Intangible Cultural Heritage and Sustainable Development: The Valorisation of Heritage Practices (Heritage Studies) 3030799379, 9783030799373

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Heritage Studies

Marlen Meissner

Intangible Cultural Heritage and Sustainable Development The Valorisation of Heritage Practices

Heritage Studies Series Editor Marie-Theres Albert, Internationale Akademie Berlin für innovative Pädagogik, Psychologie und Ökonomie gGmbH (INA), Institut Heritage Studies (IHS), Berlin, Germany Editorial Board Verena Aebischer, University Paris Ouest Nanterre la Défense, Nanterre Cedex, France Christina Cameron, University of Montreal, Montreal, QC, Canada Claire Cave, University College Dublin, Dublin, Ireland Magdalena Droste, Brandenburg University of Technology Cottbus-Senftenberg, Cottbus, Germany Jennifer Harris, Curtin University, Perth, Australia Ana Pereira Roders, Delft University of Technology, DELFT, Zuid-Holland, The Netherlands Birgitta Ringbeck, Federal Foreign Office of Germany, Berlin, Germany Caroline Y. Robertson-von Trotha, Karlsruher Institut für Technologie, Karlsruhe, Baden-Württemberg, Germany Sabine von Schorlemer, Technische Universität Dresden, Dresden, Sachsen, Germany Helaine Silverman, Anthropology Department, University of Illinois at Urbana Champaign, Champaign, IL, USA Jutta Ströter-Bender, University of Paderborn, Paderborn, Germany

The idea to publish this scientific series emerged as a result of the transformation process of heritage from a cultural and natural asset that provides history and identity to a commodity with economic interests. Its contextual framework is provided by the UNESCO Convention Concerning the Protection of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage (1972), the UNESCO Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage (2003) and the UNESCO Memory of the World Programme. The research focus of the series is the wide range of applications and constructions of heritage associated with the above-named standard-setting instruments and their corresponding perceptions and paradigms. The reason for this is the fact that despite – or perhaps because of – these standard-setting instruments on the protection of heritage, there is an enormous variety in the understandings of what heritage is, could be or should be. Different interpretations of heritage are evident in diverse structures and perceptions, from material to immaterial, from static to dynamic or even from individual to social or cultural. These interpretations were expressed in paradigms formulated in very different ways, e.g. saying that heritage has an inherent cultural value or ascribing importance for sustainable human development to heritage. Diverse perceptions of heritage are associated with conservation and use concepts as well as with their underlying disciplines, including inter- and transdisciplinary networks. Regionally and internationally, theoretically and practically, individually and institutionally, the epistemological process of understanding heritage still finds itself in its infancy. Insofar the new series Heritage Studies is overdue. The series aims to motivate experienced and young scholars to conduct research systematically in the broad field of Heritage Studies and to make the results of research available to the national and international, theoretically- and practically-­ oriented, disciplinarily and interdisciplinarily established heritage community. The series is structured according to the key UNESCO conventions and programmes for heritage into three sections focusing on: World Heritage, Intangible Cultural Heritage and Memory of the World. Although the conventions and programmes for heritage provide a framework, the series distinguishes itself through its attempt to depart from the UNESCO-related political and institutional context, which dominates the heritage discourse today, and to place the theme of heritage in a scientific context so as to give it a sound and rigorous scientific base. To this end, each of the three main sections addresses four dimensions of the heritage discourse broadly framed as Theory and Methods, Paradigms, History and Documents, and Case Studies. More information about this series at http://www.springer.com/series/15419

Marlen Meissner

Intangible Cultural Heritage and Sustainable Development The Valorisation of Heritage Practices

Marlen Meissner Brandenburg University of Technology Cottbus-Senftenberg Cottbus, Germany

Heritage Studies ISBN 978-3-030-79937-3    ISBN 978-3-030-79938-0 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-79938-0 © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors, and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. This Springer imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Switzerland AG The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland

To my grandfather

Preface

The idea for this research was brought to life in connection with the international project Cultural Capital Counts, which involved ten partners from six different European countries. The project initially introduced me to the topic of intangible cultural heritage and changed my perspective on the meaning of cultural practices in everyday human life. Encountering the wealth and beauty of intangible cultural heritage in different national, regional, and local contexts was a key experience that endowed me with the enthusiasm to keep going until this work’s completion. In these respects, I am sincerely thankful to Marie-Theres Albert who gave me the opportunity to work in such an open-minded and international environment, and who continuously supported my academic advancement. Without her, I probably would have never developed my extensive interest in Heritage Studies, which made this research possible. Moreover, she introduced me to Christoph Wulf, thanks to whom I witnessed state-of-the-art discussions on anthropology, pedagogy, and sociology, which widened my research focus and further consolidated my interest in Bourdieu’s works. I altogether owe a great deal of gratitude to both Marie-Theres Albert and Christoph Wulf for investing their time, knowledge, and experience in me. Moreover, I want to thank Anca Claudia Prodan for advising me with her wide-­ ranging expertise, for introducing me to the twists and turns of academia, and above all for being a sincerely true friend. Regarding the accomplishment of the case study, I am indebted to my diligent interviewers Iris Hettwer, Vivienne Hummel, Christian Rasemann, Jasmin Schadock, Anna Thieme, and Lisa-Maria Zacher, as well as the representatives of the Sänger- und Kaufmannsmuseum Finsterwalde, the Touristinformation Finsterwalde, and Comeback Elbe-Elster for supporting the survey.

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I want to dedicate this work to my grandfather who witnessed the first Finsterwalder Sängerfest and whose heart stopped beating while I was holding a presentation about it at the University of Cambridge. Unfortunately, we were not able to celebrate the completion of this work over a glass of wine, as he had always suggested. His steady and warm-hearted interest in my personal development has helped me to become the person I am today. Cottbus, Germany  Marlen Meissner

Keywords

Intangible cultural heritage • Sustainable development • Pierre Bourdieu • Cultural capital • UNESCO • Cultural identity • Tacit knowledge • Mimetic processes • Music heritage • Heritage valorisation

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About This Book

Against the background of UNESCO’s Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage (2003), this book conceptualises the potentials of intangible cultural heritage (ICH) for sustainable development with Pierre Bourdieu’s ‘Theory of Practice’. As the 2003 Convention normatively implies, ICH is considered to be a ‘driver’ and an ‘enabler’ of development, relating to the paradigms of sustainable development and human development. In this sense, ICH is understood to contribute to ‘growth-based’ sustainable development, for example, in the form of cultural industries or tourism, as well as human development through identity building and creative human expression. In this work, these two developmental potentials of ICH are systemised within one methodological framework in order to facilitate their active valorisation within and beyond the scope of the 2003 Convention. The identity-building effects of ICH practices are approached with Bourdieu’s habitus concept, and his concept of capital is applied to analyse the potentials of ICH to generate social and economic profits. On the one hand, the habitus concept allows for theorisation of identity formation based on the transmission of ICH practices that involve mimetic processes whereby norms, values, and power relations are passed from one generation to the next. On the other hand, the conceptualisation of ICH as cultural capital, which manifests in incorporated, objectified, and institutionalised states, offers the possibility to understand the conversion of cultural capital into social and economic capital as central mechanisms conditioning ICH’s potential for ‘growth-based’ development. The investigation of ICH-based development by means of the ‘Theory of Practice’ is complemented with a case study on the Finsterwalder Sängerfest, a German folk festival originating from a choral singing tradition. As a synoptic outcome of the theoretical and the empirical analyses, a model of ICH valorisation is suggested, intending to support an active stimulation of heritage-related, sustainable, and human development. The case study builds on a non-listed form of ICH and exemplifies how the 2003 Convention’s objectives may be achieved through

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About This Book

other means than listing. Thus, the model of ICH valorisation aims to encourage heritage communities to utilise the developmental potentials of ICH, irrespective of their relation to UNESCO. In this sense, this work deems to support one of the 2003 Convention’s main aims, namely, to consolidate ICH communities’ sovereignty over their own heritage.

Contents

1 Introduction����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������    1 References��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������   11 2 The 2003 Convention in the Context of Sustainable Development ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������   13 2.1 Off to New Shores: From Tangible to Intangible and Sustainable ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������   14 2.2 Intangible Cultural Heritage and Sustainable Development: Retracing a Vague Relationship��������������������������������������������������������   22 2.3 Sustainable Development in the ‘Operational Directives for the Implementation of the Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage’��������������������������������������������������   30 2.3.1 Intangible Cultural Heritage and Social Sustainability��������   32 2.3.2 Intangible Cultural Heritage and Economic Sustainability������������������������������������������������������������������������   33 2.3.3 Intangible Cultural Heritage and Environmental Sustainability������������������������������������������������������������������������   35 2.3.4 Intangible Cultural Heritage and Peacebuilding ������������������   36 2.3.5 Heritage Practices and Development: State of the Art����������   37 References��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������   43 3 Pierre Bourdieu’s ‘Theory of Practice’��������������������������������������������������   51 3.1 Bourdieu’s ‘Theory of Practice’: Background and Application ������   52 3.1.1 ‘Subjectivist’ Influences��������������������������������������������������������   52 3.1.2 ‘Objectivist’ Influences ��������������������������������������������������������   54 3.1.3 Overcoming the Opposition Between ‘Subjectivism’ and ‘Objectivism’������������������������������������������������������������������   57 3.2 Bourdieu’s Concept of the Habitus ��������������������������������������������������   58 3.2.1 The Historicity and the Hysteresis of the Habitus����������������   59 3.2.2 Unconscious Incorporation of the Habitus ��������������������������   62 3.2.3 Class Versus Field ����������������������������������������������������������������   65 3.2.4 Cultural Practices as Mirrors of Social Structures����������������   68 xiii

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Contents

3.3 The Forms of Capital������������������������������������������������������������������������   70 3.3.1 Economic Capital������������������������������������������������������������������   73 3.3.2 Social Capital������������������������������������������������������������������������   74 3.3.3 Cultural Capital��������������������������������������������������������������������   76 3.3.4 Symbolic Capital������������������������������������������������������������������   83 3.3.5 Capital Conversions��������������������������������������������������������������   84 3.4 Contemporary Reception and Criticism��������������������������������������������   85 References��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������   91 4 Intangible Cultural Heritage in the Light of Bourdieu’s ‘Theory of Practice’ ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������   97 4.1 Case Study: The Finsterwalder Sängerfest��������������������������������������   98 4.1.1 History of the Finsterwalder Sängerfest ������������������������������   98 4.1.2 The Finsterwalder Sängerfest 2016��������������������������������������  101 4.1.3 Contents of the Questionnaire����������������������������������������������  103 4.1.4 Results of the Questionnaire and Procession of Data ����������  105 4.2 Intangible Cultural Heritage as Cultural Capital������������������������������  127 4.2.1 Intangible Cultural Heritage as Incorporated Cultural Capital��������������������������������������������������������������������  129 4.2.2 Intangible Cultural Heritage as Objectified Cultural Capital ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������  132 4.2.3 Intangible Cultural Heritage as Institutionalised Cultural Capital��������������������������������������������������������������������  137 References��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������  141 5 The Valorisation of Intangible Cultural Heritage��������������������������������  145 5.1 ‘Enabling’ Development: The Practice of ICH and the Formation of the Habitus������������������������������������������������������������������  147 5.2 ‘Driving’ Development: The Practice of ICH and Conversions of Capital ��������������������������������������������������������������  157 5.2.1 The ‘Conversion’ of ICH Practices into ‘Social Capital’ ��������������������������������������������������������������������  158 5.2.2 The ‘Conversion’ of ICH Practices into ‘Economic Capital’ ��������������������������������������������������������������  161 5.3 Model of ICH Valorisation����������������������������������������������������������������  165 References��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������  171 6 Conclusion������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������  173 Reference ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������  179

About the Author

Marlen  Meissner  is a cultural scientist and music pedagogue with a PhD in Heritage Studies. In 2011, she started to work in international  heritage research projects and continuously focused  on intangible cultural heritage. For several years,  she was a member of the federal jury of Brandenburg for the selection of applications for the German UNESCO  inventory of intangible cultural heritage. Since 2021, she is head of the department ‘Heritage, Nature, Society’ at German Commission for UNESCO and part of the German expert committee on intangible cultural heritage.

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Abbreviations

CCC GDR ICH IOS ODs SDGs UCLG UN UNDP UNCED UNESCO WCCD WCED WIPO

Cultural Capital Counts German Democratic Republic Intangible Cultural Heritage Internal Observation Service (UNESCO) Operational Directives Sustainable Development Goals (UN) United Cities and Local Governments United Nations United Nations Development Programme United Nations Conference on Environment and Development United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation World Commission for Culture and Development (UN) World Commission on Environment and Development (UN) World Intellectual Property Organisation

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List of Figures

Fig. 4.1

Caricature of the Finsterwalder Sänger in the form of a postcard (around 1900) (with courtesy of University of Osnabrück, custodian [Trinks & Co.], Date Stamp 1932).......... 99 Fig. 4.2 The contemporary Finsterwalder Sänger in costumes (© Lehmann, Heike; with courtesy)................................................ 100 Fig. 4.3 Traditional tapping of the Sängerfestbier barrel with the premier minister of the federal state of Brandenburg and the head of the district authority during the opening ceremony (© Metal, Udo; with courtesy)........................................ 102 Fig. 4.4 Visitors of opening ceremony in front of the main stage at the market place in Finsterwalde (© Lehmann, Heike; with courtesy).................................................................................. 103 Fig. 4.5 Age distribution............................................................................... 106 Fig. 4.6 Place of birth.................................................................................... 106 Fig. 4.7 Place of residency............................................................................ 107 Fig. 4.8 Form of school graduation............................................................... 107 Fig. 4.9 Highest qualifications of the interviewees....................................... 108 Fig. 4.10 Importance of choral singing for participating in the Finsterwalder Sängerfest....................................................... 108 Fig. 4.11 Importance of the performances of regional bands for participating in the Finsterwalder Sängerfest............................ 109 Fig. 4.12 Importance of performances of supraregional (national and international) bands as a reason for participating in the Finsterwalder Sängerfest....................................................... 109 Fig. 4.13 Importance of other cultural activities (e.g. exhibitions, dance groups, children’s programmes) for participating in the Finsterwalder Sängerfest....................................................... 110 Fig. 4.14 Importance of meeting family and friends whom the interviewees rarely see as a reason for participating in the Finsterwalder Sängerfest....................................................... 110

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Fig. 4.15 Importance of meeting families and friends whom the interviewees regularly see as a reason for participating in the Finsterwalder Sängerfest....................................................... 111 Fig. 4.16 Importance of keeping the tradition alive as a reason for participating in the Finsterwalder Sängerfest............................ 111 Fig. 4.17 Importance of enjoying the general atmosphere or spirit of the festival as a reason for participating in the Finsterwalder Sängerfest................................................................. 112 Fig. 4.18 Importance of eating and drinking as a reason for participating in the Finsterwalder Sängerfest............................ 112 Fig. 4.19 Overview of importance of reasons for participating in the Finsterwalder Sängerfest (indicated by the number of mentions as ‘very important’, ‘important’ and ‘rather important’)....................................................................................... 113 Fig. 4.20 Percentage of interviewees answering the knowledge questions about the Finsterwalder Sängerlied correctly................. 113 Fig. 4.21 Answers hinting at the identification of the interviewees with the Finsterwalder Sängerfest................................................... 114 Fig. 4.22 Mentioned Sänger products, services, associations, or other (by number of mentions).................................................... 114 Fig. 4.23 Places where the interviews were conducted.................................. 115 Fig. 4.24 Total Variance showing four factors higher than 1.......................... 117 Fig. 4.25 Rotated component matrix showing four relevant factor loadings................................................................................. 118 Fig. 4.26 Characteristics of interviewees with a ‘social motivation’ to visit the Finsterwalder Sängerfest (dotted red lines indicate the average values of the overall sample)........................................ 119 Fig. 4.27 Characteristics of interviewees with a ‘traditional musical motivation’ to visit the Finsterwalder Sängerfest (dotted red lines indicate the average values of the overall sample).................. 120 Fig. 4.28 Characteristics of interviewees with a ‘contemporary musical’ motivation to visit the Finsterwalder Sängerfest (dotted red lines represent the average values of the overall sample)................................................................................ 121 Fig. 4.29 Characteristics of interviewees with a ‘sensation oriented’ motivation to visit the Finsterwalder Sängerfest (dotted red lines represent the average values of the overall sample)................ 123 Fig. 4.30 Level of knowledge about the tradition by motivation according to mean values................................................................ 124 Fig. 4.31 Degree of identification by motivation according to mean values................................................................................. 125 Fig. 4.32 Visualisation of the places of the interviews on the festival’s city map (graphic by author)........................................................... 127

List of Figures

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Fig. 4.33 Visualisation of the places of the interviews according to the motivations of the interviewees on the festival’s city map (graphic by author)........................................................... 128 Fig. 4.34 Old and young ‘Finsterwalder Sänger’ during the opening ceremony of the Finsterwalder Sängerfest (© Seidel, Dietmar; with courtesy).................................................................................. 132 Fig. 4.35 City gates exclusively built for the Finsterwalder Sängerfest (©Lehmann, Heike, with courtesy)................................................. 134 Fig. 4.36 Finsterwalder Stimmenöl (photo by author).................................... 135 Fig. 4.37 Sängerfestbrot (photo by author)..................................................... 136 Fig. 4.38 Knowledge of Sänger products according to the level of knowledge about the origins of the Sängerlied........................... 136 Fig. 4.39 Town Sign of Finsterwalde with a reference to the Sänger tradition (photo by author)........................................ 140 Fig. 4.40 Official logo of the town of Finsterwalde (photo by author)........... 140 Fig. 4.41 Entrance portal of local grammar school named after the tradition (photo by author)................................................ 140 Fig. 5.1 Fig. 5.2

Fig. 5.3

Fig. 5.4

Fig. 5.5 Fig. 5.6

Fig. 5.7 Fig. 5.8 Fig. 5.9

Activities offered where interviewees with a ‘traditional musical’ motivation had stayed during the interview. (collage by author, © Metal, Udo; with courtesy)........................... 153 Activities offered where interviewees with a ‘contemporary musical’ motivation had stayed during the interview. (Collage by author, copyright clockwise from upper left: author; Metal, Udo; Ibid; Ibid.; author; with courtesy)................... 153 Activities offered where interviewees with a ‘social’ motivation had stayed during the interview. (Collage by author, copyright clockwise from upper left: Comeback Elbe-Elster; Ibid.; Ibid; Metal, Udo; Ibid.; with courtesy of Comeback Elbe-Elster and Udo Metal)...................................... 154 Activities offered where interviewees with a ‘sensation oriented’ motivation had stayed during the interview. (Collage by author, copyright clockwise from upper left: Metal, Udo, Ibid.; author; Metal, Udo; with courtesy).................... 155 Sängerlieddenkmal in Finsterwalde. (Photo by author).................. 159 Logo of the Sängerstadtregion uniting Finsterwalde with the towns Sonnewalde and Doberlug-Kirchhain, as well as with the municipalities Elsterland and Kleine Elster as inheritors of the Sänger tradition (© Sängerstadtregion; with courtesy).............................................. 160 0-Euro-Schein sold at the Finsterwalder Sängerfest in 2018 (© Finsterwalder Sängerfest e.V., with courtesy)............................ 162 Willingness to buy Sänger products according to the level of knowledge about the origins of the Sängerlied........................... 163 Model of ICH valorisation. (Author’s illustration).......................... 165

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List of Figures

Fig. 5.10 Nucleus of the valorisation model exemplified with Finsterwalder Sängerlied. (Author’s illustration)................... 166 Fig. 5.11 Means of ICH objectification and institutionalisation. (Author’s illustration)...................................................................... 167 Fig. 5.12 Capital conversions conditioning the potential of ICH as a ‘driver’ of development. (Author’s illustration)....................... 168 Fig. 5.13 Model of ICH valorisation............................................................... 170

Chapter 1

Introduction

Abstract  This chapter provides an introduction into this work’s objectives and outline, its methodology as well as to the underlying theoretical and political paradigms. Departing from the concept of intangible cultural heritage (ICH) and the developmental implications of UNESCO’s 2003 Convention, this work aims at providing a systematic understanding of ICH as ‘driver’ and the ‘enabler’ of development within one methodological framework. This aim is approached by deploying three specific objectives. The first objective is to conceptualise the identity-building effects that are repeatedly attributed to ICH practices in order to study the mechanisms conditioning the potential of ICH as an ‘enabler’ of development. The second objective is to theorise the function of ICH as a ‘driver’ of development, taking into account its capacity to generate social and economic profits. The third objective is to examine both the ‘driving’ and the ‘enabling’ developmental potential of ICH on a practical level with the help of a case study. Consequently, this work results in a methodological framework in the form of a model of ICH valorisation, intending to guide and encourage local strategic action in the field of heritage-based development. Keywords  Intangible cultural heritage · 2003 convention · UNESCO · Sustainable development, cultural capital · Pierre Bourdieu The Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage (henceforth 2003 Convention) is one of the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation’s (UNESCO) most successful and popular legal instruments. The Convention is dedicated to the safeguarding of heritage practices on regional, national, and international levels, to the raising of global awareness on their importance for humankind, and to the promotion of international cooperation in these respects. After its adoption in 2003, the Convention faced an unusually high ratification rate among UNESCO’s member states. Today, 1801 States Parties have ratified the 2003 Convention. On the one hand, its success is regarded as a result of the long

 As of March 2021.

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© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 M. Meissner, Intangible Cultural Heritage and Sustainable Development, Heritage Studies, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-79938-0_1

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lasting popularity of the Convention Concerning the Protection of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage (henceforth World Heritage Convention), which already paved the way for the international acceptance of UNESCO’s cultural conventions (UNESCO, 2013, pp. 27–28). On the other hand, the 2003 Convention introduced several innovative concepts that significantly altered the international heritage discourse in at least five aspects. First, the evolution of the concept of intangible cultural heritage (ICH) itself is mainly credited to the 2003 Convention (UNESCO, 2013, p. 5). The phrase was coined while drafting the Convention in order to replace the previously used term “folklore” with a more inclusive and less “demeaning” definition of heritage practices,2 as recommended in the final report of the Washington International Conference in 1999 (UNESCO, 2009, p.  10). Second, the ICH concept mirrors UNESCO’s paradigmatic shift from ‘material’ to ‘processual’ understandings of culture, which transpired in the aftermath of the World Conference on Cultural Policies in Mexico City during the 1980s and 1990s (cf. Sect. 2.1). Culture was, from then onwards, understood as a “mode of life” (UNESCO, 1982, Preamble), which led to an altered definition of cultural heritage.3 This definition included “both tangible and intangible works through which creativity of people finds expression” (UNESCO, 2013, p.  12). Third, the revised concept of culture entailed an inclusion of anthropological and sociological approaches into UNESCO’s heritage discourse, resulting in a strong focus on the identity-building effects of heritage practices and the active role of communities, who are understood as the owners and advocates of their cultural heritage. Fourth, as ICH is defined as something living and evolving in the 2003 Convention, the recommended safeguarding measures consequently focus on the assurance of its active transmission from one generation to the next. Finally, an important novelty was the irrevocable linkage of the 2003 Convention to sustainable development. Very prominently in its Preamble, the Convention considers ICH to be a “guarantee of sustainable development” (UNESCO, 2003, Preamble). Sustainability is even part of the definition of ICH, which ends with the provision that, “(…) consideration will be given solely to such intangible cultural heritage as is compatible (…) with the requirements of (…) sustainable development” (UNESCO, 2003, Preamble). This means that, as a precondition, the compatibility of an ICH practice with sustainable development principles is necessary in order to be considered for a 2   At the Washington Conference, representatives of different Indigenous Peoples criticised UNESCO’s 1989 Recommendation on the Safeguarding of Traditional Culture and Folklore. They argued that the term ‘folklore’ is inappropriate to describe the whole range of their living cultural expressions and that it “demeans their traditional cultural heritage” (Blake, 2001, p. 7). 3  As the ‘material’ understanding of cultural heritage has been associated with a ‘Eurocentric’ imbalance of the World Heritage list (Albert & Ringbeck, 2015, p. 6), the broadened notion of cultural heritage underlying the 2003 Convention allowed for the acknowledgement of forms of heritage which are not primarily characterised by tangibility. In this sense, the 2003 Convention accommodated the demands of Indigenous communities of non-Western states for the consideration of their forms of cultural heritage in UNESCO’s standard-setting instruments (Ibid., p. 116 ff.).

1 Introduction

3

nomination as ICH (UNESCO, 2013, p. 12). The alignment of the ICH definition towards sustainable development can be understood as a reflection of the international debates on development from the 1980s onwards (cf. Sect. 2.2). In this sense, the prominent position sustainable development holds within the 2003 Convention mirrors UNESCO’s “broader effort to integrate culture into the international agenda for sustainable development” (UNESCO, 2015, § 2). However, apart from the declaration of a mutual relationship between ICH and sustainable development, the 2003 Convention and its related documents provide rather vague information on how exactly this connection should be understood and promoted. The Convention itself, as an intergovernmental treaty, is not intended to provide guidance on the implementation of its stated principles. The Operational Directives for the Implementation of the Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage (ODs) are, in turn, explicitly designed to advise States Parties on how to put the 2003 Convention into effect. However, an evaluation by UNESCO’s Internal Oversight Service (IOS) had shown that the Operational Directives (ODs) were not sufficiently explaining the connection between ICH and sustainable development (UNESCO, 2013, p. 13). Thus, in 2016, an extra chapter was added to the ODs providing explanations and examples of the connection between ICH and inclusive economic as well as social development, environmental sustainability, and peacebuilding. The normative character of the 2003 Convention is conditioned by central integration of the demand for sustainability in that ICH is understood as means of development. However, both ICH and sustainable development are highly context-related concepts whose respective meanings are determined on community levels. Thus, as concepts they may vary according to the different political, social, or economic contexts in which they are applied. As an analysis of the Operational Directives (ODs) and further documents (cf. Sect. 2.3) suggest, the interrelation between ICH and sustainable development may be understood in two basic dimensions. On the one hand, ICH is approached as a ‘driver’ of sustainable development in that it may contribute to the accumulation of social or economic profits. This ‘growth-based’ conceptualisation of sustainability relates to the ‘three-pillar’ model of sustainable development, which advocates a balance of economic, social, and ecological sustainability. On the other hand, ICH is understood as an ‘enabler’ of sustainable development, in that intergenerational ICH transmission conditions its ‘growth-­ based’ utilisation. In this respect, the transmission of ICH is ideally deemed to enhance the capacity of the practitioners to live self-determined lives and to appreciate cultural diversity, which may contribute to processes of identity formation and peacebuilding. The twofold understanding of ICH as a ‘driver’ and ‘enabler’ of development refers to two different understandings of development; namely, sustainable development and human development, which are both reflected in the 2003 Convention and its related documents. Despite their interrelation, the two understandings of the developmental potentials of ICH are often described and analysed separately; either studying its ‘driving’ function in development (Hrovatin, 2017; Huang et al., 2018; Kim et al., 2019; Krotscheck et al., 2014; Pina, 2015) or its ‘enabling’ potentials in terms of identity

4

1 Introduction

building (D’Orville, 2005; Keller, 2009; Reeves & Plets, 2016; van Ginkel, 2005; Wulf, 2005, 2016). Thereby, it is agreed upon that ICH may equally contribute to ‘growth-based’ sustainable development, for example, in the form of cultural industries or tourism, as well as to human development as a means of identity building and creative human expression. Their joint conceptualisation remains a challenge nevertheless. Although, as it is suggested in this work, this may facilitate more comprehensive communication of the Convention’s incentives and stimulate its implementation. This book addresses this challenge by investigating the ‘driving’ and the ‘enabling’ developmental potentials of ICH within one methodological framework. Hence, its main aim is to provide a systematic understanding of how ICH practices may prompt developmental processes. This aim is approached by deploying three specific objectives. The first objective is to conceptualise the identity-building effects that are repeatedly attributed to ICH practices. The motivation behind this objective is to study the mechanisms conditioning the potential of ICH as an ‘enabler’ of development. The second objective is to theorise the function of ICH as a ‘driver’ of development, taking into account its capacity to generate social and economic profits. The third objective is to examine both the ‘driving’ and the ‘enabling’ developmental potential of ICH on a practical level with the help of a case study. The theoretical and practical analyses carried out under these three objectives enable a structured conceptualisation of ICH’s potentials for development, referring back to this work’s primary aim. Consequently, this work results in a methodological framework in the form of a model of ICH valorisation, intending to guide and encourage local strategic action in the field of heritage-based development. In this sense, the valorisation model is understood as a tool to stimulate ICH’s potentials as a ‘driver’ and ‘enabler’ of sustainable and human development. Pierre Bourdieu’s ‘Theory of Practice’ forms the methodological basis of this work, focusing mainly on the capital theory and the concept of the habitus. In regard to the main aim of this work, Bourdieu’s capital theory - including the concept of capital conversion - provides a suitable approach to analyse the ‘driving’ developmental potential of ICH. It offers the possibility to understand ICH as a form of cultural capital that may manifest in incorporated, objectified, and institutionalised states. These different manifestations of cultural capital may be converted into social and economic capital, which is regarded as the constitutional mechanism of ICH’s potential as a ‘driver’ of development. In parallel, a proper understanding of the ‘enabling’ function of ICH in development is provided by Bourdieu’s habitus concept, as it allows for a theorisation of identity formation based on human practices. The habitus concept highlights how  - through a transmission of ICH that involves mimetic processes and implicit transfer of ‘tacit’ knowledge - norms, values, and world views are passed from one generation to the next. Thus, in the context of this work, Bourdieu’s concepts of capital and habitus function as methodological instruments to explain how ICH practices simultaneously reinforce identity formation and may spark ‘sustainable growth’ in social and economic respects. The transmission of ICH thereby ‘enables’ the ‘driving’ function of ICH in development. Vice versa, the accumulation of social and economic

1 Introduction

5

profits based on ICH’s ‘driving’ developmental potential may stimulate its future transmission. In this sense, the final model of ICH valorisation integrates both dimensions of heritage-based development as mutually dependent and interrelated. Consequently, the ‘incorporation’, ‘objectification’, and ‘institutionalisation’ of ICH are understood as a means of ICH valorisation for ‘growth based’ sustainable development, and also for enabling human development. This work acknowledges that, besides their partial theoretical compatibility, there are decisive differences between UNESCO’s concept of ICH and Bourdieu’s concept of cultural capital. A major discrepancy can be found in their respective historical and contextual genesis, resulting in divergent scopes of application. While the concept of ICH has been elaborated in the context of the implementation of an international cultural-political agenda, Bourdieu’s concept of cultural capital evolved as an epistemological tool for the analysis of social inequalities (cf. Chap. 3). Bourdieu’s theory originates from his ethnological fieldwork in Algeria, where he analysed the social structures of Berber tribes, and was further developed in connection with his research on inequalities in the French education system. In turn, the 2003 Convention was drafted in expert meetings and roundtables involving, amongst others, experts from the fields of anthropology, ethnology, and international law. Despite their different evolutionary contexts, both concepts involve processes of inheritance and identity formation, emanating from anthropological and sociological research contexts respectively. According to UNESCO, the 2003 Convention has even “(…) broadened the more traditional view of heritage to include anthropological and sociological points of view” (UNESCO, 2013, p. 11). Hence, the application of Bourdieu’s habitus concept and capital theory onto ICH offers conceptual insights into the social significance of heritage practices and enables a structural understanding of their contribution to developmental processes. This approach is also intended to counter the widely spread misunderstanding that Bourdieu’s concept of cultural capital exclusively refers to knowledge and skills related to ‘high’ or ‘elite’ culture (cf. Sect. 3.4). According to Bourdieu’s relativist epistemology, cultural capital may refer to any type of incorporated knowledge and skills, from academic knowledge to informally acquired ‘everyday’ skills like the singing of a folk song. In sum, the application of Bourdieu’s ‘Theory of Practice’ to the concept of ICH provides one of two methodological main pillars of the concluding model of ICH valorisation. As the second methodological pillar of this work, the practical relevance of the theoretical conceptualisation of ICH as cultural capital is explored by means of a case study. The case study was conducted at a folk festival celebrating the heritage of choral singing in a small town in East Germany. The tradition of the Finsterwalder Sängerfest is not inscribed in any of UNESCO’s lists, not even in the German Nationwide Inventory of Intangible Cultural Heritage. On an international level, the 2003 Convention features three lists as central mechanisms for the safeguarding of ICH. The Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity aims at ensuring ‘better visibility of the intangible cultural heritage and awareness of its significance’ as well as encouraging ‘dialogue which respects cultural diversity’ (UNESCO, 2003, Art. 16). Inscriptions on the

6

1 Introduction

List of Intangible Cultural Heritage in Need of Urgent Safeguarding are intended to initiate ‘appropriate safeguarding measures’ for ICH threatened by extinction (Ibid., Art. 17). The Register of Good Safeguarding Practices includes ‘programmes, projects and activities for the safeguarding of the heritage, which (…) best reflect the principles and objectives of this Convention’ (Ibid., Art. 18). The Representative List is the most popular of the three registers with 584 inscribed elements from 131 countries.4 On national levels, States Parties are requested to draw up and regularly update inventories of ICH present in their territories (UNESCO, 2003, Art. 12). In Germany, the inventorying process is organised according to the federal system. Nomination files are submitted to representatives of the 16 federal states who select and submit them to the German Commission for UNESCO. In a next step, the members of the German Commission negotiate inscriptions on the Nationwide Inventory of Intangible Cultural Heritage, serving as a ‘reservoir’ for the submission of German nominations to the international UNESCO lists. Currently, 106 elements are inscribed on the German Nationwide Inventory which is subdivided into the categories ‘cultural practices and expressions’ (95 inscriptions) and ‘examples of good safeguarding practices’ (11 inscriptions) (German Commission for UNESCO, 2020).5 Drawing up inventories and lists is regarded as measures for safeguarding ICH practices in the context of the 2003 Convention (UNESCO, 2003, Art. 11). However, the listing procedure is frequently criticised by researchers as, e.g., “metacultural production” (Kirshenblatt-Gimblett, 2004), as generating hierarchies or rivalry between nation states (Kuutma, 2013, p. 6) or as rather impeding than promoting the safeguarding of ICH (Jacobs, Marc cited in Carvalho & Barata, 2017, p. 171). Until now, the community of the Finsterwalder Sängerfest has not shown any interest in nominating their choral tradition as ICH. Still, in the context of this work, this cultural practice serves as an example of ICH and its valorisation for four reasons. First, the celebration of the Finsterwalder Sängerfest corresponds to ‘social practices, rituals and festive events’ as one of the five domains of ICH which are provided in the 2003 Convention. It is a “habitual activit[y] that structure[s] the lives of communities and groups”, which “reaffirm[s] the identity of those who practise [it] as a group or a society” and helps to “reinforce a sense of identity and continuity with the past” (UNESCO, 2020). Second, the 2003 Convention aims at raising awareness on the importance of cultural expressions and practices per se, “whether inscribed on the Convention’s Lists or on any national inventories or not” (UNESCO, 2013, p. 11). Thus, the lists serve to illustrate that, “the fundamental value being celebrated is that of diversity itself to which the world’s ICH contributes” (UNESCO, 2013, p. 11). In this sense, the case study provides a vivid illustration of how it is possible to relate to the objectives of the 2003 Convention through means other than listing. Third, an analysis of listed ICH elements necessarily entails the political processes accompanying the completion of the nomination files, the national

 As of March 2021.  As of March 2021.

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1 Introduction

7

inventorying procedures, the decisions of the Evaluation Body, as well as the negotiations of the Intergovernmental Committee deciding on the inscriptions. Such procedures effect the practitioners and may even alter the heritage practices themselves (Kirshenblatt-Gimblett, 2004, p. 58; Kurin, 2004, p. 73). By analysing a non-listed ICH element, the political aura surrounding the nomination process and the normative tenor underlying the Convention are evaded. This enables a non-filtered view on the research object, because developmental potentials have not already been accredited to it by UNESCO listing. Fourth, considering the suggested methodological framework, the inscription of a heritage practice in a UNESCO list already represents a form of institutionalised cultural capital. Hence, in the context of this work, the listing of a heritage element is only one possibility to foster the developmental potentials of heritage practices, as exemplified by the resulting model of ICH valorisation. In opposition, some scholars (e.g., Kirshenblatt-Gimblett) have suggested that ICH comes into being only as a consequence of a UNESCO listing (2004, p. 56). Contrariwise, the presence of ICH is presupposed - in the context of this work independently of the 2003 Convention. In that sense, this book follows the view that ICH exists in two forms: first, as inherited knowledge and skills, including related practices; and second, in the form of an international discourse reflecting scientific and political approaches to it (Tauschek, 2013, pp. 26–27; Tschofen, 2007, p. 20). The first perspective presents the opportunity to analyse ICH practices outside of UNESCO’s scope. This offers an advantage for the practice to benefit from the Convention’s developmental implications, meanwhile avoiding the possible negative effects of nomination. In this sense, the suggested model of ICH valorisation aims to raise awareness on the social significance of ICH practices and to enable practitioners to utilise its potentials for social and economic development, as the 2003 Convention implies. Simultaneously, it intends to avoid national rivalry, the ‘musealisation’ of heritage practices, or the alienation of practitioners from their traditions, which are frequently identified as harmful consequences of UNESCO’s listing practice (cf. Sect. 2.1). The case study on the Finsterwalder Sängerfest was feasible to exemplify the advantage of the valorisation model functioning beyond the UNESCO context. Thereby, the model additionally supports one of the 2003 Convention’s basic goals. Namely, to consolidate communities’ sovereignty over their own heritage. The Finsterwalder Sängerfest takes place every two years and usually attracts around 100.000 participants and visitors. During the festival’s three days in August 2016, 166 members of the heritage community, including visitors and active participants, were interviewed with a standardised questionnaire. The non-representative survey was conducted in written and oral forms. Altogether, 99 face to face interviews were collected with the help of seven interviewers, organised at different times and different places throughout the festival area. The interviewers were instructed to adhere to balancing gender and age of the interview partners and to comply with standard survey rules (e.g., to read the questions word by word without adding or omitting anything). Additionally, copies of the same questionnaire, comprising a short introduction to the goals of the survey, were displayed prominently

8

1 Introduction

at three highly frequented places: at the town hall, the museum, and at the stand of a local initiative supporting migrated, former inhabitants willing to return to the region. This resulted in 67 questionnaires answered in written form, which were stored in boxes and collected after the festival. Whereas the face to face interviews almost met an equal gender balance, it was beyond control who filled in the written questionnaires. This resulted in a gender imbalance of 58.2% females and 41.8% males in the written interviews. Although the survey was not designed to be representative, the imbalance of gender was later corrected during the subsequent statistical analysis by means of a weighting adjustment in order to avoid an under-representation of male answers. The collected data were processed and evaluated by means of frequency analyses, an exploratory factor analysis, and an assessment of the places where the interviews had been conducted. In sum, the evaluation supported the conceptualisation of ICH’s potentials as ‘driver’ and ‘enabler’ of development and provided a relevant set of data for the concluding model of ICH valorisation. Apart from this present introduction - wherein introduced are the basics of this work and the Conclusion chapter containing the research results, limitations, as well as an outlook on further research - the main body of this book consists of four parts. Part one covers the development of the 2003 Convention in relation to the evolution of UNESCO’s concepts of culture and cultural heritage which are elaborated in the beginning of Chap. 2. This is followed by an account of the developmental discourses preceding and accompanying the Convention’s drafting. The prominent position sustainable development holds within the 2003 Convention is regarded as a reflection of the debates held among international political organisations like the UN or UNESCO as well as NGOs and associations from the fields of culture and development from the 1980s onwards. Hence, relevant international documents on cultural heritage and development, like political agendas, resolutions, and declarations, are considered. This shows that the 2003 Convention reflects at least two developmental paradigms, namely notions of ‘growth-based’ sustainable development and human development. Following this, the Operational Directives’ chapter VI – which initially had been published in 2016 after the Convention’s evaluation by the IOS  - is scrutinised in terms of the information it provides regarding UNESCO’s conception of the relationship between ICH and sustainable development.6 This analysis also covers UNESCO’s recommendations for States Parties on how to implement it in practice. Subsequently, related empirical research, including case studies and research projects on the relation between ICH and sustainable

6  For this purpose, also the Aide-Mémoire for Completing a Nomination to the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity (UNESCO Intangible Heritage Section, 2015) was taken into consideration. This is an advisory for States Parties on how to fill in nomination files which was compiled on the request of the Intergovernmental Committee (Baku, Azerbaijan, 2013). It contains three articles (35–37) related to sustainable development, which concludingly refer to the then nascent chapter VI of the ODs. Thus, compared to the Operational Directives, the AideMémoire does not provide additional information relevant for the research aim. For this reason it was not analysed separately in this work.

