saying daily prayer, etc., are all spiritual and religious practice undertaken by many of us in our daily lives, during special seasons of the year or maybe just once in a lifetime. It is the way in which they integrate different aspects of our human experience—our emotions with our intellect or our minds with our bodies—while also connecting us with others who share similar beliefs. We seek out these experiences, which are special and set us distinctly apart from our mundane and ordinary daily lives. When the healing process of dance comes together along with religious spiritual performance it creates motivation for growing in faith and growing closer to the divine which improves personal self-esteem as well as spiritual growth which is a therapeutic element. When the phenomenon of dance appears in such a mul­ tidimensional manner, dancing becomes a way of expressing and experiencing oneself, life and its transcendental dimension, as body, soul and spirit move in sync as a whole. Since the religious context is woven into the dance that takes place in it, this can also be understood anthropologically as culturally and contextually saturated dance. Then again, the anthropology of dance reminds us that an integration of the spiritual and the physical in dance is not a rare phenomenon, but rather something that has taken place in all parts of the world at some point in time. (Royce 2002)

When the process of organizing or training of dance starts with simple ritual conducts for a traditional religious dance performance, an unconscious hope of entering into an auspicious environment creates a change to the mindset which makes us feels better. In fact, the creation of Jagoi R"asa L∂la" as a visual theatrical art form is mainly for the women and children or for the people who can’t go

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through a deep meditation where one can have spiritual under­ standing. In a spiritual setting one tries to communicate heaven to people down here, try to understand the message of salvation, increase our freedom to unite with supreme energy, the joy of being in the eternal world, and the joy of dancing with fellow devotees. The right belief and the right experience and openness to dance within religious settings, as well as groups and networks of reli­ gious dancers, can provide important social support for each dancer’s faith and sense of community. Information from our social rela­ tionships has really profound influences, not only on emotional experiences but also on health-related outcomes such as pain and healing. The impact of the social group could help explain why religion might, in a very literal sense be what Karl Marx defined as ‘the opium of the people’: It can tap the ability to access our own store of beliefs and expectations, especially when we’re surrounded by other believers who are doing the same. Participants’ experi­ ences refer to dance as a language, the natural form of expression, in which they feel free to express themselves than they do verbally, through singing or through other modalities. This freedom is strengthened by what is often referred to as a safe and supportive dance environment where dancers support each other rather than compete among themselves. Religious dance environments are safer, supportive and less competitive than other dance environments, in which there may be no common goal above and beyond each dancer’s success. CONCLUSION

Religious rites have the power of firm belief that has the ability to make us feel inexplicably better. It is related with the powerful expectations of our brains created by the specific environments. It can be in different or various forms of any religion, whether in the form of a touch of the Holy Spirit, inclusion of ourselves in the traditional rituals, or taking a dip in the water of Holy Rivers, etc. Performing a religious dance like Jagoi R"asa L∂la" is also one such conditions.

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These different functions, forms and emphases embody different aspects of the dancers’ as well as individuals’ faith and their under­ standing of God, themselves and life. Importantly, they also em­ body many other dimensions of their lives that are woven into their dance practice, such as cultural trends, gender roles, and historical changes in what is considered morally right and wrong. Nowhere is the power of group belief more evident than in reli­ gious pilgrimages and in any form has worked like magic. Improvement in self-expression itself is the benefit of dance which creates a room for the whole human being and life in its fullness in every religious setting. Dance can teach children and adults a body-embracing way of living, believing and being in God’s world. There is no denial of the fact that religion influences the human life to a very great extent. It helps in the formation of the human personality and mould the life of an individual. In those channels which are morally, spiritually and socially desir­ able. Ritual dance performances give the benefits of improving strength and flexibility of our body which also increases balance and co-ordination as well as gives a space to experience as a spiri­ tual practice which is a path to well-being and a healthy, good lifestyle. Being a group work, it also provides mutual social sup­ port and increases the sense of community. Lastly I would like to mention that since 1940, dance therapy has been introduced in Western countries as a field of healing through the medium of dance which has its root in the ritual and traditional healing practices of indigenous cultures around the world. Dance therapy deals not only with people in depression, anxiety or stress, but also deals with a vast area which includes mentally and physically retarded children, people with movement problems, people suffering from post-traumatic stress disorder, and those with psychiatric illnesses. The idea of regarding dance as a therapeutic tool is because of its holistic nature that the body and mind are completely integrated and the physical movement does reflects the inner state of the human and when the movement is performed in some guided therapeutic setting, a healing process begins.

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Rajkumari Geetanjali Devi REFERENCES

Danisana, R.K., Manipuri Dances (A Panorama of Indian Culture), Delhi: Rajesh Publication, 2012. Ellen, I., ‘The Psychological and Physical Benefits of Spiritual/Religious Practices’, Spirituality in Higher Education-Newsletter, vol. 4, issue 2, Los Angel: University of California, 2008. Hildegunn, M.T.S., ‘Dancing Towards Personal and Spiritual Growth’, Nordic Journal of Dance, 3: 2012, pp. 31-40. Ibochouba, H., The Pre-World War II Form of Ras Leela, Imphal: (L) H. Ongbi Shantibala Devi, 2009. Royce, A.P., The Anthropology of Dance, Hampshire: Dance Books, 2002. Singh, R.K.S., Dances of India: Manipuri, Delhi: Wisdom Tree, 2004. Vance, Eric, ‘Unlocking the Healing Power of Year’, National Geographic Magazine, December 2016.

CHAPTER 7

Problems of Manipuri Dance with

Reference to Classical Manipuri

Solo Dance

SINAM BASU SINGH

INTRODUCTION

The origin of every classical art form of the country or the world has always been a close relationship with the tradition and the culture of the place. To evolve or develop such art works need years and years of accumulation and requires the feedback from many quarters like artistes, scholars, society and so on. These days the modern scholars and artists have conducted lots of discussions and dialogues to bring out the innate niceties of the classical art forms in a scientific way. Such elements are philosophy, history, icono­ graphy, aesthetics, literature, grammar and psychology. If the art form is music, acoustics is also discussed as one of the elements. If the art form is dance then it is discussed under dance anthro­ pology and ethnochoreology. The main aim of this article is to discuss the art forms of Classi­ cal Manipuri Solo Dance. A numbers of problems emerge when the above-mentioned eight elements, the necessary quality in a Classical Manipuri Solo Dance, are applied. For better understanding and convenience in discussing the problems of Manipuri Classical Solo Dance, first let’s take up Lai-Haraoba, Sankirtan and Raas Leela, which took a numbers of generation to develop. Nowadays these have been listed in the category of classical dance.

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Sinam Basu Singh THE PRE-VAISHNAVITE FESTIVAL OF

MANIPUR (LAI-HARAOBA)

Lai-Haraoba is a pre-Vaishnavite festival of dance and music, rite and rituals, games and sports festival of Manipur, since time im­ memorial. Manipuris specially the Meitei group believe that by performing the festival of Lai-Haraoba, the pleasure of the deity is evoked and in return, the human beings on the earth are blessed with happiness and prosperity. The human being, through the performance of the festival, exalt the virtue of the Supreme Al­ mighty, Taibangpanba Mapu by re-enacting the works of His cre­ ation and, by doing so. He is pleased and bless the mortals. Thus, the Meitei celebrate the Lai-Haraoba festival annually. The term Lai-Haraoba has been given different meanings by various scholars. According to E. Nilakanta Singh, Lai-Haraoba means the ‘Merry making of God and Goddesses’, while according to Saroj N. Arambam Parratt, Lai-Haraoba means ‘the pleasing of the God’. The term lai-haraoba is derived from the phrase lai hoi laoba in the creation myth of the Meiteis. Literally, the term lai hoi laoba mean the shouting of hoi by the lais or deity. At the time of leisemba (creation), Atingkok Sidaba asked Atiya Sidaba to create the earth and the living beings that would inhabit the earth. Atiya Sidaba was confused as to how to create the earth and the living being. At that moment, Atingkok Sidaba opened his mouth and showed all that to be created in his mouth. Atiya Sidaba was overjoyed by the gesture of Atingkok Sidaba and he himself moved inside the Atingkok’s body and drove all the beings out of Him. While coming out, driven by Atiya Sidaba, from Atingkok Sidaba’s body, all the primal beings happily sang the song hoi. Thus the singing of hoi by the primal elements is known as Lai Hoi Laoba. The re-enactment of this divine act of creation by the human be­ ings to please the gods is called Lai-Haraoba. There are various theories on the origin of Lai-Haraoba, and also there are different types of Lai-Haraoba in Manipur. Among them, Pandit Loishang (an institution of religious preachers/lead­ ers) of Manipur recognize only four types of Lai-Haraoba. They are Kanglei Haraoba, Moirang Haraoba, Chakpa Haraoba and Kakching Haraoba. Each of this Lai-Haraobahas its own entity

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and the mythical version of its origin. Among the four types of the Lai-Haraoba, Kanglei Haraoba is regarded as the major Lai-Haraoba of Manipur because it is spread all over the valley region specially Imphal East, Imphal West, Thoubal, Bishnupur, Kakching dis­ tricts of Manipur, with more than 400 temples were celebration are held annually. The Pandit Loishang of Manipur Palace have developed its rules and regulation, particularly for Kanglei Lai-Haraoba and codified the form of this haraoba. There are a number of sub-branches un­ der the Pandit Loishang such as Maiba Loishang, Maibi Loishang and Pena Loishang. All these loishangs officiate the Kanglei Haraoba. In this way, Pandit Loishang, a palatial institution, is the author­ ity Kanglei Lai-Haraoba. THE POST-VAISHNAVITE FESTIVALS OF MANIPUR (SANKIRTAN AND RAAS LEELA)

With the advent of Vaishnavism in Manipur, the Sankirtan and Raas Leela became an integral part of religious expression and pro­ duced a profound effect on the lives and artistic manifestations of the people of Manipur. DEVELOPMENT OF SANKIRTAN IN MANIPUR During the reign of King Meidingngu Kiyamba (AD 1497-1508), the King of Pong Kikhomba gave him a saleigram (stone) of Vishnu Chakra. In honour of Lord Vishnu, King Kiyamba builds a Vishnu Temple at Bishnupur and started kirtan as pujah. Thus this is the first instance of Sankirtan in the history of Manipur. During the reign of King Rajarshi Bhagyachandra (AD 1759­ 98), a new form of Sankirtan was developed and it’s called Nata Sankirtan. This Nata Sankirtan is a well codified form of Sankirtan and is performed before every Raas Leela of Manipur as prologue (prastabana) since its inception. Further, the Nata Sankirtan was developed and made it rich up to its high peak during the reign of King Churachand (AD 1891-1941). This reign is known to be the Golden Ages for Nata Sankirtan in the history of Manipur. As Nata Sankirtan (community prayer) became an important

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part in all the social and religious occasions, Manipuris performed it throughout the year. The social functions of the Manipuris centred around important events in the life cycle such as birth, chakaumba or annaprashana (the first morsel of food given to an infant), nahutpa or karna vedha (piercing of the infant’s ears), lugunthangba or upanayana (the thread ceremony), marriage and death. All these events are marked with performances of Nata Sankirtan—dance with drum (pung) and cymbals (kartal or mandila). The Pala Loishang and Brahma Sabha of Palatial established institution codified the structure and made the rules and regula­ tions of Nata Sankirtan. So, Pala Loishang and Brahma Sabha are the authority on Nata Sankirtan. DEVELOPMENT OF RAAS LEELA IN MANIPUR With the absorbance of Manipuri into Vaishnavism, various art forms had developed and evolved. Among the art forms, Manipuri Raas Leela is one of the most religious devotional art forms, in­ vented by the King Rajarshi Bhagyachandra in AD 1779 and per­ formed consecutively for five days at Langthabal palace of Canchipur, now in the campus of Manipur University. During his reign from AD 1759 to 1798 he invented three Raas Leela namely Maharaas, Kunjaraas and Divaraas. In 1904, Sir Churachand Maharaj intro­ duced Nityaraas first performed at Hapta Kangjeibung, again Sir Churachand Maharaj introduced Divaraas in AD 1940 which was first performed at Saraswati Mandop Achouba of Sagolb and Salam Leirak. The Pala Loishang and Brahma Sabha of Palatial established in­ stitution codified the structure and made the rules and regula­ tions of these Raas Leela. So, Pala Loishang and Brahma Sabha are the authority of the five different Raas Leelas of Manipur. OBSERVATION

Under the rules of the King Sir Churachand and Budhachandra

Maharaj, the cultural institutions of Manipur were in a strong and

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solid position. All rules and regulations related to art and culture were regulated strictly by the institutions or loisangs. That means they were the sole authority. With the passage of time, changes have occurred in the social structure of Manipur. These changes were also reflected in Manipuri art and culture. Gradually, with­ out much notice the culture of Manipur put to many of us in a dilemma. Such a dilemma creates problems in Manipuri cultural scenario too. The main causes of these problems are the influence of the new education system, coming of Parsi theatre and also largely because of the change from monarchy to democratic set up. When the king was the sole authority, every single problem in any insti­ tutes or loisangs was solved through discussion with the respective heads collectively. The above factors are the main reasons that af­ fect the cultural life of Manipur, particularly in the valley and hence the deterioration could be seen clearly in our traditional institutions (Palatial established institutions like Pandit Loishang, Pala Loishang, Brahma Sabha, etc.) of Manipur. With the passage of time a number of cultural institutions came up under the new modern education system. Among them, Jawaharlal Nehru Manipur Dance Academy, Government Dance College (Govindajee Nartanalaya), Manipur State Kala Akademi, Manipur Art and Culture Dept., etc., can be mentioned. Moreover, various/numer­ ous voluntary organizations also came up with financial assistance from the Government of India. As a result, differences and dis­ tances between the old traditional institutions and newly-formed modern institutions became wider day by day to such an extent that it seems that they are not related at all. At present, the authorities of Manipur culture are totally in the hands of newlyformed institutions with the old traditions being sidelined. Be­ cause of that, some of the art forms of Manipur which were supported and promoted to develop, remain standstill. As a result, some of the art forms remain static and stagnant and some of them are slowly dying. As a matter of fact, some of the old forms died a natural death. Mention may be made here that the art forms like Raas Leela and Sankritan have reached the phase of stagnation and art forms like Manoharsai, Moirangsai, Pena Phamshak, KhongjomParva, Moirang-Parva and Khubak-Eshei are in the state of dying.

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Art forms like Pasa-Khela, Maan-Bhajan, Muruli-Haran, MarabakJagoi are almost extinct. Even the pre-Vaishnavite art form, Lai-Haraoba, faces a lot of problems and confusion. In this regard, a numbers of voluntary organizations came up to protect and preserve the Lai-Haraoba. All these problems occurred due to the distance and gap between the old traditional institutions and modern institution. Even though, there are numbers of problems under this newly-formed institutions, a numbers of art forms are invented and developed. A few names can be mentioned like Manipuri Classical Solo dance, modern theatre, etc. The only art form that the present generations are mostly demanding and which has survived is only the Classical Manipuri Solo dance. But this art form of Classical Manipuri Solo dance is not developed under any of these old traditional institu­ tion and new modern institutions. It is developed by some emi­ nent gurus from their own creation. As per record, this art forms come after AD 1930. For the first time in 1934-5 Guru Rajkumar Surjaborosana composed Bana Bihari based on the story of Lord Krishna. This dance was first performed by Jandhabi, daughter of Thambalmarik from Uripok, it was performed next by his own son Guru Priyogopalsana and next by Guru Thambalngoubi Devi. In 1940 Guru Maisnam Amubi Singh composed Nila Kamala Dhala Shyam Dekhoresakhi when he was with Uday Sankar at Almora centre and the dance was first performed by Amla Sankar, wife of Uday Sankar. In 1941 when Guru Haobam Atomba Singh was in Gurudev Rabindranath Tagore’s Visva Bharati University, Santini­ ketan, he composed a dance called Pancham Sawari. In this way such pioneer gurus started composing dance items and further many gurus following the footsteps of the pioneer gurus and start composed various dances on various themes. For their tireless con­ tribution and sacrifice towards this art form, today this art form has been recognized on the national and international level by having been performed on various prestigious stages of the world. Even the Sangeet Natak Akademi Delhi had given the awards to the upcoming artistes and senior artistes in regards to this Classi­ cal Manipuri Solo Dance. But it is a very unfortunate as there is still not a proper institution in and outside Manipur to learn this dance form. As already mentioned above, for every classical art

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form there are certain necessary elements. Is there any necessary element for the classical art form? Music is the backbone of every classical dance form and my question is what kind of classical music is suited for this Manipuri Classical Solo Dance? In the earlier day gurus used to say nata sankirtan style of singing which is used in Raas Leela is also used for Classical Manipuri Solo dance. My ques­ tion is ‘Does nata sankirtan music have a musical grammar like Hindustani, Carnatic, etc., or is there any authenticity?’ But nowa­ days the music for Classical Manipuri solo Dance is based on Manoharsai, Bangla Kirtan, Beitha style of singing, etc. If we look into it seriously, it is something like a solo dance is based on some danceable bol/syllable of the Pung and the songs which the audi­ ence is pleased to hear. So, it seems like a very simple art form. Because of this reason today’s generation who have a little knowl­ edge of this art form feel they can perform it. Till now this dance form has no its innate philosophy, literature, grammar, etc. Actu­ ally this dance form was introduced in the personal interest of some eminent gurus of Manipur. Today we see the system of gharana (style) of some gurus, like Guru Tarunkumar style, Guru Babu Style, Guru Singhajit style which come from the lineage of Guru Amubi Gharana and Guru Bipin style. My schooling on this dance is Guru Tarunkumar from the lineage of Guru Amubi schooling. My personal experience of this art form is, when we perform outside Manipur and India, peoples in the form of audi­ ences/spectator enjoy, love and appreciate our performances. But when we conduct workshop and lecture-cum-demonstration in school, college and university, we found various problems even the style (Amubi style, Bipin style, etc.). Even the theory classes have faced a lot of problems because this dance form has not yet well developed its philosophy, aesthetics, grammar, etc. The costume is also the main identity for this particular solo dance. Nowaday’s dancers wear costumes of their own choice because there are no particular rules and regulations. What to put? All these problems may come up because this form of art like solo dance is newly developed. It has already been mentioned that under the Pandit Loishang or Lai-Haraoba Loishang, the rules and regulations of the Haraoba is strictly maintained. Under Pandit Loishang, Maiba Loishang

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makes all the rules and regulations for the rituals things, Maibi Loishang make all the gestures of the ritual dance and Pena Loishang also make all the rules and regulations of various Pena singing style. There have 7/9/16/20 major style of Pena singing developed. Not only in singing, the musical note of the instrument is also devel­ oped and different fingering notes are played during particular ritual dances. For the costumes of Lai-Haraoba, what to wear or by whom, is indicated with particular name of the costumes which are clearly maintained by the Loishang for future. The art forms that come after Vaishnavism like Sankirtana and Raas Leela are also already codified by the Pala Loishang and Brahma Sabha, in terms of punglon (syllable of the pung), taal, postures of body movement, footsteps, hand gestures, etc. In terms of cos­ tumes, Sankirtan and Raas Leela are also codified with particular name and philosophy. All these rules and regulations, do’s and don’ts are still practised because the palatial established Loishangs are still strongly supported behind it. For this newly-developed Classical Manipuri Solo Dance, there is no authority not only at Manipur palace and also no govern­ ment institution in and outside Manipur. So, this art form has not yet been codified and there are no rules and regulation unlike in other classical art forms. To some extent, this art form is somewhat related with the Loishangs of Palace but today such palatial Loishang became powerless so that they are not able to codify the rules of this art form. CONCLUSION

It is the need of the hour that the eminent institutes of Manipur like Manipur University come forward and take some proactive measures for the Manipuri Classical solo dance. In these days of modern education, a certificate is necessary for higher studies for any subject, degree, and the diploma, etc. And the certificates awarded by the university are regarded as the most valuable and accepted documents everywhere in the world. Even the most at­ tractive game, the football has rules codified by Cambridge Uni­ versity London in AD 1848. Likewise, if eminent institutes of Manipur like Manipur University or Manipur University of Cul­

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ture, take the responsibility to open a department for Classical Manipuri Solo Dance with right faculty members to codify, then this art form will develop and spread widely. But, if not, one day it would surely vanish like those of the above-mentioned art forms. In the light of the above, I would like to appeal to the relevant authorities to take up necessary measures pertaining to the above by the Manipur University of culture and also the Manipur Uni­ versity, Canchipur both for the sake of the future and fate of the artiste and scholars.

REFERENCES Achouba Singh, R.K., ‘Lai Haraoba of Manipur’, in JNMDA Magazine 1991-92, Imphal: JNMDA, 1992. Achoubisana, R.K., Pena Anoi. Imphal: Manipur State Pena Aheiba Loishang, 1997. Bandopadhay, S., Manipuri Dance: An Assessment on History and Presentation, New Delhi: Shruti Publication, 2010. Devi, H.N., Pena: The Meitei Traditional Folk Fiddle, Imphal: Kongpal, 2007. Doshi, S., Dance of Manipur: The Classical Tradition, Bombay: Marg Publica­ tions, 1989. Indira, E., Lai Haraobagi Wakhanllon Paring, Imphal: R.B. Printing House, 1997. Kabui, G., History of Manipur, Delhi: National Publishing House, 1991. Kumar, K.R., Lai Haraoba of Manipur, Indigenous Festival of Manipur. Smt. Ph. Pratima Devi, Imphal: Mayang, 2001. Kumar, M.N., Kanglei Umang Lai Haraoba, Imphal: Sanglakpa, 1988. Mongsaba, M., Manipuri Sanskritida Pena, Imphal: Uripok, 2010. Nabindra, R.K., Kanglei Haraorol, Imphal: JNMDA, 2009. Nongthombam, P., Ritual and Performances, Imphal: Manipur Cultural Resource Centre, 2005. Parrat, S.N.A., The Religion of Manipur, Calcutta: Firma KLM, 1980. Sharma, C., Sankirtan Bichar (Meitei Nongarol ), Imphal: Aribam Sashi Kumar Sharma, 1988. Subhadra Devi, L., Classical Manipuri Solo Dance ta Eshei. Presentation in Seminar on Classical Manipuri Solo Dance, 27and28May 2011, Depart­ ment of Dance, Manipuri University, Canchipur, 2011. UKAL, Lai Haraobagi Kanglon, Palace Compound, Imphal, 2012.

CHAPTER 8

Dances of Manipur:

Vaishnava and Pre-Vaishnava Periods

YAIKHOM HEMANTA KUMAR

INTRODUCTION

Manipur is famous for its rich cultural heritage of dance and music of the valley and hill people. Whenever we discuss the cultural heritage of the valley people known as Meitei or Manipuri, we refer to two broad layers, viz., the pre-Vaishnavite (not exactly preHindu) phase of the early period dominated by Tantric culture and Vaishnavite phase since fifteenth century AD. It is not possible to include all the aspects of the cultural heritage of the valley and different tribes and hill people of Manipur in the article. It is therefore only one aspect, that of the performing arts of dance and music of the valley people, as reflected in the festivals of Manipur, is considered in the present article. First of all we must divide Manipuri dance and music in two categories, i.e.: (i) Pre-Vaishnavite period of dance and (ii) Post-Vaishnative period of dance (eigh­ teenth century and afterwards). PRE-VAISHNAVITE PERIOD OF DANCE

LAI HARAOBA DANCE The Pre-Vaishnavite period of dance has Lai Haraoba festivals celebrated before more than 364 Umang Lai (Sylvan deities), an­ cestors-cum-sylvan gods and goddesses worship, lasting normally about 10 days with the Maibis and Maibas as directors or conduc­

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tors and star performers, much in the style of Tantric worship, in which thousands of villagers participate in the Laibou Chongba dances, music and mukna, lamjel (indigenous games and sports). Lai Haraoba dance is a traditional festival of Manipur celebrated since primeval times by the Lais who inhabited Koubru hill and all over Manipur, in its original chaste form. Afterwards it was used to celebrate in order to please Lais (gods and Goddesses). Then it was known as Umanglai Haraoba. Lai haraoba is the origi­ nal source of Manipuri dance and music, rites and rituals, indig­ enous games, sports and primitive life of Manipur. In short it may be vestigal totemistic belief and the culture of Meitei is derived from the Lai Haraoba. The original source prescribing the procedure of the Lai Haraoba ritual is found in an ancient puya lai hoi laoba written in the manu­ script. It is expressed as lai hoi laoba meaning ‘rejoice of the God’ and Lai Haraoba is derived from lai-hoi-laoba. Lai Haraoba liter­ ally means ‘to please God’. The word lai haraoba has been trans­ lated into English by many scholars. Gods are worshipped and pleased by the participants of the Lai Haraoba. In another opin­ ion, Lai Haraoba can be said to mean merrymaking of the gods. The origin of Lai Haraoba cannot be traced in the history of Manipur. According to Guru R.K. Achoubisana, Lai Haraoba was first performed at Koubru hill and the then performance called Koubru Haraorol was a shortened version of the present Lai Haraoba and it did not contain certain sequences like Lai Lamthokpa, Kangleithokpa, etc. Later on at Nongmaijing Hill Kangleithokpa and other rituals were included and they represented marriage of the Lainingthou Khoriphaba. Different types of Lai Haraoba: There are three main types of Lai Haraoba. 1. Kanglei Haraoba 2. Chakpa Haraoba 3. Moirang Haraoba Besides these, there is Kakching Haraoba which has some typi­ cal type of sequences that are the characteristic features of both Kanglei Haraoba and Chakpa Haraoba.

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KANGLEI HARAOBA The developed form of Lai Haraoba from Koubru Hill and Non­ gmaijing Hillis the characteristic of Kanglei Haraoba and it is per­ formed at Imphal and its surrounding areas. In this form of Lai Haraoba Kangleithokpa is one of the main features. CHAKPA HARAOBA In this kinds of Lai Haraoba the Atiya Guru Sidaba comes out before the Chakpas in the incarnation of Shajee Khurangyai (a kind of deer) and it flees away towards the Heaven, when it is chased by the Chakpas, then they witness the Lai Haraoba dance of Heavenly gods like Soraren. Eventually the deer is also out of the sight. The Chakpas give up the hop of running after for catch­ ing the deer and start Haraoba in the imitation of the then gods. Haraoba of Andro, Khurkhul, Sekmai, Leimaram, Phayeng, Kakch­ ing and Kwatha belong to the category of Chakpa Haraoba. MOIRANG HARAOBA In this form of Haraoba it is mentioned that one day Kege o Phang Phang Ponglen Ahanba (a royal person) heard God’s message in his dream, then he called out his people by beating the kangla pungjao (a big drum used for calling villagers) and decided to carry out Lai Haraoba in honour of Thangjing God. Since then this type of Lai Haraoba is known as Moirang Haraoba. Feature of Kanglei Haraoba 1. Lai Phisetpa: One day before the Lai Haraoba festival begins Lai Phi Setpa (clothing of the gods) is performed. 2. Lai Ekouba: The invocation of the soul of gods which is to be held Lai Haraoba is termed as Lai Ekouba. 3. Nongmagi Thouram: It is a daily programme scheduled during the Lai Haraoba festival which can be subdivided into two portion as morning ritual and evening ritual. The morning ritual includes Lai Yakaiba, Laimang Phamba and Jagoi Katpa.

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Evening ritual: It starts with Lei Langba, Hoi Laoba, Jagoi Asangbee (Thougal Jagoi ) Laiching Jagoi, Laibou Lathaba, Hoirou Haya Laoba, Laibou Saba, Lairenmathek Yumjao Paphal Chatpa, Wakol Laoba, etc. 4. Lai Lamthokpa: It is held on the odd day of the Lai Haraoba or on two days ahead of the closing day of the Lai Haraoba. It is also the same daily programme which is to be held on a suit­ able place outside the Laibung, the main place of the festival. 5. Kangleithokpa (Lai Nupithiba): Predilection of a bride among the audience. 6. Lairoi: On the last day of Lai Haraoba festival additional pro­ gramme is to be held as a night ritual different from that of daily programme of rite. 7. Leikhomba: On the fifth day of the Lairoi (closing day of the Lai Haraoba festival) a ritual which is known as Leikhomba is held. In this ritual all the decaying articles such as flowers, fruits which are used in the festival are to be buried inside the temple. POST-VAISHNAVITE PERIOD OF DANCE:

EIGHTEENTH CENTURY AND LATER

The Valley people of Manipur fully absorbed the Hindu worship after the fifteenth century AD during the reign of King Pamheiba. The ritualistic dance form of Manipuri Nata Sankirtans and Raas Leelas like Maha Raas, Kunja Raas, Vasanta Raas, Nitya Raas and Diva Raas constitute the supreme flowering of the Vaishnava faith. Not only they enrich the cultural heritage of Manipur but are also unique contribution to Indian culture. Among the other Manipuri cultural heritage, pung cholom, dhol dhulok cholom too represent a distinctive style of Manipuri dance items. Manipuri Nata Sankirtan is a major ritual ceremony for followers of the Vaishnava religion it is a devotional singing and dancing. The lives of followers of the Vaishnava religion are guided by cele­ brations that are incomplete without the performance of sankirtan. It is performed in all social functions like the birth ceremony, chakumba (annaprasana) or giving of first solid food the baby,

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nahutpa or piercing of ears, lugun thangba or putting on the sa­ cred thread, i.e. yagyopavit, luhongba or marriage ceremony and even after cremation, ashti sachaya, sradha and phiroi or death anniversaries. Manipuri Nata Sankirtana is also major part of Raas Leelas of Manipur. Nupapala Sankirtana is indispensable part of Manipuri Raas Leela. Before the Raas Leela begins, Nupapala will start and the Raas Leela will follow later. Maharaja Bhagyachandra (eighteenth century AD) had estab­ lished Manipuri Nata Sankirtana and three Raas Leelas. The dance of Lord Krishna and Smt. Radha along with ashta sakhis is called Raas Leela. ORIGIN AND DEVELOPMENT OF

RAAS LEELA IN MANIPUR

The origin of Manipuri Raas Leela dance is related with episode of Rajashri Bhagyachandra’s encounter with a rogue elephant during his political asylum in Sibsagar, Assam. Although the historical records in Assam do not mention it, the story of King Bhagya­ chandra would be incomplete without this incident from the Manipuri point of view. Legend says that Shri Krishna or Govindaji appeared to King Bhagyachandra’s dream on the eve of the en­ counter with the rogue elephant. He prayed to the Lord Krishna: ‘Thou will become the King of Manipur again and let me be thy servant’. Lord Krishna agreed and instructed him to make his own image from the wood of the jackfruit tree grown on the Kaina Hill. When King Bhagyachandra regained his throne he fulfilled his promise to Lord Shri Govinda. Assisted by the well-known pun­ dits on the eleventh day of Karttik on Friday AD 1776, the idol of Shri Govindaji was installed at Langthabal old Palace in Manipur. Well versed in the ancient forms of dancing and singing, King Bhagyachandra composed the Raas Leela, a sublime hymn of praise and adoration to the divine couple Krishna and Radha. King Bhagyachandra organized the first ever Maha Raas in his royal premises with Shri Govindaji playing the role of Krishna and his daughter Shija Lairoibi playing the role of Radha. According to the Cheitharol Kumbaba, a royal Chronicle of

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Manipur, Maha Raas Leela was performed in the old palace in Canchipur (Langthabal). King Bhagyachandra with the help of the then great masters of dance and music Guru Kabo Khumbongba, Guru Swarupanada and Guru Takhelchangbam Rasananda Sharma composed Raas Leela and Bhangee Pareng Achouba of Maha Raas. Ngangbam Ningol Harimati (headqueen of Maharaja Bhagya­ chandra) played the role of chief gopi, the leading performer while the role of Radha was played by the princess Bimbabati or Sija Lairoibi. King Bhagyachandra himself took part by playing the pung (mridanga). Bhagyachandra’s uncle Ngoubram Sai was the chief singer and Dhar Sai was the Dohara as the chief dancer of the Nata Pala or Nupa Pala Sankirtana. Assisted by the great masters, King Bhagyachandra also composed two more raases the Kunja Raas and Vasanta Raas, each of them having specific themes and special days for performance. Two more raases the Nitya Raas and Diva Raas were also composed by King Bhagyachandra’s succes­ sors. Besides Raas Leelas there is also Udukhol Leela, Gostha Leela, Sansenba or story of Child Sri Krishna were introduced during the reign of King Bhagyachandra’s successors and there is also another leela: Goura Leela or Story of Sri Cheiteinya Mahaprabhu. TYPE OF MANIPURI RAAS LEELA Maha Raas: It is performed on Kartik Purnima (full moon night of November) and based on Raas Pancha Adhyay of the tenth skandha of Shrimad Bhagavad. This raas depicts the story of Lord Krishna and gopis and serves to bring out the symbolic significance of the barriers that arise between the ego and the divine soul. Only when the ego is conquered, a perfect union with the Divine is made possible. KUNJA RAAS This raas is performed on the full moon night of the Ashwin Purnima in October. It depicts Shri Krishna’s meeting with Radha with some of her companions in a kunja (bower) where they perform the raas. The songs of this raas describe the Sharad ritu (autumn). Kunja Raas is actually a prologue to the Maha Raas Leela. It has

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not become a popular dance in social functions. This types of raas is confined only to the Govindaji and Vijaygovindaji Temple. VASANTA RAAS Vasanta Raas is performed on the Chaitra Purnima (on the full moon night of April). This raas blends three major episodes har­ moniously, spraying of colours to mark the coming of spring, Lord Krishna’s love making with Sakhi Chandrabali, and Radha’s jeal­ ousy and her subsequent reconciliation with her lover Lord Krishna. This raas gives fine scope to the dancers to express the passion of joy and love. The Brahma Beibrata Purana is the main part, some portions are from Jaya Deva’s Geeta Govinda and some poems of Padma Kalpataru and Sangit Madhava songs are used in Vasanta Raas. NRITYA RAAS It is performed on any auspicious day. The central theme of the raas is the preparation of satjya (flower bed) for divine lovers, which symbolizes the union of prakriti and purush, the cosmic and cre­ ative forces. It lays more emphasis on the technique than of the dramatic contents when compared with other raas. Its main focus is the sequence of the challenge dancing of Radha and Shri Krishna with each other competing on difficult talas and dance movements. This kind of raas is performed in khullak, a village temple only and never in Shri Govindaji Temple. This raas is also known as Nartan Raas. Nritya Raas is based on Govinda Leelamrita. One peculiar sequence in the Nritya Raas is that Shri Krishna goes abhisar then with brinda sakhi made satjya (flowers bed) and waits for Radha. This raas was composed during reign of Maharaja Chandrakirti. DIVA RAAS There is also another kind of Raas Leela, Diva Raas which is per­ formed only during the day time on any auspicious occasions. This raas presents Radha and Lord Shri Krishna being united in

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the bathing pool through the kindly efforts of the sakhis. The theme is based on the Govinda Lilamrita. Although it is different from Nritya Raas. Diva Raas was composed during the reign of Maha­ raja Churach and with the assistant of the then renowned dance guru Ohja Akham Tomba. SEQUENCES OR RAAS KRAM OF KUNJA RAAS Kunja Raas is held on the full moon night of Ashwin or October, November in the Govindaji Temple. On the same day it is also performed in the Vijaygovinda Temple. This kind of raas is not generally popular in khullak (village) mandap. There is no one enacting as Krishna and Radha when perform in the Govindaji Temple, but like other raases in the khullak mandap, the role of Krishna and Radha is enacted. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15.

Nupa Pala Sankirtan Raaga Macha by the raasdhari (director of the raas) Raaga song by sutradhari (singer or commentator of the raas) Guru vandana Sabha vandana Vrindavan varnan Krishna abhisar Radha (Gopi) abhisar Gopi raag Mapop jagoi Krishna nartan Radha nartan Radha Krishna Jugol Rup Varnan Pushpanjali or offering with flowers Aarati

Differentiate between Sri Govindaji Temple’s raas and khullak or village mandapa raas in Manipur: Maharaj Bhagyachandra had introduced Maha Raas, Kunja Raas and Vasanta Raas in AD 1779. There are two streams of Raas Leela dancing in Manipur. One is the Raas Leela dance performed in

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Sri Govindaji Temple and the other is Raas Leela dancing at Vijaygovindaji Temple as well as Raas Leela at khullak mandap. There is no artiste who enacted the role of Krishna and Radha in the Raas Leela performance of Sri Govindaji Temple but the Raas Leela performance at the Vijaygovindaji Temple and khullak mandap, choosen young children of five to seven years of age to play the role of Krishna and Radha. COSTUME OF RAAS LEELAS There are three types of costumes used in the Raas Leelas. One is Natabarabesh costume sets for Sri Krishna and two, the kumin potloi, green coloured costumes for Radha and red coloured dresses for gopis, also and green kumin potloi is also used for Chandrabali, another Character in the Vasanta Raas Leela.

REFERENCES Sharma, G.S., Meitei Jagoi part II, Imphal: Sri Sri Govindaji Nartalaya, 1965.

Sharma, P.I., Metei Phijet Leiteng, Imphal: Ph. Iboton Sharma, 1974.

Singh, E.N., Aspect of Indian Culture, Imphal: Manipur State Kala Academy,

1982. ——, Fragments of Manipuri Culture, Delhi: Omsons Publications, 1993. Singh, H.A., Raas Seireng, Uripok, Imphal: Halban Kala Singh, 1966. Singh, M.A., Manipuri Raas, Imphal: Naisnam Upendro Singh, 1964. Singh, R.K.A., J.N. Manipur Dance Academy Magazine, Manipur: JNDA, 1991-2.

PA RT I I

PERFORMING ART HERITAGE

CHAPTER 9

Manipuri Diaspora and Rabindranath

Tagore: Their Contribution and

Nationalization of Manipuri Dance

KHANGEMBAM KHONI

INTRODUCTION

Since the production of the Raas Leela in 1779 as a court dance in the eighteenth century, it spread to different parts of India. The establishment of the Manipuri dance as an institutional classroom experience in 1920s in the precincts of Santiniketan was to begin a new chapter in the history of the dance of the Meeteis. Guru Rabindranath Tagore was to free the dance of religious connota­ tion dance and secularize its artistic qualities. He created an insti­ tutional culture for popularizing Manipuri dance as an artistic practice amongst non-Manipuris in India. He was also to popular­ ize the dance in two very important areas of India, namely Bengal and Gujarat. He was to begin this culture through the Manipuri citizens of Tripura, an independent princely state and neighbour of Bengal and Assam. The spread of Meetei dance in different parts of India began in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries through an indigenous cultural practice from the soil of Manipur. Manipur was a strong and independent state in the eighteenth century having diplo­ matic links with the indigenous states of Burma, Assam. Tripura and the Dimasa land (Cachar) in the west of Manipur. Manipuri princesses were married to the kings of these lands and interna­ tional diasporic Manipuri communities were settled in the capitals of these countries. Because of the Hindu religious orientations of

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these princesses, the statues of the Lord Govinda and His consort were taken to these capitals and religious temples were introduced in the Manipuri colonies. The princesses of Manipur were indeed the first patrons of the Raas Leela outside of Manipur after the marriages to other neighbourly princes and kings in the other states. Not much of historical studies were done of the Manipuri diasporas and spread of culture elsewhere in the other countries. Some writing on this nature came from the pens from early twentieth-century government officials of Manipur. One Lairenmayum Ibungohal Singh, formerly a durbar member in the state of Manipur, in the 1830s, wrote after his retirement in the 1860s, on the issue of the spread of Meetei dance outside of Manipur. He wrote about the offering of Raas Leela at the Dimasa kingdom in Cachar in 1814 CE through the efforts of Induprabha, a daughter of Maharajah Modhuchandra Singh, married to the Dimasa king in the late eighteenth century. He also remarked about Manipuri princesses married to Tripuri kings presenting the Raas Leela in 1868.1 Later, research oral tradition however had claimed that the first Raas Leela presentation outside of Manipur was in 1798 CE when Maharajah Bhagyachandra’s daughter Harisheshwari was married to the King Rajdhor of Tripura in the same year. Bhagyachandra abdicated his throne of Manipur in 1798 CE and went on a pil­ grimage to the Ganga in the early part of the year and he took with him some seven hundred followers along with his youngest daughter Harisheshwari Devi who was married to the King Rajdhor Manikya of Tripura in 1798 CE. Bhagyachandra stayed for three months in Tripura. His daughter also brought with her the statue of the Lord Krishna Radhamadhob along with that of His consort. Hari­ sheshwari was regarded as the founder of the Radhamadhob Mandir and daily rituals for the worship of the Lord and Lady and celebra­ tion of proper Hindu festivals were started by her. Though it was not mentioned in the Raajmala, the royal chronicles of Tripura, some Manipuri scholars of Tripura who were acquainted with stories of the rituals at Radhamadhob Mandir strongly claimed that the Raas Leela presentation which was performed in the month of November should have been performed at the Radhamadhob Mandir during the pilgrimage years of Bhagyachandra.2 It must

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be understood that since Harisheshwari’s marriage to Rajdhor Manikya of Tripura, extensive patronage to Hindu rituals and fes­ tivals became a norm. The Manipuri colony where the Manipuris had settled had come to be known as Mekhalipara (Settlement area of the Mekhli or the Meetei) and the area where Shree Krishna was worshipped later came to be known as Radhanagar. It was also learnt that later Tripuri kings encouraged the Maharanis (who were mostly Manipuris) to patronize Hindu rituals and festivals and it was learnt that the Lai Haraoba, the Raas Leela, the Jhullon Yatra, the Holi festivals and others were encouraged and the practitioners, lead singers and drummers were paid monthly salaries called bhattas.3 The diasporic lives of the Meetei increased by leaps and bounds as a result of Burmese invasions in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. The seven years of devastations of 1819-26 effected huge displacements of the Meetei population towards Cachar, Assam, Tripura and also eastern Bengal (later Bangladesh). The Hindu ritual practices were part of their normal lives along with ritual presentation of periodic festivals. Lai Haraoba as well as Raas Leela would have been routine cultural events, more especially in the post-devastation periods (after 1819). The next stage in the spread of the Meetei dance was through the efforts of the King Churachand Maharaj (1891-1941), who was a colonially educated king under the patronage of the British imperial establishment. He became an active head of state who contributed to the expansion of the cultural resources of the state. He was responsible for exposing the Manipuri art of dance, the clown plays (the phagees), the operas (nupee palas), and the indig­ enous sports and games to the routine visiting officials of the Brit­ ish government. He was the first Meetei monarch who undertook the presentation of the Manipuri Raas Leela in the religious pre­ cincts of Brindavan in 1911.4 He also sent a one hundred fifty member troupe to present the Raas Leela in Kolkata to the visiting crowned prince, Prince Albert in 1922.5 The team was led by the teacher of Guru Amubi and Guru Atomba—Guru Huidrom Jhulon­ macha, the composer of the Nritya Raas (1904). Guru Haobam Atomba was his assistant in the Kolkata presentation. Maharaj Churachand also personally took the team to the religious centre

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of Nabadwip for another presentation of the Jalakeli in the auspi­ cious temple of Anuprabhu at Nabadwip. Maharaj Churachand’s special effort was also to secularize the traditional religious dances of the Lai Haraoba and present them as secular items of community dances infront of the visiting for­ eign dignitaries. He was also the patron of the emerging dance gurus, encouraging them to go outside the state to spread the culture and to earn their living also. He died at Nabadwip in 1941, the same year Guru Rabindranath Tagore died. The Tagore connection with Tripura and the Manipuri dances was a deep relationship and the experiences of the Manipuri teachers through royal permission to visit Santiniketan would be of im­ mense interest for future researchers on Tagore and Manipuri dances. It was learnt that Tagore visited Tripura seven times in his lifetime and the relationship was started early during his grand­ father’s time. Tagore was learnt to have visited Tripura during Radha Kishore Manikya’s reign five times (1897-1909). Also he visited Tripura in his later years during Birendra Kishore Manikya’s pe­ riod (1909-23) and in 1919 the first Manipuri dance teacher R.K. Budhimanta Singh was sent to begin the introduction of Manipuri dances in Santiniketan. It was a period of deep conservatism in Bengali society and Tagore was slowly breaking the traditional con­ straints by encouraging young Bengali boys and girls to learn danc­ ing, but the girls were not yet forthcoming. So R.K. Budhimanta’s work was the initiation of training of the boys in Manipuri dances as an exercise system. The success of the Budhimanta experience enabled Tagore to request the king Birendrekishore Manikya to also send R.K. Budhimanta’s wife to Santiniketan to be with her husband, but the event did not materialize. What interested Tagore was the excellence of the weaving arts and crafts of the Manipuri traditional society in Tripura.6 Assamese teachers were also there to introduce Assamese weaving crafts. R.K. Budhimanta however did not stay long and it was at a later period that P. Nabakumar was again sent by the royalty of Tripura to help Tagore to expand the cultural activities of his school. Sruti Bandopadhyay remarked that with him started a new era in the dance of Santiniketan.7 Sruti Bandopadhay in her book Manipuri Dance: An Assessment

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on History and Presentation (2010), has given extensive details of the relationship between Tagore and Manipuri dance. She wrote about Nabakumar being the first Manipuri dance teacher to ac­ quaint the Bengali girls with Manipuri dance. It was Nabakumar who began a series of choreographic sequences in Manipuri to em­ bellish the production of Tagore’s Natir Puja (1926), where Pratima Devi, daughter-in-law of Tagore was the co-choreographer.8 It was the beginning of Nabakumar’s creative career which was to take him in future to Gujarat and Bombay as well. Sruti wrote that Gauri Devi’s role as the heroine was choreographed by Nabakumar and the success of the play and Gauri Devi’s dance ‘rendered an out of the world divine beauty which has remained a radiant memory in the history of performing arts of Santiniketan. At that point Tagore had conceived that Santiniketan was then ready to contribute to the dance world’.9 Guru Rabindranath Tagore is re­ ported to have advised Gauri Devi to dance with all her initial energies concentrated within her.10 Nabakumar with his stints at Gujarat and Bombay through the encouragement of Tagore, extended his mite to development of Manipuri as an intrinsic element in the dance aesthetic of Tagore with his eclectic and global universalism. Tagore spared nothing in the accumulation of folk and classical rhythms from the likes of Kathakali, Kandyan, Garba, Bharatanatyam, Kathak, Javanese, Hungarian, Burmese, and others. Tagore had meant his university of Visva Bharati (estd. 1915) to be a repository of all cultures. In his dramatic productions and visualization of his poems, his dis­ ciples including Pratima Devi and Shantidev Ghosh and others had taken the trouble to learn many of the dance arts of India and the world and the presence of the item of Manipuri in solo and group sequences reflected a symbiotic relationship of its rhythm and movement with the poetry and flow of Tagore’s imagination. Many of the thematic productions of Santiniketan since Natir Puja (1926), Saapmochon (1931), Tasher Desh (1933), Chandalika (1933—prose drama, 1937—dance drama), Chitrangada (1936), Shyama (1939), etc., included various solo and group items of the Manipuri. Most of the celebration of nature’s fertile manifesta­ tions by Tagore also included Manipuri dance items.

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In the development of the aesthetic philosophy of Tagore, his students and close aides, scholars of the world had paid excellent tribute to his deeply spiritual and cosmic consciousness in his re­ lationship with nature and humanity. Most of the scholars agree that Tagore was slow in the development of his aesthetic philosophy and that it was after he turned fifty onwards that his concrete mate­ rial manifestations in performance became extremely significant. As related by Pratima Devi, Tagore’s daughter-in-law, his Tripura visit in early twentieth century and connection was important when he realized the prospect and potential of dancing.11 Of course, Tagore in his stint at Brighton School at London as a seventeen-year old had been exposed to European social dances, operas and Western music in the 1880s. This must have instilled in him the formative inspirational motivations in his practical association with cultural productions. Shantidev Ghosh, his favourite student had also said that Gurudev did not merely want to train dancers. His aim was to impart all round education, knowledge and other faculties of art to mould the society into a creative and peaceful entity. His idea was to adopt the art of dancing as a means towards such an end.12 So dance aesthetic was to bloom later as part of his global educational philosophy. It was Utpal K. Banerjee, in his book Tagore’s Mystique of Dance, who provided a scientific, objective analysis of Tagore’s aesthetics on dance. In an article for Kala Bharati published in 2005, ‘Dama­ scened Filigree of Tagorean Dances’ Utpal K. Banerjee wrote that ‘What Tagore has left for posterity is not a polished grammar un­ raveling intricacies of his dance oeuvre that can be religiously fol­ lowed by the uninitiated, but a conscientious process towards it and a few finished products from his last few years that are figured designs, shining like a luminous filigree inlaid with precious gems and jewels’.13 What Tagore has contributed to the philosophy of Indian dance was to enhance the cosmic implications of the God Nataraja. He resonated the spiritual elements in nature’s unfolding the goddess of dawn, Usha’s baring her bosom like a dancer, that he provided the ode to the deity that ‘the rebellious atoms are seized into beau­ teous adoration under the spell of your dance, the sun and the

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moon play forth in a dazzling orb around your dual feet and the pulsating throb of your dance cadenza nurses arouses the stilled cosmos into consciousness’.14 Utpal Banerjee wrote that from the mid-1920s begins the evo­ lution phase of his dance process with the gradual incorporation of both group dances from the Indian and foreign folk-forms and codified classical dances brought in by respective teachers in Santiniketan. The folk forms have the virility of rhythmic steps and swaying bodies sans Abhinaya, seen in all rites and festivals with a rare spontaneity by men and women that is akin to Nritta. The classical dances always need the guided disciplines under the teachers like Budhimanta Singh (1919-25), then Nabakumar Singh and brother Vaikuntha Nath Singh and lastly Senarik Singh, Mahim Singh and Nilambar Mukerjee for classical Manipuri.15

Tagore’s final consolidation phase of the ongoing dance process was happening in the 1930s and leading to concrete thematic products in the shape of five composite dance-dramas, namely Shaapmochon, Tasher Desh, Chitrangada, Chandalika and Shyama. The incorporation of many dance forms organized through the needs for characterization, use of musical rhythms appropriate to the emotional and dramatic sequence in the story left us new dance students wondering as to whether Tagore had initiated the practice of fusion dance which has become a global phenomenon today. No doubt he could have adopted full well delineated lines of move­ ment and expression for each dance culture to express its undi­ luted form within the mix of the production, but proper fusion of one dance item into another and the notion of hybridity which in common parlance nowadays could have been a proper experiment, whose potential was left for future exercise by contemporary dancers of today. Tagore thus had left a veritable legacy in his dance-dramas and nature’s festivals for creative students to include movement repertoires for what began from Manipuri probably passing seam­ lessly into Kathakali, then into Kathak and into Bharatanatyam in the visual manifestations of his Rabindra Sangeet poems. As for Tagore’s songs also we can confidently quote Dr. Sitansu Ray’s comments on the aesthetic quality,

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The semantic content of Tagore songs may be accessible only to the Bengali knowing community, but their musical value appeals universally to all music loving people. The prospective aesthetic value of Tagore songs, perhaps having no other parallel to the realm of lyrico-musical creativity, has yet to be estab­ lished by means of inter-cultural give-and-take in India and abroad. This is the noble task of the artistes and scholars of Tagore songs.16

Manipuri students of dance feel honoured to the great visions of Rabindranath Tagore and the people of Tripura who had inspired the formative periods in the development of the new dance aes­ thetic in Santiniketan. The great gurus of Manipuri had laid the foundations for the poetic and lyrical imagination of the great poet merging seamlessly into the flow and eternality of the soft grace of the Manipuri. One always remembers the all Manipur repertoire of Bhanu Singher Padavali, the second exposure to visiting impe­ rial representative Lord Lytton in Calcutta (1926) and the great guru’s admiration for Manipuri culture in his appreciation of the state in his essay ‘Manipur Varnan’. Bhanu Singher Padavali was a collection of poems Tagore wrote in his early teens, and these poems were published in different journals under an assumed name Bhanu Singha. These poems were inspired by the great poets Vidyapati, Chandidas and Jaidev. The poems became very popular later on and Tagore had these produced as dance-drama (nritya-natya). Not much details are remembered by the connoisseurs. However, it was believed that for the visual­ ization of the poems Tagore used the classical dance movements from Manipur. But Jatindra’s re-interpretation of the great poets’ collection was inspired by Tagore’s vision and he used various re­ sources from the classical Manipuri dance. The Lord Krishna solo item like the Krishna Abhisar was from Basanta Raas and the Krishna Nartan from Nitya Raas. The natabara besh was used as the cos­ tume of the Lord Krishna in the dance-drama. Many of the femi­ nine dance items (lasya) and gestures like longlie-uplei, champra okpi, chali, etc., were used and it was gracefully accepted by the audience.17 The fascination for the Manipuri dance style, especially for the female characters in Tagore’s dance-dramas, was as Ajit Kumar Ghosh wrote, ‘The Manipuri dance was liked so much by the poet

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because of its mellowed beauty, tenderness, grace and lyricism. In Santiniketan the women student mainly participated in danceperformance and this style of dancing was most suitable for them.’18 It seems from various artistic disciplines Tagore had experienced in life, like songs, drama, sculpture, painting, etc. Later in life per­ haps he found a fulfilling one in dance, and Manipuri had given some intense depth of experience in him to help transformation of the women in Bengali society. It is learnt that he told his friends ‘I will put nach at the feet of the Bengali girl’, which is believed to be a revolutionary step in the changes that had taken place in the world of traditional Bengal side by side with his global aspirations for love, tolerance, respect and peace.19 Thus our performance heritage, notably dance which we had inherited as our own cultural property had become a national as well as international subject of reverence and admiration. It is through various historical experiences that Manipuri dance has become what it is today.

NOTES 1. Lairenmayum Ibungohal Singh, ‘Meetei Jagoi’, in Ritu, vol. 75, ed. Thockchom Jogendra, Imphal: The Cultural Forum Manipur, 1985, pp. 80-3. 2. L. Biramangol, Telephonic Interview (Imphal & Agartala, 12 August 2014). 3. Ibid. 4. Lairenmayum Ibungohal Singh and Ningthoukhongjam Khelchandra Singh, eds., Cheitharol Kumbaba, Imphal: Manipur Sahitya Parishad, 2005, 564. ‘On the 27th lunar Thursday, Shreejut (Maharaj Churachand) Ngangbam Chanu Ibemhal, his royal elder brother, Angom Ningthou, Khuraileima along with a dance group proceeded towards Brindavan. . . . On the 15th lunar Monday fullmoon, Shreejut offered the presentation of the Maha Raas at Brindavan’. 5. Haobam Ibochaoba Singh, The Pre-World War II Form of Ras Leela, Imphal: (L) Haobam Ongbi Shantibala Devi, 2009 (Brief Life-Sketch of Late Guru Haobam Atomba Singh [1885-1975]). 6. Rabindranath Tagore, Rabindra Leichal, A Manipuri Translation of Selected Writings, ed. L. Biramangol, Agartala: Published in Comemoration of Tagore

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Tagore 150th Birth Anniversary by the Information and Cultural Affairs Department Government of Tripura, 2011, p. 74. Letter from Tagore to King Birendra Kishore Manikya for sending R.K. Budhimanta’s wife to Santineketan, 1919. 7. Sruti Bandopadhay, Manipuri Dance: An Assessment on History and Presentation, Gurgaon: Shubhi Publications, 2010, p. 392. 8. Ibid., p. 393. 9. Ibid., p. 394. 10. Nandita Basu Sarbadhikary, Personal Interview, Santiniketan, 15 June 2014. 11. Pannalal Roy, ‘Contribution of Tripura in Adoption of Manipuri Dance Style at Shantiniketan’, 2005, http://indianfolklore.org/journals/index.php/ Ish/article/view/485/561 12. Ibid. 13. Utpal K. Banerjee, ‘Damascened Filigree of Tagorean Dances’, Kala Bharati, 2005, 2 of 8 File:///F:/ / Kala%Bharati%20 8/3/2014 14. Ibid., 2 of 8. 15. Ibid., 3 of 8. 16. Sitansu Ray, Studies in Music Aesthetics, Ajmer: Krishna Brothers, 1989, p. 101. . 17. K. Jatindra Singh, Personal Interview, Santiniketan, 9-16 September 2014. 18. Ajit Kumar Ghosh, ‘Manipuri Dance and its Affinity with some DanceForms of Bengal’, Quarterly Journal , 18(2), Imphal: Manipur State Kala Akademi, 1989, p. 11. 19. Dr. Nandita Basu Sarbadhikary, Personal Interview, Santiniketan, 6-8 September 2014.

C H A P T E R 10

Nata Sankirtana and

Manipuri Society

M. THOIBA SINGH

INTRODUCTION

For centuries, Nata Sankirtana has been performed as an important practice, gandharva bidya and Mahayajna in the society of Manipuri Goudiya Vaishnavites. Nata Sankirtana became a part and parcel of socio-religious activities and prosperity of Manipuri Vaishnava community. The form of prayer accompanied by music, song and dance has been known as Gandharbam since the time of Vedas. From time immemorial, the invocation of gods and goddesses; wor­ shipping their images and offering aaratika, arhan, pujan, parichay have been traditionally done. This culture has been passed down from generation to generation. Nata Sankirtana has two main social functions—it brings people together on festive occasions throughout the year by acting as a cohesive force and reinforces relationship between the individual and the community through life-cycle ceremonies. Nata Sankirtana is a form of worship to the followers of Goudiya Vaishnavism. It is considered a mahayajna (complete sacrifice). The Vaishnava architects trace its origin to the aesthetics and philosophy of Shrimad Bhagavata. In Shrimad Bhagavata the only merit in Kaliyuga is Hari Sankirtana (chanting the name of the lord) and through Sankirtana a person can reach his ends and attain moksha. A person in Satyayuga attained mukti through dhyan, in Tretayugya by yajnas and Dvaparayuga through puja and in Kaliyuga through Hari Sankirtana. The above dhyan, puja, yajana, etc., are all combined or merged in the form of Hari

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Sankirtana in Kaliyuga to attain salvation. Sri Chyatanya or Lord Gouranga preached the value and importance of Sankirtana to liberate the mortal and attain moksha. The true picture of Manipuri Nata Sankirtana is serving the Lord Krishna. Nata Sankirtana was introduced by devotees and priests to the state of Manipur under the aegis of the kings. With the help of rhythm, the lord is invoked, and using rhythm the Lord is worshipped. While worshipping, one surrenders oneself to the Lord and asks Him to fulfil his wishes and this is the inevitable aspect of Nata Sankirtana. By singing the love story of Radha Govinda in different rhythms, the devotees have been serving the Lord following the Vedic tradition. Worshipping the Lord in such a manner, in tune with Vedic norms and this is the Nata Sankirtana of Manipur. In theme and spirit of the Nata Sankirtana it is the embodiment of bhakti at its purest. The essence of Nata Sankirtana is bhakti (devotion). The whole performance is bhakti oriented. It is the depiction of the madhura premrasa (transcendental love) of Radha Krishna. Nata Sankirtana is a performance-based ritual in which the leelas or plays of Lord Krishna are enacted non-realisti­ cally. The performance is enacted in combination with acting, dance, music and songs. This abstract performance represents the sym­ bolic merging of both the actors and participants (audience) in the process of performance to another realm where each one of them can identify with the Lord. Thus, Nata Sankirtana is a sacred ritu­ alistic performance. A person can understand the true essence of Nata Sankirtana only if he is also liberated and attains salvation. The devotion and love enables both the performers and partici­ pants to experience Radha Krishna union and transcendental love. In later developments, Nata Sankirtana as one of the performing art forms became to achieve one’s spiritual goal. BACKGROUND

During the reign of King Kiyamba in Manipur, in 1467-1508 a Vishnu Temple was set up and people started paying obeisance to Vishnu by offering Sankirtana. After him, his successors, King Charairongba and most of his people in AD 1697 took Bhagavata diksha and began worshipping Shri Krishna (Madan Mohan)

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through Hari Sankirtana. In 1709, Maharaj Garibaniwaz founded Drupad Hari Sankirtana which was known as Ariba Sankirtana (Bangdesh Pala) in the rituals of ceremonies no longer conducted like asti sanjay, shradha, samasor, etc. In AD 1763-98 under the rule of Maharaj Bhagyachandra, Drupad Hari Sankirtana accompanied Gourchandrika and Goura Bhavi became famous in Manipur. Maharaj Bhagyachandra was awarded the name Rajarshi and was believed to be the incarnation of Nortom Thakur Mahasoi, an intelligent shiksha (student) of Loknath Goswami of Braja Brinda­ van. It was during his period that the temple of Sri Govindajee was installed and worship was started with the offering of Rasa Kirtan of dedicated to Lord Krishna. Drupad Hari Sankirtana was known by the name of Dhrumel Hari Sankirtana to the Manipuris from the very beginning. How­ ever, Maharaj Bhagyachandra made it so popular that Manipuris knew it as an unique Maha Dhrumel for a long time. Then with the passage of time, following the footsteps of their predecessors, Maharaj Gambhir Singh offered Goura Dhrumel, Maharaj Nara­ singh offered Nityai Dhrumel and Maharaj Chandrakirti offered Devi Dhrumel. Then the previous Dhrumel Hari Sankirtana ulti­ mately came to be known as Nata Sankirtana keeping in mind the idea of prayer through Sankirtana. And this was how Drupad Sankirtana was divided into two types in Manipur, viz. Ariba Pala (Bangdesh Pala) and Nata Sankitana (Nata Pala). In Nata Sankirtana five aspects namely pung (rhythm/talas), songs, dance, story and rituals are performed at the time of worshipping the Lord. The different aspects used in these talas are all not that simple; they are all very ancient, it will be very hard to trace them anywhere in the whole of India. A thorough research into the ways of punglons (drum-beats) as are used in the Sankirtana since long ago has shown this clearly. It would be hard to trace anything like this elsewhere in India, perhaps it would never be possible through this shastra. Most pandits (scholars) are of the opinion that such aspects of the margi tala have long ceased to exist on the Indian soil; except a few mentions in the shastra. It is the pride and practice of India that such types of Vedic talas found nowhere in India today have long been nourished and flourished within the folds of a tiny state like Manipur.

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There are two forms of Manipuri Sankirtana since the period of Maharaj Garibniwas which are as follows: 1. Ariba Sankirtana: It is on record that Sankirtana singing took place in Manipur in fifteenth century AD during the reign of King Kiyamba of Manipur. Maharaj Garibniwas ruled Manipur from AD 1709-48 and he was a follower of Ramandi, i.e. worshipper of Lord Rama. During his reign, many kirtaniyas who were migrants to Manipur from the Nongchup Haram (i.e. India) began to join the service of Shree Ramji Prabhu with their kirtan. As the Maharaj was a keen followers of the Ramandi religion, he supported this religion to such extent that it came to be a part of all social and religious activities in Manipur. Later, this performance having been initiated by the kirtaniyas from Bangladesh came to be known as Bangdesh Pala. In Manipur, Sankirtana performance has been classi­ fied in various forms with performing groups of different names (pala). Among them, Bangdesh Pala is considered the oldest or the first chronologically. After the emergence of Nata Sankirtana (Nata Pala), Bangdesh Pala has been understood as Ariba Pala (Old Pala). For Bangdesh Pala, glorifying Lord Ram through singing and kirtana was the prime feature as believed. Ariba Sankirtana (Bangadesh Pala) is still preserved and practised at the royal palace and some other centres of Manipur. 2. Nata Sankirtana: Nata Sankirtana is an old type of music and it has the look of Margi music based on Vedic tradition because of the following reasons. Firstly the taals used in Nata Sankirtana namely raga, ragataba, rajmel, sanchar, dhruvmel and the words used in describing these rhythms are not found in books describ­ ing desi taal byabastha. Second, the beats of these taals if noticed properly are all dhrupapada. Within it there are chatuspada, i.e. three taals of one pada combine with one dhruva totaling four pada and this is more prominent in the Nata Sankirtana. This particular taal is used for praising and worshipping gods because it has the look of pranav. Rajarshi Bhagyachandra introduced this style of kirtana singing known as Nata Sankirtana which found its

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supreme expression during the reign of King Chandrakirti of Manipur (1850-86) when the sixty-four rasa were presented for the first time in sixty four sessions spreading over thirty two days. The Manipuri musician singing kirtana as called nata—a classical term in Sanskrit, meaning the person who knows the four abhinayas and different types of natya, merges in the rasa which he is trying to portray and who appears physically on the stage: a dancer with songs on the lips. FUNCTIONS

As per the norms of Smriti shastra, even though in social functions conducted by Vaishnavites such as churakaran, karnaved, funeral rites, etc., the entire preparation for elaborate rituals are being done, the mahayajna of Nata Sankirtana would lead all the other rituals. The ragas of the drum would invoke the Lord and other prayers and rituals would follow. The function would be concluded with the sankirtana singing bijay. Even though in other parts of the country, as per Hindu tradition, daughters are married off before a fire hearth where a mahayajna is performed after elaborate rituals and praying to the fire god, in a place like Manipur a Nata Sankirtana mahayajna would be conducted for Meitei Hindu Vaishnavites, by invoking the God. Daughters are given in kanyadan by the father wishing them a happy married life. Some important functions and duties are given below: 1. Nata Sankirtana is a very important aspect in the lives of the people in Manipur. It is because when our end is near, people listen to Hari-Naam to relieve us from all the wrong things that we have done before, so that we die peacefully. After death the family members would take the dead body for the last rites. 2. In the shraddha ceremony, the Nata Sankirtana will start with raga. Before the invocation of the God and prayers, pinda-dan cannot be offered. 3. After offering the p inda-dan, the karmadata (owner of the ceremony) would have a bath and wear clean clothes. He would then come and offer his respects towards the end of the Sankirtana

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when Raga Bijay is being performed. The shradha ceremony would come to an end with the guardian of the mandap sending the departed soul to beikuntha dham. 4 . In case of any death in a house, Nam Sankirtana plays an important role. In the ten days of mourning or dashahan, the ritual would start with Nam Sankirtana and other rituals like reading Shrimad Bhagavat Gita would follow. 5 . The particular person who mourns, known as the girathangba, would offer pinda-dan only after the Sankirtana starts. 6 . Even in asti sanchay or the ritual of picking up the remains from the grave, Sankirtana is performed along with parikrama around the Hari Mandir. 7 . Manipuri have started performing many rites and rituals which they believed are good for them. For instance rites related to planting a tulsi or basil plant, rites performed for ponds, temples, houses, death anniversary, etc., are all performed along with Sankirtana. Depending on the concerned persons, some have it on a small scale and others do it on a large scale. 8 . On the special day of Lord Krishna which is held every year, Nata Sankirtana mahayajna is performed in all the temples within the Shri Shri Govindaji shrine and in the Bijoy Govinda Temple. 9 . After the Sankirtana, other performances follow and it closes with Sankirtana bijay. The birthday is celebrated with other performances by men, women and children belonging to different panas thereby serving the Lord Krishna and Radha. Even in the temples in different localities such special days are performed with Sankirtana. 10. During Holi, men, women and children organize Holi kirtana groups and perform in the temples and even in the courty­ yards of different houses. 12. During the Rathayatra festival, young boys and young girls along with older people organize kirtanas and perform in temples. 13. Even during Jalakeli and Jhulon festivals, young boys and girls along with married women organize kirtana groups and offer songs to the Lord.

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14. Within the kirtana many other performances like Krishna Leela, Ras Leela and Gauraleela are also performed following Sankirtana. Manipuri Nata Sankirtana has been recognized by UNESCO in 2013. Sankirtana—the ritual singing, drumming and dancing of Manipur has been selected for inscription on the Representative List of the UNESCO Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity. The decision was taken on 4 December at the eighth session of the UNESCO Intergovernmental Committee in Baku, Azerbaijan. Following the recognition, the art form will be able to enjoy greater popularity across the world, attract scholars and performing artistes from far and wide and thus help in conserving it for the posterity. Manipuri Classical Dance is closely related to Manipuri Nata Sankirtana as it starts and ends with Nata Sankirtana while being performed. For example, in the performance of Ras Leela, Nata Sankirtana is performed in the form of purbaranga, and then Ras Leela would follow. The same happens with Goura Leela and Udukhol Leela, etc., therefore, so long as Manipuri Classical Dance like the Ras Leela survives, Nata Sankirtana with also survive. Nowa­ days Manipuri Nata Sankirtana has become popular in entertain­ ment programmes. For example, Pung Cholom (Drum Dance) of Manipur, which is a part of Nata Sankirtana, frequently, features in the big festivals even on the international level. This kind of exposure and nurturing will help in the survival and enrichment of this art form. CONCLUSION

The revolution of Desi Sangeet created a big issue throughout India. This led to the steadily declining of Drupad Hari Sankirtana of Braja Brindavan and Garanhati Kirtan of Bangladesh Nortom Thakur Mahasoi. Except the surviving Sankirtana in Manipur, all the Drupad Hari Sankirtana were totally lost from the soil of India. Those Brahmins, Vaishnavs, Shaivas, Shaktas and Buddhists who fled to different parts of the world during the Muslim invasion reached Manipur. Some settled there taking shelter and receiving

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protection from the king of Manipur. Many of them travelled through the land to reach the Southeast Asian countries like Myanmar. And this was how the names of different Brahmins, who followed the Vedic religion, were recorded in the historical books kept at the loishangs (departments) of konung (palace). Those Brahmins set up the temples of Kesha (Devi), Shiva, Ganesh, Mahadeva, Durga, Jagannath, Kali, Sanidev in every corner of Mani­ pur. By singing the love story of Radha Govinda in different rhythms, the devotees have been serving the Lord following the Vedic tradition. In such a manner, worshipping the Lord com­ bined with Vedic norms forms the Nata Sankirtana of Manipur. In Nata Sankirtana five aspects namely drum, songs, dance, story and rituals are combined to worship the Lord. Lastly, it is notable that Nata Sankirtana which an art form was transmitted from was generation to generation through traditional school of guru-sishya parampara is now institutionalized, along with the traditional school. And it becomes the fourth Indian art form recognized by UNESCO an Intangible Cultural Heritage. So it is hopeful that this ritualistic art form, associated with the cultural life of the Manipuris from birth to death will thrive to live on as part of Indian Cultural Heritage despite the onslaught of mass consumer­ ist culture.

REFERENCES Sanakhya Ebotombi, H., Nata Sankirtana, Imphal: Gulappi Nata Sankirtana Academy, 2009. Singh, E.N., Aspects of Indian Culture, Imphal: Jawaharlal Nehru Manipur Dance Academy, 1982. Sharma, A.R., Nata Sankirtana Amasung Masiga Mari Leinabasing, Imphal: Jawaharlal Nehru Manipur Dance Academy, 2012. Singh, M.K., Religious Developments in Manipur in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries, Imphal: Manipur State Kala Akademi, 1980. Singh, N.T., Manipur and the Mainstream, Imphal: Shri N.K. Singh, 1975. Singh, M.T. (ed.), Facets of Manipuri Culture, Imphal: Yaibiron Communication, 2014. Singh, M.T., Nata Sankirtana: A Cultural Heritage of India, Imphal: Yaibiron Communication, 2014.

C H A P T E R 11

The Performing Arts of Manipur

KSHETRIMAYUM AMITA DEVI

INTRODUCTION

Manipur is a state in north-eastern India with its capital in the city of Imphal. It is bounded by Nagaland in north, Mizoram in the south and Assam in the west, it also borders Myanmar on the east with an area of 22,327 sq. kms. and has a population of al­ most 3 million including the Meitei, who are the majority group in the state. About 41.39 per cent of Manipur people are Hindus. Hinduism is professed mostly by Meitei people. The Meiteis, who live primarily in the valley region of the state are one of the pri­ mary ethnic groups. Their language Meiteillon (also known as Manipuri) is the lingua franca in the state and was recognized as one of India’s national languages in 1992. The people of early Manipur comprised a number of ethnic groups who had emigrated from different parts of Southeast Asian countries and China. It was their cultural affinity to the Southeast Asia people that their cul­ ture was quite distinct from the rest of India. The process if the formation of Meitei state under the Ningthouja dynasty coincided with the cultural and political absorption of various ethnic groups into the Meitei state. The numerous immigrants from many parts of India in successive periods gave an impetus to the Manipuri culture which was intermixed with Indian culture. Manipuri dance is an exotic dance that encompasses a vast range of various dance sub-types. The style of Manipuri dance is actually multifaceted and combines softest feminine gestures with vigorous masculine steps. Dignified grace oozes through the dainty, light foot­ steps used, through the delicate abhinaya or drama, poetical and

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dreamy gestures, lilting music with a quaint, exhilarating charm, colourful and singularly ornate dancing costumes, extensive range of tempo and rhythm. Manipuri dances occupy a distinct place in the world of dances, crafts and arts of global repute. Manipuri dance forms most intri­ cately and inseparably assimilated into the lifestyle of the people of Manipur who dance as a religious ritual to gain in lofty religious experiences. According to studies and records, Manipuri dances evolved out of the common belief which most Manipuris nurture in their heart and soul. They aspire to be descendants of God who are legendary dance and music. The dancers often perform these dances in celebration of or in order to invoke the divine spirits and exhibit complete devotion, gracefulness and transcendental beauty through their movement and gestures. Apart from using ‘dance’ as a mode of worship, Manipuris also make dance an integral part of all socio-cultural festivities and ceremonies taking place in the land. There are a lot of legendary tales associated with the origin of Manipuri dances and thus the exact origin of such dance forms is not very clear. As per legend Manipuri dance originated from the Rasa Lila of Radha and Lord Krishna and later was imitated by Lord Siva and Devi Parvati in the form Lasya Nritya and again that same dance form was adopted by two mortal lovers, Khamba and Thoibi for and came to be known by the name Lai Haraoba. According to historical records, the origin of Manipuri dance can be traced back to as far as AD 100. The seventeenth-century ruler, King Bhagyachandra was the one who imparted a systemic form and base to Manipuri dance. Under his initiative the Manipuri Sankirtans and Rasa Lila were offered a whole new dimension and outlook. The text, Meitei Jagoi refers the origin with Soraren performing the dance. The chakpa chief ‘Sawang Melongba’ and ‘Melong Hamengmit’ who hunted a deer, saw the dance. Then the chief establish a dance academy to impart knowledge of dance to the people. The dance of thabal chongba was associated with the epi­ sode of ke kre ke mo mo dance of seven Lainuras. Manihar Singh observes that the origin of Meitei dance was associated with the origin of Lai Haraoba. According to Cheitharol Kumpaba the reign

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of Khuyol Tompok marked the invention of pung (a kind of drum used as a musical instrument). It was a landmark in the history of Meitei dance. Ougri was a dance in which the dancers in chain jumped around one spot. Probably it was associated with Thabal Chongba. It was the symbol of peace and preservation. It is mostly done in Lai Haraoba festivals to praise of the sun, moon, kings, etc. Today we use different types of instruments in Thabal Chongba. But we must use these instruments as a catalysts. We should pre­ serve our culture. The Leihou Maiba Jagoi (a dance of cosmogony) had many forms, i.e. Paring Langsang, Sendrei, Nongdrei, Leitai, Leihou, etc. L. Kalachand Singh gives six original forms of Leishem Jagoi, i.e. Leishem, Leitai, Nongdai, Leipekpa, Leihouba and Leipiba. The different forms of dances had enriched the performing arts of early Manipur. The joining of the first finger and second to­ gether in curve was known as chago. The movement of all five fingers was known as anoiba. In noiba the whole body was in move­ ment. The making of signs with songs of riddles was known as paosa. In khencho the hands clapped with the movement of feet. ougri was a dance in which the dancer jumped around one spot in a chain. Though Manipur is small state, it has a rich cultural heritage. Manipur is a mosaic of traditions and cultural patterns, best rep­ resented by its dance forms. Performing arts is one of among her rich cultural heritage. Performing arts are a form of art in which artistes use their voices or bodies often in relation to other objects to convey artistic expression. In India, various facets of performing arts are prevalent, bringing colour of joy to numerous festivals and ceremonies and firming the faith of the people in their heritage. These facets have been responsible for sustaining the continuing of ancient tradition for a long time. They are the link between the past and the present. It thus exemplifies the complex, organic interactions of all aspects of life implicit in all tribal and folk art forms, art is not seen as something apart from life, a mere orna­ mentation or entertainment, but as an intrinsic part. Some of the performing arts of Manipur are Lai Haraoba, Pung Cholom, Nupapala, Rasa Lila, Pena, etc. Manihar observes that the

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origin of Meitei dance was associated with the origin of Lai Haraoba. The different forms of dances had enriched the perform­ ing arts of early Manipur. LAI HARAOBA

Lai Haraoba of Manipur has been practised by the Meitei and it is one of the very important constituents part of Manipur culture. This religious and cultural event has two significant words lai and haraoba which gives a cultural part of the Meitei communities for their worshiping of gods and goddesses in different part of the locality so called as Leikai. The word lai means God or Goddess which can be either feminine or masculine. The people of Manipur have been practising this Lai Haraoba festival from a very early period, from the time of Panthoibi the legendary Goddess of the Meitei. It also started in AD 33 during the reign of King Khaba Nganba. In other words, haraoba means happy which signifies festival or merry making. Both the Meitei in general and the dif­ ferent Schedule Castes who are spreading in different parts of Manipur practise the Lai Haraoba festival. Most place have a god or goddess in their respective village who is supposed to protect and take care of the people from different evil spirits. Most of these gods or goddesses are worshipped in a place which means ‘the God of forest’. The Lai Haraoba of Manipur has become a very important parts of Manipur culture now because it is more than a tradition. It has become one of the very important cultural events in Manipur. Different cultural events like the dance, music, dress are born out of this Lai Haraoba festival. Nowadays Maibi Jagoi or Maibi Dance is famous all over India and aboard. The dress and costume of the Maibi Jagoi is also very different from other forms of dance. This dress is mainly white in colour with different design which suggest purity and cleanliness as the maibis are those who communicate with gods and goddesses during the Laipaochenba and Lai Haraoba period. This is most performed dance of the Meitei tribe of Manipur especially during the Lai Hararoba ritual festival. The Maibis of this dance are looked upon as symbols of spiritual energy and the

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dance literally depicts the lifestyle of the Meiteis and their reli­ gious belief. Invocation of God through ritualistic procedures her­ alds the beginning of the dance. There are also different kinds of Lai Haraoba in Manipur. Some songs of Lai Haraoba have become very important part of Manipur culture. Songs of Maibi in Lai Haraoba is also very specific which is only to be sung during the Lai Haraoba Festival. The Khamba-Thoibi dance is also one of the very important form of Manipur dance which was originated from the Lai Haraoba of Lord Thangjing at Moirang. The dress and the custom of this form of dance is also very specific because it relates to the story of the legendary hero Khamba and Princess Thoibi during the Lai Haraoba Festival of Lord Thangjing in those time. Another form of music known as Lai Yaikairol sung by Amaiba as a song of invoca­ tion to God with a musical instrument call penna, is also very important aspect of Manipur culture. This instrument is not used in any other part of the world. The dress of Amaiba in the Lai Haraoba festival is also very unique and no other person is allowed to wear it except Amaiba and some officials of the palace or the Maharaja. The shirt is specially designed with a particular cloth known as rason which is very colourful and soft. A kind of dhoti which known as khamen chatpa is specially made for the purpose of Lai Haraoba festival. In Manipur, this dress was earlier used worn by different officials of the kings particularly the higher lev­ els officials who were known as angamba. Some other indigenous games and sports like mukna are also associated with Lai Haraoba festival. Mukna is a form of wrestling which is believed to have originated from the Moirang Kangleirol. Khamba and Nongban were the two legendary figure in mukna during Moirang Kangleirol. It is popular in Kakching Haraoba, Chakpa Haraoba, etc. Genarally mukna is organized on the day after of lairoi of the Lai Haraoba festival and is an intrinsic part of the functions. Matches begin with the competitors holding each other’s belts called ningri. At Kakching Haraoba, there are two panas namely ahallup pana and nahalup pana. The object is to pin the opponent with their back touching the ground. The winner is called a yatra. Mukna contains many techniques (lou) which require absolute physical

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fitness and skill to be mastered. Holding the opponent’s neck, hair, ear or legs with any part of their body besides the feet is not allowed. Wrestlers are paired according to weight. The traditional attire not only protects the players’ vital points but also helps to identify the pana or the yek to which the wrestler belongs. Most of the Lai Haraoba Festival is in the month of summer mostly during the month of May, June and July. Many villages have their own God or Goddess with different names. This festival is held once in a year. The main programme for Lai Haraoba is that the local people offer certain fruits, flowers, vegetables, rice, etc., to the Almighty for better life and prosperity and to protect them from other evil spirits and unfortunate incidents in their future life. The very first day of Lai Haraoba start with Lai-Ikoukhatpa which means that God is to be called up from water by the Amaiba and Amaibis. Another very important part of Lai Haraoba is the Laipao which means the message of God. Laipao Chenba is performed by the Amaibi in white dress which is specially designed for the purpose. It is considered to be very important for it prevent the unwanted and unfortunate events to come in the near future of an individual, a family or village. During the Lai Haraoba festival, people per­ form different kinds of dance with their traditional dress. The Amaiba and Amaibi also perform different kinds of dance associ­ ated with very meaningful songs. The famous form of dance known Maibi Jagoi originates from Lai Haraoba festival. All these pro­ gramms are held in order to please and serve the God and Goddess so that the almighty would take care of the people. Laibou Chongba, a combination of different forms of dance is one of the important part of Lai Haraoba. This form of dance has different sections and each of the sections describes the life and works of human beings. Lai Haraoba depicted the relationship between man and his requirement in the religious fashion. It also shows that from the very early years of civilization, man had been struggling for survival for which he requires the basic needs such as food, shelter and clothing which were very important. Beside this dance, there are other songs such as Ougri Esei and Uyanglon Eshei. The first one is about consoling our mind and establish a friendly

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relationship with everyone and the second one Uyanglon is about the making of a boat. All these show that in early period the boat was one of the important means of transportation. From all these traditional form of the Lai Haraoba, it is true that it is one of the indispensable cultural event of the Meitei community. The last day of Lai Haraoba known as Lairoi has very significant meaning. In Kakching Haraoba, there is a programme known as Ngaprum Tanba. For this, five male performers and seven pieces of sticks are required. This is done only in Kakching Haraoba. At Lairoi, an episode is associated with a small play performed by two characters one a man and a woman. This small play is very signifi­ cant as well as meaningful to the life of human being. The Tangkhul Nurabi episode show the regeneration of human life. The man is from the high hill and the woman is from the valley. These two man and woman known as Tangkhul and Nurabi met while the woman was digging and sowing seeds. At first the woman refused the proposal of love of her mate but later she accepted it as it was God’s plan to continue human life. Therefore both enjoyed mak­ ing love to each other. This episode has two important messages: the first one is that man should regenerate by marriage and an­ other one is that it is the symbol the marriage of two different communities standing for unity in diversity which is part of our identity. Lastly it also symbolizers that we are all originated from the same species. All these messages are given by the Lai Haraoba festival. Therefore, it is also a depiction of close relationship with man and the creator which are expressed in different forms of dance and music. Lairoi (the end of Lai Haraoba) is very important and it in­ cludes performances: ● ●

●

Ougri Hangen (the song of the control of mind) Khencho (the concept of the third birth or the next birth or the human birth) Hijan Hirao (the song of cutting big trees for two big boats: one for the male deity, the other for the female deity and with which the boat race is to be held) are sung.