1 Introduction

9

development are discussed, providing an overview of the academic state of art in regard to the topic. The chapter concludes with the identification of two major understandings of the relation between ICH and development in terms of a ‘driving’ and an ‘enabling’ function. These, in turn, are related to the aforementioned paradigms of ‘growth-based’ sustainable development and human development. Conclusively, Bourdieu’s ‘Theory of Practice’ is suggested as a methodological framework to conceptually grasp the two understandings of ICH’s developmental potentials and illustrates their mutual relationship. In Chap. 3, Pierre Bourdieu’s ‘Theory of Practice’ is introduced as the theoretical and methodological basis guiding the arguments pushed forward in this book. Bourdieu’s theory and especially his concept of capital are often applied in isolation from their epistemology, which frequently results in their misinterpretation (cf. Sects. 2.3.5 and 3.4). To avoid similar deficiencies, this chapter provides a comprehensive elaboration on how Bourdieu developed his analytical concepts, showing that they can be understood only in relation to each other and to his theoretical positioning. Thus, the chapter starts with the epistemological evolution of the ‘Theory of Practice’, taking into account the subjectivist and objectivist paradigms that influenced Bourdieu’s work and antagonisms he attempted to overcome. In the following, two features of Bourdieu’s theory are introduced as the central methodological tools of this work: the concept of the habitus and the capital theory, which are employed to attain the main research aim. Thereby, special attention is payed to the unconscious incorporation of the habitus and its historicity in terms of its characteristic to reflect the social conditions under which it developed. Subsequently, the basic forms of capital - economic, social, and cultural capital - are introduced with a focus on the three manifestations of cultural capital: namely, incorporated, objectified, and institutionalised capital. This is followed by an explication of the mechanisms of capital conversions. The chapter concludes with contemporary receptions of Bourdieu’s work and its most fundamental criticisms, in order to account for the limitations and restrictions of his ‘Theory of Practice’. The fourth chapter consists of two main parts. First, the case study on the Finsterwalder Sängerfest is introduced, including information on its historical origin, its contemporary celebration, the contents of the questionnaire, the data analysis, and the description of the results. These comprise the outcomes of the frequency analyses, the calculation of mean values, the exploratory factor analysis, and the statistical localisation of the interview places. In the second part, the findings of the case study are linked to the methodological framework provided in the previous chapter. By using examples from the Finsterwalder Sängerfest, ICH is conceptualised as incorporated, objectified, and institutionalised cultural capital and it is shown how the ‘incorporation’ of ICH affects the formation of the habitus. The second part of this chapter represents Bourdieu’s capital and habitus theory being applied to the concept of ICH. Chapter 5 is subdivided into three sections and aims to utilise the previous insights for a systematic understanding of ICH’s developmental potentials. It starts with an analysis of ICH as an ‘enabler’ of development, combining Bourdieu’s habitus concept with the findings of the case study and further practical examples. As clarified in Chap 3, the concept of the habitus is tightly related to the concept of

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capital in that the incorporation of cultural capital contributes to the formation of an actor’s habitus. Against this background, it is illustrated in this chapter how the transmission of ICH is conditioned by an ‘incorporation’ of ‘tacit’ knowledge and skills, involving mimetic processes through which morals, values, and world views are passed from one generation to the next. Thus, it is shown how the practice of ICH may promote the formation of individual and group identities and simultaneously provide occasions for a creative expression thereof. Thereby, it ideally enhances the capabilities of practitioners to participate in community life and to exert their cultural rights. In this context, it is suggested to consider processes that are frequently criticised for encouraging the ‘fossilisation’ or ‘musealisation’ of ICH (cf. Sect. 2.1) in terms of the hysteresis of the habitus (cf. Sect. 3.2.1). Simultaneously, it is shown through the modification of ICH practices, how long-­ established power relations might be challenged by younger generations. Through this, the practice of ICH may provide occasions to experience alterity within one heritage community, which may stimulate mutual tolerance as a precondition for the appreciation of cultural diversity and peacebuilding processes. In these respects, it is illustrated how the suggested potential of ICH as an ‘enabler’ of development reverts back to the paradigm of human development. In the second part of the chapter, the potentials of ICH as a ‘driver’ of development is conceptualised by means of Bourdieu’s capital theory and the results of the case study. It is exemplified that, like cultural capital, ICH may also manifest in ‘incorporated’, ‘objectified’, and ‘institutionalised’ states, and that it may be converted into social and economic capital. In this sense, ICH practices may be utilised to establish social relationships and to obtain economic profit in terms of a ‘growth-­based’ understanding of development. The case study further shows that the stimulation of such ‘growth-based’ developmental processes through the ‘objectification’ and ‘institutionalisation’ of ‘incorporated’ ICH may also promote processes of identity building on local and regional levels and ensure the future transmission of ICH. In this sense, the potential of ICH as ‘driver’ of ‘growth based’ sustainable development may also support its ‘enabling’ potential in terms of human development. In the final part of the chapter, the model of ICH valorisation is introduced, acknowledging the multidimensional interrelation between the roles of ICH as a ‘driver’ and ‘enabler’ of development. The model comprises the different manifestations of ICH. This includes its possible conversion into social or economic capital in the sense of ‘growth-based’ sustainable development, as well as the identity-­ building potentials of ICH practices in terms of human development. The model conceptualises ICH transmission as the basis and goal of the valorisation process, from which ‘growth based’ development may be stimulated. In this sense, ICH’s role as an ‘enabler’ of development incorporates its ‘driving’ function, just as the concept of human development comprises the notion of sustainable development. Thus, ICH’s ‘enabling’ potential conditions its utilisation as ‘driver’ of development. Conversely, its function as a ‘driver’ of development may stimulate its future ‘enabling’ potential. In sum, the model of ICH valorisation is intended to illustrate, in a synoptic way, the theoretical and practical insights of this work. It aims to provide a conceptual basis for the implementation of ICH’s developmental potentials into regional or local agendas for sustainable development.

References

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Having recapitulated its primary aim by providing a conceptualisation of the potential of ICH in developmental processes, this book concludes with a summary of the theoretical and practical findings. In conclusion, four main insights are presented. First, ICH may be approached as incorporated cultural capital, which manifests in objectified and institutionalised states. Second, the influence of incorporated cultural capital on the formation of the habitus allows for a conceptual understanding of the identity-building effects of ICH practices in terms of its potential as an ‘enabler’ of development. Third, the potentials of ICH as a ‘driver’ of development may be conceptualised by means of capital conversions through which social and economic benefits may accumulated. Fourth, the role of ICH as a ‘driver’ of development is rooted in a ‘growth-based’ understanding of sustainable development, while its ‘enabling’ function relates to the notion of human development. In analogy to the interrelation of human and sustainable development, the ‘enabling’ potential of ICH for development presupposes and encompasses its ‘driving’ function, as implied by the suggested model, which focuses on the transmission of ICH as condition and goal of ICH valorisation. By suggesting a conceptual approach to the stimulation of heritage-based development, the model of ICH valorisation intends to consolidate community sovereignty over the definition and the utilisation of their own heritage.

References Albert, M.-T., & Ringbeck, B. (2015). 40 Jahre Welterbekonvention: Zur Popularisierungeines Schutzkonzeptes für Kultur- und Naturgüter. Heritage Studies: volume 2. De Gruyter. Blake, J. (2001, March 14). International roundtable intangible cultural heritage’ - working definitions: Preliminary study into the advisability of developing A new standard-setting instrument for the safeguarding of intangible cultural heritage (Traditional Culture and Folklore). Piedmont. https://ich.unesco.org/doc/src/05361-­EN.pdf Carvalho, A., & Barata, F. T. (2017). Ethics in intangible cultural heritage public policies: Interview with Marc Jacobs. Memória Em Rede, 9(16), 165–183. https://periodicos.ufpel.edu.br/ojs2/ index.php/Memoria/issue/view/21774129/showToc D’Orville, H. (2005). Globalization and intangible cultural heritage: Opportunities, threats and challenges. In UNESCO (Chair), International Conference on Globalization and Intangible Cultural Heritage. Symposium conducted at the meeting of United Nations University, Tokio, Japan. German Commission for UNESCO. (2020). Nationwide inventory of intangible cultural heritage. UNESCO. https://www.unesco.de/en/culture-­and-­nature/intangible-­cultural-­heritage/ nationwide-­inventory-­intangible-­cultural-­heritage Hrovatin, M. (2017). Importance of inter-institutional cooperation for ICH safeguarding and sustainable development. The case of dry stone building. In H. Schreiber (Ed.), Intangible cultural heritage: Safeguarding experiences in Central and Eastern European countries and China: 10th anniversary of the entry into force of the 2003 convention through the prism of sustainable development (pp. 398–411). National Heritage Board of Poland. Huang, X.-Y., Guo, L., Ni, H., Qin, Z.-n., Wan, L., & Ma, X.-b. (2018). A study on tourism development of intangible cultural heritage in Shiyan City. In Proceedings of the 3rd international Seminar on Education Innovation and Economic Management (SEIEM 2018). Atlantis Press. https://doi.org/10.2991/seiem-­18.2019.129 Keller, J.  D. (2009). Geographies of memory and identity in Oceania. In H.  Silverman & D. F. Ruggles (Eds.), Intangible heritage embodied (pp. 127–146). Springer.

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Kim, S., Whitford, M., & Arcodia, C. (2019). Development of intangible cultural heritage as a sustainable tourism resource: The intangible cultural heritage practitioners’ perspectives. Journal of Heritage Tourism, 153(3), 1–14. https://doi.org/10.1080/1743873X.2018.1561703 Kirshenblatt-Gimblett, B. (2004). Intangible heritage as metacultural production. Museum International, 56(1–2), 52–65. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1350-­0775.2004.00458.x Krotscheck, C., Fend, M., Albert, M.-T., Meißner, M., & et al. (2014). Cultural resources strategy for sustainable regional development: The CCC method. Auersbach. Cultural Capital Counts. http://www.central2013.eu/fileadmin/user_upload/Downloads/outputlib/CCC_Strategy.pdf Kurin, R. (2004). Safeguarding intangible cultural heritage in the 2003 UNESCO convention: A critical appraisal. Museum International, 56(1–2), 66–77. https://doi. org/10.1111/j.1350-­0775.2004.00459.x Kuutma, K. (2013). Concepts and contingencies in heritage politics. In L. Arizpe & C. Amescua (Eds.), SpringerBriefs in environment, security, development and peace: Vol. 6. Anthropological perspectives on intangible cultural heritage (pp. 1–15). Springer. Pina, H. (2015). Intangible cultural heritage and sustainable development in the Douro Demarcated Region (Northern Portugal): The cases of Cambres and Parada do Bispo. Espaço E Economia. Advance online publication. https://doi.org/10.4000/espacoeconomia.2100 Reeves, K., & Plets, G. (2016). Cultural heritage as a strategy for social needs and community identity. In W.  Logan, M.  Nic Craith, & U.  Kockel (Eds.), Wiley Blackwell companions to anthropology. A companion to heritage studies (pp. 203–214). Wiley-Blackwell. Tauschek, M. (2013). Kulturerbe: Eine Einführung. Reimer Kulturwissenschaften. Tschofen, B. (1982, July 26). Mexico City declaration on cultural policies: World conference on cultural policies. . UNESCO. http://portal.unesco.org/culture/en/ files/12762/11295421661mexico_en.pdf/mexico_en.pdf Tschofen, B. (2007). Antreten, ablehnen, verwalten? Was der Heritage-Boom den Kulturwissenschaften aufträgt. In D. Hemme, M. Tauschek, & R. Bendix (Eds.), Studien zur Kulturanthropologie. Europäischen Ethnologie: Vol. 1. Prädikat “Heritage”: Wertschöpfungen aus kulturellen Ressourcen. Lit. UNESCO. (2003, October 17 ). Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage. Paris. https://ich.unesco.org/en/convention UNESCO. (2009). Kit of the convention for the safeguarding of the intangible cultural heritage: Working towards the 2003 convention. Paris. UNESCO. http://www.unesco.org/culture/ich/ doc/src/01854-­EN.pdf UNESCO. (2013). Evaluation of UNESCO's standard-setting work of the culture sector: Part I: 2003 convention for the safeguarding of the intangible cultural heritage. Final Report. Paris. UNESCO. http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0022/002230/223095e.pdf UNESCO. (2015). Item 14.a of the Provisional Agenda: Draft amendments to the Operational Directives on safeguarding intangible cultural heritage and sustainable development: Tenth session Windhoek, Namibia 30 November to 4 December 2015. ITH/15/10.COM/14.a. Paris. UNESCO. UNESCO. (2020). About Intangible Heritage  – Intangible Heritage Domains in the 2003 Convention: Social Practices, Rituals and Festive Events. https://ich.unesco.org/en/ social-­practices-­rituals-­and-­00055 UNESCO Intangible Heritage Section. (2015). Aide-Mémoire for completing a nomination to the representative list of the intangible cultural heritage of humanity: For 2016 and later nomination. Paris. UNESCO. van Ginkel, H. (2005). Cultural heritage, identity formation and change in a globalizing world. In UNESCO (Chair), International Conference on Globalization and Intangible Cultural Heritage. Symposium conducted at the meeting of United Nations University, Tokio, Japan. Wulf, C. (2005). Crucial points in the transmission and learning of intangbile heritage. In UNESCO (Chair), International conference on globalization and intangible cultural heritage. Symposium conducted at the meeting of United Nations University, Tokio, Japan. Wulf, C. (2016). Immaterielles kulturelles Erbe: Aktuelle Entwicklungen und grundlegende Strukturelemente. Die Tonkunst. Magazin Für Klassische Musik Und Musikwissenschaft, 10(4), 371–377.

Chapter 2

The 2003 Convention in the Context of Sustainable Development

Abstract  The UNESCO Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage is introduced in this chapter by taking into account the international discourses on culture, its preceding development, and accompanying evolution. The first part of the chapter retraces the paradigmatic shifts in UNESCO’s understanding of culture and cultural heritage, which paved the way for the development of the 2003 Convention as a standard-setting political instrument. Subsequently, an overview of UNESCO’s approaches to development and the changes they have undergone in the course of the twentieth century is provided. Thirdly, the chapter iterates UNESCO’s conception of how States Members should translate the Convention’s developmental implications into national policies and programmes. To this end, the Operational Directives for the Implementation of the Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage (ODs) are scrutinised. This is followed by a literature review to gain deeper insights into the current academic discourse on the interrelation between ICH and sustainable development. In order to conceptualise the interrelation of the two dimensions of ICH as ‘driver’ and ‘enabler’ of development, the application of Pierre Bourdieu’s ‘Theory of Practice’ is suggested. Keywords  2003 convention · UNESCO · Sustainable development · Operational directives · Driver · Enabler

The purpose of this chapter is to introduce the Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage (UNESCO, 2003) by taking into account the international discourses on culture, its preceding development, and accompanying evolution. The first part of the chapter retraces the paradigmatic shifts in UNESCO’s understanding of culture and cultural heritage, which paved the way for the development of the 2003 Convention as a standard-setting political instrument. From the 1980s onwards, the broadening of UNESCO’S concept of culture is analysed as it is reflected in related policy statements and declarations, as well as in the final definition of ICH and the structure of the 2003 Convention. © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 M. Meissner, Intangible Cultural Heritage and Sustainable Development, Heritage Studies, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-79938-0_2

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The second part of the chapter provides an overview of UNESCO’s approaches to development and the changes they have undergone in the course of the twentieth century. Thereby, it is elaborated that both UNESCO’s concept of culture, as well as their notion of development, account for the general objectives and the normative character of the 2003 Convention. Thirdly, the chapter iterates UNESCO’s conception of how States Members should translate the Convention’s developmental implications into national policies and programmes. To this end, the Operational Directives for the Implementation of the Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage (ODs) are scrutinised with a special focus on chapter VI, which is dedicated solely to this topic. This is followed by an intentional review of literature to gain deeper insights into the current academic discourse on the interrelation between ICH and sustainable development. It turns out that the relation between ICH and sustainable development may be understood in two dimensions: one resulting in the ‘driving’ potential of ICH and the other in its ‘enabling’ function. While the potential of ICH as ‘driver’ of development is connected to a ‘growth-based’ understanding of sustainable development, its supposed ‘enabling’ effects relate to the notion of human development. As will be shown, this ontological partition is reflected in the documents of the 2003 Convention, as well as in the current academic discourse. In order to conceptualise the interrelation of the two dimensions of development, the application of Pierre Bourdieu’s ‘Theory of Practice’ is suggested, as it allows for the conceptualisation and interrelation of both the ‘driving’ and the ‘enabling’ potential of ICH in terms of sustainable development.

2.1  O  ff to New Shores: From Tangible to Intangible and Sustainable The following outline of the development of the Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage departs from the event of the UN World Conference on Cultural Policies (MONDIACULT) held in Mexico City in 1982 (also known as the Mexico Conference). This is not only because it was in the Mexico Declaration where the term ‘intangible cultural heritage’ was first mentioned. Rather, the Mexico Conference represents an important paradigm shift in UNESCO’s concept of culture, which had major consequences for their policy-making in the field of heritage and paved the way for the 2003 Convention. Until the 1980s, UNESCO’s work in the field of heritage had almost exclusively been focused on the protection of tangible cultural or natural assets. For example, the Convention Concerning the Protection of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage (UNESCO, 1972a) refers to monuments, groups of buildings, and sites (Art. 1) as well as different forms of natural heritage (Art. 2), which it aims to protect, conserve, and present (Art. 5). The consideration that, “parts of the cultural or

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natural heritage are of outstanding interest and therefore need to be preserved as part of the world heritage of mankind as a whole” (UNESCO, 1972a, preface) is a reflection of a ‘material’ or ‘static’ concept of culture, rooted in European Romanticism and Enlightenment (Tauschek, 2013, p. 120). It is based on the idealistic imagination of a “universal longing for meaning and quality in human existence” (Arzipe, 2009, p. 163). This philosophy is connected to the positivistic understanding of a material reality, wherein the ‘true’ nature of things can be determined, as it assumes the existence of an objective truth (Rudolff, 2006, p. 67). This ‘objectivist’ understanding of the world (cf. Sect. 3.1.2) is mirrored in the 1972 Convention’s assertion of an “outstanding universal value” that can be determined “with modern scientific methods” from historical, artistic, ethnological, or anthropological perspectives (UNESCO, 1972a, Art. 1, 1972a, preamble). Due to this ‘material’ concept of culture, a ‘conservationist’ definition of cultural heritage evolved in the UNESCO context (Alivizatou, 2008, p. 49), which postulates that there are “works of great intrinsic value” which need to be protected (UNESCO, 1972b, III. 5.). From the 1950s onwards, new schools of thought and research methods were influencing anthropological and ethnological discourses that brought along alternative understandings of culture (Alivizatou, 2008, p. 48). For example, the development of textual analysis in the field of anthropology had led to a questioning of the term culture itself due to its supposed hierarchical and homogenizing historical connotation (Arzipe, 2009, p. 178). Culture was increasingly understood as a relativist construct wherein meaning varies depending on the perspective of the individual. This implied that there is no such thing as an ‘objective’ truth or ‘universal’ value because truth and value are determined from a subjective point of view. This sparked a more relativist understanding of culture, which is reflected in the Mexico Declaration: (…) that in its widest sense, culture may now be said to be the whole complex of distinctive spiritual, material, intellectual and emotional features that characterize a society or social group. It includes not only the arts and letters, but also modes of life, the fundamental rights of the human being, value systems, traditions and beliefs (...). (UNESCO, 1982, Preamble)

Perceived as ambiguous by some (Bernier, 2003, p. 2), UNESCO’s definition of cultural heritage was broadened by this altered understanding of culture. From then on, it was supposed to include “(…) both tangible and intangible works through which the creativity of (…) people finds expression: languages, rites, beliefs, historic places and monuments, literature, works of art, archives and libraries” (UNESCO, 1982, § 23). As early as 1973, the government of Bolivia made a first attempt to raise UNESCO’s awareness on the importance of immaterial forms of heritage, and suggested development of an instrument for the protection of folklore (UNESCO, 2013b, p.  12).. This led to UNESCO’s intensified cooperation with the World Intellectual Property Organisation (WIPO) and the elaboration of the WIPO Model Provisions for National Laws on the Protection of Expressions of Folklore Against Illicit Exploitation and Other Prejudicial Action (1982). However, these activities had focused too much on the intention of establishing a legal framework (with a

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‘universal’ scope) to regulate the property rights of traditional knowledge and practices, which proved largely impossible (Meyer-Rath, 2007, pp. 151–152). Hence, during the following years, UNESCO concentrated on the development of safeguarding measures and action plans beyond legally binding instruments. Taking into account the broadened definition of cultural heritage, the Committee of Experts on the Safeguarding of Folklore drafted the Recommendation on the Protection of Traditional Culture and Folklore, which was adopted in 1989. Because it aimed at the protection of “tradition-based creations of a cultural community, expressed by a group or individuals” in the form of “language, literature, handicrafts, architecture and other arts”, the document was a significant step towards the development of the 2003 Convention (UNESCO, 1989/1999, Annex 1, A.). However, in the following period, it became obvious that the Recommendation was still adhering to a ‘conservationist’ understanding of cultural heritage, in that it focused too much on documenting heritage practices and not enough on ensuring their viability (Bouchenaki, 2003, pp. 1–2). Intending to highlight the ‘living’ nature of cultural practices, two programmes were consequently launched: the Living Human Treasures Programme (1993) and the Proclamation of Masterpieces of Oral and Intangible Heritage of Humanity (1998). The Living Human Treasures Programme aimed at encouraging national governments to raise awareness on the knowledge and skills of ‘master artisans’ from the fields of performing arts or crafts by honouring them as ‘living human treasures’. The programme focused on the importance of individuals in transmitting cultural practices across generations. In contrast, the Masterpieces of Oral and Intangible Heritage programme spotlighted communities and groups of practitioners, which raised questions on the relation between collective living conditions and cultural practices, and to what extent safeguarding measures should be considered (Meyer-Rath, 2007, p. 156). The programme testified to UNESCO’s paradigm shift from the ‘conservationist’ to a more ethnological and anthropological concept of cultural heritage (Tauschek, 2013, p.  121). Still, the term ‘masterpiece’ symbolises the exclusive character of the programme based on selection criteria that adhere to Western notions of ‘high’ culture (Ibid.). Moreover, as the Masterpieces programme was an offshoot of the World Heritage Convention, it still included criteria like “outstanding value”, “excellence”, and “unique”, standing next to formulations like “affirming the cultural identity of the community concerned” or “rooted in the cultural tradition of communities concerned” (UNESCO, 2006, p. 4). This ambiguity is a result of an attempt to interconnect two contradictory concepts of culture: the first relating to “outstanding” achievements of “creative geniuses”, and the second to everyday practices rooted in traditional ways of life. It had become obvious that the ‘static’ concept of culture underlying the 1972 Convention had generated, in parallel, a heritage paradigm that favoured the cultural expressions of Western states. As a consequence, the World Heritage List showed a European-focused imbalance of inscriptions (ICOMOS, 2004). Representatives of Indigenous Peoples from Asian, African, and Latin American countries, and scholars criticised that the ‘Eurocentristic’ focus of UNESCO’s heritage concept on buildings and monuments was excluding forms of heritage that are not mainly

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characterized by tangibility (Albert & Ringbeck, 2015, p. 7; Labadi, 2007, p. 152; Pinto, 2016, p. 370; Smith, 2015, p. 135). Concentration on permanence and narrowly defined categories of material authenticity was not allowing a processual understanding of heritage, which was expressed, e.g., by the ritual renewal of buildings (Ruggles & Silverman, 2009, p. 6). This insight made its way into the Nara Document on Authenticity (1994). The document decisively widened the understanding of ‘authentic’ heritage, as it acknowledged that different meanings may be attributed to objects, and that impermanence and renewal do not authenticity (ICOMOS, 1994). In accounting for ritual reconstructions of heritage objects, the Nara Document represents a move towards the understanding of the performative dimension of heritage and the active role of the human body in its creation (Ruggles & Silverman, 2009, p. 5). The acknowledgement of performativity as a constitutive element of cultural heritage is also reflected in the Global Strategy for a Representative, Balanced and Credible World Heritage List (UNESCO, 1994), wherein UNESCO attempted to counteract the Eurocentristic imbalance and further broadened their definition of cultural heritage (Albert and Ringbeck, 2015, pp. 34–36). In that sense, the Global Strategy represented a ‘move away from a purely architectural view of the cultural heritage of humanity towards one which was much more anthropological, multi-functional [sic], and universal.” (UNESCO, 1994, II.).1 During the course of the 1990s, the impact of the 1989 Recommendation and the two programmes were evaluated and discussed at the Washington International Conference in 1999. A general lack of interest in the Recommendation was asserted, which was supposed to result from its non-binding ‘soft’ character (Aikawa-Faure, 2009, p.  21). Moreover, UNESCO realised that the role of the tradition-bearers themselves had not been acknowledged adequately and that it was also necessary to focus more on the knowledge and skills constituting heritage practices (UNESCO, 2002, p. 4). Additionally, it was stated that the 1989 Recommendation did not take into account the processual nature of living traditions (UNESCO & Executive Board, 2001, p. 6). Hence, the Washington International Conference concluded that an instrument comparable to the World Heritage Convention would be needed in order to safeguard living heritage practices more effectively (Bouchenaki, 2003, p. 2).2 Subsequently, several meetings and roundtables were organised (e.g. the Turin Expert Meeting in 2001 or the Istanbul Roundtable on ICH and Cultural Diversity in 2002) where experts – mainly from the fields of anthropology and law – drafted

1  Ten years later, ICOMOS asserted still prevailing ‘gaps’ in the implementation of the Global Strategy in their report Filling the Gaps (2004). These ‘gaps’ referred not only to the general Eurocentrism of the World Heritage List, but also to the typology of inscriptions, e.g., the overrepresentation of historic monuments and buildings or religious Christian sites (Albert & Ringbeck, 2015, p. 36). 2  Already in 1993, the Republic of Korea had brought forward a proposal suggesting to create a list similar to the World Heritage List, which would be transformed into a “convention on living human treasures” (Hafstein, 2009, p. 94).

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the new convention and set up a glossary with related terms (Arzipe, 2013, p. 18; UNESCO, 2013b, pp.  19–20). Discussions at the Washington Conference had shown that the term ‘folklore’ was strongly rejected by some states, and thus should be avoided in the future convention (UNESCO, 2009, p. 10). The arguments had been advanced that the term would imply a rather static and product-oriented notion of cultural practices while making no allowance for symbolic and processual dimensions (Aikawa-Faure, 2009, p. 21). Indigenous communities especially felt that it “(…) demeans their traditional cultural heritage and does not accurately describe it” (Blake, 2001, p. 7). In UNESCO’s context, the term ‘intangible cultural heritage’ had already been used since its formulation in the Mexico Declaration, however, it was also criticised for failing “to encompass the significance of the social role of this heritage” (Blake, 2001, p. 9) and for being a too “technical”, “somewhat awkward” expression (Kurin, 2004, p. 67). Although other terminologies were discussed, including “traditional”, “popular”, “living”, and “oral” culture, it became obvious that, “[t]he terminological difficulties stem even from the term ‘culture’ itself (…)” (Blake, 2001, 7).3 Nevertheless, the term ‘intangible cultural heritage’ was chosen due to “the many difficulties cultural workers and scholars have encountered in an international, comparative context, with the use and misunderstanding of such terms as ‘folklore’, ‘oral heritage’, ‘traditional culture’ (…) ” (Kurin, 2004, p. 67). In October 2003, the new Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage was adopted at the 32nd session of the General Conference with the objectives “to safeguard” and “to ensure respect for the intangible cultural heritage of the communities, groups and individuals concerned”, to “raise awareness at the local, national and international levels” on its importance and “to provide for international cooperation and assistance” (UNESCO, 2003, Art. 1). Therein, intangible cultural heritage is defined as: (…) the practices, representations, expressions, knowledge, skills – as well as the instruments, objects, artefacts and cultural spaces associated therewith  – that communities, groups and, in some cases, individuals recognize as part of their cultural heritage. This intangible cultural heritage, transmitted from generation to generation, is constantly recreated by communities and groups in response to their environment, their interaction with nature and their history, and provides them with a sense of identity and continuity, thus promoting respect for cultural diversity and human creativity (UNESCO, 2003, Art. 2.1). 3  Such ‘terminological difficulties’ in relation to the definition of ‘culture’ were exemplified by Wiktor-Mach (2020) as prevailing in UNESCO’s discourse and eventually hampering the integration of cultural dimensions into developmental policies: “Depending on the time and context, culture means various things: the greatest arts, traditions, mindset, local values and norms, heritage – both tangible and intangible, identity, folklore, etc. Culture is argued to be ‘a sector of activity’, ‘a source of identity, innovation and creativity’, ‘a powerful global economic engine’, and ‘a repository of knowledge, meanings, and values’ (UNESCO, 2010,2–6). The concept of culture remains too ambiguous in UNESCO’s discourse to be used as a persuasive tool for changing the world. Moreover, in many UNESCO’s papers culture is assumed to be an obvious concept, and it is presented as though it is not contested. Even if we accepted the most famous UNESCO’s definition anthropological of culture from the Mondiacult Conference, then culture would mean too many things for policy-oriented solutions” (Wiktor-Mach, 2020, pp. 322–323).

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According to the 2003 Convention, intangible cultural heritage may manifest in the following domains4: (a) oral traditions and expressions, including language as a vehicle of the intangible cultural heritage; (b) performing arts; (c) social practices, rituals and festive events; (d) knowledge and practices concerning nature and the universe; (e) traditional craftsmanship (UNESCO, 2003, Art. 2 (2)).

As it was UNESCO’s intention to develop a standard-setting instrument similar to the World Heritage Convention, the 2003 Convention resembles its ‘model’ in terms of structure and the organs involved (Bouchenaki, 2003, p. 5). For example, States Members are obligated to conduct ‘safeguarding’ measures and to regulate the Convention’s implementation by providing operative frameworks (cf. Sect. 2.3). As already described in the introduction, the 2003 Convention also draws on a listing system through which it awards its inscriptions with international prestige and intends to motivate States Members to establish national policies aimed at the safeguarding of ICH (Meyer-Rath, 2007, p. 158). Due to the altered discourse on culture, which had induced a different understanding of cultural heritage, the 2003 Convention also differs decisively from the World Heritage Convention in several aspects. For example, the ‘outstanding universal value’ and the ‘authenticity’ heritage elements have to prove in order to be nominated as World Heritage were abolished. Instead, the 2003 Convention focuses on the ‘representativeness’ of the nominated heritage elements, trying to account for a non-elitist, inclusive concept of culture (Kuutma, 2013, pp. 7–8). In that sense, a nominated ICH element is supposed to be representative of the intangible cultural heritage “of humanity”, meaning the global multiplicity of ICH practices (UNESCO Intangible Heritage Section, 2015, I.4). The introduction of ‘representativeness’ as a nomination criterion intended to mitigate the hierarchical character of the listing system. Still, the lists are a frequent point of criticism and are supposed to imply valuation, exclusiveness, and partly arbitrariness (Arzipe, 2013, p. 25; Kirshenblatt-­ Gimblett, 2004, p. 57; Kurin, 2004, pp. 74–75; Kuutma, 2013, p. 7; Logan, 2009, p. 16; Smith, 2015, p. 134). The notion of ‘representativeness’ does not only refer to the worldwide ‘reservoir’ of ICH practices, but also to the heterogeneity of the groups and communities who recognize a specific form of ICH ‘as part of their cultural heritage’ (UNESCO, 2003, Art. 2.1). This means that, in the context of the 2003 Convention, ‘representativeness’ stands for cultural diversity in a double sense. On the one hand, it accounts for the diversity of cultural traditions on a global scale. On the other hand,

4  These categories are intended to be inclusive and not exclusive. This means, that one heritage element may be allocated to several domains and that States Parties may add further domains or sub-domains or even use a completely different categorisation. Examples of additional domains added by States Parties include ‘traditional play and games’, ‘culinary traditions’, ‘animal husbandry’, ‘pilgrimage’ or ‘places of memory’ (UNESCO, 2020b).

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it stands for the diversity of each cultural community practicing ICH (Kurin, 2007, p. 15). In that the practitioners are understood as the exclusive ‘owners’ of their cultural practices, the Convention further transfers the power to define what constitutes heritage to the community-level (Pinto, 2016, p. 370). This bottom-up approach to ICH differs from the expert-based assessment of heritage in the World Heritage Convention, intending to strengthen communities’ agency in relation to nation states. Moreover, a special focus on human rights (cf. Sect. 2.2) was normatively integrated into the definition of ICH. However, despite the “extraordinarily ‘bottom­up’, grass roots, participatory provision” (Kurin, 2007, p. 15), the role of national governments remains crucial in the realm of the 2003 Convention. States Parties are responsible for the identification of ICH present on their territories, the establishment of national inventories, and the selection and final submission of the nomination files to UNESCO. Thus, also the ICH Convention may be employed by national authorities to exert power inwardly over groups and communities as well as outwardly towards other nations (Arantes, 2013, pp.  40–41; Bendix et  al., 2013; Berliner, 2013, pp. 71–72; Kurin, 2007, p. 13; Kuutma, 2013, p. 7; Smith, 2015, p. 136). A temporal dimension is central to any of UNESCO’s heritage concepts because the link between the past, the present, and the future is the main characteristic which constitutes heritage as such (UNESCO, 2014a). In the context of the World Heritage Convention, the concept of authenticity caters to the temporal transfer of material objects in their most “original” states (UNESCO, 1972b, V. 48). This objective is intended to be achieved, for example, by different conservation or restoration techniques impeding or at least minimising their physical erosion. In contrast, the 2003 Convention aims at the safeguarding of cultural practices including its meaning and relevance for the bearers, as it is “threatened by globalization and social transformation, alongside the conditions they create for renewed dialogue among communities” (UNESCO, 2003, Preamble). Besides the “identification, documentation, research, preservation, protection, promotion [and] enhancement” of the practices, a special focus lies on the assurance of its intergenerational “transmission” (UNESCO, 2003, Art. 2.3). The “vitality” of ICH implies, as indicated by its definition, that it is “constantly recreated by communities and groups in response to their environment, their interaction with nature and their history” (UNESCO, 2003, Art. 2.1). Hence, its temporal transmission entails a constant adaptation of ICH to the contemporary and future living conditions of the practitioners. In this respect, the 2003 Convention is diametrically opposed to the World Heritage Convention because a ‘musealisation’ of ICH in its supposed ‘original’ state would not promote but, on the contrary, prevent its safeguarding. However, critics suggest that the Convention itself still provokes processes of heritage ‘freezing’ or ‘fossilisation’, especially through its listing system (Demotte, 2004; Hafstein, 2009; Kirshenblatt-Gimblett, 2004, pp. 58–59; Labadi, 2013, p. 141; van Zanten, 2004, p. 41). Moreover, the mere notion of ‘safeguarding’ implies that an ‘ideal’ state of ICH worth saving has ever existed, unaffected by ‘globalisation’ or

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‘transformation’, which adds the notion of cultural pessimism to the Convention (Tauschek, 2013, p. 124). Representing “a shift from permanence to impermanence” (Ruggles & Silverman, 2009, p. 11), the 2003 Convention focuses basically on the human being as an active creator and transmitter of cultural heritage. Heritage practices evolve in and through their performance, which means that the human body is the central medium enabling its transmission and hence the existence of ICH (Wulf, 2005, 2016). As ICH is defined by the practitioners’ “interaction with nature and history” (UNESCO, 2003, Art. 2.1), the human body becomes the focal point in which the temporal and practical dimensions of cultural heritage intersect. On the one hand, this is characterised by a transmission of knowledge (temporal) and, on the other hand by a transmission of skills (practical). Both is realised in and through mimetic processes. Through these “processes of creative imitation” (Wulf, 2005, p.  88), human beings internalise their social and natural environment and implicit practical knowledge (Wulf, 2017; Wulf & Zirfas, 2012). In turn, the internalisation of social and spatial structures provides the heritage practitioners “with a sense of identity and continuity” as a further defining element of ICH (UNESCO, 2003, Art. 2.1). In sum, the Mexico Declaration evoked a multidimensional paradigm shift within UNESCO’s conceptualisation of cultural heritage: a shift from object to body, static to processual, authentic to representative, outstanding to common, government to community, and from expertise to practical knowledge. This change of perspective enabled the evolution of the 2003 Convention and is reflected in the definition of intangible cultural heritage. The Convention provides States Parties with a framework for the development of national policies and programmes, which is normative in terms of the understanding that culture is a means of development (cf. Sect. 2.2), and in regard to its adherence to the UN Universal Declaration of Human Rights (United Nations, 1948).5 The Convention’s fundamental orientation towards the protection of human rights is rooted in UNESCO’s overarching mission to promote peace, which is set in their Constitution (UNESCO, 1945).6 In turn, the alignment to the developmental potentials of ICH is related to paradigm shifts in economist discourses, which are reflected in the 2003 Convention, as will be elaborated in the following section.

5  Article I states that “[a]ll human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood. (United Nations, 1948, Art. 1). 6  In the Constitution of the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (1945) the main goals of UNESCO’s activities are defined as follows: “The purpose of the Organization is to contribute to peace and security by promoting collaboration among the nations through education, science and culture in order to further universal respect for justice, for the rule of law and for the human rights and fundamental freedoms which are affirmed for the peoples of the world, without distinction of race, sex, language or religion, by the Charter of the United Nations” (UNESCO, 1945, Art. I, 1.).

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2.2  I ntangible Cultural Heritage and Sustainable Development: Retracing a Vague Relationship Already in the Preamble of the 2003 Convention, it is stated that ICH is “a guarantee of sustainable development” (UNESCO, 2003). Moreover, sustainable development is a constituting element of the ICH definition itself: For the purposes of this Convention, consideration will be given solely to such intangible cultural heritage as is compatible with existing international human rights instruments, as well as with the requirements of mutual respect among communities, groups and individuals, and of sustainable development (UNESCO, 2003, Art. 2.1).

Due to this definition, the compatibility of heritage elements with sustainable development preconditions inscriptions into one of the Convention’s lists. Hence, sustainable development is at the “heart of the Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage” (UNESCO, 2014b, pp. 2–3). Ten years after its adoption, the majority of States Parties confirmed their recognition of ICH as a social and economic resource for promoting sustainable development (Blake, 2016, p.  11). The 2003 Convention is regarded in that sense as an international policy document that integrates a new understanding of how heritage contributes to sustainable social and economic development (Blake, 2016, p. 18). This understanding of the developmental potentials of ICH results from UNESCO’s longstanding commitment to raising awareness on the relationship between culture and development, which started more than fifty years ago. Even before publishing the Brundtland Report, which provided a basic definition of sustainable development, UNESCO had become active in promoting reconciliation of developmental aspirations with environmental concerns. Until the 1970s, development had been exclusively regarded as an economic phenomenon and cultural aspects of development had been attributed mainly to the fields of education and civil rights (Arzipe, 2009, p. 166). At that time, developmental policies were deemed successful if they led to an increase in gross domestic product rates (Ibid.). Along with the widespread (Western) assumption that the cultural structures of industrial countries were implicitly existent everywhere, this approach to development was supposed to be beneficial also for ‘developing’ countries (Arzipe, 2009, p.  166; Brumann & Meskell, 2015, p.  22). However, in the 1970s, it became obvious that this understanding of development was severely harming the environment, as revealed by the Club of Rome’s report ‘The Limits to Growth’ (1972). The report testified to the reciprocal effects between population density, decreasing food resources, energy consumption, pollution, etc., forecasting catastrophic consequences for mankind if economy-focused development activities were continued (Meadows, 1972). Already in 1968, UNESCO had initiated awareness raising on the negative environmental effects of unlimited economic growth, resulting in the launch of the Man and the Biosphere Programme in 1972 (UNESCO, 2005, p.  2). This was further articulated at the Stockholm Conference on the Human Environment (1972), which provided the groundwork for what was later called ‘sustainable development’. This

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heralded a decade in which the connections between economic growth and environmental problems were more and more uncovered (Lonergan, 1993). During this period, culture had not been associated with development and was rather viewed as an “adversary of rational economic behaviour,” whereby especially the “‘traditional culture’” of ‘developing’ countries were perceived as obstacles to economic and, hence, “civil advancement” (Douglas, 2009, p. 87). During the course of the 1980s, the international community became increasingly aware of the destructive effects of uncontrolled economic growth. In 1982, their concerns led to the foundation of the UN World Commission on Environment and Development (WCED), whose task was to propose a “global agenda for change” on how to solve environmental problems by means of international cooperation with a special focus on developing developing countries (Brundtland, 1987, foreword). Four years later, the WCED published their final report ‘Our Common Future’ (1987), which is also known as the Brundtland Report (named after the Commission’s chairwoman Gro Harlem Brundtland). Therein, the Commission forewarned the exploitation of natural resources in industrialised countries, as this would hinder the advancement of ‘developing’ countries and represent a major threat to air, land, and water systems all over the world (Throsby, 2008). The Commission suggested adopting environmental state policies in order to end the destructive development trends in favour of a ‘sustainable’ development. The Brundtland Report provided a standard-setting definition of sustainable development, which still is broadly used today: Sustainable development is development that meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs (Brundtland, 1987, IV.1).