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Thus, Lai Haraoba is the only cultural activity in which social, philosophical and religious life of the Meiteis are depicted very deeply. With this cultural activity, the continuous thought of the people of this culturally rich land is preserved from the long gone days never decaying and fading. PUNG CHOLOM

According to Cheitharol Kumbaba the reign of Khuyol Tompok marked the invention of pung (a kind of drum used as musical instrument). (It was a landmark in the history of Meitei dance. Pung in Manipuri stands for the percussion instrument otherwise commonly known as drum). The Pung Cholom is a Manipuri dance. It is the soul of Manipur Sankritana music and classical Manipur dance. The pung was used in Manipur as yaibung mainly to an­ nounce the king’s proclamation, sound alarms at times of inva­ sions or summon people at times of emergencies. Slowly it came to be used as a percussion instrument to accompany songs and dances. Many years of refinement later, Pung Cholom the playing of the percussion in Manipuri Nata Sankirtana music came to be an in­ dispensable part of the Meitei culture and traditions. The Meitei pung however is made from wood with two drum heads/faces of differing sizes, one is small (manao) on the right and the other somewhat bigger called maru on the left, the combination gives it its distinctive sounds. Pung Cholom has earned international ac­ claim for its charming artistic display. The Pung Cholom dance form has only male performers in it and uses drum and mridanga as its accessory. This dance is also know as Dhumal, Mridanga Kirtan and Drum dance. Pung Cholom may be presented inde­ pendently or as a part of the Nata Sankirtana. NATA SANKIRTANA

The dance is ritualistic in flavour and stylish in terms of steps and movements. Complicated and intriguing sanchars and talas are used to give a concrete dimension to this dance form. Amazing rhyth­ mic intricacies and interplays comprises the beauty of the dance

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where body movements are synchronized with the sound modula­ tions. The dance starts with soft movements which soon give way to more vigorous and momentous steps. Dancers of Pung Cholom neet to possess enough physical stamina as well as acrobatic skills. The turban is an important part of Pung Cholom dance. In the course of the dance, performers drop their turbans with a flip of their heads. Nupa Pala is known by various other names such as Nupa Pala, cymbal dance or Kartal Chollom. This is entirely a male dance form where men in Pheijom and milk-white turban perform in groups. They carry cymbals as their performance acces­ sory and their soft, delicate movements gradually pick up vigour and thunderous speed as the dance proceeds. Nupa Pala usually precedes Rasa Leela dance and is considered as Rasa Leela’s worthy prologue. RASA LEELA

The traditional Manipuri Rasa Leela is performed in three styles— Tal Rasak, Danda Rasak and Mandal Rasak. A Tal Rasak is accom­ panied with clapping, while Danda Rasak is performed with a beat of two sticks but the dancers position are formed to create geometric patterns. The Mandal Rasak places the gopis in a circle, the Krishna character in the centre and they then dance in this mandala. The Manipur dance is also categorized as either tandav (vigorous, usually go with love with Shiva, Shakti or Krishna as warrior-saviour themed plays) or lasya (delicate, usually go with love stories of Radha and Krishna). Maharaja Bhagyachandra of Manipur adopted Gaudiya Vaish­ navism (Krishna oriented), documented and codified the Manipuri dance style, launching the golden era of its development and re­ finement. He composed three of the five types of Rasa Lilas, the Maha Ras, the Basanta Ras and the Kunja Ras, performed at the Sri Sri Govindaji Temple in Imphal during his reign and also the Achouba Bhangi Pareng dance. He designed an elaborate costume known as kumil (the cylindrical long mini mirror embellished stiff skirt costume that makes the dancer appear to be floating). The Govinda Sangeet Lila Vilasa, an important text detailing the fun­

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damentals of the dance, is also attributed to him. King Bhagya­ chandra is also credited with starting public performances of Rasa Lila and Manipuri dances in Hindu temples. Maharaja Gambhirsingh (reign: 1820-34) composed two parengs of the tandava type, the Goshtha Bhangi Pareng and the Goshtha Vrindaban Pareng. Maharaja Chandrakirti Singh (1849-86), a gifted drummer, composed at least 64 Pung Choloms (drum dance) and two parengs of the lasya type, the Vrindaban Bhangi Pareng and Khrumba Bhangi Pareng. The composition of the Nitya Ras is also attributed to these kings. In 1891, the British colonial government annexed Manipur putting an end to its golden era of creative systematization and expansion of Manipuri dance. The Manipuri dance was thereafter ridiculed as immoral, ignorant and old-fashioned, like all other classical Hindu performance arts. The dance and artists survived only in temples, like in Govindaji Temple in Imphal. The cultural discrimination was resisted and the dance was revived by Indian Independence movement activists and scholars. The traditional Manipuri dance style embodies delicate, lyrical and graceful movements. The dance features rounded soft sensuous movements with occasional fast movements by male characters. Unlike other classical Indian dances with religious themes, the Manipuri dancers do not wear anklet bells and the footwork is subdued and gentle in the Manipuri style. The stage movements is part of a composite movement of the whole boby. Chali or chari is the basic dance movement in Manipuri Rasa dance. The repertoire and underlying play depends on the season. The dances are celebrated on full moon, three times in autumn (August through November) and once again in spring (March or April). The Vasanta Rasa is timed with Holi, while others are timed with post-harvest festivals of Diwali and others. The plays and songs recited during the dance performance centre around the love and frolics berween Radha and Krishna, in the presence of gopis named Lalita, Vishakha, Chitra, Champalata, Tungavidya, Indu­ rekha, Rangadevi and Sudevi. There is a composition and dance sequence for each gopi and the words have two layers of meanings, one literal and other spiritual. The longest piece of the play

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focuses on Radha and Krishna. The dancer playing Krishna ex­ presses emotions, while the body language and hand gestures of the gopis display their feelings such as longing, dejection or cheer. In other plays, the Manipuri dancers are more forceful, acro­ batic and their costumes are in keeping with the need of the dance. Dozens of boy’s dance synchronously the Gopa Rasa, where they enact the chores of daily life such as feeding the cows. In Uddhata Akanba, the movements are full of vigour (jumps, squats, spins), energy and elegance. The classical Manipuri dance features unique costumes. The women characters are dressed like a Manipuri bride, in potloi cos­ tumes, of which the most notable is the kumil. A kumil is an elaborately decorated barrel-shaped long skirt stiffened at the bot­ tom and close to the top. The decorations on the barrel include gold and silver embroidery, small pieces of mirrors and border prints of lotus, Kwaklei orchid and other items in nature. The kumil may be an adaptation of fanek (phanek)—a tighter saronglike dress which is used in more vigorous dances and by male char­ acters. The kumil is bordered at the top with undulating gauzy translucent top skirt shaped like an open flower and tied in Trikasta or three places around the waist (front, back and one side) with spiritual symbolism of the ancient Hindu texts. The upper body is dressed in a velvet blouse, the head covered in a white translucent veil, to symbolize elusiveness. The dancers do not wear bells on ankles as in other classical Indian dances, but they do adorn the face, neck, waist, hands and legs with round jewellery ornaments or flower garlands that are in harmony with the dress. The sym­ metrical translucent dress, states Reginald Massey, makes ‘the danc­ ers appear to float on the stage, as if from another world’ (Massey 2004: 18). Rasa Leela is an enchanting, devotional dance from Manipur and enjoys worldwide fame as an important Manipuri dance and an integral part of Manipuri cultural ethos. Rasa Leela consists of extremely controlled, delicate body movements and graceful ges­ tures. Rasa Leela celebrates the eternal bond of love between Lord Krishna and Radha and also projects the pure and pristine devo­ tion of the gopis for the Lord. The dance form in fact aims at

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establishing the eternal connection between the mundane human souls and the divine, supreme soul. The gopis who are entangled in the mundane duties of the mortal world symbolize those human souls that crave to unite with that supreme soul, repre­ sented by the Lord. Thus the theme of Rasa Lila is purely devo­ tional and often these dances are performed in the Nat Mandir of various temples and may be delivered as a solo performance or a duet performance or even a group performance. Rasa Lela dance may be categorized into the following types: ●

●

●

● ●

Maha Rasa performances take place in October on the occasion of Kartik purnima. Kunja Rasa performances take place in December on the occasion of Ashwin purnima. Basanta Rasa performance take place in March on the occasion of Chaitena purnima. Diva Rasa is a day time dance. Nitya Rasa is an all-season rasa and can be performed everyday.

The gorgeousness of Rasa Leela costume enhances the beauty and lustre of the dance form.

REFERENCES Devi, N.P., The Cultural History of Early Manipur, Manipur: Times Publishing House, 2011. Massey, R., India’s Dances: Thier History, Technique and Repertoir, New Delhi: Abhinav Publications, 2004. Singh, N.K. and Singh L.I., Cheithrol Kumbaba, Imphal: Manipur, Sahitya Parishad, 2005. Yaima, K., Meitei Jagoi (Anoirol), pt. I, Imphal: Shree Amubi Singh, 1973.

The Performing Arts of Manipur

PA RT I I I

LITERARY HERITAGE

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C H A P T E R 12

Manuscripts Deterioration and their

Preservation in Manipur

LAISHRAM SADHANA DEVI

INTRODUCTION

The old manuscripts reveal the past history of a land or a kingdom, throwing light on the socio-cultural, socio-political, economic and cultural lives of a people or a nation. The old manuscripts, there­ fore, become concrete evidence of the past humanistic and artistic activities. So, the preservation and conservation of the manuscripts is highly essential for an ethnic community or a race of people who possesses a language of their own and a script to write the language. The climatic conditions of Manipur have a close relationship with that of the preservation and conservation of the manuscripts; therefore, it requires highlighting the climatic condition of Manipur that will be factors to deterioration of manuscripts. The climate in most parts of the state is tropical whereas in the higher areas, it is subtropical. The major forest types in Manipur are tropical evergreen and semi-evergreen, tropical moist deciduous, subtropical pine, and subtropical broadleaf and also small areas of temperate forests. The forests of Manipur are of a mixed character, containing plants that are found from the Himalayas to Malaya on one hand and China on the other. The manuscripts constitute our most precious national and cul­ tural heritage. Based on the community strategies for conservation

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of tangible and intangible heritage, preservation of manuscripts is a serious issue for the custodians, librarians, archivists, curators and scholars. In this article an attempt has been made to summarize the fac­ tors for deterioration and preservation. Base on the local situation, the deteriorating factors on problem of preservation of rare docu­ ments including illustrated manuscripts has continued ever since Manipuris acquired the knowledge of writing. Preservation of manu­ scripts is a serious problem for custodians throughout the world. Paper is an easily perishable material. It can be torn, burnt, water damaged, stained and attacked by biological agents. Paper and its product like manuscripts pose with multifarious problems. It has the tendency to deteriorate by virtue of its chemical con­ stituents. So, the manuscripts of Manipur now kept in the archives, museums and private custodians are found to be deteriorated by different factors such as (a) natural or physical factors, (b) biologi­ cal factors, (c) chemical factors, and (d) artificial factors. Physical deterioration is a natural process and this can’t be bypassed. The first three are the major factors which spoil most of the manuscripts, and the last is the least factor which deteriorate manu­ scripts by carelessness. The broad division cited above can be fur­ ther subdivided into: NATURAL OR PHYSICAL FACTORS It is noticed that with time, paper gets physically weak and brittle. The main factors are: i. Natural or physical objects used in making the writing mate­ rials (paper, ink, etc.). ii. Climate and weather to which the manuscripts are exposed. iii. Vegetation (fungi and algae), and iv. Natural calamities such as flood, earthquake and fire. BIOLOGICAL FACTORS In tropical countries, biological agents cause great damage to paper materials which on account of their properties are easily damaged.

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The main factors are: i. Insects that bite and eat up the written books or manuscripts. ii. Animals which bite, tear folios of manuscripts, and iii. Wars and battles. CHEMICAL FACTORS

i. Acidic nature in the components of the writing materials. ii. Impure air which contains harmful chemical to the constitu­ ents of the writing materials. iii. Dust which naturally dirties the manuscripts, and iv. Harmful gas which might harm the manuscripts. ARTIFICIAL FACTORS

i. Careless handling and use of the manuscripts and its folios. ii. Folding the folios of the manuscripts. iii. Marking, unusual writing, etc., on the folios of the manu­ scripts. iv. Disorderly, unhabituated and unnatural keeping in the cases or shelves of the manuscript and wrapping the same and put­ ting it in the container, as well as careless settings of the hand­ written books. v. Not cleaning the dust, soot, soil falling, smearing, etc., on the pages of the manuscripts with timely checking. vi. Not having routine and occasional checking of the manu­ script by opening the folios. vii. Not following up the prescribed regulations in the general and ordinary notion and common sense for the preservation, consolidation and protection of the manuscripts. viii. Accidental happenings such as slipping away from hand, fall­ ing by slipping down from the holders in water, fire, filthy spots or dirty materials. ix. Keeping the container of the manuscripts at a place or in a condition and position which may inflict damages, and x. Intentional incendiary.

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The above factors of deterioration of manuscripts react on the handwritten perishable materials knowingly or unknowingly. The factor-wise description so far found occurring in Manipur as re­ gards to the conservation of Manuscript are outlined as follows. NATURAL OR PHYSICAL FACTORS

The factors which contribute to the deteriorating effect on the Manuscripts are mostly the natural energies like light (sunshine, the direct or defused lights), heat (temperature, hotness, etc.), wind or air, and the weather and climatic conditions. The materi­ als and energies which act as agents towards deterioration of the manuscripts are described as hereunder: i. Climatic conditions of Manipur: Geographically, Manipur lies in a sub-tropical zone. The rainfall in the state varies from around 110 to 350 cm, and the annual average rainfall is about 207.77 cm. The average rainfall commences from the Manipuri lunar month of Shajibu (corresponding to the Gregorian calendar month of the 2nd and first halves of April and May respectively) and continues up to Mera (October-November). The perceived tem­ perature in Manipur varies from a minimum of 3 °C to around a maximum of 36 °C in the year. Ukhrul and Tamenglong dis­ tricts receive the highest rainfall in the hill State. Rainfall is in general prevalent during the months from May to September under influence of the strong current of the south-west Mon­ soon. ii. Natural calamities: Natural calamities are the disasters and af­ flictions caused by natural phenomena, such as heavy rainfall causing flash floods, earthquakes, fire outbreak, landslide, de­ pression of land, etc. These are reasons for the deterioration of the material heritage of the state including the old manuscripts in compact mass or in large numbers. BIOLOGICAL FACTOR

The biological factors or agents for deterioration of manuscripts

are the acts or inflictions by the living creatures such as animals,

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insects such as cockroaches, silver fish and bookworms. The most devastating are the termites which may damage full stacks of library materials in no time. Other biological agents are rodents like rats. The greatest act of inflicting loss of important documents including manuscripts are caused by human beings in the form of wars and battles. i. Insects: Insects which bite, cut or eat the sheets of the manu­ scripts rendering these into broken pieces and fragments are cockroaches, spider, termites or white ants, ants, centipede, silver fish, and worms like book-louse/lice, book-scorpion, bookworm [a beetle larva (Anobium)], etc. These insects and worms gnaw and torment the folios of the manuscripts. Termites attack from the bottom of the receptacle of the manuscripts, wooden cases and wrapping clothes. They eat these on their way to find the inner portion of the manuscripts. Then they eat away the cellulose matters of the writing sheets. If the Manuscripts get infested by termites, they can be de­ stroyed and damaged in no time. They move from one place to the other through earthen channels which they construct on the walls which are often sure indication of the presence of ter­ mites. ii. Animals: Animals, mostly small vertebrates like mice or rats, and mole bite and gnaw at the sheets of the old manuscripts, rendering these more severely damaged than as inflicted by insects and worms. The most frequently found species is the Mus musculus or small domestic mouse. They not only tear and bite the folios of the manuscripts, they sometimes carry away the sheets with them to their holes or burrows. Rats are a ma­ jor threat to all types of books, manuscripts and other organic materials. iii. Wars and Battles: Wars become a main factor for the mass dam­ age to standing properties including manuscripts. Acute dam­ ages to the archives and libraries during war time or violent conflicts cause extensive damages to important documents in­ cluding the old manuscripts, printed books, etc. A search for the old manuscripts was taken up soon after the end of the Anglo-Manipuri War of 1891. The then British Political Agent

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in Manipur, Major H.P. Maxwel made an effort to locate the old manuscripts. The royal chronicle of Manipur, the Cheitharol Kumbaba cites that on Monday, the 24th of Eenga in 1813 Saka (corresponding roughly to 30 June in 1891) all the manuscripts kept in the royal archives located at the RasaMandal were carried away to different private custodians. The manuscripts were brought back to their original places, thanks to tireless effort by Khuraijamba, the former manager of Lallup duty. CHEMICAL FACTORS

Paper being an organic hygroscopic substance is liable to deterio­ rate. The chemical factors of deterioration of the manuscripts are basically accentuated by the lack of knowledge on the latest scien­ tific knowledge by the scholars especially during the 1970s. Brief accounts of some of the reasons of deterioration of the manuscripts by chemical reasons are detailed as below: i. Impure Air: Impure air containing harmful chemicals in strong concentration inflicts acute damages on the surface of paper which is the constituent of the writing material or its textural fabrics. ii. Dust: Dust affectively deteriorates the sheets of the manuscripts by making filthy the surface of the sheets of the manuscripts and also corroding the pages. Apart from these, dust also acts as a nucleus around which water/moisture collects. These moisture provides the necessary humidity for growth of fungus and for chemical reactions which lead to formation of acids. iii. Harmful Gas: Harmful gases such as sulphur-dioxide (SO2) hydrogen sulphite (H2S) carbon-dioxide (CO2) deteriorate the manuscripts. When the sulphur and carbon-dioxides came into contact with the atmospheric moisture, the gases undergo the process of hydrolysis and finally yield sulphuric acid and car­ bonic acid, which ultimately bring acidity of paper and thus resulted brittleness to paper.

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The preservation of manuscripts for a long time can be studied in two ways. They are, (1) presence of self-preservation quality in the manuscripts themselves, and (2) measures undertaken by manu­ script experts and custodians for permanent conservation. ARTIFICIAL FACTORS

The artificial factors of deterioration of the manuscripts are the acts or things that are done by men knowingly or unknowingly as under: i. Careless Handling and Use : Besides the natural environmental factors, human negligence or ignorance of proper ways of hand­ ling is very important. Rough handling may cause unaccount­ able damage. The careless handling and use of manuscripts appear to be a habitual practice everywhere. Normally, people handle manuscripts carelessly with dirty hands that might con­ tribute towards deterioration of the manuscript or its folios. These factors are quite alarming as they are the result of faulty approaches and use of cheap materials, e.g. cello tape for mend­ ing tears. ii. Folding of the Folios: Physical damage is caused to books and manuscripts due to mishandling or improper storage. Precau­ tions have to be observed while turning over the pages and folios. It must always be ensured that while opening the manu­ script or books, folios or pages are not torn or corners are not damaged. They should never be folded otherwise creases will be formed and they may even be formed at the folds. For carry­ ing a large number of manuscripts from one place to the other, trolleys should be used, they should not be taken by hand. Unintentional careless folding of the corners of the folios of manuscripts for looking out the concerned passages or paras is another cause of damage. Folding of the corners of the folios in a rough manner causes damages to the textural fabrics and the written lines. This could also spoil the alphabets by rubbing or erasing these if they fall in the lines of folding. iii. Marking and Unusual Writing : Marking for importance and

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making unusual notes on the folios of the manuscripts are fac­ tors also damage them. iv. Disorderly, Improper Maintenance: The folios of the manuscripts are to be maintained in order of the numbers of the marking on the side of the folios or on the second page of the manuscripts. Manuscripts are usually wrapped in red cloth for proper main­ tenance and safe custody. Disorderly or improper maintenance without extra wrappings or proper fitting on the shelves could contri-bute towards the deterioration of the old manuscripts. v. Non-cleaning and Clearing of Dust: Dust, soot and other filthy particles when not cleaned or cleared sufficiently from time to time could contribute immensely towards the gradual deterio­ ration of the old manuscripts. Elements of biological and chemi­ cal origin contained in the dust can damage manuscripts and in order to prevent this, they should be dusted regularly with a small vacuum cleaner or a soft brush. vi. Not having Routine/Occasional Checking: Very often if the manu­ script, while in storage are not examined periodically; it may give rise to complications. Moreover, one does not know what is happening inside a store unless it is opened and the manu­ scripts are checked periodically. Sometimes rodents like rats, etc. enter somehow and get trapped inside. These may damage the manuscripts inside. So, a routine and timely check of the positions and the condi­ tion of the manuscripts could prevent damage. Manuscripts can deteriorate due to negligence on the part of the custodians. If rou­ tine checking is not done, the folios are liable to get stuck to one another, encouraging growth of moulds, mildew, etc. Thus, not having a schedule for the routine checking of manuscripts by open­ ing each folio could be a major factor for their gradual or rapid deterioration. PRESENCE OF SELF-PRESERVATION QUALITY

IN THE MANUSCRIPTS

Preparation for preserving the manuscripts for a long duration has

already started from the very moment they are written. Almost all

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the manuscripts extant in Manipur were written on meiteiche (hand­ made paper). For manufacturing this very essential writing mate­ rial, the fibres/pulps to be moulded are first soaked in water. On account this tradition of soaking the fibres/pulps in water, acid is almost absent in the meiteiche. Paper which we obtain from the mill in the market generally contains acid. Acid less paper is very costly and hard to obtain. If acid is present in the paper meant for writing, its white colour will disappear after some time and red colour will appear instead. Finally the paper will become brittle. In short, acidic paper cannot be conserved for a long duration. Since meiteiche is moulded in the water, it is free of acid and can be conserved generation after generation. Next to meiteiche, the important writing materials used in plenty is agarbak. As agarbak is made from the bark of agar (aloe), it is prey to the mite. Therefore, to prevent it from being eaten by the mite. It is soaked in cow urine for about one week. By seasoning thus, it may be used as a writing plate. Tengna leaf also an important writing material used as a writing plate. Tengna is very much prone to mite attack. Therefore, to prevent it from mite attack, it is at first seasoned in cow urine for about one week. Then, it is prepared for using as a writing plate. This method of seasoning the tengna leaf for protection from the attack of the mite was a technique to conserve the manuscripts for a long time. MEASURES UNDERTAKEN BY MANUSCRIPT EXPERTS

AND CUSTODIANS FOR PERMANENT

CONSERVATION

Our venerated forefathers undertook the following measures for conservation and preservation of the manuscripts for the future generation. (a) Binding the Manuscript with Thread: We have already discussed how the leaves of the manuscripts are handed in two ways. Since the leaves of the manuscripts in latam are apart from one another, if they are not maintained properly, they may be­

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come mixed up and displaced. As a result, the manuscripts may become rendered quite useless. To avoid this inconvenience, the books in latam are kept separately after the leaves of each book are separately bound by thread. This measure will help to prevent the manuscripts from being mixed up. (b) Compressing the Manuscript between the Planks: Another method of conserving manuscripts for a long time is to compress each of them separately between two planks having the size of the respective books. Then the planks are bound tightly with a rope. This measure helps to keep the leaves of manuscripts fresh, stiff and straight. The binding of the planks tight by the rope prevents the water vapour in the air from coming into contact with the moisture present in the book itself. [Humid­ ity in Manipur is very high.] This measure also prevents the Manuscript between the planks from absorbing the water vapour in the air. This prevention of water vapour absorption protects the manuscripts from mould which can damage the leaves of the manuscript. This method also helps greatly to prevent the leaves of the manuscript from decaying due to mould. The compression by the planks prevents insects from entering the leaves of the book very easily and biting and harm­ ing the leaves. Further, this measure keeps the necessary mois­ ture content in the book itself balanced and constant. More­ over, fire cannot burn the book suddenly and immediately as it is protected by the planks. (c) Wrapping of the Manuscript with Cloth: Our elders used to wrap the manuscripts with cloth all round the planks tied very tightly. This measure again prevents the water vapour outside from coming into close contact with the manuscripts. Also weather condition cannot affect them. Moreover, insects like silverfish are unable to enter the book and damage it. Further, this step protects the book from dirt, dust and decay. (d) Keeping the Manuscript Inside a Tabu (a Basket with a Cover): Our elders used to keep manuscripts, that had already been clasped with planks and further wrapped with cloths all over, in a tabu made of kanam paya (thin, long bamboo slice made from outer layer of bamboo). This measure was a to protect

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the manuscripts further from the harmful effects of weather conditions, and to prevent the absorption of water vapour by the manuscripts from outside. This measure rendered the de­ structive rodents unable to bite and damage the manuscripts. Moreover, insects could not infiltrate the manuscripts. This measure was a great help towards the conservation of the manu­ scripts permanently. The elders kept the basket (tabu) containing the manuscripts on a type of scaffold made of wood, raised high from the ground. This raised, scaffold was known as lap. In early days, most people dwelt in the traditional Meitei house called Meitei yumjao (big house), with a front slanting roof called laikhan. At that time every house had this lap built over the kitchen. This lap was meant for storing or preserving articles, grains and the like. Since there was always fire in the kitchen for cooking morning and evening meals, the manuscripts in the tabu kept on the lap got heat daily, regularly. This kept the manuscripts inside the tabu (basket) dry. As a result, mould and mildew could not damage the leaves of the manuscripts. Being raised high from the ground, dampness of the ground could not dampen the manuscripts and during flood, water could not swamp them. (e) To Read the Manuscripts by Opening Regularly and Constantly : A very effective measure of conserving manuscripts permanently was to read the manuscripts by opening regularly and con­ stantly. The elders had the tradition of opening the manu­ scripts regularly on auspicious days in order to read them. Opening the manuscripts regularly and constantly would help to drive out insects like the silverfish. Again, while opening the manuscripts, one would have the chance to find the af­ fected pages of the manuscripts. This would help to expose the affected leaves in the sun and cure them of the disease. Further, the opening of the manuscripts would give the op­ portunity to clean dirt and dust. Therefore, the opening and reading of the manuscripts is a very effective means of conserv­ ing them permanently. (f ) To put Leaves of Medicinal Plants between Leaves of the Manu­

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scripts: Naturally, there are many medicinal plants in Manipur. The leaves of these medicinal plants were used to protect the manuscripts from insects. As a matter of fact, it was a practice to insert leaves of egg plant, karpur (camphor), urikshibi (chaste tree), neem (Azadirachta Indica), etc., between the leaves each manuscript and also between separate manuscripts. These leaves are very much disliked by insects. And, the smell of those plants is quite repellent to them. (g) To Protect from Insects and Humidity by Scientific Method: Manu­ scripts can be protected by using chemicals like Thymol as a fungicide in ap fumigation chamber which can kill the insects in the manuscripts. Also Naphthalene can protect them from insects by keeping the chemical where the manuscripts are kept. Silica gel which can control the humidity and is very effective in the rainy season may be kept. Using of cellotape on the torn manuscripts may cause more harm and should, never be used. On the other hand, lamination create less longevity due to heat. Instead of this, siphon lamination can be adopted for the longer lifespan of the manuscripts. CONCLUSION

Our venerated forefathers had conserved and preserved the sacred manuscripts written centuries ago, by using different technique of preservation in the indigenous way and then handed them down to the coming generation intact and in fine condition. It is be­ cause of their dedicated devotion and selfless labour that the present generation has inherited the heritage of the sacred manuscripts. Therefore, the present generation should also endeavour to pre­ serve this heritage by exploring different advanced, scientific techni­ ques for the future generation. The modern scientific techniques on preservation and conservation of available paper-based manu­ scripts in Manipur were applied recently with the movement of Manuscript Mission in India. This mission has benefitted all the custodians in private and public sector for effective preservation and conservation of old manuscripts. The modern technologies so far available as of now have evolved many more approaches on

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conservation and preservation of manuscripts for the future gen­ erations as valuable cultural heritage of Manipur.

REFERENCES Agrawal, O.P., Care and Preservation of Museum Objects, New Delhi: NRLC, 1977. Agrawal, O.P. and B. Mandana, Conservation of Books, Manuscripts and Paper Documents, Lucknown: NRLC, 1997. Bahadur, M. and P. Gunindro, Epigraphical Records of Manipur, vol. I, Imphal: Mutua Museum Publications, 1985. Basu, R. and K. Das, Aspects of Manuscriptology, Kolkata: Asiatic Society, 2005. Brown, R., Statistical Account of Manipur, New Delhi: Mittal Publication, 2001. Chakrabarti, S., Archival Study, National Archives of India 2004-5, 2005. Chatterjee, S.K., The Origin and Development of the Bengali Language, vol. I & II, Calcutta: Calcutta University Press, 1970. Dani, A.H., Indian Palaeography, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1963. Devi, K.S., Traditional Methods of Preservation of the Historical Records and Documents in Eighteenth and Nineteenth Century, Manipur: The Manipur State Archives (Directorate of Art & Culture), Government of Manipur, 1997. Devi, L.D., Ariba Potshingbu Leeshinbagee Chekshil Thourang, Imphal: Author, 1987. Devi, S., Ariba Potshingbu Lishinbagi Waram, Imphal: Manipur State Archives, 1984. Gai, G.S., Introduction to Indian Epigraphy, Mysore: Government of Mysore, 1986. Grierson, G.A., The Linguistic Survey of India, vol. IV, Part III, Delhi, 1957. Hudson, T.C., The Meitheis, London: Low Price Publication, 1908. Jeyaraj, V., Hand Book on Conservation in Museums, Chennai: Government Museum, Chennai, 2002. Jhalajit, R.K., A Short History of Manipur, Ministry of Information and Broad­ casting, Government of India, 1965. Kamal, S., Protection and Conservation of Museum Collection, Baroda: Museum and Picture Gallery, 1975. Laiba, M.T., The Geography of Manipur, Imphal: Public Book Store, 1992. Sah, A., Indigenous Traditions and Manuscript Preservation (SamraksikaSeries I ), New Delhi: National Mission for Manuscripts and D.K. Printworld 2006.

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Sarkar, H., Museums and Protection of Manuscripts and Antiquities in India, Delhi: Sundeep Prakashan, 1981. Singh, N.K., Ariba Manipuri Sahityagi Itihas, Imphal: Ch. Yaimabi Devi, 1969. Singh, R.S., Conservation of Documents in Libraries, Archives and Museums, New Delhi: Aditya Prakashan, 1993. Singh, W.Y., An Early History of Manipur, Imphal: Bhaghyavati Karyalaya, 1966. ——, Archaic Meitei or Early Manipuri Monograph on Archaic Meitei, Imphal: Author, 1985.

C H A P T E R 13

Manuscripts, Rare Books and Archival

Materials as Literary Heritage of

Manipur: Need for Preservation

for Future Generations

SALAM BINOY SINGH AND

IBOHAL SINGH

INTRODUCTION

The dictionary meaning of ‘heritage’ is ‘what has been or can be inherited’. As such heritage can be received by legacy or it is to received by heredity. The knowledge conserved and preserved by our forefathers has been transforming from generations to generations and the same has to go again for the generations to come. Our literary heritage has to play a crucial role in this regard. The process of preserving the literary heritage, as such, has to go a long way with the adoption of new emerging technologies. One such technology is digital technology. Literary heritage in the past was in the form of manuscripts available in the form of palm leaves, cotton silk, wood, bamboo and copper plates. Manuscripts, rare books and archival materials of the heritage institutions play an important role to bridge the past with present and create the future. The role of libraries, archives and museums in preserving literary heritage is not easy. Without digitalization, manuscripts, rare books and archival materials and special collections remain obscure and hidden. Most of the heritage institutions of Manipur are found to be slow in taking up initiative for the preservation and conservation of heritage materials. Digitalization also helps in preservation and

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conservation of heritage material. Many of the cultural institutions have started digitalization in India but in Manipur, due to lack of infrastructures such as digital technology, trained IT manpower, is still lagging behind though some of them has started digitalization projects. SOME RECENT STUDIES

Some of the recent studies conducted by researchers on various aspects of literary heritage are being reviewed here. While Chandel (2017) studied the digitalization and management of digital resources discussing changes in the society in this technological age mentioning the planning of digitalization of resources and highlighted some points to be considered during the digitalization process, organization and management of manuscripts and specific collections in Manipur has been studied by Ibohal and Binoy (2017) discussing the nature of manuscripts and other specific collections available in Manipur. A recent study by Moses (2017) has depicted that intellectual property regime can be used as a legal instrument for protecting the ownership rights of traditional knowledge. He also highlighted activities of INTACH in north­ east working on different aspects including documentation of endangered language, dying crafts and traditional knowledge in India. Nirmal and Nimai (2017) studied on the issues and chal­ lenges in the journey of transforming libraries from conventional to digital, discussing the digitalization in libraries. They also highlighted the importance of resource sharing and its role in the delivery of electronic information. Sukanta and Mousumi (2017) opined that digital curation is one of the safest medium of preservation of digital assets which enable to prolong the usable life of books, archives, manuscripts and articles. The manuscripts have been taken into consideration as an important area of study in Library and Information Science. Researchers across the world have taken up various aspects of manuscripts in their research programmes. Preservation, conservation and access technique have been studied by Gaur (2011) on manuscripts heritage in India while preservation and conservation of manuscripts available in

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three major libraries in Kerala have been studied by Vasudevan and Amrutha (2011). Katre (2011) studied digital preservation and its converging and diverging factors of archives and museums of India, discussing the needs to address the converging as well as diverging factor of Libraries, Archives and Museums for expanding the scope of proposed convergence beyond the integrated access. Seifi and Nikam (2011) studied the digitalization and digital preservation of manuscripts available in the Central Library and Documentation Centres of the University of Tehran. Katre (2011) studied digital preservation and its converging and diverging factors on archives and museums of India discussing the needs to address the converging as well as diverging factors of libraries, archives and museums for expanding the scope of proposed convergence beyond the integrated access. Sunil and Kumar (2009) studied the preservation of library materials available in the books, non­ book materials such as motion pictures, slides, magnetic tapes, CDs, DVDs. Nandi (2007) studied the Manuscript: Its Pre­ servation and Management in Visva-Bharti Library. OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY

Objectives of the present study are: ● ● ●

●

●

To survey the institutions preserving literary heritage of Manipur; To assist the nature of collections available with them; To understand the techniques followed in preserving heritage resources; To chalk out possibilities of adopting latest technologies in preservation; and To suggest mechanism for preserving the resources for future generations. METHODS AND TECHNIQUES USED

The following methods and techniques have been used in the present study:

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●

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Survey of latest literature on the related aspects. Visit to the related institutions such as libraries, archives, museums, etc., of the state. The publication of heritage institutions and other related docu­ ments have been scanned and consulted. The custodians of these heritage institutions have been inter­ viewed. The collections of the above heritage institutions have been surveyed and observed. SCOPE OF THE STUDY

The scope of the present study is confined to the different ar­ chives, museums and libraries of Manipur. Data are collected from all government and privately run archives, museums and libraries. The existing techniques of preservation and conservation have been observed. The literary heritage of institutions have been empha­ sized. INSTITUTIONS PRESERVING LITERARY HERITAGE

The following institutions has been taking major initiative to preserve the heritage materials in Manipur: 1. Museums 2. Archives 3. Libraries MUSEUMS

There are more than 10 museums in Manipur, playing an important role in preserving literary heritage materials of the state. Maipur State Museum being the apex institute in this regard. Some of the such museums are given below: 1. Manipur State Museum, Keishampat 2. I.N.A. War Museum, Moirang 3. Manipur Biological Museum, Iroisemba

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4 . Manipur University Museum, Canchipur 5 . Living Museum, Sekta 6 . Kangla Museum, Kangla 7 . R.K.C.S. Gallery, Keishampat 8 . Langthabal Khoubum Museum, Langthabal 9 . Peopels Museum, Kakching 10. Zo-Gam Tribal Museum, Churchandpur 11. Tribal Museum and Research Centre, Sagolband 12. Tribal Research Institute Museum (TRIM), Chingmeirong 13. Three Mothers Art Gallery-cum-Museum, Wangkhei Thanga­ pat, Palace compound, Imphal East. 14. Khambam Thoibi Museum, Ngangkhalawai Moirang 15. Manipur Science Centre, Takyelpat 16. Chingu Thangjing Museum, Moirang 17. Mutua Msueum, Keishampat ARCHIVES

The Manipur State Archives has been exercising its role and res­ ponsibility in conserving and preserving literary heritage of the state for a long time. There are also some archives playing similar in the state. LIBRARIES

They are playing a key role in preserving the rich literary heritage of the past. Such libraries of the state include the following: PUBLIC LIBRARIES The State Central Library, Imphal, nine district libraries exclud­ ing the newly-created districts, 144 libraries run by voluntary organizations with the support of RRRLF, Kolkata through State Central Library, Imphal. In addition to this, the Community Learn­ ing Resources Centres developed by READ, India and other pri­ vately run libraries also contribute towards preserving the literary heritage.

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ACADEMIC LIBRARIES Libraries in the University of the State, their affiliated colleges, secondary schools under central and state governments, private organizations, missionaries, etc., constitute the academic library system of the state playing an important role in preserving the literary heritage. SPECIAL LIBRARIES A number of specialized organizational institutions/departments have established their own libraries playing a vital role in heritage preservation. They are found under different ● ● ● ● ● ●

Central government departments State government departments Specialized/technical institutions; Theological institutions; Industries/enterprises Private sector undertakings; etc.

OTHER LIBRARIES There are other libraries playing an important role in preserving the literary heritage of the state. ● ● ●

Personal collections Home libraries Religious libraries in churches, mosques, temple, pandit lois­ hangs, etc. NATURE OF LITERARY HERITAGE

COLLECTIONS

COLLECTIONS IN LIBRARIES The nature of collections reflecting literary heritage available in different types of libraries generally include the following:

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Books Journals Newspapers Reports Manuscripts Maps Microform/microfitche CDs/DVDs Digital collections, etc. COLLECTION SIZE IN LIBRARIES

Collection size available in different libraries varies from library to library and level to level. Among public libraries, the biggest pub­ lic library, i.e. the State Central Library, Imphal has collections of nearly 40,000, the district libraries are having collections of 6,000­ 20,000. The libraries run by voluntary organizations have a lower collection below 6,000. Among academic libraries, the schools of the state have limited collections without proper maintenance and organization. Colleges are better in terms of collections but size is not encouraging and requires to be improved. Universities, being at the top of the academic library systems, have a good stock of collection. The special libraries of Manipur have developed them own system of developing collections. Such collections contribute towards enriching and preserving our rich heritage. COLLECTIONS IN ARCHIVES

AND MUSEUMS

The nature and types of literary heritage available in these heritage institutions generally include manuscripts, rare books, paintings, photographs, stone sculptures, natural things, crafted items, orna­ ments and armour, coins, music instruments and dresses. In a study, Ibohal Singh and Binoy Singh (2017) have observed the availability of heritage collections in some leading archives and museums of Manipur as shown by Table 13.1.

162

Salam Binoy Singh and Ibohal Singh TABLE 13.1: DETAILS OF HERITAGE COLLECTIONS

Heritage institutions Manipur State Museum

I.N.A. Moirang

Manipur University Museum Mutua Museum, Keishampat Tribal Museum and Research Centre, Sagolband Peoples Museum, Kakching Kangla Museum, Kangla Manipur State Archive Langthabal Museum, Khoupum Zo-Gam Tribal Musuem, Churchandpur R.K.C.S., Keishampat

Types of heritage collection in each Taluk Coins, manuscripts, rare materials, instruments, pottery, dresses, clothes, paintings, ornaments, natural things, etc. Photographs, coins, arms and armour, hand book, handbills, helmets, oxygen mask, amulets, binocu­ lars, hand granades, gun, gun powder, poison bottles, empty cartridges and parts of tank, etc. Books, rare materials, coins, tribal musical instru­ ments, ornaments, weaving implements, etc. Manuscripts, rare materials, potteries, paintings, sculpture, instrument, bhudist elements, etc. Pottery, utensils, basketery, arms and armoury, diorama, musical instrument, dress and ornaments, etc. Coins, dresses, stones, armour, sculptures, manu­ scripts Photos, rare documents, coins, instruments Manuscripts, books. Customary items of Kabui tribes, ornaments and utensils, etc. Customary items of Kabui tribes and armour items, etc. Paintings, crafts, sculptures, vintage Hollywood poster, rare stamps, rare photographs, etc.

Source: Authors.

The nature and types of heritage collections in these institutions include coins, arms and armour, musical instruments, agricultural implements, pottery, photographs, paintings, clothes, war instru­ ments, ornaments, natural things, pots, books, manuscripts, fossils, skull, stones, sculptures, artefacts, tools, baskets, crafts, hunting tools, etc. The Manipur State Museum has the maximum number of heritage collections. In these different institutions, manuscripts and other rare types of documented materials available serve as invaluable literary heritage of the land.

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163

COLLECTION SIZE IN ARCHIVES AND MUSEUMS

The collections size of the archives and museums is shown in Table 13.2. TABLE 13.2: COLLECTION SIZE OF MUSEUM

AND ARCHIVES

Name of the institutions Manipur State Museum Living Museum Sekta I.N.A. Moirang Manipur University Museum, Manipur University Mutua Museum, Keishampat Langthabal Museum, Khoupum Zo-Gam Tribal Museum, Churachandpur Tribal Museum and Research Centre, Sagolband Peoples Museum, Kakching Kangla Museum, Kangla Manipur State Archive Manipur State Kala Akadami Department of Anthropology, D.M.College of Science Geological Museum, Department of Earth science, Manipur University Manipur University Department of Anthropology Museum R.K.C.S. Biological Museum, Iroisemba

Collection 10,000 24 200 More than 200 3,060 More than 100 More than 100 200 1,200 109 13,376 18,000 more than 550 245 More than 200 More than 500 More than 41

Source: Authors.

It is seen from Table 13.2 that among the heritage institutions Manipur State Kala Akadami has the maximum number of heri­ tage material. Living Museum Sekta, on the other hand, has the least number of heritage material. PRESERVATION TECHNIQUES FOLLOWED

Some traditional/conventional techniques are followed for preserv­ ing literary heritage in the three institutions—archives, libraries and museums of the state. Use of chemicals is also found in some of them. Institutions have been taken up towards digitalization of

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the resources. By and large, the techniques of preservation of the literary heritage in these institutions need to be improved upon. Preservation of such materials in religious institutions and with private custodians is also found to be performed in a traditional way. FINDINGS AND DISCUSSION

Literary heritage of this land is found to be reflected in various knowledge resources available in different libraries, archives and museums. There are many invaluable resources in such institu­ tions playing an important role in preserving the rich cultural heri­ tage of the state. However, there is lack of proper systematization, organization and management of such valuable resources, particu­ larly of their preservation. Most of the institutions are preserving the resources by following traditional methods, using chemicals, etc. Some initiatives taken up by a selected few organization to­ wards digitalizations of collections is encouraging but the same need to be enhanced. Today in this IT driven knowledge society, digital empowerment has become an important perspective in our ende-avours. In the light of this these organizations should think of taking up proper planning and implementation towards digita­ lization of literary heritage of the collections available in various libraries, archives and museums that are in Manipur. Start up intiat­ ives need to be taken into account. Digital preservation of resources would be an important aspect for posterity. In this regard, the manuscripts, rare books and other archival materials available in various libraries, archives and museums of the state, if digitalized and made available through a repository or digital archive, can tell the history of the land to many generations to come.

REFERENCES Chandel, A.S., ‘Digitization and Management of Digital Resources’, in Madhuri Devi Th. and Ibohal Ch. (eds.), Transforming Libraries in Digital Perspectives, Department of Library and Information Science, Manipur University, Canchipur, Manipur, 2017, pp. 32-50.

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Gaur, C.R., ‘Preservation and Access to Manuscripts Heritage in India’, International Journal of Information Research, 1(1), 2011, pp. 83-95. Kadem, A.B.M. and P. Nieuwenhuyen, Digital Access to Cultural Heritage Material Case of the Moroccan Manuscripts, Collection Building, 29(4), 2010, pp. 137-41. Katre, D., ‘Digital Preservation: Converging and Diverging Factors of Libraries, Archives and Museums an Indian Perspective’, IFLA Journal, 37(3), 2011, pp. 195-203. Kaur, A. ‘Digital Libraries and Preservation of Digital Materials’, Digital Media and Library Information Services, Papers XXVI All India Conference of IASLIC & Special Interest Group (SIG), IASLIC Kolkata, 47, 2007, pp. 226-319. Kuffalikar, C.R., ‘Manuscripts: A Key Source for Historical Research with Special Reference to Manuscripts in Nagpur Areas’, LIS Profession in India: Vision for 2010, Papers XXV All India Conference of IASLIC & Special Interest Group (SIG) Meetings, IASLIC Kolkata, 2005, pp. 377-82. Maguipuinamei, M., ‘Oral to Digital and Management of Traditional Knowledge and Traditional Cultural Expressions of Indigenious Communities in Northeastern states of India’, in Madhuri Devi Th. & Ibohal Ch. (eds.), Transforming Libraries in Digital Perspectives, Department of Library and Information Science, Manipur University, Canchipur, Manipur, 2017, pp. 91-109. Majumdar. S., ‘Preservation and Conservation of Literary Heritage: A Case Study of India’, The International Information & Library Review, 37(3), 2005, pp. 179-87. Mandal, S. and S. Abuzar, ‘Manuscripts Centres as Content Repositories of Contemporary History with Special Reference to National Library’, LIS Profession in India: Vision for 2010, Papers XXV All India Conference of IASLIC & Special Interest Group (SIG) Meetings, IASLIC Kolkata, 2005, pp. 383-9. Mckay, A. and E. Yakel, ‘Archives and Manuscripts Copyright News: Orphan Works and Selections 108: Reproductions by Libraries and Archives’, OCLC System & Service: International Digital Library Perspectives, 22(4), 2006, pp. 241-6. Nandi, S.G., ‘Manuscripts: Its Preservation and Management in Visva-Bharti Library’, Digital Media and Library information Services, Papers XXVI All India Conference of IASLIC & Special Interest Group (SIG), IASLIC Kolkata, 47, 2007, pp. 227-33. Narang, A., ‘Giving A New Lease of Life to Rare Books and Manuscripts’, JLIS, 31(2), 2006, pp. 118-26. Nirmalendu, P. and C.S. Nirmai, ‘The Journey of Transforming Libraries from

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Conventional to Digital: Issues and Challenges’, in Madhuri Devi Th. and Ibohal Ch. (eds.), Transforming Libraries in Digital Perspectives, Department of Library and Information Science, Manipur University, Canchipur, 2017, pp. 110-27. Singh, S., Binoy, ‘Preservation and Conservation of Manuscripts and Specific Collections in Archives, Museums and Archaeological Institutions of Manipur’, MLISc Dissertation (unpublished), Manipur University, 2012. Seifi, L. and K. Nikam, Digitalization and Digital Preservation of Manuscripts in Central Libaraies and Documentation Centre’, University of TehranTehran, Iran: A Case Study, SREELS JL. Info. Management, 48(3), 2014, pp. 317-20. Sukanta, K.P. and M. Das, ‘Digital Curation: Steps towards Cultural Heritage in Digital India’, in Madhuri Devi Th. and Ibohal Ch. (eds.), Transforming Libraries in Digital Perspectives, Department of Library and Information Science Manipur University, Canchipur, Manipur, 2017, pp. 233-49. Sunil, A. and P.K. Kumar, ‘Preservation of Library Materials:Problems and Perspective’, DESIDOC JL. Lib. Inf.Technol, 29 (4), 2009, pp. 37-40. Vasudevan, T.M. and K.G. Amrutrha, ‘Preservation and Conservation of Manuscripts: An Analytical Study’, SRELS JI. Info. Manage, 48(2), 2011, pp. 231-8. Walter, K.L. and M.K. Price, ‘An Online Guide to Walt Whitman’s Dispersed Manuscripts’, Library Hi Tech, 22(3), 2004, pp. 277-82. Yakel. E., ‘Archives and Manuscripts Inviting the Users in to the Virtual Archives’, OCLC System & Service, 22(3), 2006, pp. 159-63.

C H A P T E R 14

The Old Stone Inscriptions of Manipur

with Special Reference to Konthoujam

Lairemma Stone Inscription

R AT N A M U T U M

INTRODUCTION: WRITING IN MANIPUR

In Manipur, though there are references to a long tradition of writing going back as far as to the time of Nongda Lairen Pakhangba and beyond and some to the time of King Irengba (AD 984-1074) who is described as a person very fond of reading and writing even at his old age (Rena Laishram). However, there is lack of concrete evidence in support of the claim thus it has always been a matter of controversy as to what time writing began in Manipur and what script was used for writing and reading purposes. Different views and theories have been propounded by many experts in this regard. G.A. Grierson, in his Linguistic Survey of India, vol. III, pt. III says, ‘Mr. Damant is of the opinion that the old alphabet of Manipur was introduced from Bengal during the reign of Charairongba who ruled about AD 1700. There was no trace of existence of writing in Manipur before that time.’ T.C. Hudson in his book The Meitheis said that local tradition declares that the art of writing was acquired from the Chinese who came to Manipur and is phonemic while Chinese system of writing is not. Unlike the Meetei (Meitei) script, Chinese is written from top right hand to downwards (Gunindro, 1996). Some scholars relate its origin directly or indirectly to the Ashokan Brahmi, while the indigenous enterprise comes up with their own theories, logic and explanations. Suniti Kumar Chatterjee

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also opines that the letters which represent indigenous phonemes have peculiar shapes and show a great difference when compared to the letters of Brahmi script. The exact affinities of the indigenous letters are difficult to trace among the scripts of India that developed later on from Brahmi script. Cheitharol Kumbaba puts the beginning of the tradition of writing in Manipur during the time of King Kiyamba who ruled during AD 1469-1503 corroborating this claim with the Khoibu stone inscriptions where the name of King Kiyamba is found mentioned. The manuscript Nongpok Haram mentions of the Shan king presenting a person named Loutaseng who was well versed in the matter of record maintaining to the Meetei king for the literary works though no trace of the use of Shan script has been found in any of the records of Manipur. Another manuscript, the Nongchup Haram, mentions is made of the Tripura king sending Lairikyengbam Kavichandra during the reign of Meetei King Lam Kiyamba (AD 1512-23) for the purpose of engaging him in the works of writing and reading (L. Kunjeswori Devi). In the midst of these ambiguities the very sad and unfortunate episode of Puya-Mei Thaba that is the consigning of the valuable literary works—the puyas into flames during the reign of King Pamheiba (AD 1709-48) totally devastated the ancient scriptures and rich literary heritage of Manipur. Despite the misfortune, we are still blessed to have many valu­ able literary works such as the manuscripts, copper plates and most important the stone inscriptions engraved in archaic Meetei, Bengali and Roman script. Nearly forty such stone inscriptions have been found in Manipur which are among the most indispensable heri­ tage as they don’t fail to play a vital role in reconstruction of the history of our ancient pasts. These stone inscriptions being free from manipulations and tampering, are among the most authen­ tic, reliable and undisputed source of information pertaining to the reconstruction of the past history. Despite the information on culture, socio-economy, law and order situation of the time, palaeo­ graphical study of these stone inscriptions serves as the key to solving the much-disputed issue of the beginning of writing in Manipur and its evolutionary process. Though some of these inscriptions have the names of the kings

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mentioned in the records such as King Sameirang, Wura Kon­ thouba, Kiyamba, Khagemba, Paikhomba, Charairongba and Chandrakirti, etc., along with dates of inscribing and erection of the records, it is sometimes misleading that a particular record may not belong to the time of the king mentioned or the date quoted in the record. It is with the help of palaeographical study that these stone inscriptions are assigned their time on the basis of the script employed, style of writing, and the content of the records. Some of these inscribed stone inscriptions which have been dated and assigned to the times of different kings of Manipur throwing light on the economy, religion and social structure of the time are the inscriptions of: Konthoujam Lairemma: It is written in the archaic Meitei script and archaic Manipuri language and is considered to have been written in two stages, i.e. the first seven lines have been assigned to the period of King Khagemba (AD 1592-1652) while the second record of the remaining seven lines is attributed to the time of King Charairongba (AD 1697-1709). Ningel Inscription I: Written in archaic Meitei script during the time of King Garibanawaja (AD 1709-48) as a royal proclamation, it is one the longest epigraphical records of Manipur containing thirty-one lines. It throws vivid light on the administration, art and culture, socio-economic set up and religion of the particular time. From this inscribed record, we get to see the use of Sanskrit terms like jaya sri, maharaja, simha, mantri rama rama, etc., as a reflection of the king’s adoption of Vaishnavism, as the new state religion. Ngaprum Chingjil and Ningel Inscription II: Written in archaic Meitei script,this record was written during the time of King Bheigya­ chandra (Chingthangkhomba, AD 1759-62 and 1763-98). The contemporary political, social, cultural and religious activities are reflected through this record. Mention is made of many nobles and at the same time the date of inscribing is recorded too as AD 1762 that is—saka 1684, hiyanggeigi 17 ni paanba Nongmai­ jingda ibane. Andro Inscription I, Hiyanglam and Nawangleisang Inscriptions: These were written during the time King Chourjit (AD 1803-13)

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while the Andro Inscription II written in archaic Meitei script is of King Jadu Singh’s time dated to AD 1822. Khoibu Inscriptions I, II and III: It is dated during the time of King Chourjit and Marjit, and are written in Meitei script de­ scribing the Meitei king’s influence over the area and the socio cultural, religious beliefs are reflected in these records. From the Kangla inscriptions of Marjit (AD 1813-19) onwards we get to see the use of Bengali script along with archaic Meitei script for writing records. This record written in Bengali script gives details of the demarcation of the Kangla’s boundary. Like­ wise, Leishangkhong stone inscription of Jadu Singh Nongpok Chinglenkhomba (AD 1822-23) at Wangoi is also written both in Meitei and Bengali script. Another record of the same manner is the Keibung inscription dated in the year AD 1840. Three records of Chandrakirti (Ningthempishak AD 1834-44 and AD 1850-86) dated the years 1822, 1852 and 1859 found at Moirang, Khoupum village in Tamenglong and Chibu village in Churachandpur districts are written in Bengali script. Heisnam Lairemma Stone Inscription I and II which is installed in the complex of the present first Battalion, Manipur Rifles, writ­ ten in archaic Meitei script, is assigned to the time of Gambhir Singh (AD 1825-34) and Nara Singh in the year AD 1843. Another record attributed to the time of Gambhir Singh is the inscription of Kohima, installed at the Kohima town in Nagaland which is written in Bengali script. Haochong Inscriptions I and II of Tamenlong district are written in archaic Meitei script which are dated to the years 1842 and 1844 during the reign of Nara Singh. Other records of the post­ Anglo-Manipuri war of 1891 are also found at different places of Manipur such as the stone inscriptions of Thoubal Athokpam, Kakching Khunou Thoubal’s marketplace which were installed during the time of Churachand’s reign (AD 1891-1941) written in archaic Meitei script and the one at Thoubal Athokpam in Roman script. Along with these inscriptions is a record of the very recent period of the Awangkhul of Tamenglong district written in Kabui script in the year around 1960. Over and above these dated inscribed records there are other

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records which are categorized as either undated, lost or illegible due to the high rate of defacing of the stone slabs by wear and tear with course of time. Some of them whose mention have been made in other literary works but found nowhere or lost due to the lack of public knowledge of the historical importance these inscriptions carry, are the inscriptions of Eething, Lamdeng, Moirang, Saikhong, Shribon, and Tarao. As we all know that there has always been a controversy over the beginning of writing in Manipur, the script used for writing and reading purposes with another bonus question on the numbers of letters used in the script. Therefore, from amongst these old stone inscriptions written in archaic Meitei script, a special reference can be made of the Konthoujam Lairemma Stone Inscription owing to some unique features contained in the writing style of this record, such as different styles of writing the letters, numbers of letters employed, language and terms used.

Figure 14.1: Inscribed Stone of Konthoujam Lairemma (Personal Collection)

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The inscribed stone of Konthoujam Lairemma is in the sacred temple complex of the Goddess of Konthoujam clan in Konthoujam village, which is on the southern side of the National Highway No. 53 in the west of Imphal city. The medium used for inscrib­ ing of this record is sandstone. All in all this record consists of fourteen lines. From the fifth to the seventh lines, the letters on the record being highly damaged and distorted, proper study on these few lines has been difficult and not fruitful. Though it bears no date, its palaeographic study suggests the writing to have been done at two different stages. The first seven lines have been as­ signed to the period of King Khagemba (AD 1592-1652) and the second record of the remaining seven lines is attributed to the time of King Charairongba (AD 1697-1709). The letters employed in this record are: 1. CONSONANTS The letters /k/, /kh/, /ng or η/, /c/, /t/, /th/, /d/, /n/, /p/, /bh/, /m/ along with the semi-vowels /y/, /r/, /l/, /w/, sibilant /s/ and aspirate /h/ has been used in this record and they are written in the following manner:

2. VOWELS In this record, only initial basic vowel /a/, initial secondary vowels /"a/ and /$û/ are used. But, dedicated letters for the secondary vow­ els /"a/ and /$û/ are not used in thisinscription. If the initial letter of a word is a secondary vowel /"a/, the basic vowel /a/ is used with the /a/ diacritic attached to it that is a left slanting stroke placed

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on top of the letter /a/ makes initial vowel /Å/. In the same man­ ner, an /i/ diacritic is used on the basic vowel /a/ for an initial secondary vowel /$û/ that is a vertical stroke with a loop at the right, joining the letter /a/ with the loop end makes initial vowel /+I/ as i + A = iA. No dedicated form is used for the initial vowel /I/. In the case of initial vowel /U/, the diacritic for /u/ is attached to the initial vowel /A/ as A + u = Au = U. The following chart will be helpful in a better understanding of how the vowels and diacritics are used in the inscription. Other diacritics for medial vowels like /e/, /ai/, /ou/ and /ang (anusvara)/ are written in the following manner:

3. NUMERALS AND CONJUNCTS Use of numerals is not found in this inscription, but conjunct forms of vowel clusters are being used. The conjunct of vowel dia­ critic of /a/ and /i/ is written as a + i = ai and a + q as aq. 4. PUNCTUATION As for punctuation mark, only two vertical parallel strokes (II) are used as a full stop, indicating the end of a sentence. 5. SPECIAL FEATURES OF TAKING CONSONANTS COMMON Some peculiar features, not used in any other Indian scripts of Brahmi origin are found to be used in these two inscriptions. They are:

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1. If the initial consonant of the syllable is followed by the same consonant, then the consonant is taken common and written only once. 2. Two or three vowel diacritics are seen to be placed on a single consonant. That is, in the second line of the inscription, Khakingampa is written by taking the two /kh/s common, only one letter /kh/ is written and two medial vowel diacritics /a/,/a/, and /i/ has been placed on it -aKaiiZLPNa (KaKiZLPaNa). Likewise, in the very first line of the inscription, two vowel diacritics are placed on a single con­ sonant in the word Lalimabhu. It is written with a single conso­ nant /L/ to which is added the medial vowel /"a/ and /i/ alimaPu. Such styles of writings are found to be widely used in other stone inscriptions and old Manipuri manuscripts. In the manuscripts some words like kumpapa is written as kumapa, lampupa as lMpua and keke as kee. 6. DIFFERENT FORMS OF VOWEL-LESS CONSONANTS Like any other Abugida scripts, in the Konthoujam Lairemma in­ scription also, the consonant letters have inherent vowel /a/, which is understood. It is cancelled when a vowel diacritic is added to write the desired sound. If a consonant is to be written without the expected inherent vowel /a/, as well as with no vowel diacritic attached to it, then the letter is written in a different form by omitting or adding certain strokes. For example, the letters /L/ and /P/ are written in the following form: When this letter /L/ is written without the inherent vowel /a/, the bottom curve is shortened and the head bar is removed. Like­ wise, in the case of /P/, the middle vertical stroke is omitted. The Letter

Consonant

Vowel-less Form

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175

7. STYLIZED LETTER FORMS In this record, some letters like /η/ and /a/ are written in a highly stylized manner. Additional curves are placed in the front of the letter / η/ and exaggerated curved strokes in the vowel /a/. The letter /m/, used in this record is also in decorative form with addi­ tional curves on top of the letter. Looking at these palaeographical features and the content of the record along with the mentioning of names of two kings, Khagemba (1597-1652) and Charairongba (1697-1709), the Konthoujam Lairemma stone inscription has been assigned to the time of the above two king’s periods by many scholars and it is regarded as the earliest epigraphical record found so far in Manipur which is also quite justified that the script used in these records are very signifi­ cantly different in many ways from the other stone inscriptions that follow. The letters are quite irregular in size and the lines are not maintained properly as compared to other epigraphical records of later periods, which reflects the infancy of the art of writing in Manipur. But again, the use of different diacritic signs in this record is an indication of a developed stage of writing. Therefore, from an archaeological point of view it is very clear that the system of writ­ ing in Meetei script was there or at least began during the time of Khagemba (AD 1597-1652). This is also corroborated by the re­ cordings in Cheitharol Kumbaba, that ‘the production of books in Manipur was done during the time of Khagemba. Producing a number of books at that time was done for educational purposes. But Meetei script was there from quite a long time back as is proved by the inscribed stone inscription of Kiyamba (AD 1467-1508)’. But this statement of the use of writing in Manipur from the time of Kiyamba on the basis that there is a mention made of his name in the Khoibu stone inscription is not true, as the writing styles of the Khoibu stone inscription clearly suggest it to be of a later period though the name of King Kiyamba is mentioned in the record. Non-use of the Dental letters /|t/, /|th/, /^d/, /^dh/ and /^n/ letters and use of only one sibilant /s/ is an indication that the Meetei script, used for writing the Meetei language or the Meeteilon used

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only 24 consonant letters with three basic vowels, whose ways of writing and forms are not similar to that of any of the other ancient Indian scripts. Therefore, it will be quiet appropriate to say that the Meetei script was devised and designed by the Meeteis to write indigenous phonemes, though the inspiration was perhaps from Indic scripts. And School of Thirty-five letters was designed at a later stage to incorporate the new phonemes that were introduced in the Meetei language as a result of the influx of non-Manipuri­ speaking people from mainland India after Garibnawaja’s adoption of Vaishnavism as state religion of Manipur.

REFERENCES A. MANUSCRIPTS 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9.

Mayek Mayekki Chatlam Yangpi Mayekki Konnaba Laaiming Mayekki Laipa Mayek Laisak Khanba Mayek Likkhun Takpa Mayekki Marol Meitei Mayek Khangna Lairik Meitei Mayek Laisak Takpa

N. Khelchandra Singh B. Kullachandra Sharma N. Khelchandra Singh B. Kullachandra Sharma N. Khelchandra, Kh Sarat B. Kullachandra Sharma N. Ibochouba B. Kullachandra Sharma People’s Museum Kakching

B. BOOKS Buhler, G., Indian Palaeography, New Delhi: M.M. Publishers, 2004. Chatterjee, S.K., The Cultural Heritage of India: The Early Phases, vol. I, Calcutta: The Ramakrishna Mission Institute of Culture, 1958. Chelliah, S.L., A Grammar of Meithei, Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, 1997. Coulmas, F., Writing Systems: An Introduction to Their Linguistic Analysis, London: Cambridge University Press, 2003. Dani, A.H., Indian Palaeography, New Dehi: M.M. Publishers, 1986. Devi, K.L., Archaeology in Manipur, New Delhi: Rajesh Publications, 2003. Diringer, D., The Alphabet: A Key to the History of Mankind, New delhi: M.M. Publishers, 2005. Grierson, G.A., Linguistic Survey of India, vol. III, pt. III, Calcutta: Office of the Superintendent of Government Printing, 1904.

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Gunindro, P. and M. Bahadur, Epigraphical Records of Manipur, vol. 1, Imphal: Mutua Museum Publication, 1996. Gunindro, P., Manipuri Culture Da Meetyeng Ama (Manipuri Culture: A Perspec­ tive), Imphal: Poknapham Publications, 2000. Gunindro, P., Manipuri Numismatics, Imphal: Mutua Museum Publication, 1983. Hudson, T.C., The Meitheis, London: Low Price Publication, 1908. Pandey, R., Indian Palaeography, New Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1957. Singh, I.M., The Origin of the Meiteis of Manipur and Meiteilon is not a Tibeto-Burman Language, New Delhi: Wheel Publication & Expositions, 2009. Singh, J.L., The Lost Kingdom, Imphal: Prajatantra Publishing House, 1995. Singh, I.L. and N.K. Singh, Cheitharol Kumbaba, 3rd edn., Manipur: Manipur Sahitya Parishad, 2005. Singh, W.Y., Archaic Meitei or Early Manipuri Monograph on Archaic Meitei, Imphal: Self Author, 1985. Sircar, D.C., Indian Epigraphy, Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1996. Upasak, C.S., The History and Palaeography of Mauryan Brahmi Script, Nalanda: Nava Nalanda Maltavihara, 1960.