To enable its implementation on policy levels, the definition of sustainable development was further refined in 1992 at the UN Conference on Environment and Development (the ‘Rio Earth Summit’). One such outcome was Agenda 21 – a legally non-binding action plan – deemed to stimulate sustainable development on local, national, and global levels (UNCED, 1993). In the document, three distinct dimensions of sustainable development were articulated in the form of “economic, social and environmental considerations,” which were to be integrated “in decision-­ making at all levels and in all ministries” (UNCED, 1993, 8.4.a). Thus, the Rio Earth Summit made explicit what the Brundtland Report had only postulated. This later came to be known as the ‘three-pillar-model’ of sustainable development (Purvis et al., 2019, p. 686). The ‘three-pillar-model’ of sustainable development sets economic growth in relation with a social dimension, focusing on the satisfaction of basic human needs, and with an ecological dimension, targeted at the continuous functioning of ecosystems (Purvis et al., 2019, p. 687). There are two different understandings of how exactly these pillars are related. On the one hand, the three pillars are understood as distinct systems with their own goals, which have to be balanced in order to secure the future wellbeing of humankind. On the other hand, the three pillars are seen as perspectives of one developmental process (Purvis et al., 2019, p. 689). Irrespective of whether the three pillars are components of one process or self-standing systems,

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the Brundtland definition implies that the advancement of the economic pillar is pivotal and mutually related with the other pillars (Ibid., p.  690). This ‘growth-­ centered’ understanding of sustainable development is reflected in the notion of ‘sustainable growth’ formulated in the Brundtland Report, which has been reinforced by the UN during the 1992 Rio summit and in the Agenda 21 (Ibid., 2019, p. 691). As the Brundtland Commission focused their attention primarily on establishing a balance between economic, natural, and social environments, the Mexico Conference (1982) elaborated the interrelation between development and culture. In broadening UNESCO’s understanding of culture as a ‘way of life’ (cf. Sect. 2.1), the Mexico Declaration further underlined that culture is a basic dimension of development: Balanced development can only be ensured by making cultural factors an integral part of the strategies designed to achieve it; consequently, these strategies should always be devised in the light of the historical, social and cultural context of each society. (UNESCO, 1982, § 16)

It was the first time that the relation between culture and development was explicitly articulated on an international stage, and induced 77 states to proclaim a World Decade for Cultural Development from 1988 until 1997 (UNESCO, 1988). Also during this period, new development theories were taking shape based on the concept of human development, especially referencing earlier works of economist Amartya Sen. In Sen’s understanding, development is not primarily geared towards economic growth, but aims at providing each individual with the capability to live a free and self-determined life (Sen, 1999). In the first Human Development Report (1990) the concept was accordingly defined as follows: Human development is a process of enlarging people's choices. The most critical of these wide-ranging choices are to live a long and healthy life, to be educated and to have access to resources needed for a decent standard of living. (UNDP, 1990, p. 1)

The abandonment of a purely economic notion of development is especially recognisable later in the same report: People are the real wealth of a nation. (…) This may appear to be a simple truth. But it is often forgotten in the immediate concern with the accumulation of commodities and financial wealth (UNDP, 1990, p. 9).

In the UN context, human development has two basic dimensions. The first one focuses on enhancing human abilities in terms of ensuring long and healthy lives, knowledge transfer, and decent standards of living. The second aims at creating respectful conditions, including participation in political and community life, environmental sustainability, human security and rights, and gender equality (UN, 2020). Thus, human development goes far beyond the ‘three-pillar’ approach of sustainable development by acknowledging the importance of income and emphasizing education and health “not just as instrumentally productive, but valuable and therefore desirable in their own right” (Neumayer, 2010, p.  3). Both sustainable development and human development are ultimately targeted at enabling people

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and enhancing abilities and capabilities. However, the latter exceeds the ‘growth-­ based’ approach of sustainable development. Both concepts have long been separately considered and their interrelation is still discussed presently (Neumayer, 2010, p. 1). The concept of human development was adopted by the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP, 1990, p. 9), through which the understanding of development was brought closer to the notion of human rights (Blake, 2016, p. 13). This further led to subsequent recognition of ‘cultural rights’ as important constituent of human rights and they were increasingly recognised as a crucial factor in any developmental process.7 For example, the Universal Declaration on Cultural Diversity (UNESCO 2001), an important precursor of the 2003 Convention, states: All persons have therefore the right to express themselves and to create and disseminate their work in the language of their choice, and particularly in their mother tongue; all persons are entitled to quality education and training that fully respect their cultural identity; and all persons have the right to participate in the cultural life of their choice and conduct their own cultural practices, subject to respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms. (UNESCO, 2001, Art. 5)

In its foreword, then Director-General of UNESCO Kōichirō Matsuura stated that the Declaration “surpassed” discussions between countries who wanted to “defend cultural goods and services (…) and those which would hope to promote cultural rights” (UNESCO, 2001, foreword). This reflects the above-mentioned understandings of sustainable development and human development, which the Declaration intended to interrelate. During the 1990s, international organisations felt increasingly compelled to develop strategic solutions for perceived threats to cultural heritage. The world encountered a rapid decline of the diversity of cultural expressions, caused by globalisation and the spread of mass media, which was paralleled by re-emergence of religious fundamentalism (Arzipe, 2009, p. 178). Hence, UNESCO established the World Commission on Culture and Development (WCCD) with the mandate to develop a strategy to deal with decrease in cultural diversity and its consequences for development. In 1996, the WCCD published the report Our Creative Diversity, which represents a key document emphasising the intangible elements of cultural heritage (cf. Sect. 2.1) and its relation to development (WCCD, 1996). Building on the concepts of human development and sustainable development, Our Creative Diversity enhanced the role of culture to be not only a means, but, moreover, an end of developmental processes:

7  Cultural rights are human rights, as defined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights: “Everyone has the right freely to participate in the cultural life of the community, to enjoy the arts and to share in scientific advancement and its benefits” (United Nations, 1948, Art. 27). According to Symonides (1998, p. 560), cultural rights have long been a neglected category of human rights, which slowly changed during the 1990s. He saw one reason for the then prevailing ignorance of their importance in the varying understandings of ‘culture’ which make ‘cultural rights’ a concept not easy to grasp (Blake, 2016, p. 16).

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2  The 2003 Convention in the Context of Sustainable Development If it [the goal of development, a.n.] is economic growth, culture is purely instrumental, not something valuable in itself, but a means to the ends of promoting and sustaining economic progress. (...) There is, in addition, the role of culture as a desirable end in itself, as giving meaning to our existence. (WCCD, 1996, p. 14)

Integrating the concept of human development into its developmental paradigm, the Commission proclaimed a global ethic to which UNESCO adhered their following standard-setting instruments (Arzipe, 2009, p.  179). In this sense, it was acknowledged that development strategies can only be successful in case they are built on “culturally sensitive policies that enhance rather than curtail choice” (WCCD, 1996, p.  30). Reciprocally, the report also broadened the conception of human development in that the freedom of cultural expression was a basic component of a self-determined, enjoyable life (Arzipe, 2009, pp. 178–179). In this regard, the importance of identity formation and its free expression for human development was highlighted later by the UNDP: Human development requires more than health, education, a decent standard of living and political freedom. People’s cultural identities must be recognized and accommodated by the state, and people must be free to express these identities without being discriminated against in other aspects of their lives. (UNDP, 2004, p. 6)

In sum, especially in UNESCO’s cultural sector, human development was understood as a development which enables people to form and express their identities and to participate in community life, through which their capabilities to lead self-­ determined lives are enhanced. Culture was increasingly regarded as a foundation for this development, which is also reflected in the WCCD’s conclusion that culture is “not (...) a servant of ends, but (...) the social basis of the ends themselves” (WCCD, 1996, p. 14). In the subsequent Action Plan on Cultural Policies for Development (UNESCO, 1998), it was elaborated how the interrelation of human development and sustainable development could be translated into cultural policies. After stating that, as a basic principle, “[s]ustainable development and the flourishing of culture are interdependent”, it calls for establishing policies “to safeguard and enhance the cultural heritage, tangible and intangible (…) in such a way that they become one of the key components of endogenous and sustainable development” (UNESCO, 1998, Objective 3, 1998, Objective 1, 1998, preamble). As Blake summarises, the Action Plan was a key document for the subsequent preparation of heritage-related development policies: Hence, the connection is made explicitly here between heritage as a holistic concept, the interaction between cultural and natural elements of heritage, the imperative to safeguard it and pass it on to future generations (possibly in an enhanced condition) and the role of heritage in the formation of group identity (Blake, 2016, p. 13).

Given these preconditions, the concept of human development, entailing the notion of sustainable development, became a normative paradigm within the 2003 Convention. Moreover, UNESCO repeatedly requested to place “culture at the heart of development” that would be “an essential investment for world peace and stability and a prerequisite for the success of a globalization that embraces the diversity

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of development approaches and models” (UNESCO, 2012). In this context, the approximation of culture and development was further stipulated by the United Cities and Local Governments (UCLG), who suggested to consider culture as the ‘fourth pillar’ of sustainable development.8 With reference to UNESCO, UCLG stated, for example, that there are “clear political analogies (…) between cultural and ecological questions, as both culture and the environment are common assets of humanity” (UCLG, 2008, p.  1). This approach was further developed into the policy statement Culture: Fourth Pillar of Sustainable Development which the UCLG9 adopted in 2010. With reference to UNESCO’s Universal Declaration on Cultural Diversity (2001) and the Convention on the Diversity of Cultural Expressions (2005) it proclaimed that, “the world’s cultural challenges are too important (…) not to receive an equal amount of attention to that accorded to the original three dimensions of sustainable development (the economy, social equality and environmental balance)” (UCLG, 2010, §7). Hence, cities, as well as local and regional governments, were called to integrate culture into their development policies and to “promote the idea of culture as the fourth pillar internationally, in particular in international policy making” (Ibid.). UNESCO similarly advocated the integration of culture as a component in the post-2015 Millennium Development Goals (UNESCO, 2013c). Under the headline “Culture: Key to Sustainable Development”, a conference was held in Hangzhou, China to discuss the role of culture in developmental processes. In the resulting document, the Hangzhou Declaration (UNESCO, 2013a), UNESCO attested to the double role of culture in development. Reflecting the ‘three-pillar-model’, culture was attested to be a “driver” of sustainable development through the “specific contributions” it can make to social, economic, and ecological sustainability as “knowledge capital and a sector of activity” (Ibid.). In the sense of human development, culture would serve as an “enabler of sustainability” by being a “source of meaning and energy, a wellspring of creativity and innovation, and a resource to address challenges and find appropriate solutions” (Ibid.). UNESCO’s proposal to integrate culture in the post-2015 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) was only partially successful. In fact, no SDG of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development (2015) is dedicated solely to cultural 8  This suggestion was supported by numerous researchers. For example, Yencken and Wilkinson (2001, p. 9) argued that “there should be four pillars [of sustainable development] and that cultural sustainability should always be included.” Since “all policy is cultural”, Hawkes (2001, p. 25) suggested that culture should be a “separate and ‘distinct’ reference point” in sustainable development. Hence, culture should be the basis of sustainable development because all public planning must integrate the “values and aspirations of those who will be affected by the plan” Hawkes (2001, p. 32). Others confirmed that “the existing models of sustainable development forged from economic or environmental concern are unlikely to be successful without cultural considerations” because “many if not all of the planet’s environmental problems and certainly all of its social and economic problems have cultural activity and decisions (…) at their roots” Dessein et al. (2015, p. 14). Therefore the solutions to these problems also must be “culturally-based” (Ibid.). 9  The initiative had been supported by other institutions as well, e.g., ICOMOS or the #culture2015 goal campaign of international NGOs.

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aspects. However, Goal No. 4 (“Education and Lifelong Learning”) acknowledges “culture’s contribution to sustainable development” in the form of “knowledge and skills” needed for its promotion” (United Nations, 2015b, §4.7). Moreover, the 2030 Agenda acknowledges “the natural and cultural diversity of the world and recognize that all cultures and civilizations can contribute to, and are crucial enablers of, sustainable development” (United Nations, 2015b, § 36). Despite notions of human development in the 2030 Agenda, the UN rather consolidated the ‘three-pillar’ approach to sustainable development, whereby “a growth-focused economic pillar is central to their sustainable development narrative” and “equal in importance to social and environmental pillars of sustainability, as an unquestioned, unprobed necessity” (Purvis et al., 2019, p. 690). The Resolution on Culture and Sustainable Development (United Nations, 2015a) confirmed the inclusion of a cultural dimension into the 2030 Agenda and requested that the international community reconsider the relationship between culture and sustainable development in its future review framework. The Resolution provided examples of how cultural heritage can contribute to the three pillars of sustainable development, namely, as source of income, as means of social development, and as provider of sustainable solutions for environmental problems (United Nations, 2015a, p. 3). In sum, the concept of sustainable development evolved within a variety of intersecting discourses led by diverse institutions, and has been translated into divergent policies and programmes. Currently, there exists a multiplicity of definitions, accentuating different aspects of sustainable development. The UN, for example, emphasised the eradication of poverty as an “indispensable requirement” for sustainable development that creates “greater opportunities for all” by “reducing inequalities, raising basic standards of living, fostering equitable social development and inclusion, and promoting integrated and sustainable management of natural resources and ecosystems” (United Nations, 2017). This reflects the UN’s conceptual focus on the ‘economic pillar’ of sustainable development, which implies that “growth is key to meeting the social and environmental goals through trickle-down effects” (Purvis et al., 2019, p. 690). In academic discourses, different perspectives on the goals and implementation strategies of the ‘three-pillar-model’ of sustainable development are discussed, depending on the research field and scope of application. In the context of environmental studies, John Morelli (2011, pp. 4–5) compares the ‘three-pillar’ model to a “three-legged table consisting of the environment, the economy, and society” with a “dualistic relationship between human beings and the ecosystem they inhabit.” With regards to the relation between culture and sustainable development, different viewpoints are advanced. For example, Dessin et  al. (2015, p.  23) disclose their ‘growth-based’ understanding of sustainable development in an unequivocal manner by describing it as a “win-win-win solution between ecological (protection), social (justice) and economic viability,” which would represent the “widely-used model of the three pillars.” For Albert (2015, p.  15), the concept of sustainable development evolved in the light of an omnipresent “penury” of “all kinds of resources, whether forests or the environment, raw materials or soil, water or the

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heritage of peoples.” She sees the increasing acceptance of the concept critically in that, “popular form[s] of sustainability” become ‘in vogue’ in terms of modern lifestyles. This may imply that, “finite resources can be solved by good will and a few technical innovations” (Albert, 2015, p. 16). That sustainable development “questions consumption-based lifestyles and decision-making processes that are based solely upon economic efficiency” is stated by Duxbury and Gillette (2007, pp. 2–3). They further indicate that this “is complicated by the fact that sustainable development is based on society’s always changing world views and values” (Ibid.). Until today, the scope, goal, and definition of sustainable development is steadily debated. Due to its close linkage to human development, the concept is highly context-­related in a double dimension. On the one hand, the goals of sustainable development are defined by the aspirations of the communities affected. On the other hand, also the means of sustainable development, including the resources used, are culturally determined. Hence, Dessin et al. conclude that: [t]here is no single definition of sustainable development or sustainability that works for all circumstances, and it is necessary to acknowledge the diversity of these meanings (2015, p. 24).

Arzipe (2009, p. 179) confirms that sustainable development strategies have to be “culturally sensitive” in order to “fully take into the factor of human development.” This confirms that the aspirations of the affected communities need to be the planning criteria and the ultimate goal of developmental programmes at once. Therefore, sustainable development is a highly context-specific concept, which remains “ontologically open” (Purvis et al., 2019, p. 692). Despite the difficulties to provide a clear-cut definition of sustainable development, it became a defining element of UNESCO’s concept of intangible cultural heritage, reinforcing the normative character of the 2003 Convention. As described in Sect. 2.1, the definition of ICH alone is criticised for its ambiguous implications. To this already contested definition, the equally controversial notion of sustainable development was added as a mandatory constituent. Thus, States Parties face the challenge to bring in line two concepts, whose respective meanings are determined by their context of application. This led to essential uncertainties concerning the practical implementation of the 2003 Convention, as an evaluation by the IOS showed ten years after the adoption: In fact, the evaluation established that while people involved in the Convention generally agreed that the link was important, clarifying the nature of this link, identifying the potential that these linkages hold both for sustainable development on one hand and for the viability of ICH on the other, identifying the potential risks that development, if not sustainable, holds for ICH, etc. were still very much work in progress. This is not surprising given that the Convention is a relatively new instrument and that the linkages are manifold and not always easy to understand. (UNESCO, 2013b, 2.3.3, 57.)

The IOS also asserted that the difficulty States Parties had to implement the 2003 Convention may also be due to UNESCO’s wording and terminology. Thus, they recommended to:

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2  The 2003 Convention in the Context of Sustainable Development (…) use a ‘language’ that speaks to these other [‘non-culture] sectors and to look at these linkages from their perspective, rather than from the perspective of culture. In other words, there is a need for culture experts to put themselves in the shoes of other sectors and to look at ICH through the lens of sustainable development. Only then will culture stakeholders be able to identify openings for the integration of ICH in other policy areas, and to make concrete practical suggestions for how to go about it. (UNESCO, 2013b, p. 29)

Consequently, UNESCO reworked their Operational Directives for the Implementation of the Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage (ODs), which are an advisory framework for States Parties on how to implement the 2003 Convention. Intending to provide States Parties with explicit guidelines on how to connect ICH and sustainable development in their national policies, an additional chapter was added to the ODs in 2016. To gain insight into UNESCO’s recommendations of how ICH could be a ‘guarantee of sustainable development’ in practice, the respective parts of the ODs are analysed in detail in the following sub-chapter.

2.3  S  ustainable Development in the ‘Operational Directives for the Implementation of the Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage’ The notion of sustainable development was absent in the first version of the ODs (UNESCO 2008). The topic was gradually integrated in 2016 after several amendments, culminating in the additional chapter VI, which is solely devoted to explaining the interrelation of safeguarding intangible cultural heritage and sustainable development. The new chapter takes into consideration the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development (UN), the UN report Realizing the Future We Want for All, and the outcomes of the Rio + 20 Conference (UNESCO, 2015b, §6). Thus, the ODs draw primarily on the ‘growth-based’ approach of the three dimensions of sustainable development as promoted by the UN (cf. Sect. 2.2). In addition, chapter VI elaborates upon how far the safeguarding of intangible cultural heritage may contribute to the establishment or maintenance of peace and security “as fundamental prerequisites for sustainable development” (UNESCO, 2015a, p. 3). As is shown in the following, the ODs integrate both sustainable and human development topics, which are tightly interrelated. Although they generally coincide, the distinct developmental implications of the two concepts are recognisable in the ODs. Sustainable development initially made its way into the ODs in connection with the Intangible Cultural Heritage Fund in 2010, when UNESCO determined that, “no contributions may be accepted from entities whose activities are not compatible […] with the requirements of sustainable development” (UNESCO, 2010, II. 2.2, 73). It was also asserted that in connection with public communication, the “media are encouraged to contribute to raising awareness about the importance of the intangible cultural heritage as a means to foster social cohesion, sustainable development and prevention of conflict, in preference to focusing only on its aesthetic or

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entertainment aspects” (UNESCO, 2010, IV 1.2, 111). Further references to sustainability appeared in connection with threats to ICH caused by “unsustainable tourism” (UNESCO, 2010, IV 1.1, 102) and the resulting demand to “manag[e] tourism in a sustainable way” (UNESCO, 2010, IV 1.2, 117). Apart from this information, and the Convention’s text itself, little indication is given in the 2010 version of the ODs as to how exactly the connection between ICH and sustainable development should be understood and promoted. This led to frequent irritation on both sides, with States Parties being confused about how to formulate nomination files correctly or how to implement the Convention, and also with UNESCO officials debating the compatibility of concrete nomination files with sustainable development. Hence, the Intergovernmental Committee for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage “discussed the links between safeguarding intangible cultural heritage and sustainable development on numerous occasions” and decided “that it was better to gather within a single chapter directives concerning (…) [the] links between the safeguarding of intangible cultural heritage and sustainable development at the national level” (UNESCO, 2015b, §3). Titled “Safeguarding Intangible Cultural Heritage and Sustainable Development at the National Level”, the chapter starts with an introduction to ICH and sustainable development. Four sub-chapters follow that deal with the contributions ICH could make to inclusive social and economic development, to environmental sustainability, and peace. On a practical level, the chapter is intended to “advise States Parties, in the most complete and concrete way possible, about the measures they could implement to give real effect and substance to the Convention’s potential as a tool for sustainable development” (UNESCO, 2014b, p. 4). In the introductory part, States Parties are called to: recognize the importance and strengthen the role of intangible cultural heritage as a driver and guarantee of sustainable development, as well as fully integrate the safeguarding of intangible cultural heritage into their development plans, policies and programmes at all levels. (UNESCO, 2018, p. 6)

Furthermore, they should recognise, “the interdependence between the safeguarding of intangible cultural heritage and sustainable development” and “strive to maintain the balance between the three dimensions of sustainable development (…) as well as their interdependence with peace and security” (UNESCO, 2018, VI. 170). Four ways to comply with these demands are suggested: first, by ensuring that heritage communities participate in the implementation of the Convention; second, that they are the first ones to profit from it; third, by preventing negative consequences for ICH that violate ethical principles; and fourth, by cooperating with cultural and non-cultural experts to integrate the safeguarding of ICH into national cultural and non-cultural policies (UNESCO, 2018, VI. 171). Besides acknowledging that the safeguarding of ICH is an important contribution to sustainable development, States Parties shall also consider ICH as a “strategic resource to enable sustainable development” (UNESCO, 2018, VI, 173).

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2.3.1  Intangible Cultural Heritage and Social Sustainability Following the introductory statements, chapter VI of the Operational Directives aims to reveal how ICH interrelates with social sustainability. The recommendations in this sub-chapter alternate between reflecting the principles of sustainable development and human development. Related to the UN’s ‘three-pillar-model’ of sustainable development, according to which the social dimension supports the satisfaction of ‘basic human needs’, UNESCO counts food security and access to clean water as components of inclusive social development (UNESCO, 2018, VI. 171). ICH practices may contribute to food security in that they transmit knowledge and skills related to the cultivation and harvesting of vegetables, fruits and grains, to animal farming, and to meal preparation. The safeguarding of these practices may contribute to “maintaining agro-­ biodiversity” and “providing food security” (UNESCO, 2018, VI 1.1, 178). Also, it is pointed out that these practices are characterised by a “resilience to climate change” (UNESCO, 2018, VI 1.1, 178). UNESCO further hint at the importance of access to clean, safe water and of sustainable water use in the context of social sustainability. Implied herein is the assumption that passed-down agricultural knowledge – concerning water management or in the form of well constructions – may also contribute to securing basic human needs. In paragraph VI 1.5, States Parties are advised to “ensure the viability of water management systems” which are seen as ICH and which “promote equitable access to safe drinking water and sustainable water use” (UNESCO, 2018, VI.1.5, 182). Similar, traditional health care practices, including handed-down healing methods, knowledge about the medical effects of plants and their effective application, may secure basic human needs. Thus, UNESCO calls States Parties to promote research on and access to these traditional techniques and to foster collaboration among different types of health care practices (UNESCO, 2018a, VI. 1.2, 179). States Parties are requested to promote scientific studies on these topics and ensure, through legal and financial measures, that these traditions are utilised for the wellbeing of people and for responding to climate change (UNESCO, 2018, VI.1.5, 182). In the sense of human development, which implies to enlarge people’s choices and to enhance their capabilities to participate in political and community life, UNESCO also point to education and its “particular role in transmitting values and life skills and contributing to sustainable development” (UNESCO, 2018, VI. 1.3, 180). States Parties are called to ensure through appropriate legislation that the educational system does not alienate people from their ICH, and that ICH is integrated into curricula as content itself and as a method of transferring knowledge about other subjects. Moreover, States Parties should foster research on different pedagogical methods that are part of ICH and build up educational initiatives in regard to the protection of places that are needed for practicing ICH (UNESCO, 2018, VI. 1.3, 180).

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In this connection, the property of ICH to bear and possibly legitimise traditional gender roles also finds expression in the ODs. UNESCO requests elimination of “gender-based discrimination while recognizing that communities and groups pass on their values, norms and expectations related to gender through intangible cultural heritage” (UNESCO, 2018, VI. 1.4, 181). This might be a reaction to the evaluation reports of the Internal Observation Service (IOS) wherein it was pointed out that UNESCO should consider gender issues more critically (2013 and 2015). Indeed, there is an inherent contradiction between an inclusive social development based on gender equality and forms of ICH highlighting gender differences. Certain forms of ICH may glorify traditional roles of men and women in regulated ways of acting, dressing or carrying out certain tasks (cf. Sect. 2.3.4). In this respect, it might be problematic to ensure the ‘widest possible participation’ in ICH practices, as they might ‘traditionally’ exclude females, for example. The IOS commented on this difficulty by suggesting that, “rather than taking a negative view of traditional culture as inevitably damaging to women and equality, a positive one of it as constantly evolving and inherently flexible is possible” (UNESCO, 2013b, p.  25). Furthermore, States Parties should not “push for the equal participation of women and men in all practices and events at all times” but they are encouraged to “open a space for a reflection about women’s and men’s aspirations for their lives and how they relate to and whether they are being supported by the ICH they practice” (Ibid.). The IOS recommended that traditions should be adapted in such a way that their “core value to the community” is not changed “while any seriously discriminatory aspects are removed or neutralised” (Ibid.). Obviously aiming at a reconciliatory approach, the IOS, too, blundered into a logical dilemma because the ‘core value’ of a tradition may well be the maintenance of gender-related power structures. The sub-chapter closes in moderately suggesting that States Parties should rely on ICH practices as a starting point for discussing gender equality and how it may also contribute to it. Additionally, States Parties should support scientific research on gender roles in ICH and ensure that all safeguarding measures are implemented by recognising gender equality. Examples or advice on how exactly this could take place are currently not provided.

2.3.2  Intangible Cultural Heritage and Economic Sustainability Being a ‘driver’ of sustainable development, ICH may promote inclusive economic development by generating income, creating employment opportunities, and by activating or enhancing touristic expenditures (UNESCO, 2016). ICH practices may also be a source of innovation for new products and services if, for example, “old skills provide answers to new challenges” or “when timetested systems of cultural transmission are adapted to information and communications technologies”

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(UNESCO, 2015a, p. 10). The creation of economic value is the most obvious and possibly most accepted connection between ICH and ‘growth based’ development, because many traditions entail the production of goods like handicrafts, food, or event and festival organisation. Not so obvious is how this connection sustainable and what economic sustainability means as such. UNESCO state in this regard that, “sustainable development depends upon stable, equitable, and inclusive economic growth” (UNESCO, 2015a, p. 9). Inclusive economic growth, in turn, is: based on sustainable patterns of production and consumption and requires reduction of poverty and inequalities, productive and decent employment as well as ensuring access to affordable, reliable, sustainable, renewable and modern energy for all and improving progressively resource efficiency in consumption and production (UNESCO, 2018, p. 6).

UNESCO encourage States Parties to utilise their ICH for “strengthening local economies” by taking into consideration “fair trade and ethical economic relations” (UNESCO, 2018, p. 6). This may be enabled if the states “recognize, promote and enhance the contribution of intangible cultural heritage to generating income and sustaining livelihoods for communities, groups and individuals”, support scientific research on the topic, and create a suitable legal framework that facilitates the generation of income with ICH (UNESCO, 2018, VI.2.1, 185). Moreover, it should be assured that the heritage community is the main beneficiary of the income gained through ICH.  Although stated in a sub-paragraph, this seems to be an important point, which distinguishes between inclusive or sustainable economic development – where the financial rewards return to the ‘producers’ – and ‘conventional’ economic development. This implies that the heritage bearers themselves may become ‘producers’ of heritage-related products and gain economic profits from them. Moreover, the formulation “with particular attention to its adaptability to family and household circumstances and relation to other forms of employment” (UNESCO, 2018, VI.2.2, 186) hints at the working conditions connected to such ICH-related ‘businesses’. States Parties shall ensure that income generated from ICH should be realised under secure and humane employment conditions, referring back to implications of human development. Regarding the fact that ICH plays an important role in the tourism sector, the final paragraph of the sub-chapter on inclusive economic development is devoted to the “impact of tourism on the safeguarding of intangible cultural heritage and vice versa” (UNESCO, 2018, VI.2.3, 187). Traditions, festive events, performing arts, and the production of traditional handicrafts may attract tourists on regional, national, and international levels. Apart from the revenue generated through the retail of traditional products or entrance tickets to festivities, the inrush of tourists may have profitable effects on hotel and gastronomy sectors and on regional infrastructure. However, if tourism development is not “respectful of the heritage” it “can put this heritage at risk, which is the case (…) when excessive commercial activities alter its meaning and purpose for the community” (UNESCO, 2015a, p. 10). Tourism might threaten ICH practices as soon as performing arts or rituals are re-enacted only to satisfy tourists’ demands. This may lead to a ‘freezing’ or ‘folklorisation’ of ICH, which alienates tradition from peoples’ sense of lived reality,

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thereby altering its contemporary significance (Aikawa, 2005, p. 82; Kirshenblatt-­ Gimblett, 2004, p. 53; Misiura, 2006, p. 81; Salemink, 2016, p. 338). ‘Frozen’ traditions are mainly practiced for economic reasons and, thus, became detached from other cultural and social meanings (cf. Sect. 2.1). In such cases, the practices become dependent on external audiences who fluctuate according to seasons, fashions, political situations, and global economic developments. Consequently, in case of the absence of tourists to be ‘entertained’, the practices may cease to exist. For this reason, States Parties are urged to always put the safeguarding of ICH and the needs of the community first, instead of relying too much on touristic development. Moreover, it should be secured that touristic development does not change the social or cultural significance and the form of the tradition. In connection to this, States Parties shall either legally support conducive practices or sanction obstructive behaviour of tourists and entrepreneurs.

2.3.3  I ntangible Cultural Heritage and Environmental Sustainability According to UNESCO, “environmental sustainability requires ensuring a stable climate, sustainably managing natural resources and protecting biodiversity” (Intergovernmental Committee for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage, 2014, p. 6). In that traditional knowledge and practices support environmental research, they may help to protect biodiversity and foster communities’ resilience to natural disasters and climate change. In this sense, this sub-chapter reverts to both concepts of sustainable and human development, which are congruently concerned with the environment. As the ‘three-pillar’ model of sustainable development integrates a single ‘environmental’ strand, the principle of human development also encompasses environmental sustainability (UN, 2020) and is further characterised by equal “access to resources needed for a decent standard of living”, which again, enhances people’s capabilities to live self-determined lives (UNDP, 1990, p. 1). Because ICH practices “have guided human societies in their interactions with the surrounding natural environment for millennia” (UNESCO, 2015a, p. 6), they are deemed to be ecologically beneficial in that they save resources and avoid pollution. Hence, they contribute to “prevent biodiversity loss, reduce land degradation, and mitigate the effects of climate change” (UNESCO, 2013b, p. 23). This is why UNESCO regard the bearers of ‘knowledge about nature and the universe’ as “essential actors in sustaining the environment” (UNESCO, 2018, VI.3.1, 189 (a)). Likewise, the UN acknowledge “the positive contribution of local and indigenous traditional knowledge in addressing environmental challenges in a sustainable manner” and, therefore, call for its preservation in order to “foster synergies between modern science and technology and local and indigenous knowledge, practices and innovation” (United Nations, 2015a, p. 3). Especially knowledge and practices that

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can be harnessed for contemporary geoscience in the light of climate change and natural disasters should be safeguarded by promoting scientific research to adopt legal, technical, administrative, and financial measures that enable the further transmission of this knowledge. UNESCO credit to ICH-related knowledge and practices the potential to “face challenges related to climate change that existing knowledge may not address” in that they help to understand and demonstrate “the effectiveness of knowledge of disaster risk reduction, disaster recovery, climate adaptation and climate change mitigation” (UNESCO, 2018, VI.3.3, 191). Hence, in the sense of human development, States Parties are called to “fully integrate communities, groups and individuals who are bearers of such knowledge into systems and programmes of disaster risk reduction, disaster recovery and climate change adaptation and mitigation” (UNESCO, 2018, VI.3.3, 191). The described knowledge could best become effective in supporting environmental protection when integrated into large-scale programmes on environmental sustainability.

2.3.4  Intangible Cultural Heritage and Peacebuilding Apart from its connection to the three dimensions of sustainable development, UNESCO regard ICH as a contributing element of peacebuilding. By promoting social cohesion and equity, ICH practices may prevent and resolve disputes, restore peace, security, and achieve lasting peace (UNESCO, 2018, VI.4, 192). Through the addition of this sub-chapter, UNESCO deviate from the ‘three-pillar’ model of sustainable development and explicitly emphasise the potential of ICH to advance facets of human development. The reference to peacebuilding is rooted in UNESCO’s main purpose, as defined in their Constitution, and to the normative adherence of the 2003 Convention to the UN Declaration of Human Rights (cf. Sect. 2.1). In the ODs, UNESCO dialectically link peacebuilding and development in stating that, “sustainable development cannot be realized without peace and security; and peace and security will be at risk without sustainable development” (UNESCO, 2018, VI.4, 192). Consequently, States Parties are encouraged to focus their safeguarding measures on ICH elements, which have “peace-building and peace-making at their core, bring communities, groups, and individuals together and ensure exchange, dialogue and understanding among them” (Intergovernmental Committee for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage, 2014, pp. 9–10). According to UNESCO, certain social practices may help resolve local disputes by regulating the distribution of goods or managing access to public amenities. An often cited example for the reconciling function of ICH are the water tribunals of Murcia and Valencia, Spain, where a democratically elected Council of Wise Men10

10

 Cf. gender inequalities inherent in ICH practices as referred to in Sect. 2.3.1.

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regularly decides on the fair and equal distribution of water for agricultural purposes (UNESCO, 2015a, p. 12). Beyond that, safeguarding, peace-promoting forms of ICH may contribute to social cohesion and can counteract different forms of discrimination. To illustrate this, UNESCO refer elsewhere to the Manden Charter of Mali from 1236, one of the first human rights charters advocating the respect of human dignity irrespective of origin, the abolition of slavery, and the freedom of expression (UNESCO, 2015a, pp. 11–12). Partly by repeating certain aspects, which are already mentioned in the context of social sustainability, States Parties are especially called to protect and support forms of ICH “that help (…) to transcend and address differences of gender, colour, ethnicity, origin, class and locality” and “those that are broadly inclusive of all sectors and strata of society, including indigenous peoples, migrants, immigrants and refugees, people of different ages and genders, persons with disabilities and members of marginalized groups” (UNESCO, 2018, VI.4.1, 194). Apart from demanding States Parties to be aware of possible gender-based discrimination in the context of ICH practices, no further references are made to the fact that certain practices may counteract peacebuilding, stand in opposition to human rights, or reinforce social conflicts (cf. Sect. 2.3.4). The chapter on ICH and sustainable development concludes with UNESCO’s call for the recognition of ICH as a builder of lasting peace, and the encouragement of States Parties to ensure respect for the ICH of global minority populations in order to promote the peace-­ building potential of ICH (UNESCO, 2018, VI.4.4, 197).

2.3.5  Heritage Practices and Development: State of the Art UNESCO aggregated efforts to shed light on the interrelation of intangible cultural heritage and sustainable development in chapter VI of the Operational Directives. Therein, sustainable development is conceptualised in four dimensions, including social, economic, and environmental sustainability, as well as peacebuilding. The chapter was drafted in order to provide specific directives to facilitate the translation of ICH’s potentials for sustainable development into national policies and programmes. This had been recommended by the IOS, as they asserted a lack of clarity regarding the nature of this link. This included the suggestion to adapt the linguistic style of the ODs, so that stakeholders from ‘non-cultural’ sectors would be able to implement the 2003 Convention (UNESCO, 2013b, 4.3, 137). According to the analysis provided above, it may be concluded that despite the recommendations of the IOS, the chapter still draws on UNESCO-specific language and remains rather vague in its practical recommendations. The difficulty in formulating clear guidelines and providing concrete action plans for the practical connection of ICH and sustainable development may be rooted in the above mentioned ‘ontological flexibility’ of both concepts (cf. Sect. 2.1). As was elaborated before, the 2003 Convention aims to promote agency and practitioner participation, as participants should define what ICH is and how it should develop in the future.

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Simultaneously, the meaning of sustainable development is also highly contextual and depends on the aspirations of the affected communities (cf. Sect. 2.2). This makes it almost impossible to use “an appropriate, context-specific ‘language’ so that the messages resonate with non-culture sector actors”, as the IOS has previously demanded (UNESCO 2015b: 31–32,111.). Hence, it becomes clear why the exemplification of the tie between ICH and sustainable development by means of the Register of Good Safeguarding Practices11 is highly contextual and hardly promotes a conceptual transfer to other forms of ICH in different economic, social, and ecological situations. Consequently, UNESCO’s recommendations provide rather vague guidance on how to utilise ICH for developmental processes within the framework of the 2003 Convention. Moreover, the analysis showed that two developmental paradigms, namely, sustainable development and human development, were integrated into the ODs. This is not only reflected by the addition of a fourth dimension to the established ‘three-­ pillar-­model’ of sustainable development. Additionally, other elements of human development – like community involvement, education, or gender equality – have been incorporated into the ‘three pillars’ of sustainable development. Above that, the two concepts of development also find expression in UNESCO’s assertion of ICH’s ‘double role’ as a ‘driver’ and an ‘enabler’ of sustainable development. On the one hand, ICH bears the “potential as a driver of development through cultural industries, corresponding institutional infrastructures and sustainable cultural tourism”, while, on the other hand, “ICH’s potential as an enabler of sustainable development is mostly linked to its function as a source of identity and creativity” (UNESCO, 2013b, p.  15). As ‘drivers’ of sustainable development, ICH-related traditional knowledge, practices, and products are utilised to stimulate ‘sustainable growth’, corresponding to the ‘three-pillar-model’ of sustainable development. As an ‘enabler’ of sustainable development, ICH contributes to processes of identity building, e.g. in the form of ritual practices, which may enhance the capability of the practitioners to live self-determined lives in the sense of human development. In order to gain alternative insight into the links between cultural practices and sustainable development, academic literature considering the 2003 Convention was incorporated into this review. As the literature review shows, the current discourse on this topic may also be systemised according to two interrelated approaches that aids investigation of the connection between ICH and sustainable development. On the one hand, ICH is analysed in terms of its ‘growth-based’ contribution to economic, social, and ecological developmental processes. On the other hand, ICH is considered with regards to its identity-forming effects and to the social conflicts or

 The register complements the Representative List and the List of ICH in Need of Urgent Safeguarding by providing examples of “programs, projects, and acitivities that best reflect the principles and the objectives of the Convention” (UNESCO, 2020a). As of March 2021, the register contains 25 elements corresponding to 22 countries. A comparison with the Representative List containing 492 elements corresponding to 128 countries, may attest to both, a far lower popularity of the Register, and the difficulty to comply to the Convention’s principles and objectives in an ideal way.

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power struggles possibly entailed. The following literature review aims at complementing the analysis of the ODs with perspectives beyond UNESCO’s documents, reflecting the state of the art concerning the interrelation between ICH and sustainable, respectively, human development. Investigations concerning the ‘growth-based’ developmental potentials of ICH appear, for example, in the form of case studies describing specific heritage practices and how they are utilised to trigger development in distinct localities. For example, Fournier (2013) analysed how ‘processional giants and dragons’ contributed to economic development in France, which led to a changed interaction between the state and local economies. Pina Vaivade (2017) focused on the developmental implications of the ICH nomination of the Lativian ‘Suiti cultural space’, concluding that, ‘inclusive social development’ and ‘inclusive economic development’ are the primary concern of the Suiti community. Other examples that consider ICH’s relation to the economic, social, or environmental dimensions of sustainable development include specific forms of ICH in Portugal (Pina, 2015), Croatia (Hrovatin, 2017), or Poland (Smyk, 2017), and how they triggered development in ‘growth-based’ understandings. Related to this developmental paradigm, the contributions of ICH to development are often analysed in parallel with sustainable tourism (Huang et al., 2018; Kim et al., 2019; Leong & Du Cros, 2008; Robinson & Picard, 2006; Rodzi et al., 2013; Vegheș, 2018). In terms of such ‘growth-based’ understandings of sustainable development, ICH practices are frequently characterised as a form of capital or as bearing some sort of capital, e.g. ‘intellectual’ capital (Rusu-Tanasă, 2015), ‘territorial capital’ (Hribar et al., 2015), ‘knowledge-based capital’ (Kolesnikova et al., 2015), ‘social capital’ (Taheri et al., 2020) or ‘cultural capital’ (Ateş, 2014; Dalziel et al., 2009; Krotscheck et  al., 2014). The economist David Throsby differentiated between “tangible cultural capital” that “exists in buildings, structures, sites and locations endowed with cultural significance (commonly called ‘cultural heritage’)” and “intangible cultural capital” comprising “the set of ideas, practices, beliefs, traditions and values which serve to identify and bind together a given group of people” (Throsby, 1999, pp. 6–7). Consequently, Throsby suggested adding cultural capital as a fourth category to the three principal forms of capital of economic theory (physical, natural, and human capital). He did so because in his view, cultural heritage has distinct values that must be differentiated from economic capital in order to be able to explain its role in economic value creation (Throsby, 1999, pp. 3–4). Although referring to Pierre Bourdieu as an originator of the concept of cultural capital, Throsby used it in a different understanding, detached from the ‘Theory of Practice’ in the sense of ‘human capital’ (Throsby, 1999, p. 4). Moreover, he misinterpreted cultural capital as “competence in society’s high-status culture” (Ibid.), showing that he referred to Bourdieu rather superficially. Against the background of Bourdieu’s capital theory, ICH’s developmental potentials are considered by Gao (2017) as well as Kuah and Liu (2017). Even taking into account the concept of capital conversion, Gao (2017) exemplified how the traditional celebration of the religious Cheung Chau Bun Festival in Hong Kong generates economic income for the local community, e.g., through the retail of “touristic products” (Gao, 2017,

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p.  45). However, in this study the concepts of capital are considered in isolation from Bourdieu’s ‘Theory of Practice’, and is primarily used to explain the economic benefits gained by ICH tourism. In a study contributing to the establishment of a sustainable development indicator framework for New Zealand, Dalziel et al. (2009) suggested ‘cultural capital’ as a separate indicator of sustainable development. The authors defined ‘cultural capital’ as “a community’s embodied cultural skills and values, in all their community-­ defined forms, inherited from the community’s previous generation, undergoing adaptation and extension by current members of the community, and desired by the community to be passed on to its next generation” (Dalziel et al., 2009, p. 19). The study concluded that the proposed framework of sustainable development indicators should integrate ‘cultural capital’ as an “essential component of human well-being” (Ibid., 2009, p. 36), and that it contributes to sustainable development by its adaptation to current social needs and its transmission to the next generation (Ibid., 2009, p. 20). In the EU-funded project Cultural Capital Counts (CCC) (2011–2014), public and private stakeholders investigated the connection between ICH and sustainable development on a practical level. Taking UNESCO’s definition of ICH as an inspiration, the project focused on an exploration of the developmental potential of ICH and aimed to provide recommendations for local stakeholders on how to stimulate regional development based on cultural practices (Krotscheck et al., 2014). Based on a ‘trial and error’ methodology, the involved development agencies and cultural centres started grassroots projects with the goal to develop products and services from local forms of intangible cultural heritage. The experiences made were summarised in the ‘Cultural Resources Strategy for Sustainable Regional Development’, including a five-stage “valorization process of ICH” (Krotscheck et al., 2014, p. 7). The strategy is understood as a guideline for “anyone who is involved in the preservation, revitalization or development of localities or regions, from elected officials, to business owners and entrepreneurs, to local artists, craftspeople and even concerned citizens” (Ibid.). The “CCC methodology” provides advice on how to identify intangible cultural heritage practices on a local level and how to develop and implement ideas for innovative products and services based on them. The follow-up project ARTISTIC (2017–2020) aims to further complement the ICH valorisation methodology with crowdfunding strategies and the installation of “ICH help desks” (Interreg CENTRAL EUROPE Programme, 2019). The role of ICH in processes of identity-building was considered shortly after the adoption of the 2003 Convention by D’Orville (2005), van Ginkel (2005), and Wulf (2005) at UNESCO’s International Conference on Globalization and Intangible Cultural Heritage in Tokyo, Japan. While van Ginkel emphasized the general relevance of ICH practices for the formation of individual and group identities (2005, p. 24), D’Orville and Wulf refocused the central role played by the human body in this process. For example, D’Orville asserted that “the body is the principal medium of intangible cultural heritage” and that the performance of ICH entails mimetic processes, which promote “cultural learning and transmission” (D’Orville, 2005, p. 37). Wulf went further in stating that the determination of the particular character

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of an ICH element would require the analysis of the role of the human body in the practice (Wulf, 2005, p. 85). The developmental potential of ICH would moreover be grounded specifically in its collective performance. Through the collective performance of ICH, the practices would become “socially and culturally effective”, making them “essential for the constitution of a community and its culture” (Ibid.). Approaching ICH practices as rituals, Wulf referred to Bourdieu’s habitus concept, as it conceptualises the incorporation of external social structures into the body, interfering with processes of identity formation (cf. Sect. 3.2). Central to this approach are mimetic processes involving the creative imitation of practices, whereby human beings connect to each other and group identities are created. Additionally, mimetic processes entail the embodiment of implicit forms of practical knowledge, which is crucial for the intergenerational transmission of ICH (Wulf, 2005, p. 88). He concluded that: In mimetic processes human beings take copies of the social world and make the so internalized world to a part of themselves. By doing so, intangible cultural heritage is transferred and learnt by the younger generation. (Wulf, 2005, p. 88)

Wulf further developed this approach by defining five structural aspects of ICH: the human body, performative character, ritual ‘staging’ and acting, mimetic acquisition, and its relevance for the mediation of cultural diversity and alterity (Wulf, 2016, 373 ff.). According to it, ICH practices are constituted by transient bodily performances and, hence, are vulnerable to social transformation and globalisation processes. Because they are practiced regularly and mark stages of transition, like, e.g., weddings, births, or deaths, performances of ICH have a ritual character that constitute communities and cultural identities. The transmission of ICH is further conceptualised by Wulf as a mimetic process contributing to the unconscious embodiment of practical knowledge and skills (cf. Sect. 3.2.2). In this regard, ritual repetition is central to the development of ‘cultural competences’, as it allows for a creative alteration of the imitated practices (Wulf, 2016, p. 375). He concluded that ICH practices may constitute stable cultural identities and, thus, are a suitable medium for experiencing alterity in positive ways (Ibid.). In his conceptualisation of ICH, Wulf adopted the normativity of the 2003 Convention in three aspects. First, by referring to the ‘vulnerability’ of ICH practices to the ‘homogenising’ effects of globalisation, he took up the notion of ‘safeguarding’, which implies an ‘ideal’ state of ICH that is ‘worthwhile’ saving (cf. Sect. 2.1). Secondly, in pointing to cultural diversity and alterity, Wulf alluded to the concept of human development, as well as to the potential of ICH for peacebuilding. In this regard, ICH would serve to raise awareness on the importance of cultural heterogeneity, which may counteract the loss of cultural diversity due to accelerated globalisation (Wulf, 2016, p. 375). Thirdly, a raised sensitivity for cultural diversity testifies to intercultural learning processes, which would enable individuals to cope with cultural differences. Thus, as an intermediary between identity and alterity, ICH may become at once a medium of human development and peacebuilding (Wulf, 2016, p. 376).

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The supposed peacebuilding effects of ICH practices stand in opposition to several studies of ICH elements violating human rights, thus impeding human development. In this regard, Kurin (2004) provided examples of oral traditions and musical heritage glorifying conflicts and suppression: Their [many cultural communities’] very identity as a people or community relies on their victory over or defeat by others. Their defining songs and tales may celebrate the glory of empire, victorious kings, religious conversion, or alternatively resistance to perceived injustice, martyrdom and defeat – not the mutual respect of peoples. (Kurin, 2004, p. 70)

Other studies focused on how ICH is utilised to justify social inequalities, uneven power relations, or to proselytise in favour of certain religions or beliefs. For example, Erlewein (2015) provided evidence of Sanskrit theatre plays ridiculing and criticizing Buddhist, Jain, and other philosophies from as early as the Seventh century (Erlewein, 2015, 104, footnotes 213–214). Moreover, the transmission of gender roles was analysed by Moghadam and Bagheritari (2005, p. 3), who argue that there are numerous social practices that promote discrimination and social injustice. In this respect, female genital mutilation has been frequently used as an example of how traditional cultural practices may cause fatal physical and mental injuries (Cameron & Rawlings-Anderson, 2001; Lenzerini, 2011; Logan, 2007). Other aspects like permanent body mutilation in the form of foot binding or neck rings, as well as the Muslim chador or burqa, were also subjects of analyses (Ruggles & Silverman, 2009, p. 2). Human Rights Watch regularly investigate how traditions and customs may hamper equal social, cultural, and economic rights in the context of women’s rights, as well as lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender communities (Reid, 2013). In sum, the analysis of UNESCO’s ODs, and the subsequent literature review on the relation between ICH and sustainable development, allow for two major conclusions. First, in their relation to sustainable development, ICH practices are conceptualised in two different ways. ICH is firstly approached as a ‘driver’ of sustainable development in that it contributes to forms of ICH-related knowledge, practices, or objects. This involves an interaction of the practitioners with their immediate natural and social surroundings in the form of economic, social, or environment-related activities. Such activities may contribute to sustainable development in a ‘growth-­ based’ understanding of the concept. At the same time, ICH is secondly understood to be an ‘enabler’ of sustainable development in that it contributes to identity-­ building. By practicing ICH, the community members embody the structures of their social surroundings, forming individual and group identities. Thereby, ‘internal’ developmental processes are initiated, which may enhance the capacity of the practitioners to live self-determined lives, to participate in community life, and enlarge their choices. Ideally, this helps them to cope with alterity and crisis. The twofold understanding of ICH as ‘driver’ and ‘enabler’ of development may be connected to two different understandings of development, namely, sustainable development and human development. This is reflected in both UNESCO’s documents related to the 2003 Convention, and in academic works analysing the interrelation between ICH and development.

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Second, while the analysed documents acknowledge that both dimensions are interrelated, the review shows that they are hardly ever jointly conceptualised. Thus, it is suggested that Pierre Bourdieu’s ‘Theory of Practice’ offers a possibility to grasp both the ‘driving’ and the ‘enabling’ potential of ICH within one methodological framework. This approach draws on the habitus concept to reconstruct the identity-building aspects of ICH practices, as previously suggested by Wulf (2011, 2016). The concept is expanded by integrating Bourdieu’s capital theory, which helps to theorise the developmental potentials of ICH in its ‘driving’ role. In sum, the accommodation of both ICH’s ‘driving’ and ‘enabling’ function within one theoretical framework intends to acknowledge a mutual dependency in terms of human and sustainable development.

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Hrovatin, M. (2017). Importance of inter-institutional cooperation for ICH safeguarding and sustainable development. The case of dry stone building. In H. Schreiber (Ed.), Intangible cultural heritage: Safeguarding experiences in Central and Eastern European countries and China: 10th anniversary of the entry into force of the 2003 convention through the prism of sustainable development (pp. 398–411). National Heritage Board of Poland. Huang, X.-Y., Guo, L., Ni, H., Qin, Z.-n., Wan, L., & Ma, X.-b. (2018). A study on tourism development of intangible cultural heritage in Shiyan City. In Proceedings of the 3rd International Seminar on Education Innovation and Economic Management (SEIEM 2018). Atlantis Press. https://doi.org/10.2991/seiem-­18.2019.129 ICOMOS. (1994). Nara document on authenticity. Nara, Japan. https://www.icomos.org/charters/ nara-­e.pdf ICOMOS. (2004, February). The world heritage list: Filling the gaps  – An action plan for the future: An analysis by ICOMOS. Paris. Intergovernmental Committee for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage. (2014). Convention for the safeguarding of the intangible cultural heritage: Item 13.b of the provisional agenda: Expert meeting on safeguarding intangible cultural heritage and sustainable development. Ninth session UNESCO Headquarters 24 to 28 November 2014. Paris. UNESCO. Interreg CENTRAL EUROPE Programme (Ed.). (2019). ARTISTIC. https://www.interreg-­central. eu/Content.Node/ARTISTIC.html Kim, S., Whitford, M., & Arcodia, C. (2019). Development of intangible cultural heritage as a sustainable tourism resource: The intangible cultural heritage practitioners’ perspectives. Journal of Heritage Tourism, 153(3), 1–14. https://doi.org/10.1080/1743873X.2018.1561703 Kirshenblatt-Gimblett, B. (2004). Intangible heritage as metacultural production. Museum International, 56(1–2), 52–65. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1350-­0775.2004.00458.x Kolesnikova, J., Salyahov, E., & Fakhrutdinov, R. (2015). Correlation of concepts of intangible property of the state, National wealth and intangible heritage. Procedia – Social and Behavioral Sciences, 188, 237–241. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.sbspro.2015.03.379 Krotscheck, C., Fend, M., Albert, M.-T., Meißner, M., et al. (2014). Cultural resources strategy for sustainable regional development: The CCC method. Auersbach. Cultural Capital Counts. http://www.central2013.eu/fileadmin/user_upload/Downloads/outputlib/CCC_Strategy.pdf Kuah, K. E., & Liu, Z. (2017). Intangible cultural heritage in contemporary China and Hong Kong: An introductory overview. In K.  E. Kuah & Z.  Liu (Eds.), Routledge contemporary China series: Vol. 160. Intangible cultural heritage in contemporary China: The participation of local communities (pp. 1–10). Routledge Taylor & Francis Group. Kurin, R. (2004). Safeguarding intangible cultural heritage in the 2003 UNESCO convention: A critical appraisal. Museum International, 56(1–2), 66–77. https://doi. org/10.1111/j.1350-­0775.2004.00459.x Kurin, R. (2007). Safeguarding intangible cultural heritage: Key factors in implementing the 2003 convention. International Journal of Intangible Heritage, 2, 9–20. Kuutma, K. (2013). Concepts and contingencies in heritage politics. In L. Arizpe & C. Amescua (Eds.), SpringerBriefs in environment, security, development and peace: Vol. 6. Anthropological perspectives on intangible cultural heritage (pp. 1–15). Springer. Labadi, S. (2007). Representations of the nation and cultural diversity in discourses on world heritage. Journal of Social Archaeology, 7(2), 147–170. Labadi, S. (2013). Unesco, cultural heritage, and outstanding universal value: Value-based analyses of the world heritage and intangible cultural heritage conventions (Archaeology in society series). AltaMira Press. http://site.ebrary.com/lib/alltitles/docDetail.action?docID=10659239 Lenzerini, F. (2011). Intangible cultural heritage: The living culture of peoples. European Journal of International Law, 22(1), 101–120. https://doi.org/10.1093/ejil/chr006 Leong, S., & Du Cros, H. (2008). Intagible heritage and sustainable tourism planning: A critique of a tourism resort development proposal for Lugu Lake, China. In B. Prideaux (Ed.), Cultural and heritage tourism in Asia and the Pacific (pp. 221–231). Routledge.

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Logan, B. (2009). Playing the Devil’s advocate: Protecting intangible cultural heritage and the infringement of human rights. Historic Environment, 22(3), 14–18. http://hdl.handle.net/10536/ DRO/DU:30029882 Logan, W.  S. (2007). Closing Pandora’s box: Human rights conundrums in cultural heritage protection. In H.  Silverman & D.  F. Ruggles (Eds.), Cultural heritage in a globalized world. Cultural heritage and human rights (series 2) (pp.  33–52). Springer. https://doi. org/10.1007/978-­0-­387-­71313-­7_2 Lonergan, S. (1993). Sustainable regional development. Canadian Journal of Regional Science/ Revue Canadienne Des Sciences Régionales, XVI(3), 335–339. http://www.cjrs-­rcsr.org/ archives/16-­3/Lonergan.pdf Meadows, D. H. (1972). The limits to growth: A report for the Club of Rome’s project on the predicament of mankind (4. print). Universe Books. Meyer-Rath, A. (2007). Zeit-nah, Welt-fern? Paradoxien in der Prädikatisierung von immateriellem Kulturerbe. In D. Hemme, M. Tauschek, & R. Bendix (Eds.), Studien zur Kulturanthropologie. Europäischen Ethnologie: Vol. 1. Prädikat “Heritage”: Wertschöpfungen aus kulturellen Ressourcen (p. 147). Lit.. Misiura, S. (2006). Heritage marketing. Elsevier Butterworth-Heinemann. http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/book/9780750663182 Moghadam, V., & Bagheritari, M. (March 2005). Cultures, conventions, and the human rights of women: Examining the convention for safeguarding intangible cultural heritage, and the declaration on cultural diversity. SHS Papers in Women’s Studies/Gender Research No.1. Paris. UNESCO Gender Equality and Development Section. http://www.unesco.org/fileadmin/ MULTIMEDIA/HQ/SHS/pdf/Cultures_Conventions_HR_Women.pdf Morelli, J. (2011). Environmental sustainability: A definition for environmental professionals. Journal of Environmental Sustainability, 1(1), 1–10. https://doi.org/10.14448/jes.01.0002 Neumayer, E. (2010, June). Human development and sustainability: Human development reports. Research Paper 2010/05. London. United Nations Development Programme. Pina, H. (2015). Intangible cultural heritage and sustainable development in the Douro Demarcated Region (Northern Portugal): The cases of Cambres and Parada do Bispo. Espaço E Economia. Advance online publication. https://doi.org/10.4000/espacoeconomia.2100. Pinto, T. d. O. (2016). Vorwort. Die Tonkunst. Magazin Für Klassische Musik Und Musikwissenschaft, 10(4), 370. Purvis, B., Mao, Y., & Robinson, D. (2019). Three pillars of sustainability: In search of conceptual origins. Sustainability Science, 14(3), 681–695. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11625-­018-­0627-­5 Reid, G. (2013). The trouble with tradition: When “values” trample over rights [Human Rights Watch World Report 2013]. Human Rights Watch. https://www.hrw.org/world-­report/2013/ country-­chapters/africa Robinson, M., & Picard, D. (2006). Tourism, culture and sustainable development. UNESCO. Rodzi, N. I. M., Zaki, S. A., & Subli, S. M. H. S. (2013). Between tourism and intangible cultural heritage. Procedia – Social and Behavioral Sciences, 85, 411–420. https://doi.org/10.1016/j. sbspro.2013.08.370 Rudolff, B. (2006). ‘Intangible’ and ‘tangible’ heritage: A topology of culture in contexts of faith. Scientia Bonnensis. Ruggles, D. F., & Silverman, H. (2009). From tangible to intangible heritage. In H. Silverman & D. F. Ruggles (Eds.), Intangible heritage embodied (pp. 1–14). Springer. Rusu-Tanasă, M. (2015). Intellectual capital a strategic factor of socio-economic development of regions and countries. Procedia Economics and Finance, 27, 369–374. https://doi.org/10.1016/ S2212-­5671(15)01008-­4 Salemink, O. (2016). Described, inscribed, written off: Heritagisation as (dis)connection. In P. Taylor (Ed.), Vietnam series. Connected & disconnected in Viet Nam: Remaking social relations in a post-socialist nation. ANU Press. https://doi.org/10.22459/CDVN.03.2016.09 Sen, A. (1999). Development as freedom (1st ed.). Oxford University Press.

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UNESCO. (2002, September 16). Background paper for the meeting: “Intangible cultural heritage  – a Mirror of cultural diversity”. Istanbul. http://www.unesco.org/culture/ich/doc/ src/00073-­EN.pdf UNESCO. (2003, October 17). Convention for the safeguarding of the intangible cultural heritage. Paris. https://ich.unesco.org/en/convention UNESCO. (2005). UNESCO and sustainable development. UNESCO. UNESCO. (2006). Masterpieces of the Oral and intangible heritage of humanity: Proclamations 2001, 2003 and 2005. UNESCO. (2009). Kit of the convention for the safeguarding of the intangible cultural heritage: Working towards the 2003 convention. UNESCO. http://www.unesco.org/culture/ich/doc/ src/01854-­EN.pdf UNESCO. (2010). Operational directives for the implementation of the convention for the safeguarding of the intangible cultural heritage: Adopted by the general assembly of the states parties to the convention at its second ordinary session (Paris, France, 16 to 19 June 2008), amended at its third session (Paris, France, 22 to 24 June 2010). . UNESCO. http://www. unesco.org/culture/ich/en/directives UNESCO. (2012, June 6). What are the millenium development goals? http://www.unesco.org/ new/en/culture/achieving-­the-­millennium-­development-­goals/mdgs/ UNESCO. (2013a). Culture: Key to sustainable development: The Hangzhou declaration [Placing culture at the heart of sustainable development policies.]. UNESCO. http://iflaonline.org/wp-­ content/uploads/2014/12/FinalHangzhouDeclaration20130517.pdf UNESCO. (2013b). Evaluation of UNESCO’s standard-setting work of the culture sector: Part I: 2003 convention for the safeguarding of the intangible cultural heritage. Final report. Paris. UNESCO. http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0022/002230/223095e.pdf UNESCO. (2013c). The Hangzhou declaration: Heralding the next era of human development. http://www.unesco.org/new/en/unesco/resources/ the-­hangzhou-­declaration-­heralding-­the-­next-­era-­of-­human-­development/ UNESCO. (2014a). Heritage: Legacy from the past to the future. http://www.unesco.org/new/en/ brasilia/culture/world-­heritage/heritage-­legacy-­from-­past-­to-­the-­future/ UNESCO. (2014b, September 16). Expert meeting on safeguarding intangible cultural heritage and sustainable development at the national level: Istanbul, Turkey, 29 September to 1. October 2014. ITH/14/EXP/1. Paris. UNESCO. UNESCO. (2015a). Intangible cultural heritage and sustainable development. http://unesdoc. unesco.org/images/0024/002434/243402e.pdf UNESCO. (2015b). Item 14.a of the provisional agenda: Draft amendments to the operational directives on safeguarding intangible cultural heritage and sustainable development: Tenth session Windhoek, Namibia 30 November to 4 December 2015. ITH/15/10.COM/14.a. Paris. UNESCO. UNESCO. (2016). Global report on culture for sustainable urban development: Culture urban future. Paris. http://www.unesco.org/culture/culture-­for-­sustainable-­urban-­development/ pdf-­open/executive-­summary_en.pdf UNESCO. (2018). Operational directives for the implementation of the convention for the safeguarding of the intangible cultural heritage. Paris. UNESCO. (2020a). Criteria and timetable for selection of register of best safeguarding practices. https://ich.unesco.org/en/select-­for-­the-­register-­00300 UNESCO. (2020b). Intangible heritage domains in the 2003 convention. https://ich.unesco.org/en/ intangible-­heritage-­domains-­00052 UNESCO, & Executive Board. (2001, May 16). Report on the preliminary study on the advisability of regulating internationally, through a new standard-setting instrument, the protection of traditional culture and folklore; 2001 (161st Session). Paris. http://unesdoc.unesco.org/ images/0012/001225/122585e.pdf United Nations. (1948, December 10). Universal declaration of human rights. Paris. https://www. un.org/en/udhrbook/pdf/udhr_booklet_en_web.pdf

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Chapter 3

Pierre Bourdieu’s ‘Theory of Practice’

Abstract  In this chapter Pierre Bourdieu’s ‘Theory of Practice’ is introduced as the methodological framework of this book. It serves as the theoretical basis on which the interrelation between ICH, sustainable development, and human development is conceptualised. This enables the elaboration of a model for the valorisation of ICH in the following chapters. As a basis, this chapter provides a comprehensive introduction into Bourdieu’s habitus concept and the capital theory, which serve as the main methodological tools to conceptualise the ‘enabling’ and the ‘driving’ potential of ICH in sustainable development. The chapter closes with a brief review of Bourdieu’s reception in order to position his work in the broader context of social sciences, simultaneously taking into account his major critics to point out the limitations of his theory. Keywords  Theory of practice · Pierre Bourdieu · Cultural capital · Habitus · Intangible heritage · Sustainable development

Bourdieu’s ‘Theory of Practice’ provides an appropriate methodological framework to analyse the interrelation between ICH and sustainable development. On the one hand, it offers conceptual insights into the social significance of heritage practices because Bourdieu showed that and how cultural practices reflect social structures. Thus, cultural practices, including ICH, may have a twofold funtion in that they can stabilise social structures but also might become arenas of social conflicts and power struggles. Thereby, individual and group indentities are formed and mediated. On the other hand, the ‘Theory of Practice’ enables a structural understanding of ICH’s contribution to developmental processes. Especially Bourdieu’s understanding of capital helps to systemise the potential of ICH as a ‘driver’ of sustainable development (cf. Sects. 2.2 and 5.2), while his habitus concept proved fruitful to understand the funtion of ICH as ‘enabler’ of sustainable development (cf. Sects. 2.2 and 5.1). In sum, Bourdieu’s ‘Theory of Practice’ provisions a feasible methodology to explain how ICH practices simultaneously form identities and foster sustainable development. As the concepts of habitus and capital are closely interrelated with his © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 M. Meissner, Intangible Cultural Heritage and Sustainable Development, Heritage Studies, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-79938-0_3

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intention to overcome the dualism of ‘subjectivism’ and ‘objectivism’, the chapter starts with an overview of the historical genesis of Bourdieu’s theory and an account of its epistemological roots. Moreover, ‘capital’ and especially ‘habitus’ are to be understood in connection with the notions of ‘historicity’, ‘hysteresis’, ‘unconscious incorporation’, as well as further concepts like ‘class’, ‘field’, and ‘social space’. Consequently, these conceptions are elaborated before the concept of capital is introduced in detail. The chapter closes with a brief review of Bourdieu’s reception in order to position his work in the broader context of social sciences, simultaneously taking into account his major critics to point out the limitations of his theory.

3.1  B  ourdieu’s ‘Theory of Practice’: Background and Application Pierre Bourdieu crossed borders in manifold respects. In the course of his work and life, he transversed social, epistemological, and disciplinary boundaries. Coming from a humble personal background, he transgressed several social and institutional barriers up to his appointment as a professor at the honourable Collège de France, the most prestigious research institution in France. Bourdieu’s experience during his social advancement profoundly influenced his research, which led him from philosophy to ethnology and anthropology, eventually contributing to the development of the field of sociology (Webb et  al., 2002, pp.  5–6). Thereby, one of his major epistemological achievements was his attempt to synthesise the micro and macro levels of analysis in social sciences with reconciling the opposition between ‘subjectivism’ and ‘objectivism’; between constructivism and structuralism (cf. Sect. 3.1.3). Winkingly labelling his own work as ‘structuralist constructivism’ or ‘constructivist structuralism’ (Bourdieu, 1992, p. 135), Bourdieu’s ‘Theory of Practice’ made him one of the most influential sociologists of the second half of the twentieth century. As a “theory of the mode of generation of practices,” the ‘Theory of Practice’ explains “the internalization of externality and the externalization of internality,” (Bourdieu, 1972/1977, p. 72) revolving around the central concepts of habitus and capital. His theory was strongly influenced by French Existentialism and structuralist anthropology (Baert & da Silva, 2010, p. 35), as elaborated in the following.

3.1.1  ‘Subjectivist’ Influences Initially a student of philosophy, Bourdieu worked on Edmund Husserl’s phenomenology during the course of his (unfinished) dissertation.1 The German-­Austrian philosopher and mathematician Husserl is considered to be the ‘founding father’ of 1  His dissertation „Les structures temporelles de la vie affective “was intended to be supervised by Georges Canguilhem and consisted of a summary of his philosophical studies at the École Normale

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phenomenology, which seeks to gain scientific insight from analysing human perception of existing reality, or ‘phenomena’ (Moran, 2013). Husserl stated that, ‘true’ science has to analyse the ‘things themselves’, i.e., should focus on analysing entities that immediately emanate from human consciousness (Menon et al., 2014). Hence, phenomenologists do not believe in the concept of ‘objective scientific truth.’ Instead, they analyse daily human behaviour by focusing on the unique ways in which individuals reflect their social surroundings (Orbe, 2009). Husserl’s phenomenology was received very productively in France, especially by Jean-Paul Sartre and Maurice Merleau-Ponty, who both were important reference figures for Bourdieu. Based on the phenomenological approach, Sartre was a leading intellectual of French Existentialism, which postulated that the individual as a conscious human being is not subjugated to a ‘higher power’ or superstructure, but fully responsible for his or her actions (Sartre, 1943/1993). Sartre believed that humans consciously produce the society they live in, and that individual free will exists. According to his view, intellectuals or scientists have the capacity to transcend their social situation and actively shape the material world as ‘agents (Robbins, 2000, pp.  45–46). Bourdieu termed the above mentioned perspective ‘subjectivism’, because it strongly focused on the individual as a self-determined individual, capable of shaping his or her own life irrespective of social constraints: The subjectivist or ‘constructivist’ point of view (expressed in hyperbolic form by the Sartre of Being and Nothingness and best represented today by ethnomethodology in its culturalist variant and by certain strands of rational-choice theory in its rationalistic mode) (…) asserts that social reality is a ‘contingent ongoing accomplishment’ of competent social actors who continually contract their social world (…). Through the lens of this social-phenomenology, society appears as the emergent product of the decisions, actions, and cognitions of conscious, alert individuals to whom the world is given-as immediately familiar and meaningful. (Wacquant, 1992, p. 9)

For Bourdieu, Sartre’s existentialism proved suitable to understand the ways in which human beings act in everyday situations and how they individually handle and perceive social constraints (e.g. institutions, bureaucracies, norms, values, etc.). His reading of Sartre led Bourdieu to the work of the French philosopher Maurice Merleau-Ponty, who like Sartre, worked in the phenomenological tradition. Merleau-Ponty focused on the body’s role (le corps propre) in human beings coming to know about the world and themselves (Robbins, 2000, p. 4). Merleau-Ponty’s concept of ‘bodilyness’ helped Bourdieu to consider the micro-perspective of individual action, forming a basis for his concept of ‘incorporation’ (cf. Sect. 3.2.2) (Sabeva & Weiß, 2014, p. 17). However, what the ‘subjectivist’ view was missing, in Bourdieu’s opinion, was to take into consideration the ‘objective’ structures of society, which become manifest in long-established values, norms, traditions, which affect individual action (Webb et al., 2002, p. 32). In fact, the ‘subjectivist’ perspective explained the individual’s immediate experience of the surrounding social world, but it ignored the Supérieure. Bourdieu never finished it and published only a small excerpt ten years later in 1976 (Sabeva & Weiß, 2014, p. 16).

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connection between individuality and ‘objective’ social surroundings. This way, the ‘subjectivist’ schools would only reproduce the phenomenal features of the research topic instead of reconstructing their modes of operation (Hülst, 1999, p. 269). Bourdieu rejected the notion of the absolute autonomy of individual action. In contrast to the existentialists, who understood processes like incorporation as a purely individual bodily action aiming at a particular intentional goal, Bourdieu reconnected it to objective social and historic processes by which every individual is influenced unintentionally and inevitably. Although Bourdieu integrated phenomenological aspects in his ‘Theory of Practice’, he categorically criticised phenomenology and its existentialist branch for an unnecessarily high degree of abstraction while simultaneously lacking a reliable scientific base (Sabeva & Weiß, 2014, p. 16).

3.1.2  ‘Objectivist’ Influences As elaborated above, phenomenology – especially in its existentialist variant with a strong focus on the subject – was the dominant school of thought in postwar France. In this context, Sartre, Merleau-Ponty, and other existentialists like Simone de Beauvoir or Albert Camus, represented politically engaged, left-wing intellectuals. However, French academia of the time saw a growing need for theories and concepts independent of political tendencies and long-established intellectual traditions that could respond to the emerging modernisation of society. During the 1950s, structuralism emerged as a critical answer to the subjectivist paradigms of phenomenological schools of thought, which were then accused of being unscientific (Moebius & Peter, 2014, p. 20). Structuralism reached its peak in the 1960s until it was replaced by poststructuralism in the 1970s. A leading figure of the structuralist movement was the ethnologist and anthropologist Claude Lévi-Strauss (1908–2009), who in contrast to the existentialists, had a sceptical view on the politicisation of science.2 Lévi-Strauss and his followers dissociated from political engagement as they felt committed to a strictly systematic and methodological scientific ethos (Moebius & Peter, 2014, p. 20). This was highly welcomed by Bourdieu: Many of the intellectual leanings that I share with the ‘structuralist’ generation (…) – which I do not consider myself to be part of (…) can be explained by the need to react against what existentialism had represented for them: the flabby ‘humanism’ that was in the air, the

2  Lévi-Strauss also took an important, yet controversial, stance with regards to UNESCO. He was involved in the drafting of the first UNESCO statement on race issued in 1950, however, his relation to the organisation was disturbed in 1971 due to his lecture ‘Race and Culture’ (Stoczkowski, 2008, 5 ff.). Therein, he partly revised his arguments from the 1950s in stating that, contrary to UNESCO’s understanding, racial conflicts could not be solved by means of education and communication, but are inevitably connected to demographic growth. However, on occasion of UNESCO’s 60th anniversary celebration, the conflict had apparently been - at least partially – reconciled, as also UNESCO had gradually adapted their mission and ideology (Ibid.).

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complacent appeal to ‘lived experience’ and that sort of political moralism that lives on today in Esprit.3 (Bourdieu, 1990, pp. 4–5)

In contrast to phenomenology, structuralism gained scientific insights not through the elaboration of the nature or property of things, but by analysing how things are related with each other and positioned within a given structure. LéviStrauss had transferred concepts of Ferdinand de Saussure’s linguistic methodology4 to the analysis of culture, which he understood as symbolic systems. He followed the fundamental axiom that there exists an inner logic, which unconsciously steers human actions; that all cultural structures and elements are bound to a preconscious logical order (Smith, 2001, pp. 100–103). Lévi-Strauss interpreted rituals, cultural practices, or traditions as symbolic systems, which represent and regulate the relation between physical and social reality (Moebius & Peter, 2014, p. 20). Bourdieu highly appreciated Lévi-Strauss’ ethnology as it set objective limits to individual action which the existentialists had, in his view, failed to acknowledge. Similar to Lévi-Strauss, Bourdieu studied kinship relations and marriage rules while he stayed in Algeria during the late 1950s. He analysed the Kabyles’5 strategies of partner selection and revealed that these patterns of action are structurally founded and cannot be based solely on individual agency (Moebius & Peter, 2014, pp. 23–27). However, he also concluded that the Kabyles did not simply subject themselves to marriage rules as absolutely restrictive social law, but that rather tried to strategically conciliate their individual interests, which “could vary considerably depending on the agents and also on the circumstances” with given social norms (Bourdieu, 1990, p. 20). In opposition to Lévi-Strauss, Bourdieu requested: (...) you have to include in the theory the real principle behind strategies, namely the practical sense, or, if you prefer, what sports players call a feel for the game, as the practical mastery of the logic or of the immanent necessity of the game  – a mastery acquired by experience of the game, and one which works outside conscious control and discourse (in the way that, for instance, techniques of the body do). (Bourdieu, 1990, pp. 61–62)

Bourdieu found that ‘objectivists’ – to which he also included Karl Marx, Émile Durkheim, Louis Althusser, and Michel Foucault – erroneously assigned almighty power to normative structures while disregarding the relevance of the mental dispositions of individual actors who obey or counteract these structures, therewith

3  ‘Esprit’ was a political and literary review founded in the 1930s with a broadly Christian and leftwing connotation, which had become a forum for Resistance writing during the Second World War (Bourdieu, 1990, pp. 4–5). 4  Ferdinand de Saussure was a Swiss linguist who revolutionised historic linguistics by differentiating between ‘parole’ as concrete spoken words and ‘langue’ as the systematic symbolic meaning of language. De Saussure understood language as a socially constructed system with a rather durable, inert character Smith, 2001, pp. 99–100. 5  The Kabyles are an ethnic group from Northern Algeria, belonging to the Berber tribe. Bourdieu analysed their social structures, especially the different social roles of men and women, during his military service in Algeria. These studies provided the empirical background for his later development of the habitus concept (cf. Sect. 3.2).

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contributing to their existence. Bourdieu emphasized the importance of individual agency in social analysis: Action is not the mere carrying out of a rule, or obedience of a rule. Social agents, in archaic societies as well as in ours, are not automata regulated like clocks, in accordance with laws they do not understand. (Bourdieu, 1990, p. 9).

In Bourdieu’s view, ‘objectivists’ were limited to analysing human practices as unconscious reproductions of social structures without any individual freedom of action. Based on this maxim, it became impossible to explain social change. Apart from that, Bourdieu expressed his doubts on the ‘objectivist’ role of the scientist. In order to make clear his objection, he cited Durkheim, whom he perceived as a consistent ‘objectivist’: We find fruitful the idea that social life must be explained not by the conception of those who participate in it, but by the deep causes which lie outside consciousness (Durkheim cited in Bourdieu, 1990, p. 125).

However, in order to analyse the ‘deep causes’ of human practice which lie ‘outside consciousness’, the ‘objectivist’ researcher has to develop ‘logical instruments’ in the form of imagined classifications that can be used as analytical tools. Hence, in the ‘objectivist’ tradition, it is necessary for the scientist to undertake an epistemological break to separate the scientist from an individual’s unconscious common sense knowledge (which the ‘subjectivists’ perceived as their research object). According to Bourdieu, the concept of ‘detached scientists’ who are “putting themselves in the objectivist position, that of God the Father watching the social actors like puppets controlled by the strings of structure (...)” was a great fallacy (Bourdieu, 1990, p. 9). Therefore, Bourdieu deemed it necessary to introduce a second epistemological break  – or a “reflexive return”  – to the social and cultural conditions under which the researcher developed the analytical tool of their investigations (Lane, 2000, pp. 92–93). This is what he described as ‘reflexive sociology’: A reflexive sociology can help free intellectuals from their illusions—and first of all from the illusion that they do not have any, especially about themselves—and can at least have the negative virtue of making it more difficult for them to bring a passive and unconscious contribution to symbolic domination. (Bourdieu & Wacquant, 1992, p. 195)

In sum, Bourdieu’s ‘Theory of Practice’ owes a lot to ‘objectivism’, especially in its structuralist form. One of his major theses posits that human practices are not the result of absolutely rational decisions of completely free individuals. Rather, it is deduced that such individual decisions are related to material and symbolic structures. Despite that, Bourdieu acknowledged an actor’s capacity to strategically adapt to existing structures within varying limits as according to their individual aspirations. In this sense, overcoming the opposition of ‘subjectivism’ and ‘objectivism’ was the major achievement and theoretical linchpin of his ‘Theory of Practice’.