C H A P T E R 15

Literary Heritage of Manipur

P U K H R A M B A M M E M O RY D EV I

INTRODUCTION

With the formation of the State of Manipur the ethnic groups there mingled together in its culture and literary traditions. The mosaic groups of the people from east, west and north have con­ tributed many aspects in the development of the long history of Manipur society. New influences come but the old remains un­ touched while accommodating the new ones. Such things are seen in all spheres of the life of Manipuri tradition. For example, we see that the Rasa Dance of Radha-Krishna was adopted from the khuthek (mudras) of Lai Haraoba of Manipur. Such things have been hap­ pening in all cultural traditions. In the development of literature also the Manipuris never shun the traditional styles. The Manipuri pioneers think that their traditions passed on by their forefathers are the backbone and the medium of preserving the cultural his­ tory of civilization. We are lucky as we can see all the development of Manipuri society through the uninterrupted long history of old, medieval and modern literature. In this article we should dis­ cuss only the most significant features of the literary heritage, in a nutshell covering the old, medieval and modern age. Three things are basic to keep up the prestige of a nation. A nation cannot survive long if the people do not have these three. This is why many great tribes and nations are endangered. These are (1) physical development, (2) mental development, and (3) spiri­ tual development. First of all, the citizens of the nation should be healthy. Their health should be the asset of the nation. For this

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achievement the nation should have rules and regulations of physical exercises. Along with this physical development, mental develop­ ment should not be lagging behind. As a successful man should control his mind, a nation should have a vision and attempt to fulfil it. Above all these two, a nation should also have a spiritual development. In view of the above, we can observe Manipuri lit­ erature in three divisions: (1) ancient period, (2) medieval period and (3) the modern period. Ancient Period: One can take up some books of the ancient pe­ riod like Cheitharol Kumbaba, Poireiton Khunthokpa, Numit Kappa, etc., which are the most important books. Hymns for worship­ ping fire, sun, water, etc., were also written. Before these written books the oral literature of the Lai Haraoba, Sanamahi, Leimarel, etc., were prevailent. The folklore on which the written literature is the foundation is very much abundant. Thus Manipuri litera­ ture has a great and firm base which has been handed over to the next younger generation for long. Cheitharol Kumbaba: In this book all the episodes experienced by the kings or any incident that took place in his/their reign is described. All the battles, challenges, floods, earthquakes, eclipses are recorded. The book records that Samling, the younger brother of Pong King Sukanpa, stayed at Apong Ingkhol for ten years after capturing Pasa in the year AD 698. From this one can conclude that the Manipuris had a contact with the Pongs of Burma and the Tripuris of Tripura in the early age in the last part of the seventh century. This is because the Manipuris knew Pasa as Tripura and Pong as the Shans of Upper Burma. If Samlung stayed for ten years after capturing Pasa (Tripura) it is evident that these two peoples had an early contact with the Manipuris. It is also said in this book that in the eighth century we find the copper (kori) plate on which the then king worshipped Shiva, Durga and the king also introduced Vaisnavism. This information is given by W. Yumjao Singh in his report on archaeological studies in Manipur, Bulletin No. 1. (1935). The book Cheitharol Kumbaba is written in pure Manipuri language, the language which is de­ veloped on the Ningthouja language with the mingling of other principalities, the Salais and with the other tribal languages. In

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the latter part of the book one can also find many words from Pongs (Burma), Thais and Chinese. There are affinities of the single syllable words ka (room), pa (pupil), ta (spear), ya (tooth) of Manipur with the eastern languages. Still the framework of the origin of Manipuri language remains unchanged. On the other hand, Kabows is a branch of Shan and these Kabows contribute many words in this language as there was free trade among the Meiteis and the Kabows. In Ningthoural Lambuba we can find some Shan words. For example, nam means sana (gold), kham means ee (blood) meaning sana-ee (royal blood), i.e. ningthem macha. In the present age also the term sana-ee (royal blood) is used. Thus Cheitharol Kumbaba, Poireiton Khunthok, Numit Kappa, Ningthourol Lambuba and others, are the books which are unavoid­ able in the study of the life of the Manipuris. Numit Kappa is also part of old Manipuri literature. Thus old Manipuri literature is developed with the influences of the surrounding languages to some extent but it does not beyond the nature of framework of its origin. It is based on the powerful Ningthouja Salai with the help of the other Salai languages and the dialects and languages of the surrounding hill tribes and the neighbouring states. Many other books relating to the ritual of worshipping Sanamahi and Leimarel are also found in this period. The medieval period begins from 1074 when King Loyumba ascended the throne. The authors and the writers of Manipuri literature did not write their names in the book. Therefore as is the case with ancient books, the names of authors of the early medieval and latter medieval books cannot found out. It is diffi­ cult for the scholar to find out the authors of the book. Besides this, the classification of the books is also very difficult as the date and year in which the book was written cannot be found out. When King Loyumba ascended the throne he reorganized the society. Two principalities of Angoms and Khumans came up. Also the new literature of the Manipuris came up. From 1470 King Kiyamba began to worship an image of Vishnu which was pre­ sented by the king of the Shan kingdom of Pong. In those days the Vaishnavism cult has been rooted deeply and the Vaishnavism Hindu influence brought in a great change to the literature of this

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land. Again, later in 1704 when Charai Rongba, King of Manipur was initiated into the Vaishnavism, the state religion had to follow the King. Thus with the change of religion, the literature has also been changed to some extent. The rough change of it can be seen in the books written in this long period. In this period one can also see the Shan influx in Manipur. The Chinese from the north and the Burmese from the south attacked the Shans. As a result the Shans could not return to their homeland and settled in Mani­ pur permanently. This influenced the language and literature of Manipur. In 1562-97 some five Chinese also came and settled in Manipur, improving in the Manipuri vocabulary and then a change came in the use of Manipuri language. The coming of Brahmins from India, immigrants from Shan, men from China, all contrib­ uted in the development of literature of this land. Above all when Chalamba ascended the throne (1545-62) the Kshatriyas also migrated to this land and settled down permanently. It is also said immigrants entered in this state ceaselessly during the medieval days which gave influenced the development of Manipuri litera­ ture and culture. One can observe some of the changes and development of the Manipuri literature in the long history of the medieval period. Khongjomnubi Nongarol: It is believed that this is the first book written in this period. The constellation Pleiads is called Khongjom nubi in Manipuri. The meaning of nongaron is the tradition and its continuation of ascending heaven. The story is about six girls who dearly loved each other, met their six lovers who one day could not give even a small or big fish. The lovers told the girls to spend the night in the vacant hut on the side of the lake. The girls reluctantly followed their lovers. For such an unchaste conduct the father and the brother of the girls turned them out of their home and they came in search of their lovers. But they could not find them and climbed a strange hill and then reached heaven. When they reach Sumeru Mountain which was the knot of three ranges, they met Soraren, the ruler of all gods, they offered a beauti­ ful flower to Him and begged Him to pardon and bless them. God Soraren made them become the Pleiads and remain in the sky forever. The six brothers also followed their sweethearts hearing

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that their lovers had left for heaven to escape the torture of their father and brothers. Soraren did not allow them to be united with their lovers as there was no such customs in heaven. The God, however, permitted them to meet their sweet hearts only one day a year on the last day of Kalen (May) and the first of Inga (June) but the union would give them cicadas (harinongnang) as their offspring. This was the pathetic story which falls in the romantic mysticism. The book also narrates another beautiful story. A step­ daughter was tortured by her stepmother and was bleeding pro­ fusely. Her garment (phanek) turned into hair and her bra into transparent wings. Strangely enough her moaning sound became the charming and high tone in the sky. The language of the book is mingled with the Vaishnav words such as Durga, Kshetri, Sumeru, Sana, bali (sacrifice of any living being or offering of such things), Phura (tomb). The next important book is Pombi Luwaoba. The hero of the story challenges the God of Death to return his wife back to life and live with him again. In his persuasion and challenges the hero succeeds in pleasing the god and his wife come to live again with him for long. Such a fine depiction of the union of the lovers may fall in the early Medieval Period of Manipuri literature. Yet an­ other important book is the Naothingkhong Phamgaba. It is a long narrative poem on the accession of Naothingkhong. It is a histori­ cal poem describing the prince Yoi Khunjaoba ascending the throne in the seventh century AD, taking the name Naothingkhong. The poetic style is difficult to classify for literary accession but we can say that in the medieval period such a style of writing long histori­ cal poem was prevailent. Generally poetry is more difficult to write than the prose works. That is why most books are written in prose. Still the hymns and prayers from early times are found in poetry in the oral tradition of literature. The story of the book was that once Prince Hongnem Yoi Khunjao was at the palace of Ningthouja when the dispute of crossing the territory of Ningthouja by the Angoms in their expe­ dition started. The Ningthouja tried to avenge of the infiltration of the Angoms to their territory where the Ningthoujas have suc­ ceeded in expelling the Angom soldiers. The Angoms wanted to

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take revenge on the prince Hongnem Yoi Khunjao when he lived in the house of his wife, the daughter of the chief of Angom. The soldiers also ambushed the Ningthouja men and only ten were escaped. When the Ningthoujas’ intrigue was known by the daugh­ ter of Angom she intervened in the plots and the prince was se­ cretly set free. The Chief ’s daughter pretended to boil arum and feed her husband before death. But she boiled stones instead of the arums. In the meantime the prince was set free to his own principality. The prince fled towards the Khuman principality ac­ cording to the instruction of the princess. The prince reached Khuman and then he spent with the princess of the principality. Then he visited Moirang. There also the Moirang King gave his daughter in marriage to Hongem Yoi Khunjao. They lived in Khuman and after this he went to Luwang principality to learn statecraft from the prince of Luwang. After a long happy year his father died and the throne was vacant. His only elder brother was a disabled person, therefore, he was called to Imphal and made king of the Ningthouja kingdom. The news of accession reached the daughter of the chief of Nongmaijing Hill. The girl came to the capital of Ningthouja with presents. She found the king sit­ ting on the throne with the Khuman princess on his left. She was dejected and died of a broken heart. It is believed that when spring comes the princess and people bathe in the brook Chingoi in memory of the girl who saved the life of Hongnem Yoi Khunjao and the throne of the Ningthouja Kingdom. Chainarol is another very important book in the medieval pe­ riod. This records the fights and the challenges of chiefs, nobles and other eminent persons from the earliest time to the reign of Khagemba (1597-1632). Sometimes the Meitei Ningthous are found to be one of the combatants. This combat is very dangerous as it is a fight to death. The combatants, if saved, become very close friends in future. This happens to some of the combatants. It is believed that the man who is honest and truthful will never hurt and the person who is sinful is to be lost and hurt in the combat and very frequently lose his life. Therefore patience and persever­ ance is the key to success. One episode is that Yaphurakpa, the chief of the Chairens, met the wife of Khende Chief twice in twelve

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months while hurting. Yaphurakpa entertained the wife of Haotak Laiba, the chief with wine and meals in return to her first offers and wine. Haotak Laiba suspected them of having an illcit rela­ tionships. So he demanded reimbursement of his bride price of a few cows and some slaves. Yaphurakpa refused and swore many times that the relationship was very simple and innocent. But Haotak Laiba did not believe him and a feud ensued. Matters came to such an end that they challenged each other in a dual with bows and arrows. Yaphurakpa won the duel and he was to behead Haotak Laiba Yaphurakpa waived his right to behead his rival. Instead of doing so, he embraced Haotak Laiba and made friends with him, having wine together. The book was written in the medieval period before the reign of Gareebniwaj (1709-48). The book is also written with words borrowed from Sanskrit like yuvraj (crown prince), sakshi (witness), genda (rhinoceros), lupa (rupaya), etc. Even though Sanskrit litera­ ture was spreading, the tradition of Manipur culture was preserved. The next important book is Thawanmichak Khenjonglon. The Manipuris were very popular with names of twenty-five constella­ tions. In the early medieval period the place of astrologers are very high. They were honoured and respected. This was because of the development of the literature of astronomy. The konoks (ganak in Sanskrit) practised astrology. Konok Thengra was famous for his knowledge of astrology. He worked in the court of Khagemba (1597­ 1652). The book deals with all the twenty-five constellations. The name of the Sanskrit words are not borrowed in the purist style. It is used in the assimilist style. Let us take some examples. Bhadrapad is used as Bhati, Asaresha for Ashlesha, konok for ganaka, lakha for laksh, etc. In this book we can see the greatest influence of Indian customs and literature. But, even with such influences, the tradi­ tion of Manipuri literature is still not spoiled with its impact. Whatever influence, from outside, might come, the tradition of Manipuriness cannot be blotted. Tharon is another book which gives the reasons of naming of the months. The Manipuris have a great understanding of the words picked up for every word not only of the months but the vegetables, human relations, medicines, etc. Tha means—month

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or ron—love or tradition, knowledge or learning. Then tharon signifies the inner meaning of the name of the month. For example, lamda—means to land on the soil, etc. Seeds of are sown in the fields for the times to come for the year. In the month of Sajibu the immortal gods and the makers of this earth grow horns. Sa—means body, ji (chi)—means horn, phu—means grow, Sachiphu then Sajibu. Thus all the months are named after the related activities in relation to the creation of this earth by the creator. This is be­ cause man should survive with those food grains growing in the Lamda, Sajibu, Kalen giving their life with the rain water in Inga, Ingen. The style of writing is not a simple one. The Phouoibi Waron is also a very important book that talks about the lives of the lovers of Phouoibi. Phouoibi is a strange woman who discards her lovers one after another next. She was fickle always changing her mind. So she migrated from one coun­ try to another. That is because phou paddy was the medium for measuring wealth of people. The rich became poor and the poor become rich. The moral is that wealth never settles permanent to anyone. It has its wings and changes its abode. That is why Phouoibi was fickle. Many other books are also found in this period. Men­ tion may be made of only a few. Leithak Leikharon, is one which has a striking image of the tantric religion of the Indian mainland. In the Medieval period there was no raphla in Manipuri alphabet. It cannot be pronounced as there was no such raphla. Panthoibi Khongoon, Ningthouron Lambooba, Khagemba Yumlep, Kangla Hongba, Khagemba Langjei, Sana Lansang, etc., are important books. But there are many books relating to the Goddess Panthoibi, its manifestations or incarnations such as Leimaren Naoyom, Leimaren Langon, Leimaren Mingkhei, Leimaren Shekning Lasat, Leimaren Ungoiron and many others. There are also other books on many subjects. Thus we have seen the growth of the Manipuri literature with the mingling of Sanskrit, Shans, Pongs, Tripuri languages. But the tradition of the land is still preserved in a well-fenced structure by the writers of the state. Now let us see the books of the medieval period beginning from the reign of Loyumba 1074 to 1819, i.e. from the eleventh century to the first part of the nineteenth century. During this long period

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we can see many books on different subjects. Many books were written with the great impact and influences of the Sanskrit and Bengali languages. Even the titles of some books are not in the Manipuri language. For example, Mahadeva Leiheklon, Kiskindhya­ kanda, Garibniwaj Laiming Louba, Janmejay Sarpajajna, Amabadhi, Sanamahi, Asthakal, Mathura Viroh, Chinthang Khomba Ganga Changba are all in Indian languages. Kiskindhya Kanda: The book is written in the time of Garib­ niwaj. It depicts the search of Sita by Shri Rama Chandra with the monkeys. The most important part is Hunuman jumping the vast ocean and burning Lanka. Hanuman met Sita in the interior pal­ ace of Ravana and presented the love signed ring and Sita came to know him (Hanuman). Thus Sita remembers her past life in Ashoka forest and felt sorrow in being separated from her beloved Rama. In describing such episodes the language is very detailed and it is also a mingling of new and old language with Sanskrit and Bengali words. It is worth mentioning the history of literature in the me­ dieval period. Mathura Viroh: The book depicts the pangs of separation be­ tween the two lovers Radha and Krishna. Krishna was going to Madhura and Radha was plunged into grief for the long loss of Krishna. Her condition was pitiful. Krishna saw the pitiful condi­ tion of Radha and tried to console her. The theme of the piece is higher than the language. Sanamahi Laikan: The title itself introduces the theme of the book. The book describes how Santidas Gosai tried to initiate Garibniwaj in Ramandi religion. The Manipuri Puyas (Puran) were all ablated. The Gosai also tries to make the king destroys and banish all family, community and national gods. This was done. But in an episode of breaking the idol of Sanamahi, the royal queen was attacked by an unknown disease. The king now re-established the idol of Sanamahi and the queen became well. The language of the book is a mixture of Sanskrit and Meiteilon. Here begins the introduction of new words in Manipuri literature from Sanskrit. Such examples are seen in many other books of the medieval period. But, wonderfully enough the charm of Meiteilon in its syntax and using of verbs are still existed.

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The modern Manipuri literature can be divided into two parts. The first part is influenced by Sanskrit and Bengali and the second part is influenced by Hindi and English. The first part may be called the orthodoxed age and the second part, the protestant age. With the introduction of the Bengali script and the Hindu Vaishnavism, all the Meitei script and the ritual languages have become impure. Ishing (water) has been replaced by jal, chaklen or luk by prasadi, irat thouni by deva karma, chaklong by utsav, chebao by barton, khorjei by kalam or kolom, lengba by parikarma, irujaba by snana, laisang by mandir, leima, chanu by devi, etc. Most of the words have been replied by the Sanskrit and Bengali words which are pure, while their mother language is impure. So, this period may be called the dark age of Meiteilon. The next period that the contemporary Manipuri literature may be called Hindi, English controlled age. Most of the languages have been replaced by Hindi and for the greater part by English. Thus we see that itao is changed into bhai or dear, gate for hojang or thongan, Mr. for pathou, box for upu, court for wayenloisang, trip for khongchat, meeting for meetin, session for meefam, district for pana, office for loisang, light for mei or Mangal, business for lalonitik, etc. We can see all the writers follow the writing with the change of the society. If we look back it is very much depressing because there was not in a book for even beginners to write and read in the Manipuri Language. We have to learn our mistake for the past history. Here we come to know that the dawn of Manipur literature came up only in 1972 when there was a seven-day conference at Mapal Kangjeibung in which all their revivalists sit together and discussed how our mother language should be brought to life again. One Thokachanba who was a young energetic person was the pioneer in the conference. It was resolved to dedicate our time in the strong revival of our mother language and our script. Some erudite scholars formed the Manipuri Sahitya Parishad and the Parishad produced all kinds of books for the development of Manipuri literature in the prevailing Bengali script. It began from the Kindergarten stage. It developed very soon and Kavi Khwairakpam Chaoba’s Phidam became the first textbook for class X. It began to be read from class VIII. Now in a short time, Manipuri language has been recognized by the Indian constitution and it has been included in the Eighth Schedule since

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28 August 1992. U.G.C. has also recognized Manipuri language since 1972 and Manipuri Sahitya Parishad has prepared textbooks up to M.A. Manipuri since the year in which M.A. Manipuri was opened in the same year. Again the Government of Manipur recognized the Manipuris script with the public pressure and in­ troduced it in the lower classes since 1994. Now the script is taught and learnt up to class XII and is going to proceed up to B.A. in a few years. This article looks at only the literature of Manipur. The pio­ neers Khwairakpam Chaoba, Arambam Darendrajit, Hijam Irabot, Hijam Anganghal, Dr. Kamal, Dr. Bhaigo, Sanjenbam Nodiachand, Sinam Krishnamohon, Kalachand Shastri, Chingakham Pishak, Elangbam Nilakanta, Nilbir Shastri, Hijam Guno, M.K. Binodini, Thoibi, Pramodini, Rajnikanta and Ayekpam Shyamsunder, are leaders who brought their utmost struggle in the making of the new horizon of Manipuri literature. They tried to link and refresh old lost literature and rise up to the standard of Indian literature in other languages. M. Chandrasing Sana Konung Pandit Achouba, Pandit B. Com Sana, Pandit N. Khelchandra and O. Bogheswor are all those who have restored old Manipuri literature. They are attemping to rouse the new generation and convey the spirit of the old literature to them. They dedicated their long life in waking up the slum-based-old literature of Manipur. The Manipuri Parishad published old literary books along with new ones. Then came up Dr. Kamal’s Madhabi, Dr. Bhaigo’s Chaobi, Hijam Anganghal’s Khamba Thoibi, Khwairakpam Chaoba’s Shatramacha, Darendrajit’s Kans-bodh, Shitaljit’s Leikonnungda, Leinungshi, etc. Many books were available in translation too. Kalachand Shastri’s Mahabharat, Atombapu’s Geeta, Krishnamohon’s Gandhi Tatwa, Pishak’s Eliad and Odessy, Shamsunder’s works from Bankimchandra, Goura­ kishor’s Shintha Paomen are all good books. The whole tradition of the literature of the old and modern new horizon was brought together in the realm of the history of Manipuri literature. Thus the dark and dim period of Manipuri history has been given a new pulse and revived with a new hope. With a strong influence of Sanskrit and Bengali literature, Manipuri literature began. Contemporary literature begins from E. Nilakanta with Pacha Meitei, Shri Biren, Yumlembam Ibomacha, Th. Ibopishak and

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many others. Their influence on the Manipur society is like a cyclone. Pacha Meitei’s Imphal Amasung Magi Ishing Nungshitki Phibam depict realism of the Imphal and its social conditions. E. Nilakanta’s poem Manipur strikes the medium song of the real­ ism. It is quite different from the romantic idealism of Kamal’s Madhabi. While E. Nilakanta writes his romantic poem in Chatla­ sine Ibani Kadaidano (1971), Shri Biren and Th. Ibopishak try to depict the reality of the society. Thus the Chaoba Kamal age has been changed in to Nilakanta-Samarendra’s age which was contin­ ued by Shri Biren and Ibopishak, with the change in the world literature after the Second World War. After the war a change is also seem in every field of literature in drama, novel, short story, essay, epic and biography, etc. In ancient and medieval period there was no short story, drama, essays, etc. Khwairakpam Chaoba’s Shatra Macha, Hijam Anganghal’s Khamba Thoibi Sheireng, and Haobam Tomba’s Nura Shanthalembi are among the pioneering works in modern Manipuri literature. Manipuris have a great long­ ing for writing of their lives from all spheres of life from the ancient times. In drama, from traditional to the new experimental plays there has been a great progress. Most of the plays of Moirang Kangleirol find higher appreciation both on national and international level. The production of Ratan Thiyam and Kanhai Lal Shastri are world class. This helps Manipuri literary tradition to react higher stan­ dards.

REFERENCES Kamei, G., History of Manipur-Pre-Colonial Period, 3rd edn., Delhi: Akansha Publishing House, 2015. Manipuri Sahitya Parishad 1963-76, Sahitya Chephong—December 1963-May 1976. Singh, R.K. Jhalajit, A History of Manipuri Literature, Imphal: D.K. Store, 1976. Singh, L.I., Introduction to Manipur, Imphal: Friends Union Press, 1963.

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C H A P T E R 16

Entomophagy: A Culinary Heritage

of Manipur

K. GRACE KOM AND M.C. ARUNKUMAR

INTRODUCTION

Since time immemorial, insects have been used as food, i.e. before humans had tools to hunt or farm, insects may have been an im­ portant part of their diet. Evidence suggests that evolutionary pre­ cursors of Homo sapiens were also entomophagous. Insect eating is a process in which humans harvest the eggs, larvae, pupae and adults of certain insect species from forests or other suitable habitat to eat. It is also known as entomophagy. Insects belong to the arthropod class having chitinous exoskele­ ton, a three-part body (head, thorax and abdomen), three pairs of jointed legs, compound eyes and two antennae. Insects are healthy, nutritious alternatives to mainstream staples. The main compo­ nents of insects are protein, fat and fibre with traces amount of vitamin, minerals and anti-oxidants. They also play an important role as pollinators in plant reproduction, in improving soil fertility through waste bio-conversion, and in natural bio-control for harm­ ful pest species. They provide a variety of valuable products for humans such as honey and silk and medical applications such as maggot therapy. Insects have also inspired technology and engi­ neering methods. Apart from this the use of insect in ethno medi­ cine also proves to be a better chance of enhancing our knowledge of the medical world. Although much of the religious and symbolic significance of insects has faded in the glare of modern science and technology,

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our language still reflects many traditional associations: busy as a bee, annoying as a fly, mad as a hornet. We still recognize the ant as a symbol of hard work, the lady beetle as a harbinger of good luck and the butterfly as an object of transient beauty. Insects and their underlying symbolism are still prevalent in literature. This article is focussed on insect eating as a culinary heritage of Manipur. MATERIALS AND METHODS

In order to collect the on insect eating as a culinary heritage the below materials and methods have been used: DATA COLLECTION During the fieldwork, various methods of data collection were employed. To find out the information on socio-cultural life of the people, their ecological niche mode and pattern of insect consump­ tion, different field techniques or methods employed during the study were: i. Interview ii. Observation iii. Photography Preliminary survey was undertaken through interview and pho­ tograph. ANALYSIS Data presented in this report is qualitative in nature. The data on the ethnographic profile had been supplemented with some sec­ ondary source of data. The qualitative data in this paper are the result of the in-depth interview with the following: ●

● ●

An interview with one religious leader or representative (Pastor, Bamon and Maurubi) An interview with informant of different age group An interview with person from rural and urban settlers

Entomophagy: A Culinary Heritage of Manipur ● ●

●

195

An interview with poor and well do families An interview with person living in different ecological area (island, foothill and hilly area) An interview with drinkers and non-drinkers

Of all the living animal species on the earth over 80 per cent are insects and out of this more than 1,900 species have reportedly been used as food throughout the world, viz., Africa, Asia and countries of Latin America. As for India, a total of about 255 species of edible insects so far recorded in central, south and north eastern region of the country. Manipur being a part of Indo-Burma biodiversity hotspot re­ gion, a total of number 41 insect species have been found to be consumed throughout the state irrespective of caste, culture and religion. Thus, to represent Manipur as a whole an intensive field survey on insect eating in Manipur was carried out in three differ­ ent ecological niches, i.e. Karang, Khoirentak Khuman and Nungbi Khullen to study the culinary habits of the people with respect to their ecological niche, religion and other social and cultural as­ pects. Karang is an Island of the largest freshwater Lake in the north­ east called the Loktak Lake. It is situated 50 km south from Imphal; 7 km away from sub-district headquarter Moirang. The village is in the southern side of Manipur. The type of soil found in the village is clay whereas some reddish type is found in the upper hill area. The ecological niche of the village is based on aquatic ecosys­ tem. As a result, it encompasses rich aquatic flora and fauna. While that of the terrestrial land is lack of local herbs and shrubs which are used as food items. They depend more on aquatic plants and some fruits from trees grown on the island. The ecosystem is a habitat of large numbers of fishes, crustaceans, mollusc and differ­ ent types of insects. While Khoirentak Khuman village nestled in the south-western foothill of Manipur state and is under the Henglep constituency of Churachandpur district, Nungbi Khullen, locally called as Loree, is a village located north of Ukhrul in Ukhrul district. From the study of three different sites, the following 32 species are found to be consumed by the people or used as ethno-medicine.

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K. Grace Kom and M.C. Arunkumar TABLE 16.1: SOME OF THE INSECTS CONSUMED

AS FOOD

Common name

Scientific name

Meitei

Kom

True Water Beetle Giant Water Bug Indian Water Scorpion Wandering Glider

Hydrous sp. Lethocerus indicus Laccotrephes maculatus Pantala flavescens Notonecta sp. Diplonychus rusticus Cybister sp. V. nigricomis Gryllotalpa orientalis Gryllus sp. Hierodula sp. Hierodula sp.

Tharaikokpi Naosek Hao Naosek

Tharoikokpi Naosek Chedon Changla hala Thringthre/ Harhonra/ Hmaihip Ru samkla — Charva hu Kuhahla

Back Swimmer Water Bug Water Beetle Grasshopper Mole Cricket Field Cricket Praying Mantis Giant Asian Mantis Cicada Termite Stink Bug Bed Bug Black Ant Doodlebugs Centipede Giant Wood Spiders Bamboo Worm

Cicadidae Odontotermes sp. Udonga Montana Cimex rotundatus Lasius niger Myrmeleontidae order Chilopoda Nephila maculate

Charang/ Maikhumbi Long khajing Kongjeng kokphai Tengbi Koujeng Isingchaobi

Khai Leitor

Tangkhul

Heirola Hawa Nara hala

Harou Horailenbi —

Khungbai Kuran Usom Kose_ra Thlengsumdar Marahu Chonla Harinongnang Tretrotpu Chama Mukthrubi Phulum Manamla Usingsa Thangbom Laaru Maa — Nami Kakcheng — Tangnamcha amuba — Chiliphen Pokchou — — Senla_t te — Kaitalenpu Cha¯khou

Omphisa fuscidentalis Curculio nucum

Watin

Rurahlung

Farem

—

Kamlon

Anisota sp.

—

Palm Weevil (Sago grubs) Pine Worm

Rhynchophorus ferrugineus Unidentified

— —

Giant Honey Bee

Apis dorsata

Khoiren

Shashu kara rahlung Shashu rahlung Kahno rahlung Hmeila rahlung —

Oak Weevil Larvae Oak Worm

Puyi Nalungka Tayang Sari Contd.

Entomophagy: A Culinary Heritage of Manipur

197

TABLE 16.1 Contd. Common name

Scientific name

Meitei

Kom

Tangkhul

Indian Honey Bee European Honey Bee Bumble Bees Lesser Banded Hornet Common Wasp Rhinoceros Beetle

Apis cerana indica Apis_mellifera

Haying khoi Haying khoi

Khoi va —

Houva —

Bombus sp. Vespa affinis/ Vespa basalis Vespula vulgaris Oryctes rhinoceros

— — Khoibiningthou Lekhar

Kachenhufei Majaam

— Kangchet

Meyer Senveirukla

— Cheichot

Source : Authors.

Depending on the ecological niche, different types of insects are found at different places. Not only this, the pattern of consump­ tion, i.e. mode of preparation, stages of consumption, etc., are also found to be different in terms of its ecological habitat, i.e. avail­ ability of the insects and the culture of the people. The Table 16.2 shows the stages and mode of consumption along with the ethnic group who ate different types of insects in differ­ ent manner. TABLE 16.2: MODE OF CONSUMPTION OF

INSECT SPECIES

Species

Ethnic group

Stages of consumption

Mode of consumptionl

True Water Beetle Giant Water Bug

Meitei, Kom Meitei, Kom

Adult Adult

Indian Water Scorpion Wandering Glider

Meitei, Kom and Tangkhul Meitei, Kom and Tangkhul Meitei, Tangkhul Meitei, Tangkhul Meitei, Tangkhul Meitei, Kom and Tangkhul

Adult

Fried or roasted Fried, roasted or Chutney Fried or cooked

Adult and Nymph Adult Adult Adult Adult

Fried, roasted or cooked Roasted or cooked Roast or cooked Fried or cooked Fried or roasted

Back Swimmer Water bug Water Beetle Grasshopper

Contd.

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K. Grace Kom and M.C. Arunkumar

TABLE 16.2 Contd. Species

Ethnic group

Stages of consumption

Mode of consumptionl

Mole Cricket

Meitei, Kom and Tangkhul Kom Tangkhul Kom Kom and Tangkhul Meitei, Kom and Tangkhul Meitei, Tangkhul Tangkhul Tangkhul Tangkhul Kom and Tangkhul

Adult

Fried, roasted or cooked Roasted Roasted Roasted Roasted Fried or roasted

Meitei, Kom and Tangkhul Tangkhul Kom and Tangkhul Kom and Tangkhul

Larva

Fried or roasted

Larvae Adult Adult

Fried or roasted Fried or roasted Fried or roasted

Adult Honey larvae

Fried or roasted Fried or cooked

Honey larvae

Fried or cooked

Honey larvae

Fried or cooked

Honey Larvae and pupae Larvae and pupae Adult

Raw Fried or cooked

Field Cricket Praying Mantis Giant Asian Mantis Cicada Termite Bed Bug Black Ant Doodlebugs Centipede Giant Wood Spiders Bamboo Worm Oak Weevil Oak Worm Palm Weevil (Sago grubs) Pine Worm Giant Honey Bee Indian Honey Bee European Honey Bee Bumble Bees Lesser Banded Hornet Common Wasp Stink Bug Rhinoceros Beetle Source: Authors.

Kom and Tangkhul Meitei, Kom and Tangkhul Meitei, Kom and Tangkhul Meitei, Kom and Tangkhul Tangkhul Meitei, Kom and Tangkhul Kom and Tangkhul Meitei, Kom and Tangkhul Kom

Adult Adult Adult Adult Adult and Nymph Adult Adult, Egg Adult Adult Adult

Adult

Soup Fried or roasted Raw Roasted Roasted

Fried or cooked Fried, Roasted or Chutney Roasted

Entomophagy: A Culinary Heritage of Manipur

199

From Table 16.2, it is observed that most of the aquatic insects are consumed by the Karang islanders while that of the terrestrial insects both by the Kom and the Tangkhul. On an average almost all the insects are being consumed by the Tangkhul as they live in hilly areas near to river side. It is not only the difference in the abundance of insects but it also differs in the culinary practice of the people. Though there is a bit of similarity in the stages of the insect consumption, the stages of consumption vary from nymph, larvae to adult form of the insects. As for the Karang Islanders, among all the edible insects, aquatic insects are one of the most favourable among the consumers due to their taste and high availability. They prefer to eat almost all the insects roasted or fried. There are some certain kinds of insects that they ate made into chutney or eromba and are highly valued. The people also consume some species for the sake of medicine. One of the mostly common aquatic edible insects in Manipur is true water beetle. This insect is found among aquatic weeds and is collected by the Meitei’s using a net called loo by the process of dragging, scooping and noose gear method. This insect is con­ sumed by the Meitei’s in adult form either fried or roasted; this insect can be also eaten with ginger chutney after removing its wings. It is used to cure stomach ulcer at pre-initial stage by eating it in fried or roast form. And is also belief that if this insect flies to the land then there will be flood or rise in the water level. This type of insect is usually consumed by a person who drinks. It has a good aroma and is best known for its eromba ingredient. With change of time, the practice of rearing bees is also found to be extinct in the island. Thus, we cannot find many people eating bees as disgust the younger generation find disgusting. As for the rest of the insects, a Bamon (Hindu religious leader) of the village was interviwed, he said that there was no religion ban on eating any kind of insects to the people of the village in terms of. Since they are the main people who serve the community in every function and are believed to be clean they don’t eat any kind of insect because people may feel disgusted with their cooking. Other­ wise there is no offence. It is also found that with the change of time people have slowly avoided eating insects except those who

200

K. Grace Kom and M.C. Arunkumar

drink. During rainy season they will light a lamp to attract insects and have them for their drinks. The people of Khoirentak Khuman eat all type of insects and there is less taboo within their culture. The insect may varies from aquatic to terrestrial to aerial. They are not much acquainted with the aquatic insects but have a taste for terrestrial insects like grass­ hopper, cicada, bees, hornet and even worms, so to say all the larvae of the tree boring insects like palm sago, oak worm, etc. They eat various types of grasshoppers and crickets and this may be of more than 10 species yet to be identified. These types of insects are mainly consumed in adult form either by roasting or frying them. They are collected handpicked during harvesting sea­ son in large numbers. The grasshopper is also one of their delica­ cies. As the people of Kom are close to both a tribal and Meitei community their culinary habit is the fusion of both the commu­ nities. They enjoy eating the insect roasted, fried, made into chut­ ney and curry. One of the peculiar modes of insect consumption practised by the people of Kom is chithi-beng. It is a mode of preparation of insects in which some amount of salt and chilly to taste is inserted into the alimentary canal of the insect from behind and it is roasted. This type of preparation is very much liked by the people and is done to some selected insects like cicada; giant spider wood and dragon fly, etc. Different types of worms like bamboo worm, oak worm and sago grubs are also a delicacy. But with the changes of time the new generation are not much into eating these types of insects either because of disgust or fear. Most of the children like to eat this insect but as they grow older they avoid eating it. Bees and hornets are the main insects that are often haunted by the villagers once a year. They are collected mostly by the smoking method. There are almost 14 species of bees and hornets yet to be identified, namely: ● ● ●

Khuipui-biggest Khui um Lekhar

● ● ●

Khui rangui Khuisumbengpa Che kasu

Entomophagy: A Culinary Heritage of Manipur ● ● ● ●

Khui aihri—Black/Red Khui nese Chepkhui Khui be

● ● ● ●

201

Khuiva Khuisum—smallest Jan khui Mot khui

The people of Nungbi Khullen eat all types of insects. They are very much fond of cooking the insects in dry form instead of roasting or frying. Different types of insects found in a particular season are cooked together into simple curry. There is no special ingredient other than chilli, salt and some amount of turmeric powder to taste. The people of this village have a great taste for bees and hornets. They often goes haunting for them. According to the people of Nungbi Khullen there are four types of bees which produce honey, namely sari, houva, kachen hufei and senra. There are approximately thirteen types of hornets which can be consumed either in adult or larvae or pupae form, namely houri, macham, houhen, houri chara, niyahou, meyer, houva, houva liken, hounou, vaaye, saare hou, nase hou and penlom. All these species are yet to be identi­ fied. The people of these three sites also practice ethno-medicine, which are being transfered from one generation to another through the oral tradition. Table 16.3 shows some selected types of insects that are used as medicine by the people of Karang, Khoiren­ tak Khuman and Nungbi Khullen that were collected during field­ work. The people of Karang, Khoirentak Khuman and Nungbi Khullen have a great indigenous knowledge of using various types of insects as medicine. This knowledge is passed from one generation to another through oral or tradition. A person who practises ethno­ medicine is known as maiba (male) or maibi (female) in Manipuri while that of thempu or thempi in Kom. Some of their ethnological practices are as follows: Hydrou sindicus/Hydrous olivaceous—Believed to be a good medi­ cine for coughing and is given to children. During epidimics (plague caused by rat) or a house having lots of rats are encouraged to eat the insect either in cooked, roasted or fried form.

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TABLE 16.3: MEDICINAL PROPERTIES OF INSECT SPECIES Species

Ethnic group

Uses/Ethno-medicine

True Water Beetle Giant Water Bug

Meitei Meitei

Indian Water Scorpion Back Swimmer

Meitei Tangkhul

Field Cricket Praying Mantis Termite Bed Bug

Kom Tangkhul Tangkhul Meitei

Bed Bug Spiders Oak Worm Palm Weevil (Sago grubs) Honey Bee Honey Bee

Tangkhul Kom Tangkhul Tangkhul

Honey Bee

Tangkhul

Cockroach Stink Bug

Meitei Tangkhul

Stink Bug Centipede

Kom Tangkhul

Coughing and epidemic or plague Cure poisonous insects, fish or snakes stding or bite and taking out spiny thorns. Bone disease. It is good for a person who urinates at night on bed even when one grows old. Coughing Skin disease Stomach ache. Cure lice Chicken pox Cancer Healing of wound Dysentery Loose motion Vomiting Cure tape worm Tongue ulcer Coughing medicine Constipation Cure cough Anaemia Periods pain in stomach Cure skin disease Skin Allergy Coughing Heals a wound Piles Cough medicine It is good for any stomach related disease. Cancer

Meitei Kom

Source: Authors.

Lethocerus indicus: The people of Karang used this insect to cure a person stung or bitten by any poisonous insects, fish or snakes namely numit yungbi, tibun nabun and ngachik,. This insect is used by applying its paste after chewing it thoroughly, on the bitten area.

Entomophagy: A Culinary Heritage of Manipur

203

On the other hand, the spiny portion of this insect’s leg is also used for taking out the spine of uphak (worm) when it gets stuck to one’s skin. Laccotrephes maculatus: The people of this place believe that this insect is good for providing strength to bone. Thus, it is consumed by a person suffering from bone disease. Notonecta sp.: This insect is used to cure a person who urinates at night on the bed. It is consumed in the roasted form. Gryllus sp.: Cricket or khungbai is used as coughing medicine by the Kom and taken along with ginger as chutney. It is due to the fact that crickets are herbivorous and one of the cleanest insect. Hierodula sp.: The bite of this insect is used to heal a kind of skin disease called saru in Tangkhul. This insect is allowed to bite the area where the disease started in order to cure it. Odontotermes sp.: It is good for stomach ache. Thus it is eaten in roasted or fried form. Cimex rotundatus: This insect is used both by the Meitei and the Tangkhul people. The Meitei use it to get rid of lice by wash­ ing one’s head with it diluting inwater. It is also used to cure chicken pox by applying it along with two other ingredient uhal (small herb) and pungbhai (grass) after 7 or 8 days, mixing it in water and applying it from head to toe. Apart from this, the di­ luted form of this insect is also allowed to be drunk to cure chicken pox (laikup). The Tangkhul used this insect to cure any type of unknown disease during the earlier times commonly known as cancer. Though this insect is not good to taste and smelly, it is given to a person in raw form to consume. And to avoid its smelliness it is consumed along with food. There is a belief that the smelliness of the insect will kill the germs that cause the disease. Spider: To the people of Kom, dry skeleton of a any spider is used to apply on the new born baby intestine to heal it faster. Other than this, it is also used treat burned skin. Curculio nucum: Kamlon in Tangkhul is good for a person suf­ fering from dysentery. It can be consumed either in roasted or fried form. Rhynchophorus ferrugineus: This insect is used by the people of

204

K. Grace Kom and M.C. Arunkumar

Tangkhul to cure simple diseases like loose motion, vomiting, etc. If this insect is consumed in adult form (nizet) then it may cause food poisoning. Honey Bee: Honey from any type of bee is used to cure ulcer in our tongue mixed along with bitter ball, brihati (Solanum indicum) by the people of Kom. It is even used as cough medicine in which one teaspoon of honey is mixed with the sap of banana flower. For constipation a small amount of honey is inserting inside the anus with the help of cotton. The Meitei used it as a medicine to cure the tape worm found in the intestine. It is applied on the anus plus abdomen of the patient. Apart from this, from the religious point of view the honey bee is used specially in the worship of their deity Sanamahi so as to avoid fire. It is believed that honey represents the panch-amrit thus is used in making prashad for worshipping. As for the Tangkhul, they too use it as a medicine to cure cough. It is also consumed by a person suffering from anaemia. Apart from this honey is mixed with any medicine as it is believed to have good healing power. For menstrual pain it is drunk along with rum to soothe the pain or sometimes along with warm water. Honey is also used to cure skin disease by applying it on the skin with other ingredients. Periplanata americana: The Meitei people used the paste of the insect to cure allergies. Udonga montana: The Tangkhul people believe that this insect has a medicinal value for coughing and can be consumed as a curry or chutney as it has a vicks or cooling effect. The sting effect of this insect can heal a wound. This insect is also believed to be good for person suffering from piles. The people of the Kom tribe too use stink bug, thangbom as a cough medicine. This particular insect is eaten by making it as chutney along with ginger which gives a sense of relief to the throat thus act as a modern vicks vapour. Otherwise it can also be eaten roasted or fried. Food is a culturally specific. In general, anything can function as food if it is not immediately toxic. But what is edible in one culture may not be in another. The concept of food is determined by three factors: biology, geography, and culture. Food may

Entomophagy: A Culinary Heritage of Manipur

205

establish a cultural identity of an ethnic group, religion, or nation. Food taboos in a society function also as a means to show differences between various groups and strengthen their cultural identity. The people of three villages, i.e. Karang, Khoirentak Khuman and Nungbi Khullen have a food taboos in spite of its vast knowl­ edge of ethno-medicine. Apart from food taboos, they also have their own social beliefs which are related to their cultural way of life. This may be related to their concept of beauty, concept of truth and their concept of goodness. And some of the points are as follows: MEITEI ●

●

●

●

The people of Karang believe that if True Water Beetle flies over to a person then he or she is assumed to be an extraordinary person. In the field cricket makes a noise inside a house then it brings bad omen. Thus, this insect is often driven away if they are found near a house. Cicada: There is a story that once a mother threatened to kill her son with a cooking spoon (khabei ) while quarrelling. As a result the son flies away taking the form of the insect cicada. Thus till today no one threaten to kill another with khabei. Cockroach: It is believed that if this insect is found in houses then it is assumed that the Goddess of Wealth Lakshmi would enter the house. But on the other hand if this insect bites the clothes kept in a cupboard then it is a bad omen.

KOM ●

●

●

The Kom people believe that if pregnant mothers eat a grass­ hopper than her child will cough. Particular cicada name renchang is known to be compare to a girl with beautiful voice. Cockroach: It is belief that if a cockroach bites a cloth then it is bad omen.

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K. Grace Kom and M.C. Arunkumar

TANGKHUL ●

●

●

Indian Water Scorpion: The people of Tangkhul believe that when this insect flies away from the water bodies then a dry season will come. One can’t eat field cricket. It is believed that if this insect comes into a place where there is a gathering it listens to the discussion and brings trouble to the people. And if it is seen where a person is sick then the patient will get worse or he/she may die. Thus, this insect is considered to be a bad omen in a society. Praying Mantis: During harvesting it is believe that if a fat female mantis is found then the harvest will be plentiful but if a small male mantis is caught there will be a lean harvest. The cicada plays an important role in the life of the Nungbi people.

From this one can understand the importance of the role of insect as a whole. CONCLUSION

The culinary practice vis-à-vis insect is very much related to the availability of the insects in different ecological niche, religion followed by the people and the cultural settings of the different ethnic groups. Where eating insects has been a common element of traditional culture, the practice is found to be waning due to modernization and changing attitudes. The cultural heritage of eating insect by the people of Manipur is on the verge of extinction and this too indirectly causes the fading away of indigenous knowl­ edge towards using insects as ethno-medicine which is found only in oral tradition. Thus, reviving the tradition of eating insects is very much necessary to improve balanced ecology, enhance nutri­ tion, health and safeguard one’s culture.

REFERENCES Natasha, A., T.K. Singh and N.I. Singh, ‘Edible Orthopteran Insects of Manipur’, Uttar Pradesh Journal of Zoology, 33 (3): 307-9, 2013.

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Chakravorty, J., ‘Diversity of Edible Insects and Practices of Entomophagy in India: An Overview’, Biodiversity, Bioprospecting and Development: 1 (3): 124, 2014. Khaliq, A., M. Javed, M. Sohail and M. Sagheen, ‘Environmental Effects on Insects and Their Population Dynamics’, Journal of Entomology and Zoology Studies: 2(2): 1-7, 2014. Narzari, S. and J. Samsah, ‘A Study on the Prevalence of Entomophagy among the Bodos of Assam’, Journal of Entomology and Zoology Studies, 3 (2): 315­ 20, 2015. Samuel, P.R. et al., ‘Entomophagy and Entomo Therapy Practiced among the Indigenous Populations of Western Ghats of Tamil Nadu, India’, Interna­ tional Journal of Zoology Studies, 1 (1): 30-3, 2016. Shantibala, T., R.K. Lokeshwari and H.D. Sharma, ‘Entomophagy Practices among the Ethnic Communities of Manipur, North-East India’, Inter­ national Journal of Integrative Sciences, Innovation and Technology, 1(5): 13-20, 2012. Shantibala, T., R.K. Lokeshwari and H.D. Sharma, ‘Nutritional and AntiNutritional Composition of the Five Species of Aquatic Edible Insects Consumed in Manipur, India’, Journal of Insect Science, 14(14): 1-14, 2014. WEB REFERENCE

http://cisr.ucr.edu/entomophagy.html, retrieved on 21 February 2017 at 13:00 https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC2711054/ http://www.entomoljournal.com/vol2Issue2/pdf/32old.1.pdf

C H A P T E R 17

Ethnic Food Preparation of

Vaiphei Tribes of Manipur

H. SOROJINI DEVI AND

KAMLENTHANG KHONGSAI

INTRODUCTION

Food is defined as ‘anything which may be taken in the form of solid, semi-solid or liquid primarily to meet hunger’ (Manay and Shadaksharaswamy, 1996). Sources of food vary around the world. There is a close relationship between habitat and sources of food. Primitive men ate roots, fruits, fish and raw meat of the animals they hunted. With the discovery of fire, men learnt to cook their food, because normally cooked food is preferred to raw food. Food choice is influenced by social factors because attitudes and habits develop through interaction with other (Feunekes et al., 1998). Viewed socially, food preparation has traditionally been female occupation, requiring hours of repetitive effort. Over a period of time, it has gradually shifted out of the home as a profession and been made a male occupation. Ethnic cuisine encompasses a wide variety of regional and traditional style of cooking, depending on culture, religion, occupation and food habit. Social anthropologist Jack Goody (1982) distinguishes five basic phases in the process of ‘providing and transforming food’ namely: production (growing on the farm), distribution (market activities, including storage), preparation (cooking in the kitchen), consumption (eating at the table), and disposal (clearing up). Every community has its own mode of preparation and pre­ servation of food. Close examination has revealed that most

210

H. Sorojini Devi and Kamlenthang Khongsai

communities have detailed knowledge of their habitat, and also know what is edible and poisonous. Human beings get maximum calorie from cooked foods for livelihood. Cooking enables one to prepare a great variety of dishes. Food properly cooked and attractively served is inviting and stimulates appetite. The present study is an attempt to investigate the ethnic food preparation of the Vaiphei tribes of Manipur. VAIPHEI FOODS

Vaiphei food consists of numerous wild and cultivated plants. Va­ rieties of leaves of wild plants locally known as sijou, ansache, bokpi bil, anphui-che (B.P. leave), cheklap, aigia (pulei and loklei in Manipuri), pa-pak (mashroom), pa-si (kanglayen) are included in their cooking. Cultivated plant leaves of cowpea (bana), Custard leave (sapthei-che), pumpkin leaves (maiche), mustard leave (ankam), snake gourd leave (begul-che) are also considered. Roots and tubers such as calocassia (bal ), potato (alu), ginger (thing) are important. Onion is not used in boiling among the people of Salam Patong, but it is not considered for the Kangvai and S. Kawtlian Vaipheis of Churachandpur district. Other vegetables like, cab­ bage (kokpi), pumpkin (mai), bamboo shoots (gotoi), gourd (umtam), caw pea (bepai), bitter brinjal (samphok), soya bean (sa­ lem) are used. Some animals are domesticated for consumption, at the same time, hunting wild animals for food is an age-old practice amongst them. Therefore, wild hunting wild animals such as deer (sakhi ), wild boar (ngalchang), stag (sajuk), bear (savawm), monkey (jong), snake (gul ), fox (si-al ), mithun (siel ) and domesticated animals like pig (vokcha), dog (uicha), cat, cow (bawng), fowl (ak), duck (vatot), goat (kel ) are important sources of meat for the Vaiphei people. Fish, snails, and larvae of insects are also included in food. They rarely cook just single ingredient while preparing a dish. Varieties of roots and tubers, and other vegetabless including mush­ rooms are used in making dishes. They have the knowledge of detoxication also. If mushroom is cooked, dry fish is always added

Ethnic Food Preparation of Vaiphei Tribes of Manipur

211

to remove the toxic substances. In case of bamboo shoots also it is soaked in water before it is cooked. They are very fond of green leafy vegetables. Green leafy vegetables are regularly included in the daily diet of the Vaiphei tribes. Some commonly used food items during the survey are given along with their scientific names: TABLE 17.1 WILD PLANT LEAVES Manipur

Local name

English name

Botanical name

Uyangan

Sijou Ansa-che Bokpibil Anphuiche Cheklap

East Asian eurya Toothach Plant Broadleaf plantain Hill glory bower –

Euriya japanica Spilenthes indica Plantago majus Clerodendrum viscosum Rhynchotechum elliplicum

CULTIVATED PLANT LEAVES Manipur

Local name

English name

Botanical name

Pong hawai mana Sitafall mana

Bena Sapthei-che

Mairen mana Sebot linmanbi mana

Mai-che Begul-che

Cow pea leaves Custard apple leaves Pumpkin leaves Snakegourd leaves

Vigna catiang Annona squamosa Curcuma maxima Trichosanthes anguina

Source : Authors.

TABLE 17.2: ROOTS AND TUBERS Manipur

Local name

English name

Botanical name

Alu Pan Tilhou Chanam Shing Yaingang

Alu Bal Louthul Chanam Thing Yaingang

Potato Calocassia Onion Garlic Ginger Termeric

Solanum tuberosum Calocassia esculenta Allium cepa Allium sativum Gingiber officinale Cucurma domestica

Source : Authors.

212

H. Sorojini Devi and Kamlenthang Khongsai TABLE 17.3: OTHER VEGETABLES

Manipur

Local name

English name

Botanical name

Mairen Usoi Khongdrum Kobi Ponghawai Khamen akhabi Nunghawai

Mai Gotoi Umtum Kokpi Bepai Sampok Sa-lem

Pumpkin Young bamboo shoot Gourd Cabbage Cow pea Bitter brinjal Soya bean

Cucurbita maxima Bambusa tulda Lagenaria ciceraria Brassica oleracea Solanum sps. Glysin max

Source: Authors.

Figure 17.1: Anthalom

Figure 17.2: Cheklap (yenbbum mana)

Figure 17.3: Bokpibil-che

Figure 17.4: Sapthei-che

Figure 17.5: Pumpkin leaves

Figure 17.6: Ansa-che

Ethnic Food Preparation of Vaiphei Tribes of Manipur

Figure 17.7: Lengmasel

Figure 17.8: Bena

Figure 17.9: Anphui-che (B.P. leaves)

Figure 17.10: Sijou

Figure 17.11: Ansapi

Figure 17.12: Begul

Source : Personal Collection of the author.

213

214

H. Sorojini Devi and Kamlenthang Khongsai VAIPHEI COOKING METHODS

Before preparing any dish, Vaipheis usually select food items that can be mixed together while cooking. Amongst them, simple boiling is considered the most important part of cooking ingredients. Other methods such as smoking, steaming, charcoal grilling and shallow frying are also adopted by them. Firewood is the main source of fuel for preparation. The various methods of preparing foods are as follows. BOILING This is the most common method of cooking and also the simplest. Many Vaiphei dishes are prepared by boiling. It involves no oil, but boiling thoroughly with vegetables available in season with or without dry fish. Time taken to cook such dishes is about 10-15 minutes. The liquid of the boiled food is just like soup. With this method of cooking, water is boiled for few minutes, and then fer­ mented fish is added. Chopped vegetables are put into the boiled water. Food is cooked over an open fire keeping an aluminium pot over the hearth. Dry fish is a substitute of meat in case meat is not at hand. Ground chilly and ginger is added to the boiled foods. The flame is kept low in this boiling method. After the vegetables are cooked properly some salt is added and lastly the dish is gar­ nished with coriander. In case soda (changal ) is mixed, it is called chagalpok and the suitable combination is beef (bongsa) or pork (voksa) or chicken (aksa) with rice (anchang) and sijou. Generally, onion (louthul ) and garlic (chanam) are not mixed in case of boiling. But ginger (thing) is considered suitable to enhance the flavour of the food and the other one is lengmasel (lomba) in Manipuri. In most dishes green leafy vegetables are important. Use of bay leaf (tejpata) in frying meat is also not found, however, turmeric (yaingang) can be used. Only a small quantity of water is boiled to cook the veg­ etables. They take care not to over cook and spoil the taste and flavour. The liquid is used as soup. Boiled food can be digested very easily. Some of the boiled dishes of the Vaiphei tribes are shown below:

Ethnic Food Preparation of Vaiphei Tribes of Manipur

Figure 17.13: A cooking hearth

215

Figure 17.14: Cooked food ready to eat

Figure 17.15: Bamboo shoot, pumpkin, snakegourd L, C.PL

Figure 17.16: Caw pea leave (CPL), bitter brinjal

Figure 17.17: Pumpkin, pumpkin leave

Figure 17.18: CPL, Bena, caw pea, gourd

216

H. Sorojini Devi and Kamlenthang Khongsai

Figure 17.19: Bitter brinjal, caw pea, bamboo shoot, CPL

Figure 17.20: CPL, rice, soda (chagalpok)

Figure 17.21: Gourd, CPL pumpkin leave, bitter brinjal

Figure 17.22: Custard leave, rice, soda (chagalpok)

Figure 17.23: Pumpkin leave, potato

Figure 17.24: Fermented meat, soak soyabean

Ethnic Food Preparation of Vaiphei Tribes of Manipur

Figure 17.25: Bamboo shoot, rice, soda

217

Figure 17.26: Sijou, meat, rice, soda

Figure 17.27: Soda liquid (changal ) Source : Personal Collection of the author.

Another simple method is used to cook maize, yam, tapioca, egg, calocasia, etc., in which the food is directly put inside the pot containing some quantity of water. It is allowed to boil for few minutes until the food is properly cooked. Then the water is thrown away. By this method food loses its flavour and taste be­ cause nutrients are washed out. Some well to do families use pres­ sure cooker for such boiling method.

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H. Sorojini Devi and Kamlenthang Khongsai

STEAMING Steaming of mustard leave, sweet potato, calocassia is common. While steaming, the food is put on the top of the cooking rice when the liquid is completely absorbed, then covered tightly. The hot steam rising from the rice cooks the food and cooked. This method of cooking vegetables is very good as the food does not lose its flavour and nutrients are not lost during the cooking.

Source: Personal Collection of the author.

Figure 17.28: Steamed anphui-che (B.P mana)

SMOKING Meat is smoked over the open fire very often. It is a common method but not practised in everyday life. Smoking has been con­ tinuing since time immemorial. Historically, the smoking of meat

Source : Personal Collection of the author.

Figure 17.29: Smoked cow skin

Source : Personal Collection of the author.

Figure 17.30: Smoked meat

Ethnic Food Preparation of Vaiphei Tribes of Manipur

219

dates back prehistoric times. Smoking of meats and poultry has become increasingly popular among large sections of people in Manipur. Smoking is a method of cooking meat and other food over a fire. Wood chips are added to the fire to give a smoky flavour to the food. The wood chips are put directly on the burning char­ coal to create the smoke. The smoking of food directly with wood smoke is known to contaminate the food with carcinogenic polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbons which may cause gastric adenocarci­ noma (Fritz et al., 1980). Usually, this process gives a flavour and taste to the food. Vaipheis place dry chillies on top of the burning flame to have a little smoke that enhances the flavour and taste. In general, a bamboo rack is made over the kitchen hearth. From this rack pieces of meat pierced one after another by means of iron wire keep hanging over the burning flame so as to smoke and preserve for future use. CHARCOAL GRILLING One type of grilling is commonly used by the people.It is done over an iron grate with parallel bars used for grilling meat and chilly. For making chilly chatni, first the chilly is grilled over burn­ ing charcoal with help of a small grate. This grilling enhances the taste and flavour of the food.

Source : Personal Collection of the author.

Figure 17.31: Grilled chilly

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H. Sorojini Devi and Kamlenthang Khongsai

SHALLOW FRYING In shallow frying, food is cooked in a frying pan with little oil or fat. The omlette is prepared in this way. The oil or fat is heated to the correct degree and the food is put it. The food is turned over a few times or is stirred around a couple of times. Sometimes veg­ etables are cooked by shallow frying but very rarely.

Source : Personal Collection of the author.

Figure 17.32: Shallow fry meat

DISCUSSION

In general, each and every community has its own choice of food and mode of cooking. However, due to different in habitat and non-availability of food sources, slight variation in food choice can be observed. Food choice is also influenced by social factors be­ cause attitudes and habits develop through interaction with others (Feunekes et al., 1998). While selecting food items, value of the food is also considered. The boiling methodof cooking plays a domi­ nant role in the life of the Vaiphei community. This method is very simple and relatively quick considered healthy. The essence of boiled food is that body can digest it easily, absorb and utilize the nutrients because no oil is used. It gives a feeling well-being to the mind. But the disadvantage of boiling is that if the food is cooked

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for less time it is unable to kill the micro-organisms. Moreover, water soluble vitamins such as vitamin C and B groups are de­ stroyed by the high heat, while some are lost to the cooking liq­ uid. So, liquid should not be washed away. However, use of too much fat and oil is harmful to health because they are not dis­ solved in water and hard to digest. Once it is consumed, it is stored in the liver and finally deposited underneath the skin as adipose cells and people may have health problem due to obesity. Smoking food has also been adopted since time immemorial because it is very simple and smoking requires only fire wood and the food to be smoked. It gives a flavour to taste, but the smoke is hazardous to health (Fritz, 1980). People are not aware about this harmful side effect to health caused by smokes so they continue to practise this smoking method. Steaming and grilling are also done occasionally. Steaming is a good method of cooking; however, grill­ ing is as hazardous to health as smoking. Very rarely shallow frying has introduced later due to globalization and acculturation. Fats give the taste to the foods thus are slowly adopted by the younger generations particularly, for cooking meats other than pork and making omlettes. Due to globalization and food technology, there is a change in dietary pattern and preparation of food among the younger generations. However, in the midst of such change, boil­ ing method is considered the most delicious and suitable to their food daily take by the Vaiphei tribes of Manipur.

REFERENCES Feunekes, G.I.J., C.M. de Graaf and W.A. Van Staveren, ‘Food Choice and Fat Intake of Adolescents and Adults: Associations of Intakes within Social Networks’, Preventive Medicine, 27: 645-56 (1998). Fritz, W., ‘Smoke Food and Cancer’, US National Library of Medicine National Institute of Health, 1980. Goody, J., Cooking, Cuisine and Class: A Study in Comparative Sociology, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982. Manay, S.N. and M. Shadaksharaswamy, Foods: Facts and Principles, New Delhi: New Age International Publishers, 1996.

C H A P T E R 18

Culture and Food Heritage of the

Meiteis with Special Reference

to Kang Festival

TH. RABIKANTA SINGH AND S. SUMANTA SINGH

INTRODUCTION

Food, in the first instance, is what grows in farms or brought from the sea or gathered from the jungle to appear on our tables at mealtimes. However, as a cultural phenomenon, food is not sim­ ply an organic product with biochemical qualities that may be utilized by living organisms to sustain life; rather, food is both the substance and symbol of social life, a means by which people com­ municate with each other, and an embodiment of that commu­ nication itself (Foster and Anderson, 1978: 265). Besides, periodic feasting and fasting that celebrate group cohesion, it may also mark cultural and social group membership. That is why culturally de­ fined food is hard to vanish when its aesthetic attachment has been recognized. It is inherited through generations. But, culture is dynamic and cultural contact may bring the change in the food habit of a people. However, if the culture is not assimilated, syn­ cretism may evolve a unique form of culture that may also reflect in the food habits of the people. The present study delineates the emergence of such a synthetic culture regarding the food system. The people under study are the Meitei who acculturated Hinduism in the historic period. The study adopts the scientific method of collecting empirical data through interview and participant observation up to the crux of the study delineating the Hindu

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festival specially the Rath Yatra which has blended with the local ingredients. RELIGION, CULTURE AND FOOD

OF THE MEITEI

The Meiteis are the dominant ethnic group in the valley of Manipur, a north-eastern border state of India. At present, a majority of them follow Hinduism even though many have revitalized to traditionalism under the name of Meitei Laining or Sanamahism. Vaishnava practices in Manipur started when a king of Pong gifted a statue of Vishnu chakra (the symbolic disc of Vishnu or Krishna) to Kiyamaba, the king of Manipur in 1470s (‘Vaisnavism of Manipur’, 2017). In 1704 king Charairongba was initiated into the Hindu tradition and King Garibniwaz who ruled from 1709 to 1748 converted the Meiteis en masse to Hinduism. But, during the reign of King Garibniwaz’s grandson King Bhagyachandra, Manipur advanced to higher Hindu art forms. The idols of the deities like Govindajee (in 1776) and Radha were installed as well as the classical dance of Rasalila was introduced. The office of Pancharatna was also created (Singh et al. 1995: 6). After the conversion to Hinduism, the Meiteis became vegetar­ ian. But, it is only for offerings and certain occasions. Even the Bamons (Brahmin) are fond of fish. But, meats including those of deer, wild boar or chicken are impure and avoided by one and all. There is no classification of meat in the scale of sattvic, rajasic, tamasic food. No tamasic ahar is avoided by the twice-born castes and fermented as well as pungent food of hawaijar (fermented soyabean with characteristic flavour and stickiness), ngari (fermented dry fish), etc., are consumed in daily meal by all regardless of caste. Though hawaijar and soibum (fermented bamboo shoot) are not offered to Hindu deities, the recipes of such items are favourite ones even in ritualistic feasts. In ritualistic offerings food is cooked without onion and garlic. However, in public feasts other than the ritualistic offering, fish is the favourite dish and in such a feast, the Bamons cook using spices like onion and garlic as well to improve the taste. Bamons, the higher ranked caste offer food to deities and

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225

they are the only clean cooks for deities. In a feast, a Bamon has to sit the first seat locally called makok famba, and announce for the start and close of the feast. The cooks who are also Bamons, eat separately (mostly in the kitchen) after serving at the feast but, they cannot be served by persons of other castes and so, they put all the food items before they eat so that no one should serve them while taking their meal. However, the cooks may take tea while they are cooking from the host family for which they are cooking to propitiate the deities. In short, the distinction of kachcha food and pukka food which is the food in water as an ingredient and food fried in oil, preferably ghee or clarified butter (Dube 1990: 56-7) respectively is not sharp. The food placed near the persons who are eating are polluted when the person finishes consumption even though they are not touched. So, these should be placed at a distance. Further, if the food which is touched once, is polluted and described as lukhak meaning ‘left over’. Another distinct char­ acteristic of the Meitei Hindus about the pure and impure food is that even the leftover food of a husband is given to his wife to consume but the food of the wife cannot be accepted by her hus­ band. Actually, the Meitei Hindus are different from those of main­ land in culinary habit and associated culture. KANG FESTIVAL

The cultural heritage, particularly in the Kang festival which is the Hindu festival of Rath Yatra bears the local aesthetic value. Kangchingba or Rath-Yatra is a festival of Meitei Hindus. Idols of Shri Jagannath, Shri Balaram and Shri Subhadra are worshipped during this Yatra festival imitating the Rath Yatra festival of Puri. It is believed that to fulfil the desire of Lord Jagannath to visit his birth place Mathura for a few days, the Yatra is conducted each year from Jagannath Temple to Gundicha, their aunt’s place for a span of nine days. The preparation of three chariots for the three deities is started on the day of Akshay Tritiya. The 45.6 ft high chariot having 18 wheels of Lord Jagannath is called Nandaghosa, the 45 ft tall chariot having 16 wheels for Lord Balaram is called Taladhvaja while the 44.6 ft tall chariot having 14 wheels for God­

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dess Subhadra is called Devadalana. During the festival the chariot of Lord Balaram is pulled first followed by his sister and lastly by his younger brother Lord Jagannath (‘Jagannath Rath Yatra’, 2017). The festival usually ends on the ninth day known as Nabadinatmaka Yatra or Purna Yatra or Kanglen. In Manipur, this annual festival was started during the reign of King Gambhirsing (1825-34). In 1832 the Bamon panda who had come from Jagannath Kshetra made the idol of Lord Shree Jagannath Dev from the mango tree growing at Heibokching. On Saturday, the second day in the month Ingen (June-July) of the same year, the festival of Kang was introduced in Manipur. But, the chariot locally called kang was made copying the image of Utra of Kangla (palace). It was again, built in the form of khongchingba, a palanquin procession of the merry-making festival called Lai Haraoba. It was influenced by the kairen kaijao which is the palanquin of the people (Tombi 1975: 120-1).The unique design of kai (horn) is crafted as gable of kang. One can see a unique similarity in the pattern of kang and kangla-gate archi­ tecture. The idols are drawn in a single rath (car) of Shri Jagannath. The rath is big and nearly 20 ft tall with six iron wheels and it is pulled with ropes by the devotees on the days of Rath Yatra and Purna Yatra as well. It is also believed that pulling the ‘Kang’ is a blessing and helps to relieve patients suffering from various ailments. The procession of the beautifully decorated kang which is the imita­ tion of the procession of Rath Yatra in Puri is led by a Sankirtana party wearing white kokyet (turban), lengyan (a lengthwise-folded white cloth around neck used in rites and rituals), pumjat (kurta), and feijom (dhoti). Pung (drum), sembung, kangsi (gong), kortan, jhal (cymbal), and moibung (conch) are the musical instruments played on the occasion. In the past, a dignitary such as the Senapati in khamenchatpa feijom (cloth of dignitaries) was seen performing the sword dance. After the main procession of kangin palace, localites in Imphal area and in other villages start their own pro­ cessions with Sankirtana. In Manipur, instead of completing the festival in nine days, the festival concludes on the tenth/eleventh day with a function known as ningol’cha pali. Ningol/Ningol’cha

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pali is the offering by exclusively the womenfolk. Women perform the Chali dance and khubak eesei. Chali is a beautiful dance per­ formed by women whereas khubakeesei is the song in the clapping rhythm presented by the group of men known as nupa palla or by the group of women known as nupi palla. Later, hari sayan is held and the ritual of putting Jagannath, Balabhadra/Balaram, and Subhadra to stop is performed. From the next day up to the waking of gods at hari uthan, there is a ban on the marriage ceremony. Hari uthan is the festival of worshipping Lord Gopal Dev on the eleventh day of Hiyangei (October-November). A procession in kang is also taken out at night time on this day. INDIGENOUS CULTURAL ELEMENTS OF

THE KANG (CHARIOT)

A unique feature of Meitei culture in the chariot is its shape, the similarity of which is found in the archaic buildings at Kangla, the historical palace as well in its gate. It also bears kai or the horn of the house. Rath interpreted by the Meiteis as kang embodies local artistic touch in style as well as in decorations like chhatra or sekpin having odd number of layers which is locally expressed as chang taba. The word chhatra is not of Meitei origin but borrowed from Hinduism. To Hindu mythology, chhatra is the emblem of Varuna, also considered an embodiment of kingship. It is also a deity, vidam and ishta-devata. The structure of chhatra of Manipur has multi-layered circular rings of cloth having geometric patterns which are attached to a centrally set up bamboo pole. On the top of the bamboo pole there is also a flag. It is posted at every shrine of Meitei and Hindu temples of Govindajee Temple. The number of the rings also indicates a social hierarchy of persons and place of the people using it. The palatial chhatra of Govindajee Temple bears nine layers while the local deities may have three to seven layers that is, an odd number of layers which is locally called chang taba. Here, it may be mentioned that the counting system of the Meitei in relation to fortune is in the manner chang si chang si . . . meaning live death live death. . . . Chang means ‘fortune’ while si means ‘adverse’. The number of layers in chhatra may be increased annu­

228

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ally in ritualistic offering from the three initial layers up to seven layers. Only in functions and sacred places of the king, nine layers of chhatra are used. The rath or kang is usually decorated with fivelayered chhatras. It shows the heritage of syncretism. It was noted in puyas (old manuscripts) that King Charairongba (1697-1709) killed the Angom chief (at present, it is one of seven clans of the Meitei) and seized their prestigious emblem—sekpin, the nine-layered canopy. It was mentioned that the Meitei king engaged one Kuphen Luchingba to assassinate the Angom chief Sangai Punsiba. He managed not only to seize the emblem of the Angom but also absorbed them in the Meitei territory by assigning the Angom leader to the dignitary post of Angou panba in the court of the Meitei kingdom. It is, thus, not an acculturated cultural trait from Hindu cult as it remained in pre-Hindu rule. But, in Manipur, it is a religious emblem regardless of any belief. Interest­ ingly, the chhatra is also used in other religion and other countries. Jains and Buddhists also use chhatras as an emblems. However, the shape of the Jain chhatra is different though it has multiple layers. Again, in other Southeast Asian country as Thailand, chhatra-like structuresare hallmarked as cultural symbols. Inside the temple, rather than using sekpin, the Meiteis use a canopy of white coloured cloth known as thakkhan, as used for many Hindu gods and goddesses. In Manipur, whether it is a Hindu god or a Meitei god, the thakkhan is used. Thus, instead of using chhatra above the seat of deities of both Hindu and local deities, the Meiteis use the thakkhan. In Manipur, a huge um­ brella known as pe is also used only when the deity or the god is

Source : Personal collection of the author.

Figure 18.1: Chhatra in Manipur

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229

Source : Personal collection of the author.

Figure 18.2: Thakkhan for Hindu and local deities

Source: Personal collection Source: Poisrteiton.Blogspof.com/2014/11/chhatra-parasol.html of the author.

Figure 18.3: Chhatra in Indonesia and pe in Manipur

moving out from its seat. It is also used regardless whether it is a Hindu god or local deity. When the pe is used for moving out the Hindu idol from the temple, the serving Bamon (Brahmin) has to wear khadengchet—a saffron/white cloth to cover his mouth as a symbol of honour. In Indonesia the canopy has a similarity to pe. Another remarkable cultural performance in the rath procession is the participation by people of both sexes and of all ages. Wher­ ever the procession goes, people offer flowers, fruits and sweets to Lord Jagannath and his siblings. Amidst great zeal and glamour of Sankritana in procession, women wearing pungou fanek (light or­ ange coloured lower garment made by stitching two identical pieces for rituals) and white inafi, as well as applying tilak of chandan on forehead and nose with or without the impression of chhapa (the brass seal marking name of Hindu god) make offerings.

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Further, at dusk, after the procession, Sankirtana known as khubak isei (beat of song is done by clapping only) by nupipala (women’s team) or nupapala (men’s team) is performed in the mandop. It is also called choidep chongba, a derivation of word Jayadeva as it is the chanting of his das avatar. Dance in indig­ enous style is performed while in choidep chongba. But, das avatar may be recited after sandhya arti. Then, food is offered as well as distributed among the gatherer as served by Bamon. Thus, there are various indigenous culture traits in this Hindu festival. FOOD IN THE OFFERING OF KANG

DURING

THE

PROCESSION

Women arrange and offer prasad to Lord Jagannath and his siblings during the kang procession. The items of offering include fruits such as mango, pineapple, banana, lotus fruit along with betel, incense, barfi, sweets, and flowers as sunflower, lotus, lily, etc. Sunflower is the favourite flower of Lord Jagannath. Among the fruits, the fruit of lotus is also a favourite of the Meiteis. The Meiteis eat lotus fruit, root, and young shoots and use flower for offering, as well as leaf as plate specially in kang festival. So, almost all parts of lotus are used by the Meiteis in ritualistic events. In this festival, two special kinds of garlands made of edible materials are offered. Mangal pareng is a garland of pea soaked in water along with leaves and flowers of khagi leihao (Temple/Pagoda tree). The other kind of garland is phou pareng, a garland of paddy. Paddy seeds which are dipped in turmeric solution for looking good are fastened with thread and made into a garland having shrabbery of threadsin regular intervals. AT DUSK Everyday at dusk during the whole festival—after the kang proces­ sion on Rath Yatra and Purna Yatra or arti offering—people gather in the nearby mandops. Devotees sing songs in praise of gods in­ volving the rhythm of clapping sound and pung. Later, distribution

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Source : Personal collection of the author.

Figure 18.4: Mangal pareng and Phou pareng

of prasadam known as Khechri is served to one and all gathered there. Khechri/khechudi/khichri/khichudi/khichri is a dish of rice and legumes. In other areas of India it has varieties as mutki khichdi (moth bean), kala chana khichdi (gram), sukha matter khichdi (dried green pea), masoor dal khichdi (husked red lentil), kabuli chana khichdi (chickpea), etc. In Manipur, khechri is offered only in Sarasvati puja and kang festival. In and around the kang festival, in ceremo­ nial feast and divine meals to gods as Sri Govinda, Jagannath, etc., in temples, khechri is included. In Manipur, khechri is a cooked food of rice and pulse like moog (Vigna radiata) or mairongbi (Cajanus cajan) or mangal kangtak (split pea). Earlier, kachhari (Lathyrus sativus) was the favourite pulse. Rice and pulse are first boiled and then, kept at warm heat for about ten minutes. Salt, ghee, cumin, ginger, turmeric, asafoetida, coriander seed, green chilies splitted into halves are added. Maroi nakupi (Allium odorum Linn.) and bay leaves fried in mustard oil is also added. In Manipur, no recipe other than cooking rice and legume in salted mediumis called khechri. There is neither sweet khechri nor khechri in paste; it is exclusively somewhat hot, yellow and salted mixture of rice and legume to be cooked as a dry and sticky recipe. Khechri is always accompanied with mangaluti. It is a food item of dry pea and utsoi (water soaked slices of bamboo shoot) in alkali/ lye medium. Earlier lye was taken from salt water or ash of pea

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plant. The two are unavoidable pairing. In most cases, five food items are offered at night an offering. It corresponds to the con­ cept of offering things in odd or chang (meaning live) number and not in even or si (death) number. Commonly the food items may be khechri, uti, laphuiromba (hot banana stem chutney), maroi thongba (dish of Maroi nakupi, bori and thangjing), pakoura (a suc­ culent delicacy of a unique shaped pakora in kangtak soup), chamfut (plain or sweet boiled food), etc. Bori is an indigenous food item made from sagol hawai (Vigna mungo) whereas Thangjing (Euryale ferox) is a favourite food item which is eaten raw or cooked. For the vegetable dish, well fried maroi nakuppi is cooked with bori and thangjing in a little amount of water. Pakoura is the biggest kind of pakora made with pea flour, tiny cuttings of maroi nakupi and spices in almost rounded shape having a constricted neck in the middle. The Meiteis are also very fond of chamfut made with the vegetables like, gourd, pumpkin, ash gourd, etc.

Source : Personal collection of the author.

Figure 18.4: Khechri prasadum, Bori and Thangjing

A distinctive characteristic of food in kang festival is that people have to enjoy night prasad on thamna (lotus leaf ) only. The food is put on thamna after turning it upside down and enjoyed deli­ ciously. Khechri on thamna is so matching that whenever khechri is served the use of thamna as plate is always considered. Another unique food system is that though it is shared by all as offered by some in pali system. Pali is roster system in which

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certain persons are allowed to offer in turn during the festival. In kang festival an individual or a group make offering and publicly share the offering. DAY-TIME OFFERING During day-time offering of rice along with a variety of dishes is done in consonance with pali system. In the day-time lunch offer­ ing is laid on elliptical or round-shaped banana leaf and not on the lotus leaf. But, khechri and uti are indispensable culinary items during the days of the festival. At Govindajee Temple, offering of laphu iromba (hot chutney of banana stem) is also favourite dish. There is the belief that Lord Govindajee is very fond of this fibrous food and so it is to be offered daily. Though the banana stem is a preferred iromba, it also has other significances in other times to be restricted from eating. Banana stem is not eaten by kins of a deceased during the socially polluted days of a deceased’s family until and unless the necessary death rite is held. It is because of the fact that banana stem or pangong (Butea frondosa) is made to represent the carcass when it cannot be found for cremation. CONCLUSION

The Meitei Hindus continue to hold the kang which is the equiva­ lent festival of Rath Yatra. But, they are performing it with their indigenous touch right from the architectural structure of the chariot up to the cultural performance of Sankirtana in the form of chali, khubak esei, choidep chongba, etc. Besides, culinary heritage is also a blending of Meiteistic mind and Hinduism. The primary food of khechri was the effect of culture contact but, the full menu including unavoidable dish of uti with the use of natural plate of lotus leaf. Khechri is reserved for certain occasions rather than in­ cluding the dish in all occasions thereby specifying to increase its value and taste. It indicates that the Meiteis have their own cul­ tural way of accepting and recognizing food. In addition, they also have distinct food item which is unknown by other Indians. For instance, in their food heritage, the parts of lotus plant—root, leaf

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right from young to mature stage (young leaf is palatably eatable with chilly chutney), flower, and fruit—have variant time and space. Even, they see the beauty of their staple food that is, paddy as garland of dities. Another very important aspect of the kang festival with its food system in the social matrix is the sharing, reciprocity, pleasure and respect of oblation and social coherence. It is prevalent in the prac­ tice of pali system for daily offering in daytime and at night.

REFERENCES Anuradha, R., The Rice Cookbook, London: Penguin, 2009.

Dube, S.C., Indian Society, New Delhi: National Book Trust, 1990.

Tombi, M., Imphal: Cultural History of Kangleipak (Manipur), vol. 1, Imphal:

M. Tombi, 1975. Singh, N.I., A.C. Sharma and B.K. Sharma, Meitei BamonHourakpham, Imphal: Manipur State Museum, 1995. WEB REFERENCES

‘Vaisnavism of Manipur’. Retrieved from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/ Vaishnavism_of_Manipuron14 February 2017. Jagannath Rath Yatra. Retrieved fromhttps://www.indianholiday.com/fairs-and festivals/orissa/jagannath-rath-yatra.html on 17 July 2017.