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3.1.3  O  vercoming the Opposition Between ‘Subjectivism’ and ‘Objectivism’ As the previous chapters showed, Bourdieu drew inspiration from both ‘subjectivist’ and ‘objectivist’ schools of thought, as he neither wanted to dismiss structuralist nor phenomenological elements in his own research. He aspired to establish an epistemological framework that integrated both aspects. Yet overall, he was convinced that constantly accentuating the differences of the two approaches and their supposed insuperableness would impede further development of the social sciences, rather than generate new insights (Lane, 2000, p. 92). As early as his fieldwork in Algeria, Bourdieu noticed that the structuralist ‘from-­ above-­ view’ on social relations insufficiently explained human practices. He observed while analysing the cultural and social structuring of Kabyle houses (Bourdieu, 1958/1962) that the meanings attached to objects and spaces differed depending on the respective perspective, gender, and/or social position of the individual interpreting them (Lane, 2000, pp. 97–99). This observation confirmed that social reality is constituted through the interplay between objective structures and the subjective creation of meaning. To the same extent that people experience their desires, needs, and interests as individual urges, their personal motives are influenced by overarching structures they cannot immediately change (Hülst, 1999, p. 269). For these reasons, the basic task of sociological science should be both, to uncover the most profoundly buried structures of the various social worlds which constitute the social universe, as well as the ‘mechanisms’ which tend to ensure their reproduction or their transformation (Bourdieu & Wacquant, 1992, p. 7).

As elaborated above, Bourdieu understood these ‘structures of the social world’ to be characterized by both objective and subjective features. In his words, the structures lead a “double life” (Ibid.). On the one hand, there is an “objectivity of the first order”, referring to the ‘structuralist’ objectivity which can be assessed, for example, with the help of statistics or ethnographic methods (Sieg, 2014, p. 268). On the other hand, there exists an “objectivity of the second order” which relates to the ‘subjectivist’ perspective, wherein social reality is continuously constructed by conscious individual actors (Ibid.). It is the task of the scientist to break with this ‘subjectivist’ common-sense knowledge and to, decode the ‘unwritten musical score according to which the actions of agents, each of whom believes she is improvising her own melody, are organized’ (…) and ascertain the objective regularities they obey (Bourdieu & Wacquant, 1992, p. 8).

Bourdieu resultantly developed a sociological approach that he summarised as “constructivist structuralism” or “structuralist constructivism”6 – “to apply a label to it” (Bourdieu, 1990, p. 123). He mentioned in one sentence the two variants of his 6  Especially in the US-American language area, this term is also known as ‘generative structuralism’ or ‘genetic structuralism’ which is related to Bourdieu’s reception of Noam Chomsky’s ‘generative grammar’ (Bourdieu, 1990, p. 13; Chomsky, 1967).

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‘label’ in one sentence in order to underline the “dialectic relations” (Bourdieu, 1972/1977, p.  3) of the ‘objectivist’ and the ‘structuralist’ dimensions of his approach. He did not prioritise one over the other. “Constructivist structuralism” or “structuralist constructivism” enabled Bourdieu to assign a correspondence between ‘objective’ social structures, which he approached as ‘class’ and later as ‘fields’ (cf. Sect. 3.2.3), and mental structures of the actors, which were generated by processes of ‘incorporation’ (cf. Sect. 3.2.2) (Sieg, 2014, p. 270). He thereby explained that the individual ‘mental’ structures of actors are closely related to ‘objective’ structures because they result from an internalisation of the ‘objective’ structures. Thus, they are “genetically linked” (Bourdieu & Wacquant, 1992, p. 13). Later, Bourdieu identified the modern education system as a central mechanism through which this correspondence is produced, transformed, and reproduced (Bourdieu, 1979/1996, p.  25; Bourdieu & Passeron, 1964/1979). Because social and cognitive structures correspond, social reality appears to be a natural order for the actors. In other words, ‘arbitrary’ social hierarchies are ‘legitimised’ through their internalisation: The socially constituted classificatory schemes through which we actively construct society tend to represent the structures out of which they are issued as natural and necessary, rather than as the historically contingent fallouts of a given balance of power between classes, “ethnic” groups, or genders. (Bourdieu & Wacquant, 1992, pp. 13–14)

The above statement sheds light on the political dimension of Bourdieu’s sociology: if the ‘classificatory schemes’ (i.e. ‘objective’ structures) are in fact results of the actors’ ‘active’ construction and just perceived as inevitable, then it must be possible to change them. It follows that the ‘classificatory schemes’ are both a product and an object of social struggles, and that they are utilised as instruments for the production, reproduction, and transformation of domination (Bourdieu & Wacquant, 1992, pp. 13–14). For Bourdieu to further develop his ‘Theory of Practice’ meant that he had to intervene into the established social order, especially later in his career. In sum, he stated that the structure of reality is, in fact, determined by social differences that are mistakenly recognised as natural differences due to their legitimisation by human practices (Audehm, 2001, p. 109). These assumptions can be understood as the basis of Bourdieu’s later engagement as a political intellectual (cf. Sect. 3.1).

3.2  Bourdieu’s Concept of the Habitus Bourdieu’s endeavour to overcome the opposition between ‘objectivism’ and ‘subjectivism’ (cf. Sect. 3.1.3) made the construction of an explanatory instance necessary, which transferred his theoretical assumptions to a practical dimension. With the habitus concept, Bourdieu synthesised individual action with overarching historical social structures to explain how external, ‘objective’ history is inscribed onto

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individual minds and bodies and reproduced by them. For Bourdieu, the construction of the habitus was “a way of escaping from the choice between a structuralism without a subject and the philosophy of the subject” (Bourdieu, 1990, p. 10). Thus, Bourdieu dialectically related the self-determined agency of individuals with their structural subordination: The structures constitutive of a particular type of environment (e.g. the material conditions of existence characteristic of a class condition) produce habitus, systems of durable, transposable dispositions, structured structures predisposed to function as structuring structures that is, as principles of the generation and structuring of practices and representations which can be objectively ‘regulated’ and ‘regular’ without in any way being the product of obedience to rules, objectively adopted to their goals without presupposing a conscious aiming at ends or an express mastery of the operations necessary to attain them and, being all this, collectively orchestrated without being the product of the orchestrating action of a conductor (Bourdieu, 1972/1977, p. 72).

In that they follow social rules, actors are formed by their existential conditions. In that they reproduce these rules, they simultaneously become their constructors (Gebauer & Wulf, 1998, p. 48). In this sense, the habitus refers to the entirety of self-evident and customary dispositions of perception, action, and thinking (Audehm, 2017, p. 167). The habitus concept enabled Bourdieu to show how far the individual is involved in processes in which the objectives structures of society are ‘incorporated’, and thus become individual preferences that are even expressed with bodily behaviour. This formed the basis for understanding the ‘objective’ roots of individual behaviour, through which subjects integrate themselves into institutions and act as members of social classes, age groups, and genders (Gebauer & Wulf, 1998, pp. 45–46).

3.2.1  The Historicity and the Hysteresis of the Habitus Bourdieu had discovered a system of rather stable human dispositions in Algeria which restrained the Kabyles of the rural north from swiftly adapting to schemes of acting and trading in industrialised cities (Bourdieu, 1958/1962, pp.  69–70). He rediscovered the effects of the same system of dispositions in connection with the different educational performances of French school children stemming from different social backgrounds (Bourdieu & Passeron, 1964/1979, p. 14). This hints at a major characteristic of the habitus, namely, its historicity: This system of dispositions – a present past that tends to perpetuate itself into the future by reactivation in similarly structured practices, an internal law through which the law of external necessities, irreducible to immediate constraints, is constantly exerted – is the principle of the continuity and regularity which objectivism sees in social practices without being able to account for it; and also of the regulated transformations that cannot be explained either by the extrinsic, instantaneous determinisms of mechanistic sociologism or by the purely internal but equally instantaneous determination of spontaneist subjectivism. (Bourdieu, 1980, 1990, p. 179)

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This ‘present past’ – the historic nature – is the backbone of Bourdieu’s habitus concept. It helped him to surmount the ‘instantaneous determinisms’ of both, objectivist ‘mechanistic sociologism’ and ‘spotaneist subjectivism’. The historicity and hysteresis of the habitus explain the conformity of individual actions, even in changing contexts and at different times. The habitus is historical in two ways: First, it represents the personal history of an individual because the experiences made in the course of a lifetime are condensed in schemes of perception and action. Secondly, the habitus is also formed by the experiences of the individual’s ancestors and their social surroundings (Fowler, 1999, p.  2). While growing up, individuals consciously and unconsciously internalise the values, norms and conventions of their social surroundings. For example, through praise-and-criticism-tactics of parents or by mere practical imitation, external perceptions of what is right or wrong, desirable or repulsive, beautiful or ugly, are gradually becoming the actor’s own dispositions and expectations. This way, the practices, perceptions, and actions of a person represent the history of the social surroundings in which her habitus was acquired. Hence, the practices of the habitus: (...) always tend[ing] to reproduce the objective structures of which they are the product, they are determined by the past conditions which have produced the principle of their production (...) (Bourdieu, 1972/1977, p. 72).

The habitus is historical in that it is more or less ‘copied’ from one generation to the next, or as Bourdieu put it: the habitus is “history turned into nature” (Bourdieu, 1972/1977, p.  78). The historical conditions of the actors’ and their families’ upbringing form the basis of their own and their children’s future thinking, perceiving and acting. For this reason, Bourdieu found it necessary not only to assess the present social positions of actors. In order to understand why they act as they do in defined situations, it is also necessary to assess the ways which brought actors to their current social position, including their social ‘starting point’: Social agents are the product of history, of the history of the whole social field and of the accumulated experience of a path within the specific subfield. Thus, for example, in order to understand what professor A or B will do in a given conjuncture (say, May ‘68) or in any ordinary academic situation, we must know what position she occupies in academic space but also how she got there and from what original point in social space, for the way in which one accedes to a position is inscribed in habitus. (Bourdieu & Wacquant, 1992, p. 136)

This hints to the second basic feature of the habitus, namely, its relative stability, its hysteresis. This term stems from the field of physics where it describes the ‘lethargy’ of an object in cases of sudden movements or when the direction of motion is changed swiftly (Jones, 2019). In this sense, it is a basic characteristic of the habitus to lag behind the transformation of the ‘objective’ structures. However, this characteristic only becomes noticeable if the actors enter social surroundings, which differ from those in which their habitus was formed, as Bourdieu observed in Algeria. The practices generated by the habitus are usually ‘pre-fitted’ to the objective conditions, if these are identical with or at least similar to the conditions in which the habitus had been formed. The ‘present of the past’ only expresses itself in cases of a mismatch of the ‘forming’ and the ‘operating’ conditions (Bourdieu, 1979/1996,

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p.  109). Extreme examples of such mismatches are “historical conjunctures of a revolutionary nature” (Bourdieu & Wacquant, 1992, p. 130) like the colonialization of a country, as it was the case in Algeria or the Fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989, which had caused a rapid transformation of the political system in East Germany. In such cases, the “changes in objective structures are so swift that agents whose mental structures have been molded by these prior structures become obsolete and act inopportunely” (Ibid.). Less dramatic situations in which the hysteresis of the habitus becomes obvious are generation conflicts. What is commonly understood as the opposition of ‘naturally’ different characteristics of differently aged persons, in fact originates, according to Bourdieu, from the different modes in which their habitus was generated (Bourdieu, 1980, 1990, 297, footnote 11). Due to its hysteresis, the habitus reveals the social origin or belonging of an actor (Audehm, 2017, p. 173). What Bourdieu never ceased to emphasise (as he was often accused of ‘determinism’ or a ‘mechanistic’ understanding of human action7) is that the habitus does not exclude deliberate, strategic action of the individual (Bourdieu & Wacquant, 1992, p. 131). Just because the habitual dispositions are relatively stable, it does not mean that they cannot be abandoned or adjusted under changed conditions: Habitus is not the fate that some people read into it. Being the product of history, it is an open system of dispositions that is constantly subjected to experiences, and therefore constantly affected by them in a way that either reinforces or modifies its structures. It is durable but not eternal! (Bourdieu & Wacquant, 1992, p. 133)

Nevertheless, the habitus concept implies that there are certain modes of action, which are likely to be carried out by actors who were conditioned under certain circumstances. This corresponds to Bourdieu’s epistemology, which assumes a correlation between the ‘objective’ structures of society and the ‘mental’ structures of the actors (cf. Sect. 3.1.3). Hence, the objective structures, under which the habitus was formed, are – due to its hysteresis – the basic pattern for later action. Still, this is not a mechanistic or even fatalistic relation: As the objective structures, in which the actions are carried out, are almost never the same as the structures, under which the habitus was formed, the actions are not thoroughly compatible with the structures. This way, Bourdieu was able to explain varying practices and a certain freedom of individual action which had not been possible with merely structuralist theories (Rehbein & Saalmann, 2014b, p. 115). For example, Bourdieu suggested to understand human practices like a “regulated improvisation” within certain limits comparable to a “harmony treatise to musical composition” (Bourdieu, 1972/1977, p. 11). Fowler (1995, p. 24) draws an analogy to the “regularised improvisation” of a Jazz musician who seems to play straight from the heart whereby she,8 in fact, obeys long-established deeply embodied harmonic rules. Summing up, Bourdieu stated that the “habitus is creative, inventive, but within the limits of its structures” (Bourdieu & Wacquant, 1992, p. 19).

 Cf. Sect. 3.4 for an account of the most prominent points of criticism of Bourdieu’s theory.  Throughout this work, all gender-specific terms are to be considered to refer to any gender.

7 8

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3.2.2  Unconscious Incorporation of the Habitus The dispositions of an actor, i.e., action patterns, tastes, and preferences, are condensations of objective structures formed into a habitus. In this sense, the habitus is the generative scheme that underlies concrete human practices (Audehm, 2001, p. 106). It incorporates external objective living conditions and develops internal dispositions, which in turn generate schemes of practice and perception. Hence, it can be understood as simultaneous internalisation and externalisation. In Bourdieu’s terms, this was “structured” and “structuring structures” (Bourdieu & Wacquant, 1992, p. 19). However, the actors themselves perceive their preferences and action patterns as purely individual, as natural features of their personalities (Bremer et  al., 2014, p. 295). A central mechanism, which makes the actors ‘forget’ or ‘ignore’ the social origin of seemingly individual preferences, is the process of unconscious incorporation: The ‘unconscious’ is never anything other than the forgetting of history which history itself produces by incorporating the objective structure it produces in the second nature of habitus. (Bourdieu, 1972/1977, p. 78)

Action and thinking patterns are perceived as something purely individual, because actors are not aware that they constantly incorporate social structures by carrying out seemingly ‘banal’ everyday actions. As the term ‘incorporation’ already implies, the central instance of this process is the human body: The relation to one’s own body which is expressed in a certain manner and bearing – the ‘natural’ self-confidence, ease and authority of someone who feels authorized (…) – is one of the most visible traces of early and recurrent exposure to archetypal situations which are very unequally probable for the different social classes. It is one of the most powerful social markers (...). (Bourdieu, 1979/1996, p. 252)

Through their participation in social reality, actors literally ‘incorporate’ rules, orders, boundaries, and classifications of the respective fields they inhabit (cf. Sect. 3.2.3). They become manifest as enduring dispositions in their bodies (Audehm, 2017, pp. 172–173). In practical performances, actors acquire habits and dispositions that become explicit in ways to speak, think, and act, shortly, in cognitive structures (Ibid., p. 168). This incorporation process starts at a very young age and largely happens unconsciously. Bourdieu illustrates this by referring to the way children in all societies imitate gestures and mimic adults, and how perception schemes and social structures are thereby passed ‘from practice to practice’: In all societies, children are particularly attentive to the gestures and postures which, in their eyes, express everything that goes to make an accomplished adult – a way of walking, a tilt of the head, facial expressions, ways of sitting and of using implements, always associated with a tone of voice, a style of speech, and (how could it be otherwise?) a certain subjective experience. But the fact that schemes are able to pass from practice to practice without going through discourse or consciousness does not mean that acquisition of the habitus comes down to a question of mechanical learning by trial and error. (Bourdieu, 1972/1977, pp. 87–88).

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The condition to understand the communicative intentions of their parents is the children’s desire to become similar to them (Wulf, 2017, p. 147). By imitating parents’ gestures and symbols, the children ‘familiarise’ with their parents in a process of ‘similarisation’ or ‘approximation’ (Ibid.). However, these ‘imitations’ do not imply that mimetic reproductions are mere mechanical replications or practices. Mimetic processes involve the repetition of social practices, yet the repeated actions differ from the originals as they feature individual sensual qualities. In that sense, mimetic practices always create something new and contribute to the acquisition of ‘individual’ bodily and practical knowledge (Wulf, 2017, pp. 148–149). Bourdieu understood mimetic practices to be bound to rites and rituals, whereby their performance contributes to the unconscious transmission of social rules without any need to make them explicit: Rites, even more than most practices, might almost be designed to demonstrate the fallacy of seeking to contain in concepts a logic that is made to do without concepts; of treating practical manipulations and bodily movements as logical operations; of speaking of analogies and homologies (as one has to in order to understand and explain) when it is simply a matter of practical transfers of incorporated, quasi-postural schemes. A rite, a performative practice that strives to bring about what it acts or says, is often simply a practical mimesis of the natural process that is to be facilitated. As opposed to metaphor and analogy, mimetic representation links phenomena as different as the swelling of grain in the cooking-pot, the swelling of a pregnant woman’s belly and the sprouting of wheat in the ground, in a relationship that implies no spelling-out of the properties of the terms thus related or the principles applied in relating them. The most characteristic operations of its logic’ – inverting, transferring, uniting, separating, etc. – take the form of bodily movements, turning to right or left, putting upside down, going in or coming out, tying or cutting, etc. (Bourdieu, 1980, 1990, p. 198)

Ritual movements and actions transmit understandings of the world on a corporeal level. In that implicit understandings of the world are transmitted through bodily movements, they structure the world without explication. This way, ritual actions transmit systems of oppositions, of ‘right and wrong’, of ‘do’s and dont’s’ from one generation to the next. As in mimetic processes ‘implicit’, ‘practical’, or ‘tacit’9 knowledge is transmitted, they provide people with unspoken ‘recipes’ for how to “make sense of, and negotiate, the situations they are confronted with in the social world: driving a car, choosing which dress to wear, calculating moves in a football game that will maximise the chance of scoring a goal” (Webb et al., 2002, p. 139). In Bourdieu’s words, “[t]here are heaps of things that we understand only with our bodies, outside conscious awareness, without being able to put our understandings into words.” (Bourdieu, 1990, p. 166). This way, mimetic processes contribute to the establishment of symbolic which are usually not called into question, as they appear as common-sense logic. Bourdieu called this acceptance without questioning ‘doxa’: “the ordinary acceptance of the usual order which goes without saying and therefore usually goes unsaid” (Bourdieu,

 The concept of ‘tacit’ knowledge is defined and further explained in Sect. 3.3.3.

9

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1979/1996, p. 424). The doxa10 is a result of the unconscious incorporation of social structures – which is advanced through mimetic processes – through which the current state of the social world seems self-evident and acceptable. Along with the concept of the ‘doxic’ pre-acceptance of the world goes the notion of the ‘cultural arbitrary’. According to Bourdieu, everything ‘out of question’ is an act of cultural arbitrariness, and no cultural construct has a ‘natural’ root or reason (Fröhlich & Rehbein, 2014a, pp. 159–161). He exemplified this with the ‘androcentric’ worldview of the Kabyles. The male domination he observed in Kabyle society (and others) is culturally arbitrary, meaning that there is no qualitatively justified reason for it. These power imbalances have been produced in bodies and minds by a long collective labour of socialization of the biological and biologicization of the social (…) to reverse the relationship between causes and effects and to make a naturalized social construction (…) appear as the grounding in nature of the arbitrary division (Bourdieu, 1998/2002, p. 3).

With the ‘cultural arbitrary’ concept, Bourdieu argued that seemingly ‘natural’ classifications or oppositions like ‘male/female’, ‘valuable/worthless’ or ‘left/right’ are in fact culturally constructed and nothing more than reflections of the power relations under which these determinations were negotiated (Fröhlich & Rehbein, 2014a, pp. 159–161). His analysis of the Kabyles revealed that there had obviously been no need to justify the male domination in all social spheres because it imposed itself “as neutral”, as natural, and hence made any questioning of its legitimisation unthinkable (Bourdieu, 1998/2002, p.  9). The Kabyle women readily submitted themselves to the obviously unjust social order without any resistance. The reason for that is the ‘misrecognition’ or the arbitrary character of the dominance on the side of the dominated. Because the arbitrariness of unequal power distribution is unrealised, such conventions become naturalised and appear as inescapable, or ‘the way it is’. The different social groups’ voluntary acceptance of their ‘natural’ submission or dominance is the prerequisite for what Bourdieu calls ‘symbolic power’: “(…) that invisible power which can be exercised only with the complicity of those who do not want to know that they are subject to it or even that they themselves exercise it” (Bourdieu & Thompson, 1991, p. 164). In sum, the ‘bodily understanding’ of things is inseparable from the historic genesis of the habitus and the ‘forgetting’ of its historicity. Only through the ‘misrecognition’ of the sociocultural conditions under which an actors’ habitus evolved, systems, rules, and structures may effectively function. The habitus concept enabled Bourdieu to explain why the power exertion of social groups over others, or the exclusion of groups from certain resources, often work without resistance on either side. Due to the unconscious incorporation of the habitus, social inequalities are not perceived as unjust, but as something natural, as deliberately chosen, or as an

 For Bourdieu, doxic knowledge was the opposite of scientific knowledge. Only if science can grasp and analyse the doxa, as well as identify itself as its derivative, it generates ‘true’ scientific insights (Koller, 2014, p. 80).

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individual preference. The process of unconscious bodily incorporation is the heart of Bourdieu’s habitus concept because it explains how ‘arbitrary’ social norms and rules are naturalised and hence legitimised, since “what is ‘learned by body’ is not something that one has, (…) but something that one is” (Bourdieu, 1980, 1990, p. 188).

3.2.3  Class Versus Field The unconscious embodiment of social structures implies that actors, first and foremost, are confronted with and incorporate rules and norms on a daily basis. Due to homologous social conditions within specific social groups, similar conjunctive experiences are habitualised, which show regularities (Audehm, 2017, p. 169). This implies that the habitual characteristics of groups are related to their conditions of existence in a systematic way. In this sense, Bourdieu constructed the concept of class habitus as “the internalized form of class condition and of the conditioning it entails” (Bourdieu, 1979/1996, p. 101). In opposition to Karl Marx’s class concept Bourdieu differentiated between objective and constructed classes: Comparable to Marx’s ‘class in itself’ Bourdieu understood objective classes as a “(…) set of agents who are placed in homogeneous conditions of existence imposing homogeneous conditionings and producing homogeneous systems of dispositions capable of generating similar practices (…)” (Bourdieu, 1979/1996, p. 101). However, these objective classes were not suited to describe real groups of actors because, according to Bourdieu, it is not possible to deduce from an objective homogeneity of living conditions a homogeneity of dispositions, i.e., lifestyles, tastes etc. (Bourdieu, 1990, p. 129). Hence, he constructed a ‘theoretical’ class, or a class ‘on paper’ to conceptualise how similar conditions of existence may lead to related dispositions resulting in comparable practices (Bourdieu, 1987, p. 6).11 Consequently, Bourdieu differentiated between social space (referring to ‘objective class’) and the space of lifestyles (referring to ‘constructed class’): while social space refers to the conditions of existence, lifestyles are the visible manifestations of the habitus (Rehbein et al., 2014, p. 141). This enabled him to distinguish between classes based on capital and classes based on habitus, which may differ from each other. Thus, differences in habitus are in fact determined by different social

 According to this construction, “[s]ocial class is not defined by a property (not even the most determinant one, such as the volume and composition of capital) nor by a collection of properties (of sex, age, social origin, ethnic origin-proportion of blacks and whites, for example, or and immigrants-income, educational level etc.), nor even by a chain of properties strung out from a fundamental property (position in the relations of production) in a relation of cause and effect, conditioner and conditioned; but by the structure of relations between all the pertinent properties which gives its specific value to each of them and to the effects they exert on practices” (Bourdieu, 1979/1996, p. 106).

11

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positions or capital possessions but – very importantly – cannot be reduced as such due to the ‘inventive’ or ‘creative’ potential of the habitus. Still, there is a statistical correlation between habitus and social position: Social class is not defined solely by a position in the relations of production, but by the class habitus which is ‘normally’ (i.e., with a high statistical probability) associated with that position (Bourdieu, 1979/1996, p. 372).

It follows that people stemming from the same or a related social background possess— not in a causal, but in a statistical way – a “system of dispositions (partially) common to all products of the same structures”, in short, a ‘class habitus’ (Bourdieu, 1972/1977, p.  85). This reconnection of class and lifestyle was often criticised as deterministic (cf. Sect. 3.4). Even Bourdieu himself warned of an oversimplification of the class habitus and insisted that: (…) the movement from probability to reality, from theoretical class to practical class, is never given: even though they are supported by the ‘sense of one’s place’ and by the affinity of habitus, the principles of vision and division of the social world at work in the construction of theoretical classes have to compete, in reality, with other principles, ethnic, racial or national, and more concretely still, with principles imposed by the ordinary experience of occupational, communal and local divisions and rivalries. (Bourdieu, 1987, p. 7)

Bourdieu never revised his class concept, but it can hardly be found in his later works (Rehbein et al., 2014, p. 145). What the citation above already implies is his development of ‘fields’, which gradually replaced his conceptualisation of social classes. He increasingly realised that the dispositions and practices of actors, who theoretically belong to one and the same class, may significantly vary. Thus, the construction of ‘fields’ enabled him to take into account the simultaneously occurring social diversification and the generating principles of a group habitus: In analytic terms, a field may be defined as a network, or a configuration, of objective relations between positions. These positions are objectively defined, in their existence and in the determinations they impose upon their occupants, agents or institutions, by their present and potential situation (situs) in the structure of the distribution of species of power (or capital) whose possession commands access to the specific profits that are at stake in the field, as well as by their objective relation to other positions (domination, subordination, homology, etc.). (Bourdieu & Wacquant, 1992, p. 97)

The concept of field refers to social situations that are characterised by specific power relations, according to which actors position themselves. Examples for fields are institutions, academia, the art world, the literary field, etc. Each of these fields has its own set of rules, roles, and relationships that determine appropriate behaviour in order to reach certain goals. As people necessarily or voluntarily come into contact with different fields, their habitus is also formed by the rules and norms determining these fields. Bourdieu often compared fields with games, whereby each has distinct rules and its own logic (Bourdieu, 1985, p.  724, 1990, p.  11, 1980, p.  185, 1979/1996, p.  12). Through their participation in the ‘game’, the players accept and follow the inherent rules, orders, boundaries, and classifications of the field. They incorporate and transform the ‘rules of the game’ into a system of perceptive, evaluative, and practical schemes. At the same time, the players may alter

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and influence the game through their participation in it. From this, Bourdieu concluded that fields and habitus only function in relation to each other. On the one hand, the “field structures the habitus, which is the product of the embodiment of the immanent necessity of the field” and on the other hand, the habitus “contributes to constituting the field as a meaningful world, a world endowed with sense and value, in which it is worth investing one’s energy” (Bourdieu & Wacquant, 1992, p. 127). However, all actors have different starting positions when they enter fields. Comparable to a hand of cards being randomly dealt at the beginning of a Skat game, their chances of success are unequal. The success is determined by the number of ‘aces’ at stake, represented by the type and amount of capital12 the actors possess: The kinds of capital, like the aces in a game of cards, are powers that define the chances of profit in a given field (in fact, to each field or sub-field there corresponds a particular kind of capital, which is current, as a power or stake, in that game). (Bourdieu, 1985, p. 724)

Hence, different ‘games’ require different ‘cards’ in the sense that different forms of capital are needed to gain a higher social position within a field. However, the amount and forms of capital are not the only factors that influence the outcome of a game. It also depends on the skills with which the actors play their cards, their ‘feel for the game’, which, again, results from the interplay of ‘objective’ structures and individual agency (Bourdieu, 1980, 1990, p. 185). This also implies that if an actor enters a field of which he is not a product, the formerly unconsciously acquired habitus becomes obvious or at least partly conscious. Thus, the hysteresis of the habitus promotes a tendency to voluntarily stay in fields that resemble conditions under which the habitus was acquired. As the conditions of habitus production resemble more the conditions of its practice, the more it remains unconscious and successfully supports the actor in the ‘game’ of their respective field: And when habitus encounters a social world of which it is the product, it is like a ‘fish in water’: it does not feel the weight of the water, and it takes the world about itself for granted (Bourdieu & Wacquant, 1992, p. 127).

Whether Bourdieu wanted to fragment the totality of social relations, i.e. the social space (cf. Sect. 3.2.4), into fields or whether he intended a coexistence of social space and fields remains uncertain (Rehbein & Saalmann, 2014a, p. 102). As he never explicated the relation between field and social space, it is also not clear if the fields are included in social space, if they replicate it, or whether they exclusively serve as analytical tools. Anyway, what Bourdieu demonstrated empirically is that within fields, cultural practices serve as means of position-taking.

12

 The concept of capital is elaborated in more detail in Sect. 3.3.

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3.2.4  Cultural Practices as Mirrors of Social Structures As shown in the previous chapter, Bourdieu argued that he understood social reality to be constituted by classes and fields. His construction of social classes, rep. Fields, is not restricted to the ‘objective’ conditions of existence, as he set a focus on the class habitus, i.e., field-specific dispositions (cf. Sect. 3.2.3). A central aspect of his research was to analyse the connection between the conditions of existence and the practices constituting the lifestyles of the actors (Bourdieu, 1979/1996). Therefore, he provided comprehensive empirical evidence that cultural practices and preferences reflect social structures and work as their stabilisers (Bremer et  al., 2014, p. 289). By studying everyday practices,13 especially in the cultural sphere, he demonstrated that social differences are reflected in cultural practices: (…) art and cultural consumption are predisposed, consciously and deliberately or not, to fulfil a social function of legitimating social differences. (Bourdieu, 1979/1996, p. 7)

He argued that aesthetic and ethical judgements of actors (e.g., their appreciation of artworks, preferences for specific leisure activities, or even political convictions) are always connected to social conditions (Bremer et al., 2014, p. 291). This implies that social inequalities are reproduced on a symbolic level in terms of style, taste, and even consumer behaviour. What appears as individual taste is in fact an expression of class differences (Bourdieu, 1979/1996, p. 2). Bourdieu wanted to ‘demystify’ “the ideology of charisma” wherein taste is regarded “as a gift of nature” by empirically proving that: (…) cultural needs are the product of upbringing and education: surveys establish that all cultural practices (museum visits, concert-going, reading etc.), and preferences in literature, painting or music, are closely linked to educational level (measured by qualifications or length of schooling) and secondarily to social origin. (Bourdieu, 1979/1996, p. 1)

Hence, he understood taste as an arena of class struggle, wherein the ‘ruling classes’ succeed, because they have the power to define ‘good’ taste or, in Bourdieu’s terms, ‘legitimate’ taste14 (Rehbein, 2014, p. 76). This results in a ‘value hierarchy’ of different styles of art, music, literature, etc., whereby the different styles are associated with corresponding amounts of prestige.

 In La Distinction (1979) Bourdieu expanded the scope of sociological research to areas which had not been in the focus of social sciences before. Hence, this work attracted attention also in other disciplines like cultural studies, arts, philosophy, linguistics, pedagogy, sports science, and political science (Bremer et al., 2014, p. 289). 14  Bourdieu defined “three zones of taste which roughly correspond to educational levels and social classes.” First, there is “‘legitimate’ taste” which “is highest in those fractions of the dominant class that are richest in educational capital. Second, “‘middle-brow’ taste (…) is more common in the middle classes (classes moyennes) than in the working classes (classes populaires) or in the ‘intellectual’ fractions of the dominant class.” Finally, there is, “‘popular’ taste”, which is “most frequent among the working classes and varies in inverse ratio to educational capital” (Bourdieu, 1979/1996, p. 16). 13

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Specific forms of art are widely accepted as ‘high’ or ‘legitimate culture’, although it is historically and content-wise arbitrary that one piece of art belongs to this category and others do not. This means that cultural practices or pieces of art are no more intrinsically valuable than any other. The values actors attach to them are culturally determined and vary according to their social positioning over the course of time. However, with the consumption of either ‘high culture’ or ‘popular culture’, different social groups actively and passively differentiate from one another. Thereby, cultural activities like visiting a museum, the opera, or a Jazz concert “are the tokens by which they [individuals and groups] distinguish themselves in order to position themselves” (Robbins, 2000, p.  31). The reason why individuals and groups seek to differentiate themselves from each other is that it yields “immediate or deferred profits,” (Bourdieu, 1979/1996, p. 212) like the accumulation of social or economic capital. Hence, actors unconsciously or consciously deploy cultural practices in order to improve their social position. Through this active position-taking in cultural practices, social barriers are strengthened. Taste classifies, and it classifies the classifier. Social subjects, classified by their classifications, distinguish themselves by the distinctions they make, between the beautiful and the ugly, the distinguished and the vulgar, in which their position in the objective classifications is expressed or betrayed. (Bourdieu, 1979/1996, p. 6)

Bourdieu gave evidence of the fact that the habitus causes actors to exactly choose – from all available cultural practices – the ones most homologous to their social position. Thereby, the actors themselves exhibit their social position. Bourdieu illustrated this principle with class-based preferences for sports. He could empirically allocate different types of sports to different social groups “with boxing, football, rugby or bodybuilding evoking the working classes, tennis and skiing the bourgeoisie and golf the upper bourgeoisie” (Bourdieu, 1979/1996, p.  20). With such like correspondence analyses, Bourdieu did not aim to consolidate stereotypes by listing ‘typical’ sports for ‘typical’ groups of people. On the contrary, he repeatedly underlined that not the mere practice (e.g. playing tennis) has to be considered, but the style15 and quality in which it is practiced and the meaning attached to it. This implies that social groups are formed on the basis of cultural practices. Actors with similar tastes are more likely to meet and ‘like’ each other, leading to “class and even class-fraction endogamy” (Bourdieu, 1979/1996, p. 241). Similar tastes in fashion, art, and leisure activities make it more probable to get into contact with each other and hence bring people from similar social and educational backgrounds together:

 “In the case of tennis, the members of private clubs, long-standing practitioners who are more than ever attached to strict standards of dress (a Lacoste shirt, white shorts or skirt, special shoes) and all that this implies, are opposed in every respect to the new practitioners in municipal clubs and holiday clubs who demonstrate that the ritual of clothing is no superficial aspect of the legitimate practice. Tennis played in Bermuda shorts and a tee shirt, in a track suit or even swimming trunks, and Adidas running-shoes, is indeed another tennis, both in the way it is played and in the satisfactions it gives. (Bourdieu, 1979/1996, pp. 211–212).

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3  Pierre Bourdieu’s ‘Theory of Practice’ Taste is a match-maker; it marries colours and also people, who make ‘well-matched couples’, initially in regard to taste. All the acts of cooption which underlie ‘primary groups’ are (…) sign-reading operations (particularly visible in first encounters) through which a habitus confirms its affinity with other habitus. Hence the astonishing harmony of ordinary couples who, often matched initially, progressively match each other by a sort of mutual acculturation. This spontaneous decoding of one habitus by another is the basis of the immediate affinities which orient social encounters, discouraging socially discordant relationships, encouraging well-matched relationships, without these operations ever having to be formulated other than in the socially innocent language of likes and dislikes. (Bourdieu, 1979/1996, p. 243)

As stated above, the habitus, which finds expression in cultural practices, functions like a ‘badge’ that openly communicates the social belonging of an actor. The ‘badge’ can be immediately recognised by others to be in (dis)accordance with their own habitus, explaining why ‘birds of a feather flock together’. More importantly, this implies that they ‘flock together’ not – as commonly understood – because they ‘share the same hobbies’, ‘have the same interests’ or ‘same kind of humour’. As these characteristics are expressions of a specific habitus, it means that people understand, like, and, eventually, love each other because they inhabit(ed) similar social positions. Conversely, severe differences in taste prevent people from contacting each other. Because it is strongly determined by the habitus, our own taste feels ‘natural’ while other tastes might appear as abnormal, at times even disgusting. With the rejection of other forms of taste, also the people possessing these tastes are rejected, contributing to social distinction based on aesthetic judgements: “Aversion to different life-styles is perhaps one of the strongest barriers between the classes; class endogamy is evidence of this” (Bourdieu, 1979/1996, p. 56). In sum, Bourdieu argued that the cultural order is not an independent system with autonomous universal values, but that it reflects the social structures of a society. Thus, he established an understanding of culture and cultural practices that is profoundly pervaded by inequality and social distinction.

3.3  The Forms of Capital Along with his habitus concept, Bourdieu’s development of different types of capital – especially cultural capital – is one of his most received constructions. Like his conception of class, he considered capital as a theoretical concept, which refers to actors mobilising resources to maintain or improve their social positions. Capital may be accumulated with any human activity. In turn, any resource needed for social acting can function as capital. He even understood the acquisition of the mother tongue as an accumulation of capital (Tittenbrun, 2016, p. 93). This means, that capital is the necessary basis of any social action. Bourdieu argued that social actions obey a certain logic comparable to economic strategies, which are directed towards an acquisition of prestige, honour, and in the end, power. Hence, he adopted the term ‘capital’ mainly due to its formal criteria; to

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be able to explain strategies of accumulation and transmission of any kind of resources (Jurt, 2012, p. 23). Bourdieu conceptualised capital as a means to “appropriate social energy” which provides actors with “chances of success” (Bourdieu, 1983/1997, p. 46), in short, with capabilities to influence their own social advancement. There are three basic forms of capital16: (...) capital can present itself in three fundamental guises: as economic capital, which is immediately and directly convertible into money and may be institutionalized in the form of property rights; as cultural capital, which is convertible, on certain conditions, into economic capital and may be institutionalized in the form of educational qualifications; and as social capital, made up of social obligations (‘connections’), which is convertible, in certain conditions, into economic capital and may be institutionalized in the form of a title of nobility. (Bourdieu, 1983/1997, p. 47)

In order to analyse an actors’ possible scope of action, it is not sufficient to assess quantitatively how much or what types of capital he or she possess. Moreover, it has to be considered in a temporal dimension how the different types of capital have been accumulated (Bourdieu, 1983/1997, p. 54). Equally important is their present utilisation, which always happens within a specific field (cf. Sect. 3.2.3). The rules and hierarchies of the field in which capital is employed determine its value and, hence, provide its explaining mechanism: “A capital does not exist and function except in relation to a field” (Bourdieu & Wacquant, 1992, p. 101). In each field, different types of capital are valued differently, i.e., the value of capital is determined by the field in which it is employed. Hence, the concepts of field and capital are irrevocably tied to each other and can only be grasped relationally in: (…) a sort of hermeneutic circle: in order to construct the field, one must identify the forms of specific capital that operate within it, and to construct the forms of specific capital one must know the specific logic of the field. (Bourdieu & Wacquant, 1992, p. 108)

The hierarchical structures determining each field ‘objectively’ assigns value to the capital possessed by each actor, which in the end determines the value of the actors themselves (Audehm, 2001, p. 108). Hence, capital functions as the structuring principle of social space. Capital takes a prominent role in Bourdieu’s model of social space, which he conceptualised in three dimensions.17 The first dimension is characterised by the overall amount of capital, which determines the vertical position of social classes  The single forms of capital will be explained in more detail in the following sub-chapters.  For a graphic illustration see Bourdieu, 1998, p.  5. Bourdieu indicated the overall amount of capital vertically on the y-axis, like in a coordinate system. Actors with the highest amount of capital overall stand at the very top of the chart, while those with the least amount are located at the bottom. Hence, the groups of actors at the top of the coordinate system belong to the dominant social groups or ‘classes’, and are able to exercise power over those with the least amount of capital, or the dominated class fractions. The type and composition of the possessed forms of capital is delineated from the left to the right on the x-axis: the higher the amount of economic capital, the more the actor is positioned to the right. Actors with a higher amount of cultural capital are indicated on the left side. By means of the horizontal and the vertical axes, the present positions of actors in social space are represented. The dotted line indicates the spatiotemporal dimension, the trajectory of the actors. It becomes visible if the position of an actor is located at different moments

16 17

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and actors. The second factor conditioning the social position is the composition of the different types of capital. Their proportions or relative amounts characterises the actors’ social positions horizontally. Thirdly, the accumulation and transmission of capital in the course of a lifetime makes the model three-dimensional. Termed as ‘trajectory’, the third dimension relates to the temporal development of actors and grasps how their dispositions and preferences, their habitus and, hence, their social positions may change historically. While capital volume and capital structure refer to the present status of actors, the reconstruction of their trajectories represents their historical development. Through the grouping of individual trajectories and statistically corresponding capital structures, it becomes possible to construct the mobility of whole social classes (Staab & Vogel, 2014, p. 163). Within this space of social positions, Bourdieu located the actors according to their professions, as these provide information regarding their economic resources and, thus, represent ‘objective’ classes (cf. Sect. 3.2.3). His innovation was to combine these ‘objective’ social structures with the space of lifestyles due to their statistic homology (Suderland, 2014, p. 220). In numerous empirical studies studies (Bourdieu, 1979/1996), he had collected data on the preferences, habits, leisure activities, political views, or consumer behaviour of the French population during the 1960s.18 In correspondence analyses he related social fractions (i.e. professions) to dispositions (i.e. preferences, leisure activities, etc.), resulting in simultaneous occurrence of criteria. For example, statistically, teachers in higher education rather liked to spend their holidays hiking or cycling in the mountains, while industrialists preferred horse-riding and champagne, or commercial employees and craftsmen who preferred drinking beer and going fishing (Bourdieu, 1998, p. 5). It is important to underline that social positions are not generally fixed: the socially determined value of capital may rise or fall, as actors apply strategies to maintain or improve their position. Hence, not only the mere amount and composition of capital is important for an analysis of the social world, but also the ability of an actor to deploy it in the best possible way (cf. ‘feel of the game’ in Sect. 3.2.3). The more relevant the possessed type of capital is in a certain field, and the better the possessor knows how to ‘play’ it according to the field’s inherent laws, the more dominant they are in his or her own position. Bourdieu constantly emphasised that such social ‘playing strategies’ should not be interpreted as utilitarian or as a conscious striving for profit maximisation. Although he borrowed his terminology from the field of economics, he never intended to suggest “that the corresponding behaviour is guided by rational calculation of maximum profit” like some critics accused (Bourdieu, 1979/1996, pp. 85–86). According to Bourdieu’s attempt to synthesise objectivism and subjectivism, the ability to ‘play the cards’ for successful social action is a combination of ‘consciously’ and ‘unconsciously’ performed action patterns. in time. Together the different ‘snap shots’ of the actor’s temporal positions would show a movement comparable to a flip-book. 18  For contemporary interpretations and applications of his analyses of the space of lifestyles see Sect. 3.4.