C H A P T E R 19

Chakluk A Culinary Heritage of

Manipur with South and Southeast

Asian Flavours

N G A N G O M J AY S H R E E D EVI

INTRODUCTION

India is a multiracial country and it is reflected in the existence of a wide array of culinary traditions representing different parts of the country. Manipur, one of the eight north-eastern states of India, inhabited by numerous ethnic groups, was an erstwhile king­ dom ruled by monarchs belonging to the Meitei1 community. Located at the junction of South and Southeast Asia, Manipur’s socio-cultural and political history has been influenced by both the regions, a characteristic observed in its culinary tradition too, of which the Meitei chakluk is a good example. Chakluk is made up of two words chak and luk both carrying the meaning of cooked rice but collectively taken as a rice platter served with different dishes. The term luk seems to have been de­ rived from luklen or rice meal served on a big round rattan tray called lukmai (Singh 1967) in early Manipur. This tradition is still practised in some parts of Southeast Asia; Thailand’s khantoke and Lao’s pa kao yai are some examples. Chakluk is of two types— vegetarian and non-vegetarian. This paper is confined to the study of the vegetarian chakluk. MATERIALS AND METHOD

To understand the vegetarian chakluk in its true sense and high­ light its tangible as well intangible elements proving its aptness as

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a culinary heritage with traits of South and Southeast Asian food cultures, a case study of chakluk served at an utsop organized on the occasion of Kumon Deen or annual commemoration of a de­ parted person in a Meitei Hindu family is conducted adopting qualitative approach using participant observation and informal conversation. Information is also collected from manuscripts, books, journals and electronic sources. FINDINGS

Manipur being located at the intersection of South and Southeast Asia, the study of any aspect of Manipur has to be done at a larger context, juxtaposing the two regions, which also applies to food culture. The Meitei community is made up of seven clans who were different principalities at one point of time. It also has a sec­ tion of people of who are descendants of Sak (Chakpa) and Tais (Kabo and Pongs) and people drawn from the hill folks too. There are also people who came from other parts of present India as well as Bangladesh. This amalgamation of races from South and South­ east Asia over hundreds of years is reflected in their food culture. It is rightly said that Meitei diet has been influenced by many other cultures (Devi and Kumar 2012). The progression of the culinary culture of the Meiteis is inter­ twined with the history of Manipur and can correspondingly be divided into many phases but from the perspective of the present study the two most significant phases are: (1) Pre-Hindu and (2) After the adoption of Hinduism. PRE-HINDU PHASE The pre-Hindu phase of Manipur shows that the majority of the early inhabitants of the state have their connection with the nongpok or East which means Southeast Asia with a few from nongchup or West corresponding to parts of India and Bangladesh. From the numerous Meitei manuscripts, oral tradition as well a large part of the existing culinary culture, it could be concluded that the Meiteis of this phase have a culinary culture which consists mainly of rice as staple along with meat, fish, insects, vegetables both cultivated

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as well as gathered from the wild, lots of aromatic herbs and alco­ holic drinks. This type of food culture is still found among many ethnic groups of Manipur who share close affinities with other Southeast Asian ethnic communities having similar culinary prac­ tices.2 Another noteworthy factor is the absence of dairy food. This food is not traditional in Southeast Asia where the people are highly lactose intolerant (Esterike 2008). Considering the above findings, the pre-Hindu culinary culture of the Meiteis can be taken as part of the larger Southeast Asian one though with lots of exclusive Meitei characteristics which develop organically under local con­ dition. AFTER THE ADOPTION OF HINDUISM The history of Southeast Asia shows that many of its early indig­ enous kingdoms adopted Hinduism or Buddhism, at least as court religions, giving birth to a cultural belt exhibiting synthesis of local traditional culture with that of Indian culture. Manipur which lies at the juncture of South and Southeast Asia also became a part of it though quite late in the eighteenth century with King Charair­ ongba (1697-1709 CE) becoming the first king of Manipur to convert to Hinduism in 1704 CE. His son Garibniwaz (1709-48 CE) made it the state religion and initiated the Sanskritization process though the firm rootedness of the existing religion and culture led to syncretism (Kabui 2003), which includes the food culture. As Meitei food culture is taken to be part of Southeast Asian food culture and the Hindu food culture as largely representing the South Asian one, the new development could be termed as an amalgamation of the two food cultures. The new development led to the emergence of many new fusion cuisines, taboos, etiquettes and so on. One prominent example which exhibits almost all these characteristics is the ‘vegeterian chakluk.’ EMERGENCE OF THE VEGETARIAN CHAKLUK

The greatest impact of Hinduism on the food culture of the Meiteis

was the banning of meat and alcohol and promotion of vegetarian­ ism, which was set into motion by King Garibniwaz after he began

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to propagate Hinduism vigorously (Paratt 2011). His grandson Bhagyachandra (1759-98 CE), a follower of Gaudiya Vaishnavim, started the worshipping of Lord Govindajee carved from a jackfruit tree. An important part of the worshipping process was the offering of a rice platter called lairuk = lai (god) + luk (platter) (Devi 2005) served on an elaborate plate made of different layers of banana and bowls also made from the same. From the jackfruit tree along with the idol of Govindajee six other idols were also made and were worshipped by Bhagya­ chandra’s kin in various parts of the country (Singh 2009), following the mode carried out at the temple of Govindajee which includes the offering of lairuk. Gradually the culture of maintaining temples and offering of lairuk spread to the general population as under King Bhagyachandra’s religious policy as each family or clan had to appoint its family priests and gurus who enjoyed hereditary rights over such families and clans. Each locality or group of fami­ lies supported its temples nearby as a necessary social discipline (Nobinchandra 1982). These temples also had huge mandops or huge roofed structure open on all sides, where on festive occasions the food cooked by the Bamons or Brahmins and made holy by mixing with the lairuks was partaken by all. The rice platter served to them at these occasions is the ‘Vegetarian chakluk’. Community eating of vegetarian cuisine also became part of the tradition during important events of Hindu Meitei life cycle cer­ emonies, both mourning as well as festive and the community feasting on vegetarian chakluk on such occasions came to be com­ monly known as utsop derived from Sanskrit word utsav. ARRANGEMENT FOR THE KUMON DEEN UTSOP

WHERE THE CHAKLUK WILL BE SERVED

First, the day for the Kumon Deen is decided3 and the process for organizing it discussed by the concerned family with the elders. There are many aspects of the ceremony but as the article is concern with only chakluk those things which concern it are discussed. For any utsop, prior engagement of Bamon is a must as only male Bamons can conduct puja and cook the food to be offered to the lord. Another person to be engaged is the arangpham who is a

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Meitei male trained in various aspects of organizing a ceremony including utsop. In a sense he is the guide to the host, who teaches him or her the proper process, he is also the fruit carver, the seat arranger, the distributor of fruits and gifts and a receptionist all rolled into one. Another important task for the host is to invite the guests. Usually young boys are sent with flowers and paana ,4 now replaced by printed cards to the homes of persons to be invited and extend the invitation on behalf of the host. As the day of the utsop draws near the host consults the Bamon on deciding the number of dishes to be served5 as well as the ingredients and amount to be bought. As the food is to be offered to God under the Vaishnava tradition certain ingredients such as garlic, onion, mushroom, etc., are excluded. An utsop belongs to the public realm where worshipping of the God is carried out by a Bamon so the place of cooking cannot be the family kitchen but a place outside the house. Usually a por­ tion of Sangoi6 is used for it. The cook brings only the khabei (ladle), cheygup (a traditional tong) and jharap (perforated ladle) the other cooking implements are arranged as per the instruction by the Brahmin cook or eigya pujari. Usually a traditional Meitei locality or leikai collectively keep these implements or tools and take turn to store it. THE DAY OF THE UTSOP

The host family rises early in the morning and check the final ar­ rangement and the Brahmin cooks start their cooking after conduct­ ing leirang puja or oven worship so that food turns out perfect. On the day of the utsop an idol of the Lord is brought by the Bamon who perform the related rites and rituals appropriate for the occasion and as a part of it lairuk is offered to the Lord and it is known as lai luk katpa or offering of rice platter to the Lord. SITTING ARRANGEMENT AND

ETIQUETTE OF EATING

With the completion of worshipping, the idol of the Lord is taken

back by the Bamon and the place where the puja was conducted

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cleared. After that the process to serve food to the guest starts. Under the instruction of the arangpham, some male persons lay out the chakluklaa or banana leave plates at the mandop. After its comple­ tion the pujaris begen to serve food and when they reach the stage of plating sagolhawai dish of urad dal, they inform the host to invite the guests to take their seats. The host bows and request the guests to kindly take their seats to have their chakluk or prasadi, this is known as chak takpa. There is also a strict sitting arrange­ ment and etiquette to be followed while having a chakluk. An eld­ erly male Bamon and if no such one is present, any respectable elderly male person is requested to take the first seat and this row is occupied by the elders. There are separate rows for men and women but once the men are seated, women can occupy the remainging seats on the same row. The preferred seating position is to seat crosslegged but many also seat in a squatting position as the Meiteis believe that it has health benefit. The chakluk is tradi­ tionally for an individual and sharing of it is done only among children or between an elder and a child. Once every one has taken their seats, the head pujari chants a mantra which signals them to start the meal. After the person occupying the head seat starts eating only then the others follow suit. Once one sits down to eat it is an accepted norm that one cannot leave it until the announce­ ment of the completion of the utsop by the head pujari and the eldest male has got up from his seat. It is customary to eat with the right hand. SERVING OF THE CHAKLUK

The Meitei chakluk is sometimes identified with the thalis found elswehere but from the style of its serving its exclusiveness became very clear. There is fixed rule on how to serve a chakluk, which dishes are to be served first, to be kept in the front, on the right side, the left, etc.7 Up to the dish of sagol hawai or urad dal the chakluk is a set meal, with the serving of this dish the host does the chak takpa. Once the guests are seated the Bamon cooks serve the dishes in courses, under a set rule. From this point dishes with gravy are served and towards the end comes the round of sweet

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dish which is traditionally kheer followed by fruit cooked with gravy. The meal concludes with distribution of salt. Thus serving of a chakluk is an example of synthesis of both Service àlafrançaise (service in the French style) in which various dishes are served at the same time in an impressive display as well Service à la russe (French, ‘service in the Russian style’) which in­ volves courses being served sequentially. This shows that unlike most of the traditional thalis found in other parts of India, Nepal, etc., which are set meals, the Meitei chakluk follow a different rule. This and the other different norms followed while serving it makes the chakluk a unique cultural entity of the Meiteis. The customary rule for serving or presenting a chakluk is based on certain values which reflects both early traditional elements which belong at large to Southeast Asian culture, as well those associated with Hinduism. SPIRITUAL VALUE Traditionally an utsop where chakluk is served, is not an isolated affair but a collective effort of the community where almost every­ one pitches in something, be it labour, money or fruits and veg­ etables though all in the name of god. A temporary mandop is erected at the sumang or courtyard for the occasion where the puja or rites and rituals are held. Enjoying a chakluk is partaking of holy food or lai prasadi under a strict social and religious ambience and not just a meal. On the day of the utsop the host’s place is transformed into a holy place as an idol of the lord brought by the Bamon graces the middle of the mandop. There the priest con­ ducts the puja which includes the offering of lairuk. On the part of the participants of the utsop, they need to per­ form certain rituals which start from their respective homes. They have to take bath and chandan mark on their face and other parts of the body and follow the proper dress code. Once they reach the venue they must remove their shoes before entering the mandop. Though the basic elements associated with Hinduism are main­ tained, the overall features is uniquely Meitei in appearance— especially the phanek worn by women which also shows the South­

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east Asian linkage as a similar type of dress is worn by women in countries of such as Myanmar, Thailand, Indonesia, etc., though with different names. AESTHETIC VALUE Many aspects of the aesthetic sense of the Meitei community such as phajaba, ichutaba, changkhonba, chunaba, etc., roughly trans­ lated as beauty, finesse, grace, appropriateness are reflected in the culinary culture too. In many parts of India as well as Bangladesh serving of food on plates and bowls made from banana leaves in community feasting is quite common a similar tradition also exists in many parts of Southeast Asia, the salo salo of Phillipines, nasi liwet sunda of Indonesia are some popular examples. In Manipur too banana leaves are used to serve the traditional chakluk but the design and style of presentation of the banana plates or chakluklaa and bowls or donna are exclusively Meitei in nature. The plate is prepared in a uniform tannga8 shape and is not found anywhere. The way of serving the dishes also bear a distinct aesthetic appeal. There are four dishes which are compulsory for any vegetarian chakluk—ooti, iromba, champhut, mairen thongba. These four dishes signify a basic colour balance giving it an aesthetic look—green, reddish, white and bright orange dishes surrounding the white rice on the green banana plate. Other dishes further supplement and complement the presentation style. The serving of kheer and chakhao at the end is quite impressive; the white kheer served over the purple rice chakhao is a visual delight. MODIFICATIONS TO SUIT LOCAL TASTE The dishes and ingredients are selected on the basis of Hindu philosophy of food but to make it more palatable to the local taste, modifications were brought in or ‘syncretism’ of two food cultures took place. While the cooking style of many of the dishes served in a chakluk are South Asian in nature but as most of the ingredients are of Southeast Asian origin and some found to be used in Manipur only, the end result is quite different. Say for instance lentils are

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cooked South Asian style with oil and spices but the use of numerous herbs such as heiribob (Wild Orange) and maroi nakupi (Chinese Chives) gave it a unique flavour. Suktani is a dish which is influ­ enced by Bengali shukto but the ingredients are quite local. It also includes a freshly prepared achar made of ground rye powder and whole green chillies mixed with mustard oil and garnished with Heikru (Gooseberry), heibung (Himalayan Garcinia/Sour Mangosteen), etc. The maroi thongba is Chinese Chives cooked South Asian style with bori (Manipuri urad dal dumpling) and lots of green chillies and if in season the thangjing (Gorgon Nuts) and petai seeds (yongchak) are added along with peanuts. The vegetable curry of potato and yaipan (Curcuma angustifolia) with bori is another example of blending of South and Southeast Asian culinary cul­ tures, a strong characteristic of Meitei cuisine. The best example of the synthesis of South and Southeast Asian flavours is the kheer and chakhao served towards the end of the meal just before the hei Thongba (fruit dish) is served. First, plain cooked fragrant sticky purple rice chakhao is served. Then comes the kheer. The norm is to have the fragrant, nutty flavoured chakhao mixed with the kheer. In the archaic Meitei manuscript Poireiton Khunthok it is written that chakhao was one of the things brought by the immigrant Poireiton and his group when they came and settled down in Manipur after traversing many areas of Myanmar. He is regarded to be a contemporary of Pakhangba the first historical king of Manipur who ascended the throne in AD 33. The chakhao rice is highly prized in Lao, Thailand, Myanmar while kheer is a dish associated with Indian culture, almost an integral part of Hindu worship. VALUE OF TRADITIONAL KNOWLEDGE Even while catering to the different taste buds—bland, savoury, sweet, sour and bitter with savoury as the dominating taste—equal importance is given to make the meal a healthy one on the basis of Meitei traditional knowledge. This is reflected in the dishes cho­ sen as well in the traditional norm for eating a chakluk. One should start with the champhut, the boiled bland or slightly sweetened

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vegetables, this acts as the palate cleanser or charam sengdokpa and will make the person more aware of the taste. The next dish to be had is the sagolhawai or urad dal. The ooti is to be eaten towards the end as the alkali in the dish will help in digesting the con­ sumed food. Suktani, a bitter dish made of nongmangkha leaves as main ingredient also has medicinal properties. Banana stem iromba, a highly fibrous item is beneficial to health too. The inclusion of singju or Meitei salad and use of aromatic herbs as garnishing of dishes show their awareness of the benefit of consuming raw veg­ etables. The concluding dish is always a fruit dish which makes the chakluk a balanced one. NEW EMERGING TRENDS

With time, great changes are witnessed in this tradition. Banana leaves plate or chakluklaa is gradually being replaced by huge steel plate and use of mineral water in plastic bottles is also becoming popular. With lack of space and manpower utsops are now held at main places of worship where all arrangement are made by the temple management people and only money needs to be paid for the number of chakluks one wants and the host will invite the guest to the temple venue directly. This system has become so popular that one needs to do the booking much before the said day. Another trend is to carry out the puja part at home while the chakluks are outsourced to Brahmin caterers who will bring the cooked food to the host’s place or bring all the ingredients and implements and do the cooking while the host’s family concen­ trate on the puja and the guests. Despite all the alterations till today the basic norms of a chakluk along with the basic values are still maintained. Another development is, Manipuri restaurants and eateries in Manipur as well as those outside the state, are serving a set meal also known as chakluk. The alarming part of this is that in due course of time it may be taken as the traditional chakluk of the Meiteis. Hence it is high time to chalk out plans so that its dis­ tinctiveness is not only protected but made known to one and all especially to the young upcoming Meitei generation, to whom the

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basic tenets of this unique culinary heritage is almost lost. One such step has already been taken up, though in Delhi to appreciate the uniqueness of Meitei chakluk. At a school called Tagore Inter­ national in Vasant Vihar, students of class IV are made to prepare model of chakluk as a part of Co-Scholastic Syllabus-Class IV, 2015-16 (www.tagoreint.com). This may be taken as a positive step but this may also prove harmful as it may give the wrong interpretation of chakluk. So to prevent this from happening, there is the need of preparing modules where Meitei chakluk and other unique culinary heritages of Manipur could be taught to the chil­ dren in a proper form. People could also be familiarized with authentic vegetarian chakluk by organizing food festivals both in­ side as well as outside the state. CONCLUSION

The vegetarian chakluk is thus not merely a meal but a reflection of the Meitei tradition and culture which have evolved through hundreds of ages. It was developed on the base of certain values which have managed to maintain its basic characteristics even hun­ dreds of years later. Considering the multi-layered aspects of prepa­ ration involved, the different context in which it can be served and the spiritual feeling permeating the whole process, as well as being a symbol of community effort the Meitei vegetarian chakluk is truly a culinary heritage of Manipur. Its rating for being a heritage is further enhanced by the taste of cuisine and the aesthetic style of presentation which is quaint essentially Meitei in nature but with strong South and Southeast Asian flavours. Hence all possible efforts should be put in to save and highlight its true form.

NOTES 1. Some prefer Meetei in place of Meitei. 2. These ethnic groups are mainly inhabitants of very remote areas where neither Buddhism nor Hinduism could make much impact. 3. Meiteis follow lunar calendar for holding traditional ceremonies.

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4. Betel Quid. 5. There is a fixed number of dishes to be served in a lairuk but but for a chakluk there is no such rule; the wide range of Meitei vegetarian dishes is shown by the lukchao with 108 dishes served at Govindajee Temple on special occasions. 6. Out house in a Meitei homestead. 7. Interview with S. Dev. Sharma, 44, Bamon Pujari, Sagolb and Meino Leirak, Imphal West, Manipur. 8. Tangga is the shape imitating a coin called sel tangga used in early Manipur.

REFERENCES Devi, J., Shija Laioibi Amasung Maharas, Imphal: Raipravina Brothers, 2005. Devi, P. and P. Suresh Kumar, ‘Traditional, Ethnic and Fermented Foods of Different Tribes of Manipur’, Indian Journal of Traditional Knowledge, 11(1), 2012, pp. 70-7. Esterike, P.V., Food Culture in Southeast Asia, Westport, Connecticut: Green­ wood Press, 2008. Kabui, G., History of Manipur: Pre Colonial Period, 3rd edn., New Delhi: National Publishing House, 2003. N. Khelchandra, Naothingkhong Phambal Kaba, Imphal: Author, 1967. Nobinchandra, L., ‘Ethnographic History of Brahmins in Manipur’, Regional Integration, VII (15): 1982, pp. 32-4. Parratt, S.N.A., The Court Chronicle of Manipur: The Cheitharol Kumpapa, vol. 1, CE 33-1763, Abingdon: Routledge, 2011. Singh, N. Khelchandra, Naothingkhong Phambal Kaba, Imphal: Author, 1967. Singh, P.B., The Sacred Jack Tree of Kaina, Imphal: Author, 2009. WEB REFERENCE

www.Tagoreint.com. Retrieved on 10August 2017.

C H A P T E R 20

Food Heritage of the Vaiphei

in Manipur

TH. RABIKANTA SINGH A N D Y. B I L A D I N I D EV I

INTRODUCTION

Food is an edible or potable substance, consisting of nourishing and nutritive components to sustain life, generate energy and main­ tain health of the body. But, there is another dimension of human food as men do not have food only to satisfy their hunger and quench their thirst or consider its nutritive value. Food habits vary and so, there are variations in the manner in which different kinds of foods may be combined (Beals and Hoijer 2007: 224). A con­ servative group of people cannot bear the taste of the food of an­ other people even though the main ingredients of the recipe might be the same. Again, certain food is preferred by a group of people while another group find the food nauseating. In short, the food habit of a people is influenced and shaped by culture. In fact, anthropologists have long been interested in diets, espe­ cially in the socio-cultural determinants of food. In 1900s, anthro­ pological writings briefly mentioned food within the context of the diet of a culture (Marak 2014: 3). Culture defines meals as well as food (Douglas 1997). A formal meal typically includes the selection of a set of basic food in adjusted flavour along with the characteristic processing of such food, and the adoption of a vari­ ety of rules dealing with food acceptance and combination. Again, serving elaborately prepared food in a large amount at a feast signi­ fies the sense of hospitality and social status of the host. Not only

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periodic feasting but also fasting itself brings group cohesion. The sharing of food certainly helps in associating, solidifying and extending social relationships as well as avoid food shortage (White­ head 1984). In other words, foodis the substance and symbol of social life, a means by which people communicate with each other (Foster and Anderson 1978: 265). Thus, food of the people is not dependent on nutritious value, rather moulded by cultural ratio­ nalism of the people. The present study will be focused on the cultural point of view and not biological characteristics and nutri­ tious aspects of the food. OBJECTIVES ●

●

It is to find out the inherited food habit and social bindings of the Vaiphei in Manipur, particularly at Salam Patong village. Another objective is to delineate the changing pattern in the culinary heritage of the Vaiphei. METHODOLOGY

The present study was conducted at Salam Patong village situated in Kangpokpi district, Manipurat about 42 km from Imphal. It has a population of 618 persons out of which 303 are men and 315 are women. It is inhabited by the Vaiphei, a Scheduled Tribe of the state. The findings of present study has been comparatively analysed with those of the related cultural elements from other Vaiphei villages like the Kangvai village and Lingsiphai village in Churachandpur district, Manipur. FOOD FOR SURVIVAL

The major food resource including rice, the staple food of Salam Patong village comes from pamlou—shifting fields. Not each and every house has a kitchen garden but most of them cultivate differ­ ent types of food plants like banana, yam, pumpkin, ash gourd, cucumber, ginger, turmeric, etc., at their pamlou. But, the people of Salam Patong village depend on local grocery shops and the

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Source : Personal collection of the author.

Figure 20.1: Salam Patong, the studied village

market nearby for certain food items such as pulses, spices, dried fish and vegetables other than what they grow. The Vaiphei people also have small poultries like fowls, ducks, and goose for their own consumption. In most of the households, pigs are domesticated for their consumption or to offer in family function. They rear dogs for meat.

Source : Personal collection of the author.

Figure 20.2: Vaiphei oldie of Salam Patong village in her pamlou

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The Vaipheis take two meals a day but children usually take meals thrice a day. The Vaiphei family dine together. A meal includes rice, chilly-chutney (malchamay) and another dish. They are nonvegetarians, and commonly pork, chicken, beef are meats taken on social as well as individual occasions. Besides, many kinds of wild animals like deer, wild boar, bear, etc., are also preferred. They are fond of hunting birds like pigeon, dove, lamyen (wild rooster), babul, sparrow, etc., for consumption. Numerous wild vegetables like peruk (India pennywort), bamboo shoot, etc., which are avail­ able in hilly regions, are still collected as their main sources of nutrition. For such meals, the most common method of cooking vegetables is with or without spices. The Vaiphei people commonly use spices like onion, ginger, turmeric, sichuan, long coriander, Cinnamomum zeylanicum, Allium odorum, garlic, chilly and some other locally available leafy spices. To add more taste, in prepara­ tion of vegetable curries, either dry meat or fermented fish (ngari) or both are added as a common ingredient. In Salam Patong village, tea and roti is taken in the morning for supplementary or snack food. In the evening snacks like halwa, pakoda, toast, and sometimes chow are available in the hotels. These are eaten mostly by young people. SOME COMMON DISHES PREPARED IN THE

KITCHEN OF SALAM PATONG VILLAGE

MEPOK Some dried meats like beef, mithun, etc., are added to boiling water. After some minutes a handful of rice soaked in water is added and stirred regularly. They use various kinds of vegetables such as mustard (ankam), uyangan leaves, and shoots of khongnang tarung plant, etc., as ingredients. Salt and chilly are also added for compatible taste. ANTUI The most preferred dish of the Vaiphei community is antui or simply boiled dish. It is the simplest food which people of all ages like. Vegetables including wild edible leaves and tubers are cooked

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Figure 20.3: Mepok dish

as antui by the Vaiphei people. Green leafy vegetable like anphui (Clerodendrum colebrookianum), ankam, changkongche (Centella asiatica), toiki, etc., and other vegetables like gourd, chayote, pump­ kin and tubers like yam are cooked as boiled dish. The dish is taken as main dish of the meal or in some instances as an addi­ tional dish. They may add a pinch of salt to add its taste but the dish is also preferred without salt. Most of them regard this type of curry as healthy food. SONKANG (KANGSOI) This is also a kind of boiled food in which some spices like chilly, salt, leafy spices are added. Vegetables are the major ingredient of this curry whether green leafy or non-green leafy vegetables. Veg­ etables like ankam, mongehe (Gardenia jasminoides), anphui, gourd, chayote, etc., are used in preparing sonkang. Dried meat, fermented fish or boiled meat are also added for better taste. KANGSU Different kinds of hot dishes are also prepared by the people of Salam Patong village. Bamboo shoots are prepared as kangsu, a kind of chutney. The bamboo shoots are boiled and then squeezed to remove the liquid and well mixed with some fermented fish, chilly, and salt.

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Source: Personal collection of the author.

Figure 20.4: Crab for chutney

OOTI Ooti, a kind of dish is prepared with soaked rice. Dried peas are also soaked for a few hours to soften. It is made authentically made with yellow peas but, in some instances, green peas are used. They can also add fried meats. Most importantly in making ooti a spe­ cific type of ingredient is alkaline liquid which is extracted from burnt ashes when water is poured in the ash and filtered using a piece of cloth. It is the traditional mode of extracting soda as the dish is cooked in soda. Sometimes they cook it with meats like pork and beef. The amount of soaked rice is reduced when there is shortage of meat. MALCHAMAY (CHUTNEY) It is a supplementary dish in which chilly is crushed with some salt and ngari (fermented fish). To make this chutney most of them use a traditional type of mortar (thengkam) and pestle (sukluk). Besides, another kind of chutney is also relished by the Vaiphei people of Salam Patong. They use raw or boiled leaves of khongmaji (Rhus semialata), theibache (wild fig), thingtupi, etc., with crab or dried meat if available. MEAT DISHES Chicken a commonly eaten meat, is generally cooked with a small amount of spices and mustard oil. Sometimes they also add pota­

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toes cutting them into pieces. They also make soup from chicken and the boiled meat is again fried and cooked by adding some chilly and some other spices for better taste. Pork is cooked simply with or without oil and less spices. They cook pork in boiling water with the spices like ginger, chilly, salt, etc. Beef is also prepared by boiling in water adding some spices with salt and chilly. First the spices are fried in oil to make gravy after which the meat is added and simmered. SOME OTHER VARIETIES The Vaiphei people eat numerous kinds of fleshy microfungi like patchop (wood loving fungus), pasi (lichen), patung (a kind of mushroom), papak, panaino (a kind of mushroom), etc. Some kinds of molluscks are also consumed by the Vaiphei people. Besides all these, food grains like cereals, pulses, potatoes, spices, etc., which are not locally found are available at local shops in the village. BEVERAGE Before Christianity, the Vaiphei people consumed three types of rice beverages both in public and individually. Their rice bever­ ages are: (i) Waiyu: The way of preparing waiyu involves blending of changwai (chaff ), rice, and bungem (yeast). It is a long but simple process as the mixture of chaff and rice is first cooked on steam rising from water which is boiling below in a pot. When it is well cooked, it is spread in a large circular basket locally known as dab and yeast is mixed when it has cooled down. The mixture is again put inside an earthen jar and tightly covered with banana leaves or a piece of cloth to be kept for seven days. After seven days abamboo pipe known as gutha is inserted inside the pot and is teated if it by sipping. The solid mixture can be preserved for around one month. The waiyu is brewed mostly for consumption by family members and guests. It is the most preferable social drink among the three rice beverages. They usually drink waiyu before taking their meals.

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(ii) Yukha: This is the strongest intoxicant among the three locally made rice beverages. It is not produced in large amount. Yukha is brewed first by mixing half cooked rice with yeast. Then, it is kept in a jar containing water for seven days. The fermented liquid is poured out to be known as yukha. The residue or the boiled rice is kept for producing yuting. The liquor has a strong alcoholic content and is not commonly consumed by all. (iii) Yuting: In this process the rice is half-cooked first and cooled down by spreading over a circular basket. Some amount of yeast is added to the mixture and it is put in a pot for seven days. The liquid poured out for the second time is called yuting. FRUITS

In Salam Patong village some tropical fruits are grown. They love to eat seasonal fruits and mostly young children are fond of eating fruits rather than adults or aged people. These children prefer un­ ripe fruits like mango, papaya, etc., and they eat these fruits with chilly and salt. They do not think about fruit as essential food for daily consumption. They eat fruits just like snacks. Commonly found fruits are banana, mango, plum, orange, lemon, guava, jackfruit, papaya, gooseberry, pomegranate, pineapple, olive, etc. FRUITS PRESERVATION

In preserving food items the Vaiphei use some common methods. Spices like ginger, turmeric, garlic, onions are kept in their grana­ ries for their own consumption. Other varieties of vegetables like pumpkin, gourd, ash gourd and yams are also preserved. These are plucked or collected before fully ripe to prevent it from getting spoiled, even they can be kept longer. Most of the households have their own granaries for storing paddy. The Vaiphei people built separate granaries for storing paddy. They make a special type of hanging basket above their kitchen hearths. They keep dried meats above this hanging by a basket above this hearth.

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Figure 20.5: Preservation of food by Salam Patong villagers

FOOD AND AGE

Along with their locally prepared cuisines, old people prefer antui, a kind of boiled food. They regard eating antui as a way to stay healthy. Young people are fond of curry. Adults want hot curry or simple curry with hot chilly chutney. They do not like chamfuts andit is taken as food for the aged. Children, again like mildly spiced food on something or without chillies. Besides, some of their traditional foods, the Vaiphei people also have other kinds of dishes. Sometimes they also prefer to have fast food. Young people are fond of fast food. FOOD AND COMMUNITY

Community food systems are one of the most important ways we can lead a connected life. Food communities take many forms among the Vaipheis, in the form of social imposition of fine, significances of solidarity, respect and social status as well as aesthetics of disci­ pline. It is a kind of welcoming space where people come together to grow, cook, share, and advocate good food.

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Source : Personal collection of the author.

Figure 20.6: The villagers enjoying a public feast

An interesting characteristic of public feast is that in family meal, there may be varieties of curry, but the recipe of public feast has only item—meat.The meat curry is a simply boiled one or pre­ pared as mepok to be eaten with rice. Etically, to an outsider it seems that they are people who cannot dine or prepare other food items having no alternate choice. Emically, the important food item is meat. Abundance in meat is necessary. They have also to carry some portion of the meat curry home. Another importance is laid in the distribution of meat. There is no mistake in the se­ quence of distribution and special parts of the animal are received in consonance to social status and kin. The Vaiphei people consider food as one of the important means of displaying respect and hierarchy in their social life. People went hunting in groups, and when they returned, they enjoyed the manungsa (inner parts) together and the flesh was distributed among them. If they borrowed guns, they would give the flesh of the thigh to the owner. In hosting a big feast by a family, the servings is undertaken by tucha (the in-laws from girl’s side). They arrange, cook, and serve. In public functions, the seats of the emi­ nent members of the village are to be arranged in proper sequence, different varieties of food are served in the traditional way, and there are no mistakes in the function in the seriousness of the social tradition. In religious functions like christmas, the church hosts a grand feast. The church funds are used and contributions were made

Food Heritage of the Vaiphei in Manipur

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among the villages like two hundred or three hundred rupees per head. They prefer pork and beef in such functions. The menfolk cook the dishes and the rice is brought from their respective houses and served together at the church. Such big feasts are held only on Christmas and new year’s day but during functions like Good Fri­ day they only serve tea. Traditionally food and religous rites are closely connected. For instance, the Vaipheis bury their dead bod­ ies with traditional rites. A bamboo ladder called sanglai and cooked rice are put near the body so that the soul of the dead may eat. A dog is also killed so that its soul may accompany him to mithikua, valley of death. Finally, the maternal uncle of the dead person pours some zu (rice beer) in the mouth of the dead body. The dead body is then buried with head towards the east. On a wooden pole posted by the side of the grave, a basket containing feathers/hair of fowls and animals are tied. The Vaipheis believe that the soul lin­ gers in and around the house for seven days. So, they offer meals to the soul called thi-ansia at ausi, a place near the hearth which is believed to be the dining place of the deceased. On the seventh day, they bury the entire food which they kept from the first day, in the grave called thadamthak and bid farewell to the soul. As the Vaipheis are non-vegetarian, they eat both wild and do­ mesticated animals. A list of some domesticated and wild animals regarding individual and public consumption is given in Table 20.1. In the socio-political sphere of the village, there is a significant reflection of food system. Thepthak or Nungak-Gu is abduction to acquire a mate without any prior understanding or agreement. Such an incident often results in family fight between the two parties. In such cases, a heavy monetary fine plus a mithun, cow or pig will be paid to the girl’s family by the boy’s side as a token of apology. Again, in a divorce initiated by the husband, he must pay a fine of a mithun to the divorced wife. He must arrange a feast at the chief ’s residence of vawkpi (sow) meat and a pot full of rice beer for the village council known as Siamang-Pachong. He must return her dowry, i.e. domestic animals, furniture, utensils, imple­ ments, etc. On the contrary, if a wife appeals for nawl—divorce without the will of her spouse, she is bound to arrange a feast with a vawkpi at the residence of the village chief along with a pot full of rice beer as well as return her bride price to her divorced husband.

258

Th. Rabikanta Singh and Y. Biladini Devi TABLE 20.1: ANIMALS AND BIRDS FOR FOOD

English name

Local name

Remark

DOMESTIC ANIMALS AND BIRDS Chicken Duck Goose Pig Cow Dog

Akcha Natok Kanga Wokcha Bong Uii

Mithun

Seal

Buffalo

Loi

Enjoyed individually and during rituals Enjoyed individually Reared for family consumption Food for feast and item of imposed fine Food for Public feast Domesticated for hunting, house guarding, and for consuming meat Reared in jungle and used for consumption in marriage For public feast

WILD ANIMALS AND BIRDS FOR FOOD Deer Wildboar Swallow Bulbul Pigeon Wild rooster Bear Squirrel

Sakhi Sagui Sasan Baibelek Wakhu Vagik Vompi Satchan

Hunted and trophy is kept Hunted as favourite food item Individual food Individual food Individual food A tasty food If hunted, share it with relatives and villagers Individual food

Source : Authors.

Strangely, there are no complicated laws regarding the guardian­ ship of children in case of a divorce. All wards belong to the hus­ band or his kin. A woman may keep an infant but must give it back to its legal father after it reaches the age of three. As a rule, the husband must give one mithun to the parents of his child’s mother at the time of claiming back his issue. A unique function of community development and food system is the reservation of yielded food in community granaries. The people of Salam Patong village have three community granaries. 1. Village authority granary 2. Granary for church, and 3. Granary for womens the society. The village authority granary is kept for the village and five or six tins of paddy grains are collected from every household. The

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259

paddy is sold so as to raise fund for management by village author­ ity in development work. For the church, one-tenth of production is donated from every household. The paddy is sold and the money is used for other purposes of the church and also in paying salaries of church employees. Women contribute to women’s society gra­ nary to conduct meetings, conferences and other expenditures of the women’s society. NEGATIVE FOOD

Not only do the Vaipheis prefer certain food items, they also avoid some food items without substantial reason. For example, during pregnancy, they avoid egg so as not to face difficulty during child delivery, crab to avoid excess saliva bubbling by her child. They also treat bitter taste foods as negative before and after birth. Honey is also restricted for pregnant women. In postpartum, mother is not allowed to eat spices, fresh meats, and oils. Bees are also re­ stricted for pregnant women as they might cause miscarriages. Women period eat only salt and boiled vegetables with less or without spices after delivery. Other than pregnant women, there is no other ristriction on food among the Vaiphei people of Salam Patong village. There are no clan-wise taboos and restrictions re­ garding foods. They enjoy having numerous kinds of edible items. FOOD AND DIVISION OF LABOUR

In day-to-day life, meals are prepared only by women. But in grand feasts, only the men cook the dishes and also serve the people. In small functions or small gatherings at home, only tea is served and all services are by women or young girls. In family events the Maksa (son-in-law) is very important. He cooks the dishes and also serve the people. He is the main part of the event. FOOD AND MEDICINE

Medicine as well food is indispensable to human life controlling

the daily life our lives are definitely full of culturally shaped no­ tions about food and it is said that eating wholesome food is the

260

Th. Rabikanta Singh and Y. Biladini Devi TABLE 20.2: LIST OF SOME MEDICINAL PLANTS

Local name

English name

Ailment

Part used

Nongmangkha Neem Pungtonjik Lingsithingna

Adatoda vasica Neem Guava leaves

Cold/cough Cold/cough Cholera Diabetis

leaves Leaves New shoots Leaves

Ngakhei Yoo Gatoi

Fermented fish Rice beer Bamboo shoot

Allergy Bee sting Diarrhea

Japan guina

Diarrhea

Mode of using

Boil and drink Boil and drink Eating the shoots Boil and drink the soup Whole part Directly consumed Drink Shoot Boil and drink the soup Leaves Crush to extract liquid and drink

Source : Authors.

basis for good health. Traditionally, the Vaiphei people used a variety of food plants as medicines. SOCIAL CHANGE AND FOOD

Many kinds of intoxicants are found in the local shops like betel nuts, cigarette, and tobacco products like khaini, talab, jarda, etc. Ranging from the youth, people of all ages commonly take them. Unmarried young men use talab, cigarette, betel nut (komkwa) and unmarried women use talab. Married women are fond of khaini, betel nut, talab. Even though these are regarded as offensive foods, they have already become addicted to them. Pregnant women are not allowed to eat such intoxicants. One of the intoxicants bever­ age is rice beer. They think that changes food habit, for instance, the avoidance of rice beer will help develop the pace of moderniza­ tion. The villagers of Salam Patong narrated a story. Thazinglap is the merry-making festival of the Vaiphei. In past, when the Vaipheis were following traditionalism, they enjoyed a festival after paddy plants were well grown. They enjoyed drinking, singing and dancing for many days. One day, they saw a bird bringing a bunch of paddy seeds in its beak. Only after seeing the seeds they realized that paddy plants in their field were ripe. They wondered how a long time had been wasted by drinking and merry-making. So, after converting to the new faith, they could see the light of right

Food Heritage of the Vaiphei in Manipur

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path of development. They could wake up from drunken stupor. They still remember the episode and performing the merry­ making festival of Thazinglap in grand manner in the month of September. They remember the past event. It means that there was a dy­ namic change in cultural values in such food habits. However, some miscreant particularly young men still use it despite the pro­ hibition of it by Christianity. Once, the women’s society, under the banner of meirapaibi restricted the intoxicant beverage. But, they no longer impose punishment or restriction though they do not encourage the consumption of the drink.

Source : Personal collection of the author.

Figure 20.7: Changed in social value of food: ritual, hooka and sa-um bur

Another food ingredient which is not prepared at present but without forgettable taste is sa-um (fermented pig fats). It was col­ lected mainly from the inner abdominal portion but, sometimes from other parts of the pig’s body to be cooked and torn/chopped into pieces and was placed in a special gourd-container called sa-um bur. After the container was placed over the fireplace for at least three days, it was ready for use in the preparation of other foods such as malchamay. FESTIVAL AND FOOD

Like other ethnic community, the people of Salam Patong also celebrated traditional festivals. Many cyclical festivals are held during intervals of cultivation. The Vaipheis also hold festivals in

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relation to their shifting cultivation. Many cultures perform thanks­ giving worship after good harvest (Ohnuki and Tierney 1993). In addition, sharing and prestige earning festivals are held in times of getting extraordinary food. Sa-Ai festival is celebrated when men in a family hunt and kill wild animals like deer, boar, wild pig and birds like eagle, owl, etc. When the headcount the game hunted reaches one hundred, they celebrate this festival to commemorate their hunting customs. Shaman or Thempu act as a ritual specialist on the occasion. The festival is commonly celebrated in the month of January and February. The family members drink wine, dance and sing folk songs. The festival, Sum-Ai was celebrated among the rich families in the village during the olden days. This festival is celebrated by the affluent families to show how wealthy they are. The festival also depicts and expresses the happiness upon which they earn the wealth possessed by them. Somjunek is the festival celebrated after the completion of the harvest. Where an unmarried woman will arranged an appropriate place or house for a grand feast for the unmarried man. They eat meat, drink a lot of wine and rest for the recovery of strength which has been lost during the hard work of harvest. Likewise, Thazinglap is celebrated in the month of September when the growing of paddy is completed. The word tha means month and zing means September in local dialect. A stone is erected as a memorial of this festival at Khuman located at the east side of the village. Wrestling (akiboot) and high jumping competition among man is held on this special day and is still practised. They prepare a grand feast and the villagers dine together at the top of the Hill called Khuman. They also sing folk songs to witness and commemorate their old customs and traditions. Bu-Ai festival is celebrated in the month of November and December. The festival is celebrated among the families whose yield of rice is high during the harvest. They drink wine, sing and dance to celebrate this festival. CONCLUSION

In short, the Vaipheis in Manipur manage the food at the indi­ vidual consumption as well as at community consumption level.

Food Heritage of the Vaiphei in Manipur

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They also try to manage food for social, political, economic, and religious coherence. A reflection of food in polity is their system of punishment in accordance with customary law that includes im­ position of fine along with animal for food. Another significance of food is the influence of social value in the social structure. There are changes in food habit due to the shift in religious faith and influence of modernization. But, there still remains a big role of food in the emotional bond of sharing from the same plate at the family level as well as social coercion in socio-political aspects.

REFERENCES Beals, R.L. and H. Hoijer, An Introduction to Anthropology (rpt.), Delhi: Surjeet Publications, 2007. Douglas, M., Purity and Danger, New York: Praeger, 1966. Foster, G. and B. Anderson, Medical Anthropology, New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1978. Marak, Q., Food Politics: Studying Food, Identity and Difference among the Garos, London: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2014. Ohnuki-Tierney, E., Rice as Self: Japanese Identities Through Time, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1993. Whitehead, T., ‘Sociocultural Dynamics and Food Habits in a Southern Community’, in M. Douglas (ed.), Food in the Social Order: Studies of Food and Festivities in Three American Communities, New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1984, pp. 97-142.

PA RT V

HERITAGE OF THE SOCIAL AND

RELIGIOUS FESTIVALS

C H A P T E R 21

Anoirol: A Deep Root of Lai Haraoba

and its Socio-Philosophical Aspect

A. CHANCHAN DEVI

INTRODUCTION

The Meitei community in Manipur is one of the ancient commu­ nities in Far East Asia which has a distinct culture of its own. Since the ancient period, the people of Manipur have deep faith in religion and the culture of song and dance. Among the many socio­ religious festivals of the community, Lai Haraoba is the most im­ portant and popular festival. The Lai Haraoba ceremony is the source of many art forms such as meitei jagoi, meitei khunung eshei, literature, poetry, theatre, etc. In Lai Haraoba, there is a sequence of song called anoirol which is sung during the laibou sequence. Singing of anoirol is an integral part of Lai Haraoba without which, the festival is not completed. In order to under­ stand anoirol in Lai Haraoba, we have to understand the Lai Haraoba first. Lai Haraoba is a ritual festival held both in the hills and villages of Manipur particularly among the Meiteis who observe it once a year and continue for several days. It is believed that even before the manifestation of the indigenous people as Meitei community, they were ancestor worshippers. The tradition of worshipping an­ cestors continues till today, holding ritual ceremonies, and rites to appease the departed souls and spirits of the ancestors. Every year, on an auspicious day (thaban) of ancient Meitei calendar, the cer­ emonies are held before the village deities celebrating what is known as Lai Haraoba or Umang Lai Haraoba. The innate philosophy of Lai Haraoba may be briefly summarized as follows.

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Man indulges in his daily task of sustenance, reproduction and social etiquettes showing gratitude to the creator for enabling him to participate in these sacred tasks of life and also to ancestors for showing the way in Lai Haraoba. Lai Haraoba itself is a school that chronicles the very act of life duties, social dos and don’ts, customs and traditions from time to time so that the future generation do not forget their origin and identity. This inner philosophy of Lai Haraoba is found comprehensively in the portion of anoirol sequence. The anoirol sequence is presented by Pena Asheibas along with the body movements of Amaibis to the accompanying tune of the pena during the Laibou. The repository of the critical knowledge, philosophy, wisdom and artistic expression for proto-Meitei society is found in anoirol. Anoirol, through its oral literature links people with broader cultural, philosophical and religious work. Its purpose is religious as well as to educate people on matters influ­ encing their origin. The ritual text of anoirol retains the knowledge society to be passed on to succeeding generations. It provides a guide to human behaviour and how to live one’s life. It also fulfils the need for religious belief and spiritual fulfillment necessary for existence. Anoirol hymns sing in praise of the god in heaven and earth describe their emotions—anger, happiness as well as gratitude and the beauty of the gods. It is about showing gratitude for the cre­ ator who created the other gods (lais), the creator who being born as man into this human world, produced many offsprings and spread the human civilization. If one goes deeper, one will find that the religious view and philosophy behind the episode of Lai Hoi Laoba, how and why Sanamahi had herded out the life forms from the inside of Atingkok Guru, are hidden deep inside anoirol. Not only this, anoirol tries to explain how life forms have gained knowledge and intelligence and how it has laid the foundation of many art forms like song and dance. Most scholars try to explain it by giving the technicality of the text together with its philosophy. Because of this, we can’t find in their works answers to queries like what makes a man dance. No doubt, in anoirol answers to such quaries are deeply hidden

Anoirol: A Deep Root of Lai Haraoba

269

and if one goes deeper he will find how had human beings, ex­ pressed their feelings converting them into the image of god and through the medium of dance how their inner feelings are identi­ fied and depicted. Its inner purpose was not just reproduction but about giving various pieces of advice regarding life. This purpose couldn’t be fulfilled by putting it in mere writings or saying it orally. So our ancestors arranged for a method that could be recognized easily and understood by the laymen. With this objective, the then spiri­ tual leaders converted the rites of Lai Haraoba into a celebrated theatrical art form so that the message on how to conduct our life as a member of the society, could be spread to the society. The main message of Lai Haraoba is that man should think about re­ production only after he was fully conversant with the rites and rituals of the message of life present in Lai Haraoba. For example, according to wakol singers, wakol means those messages which are necessary to lead a peaceful and prosperous life. In the anoirol we found desperation of many incidents of dance. It is mentioned that Toibi Tanka Nubi danced with her ancestor Taoroinai. She learned the dance from the elder step by step, move­ ment by movement and thus they danced together. Khongchet mampal haona noi khutthekna noibu noitam ye. Following their dance, otherlife forms also follow their act and begun to dance . . . shabi leirang mashenna, nungngok paibang mashenna, khubing khabai mashenna . . . yaona toibi tangka chanuga mapal laiga noitam ye. The act was performed in celebration of happiness after the ancestors had removed the curse of Lingam Laikam. It shows, our ancestors danced on certain occasions expressing their joy and happiness. However, the dance was not just mere jumping and shouting but a well synchronized dance; elders were paired with elders, youngsters with youngsters and children with children. The dance thus performed were refined and composed and not vulgar or wild, but a perfect composition that could be shown before a royal audience or society. The dancers were properly at­ tired and the places properly decorated, charei phingou khanna phijang saitanna wanglen thinna noi. In the dance performed by Soraren in heaven, gods danced with their respective goddesses,

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kings with their queens and so on. It was a dance for prosperity and statescraft, while women danced for prosperity. The dance was performed to the music played by various instruments. No doubt, people danced from the beginning using musical instru­ ments, pungjao thinna taret noi sheng phang yeina, moibung thi kamnana chingu tamna noi. Seeing their dances Chakpas re­ enacted the act in their lands. There are many symbolic representations we can derive from the anoirol section of Laibou in Lai Haraoba. Anoirol represents creation or the beginning. People believe that the six Hoirou which made up of 5 (five) souls plus mi (image) were presented by the Guru and they were received by the Malem Ema as Haya and these two, Hoirou and Haya constitute the creation or universe. After this, the myth continues to tell us how had the event started during Hayi age, hayingeida noibadi meina waina tangna samna noiye. The lines indicate that just like the wild fire that spread catching fire one after another the ancient culture was succeeded upon gen­ erations and just like the fire that flared up from time to time and became an inferno burning more brightly than before, it was also continued from one period to another in the process adding vari­ ous shades of their times to the original work. Without losing the original self it became more refined and polished. Thus it shows how our ancient tradition had spread from the ages gone by. After this spread of Noiba to different Chak and ages comes the part of anoirol song that tells us who performed what role in the ancient past. If we analyse the first part of anoirol, we find that Thoibi Tangka Chanu Tangkhanubi arranged the event of Noiba in a gath­ ering of lais (gods). Here, maibi is an incarnate of Leimarel and again Tangkanubi was projected with the characteristic of Panthoibi. In other words Panthoibi is Leimarel and Leimarel is the universal mother or Tangkanubi is Leimarel within (Nungda) and Panthobi in from outside (panda). In the beginning she invited a gathering of ancestral gods for a feast and wine. Some elderly gods were not given their shares, as a result every woman suffered from Fungam Laigam. At this development, Amaibis performed an act to ap­ pease the gods so that the sick women could be cured of their illness. This shows the first performance of Lai Haraoba or Noiba

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271

and how it had started. The events of the first paragraph of anoirol show that the first performance of Lai Haraoba was arranged by gods among themselves. Talking about this Guru Achoubisana said that what the gods did at the time of creation was imitated by the people and thus came the word anoi. In that case, the performance of Lai Haraoba which was arranged among the gods themselves may have been performed at various places of their respective abodes. In their respective place of habitations Lai Haraobas may have been performed as shown by the words noitam chingda noiye, mahou phaibok chingda noiye, saiyon chingda noiye, etc. Further with the passage of time starting from the Koubru, they went to other re­ gions of their strongholds, where they performed their festivities of Lai Haraoba spreading the dictates of civilization. The earliest Lai Haraoba celebrations were performed by the incarnate of Panthoibi/Leimarel and Sanamahi incarnate Konde Khutchum Maiba at these places. Again, why do we celebrate Lai Haraoba? For the indigenous people of Kangleipak particularly the Meiteis, Lai Haraoba is a place of education, where activities of sustenance, and livelihood, etiquette and behaviour, social dos and don’ts are depicted along with social necessities like farming, clothes and culture, etc., which are propagated at the various places of their habitations. That is why Lai Haraoba is considered a social institute where intricacies of society and social order are learnt and propagated. In another book, it is mentioned that places found in anoirol are nothing but the names of various parts/organs of Laimarel’s physical body. Manuscripts like Laimarel Nunglon and Leimarel Phamlon indicated this view. Leimarel represents Universe/ earth and if parts of her body, are the places mentioned in anoirol, then it may be concluded that in every part of the earth, Lai Haraoba might have been celebrated. Then again, different names of Thoibi Tanka, Tankanubi or Puitingwak may have indicated that these characters though considered as incarnation of Leimarel or Panthoibi, performed Lai Haraoba at different phases of time and place. Then again she may be an individual with different names or these names are metaphors given to her personality. Further required is to ex­ plore why the writer used different names. In many translated works of anoirol by different gurus, a varying

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degree of differences are observed. Most of the differences are found in using word sequences or in translating word meaning though the treatment of theme and structure are similar. For example, the sequence of anoirol in Meitei Lai Haraoba is found to be somewhat different from that of Panthoibi Khongul translated by Moirangthem Chandra mostly in using word sequence. The same is the case with the translated version of Kh. Yaima’s Anoirol (vols. 1-4), different interpretation in some areas, different word formation, sequence or length, etc., may be pointed out, however the central theme and structure is intact in all these works. It may be because of the archaic nature of the original language Meitei Mayek or these differences could be from their inability to translate certain letters or words due to the archaic nature of the script, a possibility might have led the writer to presume words of his own to suit the flow of the text, however, one thing that can be safely deduced from all these works is that anoirol showcases the very soul of Lai Haraoba right from its origin to its varying phases of development, its evolving aspects and values. In social aspects too, there are many occasions in anoirol that showcase the human nature and society. Women had a place of pride in anoirol. Fijang Khanba, hall decoration on special occasions indicates the changing time which supported the idea of anoirol recording evolving societies in different time periods. Dancing was indicated during the earlier gathering (feast) of Tubi Tangka Chanu’s feast. Yet, there is nothing to indicates in what manner they dance or in which style. The later part of the gathering, mentioned, how she had learned the dance from her ancestor, the manner of the steps and movements, etc. So, anoirol may be a continuation of events using dance (noiba) as an education where the activities of the ancestors are imitated and continued in suc­ ceeding eras. Anoirol means dance and Lai Haraoba is a celebration of ritual dance. If Lai Haraoba is a celebration of ritual dance and that ritual dance is anoirol then it can be concluded that Lai Haraoba is anoirol or Lai Haraoba at one time may have been known as anoirol.

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REFERENCES

Chandra, M., Panthoibi Khongul, Imphal: Manipur Shahitya Parishad, 1990. Epathoukok, Likhul, A Half Yearly Journal, 5th issue, Imphal: Epathoukok, Naoremthong, 2017. Indira, E., Lai Haraobagi Anoi-Warol, Imphal: Lamyanba Printer, Konung Lampak, 2001. Kulachandra, Ng., Meitei Lai Haraoba, Imphal: Gandhi Memorial Press, 1963. Lukhoi, W., Lai Haraoba, Imphal: R.B. Printing House, 1989. Maibi, N.K., Kanglei Umang Lai Haraoba, Singjamei: S.T. Printing Works, 1988. Tamphajao, Y., Meitei Lai Haraoba Wangulon, Imphal: Swaraj Printing Press, 1986.

C H A P T E R 22

Lui-Ngai-Ni: A Festival of

Manipuri Nagas

AHEIBAM KOIRENG SINGH

INTRODUCTION

Lui-Ngai-Ni is an ‘artificial state sponsored festival’.1 The endeavor for the introduced of a common festival of the Nagas in Manipur started in the mid-1980s. Nagas being the most colourful people, have been characterized by diversity. Some who now identify them­ selves as Nagas were classified by the earlier British colonial ad­ ministrators as belonging to the Chin-Kuki-Mizo (CHIKIM). If that is the case then can we say Naga is more of a political creed than a socio-cultural identity. Hobsbawm and Terence says, ‘trad­ itions’ which appear or is claimed to be old, are often quite recent in their origin and sometimes invented (Hobsbawm and Terence, 2002). This contention seems equally valid in the case of Lui­ Ngai-Ni. An introductory statement by Secretary, Organizing Com­ mittee, Naga Lui-Ngai-Ni, Imphal said on 15 February 1988, ‘Of late, the Naga groups have emerged from their isolated doll-states and asserted their identity as one race in the comity of the Indian Nation which has been accepted by the Government of India. The Nagas do not have a common festival which could be called as the ‘national festival’.2 This statement reflects the quest for concretiz­ ing the identity of the Manipur Nagas, which they perhaps felt it inevitably necessary to satisfy the political needs of the present generation. Considering the need for a common festival of their own, Naga scholars, leaders and social workers organized a seminar, to find

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out ways and means whereby a common festival of the Nagas could be formulated.3 The seminar on the ‘Manipur Naga festivals’ held on 10 May 1986 at GM Hall, Imphal resolved that the Nagas in Manipur should have a common festival day in a year. Names suggested in the Recommendation Committee of the seminar were:4 Naga Seedling Day Naga Cultural Awakening/Revival Day Naga Festival Day Naga Farmer’s Day Naga Seed Day Naga New Year Naga Seed Sowing Festival and so forth The members recommended Naga Seed Sowing Festival (NSSF) which is to be observed in the 15 February every year as the most appropriate and decided to forward it to the state government for necessary implementation. NSSF was observed for the first time on 15 February 1987 with an appeal to ‘every sane Naga’ to play his or her part to make it a permanent Naga festival for years to come for ‘a race without its own culture is a lost race beyond re­ demption’.5 The follow up seminars and consultations in the after­ math of the festival decided that the function shall hitherto be called Naga Lui-Ngai-Ni. Lui-Ngai-Ni has now been listed as one of the tourism festivals of India by the Ministry of Tourism, GoI. The nomenclature Lui-Ngai-Ni was coined by amalgamating the initials Lui from the Tangkhul festival, Luira; Ngai and Ni respec­ tively from the ending of the Rongmei festival Gaan Ngai and the Mao Maram/Poumai festival, Chithuni. The biggest and first festival of Tangkhuls in a calendar year, Luira falls in February is celebrated to commemorate the first seed sowing of crops (Ragui 1987). Gaan-Ngai is the festival of the Zeliangrong which is also described as a New Year Festival. GaanNgai is also called Hegangi among the Zeme and Gin-Ngi among the Liangmei. Gaan-Ngai which performs the production of fire, Mairapmei is usually celebrated between the month of October and December depending on the state of the progress of agricul­

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tural operation. Later, the Kabui Naga Association, the predeces­ sor of the present Zeliangrong Union decided in 1947 that GaanNgai be performed on the thirteenth day of the Meitei month of Wakching a month which usually falls in the month of January as per the Meitei calendar of the lunar year. Since then, it has been performed on thirteenth of Wakching onwards (Gaan Ngai Cel­ ebration Committee, 2003). Chithuni is the biggest and most important festival among the MaoMaram/Poumai tribes of Manipur. The festival in accordance with the significances attached to it can also be called as the festival of harvesting, the new year; and the seed sowing. It falls in the month of January (Chithunikhro) (Onia 1986). The genesis of the ethnonyme Naga is still shrouded in mystery. Tracing the genesis of the word Naga from the Assamese word noga, meaning ‘mountain’ or the word ‘Naga’ meaning ‘naked’ by the colonial historiographers are all rejected by the Naga scholars. E.W. Dun observed that Nagas have no generic name but used their respective tribal names only. He identified only five tribal sub-groups of Naga tribes in Manipur namely Luhupa, Tangkhul, Koyla (Khoirao), Kaupui, and Maring in the Census of 1881 (Dun 1992). Naga scholars who do not accept the colonial ethnography on Naga identity came up with two proposed theories. One, Naga is derived from the Kachari word nok, meaning warriors or fighters as the ‘Kacharis’ came into violent conflicts with the Naga tribes like the Angamis and Zeliangrong. Two, R.R. Shimray in his work Origin and Culture of the Naga (1985), opines that Naga is derived from the Burmese word naka meaning ‘pierced ears’ (Shimray 1985). This is also accepted by Isak Chisi Swu, a leader of the Naga rebel faction group, as the most accepted and authentic ver­ sion (Swu 2001). In the attempt to fashion an identity and his­ tory suitable to the political agenda of the present generation, the Naga Students Federation (NSF) put a ban on researches into Naga history and identity by the non-Nagas.6 It was in the first quarter of the twentieth century that the process of pan-Naga identity was experienced among some of the sub-tribes in the erstwhile Naga Hills. It was said that a great realization that they belonged to the same racial stock with cultural affinity, and consequent decision to

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come together as one people took place while they (Lothas, Reng­ mas, Aos, Changs, etc.) were sojourning in Paris as members of the Labour Corps during First World War.7 In 1918, a group of Nagas who had returned from military service in France met to form the Naga Club (Jacobs et al. 1998). The Club submitted a memoran­ dum signed by 20 different signatories who claimed to represent all tribes belonging to Angamis, Kacha Nagas, Kukis, Semas, Lothas and Rengmas when the Simon Commission came to Kohima in 1929 to seek opinions on the future of India. One Kuki was also there among the signatories, but no tribes from Manipur who are afterwards to be identified as Naga. The memorandum expressed its desire to the British government when they requested the latter to continue to safeguard their rights against all encroachments from other people who were more advanced than them. The club also wanted their (Naga) country to be placed directly under the protection of the British.8 The territories they so claimed as Naga country doesn’t include any part of present-day Manipur. There is confusion as to the actual number of Naga tribes. The memorandum submitted to the Simon Commission in 1929, by the Naga Club, mentions eight tribes within the administered area.9 The view of the Naga insurgent outfits is also important as more often than not their agenda becomes the agenda of the Naga mainstream politics and pursued vigorously to achieve through (Indian) Constitutional means. V. Sumi and K. Timothy’s compi­ lation Cry for Justice, published and brought out by GPRN, NSCN (IM) in the later part of 1990s mentioned 38 tribes living in Assam, Arunachal Pradesh, Nagaland, Manipur and Eastern Myanmar as belonging to the Naga. Out of that, 18 belonged to Manipur, namely, Aimol, Anal, Chiru, Chothe, Kharam, Koireng, Kom, Maring, Mayon, Monshang, Lamkang, Mao and Maram, Thangal, Poumai, Tangkhul, Tarao, and Zeliangrong. According to Gangmumei Kamei, identification with the Nagas has been a process of pan-Naga identity (Kamei 1997). The term ‘Any Kuki Tribe’ was deleted from the list of Scheduled Tribes of Manipur in 1956. In the years that followed, there was a deep internal crisis of identity amongst the Kuki-Chin-speaking tribal population. A number of the bridge-buffer communities that were

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oscillating between the Naga and the Kuki-Chin communities were converted into the Naga fold by the Nagaization process and they joined the Naga movement. The Nagaization process was also strengthened greatly by the Naga insurgency (Kamei 2001). Marings have come to identify themselves as Naga at the instance of Church leaders and the Naga hostiles (Singh 1985). In the early part of 2002, the NSCN-IM fixed the number of tribes in the Naga fold as 43. Instances of tribes being encom­ passed within the Naga fold is still an ongoing process. The simple example of it is the Peace Process Annual Calendar, 2008, MIP, Government of the Peoples Republic of Nagalim, in which the num­ ber was expanded to 68. Among those, tribes from Manipur are: (1) Anal; (2) Angami; (3) Ao; (4) Aimol; (5) Chiru; (6) Chothe; (7) Inpui; (8) Kharam; (9) Kom; (10) Lamkang; (11) Liangmai; (12) Maram; (13) Mao; (14) Maring; (15) Mayon; (16) Monsang; (17) Poumai; (18) Rongmei; (19) Tarao; (20) Wung Tangkhul; (21) Thangal; (22) Zeme. Sajal Nag (2002) stated that the Naga identity in the 1940s included the Karbis and Nepalis but excluded all the sub-tribes of Manipur. The present Naga tribes of Manipur did not know the term Naga as late as 1940s, Shimray stated. He recorded his boy­ hood experience when he and his father were called Naga by a retreating Japanese troop during Second World War. He and his father told the Japanese troop that they were Tangkhuls and not Naga (Shimray 1985). The Nagas in Manipur did not take part in the 1951 plebiscite, which was considered the bedrock of the Naga independence movement. On 25 January 1952, the Nagas in Nagaland under the banner of Naga National Council (NNC) launched civil disobedience movement. As a part of it, the first Indian elections of 1952 were boycotted successfully. On the other hand, in Manipur all the ethnic groups took active part in the said elections and a Tangkhul was elected from the Outer Parliamen­ tary Constituency. Later, the GoI made an agreement with the Naga People’s Convention (NPC) in 1960 and subsequently formed Nagaland as the sixteenth state of the India in 1963. It is notewor­ thy that many of the prominent leaders of the tribes who were later to be identified as Nagas stuck to the stand of remaining with

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Manipur instead of acceding to Nagaland. The All Tribal Delega­ tion went to Delhi in May 1970 for demanding statehood of Manipur. The members of the said delegation include:10 1. 2. 3. 4.

Daiho, Ex-Finance Minister, Manipur Assembly, 1948 Stephen Angkang, Ex-President, Tangkhul Long K. Kalanlung, President, Zeliangrong Regional Council Shoukhothang Ashon, Ex-MLA.

The Nagaization process, according to Gangmumei Kamei is still ongoing (Kamei 2001). Considering the diversity in the emer­ gent Naga Nationhood, it has been remarked that Naga Nation­ hood is more like a marriage of convenience rather than socio­ historical process. Divorce can follow any time. Zeilangrong is a nomenclature of the three sub-tribes, Zemei, Liangmei and Rongmei. This nomenclature is formed by the initials of the three sub-tribes, Ze for Zeme, Liang for Liangmei, and Rong represent Rongmei. But Puimei who were included as the sub tribe of Kabui in the Scheduled Tribes list of Manipur asserted that they cannot be identified as Zeilangrong as Puimei had not been represented in the nomenclature. Zeliangrong has aspiration for exclusive eth­ nic homeland of its own. But the Puimeis who together with the Rongmeis formed main groups within the Kabui did not take part in it. They now prefer the ethnonyme, Inpui instead of Zeliang­ rong. Among the constituent Naga tribes, the Naga identity has shown fragmentation at the intra-tribal level. It is evident when the Puimeis wanted to break away from Zeliangrong and the Khoibus from Marings. Lui-Ngai-Ni represents only the three biggest communities in the present Naga fold, that also in head-tail-tail order, the head represented by Tangkhul, as usual in other life-world of the Manipur Nagas. Lui-Ngai-Ni, in public notice, remains a political festival, observed only at the district headquarters where Naga community based lobby groups used their festive ambience to further their political machinations like severing of ties with state government, separate administration, or even hate campaign during the yester­ years ethnic conflict days, etc. In the year 2016 also T.R. Zeliang

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and Lal Thahawla respectively the Chief Minister of Nagaland and Mizoram took part in it with the former going overboard explic­ itly with the agenda of Naga integration politics. It started with the invocation in Tangkhul dialect by Tangkhul Headman of Ukhrul/ Hunphun village. Social-gatherings, songs, colourful dances, glit­ tering fashion shows and rejoicing continuingly passes on to be the highlight of the Lui-Ngai-Ni. Even then, the festival in its present layout is no tribute to those who are now in heavenly abode or in their twilight years but in their prime time 30 years before or so, have contributed all that they have, in assembling Lui-Ngai-Ni so that the Manipur Nagas of the present generation join the committee of nations with a common festival which will be the ‘national festival’. Why because it has not filtered down and no community at the present Naga fold observes it at the village level. The countdown of this festival begins from 1987 as this festival, though not with its present name, was first observed in the year 1987 in its proto format as ‘Naga Seed Sowing Day’. The festival doesn’t in any way help in concretizing the Naga iden­ tity which is still at the abstract level. With only three communi­ ties being represented in the etymology of Lui-Ngai-Ni, the issue of exclusion and inclusion is very much there. Correspondingly, it doesn’t seem to serve any purpose in boosting the morale and strengthening the bond of Naga solidarity. Therefore, our fellow native brethren, the Manipur Nagas as people with a unique his­ tory, need to review and scrutinize whether the present form of Lui-Ngai-Ni requires redefinition, reconfiguration or a reinvention of an altogether new festival, with all the qualities of uniqueness so that all the tribes in the colourful Naga community will not feel left out and collectively share and cherish an encompassing and inclusive feeling. NOTES 1. This was stated in a representation submitted to the Manipur Chief Minister for reinstating ‘Gaan Ngai’ as State Holiday by Zeliangrong Union Clubs Association Manipur Valley (ZUCAMV) on 31 February 2002.

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2. The declaration of Lui-Ngai-Ni as a state general holiday during the chief ministership of Rishang Keishing in 1988, himself from Tangkhul com­ munity and his remaining in active politics as seniormost Congress leader at the time of dropping Gaan Ngai from the holiday list perhaps prompted ZUCAMV to make such statement. 3. Cited from the Souvenir, Naga Lui-Ngai-Ni, 15 February 1988. 4. Souvenir, Naga Seed Sowing Festival, 15 February 1987. 5. Minutes of the Recommendation Committee Meeting on the ‘Manipur Naga festivals’ held on 10 May 1986 at GM. Hall, Imphal. 6. Cited from the Souvenir, Naga Lui-Ngai-Ni, 15 February 1988. 7. Editorial, The Imphal Free Press, Popular English Daily, Imphal, 17 May 2005. 8. Naga Hoho Federal Assembly, White Paper for Naga Integration. 9. Memorandum of the Naga Club submitted to the Simon Commission, 1929. 10. Ibid. 11. Ceasefire or Setting the Northeast on Fire: Peace in Jeopardy, Imphal: PSPD, 2004, p. 18.

REFERENCES Das, R.K., The Manipur Tribal Scene: Studies in Society and Change, Delhi: InterIndia Publications, 1985. Dun, E.W., Gazetteer of Manipur, Delhi: Manas, 1992. Gaan Ngai Celebration Committee, Gaan Ngai: A Festival of the Zeliangrong People, Gaan Ngai Celebration Committee, 2003. Hobsbawm, E. and R. Terence, Invention of Tradition, London: Cambridge University Press, 2002. Jacobs, J., A. Macfarlane, S. Harrison and A. Herle, The Nagas: Society, Culture and the Cultural Encounter, London: Thomas and Hudson, 1998. Kamei, G., Philosophy of History and Historiography of Manipur, Imphal: Manipur University Research Club, 1997. Kamei, G., Ethnicity and Social Change: An Anthology of Essays, Imphal: P.C. Jain Publications, 2001. Nag, Sajal, ‘Naga Identity: Formation, Constructing Expansionism’, in C.J. Thomas, ed., Dimension of Development in Nagaland, Delhi: Regency Publication, 2002. Onia, B., ‘Chithuini Festival (Seed Sowing Festival)’, Proceedings of the Seminar on the Manipur Naga Festivals held on 11May 1986 at GM. Hall, Imphal.

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Ragui, L. Tangkhul (Wung), ‘Naga Festival’, in Souvenir, Naga Seed Sowing Festival, 15 February 1987, pp. 5-6. Shimray, R.R., Origin and Culture of Nagas, New Delhi: Samsok, 1985. Singh, R.K. Ranjit, ‘Emergent Ethnic Process in Manipur: A Reappraisal’, in B. Pakem (ed), Nationality, Ethnicity and Cultural Identity in North-East India, Delhi: Om Sons Publication, 1990.

C H A P T E R 23

Study of the Lai Haraoba: Cultural

Heritage of Manipur

AKOIJAM RANJITA DEVI

INTRODUCTION

There are things that we regard as important to preserve for future generations. They may be significant due to their present or possible economic value, but also because they create a certain emotion within us, or because they make us feel as though we belong to something—a country, a tradition, a way of life. They might be objects that can be held and buildings that can be ex­ plored, or songs that can be sung and stories that can be told and retold. Whatever shape they take, these things form part of a heri­ tage, and this heritage requires active effort on our part in order to safeguard it. The term ‘Cultural Heritage’ has changed content considerably in recent decades, partially owing to the instruments developed by UNESCO Cultural heritage does not end at monuments and col­ lections of objects. It also includes traditions or living expressions inherited from our ancestors and passed on to our descendants, such as oral traditions, performing arts, social practices, rituals, festive events, knowledge and practices concerning nature and the universe or the knowledge and skills to produce traditional crafts. Some of that heritage takes the form of cultural property, formed by tangible artefacts such as buildings, monuments and work of art. Many parts of culture, however are intangible, including song, music, dance, drama skills, cuisine, crafts and festivals. They are form of culture that can be recorded but not touched or stored in

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physical form in a museum, but only experienced through a vehicle giving expression to it. These cultural vehicles are called ‘Human Treasures’ by the UN. Indian culture is one of the most ancient, diverse and incredible cultures in which tangible and intangible cultural heritage are in­ cluded. Preserving culture is the duty of every citizen and the gov­ ernment. UNESCO has listed intangible cultural sites in India comprising of our traditional dance forms like kalaripayattu and Vedic chanting, Ramlila, etc. And recently Sankirtana, a form of drumming and singing, which originated from Manipur, was also been included. Manipur is one of the north-east states constituted of various ethnic group and communities. It has a number of unique and distinctive cultural heritages of each ethnic group and community, in which one of the most unique forms is the Lai Haraoba, the re­ enactment of the creation which believe to be the pleasing of the gods and goddesses. The festival shows an image of the Meitei way of living, tradi­ tion, belief and customs and this festival is the original source of dance, music, rites and rituals, indigenous games and traditions of Manipur. So regarding this very word Lai Haraoba, different scholars and writers have given different opinion regarding the literal meaning of the word J. Shakespear interprets Lai Haraoba a ‘Pleasing of Gods’. According to Louse Lightfoot it is ‘Spirits pleasure’. T.C. Hudson views Lai Haraoba as ‘the rejoicing of the gods’. The various acts which were performed by the Almighty God for the creation of the universe are expressed in the form of dance, song, etc., in Lai Haraoba festival. Lai Haraoba also signifies the creation of the universe by the Supreme God. Thereby, Lai Haraoba is said to be cosmology. The festival is performed in front of parti­ cular deities Lainingthou (God) and Lairembi (Goddess). The venue of the performance is known as the ‘Laibung’. Lai Haraoba is con­ ducted with the help of three ritual functionaries called maiba, maibi and penakhongba. They play a major role during the festival. Lai Haraoba mirrors the entire culture of Manipur people. It is believed that the culture of Meiteis communities is derived from Lai haraoba.

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ORIGIN

One cannot trace the origin of Lai Haraoba in the history of Manipur and there is no historically authentic evidence to show how and when it started. Traditional scholars are divided in their views re­ garding the origin of Lai Haraoba. The first group says that the Lai Haraoba first originated on the top of ‘Koubru Hill’ and the second group opines that Lai Haraoba was first performed at Langmai Hill (now known as Nongmaiching Hill). This viewpoint was based on Meitei text Panthoibi Khongul taking it as the sole authority. Many of the traditional scholars associated the origin of the Lai Haraoba with the Leisemba myth (creation myth of the universe). They supported the original source of Lai Haraoba as expressed in the ancient Puya—Lai Hoi Laoba which means re­ joicing of the God. KANGLEI HARAOBA

This type of Lai Haraoba is performed as a ritual during the festi­ val called the Kangleithokpa. It is also known as Lai Nupi Thiba. In Kanglei Haraoba, Lai Ekouba is performed on the bank of a river or pond, Lairen Mathek (a serpentine move) known as Yumjao Phaphal is performed, annually. Lai Lamthokpa is performed during Lai Haraoba. On the day of lairoi (the last day of Lai Haraoba festival) a ritual song known as ougri hangel is sung and after Lai Haraoba, mukna (wrestling), lamjel (race), a kind of sport is played. RITUALS

One day before the commencement of the Lai Haraoba festival, the ritual of Lai-phisetpa (dressing up the deities) is performed by the maibas and maibis. In this ritual, idols of Lainingthou and Lairembi are made from bamboo and are dressed up. MAIN RITUALS OF THE FIRST DAY IN

KANGLEI HARAOBA

The festival begins with the ritual of Lai-ekouba, which signifies

the calling up of the spirit of the deity from the water. The maibas

(priests) and maibi (priesteses) along with people of the villages,

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walk to the designated ekhoupham (river or pond) in two rows. The maiba (male priest) invokes the God by throwing konyai (gold and silver coins) and rice into the water. One maibi dances while another maibi produces the hirilung (thread made of cotton) from an ehaiphu (earthen pitcher) and ties the leiyom (a particular species of leaves) to a stick three times. Holding it in her right hand, she dips the stick in the water and then, with the left hand, rings a bell, chanting the laihourol (hymns of creation) till such time as the spirit of the deity enters her body. Immediately afterwards she falls into a trance and begins to predict the future of the people. Once the ritual is completed, the procession returns to the shrine maintaining the former order of two lines. This part of the ceremony is known as the Hikaba or Lai Higaba. The spirit of the God and the Goddess now reside respectively in two ehaiphu carried by two lai-pubas. This procession is headed by a maibi who dances, rings a bell in time with the pena (a string instrument) and beats the harao pung (a drum). Lastly, there is a ritualistic sequence corres­ ponding to the infusion of the spirits in the urns, by which the installation of the God and Goddess is carried out. After the in­ stallation ceremony, the divinities are worshipped daily. Prescribed rituals are performed in the morning as well as the evening. MORNING RITUAL

Lai-yakaiba: Everyday in the morning pena khongba sits in front of the two presiding deities and sings yakairol, a song of invocation inviting the deities to the day’s programme. Laimang-Phamba or Laipao Chenba: The maibi sits in front of the deities and transports herself into a state of trance and delivers laopao (prophecy or oracle). This session is called laimang phamba, and then she dances Jagoi Katpa for the two deities. EVENING RITUAL

Lei-Langba: Men, women and children in their traditional cos­ tumes go to the laibung, the venue of the festival, to offer flowers to the deities. The actual offering of flowers is known as the leiLangba.

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Hoi Laoba: The maiba sings Lai Hoi Laoba accompanied by pena player and a harao pung. A few participants join them in the sing­ ing while clapping. THOUGAL JAGOI

The maibis and the participants dances the Thougal Jagoi which invoke the deities. Laiching Jagoi: The maibi dance with the langthrei (a special leaf ) held between their fingers. This sequence involves a variety of expressive movements where the spirit of the deity is invited to enter the maibi’s body. It also includes the Laisem Jagoi or the enact­ ment of the creation of the earth by nine God (laibungthou mapal ) and seven Goddesses (lainura taret). LAIBOU OR LAIPOU

Laibou is an important ritual in which the maibi and the other performers or participants enact the whole process of the life on the earth, starting from the existence of men and women. The performers who were in the procession of Ikouba will now make two rings around the laibou-la and the maibi shouts instructing the performers to remain silent and motionless because an impor­ tant ritual act called Hoirou Haya Laoba was going to be enacted. The maibi will utter some meaningful lines by way of incantatory singing to the accompaniment of pena music. HAKCHANG SABA OR HAKCHANG SAGATPA

The maibi performs the important dance of Hakchang Saba depict­ ing the formation of the human body limb after limb in the mother’s womb. The various parts of the body are made through dance and symbolic gestures. The complete process of building up of human anatomy takes almost sixty-four (64) intricate Laibou. Khutheks or hand movement, gestures, mimes that are highly dramatic. In the 64th Laibou khuthek, the infusion of the soul into the body or thawai happa is enacted.

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Yumsarol is the detail enactment of building of a house or con­ struction of a house. After the construction, the house is offered to the gods. PANTHOIBI JAGOI

After the Yumsarol, the maibi and the procession perform Panthoibi Jagoi for the prosperity of the whole community. This particular dance which is accompanied by a romantic song sung by the maibi and penakhongba refers to the love of the mythical hero Nongpok Ningthou for his spouse Panthoibi. PHISAROL JAGOI

After the Panthoibi Jagoi, the next item in the sequence of perfor­ mances is that of the preparation of the cloth and offering it to the presiding deities. With a series of gestures, body movements, songs and dialogues, the maibi and the members of the procession depict the whole process of the plantation of cotton plants, preparation of cultivation, sowing of seeds, the flowers and offer it to the gods. LONGKHOL JAGOI

Longkhol Jagoi is the ritual of gathering the soul of the deities. The symbolical representation of gathering of soul is done by long (a type of basket to catch fish). The maibi begins the long khonba from the south-west corner. CHONGKHONG JAGOI PHIBUL

JAGOI PACHUBA (LAI KABA)

The Phijang cycle begins with the end of the Panthoibi cycle. Phijang cycle includes elaborate rituals like Phibul Habi, Chongkhong Yetpa, Chongkhong Litpa and Lairen mathek that are performed beneath the phijan (a cloth spread out). Four men take their re­

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spective positions and spread out a new innafi or cloth forming a rectangle in the place where the Laiboula had place earlier. PHIBUL AHABI (DANCE WITH CLOTH BALLS)

The first sequence of the Phijang cycle is Phibul Ahabi or dance with phibuls (a kind of ball made of cloth). The four corners of the spread out phijang held by the chong bearers raise it to the shoul­ der level. Two priestess (maibi) take out two—phibuls or cloth balls representing Lainingthou and Lairemma. The cloth balls are placed on the phijang. The amaibi dances Phibul Jagoi by running with short quick steps, beneath the white cloth. CHONGKHONG YETPA

The second part of the Phijang cycle is Chongkhong Yetpa literally meaning encircling the chongkhong (Chong’s post). The amaibi representing Lainingthou and Lairemma in the ritual run under­ neath the phijang holding the balls in their right hands by twist­ ing and turning on the posts. The anticlockwise and clockwise movements around the post form a pattern like the number 8. Still holding the balls, back in their original position, the amaibi dance and sing songs. They proceed towards the Lainingthou Chong post standing behind the post bearer and touch the two balls to the chant of Chui-chui which is known as pachuba. This act is repeated again in the other posts. YUMJAO PAPHAL

The Phijang cycle ends with the Lairen Mathek ritual. Lairen Mathek can be interpreted as the curve of the python in which the whole community or procession participates. The spread out phijang is raised up higher than earlier. The right and left lines symbolizing Lainingthou and Lairemma merge into one. The amaiba leads the procession for the Lairen Mathek ritual, starting from right side of the presiding deities (one from thanging side south-west). Then

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the line marches ahead moving like a serpent beneath the white cloth, dancing around the formed post or chong post of the phijang. On reaching the centre of the phijang (the spot where the Laiboula was earlier kept) the amaibi touch the last person in the line known as makok Mamei chiknaba or yumjao paphal. WAKOL LAOBA

The priestess (maibi ) announces the Laikaba ritual (to retire the lais for the day). The participants assemble together forming a circle and sing the wakol lyrics along with the priest (maiba). The song wakol is accompanied by the loud sounds of the drum. NAOSUM ESHEI

After the Wakol Laoba, the pena player sings the cradle song (naosum-eshei) to put the deities to sleep. Naosum eshei is sung to end the day’s celebration. The daylong celebration comes to an end with deities symbolically put to sleep until the next early morning, to repeat the ritual again. The concluding rituals include Lai-lam-thokpa. On the day before lairoi or concluding day of Lai-Haraoba, in the afternoon, the masks or the devices representing the deities are placed on a dolai or palanquin and carried to a selected place away from the main area of performance. This ritual is called Lai-Lam-Thokpa which is some kind of an outing or a trip for sightseeing. KANGLEI-THOKPA (LAI NUPI THIBA)

On the penultimate day, a maibi goes into a trance, utters the laipu (message from the deities) and chooses a bride from the au­ dience. She is ordained as a maibi and devotes her life to the service of the deities. LAIROI

Lairoi is the final ritual performance of Lai Haraoba. On the last

day of the whole ritual sequence the daily items of performance are

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also be carried out. But on this last day some important item like Lou Yanba (Tangkhul-Nurabi episode), Thang Jagoi, Ougri, Kengcho, Uyanlon, Hijing-Hirao, etc., are added. These items are performed after the laipou has been completed successfully. After the Lai Haraoba festival is concluded, the next day there is a ceremonial function known as the Lei Khomba. In this ritual all the items in the festival such as flowers, fruits and plantain leaves are buried in the premises of the temple. From the study of Lai Haraoba it can be seen that it is a very complex phenomenon which involves culture, traditions, the use of human bodies, artefacts (such as costumes and props) as well as a specific use of music, space and sometimes light. As a result, a lot of tangible and intangible elements are combined within Lai Haraoba, making it a challenging but extremely interesting and recognizing as Manipur cultural heritage to safeguard and pro­ mote. This heritage is transmitted from generation to generation, is constantly recreated by communities and groups in response to their environment, their interaction with nature and their history and provides them with a sense of identity and continuity, thus promoting respect for cultural diversity and human creativity. Such cultural heritage is hard to preserve because they can disappear with social transformation and change (modernization). Because of the changes in the social, political and religious life of the Meiteis, the history of the ritual performances of the Lai Haraoba seems to be chequered. Between the seventh century AD and the sixteenth century AD Lai Haraoba movement received a great impetus in Manipur. During this period many of the hymns chanted and spiritual songs sung in Lai Haraoba were discovered and translated into performance. But in the eighteenth-century Lai Haraoba was more or less ignored when King Pamheiba adopted Hinduism as state religion in place of the ancient Meitei religion. During this period the observances were banned and a large number of brass masks representing the deities were buried. Then, in the second half of the twentieth century the Lai Haraoba movement was re-activated and rejuvenated.This is perhaps be­ cause of a strong movement of Meitei revivalism and its influence in the life of the Meiteis. The Meiteis began to look for and revive

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Akoijam Ranjita Devi

their cultural identity and defining Lai Haraoba, as a means to remind the Meiteisof their distinct and unique cultural and po­ litical identity. Many educated and energetic youths of Manipur joined the organizing committees of Lai Haraoba and promoted the process of rejuvenation of the Lai Haraoba movement. Such cultural heritage needs government support in its empowerment. The Ministry of Culture is the nodal agency to promote, protect our cultural heritage with the Sahitya Kala Academy, CCRT, Lalit Kala Academy, etc., playing a significant role. These institutions organize various festivals, scholarship and fellowship awards, etc., to promote such cultural heritage. The state government is also taking an initiative for safeguarding it by identifying and docu­ menting, research, preservation promotion, enhancement or trans­ mission particularly through formal and non-formal education— as well as revitalizing various aspects of it.

REFERENCES Achoubisana, R.K., Lai Haraoba of Manipur, Journal of Jawaharlal Nehru Manipur Dance Academy (JNMDA), Imphal: JNMDA, 1991-2. Hodson, T.C., The Meiteis , Delhi: B.R. Publishing Corporation, 1997 (rpt.). Kshetrimayum Otojit, Ritual, Politics and Power in North East India: Contexualising the Lai Haraoba of Manipur, New Delhi: Ruby Press & Co., 2014. Lakhoi, W., Lai Haraoba, Imphal: R.B. Printing House, 1989. Louise, L., Dance Rituals of Manipur, Hong Kong: The Standard Press, 1958. Manipur State Akademi, Manipuri Jagoi: Seminar Neinakheeba Mashak, Imphal: Manipur State Akademi, 1971. Nilakanta, E., Aspects of Indian Culture, Imphal: Jawaharlal Nehru Manipur Dance Academy, 1982. ——, Manipur Dances, New Delhi: Orison Publication, 1997. Paratt, S.N. and J. Paratt, The Pleasing of Gods: Meitei Lai Haraoba, New Delhi: Vikas Publishing House, 1997. Premchand, N., Rituals and Performances, Imphal: Cultural Resource Centre, 2005. Shakespear, Col. J., ‘The Religion of Manipur’, Folklore, XXIV (iv), 409-55, Calcutta: Folklore Society, 1913.

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Singh, K., Meiteism Through the Age in Manipur: Past and Present, vol. 2, New Delhi: Mittal Publication, 1991. Singh, M.C., Panthoibi Khongul, Imphal: Manipur Sahitya Parishad, 1999. Singh, N.K., Meitei Lai Haraoba, Imphal: Unique Printing Networks, 1963. ——, ‘Lai Haraoba’, in E.N. Singh (ed.), Proceedings of Seminar on Manipuri Dance, Imphal: Manipur State Kala Akademi, 1975.

C H A P T E R 24

Establishment of Cultural Resource

Centre in the Shrines of Umanglai:

A Proposal

THOUNAOJAM RUHICHAND

INTRODUCTION

Manipur, a little paradise in the north-east of India, has a rich cultural heritage, rooted in the religious, cultural and social custo­ maries of the community since time immemorial. The state has made many spectacular contributions to the world of culture, spe­ cial mention may be made of Manipuri dance (e.g. Ras Lila), music (e.g. pena), theatre (e.g. Shumanglila), martial art (e.g. thang-ta), polo, Umang Lai Haraoba, etc. The Umang Lai Haraoba (in short, Lai Haraoba)—a socio-cultural festival or the performance of cer­ emonial rites to appease the Umanglai (sylvan deity) is counted as the unique contribution of the indigenous peoples to the domain of world culture. The Meitei peoples in Assam, Tripura, Nagaland, Bangladesh and Myanmar also, celebrate Umang Lai Haraoba. The world famous Manipuri dance (Ras Lila), polo and UNESCO recognized Nat Sankirtan are the products of Umanglai culture. The truth is that, there is no dearth of talents of Manipur, espe­ cially in the field of art and culture, traditional knowledge, games and sports. The credit for the indigenous peoples being able to excel in various games and sports must go to the institution of Lai Haraoba, where a variety of indigenous games are still preserved for posterity. Indigenous games like mukna (traditional wrestling), khong kangjei (traditional hockey), sagol kangjei (polo), chenjong­

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mangjong (high jump and long jump), lamjel (race), thang-ta (martial arts), and boat race, etc., are part of Lai Haraoba ceremony. All the children, boys, girls, adults, young and old persons i.e. every member of society participates actively in the Lai Haraoba. The sporting spirit inherent in our forefathers and ancestors has been handed down from generation to generation through the tradition of Lai Haraoba. Undoubtedly, Manipur becomes the pow­ erhouse of sportspersons in the country. The only form of conser­ vation of forest in prehistoric and early part of recorded history of the indigenous peoples was the practice of worshipping local dei­ ties known as Umanglai which formed an important aspect of the religious customary practice. Since the Umanglais reside in a sa­ cred forest it was sacrosanct to protect the forest which stands in the name of the god residing therein. Thus, the Meitei and other indigenous people of Manipur, Assam, Nagaland and Tripura to­ day, are very much indebted to their forefathers for inheriting such a rich cultural heritage. Umanglai: The Lai (God) in Lai Haraoba refers to Umanglai. Various lineage and tribal ancestral deities were elevated to the position of Umanglai. The literal meaning of Umanglai is forest deities. But, as the tradition of the indigenous people reveals, it has a different significance. Scholars and writers who take Umanglais as forest deities following its literary meaning cannot explain satis­ factorily the socio-cultural and philosophical significance of the Umanglais as impressed upon the indigenous people. These dei­ ties are associated with the observance of ancient forefathers by their descendants. They are ancestors, or deities, that were be­ lieved to have had a human existence at some point in the past. Umanglais are the tutelary deities, i.e. guardian spirits connected with particular places or areas. There are various sacred places in Manipur which are associated with a particular deity. Some of the important deities are associated with one particular yek (clan). The Umanglais are thus deities, which are but traces and manifesta­ tions of the Tengbanba Mapu (Supreme God). These refer to those deities assumed to be involved in the creation of the earth and then living beings, nation making process etc. These tutelary, an­ cestral, domestic and clan deities are still worshipped as Umanglai

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by celebrating a traditional festival popularly known as Umanglai Haraoba in every localities of the Manipur valley. There are about 150 Umanglais residing in more then 700 shrines in the different parts of North-eastern India, Myanmar and Bangladesh. As the Lai Haraoba consists of fertility rites, some of the Uman­ glais are very popular among infertile couples for begining for children. Some of the Umanglais are closely associated with wor­ shipping on behalf of sick, weak and handicapped children. Wor­ shipping of Umanglai is a compulsory ritual programme of the wedding ceremony of Meitei people. Thus there is an inseparable relation between Umanglais and Manipuri society. So, each and every locality in Manipur is bound to have at least one shrine of Umanglai as there is such strong traditional belief of the Umanglai culture. Lai Haraoba: Lai Haraoba is a traditional festival associated with the indigenous people, celebrated to please traditional deities (Umanglai). Celebrated in honour of the sylvan deities known as Umanglai, this festival represents the worship of the traditional deities and ancestors. Besides its spiritual lessons, Umanglai Haraoba also reveals forms of ancestor worship. It is the only cultural activ­ ity in which social, philosophical and religious lives of the indig­ enous peoples are depicted very deeply and carefully. With this cultural activity, the continuous thought of the people of this cul­ turally rich land is preserved from the long gone days never decay­ ing and fading. Thus, the scientific and philosophical knowledge inherent in the Lai Haraoba needs to be studied thoroughly by the contemporary society. It becomes an imperative to digitize and preserve this rich cultural heritage for the future generation and make it known to the world community. Lai Haraoba, the vibrant festival, is widely helpful in the social­ ization and nation making process of the indigenous peoples. It embodies the elements of common ancestry, integrity and com­ munal harmony among the various communities residing in the region. In short, it can be said to reflect the culture of the indig­ enous peoples in totality, irrespective of caste, creed or faith. It is the greatest repository of spiritual insight and wisdom of the in­ digenous peoples of the region. Composed orally by the indigenous

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people’s sages since time immemorial, they have attracted the at­ tention of several scholars and spiritual seekers all over the world. Umanglai culture reveals the cosmogony-theory of the creation of the universe then the earth; theory of creation specially human beings: self-understanding and meditation plus the abode of the Almighty Lord; school of philosophy and thoughts of the indig­ enous peoples; publicity for the high ideals of the Meitei; annual conference of the indigenous peoples; training centre for leader­ ship of the indigenous peoples; democratic ideals of the peoples; defence, sports and health education system of the indigenous peoples; integration and understanding among the indigenous peoples, i.e., oneness of the peoples; school of financial manage­ ment; school of social discipline and observance thereof; protec­ tion of forest and environment as the shrine of Umanglai is sur­ rounded by sacred groves preserving many ritual floras and faunas; school of agriculture, handloom and handicraft of the indigenous peoples; school of oral and folk literature, dance and music; pre­ serves the culture of amaiba (priest), amaibi (priestess) and pena singer; and many more. In short, Umanglai culture is the universe of knowledge in the society of these indigenous peoples. So, re­ search scholars from different desciplines can study the Umanglai culture from different angles and perspectives. There is a growing recognition that cultural heritage and its conservation is a shared responsibility of all levels of government and members of a community. Unfortunately, the rich cultural heritage of the world is under tremendous pressure from the forces of rapid economic development, globalization, and political unrest. The world is facing an unprecedented loss of valuable traditional knowledge due to several factors. Recognizing the importance of traditional knowledge, UNESCO has taken the responsibility as the sole UN agency with the mandate for promoting the steward­ ship of the world’s cultural resources at all levels. Eleventh and Twelfth Five Year Plan of the Government of India and National Knowledge Commission even focused on preservation of traditional knowledge which is a medium for transmission of knowledge from generation to generation. The Sub-Group on Art and Culture con­ stituted by the Planning Commission for the formulation of the

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twelfth Five Year Plan has gone through each plan scheme being operated by various cultural organizations working in the field of literature, libraries and achieves and recommended the merger of the plan scheme for the promotion and dissemination of aware­ ness about Indian culture and heritage. Such type of preservation programmes cannot be implemented effectively unless informa­ tion regarding traditional knowledge is made available to the people (i.e. authorities, planners, professionals, cultural activists, schol­ ars, students, etc.) at the right time. In this backdrop, there is a need to establish cultural resource centres at the every shrine of Umanglai to protect, preserve and propagate the rich traditional knowledge of Umanglai culture. OBJECTIVES OF THE PROJECT

In the Umanglai culture, the origin of the indigenous peoples, their coming and settlement, their evolution as a social group, the struggle for existence by hard labour, agricultural works and weav­ ing for a civilized existence along with multiplication of progeny are clearly depicted through dance and music. To commemorate the younger generation of these things, the Lai Haraoba is per­ formed every year with pomp and gaiety accompanied by offerings of fruits, flowers, prayers, songs and dances down the ages. Unfor­ tunately, the change of time and emergence of modern society has brought about undesired influence into the festival and its sanc­ tity has been threatened. Modern people are very interested in transforming the festival into an entertainment festival. This un­ due influence has disturbed the psyche of tradition and culture loving citizens of society. During the past forty or fifty years it has been seen that with the march of time there has been almost a lack of enforcement of discipline in regard to such an important aspect of the Lai Haraoba. As a result, not conforming to the accepted rules and standards of observance of the rites and rituals in Lai Haraoba has become very common nowadays leading to a very unhappy trend even to the extent of creating a complete mess. There is a tendency of not keeping up the right kind of dress, folk songs, prayer, dancing style, rites, rituals and other aspects of the

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festival. Most of the social disciplines present earlier during the Lai Haraoba precincts are crumbling. The main objective of the project is to convert a shrine of Umanglai into a non-formal education centre for spiritual education and meditation, martial arts and other indigenous games, dance, music and other performing arts; social discipline and moral education; social gatherings and social work; awareness of the environmental folk culture, literature and other art forms; handloom and handi­ crafts, financial management, training in leadership, social har­ mony and integrity, etc. There should be non-formal educational classes including traditional education systems like Pakhangphal, Leisaphal, Leipung Phamba, etc. on the above subjects by cultural activists, scholars, community leaders, etc., in the centres from time to time. Therefore, a Cultural Resource Centre should be established in every shrine of Umanglai by consulting many experts in the field to restore Umanglai culture in its true and original form and also to keep on record the roots, stories and accompanying socio-cultural practices of these indigenous people. As a safeguard against these blows on the pristine purity of Lai Haraoba, the Centre should try its level best to protect, preserve and propagate this valuable gift of our forefathers in its original form by taking up various action programmes. This Centre would be the only one of its kind in the region which is working very hard for the survival of this rich culture in its true spirit by maintaining the social codes during the religious functions around the Umanglai precincts. The centre should also believe firmly that if the correct rites, rituals and devotional services as also the social discipline associated with Lai Haraoba are strictly observed and the merry-making of the sylvan deities are rightly performed, the society will be peaceful, prosperous and progressive. There should be a library cum museum building at each and every centre to preserve and promote the tangible, intangible and natural heritage. The library cum museum would be the most important part of the Cultural Resource Centre which would col­ lect, organize, store and disseminate all the related information about the Umanglai culture. It would have documentary resources like books, journals, manuscripts, research articles, proceedings,

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theses, dissertations, e-resources, etc. Museum pieces like important ritual objects, costumes, ornaments, musical instruments, offer­ ings, etc. would be preserved in this Centre. The Centre would be run by the Umanglai Haraoba Committee of the respective shrines. Most of the committees are also the government registered bodies. But, the overall administration and management of these centres would be under the supervision of Department of Art and Cul­ ture, Government of Manipur in collaboration with some leading culture based civil society organizations like the Umanglai Kanba Apunba Lup (UKAL). The Centre should be established for the preservation and pro­ motion of Umanglai culture with the following objectives. i . To protect preserve and develop the ethics and culture of Umanglai and Lai Haraoba. ii. To study the present trend of Umanglai culture to protect, preserve and promote the sanctity of the same. iii. To derive common resolution on procedures for celebration of Lai Haraoba and also to resolve the do and don’ts during the celebration. iv. To develop Laibung/Laikon (shrines) of Umanglai in relation to historical events and to keep all precincts of Umang Lai neat and clean and grow plenty of trees. v. To revive the Mini Biosphere Reserves in the shrines of Umanglai. vi. To conduct awareness programmes for conservation and pro­ motion of biodiversity in the Umanglai Laikons (shrines) in collaboration with Umanglai Kanba Apunba Lup, a leading registered body of Umanglai culture in the region and the management committees of the shrines. vii. To develop a guideline for eco-friendly construction of Umanglai shrine. viii. To prevent assimilation of other culture into our age-old cul­ ture of Lai Haraoba. ix. To establish a Documentation Centre for Umanglai culture. x. To take up strategies to preserve, protect and strengthen the various local institutions which have been enriching the Umanglai culture.

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xi. To encourage public support and patronage in the promotion of Umanglai culture. xii. To conduct non-formal educational classes on Manipuri cul­ ture and traditional knowledge. xiii. To conduct workshops, seminars, conferences, fair/exhibition and awareness camp/programmes for development of the un­ derlying philosophy of Umanglai Haraoba. xiv. To take up schemes and projects for the implementation of projects with the guidance of financial assistance of several funding agencies like the state government and the central government, the foreign agencies, financial institutions, the public and members. xv. To strive for publication of books containing philosophies and literatures of Lai Haraoba and also produce films on it. SIGNIFICANCE OF THE PROJECT

In terms of its objectives, it seeks to provide an initial step towards the documentation, preservation and promotion of all the infor­ mation related to Umanglai culture which remains in oral form so far, that are dying in due course of time and development of a suitable cultural resource centre for easy retrieval and accessibility of this rich cultural heritage. The project work will contribute and support the information required by the cultural activists, research scholars, teachers, students, practitioners of Umanglai culture, etc., and make share and exchange the information resources (tradi­ tional knowledge) available in Umanglai culture. The cultural re­ source centre would work as a platform for distribution of cultural information to right users. The application of ICTs is a very im­ portant tool nowadays for community as well as cultural develop­ ment. But, most of the functionaries of Lai Haraoba and the cul­ tural activists, have till now less access to technology, information and services (almost negligible). They require information about more productive e-documentation, archiving, and open access, e-preservation, protecting and presenting worldwide traditional knowledge of Umanglai culture. The need for cultural resource centre arises in each and every

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shrines of Umanglai of Manipur from where people can obtain information of interest and use to them. It can be a centre where cultural activists, research scholars, teachers, practitioners of Umanglai culture can take part in learning and research activities, discuss and share knowledge, information concern with extension and other community workers, planners and administrators. For better development and enhancement of the cultural heritage and traditional of Manipur, the central and state government should come forward to help and support in providing financial and techni­ cal requirement in time to those agencies, institutions, organiza­ tions and NGOs which are actively involved for the development of the traditional knowledge. The proposed of the project work is very important from various points of view. The importance of the project work is being high­ lighted in the following ways: 1 . To understand the rich cultural heritage of the region. 2 . To explore sacred places and the development of the rich cul­ tural heritage of the region. 3 . To understand the Meitei philosophy of religion, culture and politics, etc. 4 . To understand the indigenous games and sports, arts and crafts, culture and tradition. 5 . To create a database of the resources available in Umanglai culture. 6 . To understand the distribution of sacred groves of Umanglai in the region. 7 . To understand the celebration and ritual practices of the sacred groves of Umanglai. 8 . To understand the common taboos and beliefs associated with the sacred groves. 9 . To understand the features and mythology of the sacred groves. To understand the ethno botanical uses of the species found in the groves. 10. To understand the ecological importance of the sacred groves of Umanglai. 11. To understand the biodiversity status and vegetation charac­ teristics in the groves.

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12. To understand the threats to the sacred groves of Umanglai. 13. To find out the measures for the conservation of the sacred groves. 14. To understand the traditional relationship between the dif­ ferent communities of the region. 15. To attract the various international and national organizations for consideration of these sacred places of worship as the world heritage site. 16. To document all the information which remains in oral form, that are dying in due course of time. 17. To study the documentation works of culture which are al­ ready completed and in progress. 18. To develop a database of the region’s rich cultural heritage and preserve them for future use. 19. To develop a suitable Cultural Heritage Information Support System for easy retrieval and accessibility. 20. To attract many research scholars of Southeast Asian countries for cultural research. 21. To study the preservation and access to traditional knowledge of the region. 22. To study the marketing of cultural and heritage resources for optimal cultural tourism. 23. To find out a mechanism for promoting multicultural library services among culturally diverse communities of the region, etc. Regarding the potential contribution to knowledge in the field of social relevance or national importance, the present project will contribute to knowledge in the field of social science with respect to the unique cultural heritage of Meitei and worship of Umanglai its documented information will be of great value for research scholars of Southeast Asian countries. Such a project will bring researchers, policy makers, professionals and the practitioners together to explore some of the more pressing issues concerning traditional knowledge of Manipur today like cultural heritage tourism, cul­ tural industry, religious and pilgrimage tourism, economics im­ pacts cultural heritage, impact of cultural changes on the library services, provision of access to indigenous knowledge, ethnogra­

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phy, multicultural library, cultural literacy, cultural journalism, cultural education informatics, etc. In particular, the main goal of the project is to focus on interdisciplinary and multi-disciplinary research on tangible and intangible traditional knowledge, the use of cutting edge technologies for the protection, restoration, pres­ ervation, massive digitalization, documentation and presentation of the traditional knowledge content.

REFERENCES Bowitz, E. and K. Ibenholt, ‘Economic Impacts of Cultural Heritage Research and Perspectives’, Journal of Cultural Heritage, 2009, 10: 1-8. Chakravarty, R., ‘Preserving Traditional Knowledge: Initiatives in India’, IFLA Journal, 2010, 36 (4): 294-9. Indira Gandhi National Centre for the Arts, National Databank on Indian Art and Culture: A Pilot Project Sponsored by the Department of Information Technology, Ministry of Communication and Information Technology (MCIT), and Archaeological Survey of India, Government of India, 2012. Retrieved 7 November 2012, from http:// www. ignca.nic.in/ ndb_0001.htm. Lalitha, M. and K. Manoj, ‘Building an Image Repository for Indian Cultural Heritage Materials: A Digital Library Approach’, Proceedings of 3rd Convention PLANNER -2005, Silchar: Assam University, 2005. Purnima D.T., S.K. Surachand and S.T. Ruhichand, ‘Towards an Ontologybased Central Repository of Traditional Knowledge of Manipur with Special Reference to Umanglai Culture’, in International Conference on Trends in Knowledge and Information Dynamics, Proceeding of the 4 Days International Conference at DRTC, Bangalore, 10-13 July 2012, pp. 63-74. Ruhichand, S.T., ‘Need for a Central Repository for the Preservation of Trad­ itional Knowledge of Manipur with Special Reference to Umanglai Culture’, in Role of Librarians, Archievists, and Writers in Preservation of National Heritage, Proceeding of the 3 Days National Seminar, Manipur University Library, Canchipur, 9-11 September 2010, pp. 910-21. Tsirliganis, N. et al., ‘Archiving Cultural Objects in the 21st Century’, Journal of Cultural Heritage, 2004, 5: 379-84.

PA RT V I

FOLKLORE HERITAGE

OF MANIPUR

C H A P T E R 25

Hao-laa: Cultural Heritage in

Tangkhul Naga Society

WONCHIPEM K.S. AND M.C. ARUNKUMAR

INTRODUCTION

The cultural heritage of a people includes the works of its artists, architects, musicians, writers and scientists as also the work of anonymous artists, expressions of the people’s spirituality and the body of values which give meaning to life. It includes both tan­ gible and intangible works through which the creativity of that people finds expression: languages, rites, beliefs, historic places and monuments, literature, works of art, archives and libraries (UNESCO 1982: 43). Cultural heritage, which was traditionally associated with monuments and collections of objects, now covers the traditions and living expressions inherited from ancestors and passed on to descendants in its wider understanding (Okumu 2017). Anthropologists and historians stress that heritage is now con­ ceived of as a living and creative process, defined with regard to the future rather than an international standard for the institutional­ ization of cultural heritage on a world scale (Manuel 2004). In this sense, folklore which contributes largely to the cultural life of the Tangkhul people is an important aspect of study. They were fond of community activities and merry-making and singing folk songs is an integral part of their celebrations. ‘There were songs for community works; as far practicable, work songs were sung rhythmically and in synchronization with the physical action so

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that the labour may become more of a fun’ (Mashangva 2001: 7). The culture of the Nagas depicts the ways of their life, the inher­ ited behaviours and thoughts of their forefathers, passed on to the new generation, through oral traditions and day-to-day practices and conservative lifestyles—in the form of customs, traditions, norms, values, beliefs and conventions, acquired through the pro­ cess of time, change, innovation, evolution and growth; contact, diffusions, integration, imitation and acculturation (Thong 2011: 57). Hao-laa is a Tangkhul term for folk song and folk songs were part and parcel of the life of the Tangkhul Nagas. It plays a signifi­ cant role in preserving history and cultural identity of the Tangkhul Nagas. Shimreingam (2016) has remarked ‘Singing and dancing are integral parts of Tangkhul culture. They sing at work in the fields, in the dormitory, etc. They have varieties of songs for different ocassions, seasons, festivals, etc. and also communicate one another through their songs’. The Tangkhuls boast of their rich cultural heritage which was passed on to new generations through oral traditions as they do not have written records. Hao-laa covers every aspects of social and cultural life of the people such as the origin, identity, stories of war between different villages when headhunting was in practice, marriage, death, etc. Hao-laa were sung in differ­ ent dialects belonging to different villages of the Tangkhul Nagas. The past life of the Tangkhul Nagas can be seen only in the resi­ dues of folk traditions which are still practised by the aged people in the villages. However, with the conversion to Christianity, the Tangkhul people started discarding some of their hao-laa which was considered as evil practices. METHODS AND METHODOLOGY

Ethnographic fieldwork has been conducted for this study. A case study of Chatric village folk song which is one of the Tangkhul villages was undertaken. Both primary and secondary data are used. Primary data includes in-depth and unstructured interviews where the informants are in the age group of 60-80 years. Secondary sources of data include books, articles, journals, publications, etc.

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RESULT AND DISCUSSION

HAO-LAA AND ITS TYPES Hao-laa is a Tangkhul term for folk song which is also known as kharar-laa (elder’s song). Literally hao means Tangkhul people, where they call themselves as hao mostly in olden times, and laa means song. There are numerous hao-laa for different occasions and seasons which are sung accordingly throughout the year and not randomly. In the olden days, hao-laa was also used to commu­ nicate with one another. The words have a deeper meaning than words which are used to converse and entail stories of the past life. The Tangkhul Nagas are fond of merry-making and festivals and it is associated with different hao-laa which revolves round agri­ cultural activities being an agrarian society. It also depicts head­ hunting activities which was a common practice in ancient days. Hao-laa are intimately connected with day-to day activities of the people in the past. As such they have different types of hao-laa, they are: meisum-laa tantak-laa luira-laa luishom-laa luimao-laa chumpha-laa luiwut-laa maha-laa marung-laa si-laa thisham-laa

: : : : : : : : : : :

maran-laa shimsak-laa pet-laa chapchat-laa

: : : :

nokhot-laa

:

song of courting and social song song on the way to paddy field song of seed sowing festival song of transplanting paddy song of weeding unwanted plants or grass song of harvest festivals song of cutting trees for jhum cultivation song of harvesting paddy song of pounding rice song sung during winter or cold season song of sending off the dead soul to kazeiram, the land of kokto (underworld) song of feast of merit song of house building song sung in bed reminiscing days gone song of lamentatation or song of sorrow which are similar to pet-laa lullaby

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zur-laa yangyir-laa kanrei-laa laanganui-laa kayang-laa kharar-laa khangser-laa

: : : : : : :

song of rainy season song of last days of summer and onset of autumn song of spring song of beauty contest song of courtyard song of forest song of flirtation

HAO-LAA AS CULTURAL HERITAGE

The Tangkhul Naga people led a community life closely connected with singing and merry-making throughout the year. Being an agrar­ ian society they are hard working people but they are also fond of merrymaking and enjoyment. They sing hao-laa in celebrations and festivals, in sorrow or grief and also while working. They sing hao-laa when they work to make it more of fun. According to work activities their songs also differ, so they sing different hao-laa for different activities. This hao-laa talks of their past life, of how they work and the activities they are engaged for livelihood. It also describes how the people work and the management of time for cultivation. For example, luishom-laa which are sung in this way: chiava riye . . . lo mashoi-ye; kahyuriilo . . . rakae shyoi-ye; a . . . hei . . . he . . . ! It says ‘cicada has come . . . paddy transplanting yet to be done; its drooping . . . only a bundle transplanted; a . . . hei . . . he . . . !’ they sing such hao-laa repeatedly as they transplant paddy. It means that if the cicada has started singing it’s already late for transplant­ ing paddy nurseries. It reminds them of the season where they had to finish their work at the right time. The Tangkhul people are hard working and they keep track of the time for every work in their own way. Another luishom-laa goes like this: ‘the sun sets . . . frog croacks; your beloved son would be crying; a . . . hei . . . he!’ it describes about the life of the people earning their livelihood leaving their young kids at home with old grannies and working in the paddy field. They sing this hao-laa while transplanting paddy even when the sun sets so that they would finish the work in time and at the

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same time they are concerned about the young kids left at home. The Tangkhul Nagas are self-sufficient with their hard work and do not depend on others. They work and sing simultaneously while engaged in agricultural activities. The Tangkhul people also take a break from work and indulge in various festivals full of merriment and sing different kinds of hao-laa. They celebrate festivals with great exuberance and adorn themselves with their traditional attires and sing songs (hao-laa) and dance. Hao-laa such as laa khanganui laa is sung in luira/ luita phanit (festivals) where all the unmarried girls in the village participate to proof their virginity. They dress themselves beauti­ fully in their traditional attires and the audience admire their beauty. It is not just a singing competition but a kind of modern beauty contest where the most beautiful girl of the village is selected among the virgins. As it is dance of the maidens, it is also called as ‘virgin dance’ (Shimray 2001). In all other celebrations and festivals, hao­ laa were sung and passed on to the next generation which helped in preserving their culture through this oral tradition. An example of luira/luita laa: kaya kadeivana akhekha! khyushia­ ngyi ne riyalo lungchia-ye!; o!malung chiaye rialo-ria!; rialo-rialo, saunglo aleesha! It says ‘the big courtyard is filled! Traveller/pass­ erby from neighbouring villages sees and envied! O! How envious they are! Envy more and more, picking/pointing out group of girls!’ this hao-laa describes the grandeur and beauty of luira/luita festi­ vals. It also showed that the people valued and took pride in their culture. It showcased the traditional attires and cultural life of the Tangkhul Nagas. Many more luira/luita songs sung in this festival. One of the common practice of the Tangkhul Nagas in the olden days was headhunting which is also known as rai laa. One such example is raiyot-lumlao laa which means song of victorious war celebrations, is sung as: E-lo! Lungkhaleora ei wuiya, O! Maungkhanga phungthae haingyee­ liawe malungchee!

O! Mayo ‘kaba thangshaungwe ngyeo aiko phungwelo!O! Phungwe

nanei shungpee kachae’ khyu-do siwei ye! O! Siwei nanei raphee shungva,

aree sia-mei ye! O! Kolunglia na naung-ayungwenanei, ai-ree chaile ye!

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It says E-lo! I went to look at merry-making, O! Never want to leave the yearning heart of phungthae hangyeelia! O! From the moun­ tains whose head did you bring! O! On that day they come back speaking different dialect in every junction! Speaking different dialect the way becomes so far away! O! On the day mister gets sentimental, weeps all the time. They sing such hao-laa depicting their headhunting practice between the different villages. The villages of the Tangkhul Nagas speak different dialects even though Tangkhul dialect is the linguafranca of the people. This hao-laa is a reminiscence of the past days of the person whose heads had been cut off. During those days when they brought home heads, they had merrymaking and sang hao-laa relating the victorious celebrations. Hao-laa can be narration of an event, daily activities, the people’s history or their society which helps in reconstructing and preserving their past life. Hao-laa is part and parcel of the life of this people and has been in practised since its inception. Through this folklore the social and cultural life Tangkhul Nagas has been brought into lime­ light. It is the cultural identity of the Tangkhul people which has been passed down from one generation to next generation. HAO-LAA AND CHRISTIANITY

With the coming of Christianity in the nineteenth century, hao­ laa started being dowing as some of the Hao-laa were considered to be connected with traditional religion. It started being replased by Christian hymns and later on with modern love songs. Head­ hunting practice was no more and songs associated with such ac­ tivities were discarded. The converts were strictly prohibited from some of the religious and cultural practices which were considered evil by the Christian missionaries. So they started discarding some of the hao-laa which were associated with prohibited festivals like thisham (sending off the dead soul), maran-kasa (feast of merit), etc. When festivals are no longer remembered the Hao-laa associ­ ated with them are also forgotten. At present most of the young people cannot sing hao-laa which are sung by the aged people only. However, the younger genera­

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tion has started realizing the importance of hao-laa as a cultural heritage of the Tangkhul Nagas and are trying to revive it. They give due importance to singing hao-laa in cultural festivals and social gatherings in the form of competitions. They use hao-laa as the cultural identity of the people by performing it in cultural programmes and many other important occasions of present day. CONCLUSION

The Tangkhul people are closely associated with different kinds of hao-laa which are sung in different dialects. Hao-laa are integral part of festivals and celebrations and also used to communicate with one another. They sing hao-laa in celebrations and festivals, in sorrow or grief and also while working. Hao-laa is a narration of an event, daily activities, the people’s history or their society which helps in reconstructing and preserving their past life. It is a key to the life of the Tangkhul Nagas asthere are no written records of their past. They have numerous hao-laa for different occasions and seasons which are sung accordingly throughout the year and not randomly. Through this rich folklore which had been passed down from one generation to the next, the social and cultural life of Tangkhul Nagas has been brought into limelight. It represents their cultural identity. Hao-laa is a cultural heritage of the Tangkhul people which covers the traditions and living expressions inherited from ancestors and passed on to their descendants.

REFERENCES Bortolotto, C., ‘From Objects to Processes: UNESCO’S “Intangible Cultural Heritage”, Journal of Museum Ethnography, 2007, 19: 21-3. Horam, M., Social and Cultural Life of Nagas, Delhi: B.R Pubishing Corpora­ tion, 1977. Horam, R. and H. Shimreingam, My Roots: Social and Political Studies of the Nagas, New Delhi: Sunmarg Publisher and Distributors, 2016. Luikham, T. Wung (Tangkhul) Naga Traditional Laws, Ukhrul: Kachingma Raqui, 2013.

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Okumu, O.S., ‘The Concept of Intangible Cultural Heritage in Kenya’, in A. Deissen and M. Njkguna (eds.), Conservation of Natural and Cultural Heritage in Kenya, London: UCL Press, 2016, pp. 45-58. Shimray, A.S.W., History of the Tangkhul Nagas, New Delhi: Akansha Publishing House, 2001. Shodganga, Cultural Practices of the Tangkhul Nagas: Historical Encounters and Cultural Changes. Accessed from http://shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in/ bitstream/10603/18137/7/07_chapter%202.pdf Thong, J.S. and P. Kath, Glimpses of Naga Legacy and Culture, Kottayam: Society for Naga Students’ Welfare, 2011.

C H A P T E R 26

The Kabui (Rongmei ) Folk Song

of Manipur

GAIHEMLU KAMEI

A BRIEF HISTORY OF KABUI (RONGMEI )

The Kabui is one of the indigenous tribes of Manipur. They popu­ larly call themselves as Rongmei. The term rongmei is a combina­ tion of two words. Rong mean south and mei mean people. Thus the word rongmei stands for the southern people. The ancestral home of the Rongmei lies in the mountain range of Tamenglong district of Manipur and adjacent mountain areas of Nagaland and Assam. The Kabui settlement area within the territory of Manipur happens to be the southern portion of the vast trace of Kabui country and hence those who settle in the southern part of their habitat within Manipur call themselves as Rongmei, the southerners. In terms of race and language, the Kabui fall under the TibetoBurman family of the Mongolian race. It is believed that a mem­ ber of the mongoloid group including the Kabuis used to inhabit the upper course of the Chinese rivers of the Yangtze and Huang Ho. According to the writing of an ancient enthronographer of the British era, they are one of the twenty-two tribal communities who lived in Manipur. Today also, the Kabui have been enlisted as one of the 29 tribes in the Constitution of India. The source of information about the origin and migration of the Rongmei people is based on the traditional legend, folk song, folklore, myth, ritual hymns, etc. According to mythology, they are said to have originated from a cave called Mahou Taobei also

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called Ramting Kabin in the Senapati district of Manipur. Later, they settled in Makhiang or Makhel village (Mao Naga area) for a long period where Naga tribes also traced their origin. It is gener­ ally believed that after the migration from Makhiang village, they settled down in ‘Makuilongdi’1 under the leadership of Kadingbou. The village grew in population and people become very prosper­ ous. The number of households reached as many as 7,777 and the people attained the zenith of the socio-cultural affluence. However, as resources became scarce, some were urged to move to different areas. Thus the Kabui went away from Makuilongdi. The present population is settled in the Tamenglong district of Manipur, Imphal Valley, Bishnupur district and a few in the state of Nagaland, Assam and Mizoram. According to the 2001 Census Report, the population of Kabui in Manipur is 82,555 including 41,513 males and 41,042 females. FOLKLORE AND FOLK SONG

Folklore is a body of expressive culture including legends, oral poetry, myth, proverb, folk songs, popular beliefs, customs and so on. It is also a set of practices through which those expressive modes are shared. The phrase folklore was first used by the English anti­ quarian William Thomas in his letter, published by the London journal Anthenaeum, in 1846. Folk song is part of folklore. It is the only means to track the early history of the tribe. Different societies have different culture, thus different folk songs are found among the common people with different cultural background. Every community has unique folk songs, way of singing, instru­ ments played and the costume worn by the singers. This makes it one of a kind and distinct from others. The folklore of the Kabui do not have their written history but has been handed orally from generation to generation. The folk songs of the Kabui reflect and manifest the culture and practices of the Kabui ranging from their belief in the supernatural power, to their practices of daily life, such as in festivals, funerals, marriage ceremonies and other activities.

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SOURCE OF FOLK SONG

Folk songs are songs often of anonymous origin that are transmit­ ted orally. They are a major aspect of national or culture identity. Folk songs exist in almost every society which are sung during the festivals, marriage ceremonies, competitive events and funerals, etc. It is said that all the Kabui folk songs originated from God. As based on the myth of the Kabui tribe, they narrated the origin of folk song from two sources. The first one is believed to be mythology and is traced to the era during which human and gods and god­ desses were believed to have lived together and even inter-married. The second source may be found in the era in which human be­ ings lived separately from the gods and the goddesses. The first source says that the Anbaan Raguang/Na Raguag—the lower realms gods performed a sacrificial ceremony called Raguang Kaisumei (raguang—God and kaisumei—ornamented house). God invited all living creatures to participate in ceremony by dropping a golden ladder from heaven. During the ceremony, Gomtu and Gomning (gods) taught the songs to Kungda and Sensui (mankind). As hu­ man beings had a great curiosity so men learnt all the songs that were taught to them. In the ceremony, Charenglu (Goddess) led the dance called Banjai Laam. At that moment she forgot the first line of the song so, and asked Langlu to participate and sing the song. The ceremony was completed with the help of the mankind. Therefore, it is said that all the songs originated from gods, men adopted those as sung by God. The second source is that one day man performed a sacrificial ceremony at the paddy field. He of­ fered animals for the evil god. They believed that the evil spirit would come and eat the flesh of animal. During the night the evil spirit came and tried to kill a farmer who slept in his farm hut. The farmer was frightened and rushed into the bunch of straw (napgou). Then the deity of the paddy field (Lao Ra) came and protected him from the evil god. He said, ‘Oh! gods, if you want to kill and eat the man, first you must sing the songs of Thong­ ramnang that were sung on the occasion of Tareang ceremony and you could remove one straw after singing a song’. Thereafter, the evil god started removing one straw after singing a song. When the

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physical body of the man was noticed, suddenly the day broke out. The evil gods left the field. So, man was saved from evil gods and returned home safely. It is said that he taught the villagers the songs that he overheard that night. Thus the Kabui elders consid­ ered their folk songs as the song of god. CLASSIFICATION OF KABUI FOLK SONGS

The Kabui folk song can be classified into five groups. They are: 1. A song connected with agricultural cycle (a) Laophunh Luh (Song of Sowing) (b) Lau leo Luh (Song of Weeding) (c) Majaah Luh (Song of Rice) 2. Festival Song (a) Karapei Le Karapou kuan Luh (Song of Procreation) (b) Chapa Luh (Song of Common Dance) (c) Kailuangh Ruan Luh (Song of Caroling) (d) Niangguangmei Luh (Children Song) 3. A Ritualistic Song (a) Maku Luh (Song of Feast of Merit) (b) Zouh Sow Luh (Song of Flouring Pounding) (c) Matui Le Marei Luh (Song of Youth Feast of Merit) 4. Song of the Marriage Ceremony (a) Luchian Luh (Song of Showing Gesture) 5. Other Song (a) Luruang and Luphai Luh (Poetic Song) (b) Naah Kathu Luh (Song of Lullaby) (c) Ramruanh Luh (Song of Love and Sentimental) A SONG CONNECTED WITH

AGRICULTURAL CYCLE

LAOPHUNH LUH (SONG OF SOWING) Laophunh Luh is the song of sowing seed which is sung during sowing. They believ that the goddess of paddy will be happy and bless them with a plentiful harvest if the cultivators work in a

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joyful mood. Therefore, they sing as they work in the field. The song is sung in a responsive manner by two groups made up of men and women. In the beginning the song is sung in slow rhythm and continued until their work is done. To conclude the song everyone stands up and then the singing gains momentum and then concludes with a shout ‘Huai . . . Huai . . .’. The shouting is an invocation to God. No musical instrument is used for Laophunh Luh. It is sung with clapping of hands in rhythm. Song Charak keithoi,

Laokum keipu keh,

Themlaineita ninglupumanggei,

Khoigunanang akhou honlejo,

Kailu themlaineikhou ganghonna-o.

Khoigunanang laihondeti,

Thiamleineikhou ganghonna-o.

Translation As spring falls

On the way to the paddy field.

Miss Themlianei did not greet with a smile,

And he beseeched the bees not to swarm around him,

But he told the bees to go and swarm near Miss Themlianei

And he beseeched the bees not to swarm around him

But he told the bees to go and swarm near Kailu Themlianei.

LAU LEO LUH (SONG OF WEEDING) Lau Leo luh is the song of weeding. The style of singing and method is the same as with Laophunh Luh. Song Heigaan chaang phaobang thaorem rem,

Neilim tatgaiyei.

Phaobangjaangnung charuimunpong busaanthei,

Puninglui tampuikhang gaimei kada dun kei-o.

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Tanslation On the village road there is a bush,

It is better to walk under the sunset.

There is a flower among the bushes,

A brother plucks the choices flowers for his sister.

MAZAAH LUH (SONG OF RICE) Mazaah means rice and luh refers to song. This is a variety of home warming song which is sung in praise of the hosts who perform the functions. The style and method of singing is by a single per­ son or a group of persons right from the beginning of the song till the end. No method of lead and follow is required. When the song is concluded, everyone will shout—Laugai . . . Laugai. . . . The main musical instrument used in the song are gong, cymbal and nrah-bung. Song Mazaahta malah makge,

Laningmei ranna dai-e

Aphai tangzei a-mik tangzin pukhou heirioi makge,

Mazaahta ganh duhni-e

He nangta kao dat puni hei-e,

Nangta kao dat puni hei mu hei-e.

Laokum laokoi na nap goi soh,

Chengshi nanu khaijo.

Loimu gaitong loirang gaitong panpon lana,

Ashei nei khou dat pune hei-e,

Mazaah le luang gung kheijo.

Nabam khang gaimei kadanglana,

Tingne lumak, neine souloumak puibam,

Akai khou nai-e bu-we.

Chagou Kummeipui kai khou.

Translation I do not hate you, O Rice!

Do not be displeased.

Because of stumbling of my foot,

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And blurring of my sight,

You have been thrown out on the ground.

Someday, I will call you back again.

On that fine day,

I will offer you.

The best cock and hen of the fowls,

And call upon you.

For you I will choose a better place,

A place where neither rainfall nor sunshine occur.

With praise I will put you in my front,

And take you to my home.

FESTIVAL SONG

KARAPOU LE KARAPAI KUAN LUH (PROCREATION SONG OF OLD MEN AND WOMEN) Karapou and Karapai Kuan Luh is a song which is sung on the occasion of Naahnu (ear piercing festival). It is an annual festival celebrated in the month of January or February. Most of the songs are based on fertility myths. Therefore, normally unmarried boys and girls do not sing the song. It is believed that the singing of these songs enhances procreation of all the living being including human being, more fructification of crops, thus ensuring prosper­ ity and abundance. Song Naahsangsaan puh,

Zipkei thuimak,

Laekpuithiu

Kalung-kaguan thaubam thang.

Zipchung khou rui

Inrui khuangh tuang.

Thai makge.

Translation When the occasion of ‘Naahsangsaan’ comes,

People cannot fall asleep.

Women are moving frequently,

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The whole night on their beds.

It’s from the midnight.

Even the cock’s crow

Is passed unheard off.

CHAPA LUH (SONG OF COMMON DANCES) Chapa Luh is sung at chapa laam. It can be sung at any festivals or on any occasion. The song is sung with the accompaniment of drum beating, cymbal and gong. Song Babaraag lam thou lo, Babaraag lam thou lo, Kummeiluni lam thao lo. Babarang lam thou lo.

Translation Stage like a hornbill dance,

Stage like a hornbill dance,

On this day, start dancing like a hornbill dance.

Stage like a hornbill dance.

KAILUANGH RUAN LUH (SONG OF CAROLING) Kailuangh Ruan Luh is a song which is sung during the festivals of Gaan-Ngai, Rih-Ngai, Naanuh-Ngai and Tun-Ngai. Kailuangh Ruanmei means carolling. The song is sung in a responsive manner by some youths and they go through the village the whole night till dawn. They visit from house to house and have food and drink. Gong, cymbal and drum are the main musical instruments. Song Anggan aimu,

Kailong patpuboi,

Tuna thu aluh nuna lang loi-o.

Hey lon thangtine,

Aluh nuna langloi-o.

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Translation A young man,

He was singing and strolling in the village

Let the lady spin the yarn by hearing his song.

He will stroll till dawn,

Oh-Lady spurn the yarn till she heard the song.

NIANG GUANG MEI (CHILDREN SONG) It is a group song of children who are not yet admitted in any of the khangchu and luchu (boys or girl dormitory). Niang Guang Mei Luh is sung by these boys and girls on the occasion of Naahnu and they go from house to house and dance praising, demanding and collecting vegetables, meat, rice, etc. And they perform Thingrou Thai Haamei at every household on this occasion. The manner of singing of the song is the same as with other songs. Song Meona galing tuloula,

Abungsuwe alei-alei.

Apui daagkhou jiplumgum.

Translation After having a meona galing (Entada rheedii seed)

My stomach has started to ach and

I sleep warmly in my mother’s arm.

A RITUALISTIC SONG

MAKU LUH (SONG OF FEAST OF MERIT) Maku luh is a song which is sung during the ceremony of Baanru and Taraeng kai sumei. The term maku means feast of merit. The style and manner of singing of all the songs of feast of merit are different from other types of songs. However, most of the styles of songs are same as other song of dances.

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Song Kummeiyangpu kizaeng laamh so,

Heikummeinei ting-neihmik,

Kummeilunei chahiu kumh,

Heikummeinei ting-neihmik,

He aramhmei luh kadunmei-e tu-e.

Translation Dancing at the premises of the host.

So elegant is the hostess,

She is like a hornbill,

She is like a hornbill,

She is the belle of the village.

ZOUH SOW LUH (SONG OF FLOUR POUNDING) Zouh Sow Luh is the song of flour pounding. It is sometime known as Paantang Luh. The song is sung while pounding flour for mak­ ing rice beer and breads for feast and rituals. The pounding of flour is done some days ahead of a big festival or feast like MakuBaanru, Muliang. Matui and Ragaidai. The song is sung either in responsive or lead and follow manner as per the choice of the folk. The song is started in slow mode and gets faster and faster rhyth­ mically till the flour is properly pounded. The song is accompa­ nied by drum, gong, cymbal, etc. Song Aramh namdaih khou zouh sow tuang,

Thow kaikhangh khou sow tuangcho?

‘kummeipu kaikhang khou

Zouh sow tuange’

Kummeineita tei

He mik zuath suna zauh zo,

Mikzuath su’sinni mang-man lakkhe,

Kummeipu kailumei ta

Translation Making flour for beer at our village, Where and which group is making it?

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“Kummeiyanggpu group is pounding flour for beer”

Have a look at Kummeinei,

But you cannot even dream of winning one,

Of the group of Kummeiyangpu.

MATUI LE MEIRI LUH (SONG OF YOUTH FEAST OF MERIT) Matui Le Meiri Luh are songs sung specially in the khangchu (boys dormitory) and luchu (girls dormitory) separately. A thianh is a type of dormitory which is divided into two that organizer and does everything for Matui and Meiri. Therefore, these feasts are known as the youth feasts of merit. Matui Luh is sung at both Matui and Meiri feasts. They sing a song, dance and make merry. Haansianghmei, Pazeimei, Pheigoumei are the various dances during the feasts. The main musical instruments are drum, gong and cymbal. Song Matuikhang langthaolana,

Thiankanmeigoi akin kahaolana,

Kakaitho gangdala kachun su,

Thian keilakamei angan patjao bambuwei.

Thianhkeilikho ragai chabon natholei.

Antao chabon kinson,

Antao chabon kin gai,

Matui tanlagei.

Translation Preparing for lady’s festival Those who have longed for ages to partake in the festivity When they return home they longed for the glorious past Men who have passed the youthful life watch from distance They don’t want to fade and age recollecting the past glories The youths of the past surpass the greatness of the present age They yearn and seek to rejoice in the festivity.

330

Gaihemlu Kamei SONG OF MARRIAGE CEREMONY

LUCHIAN LUH (SONG OF SHOWING GESTURE) Luchian Luh is a different type of song generally sung by a group of two or more persons. There are three types of song namely—Meinow Kailuangh Pat Luh, Nowsuanh Luchian Luh and Maku Luhchian Luh. Meinow Kailuangh Pat Luh is sung on the event of weeding by two bachelors of the same Thianh. Nowsuanh Luchian Luh is sung during the marriage ceremony and Maku Luchian Luh is also sung on the occasion of feast of merit (Maku). Again, there are two type of song called Kailuh Luchian Luh and Kakak Luchian Luh. The former is sung at kailu or Luchu and some­ time it is also sung during the occasion as specified above. There is no musical instrument to accompany this song. Song Hey huai,

Tingkeitho tinggangputhei.

Meinoulei-e-kamthou-o dui-khou,

Heh heh-e ting kei-e tho tinggangputhei,

Hei Themlainei heh huai.

Translation Let the rain fall and the day dawn. Let the rain drop fall into the brook, Ah-let the rain fall and the day dawn Oh-Themlainei. OTHER SONGS

NAAH KATHU LUH (LULLABY) Naah Kathu Luh is lullaby song. It is sung to lull a baby to sleep, to caress or to stop it from crying. There is no specific occasion or time to sing it. Most of the songs are of disjointed sentences. They are purely connected with such things that may be interesting to the children. The song is sung propping up the child. It is a simple song and there is no specific manner of singing.

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Song Bei bei-bei bei, Beilo beilenlo. Apuijan kummeipu, Apujan kummeini, Bei bei-bei bei.

Translation Nap nap-nap nap Nap and try to sleep My dad’s name is Kumeipu My mom’s name is Kumeipui Nap nap-nap nap.

LURUANG AND LUPHAIH (POETIC SONG) Luruang and Luphaih are lyrical songs. Compared to the other Kabui folk songs Luruang and Luphaih are longer and they usually describe the personal achievement or memorable incidents in the life of the composers. The song is sung only by an individual per­ son without rhythm and musical instrument. There is no specific occasion for singing the Luruang and Luphai Luh. Song (Luruang) Lau tai ngamna,

Duangh luanlou du,

Chakaan pat puhei rui,

‘Gin luanliang pungnge.

Intunaah chalian chaengdaih bamkhammei khou,

Dinh tangh tiheizo.

Inggaan ai mu guaih-bangh naimakna

Intunaah chalian chaengdaih,

Kakhaam kai mihlou,

Pamzu puanh kanmei thiuta,

How nina tat tung dei-e

Inggaan ai mu.

Ai how laki tunaah n thian lum bu the,

Lianchuanghpu ni yhian lum bu the,

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Gaihemlu Kamei

Tunaah ni thian budei dingthe.

Ai ni inruangh-ramh tho chagin-Luanghbaa paengh ngam,

Luanghpiluangh zuan kei-e.

Kaithipaengh le kaimaengraengh ganruan,

Chianpat keilou;

Daluanluangh tangh,

Achai khianruopu nam tangh la,

Tangkhuangluangh ganruan,

Munthaa guangruan,

Muanghtina guang zip pukhangnge,

Inggaan aim u.

Lauthuan thauna buanruanghluangh kuloula,

Tunaah anei kaibianna deithe.

Guaihchi tazeita inzuan kumhna,

Guang putuang ku ai mu,

Tunaah ramh how laki,

Thiankei khang ning makde,

intai-pheimudaah machunh karuhna,

khangluan khang ningbam bu-e.

By Zizoupou

Translation Completing the harvest,

And accumulating the paddy in the barn,

And as the autumn comes,

I’ll have a journey to villages.

Tell this to the girl

Who has been married and is living by the wayside.

Having no work at home,

I go about only to see the girl

Who has been married and has a child,

And living at the highway.

I’ve seen that many girls have faded,

Me, Liachuanghpou also faded.

The girl I longed to see also faded.

‘Am journeying towards the south,

Crossing Luanghbaa,

Going to Luanghpi and its ranges,

Passing kaithipaaeng and kaimaengrengh,

The Kabui (Rongmei) Folk Song of Manipur Reaching my brother khianroupu’s village.

Leaving Tangkhuangluangh,

And passing through Munthaa,

I reached Muanghti

Hoping to reach Muanghtina and stay overnight there.

Next morning, having climbed Buanruanghluang,

Now am nearing the lady’s village.

I go straight

To reach Namthanhluanh,

Like a thirsty bull running straight to the water,

After reaching the lady’s village

I do not wish to get faded.

And putting on the best cloths,

I wish to renew my life and live forever.

SONG (LUPHAIH) Ai bamna ningzauh ki,

Chabuan kin paenthau taanlak ruanne.

Theih nang kin khangsuang,

Intau paengthau pumei gaina,

Tingsaeng khaam khang,

Ru-sinzauh ni-e

Gaan ai tunaah ruang

Ai nguihmeita lamina,

Ahuihna kaengchu-bang,

Ingguai kumh dingnge.

Nang pui-pu mun pingna,

Kailu guang timakna,

Anei latrian phai kannimei thiule. . .

By Khapan

Translation When I ponder over,

There is no end of younger generation.

Better is today’s generation,

Than that of the past.

I wish to have one for my life-long partner.

Eager to have the girl,

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Gaihemlu Kamei

I wish to have the girl,

Whom I love most among many,

I move like Ahuihna (Green pigeon bird)

Which runs around Kaenchu Plant.

‘If you don’t come to dormitory,

For fear of you parents,

Our promise may get failed’. . .

RAMRUANH LUH (SONG OF LOVE AND SENTIMENT) It is the song of love and sentimental expression. Most of the songs are based on lamentation, anguish, love and melancholy. There­ fore, it is sung mainly on the occasion of death, separation of dear ones, lovers, etc. Sometime it is also sung in a marriage ceremony. Ramruanh Luh are divided into two groups, i.e. Magian Luh and Inraah Luh. Magian Luh is sung to lament a death and Tunaah Gaan is sung to express profound sorrow over the separation of intimate friends or lovers. Inraah Luh is sung with an accompani­ ment of Inraah while Magian Luh, is restricted to particular occa­ sions or situation only. Children and young people do not nor­ mally sing Magian Luh since there is a belief or saying that it is a sign of inviting bad luck. But learning it is permissible for any one any time. In case of death, the song is not sung after the burial or funeral. However, there is no such restriction in the case of com­ mon Ramruanh Luh. It can be sung on any appropriate occasions. The song is sung in solo either by a man or woman. Song Bamkei naning thaoding naning jaoki,

Achunmu laamning khang nai-e mageh.

Achun naimei ningmak puichunta aining-e.

Hey mu ting kummu guan taaki,

Achunmu guanlathui mak geh.

Hey thouloina tingkum laa guan,

Achunmu guanlathui mak geh.

Loingao na thengkhou toumu pui roi,

Hey chun si khou sou dao puire-o.

The Kabui (Rongmei) Folk Song of Manipur

335

Loingaona alung, soudao puileo loingaona. Hey chunsi khou sou dao puire-o

Translation I have the liberty to sit or stand,

I don’t have any thoughts/my mind is bare.

I recollect the days when I was thoughtless.

As year passed by,

But what I have yearned and longed for remains the same.

All living creatures passed on to immortality,

But my desire and memories never change.

Bird perching on the tree,

I urge the bird not to sing at the moment because it will remind

me of the sad memories.

CONTEMPORARY RELEVANCE

The relevance of the folk song of the Kabui is that they still play a significance role in modern times as well, though in slight modifi­ cation due to the compulsion of the modern lifestyle. The socio­ economic changes have altered the present life of the Kabui drasti­ cally. Like many of the others, this tribe has also now given up agriculture. Life has become too busy to confine it in the tradi­ tional system and a demand for competition has grown for sur­ vival. So, nowadays folk songs are sung only on the occasions of festive gathering of folks and big meetings, etc. which is slightly different from the past. During the past there used to be a particu­ lar song reserved for each occasion and ritual. For example, Lao­ phunh Luh (song of sowing), Majaah Luh (song of rice) and Lauruaih Luh (song of weeding) are Kabui folk songs which have been sung and practised in the earliest agricultural activities in the paddy field while Maku luh (song of feast and merit) and Zouh Sow Luh (song of flouring pounding) are considered as ritualistic ceremony. It is generally hosted by the couple of a family who have a plenty of paddy, animals and other wealth. As they believed that feast of merit is usually hosted according to the revelation from God that come through the dream. The Rongmei people believed that if a

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man could host a feast of merit during his lifetime he would to heaven. But nowadays the economic life of the Kabui has changed, they hardly give time for all those dos and don’ts mentioned in the folk song. They however never give up their tradition. All those folk songs are sung during the occasion and ritual with slight high­ light of the theme along with the story if required. It is remarkable for upholding one’s identity and values that have been practised from time immemorial. Many of the good values like honesty, bravery, justice, righteousness, etc., that have been the hallmark of the Kabui society in the past are the theme of the folk songs. And as such, recollecting or revisiting the essence of folk song is neces­ sary and is good for the Kabui society. CONCLUSION

The Kabui (Rongmei) are the indigenous tribe of Manipur. They are said to have originated from Mahou Toubei in Senapati district of Manipur. Later, they lived at Makhal and moved at Makuil­ uongdih. The Kabui tribe in course of time has grown in popula­ tion and scattered in different parts of the north-east India. The Kabui people had a long history of living in contiguous areas with a rich heritage and unique community system. They do not have a written history of their own but their oral tradition is the only source of information for reconstructing the history and origin of the folk songs which are handed down to them. The origin of Kabui folk songs are based on their myth. The Kabui folk songs are classified into five groups; a song related to agriculture activities, festival song, ritualistic song, song of marriage ceremony and others song. All these songs are known as the songs of God. The folk songs held on important place in the Kabui Society and indicated the annual occasion throughout the year. But nowadays they are not strictly practised occasionally. They are only sung on festivals, com­ petitive events, gathering of folk and meeting of big congregation, etc. The idea is to identify their culture through folk songs. How­ ever, they continue to sing and accept the challenge of the fast changing world by upholding their traditional and culture heritage.

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NOTE 1. Kamei Norbert Disingnang, North East India Zeliangrong Naga Festival­ cum-Seminar Organized by Literature and Souvenir committee of NEIZN at Imphal (Lamphel, Imphal: BCPW), 1995.

REFERENCES PRIMARY INFORMANTS 1. 2. 3. 4.

Thaimei Angalu, Majorkhul. Kamei Lalilong, Ragailong. Kamei Samson, Ragailong. Kamei Gaipichun, Ragailong.

SECONDARY SOURCES Gangmei, R., Common Folk Songs of the Rongmei (Kabui), Imphal: The Bir Computer Printing Work, 1994. Kamei, A., Laamlu Akhatni Ramuanh Luh, Imphal: Indrani Printing Press, 1986. Kamei, K., Mazaah Luh, Khurai Lamlong Bazaar, Imphal: Khongnangthaba, 1991. Kamson, C., The Zeliangrong Social System and Culture, Imphal: R.M. Offset Printing Work, 2015. Longmei, L., Zeliangrong Maku Lon, Imphal: Pratap Printing Work, 2012. Palmei, K., Ruangmei Pary Khantnic Chapriak, Imphal: Bir Computer Printing Works, 2009.

C H A P T E R 27

Reconstructing Cultural Heritage

through Oral Traditions of

the Meiteis of Manipur

NARENDRA SINGH

INTRODUCTION

As a discipline that has traditionally been founded on concepts of culture and identity, anthropology has long been engaged in studying cultural objects and their relations with issues such as memory, identity and indigenous knowledge. Anthropology of heritage focuses on anthropological assessment of heritage, processes, the management of heritage and cultural resources and the identification and study of both material and intangible cultural resources as they relate to our ability to understand the relation­ ships between the past and present. Although the work to protect the heritage has included a broadly anthropological concern from the outset, today the development of anthropology on one hand and the amplification of the concerns with cultural heritage on the other means that the more specialized knowledge of the professional anthropologist is needed. In anthropology, oral traditions were originally treated as objects to be collected; then attention shifted to trying to understand them with reference to the context in which they were told. In the 1880s, scholarship as understood to be an activity essentially conducted from the arm chair in the grand tradition of philology, where written documents provided the ultimate form of ‘truth’. The earliest anthropologists and folklorists, like E.B. Tyler and

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James Fraser, though brilliant in some of their speculations, were essentially embedded in a Eurocentric tradition. The problems of equating orally narrated accounts about the past with Western notions of history are not new for anthropology. There is growing attention to the question of how researchers can incorporate such oral traditions to reconstruct a picture of the past more balanced than the one that comes to us exclusively from written records. Scholars now pay more attention to the ways people use orally narrated accounts to talk about their past. More important than the search for a body of orally narrated texts deemed accurate within a restricted Western discourse, they say, is the question of how historical consciousness is constructed in societies where essential knowledge has always been passed on by word of mouth. In South America early in this century, Robert Lowie argued that the oral traditions had no value as historical evidence because their narrators had no sense of history (Lowie 1917: 165-7). This perspective was superseded by Malinowski and Radcliffe Brown, both of whom argued that the issue was more complex and that narrative accounts were not actually about the past anyway; that they served primarily as charters to justify the present social order (Malinowski 1950). More recently Structuralists have argued that oral traditions are statements about the human mind rather than the past, that they provide ways of working out complex problems that cannot be resolved in the sphere of human activities (Lévi-Straus 1966: 66, 232-7). Oral tradition, or oral lore, is a form of human communi­ cation in which knowledge, art, ideas and cultural material is received, preserved and transmitted orally from one generation to another (Encyclopedia Britannica). The transmission is through speech or song and may include folk tales, ballads, chants, prose or verses. In a general sense, ‘oral tradition’ refers to the recall and transmission of a specific, preserved textual and cultural knowledge through vocal utterance (Foley 1988). A common form of oral tradition is the art of storytelling passed down from one generation to the other. One of the main purposes of these stories is to reflect upon ‘traditional’ values of the past in order to make sense of the moral changes of the present (Imchen 2004: 119). Oral Traditions make it possible for a society to pass

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knowledge across generations without writing. They help people make sense of the world and are used to teach children and adults important aspects of their culture. Oral tradition can also be interpreted as a collection of a number of customs that have been established in certain communities, a series of beliefs the routine activities which are performed repeatedly to show the continuity through the spoken word or phrase by mouth (Errington 1984). In Britain, Sir Edward Tylor, Andrew Lang and others combined data from anthropology and folklore to ‘reconstruct’ the beliefs and rituals of pre-historic man. Sir James Frazer’s The Golden Bough is a good example of such an effort. Meitei oral traditions include a number of values and are still relevant to everyday life. However, the oral tradition started dis­ appearing and being forgotten by the new generation which is not only the loss of cultural asset in the community, but also followed by the loss of values and local wisdom which is preserved in tradition. This article discusses the oral traditions of Meiteis and their role in preserving and reconstructing the cultural heritage of Manipur. SOME FORMS OF MEITEI ORAL

TRADITIONS IN MANIPUR

Tradition and culture has been the greatest asset of human societ­ ies, by which it has been able to maintain a continuity of its exist­ ence across multiple generations. The knowledge of these was pre­ served and passed on from one generation to the next by way of mouth, in informal settings. Among the many forms of oral tradi­ tion in Manipur, the following are some of the common ones. Folk Tales: Folk tales are stories of real life historical figures and events. They are often told by the respected elders of the society to their younger numbers. The tales are usually a dramatized narra­ tion of an actual event. Such tales also play an important role in passing along core values or character traits. Folk tales were often employed to share a common history, to reinforce cultural values or highlight important traditions. Meitei children are exposed to the tradition of the funga-wari or folk tales. Legend has it that

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around two thousand years ago, a man named Poireiton had brought a ‘sacred fire’ to the land of Manipur. According to popular belief till date the ‘sacred fire’ has been preserved in the Andro region of Manipur. Apart from the sacred fire of Andro, every Meitei house­ hold made it customary to have a clay oven in the south-west corner of the house and keep the fire burning in it all day and 36 nights. This type of oven made of clay is called funga in Manipuri. Elders of the family would sit near the funga in the evening and tell stories to the children of the house. These tales became popu­ lar as the funga-wari, wari meaning story. Hanuba Hanubi Paan Thaaba, Pebet Amasung Hoidong Lamboiba, Thabaton amashung Kabuikeioiba, Lai Khutshangbi, Uchek Langmeidong; Eeta Thangmei, Tapta, etc. are some classic examples of these folk tales that every Meitei child could relate to (Singha 2012). These folk tales may be considered one of the ways to preserve our heritage, our oral tradition, oral literature which also helps in reconstructing identity up to some extent. As folk tales were passed down over generations they modelled behaviour and helped reinforce expectations about how to live a meaningful life. Proverbs: Proverbs are very common among the Meiteis. A proverb is a short, generally known sentence of the folk which contains wisdom, truth, moral and traditional views of metaphorical, fixed and memorizable form which is handed down from generation to generation (Mieder 2004b). Proverbs are the forms of language which are directly connected with cultural aspects of society. The proverb is traditionally categorized as a special genre in the ethno­ graphic studies (Fasold 1990). They are succinct sayings which are in general use and express commonly held ideas and beliefs. The following are a few examples of Meitei proverbs (i) Thoubandong cha-fubu kainaba yeibara? (Is Thoubandong pots’ beaten to break?) which means beating or scolding to a loved one is not because of hatred but to make perfect, (ii) Pena semlingeida samurou youba (One can reach the temple of Samurou in the time taken for tun­ ing pena (musical instrument like fiddle). (iii) Cheng chagring amana chengkok ama manghalli? (a single grain of rice spoils the whole rice in the container). In Lai-Haraoba the traditional way of wor­ shipping and performing rites and rituals of Umang-Lai riddles

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and proverbs are used mostly as a part of sermon. Through these proverbs one can identify and explore historical traditions that do not have enough historical writings and may also be useful to gen­ erate ideas and beliefs to reconstruct unexplored history of the Meitei community. Rhymes: In the oral tradition of Manipur there are popular rhymes such as Tung Tung tungdumbi/chagrik nakrik hawaibi/thoi thoi koubina/temu temu matonda, Sey Sey sebotti/nanga eiga kaonasi/ kanana ngamge yeng nasi, te-te tenawa /keishampatki tenawa/heinouna mullaga tenouwa na haraowi. The list could go on and on. These are not an exhaustive list of rhymes and music but only illustrative. Story Telling: Story telling locally known as wari-leeba still exist in Manipur as a tradition. This tradition is popular by the name of Lairik Taaba (the act of listening to stories). Some stories in the oral tradition, such as those about creation or the reasons for spiritual ceremonies, are passed on with scrupulous exactness. These old stories contain essential cultural teachings. Some stories are a method of prayer. Certain sacred stories are traditionally never told to a person from outside one’s own group. Words are considered so powerful that even speaking of a spirit at the wrong time is believed to cause hardship for an individual or community. Folk stories not only entertained people but also served the purpose of educating them. Slowly, they became the preservers of the culture and social customs of different communities. Such works of oral literature, play the role of educating and socializing a member of the society whether the educative aspects are conveyed explicitly or implicitly, (Myeong 2011). SIGNIFICANCE OF ORAL TRADITION

IN MEITEI SOCIETY

Knowledge related to the oral traditions of Meitei society is mostly tacit knowledge, that is stored in memories of the older genera­ tion. Only certain persons know about the procedures and imple­ mentation of the oral tradition, the terms and conditions of the oral tradition, as well as the meanings, values and philosophies contained in the oral tradition. Therefore, the oral tradition of the

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Meitei really needs to be sustained and preserved, not only in the context of the form, but also in the context of the values that hold the oral tradition. Meiteis inhabit in several areas of Manipur and outside it, such as the Moirang, Andro, Sekmai, Kakching, Nin­ gthoukhong, Jiribam, Cachar. It is necessary for identifying oral traditions to determine the assets of the oral tradition that is owned in each region, the varieties and diversities as well as the promi­ nent features of oral tradition that have become the characteristic of the area. The very cultural heritage that gives indigenous peoples their identity, now far more than in the past, is under threat of extinction. Today, creative activity of reviving the folk tales by mak­ ing them suitable to the taste of the kids is one of the sensible way of reaching out to our future pillars of society, by helping them grow with the changing time yet keeping their own ‘roots’ intact. It is important that the precious value of these oral traditions are realized and due importance given to them. It is essential to un­ derstand how different social groups perceive and represent what we define as heritage. CONCLUSION

All forms of oral tradition in Meitei society contains many values such as the religious values, historical values, customs and values of society, values that incorporate local wisdom in the daily life of the community, as well as information containing genealogical or history of family in the society. Most of the existing oral tradition in Meitei society is still a tacit knowledge that is stored in the memory of the older generation. Efforts are needed to preserve, affirm and move forward cultural heritage to build a community and identity. To maintain the retention of the meaning of the message, documentation of all oral traditions that exist in Meitei society in the form of printed documents and electronic documents and audio-visual will be helpful in preserving culture and tradition. This requires valuing a particular kind of qualitative research typical of the anthropological tradition, participant observation. Only such an approach enables us to capture the complexity of the singular features of specific groups, local and regional history, less

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privileged groups and traditions and world views more distant from the frameworks that have tended to guide most cultural policy decisions.

REFERENCES Carter, G.W., African Myths, Washington, D.C.: The Associated Publishers, Inc., 1964. Darlong, B., ‘Literature of North East India: Oral Narratives as Documents for the Study of Ritualization in the Darlong Community of Tripura’, Rupkatha Journal on Interdisciplinary Studies in Humanities, 2014, VI(2): 71-82. Dharwadker, A., Theatre of Independence: Drama, Theory and Urban Performance in India since 1947, Iowa: University of Iowa Press, 2009. Dutta, A., Encyclopedia of Indian Literature: Devraj to Jyoti, vol. 2, Delhi: Sahitya Akademi, 1998. Edmonds, I.G., Trickster Tales, Philadelphia: J.B. Lippincott, 1966. Errington, K.F., Manner and Meaning in West Sumatera: The Social Context, New Heaven: Yale University Press, 1994. Fasold, R., The Sociolinguistics of Language, Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1990. Faust, B., Implementation of Tacit Knowledge Preservation and Method Transfer, Switzerland: IAEA, 2010. Foley, J.M., The Theory of Oral Composition: History and Methodology, Bloomington: IUP, 1988. Frazer, J. The Golden Bough, London: Wordsworth, 1993. Imchen, L.C., ‘Naga Myths of Origin and Historical Reconstruction’, in M. Momin, and C.A. Mawlong (eds.), Society and Economy in North-East India, New Delhi: Regency Publication, 2004. Lévi-Strauss, C., The Savage Mind, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1966. Lowie, R., ‘Oral Tradition and History’, Journal of American Folklore, 1917: 30(117): 165-7. Malinowski, B., Argonauts of the Western Pacific, London: G. Routledge & Sons, 1950. Mieder, W., Proverbs: A Handbook. (Greenwood Folklore Handbooks), Connecti­ cut: Greenwood Press, 2004. Myeong, D.H., ‘History of Oral Literature and its Codification: The Textualization of Epics and Legends in their Historical Context’. Accessed on 1 July 2017 from https://www.zum.de/whkmla/sp/1213/jeannedarc/ mdh4.html.

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Singha, L.B., Funga Wari Manipuri Lokokotha, Agartala: Akshar Publications, 2012. Singha, S., ‘Wari Leeba: The Declining Storytelling Tradition of the Meiteis of Manipur and Tripura’, Journal of North East India Studies, 2017, 7(1): 33-46. Tylor, E.B., Primitive Cultures, New York: Harper Bros, 1889.

C H A P T E R 28

Folk Tales and Ethnic Heritage:

A Study among the Meitei

Community of Manipur

CHUNGKHAM SUPRIYA DEVI

INTRODUCTION

Folk tale is a part of folklore which is a part of culture. The term ‘folklore’ was coined by William Thoms in 1846. When he coined this term, the term folk was only applied to the rural and illiterate community or society. According to him folklore refers to the man­ ners, customs, observances, superstitions, ballads, proverbs and so on. It is through folklore that the anthropologists could make up the culture of the societies. Thus, there is a close relationship be­ tween folklore and culture. Culture is ‘that complex whole which includes knowledge, belief, art, morals, law, custom and any other capabilities and habits acquired by men as member of society’ (Taylor 1871: 1). Anthropologists regarded folklore as a part of culture but not the whole of culture. No society exists without some form of folklore no matter how primitive or recent it is. So any ethnographic study which does not cover folklore is to some extent is considered a partial one by the anthropologist. Folklore is the body of expressive culture which includes myths, legends, folk tales, proverbs, riddles, jokes, material culture, cus­ tomary lore and so on. It is also the source of entertainment and amusement. It sanctions various human institutions and also has a great role in educating suceeding generations in non-literate soci­ eties. It is transmitted orally from one generation to another. ‘All

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folklore is orally transmitted, but not all that is orally transmitted is folklore’ (Bascom 1953: 285). It is a very broad term which covers various aspects of culture. Thus, folk tale is also an aspect of cul­ ture. The term folk comes from the German word volk meaning people. So folk tale means the tales of a community (folk—com­ munity/group, tale—story). Generally folk refers to any group of people sharing at least one common factor. The factor can be anything such as language, religion, occupation, culture, and so on. Folk tale is a part of culture. Folk tales are the stories or tales that came out of the ways of living and imagination of the people. They originated from non-literate societies and are handed down verbally from one generation to another. They contain elements of supernatural powers and animals behaving like humans. Usually folk tales carry a lesson or moral at the end of every story. They are meant to present life with lessons, ways to behave and convey use­ ful information in an easily understandable way. Cultural values, beliefs, traditions and customs of the community or society are also made known to the listeners through folk tales. All folk tales that exists in every society has something in com­ mon. They are characterized by some features. Generally, they began with ‘Once upon a time or Long ago’. They are all about animals and people and also have both good and bad characters. Cultural values and beliefs are embedded in such stories. They are a part of the oral tradition. Happy ending is one of the character­ istic features of folk tales. The aesthetic of folk tales varies from one storyteller to another depending upon their presentation skill. Sometimes the storyteller add something new to the stories to make them more interesting and fascinating to the listeners. Thus, being an oral tradition, there is some kind of flexibility in narrat­ ing the stories. There are often various versions of the same story as the storyteller uses his technique to add or remove something to entertain the listeners. In Meitei society, folk tales occupy a very important place. It was through these tales that they imparted family education and shaped the behaviour of the individual in early times. The Meitei used the term phungga wari for folk tales, phungga meaning hearth and wari meaning story. It is known by different names as chakngai

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wari and chinbung wari. There was a place for hearth in every Meitei traditional house. The hearth occupies a very important place in Meitei society as it was the place from where folk tale originated. At night, people would put fuel in the hearth. The grandparents would sit around the fire place, call their children and narrate the folk tales. Such tales were also narrated when the children were waiting for their meals at night, hence the tales were also known as chakngai wari. The tales cover almost all aspects of human activity, ways of lives and experiences. The main aim of these tales is to give a certain message to people. Most of the stories contain an element of joy and excitement. One of the characteristics of folk tales is that the writers were unknown. Five folktales have been selected and analysed in this article. SANAREMBI CHAISRA

Once upon a time in a kingdom, there lived a nobleman who had two wives. The first wife was called Yangkhureima and the second was Sangkhureima. The first wife, Yangkhureima had a daughter called Sanarembi and a son. And the second wife Sangkhureima had only a daughter called Chaisra. When Sanarembis’s little brother was only a baby, her father passed away. Their family became poorer and poorer after the death of the nobleman. So the two mothers worked very hard in order to earn their daily bread and to raise their children by selling firewood collected from the forest. Sanarembi was very beautiful, honest and well-mannered. Every­ one in the neighbourhood loved her while Chaisra was very ugly and wicked. Sangkhureima and her daughter Chaisra were very jealous of Sanarembi and her mother. Amidst struggling to earn their livelihood, Chaisra and her mother never stopped thinking the ways of destroying Sanarembi and her mother. One day Sanarembi’s mother and Chaisra’s mother went for fishing. Sanarembi’s mother caught fish everytime she dragged her long, fishing net while Chaisra’s mother only caught snakes. As dusk was coming, Chaisra’s mother said, ‘Sister, don’t you want to eat those ripe figs over there? I will climb and pluck and drop the fruits down, you catch them’. Saying it, she climbed up the tree

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and started plucking the ripe fruits. She dropped some ripe fruits for her sister. She asked her sister, ‘Eche, is it tasty’? Yangkhureima replied: ‘Yes it is’. So they spent some time eating the fruits. Then Sangkhureima shouted from the top of the tree ‘Eche, this time I will drop down one of the ripest ones for you. So close your eyes and open your mouth’, Yangkhureima did what she was asked for. While Yangkhureima was waiting for the fruits to fall in her mouth with her eyes closed, Sangkhureima poured the snakes she caught from the lake on the head of her sister. The snakes bit Yangkhureima and she died immediately. Sangkhureima pushed the death body of Yangkhureima under the phumdi, biomass and took her sister’s fish basket and came back home. Chaisra was happy to see her mother coming back from fishing whileSanarembi, who could not see her mother and asked, ‘Ematon, where is my mother? Is she still fishing?’Sangkhureima replied, ‘Your mother is very greedy, she is still fishing, trying to fish a basketful’. Chaisra ate the fish which her mother brought. Sanarembi did not have any fish to feed her brother. So she asked for some fishes from her step mother saying that she would give them back when her mother returned. Chaisra’s mother gave her tiny fishes that stuck to the fish basket. The night came and Yangkhureima had still not returned home. Sanarembi and her brother were waiting for their mother leaning on a pillar. After sometime they fell asleep. In Sanarembi’s dream her mother came and said, ‘My daughter, both of you are waiting for me but I was killed by your step mother by dropping snakes in my mouth instead of ripe fig fruits from the top of the fig tree, so I can’t come. Come fishing tomorrow at dawn and you will find me in the form of a tortoise. Catch me and put it in a Esaiphu (an earthen pot). I will turn into the human form on the fifth day and we will live to­ gether again’. Sanarembi suddenly woke up hearing those words and found herself crying. Sanarembi went fishing in the morning with a long at the lake as her mother told her to do so. First, she caught a ngakha, a small species of fish. Sanarembi cried and said, ‘Ha ngakha main-gangbi, I came here to catch my mother not you’. And she let it go. Next time, she caught a mudfish. She said, ‘Ha ngamu mitshukpa, I

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came for fishing my mother’. And then again let it go. She kept fishing for a long time but could not catch the tortoise. Sanarembi started crying and called, ‘Oh mother, where are you? I am tired’. With tears rolling down, she started fishing again. This time she caught the tortoise. She was happy and brought it home. The tortoise was kept in the esaiphu. One day, Chaisra happened to see the tortoise in the esaiphu. She insisted to her mother that she wanted to eat it. Sangkhureima ordered Sanarembi to boil the tortoise for Chaisra. Sanarembi wept and put the esaiphu on the fire. After a while, the tortoise cried from inside,‘Sanarembi, it has reached my ankle’ Sanarembi pulled out the firewood immedi­ ately. Chaisra told whatever happened to her mother. Sangkhureima took out a piece of burning firewood and pressed it on the head of Sanarembi. Sanarembi cried and inserted that firewood again to cook. The tortoise cried out again, ‘Sanarembi, it has reached my waist’. Sanarembi again pulled out the firewood. Then again Sangkhureima pressed the burning firewood on her head again. Sanarembi again started cooking. Again, the tortoise cried out from inside, ‘Sanarembi, it has reached my chest’. Sanarembi cried help­ lessly calling her mother and took out the firewood again. Sangkhureima again pressed the firewood on Sanarembi’s head. Sanarembi then again put the firewood. Finally, the tortoise was cooked and Chaisra and her mother ate it. Sanarembi’s mother was never seen in human form again. Years passed by, Sanarembi and Chaisra grew up. One day, Sanarembi and Chaisra came to fetch water holding a pun, an earthern pot and a sanapun, a pot made up of brass like metal. And they happened to meet the prince, the son of the noble, in the lake where they came to fetch water. The prince was enamoured by the charm and beauty of Sanarembi who carried the pun and sang: Sanapun pubi pamde, pun pubi pammi which meant that the prince liked the one who carried a pun and not a sanapun. Chaisra was sunken deeply in despair. The next day, Chaisra’s mother made them change their pots. Again they met the prince, the son of the noble, at the place where they fetched water. The prince sang again, pun pubi pamde, sanapun pubi pammi which meant the prince liked the one with the sanapun and not the one who carried pun.