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Thus, the illustration of social space depicts one of the basic arguments of Bourdieu’s theory of capital, namely, that the distribution of ‘cards’ is a priori unequal. Social dominance and submission is often a result of unequal prior conditions of “(…) ‘birth’, ‘fortune’ and ‘talent’ in a past age (…)” (Bourdieu, 1979/1996, pp. 315–316). This is due to the fact that capital is inherited from one generation to the next. Almost no actor starts from scratch and acquires economic wealth or social relationships ‘all by himself’. Previous generations always hand down economic, social, and cultural capital which the actors have at their disposal since the day they are born. Hence, chances to reach a certain social position are irrevocably unequal. As cultural capital is often inherited unconsciously, it takes a special role in stabilising social inequalities because it is mostly imperceptible as a form of capital. In a nutshell, Bourdieu’s capital theory implicates that in the social world “(…) everything is not equally possible or impossible (…)” (Bourdieu, 1983/1997, p. 52). The following sections introduce the three basic forms of capital, as well as their valuation through symbolic capital. Thereby, this book sets its focus on cultural capital, as it is most relevant in this context, and because it was also Bourdieu’s main concern in the evolution of capital theory.

3.3.1  Economic Capital Capital, in its most ‘economist’ variant, refers to the overall amount of financial and other directly exchangeable resources that actors possess. This may simply include money, but also land ownership and other property rights that endow their possessors with certain financial capabilities. Economic capital “is immediately and directly convertible into money and may be institutionalized in the form of property rights (...)” (Bourdieu, 1983/1997, p. 52). For example, in ‘Distinction’, Bourdieu categorised total income, rural and urban property, shares, industrial and commercial profits, as well as wages and salaries as indicators of economic capital (Bourdieu, 1979/1996, p. 127). Frequently, he used further proprietary indicators, like “home owner”, “luxury car owner”, “boat owner” (Bourdieu, 1979/1996, p. 117). In his graphic depictions of social space, he usually illustrated the amount of economic capital by means of professions. Accordingly, farmers, unskilled, and semi-skilled workers possess the least amount of economic capital, which rises with commercial employees, office workers, or junior administrative executives, for example. On a middle level, he located primary teachers, junior commercial executives, or employees of social and medical services. The highest amount of economic capital is possessed by industrialists, higher education teachers, and free professions (Bourdieu, 1998, p. 5). That all forms of capital are ‘accumulated labour’ is most obvious in terms of economic capital, because in order to ‘earn money’, individuals have to carry out some kind of work. For those born into wealthy families, the necessary labour has been accomplished at some point in the past. Often, the amounts of inherited economic capital are even multiplied in the following generations because it can be

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deployed, under certain circumstances, to produce further wealth (Rehbein & Saalmann, 2014c, p.  137). Economic capital is the dominant type of capital that relates to all other forms of capital: So it has to be posited simultaneously that economic capital is at the root of all the other types of capital and that these transformed, disguised forms of economic capital, never entirely reducible to that definition, produce their most specific effects only to the extent that they conceal (not least from their possessors) the fact that economic capital is at their root, in other words – but only in the last analysis – at the root of their effects. (Bourdieu, 1983/1997, p. 54)

Economic capital is enables its possessors to acquire other forms of capital. A high amount of economic capital frees the possessors from the pressure to spend large time spans in their daily lives with earning their livelihood. Hence, it provides them with time they may spend with activities to accumulate, e.g., social or cultural capital. It endows them with economic power: “[e]conomic power is first and foremost a power to keep economic necessity at arm’s length” (Bourdieu, 1979/1996, p. 55). Economic power increases with a growing distance from economic necessities and goes along with power over other actors who “remain dominated by ordinary interests and urgencies” (Bourdieu, 1979/1996, pp. 55–56). This superiority is reflected in the habitus of the actors and reaffirmed through a lifestyle, which dominated groups could not ‘afford’, like “the choice of a vintage or a cheese or the decoration of a holiday home in the country” (Bourdieu, 1979/1996, pp. 55–56). Bourdieu did not elaborate the concept of economic capital in detail. Tittenbrun (2016) asserted, in a critical way, that Bourdieu did not provide a substantiated definition of economic capital, but rather defined it in opposition to the other forms of capital, by what it not is: In actual fact, what is treated by Bourdieu as non-economic and non-property, constitutes the very substance of economic ownership. (Tittenbrun, 2016, p. 85)

As Bourdieu stated, it was unnecessary to further elaborate on the concept of economic capital, because he aimed to analyse the more ‘unattended areas’ of the social sciences of his time (Rehbein & Saalmann, 2014c, p. 137). In that sense, he deemed it sufficient to comprehend economic capital as the root of other forms of capital, and hence as the most dominant one.

3.3.2  Social Capital Social capital is represented by the quantity and quality of an actor’s relationship to family members, friends or acquaintances, forming social networks. It refers to “(…) a capital of social connections, honourability and respectability (…) (Bourdieu, 1979/1996, p. 122): Social capital is the aggregate of the actual or potential resources which are linked to possession of a durable network of more or less institutionalized relationships of mutual acquaintance and recognition  – or in other words, to membership in a group  – which

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p­ rovides each of its members with the backing of the collectivity owned capital, a ‘credential’ which entitles them to credit, in the various senses of the word (Bourdieu, 1983/1997, p. 54).

Apart from friends and families, such networks can be built and extended through the membership in associations, clubs, or political parties. Like in Bourdieu’s example, successful financial managers, who “often belong to clubs (…) possess a large social capital (family connections, their respective ‘old-boy networks’)” (Bourdieu, 1979/1996, p. 310). These networks grant power to an actor due to the so-called “multiplier effect” (Bourdieu, 1983/1997, p. 51). The bigger the social network of an actor, the more benefits can be gained from it, because the collectively owned social, economic or cultural capital grows exponentially with the expansion of the network (Ibid.). Such ‘connections’ may be utilised in “individual substitution strategies” (Bourdieu, 1979/1996, p. 147). For example, a high amount of social capital enables its holders to compensate other forms of capital, e.g., “to make up for their lack of formal qualifications or to get maximum return for those they have” (Bourdieu, 1979/1996, p. 147). This way, the social capital of the holders may be utilised to increase the value of their academic performance, their cultural capital (cf. Sect. 3.3.3). On the other hand, a lack of social capital may also reduce the value of cultural capital in the case of the “law graduate who, for lack of social capital, becomes a community cultural worker” (Bourdieu, 1979/1996, p. 150). Hence, social capital takes effect as a ‘transformer’ that is able to valuate and devaluate other forms of capital: Different individuals obtain a very unequal return on a more or less equivalent capital (economic or cultural) according to the extent to which they are able to mobilise by proxy the capital of a group (family, old pupils of elite schools, select club, nobility, etc.) (Bourdieu 1980, translated in Field, 2009, p. 16)

Apart from the mere amount of social connections, their ‘quality’ is also decisive. The value of the symbolic or material benefits, that are gained from social capital, is highly dependent on the capital possessed by the respective members of the network and their willingness to ‘help’ each other. The quality of the network varies in terms of their ‘institutionalisation’, e.g., in their legally binding character: These relationships may exist only in the practical state, in material and/or symbolic exchanges which help to maintain them. They may also be socially instituted and guaranteed by the application of a common name (the name of a family, a class, or a tribe or of a school, a party, etc.) and by a whole set of instituting acts designed simultaneously to form and inform those who undergo them; in this case, they are more or less really enacted and so maintained and reinforced, in exchanges. (Bourdieu, 1983/1997, p. 54)

Similar to economic capital, also the maintenance and expansion of social capital requires a certain kind of labour. Networks are “not a natural given or even a social given” (Bourdieu, 1983/1997, p.  52) but require steady socialising work. This includes efforts to build new relationships or to keep the already established ones alive and working. Hence, networking activities are “investment strategies, individual or collective, consciously or unconsciously aimed at establishing or

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reproducing social relationships that are directly usable in the short or long term (...)” (Bourdieu, 1983/1997, p. 52). Such ‘investment strategies’ are based on material and symbolic exchange processes which may pay off in the long-run. However, the investment in social capital should also not be understood as a conscious, selfish act directed purely at personal advantage (Bourdieu, 1983/1997, 57, footnote 18). Although in some cases individuals might deliberately join prestigious clubs and associations in order to pursue certain goals, socialising activities are at most times perceived as uncommitted ‘leisure’, ‘fun’, or pure ‘friendliness’. Nevertheless, social capital is at no time independent due to the above-mentioned “multiplier effect” it has on other forms of capital (Bourdieu, 1983/1997, p. 51). Like any other type of capital, social capital is understood in relation to the different fields in which actors are situated and to their position they take within them. The more powerful the position of an actor within a field is, the more other actors he or she gets to know, who are similar or even more powerful. In that sense, Bourdieu’s concept of social capital also elucidates the reproduction of social inequalities and how they are disguised or naturalised (Grossman, 2013, p. 29). Like his concept of economic capital, social capital was left overall undeveloped. After years of using it as a concept in his theoretical and empirical contributions, Bourdieu only provided ‘provisional notes’19 on it, which he never elaborated further (Bourdieu & Wacquant, 1992, p. 161).

3.3.3  Cultural Capital Bourdieu’s concept of cultural capital gained worldwide reputation among researchers of different areas after appearing in an English republication three years prior to its first description in a German essay in 1983.20 It has been applied to manifold fields such as gender studies, migration studies, urban development, and organisational theory.21 Bourdieu developed the concept of cultural capital in connection with his analyses of the French education system (cf. Sect. 3.2.1). His aim had been to explain why children from privileged families achieve significantly better grades and hence higher educational degrees, which could not be simply traced back to ‘innate’ abilities or to their mere economic wealth. He discovered that those children succeed in school due to their familiarity with a certain behaviour that is highly appreciated by teachers and other representatives of educational institutions. This ‘behaviour’ includes ‘proper’ language, experience with ‘high culture’, possession of cultural goods etc.; in short, their familiarity with what is perceived as ‘legitimate’ culture  Bourdieu, P. (1980). Le capital sociale. Actes De La Recherche En Sciences Sociales, 31, 2–3.  Bourdieu, P. (1983). Ökonomisches Kapital, kulturelles Kapital, soziales Kapital. In R. Kreckel (Ed.), Soziale Welt: Sonderband: Vol. 2. Soziale Ungleichheiten (Sonderband 2, pp.  183–198). Schwartz. 21  For receptions of Bourdieu’s concepts see Sect. 3.3.5. 19 20

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by the representatives of the education system (Rehbein & Saalmann, 2014c, pp. 135–136). What is decisive is that this ‘legitimate’ behaviour is not acquired at school, but through informal learning processes taking place in the children’s immediate social surroundings. For example, working class children adopt a style of language from their parents different from children of academic households. However, the latter is more valued in educational settings in contrast to so-called ‘street language’ (c.f. Lamont & Lareau, 1988, p.  154). Hence, Bourdieu suggested that the supposed ‘equality of opportunities’ of the education system is an illusion, as it contributes to the reproduction of social power relations (Heim et al., 2014, p. 256). The development of the concept of cultural capital in connection with the education system and, hence in connection with the ‘legitimate’ culture of ‘dominant’ social groups might be a reason why cultural capital is frequently misinterpreted by different researchers as exclusively referring to knowledge of or proficiency in ‘high culture’ (Robbins, 2000, p.  33). However, in Bourdieu’s understanding, different forms of cultural capital have no intrinsic value difference. It is a relational concept referring back to Bourdieu’s notion of the ‘cultural arbitrary’ (cf. Sect. 3.2.2). Depending on the field, different values are attributed to it and the same form of cultural capital may endow its possessor with more or less power, depending on the field. In this regard, dominant social groups have more power than the dominated classes to establish their values as ‘legitimate’. And because they also ‘control’ the field of education, it is their knowledge and skills, their forms of cultural capital that are valued and rewarded the most (Webb et al., 2002, p. 111). In contrast to economic and social capital, Bourdieu increasingly refined the concept of cultural capital over the course of his work, as its discovery was the incentive for the development of his capital theory. Corresponding to the other forms of capital, also cultural capital determines the position of actors in social space, however, in the most ‘disguised’ form due to its unconscious incorporation (cf. Sect. 3.3.3). In essence, this is what Bourdieu revealed with the concept of cultural capital: the most seemingly trivial differences in everyday cultural practices are reflections of social positions, and simultaneously lead to their stabilisation. Thus, cultural practices are a field of social power struggles wherein cultural capital works so effectively through its perceived ‘triviality’ disguising its nature as a mighty ‘weapon’. In his basic definition, Bourdieu provided three different forms of cultural capital: Cultural capital can exist in three forms: in the embodied state, i.e., in the form of long-­ lasting dispositions of the mind and body; in the objectified state, in the form of cultural goods (pictures, books, dictionaries, instruments, machines, etc.), which are the trace or realization of theories or critiques of these theories, problematics, etc.; and in the institutionalized state, a form of objectification which must be set apart because, as will be seen in the case of educational qualifications, it confers entirely original properties on the cultural capital which it is presumed to guarantee. (Bourdieu, 1983/1997, p. 47)

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In the following, the characteristics of ‘embodied’, respectively, ‘incorporated’ cultural capital, objectified cultural capital and institutionalised cultural capital are introduced in detail. Incorporated Cultural Capital One of the reasons why its significance in social power struggles tends to go unrecognised is that cultural capital is embodied or incorporated.22 The incorporated state of cultural capital forms the basis of the other two forms of cultural capital in its objectified and institutionalised states. Bourdieu defined incorporated cultural capital as “long-lasting dispositions of the mind and body” (Bourdieu, 1983/1997, p. 48), referring to all forms of knowledge and skills that actors acquire during their lifetime. It is “external wealth converted into an integral part of the person, into a habitus” (Ibid.). Incorporated cultural capital becomes explicit, inter alia, in coherent ways of speaking, thinking, and acting. It is transmitted through practices and results in the development of cognitive structures, contributing to identity formation (Audehm, 2017, p. 168). Incorporated cultural capital may be acquired by school education or, more importantly, through informal ‘everyday’ learning processes. The process of its ‘embodiment’ has to be accomplished individually: The accumulation of cultural capital in the embodied state (...) presupposes a process of embodiment, incorporation, which, insofar as it implies a labor of inculcation and assimilation, costs time, time which must be invested personally by the investor. Like the acquisition of a muscular physique or a suntan, it cannot be done at second hand (...) (Bourdieu, 1983/1997, p. 48).

As the terms ‘embodiment’ or ‘incorporation’ imply, this form of capital is an inherent part of its possessor’s personality, immediately related to his bodily existence: “(…) it declines and dies with its bearer (with his biological capacity, his memory, etc.)” (Bourdieu, 1983/1997, p. 49). It follows that incorporated cultural capital cannot simply be transferred from one person to another at short notice, in contrast to economic capital. In the case of economic capital, it is a common procedure that, as soon as a person dies, his or her financial resources are transferred to their legal heirs. Depending on the amount of economic capital inherited, the wealth of the heirs is predetermined by the wealth of their ancestors. In regard to social capital, the ‘inheritance’ is not that obvious at first sight, however, family ties and other social connections – as well as a ‘renowned’ family name – are handed down to the following generation. This way, children are born into existing networks that likely determine their future lives. In contrast, cultural capital “cannot be transmitted instantaneously […] by gift or bequest, purchase or exchange” (Bourdieu, 1983/1997, p. 48). Thus, cultural capital is ‘inherited’ in highly ‘disguised’ ways through processes of incorporation. As this involves time and a labour of ‘inculcation’, it is dependent on the biological “appropriating capacities of an individual agent” (Bourdieu, 1983/1997, p. 48). On the one hand, the process of incorporation can be carried out intentionally, e.g. while 22

 The terms ‘embodied’ and ‘incorporated’ are understood and used synonymously in this book.

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actively practising piano at a music school. Apart from this conscious capital acquisition at educational institutions, incorporated cultural capital is acquired on unconscious, concealed levels. This means that it is transmitted invisibly and often goes unnoticed within families in the form of “implicit pedagogy” (Bourdieu & Passeron, 1990, p. 47). For example, if the piano student’s father is a famous concert pianist, it will probably be far easier for her to become proficient on that instrument since she grew up observing, mimicking, and listening to her father. Since her early childhood, she unconsciously incorporated more cultural capital related to piano playing than others. Bourdieu differentiated ‘implicit pedagogy’ from ‘explicit pedagogy’ according to the different states of ‘consciousness’ involved in the learning process (Bourdieu and Passeron, 1990, p. 47). In ‘implicit pedagogy’, knowledge is transmitted solely through practices without articulation, while in ‘explicit pedagogy’ the learning contents are structured and verbalised. These two types of knowledge transmission have different consequences for the formation of the habitus. ‘Implicit’ pedagogy is based on mimetic processes, as the transmitted knowledge is directly embodied, becoming a part of the actor’s habitus. In turn, ‘explicit’ pedagogy is a formalised knowledge transmission, which is not necessarily realised in mimetic processes. Hence, the memorisation of this articulated, factual knowledge is an abstract process without a direct involvement of the body. Thus, implicit pedagogy is doubtless the most efficient way of transmitting traditional, undifferentiated, ‘total’ knowledge (the assimilation of styles or knacks), in that it requires the disciple or apprentice to identify with the physical person of the more experienced ‘master’ or ‘companion’, at the cost of a thorough self-remission which prohibits analysis of the principles of the exemplary conduct (…) (Bourdieu and Passeron, 1990, p. 47).

This “undifferentiated, ‘total’ knowledge”, also described as ‘tacit’ knowledge, refers to the common experience of knowing more than one can articulate (Polanyi, 1958/2005). This knowledge helps to grasp a thing or a situation on a functional level and to implicitly understand its semantic content without being able to make it explicit (Kraus, 2017, p. 18). Polanyi explicated this with the practical ability to ride a bike,23 which cannot be described or explained verbally (Polanyi, 1958/2005, p. 91). Similarly, Bourdieu realised that the reason for the impossibility of articulation is due to its mimetic acquisition, which happens “unconsciously through prolonged frequentation of masters who had themselves mastered them only in practical form” (Bourdieu and Passeron, 1990, p. 54). This type of knowledge stays unconscious only if the practice, through which it is acquired, is not questioned (Wulf, 2017, p. 149). This, in turn, requires a personal identification of the ‘disciple’ with the ‘master’, which is best realised in ritual performances (cf. Sect. 3.2.2). Bourdieu argued that due to the unconscious transmission of cultural capital, its nature as capital is misrecognised and hence perceived as ‘natural’ ability or as  “Though I cannot say clearly how I ride a bicycle (...), yet this will not prevent me from saying that I know how to ride a bicycle (...). For I know that I know how to do such things, though I know the particulars of what I know only in an instrumental manner and am focally quite ignorant of them.” (Polanyi, 1958/2005, p. 91).

23

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authority. Thus, “(...) the transmission of cultural capital is no doubt the best hidden form of hereditary transmission of capital (...)” (Bourdieu, 1983/1997, p. 49). The more seldom or ‘special’ a form of cultural capital, the more authority and power it grants to its possessor: “(...) any given cultural competence (...) derives a scarcity value from its position in the distribution of cultural capital and yields profits of distinction for its owner” (Bourdieu, 1983/1997, p. 49). The higher the social status an actor aims to maintain, the more it becomes necessary to accumulate cultural capital with such a scarcity value. Cultural capital is threatened by a devaluation as soon as it becomes part of mass consumption and hence available to more actors (Bauer, 2014, p. 160). In sum, with the incorporation of cultural capital ‘tacit’ knowledge is transmitted, which generates schemes of behaviour and results in the formation of identities. Through this process, actors acquire a bodily understanding of the type of behaviour that is expected in specific fields (Brümmer & Alkemeyer, 2017, p. 40). Thus, incorporated cultural capital is unconsciously expressed in everyday situations like in leisure activities or the consumption of cultural products. Hence, its unequal distribution, which represents the hierarchical order of social space, is reflected in the sphere of cultural practices. Objectified Cultural Capital In contrast to incorporated cultural capital, objectified cultural capital exists independently of the human body. Bourdieu refers to it as “cultural goods (pictures, books, dictionaries, instruments, machines, etc.)” (Bourdieu, 1983/1997, p. 47). It differs from incorporated cultural capital in its materiality, which can be transmitted instantaneously from one actor to another: The cultural capital objectified in material objects and media, such as writings, paintings, monuments, instruments, etc., is transmissible in its materiality. A collection of paintings, for example, can be transmitted as well as economic capital (...). (Bourdieu, 1983/1997, p. 50)

However, what characterises objectified cultural capital is not solely its materiality but its symbolic meaning. It cannot be reduced to its material value as it “has a number of properties which are defined only in the relationship with cultural capital in its embodied form” (Bourdieu, 1983/1997, p. 54). Objectified cultural capital is directly dependent on incorporated cultural capital in two ways. First, its symbolic dimension can only be understood if an actor possesses the specific knowledge which is needed to capture its symbolic meaning. Without this knowledge, only the “legal ownership” of objectified cultural capital can be transmitted, and not (…) what constitutes the precondition for specific appropriation, namely, the possession of the means of ‘consuming’ a painting or using a machine, which, being nothing other than embodied capital, are subject to the same laws of transmission. (Bourdieu, 1983/1997, p. 50)

Thus, the incorporation of cultural capital is the precondition to understand the symbolic meaning of objectified cultural capital and, hence, to appropriate it not only materially but also symbolically (Bourdieu, 1983/1997, p. 54). As objectified

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cultural capital may also appear as instruments or machines, an actor would also need incorporated knowledge and skills for their active utilisation: To possess the machines, he only needs economic capital; to appropriate them and use them in accordance with their specific purpose (defined by the cultural capital, of scientific or technical type, incorporated in them), he must have access to embodied cultural capital, either in person or by proxy. (Bourdieu, 1983/1997, p. 54)

This citation already hints at the second way in which objectified cultural capital is dependent on incorporated cultural capital: it is also needed to ‘produce’ objectified cultural capital. The making of cultural objects requires knowledge and skills which have been historically acquired through processes of ‘implicit’ or ‘explicit’ pedagogy. This means that objectified cultural capital owes its mere existence to the incorporation of cultural capital. Thus, incorporated cultural capital is the precondition for the production and the consumption of objectified cultural capital. In this regard, Bourdieu referred to processes of ‘encoding’ and ‘decoding’ or ‘deciphering’ of cultural objects (Bourdieu, 1984, p. 1). For example, while painting a picture, the artist ‘encodes’ a message into the piece of art. This message is necessarily formed by the incorporated cultural capital reflected in her habitus. Hence, her habitus determines the ‘code’ underlying the painting. The spectator also possesses incorporated cultural capital reflected in his habitus, which he uses to ‘decipher’ the meaning encoded in the picture. In how far the spectator ‘understands’ the message as it was intended by the artist, depends on the resemblance of the spectator’s and the artist’s habitus (Bourdieu, 1984, pp. 11–12). According to Bourdieu, the spectator would ‘decode’ the message ‘correctly’ “only in the special case in which the cultural code which makes the act of deciphering possible (…) merges with the cultural code which has rendered the work perceived possible” (Bourdieu, 1984, p. 1); i.e., only if his habitus resembles the habitus of the artist. If this is not the case, the spectator creates an alternative meaning by unconsciously applying another code “which is good for everyday perception, for the deciphering of familiar objects” (Bourdieu, 1984, p. 2). Thus, a cultural object may have manifold meanings, ranging from the intention of its creator to the different interpretations of its ‘consumer’. The different meanings and values attached to it always relate to the type and amount of incorporated cultural capital. In sum, objectified cultural capital is dependent on incorporated cultural capital, since it can only be understood, applied, produced, or consumed involving incorporated knowledge and skills. Through this dependency, the production and appropriation of objectified cultural capital is characterised by the incorporated cultural capital possessed by the producer and the consumer. Hence, the ways in which objectified cultural capital is produced and consumed conveys information on the social positions of the involved actors. Institutionalised Cultural Capital Whereas the ‘value’ of objectified cultural capital is determined by the incorporated cultural capital of the actors producing or acquiring it and, thus, may vary extensively, institutionalised cultural capital confers an ‘objective’ value on incorporated

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cultural capital. In the form of officially recognised (mostly educational) certificates, it ‘neutralises’ the direct linkage of incorporated cultural capital to the human body. With the academic qualification, a certificate of cultural competence which confers on its holder a conventional, constant, legally guaranteed value with respect to culture, social alchemy produces a form of cultural capital which has a relative autonomy vis-à-vis its bearer and even vis-à-vis the cultural capital he effectively possesses at a given moment in time. (Bourdieu, 1983/1997, p. 54)

Institutionalised cultural capital is the official certification of the amount of incorporated cultural capital an actor possesses. Thereby, the attested knowledge and skills do not necessarily have to be existent. For example, a language certificate testifies to the linguistic abilities an actor possessed at a specific moment in time. Nevertheless, it is still valid even though he lost their ability over time to speak the language. Hence, institutionalised cultural capital bestows an ‘objective’ value upon its bearer, which is “freed from temporal fluctuations” (Bourdieu, 1980, 1990, p. 218), i.e., independent of an actor’s factual abilities. Moreover, institutionalised cultural capital enables a direct comparison of different actors and may even allow for their interchangeability, especially in terms of educational certificates: It makes it possible to relate all qualification-holders (and also, negatively, all unqualified individuals) to a single standard, thereby setting up a unified market for all cultural capacities and guaranteeing the convertibility into money of the cultural capital acquired at a given cost in time and labour. (Bourdieu, 1980, 1990, p. 218)

Through the equation of all certificate-holders, institutionalised cultural capital creates a social distance to all the other, ‘non-instiutionalised’ actors. For example, a certificate of apprenticeship attributes a higher value to an apprenticed craftsperson in comparison to an autodidact. Though both may have the exact same manual skills, the one holding a certificate can ‘objectively’ prove his or her proficiency. Through institutionalised cultural capital, social power struggles are transferred from the individual to an institutional level: From then on, relations of power and dependence are no longer established directly between individuals; they are set up, in objectivity, among institutions, that is, among socially guaranteed qualifications and socially defined positions, and through them, among the social mechanisms that produce and guarantee both the social value of the qualifications and the distribution of these social attributes among biological individuals. (Bourdieu, 1980, 1990, p. 218)

In short, the objective structures pervading social space are reconstructed institutionally and, thus, appear as neutral and objective. Furthermore, institutionalised cultural capital has decisive consequences for the accumulation of economic capital, because it “(…) makes it possible to establish conversion rates between cultural capital and economic capital by guaranteeing the monetary value of a given academic capital” (Bourdieu, 1983/1997, p. 54). Hence, the institutionalisation of cultural capital may increase the possible economic profits gained from incorporated or objectified cultural capital as it provides an

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authentication to their ‘intrinsic’ values. This is what Bourdieu described as the “performative magic of the power of instituting”, the power to “impose recognition” (Bourdieu, 1983/1997, p. 51), which prompts individuals to believe in the objectivity of officially confirmed values. The “power of instituting” leads not only to an increase of capital value, but also to a transformation of the actors themselves (Audehm, 2001, p. 117). On the one hand, the behaviour and attitude of actors towards a person endowed with institutionalised cultural capital changes. On the other hand, the person’s attitude towards themselves is transformed, resulting in a changed habitus due to commiting to the authority of the institution that ‘certified’ them (Ibid.). According to Bourdieu, official titles and certificates represent credentials that may also lead to an increase in symbolic capital, as elaborated in the following section (Bourdieu, 1980, 1990, p. 218).

3.3.4  Symbolic Capital Symbolic capital has a special character, because it goes along with the accumulation of all other forms of capital. Symbolic capital becomes noticeable as appreciation, status, or recognition: (…) symbolic capital, commonly called prestige, reputation, renown, etc., (…) is the form in which the different forms of capital are perceived and recognized as legitimate. (Bourdieu, 1985, p. 724)

Hence, it stands above the other three forms of capital, because no form of capital would have value without its recognition, or without a symbolic dimension (Rehbein & Saalmann, 2014c, p. 138). In turn, this means that every form of capital may appear as symbolic capital as soon as it generates explicit or implicit recognition of its possessor: Symbolic capital is nothing more than economic or cultural capital which is acknowledged and recognized (Bourdieu, 1990, p. 135).

During his fieldwork in Algeria, Bourdieu had also discovered that honour plays an important role in traditional Kabylian society. Being the “supreme value, more precious than life itself” (Bourdieu, 1958/1962, p. 33), the increase of honour is the goal of seemingly disinterested, altruistic practices, like gift exchanges. The exchange of gifts is “experienced as an inaugural act of generosity, without any past or future, i.e. without calculation” (Bourdieu, 1972/1977, p. 171), although its ultimate goal is the accumulation of recognition and honour, or in short, symbolic capital. However, such strategies take effect only if their economic nature is not obvious to the donor of the gift nor to the person receiving it. Hence, symbolic capital is only recognised as legitimate as long as it is misrecognised as capital or investment (Bourdieu, 1980, 1990, p. 211). Symbolic capital attaches value to different forms of capital and their possessors because the other actors believe in this value. Due to

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their belief, symbolic capital functions as a “credit, (…) a sort of advance which the group alone can grant those who give it the best material and symbolic guarantees (…)” (Bourdieu, 1972/1977, p. 181). What symbolic capital has in common with the other forms of capital is that its recognition, or the belief in its value, is field-specific. Hence, the symbolic capital attached to economic and cultural capital may vary drastically according to the field. However, it is also possible that different fields simultaneously attach high symbolic capital to the same forms of economic or cultural capital. For example, a ‘great’ family name may endow its holder with “a reputation for competence and an image of respectability and honourability” (Bourdieu, 1979/1996, p. 291) in diverse fields. In this case, social capital works as symbolic capital.24 Bourdieu showed with the help of economic, cultural, social, and symbolic capital that all kinds of human practices, no matter how ‘disinterested’ or ‘innocent’ they appear, obey economic principles of exchange, accumulation and profit. In this sense, any practice represents a strategy of capital ‘investment’, irrespective of whether the actors are consciously aware of it or not, because “(...) the most sincerely disinterested acts may be those best corresponding to objective interest” (Bourdieu, 1983/1997, 57, footnote 17). Within this ‘economy of practices’, symbolic capital functions as an instance of central ‘value enhancement’ that facilitates the conversion of one form of capital into another.

3.3.5  Capital Conversions Each form of capital may be converted into any other form of capital, because according to Bourdieu’s understanding, all capital is accumulated labour. Hence, all capital forms are based on a central ‘conversion factor.’ This, (…) universal equivalent, the measure of all equivalences is nothing other than labor-time (in the widest sense) (…) (Bourdieu, 1983/1997, p. 54).

It includes both the “labor-time accumulated in the form of capital and the labor-­ time needed to transform it from one type into another” (Bourdieu, 1983/1997, p. 54). It follows, that cultural and social capital can only be acquired in case an actor has enough spare time to learn something new or to form social networks. Due to this relationship, the acquisition of social and cultural capital as such already represents an act of capital conversion. Over the ‘detour’ of time, economic capital is transformed, for example, into cultural capital:

 In his early works, Bourdieu conceptualised symbolic capital as a form of social capital. Later, he increasingly deemed it as significant because no form of capital has a value without a symbolic dimension, whereof he constructed it as a separate form of capital (Rehbein & Saalmann, 2014c, p. 138).

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Similarly, if the best measure of cultural capital is undoubtedly the amount of time devoted to acquiring it, this is because the transformation of economic capital into cultural capital presupposes an expenditure of time that is made possible by possession of economic capital. (Bourdieu, 1983/1997, p. 54)

However, the mere availability of enough ‘free time’ connected to the possession of economic capital is not enough to acquire social or cultural capital. Additionally, a certain ‘labour’ or ‘effort’ has to be carried out by the actor. For example, learning how to play a musical instrument involves – apart from an extensive investment of time – finger exercises, motivation, patience and a “biological capacity” in the form of “appropriating capacities of an individual agent” (Ibid., p.  49). Therefore, Bourdieu reasoned that cultural and social capital are dependent on economic capital, but “never entirely reducible” to it (Ibid., p. 54). Both, social and cultural capital can also be ‘reconverted’ into economic capital. For example, a large social network may provide an actor with better job opportunities resulting in a higher salary. The skill to play an instrument may provide an actor with the opportunity to acquire economic capital by giving concerts or by offering music lessons. This means that economic capital is necessary to learn an instrument through which it can later be ‘reimbursed’. In this way, economic capital is converted into cultural, and turned back into economic capital, whereby these conversions do not pay off equally for all actors. This may be due to the actor’s different amounts of symbolic capital. For example, if a musician has a ‘great name’ she may acquire much more economic capital with concerts or teaching than a ‘no name’ musician with the same skills. In this connection, institutions also play an important role, especially in regard to the transformation of cultural capital into economic capital. In that institutions are entitled to issue certificates for the possession of a certain amount of incorporated cultural capital (cf. Sect. 3.3.3), they enhance the symbolic capital of an actor. Thus, the ‘institutionalisation’ of cultural capital has significant effects on its conversion into other forms of capital. In sum, economic capital is at the root of all forms of capital, because it enables an investment of time that supports the acquisition of social and cultural capital. This is why economic capital may be converted into any other form of capital and vice versa. Apart from investing time, certain forms of labour have to be carried out in order to acquire cultural or social capital. Thus, cultural and social capital cannot be reduced back entirely to economic capital, whereas symbolic capital may multiply the ‘market value’ of any form of capital.