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And he put Sanarembi on her horse and carried her away towards the king’s palace. But Sanarembi worried about her little brother. She could not find happiness despite all the happiness bestowed on her. She spent many days without food. Later the prince brought her brother and lived happily in the palace. Some days later, Sanarembi married the prince. And with the passage of time, they were blessed with a beautiful son. Chaisra and her mother’s jealousy grew stronger day by day and they spent most of the nights on thinking the ways of destroying Sanarembi and her brother. Later, they came up with a plan and invited Sanarembi a lunch. After having lunch, Chaisra said to Sanarembi, ‘Eche, let me wear your dress and jewellery and see whether I look good with them or not’. And then she put on her sister’s dress and jewellery. After a while, Sanarembi said to her sister, ‘Chaisra, it’s getting late and I have to go. Give me the dress and jewellery’. Chaisra pretended to be angry and said, ‘You don’t want me to wear your dress for long, now take that’ and threw the clothes and jewellery under the bed. When Sanarembi bent down to get her clothes and jewellery, Chaisra’s mother poured hot water on Sanarembi and killed her. Chaisra’s mother took out the clothes and jewellery and put them on Chaisra. And she sent her to the palace impersonating as Sanarembi. The king was suspi­ cious but could not do anything. So, Chaisra spent some days impersonating herself as Sanarembi. One day, while a cowherd of the royal palace was cutting grass, a dove chirped facing toward him saying: Ha, Ningthou tukaoba Echa ningthou sigani Phige eyong tatkani Ha pangal sajikloi Nabungoda tamjaru Nangna adum tamdraba Sagol samu sihange Kukru ku khangmei tat (Sharma 2004: 39)

Which means that the king forgets his wife, their prince will die and clothes will be torn. O Pangal (muslim) cowherd, convey this to your master otherwise horses and elephants will die.

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The cowherd conveyed to the king whatever the dove said. The king also remembered a dove that he had seen in his dreams some days ago. So, he went to the place where the dove sang with a handful of grain and said, Chekla chadi nungshibi Lamkhunu O cheknungsi Esanougi thawaina onba chek Chekla nangna laklabadi Nashabi eigi khubamda Chekla nangbu tonglorao Se: se: nabuk thanna charulao (Sharma 2004: 40)

In this way, the king was calling the dove (that turned from the soul of his wife) to sit on his palm and eat the grain. The dove came down and had the grain from the palm of the king. Then, the king remembered what he had seen in his dream. If he kept the dove for five days it would become human. So, the king kept the dove in a cage without letting others touch it. Chaisra was suspicious of it so she took it out and made chagempomba, a kind of Meitei curry. When the king tried to eat it, he suddenly remembered and knew that it was the bird inside the cage. Know­ ing it, the king became furious and threw it away at the back of his house. After some days, a lemon tree grew up from where the dish had fallen. One day, the cowherd of the royal palace was very eager to eat a fruit. Chaisra asked him to pluck it from the backyard. So he plucked the fruit and brought it home. When he tried to eat the fruit, some work came us and he kept the lemon inside a chengphu, a rice storing vessel to eat later. After four days, he re­ membered the lemon and tried to eat it but at that moment he could not find a knife. When he found the knife, the lemon was not there again. Out of anger, the cowherd left and on the next day, the lemon turned into Sanarembi. So, the cowherd ran to the palace and told everything to the king. The king took Sanarembi and kept her into his palace again. And Chaisra was put to death for her wickedness. And Sanarembi lived happily with her hus­ band and son after going through many struggles.

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ANALYSIS The story of Sanarembi and Chaisra is very popular in Meitei soci­ ety. In this tale the use of implements like long and tungol in fish­ ing and utensils like pun and sanapun in fetching water, points out that people had started using such implements and utensils from the very early period. The belief that a human soul takes the form of another living being after death is also apparent in this tale as Sanarembi and her mother take the form of a dove, a lime and a tortoise after their death. The Meiteis believe that the soul of a deceased person is incarnated as a dove after death. So, whenever a dove comes to a house, the family members feed the dove with rice and pure water with a thought that the departed souls are visiting them. This is portrayed clearly in this tale as Sanarembi came to the palace as a dove. As a result the king (her husband) came with a handful of grain and implored the dove to eat what he was offer­ ing. On the other hand, the tale also shows how evil a human could be and how much the recipient could bear his or her harsh nature. The message conveyed in this tale is that truth always pre­ vails in the long run. A wrong-doer cannot escape the punishment of his deeds. MAPU NINGBA TENAWA (A FAITHFUL PARROT)

Once upon a time, there lived an old couple. They could not bear a child despite their long years of marriage. Consequently, the couple raised a parrot as their own child. The parrot could talk and was capable of thinking as it had been living with the couple since it was young. The parrot did not do things which the couple did not like. One day, the parrot said to the couple that she would roam in the forest with her friends to eat ripe fruits. The old man agreed asking her not to spend the night and come back before dusk. The parrot was very happy as the couple permitted her to go. So the parrot, with her small wings flapping quickly flew up in the sky along with her friends. They flew into different forests and ate many delicious fruits to the full. The parrot happened to encounter an

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amazing fruit which had the properties of making one young and strong if ingested. So, she remembered the old woman and man and brought the fruits between her beaks. After the birds finished eating, they had a bath in a pond together. Before bathing, the parrot kept the fruit on the bank of the pond. While they were bathing, a big snake was trying to take the fruit thinking it to be a precious one and was about to put it into its mouth. But sensing that it was not what he thought, he put it down emitting poison to half of the fruit. Then he left the place instantly. As they finished having a bath, they went to their respective nests and the parrot also flew back bringing the fruit. When she reached home, she said to the old couple that she could no longer see them getting old. Since they were old, they were going to die very soon. If they died, with whom would she live? So to make them young, she had brought the fruit. She said that they would surely turn into a young man and woman if they ate it and then, gave the fruit to the old couple to eat. The old man asked his wife how they could easily believe the words of the parrot, so they decided and agreed to feed half of the fruit to the dog first. The couple fed half of the fruit to the dog. The dog died at once as the part that it ate hap­ pened to be the poisoned part. The couple became furious at the incident. They thought that the parrot was trying to kill them. Then the couple shouted to the parrot, ‘You are our enemy, you are trying to kill us’. Seeing the furious act of her grandparents, the parrot was puzzled and looked at them quietly. She was guilty of the crime that had happened in confusion. The old man caught the parrot and tried to kill her by twisting her neck. The parrot tearfully asked them to save her as she was not wrong. The old man became angrier hearing her words and killed her by twisting her neck. The couple threw the other non-poisonous half of the fruit at the back of their field. It fell down in the fertile area of the field and some days later, it grew up into a big tree full of fruits. Fruits were growing in clusters. By providence, one day the old couple who never happened to fight earlier fought each other badly with­ out rhyme or reason. The old woman felt pity for the unusual act of her husband. She told her husband that she would die and live happily in heaven. Saying this, she went to the field at the back

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towards the foot of the big tree and threw up a stone into the fruits which she believed to be poisonous. A fruit fell down. As she wanted to die soon, she ate the whole fruit. After a while, the old woman instead of dying turned into a young woman. She was surprised at seeing herself. She hurried from the field, called her husband out and said that she had eaten the poisonous fruit just to die but she had turned young miraculously and asked him to eat one. She assured him that he would definitely turn young if he did. So, she happily brought her husband holding by the hand near the tree, plucked a fruit and let him eat it. The old man turned young quickly. The old couple became very young and beautiful. Now, they realized that the parrot was innocent. They repented and cursed themselves but could not do anything. So they accepted the truth. Let bygones be bygones, both the couple got to be young by the grace of the parrot and led a happy and prosperous life. ANALYSIS This tale reveals the close relationship between human beings and animals. It conveys that one should not do violent things in anger. It also shows the consequences of performing such actions since the old couple spent their whole lives repenting when the truth came to light that the parrot was innocent. HOUDONG LAMBOIBA AND PEBET (A SAGE CAT AND A BIRD PEBET )

Long time ago, there lived a pebet (a kind of bird) in a thick forest and a monk cat near her nest. One day the pebet hatched seven young ones in her nest. She searched food and fed her children. The monk cat had a bath in the morning and put a mark of sandal paste (chandan) on his forehead. He wanted to eat the pebet’s chil­ dren so much that every time he saw them, his mouth watered. So he walked to and fro near the pebet ’s nest chanting samu kakka lili kaka, samu kakka lili kaka. When he was questioned about the reason, he replied that he was praying. He finally thought of a

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plan to eat them. One day he called the pebet and asked if he was beautiful. Knowing the secret intention of the cat, the pebet thought of treating him nicely until her children learnt to fly or else they would fall prey to him. So the wise pebet answered that he was beautiful as a basketful of rice, a pot full of water, straight string of ngari (fermented fish) and that of tayaal (a creeper that bear an inedible beautiful red fruit). The cat felt happy and left the place chanting the same words again. After a few days, he again came near the nest and asked the pebet same question. The pebet gave the same answer. Meanwhile she taught her children how to fly. As the days passed by, they could fly by themselves. Then, the pebet thought of challenging the cun­ ning cat. Some days later, the cat came and asked the same ques­ tion. That time the pebet shouted, calling him as ugly an ngari eater and smoked pot. The cat became furious and jumped at the birds to eat them. The pebet shouted to her children to fly up. All of them flew up and sat on the top of a tree except the youngest one who could not fly properly. The cat caught her and looked at her hungrily. He told the youngest pebet that she would be his meal. On hearing it, the pebet mother asked the cat if he was going to eat her child. He replied he was. Then the pebet used a trick to rescue her child. She asked the cat whether he knew how to eat a pebet or not and if he didn’t know, it would not be tasty. Then the cat asked her how to eat it. She told him to give her a bath first, then placed her on a plantain leaf and dried her in the sun. Then only, he would find her tasty. The cat did the same thing as sug­ gested by the pebet. The mother was watching everything from the top of the tree. The youngest pebet could move her wings as her feather started drying. Seeing it, the mother shouted calling her child to fly. Then, she flew up dropping her shit on the plantain leaf. The poor cat repented saying that it had flown away and licked the shit which was on the plantain leaf. He said to himself that if the shit was so tasty, how tasty her body would be. Then he left the place disappointed. The pebet mother and her children teased the cat from the top of the tree that he had ended up eating the bird’s shit. Then the pebet and her children live peacefully thereafter.

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ANALYSIS The tale reflects some hidden messages. In this tale, the sage cat represents the invading Hindu culture, forcing the people to fol­ low Hindu religion while the pebet (bird) and her seven children represent the opposition to the foreign culture by the seven clans of the Meitei. The message conveyed here is not to forget one’s own customs, language and cultural identity. In short, the tale shows a way to remember their customs and traditions. The mes­ sage is given in the form of a metaphor to the younger generation. The message communicated in this tale is totally covet. ETA THAOMEI (O! LAMP, MY FRIEND)

Once upon a time, an old widow lived alone in a house. She was very hard-working and exceedingly cautious in her habits. During the day she wove and during the night she spun yarn. She was quite well-to-do in her village because of her hard work. As a re­ sult, the thieves kept an eye on her house. One night, the old widow opened her back door to throw dirty water by holding a khudeng (bathtub). During that brief interval a thief sneaked into the room and hid himself in the shadow of a lamp. The old widow cooked and had her supper. Then she sat down to spin yarn as usual. She saw the thief near the lamp. She got so frightened that she could neither shout nor sit still. But she was very wise. She calmed down and carried on with her work. All the while she thought how to catch him. Finally she thought of a plan. She looked towards the lamp and called ita thaomi twice as if it had life. But the lamp didn’t reply as it did not have life. She asked the lamp the reason for not replying. The thief thought that the lamp might talk to her every day. It was not answering because of his presence. The next time, the widow called the lamp then the thief answered hao in a pleasant voice. She told the lamp that she would narrate a story and started ‘once there was a widow who lived by herself. One night a thief entered her house. Then she shouted ‘thief, thief ’ loudly. Making a pretence of narrating the story, the widow shouted ‘thief, thief’ so loudly that it was heard by her neighbours. They came to her house and caught the thief.

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ANALYSIS

It is apparent from this tale that the Meitei women are hard work­ ing. It is also evident that the womenfolks were mostly engaged in weaving practices in earlier times though the practice is being con­ tinued till now. The story goes on about the wisdom of the old widow. The important message conveyed here is that wisdom is a great virtue. With the help of it, we can easily solve difficult prob­ lems and escape from dangers. NONGOUBI (THE PIE CRESTED CUCKOO)

After Tengbanba Mapu created the earth and the living beings on earth, he also created plants that were important for their survival. But the most important thing needed by all the living beings was water. Water was often lost as absorbed by the soil when it fell on the earth as rain. So, the human beings, birds, animals and other living being prayed to Tengbanba Mapu to give drinking water. After a careful thought, Tengbanba Mapu called all of them and asked them to dig out a long river. And He called it turel. All living being should be involved in digging it and not a single being should be left out. The community of the gods would also help them. On hearing it, they all came out to dig out as the river. All gods including saroi ngaroi (evil spirits) also came out. Then all animals ranging from big ones to small ones and all the birds also came out. They started digging the river altogether with a cry. Some dug and some carried the soil out. It carried out continuously without any gap. At the sight of it, the gods were happy. When they looked for any missing one in the crowd while doing the work, they did not see nongoubi (crow pheasant). They searched in the crowd many a time but she could not be found. So, they planned to call her to take part in it. But nongoubi replied that she could not join as she was consoling her crying child. Hearing it, the human being, birds, animals and other living being got infuri­ ated. They remarked that she (nongoubi) was a proud being. Again they called her, she replied that she was busy and feeding her child. The words fanned the flame of their anger. The gods called

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her an absolute liar and a lazy being. The gods put a curse on her that if it happened to drink the water of the river, its hip would get rotten. Out of fear of the gods, the bird never drinks river water till now. ANALYSIS This tale can be put under etiological tales as it explains the reason why and how something exists or happen particularly, how a custom or certain practices came into existence. The story of nongoubi, gives the reason why she does not drink river water as she deceived the communities of gods and all living beings for she was busy consoling and feeding her baby while they were digging the river and thus did not extend any help to the gods and other living beings in their work. This tale convey the message to involve and participate in the com­ munity work leaving own personal chores. CONCLUSION

A large number of folk tales are found in the Meitei society. These tales cover almost all aspects of human activity, ways of life and experiences. They are meant to present lesson of life, ways to behave and useful information in an easily understandable way. Cultural values, beliefs, traditions, present and past customs of the community are reflected in folk tales. Besides providing an identity to the people in their own way they inculcate among people moral values and virtues. That is why they play an indis­ pensable role in socialization. Transmitted over generations they link the generations, they provide solidarity among generations, eventually cementing the identity of people. Thus folk tales can be considered as an important tool in displaying how a society is distinct from another as one can understand most of the impor­ tant features of a society by studying of them.

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REFERENCES Bascom, W.R., ‘Folklore and Anthropology’, The Journal of American Folklore, 1953, 66(262): 283-90. Bailey, G. and P. James, Introduction to Cultural Anthropology, California: Wadsworth Publishing Company, 1999. Bilashini, H., Folk Tales of Manipur, Imphal: R.S. Publications, 2009. Dawkins, R.M., ‘The Meaning of Folk Tales’, Folklore, 1951, 62(4): 417-29. Dundes, Alan, The Study of Folklore, New Jersey: Prentice Hall, 1965. Goldberg, C., ‘The Construction of Folktales’, Journal of Folklore Research, 1986, 23(2/3): 163-76. Hodson, T.C., The Meitheis, New Delhi: Akansha Publishing House, 1908. Kong, L. and G. Elaine, ‘Folk Tales and Reality: The Social Construction of Race in Chinese Tales’, Area , 1995, 27(3): 261-7. Sharma, B.J., Phungawari Shingbul, Delhi: Sahitya Academy, 2004. Sharma, B.J. and C. Rajketan, Folk Tales of Manipur, Kamaljit Chirom (tr). Imphal: Cultural Research Centre Manipur, 2011. Singh, H.B., Manipurgi Folkloregi Wareng Khara, Imphal: Bedajit Huirem, 2012. Singh, K.M., Folk Culture of Manipur, Delhi: Manas Publications, 1993. Singh, R.C. (ed.), Oral Narratives of Manipur, Imphal: Cultural Research Centre, 2016. Taylor, E.B., Primitive Culture, London: John Murray, 1871.

PART VII

RELIGIOUS BELIEFS AND

PRACTICES

C H A P T E R 29

Tarpan Katpa: A Way of Ancestor

Worship in Khurkhul

(A Case Study)

N G AT H E M P U N G F A S I N G H

INTRODUCTION

The term ‘ancestor’ is used in anthropology to designate those forebears who are remembered and to denote specific religious prac­ tices as a part of such phrases as ‘ancestor cult’ or ‘ancestor worship’. Ancestors may be prayed to as having the power to grant boons or allay misfortune, but their effectiveness is regarded as naturally limited by the bonds of kinship. Thus, a member of a certain lineage prays only to the ancestors of that lineage for it would be regarded as nonsensical to pray to ancestors of any other lineage. Accordingly, members of other lineages are excluded from the an­ cestral rites of kinship groups of which they are not members. The religious attitudes involved in the worship of ancestors in­ clude filial piety, respect, sympathy, and sometimes fear. It is gener­ ally acknowledged that ancestor worship functions to uphold the authority of elders to support social control and foster conservative and traditionalist attitudes in the society. The way in which they are remembered varies from kinship system to kinship system but the term ‘ancestor worship’ designates rites and beliefs concerning deceased kinsmen. Rites of ancestor worship, however, include per­ sonal devotions and domestic rites. Its ethical dimension refers primarily to the proper conduct of family or kinship relations. The institution of ancestor worship is regarded as a religious practice, not a religion in itself.

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Ancestor worship has attracted enduring interest of scholars in many areas of the study of health and health seeking behaviour of a society in medical anthropology because health is not merely physical well-being, it also requires mental satisfaction. According to the World Health Organisation (WHO), it is ‘a state of com­ plete physical, mental, and social well-being and not merely the absence of disease or infirmity’. It includes a sense of well being and security with direct bearing on the physical as well as psycho­ logical health problems of a community. Thus, the concept of health and treatment systems always involves social, cultural and envi­ ronmental issues. How societies view health and the therapeutic techniques to deal with illness, vary from one society to another but seeking good health through worship is prevalent in almost every society. Every society has a shared belief and behaviour about the pre­ vention and treatment of illness. These shared beliefs and behaviour about the prevention and treatment of illness constitute the medical systems of a society (Kibret 2013). Medical systems may simply be conceptualized as ‘. . . community’s idea and practices relating to illness and health’ (ibid.). Young (Kibret 2013) defined medical system as ‘equivalent to the social and economic order in which one or more medical tradi­ tions are used to produce and distribute medical services and out­ comes in a particular community or region’. Kleinman (ibid.) emphasizes that medical systems are cultural systems that include people’s beliefs and the patterns of behaviour and it is cultural rules that govern these beliefs and behaviour. Health is the most important concern for the people of Khurkhul and that they still adhere to their ancient traditional medical sys­ tem of prevention and treatment of illness and ailments. One of the most common practices is the Tarpan Katpa and the goal the people is to ensure the ancestors’ continued well-being in the heavenly abode and positive disposition towards the living and sometimes ask for health and special favours or assistance. It is an age-old practice founded on the belief that the dead live on and are capable of influencing the lives of the living. Khurkhul where the present study has been carried out is a

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small village located in Lamshang sub-division of Imphal west dis­ trict of Manipur state with a total of 1,344 families. It is inhabited by one of the Scheduled Caste (SC) communities of Manipur known as the Loi. The connotation of the term loi has diverse versions. The term loi connotes not only the people who preserve the preHinduism traditions and customs of the Meiteis but also the people who were banished to the penal colonies in Sugnu, Ithing and Thanga islands (Hodson 2010). Khurkhul was chosen for the present study because its people there are conservative having traditionalist attitudes and still prac­ tise plural therapy, i.e. modern as well as traditional medicines. TARPAN KATPA

Etymologically the word tarpan, often pronounced as tarpon is derived from the Sanskrit word tarpana meaning an offering made to divine entities and the word katpa, in Manipuri also means offering. Tarpan Katpa is observed during the second half of Langban (Manipuri month coinciding with September). During this time of the year in the autumn season, the sky is very clear and the spirits and souls of the forefathers who had died long ago are very eager to know how their descendants are living. So the forefathers in the parlok (a place in the heaven) leave their abode for a while in invisible form and come down to the edge of the earth and re­ mained in the air to see whether there are worthy sons and grand­ sons in their family. In Khurkhul, tarpan is performed by each sageis (generation). One can invite elder members of their family on a specific day chosen to coincide with the death anniversary of one of their close forefathers. This fortnight long event begins on the full moon day (purnima in Hindi) of Langban known as the Tarpan Houba (i.e. the beginning of the Tarpan Katpa) and continues till the new moon (thashi in Manipuri) also known as the Tarpan Loiba (i.e. end of Tarpan Katpa). After performing Tarpan Katpa, an elaborate traditional feast is arranged for the aged persons as it is believed that it will please

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their forefathers too and will shower pleasant blessings on their children on earth. Non-performance of the Tarpan Katpa is be­ lieved to annoy the ancestors who would curse them. PAOJEL CHATPA (INVITATION TO THE ANCESTORS)

The Tarpan Katpa that was conducted on 20 September 2016 at the residence of one Tamarsing for a segment of heikham sagei of the Khurkhul may be taken as a case study where the preparation of Tarpan Katpa begins one day ahead of the scheduled day. The maiba (the traditional healer), sends invitation to their forefathers on this day by offering water, rice and flowers at the entrance of the house where the actual Tarpan Katpa would be performed the next day. This is called the Paojel Chatpa (invitation to the ances­ tors), whereby, the maiba comes in the afternoon and performs the rites and rituals by chanting hymns at the shrine of the ema leimaren sidabi (ancestral mother goddess) inside the house by plac­ ing water, rice and flowers. A brief recorded recital (mantras in Hindi) by the maiba during the administration of Paojel Chatpa for inviting their ancestors for the occasion of Tarpan Katpa, Ema ebemma Leimaren shidabi Palem haina koujabada hao haina khumbiribi Panthou haina koujabada hao haina khumbiribi Palem-Panthou shakna naokonbiribi Nakhuyada punemjari Kumshi kumjagi lairamlenda leikhraba Palem-panthougidamak Langbangi tara-chak-khang yutangjarakke thourangjarakpa matamni Emana yahoubiyu haiduna nakhuyakhada Laija eshing ashengba shingle leirang angouba Yangou chengjang angouba kattuna khurumjarido Emana khugal hourakpada Punshi khombi laitingloida Laitingloina Tingbaroikhombi Tingbaroikhombina mathang mathang Luwang epa echa eikhoigi

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Lairamlenda leikhraba Purol mapal Purol taret Purol manga Purol ahum Mangang Luwang Khuman Chingoo shidaba ahum Charana hoinabikhraba Hipokpa Yaipokpa Khurum pokpa khurumlen shidabashingna Hayeng ayuk ninda anganbada Nadairengi shangai phaktong mata aphabada Maral waithonghanbiro

(O eternal Mother I beseech you to permit my ancestors to attend the humble feast arranged in their honour.) After the recital is over, the maiba places the rice and flowers on a plantain leaf (Musa paradisiacal ) and takes it towards the thongal (thegate/entrance) where would will again chant hymns extend­ ing an invitation to the forefathers to come on the occasion of the Tarpan Katpa the next day. This is a distinct and unique feature practised in Khurkhul. According to their beliefs, their ancestors would not visit their house if a proper invitation is not received. The second recital of invitation performed at the gate/entrance of the house: He Ibungo sidaba. . . Heikham changlen ipa ichashing Lairamlenda leikhraba Purol mapal Purol taret Purol manga Purol ahum Mangang Luwang Khuman Chingoo shidaba ahum Chara nahoinabikhraba Hipokpa Yaipokpa Khurum pokpa khurumlen shidabashingna Kumshi kumja ashigi chaklen matam oirakpa Tollaba nanai eingonda Ima leimarel shidabina eingonda sintha shinnabirak-e Lairamlenda leikhraba epa epu nupi angang ammatta chithadana Paojel khongloi thunghanbiduna Hayeng ayuk ninda anganbada Nadairengi shangai phaktong mata aphabada Maral waithonghanbiro Sigidamak shingle leirang angouba kattunapaojenjariye

(O immortal one, may I be blessed with the presence of my ancestors at the feast arranged in their honour.)

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On the appointed day, the Tarpan Katpa begins early with the responsible male members starting to cook chickens, rice and other associated items to be eaten after making the traditional offerings. For a bigger offering, a big pig may be killed and cooked. While the younger persons are cooking, the elders are busy in preparing for the prayer and offering inside their house. YUPAN THABA (OFFERING LOCAL

WINE TO GOD)

On this day the offering of yu (local wine) is a must. Three wine glasses placed along with the offerings are filled with yu and it is distributed to the elders after the recitals of the offering. This tra­ ditional way of offering yu is popularly known as Yupan Thaba. It is the first ritualistic performance conducted by a maiba during religious occasions. All other prayer activities take place only after Yupan Thaba. On this day the offering and the praying led by the maiba takes place inside the house at the shrine of the jatra (a place meant for the god of the house). All the family members of the family kneel down in a semi-circular manner around the offerings to pray for good health and wealth. After the offering, the maiba also makes three small separate meals with portions of rice, meat curry and water which is accorded with the flowers, fruits and sweets and taken it to the gate for offering to the Mangang, Luwang and Khuman, ancient deities of the elan. All the invitees of their lineage coming to the house wear white clothes. Even a boy will wear a white khudei (dhoti in Hindi) just like the elder male members while the women wear the pungou phanek (a traditional plain looking ceremonial dress for women) and a white enaphi (a thin white shawl) to cover their head while praying. Praying inside the house on the day of Tarpan Katpa: He Ibungo sidaba . . . Heikham changlen ipa ichashing Lairamlenda leikhraba Purol mapal Purol taret Purol manga Purol ahum

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Mangang Luwang Khuman Chingoo shidaba ahum Chara nahoinabikhraba Hipokpa Yaipokpa Khurum pokpa khurumlen shidaba Lairamlenda tinkhraba touburel ngangburel thouburelshingbu heirang leirang tamjaduna ima leimarel shidabina paojenjakhiba Ngashidi ayuk ninda anganbasidada Nadairengi shangai phaktong mata aphabada Maral waithongbiraduna nadairenna thougaljariye Kumshi kumj aashigi Nadairenshingna heikat leikat tamjaba Hapkadabana haphouda Haploidabana hapkhiba Icha immomshingna phiji phina netkhiba Pumnamakpu tollabani khanna ngakpiduna Punshi nungshangba pinabiyu Tamjariba kharase latnadana loubiyu Nungai yaiphaba Mithoi mihenba pinabirammu . . .

(O beloved ancestors may you be appeased with the humble offerings of your descendants and shower your blessings for good health and prosperous future.) Later the members of the family come out from the house to eat along with their guests. Now, the responsible male members who are younger, will distribute wine and serve food until everyone is full. CONCLUSION

The people of Khurkhul are conservative and traditional by na­ ture. They still practise their ancient traditional medicines and are concerned about good health. Every year they perform Tarpan Katpa as a way of ancestor worship for seeking good health. It is an ageold practice founded on the belief that the dead live on and are capable of influencing the lives of those living. The case presented in this article demonstrates the experimental reality of one of the

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traditional ways of health seeking behaviour in Khurkhul. It is evident that health and ancestor worship are two sides of the same coin: one cannot live a healthy life without honouring the ancestors.

REFERENCES Kibret, D.T., ‘Persistence and Change in the Practice of Medical Pluralism in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia’, unpublished PhD thesis submitted to Andhra University, Visakhapatnam, 2013. Hodson, T.C., The Meitheis, New Delhi: Akansha Publishing House, 2010. WEB REFERENCE

http://what-when-how.com/social-and-cultural-anthropology/ancestors-anthro­ pology (retrieved on 13 August 2017). www.encyclopedia.com/environtment/encyclopedia./ancestors-ancestor-wor­ ship (retrieved on 13 August 2017). http://who.int/aboutprint.html t/definition/en/(retrieved on 20 October 2017). http://www.census2011.co.in/data/village/270040-khurkhul-manipur.html. (retrieved on 7 August 2017).

C H A P T E R 30

Situating Culture Sans Religious Belief:

Culture of the Zeliangrong Christians

KAMEI SAMSON

INTRODUCTION

Deliberation on culture and identity is bound to face a plethora of opinions that might further complicate ongoing discourses on these concepts and related theories. Some might opine that culture con­ notes certain ways of life that are ideal for a particular society. However, what represents an ideal state could be extremely fluid. The continuous change in the nature of human interactions based on needs, cooperation and competition did not allow culture and identity to be static. Culture may also be viewed as ways of life and people are bound to have diverse experiences so that changing meanings of cultural practices have emerged across space and time. One element that plays a decisive role in culture and identity is religion. Religion is sometime equated with culture as equivalent and thus elevated from the position of being a part of a culture. Also considering the definition of culture given by Edward Burnett Tylor (1958: 1) we find ‘belief ’ as a component of culture. How­ ever, there is also a perspective that views culture as a sub-component of religion, and places religion above culture. In the ecology of religion perspective Hultkrantz analyses ‘religions whose cultures’ depend on the natural environment and which is also called primi­ tive religions (Hultkrantz 1973: 4, cited in Pummer 1975: 176). Thus, for Hultkrantz culture is a part of religion. Nevertheless, looking at the religious sanctions in different cultures we see reli­

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gion being used or being a part of a larger context that is culture. It is, therefore, safe to contend that belief or religion is a part of culture. This article examines the contention between the essentialization of religion or beliefs in a conceptualization of culture and culture sans religious tenets. Such a contention has led to a claim that the Christians have no culture. And the Zeliangrong traditionalists are seen in particular hurling scathing attacks against Zeliangrong Christians for their culture sans religious beliefs. This claim of culture of the Zeliangrong Christians sans religious beliefs opens a vista for re-conceptualizing culture. CULTURE

Romanticized views of culture are more popular as compared to. critical views which are considered socially unconventional and harmful to society. Contemporary discourse on culture may not risk relinquishing the emerging role of the state on culture. In state controlled cultural activities, secular aspects of cultures are emphasized. Often dances, songs and costumes are emphasized as the components of culture. These are material cultures. The belief systems associated with cultures are not visible in state monitored cultural activities. Consequently, we find several instances of people who do not adhere to traditional belief systems involved in cul­ tural activities organized by the state. Various interpretations of culture are being proffered on different occasions and in different social and political contexts. But what is culture which is as mani­ fest as everyday lexicon but whose ideas are fiercely contested. Edward Burnett Tylor (1958: 1) stated, Culture or Civilisation, taken in its wide ethnographic sense, is that complex whole which includes knowledge, belief, art, morals, law, custom, and any other capabilities and habits acquired by man as a member of society. The condition of culture among the various societies of mankind, in so far as it is capable of being investigated on general principles, is a subject apt for the study of laws of human thought and action.

Different communities have different beliefs, prescriptions and proscriptions that govern the morality of their people. Tylor (1958:

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1) was indeed right in using the term ‘complex’ while defining culture. In fact, culture is evolving into a state of more and more complex concept and multiple realities. Culture is a developmental concept and not a static notion. What may be defined as culture of a particular group of people might appear obsolete after sustained close association with other groups having different cultures. Cul­ ture is also defined by Lewis as an ‘assemblage of imaginings and meanings generated by a social group’ (2008: 18-19) in which interaction forms the focal point with which people are bound together to the culture thus formed. And in the assemblage of meanings and imaginings the hue of political predominance of the dominant group is sometime emphasized over objective interpre­ tations. Meanings are often ascribed by dominant interests that are sometime in conflict with the interests of other groups. And the cultural practices are sanctioned by religious tenets which are believed to be the will of the Supreme Being and remain guarded against fierce attacks of the disadvantaged groups. The article views culture as ways of interactions within a relat­ ively homogeneous group enjoying general acquiescence of the group members whose interactions are relatively unaffected by the sur­ roundings. Culture may not be necessarily of an exclusively homo­ geneous group. It may also be shared partly by a similar group that may otherwise be distinctly identified. Thus, the Nagas are believed to have their culture. However, it must be noted that the Naga groups have their own distinctly identified ways of life which are sometime foreign to other Naga groups. Nevertheless they are taken to be homogeneous in the sense that they share same linguis­ tic line and share a common oral tradition of common ancestor. The general acquiescence is astutely guarded by social and reli­ gious sanctions imposed on those who chose to rebel against the conventional culture. Thus, religious beliefs are conceptualized to give convincing essence to the existing cultures and sustain through posterities by means of internal and external sanctions. Culture is not exclusively a socially and a religiously affirmed ways of life. There is also an element of rational thinking, albeit not true for every aspect of culture. Religion is the sphere of life where we see a low level of rationality and more of fidelity towards the revered

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and feared Supreme Being. Almost all the cultures of the world and of all generations have religious beliefs as their staunch van­ guard. RELIGION

An exposition on culture without proper reference to religion would be a half-hearted endeavour. This is so because most religious be­ liefs stand as foundations of some cultural practices. Religion strengthens cultural practices of mankind. It defines and redefines human relations with an entity who is believed to be omnipresent, though unseen, and believed to be omnipotent. So a brief exposi­ tion on religion is indispensable while dealing with culture. And as Peter C. Hill observed, ‘. . . any single definition [of religion] is likely to reflect a limited perspective or interest’ (Hill et al. 2000: 52). The article does not make any attempt to define religion. However, the significance of wide ranging expositions on religion is underscored in the subsequent section of the article to guide one’s attempt to comprehend it. Emile Durkheim in his work The Elementary Forms of Religious Life discussed two elements prominent in any deliberation on reli­ gion or belief system (Morrison 2008: 234). One basic element is the sacredness of an object to which a set of beliefs and rituals are integrally associated. Such attitudes toward the sacred objects are not the same as those attitudes shown toward fellow human be­ ings who are highly revered and even addressed as ‘His Holiness’. Here the relation between the sacred object and human beings is often marked by reverence and even awe. It is common to hear about perceived consequential punishment on sinning against man and the Supreme Being. Attempts to instill fear with eternal fire of hell continues despite God being considered as a loving and forgiving Father in Christian theology. The sacredness of the Supreme Being is not without His ever ‘sacred’ and justified fieri­ ness. The second element basic to all religions is the differentiation between sacredness and profanity. This is found in all religions irrespective of their period of existence and reformations experi­

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enced. According to Emile Durkheim, religion is not a creation of human beings that constitute a society. According to him, human beings are not sacred by themselves. The elements of sacredness and profanity of any religion is derived from society (Morrison 2008: 235). This also suggests the origin of religion or belief in the inexplicable unseen power rooted in human interactions or the society. Religion is not a result of an individual’s belief. It is only after people come together and begin exchanging ideas and experiences that a collective belief with common pattern of inter­ actions with a Supreme Being is developed. Here, consensus in the society resulting from continuous interactions is the binding factor, and deviation from the conventional system of the society by a few individuals or groups would mean inviting severe sanction from the society drawn from religious beliefs. Thus, one may say that religion is a product of human interactions and has become a part of culture. Tylor defined culture using the concepts such as ‘beliefs’, ‘mor­ als’, ‘law’ and ‘customs’ (1958: 1). These concepts cannot be iden­ tified in isolation from the system of beliefs, practices and rites which according to Durkheim are crucial in defining religion (Morrison, 2008: 234). They cannot withstand the test of time and changes in society unless there are corresponding sanctions that are based on religious beliefs and texts. However, religious sanctions despite their powerful control over personal and social life, are sometime overlooked when they become hurdles in a ma­ terialistic world. In the Gospel of Mark, Chapter 10 we find Jesus asking a rich man to sell all his possessions and give the money to the poor and then follow him. Despite this we see ceaseless accu­ mulation of wealth and emergence of capitalism even in Christian dominant countries (see Weber & Parsons, 2003). Thus, religious teachings are often not taken literally. There is a contextual inter­ pretation of religious texts done to best suit the interests of the people as human beings and not as entities of the word of gods and goddesses. Religious precepts are subject to socio-economic and political scenarios. Texts are interpreted by human minds guided by human interests and such interpretations sometime form the basis of new faiths or religions. Religions, very much like cul­

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ture, do change in their interpretations, beliefs and practices. They are also influenced by cultures in interaction. Nevertheless the significance of religion in human social life has been deeply ingrained since the inception of social life and it now seems to appears as the progenitor of culture and even identity. IDENTITY

Identity is a constructed notion about an individual or a group in relation to other individuals or groups in which the individual or group is distinctly identified. It is a notion because even the avail­ able objective and concrete realities need to be conceptualized, interpreted and contextualized to be the elements of identity. It is not a static notion. It changes with time, space and nature of in­ teraction with other individuals or groups thus essentializing contextualization of objective realities. Thus, culture, which is a resultant of human interactions contributes towards the forma­ tion or conceptualization of identity. What one is today or in a particular period of time may not be so any more after a lapse of time accompanied by social, political, economic and cultural changes. Even a change in the location of an individual or group has the potential to affect an identity. Lal Dena was right when it was pointed out that ‘Every community at one point of time in its history was a nomadic tribe’ (1988: 183). Dena also talked about the identity shift of certain sub-groups of Kuki to Nagas. Accord­ ing to 1931 census, Anal was a sub-group of Kuki (Dena 1988: 184). Now Anal is assumed to be a sub-group of the Nagas (Kumara 2005: 23). In the process of migration and settlement and many other forms of interactions with other groups, new identities are attained and ascribed. The idea of identity itself is nomadic in nature. It assumes different types even for same group. A group may thus be indigenous, tribe, ethnic group, animists, national­ ists, educationists, etc. The term indigenous was first used in the deliberations of the international agencies in 1957 (Roy Burman, undated). It was popularized and gained larger acceptance in 1993 after the year was declared as the International Year of the Indigenous People.

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The International Labour Organization convention and the Work­ ing Group on Indigenous Population set up by the Human Rights Commission of the UNO looked at indigenous as having close affinity to a process of settlement of people in a given territory. The indigenous people have developed and nurtured special rela­ tions with the territory in which they have settled. There is a belief that they enjoy ‘prior and preferential if not exclusive rights over the territory’ (Xaxa 1999: 3593). Indigenous people are those who inhabited the country or the geographical region before the wave of colonization or conquest (ibid.: 3590). Here the determining factors are colonization and subjugation. This categorization of a group of people as indig­ enous requires identification of oppressor or colonizer and necessi­ tates their liberation from the oppressors. They live closer to their traditional social, economic and cultural institutions than the insti­ tution of the nation to which they belong (Roy-Burman, undated, Pathy 1992 cited in Xaxa 1999: 3590). This is true even to this day. One can still find traditional institutions not just in remote areas but even in municipal areas where people claiming to be indigenous are settled. They are still instrumental in settling dis­ putes. Many tribal villages in India do not approach the police or courts to settle disputes. They are perceived to be against the tradition and also expensive and full of unnecessary legal com­ plexities and lethargies. Initially the Indian government showed no objection to the use of the term indigenous when it was deliberated upon and the ILO came out with Covention No. 107 in 1957 (Xaxa 1999: 3590). The term then had nothing to do with issues of empower­ ment and rights of the indigenous people or adivasi people as they are known in the Indian context. It emphasized on the exigency to integrate them into the larger social and political system of the ‘mainstream civilisation’ (ibid.: 3591). But later in 1989, the em-phasis changed from that of integration to one of rights and empowerment. It was opposed by India claiming incompatibility of the meaning of indigenous in Indian context. This contention on the part of India was very crucial considering the nature of formation of India after Independence (ibid.: 3591). India does

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not accept that the indigenous people whom India categorizes as tribal, are oppressed. According to India, they are those who need to be civilized through development packages. When they express their refusal to be integrated within the so-called ‘mainstream civi­ lization’ (ibid.: 3591) they are termed as misguided brethren and their activities are labelled as anti-national. The term misguided brethren is often used in the so-called north-east region of India. This explains why India uses the term ‘tribe’ and not ‘indigenous’. This has also guided India in her dealing with armed groups fight­ ing for independence by pumping tax-payers’ money into the so-called north-east region which has already been criticized by taxpayers. The brief discussion on the notion of indigenous people is cru­ cial as this concept is found to gain currency in the contemporary political discourse concerning the right of the people. And invari­ ably indigenous people are also conceived as people with culture and traditional belief systems. Thus, there is a coherent connec­ tion between indigenousness and culture. The argument of being dominated by outside group is gradually losing relevance in a dis­ course on indigenousness as such voices are legally subdued. How­ ever, emphasizing on the cultural aspects of indigenousness is widely accepted and receives even constitutional positive actions. Identity as we see here is laced with political discourse advanc­ ing at local, national, regional and global arenas. Identity is in­ deed socio-political narrative conceptualized alongside the past and contemporary social, political and economic dynamics. The mani­ festation of identity is no longer confined to the food habits, songs, dances or clothes. They are becoming more exhibited in political discourses and assertions of the weaker sections. ZELIANGRONG PEOPLE

Considering the distinctions between tribe and indigenous in In­ dia and the contemporary political scenario witnessed by the Zeliangrong people it is difficult to say whether they are indig­ enous or a tribe. It is for them to decide. However, in view of the contemporary identity discourse, Zeliangrong may be said to com­

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prise basically of three tribes Zeme, Liangmai and Rongmei. An­ other group, Inpui, is also believed to be one of their cognate groups and Inpui is believed to be an offshoot of a conjugal union of Rongmei and Liangmai individuals. The nomenclature ‘Zelian­ grong’ was coined on 15 February 1947 by using the first syllables of the names of the three tribes, Zeme, Liangmai and Rongmei as Ze-Liang-Rong and thus formed Zeliangrong. This was based on their belief in common origin in every aspect of their lives (Kamei 2004: 176). To facilitate the administrative work of the British, the Zeliangrong people were invaded by use of military power. And in the course of colonization they were divided and their lands partitioned to the extent of being fancied and actualized by other groups as theirs. The Zeliangrong people claim to have common origin. A man is thought to have come out of a cave. The cave is called taobei (Pamei 1996: 6). It is also believed that a human being is God’s creation. It was also believed that a woman was made pregnant without any conjugal relationship, but miraculously with a white flying matter like a cloud (Yonuo 1982: 5). The narratives of origins are always contested and so far there has been no single conclusive proven theory about their origin. During the course of their mi­ gration they also settled at Makhel and Makuilungdi in present northern Manipur and then some of them gradually migrated to the southern part of Manipur and settled in Tameng-long district. Some of them are settled in North Cachar Hills region of Assam and some of them in Peren district of Nagaland. Another theory was presented by Namthiubuiyang Pamei (2001: 4-7, 10) in The Trail from Makuilungdi: The Continuing Saga of the Zeliangrong People. According to him, despite the mysteries surrounding the origin of the Zeliangrong people with writers be­ lieving Central Asia and then Yunan Province of China to be the place of origin, one indisputable fact that remains is that the Nagas came to Makhel and left for different places while the Zeliangrong migrated towards South of Makhel. Namthiubuiyang Pamei pro­ vided a sequence of the places settled by the Zeliangrong. It was from Makhel that the Zeliangrong moved to Ramting Kabin, then to Chawang Phungning and then finally to Makuilungdi from

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where they migrated further to various parts of their present settle­ ment in Manipur, Nagaland and North Cachar Hills in Assam. It is already accepted that ethnically and linguistically the Zeliangrong people belonged to the Tibeto-Burman of southern Mongolia. The Zeliangrong have an Indo-Mongoloid appearance (Kamei 2004: 16; Sen 1987: 43). BELIEF SYSTEM OF ZELIANGRONG PEOPLE

After settling down at Makuilungdi (also known as Wilong) in present Manipur the Zeliangrong developed their belief systems. They called their god as Charaguang or ‘god-king’ (Pamei 2001). They offered sacrifices under a big tree or rock to their gods believed to be living in the outskirt of the villages (ibid.: 12-14). Thus, the trees or rocks are not worshipped as propagated by many Christians. They never attached any supernatural power or life to rocks or trees as believed by earlier Christians. They merely signify places of worship. Therefore, the Zeliangrong belief system cannot be equated with Animism (ibid.: 29). Jadonang Malangmei observed that the Zeliangrong people were submerged in rituals with their old traditional religious practices. He preached against dogmatic rituals and superstitions and reformed the belief systems. There is no denying the fact that there were elements of super­ stitions which were not alien even to Christianity. Irrelevant sacri­ fices were common before the reformation. The reformed Zeliangrong belief system was considered to be pure because it abandoned the old superstitious practices. It came to be known as Haraka (Kamei 2006: 55; Yonuo 1982: 53). It is a Zeme term. According to what Arkotong Longkumer (2010: 8), ‘Ka is to fence, to obstruct, to avoid, to give up—all these words can be used in different contexts. Hera means “small gods”. So all these neube [pro­ hibitions] and sacrifices associated with the smaller gods must be fenced out, avoided, and only Tingwang must be worshipped. This is the meaning of Haraka/Heraka.’ Heraka believes in the Creator of the Universe who is Tingkao Ragwang or Tingwang (Kamei 2006: 55). Unlike the traditional religious belief system, Haraka (also written as Heraka) has a

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system of belief in one God. A smaller pantheon of gods and god­ desses are no longer worshipped. The reformed belief system was a solace for the Zeliangrong people as it developed a simplified system of religious practices that are associated with rites of birth, marriage and death (ibid.: 56). The Zeliangrong people do not practice discrimination in matters related to worship on a gender basis. Another belief system of the Zeliangrong people followed mostly by the Rongmei people is the Tingkao Ragwang Chapriak (TRC). Unlike the Heraka TRC continues to appease some smaller gods and goddesses. TRC became more popular in the late twentieth century though its genesis is traced to time immemorial. Of the two belief systems the one followed arduously and spread by Rani Gaidinliu was the Heraka. And it may not be a far-fetched claim to state that had there been no Heraka or TRC the culture of Zelian-gorng would have been antique. ZELIANGRONG CULTURAL PRACTICES

Schusky (Schusky et al. 1967: 4-5) used the concept ‘encul-turation’ meaning the process of learning a culture. Culture is not inherent in an individual. This is one common regular feature observed among the Zeliangrong Christians. Apart from ‘encultura-tion’ other features of culture discussed by Schusky and Culbert are, ‘shared’, ‘whole’, ‘cumulative’, ‘diverse’ and ‘constantly changing’. All these features of culture are found to be relevant in the context of Zeliangrong culture. Groups prepare themselves to construct or preserve their identity. They develop their own ‘criteria for inclusion into and exclusion from the group’ (Karna 1999: 29) that will make them distinct from various other groups. The criteria may be changed in course of time. Before the arrival of Jadonang Malangmei and during the early phase of the period of reformation of the traditional Zeliangrong belief system, they lived a life a part of which is now considered to be savage because of certain practices based on un­ critical thinking. According to oral history of some elders, one of the reasons for the practice of head hunting was the belief that the

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souls of all the hunted will become slaves and serve the hunter after his death. The cultural practices of the Zeliangrong people are deeply rooted in their belief system. Beginning from the ceremony of ear piercing of an infant (nanu in Rongmei) till the farewell of the spirit of the dead (thei kadimei in Rongmei) there are separate religious rituals for every stage. Even the clothes worn vary accord­ ing to age of a person. Dances and songs are associated with belief system. Food and drink, dress and ornaments, festivals, games and sports and rituals for the dead are the areas that can be analysed to have a picture of the Zeliangrong cultural practices. FOOD AND DRINK

According to Gangmumei Kamei (2004: 303), it was after the Zeliangrong had a contact with the British that cabbage, tomato, potato and French beans were begun to be planted in the lands of the Zeliangrong for consumption. Hunting and fishing for food is still practised among the Zeliangrong people who dwell in hills. Usually three meals are taken in a day. Breakfast is not common. Local fermented rice beer which is known as jouju and liquor prepared with pounded rice known as joungao are important. They are consumed after a day’s work so that their bodies are rejuve­ nated to be able to go to the field or woods the next day. They are prepared for consumption and for use in religious rituals. Another variety of liquor known as joudui which is prepared by steaming fermented rice is most crucial in village economy and rituals. In fact, contemporary village economy in many villages depends on production of these liquors. The influence of Christianity in the hills has been able to contain excess production and misuse of wine to some extent. Such drinks are also condemned by the Chris­ tians without any due acknowledgement of the age-old tradition of moderate consumption. So for the Zeliangrong Christians their Zeliangrong identity must be relocated from the tradition of pro­ duction and consumption of the aforementioned drinks despite their religious significance for the traditionalists.

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DRESS AND ORNAMENTS

The knowledge of the time when the Zeliangrong people learnt to weave is not known. It is believed that in the prehistoric migration from a place called Ramting Kabin they carried along with them materials used for weaving. Specific dresses are worn during par­ ticular occasions. For instance, while attending a funeral no one is expected to wear colourful dresses. There are various dresses and ornaments which are gender specific. Different shawls are worn depending on age and gender of a person. Ornaments are worn fondly both by men and women. Bracelets, earrings and necklaces of various materials are common. Silver and brass rings are among them. Feathers of the hornbill and other birds are also used. Neck­ laces of Cornelia beads, elephant tusk, bones and mithun horn are other items (Kamei 2004: 303-5). Such elaborate varieties of dresses and ornaments are gradually becoming less popular. They are not worn elaborately any longer. Cultural festivals and festivals of the Christians are the days on which some of the above-mentioned dresses and ornaments are used with enthusiasm. Despite such a rich cultural wealth embedded even in the dresses and ornaments, there is a dearth in the use of Zeliangrong wed­ ding dresses in a Zeliangrong Christian wedding ceremony. It is a widely discussed fact among the Zeliangrong that early un­ sophisticated Christians condemned the cultural attires of the Zeliangrong. The attires were considered to be of the devils and they were reduced to ashes in fire. The use of the cultural attires by the Christians is without any sense of religious significance. They just dresses of the Zeliangrong with no religious significance. They merely speak for their ethnic identity. However, for tradi­ tionalists, their attires represent a stage of life and it is a part of their belief for they believe they were clothed with it by their Creator. The textures and colours of their dresses embody their beliefs. After death, women carry along with them weaving mate­ rials when they are buried. But for the Zeliangrong Christians what pre-dominate their zeal for the cultural attires are the tex­ tures and the colours.

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Certain festivals among the Zeliangrong people are common but differed in names. The Zeme and the Liangmai use a term ngi for festival while the Rongmei called it ngai. Various festivals are cel­ ebrated with meanings attached to them. They cannot be dissoci­ ated from religious beliefs and annual activities of cultivation and harvests. The dates for festivals are decided by the elders of the village council, Pei (ibid.: 305). Dances are extremely important. Dances are categorized into three forms- the ritual dances, the festival dances and dances imi­ tating nature and wild life (ibid.: 315). The Zeme on the other hand divide their dances into four categories—community/group dance, religious/ ritual dance, war dance and dances imitating other living creatures (ibid.: 308). Festivals are extremely important in Zeliangrong culture. They provide a platform to reaffirm, their identity and relationship with their culture and thus sustain its existence. Often, Zeliangrong people, after adopting christianity; forbid their folk from celebrating Zeliangrong cultural festivals. Festivals are associated with religious beliefs by Zeliangrong christians. CULTURAL REFORMATIONS

Some Zeliangrong people living in Manipur Valley were earlier influenced by Hinudism due to prolong and close association with the Meitei people. Earlier some traditionalist Zeliangrong people in the valley practised certain rituals associated with Hinduism. They celebrated Durga Puja, Diwali, worshipped Lord Krishna, revered Lord Rama, etc. This continued till the late twentieth cen­ tury. However, all these have been stopped after a wave of a revived Tingkao Ragwang Chapriak swept across the Zeliangrong people with renewed zeal and vigour. Certain practices of the Zeliangrong traditional belief system became very prominent and experienced a wide acceptance among the Zeliangrong people, especially the Rongmei, who were not Christians. One feature witnessed among this group which is worth mentioning is the regular group wor­

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ship. This practice was thought to be Christians by a section of Zeliangrong Christians. This is not true. Haipou Jadonang Malan­ gmei, a Naga freedom fighter, promoted group worship and songs for worship on various occasions with his own invented script (Yonuo 1982: 58). Such group worship by the Zeliangrong tradi­ tionalists were never witnessed until Tingkao Ragwang Chapriak was revived in the early twenty-first century. The religious and political activities of Jadonang Malangmei were suppressed by the British after his public execution in 1931. As a consequence, a wave of fear swept across Zeliangrong lands and generations and his religious teachings and religious activities never found a new lease of life until recently. In the contemporary period, we find among the Zeliangrong Christians, a fond adoption of the forefathers’ culture. It has be­ come common among Zeliangrong Christians to wear colourful traditional attires that were once regarded by their Christian leaders or by them as ‘Satanic clothes’. In fact, they were even condemned and burned. Another change that could be witnessed is the sincere acceptance of the cultural dances and tunes of folk songs by the Zeliangrong Christians. However, some Zeliangrong Christians still linger with strong reservation against locally brewed wine. Though the Zeliangrong Catholic members do not promote and encour­ age social drinking they do not preach vociferously against local wine. Even Catholic priests are not known to condemn locally brewed wine of the tribals. They preach self-control over its use. For this reason Protestants often say that since Catholics allows drinking and so if someone wants to continue drinking despite accepting Christian faith they should be Catholic. The Zeliangrong Christians still retain certain practices of their forefathers despite their long association with Christianity and strict adherence to church doctrines. It is customary among the Zeliang­ rong for the elders of a man who eloped with a woman to go to the family of the woman and inform about the elopement the follow­ ing day after the couple had eloped. After this is done, the female relatives of the woman would visit the family of the man and meet the woman. She would be asked if she had eloped on her own will. If the woman gave her consent then the couple would be blessed

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by the elders. Failure to convey the message about the elopement to the woman’s family is regarded as disrespect. This practice of elopement is followed by many Zeliangrong Christians even to­ day. In September 2014, Pope Francis, the Vicar of Christ, solemnized a mass wedding of twenty couples at St. Peter’s basilica at the Vatican in which a couple already had children. Some couples were already in a live-in relation (Times of India, 15 September 2014). The Pope reportedly said that the church needs to be more liberal. It is important to note that church does not allow pre­ marital sex. Elopement has a new meaning in the context of Zeliangrong. Here it means running away with or against the con­ sent of the parents, that rules out marriage ceremony. The man and the woman can live together as couple with or without the consent of their parents. According to the doctrines of the churches in Manipur, a couple who have eloped cannot enjoy the blessing of holy marriage. In Catholic church they go for rectification which is sometime liberally equated with holy marriage. However, elope­ ment which is considered ‘jungle marriage’ by christians as is widely practised even by Zeliangrong Christians. Thus, the Zeliangrong Christians, while not identifying with the belief systems of the traditionalists, follow certain ways of life of the traditionalists, once condemned by the Christians. There seems to be an implicit dynamics of identity protection among the Zeliangrong people. Hinduism and Sanamahi are popu­ lar religions in the valley of Manipur. As mentioned above, earlier the Zeliangrong people who were in close association with the Meitei people in Manipur valley also followed Hinduism and Sanamahi. However, it is found that several instances of change of religion among the Zeliangrong people in the hills were marked by acceptance of Christianity as their new religion. Why not Hin­ duism? Why not Sanamahi? Why not Islam? Were they out of the domain of cultural and political influence of the valley? The need to be different seemed to be a prerequisite condition for the pro­ tection of one’s identity from the dominant group. With political aspiration among the tribals for sovereignty, association with the Hindu or traditionalist Meitei would have been a political stum­

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bling block. Among the Zeliangrong in the Manipur Valley de­ tachment from Hinduism and Sanamahi became even more crucial when the gospel of Tingkao Ragwang Chapriak was brought to the Zeliangrong people in the valley to strengthen their cul­ tural identity. Thus, while the tribals in the hills had stronger attachment to their political aspiration the tribals in the valley attached their cultural rights more to their community. UNDERSTANDING ZELIANGRONG CHRISTIANITY

Durkheim presented elements of religion clearly. The two basic elements, i.e. sacredness and profanity in every religion that lead to differentiation and thus division in human society stand with great significance (Morrison 2008: 234). Jesus, as a historical per­ sonality, never showed disrespect to Jewiah culture. He embraced the traditional Jewish practice of circumcision humbly (Gospel of Luke Ch. 2). He visited the traditional synagogue to have discourse on religious matter with the learned elders and even defended the sanctity of the place of worship. He respected the religious significance of wine in marriage at Cana (Gospel of John Ch. 2). Jesus was once asked whether it was right to pay a tax to the emperor who exercised temporal power. According to Jesus, as written in the Holy Bible, what belonged to the emperor must be given back to the emperor and to God what belonged to God (Gospel of Matthew Ch. 22). Jesus did change the lives of the people. He changed their ways of living and thinking. According to the Bible, Jesus did not perform the ritual of baptism. Not­ withstanding this change of religion or even denomination rather than ways of life has been the emphasis of the work of some Chris­ tians emphasizing on the last words of Jesus commanding his dis­ ciples to go and preach and baptize the people. Differences between various Christian denominations were openly preached in the churches. Elders, priests, pastors and catechists spoke against inter-marriage among different Christian denomi­ nations and those who were not Christians. In fact, it is disturbing to reflect on the method of preaching used by some Christians when they attempted to draw people to their group and not necessarily

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to Christianity. Emphasis was given to differences between the denominations—Catholic and Protestants. Catholic as the church founded by Christ himself and Protestant churches founded by protesting men were common propaganda. The Catholic as wor­ shippers of Mary, and Protestants as worshippers of only Christ was another strong propaganda. Catholic church is also accused of idol worship. Idol worship is strictly prohibited in Christianity. It is now a rarely discussed fact that the Catholic church often accused the Baptist church for merry-making and eating meat rather than fasting and praying on Good Friday. According to the early Zeliangrong Christians, those who were not Christians had not a slightest chance of entering the Kingdom of God. Fear was inculcated and nurtured among the new Christians. Here the Book of Revelation in the Bible was grossly misinter­ preted—depicting God as punisher. Descriptions of hell and heaven were explicit. These were the faces of Christianity or divisive Christ­ ianity witnessed, experienced and assimilated by generations in villages before the coming of the twenty-first century which is marked by several changes in terms of reclamation of their forefa­ thers’ cultures. SITUATING CULTURE WITHIN CHRISTIANITY

The notion of culture is still not accorded to Christianity. Chris­ tianity as a religion of the foreign soil is deprived of any cultural sense as conceptualized among the natives. Do Christians have a culture? This is a question with relevance to look forward. Tradi­ tionalists are becoming stronger in their claim as the rightful lega­ cies of their culture. If culture is a dynamic concept can it be without religious tenets in its course of dynamic changes? To an­ swer this question one needs to delve into the integral elements of the notion of culture, i.e. essence and practice. Culture must be viewed within the realms of essence and practice. The essence of culture carries with it meanings, beliefs, feelings, emotions and relationship with the power that necessitated the aspect of culture. The practical aspect connotes the manifestations of the essence. Practice of a culture is a symbolical association with the omni­

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potent power and the people around which the culture dwells. Can culture exist with its practice alone without its essence as the Zeliangrong Christians desire? At St. Mary’s Basilica in Bengaluru a picture of Mary draped with saree may be seen. And a controversy emerged in Jharkhand as a result of ‘. . . the Virgin Mary in a red-bordered white sari and red blouse, sporting a necklace, bangles and earrings, and holding baby Jesus in a cloth sling tied around her shoulder’ (Rahman 2013) being displayed in a local church. The particular statue was seen as a tool of conversion as the statue, according to a head priest of Sarna Society, could confuse the tribals into believing Mary as a tribal woman and attract followers as the statue is dark and made to look like local goddess, Sarna Ma [Mother Nature]. And re­ sponding to the protest a Jesuit priest stated, ‘As Christians we view Mother Mary as our mother, and as tribals if we see our mothers wearing a red-bordered sari we feel nice. So in that statue we got her draped in our local tribal attire, to which we are emotionally attached’. He further said ‘. . . if we remove the statue today then tomorrow they will ask us to stop playing tribal musical instru­ ments, or performing tribal dances, or for that matter speaking tribal languages.’ Thus, the Christians do not give any importance at all to the teachings and doctrines of the tribal belief system. For them material culture is the only legitimate aspect of traditionalist culture that can be claimed as theirs too. This indicates a power equation between material culture and non-material culture. Material culture becomes meaningful only when prescribed with the essence of the non-material culture. Any object of behaviour may be prescribed with characteristics of culture if the essence of culture is attached to it. Thus, culture is a product of human in­ teractions with meanings prescribed by the people sharing it. Can Zeliangrong people find any common platform on culture? To what extent do the traditionalists agree to share Zeliangrong culture with the Christians? The Zeliangrong Christians need to negotiate constantly with their Christian teachings and values when they practise their culture. If the traditionalists whom they con­ sider to be non-believers are prohibited strictly from consuming the bread and wine, symbolizing the body and blood of Christ, in

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the Eucharistic celebration how do they see their cultural prac­ tices without the essences that carry the beliefs of the traditional religions? CONCLUSION

Culture very much like history, is a matter of choice of the domi­ nant group. There is a clear phenomenon of sifting and retaining certain ways of life which is done responding to the political mi­ lieu of the time and place. The dynamic notion of culture invari­ ably leaves endless avenues for claims and counter-claims on the very nature of culture and the elements of culture. And this ongoing discourse on culture contributes to a larger phenomenon of social change, affecting not only the cultural realm, but also extending towards the political and economic aspects of society. However, one question on the relation between culture and religion remains to be addressed further. Can religious belief be separated from culture? Culture as a rigid feature of a society is weaning away from the contemporary young populations. Culture is gradually assuming more secular aspects. The Zeliangrong people have been experi­ encing changes throughout their history of existence. Differences do continue to prevail but the practical aspect of culture is the realm in which the differences of ideologies are contained. Even among the Zeliangrong Christians there are several denominations. What is to be salvaged now are the factors that contributed to a new chapter in the history of the Zeliangrong marked by a search for common ancestral culture and identity and the resulting soli­ darity before it is shattered by fundamentalism that might breed terrorism.

REFERENCES Burman, B.K. Roy, Indigenous and Tribal Peoples and the UN and International Agencies, New Delhi: Rajiv Gandhi Institute for Contemporary Studies, 1995.

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Dena, L., Christian Mission and Colonialism: A Study of Missionary Movement in North-East India with Particular Reference to Manipur and Lushai Hills (1894-1947 ), Shillong: Vendrame Institute, 1988. Hill, P.C. et al., ‘Conceptualizing Religion and Spirituality: Points of Common­ ality, Points of Departure’, Journal for the Theory of Social Behaviour, 2000, 30(1): 51-77. Kamei, G., A History of the Zeliangrong Nagas: From Makhel to Rani Gaidinliu, Guwahati: Spectrum Publications, 2004. ——, Essays on Primordial Religion, New Delhi: Akansha, 2006. Karna, M.N., ‘Ethnic Identity and Socio-Economic Processes in North-Eastern India’, in K.S. Aggarwal (ed.), Dynamics of Identity and Intergroup Relations in North-East India, Shimla: Indian Institute of Advanced Study, 1999, pp. 29-38. Kumara, B.B., Naga Identity, New Delhi: Concept, 2005.

Lewis, J., Cultural Studies, London: Sage, 2008.

Longkumer, A., Reform, Identity and Narratives of Belonging: The Heraka Move­ ment of Northeast India, London: Continuum International Publishing Group, 2010. Morrison, K., Marx, Durkheim, Weber: Formations of Modern Social Thought, New Delhi: Sage, 2004. Pamei, N., The Trail from Makuilungdi: The Continuing Saga of the Zeliangrong People, Manipur: Gironta Charitable Foundation, 2001. Pamei, R., The Zeliangrong Nagas: A Study of Tribal Christianity, New Delhi: Uppal, 1996. Pummer, R., ‘Recent Publications on the Methodology of the Science of Reli­ gion’, Numen, 1975, 22 (3): 161-82. Rahman, S.A., ‘The Storm over Virgin Mary Statue’. Al Jazeera. Retrieved from http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/features/2013/10/storm-over-virgin­ mary-statue-20131015155128883213.html Schusky, E.L. and T.P. Culbert, Introducing Culture (4th edn.), New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1967. Sen, S., Tribes of Nagaland, Delhi: Mittal Publications, 1987. Tigga, R., ‘Ghar Wapsi: A Threat to Peace and Unity among Adivasis’, Subal­ terns, 2014, 22(4): 2-3. Times of India, Delhi, 15 September 2014, p. 16. Tylor, E.B., Origins of Culture, New York: Evanston, Harper & Row Publishers, 1958. Weber, M. and T. Parsons, The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, New York: Courier Dover Publications, 2003.

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Xaxa, V., ‘Tribes as Indigenous People of India’, Economic and Political Weekly, 1999, 34(51): 3589-95. Yonuo, A., Nagas Struggle Against The British Rule Under Jadonang and Rani Gaidinliu 1925-1947, Kohima: Leno Printing Press, 1982.

C H A P T E R 31

Cultural Heritage of Rongmei Tribe

with Reference to Dance,

Religion and Festival

PETER PANMEI AND R A B I K A N TA S I N G H

INTRODUCTION

Cultural heritage means traditions or liv­ ing expression, inherited from the prede­ cessors and transmitted to the successors orally or by gesture. It includes language, performing arts, social practices, rituals, festive events, knowledge and practices concerning nature and the universe and traditional craftsmanship. These create the cultural identity of a community and forms the belongingness to a country, a tradition or a way of life. It consists of tangible and intangible cultural heritage (ICOMOS 2002). Again, it is known to all of us that culture is dynamic and hence, its values and elements change through the passage of time. Acculturation is one of the great cultural change. It removes or changes the age-old cultural elements in the way the new belief system moves. Christianity is a new world religion that engulfs the traditionalism of the tribal

Source : Personal Collection of the author.

Figure 31.1: A Rongmei eldely lady from Longmai village

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Peter Panmei and Rabikanta Singh

people in Manipur. But, there still remain, at least, some vestiges of past traditions. The present study documents the cultural heri­ tage and its status especially in intangible aspects of dance, festi­ vals and religions of the Rongmei, one of the Scheduled Tribes of the state. The deliberate act of preserving cultural patrimony from the present generation of both religions for the future is also an area of concern. The Rongmeis who are otherwise known as the Kabuis are an indigenous tribe under the ethnic umbrella of the Nagas and living in the north-eastern parts of India including Manipur, Assam, and Nagaland. In Manipur, the Rongmeis, one of the recognized thirtyfour Scheduled Tribes of the state, are settlled in Imphal, the capi­ tal city of Manipur, Tamenglong, Bishnupur, and Churachandpur districts. The Rongmeis have their different and distinctive socio­ cultural, traditional and linguistic variants with genetic identity. They have to rely mainly on arts and culture, songs, dances, legends and stories, which have been handed down orally from generation to generation. They have a cultural heritage which makes a unique lifestyle. METHODOLOGY

Techniques of data collection such as interview and schedule were adopted in fieldwork at Longmai village in Noney district, Langol Tarung and Langthabal villages in Imphal West district, Keikhu Kabui and Chingmeirong villages in Imphal East district, and Maibam village in Bishnupur district. As Rongmei in Manipur live in hill and valley, the above villages have been chosen as sample areas of study considering their settlement in different districts of hilly and valley regions. THE VILLAGES UNDER STUDY

The studied villages are described briefly so as to familiarize the reader with them. Longmai village is situated at about 63 km to­ wards the west from Imphal. Formerly the village was known as Shimbangluang after a beautiful flower ‘Shim’. The village authority

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is a body of twelve members of which Khallak is the ex-officio chairman. Christianity is the sole religion of the village. The village has a population of about 1,000 persons in about 155 households. According to the informants, the settlement of Rongmei at Langol Tarung began during the reign of King Garibaniwaz (1700-48). Formal establishment was made in the year 1735. Since early times, the people have been worshippers of gods and lovers of cultural festivals and amusements. All forms of cultural festivals of Rongmei have been enthusiastically observed and prominent deities of Langol Tarung are still worshipped and served. But in course of time, these people changed from the old tenets to modernization and Christianity. Many churches of different denominations have been established. In the year 1978, through the preacher T.P. Kiuliang­ pou, an ex-minister and Mrs. Chanagailiu Phaomei, the villagers converted to Christianity and later, some of the villagers converted to the Baptist church. Afterwards, denominations like Seven Day Adventist (SDA) and Catholics came in the village. The village had more than 300 households. Only 6 households are followers of traditional religion. But, there is no segmentation on ground of religion. Even in the case of village administration, both the customary norm and Christian faith go hand in hand for the de­ velopment of the society. Here, the present village chairman was a traditionalist and the village secretary a Christian. The village Langthabal Chingmathak, Imphal West was founded in the year 1734 by Meiren Luangmei. Actually, he originated from Terabanjang in Tamenglong area. He was given the office of Khunpu for first settlement and Meikachun Kamson who might have come from Phalong, Tamenglong district was given the dig­ nitary post of Khullak. Altogether, the village households are more than one hundred. The villagers followed Tingkao Ragwang Chapriak (TRC), a section of Rongmei traditionalism, dominantly while some of the households follow SDA and some are Catholic. In this village, there is no strict rule in separation regarding the religion. The first Christian was Tampikhon Gondaimei who con­ verted to SDA in the year 1956. More than 200 years back, Keikhu Kabui village, Imphal East was established. There is no modern village authority (VA) system

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in the village but it is under traditional village council (Pei ). The first Khunpu (chairman) was Guimanang Panmei who migrated from Duilon, Tamenglong district and the first Khullakpa (secre­ tary) was Meiraba Pamei who was originated from Chingkhamla­ mpui, Chingkham. The village has altogether 130 households. The majority of the villagers believe in TRC. Five households have been Baptists for more than twenty years, a few are Catholics and one household follows Recovery Mission (recently formed). In this village, there is a division of people on the basis of religion. But, there is a common system to hold Thouthang (sacrificial rite) in the village. During the folk traditional TRC festival and in Christian festival, it was enjoined together. There is no strict rule about not participating in functions of the followers of the other relion. Chingmeirong village, Imphal East was established more than a hundred years ago. It was believed that during the reign of King Garibniwaz, Chingmeirong was known as Sameirong, meaning wild boar. The animal was found running on the mountain of Chingmeirong. The village administration is conducted by Pei. Altogether the village has 87 households wherein 81 households follow TRC while 6 households have adopted Christianity. Maibam village in Bisnupur District was established in the year 1850. The village was also known as Pachinglong/Pachingkailong Maibam Lokpa Ching. It was named after the Pachingjei Palmei, the first settler and Khunbu of the village located at Langthabl Chingmathak. During the reign of King Gambhir Singh, it was a public fire-place (mai = fire, bam = place) which was given to Pachingjei Palmei. Afterwards, the village was established. After some years, they migrated to the present site under the same name Maibam. There are about 20 households. All the villagers follow the traditionalism of TRC group. A few of them followed Ragwang Chapriak (Hao Riak), the earlier group of traditionalism. Twenty years back, there wereonly six catholic households. There was a misunderstanding between the village authority known as Pei and catholic households. Then, the Pei decided to impose the fine in kind consisting of the valuable product (Thouthang in Rongmei) for wrong charges against the secretary of Pei. After two or three days of the event, the catholic societies pulled away the Catholic

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religion from the village. Since then there is no Christian denomi­ nation in the village. RONGMEI DANCE (LAAM)

Dance forms, just like other forms of performing arts, oral tradi­ tions and human activities have been enlisted in UNESCO Heri­ tage under the banner of ‘intangible cultural heritage’ since the UNESCO Convention on Intangible Cultural Heritage in 2003. Among the Rongmeis, dances are one of the prime forms of enthusiastic celebration. A number of different dances are per­ formed during the festivals, distinct in their step and style of per­ formance. Colourful costumes are worn by the dancers, replete with various ornaments and even hornbill feathers. Dancers con­ tinue to perform throughout day and night, accompanied with thudding drums and a violin-like instrument called the nrah. Their dance is a series of steps and movement that match the speed and rhythm of a piece of music imitating various animate beings such as men, animals, birds, and other creatures. For in­ stance, in a dance, the Rongmei people compare a hornbill, the most beautiful birds with a beautiful girl who dresses in the most attracting dance costume and sings a melodious song. ORIGIN OF DANCE

There is a mythical story about the origin of dance. Anbaan Ragwang, the king of gods, performed a sacrificial ceremony called Ragwang Kaushumei. On the last day (kadaimei) of the ceremony, gods, men, birds, animals and other creatures were invited by Anbaan Ragwang to attend the ritual dance. For men, a golden ladder was dropped from the heaven. But, gods were not willing to dance openly in front of men. Anbaan Ragwang devised a plan by throwing a cover of fog while the gods were performing the dance so that men could not see them clearly. In spite of this plan, men could see the dance of gods clearly. Usually, human beings had great curiosity because of which men learnt the technique of dance displayed by gods associated with beating of drum and sing­

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Peter Panmei and Rabikanta Singh

ing of songs. Therefore, Rongmei people still perform the ritual dance with the beating of drum and singing of songs on the occa­ sion of feast of charity (Maku Banru) as adopted from the gods. These songs and dances are now known as the dances of gods (Ra-Laam) and the songs of gods (Rah-Luh). KINDS OF DANCE

The Rongmei dance may be classified into two categories: (i) Ritual Dance and (ii) Festival Dance. A ritual dance is performed mainly on the occasion of an important ceremony like Taraang Kai Sumei, Maku Banru, Matui, etc. A festival dance is performed during festivals of the community like Gaan-Ngai, Rih-Ngai, Nanu-Ngai, Tun-Ngai, etc. Another category of dances is (i) Agriculture re­ lated dances performed during sowing seed, plantation of paddy, weeding, cutting of paddy plants, harvesting work as included in festivals of Laophun, Laotai, Laodilaam, etc. (ii) dances imitating nature, birds, insects, hulak (paang laam), cricket, etc., for instance, Khoiguna Laam meaning ‘bee dance’ and (iii) other non-agricul­ tural activities, say, Pheidak Laam, which is the weaving dance. The dances of the Rongmei tribe are given below. (a) Paansou Laam: This is known as rice pounding dance for making a festive drink. It is performed in certain ritual festivals. In this kind of dance, mortars are placed in line with pestles for pounding the rice so as to prepare the rice beer. Boys and girls stand facing one other and pound the rice in rhythming movement. (b) Pheidak Laam: This dance is literally known as weaving dance. When women weave the clothes, it needs a special movement of hands, body and feet. A girl dances with her hands and feet in a rhythmic coordination just as done in the weaving of cloth. Those rhythmic movements make it a joy and pleasure. (c) Sim Laam: Sim Laam means ‘fly dance?’ in Rongmei dialect. The dance is performed as if the flies lover over edible things. The dance is performed by a man acting as a fly flying over the eatable things with flapping wings.

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(d) Laotai Laodi Laam: Laotai Laodi Laam literally means harvesting dance in Rongmei dialect. It conveys reaping paddy with sickles, collecting on a bamboo mat, threshing it as in harvesting and storing in a granary. The dance depicts the Rongmei way of harvesting. (e) Pazeilaam: Pazeilaam is a romantic dance by waving sashes. The dance expresses the feelings of love and joy boys and girls in their youth. In this dance, boys and girls also sit one behind one another in row and sing folk songs together waving sashes in the rhythm of drum beating, cymbal, and gong. (f ) Mundun Laam: Mundun literally means ‘plucking flowers’ in Rongmei dialect. It is a group dance performed by girls. (g) Gaa-Laam: Gaa-Laam literally means crab dance in the Rongmei community. It is generally performed in the festival of building Taraang kai, theprestigious house. Boys and girls imitate the movement of crabs. (h) Huai/Gaan Laam: Huai Laam means Huai-shouting dance of youth. It is also known as Ra-Laam (God’s dance) and is not performed during the festival. It is performed exclusively by menfolk in specific rituals of death, war, etc. (i) Khoiguna Laam: Khoiguna Laam means ‘bee dance’. It imitates the movement and activities of bees. The dance is performed in the festivals as well as Zoulumei sacrificial ritual. It is one of the most popular dances of the Rongmeis. (j) Rangdai Laam: The dance imitates the flying hornbill. It is usually performed in festivals of Taraang kai. (k) Zoumon Kashukmei Laam: Zoumon Kashukmei Laam means dance of offering holy wine to Tingkao Ragwang (Supreme God). It is performed only by the girls and is a non-festival dance. In this case, while dancing, all the girls hold a well decorated dried gourd containing wine and sing a ritual song. The above-mentioned dances are still in use by traditional be­ lievers. The Christians also perform the above dances. The only difference is that the latter totally ignore the associated ritual songs.

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Source: Personal collection of the author.

Figure 31.2: Furthering cultural heritage: Rongmei girls in the costume for harvesting dance

RITES AND FESTIVALS

The various festivals of the Rongmei are closely linked to their physical habitat and spiritual belief system. A festival performance serves the purpose of the articulation of the group’s heritage (Stoeltje 1992: 261). Most of the festivals are based on the agricultural cycle and are celebrated during intervals of their agro-system. Their rejoicing in festivals is expressed through prayers, sacrifices and thanksgiving to the Supreme God for good harvest and future pros­ perity. The honour and goodwill towards the ancestors are also reflected in the festivals. Usually festivals are accompanied by reli­ gious rites; prayer items are the main highlights of Zeliangrong festivals which have many multi-faceted cultural activities. The Rongmei traditional festivals are given in Table 31.1. The festivals mentioned in Table 31.1 are described below: 1. Longnapkaodai/Napkaodai: Longnapkaodai is an agricultural festival for the Rongmei. Long means village, nap means paddy, kao means calling of the paddy, dai means performance of ritual in large scale. The festival is also known as seed sowing festival. It is celebrated when spring sets in, the trees, vegetables, and plantain trees sprout, wild flowers bloom (ta-chagapong) on the surface of the hills, a mild wind (pon-ginei ) blows bringing sweet smells of flowers from every direction, flowering trees and

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TABLE 31.1: RONGMEI TRADITIONAL FESTIVALS Month

Rongmei month

Rites/festival

April

Ginkibu

(i) Napkaodai-Ngai (ii) Ginki-Ngai

May

Malengbu

July August September November

Pukphabu Tun-Ngaibu Ten-Ngaibu Dongjaobu

Maleng-Ngai/ Maleng-Ngai Pukpha-Ngai Tun-Ngai Ten-Ngai Dongjao-Ngai

January

Gaan-Ngaibu

February March

Rih-Ngaibu Nanubu

Socio-religious Significance (i) Seed Sowing (ii) Worship of Goddess of paddy Ginger-Soup drinking

Tasting of new harvest Festival of Rainy Season Bread Tasting Praying to Granary deity for prosperity Gaan-Ngai festival for the dead and the living Rih-Ngai (Ring-Ngai) War Victory Nanu-Ngai Ear-piercing Festival/ fertility

plantain trees bring the smiles to growing boys and girls. The festival of Napkaodai-Ngai is celebrated once a year by the TRC people in the month of April (Ginkibu). 2. Ginki-Ngai: Ginkimei is the worship of the goddess of foodgrain for a rich harvest. After cooking the chicken curry, crab, eggs, snails and other food items, an appeasement ritual of goddess Kangdailu and her husband Tingalapu is performed on the winnowing fan with a leaf of banana. After this, the oldest or a responsible woman of the family puts a full plantain leaf on the winnowing fan (paantanglu) making two spots with pieces of cloth called Luiduk. She then places a cup of plantain leaf each near the spots. At the right side of Luiduk, a piece of plantain leaf which is torn in eight pieces and holy water for Tingalapu is offered whereas seven pieces of plantain leaf and holy wine are offered to Kangdailu. Tingalapu is adverse to wine so wine is not offered to him. After chanting hymns, the full plantain leaf (luijon) which contains delicious food such as rice, dry meat, curry, eggs, crabs are offered. The Rongmei traditional followers believe that Kangdailu is fond of crabs and it is an essential item

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of offering. If a crab is not found, dishes made of snails, prawns, etc., are offered. Again, the plantain leaf is folded and it is hung on the front wall of the house near door. The holy water and wine placed at Luiduk is poured outside the house. In the afternoon, the food items are eaten by the children of the family. This ritual is performed by a woman but not by a man or a girl. The festival of Ginki Ngai is celebrated by the people in the month of April every year (Ginkibu). 3. Gudui-Ngai (Maleng-Ngai ): Gu means ginger, dui means soup and ngai means festival, so it is the festival of drinking ginger soup. Another meaning for Gudui-Ngai is worship to Tingkao Ragwang for abundant harvest. Maleng means a kind of ritual. Gudui-Ngai is celebrated after completing seed sowing in the field. The followers of TRC celebrate this festival on the thirteenth day in the month of Guduibu/Malengbu. The celebration of Gudui-Ngai festival is one of the most popular festivals celebrated with a great enthusiasm even though it is celebrated for one day. One day ahead of the celebration, the members of men’s dormitory prepare a bunch of kongshu, a kind of plant for making rope for a game of tug of war. Early in the morning of the festival, a priest or an elderly man of village performs a ritual to Maleng Keimei at the courtyard of every house chanting the hymns for glory. The main purpose for celebrating this festival is that the villagers pray to Tingkao Ragwang for healthy growing of paddy plants and protecting the paddy plants from insects and pests. 4. Pukpha-Ngai: Pukpha-Ngai, pre-harvest offering when paddy is ripe,is celebrated for one day by offering the new crops to Tingkao Ragwang. It is performed at the individual houses by sacrificing a cock to Tingkao Ragwang. In killing the cock, its legs are observed for omens. After this, holy wine is offered to Tingkao Ragwang and other gods. The important feature of this festival is that a sheaf of paddy is brought from the field and the new grains are offered to Tingkao Ragwang before it is eaten. On this festival night, one must not sleep not feeling full stomach rather one must fill one’s stomach. The cooked liver of cock is offered piece by piece to deities Kambuipui, Charaipui and ancestors near the hearth stones. In the spring festival of

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Napkaodai, the villagers pray to Tingkao Ragwang for good harvest and in autumn festival of Pukpha-Ngai they offer har­ vested paddy to Tingkao Ragwang as thanksgiving for good yield. 5. Tun-Ngai (Chaangdan-Ngai ): The seasonal festival is called TunNgai. Tun means season ngai means festival. The five-day festival is also associated with social service. The festival is celebrated in the month of August every year. On this occasion, boys and girls clean the village ponds, the paths leading to the paddy fields and also cut the jungle overgrowth. They repair and reconstruct all the roads in a festive spirit. A small wooden or bamboo bridge is made if there is any stream in the way to the paddy fields. They also construct a mound locally called Bamdon for social gathering of the village. 6. Ten-Ngai: Ten-Ngai is the festival of bread. Ten means bread and ngai means festival. Ten-Ngai is celebrated every year for one day in the month of September. All the members of boys’ and girls’ dormitories contribute rice in equal share for making bread. The rice is soaked in water. After 4-5 hours the rice dries up. When dried, it is pounded while singing a particular pound­ ing song known as Paansou Luh. They make bread of the rice flour in oil (thaoten) medium and by using plantain leaf (koutenji) and a lace. The girls will bring the breads to the male dormitory. After offering them to deities, the youths of both dormitories have the bread. In earlier days, boys hunted animals and caught fish to be cooked by the girls for a feast in the girl’s dormitory. After dinner, the boys and the girls hold a singing competition. Some of the villages following the TRC faith still celebrate this festival. 7. Dongjao-Ngai/Baanchat-Ngai: Dongjao-Ngai is the festival of granary watching. Dong means granary, jao means watching and ngai means festival. After harvesting, the crop is stored in the granary and the festival of Dongjao-Ngai is celebrated for one day by the traditional believers in the month of November. Most of the Rongmei inhabitants in remote areas celebrate this festival even now. All the members of Pei, village elders and boys of the village go and watch each and every granary starting from the Peikai, the granary of village council. Some soil is put in a grain container called napshaam pantilai by an elder for

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those families who do not cultivate and have no granary. Such families serve the village elders with a chutney of vegetables, wine, tea, etc., in the courtyard of their house. The best producer of rice is known as mulengdai and the second producer as mulengna lamei. A long howl known as huai (huaidai) is shouted for these two families and an agricultural ritual song (Laohukon) is also sung. The two families also give an iron hoe each to the members of village council (Peikai) as a token of gratitude. 8. Chakaan Gaan-Ngai: The Rongmei people traditionally cele­ brate Gaan-Ngai festival on the thirteenth day in the month of Gaan-Ngaibu which falls usually in January. This festival is called Chakaan Gaan-Ngai as it is celebrated in the Chakaan season (winter season). Among festivals, Gaan-Ngai is the most and celebrated for at least five days. Songs are sung during the festival for the prosperity of the people. It is the festival cele-brated most enthusiastically for offering to the deceased as well as thanks giving to God for good yield. Two or three months before the celebration of Gaan-Ngai festival, some boys of the male dormitory go to the forest to make thin bamboo strips (guu) and dry the same for making headgear (guu-pikam) which are used on the first day of Gaan-Ngaihuai procession (Huaigammei).

Source: Personal collection of the author.

Figure 31.3: Gaan-Ngai festival

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RELIGION

Since time immemorial, the Rongmeis believe that Ragwang Chap or Hao Riak has been the main traditional religion. They worship the concept of the soul, salvation of soul, rebirth, sin, morality and life after death. In general terms as interpreted by the western writers, the religion of the tribe is described as animism. Tingkao Ragwang is the Supreme God besides a pantheon of deities. An­ other section which is a slightly modified form of Traditionalism is Tingkao Ragwang Chapriak (TRC). In the year 1995, it was formally declared under the leadership of Prof. Gangmumei in Chingmeirong village, Imphal. It was purely allied to earlier indigenous religion with the addition of worshipping in temple known as Kalumkai. In other word, Ragwang Chap still has no faith in shrine while TRC worship the image of Tingkao Ragwang. Another pole of Rongmei religion is Christianity which has existed for around 150 years (Marangmei 2017). In an interview, Prof. Meizailung Kamei mentioned that the first Christian was a man of Keishamthong Kabui village in 1914 and six men in Tamenglong in 1916. Thus, the religious faiths of the Rongmei are (1) Traditionalism with or without the temple of Tingkao Ragwang and (2) Christianity. WAY OF WORSHIPPING IN TRC

Normally worship of Tingkao Ragwang in Tingkao Ragwan Kalumkai is conducted on every Sunday and Full Moon Day in the morn-ing. The procedure of prayer service of Tingkao Ragwang in kalumkai involves that first, a devotee shall take bath and be well dressed and sanctified by sprinkling oneself with pure water before entering the temple. After preparing the programme and requirements. An official of TRC reads out the programme out one after another. To start the prayer service, a devotional song is sung for opening the holy door. An offering of sacred wine is made to Tingkao Ragwang by two priests and there is a chanting of hymns in praise of Tingkao Ragwang to give blessings to the mankind. It is followed by the lighting of candle and incense sticks. Then, prayer songs are sung by the devotees present inside the temple. A

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Source: Personal collection of the author.

Figure 31.4: Shrine of Tingkao Ragwang inside the temple

message is usually delivered routinely by any person who knows about theology and teachings of Tingkao Ragwang, culture, festi­ vals, customs, rituals, etc. If there is any request to worship with a cock or a pigeon, a priest will perform the rite with hymns on behalf of the family. The last hymn (Khammei Rashoi ) is recited followed by the closing song. Thereafter, every devotee may wor­ ship and vermilion locally called khaam nimmei is applied on their foreheads. DANCE, FESTIVAL AND RELIGION

From the above discussion it is found that the social value in dance as deduced from empirical data has different meanings in different religious expressions of traditionalism and Christianity. Among traditionalism followers, dance and festival coordinate with the religious faith. These are inherited in the culture in accordance to the agro-system, which is the base of their economy. Thus, the aesthetic value of this art form has its root in their environment

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Source: Personal collection of the author.

Figure 31.5: Social endeavour to perpetuate

Rongmei costume

and habitat. The followers of TRC section of indigenous religion try to refresh traditional faith along with dance and festivals in sustainable form against the engulfing world religion. However, the style of prayer service, somewhat like that of church service is observed. Among Christians, the traditionalists are viewed as non­ religious or drunkards. They describe themselves as lai ningba mean­ ing religious while the traditionalists as yu thakpa meaning wine drinkers. They have given up using intoxicant drinks. However, they still have the love and respect of their unique customary dances. So, on many occasions, they perform their customary dance in traditional costume to the singing of a gospel song. Another social value develops introducing an entertainment item of composite dances without indigenous festive value. In this way, they are still preserving and continuing with their customary dances along with indigenous costume in another world view as their hallmark iden­ tity in the absence of earlier religion and festivals. There are two other concepts closely related to festival: ritual and spectacle. A ritual is the religious performance of more or less invariant sequences of formal acts and utterances not encoded by the performers (Rappaport 1992: 249). Though ritual and festival appear separate events, in the earlier times religions integrated the calendrical rites which might be labelled as festivals into a larger ritual cycle. The spectacle which is a characteristic of modern societies, is a large-scale, extravagant performance with dialogic,

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polyphonic, and polythematic communication for various festivals at different levels, entertainment extravaganzas and special reli­ gious events (Manning 1992: 292). The traditional dance in Chris­ tian festivals is closer to the spectacle, characteristics of a festival with the absence of ritual characteristic. CONCLUSION

The people of Rongmei bear little cultural resemblance to the other tribes and so have different traditions, customs and habits. It should be noted that Rongmei cultural heritage gives a realistic picture of its indigenous essence which unites them from genera­ tion to generation. The Rongmei have a unique cultural heritage regarding dance rooted in their myth and displayed in festivals of traditionalism. It allows them to have an identify distinet from others. It can pro­ vide a common sense of unity and belongingness within the group through a better understanding of earlier generations. Another benefit that comes from preserving cultural heritage as a whole is the communal support. Further, the feeling of preserving the pat­ rimony in one way or the other is felt by every Rongmei regardless of their differences in religion. It means that the Rongmeis of Christian convert still value indigenous dances with cultural attachment though discard traditional festival and religion. They propagate this intangible heritage in the Christian world and also hold competitions to infuse its value in the mind of the present generation.

REFERENCES ICOMOS (International Cultural Tourism Charter), Principles and Guidelines for Managing Tourism at Places of Cultural and Heritage Significance, ICOMOS International Cultural Tourism Committee, 2002. Manning, F.E., ‘Spectacle’, in R. Bauman (ed.), Folklore, Cultural Performances and Popular Entertainments, New York: Oxford University Press, 1992.

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Marangme, G., Kabui Tribe: History, Society, Culture, Dress, Food, Economy, retrieved from http://www.epao.net/epSubPageExtractor.asp?src= manipur.Ethnic_Races_Manipur.Kabui_Tribe_Adim. Accessed in 2017. Rappaport, R.A., ‘Ritual’, in R. Bauman (ed.), Folklore, Cultural Performances and Popular Entertainments, New York: Oxford University Press, 1992. Stoeltje, B.J., ‘Festival’, in R. Bauman (ed.), Folklore, Cultural Performances and Popular Entertainments, New York: Oxford University Press, 1992. UNESCO, Intangible Heritage domains in the 2003 Convention, retrieved from https://ich.unesco.org/en/1COM in 2003.

PA RT V I I I

VISUAL AND MARTIAL

ART FORMS

C H A P T E R 32

The Painting Heritage of Manipur

THOIDINGJAM TOMBI

INTRODUCTION

The royal chronicle Cheitharol Kumbaba records the antiquity of the monarchy of Manipur as nearly 2000 years old going back to AD 33. Being located on the international border with Burma (Myanmar) and the eastern periphery of the Himalayas, it has a unique confluence of cultural heritage. To trace the painting heritage of this landlocked state with its vast store house of culture will require a massive patience coupled with unparallel sensibility. The ancient caves at Khangkhui (Ukhrul district), Tharon (Senapati district) and Shongbu (Chandel district) do not have visible records of rock drawing or paintings except some stone implements which do not measure up to aesthetic norms. Under such conditions other sources are to be adopted. For the sake of convenience the period of survey may be divided into four heads as follows: i. ii. iii. iv.

The The The The

earliest phase of manuscript illustrations; traditional phase; contemporary phase; experimentalists. THE EARLIEST PHASE OF

MANUSCRIPT ILLUSTRATION

Inscription in archaic Meitei script on stone and copper plates go back to the reign of King Khongtekcha (AD 763-73) who was a

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devotee of Shri Hari in the year 721 and worshiped Shiva and Durga (Phayeng Copper Plate). The manuscript illustrations deal with various subjects like dayto-day human activities, animals, birds, environment, astrology, life and death, genealogy of clans and others. The materials such as dyes, ink and handmade paper or bark (agor barks) and nibs are all indigenously made from plants, leaves, flower, roots, soot, stalks of bird feather or small bamboo twig (tenwa, moubi ), etc. The undated manuscripts known as puyas are considered as sa­ cred scriptures. Of the numerous puyas Subika Leishaba and Khutlou which are profusely illustrated are suitable for the survey. Conceptual and Philosophical Background: Subika Leishaba Puya is a treatise on astrology. It indicates indigenous calculations of stars and planets, movement of clouds, forecast of natural catastrophes, war, and hymns to pre-Hindu deities (Erat Lon). Khutlou manuscript contains clues to find lost articles and as­ tronomy and indicates the creation of universe and the origin of the Meitei clan, creation of earth (leishemba), how stars came into being with their names (thawan michak ki waron). Thon Taret Thonlanmei shows the seven layers of the royal palace at Kangla. It shows a multiple drawing indicating gradual evolution of man­ kind ascending from the lowest being to the highest enlightened form—(i) Fish (ii) Snake (iii) Tortoise (iv) Boar (v) Cow (vi) Ele­ phant (vii) Man and taoroinai as the summon bonum of life. Numit Khenchanglon Puya shows the sun in different phases and the paphal guarding the eight directions, etc. The subjects are mainly the day-to-day activities such as: (a) (b) (c) (d)

Two men carrying a coffin with a crow perched on its top; A snake captured in a fishing net; Hunting scene; Stylized tree, bird, heroic figures, cow and tiger (in harmoni­ ous relationship), etc.

Findings: The overall picture in both the puyas may be taken as a realization of a close affinity between man, animal world, the environment and the heavenly bodies. It gives an expression of the spiritual and philosophical insight of an unsophisticated people

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inhabiting a pre-modern polity where time stood still uncontami­ nated by the paradoxes of the modern era. The period saw wonderful wood carvings, coloured textiles and typical architectural ingenuity of the hill tribes enriching the ex­ quisite heritage of the Manipur art. THE TRADITIONAL PHASE

The earlier style, treatment and concept of the folk oriented paint­ ings were completely changed in the eighteenth century after the adoption of the Vaishnavite religion by King Charairongba (1678­ 1709) and his son Garibniwaz (Pamheiba 1709-48). The religion was at its peak during the reign of Rajarshri Bhagyachandra Singh (1763-98) who conceived of the statue of Shri Govindaji and had carved by Wangkhei Pandit Gopiram Pachahanba and Sapam Lakshman Singh and installed it at the palace temple in 1780. The famous Raas Leela was composed and in time it was catego­ rized as one of the classical dances of India. The deep emotional appeal of the dance in Bhakti Rasa along with Sankirtana singing overwhelmed the hearts of the people throughout the valley. A plethora of art works based on Hindu gods and goddesses followed suit which served as visual symbols of a fundamental belief, faith and hope. Thus came a new wave of paintings, wood carvings and similar art icons, as examples of people’s tangible expression of their spiritual attitude to enshrine a tradition. Brahman families took a big role to decorate their mandops with paintings of gods from the Hindu pantheons. It acted like public galleries in the localities well ahead of the establishment of the state museum in 1969. A Karigarh Loishang (art and craft institu­ tion) was instituted at the palace by King Chandrakirti Singh (1850­ 80) to fulfil the requirements of arts at the palace. Court painters were employed of whom the master artist Ningthoujam Bhadra Singh (1861-1927) played the most important role in putting together an extensive volume of art works, paintings, wood carving of gods and goddesses, etc., for the palace and the public in general. Bhadra’s Works: He drew his inspiration from the socio-cultural and environment under three heads:

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1. Hindu religious episodes (Krishna Radha Leela) 2. Legendary romantic episodes of Khamba & Thoibi and 3. Paintings on the walls of the Cheirap (32 works) and Panchayat (22 works) court buildings (the sessions court—now known popularly as Heritage Court also for the sake of preservation). The wall paintings, very rare in the region, include among others: 1. Hell and judgement (judgement of Yamraj for punishing crimi­ nals) in the Hindu pantheon. 2. Vastra Haran to Lakshmi 3. Khamba Thoibi episodes like: (a) Khamba taming the Bull, (b) Thoibi offering pana to Phubala Hanuba, (c) Kabui Salang Maiba treating Nongban after the tiger hunt, etc. R.K. Yumjaosana Singh (1870-1954), a contemporary of Bhadra was another traditional artist who also extolled Vaishnavism and Nata Sankirtana style of singing in a considerable manner among the people. There were 23 other traditionalists who followed the same style and subject. Findings: Bhadra brought up the Manipur visual art on par with the concurrent renaissance in literature, performing arts like dance and Nata Sankirtana singing. He excelled in the use of fine lines and blending of colours to produce subtle realistic objects. He changed the line oriented illustrations into full use of light and shade to paint volume. It was noticeable in his ‘Shamu Khongyetpa’ (torture of Khamba by Elephant) and ‘Portrait of tribal Chieftain with consort’ both done up in gouache medium. During the two decades prior to attainment of Independence, the lofty height of creative instincts declined gradually till a new phase emerged in the evolution of the visual art in Manipur. THE CONTEMPORARY PERIOD

The tide of art movement in Manipur has had to wait for more

than a century before a completely new direction sets in the con­

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cept and treatment of subjects. Earlier, the climate for change had already been groomed with the establishment of the British Agency in Manipur in 1835. Educational institutions were established, communication facilities were improved. Interaction between the British Agency on the one hand and the nobility and elite on the other, brought about changes in the realms of ideas leading to general cultural awakening. Socio-political and cultural conditions of Manipur witnessed marked changes after the Second World War (1939-45) resulting in decline in money value and rise in con­ sumerist materialism. During the monarchical period art was harmonic and remain focused around universal principles of religion. But in the post­ war society with deflated economy, art became disharmonic, indi­ vidualistic and secular in general perception and understanding. Art in the pre-war stagnant society was sentimental in treatment, repetitive, rigid, non-intuitive, descriptive and largely narrative appropriating the sacred norms of Vaishnavite religion. However, anxiety for the loss of freedom (Anglo Manipuri War 1891), feeling for rediscovery of past glory and a renewed sense of patriotism, aspiration for a new social order and a whole lot of associated factors heralded a new awakening and renaissance in Manipuri art and literature. A Flourishing Period of Art Events (1947-Onwards): The first ever group exhibition of art in Manipur took place in 1947 at the pre­ mises of Manipur Dramatic Union (MDU estd. 15 March 1931). The exhibition changed the general traditional feeling that art should serve the cause of religion with noble subjects. It gave importance to secular and genre paintings—landscape, birds, human faces of an ordinary and ethnic classes and echoes of the National political upheaval. Those who took part in the exhibition were: (1) M.K. Priyobrata (1911-2005), (2) M.K. Binodini Devi (1922-2011), (3) Dr. L. Bijoychandra Singh, (4) Haobam Shyamsundar (1917-2006) and (5) Sanjenbam Ibungohal (former art teacher Johnstone High School). In 1949 the Imphal Art School was established by Hanjabam Shyamo Sharma (1917-79) and upgraded to a college in 1959. Exhibition CFM 1968: The Cultural Forum Manipur (CFM)

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was established in 1959 with a mission to create a cultural climate. The literatti and art enthusiasts of the forum held frequent meet­ ings or study circles on art, literature, music, crafts, theatre and short play competitions. It held art exhibitions in 1968, 1969, 1971. The 1968 exhibition showcased 68 exhibits by 8 artists including one from Lucknow. It was rated a success. MFAA 1968: The Manipur Fine Artists’ Association put up a retrospective exhibition of theworks of Ojha Bhadra to mark the concluding event of the Bhadra Singh Birth Centenary Celebra­ tion (1968) with a commemorative monograph on the life and works of the patriarch. CFM 1969: In 1969 exhibition 39 exhibits by 11 artists were on show. There was no exhibition in1970 because of Bangladesh War. CFM 1971: The 1971 exhibition inaugurated by Lt. Governor D.R. Kohli in the presence of the eminent playwright G.C. Tongbra and with very inspiring good will messages from Ramkinkar Baij (Santiniketan, WB)—B.B Mukherjee (Santiniketan) and L.T. Singh (D.E. Manipur) was a memorable art event. Interestingly, a very welcoming trend of across the region networking became evident from the participation of three artist lecturers from Calcutta based Government College of Art and Craft, viz., Isha Md., Biswapati Maiti and Ashes Mitra with their works. To make the exhibition a grand success, various intellectuals from various disciplines became actively associated with the Fine Arts Sub-Committee of the CFM with N. Khelchandra Singh, Th. Tombi Singh, R.K. Mani Singh, Ch. Manihar Singh, H. Gourdas Singh, Kh. Nabakumar Singh, Kh. Prakash, B. Jayanta Kumar Sharma, E. Dinamani Singh, and Smt. M.K. Binodini Devi. The tenure of aestheticism evoked by the exhibition in the follow up interaction during the valedictory function is evidenced by the connoisseurship of three discussants: (1). Maj. (Retd.) Th. Dayamaya Singha, Growth of painting in Manipur: Hurdles and remedies, (2). Dr. L. Bijoychandra Singh (Contemporary Inter­ national trends in Paintings); and the veritable, (3). Captain P.B. Singh (Review of exhibits).

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1972—A Turning Year: It was in this year in which full state­ hood was given to Manipur. People were jubilant. On the other hand, successfully organized art exhibitions were held with ever widening awareness in the region and beyond. Under such a con­ dition it was considered non-progressive and impracticable not to form a separate institution of artists and art enthusiasts for the promotion and preservation of visual arts and tradition of Manipur under the title of Arts Society, Manipur. Thus the Arts Society, Manipur was born in 1972 and it was destined to steer the course of art movement in the region for the future. After it was recog­ nized by the National Lalit Kala Akademi, New Delhi in 1980 it started various art activities such as seminars, art mela of the north­ east and the National Level All India Exhibitions of Art at Imphal. Soon Manipur was widely known as one of the important art centres at the National Level. MSKA (1972): One of the most everlasting events of art and artists was the establishment in 1972. This was Manipur State Kala Akademi (MSKA) established by the Government of Manipur as an autonomous composite version of the three National Akademis of Sahitya, Sangeet and Lalit with the Governor as its Chairperson. DA & C (1980 ): It was soon followed by the establishment of the Directorate of Art and Culture in 1980 under a separate ministry. All these enhanced the value of art in the state to a great extent. The Vanguard of Art Movement: M.K. Priyobrata Singh (MKPB) 1911-2005: Born and brought up in the royal palace, he was sent to the Rajkumar College, Raipur for study where he met Gopal Govind Kanetkar a product of J.J. School of Art, Bombay who taught him the art of painting. His brief but significant visit to London and Italy helped him in responding to the calls of natural surroundings. He was inspired by the landscapes of John Con­ stable the English landscape painter. MKPB’S early paintings, particularly landscapes were expressions of peace and repose. But his later works reflect struggles of the common people against the stark realities of life (His Waithou Sagol is an example). His works bridge two generations of artists: One, the world of religion or orthodox; and the other the secular world of common

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folk struggling for the sake of living. As a social realist he sowed the seeds of the future contemporary art of Manipur. He led the life of a recluse person longing for a corruption free society. H. Shyamsundar Singh (1917-2006): The outdoor landscape, started by MPKB was continued with further insight with flicker­ ing impression of light on the surfaces. Much impressed by the impressionist style of painting which he witnessed while studying literature in Calcutta. He was taught water colour painting by Bhavani Laha who had passed out from the Royal Academy, London. From early 1980s he started a series of landscape paintings cel­ ebrating plain air, sunshine, reflections of trees and a river bank as reflected in the transparent water. He painted with the application of thick impastos in an unmistakable impressionist style without much detail. He was born to a craftsperson also a freedom fighter. His grandfather was a renowned traditional painter of Manipur and his grandmother an adept appliqué and embroidery worker. In 1958-9 he was deputed to study ceramic surface designing and techniques in Japan under a Japanese government scholar­ ship. While in Japan he witnesses the post-impressionist paintings of Van Gogh in an exhibition in Japan. After imbibing vast experi­ ence from diverse sources he started painting with full gusto. In his later works he took up subjects as common as Fishing Women with Net or Lotus Collectors in the Lake, which depicts a midday atmosphere giving a refreshing sight all around in bright complementary colours. He was an indefatigable intellectual in the pursuit of his inter­ est in art, craft and scholarship. He was equally adept in painting sculpture crafts, photography, textile, surface ceramics designing, electronics and whatever else one calls intellectual discourse. The impressionist style of painting was made more explicit by H. Shyamasundar in terms of technique, concept, subject matter and treatment, which in a sense fills up a big gap in the journey of making an art movement in Manipur. He died at the full ripe age of eighty-eight years of age leaving a legacy in the art heritage of Manipur. Hanjabam Shyamo Sharma (1917-79): The establishment of the Imphal Art School in 1949 by Hanjabam Shyamo Sharma

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gave a sudden stimulus to the young minds to break away from inhibitions. He possessed an immensely sensitive mind and re­ acted sharply, through his paintings, to what had happened to the delicate fate of Manipuri Society during the war time. His later works show a severe distortion of colour and form in the expres­ sionistic manner (Mother and Child). He wailed with a broken heart over the infamous loss of liberty and glory of the ancient kingdom of Manipur to the powerful British forces in the battle of Khongjom in 1891. As a tribute he painted ‘Mother Manipur in Chains’ depicting a personified ‘Mother Manipur’ leading the Manipur brigade. This showed ex­ ceptional sensibilities with heightened patriotic feelings. The Mother Manipur series mark a shift from his earlier realistic depiction of women to a sturdy and monumental stature of Manipuri women. His painting ‘Mother Manipur during World War II’ showing a woman crossing a rickety bamboo bridge in the thick of the battle amidst bombing, is his masterpiece. Courage, perseverance and determined character of the Manipuri womanhood are sym­ bolically shown in the facial expression of the mother. The mother having a basket of vegetables on her head, a child on her back and another clinging to her side and trying to cross the bridge in slow and measured steps is the very symbol of steadfastness. The paint­ ing expresses the total feeling of pain, suffering and vastly unequal juxtaposition of willpower against the mighty force encountered by the delicate Manipuri population during the war. The face of the mother with ‘suppressed sigh’ hints at the ‘grandeur of soul’ in the most refined manner. This is an aesthetic dimension of pain and suffering. He died in 1979 but his spirit of struggle to live with dignity and determination and to uplift art movement in Manipur will always be remembered. Rajkumar Chandrajitsana Singh (RKCS, 1924-2004): He was born in a cultured familyof arts and crafts. His father R.K. Yumjao­ sana Singh (1870-1954) and grandfather R.K. Goura Singh were both renowned traditional painters and Nata Sankirtana singers. His father was a contemporary of Bhadra Singh with whom he made notable contribution to traditional style of painting. Popu­ larly known as RKCS, he was a household name in Manipur.

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In 1970 he put up an exhibition of 72 paintings done by him at Imphal under the sponsorship of the MSKA. The main theme of the show covered a wide range of historical episodes including religion, culture and traditional background of Manipur includ­ ing Seven Years of Devastation (1819-26), the Khongjom War of 1891, beheading of Mr. Grimwood, Yubraj Tikendrajit and Thangal General on the gallows in 1891. In recognition of his tireless efforts and the large number of paintings depicting the episodic history of Manipur his name was entered in the Limca Book of Records. Another one man show held in 1995 glorified the arts, culture and social and historical aspects of Manipur in the photo­ realistic style. Of his numerous paintings Loi Okpa (Khamba receiving Thoibi on the horse back while returning from exile at Kabow (Burma), ‘Bath’ and ‘Raas Leela’ stand out prominently for attention. The painting on Loi Okpa is done with utmost care to show the beauty of complementary colours, the indigenous costumes, ornaments including a nachom (tiny bunch of flowers in leaves) to decorate Thoibi’s earlobes. The painting is definitely his masterpiece. His numerous paintings are on display at RKCS Art Gallery at Keishamthong, Imphal inaugurated on 5 May 2003 by Governor of Orissa Shri M. Rajendra in the presence of the Governor of Manipur Ved Marwah and Manipur Chief Minister Shri O. Ibobi Singh. The gallery has since become a favorite ‘must see’ spot for the wide range of military officers, political leaders, visiting for­ eign ambassadors, bureaucrats, tourists and art lovers. His paint­ ings are in the collection of dignitaries and art lovers both in India and aboard. The skill, labour, technical expertise and his unparallel devo­ tion to expose the cultural background of Manipur have posited him as the most popular artist of naturalistic style in the contem­ porary art world of Manipur. THE EXPERIMENTALISTS

The tempo of art experiences evolved in 1968 has been accelerated

much beyond expectation. The lead initiated by the stalwarts was

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being vigorously pursued by a group of the new generation born around the mid-twentieth century. They were much more exposed to the mainstream art movement. Many of them received school­ ing, training in various art institutions in Calcutta, Santiniketan, Madras, Baroda, Varanasi, Bombay (J.J. School of Arts) and others. They were overwhelmed by the possibilities of the changed situation. Th. Tombi Singh (1936): A product of Imphal Art College underwent advanced study (1975-7) in painting under the able guidance of eminent artist K.G. Subramanyan HOD of Painting Department at the MS University of Baroda, Gujarat. On his re­ turn he became principal at the college and thereupon he could share his own experience in the contemporary painting style with the aspiring youth and art lovers of Manipur. Starting off as a realist he took up deep interest in Manipur’s tradition based socio­ economic problem the fate of womenfolk of Manipur most obvi­ ously perceived as struggling in the marketplace for livelihood in addition to household chores. With a change in concept and treatment of subjects he repudiates the popular feeling that art imitates and expresses an ideal form with soothing colours. His main motif is to attempt visualization of inner sufferings, torture, and the machination of bureaucrats and high ups. In his ‘Sealed Figure’ he attempts to exteriorize the tension-ridden inscape of a man’s mind in dissected planes of blue, yellow and black. In an­ other painting entitled Man and the Chair his focus is on the ex­ ploitative fibre of man in power with eyes wide open, but unseeing the needs and requirements of the exploited. The untold lamentation and agony of the 18 June Uprising in 2001 in which eighteen persons were killed by the state forces in the wake of an ‘apolitical’ mass protest by people to protest for the territorial integrity of Manipur was noted very painfully but very innovatingly in his own ‘visual terms’. The nepharious proposal was abandoned but the agony arising out of the confrontation proved deep rooted. The painting remains a living testimony to the malevolent plan infamously put forth by whoever did it with whatever intent. In composition such as ‘Man and Chair’, ‘Struggle’, ‘Pacification’ Th. Tombi Singh intensifies the condition of apparent brutality.

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These are protest pictures whose contents have been largely shaped by ‘socio-political experiences and levels of actuality’. Shamu Singh (1940): His paintings couched in traditional reli­ giosity are expressed meaningfully through contemporary idioms (Lai Haraoba, House of Forest God, 1982). S. Joychandra Sharma (1941): With a reductionist approach he carves in wood to evoke the archetypal forms and basics in black colours or vivid blue torch effects. Koolchandra M. Them (1946): His paintings take a cue from the tribal and peripheralized section of the population and the rural-urban construct (Monica Misses Olympic). Th. Debendra (1950): He explores textured beauty of rocky peaks playing the game of hide and seek amid misty clouds in different colours schemes. Y. Ibochouba Singh (1951): Reminisces the pastoral environs peopled by the downtrodden and the ethnic folk highlighting a simple way of living. His series of paintings on the woeful plight during the man-made calamity of ethnic disharmony in Manipur is a pathetic picture of pain and suffering. Emaciated and grief ridden expressions exteriorizing intensely felt emotion mark his later works. His use of sensitive line, black, green, yellow and grey colours and vast expanses of meadow land characterized by low sailing whispering clouds speaks of an environment untarnished by paradoxes and complexities of modern age. Y. Gunindro Singh (1958): His paintings are expressions of soft and unassuming womenfolk in a rural settings. He blands his colours beautifully. Ksh. Sarat (Tolongkhomba) (1961): He laments over the lot of the exploited and the underprivileged with a gloomy future. B. Bishambhar Sharma (1962): His earlier works are marked by obsession with the socio-political turmoil in society. His later works refer to yogic meditation to show renunciation of violence. Ch. Premananda Roy (1965): He is a painter of moody silence with a philosophy of meditationas a foil against the hustle and bustle of modern life. B. Babamali Sharma (1965): His sculptures in assemblages speak of the role of women intraditional Manipur Society. He experi­

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ments in his ‘Maya’ series with various objects like hanging mo­ biles, light from a bulb, found subjects, rope, textiles, bamboo, cloth, wood planks. Th. Lokeshori Devi (1965): She worries about women’s exis­ tentiality in the crime ridden mindless present-day society. She is all for protection of women’s rights through her etchings. B. Ruma Sharma (1968): Her mythological icons and deities in bronze assume a freeze motion. Her later installations speak of archetypal and embryonic forms. L. Ishwarchadra Singh (1969): He started with traditional themes in rhythmic strokes. Later on he focuses on contemporary mish­ mash of events that are beyond retrieval. S. Imobi Sharma (1969): He opts for peace and rights of mankind which he considers are losing ground gradually and he desires to share the undisturbed world of water spirits (Naid of Asylum VII). S. Bobi (1975): He is on the lookout for dreams and imageries hidden in dark vaults of hismind which he expresses in abstract forms. (‘Hidden depth’, ‘Frame of mind’, untitled). S. Nimai Singh: He depicts traditional ethnic groups living to­ gether in a well-knit society without conflict. This is what his wood carvings indicate. Khundongbam Ojit (1980): His lithographs speak of the highly uncertain existentiality of present-day lifestyles. Strangely enough there is no knowing what lies behind fate (Like Card, Like Face). Vereimi Singlai (1985) (Ukhrul district): In a bold wood carving he attempts to give a loud enough message hinting at an irrepress­ ible flow of God gifted innate thought—the innermost impulse to human mind (‘Open Zip’-mixed media). Arambam Hemanta: In a very innovative relief wood carving he shows off the untold grief of widows of a land devastated by inter­ ethnic disharmony (Valley of Widows 2011). G. Gandumpu Golmei: He paints existentiality in life through quick brush strokes. Dazzle Nahakpam: His wood carvings depict pleasant impulses of the mind in folksy andnaïve gestures. There are many other experimentalists whose works cannot be discussed and assessed in a short survey such as this article. Some

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of them are S. Sundaram (1940), A. Joychandra Sharma (1950), A. Ekanta Sharma (1950), R.K. Somorjit Singh (1950), H. Kependra Singh (1955), G. Rojendra Sharma, M. Roma Devi (Apabi 1957), Ch. Lalit (1960), A. Ojendro Meitei (1962), L. Sotis (1960), Abujam Bidyapati Devi, Maibam Maningou Singh, A. Sangrila Devi, Irom Shyamkishore Singh, M. Leingakpa Meitei, M. Tondon, Naorem Rajesh Singh, and others. CONCLUSION

A brief survey such as this can never do justice to the vast aesthetic impulses lying hidden under the superstructure of the entire artis­ tic world of the people including crafts, habitat, textile, jewellers, literature, dance, music, folklore and the multitude of relation­ ships we experience in life. If the earliest phase of manuscript illustrations had an overwhelm­ ing reflection of folk, myth and a close-knit society, the next phase was a world of complete dedication to Vaishnavite religion as mani­ fest since the reign of King Khongtekcha (AD 763-73) who was a devotee of Shiva and Devi and worshipped Hari as the Supreme God. By the eighteenth century when Vaishnavism became the state religion, a full flowering of art and culture with Bhakti as its core took place resulting in some sort of conceptual unity except in the field of technical achievements. But with the onset of democratic from of governance patronage of arts depended on the availability of state budget. The state art and culture budget needs enhancement for the existential of artists that they are financially secure and free to practise their art. Young artists may be deputed to visit and experience national and international art exhibitions for inspiration. A website for the Akademi’s multiple networking concerning art is a necessity now. An art gallery with enough space for national level art exhibitions with about 200/300 works will boost worthwhile exchange programmes on art from outside. It is left to the artists to experience, explore and transform the most ordinary looking happenings into memorable landmarks of

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culture. There is an ever widening perspective of human existence thanks to the efforts of the psychologists, scientists, sociologists, humanists and all those responsible for unfolding the hidden mys­ tery of human beings and the universe. The artists, the society and the state have to come forward as a united front to make life worth living and improve its quality.

PA RT I X

SOCIO-ECONOMIC AND

CULTURAL INSTITUTIONS

C H A P T E R 33

Tawmngaihna as the Basis of

Communitarian Way of Life:

A Simte Perspective

ESTHER LALREMKIM AND

JIBON KUMAR SINGH

INTRODUCTION

Since time immemorial, the Simte Communitarian way of life has been perpetuated and sustained by the unique social-ethical prin­ ciple known as tawmngaihna.1 It is the principle or practice of concern for the welfare of others. This principle is called tlawmngaina in Mizo and Hmar; the same word is also used among the Paites, Gangtes, Vaipheis and Thadous and also called sobaliba in Ao (Naga). Bits of these ideas are found in almost all the prevailing tribal groups of the north-east. Generally, tawmngaihna is exhibit­ ing concern for others above oneself. It means always being ready to assist others. It is also the ability to stand up for the weaker section as a duty towards the society. Some Western philosophers and writers made certain efforts to get to the core of concept and suggested translation of such acts as ‘altruism’ or ‘chivalry’. Parry used the term for Zo as ‘code of Moral’.2 However, renowned tribal scholars and writers defined it in different ways. According to Keivom (1982), it is a social code of conduct, which postulates every young and old person to good and beneficial deeds voluntarily in their dealings with individuals and the society without expect­ ing anything in return. It is a selfless service towards others, which every individual is expected to render in action in their day-to-day

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living.3 Vanlallawma defined the literal meaning of this term as ‘an unwillingness to be defeated by anything or surrender to any circumstances including enemies, animals, hardships, difficulties, sorrows, etc.’4 Khiangte described it as a strong social force that protect the week, helpless and poor, maintaining social harmony and equality among the tribal community.5 Though it can be taken as the moral principle of individual life, it also has socially signi­ ficant dimensions. It endorses social equality, harmonious life, charity, love, peace and well-being, etc., and strongly opposes greed, corruption, unfairness, pride, cruelty, oppression, exploitation and discrimination. Certain social problems (such as poverty, misfor­ tune, death and sickness) in the community evoke a collective re­ sponse based on the principle called tawmngaihna.6 In line with Christian belief or Christianity, the most embraced religion among the tribals of north-east India, Thanzauva (1997) see it as a message of Jesus Christ hidden in the tribal culture.7 It has practical and operative dimensions. The people who practise this principle were called tawmngai. Contextually, a person who possesses tawmngai according to Kipgen M ‘Must be obedient and respectful to el­ ders; courteous in dealing with the weak and lowly; generous and hospitable to the poor, the needy and the stranger; self-denying and self-sacrificing at opportune moments in favour of others; ready to help those in distress; compassionate to a companion who falls sick while on a journey or becomes the victim of a wild beast in the hunt by never abandoning him to his fate; heroic and resolute during war and hunting; stoic in suffering and in facing hardships under trying circumstances; and perserving in any worth­ while undertaking however hard and daunting that might prove to be.’8 A tawmngai person is honoured greatly for being moti­ vated and encouraged by the community. But in the present society, though the still exists in different ways, it has become weaker in practice. In order to have strong social force as in the past which protects the poor, needy and weak, maintain social harmony and equality, ready to help in time of distress, it is important to pre­ serve and promote this basic philosophy within the community. The present article attempts to emphasize its function and impor­ tance of continuation of this socio-ethical value. One can move on

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to a discussion specifically in relation to five important situations, namely during sickness, helping widows/orphan, co-operating in times of natural calamities/accidents, hospitality to travellers/strang­ ers and death. The focus is limited to these five specific situations where action of communitarian ways of life is observed or per­ formed among the Simte people. THE SIMTE: MAPPING OF PEOPLE

Simte are one among the prominent tribes in the State of Manipur— a state strategically located in the north-eastern part of India. They are concentrated mainly in the southern part of the state. Etymologically, the term ‘Simte’ is a combination of two words, sim which means ‘south’ and te a suffix that denotes ‘people’. In short, Simte primarily implies the ‘southerners’ or ‘those who come from the south’.9 The genesis and origins of the word ‘Simte’ and its dialect is not certain as history was maintained by them through only oral orientation. According to General Census 2011, their population constituted of 7,150 individuals only. Though small in number, they have strong community oriented and profoundly egalitarian views. They are socially ceremonious, politically auto­ nomous, religiously theistic and economically agriculturalists. Considering genetic and physical features, their physical features are, a yellow or brown skin, prominent cheek bone, brown eyes, straight black-hair, slanted narrow eye, flat and short nose, wide nostrils, broad and flat face, etc., certain signs that they are of Tibeto-Chinese origin (Ginneiching 2013).10 HELPING IN TIME OF SICKNESS

In the absence of today’s medical facilities, the Simte depended solely on shaman, medicine man, priest (siampu), etc., in the past. It was believed that these people healed and invoked the supernatural power to cure their illness, injury and prevent them from death. The art of invoking the spirit is called kithoihna or kithoih. However, such siampu were scarce as most of them lived in isolation or far flung areas. In the olden days, walking was the only

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means of transport. It was the responsibility of the villagers to get to the healer for the treatment of the sick. The patients who required outside healers were carried on a makeshift bamboo palanquin called laang which was carried on the shoulders of the villagers. Such selfless voluntary acts were performed by the male representatives of each household called suan-a-pa. Sometime, it took days or weeks to reach the healers. Whenever the need for car­ rying sick patients arrived, two volunteer young volunters (tawmn­ gai tangval ) are known as thangkou were sent to the next village to inform the villagers enroute that a sick man was on its way. On being informed, each suan-a-pa of the village abandoned their daily activities and gathered on the midway en-route to the village to offer a helping hand. The spirit and act of tawmngaihna in a mat­ ter of sickness is still prevalent among the Simte. However, the person consulted for treatment is different from those days. With the advancement and development of modern technology, medi­ cal facilities, different external and internal factors, villager opt for modern medical treatment. In times of sickness, the villagers or neighbours still combine to carry the sick to a hospital. Helping hands were extended in terms of money, eatables such as fruits and even blood donation by the tawmngais. Kithoihna is no longer preva­ lent and it is long been replaced by the Pastor who generally pray for the sick. Prayers invoking the Heavenly Hand to assist modern medical help is practised among the Simte’s for healing and curing diseases. HELPING HAND TO WIDOWS/

ORPHANS/DESTITUTES

From historical experience recorded through oral tradition, it is narrated that the Simte had a common experience of struggling to survive in difficult situations. Striving through hardship taught them many lessons that shaped certain traditions and practices to deal with it. The present Simtes started adopting mono-cropping to harvest a single food grains for large scale commercial produc­ tion for better yield by shifting from age-old multi-cropping shift­ ing cultivation. In the past instances such as scarcity of food, lack

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of basic necessities and shelter, made the Simte take the problem as social concerned and fight together as a community or village or group to help each other. They cooperate, are inter-dependent and inter-linked with each other directly or indirectly. Members of the community encourage and uphold each other with their good deeds and practical action can be observed while doing agri­ cultural work. Even today, the village chief allots a particular area/ side of land under his administration for village agriculture field which is called zaupi (which means entire jhum field of the village in compact area). Selection of jhum site was first done by the vil­ lage council called Khawnbawl Upa as per their designation and the rest in random or by draws of lots. In order to have sufficient food grain throughout the year, people uphold and help each other starting from clearing the jungle until reaping harvest at the end of the year which is usually celebrated with pomp and grandeur. They help each other without discrimination irrespective of which or whom they are—strong, weak, poor, sick, young, old, etc. The villagers have developed a working group called lawm, a group of people made up of one grown up member from each household. If the condition of the family is bad and circumstances compelled them to join lawm, they were allowed irrespective of age, and status and were considered full members. Those people might not be physically capable of doing work or unable to work on jhum field due to being orphaned at a very young age or due to old age. They are employed in cooking food or distributing water among the lawms. The lawm members collectively go to members’ jhum one after another while the members of their family do their work on their own field. The lawm group plays an important role in the socio-cultural development of the village starting from clearing and burning the jungles, sowing seeds, clearing field until harvest­ ing. The lawm thakuan begins from one particular field of its mem­ bers which keeps going on one after another in rotation until it is finished. No family in the past ever faced food shortage due to this collective practice. They all have surplus food for the wanderer and strangers alike. In the past, the house was never locked and hungry travellers could step into any house to have leftover food. Fore­ fathers of the Simte are truthful and compassionate. In fact, stealing

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was a social stigma. Apart from lawm thakuan, the collective vol­ unteers help the needy in constructing their house. Raw materials such as bamboo, timber, wooden planks, log, thatch leaves for roof, etc., were gathered collectively from the forest. Moreover, lawm thakuan group carried back the required materials while re­ turning home from the thakuan to save time and minimize effort. After all required raw materials were gathered, the suan-a-pa (house­ hold head) started construction or repairing of the house of the destitute, widow, old and sick alike. Such repairing was carried out prior to the onset of rainy seasons or winter. Due to such humanity and communitarian way of life through tawmngaihna, every household had their basic requirements, i.e. adequate foodgrain for the whole year and warm shelter in the past. All these good deedswere possible easily as all the required raw materials were readily available in the nearby forest free of cost. In today’s Simte society, though agriculture particularly shifting cultivation still remains as the main source of livelihood, selfless collective helping under lawm is no more relevant. The rich and capable people hire the needy as daily wagers in exchange for money or rice. Due to this, the daily wagers hardly have time for their own fields while striving to make both ends meet. The modern-day education for the kids is a costly affair. It is difficult for the poor to shoulder the burden of both educating his kids and put enough food on the table. As a result, a huge societal gap appears among rich and poor Simtes. With the advancement of modern transport, development of modern market system, foodgrain is easily available in the mar­ ket. The Simte too feel the need to change their method of cultiva­ tion by producing what has better market value rather than rice. Multiple and mixed cropping is thus replaced by mono cropping as cultivation of rice is no longer profitable in the present society. They cultivate a particular crop on a large scale and sell to the wholesale retailer for an exorbitant sum. Such money is further invested in educations, homes, buying other food items or seeds required for subsequent seasons. The age-old tradition of constructing a house for the needy through tawmn-gaihna is no longer relevant due to the involvement of a lot of money and resources. Every family makes its best effort to manage by itself without depending

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on others. Some enjoy a luxurious life while others are struggling to fulfil their basic needs. But, the age-old tawmngaihna spirit though dying a slow dead still exists in different ways. It exists mostly in the Christian concept of lungsiatna (agape). With it, capable people always help the needy, poor, widowed, and or­ phaned. But the focus is mainly on orphan who have no one to look after them. Initiative is generally taken up by the churchbased mission in constructing homes for destitute children. Do­ nations pour in from the well to do family, through the church, through individual charity and through different philanthropic organizations. DURING NATURAL CALAMITIES

AND ACCIDENTS

Natural disasters include natural calamities such as a flood, earth­ quake, storm and outbreak of an epidemic that causes great dam­ age or loss of life. In such a situation, people in the area, villagers and even neighbours act swiftly to help the victims. The Simte society has shown great resilience for ages and is still continuing. Ways of offering help were more or less similar in the past and the present in the case of accidental death and during natural calami­ ties. People still come out from their costly homes, braving all odds to help those victims in whatever way they can. After in­ stances of accidents such as house gutted by fire, property and paddy destroyed, the villagers still stand by the victims in rebuilding or assisting by means of providing extra clothing, food, shelter and money, etc., free of cost. Such good natured acts were in line with tawmngaihna and the belief in spirit of Christianity in the people. The quality and quantity depends on what the tawmngai people possess. For re-constructing the fire gutted house, generally suan­ a-pa (household head-man) or at least one from every households volunteer is given the task. They carry tools like the hammer; hand saw, nails, spade, shovel, etc., needed to re-build the house in addition to building materials such as bamboo, timber, thatch and tin. Also, the tawmngai mothers gathered surplus items in the house like utensils, clothes, rice, etc., which were collected by the

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village youth of the philanthropic organization of the villages to offer to the victims. The collected items were later given to the victim’s family. In case of multiple victims, sharing of the collected items is done equally. Compared to the past, the magnitude of tawmngaihna is broader in the present-day society. Assisting the victims goes beyond villages, communities and tribes. Usually, the tribal youth organizations to which the victim belongs, take the initiative. They do whatever is considered possible needed to help the victims. Individuals, groups, organizations, church-based mission, etc., extend helping hand in certain ways be it with household items or money. Generally, they do not wait for the government machin­ ery to arrive in any emergent situation. However, notwith-standing the generosity of the people, the government too plays an important role in providing and in terms of financial assistance to the victims of a disaster or in the form of CGI Sheets and food grains. HOSPITALITY TO TRAVELLERS/WANDERERS

Tribal people in the hills generally have the nature to help and a sense of hospitality. A guest, irrespective of his background and affinity to the family, is treated equally. Mostly they are entitled to free food and lodging for the night. Anyone who follows the rules of tawmngaihna will never refuse travellers/wanderers/strangers. Instead, they provide the best treatment by offering rice beer called zulup and offer meat of the domesticated animals called sa thah for a meal. May be to encourage the spirit, there is an age old saying which states that ‘those person with good deeds to travellers never die of hunger (zin le leng hawlou chu a taam sih ngeisih)’. Although the more the travellers, the more tawmngaihna that greatly affects the family’s economic condition. Unlike today, walking was the only mean of transportation in the past. It takes two to three days to get to one’s destination. In between, they are compelled to stop for the night at a stranger’s house. Some villages which are frequented too often refused to host travellers which sometime forced the travel­ lers to ask for shelter in one house and then another. They even kept branches of leaves known as sawlbawh11 in front of the house and also hang it on the wall. It is done intentionally to let them

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know that the families are engaged in worshipping their fore­ fathers God (kithoih). No strangers were allowed to step into the house during kithoih. Some cunning families use this method to warn off unknown travellers. In case of people travelling together, one is expected and must offer a helping hand to other. The weaker ones are generally waited and taken along by his companions, if they do not, they are lacking in tawmngaihna.12 Improvement of modern transport and communication system plays a pivotal role in the life and ways and means of the people. In fact, no travellers face such hardship and difficulties in the present world. Travellers generally take vehicles or keep on walking until the destination been reached. Paid hotels/motels are now readily available every­ where in all important location in tribal areas. IN SITUATION OF DEATH

In times of death, sympathy and a helping hand have been ex­ tended to the bereaved family since time immemorial. This is the moment anyone can exercise the most tawmngaihna. If a person dies, the first thing that is done is ringing the village bell. It is done to inform the villagers that a person has died. There are cer­ tain ways of ringing the village bell which are different from the church bell, the bell rung in case of villager’s death and the bell rung for an outsiders’ death. In the past, just by hearing the sound of the bell, all members of the villages ceased their daily chores except cooking food. Persons who went out for work in jhum fields returned home in response to the news conveyed by the bell. The youth, both male and female rush to the house of the deceased to do all the needful work. They helped the bereaved in pounding rice, fetching water, cooking food and all other chores required to relieve the family from such work during the mourning. They serve zu (rice beer) to everyone who has come to console and sympathise with the bereaved family. Adult men participate in haantou (dig­ ging of the grave). Young girls are engaged in collecting firewood whereas young boys collect rice from every household within the village. The main reason for collection of firewood and rice were to relieve the family from basic duties during grieving and also as a

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sign of rendering help for the lusun family in times of mourning. Those donations also play a vital role in feeding the entire mourn­ ers also known as kosagoh. The night after the burial, some tawmngai youth consisting of both sexes would sleep with the bereaved fam­ ily for a week or so as a sign of comforting the bereaved family. Though there is no compulsion in rendering such help, everyone considers it a duty towards society to extend their help in what­ ever ways they can. In all other situation as a sign of their tawmn­ gaina, the whole villagers render help to anyone in such a manner. In the present society, tribal people give the same importance to it as in the past. In a case of villager’s demise, young men and women gather together at the deceased house in cleaning and construct­ ing halls for mourners. Married men and women attend the con­ dolences service led by the church elders. In addition, sympathy gifts like money (galna sum), a traditional shawl (tuamna puan) or a pot with the name of the deceased engraved on it as heetzingna silpiah depending upon their closeness or the spirit of tawmngaihna. At night, women and men do lengkhawm (gathering) for three continuous nightsunder the strict supervision of the youth leaders (val upa). It is a must for them to attend the night condolence meeting unless there are unavoidable circumstances. Till today, the tradition of collecting rice by young boys and firewood by girls from every household still exists. Men, especially the youth take responsibly in digging the grave (hantou). DISCUSSION

Simte people are eager to co-operate even by incurring costs to help each other—especially for a common cause. However, the spirit of tawmngaihna was more in the past as compared to the present. The Simte never leave each other in time of need espe­ cially during the times of sickness, death, accidents. They never feel tired of helping the poor, the needy, orphans/widows. The concern for the welfare of others, especially for their basic needs was their core virtue. Everyone helped each other in whatever way possible for them. They believe in self-satisfaction which re­ sulted in leading a happy and prosperous life. As a result, every

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household has enough food, a house to live and not much strati­ fication was known in their living standard. All this resulted in building up a good and stable Simte society. With the advance­ ment of technology and modernization, the present society pushed tawmngaihna aside due to internal and external factors that in­ crease emphasis on individualism, liberalization, competition, globalization, development and transportation, etc. Although many lead a life of selflessness, to some it’s nothing but a theory. Many people understand and knew what others should do without them­ selves getting involved. The present Simte society still uphold help­ ing sick people, assisting destitute, helping victims of accident and natural calamities and greatly shown solidarity during demised of love ones in different ways. However, the age-old traditions of helping the needy while in the mist of engaging in agriculture activities cease. Also, the customs of constructing shelters is no­ where to be found as everyone thinks it as the duty of the govern­ ment. It may also be due to the awareness of cost and inflation of raw materials. Honestly, most people selfishly cares for one’s own family and close relative only. In fact, not a single individual is ready to share burden of another. People altruistic spirits and traits goes more towards kins groups (kin selection), selfless action to­ ward in-group, direct reciprocity hoping that they can and will reciprocate the good deeds. As results, the true spirit of tawmn­ gaihna became dwindle. However, to build the good and stable society, a selfless action for a common good isa must. To reiterate the concept spirit of tawmngaihna in peoples mind as it was way back in the Simte society requires a serious thought. Co­ ordination between philanthropic organization, church elders and parents alike is required. The younger generation must be taught to concern with regard for others, both natural and moral without regard for oneself. People should devote to the interest of others and show brotherly kindness. CONCLUSION

From the above discussion, we can observe that, since time imme­ morial till today’s present society, Simte community has traditional

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selfless culture. So far, it is not realize and appreciate the value of such selfless culture or virtue of selflessness (tawmngaihna) which is declining slowly with time. However, new roles of philanthropic organizations, church-based missions, societies, groups, etc., having motives of selflessness, have emerged. To have a strong set up, a close inter-personal relationship and an interde­ pendent society as in the past, it is high time to creation awareness about its importance and encourage others to promote this selfless culture. Individuals, groups, churches and different voluntary or­ ganizations should take more initiative and widen their outlook towards the overall development of people within the society. With the changing environment, their roles and importance has increased manifold to adopt more systematic and sophisticated charitable approach. Thus, it will directly or indirectly improve equality of the people and uplift the weaker sections of the society. ‘The Best way to find yourself is to lose yourself in the service of others’—Mahatma Gandhi.

NOTES 1. 2. 3. 4.

5.

6. 7. 8. 9.

Tawmngaihna selflessness. N.E. Parry, A Monograph on Lushai Custom and Ceremonies, 1976, p. 19. Keivom, 1982, Hmar Pi le Pu Dan (The Hmar Customary Laws) Manipur. C. Vanlallawma, ‘MizoTlawmngaina’, in Hringlangtlang (ed. C. Vanlallawma, Aizawl: MCL Publication, 1998), pp. 1-2. For him, the Mizo term tlawm means being defeated, cowardly, humiliated, despised, and ngai means unwillingness. Therefore, tlawmngaina means unwilling to defeated, humiliated, despised. L. Khiangte, Values and Ethos of the Eight-Century Prophets: A Mizo Perspec­ tive, School of Theology and Religious Study, Bagor University, Wales, 2009, pp. 4-5. Cf. Vumsong, Zo History, pp. 10-11. Thanzauva, Theology of Community, p. 128. Mangkhosat Kipgen, Christianity and Mizo Culture, Aizawl: Mizo Theological Conference, 1997, p. 64. L. Leivang, A Brief Description of the Simte [Online].

Tawmngaihna as Basis of Communitarian Way of Life

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10. Ginneiching, 2013, Genesis of the Simtes, Simte people.com [Online]. 11. Sawlbawh—branches of leaves kept in front of the house as well as at­ tached on the wall to mark that the family worship God. 12. Ibid., p. 67.

REFERENCES Hobbes, T., Leviathan or The Matter, Forme and Power of a Common Wealth Ecclesiasticall and Civil, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1651. Ginneiching, Genesis of the Simtes. Accessed on: 29 March 2013 from http://www.simtepeople.com/genesis-of-the-simtes.html. Keivom, L.L., Hmar Pi le Pu Dan (The Hmar Customary Laws), Manipur: Author, 1982. Leivang, L., A Brief Description of the Simte. Accessed on 1 March 2013 from http://www.simtepeople.com/a-brief-description-of-the-simtes.html. Mangkhosat, K., Christianity and Mizo Culture, Aizawl: Mizo Theological Conference, 1997. Parry, N.E., A Monograph on Lushai Custom and Ceremonies, Aizawl: Tribal Research Institute, 1976. Thanzauva, K., Theology of Community: Tribal Theology in the Making, Aizawl: Mizo Theological Conference, 1997. Vanlallawma, C., ‘Mizo Tlawmngaina’ in Vanlallawma C. (ed.), Hringlang Tlang, Aizawl: MCL Publication, 1998, pp. 1-16. Vumsong, Zo History, Aizwal: Author, 1986.

C H A P T E R 34

Gender, Longshim (Dormitory) and

Modern Educational Institution

R . V. K H A N C H U I L A

INTRODUCTION

Gender as defined by anthropologists (Beauvoir 1949, Moore 1988) is a cultural construct based on biology which is however, culturally and historically specific as against the earlier held belief on universality of gender asymmetry (Leacock 1978, Bell 1983, Sack 1974). Through the prism of gender, the present study ex­ amines the heritage of the traditional educational institutions longshim with its replication in the form of modern educational institutions. Some renowned writers of the colonial period presented the account of traditional dormitory system (Elwin 1969, Mills 1935, Hodson 1911, Furer Haimendorf 1933) which, in fact, is not an alien concept to most of the tribal societies of north-east India. The present study is based on the study among the Tangkhuls of Manipur. The structure of gender among the society is based on patriarchy and patriliny. The father is known as the akhava (head of the family) and he is the authoritarian head and decision maker of the family. He represents the family in the meiphung (lineage group), the shang (clan) and at the village level. The descent is traced through men (Ruivah 1993). It is against this background that values are passed down through the mentioned institutions. OBJECTIVES

●

To examine how these institutions shape gender and portray femininity and masculinity.

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To make a comparative analysis of these institutions to highlight gender orientation through the heritage of educational institutions. METHODS AND SOURCES OF

DATA COLLECTION

Primary data was collected through questionnaire and observa­ tion. The data of longshim were collected through key informants who are well versed with the knowledge of the past, supplemented by secondary sources. The data of the present educational setting is based on fieldwork (Somdal village). LONGSHIM The term longshim is used for dormitories among the Tangkhuls. The syllable long literally means public and shim denotes house. The term stands for a community hall/house which operates for some public utility. The basic organizing principle of this dormi­ tory house is imparting of cultural values to younger generations. It is an institution, the centre of learning for the unmarried boys/ men and girls/women. Longshim was hosted by a family known as the longva, the title which embodies honour, dignity and respect. However, the en­ titlement comes with criteria of guardianship excellence to take care of their wards, surplus wealth to meet the needs and generosity to share with the inmates and guests/visitors of the institution. There were two types of longshim: (i) Boy’s dormitory (mayar­ long) and (ii) Girl’s dormitory (ngalalong). In big villages, there could be more than two longshim in keeping with the population. According to the data of the village under study, there were four mayarlong and four ngalalong. BOYS’ DORMITORY (MAYARLONG)

The longva is the overall caretaker and disciplinarian of the dormi­ tory. Under the guardianship of longva, a prefect who has attained the title of khamarappa (a senior known for his skills and a disci­

Gender, Longshim (Dormitory)

449

plined person) shoulders the responsibility as the head among the members.He takes prerogatives and initiatives inevery activity of the longshim. Rite of passage: Every boy in the village is admitted into the dor­ mitory but not until one has passed the ritual to enter the institu­ tion. Boys (usually 8-11 years) had to undergo this ritual with the initiation ceremony of accepting sashitsa (a piece of meat symboliz­ ing acceptance of the duties and tasks assigned by members of the dormitory) during the longra (dormitory) festival. Their duties were to bring bundles of twigs (thingchui) for the dormitory every evening, the failure of which was met with fine and tirade from elders of the dormitory as well as parents. The imposition of fine came in the form of firewood collection from the respective house with the notification about the non-compliance of their son. A boy was thus admitted into the institution after his patience and diligence were tested. Admission into the institution came in the form of getting a junk of meat known as matemsa. VALUES, ACTIVITIES AND DUTIES

OF MAYARLONG

Community-based orientation: The epicentre of their universe dur­ ing the dormitory days was the village community. They main­ tained social solidarity by adhering to the community oriented principles the tradition and values which were imbibed by the young minds in this institution. The principles always surpassed that of the individual interest which was oriented through various activities of the institution for the welfare of the village commu­ nity. Moral values: Rigid moral codes of behaviour were taught to the inmates of the dormitory. Stringent rules were imposed to refrain from immoral activities and they were taught to maintain proper attitude towards women. Physical prowess and health: Good health and physical prowess was and is considered as one masculine trait. Men are believed to be physically stronger than women which is why strenuous works are streamlined as men’s work in their division of labour. It is ap­

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parent in the stamina and their skill of how a man handles his tools and implements which are different from those of women. Older men trained young boys to attain physical strength in this institution. Skills: To ensure the younger generations’ self-reliant lives, sur­ vival skills are taught in the institution. Those were the days when modern means of livelihood were alien to them. So, skills of those days were related to their ways of traditional practices to meet their needs like hunting, warfare, handicraft (bamboo-craft, wood­ craft, stone craft, etc.), the art of using their agricultural imple­ ments, building skills, etc. Oral tradition: One of the most outstanding syllabi of the longshim was imparting of traditional values through folk tales, folk songs and folk dances. The stories they unwind were not just tales but oral literature diffusing cultural values through narration of epics and social chronicles. The songs they sang were ways of communicating among them and a means of entertainment through exchange of jokes and test of wits. Some folk songs unravel stories while others are ideologue narrating the elements of culture. In the same vein, folk dances demonstrate their way of life and their physical and cultural world. The recurrent theme of gender is de­ picted so eloquently in the oral tradition which underlines values of masculinity and femininity. Thus the oral tradition was woven into the fabric of dormitory life which was an integral part of edu­ cation in this institution. Mayarlong as sanctuary: A person accused of crime or found guilty usually fled from the village and sought protection at the mayarlong of another village to escape the consequences. The institution giving shelter to the person would negotiate to bring about peace­ ful solution with the other party. The accused would be kept there till the case is resolved and members of the institution escort him back to his village. In this regard, it can be mentioned that there was no case of guilty women taking shelter in another village. So, the case is discussed under mayarlong. A guest house: In the past, visitors/guests from other villages were men as women visitors was a rare event except for marriage or family purpose which was entertained by relatives. As such, mayarlong

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451

was the guest house for visitors. They were entertained by mem­ bers of the mayarlong. Sentinel of the village: Each village has its own defence system as villages are independent political units. Members of the mayarlong take turns to guard the village from any kind of intrusion or en­ croachment to the peaceful co-existence of the villagers. GIRLS’ DORMITORY (NGALALONG)

There was no ritual as such for admission to the girls’ dormitory. Girls join at an early age when they can sleep by themselves. Like the mayarlong, it was hosted by a family known as longva. A pre­ fect (a senior woman known for her skills and a disciplined person) looked after the inmates and she takes prerogatives and initiatives of the activities of ngalalong. VALUES, ACTIVITIES AND DUTIES OF GIRLS’

DORMITORY/ NGALALONG

Community-based orientation: Placing the village community above the individual as mentioned earlier in mayarlong is also mandatory in the teachings of the ngalalong. They are taught to hold fast to the principles of communal harmony and solidarity. Social life and morality: Strict moral codes were taught to the inmates of the ngalalong. This is one value that was stressed every­ day so that the members maintained social harmony. For instance, punctuality was strictly monitored by a senior member. They had to reach the dormitory every evening before sunset, the breach of which was met with words of strict admonition from the longva. The spirit of independence was negative and unacceptable. The moral codes never permitted girls to enter the boys’ dormitory while boys were allowed to visit the girls’ dormitory for meisum (fireside gathering) in the early hours of night. The divergence from the moral code like pregnancy was dealt with expulsion from the dor­ mitory which also tagged a bad name to that particular dormitory. Feminine values: Values appropriate to a woman are imparted to the inmates of the ngalalong. For instance, the acumen of hospital­

452

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ity was taught to them as they had to entertain visitors for meisum. Likewise, the caring and homely sides of a woman were nurtured in the dormitory. Feminine skills: Skills considered as feminine include spinning yarn out of cotton wool, weaving, sewing, embroidery, etc., were imparted to the wards. Their night hours were spent not just for leisure but utilized for spinning the yarn as they sit for meisum. This way, senior members took the younger ones under their supervision in imparting the processes of weaving skills. Oral tradition: Gender values were imparted to young girls through oral teachings which came in the form of folk songs, folk tales and folk dances. Values of femininity conceptualized through folk tales and folk songs were related to them in the longshim. Folk dances too were strung together with distinctive gendered attributes and roles based on their practices. COMPETITIONS

Competitions were held during the longra festivals to exhibit their skills. However, the events are held separately for boys and girls. Boys compete in sports like wrestling, high jump, skills of using spears, folk songs and dances, etc., while girls display their skills of weaving, embroidery, folk songs and dances, etc. Transition period: There was a transition period after the advent of modern education institution for a short period of time. The education of longshim, during this period, was imparted with the fusion of Christian teachings. School education was only for boys in the early years while girls took over the duties of boys at home. MODERN EDUCATIONAL INSTITUTIONS

Comparative analysis of modern educational institutions with longshim shows in which admission procedures are followed irrespec­ tive of gender. The courses are covered within a stipulated period. Boys and girls share the same platform of learning and they compete for the same goal. It is apparent however that gender segregation is

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seen in the way of streamlining differences in the uniforms, games and sports, seating arrangement and boarding homes. The frenetic changes brought about by modern education in the structure could not deter the obstinacy of their core values. Patrilineal and patriarchal values still loom large on them which could be located in the preferences of sons and choices parents make through enrolment of their sons and daughters. CONCLUSION

Situating gender values in the aforementioned historical contexts, it is apparent that changes brought about by modern education have taken mileage to bridge certain disparities in the economic aspect. Today many women are financially independent which have a certain impact in the decision-making at the family level. The bordered educational institutions of longshim are now replaced by institutions where boys and girls compete on the same platform with the same syllabus. The lives of women within the four walls of the village are now replaced by alternative choices beyond the village. The opportunity laid down by the modern educational system to both genders in multifarious fields however, should not be mis­ construed with reality as it is subjugated by society that is prima­ rily patriarchal. The intersection of the core values (patriarchy and patriliny) with economy portrays a different picture among the majority of the population wherein male preference is set. This happens when the economic condition of the family is not relative to the amount of money needed for the children’s education which compels them to make choices between sons and daughters and the answers are not far to seek. Thus, it is indicative of the fact that peripheral change cannot tantamount to penetrate the core values of gender. The heritage of longshim and associated gender values still stand tall and firm despite structural changes that had eclipsed the old institution.

454

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Beauvoir, S., The Second Sex, tr. H.M. Parshley (1972), Canada: Penguin Books, 1949. Bell, D., Daughters of the Dreaming, Melbourne: McPhee Gribble, 1983. Elwin, V., The Nagas in the 19th Century, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1969. Furer-Haimendorf, C. von, The Naked Nagas, Calcutta: Thacker Spink and Co., 1933. Hodson, T.C., The Naga Tribes of Manipur, London: MacMillan and Co., 1911. Leacock, E., ‘Women’s Status in Egalitarian Society: Implications for Social Evolution’, Current Anthropology (1978), 19 (2): 247-75. Mills, J.P., ‘The Effects on the Naga Tribes on Their Contact with Western Civilization’, in J. Bodley (ed.), Tribal People’s and Development Issues: A Global Overview, California: Mayfield Publishing Co., 1988. Moore, H.L., Feminism and Anthropology, Cambridge: Polity Press, 1988. Ruivah, K., Social Changes among the Nagas (Tangkhul ), New Delhi: Cosmo, 1993. Sack, K., ‘Engels Revisited: Women, the Organization of Production, and Private Property’, in M.Z. Rosaldo and L. Lamphere (eds.), Women, Culture and Society, Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1974.

C H A P T E R 35

Megalithic Heritage in Manipur:

A Recent Study

POTSHANGBAM BINODINI DEVI

INTRODUCTION

The Megalithic culture is often claimed to be the most intriguing one by archaeologists. It is regarded by some scholars as a well defined stage of civilization, whereas its existence as an identifiable meaningful cultural entity is denied by another group. In archae­ ology, it is a tomb built with big stones in natural forms of roughly dressed or even grave marked with prodigious rude stone or pit dug in soft rocks containing human remains of the dead. Besides graves without any lithic assemblages but with certain other traits, especially pottery—Red and Black Ware—are commonly found in other types of burials, are also classified as megaliths (Potshang­ bam 2011: 2). The term megalithic is, conventionally applied to the culture of rude stone monuments. Thus it is applied primarily to the rudim­ entary structures built wholly or partially of large rough stones but include comparable structure of a more sophisticated kind in which the stone may be crudely or even elaborately dressed as at Stonehenge. A secondary condition is that the monument fulfils a funerary or commemorative or religious function (Wheeler 1968: 150). Megalithism started from the Neolithic period onwards and con­ tinues up to the historical period through the Bronze Age. It spread widely almost all the parts of Europe during the Neolithic period. In Japan it continued up to the middle of the seventh century AD

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until the then Emperor Kotoku prohibited it (Daniel 1963: 19). Such cultural element is not seen, as living tradition in other parts of the world. In north-east India, particularly Manipur, it is prac­ tised as a living tradition till date by some non-Christian tribes. Most of the Christian converts also observe certain megalithic rites and rituals with some modification and raised megaliths. Each megalith, belonging to an ethnic group, has its own social value. By definition, heritage is a tradition or something that can be passed down from preceding generations to the next. The different tribes under the present study have a rich cultural heritages of their own. Such traditions of these communities can be clearly sensed from their archaeological remains and ethnographic ac­ counts, which they have preserved through the ages. ANAL MEGALITHS

The Anal tribe is concentrated in the Tengnoupal, Chakpikarong and Chandel sub-divisions of the undivided Chandel district. In each Anal village there are two types of megaliths locally known as Lungpatha and Tutangkam (Potshangbam 1998: 119-26). LUNGPATHA It is a menhir, which is en­ closed by a row of smaller stones (Figure 35.1). Such structures are raised as memo­ rial stones by those childless couples, who are not allowed to perform the seven series of feasts-of-merit, locally called Akam/Tutangkam. An intend­ ing performer gives a grand feast on an auspicious day and erects the megalith, in the name of the performer and his wife.

Source: Personal collection of the author.