3.4  Contemporary Reception and Criticism Received as a classic, Bourdieu’s Theory of Practice still exerts major influence on contemporary research. His epistemological tools and concepts had fundamental impact on various areas besides sociology. Vester (2002) was so carried away, he compared Bourdieu’s work to Einstein’s theory of relativity. According to Fowler

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(1995, p. 19), the enthusiasm of Bourdieu’s academic followers often relates to his epistemological artifice with which he “superseded various problems that have perennially plagued sociology as a critical social theory (…).” That he crossed borders in many respects was celebrated as ground-breaking scientific achievement by researchers worldwide and the vast spectrum of his theoretical concepts is appreciated and applied until today. Bourdieu is still one of the most cited sociologists worldwide, which is due to the fact that his works have been received in an extensive variety of disciplines (Korom, 2019, p. 5). In Germany, Bourdieu’s work became increasingly noticed after a translated publication25 of ‘Distinction’ was printed in 1982, although already the original26 had previously been perceived as a renewal of cultural sociology (Fröhlich & Rehbein, 2014b, p. 381). Especially in the field of pedagogy, ‘Distinction’ was well received due to the pioneering work of Eckart Liebau who published the first German monograph on Bourdieu (Liebau, 1987). Bourdieu’s reception within German sociology gained momentum in 1989, with Eder’s anthology on ‘Distinction’, which drew attention on the homology of social positions and lifestyles (Eder, 1989). The book includes a response by Bourdieu himself to the criticism he often received concerning the perceived rigidity of his class concept, the deterministic character of the habitus, and the apparent uniformity of his lifestyle model (Fröhlich & Rehbein, 2014b). Reception of Bourdieu intensified over the course of the 1990s, during which three major milieu concepts evolved and, meanwhile, came to belong to the basics of German sociology: the ‘Sinus-Milieus’, the milieu studies of Michael Vester, and the ‘thrill-seeking’ milieus (‘Erlebnismilieus’) of Schulze. All three models are based on what Köhler and Bühlow-Schramm call the ‘Bourdieu paradigm’, building on the axiom that objective social structures are reflected in individual practices (2008, p. 4). Gebauer and Wulf’s anthology ‘Praxis und Ästhetik’ (1993) marked the beginning of a dissemination of Bourdieu’s work into a broader range of research areas. The authors (including Bourdieu himself) discussed central concepts like habitus or taste from the perspectives of philosophy, social psychology, literary sciences, pedagogy, and gender studies. At that time, the sharp criticism dominating the beginnings of his reception had been replaced by a general acceptance of Bourdieu’s theory and induced the intention to adapt it productively to the German context (Fröhlich and Rehbein, 2014b, p.  382). Nowadays, Bourdieu is fundamental to German social sciences, whereby his theoretical contributions are significant in the context of recent sociological ‘turns’ like the ‘practice turn’ or ‘body turn’, proclaiming a theoretical focus on bodily practices as an alternative to social and cultural theories (Alkemeyer, 2019; Reckwitz, 2005, 2020; Schatzki, 2006). Today, Bourdieu’s conception of lifestyle, habitus, and cultural capital provides the basis for, e.g., the analysis of cultural consumption, exemplified representatively

 Bourdieu, P. (1982). Die feinen Unterschiede: Kritik der gesellschaftlichen Urteilskraft (1. Aufl.). Suhrkamp. 26  Bourdieu, P. (1979). La distinction: Critique sociale du jugement. Le sens commun. 25

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with studies on musical tastes (Berli, 2014; Otte, 2007; Rössel, 2009; Universität für Musik und Darstellende Künste Wien, 2019; van Keeken, 2014). Moreover, current research on globalisation, nationalism, and right-wing populism relies on Bourdieu’s concepts of field, capital, and habitus (Koppetsch, 2019; Schneickert, 2013; Witte & Schmitz, 2017). On an international level, current research perspectives draw from Bourdieu’s ‘Theory of Practice’, including the application of his concept to digital technologies and communication, leading to the emergence of ‘digital sociology’ (Lupton, 2019; Marres, 2018; Nitsevich, 2018; Orton-Johnson & Prior, 2013). Therein, the concepts of field, capital, and habitus are used to explain a new area of research activity, namely digital inequality (Ignatow & Robinson, 2017). In the field of Heritage Studies, the applicability of Bourdieu’s concepts has just started to become increasingly recognised. In this respect, a pioneering role may be accredited to Christoph Wulf, who related Bourdieu’s habitus concept to UNESCO’s definition of ICH only two years after the adoption of the 2003 Convention (cf. Sects. 4.2.1 and 5.1). He emphasized the crucial role of ICH practices for the formation of the habitus, as they manifest in ritual performance (Wulf, 2005, p.  86). Accordingly, the mimetic processes involved in ICH practices promote the intergenerational transmission of practical (tacit) knowledge and contribute to identity-­ building and social cohesion, “in terms of what Pierre Bourdieu has described in relation to the creation, sustenance and modification of habit forms” (Ibid., p. 87). Later, Wulf complemented and exemplified this approach with traditional choral singing, whereby he defined five structural aspects of ICH (cf. Sect. 2.3.3). Basu and Modest (2014) also rely on the habitus concept to take a critical perspective on the connection between heritage and development. Pointing to the political dimension of this relationship, which is pervaded by domination and symbolic violence, they argue that the constant request for the utilisation of heritage for development “tend[s] to undermine the ability of people to determine their own pasts, and hence has inhibited the emergence of alternative visions of the future as expressions of those silenced heritages” (Basu & Modest, 2014, p. 10). Relating to the field of museum studies, Bella Dicks (2017) advocates a more holistic understanding of museum visits as social practices that mobilise symbolic dimensions of memory and class experience. By drawing on Bourdieu’s habitus and class concepts, she analyses how exhibitions evoke value judgements that are not only related to aesthetics, but also to the exhibited social identities (Dicks, 2017). Reeves and Plets define heritage as a socio-political practice that is constituted by unconscious everyday strategies aiming at the satisfaction of social needs (2016, p. 203). In this context, they use Bourdieu’s concept of doxa to argue that, “cultural heritage is best understood as both an unconscious organically grown practice and also an intentional selective enterprise that is inherent in any social context or societal group” (Reeves & Plets, 2016, p.  204). Based on Bourdieu’s field and habitus concepts, Iacono and Brown take a critical stance towards UNESCO’s differentiation between tangible and intangible heritage and suggest to label ICH as ‘living cultural heritage’, exemplifying their arguments with dance practices (Iacono & Brown, 2016). Examining the relationship of young members of the Indigenous Australian Yanyuwa people, Kearney and Kowalewski (2016) apply the habitus concept to

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ICH, whereby they advocate a broader conception of ICH in relation to its emergence out of active human practices (Kearney & Kowalewski, 2016, p. 295). To the same extent that Bourdieu is received productively by a large number of researchers, his concepts have been exposed to eager criticism. Frequently, Bourdieu replied directly to the objections brought up against him, which were often based on misunderstandings or misconceptions of either his epistemological perspective or his theoretical constructions. The major points of criticism are presented in the following paragraphs, which assume the shape of manifold ‘-isms’: reductionism, (over-)determinism, economism, relativism, utilitarianism, vulgar Marxism, or cultural functionalism. One of the most repeated accusations is that Bourdieu’s theory is over-­ deterministic. Bourdieu steadily declared that his main scientific goal was to overcome the division between objectivism and subjectivism, which he tried to achieve with the help of his habitus concept. Nevertheless, his critics have detected an objectivist tendency in his work, because the influence of ‘objective’ overarching social structures on the individual habitus still remains irrevocable in his explanatory model (Fröhlich et al., 2014, p. 403). This gives the impression of a ‘determinist’ understanding of the social world, because Bourdieu traced back individual behaviour of actors to their social position and their socialisation. Thus, an individual’s course of life seems to be predetermined from the outset. Although actors are able to form their actions individually and add creative nuances to them, they are still subject to generally accepted dominant action and perception patterns. Hence, it is difficult to explain deviant behaviour with Bourdieu’s theory (Hülst, 1999, p. 276). As Fowler (1995, p. 8) states, this is due to the “relative devaluation of the subjective moment in Bourdieu’s theory”, a major point of further critique. Certainly, Bourdieu’s theory allows for individual agency, however at bottom, it always appears to be only a representation of a habitus and hence of a social position. In fact, Bourdieu never focused on individual behaviour variants in his analyses. As LiPuma (1993, p.  23) asserts, the habitus concept does not allow for an explanation as to why some individuals are able to produce forms of thoughts that, in the end, threaten the reproduction of the prevailing class structure. He continues to criticise that Bourdieu does not explain the obvious relativity of the habitus, “(…) why it permits some individuals to transcend their habitus (for example, Bourdieu himself)” while the majority seem to accept their determined path of life as a social fate (LiPuma, 1993, p. 24). Fowler (1995, p. 18) takes a similar line by arguing that Bourdieu’s concepts result in a ‘reception theory’ that denies, for example, the revolutionary potential of the arts. Besides ensuring social stability, culture may also be an “instrument of social change,” but Bourdieu “has underemphasised the potential for art and literature to be both critical and to imagine new alternatives.” (Fowler, 1995, p. 18). However, Calhoun (1993, p. 75) opposes these views by declaring that Bourdieu’s critics often overstate the reproductive dimension of his theory, as he did not exclude contrary individual behaviour: “revolution did not mark a break with the habitus, but was based on it, even though it broke the pattern of stable reproduction” (Calhoun, 1993, p. 75). Nevertheless, also Lash (1993, p. 210) criticises that while Bourdieu’s theory might be sufficient to analyse the present state of the social

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world, it does not explain how it came to be like it is. This insufficient explanation of social change, despite the stabilising nature of the habitus, leads to further objection in regard to the range of validity of Bourdieu’s concepts in several respects. Many critics blame Bourdieu for not being precise as to whether his concepts are historically transferable or adaptable to different societies. Robbins, for example, suspects that Bourdieu’s theory can only explain the society of which it is a product. Its universal applicability is thus questioned: (…) Bourdieu only explains what he explains (or that what he explains causes him to explain it in the way in which he does) and (…), therefore, his explanations are not transferable (…) (Robbins 2000, p. 110).

Bourdieu’s epistemology and any of his concepts refer exclusively to European philosophical traditions. He further elaborated and proved his theory by means of empirical work in France and in a former French colony. Thereby, he took for granted that the structure of modern societies are characterised by differentiated social field, which may not account for present ‘traditional’ or historical societies (Fröhlich et al., 2014, p. 402). Also the transferability of his capital concept is a controversial issue, especially considering that it is often misinterpreted as a derivative of Marx’s theoretical analysis of capitalism (Calhoun, 1993, p. 75). As one of the loudest critics in regard to Bourdieu’s supposed Marxist bias, Jeffrey Alexander (1995) stated that the ‘Theory of Practice’ had mostly been received uncritically in the Anglophone world. However, many of Bourdieu’s French contemporaries would have called him, behind closed doors, the “‘last Marxist in France’” with ideas “increasingly irrelevant to (…) French social theory and sociology in the last fifteen years” (Alexander, 1995, 202, footnote 1). Like the Communist Party, his argumentation would continue to be totalitarian, his ultimate goal being to keep an illusion of scientific argumentation to push forward his personal left-wing ideology, and not to produce scientifically proven arguments (Fröhlich et  al., 2014, p.  405). Less ‘emotionally charged’ criticism regarding Bourdieu’s Marxist roots is directed towards his application of economic principles to social and cultural fields, frequently referred to as ‘economism’ (Bourdieu, 1990; Tittenbrun, 2016). Especially by referring to obviously non-economic processes with the concept of ‘capital’ caused confusion and prompted many critics to reject it as an artificial “squeezing of the extra-economic phenomena into an economic straightjacket” (Tittenbrun, 2016, p. 81), resulting in a simple and incorrect transfer of capitalist principles to the social world. The main argument behind the accusation of ‘economism’ is that Bourdieu’s expansion of the concept of capital to all social fields may create the impression that all human action is driven by egoistic and competitive calculation (Alexander 1995). No matter how complex or manifold an actors’ practices, strategies, or interests may be, their utmost goal always seems to be the improvement of his or her social position. This way, cultural practices and the appropriation of cultural goods become mere instruments or ‘weapons’ in a social struggle for distinction – a next point of major criticism, sometimes termed ‘cultural functionalism’ (LiPuma, 1993). In Bourdieu’s approach, culture can be interpreted as being only a ‘means to an end’;

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as nothing more than a powerful resource for stabilising or improving social positions (Bauer, 2014, p. 161). LiPuma (1993, pp. 22–23) continues this thought and concludes that this would imply “(…) that there are no forms of knowledge and understanding that are not a product of position and position taking within a social field (…).” In turn, advocates of Bourdieu’s state that his concept of culture was far more complex than insinuated by the above mentioned critics. In Bourdieu’s dialectic, culture could be a means of dominance, but also emancipatory. According to Fröhlich and Rehbein (2014a), this was made apparent when he became a leading figure of the French protest movement in the 1990s. Nevertheless, Bourdieu missed to regularly point to his essentially dialectical understanding of culture and overstressed its functional dimension in order to get across his core message. In favour of making his point, he was even willing to accept the accusation of ‘provisional reductionism’, because it allowed him to show that cultural activities are not ‘disinterested’ (Calhoun, 1993, p. 71). Another widely spread misunderstanding amongst Bourdieu’s critics, and the reception of his theory in general, is the equation of cultural capital with ‘high’ or ‘elite’ culture. For example, it has often been understood exclusively as “an individual’s competence in high-status” (Throsby, 2002, 114, footnote 6) and hence as incompatible with popular culture (Shusterman, 2000, 199 ff.). Especially in the initial Anglo-Saxon reception of his work, cultural capital was understood as related to the knowledge of high culture or the participation in high culture events solely (Dimaggio & Useem, 1978). The reason why cultural capital is often mistaken as elite cultural knowledge is that Bourdieu developed the concept in the context of the French education system. In school settings of 1970’s France, familiarity with ‘high’ culture was valued highly by teachers and other authorities. Therewith, it was the type of cultural capital which granted the best prospects of school success to its possessors. Naturally, those who had the best knowledge of ‘high’ culture were the children of the dominant classes. The ‘discovery’ of cultural capital in this setting may have prompted the recipients of Bourdieu’s theory to associate it with high culture in other contexts. However, Bourdieu’s relative account of culture and the ‘cultural arbitrary’ make explicit that in different settings or at different moments, completely different forms of knowledge, skills, or practices would be associated with a significant amount of cultural capital. It was simply a result of the power relations of Bourdieu’s time, that a higher value was placed on ‘high’ culture than on popular culture; that the former was rated as ‘valuable’ and the latter as ‘trivial’ (Smith, 2001, p. 138). Thereby, it is always the group dominating a field, hence specific power relations, determining what type of cultural capital is most appreciated. A specific form of cultural capital may then gain or lose social status depending on the field and the group dominating it. Instead of understanding it as an absolute concept with a fixed meaning, cultural capital is a tool that can only be applied in relation to the field, habitus, and the respective research problem. What counts as ‘high status’ is always defined by the social surroundings of an actor. Hence, what may lead to social exclusion in one group may be the basis of integration in another. Just as Cole (2019) suggests:

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(…) we all have cultural capital, and deploy it on a daily basis to navigate the world around us. All forms of it are valid, but the hard truth is that they are not valued equally by society’s institutions, and this begets real economic and political consequences.

The flexible applicability and the relative meaning of the cultural capital concept further caused doubts regarding the empirical evidence of Bourdieu’s theory. The theory’s central concepts cannot be operationalised and hence it is neither possible to prove nor to falsify them. By avoiding a clear specification of empirical referents to his central categories and concepts, Bourdieu aroused what Robbins (2000, pp.  106–107) euphemistically calls “positivist disquiet” among some fellow researchers. He applied his concepts as if they had an objective, realistic validity without making it possible to question them (Fröhlich et al., 2014, p. 401). Even more, his theory enabled him to devalue any type of criticism simply as an expression of a social position, getting his critics into an unsolvable predicament: whoever criticises Bourdieu’s theory automatically confirms it (Janning, 1991). ‘Immunisation strategies’ like that, his rather ‘casual’ handling of empirical data or his complicated writing style (Gorder, 1980, p. 335), and many more aspects of his work, regularly exasperated Bourdieu’s critics. Nevertheless, his combination of methods and instruments was ground-breaking. In that he conceptually elucidated “how social imperatives prompt individual position-taking in a manner which, avoiding a mechanistic model of determined action, appeals to a principle of ‘feeling’” (Fowler, 1995, p.  4), Bourdieu paved the way for modern social research. Criticism was important for the development of his concept of practice and thereby contributed essentially to its relevance even today. In that sense, Bourdieu has mobilised his authority to speak to us, but we have the capacity to judge, not whether his concepts have abstract value but whether they are useful to us, apt to our situations. (Robbins, 2000, p. 134)

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Wulf, C. (2005). Crucial points in the transmission and learning of intangbile heritage. In UNESCO (Chair), International conference on globalization and intangible cultural heritage. Symposium conducted at the meeting of United Nations University, Tokio, Japan. Wulf, C. (2017). Mimesis. In A.  Kraus, J.  Budde, M.  Hietzge, & C.  Wulf (Eds.), Handbuch Schweigendes Wissen: Erziehung, Bildung, Sozialisation und Lernen (1st ed., pp. 144–154). Beltz Juventa.

Chapter 4

Intangible Cultural Heritage in the Light of Bourdieu’s ‘Theory of Practice’

Abstract  In this chapter, Bourdieu’s capital theory is applied to a case study on a German tradition of choral singing, which corresponds to the concept of ICH, but is not inscribed in any of UNESCO’s lists. Thereby, the chapter provides the basis for a conceptualisation of ICH’s potentials as ‘driver’ and ‘enabler’ of development beyond the UNESCO discourse. First, the case study on the Finsterwalder Sängerfest is introduced, including a brief overview of the tradition’s history and an outline of the questionnaire used for data collection. This is followed by a description of the data procession and a synopsis of the retrieved results. In the second part of the chapter, the findings of the case study are systemised based on Bourdieu’s capital theory. By using examples from the Finsterwalder Sängerfest, ICH is conceptualised as incorporated, objectified, and institutionalised cultural capital and it is shown how the ‘incorporation’ of ICH affects the formation of the habitus. The case study provides a relevant set of data for the development of the model of ICH valorisation in Chap. 5. Keywords  Cultural capital · Intangible heritage · Music tradition · Tacit knowledge · Cultural identity · Mimetic process As reflected in the 2003 Convention, as well as in the current academic discourse, ICH is understood to be a ‘driver’ and an ‘enabler’ of sustainable development. Bourdieu’s ‘Theory of Practice’ offers the possibility to integrate both dimensions into one theoretical framework.1 1  Earlier stages of the case study’s analysis can be found in: Meissner, M. (2019). The Same But Different. A Bourdieusian Approach to Intangible Cultural Heritage and its Potentials for Development. In R. Kusek & J. Purchla (Eds.), Heritage and society (pp. 433–446). International Cultural Centre.; Meissner, M. (2018). Between Social Cohesion and Social Distinction: Intangible Cultural Heritage and Sustainable Social Development. In R.  Amoêda, S.  Lira, C.  Pinheiro, J.  García Carrilo, J.  Calvo Serrano, & J.  M. Santiago Zaragoza (Eds.), Heritage 2018: 6th International Conference on Heritage and Sustainable Development (1st ed., pp.  235–244). Universidad de Granada; Green Lines Institute.; Meissner, M. (2017). The Valorisation of Intangible Cultural Heritage: Intangible Cultural Heritage as Cultural Capital in Sustainable Development. In S. Lira, R. Amoêda, & C. Pinheiro (Chairs), Sharing Cultures 2017. Symposium conducted at the meeting of Green Lines Institute for Sustainable Development, Barcelos, Portugal.

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 M. Meissner, Intangible Cultural Heritage and Sustainable Development, Heritage Studies, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-79938-0_4

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The following case study was conducted under the rationale of examining the applicability of Bourdieu’s ‘Theory of Practice’ to UNESCO’s ICH concept, taking into account the developmental implications of the 2003 Convention. To this end, data were collected through a quantitative survey with a standardised questionnaire. The survey aimed at assessing how ICH is incorporated, objectified, and institutionalised by asking the interviewees, e.g., about their knowledge about the tradition, tradition-related products and services, their identification with it, and their motivation to practice the tradition. The findings of the case study exemplify that ICH can be understood as cultural capital based upon which a model for ICH valorisation is deduced. Firstly, a brief overview of the tradition’s history and an outline of the questionnaire used for data collection is provided. Subsequently, the ‘driving’ role of ICH in sustainable development is conceptualised with the help of Bourdieu’s capital theory being applied to the findings of the case study. In this sense, the tradition of the Finsterwalder Sängerfest is approached as a form of cultural capital, which exists in embodied, objectified, and institutionalised states (cf. Sect. 3.3.3). It resultantly is converted, for example, into economic or social capital (cf. Sect. 3.3.5). Simultaneously, the transmission of cultural capital affects the formation of an actor’s habitus and finds expression in preferences, tastes, and lifestyles. This way, both the ‘identity-building’ and ‘growth-related’ potentials of ICH practices interrelate to one conceptual framework that intends to provide a more informed understanding of how ICH may contribute to human and sustainable development.

4.1  Case Study: The Finsterwalder Sängerfest 4.1.1  History of the Finsterwalder Sängerfest The Finsterwalder Sängerfest [Singers’ festival of Finsterwalde] is a biennial festival based on the song by Wilhelm Wolff Finsterwalder Sängerlied [song of the singers of Finsterwalde]. Wolff, a Berlin-based composer and comic playwright, composed Finsterwalder Sängerlied in 1899 (Sängerstadtmarketing e.V., 2017). The tune premiered in 1899 in the vaudeville theatre play Wir sind die Sänger von Finsterwalde [‘We are the singers of Finsterwalde’] at the Germania Prachtsäle in Berlin (Ernst, 2018). Yet, neither the song nor its composer had anything to do with the town of Finsterwalde. For Wolff, the town’s name (literally ‘dark forest’) served as a metaphor for the back provinces per se. Within the play, consisting of fourteen scenes, a bizarre trio of three singers with sleazy outer appearances and comical names (‘Pampel’, ‘Knarrig’ and ‘Strippe’) check in at a hotel while on a singing tour through Berlin (Bunsen, 2011). In an entrée song, they sing the couplet ‘Wir sind die Sänger von Finsterwalde, wir leb’n und sterben für den Gesang’ [‘We are the singers of Finsterwalde, we live and die for singing’]. As the singers come from Finsterwalde, the song was intended to mock provincial people from the outskirts of

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Berlin. The play as such did not gain great popularity. However, the song met the musical taste of the time and became famous throughout Berlin. Different authors and composers produced versions of it, for example in the style of military music by Robert Bachhofer, or as a men’s choir piece by Otto Hefner (Ernst, 2018). Around 1900, the song was played at balls and concerts throughout the country and became a symbol for the sublimity of metropolitans towards provincial Berlin (Bunsen, 2011). Initially, the song was not well received by Finsterwalde’s inhabitants. This was not due to the song as such; rather the manifold caricatures and postcards depicting three or four naïve and comical singers (Fig. 4.1) aroused their resentment. The inhabitants of Finterwalde felt they were put on a level with the characters and tried to ignore the mockery for more than a year. However, in 1901, a male choral society of Finsterwalde known as Liedertafel uncoiled a flag with the inscription ‘We are the singers of Finsterwalde’ during a trip to the Spreewald, a popular holiday destination not far away from the town (Sängerstadtmarketing e.V., 2017). This self-mocking confession marked the beginning of a relaxed and humorous acceptance of the Finsterwalder Sängerlied on the side of the inhabitants of Finsterwalde (Bunsen, 2011). Contemporary media coined the term ‘singers’ town’ which had a positive effect on the formerly bleak image of Finsterwalde and the couplet became the town’s slogan. The new image could also be built on Finsterwalde’s long-standing choral tradition, which dated back to the 14th century. The town’s church choir is one of the oldest in the federal state of Brandenburg and was first mentioned in 1565 (Sängerstadtmarketing e.V., 2017). In order to live up

Fig. 4.1  Caricature of the Finsterwalder Sänger in the form of a postcard (around 1900) (with courtesy of University of Osnabrück, custodian [Trinks & Co.], Date Stamp 1932)

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to the claim of being a singers’ town, more and more local choirs included the song into their repertoire. By and by, they turned its ridicule into a town hymn, celebrating Finsterwalde as a place of cheerful and convivial singing. By 1954, the first Finsterwalder Sängerfest was celebrated more or less spontaneously for one week when local choirs and brass bands sang and played the Sängerlied all over the town. During the German Democratic Republic (GDR) era, fifteen choirs and singing groups existed in the former district of Finsterwalde, which was far above the average (Bunsen, 2011). Hence, also during the socialist regime, the Finsterwalders’ joy of singing kept the Sängerlied alive, although the Finsterwalder Sängerfest was not celebrated regularly. Many of the choirs even survived the cultural and social turbulences caused by the Fall of the Wall and the reunification of Germany. In 1992, the association Finsterwalder Sängerfest e.V. was founded and from then on, the Finsterwalder Sängerfest has been celebrated every two years. Nowadays, the Finsterwalder Sängerfest features performances of national and international choirs, pop and rock bands, dance performances, art exhibitions, food stands, carousels, fireworks, and a parade. Involving ten different musical stages, about 100.000 people, including locals, visitors, and artists, gather for three days to celebrate the singers’ tradition. The contemporary Singers of Finsterwalde are represented by four male choral singers dressed in tails and top-hats (Fig. 4.2) who traditionally perform the Finsterwalder Sängerlied at the festival’s opening ceremony and repeat it frequently during the festival. The ‘Singers of Finsterwalde’ and their song affected Finsterwalde and its inhabitants far beyond the festival. The town even officially named itself ‘Singer’s Town’, which is proudly stated on the town signs. The local grammar school and the whole

Fig. 4.2  The contemporary Finsterwalder Sänger in costumes (© Lehmann, Heike; with courtesy)

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region were named after the tradition, as well as many local products, events, and services. The Singers of Finsterwalde are the town’s mascots who perform the Sängerlied regularly at official occasions like roofing ceremonies, inaugurations, or public anniversaries. Even new verses are frequently invented that reflect major developments of the town, for example, the building of a new street or the anniversary of an important person. Corresponding to this work’s aim to provide an approach for the valorisation of ICH irrespective of a UNESCO nomination, the Finsterwalder Sängerfest is not inscribed on any of the 2003 Convention lists. The heritage community has not aspired to such a nomination. Nevertheless, the Sängerfest corresponds to UNESCO’s definition of ICH. As the case study illustrates, groups and individuals recognise the Sängerfest as “part of their cultural heritage”, it is “transmitted from generation to generation”, “constantly recreated”, and provides the practitioners with a “sense of identity and continuity” (UNESCO, 2003, Art. 2.1). The Sängerfest applies to the Convention’s domain of “social practices, rituals and festive events” (Ibid.). The celebration of the ‘Sängerlied’ is “specially relevant” to the inhabitants of Finsterwalde and the surrounding areas and helps to “reinforce a sense of identity and continuity with the past” (UNESCO, 2020a). Moreover, it is also “strongly affected by the changes communities undergo in modern societies” because it also “depend[s] so much on the broad participation of practitioners and others” (Ibid.). Hence, in the context of this work, the Sängerfest is considered as a form of intangible cultural heritage beyond the scope of the 2003 Convention.

4.1.2  The Finsterwalder Sängerfest 2016 The 2016 Finsterwalder Sängerfest was officially opened on Friday, 26th of August at 6 p.m. with the traditional first tapping of a beer barrel by the premier minister of the federal state of Brandenburg, the head of the district authority, and the mayor of Finsterwalde (Fig. 4.3). As usual, the Sängerfestbier was brewed exclusively for the festival by the local brewery Finsterwalder Brauhaus. The opening ceremony took place on the main stage at the town’s market place, involving a performance of the contemporary Finsterwalder Sänger and young children dressed alike, representing their successors. Accompanied by the local youth brass ensemble and the united choirs of the region, altogether about 150 musicians played and sang the Sängerlied together with the audience crowding the market place (Fig. 4.4). On this occasion, the mayor also invited official delegates of Finsterwalde’s twin towns Montataire (France), Salaspils (Lithuania), Eppelborn (Germany) and Finspång (Sweden) (Lehmann, 2016b). After the opening ceremony, the festival started with performances of choirs, orchestras, bands, and soloists on ten different stages and several additional locations, including an art gallery, the local museum, and stands of local cultural and social initiatives. 89 officially registered caterers supplied visitors with food and

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Fig. 4.3 Traditional tapping of the Sängerfestbier barrel with the premier minister of the federal state of Brandenburg and the head of the district authority during the opening ceremony (© Metal, Udo; with courtesy)

drinks (Lehmann, 2016). From Friday until Sunday, the festival’s stages and locations differed thematically in that they featured varying musical styles or cultural activities. For example, choir concerts were given mainly inside the museum and the church. The stage called Umlaufs Biergarten presented German dance and Schlager music, while the stage located at Lange Straße featured young regional rock bands. The Jugendbühne [youth stage] offered children’s programmes during the day and contemporary DJs at night, and at the Böhmerwald Czech and Bohemian brass music was played. Performances of the local music school and other acts playing contemporary pop music were given at the Topfmarkt stage. Nationally and internationally popular bands played the main stage at the market place. The stages’ programmes were accompanied by a musical torch parade on Friday, a programme of a famous German children’s TV show on Saturday, and a procession of regional associations, guilds, schools, as well as local enterprises on Sunday. Moreover, an amusement area with carousels, bumper cars, lottery booths, etc. was situated next

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Fig. 4.4  Visitors of opening ceremony in front of the main stage at the market place in Finsterwalde (© Lehmann, Heike; with courtesy)

to the festival area. The Finsterwalder Sängerfest 2016 officially ended with aerial fireworks on Sunday, 28th of August, at 9:50 p.m.

4.1.3  Contents of the Questionnaire During the three days of the festival, 166 visitors were interviewed with a standardised semi-structured questionnaire. While seven interviewers conducted 99 face-to-face interviews, additional questionnaires were displayed at three different places on the festival area (museum, town hall, association Comeback Elbe-Elster) and were filled in by the visitors themselves. The written and the oral questionnaires consisted of five identical sets of questions and differed only in their introductory statements. The oral questionnaire started with instructions for the interviewers on how to address the interviewees, and the introductory part of the written questionnaire directly addressed the interviewees. The first part of the questionnaire (questions 1 and 2) assessed reasons why interviewees visited the Sängerfest. They were asked to indicate on six-point Likert scales which aspects of the Sängerfest are very important (6), important (5), rather important (4), rather unimportant (3), unimportant (2), or not important at all (1) to them. With this method, nine categories reflecting activities usually carried out during the festival were assessed: ‘traditional choral singing’, ‘bands/musicians of the

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region’, ‘other cultural activities (exhibitions, dance groups, children’s programmes), ‘meeting family and friends I rarely see’, ‘meeting family and friends I regularly see’, ‘keeping the tradition of the Sängerfest alive’, ‘eating and drinking’ and the ‘general atmosphere, spirit’. In case the interviewees found aspects of the festival important, which had not been included in the nine given categories, they were encouraged to name them in an optional field called ‘other’. This part ended with the question if interviewees usually visit other regional festivals. The aim of this set of questions was to assess the interviewees’ motivation to participate in the Sängerfest in order to relate it to the demographic data they provided at the end of the questionnaire. This way, it can be shown that Bourdieu’s understanding of cultural practices as mirrors of social structures also applies to the concept of ICH and may form individual and group identites (cf. Sect. 5.1). The second part of the questionnaire (questions 3 to 5) intended an assessment of the visitors’ active knowledge about the tradition. They were asked to complete the lyrics of the second line of the Sängerlied couplet by heart. Additionally, they answered two questions concerning the age and the composer of the Sängerlied. Both were designed as multiple choice questions providing four different response options. This set of questions aimed at gathering information on how and to what extend knowledge and skills related to the tradition have been embodied by community members, relating to Bourdieu’s concept of incorporated cultural capital (cf. Sect. 3.3.3). In the following section (questions 6 to 8), the identification of the interviewees with the Sängerfest and the Sängerlied was assessed by posing three nominal questions (yes/no). The interviewees were asked whether they have already told others about the Sängerfest, whether singing played an important role in their lives, and if they were actively involved in the festival programme. The rationale behind this set of questions was to gain insights on whether the assessed categories (e.g. being involved in the festival’s programme) relate to the level of knowledge about the tradition and to the willingness of the community members to spend money on tradition-­ related products assessed later in the questionnaire. Thereby, it was intended to analyse whether the incorporation of ICH-related cultural capital forms the habitus of the interviewees in so far that they value tradition-related objects to a higher degree. The fourth part of the questionnaire (questions 9 and 10) was designed to determine the interviewees’ knowledge of products or services related to the tradition and their attitudes towards them. In the first question of this set, they were asked whether they knew products, brands, or events named after the tradition or bearing the reference Sänger- … in their name. If they knew any, they were encouraged to write them down in the free response fields. Moreover, they were asked whether they would buy such a Sänger product instead of a comparable cheaper one without a reference to the tradition. The goal of this part of the questionnaire was to assess whether the incorporated knowledge and skills related to the tradition are objectified and institutionalised, relating to Bourdieu’s concept of objectified and institutionalised cultural capital (cf. Sects. 3.3.3 and 3.3.3).

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In its final part (question 11), the questionnaire assessed the following demographic data: gender, age, school education, tertiary education, place of birth, and the ZIP code of the current place of residency. These data were inquired in order to assess the social backgrounds of the interviewed group of people, which were then related back to the answers given. In sum, the whole survey was designed to assess in how far Bourdieu’s capital and habitus theory as well as his understanding of cultural practices as reflections of social structures can be applied to ICH practices. In the following, the results are illustrated, forming the basis of the valorisation model presented in Chap. 5.

4.1.4  Results of the Questionnaire and Procession of Data This chapter provides a quantitative overview of the data that were obtained with the help of the standardised survey. A qualitative interpretation of the results in terms of a practical substantiation of the theoretical arguments advanced in this work is provided afterwards in Sect. 4.2 and Chap. 5. Overview of Results Altogether, 166 interviews were conducted, whereby in 164 cases gender and age were indicated. 90 interviewees specified their gender as female (55.56%) and 72 as male (44.4%). In order to retrieve gender-balanced results, the data were statistically weighted resulting in a distribution of 50.6% females and 49.4% males. The largest age group consists of people aged between 50 and 59 years, whereby the average age lies between 40 and 49 years (Fig. 4.5). This corresponds to the average age of Finsterwalde (Statistische Ämter der Länder, 2018). 75.1% of the interviewees were born in Finsterwalde or within a 50 kilometres radius. An assessment of birth place shows that the vast majority of the interviewees (83.19%) have their roots in the town itself or the region around (Fig. 4.6). Only 16.2% were born more than 100 kilometres away from the area. The interviewees’ residency was assessed by enquiring the ZIP codes of their current homes (Fig. 4.7). This shows that the majority of the interviewed persons live in Finsterwalde or in the area (69.6%). However, 30.4% currently live more than 100 kilometres away from the town. Comparing this to their places of birth reveals a discrepancy of around 14% of interviewees who were born in the area, but are now living more than 100 km away. Still, they were present for the festival. This suggests that the Finsterwalder Sängerfest is an occasion for former residents to visit their hometown. The assessment of school education shows that 42.69% left secondary school after having reached German A-levels (‘Abitur’). The remaining 57.31% graduated with an advanced technical college entrance certificate (‘Fachhochschulreife’, 13.94%), left school after 10th class (‘Berufsbildungsreife’, 39,16%) or were still in school at the time of the interview (4.2%) (Fig.  4.8). The following two graphs depict the interviewees’ educational levels and serve as reference figures for the

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Fig. 4.5  Age distribution

Fig. 4.6  Place of birth

determination of the relative educational levels of different subgroups of interviewees (cf. Sect. 4.1.3). Regarding their tertiary education or their highest qualification, the largest group of interviewees (42.93%) completed an apprenticeship. In turn, 21.88% obtained a university degree. 14.73% have a polytechnic degree (‘Fachhochschulabschluss’), 1.77% a PhD and 18.7% are (still) without a tertiary educational degree (Fig. 4.9). After processing the demographic data, which provided an overview of the social structure of the interview groups and revealed their (re-)migration to Finsterwalde

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Fig. 4.7  Place of residency

Fig. 4.8  Form of school graduation

for the festival, the specific motivations to participate in the Sängerfest were analysed. They were assessed by means of given categories of activities, which were rated by the interviewees on six-point Likert scales according to the importance of their participation. The following diagrams show the responses in each assessed category (Figs. 4.10, 4.11, 4.12, 4.13, 4.14, 4.15, 4.16, 4.17 and 4.18). To compare the importance the visitors grant to each category, the six-point scales were re-coded into nominal scales in that the answer options ‘very important’, ‘important’ and ‘rather important’ were subsumed as ‘important’ and the answer options ‘rather unimportant’, ‘unimportant’ and ‘very unimportant’ were

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Fig. 4.9  Highest qualifications of the interviewees

Fig. 4.10  Importance of choral singing for participating in the Finsterwalder Sängerfest

subsumed as ‘unimportant’. Subsequently, all cases indicating ‘important’ for each category were compared in a bar chart (Fig. 4.19). The chart shows that the enjoyment of the general atmosphere and spirit of the festival is a major motivation for 151 interviewees (90.96%) to participate in the Finsterwalder Sängerfest as they rated this category as either ‘very important’, ‘rather important’, or ‘important’. This is followed by the motivation to keep the tradition alive, which is important for 145 people (87.35%) and the intention to meet families and friends the interviewees rarely see (132 answers, 79.52%). Astonishingly, only 84 interviewees indicated that traditional choral singing is an important reason for them to participate in the Finsterwalder Sängerfest (50.6%). This is even more surprising given the fact that the tradition’s origin is closely

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Fig. 4.11  Importance of the performances of regional bands for participating in the Finsterwalder Sängerfest

Fig. 4.12  Importance of performances of supraregional (national and international) bands as a reason for participating in the Finsterwalder Sängerfest

connected to choral singing. Concerning the musical activities during the festival, the data indicate that apparently more importance is allotted to contemporary styles of music than to traditional choral singing, whereby the regional origin of the musicians (regional bands are important for 130 or 78.31% interviewees) seems to be valued higher than their national or international popularity (supraregional bands are important for 121 or 72.89% of the interviewees). Furthermore, the survey revealed that the majority of the interviewees (63.7%) also visit other traditional folk festivals in the region. However, this means that for 36.3% the Sängerfest is the only regional folk festival they visit. This may be due to

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Fig. 4.13  Importance of other cultural activities (e.g. exhibitions, dance groups, children’s programmes) for participating in the Finsterwalder Sängerfest

Fig. 4.14  Importance of meeting family and friends whom the interviewees rarely see as a reason for participating in the Finsterwalder Sängerfest

the festival’s certain ‘uniqueness’, or a consequence of the fact that 30.4% of the interviewees live more than 100 kilometres away from Finsterwalde, and hence do not visit other regional festivals because of the geographical distance. Nevertheless, that they travel only for the Sängerfest also accounts for a notable attractiveness of the festival. In the following, the interviewees’ knowledge about the Finsterwalder Sängerlied, on which the tradition of the Sängerfest is based on, was assessed (cf. detailed explanation in Sect. 4.1.3). The interviewees were asked to complete the lyrics of the first couplet of the Sängerlied: ‘Wir sind die Sänger von Finsterwalde,

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Fig. 4.15  Importance of meeting families and friends whom the interviewees regularly see as a reason for participating in the Finsterwalder Sängerfest

Fig. 4.16  Importance of keeping the tradition alive as a reason for participating in the Finsterwalder Sängerfest

wir …’ [‘We are the singers of Finsterwalde, we…’]. The correct answer was ‘…leben und sterben für den Gesang‘ [‘… live and die for singing’]. Altogether 90.9% of the interviewees could complete the lyrics of the Finsterwalder Sängerlied by heart. This shows that this knowledge is shared by the vast majority of the interviewed group. However, only 48.6% knew how old the Sängerlied was (117 years when the survey was conducted) and a minority of 37% were able to name its composer (Wilhelm Wolff). The data are summarised in the chart below (Fig. 4.20). The next section of the questionnaire intended to approach the identification of the interviewees with the Finsterwalder Sängerfest (cf. detailed explanation in Sect.

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Fig. 4.17  Importance of enjoying the general atmosphere or spirit of the festival as a reason for participating in the Finsterwalder Sängerfest

Fig. 4.18  Importance of eating and drinking as a reason for participating in the Finsterwalder Sängerfest

4.1.3). Hence, it was asked whether the interviewees have ever told others about the Finsterwalder Sängerfest, whether singing plays an important role in their personal lives, and if they were actively involved in the festival’s programme. The results show that almost every interviewee (97%) had told others about the Finsterwalder Sängerfest, and for 62.3% singing plays an important role in their lives. 26.1% were actively involved in the festival’s programme. The data are summarised in the following chart (Fig. 4.21). In the following section, it was assessed whether the interviewees knew any products, services, associations, or other, which were named in relation to the

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Fig. 4.19  Overview of importance of reasons for participating in the Finsterwalder Sängerfest (indicated by the number of mentions as ‘very important’, ‘important’ and ‘rather important’)

Fig. 4.20  Percentage of interviewees answering the knowledge questions about the Finsterwalder Sängerlied correctly

tradition or that references Sänger in its name. 57% of the interviewees could recall products or services named after the tradition or otherwise related to the festival. Altogether 145 interviewees named 31 different Sänger products, services,

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Fig. 4.21 Answers hinting at the identification of the interviewees with the Finsterwalder Sängerfest

Fig. 4.22 Mentioned Sänger products, services, associations, or other (by number of mentions)

associations, or other entities, most frequently the Sängerfestbier produced at the local brewery (46 mentions) (Fig. 4.22). The Sängerfestbier is brewed exclusively for the festival and plays an important role in the opening ceremony, as described earlier. The second most identified entity was the Sängerstadt-Gymnasium (12 mentions), a local grammar school that was named after the tradition. Other frequently mentioned products and services (nine mentions each) are: the Finsterwalder Stimmenöl, a liquor sold in bottles designed

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Fig. 4.23  Places where the interviews were conducted

like oil canisters (to ‘lubrify’ the singer’s throat); the Sängerstadt-Gutschein, which can be redeemed at more than 70 local shops and businesses; and the Sängerfestbrot, specially baked bread or rolls. Altogether 65.2% of the interviewees noted that they would buy such products and services even if they were more expensive than comparable ones without a reference to the Sänger tradition. As the festival usually takes place at more than ten different stages all over the town featuring different events and styles of music, it was recorded in the questionnaires where exactly the interview had taken place. The frequency table below names the different interview locations and the respective number of interviews conducted therein (Fig. 4.23). The majority of the interviews took place around the two most central festival areas: the Markt [market place] in front of the town hall and the Topfmarkt behind the town hall. Subsequently, the most common questionnaire-interview places were the town hall (Rathaus), the Comeback Elbe-Elster initiative, and the museum, where the questionnaires had been posted for visitors to independently complete. Factor Analysis After a descriptive analysis of the data through frequency tables, the reasons for visiting the Sängerfest were processed by an explorative factor analysis. This is a statistical procedure in which the variety of answers (variables) is reduced to a smaller number of independent factors (Bühl, 2016, pp. 599–636). The variables are analysed according to their empirical correlative relations. Variables that strongly correlate with each other are supposed to have a joint factor, and hence an identical background variable. The other way round, variables showing a weak correlation with each other cannot be explained by one and the same factor (Müller, 2015, p. 3). Thus, an extracted factor is a hypothetical variable forming the basis of the correlating answers given.