Figure 35.1: Lungpatha, Lamphou Charu site

Megalithic Heritage in Manipur: A Recent Study

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TUTANGKAM Tutangkam is a menhir raised after the death of a merit-seeker and his wife, who performed a series if seven series of sacrifices locally called Akam/Tutangkam continuously and completely. In some villages, such menhirs raised by different merit-seekers, form an alignment or avenue (Figure 35.2). Each feast has its own name. They are: Inthungnaju or Inthungju, Buphung, Sah-pe-a, Laan, Akah Pedam, Duthu, and Sontang Petang (ibid.: 121). All the feasting series are performed in the month of March of every year, in five consecutive years.

Source: Personal collection of the author.

Figure 35.2: Tutangkams Lamphou Charu site and

Anal Khullen site

CHEKHESANG MEGALITH

The Chekhesang is a small tribe who inhabited the north-eastern­ most border of Manipur. They concentrate their habitation in the Jessami area of Chingai subdivision, Ukhrul district. They have raised different types of megaliths. They are: Enhu, Ariza, Ayicho/ Eritso, Etsolakhu, Jathoja/Zathoza, and Ketsimkhuso (Potshangbam 2014: 401). ENHU It is a raised platform, with or without a small alignment, con­ structed by wealthy and brave men of the society, who have hunted a number of wild animals or won the hands of a number of girls/ women to serve as the resting place for the passerby. It is circular or semi-circular in shape (Figure 35.3). At the centre of it they

458

Potshangbam Binodini Devi

Source: Personal collection of the author.

Figure 35.3: Enhu(s) without and with small alignments,

Jessami site

usually placed three flat stones and behind these they use to raise a small stone to represent each woman whose hand is won by the brave man. ARIZA The Ariza is a wooden statue erected to mark the victory in a war. It is made of the oily core portion of a pine tree (Pinuslongifolia) or teak (Tectonagrandis), carved in the form of a human figure or a human head (Figure 35.4). Itis connected with head hunting events, and raised by the famous head hunter(s) to represent the number of persons that he/they had captured alive or the number of heads taken on raids (ibid.: 404).

Source: Personal collection of the author.

Figure 35.4: Ariza, Jessami site

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AYICHO/ERITSO It is made either of two rows of stones or of two upright stones. This struc­ ture is related with the boundary of the village concerned or even for in­ dividual lands. They are built on the top of the hill/ranges to mark the vil­ lage boundary or inside the village (Figure 35.5) to mark the boundary of the individual settlement areas (ibid.: 2014: 403).

Source: Personal collection of the author.

Figure 35.5: Ayicho/Eritso, Jessami site

ETSOLAKHU It is a raised platform with stone seats and a flight of steps, which is used as the resting place for the villagers (Figure 35.6). They sit on it and spend their leisure there. Nowadays this stone structure is replaced by a wooden structure (ibid.: 2014: 406).

Source: Personal collection of the author.

Figure 35.6: Etsolakhu (s), Jessami site

JATHOJA/ZATHOZA Jathoja/Zathoza is a menhir of social status, which is erected to commemorate the great feasting series of Jatho/Zatho. The num­ ber of such upright stones indicates the number of feasts given by a merit-seeker. These megaliths are found by the side of the village path or inter village roads (Figure 35.7).

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Potshangbam Binodini Devi

Source: Personal collection of the author.

Figure 35.7: Jathoja/Zathoza, Jessami site

For the first stone raising ceremony, the merit-seeker performs a feast-of-merit. On the second feasting the merit-seeker is allowed to decorate his house with ‘House-horn’ Sede-Kechi. After the third feasting, the performer is also allowed to decorate his house with another house-horn called Zatho Kechi and allow to wear a title cloth called Kelichira/Kelichiga. And after the fourth feasting the merit-seeker/the performer is allowed to erect a memorial stone (Jathoza/Zathoza) in his name. After the fifth feasting the meritseeker is allowed to raise two more memorial stones in the name of the performer and his wife and after sixth feast a title is given to the merit-seeker. He is regarded as Jatho, the brave man of the community. He is allowed to raise three menhirs in the name of the village youths. If the merit-seeker continues the feasting series up to the twelfth feasting, he is regarded as Jashe, the bravest of all (ibid.: 404-5). KETSIMKHUTSO (GRAVE STONES) It is also a small cairn (Figure 35.8) made of stone slabs of variable sizes. It is always ex­ isted inside the settlement area particularly in the courtyard of the concerned family. It has a great variation regarding shapes and sizes (ibid.: 406).

Source: Personal collection of the author.

Figure 35.8: Ketsimkhutso (Grave stones), Jessami site

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KOIRENG MEGALITH

The Koireng is one of the smallest tribes of Manipur. They are distributed in seven villages of Kangpokpi and Imphal west dis­ tricts. The Koirengs in spite of the absence of the written record have preserved a large number of traditions, which are not histori­ cal, but could be regarded as the style of transmitting the cultural heritage. Four types of megalithic structures are located in the Koireng inhabited areas. They are: Sheifun, Shei-Lileng, Lungthak/Lunglei/ Lungdel and Lungkum (Potshangbam 2011: 102-7). SHEIFUN The Sheifun (Figure 35.9) is a composite structure. It consists of two parts. The first part is a dolmen and the second part is a menhir. Together it resembles the shape of a armless chair. It represents the image of the Khullakpa. It is connected with the socio-religious functions of the village chief (Khullakpa) concerned. A newly se­ lected Khullakpa is not socially recognized as a full-fledged chief­ tain of the village unless he performs the prescribed Sheifun raising ceremony. This Sheifun is used as the seat of the new Khullakpa, when the ritual of stone raising ceremony is performed. After per­ forming the ritual by village the priest (Thempu), the new chief is recognized as the full-fledged Khullakpa of the concerned village (ibid.: 103-4).

Source: Personal collection of the author.

Figure 35.9: Sheifuns, Longa Koireng site

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Potshangbam Binodini Devi

SHEI-LILENG Shei-Lileng is a miniature menhir erected in the memory of a loved unmarried son or daughter of a parent after offering a grand feast called Borhe. When several years have elapsed, after the death of an unmarried boy or girl, his/her parents may decide to hold Borhe ceremony, provided they have collected sufficient money for ex­ penditure. When the required materials are collected by the intending par­ ent, Borhe is performed in the month of Chaipi (February-March) and raises a miniature menhir called Shei-Lileng (ibid.: 107-9). LUNKTHAK/LUNGLEI/LUNGDEL It is a cairn. It may be raised by a wealthy Koireng, but he must be a village functionary (Panchi), who can give a feast-of-merit to the whole village. The Lungthak/Lunglei/Lungdel ceremony continues for seven days. There is a rule among the Koirengs that the host should sacrifice at least some wild animals which he hunted along with the domestic ones. They believe the host would attain a happy life in the land of death as well as attain a higher social status during his lifetime (ibid.: 105). LUNGKUM It is a menhir, always planted on the top ridges and associated with the identification of the village boundary. Nowadays most of them have been thrown away by the youths of other villages due to land disputes (ibid.: 105-6). LIANGMAI MEGALITHS

The Liangmai tribe is one of the indigenous and larger tribes of Manipur. They are distributed in the Tamenglong, and Kangpokpi districts, but mainly concentrated in the Tamei sub-division of Tamenglong district. This tribe has a rich cultural heritage of its own. The megaliths distributed in Liangmai areas are: Kasaibao Tusom,

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Chenku Tusom, Maning Taoba Tusom, Atugra or Atukra, Taideli Atu, Pet bam, Kapet bam,Tabaolong, Roukhangtoh, Kaho-Katanmei and Kareng Hang and Kareng Dree (Potshangbam 2017: 493). KASAIBAO TUSOM It is a monolith connected with the sepulchral monument, as it is raised in honour of a distinguished person after his death by the children of an outstanding deceased person (Figure 35.10). The intending performer seeks permission from the village council first. After getting permission, he selects the desired stone ritually. The selected stone is dragged and erected on an auspicious day. While performing the stone dragging process, the performer’s wife is not allowed to sit down. Besides, she is not allowed to go out of her house (Potshangbam 2011: 113).

Source: Personal collection of the author.

Figure 35.10: Kasaibao Tusom, Makhan site

CHENKU TUSOM The performer of the Chenku feast-of-merit is allowed to raise the Chenku Tusom (Figure 35.11a and 35.11b). It lasts for four con­ secutive days with grand feastings, singing and dancing. Every day the host sacrifices a number of cattle and pigs.

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Potshangbam Binodini Devi

On the first day, the Phaimew (village priest) performs rituals and purifies the. On the second day the selected stone is dragged and kept on the selected spot. On the third day, they level the spot and raise the megalith in the name of the merit-seeker. On the fourth day, the host offers another feast for his own co-villagers in recognition of their services rendered during the whole process of Chenku feasting and raising Chenku Tusom (ibid.: 117).

Source: Personal collection of the author.

Figure 35.11a: ChenkuTusom(s) Oklong sites

Source: Personal collection of the author.

Figure 35.11b: Chenku Tusom(s) Oklong and Maryram sites

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MANING TAOBA TUSOM (MENHIR ON A RAISED PLATFORM) After performing the Maning Taoba feast, the performer raises the Maning Taoba Tusom and constructed a new house (Chakiwki) with house-horn (Pomnin) in the gable. TAZAN-TATBOTUSOM (CAIRN) A person who performs Chenku feast and raises Chenku Tusom is again allowed to celebrate another feast called TazanTatbo, which lasts for five consecutive days; and permits him to set up a small cairn, called Tazan Tatbo Tusom. After setting up this cairn, the performer is shaved ritually and adorned with a new but feminine dress. Thus he attains the highest social position in the Liangmai society. ATUGRA OR ATUKRA (DOLMEN WITH A MENHIR) This is a menhir associated with a low dolmen (Figure 35.12). It is raised by the village chief concerned with his councillors. They consider it as the most holy stone related every oath taking and judiciary function. Generally it is resorted to only in the most serious cases when all means fail to materialize (Potshangbam 2017: 496).

Source: Personal collection of the author.

Figure 35.12: Atugra/Atukra, Oklong site

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TAIDELIATU/TAIKULENA RANII (CAPSTONE/GRAVESTONE/ STONE SEATS ASSOCIATED WITH A FLATSTONE AND A SMALL MENHIR) It (Figure 35.13) is raised in the honour and loving memory of a deceased person of one’s family or clan member. In some villages, the name of the deceased person is given to the structure as a suffix or prefix word like Taikulana Ranii/Taideli Atu of Mr. X/Y (ibid.: 497).

Source: Personal collection of the author.

Figure 35.13: Taideli Atu, Maryram site

PET BAM (MENHIR) This monolith is the village foundation stone, which is raised ritually, by the founder and also the new chief (Chawang) of the village along with their clan members. They consider it as holy stone, on which the Chawang climbs up and announces the ritualistic events to be observed by the villagers. KAPET BAM (CROMLECH) After the erection of Pet Bam, it is the duty of the new Chawang to raise another megalith called the Kapet Bam (Figure 35.13a). It is circular in structure with a flat capstone at its centre to bury the

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Source: Personal collection of the author.

Figure 35.13a: Kapet Bam, Puilong site

decapitated heads taken on raids until the fleshy parts are com­ pletely rotten. No elaborate ceremony or feasting is associated with this structure. TABAOLONG (CAIRN ) It is a cairn (Figure 35.14) constructed by the new Chawang of the village concerned, with the help of the villagers collectively to use as stone look out.

Source: Personal collection of the author.

Figure 35.14: Tabaolong, Puilong site

ROUKHANGTOH (UPRIGHT/HORIZONTAL STONE OR BOTH) This is a flat stone placed horizontally or vertically just above the grave (Figure 35.15), but after performing the last rite (Takebao/ Chakebou) of the deceased.

468

Potshangbam Binodini Devi

Source: Personal collection of the author.

Figure 35.15: Roukhangtoh (Upright/Horizontal

Stone), Puilong Site

KAHO-KATANMEI SAIMINGBAO (MENHIR) The Kaho-Katanmei Saimingbao (Figure 35.16) is a commemora­ tive stone, as it is raised to commemorate the actions of the bravest and the most fortunate person, while he is living. For erecting this menhir, the host seeks permission from the village council. After getting the permission, he selects the stone and raises. It lasts for two consecutive days with feasting, drumming, dancing, and singing.

Source: Personal collection of the author.

Figure 35.16: Kaho-Katanmei Saimingbao (Menhir), Puilong site

Megalithic Heritage in Manipur: A Recent Study

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KARENG HANG AND KARENG DREE (VILLAGE GATES) In each Liangmai village, there are two village gates, either on the east and west; or on the north and south. The gate facing east or north is called Kareng Hang, whereas the gate which faces west or south is known as Kareng Dree in tongue. MARAM MEGALITHS

The Maram is one of the largest and primitive tribe of Manipur. They occupy the north and northwestern part of the Senapati district and concentrate in the Mao-Maram and Senapati sub­ divisions. The total number of present Maram villages is 32, which come under three circles. They are (i) the Maram Khullen circle, (ii) the Willong circle, and (iii) the Senapati circle. There are also various types of megaliths which abound in every Maram village. They can broadly be divided into six types. They are: Beitung, Ranii Atu, Tiisum, Arou Atu, Tiirosum, and Amailui, BEITUNG This megalithic type is connected with oath taking rituals related to various crimes like land disputes, theft case, quarrelling adul­ tery, rape case, disputed paternity, etc. The Marams have a deep rooted faith in oaths and they are much respected by them to such an extent that these are very rarely taken. The Beitung (Figure 35.17)

Source: Personal collection of the author.

Figure 35.17: Beitung, Maram Khullen Site

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Potshangbam Binodini Devi

is considered holy, so much so that no one dares swear falsely on them. They also considered that even death penalty may be sanc­ tion against the accused person according to the degree of the crime. Thus they perform three types of oath taking ceremony for ev­ ery disputed problem. They are: (1) Striking on the Menhir of the Beitung by the butt end of a billhook; (2) Sacrifice a fowl on the flat horizontal stone; and (3) Cutting the tail of a cat on the flat stone of the Beitung (Potshangbam, 2004: 71). RANII ATU It is a cairn having no regular shape and size (Figures 35.18a and 35.18b). Every Maram village has a number of such megalithic structures, depending on the number of clans, because each clan constructs its own cairn to serve as a resting place as well as a stone

Source: Personal collection of the author.

Figure 35.18a: Ranii Atus, Willong site

Source: Personal collection of the author.

Figure 35.18b: Ranii Atus, Willong site

Megalithic Heritage in Manipur: A Recent Study

471

look out. While constructing these cairns, each clan tries to com­ pete with the other as to which clan could raise the best one. This kind of competition among different clans in constructing the Ranii Atu contributed to enhancing social value of the megalithic structures (Potshangbam 2011: 147-8). TIISUM It is a menhir which has a distinct name of its own. Each menhir is raised by every merit-seeker in their own names or in the name of their loving parents or relatives. Such menhirs are found in and around the settlement area in the form of an alignment or avenue (Figures 35.19a, 35.19b and 35.19c).

Source: Personal collection of the author.

Figures 35.19a: Tiisum, (Menhir), Willong site

Source: Personal collection of the author.

Figures 35.19b: Tiisums (Alignment), Willong site

472

Potshangbam Binodini Devi

Source: Personal collection of the author.

Figures 35.19c: Tiisums (Avenues), Willong site

A wealthy person may raise a menhir(s) in his name(s) to attain a social position beyond which the majority do not aspire during his lifetime even after his death by his descendants with a view to preserving their names forever on the rocks. Thus a wealthy person makes a stipulation in his verbal will, that a memorial stone should be planted in his memory. He then seeks permission from the village chief. After getting permission from the village chief, the intending merit-seeker selects the desired stone and observes the special social sanctions and restrictions (genna). That for a year before planting the menhir the intending merit-seeker lives apart from his wife. Otherwise the stone to be erected would crack. It is not a good indication, and as a conse­ quence the merit-seeker’s family would suffer in many ways. During that one year the host arranges all the materials and wealth to defray the cost of the whole stone raising process. When the sanctions and restrictions are over, the selected stone is pulled and raised ritually. AROU ATU It is a flat stone found capping the graves made on a raised plat­ form or directly places over the pit burials (Figure 35.20). In some cases it is constructed so nicely, that such structure looks better than the small Ranii Atu. It is constructed in memory of their loving parents or any other deceased person. In some cases, these structures are in a cluster covering the pit burials, with large flat stones, particularly for a family or clan. In other cases such Arou

Megalithic Heritage in Manipur: A Recent Study

473

Source : Personal collection of the author.

Figure 35.20: Arou Atu, Willong site

Atu is encircled by stones, which resembles a small Ranii Atu (Potshangbam 2004: 72). TIIROSUM (STONE SEATS) It is a cluster of dolmens set up at regular intervals to serve as the public resting place, and meeting seats. In each hamlet of every village there are a number of such structures. It is raised collectively by the people of each hamlet without performing rites and rituals.

Source: Personal collection of the author.

Figure 35.21: Tiirosum (stone seats), Maram Khullen and Willong site

474

Potshangbam Binodini Devi

AMAILUI (SMALL AVENUE) It is a small avenue formed by a cluster of miniature menhirs (Fig­ ure 35.22), arranged in four rows; each row has twenty standing stones. This avenue was raised in 1906, and closely associated with the population of the Zongnamei Sadung (clan).

Source: Personal collection of the author.

Figure 35.22: Amailui, Upper

Sangkhungmei site

POUMAI MEGALITHS The Poumai is one of the indigenous and largest tribes of Manipur. This tribe occupies the north-eastern part of the Senapati district. There are 78 Poumai villages, which come under three circles. They are: (i) the Paomata circle, (ii) the Chillevai circle, and (iii) the Lepaona Circle. The Poumai megaliths are broadly classified into twelve struc­ tural types. They are: Zaosochu/Zhaosochu/Zhusochu, Chukho, Paohon Chukho, Raikhubu, Seibechu, Chadeichu, Neisha Chukho, Chuchukho, Tapu, Khophochu, Loupfo, and Aro Adu. Due to the want of space only six types are described below.

Megalithic Heritage in Manipur: A Recent Study

475

ZAOSOCHU/ZHAOSOCHU/ZHUSOCHU (MENHIR OF SOCIAL STATUS) It is a monolithic pillar planted in the ground at the Chushebu (clan’s stone raising place. Some of them are also found in and around their terrace fields particularly near the paths leading to their dry and wet fields, jungles and other inter-village roads, whereas some are found inside the habitation areas too (Figures 35.23a and 35.23b). A wealthy Poumai raises a Zaosochu/ Zhaosochu/Zhusochu in his name for the first time, he prays to gods and goddesses for bless­ ings along with a series of five feastings. They are: (a) Rasou, (b) Vaove, (c) Moujii, (d) Zhusou, and (e) Chiveisu. These feasting series are performed after his request to his clan elders (Tsiiko), and village councillors (Chikumai), and only after he is granted (Potshangbam 2002: 365-6).

Source: Personal collection of the author.

Figure 35.23a: Zaosochu/Zhaosochu/Zhusochu, Saranamei, Ngamju, Laii, and Tungjoy sites

476

Potshangbam Binodini Devi

Source: Personal collection of the author.

Figure 35.23b: Zaosochu/Zhaosochu/Zhusochu, Oinam,

Saranamei, and Tungjoy sites

CHUKHO (A CAIRN, THE VILLAGE FOUNDATION STONE PUBLIC RESTING PLACE)

AND ALSO

It is a cairn made of a heap of stones piled upon one another to form a raised platform. On top of such Chukho, a series of smaller flat stones are placed to serve as seats. There are different types of such cairns constructed on different occasions, but each has the same function (Figure 35.24).

Megalithic Heritage in Manipur: A Recent Study

477

Source: Personal collection of the author.

Figure 35.24: Chukho, Saranamei, Ngamju, Oinam and

Tungjoy sites

RAIKHUBU (DOLMEN OF HIGHEST SOCIAL STATUS) It is a cluster of dolmens, sometimes associated with a raised plat­ form (Figure 35.25). The main function of Raikhubu is associated with the peace negotiation over head hunting. On the other hand, this structure serves as sitting or resting place for the villagers, where they gossip and old men do odd jobs there. It cannot be con­ structed by any wealthy person unless he undertakes Zhusou feast­ ing more than three times and continues the series of feast-of-merit including Chiveisu (ibid.: 370-1).

478

Potshangbam Binodini Devi

Source: Personal collection of the author.

Figure 35.25: Raikhubu(s), Saranamei site

NEISHA CHUKHO, RELIGIOUS STONE Neisa Chukho, also known as the shouting stone, is a heap of stones but relatively small in size (Figure 35.26). It is considered ritually very important. It is found in front of every chief of every clan. The village chief climbs on it up and shouts whenever he wants to make some public announcement.

Source: Personal collection of the author.

Figure 35.26: Neisa Chukho, Laii, Oinam, Saranamei, and Tungjoy sites

Megalithic Heritage in Manipur: A Recent Study

479

CHUCHUKHO (STONE CIRCLE) AND TAPU (MONOLITH) Chuchukho is a circle of small boulders. It is found in the residen­ tial area of Yumai clan. It is related to the affairs of head hunting (Figure 35.27). The Tapu is a monolith used to place the decapi­ tated heads (Figure 35.28).

Source : Personal collection of the author.

Figure 35.27: Chuchukho, Saranamei site

Figure 35.28: Tapu, Tungjoy site

LOUPFO, (A CLUSTER/ALIGNMENT OF SMALL STONES) It is an alignment formed by very small stones. Each small stone represents a girl or woman, whose hand a brave man won. It is raised by a sinner to remove all the sins he has committed. Such person in their old age request members of their family or son(s) to raise Loupfo (Figure 35.29).

Source: Personal collection of the author.

Figure 35.29: Loupfo, Ngamju site

480

Potshangbam Binodini Devi

ARO ADU (VILLAGE GATE AND WALL) At one time it was an important structure among the Poumais. In the olden days there were many inter-village wars. So they used to keep an eye over their village gate (Figure 35.30).

Source: Personal collection of the author.

Figure 35.30: AroAdu/AduAro, Tungjoy site

TANGKHUL MEGALITHS

The Tangkhul, originally known as Wung, is one of the earliest tribes of Manipur. They occupy all the sub-divisions of undivided Ukhrul district. They are divided into five groups based on their

Megalithic Heritage in Manipur: A Recent Study

481

locations. They are: the Raphei (North), the Kamo (South), the Reng-yang (East), the Kharao (West), and the Kathor (Central). There are eight megalithic types in Tangkhul inhabited areas. They are: Rihai Lung, Maran Lung, Lungchan Lung, Maran Tarung, Langki/Lanka, Onra/Wonra, Tarong/Lamphui and Akhen. Here only four types are described. RIHAI LUNG It is a small cairn associated with one/three miniature menhir(s). It is a village foundation stone, which is also used as a judiciary and ritualistic stone. It is constructed when a new village is estab­ lished (Figure 35.31).

Source: Personal collection of the author.

Figure 35.31: Rihai Lung, Phungyar and Chingai site

MARAN LUNG It is a menhir (Figure 35.32). It is a commemorative stone for the Maran Kasa feast-of-merit, and the host is entitled to wear special clothes called Raivat Kachon and the fortune of the family is con­ nected with the stone.

482

Potshangbam Binodini Devi

Source: Personal collection of the author.

Figure 35.32: Maran Lung(s), Humphun, Phungyar, and Chingai sites

MARAN TARUNG It is a forked or Y-shaped post (Figure 35.33). It is raised to com­ memorate the Maran Kasa feast-of-merit. The performer of this grand feasting may raise Maran Lung(s) or MaranTarung(s) or both.

Source: Personal collection of the author.

Figure 35.33: Maran Tarung, Chingai and Shirui sites

Megalithic Heritage in Manipur: A Recent Study

483

ONRA/WONRA It is a composite structure (Figure 35.34). It comprises of a menhir and forked-posts planted on a low platform. It is constructed in loving memory of a beloved deceased child by his/her parents, after performing a ritual.

Source: Personal collection of the author.

Figure 35.34: Onra/Wonra

RESULTS AND DISCUSSION

Megalithic monuments have been traditionally erected by different tribes in Manipur. Each megalithic erection is associated with a series of feastings. It is followed by the house decoration. Here the donor of the feast decorates his house with the house-horn (Chek­ hesangs, Liangmais, Poumais, Maos, Marams, and Tangkhuls). He also decorates the wooden planks of the front wall with carved out human heads representing the heads taken by the host on raids and animal heads representing those furious animals he had hunted and those animals he had sacrificed during the series of feastings that he had organized. In the hilly areas of Manipur, there are different megalithic types which include menhir of social status, the village foundation stone,

484

Potshangbam Binodini Devi

public resting places; the clan’s dolmens associated with head hunt­ ing negotiation; dolmens of highest social status; a monolith re­ lated to judiciary and socio-religious functions, a shouting place for the village chief concerned; stone circle related to head-hunting; monolith for placing the decapitated heads; capstone for the graves and so on. Moreover, there is a monolith which represents a secular type of stone monument. The Anals called it Lungpatha, which is raised by both Christian and traditional religion followers. Erecting a megalithic structure is very costly. It takes some years from the time, when a merit-seeker begins preparing to collect the materials to the time in which he can complete the whole process. It takes at least three years or more to acquire the necessary items like collection of paddy for brewing rice-beer, domestication of animals like fowls pig, cow/ox, and buffaloes (to ensure that they are fully grown to suitable size) and accumulation of wealth to meet the cost. Such traditions are similar to the megalithic culture of Indonesia, particularly with the Anakalang and Kodi areas of West Sumba, regarding the seeking of permission for performing a feast for constructing megalithic structure, preparation and collection of materials for the upcoming feast, and rearing of animals likes pigs and buffaloes. The carved heads on megaliths in Indonesia and on wooden planks in Manipur are not ornamental. These are commemoratives of animals sacrificed during the feasts-of-merit. Thus their value is not only aesthetic but definitely symbolic. It may be ascribed as the symbolical character to the art of the early megalithic culture of Southeast Asia. The idea associated with megalithic rituals for gaining prosper­ ity and prestige for the living and also for establishing links with the souls of the deceased persons are similar to the megalithic cultures of Indonesia which suggests a unity of the megalithic com­ plex extending from north-east India to Southeast Asia. The social life in both regions is dominated by the megalithic tradition and necessary feastings, ceremonies and rituals involved in them. Of them the most common factor in both areas is the feast-of-merit, and carving of mithun’s horn. Above all, the Marams

Megalithic Heritage in Manipur: A Recent Study

485

practise the erection of carved statuettes over the grave of individuals who had committed a sin during his lifetime (while he was living). CONCLUSION

Megalithism is a living tradition of different tribes of Manipur. Even the Christian convert Anals, Chekhesangs, Liangmais, Marams and Poumais raise megaliths with some modification as memorial and commemorative stones while they are living and also after their death. In Manipur there are eleven structural types of megaliths, including the miscellaneous types. They are: menhir, alignment, avenue, cairn, cromlech, dolmen, flat stone and/or cap stone, stone circle, stone seat, stone wall and village gates and miscellaneous types. Functionally, there are again divided into eight types. They are witness stone, memorial, watch towers, grave stones, stone seats, small avenues representing the population of a clan or village, holy stone, and capstone. The megalithic heritage of Manipur has a close similarities with that of Southeast Asia particularly with the Niassians in giving the feast-of-merit and mithun’s horn carvings.

REFERENCES Bonatz, D., ‘Megaliths on Nias: the Retention of Identity’, Indonesia and Malay World, 2002, 30(88): 253-67. Childe, G.V., ‘Megaliths’, Ancient India, 1948, 4: 5-13. Daniel, G., The Megalithic Builders of Western Europe, London: Pelican Books, Hutchinson & Co., 1963. Hutton, J.H., ‘The Meaning and Method of Erection of Monoliths of the Naga

Tribes’, Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, 1922, 52: 242-9.

Koestoro, L.P. and W. Ketut, Megalithic Traditions in Nias Island, North Sumatra

Heritage, Series No. 0105, Medan: Medan Archaeological Office, 2007. Loofs, H.H.E., Elements of the Megalithic Complex in Southeast Asia: An Anno­ tated Bibliography, Oriental Monograph Series, no. 3, Canberra: Centre for Oriental Studies and Australian National University Press, 1967. Misra, V.N. and B. Peter, Recent Advances in Indo-Pacific Prehistory, Proceedings of the International Symposium (held in Poona, 19-21 December 1978), New Delhi: Oxford & IBH Publishing Co., 1985.

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Perry, W.J., The Megalithic Culture of Indonesia, London: Manchester University Press, 1918. Devi, P.B., ‘A Study of the Living Megalithic Culture of the Anals of Manipur’, Man and Environment: Journal of the Indian Society for Prehistoric and Quaternary Studies, XXIII (2), 1998, pp. 119-26. ——, ‘Living Mgalithic Traditions among the Poumais of Manipur’, in G. Sengupta and S. Panja (eds.), Archaeology of Eastern India: A New Per­ spective, Kolkata: Centre for Archaeological Studies and Training, Eastern India, 2002, pp. 363-77. ——, ‘A Note on the Megalithic Culture found among the Marams of Manipur’, Man and Environment: Journal of the Indian Society for Prehistoric and Quaternary Studies, 2004, XXIX(2): 73-7. ——, The Megalithic Culture of Manipur, Delhi: Agam Kala Prakashan, 2011. ——, ‘Tangkhul Megaliths and their Counterparts: A Comparative Study’, Man and Environment: Journal of the Indian Society for Prehistoric and Quaternary Studies, 2014, XXXIX (2): 73-7. ——, ‘The Megalithic Rituals of the Liangmai Tribe of Manipur’, in A. Kumar, G.S. Abhayan and S.V. Rajesh (eds.), Kailashnath Hetu, Delhi: New Bharatiya Book Corporation, 2017, pp. 492-502. Devi, P.B. and S. Athary, A Monograph on the Tangkhul Tribe of Manipur, A Project Report submitted to the Tribal Research Institute, Government of Manipur, Imphal, 2009. Schnitger, F.M., Forgotten Kingdoms of Sumatra, Leiden, Neatherlands: E.J. Brill, 1964. Settar, S. and G.-D. Sontheimer, Memorial Stones: A Study of their Origin, Sig­ nificance, and Variety, Germany: Institute of Indian Art History, University of Dharwar, and South Asia Institute, University of Heidelberg, 1982. Van Heekeren, H.R., The Bronze-Iron Age of Indonesia, The Hague, Martinus Nijhoff, 1958. Wheeler, R.M.E., ‘Bramhagiri and Chandravalli Megalithic and other Cultures in the Chitaldrug District, Mysore State’, Ancient India, 1948, 4: 181­ 308. ——, Early India and Pakistan, Harmondsworth: Pelican Books, 1968.

C H A P T E R 36

Origin of Market in

Traditional Manipur

OKRAM SANAHANBI DEVI

The market plays a very important role in the socio-political, eco­ nomic and cultural development of a particular society. In Manipur, the concept of the market runs parallel to that of Manipuri word ‘Keithel’. The origin of the term ‘Keithel’ is the combination of two Manipur words ‘Kei’ and ‘Thel’ or ‘Thelba’. ‘Kei’ means store house and ‘Thel’ means display the goods or articles for exchange either through barter system or money circulation. The importance of the market comes from the oral tradition. It is reflected in a number of myths, legends and folklores. According to Kamnung Engal Lishaba, a text which deals with the mythical account of keithen or market, seven ‘Lairembis’ or goddesses started introducing ‘Lai Keithel Kaba’ for selling articles. In connection with this, the seven Lairembis represented as, Chinga Leima, one important goddess dealt in rice; Pishum Leima, another goddess in gold and silver; Chinga Leima in vegetables, Waithou Leima in edible oil; Waisheng Leima in salt cake and so on and so forth. Right from early times in Manipur, market were laid out in a methodical and mystical way. Laishram Nityai in his book Manipur (Erolnungee Mani) spelt out that there was a sacred site in old marketplaces which was meant for Ima Emoinu. Betel nut and leaves, and other items of offerings which were made to this god­ dess. At present, there is a sanctum for Keithel Lairembi and Lairemba (Male and female deities of the market), in all markets of the Imphal Valley. Moreover, while, certain rules are to be ob­ served. The south-eastern corner of the markets was reserved for

488

Okram Sanahanbi Devi

selling gold, silver, copper and other precious metals; north-eastern, rice only; south-western, fish and north-western, paddy. During the reign of Maharaj Bhagyachandra (AD 1759-61 and 1763-98) there were stalls for women vendors known as Phiribi Potpham, which was meant for those women who sold embroidered articles. This ‘potpham’ became very popular during the reign of Maharaja Nara Singh and Maharaj Chandrakriti. Now the ‘Phiribi Potpham’ which has become an essential part of ‘Lalonpham’ is located in the Purana Bazar or Ima Market. Ethel St. Clair Grimwood who witnessed such things wrote: It was a pretty sight in the evening to see all the women hurrying along with their wares on their heads, and their little babies slung on their backs. They sat in long rows in the bazar and it was divided up in a most methodical way. Vegetables and fish occupied one end and cloths jewellery the other. (Grimwood, 1891, pp. 75-92)

It was very much uncertain when the market place was first introduced in Manipur. But, it is clear that the idea of the market is not of recent origin. One complete evidence of the existence of the market in Manipur was reflected in ‘Lamitlon’, a text which deals with the naming of the geographical area of Manipur right from the early historical times. It is said that King Chalamba (1545-62) brought big stones from far away hill areas and placed at the marketplace of the Sana Keithel. T.C. Hudson stated Imphal possesses the largest and most important of these bazars, to which the name Sana Keithel is given. It is said to have been founded by Mongeanba (Mungyamba) in about 1580. It is close to the Pat or Royal enclosure and now consists of a number of embanked mounds which are allotted to the different trades, the cloth weavers being found in one place all together and the dried fish vendors gathering their savoury wares in another. Cheitharol Kumbaba, the royal chronicle of Manipur has it that during the reign of Mungyamba, in Saka 1509 (AD 1587) mounds for the marketplace were raised. However, this chronicle is silent over the question of the actual site of the markets. In Lost Kingdom, the English version of the Royal chronicle, it is men­ tioned that Mungyamba established one bazar inside the palace

Origin of Market in Traditional Manipur

489

which was called by the name ‘Sana Keithel’. On the other hand, this market was probably shifted to the areas at the neighbourhood of the western gate of the Kangla Fort in the subsequent period. Again, it was marked by tremendous changes in different spheres during the reigned of Khagemba (AD 1597-1652). Khagemba gave encouragement by establishing a number of markets at different parts of his kingdom. It is recorded in Lost Kingdom ‘He estab­ lished 10 bazars and performed the ceremony by giving a grand feast to the public with meat and spirit in abundance’. After that those bazars were known as Sana Keithen, Awang Keithen, Kha Keithen, Phayeng Keithen, Moirang Keithen, Khoya/Kaya Keithen, Andro Keithen, Khooman Keithen, Kondong Keitehn, Chairen Kheithen and Sekta Keithen. One interesting event which was connected with Sana Keithel near the western gate was that of a flat stone erected at this market­ place was shifted to Mongbahanba now known as Mahabali to construct the idol of Shri Hanumanji during the reign of King Garibaniwaz. In recent time, with the concept of municipality has taken shape and there is a department known as Keithel Awomba Loishang to look after the affairs of bazars. In another event, King Garibaniwaz (AD 1709-48) established a new bazar called Ayuk Keithen. According to a historical account, this morning market was conducted near the brick bridge of the Nambul River. In this connection R. Brown (1874) gave a detailed account: Many of these collections of women are to be found throughout the Imphal or capital, but the principal meeting place for women trading there is one vacant plot of ground to one side of a brick bridge; during the early part of the day, the women congregate with their wares for sale.

However, there is still a controversy over the question whether this morning market which is now associated with the Khwai­ ramban Bazar, was developed in the recent past or in early times. The origin history of Khwairamban Bazar was woven around a myth in which Laininghtou Sanamahi taking the form of a human being, mocked at one Khwai Nungjengbi Chanu who sold edible articles in the bazar. The woman became angry. The people of the Khwai area were looking at this woman. Since then, the place came

490

Okram Sanahanbi Devi

to be known as Khwairamban. King Khunjaoba (AD 1652-66) took keen interests in the development of Khwairamban Bazar. He con­ structed canals andembankments around the Khwairamban Bazar. He also constructed a ‘bund’ along the Naga River to check the inflows of the excess water in the Khwairamban area. However, it was Maharaj Chandrakriti Singh (AD 1834-44 and 1850-66) who made all sorts of preparations to develop the actual framework of the Khwairamban Bazar. This is cited in the Lost Kingdom: English era 1854-55 Saka 1776 . . . 1st day of moon Tuesday Poinu (Decem­ ber) preparation for building pucca bridge of Khwairamban was made. The Maharaja appeared at the spots and performed ceremonial rites 30th Wednesday thefoundation was laid out. Longjam Dharma Singh was head mistri . . . sets were scattered in the Bazar as well as at the bridge.

One significant thing of the Khwairmaban Bazar was that all selling and buying were carried out by women. This unique feature of the Manipuris is reflected in the writing of the British officers. Here, Majors W. McCulloch, the then Political Agent of Manipur (1844-62) wrote: ‘There is a market daily attended only woman. Every woman carries basket containing something not immedi­ ately required for the consumption of her households; this she barters for something immediately wanted, or she sells it and pur­ chases what she wants with the proceeds.’ Thus, the marketplaces in Manipur particularly the Khwairam­ ban Bazar has got its time of birth and growth through the ages. It will develop from time to time from generation to generation with our culture and tradition.

REFERENCES Brown, R., Statistical Account of Manipur, Delhi: Sanskaran Prakashak, 1874. Grimwood, E.S.C., My Three Years in Manipur, London: Richard Benteley and Son, 1991. Hodson, T.C., The Meitheis, Delhi: Low Price Publications, 2002. James, E.M. Jr. and S. Bernice (eds.), The Dimension of the Short Story: A Critical Anthology, New York: Dodd, Mead and Co., 1964.

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Ibongohal, L. and L. Khelchandra Singh (eds.), Cheitharol Kumbaba, Imphal: Manipur Sahitya Parishad, 1967. Joychandra Singh, L., The Lost Kingdom, Imphal: Prajatantra Publishing House, 1995. Meitei, M., Khamnung Engal Leishaba, vol. III, Imphal: Author, 1990. Manipur State Museum, Workshop-cum-Exhibition on Applique Art of Manipur, Manipur: Government of Manipur, 1995. Prasad, B. and H. Ramadoss, A Background to the Study of English Literature, Chennai: Macmillan, 1999.

C H A P T E R 37

Traditional Dress and Its Cultural

Significance: A Case Study of the

Chiru Tribe in Manipur

HOSEA THANGLEN AND

L O R H O M A RY M A H E O

The Chiru are one of the recognized tribes of Manipur. They are found mostly in the states of Manipur, Assam and Nagaland. Perhaps, the neighbouring states are yet to recognize the tribe. Traditionally, Chirus are very rich in culture, tradition, folklore, folk tale, folk dance, folk song religion belief etc. The menfolk wear different types of clothing for different pur­ poses based on social, cultural, geographical, psychological, eco­ nomic reasons and physical requirements. Traditional dresses of a community or a tribe play an important role in preserving the identity of the people. These are the most easily seen features of a culture. The primary purpose of dress is bodily comfort and pro­ tection from sun, wind, rain, water, etc., it usually exhibits much more than the actual purpose. The dress may also not be meant only for comfort and decoration; it may even be related to other aspects of culture such as religious practice, identification of status and role in the society. The Chiru tribe is one of the ethnic groups of north-east India that inhabit mainly the states of Manipur, Assam and Nagaland. They have their own traditional dresses, ornaments, costumes, dances, music, folksongs, folklore and folk tale. Jhum cultivation is the primary occupation where men and women work collectively. However, handlooms and handicrafts like spinning, weaving, and

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hand-weaving play a significant role in the economy of the family as women spend their leisure time in these economic activities. Devi et al. (2013) analyse the various motifs collected from traditional textiles and costumes of Meitei community of Manipur. She also suggests that developing innovative creations and knowledge for contemporization of traditional designs will help Manipur state economically. Chetia (2016) studies traditional costumes with spe­ cial reference to the Karbi tribe of Assam in the background of their sociocultural practices. Borah et al. (2014) study traditional costumes of Garo and Khasi tribes of Meghalaya. Prakash et al. (2013) explore the handcrafted shawls of Nagaland and have observed that there is a need to preserve and patent the shawls of Nagaland and bring its richness to the outside world. Dwivedi (2016) studies the Indian tribal ornaments. He is of the view that the ornament is a hidden treasure and observes that tribal jewellery contains significant cultural meaning for the wearer. Khatoon et al. (2014) have studied the traditional handloom weaving of the Kom tribe of Manipur and found that knowledge of traditional practices provide valuable inputs to make efficient use of this industries in cooperating plant species for sustainable development. Teron et al. (2012) examine the biological motifs and designs on traditional costumes among Karbi of Assam. Pandya et al. (2010) study handloom weaving, the traditional craft of Manipur. Niengneihmoi (2015) studies the cultural significance of Chin-Kuki-Mizo dresses in Manipur. OBJECTIVE OF THE STUDY

1. To study the traditional dress in relation to culture and cos­ tumes. 2. The uses of these traditional dresses on different occasions. 3. To discuss the importance and significance of traditional dress in the present world. RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

The present research work was based on the fieldwork conducted

over a period of one year from January to December 2016 in dif­

Traditional Dress and Its Cultural Significance

495

ferent Chiru villages of Churachandpur, Noney, Senapati and Imphal west districts of Manipur. The villages which are in the Senapati district are Bungte Chiru, Khoirok, Waithou Chiru. Charoi-khullen and Dolang villages are in Churanchandpur and Tamenglong districts and lastly, Chiru Rem Colony in Imphal west district. The research methodology applied for the present study is personal interviews that include both formal and infor­ mal, scheduled, participant observation and photography. Perhaps, Chiru tribe does not have its own script; personal interview play an important role in obtaining required information as the study concerned with the narrative and oral tradition which are passed down from one generation to another generation. Most of the data are collected from selected women who have experiences in handloom and handicraft for many years. Secondary data such as books, research articles/paper, literature, magazine, unpublished PhD theses are also referred for this study. The first hand informa­ tion and secondary sources are minutely cross-checked to ensure less error, accuracy and reliability. TRADITIONAL DRESS OF CHIRU TRIBE

The traditional dress is inherited from forefathers and this has been passed down from generation to generation through oral tradition in the same manner as day-to-day practices like trad­ itional practices, religion, customs, rituals, ceremonies, etc. The hand woven traditional dresses made by Chiru women reflect the skill of the individuals that uphold and carry an immensely rich culture of their tribe. Chiru women usually weave with the back strap loin loom. Handloom and handicraft is related to the traditional economy. The growth of handicraft and textile is very important in the social, cultural, economic and religious life of the Chiru tribe through the ages. Chiru women possess the knowledge of weaving that has been passed down from their ancestors in which mothers take keen responsibility to teach their daughters the art of weaving. Among the Chiru tribe the wearing of traditional cloth and dress are also associated with the role and status of the indi­ viduals in the society. When a girl attains puberty, she goes to the

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girl’s dormitory house to attend a traditional festival called the Reiinreii Lamvaka Festival where she is trained in all aspects of life. Its literal meaning is ‘a girl’s first time wearing of traditional loin­ cloth: wearing of Ponza (traditional cloth), wearing of headgear, and Rohoi which means festival. It is also the time where women take up the job of husking rice, fetching water, washing clothes, carrying a bamboo basket on their back for going to the field for the first time in their life. Among the male members of the com­ munity, to obtain the right to wear the traditional dress, one has to be 11/12 years of age and is required to participate in the tradi­ tional festival called Deiirkai Rohoi Festival. Its literal meaning is ‘first time wearing of pants, Ponza (traditional cloth), headgear by a man’ and Rohoi means festival. It is also the time when men take up the job of making basketry, carrying the bamboo basket on the back for going to the field for the first time in their life. However, post conversion to Christianity, there has been modernization in the design of the dress and ornament which influence the trad­ itional hand-woven dress. IMPORTANT DRESSES OF THE CHIRU TRIBE

PONZA/PONTE ZA It is one of the most important traditional shawls of the Chiru tribe. It is worn by both men and women. It is very difficult to draw the stripes. White is the predominant colour of the textile. White represents a peace loving tribe. Till today, there is no con­ flict between the Chiru and other tribe and nation. This shawl plays a very important role in identifying the Chiru and is related with the origination of Chiru tribe. Ponza is also used as a gift of exchange during the ceremonies of marriage. KONGKHIT AM

Kongkhit Am is quite similar in nature with Ponza Am. The other name of this cloth is Muju Am. It is used in every function of the Chiru tribe. Men wear Khongkhit on the neck as Morpha la. Females use a traditional waist belt.

Traditional Dress and Its Cultural Significance

497

Source: Personal collection of the author.

Figure 37.1: Ponza

Figure 37.2: Kongkhit Am

CHUNG LO AM It is one of the traditional loincloths of Chiru tribe worn by the women. It is one of the most peculiar, beautiful and decorative structure seen in this cloth. ARSI AM It is one of the traditional wraps/dresses (Phaneks) of the Chiru tribe. This type of traditional loincloth is usually hand woven. The body of the cloth has designs representing the star locally known as Arsi. The literal meaning of Arsi Am is ‘star’. The signifi­ cance of this Arsi Am is that like the shining stars, the Chiru tribe will shine, prosper, increase in population and be known through­ out the world. There are two types of Arsi Am classified on the basis of the size of the star drawn in the lower garment. This kind of style and decoration is found only in the loincloth of the tradi­ tional dress. The colours of the Arsi Am are white, green, yellow, blue, red, etc. Arsi Am is frequently used in special functions and exchanged as a gift between the bride and groom’s family during marriage. BANGPURI AM The literal meaning of Bangpui Am is ‘loincloth similar to tradi­ tional wall of the house’. The nature of the stripes is like the hand­ made bamboo stripes. It is woven by hand and consists of three colours.

498

Hosea Thanglen and Lorho Mary Maheo

Source: Personal collection of the author.

Figure 37.3: Bangpuri Am

Figure 37.4: Arsi Am

PONDUM MEJEK AM It is one of the traditional loincloths of Chiru women. It is charac­ terized by the colour green and the stripes on the lower garment are of white colour. PONVE HANG KOKAI It is one of the most important traditional dresses that define the Chiru tribe. It is because Ponve Hang Kokai has been there since the origin of the Chiru tribe. It is usually wornduring death ceremonies. APAPONG HANG Apapong Hang is one of the oldest traditional shawls of the Chiru tribe. It is characterized by the colour black and big horizontal stripe lines on the lower side of the cloth. It is usually worn by married men in everyday life. It is one of the clothes that identify the Chiru tribe and has been there since the origin of the tribe. PON RO BO It’s a shawl, predominantly white and yellow in colour. It is made by joining two narrow bands of fabric together. Though the cloth seems to be very simple and non-decorative, the value and asset of this cloth among the Chiru tribe is very high. It is very popular

Traditional Dress and Its Cultural Significance

499

Source: Personal collection of the author.

Figure 37.5: Ponrobo

Figure 37.6: Chiru girl in Traditional attire

Source: Personal collection of the author.

Figure 37.7: A Woman Winding Woollen

Thread into a Ball

and every family of this tribe possess it. These clothes have been an integral part of the Chiru tribe since their origin. A shawl used by both men and women. Some of the important uses of this cloth are: 1. It is worn in everyday life. 2. The groom’s family give these clothes as a requirement of the customary law of marriage known as Maan and Thirshele Kouina. 3. It is also worn by men during the collection of rice from the agricultural field. The significance is that the wearing this cloth enables them to collect much more than their expectation.

500

Hosea Thanglen and Lorho Mary Maheo CONCLUSION

The present study has helped in bringing forward some important facts about the rich cultural heritage of the Chiru tribe which is less known because of its small population that inhabits a limited geographical region. But, the outcome of this research shows that the Chiru tribe is very rich in culture, tradition, language, social norms, costumes, religion and beliefs that constitute the precious assets which have been handed down from their ancestors. A tradi­ tional dress indicates possession of rich traditional knowledge and oral history and also reflects the cultural identity. It is also one of the traditional sources of income and livelihood of many people. One important finding of this study is that efforts have been made by women in society to preserve the rich cultural heritage by en­ couraging the younger generation to learn a lesson in weaving to continue the traditional activities in the present contemporary world even though there is an impact of urbanization and moderniza­ tion. Ponza, Arsi Am, Bangpui Am and Ponro Bo play a very signifi­ cant role in the traditional way of life. Christianity has brought significant changes in the social, political, economic and religious life of the people of the Chiru tribe. However, one cannot deny the impact on the traditional way of life that includes preserving of traditional religion, costumes, festivals, etc. But the spirit of pre­ serving the rich cultural heritage never dies. Preserving the tradi­ tional dress and its uses in the present day clearly signifies that the Chiru tribe preserve the rich cultural heritage of their forefathers and replicate the identity of this tribe itself. In spite of conversion to Christianity, the Chiru tribe continues to celebrate the tradi­ tional festivals like Derkai Rohoi and Renrei Lamvaka and uphold the traditional dress by wearing different varieties of traditional attires during these festivals. Observation and the above discus­ sion show that the traditional dress reflects the status of the Chiru women. The Chiru tribe knows the values of the women and their important role in society.

Traditional Dress and Its Cultural Significance

501

REFERENCES

Borah, M.P. and B. Borah, Traditional Costumes of Garo and Khasi Tribes of Meghalaya, New Delhi: Regency Publications Astral International, 2014. Chetia, S., ‘Costumes of Karbi Tribe in Assam’, International Journal of Scientific & Engineering Research, 2016, 7(6): 424-8. Chiru, A.Z., Chiru Chong Le La Lu Rishim, Imphal: Manipur Literary Society, 2011. Chiru, B.R. and P. Rumun, The Golden Treasures of Chiru, Imphal: Bir Computer Printing Works, 2012. Devi, A.I. and M. Srivastava, ‘Traditional Designs of Meitei Community of Manipur: Adaptation on Salwar-Kameez’, Asian Journal of Home Science, 2013, 8(1): 264-8. Dwivedi, J., ‘Indian Tribal Ornaments; a Hidden Treasure’, Journal of Environ­ mental Science, Toxicology and Food Technology, 2016, 10(3): 1-16. Hodson, T.C., The Naga Tribes of Manipur, Delhi: D.K. Publishers, 1911. Majumdar, D.N. and T.N. Madan, An Introduction to Social Anthropology, Delhi: Mayur Paperbacks, 1986. Marammei, K., The Ethno-History of the Chiru Tribe of Manipur, Manipur: Manipur University, 2007. Niengneihmoi, C., ‘Cultural Significance of Chin-Kuki-Mizo Dresses in Manipur’, International Journal of Humanities and Social Science Inven­ tion, 2015, 4(4): 59-62. Pandya, A. and T. Joymati, ‘Handloom Weaving, the Traditional Craft of Manipur’, Indian Journal of Traditional Knowledge, 2010, 9(4): 651-5. Prakash, R., D. Sharada and D. Anitha, ‘Handcrafted Shawls of Nagaland’, International Journal of Scientific and Research Publications, 2013, 3(8): 1-3. Reshma, K., ‘Study of Traditional Handloom Weaving by the Kom Tribe of Manipur’, Journal of Traditional Knowledge, 2014, 13(3): 596-9. Roy, I.B., Anthropology: The Study of Man, Delhi: S. Chand, 2005. Shakespeare, J., ‘The Lushai Kuki Clans’,The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, 1909, 39: 371-85. Teron, R. and S.K. Borthakur, ‘Biological Motifs and Designs on Traditional Costumes among Karbis of Assam’, Journal of Traditional Knowledge, 2012, 11(2): 305-8. Thanglen, H. and R. Thanglen, ‘A Major Traditional Festival of Chiru Tribe of North East India’, Asian Journal of Social Sciences & Humanities, 6(2): 2017, pp. 52-9.

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Thanglen, H., ‘Origin Migration and Settlement of the Chiru Tribe’, Inter­ national Research Journal of Social Sciences, 2015, 4 (11): 48-51. ——, ‘Transformation and Persistence of the Traditional Religion of the Chiru Tribe of Manipur’, International Journal in Management and Social Science, 2017, 5(2): 176-83. ——, ‘Customary Law of Marriage of Chiru Tribe of Manipur’, An Inter­ national journal of humanities and Social Sciences, 2017, 5(1): 77-81.

PERSONS INTERVIEWED 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10.

Ashek Thanglen of Tarung Village Angam Zatung Chiru of Tarung Village Rehongkha Thanglen of Bungte Chiru Thanglenzam Thanglen of Choroi Khullen Thanglenwan Thanglen of Choroi Khullen Rangnetlar Sekho of Dolang Village Thangthoichoi Sekho of Dolang Village Thanglenshor of Dolang Village Khutinlen SekhoWaithou Chiru Zakhodoi Zatung of Khoirok Village

Contributors

A. RADHAMANBI DEVI is an Assistant Professor in the Department of dance and Music, Manipur University. She can be contacted at [email protected] A. CHANCHAN DEVI is a Research Scholar in the Department of Dance and Music, Manipur University. She can be contacted at rmochn75@ gmail.com AHEIBAM KOIRENG SINGH is an Assistant Professor in the Centre of Manipuri Studies, Manipur University. AKOIJAM RANJITA DEVI is a Research Scholar in the Department of Dance and Music, Manipur University. She can be contacted at akoijam. [email protected] I BOHAL S INGH is an Assistant Professor in the Department of Library Science, Manipur University, Manipur. He can be con­ tacted at [email protected] CHUNGKHAM SUPRIYA DEVI is a Research Scholar in the Department of Anthropology, University of Delhi. She can be contacted at [email protected] ESTHER LALREMKIM is an Assistant Professor in the Department of Anthropology, Dhanamanjuri University, Manipur. She can be con­ tacted at [email protected] GAIHEMLU KAMEI is a Research Scholar in the Department of Dance and Music, Manipur University. She can be contacted at Gksamei [email protected] H. SOROJINI DEVI is the Principal of Thambal Marik College, Oinam, Manipur. She can be contacted at [email protected]

504

List of Contributors

HOSEA THANGLEN is a Research Scholar in the Department Anthro­ pology, Manipur University. Manipur. He can be contacted at [email protected] JIBON KUMAR SINGH is a Professor in the Department of Anthropol­ ogy, Manipur University. He can be contacted at drjibonkumar [email protected] K. GRACE KOM is a Research Scholar in the Department of Anthro­ pology, Manipur University. She can be contacted at komgrace@ gmail.com KAMEI SAMSON is a Postdoctoral Fellow in the Department of Anthropology, Manipur University. He can be contacted at [email protected] KAMLENGTHANG KHONGSAI is a Research Scholar in the Department of Anthropology, Dhanamanjuri University, Manipur. NARENDRA SINGH is an Associate Professor in the Department of Anthropology, Assam University, Diphu Campus. He can be con­ tacted at [email protected] KHANGEMBAM KHONI is a Faculty in the Department of Dance and Music, Manipur University. She can be contacted at khoni.kh@ gmail.com KSHETRIMAYUM AMITA DEVI is an Assistant Professor in the Depart­ ment of Chemistry, Kha Manipur College, Manipur. LAIPUBAM SURCHANDRA SHARMA is a Guest Lecturer in the Depart­ ment of Dance and Music, Manipur University, Manipur. He can be contacted at [email protected] LAISHRAM SADHANA DEVI is an Assistant Curator in the Manipur State Museum, Manipur. LORHO MARY MAHEO is an Associate Professor in the Department of Anthropology, Dhanamanjuri University, Manipur. She can be contacted at [email protected]

List of Contributors

505

M. THOIBA SINGH is an Assistant Professor in the Department of Dance and Music, Manipur University, Manipur. He can be con­ tacted at [email protected] M.C. ARUNKUMAR is a Professor in the Department of Anthropol­ ogy, Manipur University. He can be contacted at mcarun60@ yahoo.com NGANGOM JAYSHREE DEVI is a Research Associate in the Centre for Southeast Asian Studies, Manipur University. She can be contacted at [email protected] NGATHEM PUNGFA SINGH is an Associate Professor in the Anthro­ pology, Dhanamanjuri University, Manipur. He can be contacted at pungfa@ gmail.com OKRAM SANAHANBI DEVI is an Assistant Professor in the Department of English, Kha Manipur College, Manipur. PETER PANMEI is a Research Scholar in the Department of Anthro­ pology, Manipur University. P OTSHANGBAM B INODINI D EVI is an Associate Professor in the Department of Anthropology, Dhanamanjuri University, Manipur. He can be contacted at [email protected] PUKHRAMBAM MEMORY DEVI is an Associate Professor in the Depart­ ment of Anthropology, Kha Manipur College, Kakching, Manipur. R.V. KHANCHUILA is a Postdoctoral Fellow in the Department of Anthropology, Manipur University, Manipur. RAJKUMARI GEETANJALI DEVI is a Research Scholar of Visva Bharati University, Santiniketan, West Bengal. She can be contacted at [email protected] RATNA MUTUM is an Assistant Curator in the Manipur University Museum, Manipur University. She can be contacted at ratnamutum@ yahoo.com REKHA KONSAM is a Arts Research Grantee, IFA. She can be con­ tacted at [email protected]

506

List of Contributors

S. SUMANTA SINGH is an Assistant Professor in the Department of Anthropology, Dhanamanjuri University, Manipur. SALAM BINOY SINGH is a Research Scholar in the Department of Library Science, Manipur University, Manipur. He can be con­ tacted at [email protected] SANJENBAM YAIPHABA MEITEI is an Assoistant Professor in the Depart­ ment of Anthropology, Manipur University. He can be contacted at [email protected] SARIT K. CHAUDHURI is a Professor (on deputation) in the Depart­ ment of Anthropology, Rajiv Gandhi University, Itanagar, Arunachal Pradesh. He is presently serving as Director, IGRMS, Bhopal. He can be contacted at [email protected] SINAM BASU SINGH is a Research Scholar in Visva Bharati University, Santiniketan, Kolkata. He can be contacted at sinambasu@ gmail.com S RUTI B ANDOPADHAY is a Professor in Manipuri Dance, Sangit Bhavana, Visva Bharati Universty, Santiniketan, Kolkata. She can be contacted at [email protected] RABIKANTA SINGH is an Associate Professor in the Department of Anthropology, Dhanamanjuri University, Manipur. He can be con­ tacted at [email protected] THOIDINGJAM T OMBI is a former President of Manipur Sahitya Parishad, Manipur. THOUNAOJAM RUHICHAND is an Assistant Professor in the Depart­ ment of Umanglai Haraoba, Manipur University of Culture, Manipur. He can be contacted at [email protected] WONCHIPEM K.S. is a Research Scholar in the Department of Anthropology, Manipur University, Manipur. She can be contacted at [email protected] Y. BILADINI DEVI is a Research Scholar in the Department of Dance and Music, Dhanamanjuri University, Manipur.

List of Contributors

507

YAIKHOM HEMANTA KUMAR is a Professor in the Department of Rabindra Sangit, Dance and Drama, Visva Bharati University Santiniketan. He can be contacted at [email protected] YUMLEMBAM GOPI DEVI is a Faculty in the Department of Dance and Music, Manipur University, Manipur. She can be contacted at [email protected]

Index

abhishekh sankalpa 81 aesthetic 16, 30, 38, 40, 50, 64, 66, 75, 82, 87, 93, 113-16, 119, 223, 225, 242, 245, 255, 348, 408, 415, 420, 423, 428, 484 Agni Nritya 28, 31 alcohol 82-3, 237 Amaiba 131-2, 291, 300 Amaibi 132, 268, 270, 291-2, 300 Anal 278-9, 378, 456, 484-5 ancestor 18, 267, 269, 299, 365-6, 371-2 ancestor worship 18, 267, 269, 299, 365-6, 371-2 anoiba 129 anoirol 14, 267-72 anthropology 83, 87, 163, 339-41, 365-6 arangpham 80, 238, 240 Archives 16, 145-6, 155, 157-9, 161, 163-4, 311 Ariba Sankirtana 121-2 Asian Dance 25 Atingkok Guru 88, 268 Bamboo shoots 210-12, 224, 231, 250-1, 260 Bandopadhay, Sruti 63, 112 Basanta Raas 35, 56, 116, 135, 138 betel nut 80 Bharatnatyam 72, 75, 113, 115 bori 232, 243 cairn 460, 462, 465, 467, 470-1, 476, 481, 485 Chainarol 184, 489 chak 235, 240, 270

chakhao 242, 243 chakluk 16, 235-8, 240-5 Chakpa Haraoba 88, 98-9, 131 Chakpas 88, 98-9, 128, 131, 236, 270 chamfut 232, 255 champhut 242-3 chandan 56, 80, 229, 241, 356 Cheitharol Kumpaba 101, 128, 134, 146, 168, 175, 180-1, 415, 488 Chekhesang 457, 483, 485 chhatra 227-8 Chiru 18, 278-9, 493, 495-500 chithi-beng 200 Chithuni 276-7 Chongkhong 290-1 classical Manipuri dance 87, 92-5, 116, 134, 137 commemorative 18, 420, 455, 481, 484-5 Cromlech 466, 485 cuisine 16, 209, 237-8, 243, 245, 255, 285 culinary 16, 193-5, 199, 200, 206, 225, 233, 235-7, 242-5, 248; heritage 15-16, 193-4, 233, 235-6, 245, 248 cultural heritage 34, 47-8, 55, 97, 100, 125-6, 129, 141, 153, 164, 206, 225, 285-6, 293-4, 297-300, 304-6, 311-12, 314, 317, 339, 341, 344, 395-6, 399, 410, 415, 456, 461, 462, 500 culture 23-4, 30-1, 34-5, 48, 55, 87, 91, 95, 97-8, 109-10, 112, 115-16, 119, 127, 130, 134, 179, 185, 195, 197, 204, 223-4, 227, 230, 233, 236-8, 242, 245, 247,

510

Index

267, 270, 276-7, 285-6, 294, 299-306, 312, 315, 320-1, 336, 339, 341, 343, 344, 347, 358, 373-8, 380, 383, 386, 390-2, 395, 400, 408, 415, 421, 424, 428, 437-8, 443-4, 455, 484, 490, 493-5 cymbal 35, 37-8, 90, 135, 226, 324, 326, 328-9 dance 23, 25-35, 41, 52, 55-60, 63-76, 80-5, 88-95, 97-105, 109-17, 119-21, 123, 125-38, 179, 199, 224, 226-7, 230, 256, 262-3, 267-70, 272, 277, 281, 285, 288-91, 297, 300-1, 304, 315, 321, 327, 329, 386, 399-401, 408-10, 417-18, 425 dance therapy 85 dance-drama 68-9, 71-4, 115-16 digitalization 155-7, 163-4, 307 Diva R"asa 80, 90, 100, 102-4, 138 dolmen 461, 465, 473, 477, 484-5 dormitory 312, 327, 329, 334, 404-6, 447-52, 496 drama 28, 31, 34, 64-76, 113, 115-17, 127, 190, 285, 507 dress 59, 73, 81, 105, 130-2, 137, 157, 161-2, 241-2, 301, 315, 352, 370, 384-5, 399, 465, 493-8, 500 entomophagous 193 entomophagy 193 eromba 199 Eta Thaomei 358 ethnochoreology 87 ethnographic 194, 277, 312, 342, 347, 374, 456 ethno-medicine 193, 201-2, 205-6 feijom 226 flexibility 82, 85, 348 folk song 262, 301, 311-13, 319-22,

331, 335-6, 387, 401, 450, 452, 493 folk tales 340-2, 344, 347-9, 450, 452 folklore 180, 311, 316-17, 320, 341, 347-8, 428, 493 food 90, 100, 132, 186, 193, 195, 203-5, 209-11, 214-15, 217-21, 223-5, 230-4, 236-42, 244-5, 247-51, 253-63, 326, 352, 356, 371, 380, 384, 403-4, 436-41, 443; preparation 209, 210 funga-wari 341, 342 Gaan-Ngai 276, 277, 326, 400, 403, 406 gender 85, 383, 385, 447, 448, 450, 452, 453 Gin-Ngai 276 gopibhava 81 gopis 56-58, 60, 81, 102, 104, 105, 135, 137-8 Govindaji 38, 91, 121, 224, 227, 233, 238; Temple 33, 38, 56, 57, 79, 103-5, 135-6 Hakchang Saba 289 handicraft 300, 302, 450, 493, 495 handloom 300, 302, 493-95 Hao-laa 311-17 Haraka 382 Haraoba 59, 87-9, 92-3, 97-100, 111-12, 128-34, 179-80, 226, 267-72, 285-7, 292-4, 297-9, 301-4, 342, 426, 506 Harisheshwari 110, 111 hatuti 42-4 hawaijar 224 healing 81-5, 202, 204, 436 heibung 243 heikru 243 heritage 11, 12, 14-19, 47-8, 53, 55, 97, 100, 125-6, 144, 152, 155-64, 168, 179, 193-4, 206, 223, 228, 233, 235-6, 245,

Index 247-8, 285-6, 293-4, 299-300, 305-6, 311-12, 314, 317, 336, 339, 341, 344, 395-6, 399, 402, 410, 415, 417-18, 422, 447-8, 453, 455-6, 462, 485, 500 Hindu mythology 25, 26, 227 Hinduism 15, 34-5, 127, 223-4, 227, 233, 236-8, 241, 293, 367, 386, 388-9 Hiyangei 79, 169, 227 Hoi Laoba 88, 98, 100, 268, 287, 289 Houdong Lamboiba 356 inscription 16, 125, 167-75, 415 insect eating 16, 193-5 insects 16, 143, 145, 150-52, 193-201, 210, 404 intangible cultural 12, 47-8, 125-6, 286, 239, 395, 399 Intangible Cultural Heritage 12, 47-8, 125-6, 286, 395, 399 intangible heritage 17, 19, 53, 142, 410 iromba 233, 242, 244 Jagannath Temple 225 jhum cultivation 313, 493 Kabui 15, 162, 170, 237, 277, 280, 319-22, 331, 335-6, 342, 396-7, 407, 418; folk songs 319, 321-2, 331, 335-6 kachcha 225 Kakching 88-9, 98-9, 131, 133, 159, 162-3, 170, 176, 196, 344, 505; Haraoba 88, 98, 131, 133 kang 15, 37, 38, 223, 225-8, 230-4; Haraoba 88-9, 98-9, 287 Kanglei-Thokpa 99-100, 287, 292 kangsi 226 Kathakali 68-9, 72, 74-6, 113, 115 keithel 18, 487-9 khagi leihao 230

511

Khamba 27, 29, 30, 131, 159, 189-90, 418, 424 Khamba Kao Faba 30 Khamba-Thoibi 28, 29, 30, 131, 159, 189, 190, 418 khamen chatpa 131, 226 khamenchatpa feijom 226 Khangkhui 415 khantoke 235 khechri 231-3 khong kangjei 297 Khongjomnubi Nongarol 182 Khongjom-Parva 91 khubak eesie 15, 227, 230, 233 Khubak-Eshei 91 khudeng 358 Khwairamban Bazar 489-90 kirtan 34-40, 42, 93, 125, 134 Kiskindhya Kanda 187 Koireng 14, 275, 278, 461-2 Kom 16, 193, 196-205, 278-9, 494 Konthoujam Lairemma 16, 167, 169, 171-2, 174-5 kortan 226 Koubru 98-9, 271, 287 Kunja Raas 35, 56, 79, 90, 100, 102, 104, 135, 138 Lai Haraoba 13-14, 59, 87-9, 92-4, 97-100, 111-12, 128-34, 179-80, 226, 267-72, 285-7, 292-4, 297-9, 301-4, 342, 426, 506 Lai Hoi Laoba 88, 98, 268, 287, 289 Laibou 14, 98, 100, 132, 267-8, 270, 289, 291-2 Laibou Chongba 98, 132 Laibou or Laipou 289 laihourol 288 Lainingthou Sanamahi 80, 489 Laipao Chenba 132, 288 Lairik Taaba 343 Lairoi 100, 101, 131, 133, 287, 292 lairuk 238-9, 241, 246 Lai-yakaiba 288

512

Index

Lallup 146 lamjel 98, 287, 298 Lava-Kusha 29, 31 Leihou Maiba Jagoi 129 Leima Jagoi 29 Leimarel 108-81, 270-1, 369, 371 leirang puja 239 Leisemba 29, 88, 287 Liangmai 279, 381, 386, 462, 465, 469, 483, 485 Libraries 145, 155, 156-61, 163-4, 301, 311 lifestyle 82-3, 128, 131 literary 15-16, 155-64, 168, 171, 179, 183, 189, 190, 298 literature 23, 87, 93, 158, 179-90, 194, 267-8, 300-2, 304, 311, 342-3, 418-20, 422, 428, 450, 495 loisangs 91, 188 Longkhol 290 Longshim 17, 447-50, 452-4 longva 448, 451 loo 199 Loukhao Jagoi 28 Lui-Ngai-Ni 275, 280-1 Luira 276, 313, 315 luk 188, 235, 238 lukhak 225 Madhabi 189, 190 maiba 89, 93, 97, 129, 201, 271, 286, 287-9, 292, 368-70, 418 Maiba Loishang 89, 93 Maibi Loishang 89, 94 Maibis 13, 89, 94, 97, 130, 132, 201, 270, 286-92 mairen thongba 242 makok famba 225 mandop 90, 230, 238, 240-1, 417 Mangal pareng 230-1 mangaluti 231 Manipuri 11-14, 24, 26, 29, 31, 33-6, 38-40, 42, 45-6, 47, 49-52, 55-6, 59-60, 63-9, 71-6, 87-8,

90-5, 97-8, 100-2, 109-13, 115-17, 119-26, 127-8, 134-7, 142, 144-5, 169-70, 174, 176, 179-83, 185-90, 201, 210, 214, 243-4, 275, 297, 299, 304, 342, 367, 419, 423, 487, 490, 506; Classical Dance 125; Dance 13, 29, 31, 55, 63-7, 71, 73, 75-86, 87, 97, 98, 100, 109, 112-13, 116-17, 127-8, 134-7, 297; diasporas 13, 109-10; society 46, 52, 119, 179, 423 manuscript 16, 33, 39, 98, 141-53, 155-7, 159, 161-2, 164, 168, 174, 176, 228, 236, 243, 271, 302, 415-16, 428 Mao Maram 276-9, 469, 483 Mapu Ningba Tenawa 354 Maram 276-9, 469-70, 483-5 Maroi nakupi 231-2, 243 Mathura Viroh 187 megalithic 18, 455-6, 461, 469-71, 481, 483-5 Meitei(s) 11, 14-16, 33-5, 49, 53, 59, 79, 88, 97-8, 123, 127-31, 133-4, 149, 151, 169-71, 176, 181, 184, 187-90, 196-200, 202-5, 223-5, 227-8, 230, 232-3, 235-45, 267-8, 271-2, 277, 286-7, 293-4, 297-300, 305-6, 339, 341-4, 347-9, 353-4, 358-60, 367, 386, 388, 415-16, 428, 494 meiteiche 149 Meiteillon 127 menhir 456-7, 459, 460-2, 466, 467-8, 470-2, 474-5, 481, 483, 485 Moirang Haraoba 88, 98-9 Moirang-Parva 91 monolithic 475 mridanga 34-5, 37-9, 56, 59, 102, 134 mukna 98, 131, 287, 297 museum 14, 158-9, 162-3, 176, 302-3, 417

Index music 161, 270, 285-6, 289, 293, 297, 300-2, 343, 399, 420, 428, 493 Naga 14-15, 28, 30-1, 111, 275-81, 311-17, 320, 375, 378, 381, 387, 396, 433, 490, 493; dance 28, 30 Naosum 292 Naothingkhong Phamgaba 183 Nata Sankirtana 14, 55, 80, 89-90, 93, 100, 101, 119-26, 134, 418, 423 Nataraj 27, 31, 65, 114 Neolithic 455 Ngafa Jagoi 28 ngari 224, 250, 252, 357 Ningthoural Lambuba 181 Nitya Rasa 35, 56, 59, 80, 90, 100, 102, 116, 136, 138 Nongban 131, 418 Nongda Lairen Pakhangba 129, 167 Nongoubi 359-60 Nongta Lairen Pakhangba 33 Numit Kappa 180, 181 nupa palla 13, 56, 101-2, 104, 129, 135, 227, 230 nupee palas 111 Nupi Pala 50, 227, 230 Ooti 242, 244, 252 oral tradition 15, 110, 183, 201, 206, 236, 285, 312, 315, 336, 339-44, 348, 375, 399, 436, 450, 452, 487, 495 oriental dance 13, 23, 25-6, 28-9, 31 Ougri 129, 132-3, 287, 293 Ougri Esei 132 paana 239 painting heritage 18, 415 paintings 18, 25, 415, 420, 422-5 pakoura 232 pamlou 248-9 Pandit Loishang 88-9, 91, 93, 160

513

Panthoibi 130, 186, 270-2, 287, 290 Panthoibi Khongul 272, 287 pebet 342, 356-8 Pena Loishang 89, 94 Pena Phamshak 91 Phibul Ahabi 291 Phisarol 290 phou pareng 230-1 Phouoibi Waron 186 phungga wari 348 pit burials 472 Poireiton Khunthok 181, 243 Poireiton Khunthokpa 29, 180 Pombi Luwaoba 183 potpham 488 Poumai 276-9, 474-5, 480, 485 preservation 15-16, 19, 141-2, 147, 148-9, 152-3, 155-8, 163-4, 209, 254-5, 294, 300-1, 303-4, 306, 421 Proverbs 342-3, 347 puja 37, 65-6, 80, 81, 113, 119, 231, 238-9, 241, 244, 386 pumjat 226 pung 13, 30, 33-5, 40, 56, 59, 90, 93-4, 100, 102, 121, 125, 129, 134-5, 226, 230, 288-9 pung cholom 13, 100, 125, 129, 134-6 Puya-Mei Thaba 168 puyas 168, 187, 228, 416 R"asa L∂la/ Raas Leela/Ras Leela/Ras Lila/Rasa Leela/Rasa Lila 13, 35, 36, 49, 55, 60, 79, 80, 81, 83. 84, 87, 89-91, 93-4, 100-5, 109-11, 125, 128-9, 135-8, 297, 417, 424 Rabindranath 13, 63-5, 67-72, 74-6, 92, 109, 112-13, 116 Ramandi 34, 122, 187 Ramting Kabin 320, 381, 385 Raseshori Pala 47-52 Rashewori 47-52 Rath Yatra 37-8, 224-6, 230, 233

514

Index

relaxation 82 Rongmei 17, 276, 279-80, 319, 335-6, 381, 383-4, 386, 395-403, 405, 407, 409-10 roti 250 sagol kangjei 297 sagolhawai 232, 240, 244 Sanamahi 80, 180-1, 187, 204, 268, 271, 388-9, 489 Sanamahi Laikan 187 Sanarembi Chaisra 349, 351, 354 Sankirtana 12, 14, 34-5, 47-52, 55, 59, 80, 87, 89-90, 93-4, 101-2, 119-26, 128, 134, 226, 230, 233, 286, 397, 417-18, 423 Santiniketan 13, 63-7, 70, 73-6, 92, 109, 112-13, 115-17, 420, 425 saroi ngaroi 359 sekpin 227-8 sembung 226 Shija Laioibi 49-50, 52, 101 Shongbu 415 shouting stone 478 Simte 17, 433, 435-9, 442-3 soibum 224 Solo Dance 13, 87, 92-5 song 12, 14-15, 25, 28, 32, 35, 38, 41, 50-1, 56-60, 63-70, 72-5, 88, 93, 102-4, 115-17, 119-21, 123-4, 126, 129, 131-4, 136, 190, 227, 230, 262, 267-8, 270, 281, 285-8, 290-3, 301, 311-16, 319-31, 333-6, 340, 374, 380, 384, 387, 396, 399-401, 405-9, 450, 452, 493 spiritual 13, 16, 36, 80, 82-5, 114, 120, 130, 136-7, 179-81, 271, 245, 268-9, 293, 299-300, 302, 311, 343, 402, 416-17 stone 16, 18, 89, 161-2, 167-72, 174-5, 184, 262, 356, 404, 415, 450, 455-6, 558-61, 463-8,

470, 472-6, 478-9, 481, 483-5, 488-9 Suktani 243-4 tangible 14, 16, 19, 47-8, 142, 235, 285-6, 293, 302, 307, 311, 395, 417 Tangkhul 15, 17, 133, 196-9, 202-4, 206, 276-81, 293, 311-17, 447-8, 480-1, 483 tannga 242 Tarpan Katpa 18, 365-71 tawmngaihna 17, 433-6, 438-44 tengna 149 Thabal Chongba 128-9 thakkhan 228-9 thamna 232 Thangjing 99, 131, 159, 232, 243 thang-ta 297-8 Tharon 185-6, 415 Thawanmichak Khenjonglon 185 theatre 12, 29, 31, 64-5, 70-1, 73, 76, 81, 91-2, 267, 297, 420 therapeutic 13, 79, 82-3, 85, 366 Thougal Jagoi 100, 289 Tibeto-Burman 319, 382 tilak 229 Tingkao Ragwang Chapriak 382-3, 383, 386-7, 389, 397, 401, 404-5, 407-8 traditional dress 18-19, 132, 493-8, 500 Ukal 303 Umang Lai Haraoba 267, 297 Umanglai 14, 98, 297-306 UNESCO 12, 47-8, 125-6, 285-6, 297, 300, 311, 399 utsop 236, 238-41, 244 Vaiphei 16-17, 209-11, 214, 219-21, 247-57, 259-62, 433; food 210 Vaishnavism 14, 34, 47, 49, 52, 55, 89, 94, 135, 176, 181, 418, 428

Index

515

Waiyu 253 Wakol 100, 269, 292 wari-leeba 343

Yumsarol 290 Yupan Thaba 370 Yuting 254

yoga 83 yongchak 243 Yukha 254 Yumjao 100, 151, 180, 287, 291-2

Zeliangrong 18, 276-8, 280, 373-4, 380-92, 402 Zeme 276, 279-82, 386 Zemei 280