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The explorative factor analysis was applied to the six-point Likert scales indicating the levels of importance allocated to different activities usually carried out during the Sängerfest. When designing the questionnaire, it was presupposed that people would visit the Sängerfest for two major reasons: firstly, for meeting other people, respectively, celebrating together (social motivation); and secondly, for actively practicing or listening to music (music-related motivation). However, the results of the factor analysis showed that the answers correlate to four different factors.2 The total variance indicates four total values higher than 1, which means that four factors were extracted (Fig. 4.24). Total variance explained

Component 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

Initial eigenvalues Total % of Variance 2,506 27,843 1,403 15,594 1,304 14,492 1,170 13,000 ,718 7,982 ,549 6,095 ,540 5,995 ,469 5,213 ,341 3,786

Cumulative % 27,843 43,436 57,929 70,929 78,911 85,005 91,000 96,214 100,000

Extraction sums of squared loadings Total % of Variance 2,506 27,843 1,403 15,594 1,304 14,492 1,170 13,000

In the rotated component matrix the factor loadings are shown (Fig. 4.25). On a scale from −1 to 1 they indicate to what extent a factor explains a variable. Hence, the closer the factor loading is to 1, the more it is influenced by the factor. It is the task of the researcher to interpret the meanings of the extracted factors according to its connection to the loading variables. The rotated component matrix shows that there is one factor explaining the variables ‘meeting family and friends I regularly see’, ‘meeting family and friends I rarely see’ and ‘other cultural activities (exhibitions, dance groups, children’s programmes)’. This means that ‘behind’ these three reasons mentioned previously, there is a common motivation that is a facet or expression of the three single reasons. These three reasons to visit the Sängerfest all relate mainly to the socialising aspects of the festival and not so much to musical activities. Hence, factor 1 was labelled ‘social motivation’. The second factor determines the variables ‘eating and drinking’ and ‘enjoying the general atmosphere’. Like factor 1, these two facets do not primarily relate to the musical activities carried out during the Sängerfest. However, they do not represent socialising aspects in the first place. What unites the two reasons is the celebration

2  The Kaiser-Meyer-Olkin Measure of Sampling Adequacy (,600) shows that the sampling is adequate and Bartlett’s Test of Sphericity indicates that the test is significant (,000).

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4.1  Case Study: The Finsterwalder Sängerfest Total Variance Explained Extraction Sums of Squared Initial Eigenvalues Component

Total

% of Variance

Loadings

Cumulative %

Total

% of Variance

1

2,506

27,843

27,843

2,506

27,843

2

1,403

15,594

43,436

1,403

15,594

3

1,304

14,492

57,929

1,304

14,492

4

1,170

13,000

70,929

1,170

13,000

5

,718

7,982

78,911

6

,549

6,095

85,005

7

,540

5,995

91,000

8

,469

5,213

96,214

9

,341

3,786

100,000

Fig. 4.24  Total Variance showing four factors higher than 1

as such, having a good time and enjoying yourself. Hence, factor 2 was labelled ‘sensation-oriented motivation’. The variables ‘listening to regional bands’ and ‘supraregional bands’ load on a third factor, whereas factor 4 determines ‘traditional choral singing’ and ‘keeping the tradition alive’. Both factors are related to musical aspects of the festival. However, the difference between them lies in the type and style of music. Factor 3 subsumes an interest in contemporary music played by (pop) bands while factor 4 relates to traditional choral singing. That ‘traditional choral singing’ correlates with ‘keeping the tradition alive’ reinforces the supposition that this factor indicates the greatest proximity to the practice of the Sängerlied and its related tradition. Hence, factor 3 was labelled as ‘contemporary musical motivation’ and factor 4 as ‘traditional musical motivation’. Groups Representing the Factors As it was assumed that the four identified factors represent four main reasons or motivations for people to visit the Finsterwalder Sängerfest, the four factors were taken as a basis to form four groups of interviewees. Therefore, the factor values were set as new variables and the data were subdivided respectively into four percentiles. This means that the factor values were classified in four groups ranging from a very low (1) to a very high correlation (4) to the respective factor. The highest percentiles were then filtered and resulted in four groups of interviewees with either a ‘social motivation’ (39 cases), a ‘traditional musical’ motivation (39 cases),

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Rotated Component Matrixa,b Component 1

2

3

4

Choral singing

,890

Regional bands

,808

Supraregional bands

,847

Other cultural events

,607

Meeting friends I rarely see

,771

Meeting friends I regularly see

,795

Keeping the tradition alive

,527

Eating and drinking

,795

Enjoying the atmosphere

,803

Extraction Method: Principal Component Analysis. Rotation Method: Varimax with Kaiser Normalization.a a. Rotation converged in 5 iterations. b. Coefficients smaller than 0,526 are discarded.

Fig. 4.25  Rotated component matrix showing four relevant factor loadings

a ‘contemporary musical motivation’ (40 cases), or a ‘sensation-oriented motivation’ (39 cases). The demographic data of the single groups were analysed accordingly. This showed that the different motivations to visit the festival are statistically interrelated with demographic features of the interviewees allocated to the respective motivational factors. ‘Social’ Motivation For interviewees with a ‘social’ motivation, the most important aspects of the Finsterwalder Sängerfest are ‘meeting family and friends I regularly see’, ‘meeting family and friends I rarely see’ and ‘other cultural activities like exhibitions, dance groups, and childrens’ programme. The basic characteristics of this group are depicted in the following chart (Fig. 4.26). The members of this group are relatively young: 59.1% are under 39 while only 45.1% are under 39 in the overall sample (ø). They are slightly rather female (51.6%, weighted average is 50.6%) and a majority of 76.4% were born in Finsterwalde, or within a 50 kilometre radius. Less than the average (ø = 30.4%), only 27.3% live

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Fig. 4.26  Characteristics of interviewees with a ‘social motivation’ to visit the Finsterwalder Sängerfest (dotted red lines indicate the average values of the overall sample)

more than 100 kilometres away from the town. It was expected that this group mainly consists of young people who left their hometown in order to study or work somewhere else and who visit their families and friends for the Finsterwalder Sängerfest. While the presupposition concerning their age was correct, the assumption that the members of this group are typical ‘returners’ could not be proved. On the contrary, the percentage of those living closer than 100 kilometres to Finsterwalde is even slightly above average 72.7% (ø = 69.6%). The members of this group have a comparatively high level of education. 53.3% obtained A-levels (ø = 42.7%) and 43.4% have a university degree (ø = 38.4%). Below average of all interviewees, only 86.3% could complete the lyrics of the Sängerlied (ø = 90.9%), only 38.2% (ø = 48.6%) knew when it was composed and 25.5% could name its composer (ø = 37%). However, 100% of the socially motivated visitors have already told others about the Sängerfest (ø = 97%). For 54.6% singing plays an important role in their lives (ø = 62.3%) and 29.6% were actively involved in the festival’s programme (ø = 26.1%). An above average rate of 59.5% could name products and services related to the tradition (ø = 57%), and a majority of 76.9% would buy such products even if they were more expensive than comparable ones without a reference to the Sänger tradition (ø = 65.2%). ‘Traditional’ Musical Motivation  Interviewees with a ‘traditional musical motivation’ visit the Finsterwalder Sängerfest mainly for ‘choral singing’ and to ‘keep the tradition alive’. The basic characteristics of this group are depicted in the following chart (Fig. 4.27).

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The interviewees with a ‘traditional musical’ motivation are much older than the previous group. Only 16.6% of them are under 39 years old, while almost 60% of the ‘socially motivated’ belong to this age group. Similar to the ‘socially motivated’, the members of this group trend as female (51.6%). Below average of the overall sample, 69.3% were born in Finsterwalde and the 50 kilometres perimeter (ø = 75.1%), while 30.1% live more than 100 kilometres away, matching the average (ø = 30.4%). Their level of school education is lower than the average sample: only 33.5% obtained A-levels (ø = 42.7%). However, 49.6% have a university degree (ø = 38.4%), whereby a comparatively high percentage of this group graduated with a polytechnic degree (27%). The reason for this seemingly contradictory data might be related to group members growing up in the former German Democratic Republic. During this time, only a small minority could attend grammar school, yet the socialist education system permitted students to obtain a university degree without having graduated from their A-levels. An above average amount of 92% of this group were able to complete the lyrics of the Sängerlied (ø = 90.9%) and 62.3% knew how old it is (ø = 48.6%). Far more than the average of the overall sample (37%), 48.6% of the ‘traditional musical motivated’ could name its composer. Altogether, 97.2% had told others about the festival (ø = 97%), and 75.9% marked that singing plays an important role in their lives (ø = 62.3%). An above average 31.2% of this group were actively involved in the programme of the Sängerfest (ø = 26.1%). Also above average, 59% could name Sänger products or services (ø = 57%), and 75.9% claimed they would continue to buy these Sänger products even if presented with comparably cheaper, yet unmarked, options (ø =

Fig. 4.27  Characteristics of interviewees with a ‘traditional musical motivation’ to visit the Finsterwalder Sängerfest (dotted red lines indicate the average values of the overall sample)

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121

65.2%). In comparison to the other groups, the interviewees with a ‘traditional musical’ motivation know the most about the origins of the Sängerlied and show the highest degree of identification with the tradition of the Finsterwalder Sängerfest. Additionally, an above average 31.2% of the visitors with a ‘traditional musical’ motivation were actively involved in the festival’s programme, while only 69.3% were born in Finsterwalde or the surrounding area. Hence, it is assumed that this group may include interviewees who travel to Finsterwalde in order to practice choral singing at the Sängerfest. Contemporary Musical Motivation Interviewees with a ‘contemporary musical’ motivation visit the Sängerfest mainly for listening to ‘regional bands’ and ‘supraregional bands’. The basic characteristics of this group are depicted in the following chart (Fig. 4.28). With 52.4%, the interviewees with a ‘contemporary musical’ motivation are slightly rather male (ø = 49.4%), more or less representing the average age of the overall sample. The age groups are almost evenly distributed with a slight majority of people aged between 50 and 59 (24.2%). However, in contrast to every other group, there is no person above 60 among them. Nearly representing the average, 72.1% of them were born in Finsterwalde or in the area, while 30.6% currently live more than 100 kilometres away from the town. The education level of the group members is slightly over average with 45.7% having graduated with A-levels (ø = 42.7%) and 39.2% having obtained a university degree (ø = 38.4%). Far above average, 97.2% of this group were able to complete the lyrics of the Sängerlied (ø = 90.9%), and 51.5% knew its age (ø = 48.6%).

Fig. 4.28  Characteristics of interviewees with a ‘contemporary musical’ motivation to visit the Finsterwalder Sängerfest (dotted red lines represent the average values of the overall sample)

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Altogether, 39.2% knew the name of its composer (ø = 37%). Slightly less that the ‘traditional musically motivated’ interviewees, 95% told others about the festival (ø = 97%). However, for a smaller percentage than in the above mentioned group, 59.3% noted that singing plays an important role in their lives (ø = 62.3%). Nevertheless, an astonishingly high percentage of 40.2% were actively involved in the programme (ø = 26.1%). Above average, 66.6% knew Sänger products and services (ø = 57%) and 76.7% would buy them (ø = 65.2%). The members of this group strongly identify with the Sängerfest and prove above-average knowledge about the Sängerlied. Although they represent the group with the highest involvement in the festival, singing plays a smaller role for them than for the average interviewee. Apparently, the ‘contemporary musically’ motivated interviewees made non-musical contributions to the programme or play instruments instead of being active singers. Sensation Oriented Motivation ‘Sensation oriented’ visitors of the Sängerfest find ‘eating and drinking’ and the ‘general atmosphere, spirit’ to be the most important aspects of the festival. The basic characteristics of this group are depicted in the following chart (Fig. 4.29). In regard to age, gender, and places of birth and residency, this group is exceptional. As the overview shows a slight dominance of people above 39 (59.9%), a more detailed analysis reveals that the members of this group are either relatively young, as 33.2% are under 30 years old, or relatively old with 42.1% over 50. The ‘middle-aged’ adults, especially people aged between 30 and 39, are underrepresented and make up only 7% of the whole sample. Moreover, in comparison to the other groups and the weighted average (49.4%), this group has the highest proportion of males, namely 53.6%. More than the average, 79.9% (ø = 75.1%) were born in Finsterwalde and the surrounding area, while far below average, 22.4% live more than 100 kilometres away (ø = 30.4%). Also under average, 30.8% received their A-levels (ø = 42.7%) and 36.5% obtained a university degree (ø = 38.4%). Altogether 90.7% could complete the lyrics of the Sängerlied, representing the average (ø = 90.9%). Even so representing more or less the average, 52.4% knew how old the Sängerlied is (ø = 48.6%) and 38.8% could name its composer (ø = 37%). However, 94.9% had already told others about the Sängerfest, which was below average (ø = 97%). Singing plays an important role for 63% of them (ø = 62.3%) and 25.2% were actively involved in the festival’s programme (ø = 26.1%). 59.7% (ø = 57%) of the ‘sensation oriented’ visitors knew Sänger products or events and 66.3% would spend money on them even in case they are more expensive than comparable products without a reference to the Sängerfest (ø = 65.2%). Regarding the low level of education, the age distribution, and the fact that an above-average amount of the group members were born in Finsterwalde and still live there, it is supposed that this group consists, on the one hand, of pupils who are still in school and have not yet graduated (over-­representation of the age group younger than 30). Hence, they have not (yet) obtained their A-levels and have not left the town for a tertiary education or for working elsewhere. Thus, they are more or less ‘forced’ to participate in the Sängerfest as the choice of other

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Fig. 4.29  Characteristics of interviewees with a ‘sensation oriented’ motivation to visit the Finsterwalder Sängerfest (dotted red lines represent the average values of the overall sample)

occasions to party is rather limited, especially during this weekend of the festival. On the other hand, a large part of the group’s members presumably consists of pensioners who have lived in the area for their entire lives and have traditionally visited the Sängerfest since childhood. Knowledge About the Origins of the Finsterwalder Sängerfest The questions about the Finsterwalder Sängerlied’s lyrics, its age, and composer were designed to assess the background knowledge of the interviewees about the origins of the Sängerfest. As the Sängerlied is the reason for the regular celebration of the festival, the question intended to gain information about the interviewees’ level of knowledge about the tradition. Hence, the more questions answered correctly, the higher the interviewee’s knowledge level regarding the tradition, assumingly. Accordingly, the answers were re-coded in that ‘0’ was allocated to cases with no correct answers, ‘1’ to cases one correct answer, ‘2’ to two correct answers, and ‘3’ to cases where all questions had been answered correctly. Thus, ‘0’ stands for no knowledge about the tradition and 3 for a high level of knowledge about it. In a following step, mean values of the re-coded data were generated. Mean values indicate the centre of a numeric dataset in that the sum of all values is divided by their number (Rumsey, 2015, p. 64). Accordingly, the knowledge level of the overall sample is represented by a mean value of 1.76 (highest possible number would be 3). As a next step in the data analysis, mean values were calculated for the differently motivated groups. This shows that different motivations to visit the Finsterwalder Sängerfest are interrelated with the respective levels of knowledge about the tradition (Fig. 4.30).

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As it was already assumed during the descriptive analyses of the four groups, interviewees with a ‘traditional musical’ motivation have the highest level of knowledge about the tradition (mean value 2.03). In contrast, visitors with a ‘social motivation’ have the least knowledge about it (mean value 1.5). As for socially motivated interviewees, where it is an important aspect to meet their families and friends at the Finsterwalder Sängerfest, knowledge about the origins of the tradition seems to be irrelevant. Obviously, for them the festival serves as an occasion to socialise, whereas the singing tradition as such is not of great importance. In turn, visitors with a ‘traditional musical’ motivation obviously visit the festival due to the choral singing tradition. Their high level of knowledge about the Sängerfest suggests a connection to their strong interest in ‘traditional choral singing’ and in ‘keeping the tradition alive’. The interviewees with a ‘contemporary musical motivation’ have the second highest level of knowledge (mean value 1.88). For them, the most important aspects of the Sängerfest are regional and supraregional (pop) bands. This motivation does not require detailed knowledge about the Sängerlied. However, their interest in regional bands might be related to their relatively high level of knowledge about the tradition of the region. The third lowest level of knowledge (mean value 1.82) can be found in the group of the ‘sensation oriented’ visitors, as ‘eating and drinking’ or ‘enjoying the general atmosphere or spirit’ does not require knowledge about the origins of the festival. Identification with the Finsterwalder Sängerfest The questions concerning the role that singing plays in the lives of the interviewees, whether they already told others about the Finsterwalder Sängerfest, and whether they were actively involved in the festival’s programme were designed to assess the interviewees’ identification with the tradition. The respective questions do not represent any validated indicators of ‘identification’, however, it was presupposed that the answers may depict emotional and ‘mimetic’ involvement in the tradition. 2.2 1.9 1.6

Average (N=166)

Social Motivation

Sensation Oriented Motivation

Contemporary Musical Motivation

Traditional Musical Motivation

1.3

Mean Values Knowledge

Fig. 4.30  Level of knowledge about the tradition by motivation according to mean values

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2.2 1.9 1.6

Average (N=166)

Sensation Oriented Motivation

Social Motivation

Contemporary Musical Motivation

Traditional Musical Motivation

1.3

Mean Values Identification

Fig. 4.31  Degree of identification by motivation according to mean values

Telling others about the festival indicates that the interviewees may be concerned with it even at times when it is not taking place, that they may remember experiences made there or that they are looking forward to it. Whether singing plays a role in the interviewees’ lives may not be a direct consequence of the choral tradition celebrated at the festival, however, it may serve as an indicator for an interest in actively performing vocal music beyond the festival. The active participation in the programme represents the interviewees’ enthusiasm for the tradition or their dedication to it. Taken together, the three questions intend to measure certain aspects of a general identification with the Finsterwalder Sängerfest. Corresponding to the assessment of the knowledge about the tradition, answers to the three questions were coded and range from ‘0’ – when all three questions were denied – to ‘3’ when all questions were affirmed. Accordingly, a mean value of 1.86 was calculated representing the identification level of the overall sample. Then, mean values of the respective answers of the differently motivated groups were generated. Fig.  4.31 shows that, like the level of knowledge about the Sängerfest, also the level of identification is interrelated with the motivation to visit it. The group with the ‘traditional musical motivation’ shows the highest mean value, followed by the group with the ‘contemporary musical motivation’. Both groups show an above average level of identification. The ‘socially motivated’ take third place and the ‘sensation oriented’ group shows the lowest mean value. These two groups range below the average level of identification with the Sängerfest. This bisection in two groups below and two above average may be connected to the different characteristics of the groups’ motivations. While interviewees with a ‘traditional’ or ‘contemporary musical motivation’ take part in the festival due to the music-related activities offered there, the other two groups have intentions not directly related to the Sänger tradition as such. Meeting family and friends or eating

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and drinking can be done on many other occasions too, and the Sängerfest seems to be a ‘good opportunity’ for these activities. Simultaneously, this should not necessarily be a sign of disinterest in the musical aspects of the festival or in the tradition, however, it may represent the priorities determining their visit. Localisation of Different Motivations In the questionnaires, it was recorded where exactly the interviews had taken place. As the festival area is defined by the positions of ten main stages and several minor event locations, the places were indicated by naming the respective stage closest to the interview situation. Traditionally, most of the stages are built at the same spots throughout the town. Especially on the smaller stages, certain types of music are offered at every Sängerfest, so that frequent visitors already know which music styles might be expected at what stage. Still, many visitors are constantly on the move, trying to experience as many musical acts as possible or to meet as many people as possible. The interviews were conducted at more than 15 different places throughout the town. The locations of the interviews are marked on the city map provided by the festival in its programme brochure (Fig. 4.32). 19 interviews were conducted outside the depicted festival area and are thus not included in the illustration. The majority of interviews were conducted at the market place, including the town hall, (49 interviews) where the main stage of the festival traditionally featuring the musical headliners and other large projects is located. For example, while the interviews were conducted, the internationally renowned bands like Alphaville, or the popular German singer Claudia Jung, were giving concerts there, as well as regional choirs and brass bands. Other core areas of interviews were the Topfmarkt right behind the city hall (26 interviews), the local initiative Comeback Elbe-Elster (17 interviews) or the museum (14 interviews). As the stages offer thematically different programmes, it was assumed that they attract different groups of visitors. Hence, the locations of the interviews were compared to the previously identified motivations to visit the festival. It turned out that differently motivated visitors also stay at different places throughout the festival area. The following map (Fig. 4.33) illustrates the motivations of the visitors interviewed at the different places in terms of colour. For example, the majority of the visitors with a ‘traditional musical’ motivation were interviewed at the museum where traditional choral singing was practiced. The largest part of interviewees with a ‘contemporary musical’ motivation stayed at the Topfmarkt where regional pop bands and the local music school were giving concerts. The highest proportion of ‘socially motivated’ visitors was interviewed at Comeback Elbe-Elster, an initiative which is offering services for people who want to resettle in Finsterwalde. During the festival, the initiative provided information booths, small musical acts, and childrens’ programmes. The highest share of the ‘sensation oriented’ interviewees was interrogated in front of the main stage on the market place (15 interviews) where the above mentioned festival headliners were playing. Moreover, this group also formed the majority of visitors interviewed at

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Fig. 4.32  Visualisation of the places of the interviews on the festival’s city map (graphic by author)

Umlaufs Biergarten featuring exclusively German Schlager and party bands and at the fairground (Rummel). The localisation of the differently motivated interviewees suggests that the motivation to visit the festival determined where visitors stayed during the festival. This, in turn, may be influenced by the type of musical or other activities offered at the respective places. Moreover, it also suggests that the festival programme of the Sängerfest is diverse in terms of attracting at least four distinctly motivated groups of visitors.

4.2  Intangible Cultural Heritage as Cultural Capital In the 2003 Convention, ICH is defined as: (…) practices, representations, expressions, knowledge, skills – as well as the instruments, objects, artefacts and cultural spaces associated therewith – that communities, groups and, in some cases, individuals recognize as part of their cultural heritage (…) (UNESCO, 2003).

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Fig. 4.33  Visualisation of the places of the interviews according to the motivations of the interviewees on the festival’s city map (graphic by author)

Pierre Bourdieu defined cultural capital as: (…) long-lasting dispositions of the mind and body (…)” which can take shape “(…) in the form of cultural goods (pictures, books, dictionaries, instruments, machines, etc.) (Bourdieu, 1983/1997, p. 47).

As described in Sect. 3.3.3, Bourdieu further defined three states of cultural capital, whereby incorporated cultural capital forms the basis of objectified and institutionalised cultural capital. Incorporated cultural capital comprises knowledge and skills, which are inherited in conscious and unconscious learning processes involving mimeticisms, and which stand in relation to the production and consumption of cultural objects. Moreover, the value attached to the incorporated knowledge and skills may be increased through institutional recognition. In this chapter, it is exemplified with the help of the case study on the Finsterwalder Sängerfest and other examples, that also the concept of ICH3 is based on

 As explained in the introduction and in Sect. 4.1, the Finsterwalder Sängerfest is considered a form of ICH in the scope of UNESCO’s definition. However, it is not inscribed in any of the 2003 Convention’s lists. 3

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‘incorporated’ knowledge and skills, which are transmitted through mimetic processes and which may be ‘objectified’ and ‘institutionalised’4. Thus, it is argued that UNESCO’s definition of ICH may be understood in terms of Bourdieu’s concept of cultural capital. This approach provides the methodological basis for the conceptualisation of ICH’s potentials for sustainable and human development later in this work (cf. Chap. 5).

4.2.1  I ntangible Cultural Heritage as Incorporated Cultural Capital The concept of ICH revolves around the knowledge and skills necessary for performing heritage practices. A basic component of the definition of ICH is practical knowledge, which is transmitted intergenerationally: The importance of intangible cultural heritage is not the cultural manifestation itself but rather the wealth of knowledge and skills that is transmitted through it from one generation to the next. (UNESCO, 2018)

For example, parts of the case study on the Finsterwalder Sängerfest assessed the interviewees’ knowledge (and skills) related to the Finsterwalder Sängerlied. The answers to questions 3, 4, and 5 (knowledge of lyrics, composer, and age of the Sängerlied) show that almost all interviewees share a basic knowledge stock. For example, 90.9% were able to spontaneously complete the lyrics of the Sängerlied and/or sing it by heart. They could do this ‘off-the-cuff’ without thinking about the lyrics or the musical notation. This shows that the vast majority of the interviewed persons possess ‘incorporated’ knowledge and skills related to the tradition. In this sense, the knowledge and skills needed to sing the Sängerlied consciously or unconsciously unite 90.9% of the interviewees with each other, making up a part of their incorporated cultural capital. Just as incorporated cultural capital “declines and dies with its bearer (with his biological capacity, his memory, etc.)” (Bourdieu, 1983/1997, p. 49), ICH is also irrevocably bound to the people practicing it. The reason is that the knowledge and skills necessary for its practice appear in an ‘incorporated’ state and are often “never detached from the body” (Bourdieu, 1980/1990, p. 188). The close connection of ICH to the human body is clearly articulated in the context of UNESCO’s Living Human Treasures programme. “Living Human Treasures” are defined as:

4  In the context of this work, Bourdieu’s terminology that stems from his ‘Theory of Practice’ is transferred to the concept of ICH as defined in the 2003 Convention in order to illustrate the parallels between ICH and cultural capital. In this sense, a sociological theory is applied to a normative political agenda. In case Bourdieu’s terminology is transferred to the concept of ICH, it is marked with single quotation marks (e.g. ‘incorporation’) in order to acknowledge the different paradigms behind the respective concepts.

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(…) persons who embody in the very highest degree the skills and techniques necessary for the production of selected aspects of the cultural life of a people and the continued existence of their material cultural heritage. (UNESCO & Korean National Commission for UNESCO, 2002, p. 19)

Hence, the 2003 Convention sets a strong focus on the involvement of heritage communities and assigns to them “an important role in the production, safeguarding, maintenance and recreation of the intangible cultural heritage heritage” (UNESCO, 2003, preamble). For this reason, one of the major tasks of States Parties is to ensure that the respective communities are able to continue practicing their ICH in the future. It is apparent in the Convention’s List of Intangible Cultural Heritage in Need of Urgent Safeguarding that the ongoing transmission of knowledge and skills is a prerequisite for the existence of ICH practices (UNESCO 2003, Art. 17), especially ICH elements whose “viability is at risk” for several reasons (UNESCO Intangible Heritage Section, 2015, p. 28). These risks include phenomena that are often associated with globalisation, like migration, urbanisation, or the homogenisation of cultural practices due to global media dissemination (Smeets, 2005, p.  44). Such processes lead to a reduction of ‘incorporated’ knowledge and skills related to ICH practices through a vanishing of its bearers: One of the biggest threats to the viability of intangible cultural heritage (ICH) is posed by declining numbers of practitioners of traditional craftsmanship, music, dance or theatre, and of those who are in position to learn from them (UNESCO, 2017).

Irrespective of the precise reason for the reduction of the size of the practicing community, its shrinking will inevitably minimise the ‘total amount’ of incorporated cultural capital related to a heritage practice. As soon as the last individual with ‘incorporated’ ICH-related knowledge and skills passes away, the heritage element will be extinct. Consequently, the safeguarding measures suggested in the 2003 Convention “including the identification, documentation, research, preservation, protection, promotion, enhancement, transmission” (UNESCO, 2003, 2.3), are all targeted towards the stimulation of an active transmission of knowledge and skills. The active transmission of ICH practices is closely connected or even dependent on mimetic processes (cf. Sect. 3.2.2). Graeff (2015) illustrated this with the example of the transmission of knowledge and skills related to traditional dance. The ability to perform a certain dance can only be acquired by imitating a model, which is usually another human being or reproductions of dance practices found in books, audio, or video recordings (Graeff, 2015, n.p.). While imitating the movements of the teacher, the ‘apprentice’ does not think about positioning one leg behind the other or ten centimetres above the ground; she simply does it (Ibid.). Also Pinto (2014) understands mimetic transmission as essential for any ICH practice, exemplifying this with musical traditions. Irrespective of whether it is an oral tradition or transmitted in written form, any musical action is based on mimeticisms (Pinto, 2014, p. 209).

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Regarding the case study, the spontaneous reproductions of the Sängerlied indicates that an ‘incorporation’ of knowledge (to cite) and skills (to sing) must have taken place. This happened in both conscious and unconscious learning processes. On the one hand, the song is taught at schools, e.g., during music lessons at the Sängerstadt-Gymnasium, representing Bourdieu’s understanding of ‘explicit pedagogy’ (cf. Sect. 3.3.3). On the other hand, many people also learn it via ‘implicit pedagogy’, for example when sung during the opening ceremony of the festival or at several other occasions throughout the year. That the transmission of the Sängerlied involves mimetic processes is illustrated in the following picture (Fig. 4.34). The opening ceremony of the Finsterwalder Sängerfest is characterised by an appearance of the Finsterwalder Sänger and their ‘small’ successors, symbolising the transmission of the tradition to future generations. The ‘small’ singers are dressed like the ‘original’ singers with top hats and bow ties, and join in singing the Sängerlied. Thereby, they imitate their older models, not only by dressing and singing alike, but also in the ways they move and articulate themselves on stage. They mimetically reproduce bodily movements and gestures, as well as tone and lyrics, without questioning their purpose or ‘correctness’. Knowledge and skills are transmitted ‘from practice to practice’ without the need to explicitly articulate them. In this process, ‘tacit’ knowledge (cf. Sect. 3.2.2) is transferred from the ‘original’ to the ‘small’ Finsterwalder Sänger, enabling them to perform the Finsterwalder Sängerlied as the basis of the whole Sängerfest tradition. Parts of the knowledge to sing the Sängerlied, like the lyrics or the musical notation, may be made thoroughly explicit, however, the active musical practice involves more than this. Any musical concept is inherently disposed in ‘musical body knowledge’, which only exists as part of a comprehensive ‘tacit’ knowledge (Pinto, 2014, p. 209). As Bourdieu stated, the knowledge is transmitted: only by means of a kind of gymnastics designed to evoke it, a mimesis which (…) implies total investment and deep emotional identification. (…) the body is thus constantly mingled with all the knowledge it reproduces, and this knowledge never has the objectivity it derives from objectification in writing” (…). (Bourdieu, 1980/1990, p. 188)

In sum, the case of the Finsterwalder Sängerfest serves to exemplify that ICH practices may be understood as based on incorporated cultural capital. Comparable to Bourdieu’s concept of cultural capital, also ICH involves ‘tacit’ knowledge transmitted in mimetic processes. As elaborated later, the mimetic transfer of knowledge entails the inheritance of values, morals, and world views, contributing to the formation of individual and group identities (cf. Sect. 5.1). Moreover, both ICH as well as incorporated cultural capital are directly or indirectly associated with objects, as described in the following sub-chapter.

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Fig. 4.34  Old and young ‘Finsterwalder Sänger’ during the opening ceremony of the Finsterwalder Sängerfest (© Seidel, Dietmar; with courtesy)

4.2.2  I ntangible Cultural Heritage as Objectified Cultural Capital As shown in the previous sub-chapter, the 2003 Convention focuses on knowledge and skills as constituting elements of the ICH concept. In addition, the definition also refers to “instruments, objects, artefacts and cultural spaces” strongly associated with it. In any of the five ICH domains provided in the 2003 Convention, objects play an important role. These domains include: oral traditions and expressions; performing arts; social practices, rituals and festive events; knowledge and practices concerning nature and the universe; and traditional craftsmanship (UNESCO, 2003, Art. 2.2). Most obviously, traditional craftsmanship is a cultural practice directly connected to the production of craft objects like tools, clothing, jewellery, decorative art, toys, etc. (UNESCO, 2020d). However, also in the other ICH domains objects are essential. Knowledge and practices concerning nature and the universe, for example, often relate to the usage of agricultural tools or medical instruments (UNESCO, 2020b). Social practices, rituals, and festive events may entail special costumes, food, or religious objects (UNESCO, 2020a), while performing arts are strongly associated with musical instruments, stage props, or masks (UNESCO,

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2020c). Even oral traditions, probably the most ‘immaterial’ form of ICH, frequently involve objects like puppets, body decorations, or costumes. Such ICH-related objects may only be produced or utilised in connection with specific knowledge and skills, because as cultural goods they are directly dependent on incorporated cultural capital (cf. Sect. 3.3.3). For example, in the case of traditional craftsmanship, the ‘incorporation’ of knowledge and skills is the prerequisite for the production of tools, jewellery, or toys. Without practitioners who know how to build a violin, this musical instrument would not exist. On the other hand, incorporated cultural capital may be necessary to use these objects and/or to understand their symbolic meaning: without practitioners who know how to play the violin, this instrument would probably not even be built. ICH-related objects exist independently of the practitioners’ bodies and their ownership can be transferred from one person to another. However, this applies only to material ownership and not to their mental or practical appropriation. In this sense, ICH-related objects may be approached as objectified cultural capital because they are “defined only in the relationship with cultural capital in its embodied form” (Bourdieu, 1983/1997, p. 54). For the performance of the Sängerlied as such, no specific objects are needed, as potentially anyone could sing it without anything auxiliary. However, when it is sung in the ritual opening ceremony of the Finsterwalder Sängerfest, specific props are necessary for an ‘official’ and ‘correct’ performance by the Finsterwalder Sänger. As can be seen on the pictures provided in Sect. 4.1, the ritual performance of the Finsterwalder Sängerlied necessarily involves for each singer a black swallow-­tailed coat, a white collared shirt with a bow tie, a white chrysanthemum boutonniere, white gloves, a walking stick or an umbrella, and black top hat (Fig. 4.2). When dressed as such, members of the ICH community will recognise the ‘official’ Finsterwalder Sänger, greet them and/or ask them to sing the Sängerlied. These objects turn ‘ordinary’ choral singers into the Finsterwalder Sänger. Thereby, auxilary costumes and other objects can contribute to the ritualisation of the performance of the song. The ritual character of ICH practices are generated by their framing. For example, the practice can be framed by the audience’s applause at the beginning, the end, or framed by performance at a definitive place and/or time (Wulf, 2001, pp. 328–329). In this sense, objects are essential because they ‘create’ ritual spaces, and hence turn a cultural performance into a ritual. As Wulf and Zirfas (2004, 362 ff.) exemplified, the decoration of a gym transforms a place for sportive activities into a ceremonial hall for school celebrations. The same holds true for the costumes of the Finsterwalder Sänger or, e.g., the wooden town gates (Fig. 4.35), which are built exclusively for the festival: they turn a weekend of choral singing into the Finsterwalder Sängerfest. Apart from the singers’ costumes and the wooden town gates, there are further objects relating to the Finsterwalder Sängerfest. In the case study, 57% of the interviewees remembered products or services referring to the tradition. Altogether, 31 different products, services, institutions, or associations were mentioned in the interviews. All of these entities relate back to the Sängerlied in that they either use the name Sänger (e.g. Sängerfestbier, Sängerstadt, Sängerstadt-Gymnasium), or are

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Fig. 4.35  City gates exclusively built for the Finsterwalder Sängerfest (©Lehmann, Heike, with courtesy)

otherwise connected to the singing tradition. Interviewees most frequently mentioned the Sängerfestbier (46 mentions). This beer is brewed exclusively for the festival and plays an important role in the opening ceremony (cf. Sect. 4.1.1). Other examples for such products and services (nine mentions each) are the Finsterwalder Stimmenöl, a liquor sold in bottles designed like oil canisters that ‘lubricate’ the singer’s throat (Fig.  4.36), the Sängerstadt-Gutschein, a coupon that can be redeemed at more than 70 local shops and businesses, and the Sängerfestbrot (Fig. 4.37), which is a bread exclusively baked for the Sängerfest. In contrast to the costumes of the Finsterwalder Sänger, these products are not ‘necessities’ for the celebration of the Finsterwalder Sängerfest. They are not constituent parts of the ritual performance of the Sängerlied. Obviously, in former times, the festival had been celebrated without them, as the majority of these products were ‘invented’ rather recently – at least after the breakdown of the socialist regime in 1989. Still, these objects seem to reinforce the ritual character of the Finsterwalder Sängerfest, as most of them are exclusively produced for or consumed during the festival. Moreover, the majority of the interviewees (65.2%) claimed they would buy such products even if they were more expensive than items without any reference to the Sängerfest (cf. Sect. 4.1.3). Their willingness to consume these products indicates that they attach symbolic value to them, which may be due to the ‘ritualising’ function in respect to the festival. In that sense, the Sänger products are bestowed with symbolic capital, which enhances their economic value.

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Fig. 4.36  Finsterwalder Stimmenöl (photo by author)

The interviewees’ awareness of Sänger products and the value attributed to them is closely connected with their level of knowledge about the tradition, as the table below illustrates (Fig. 4.38). 67.02% of interviewees with a high or very high level of knowledge5 about the tradition could name Sänger products, services, etc. Among the group of interviewees with low or no knowledge6 about the tradition, only 32% were able to name such products. These results further hint at the close relation between incorporated cultural capital and objectified cultural capital: the more the interviewees knew about the origins of the Sängerfest, the more they were able to name products and services related to it. In this regard, also the Finsterwalder Sänger’s costumes would probably be recognised only by people who know about the tradition of the Sängerfest. Otherwise, the singers may simply be mistaken as musical, elderly men wearing old-fashioned outfits. Only those can ‘make sense’ of their clothes, who

5  Interviewees who answered 2 or 3 questions about the tradition correctly are subsumed in this group (94 cases in total). 6  This group consists of interviewees who answered only one or no question about the tradition correctly (71 cases in total).

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Fig. 4.37  Sängerfestbrot (photo by author)

Fig. 4.38  Knowledge of Sänger products according to the level of knowledge about the origins of the Sängerlied

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incorporated a specific type of ICH-related cultural capital and, hence, may ‘decode’ the ritual meaning of the objectified cultural capital (cf. Sect. 3.3.3). In sum, ICH-related objects may be conceptualised as objectified cultural capital, because they stand in direct connection to the knowledge and skills constituting the practice. Their production, utilisation, and symbolic appreciation are determined by ‘incorporated’ knowledge and skills relating to an ICH element. As the examples show, the practice of the Sänger tradition involves objects that relate differently to the associated ‘incorporated’ knowledge and skills. On the one hand, there are objects that are essential for the performance of the Sängerlied, as they function as ‘tools of ritualisation’, like the Finsterwalder Sänger costumes. In the following section, such entities are classified as ‘primary objectifications’ of ICH-related knowledge and skills. On the other hand, ‘secondary objectifications’ of ICH-­ related knowledge and skills refer to products or services that are related indirectly to the tradition, e.g. the Sängerfestbrot. They are neither ‘needed’ for its performance, nor are they immediate results of the practice. Although, they are still connected to the ICH practice in symbolic ways and may enhance its ritual character. In the case of the Finsterwalder Sängerfest, such objects may be invented by community members as further ways to celebrate their ICH and to generate financial income through their retail. In this respect, the symbolic and financial value of both incorporated and objectified cultural capital may be increased through institutional recognition, as the following chapter shows.

4.2.3  I ntangible Cultural Heritage as Institutionalised Cultural Capital Apart from its incorporated and objectified states, cultural capital also manifests in institutionalised states. Bourdieu described institutionalised cultural capital as an official recognition of incorporated cultural capital, e.g. in the form of academic degrees or other certificates. Through this process, institutions attach a symbolic value to incorporated knowledge and skills, which may be converted into economic values (Bourdieu, 1980/1990, p. 132). Moreover, the institutionalisation of cultural capital does not only bestow a value on incorporated cultural capital, but simultaneously on the actors possessing it, promoting a ‘comparison’ or even ‘rivalry’ of its holders (cf. Sect. 3.3.3). UNESCO’s nomination practice is a comparable procedure. As Kirshenblatt-­ Gimblett (2004) stated, the Convention aims at safeguarding ICH by accrediting “value to the ‘carriers’ and ‘transmitters’ of tradition, as well as to their habitus and habitat” (Kirshenblatt-Gimblett, 2004, p.  53). This means, that with a UNESCO nomination, the incorporated and objectified forms of cultural capital related to heritage practices are officially approved as ‘Intangible Cultural Heritage’. Thereby, UNESCO bestow a symbolic value on the heritage practices and their practitioners, which leads to an enhancement of their global reputation and to their worldwide

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comparison. Such ‘institutionalisation’ of cultural capital has also been described as an act of as “metacultural production” (Kirshenblatt-Gimblett, 2004, p.  56) or “UNESCOization” (Berliner, 2013, p. 76; Kuutma, 2013, p. 7) and is regularly criticised for its systematic categorisation of heritage practices and practitioners, enforcing their comparison, which might generate hierarchies between them (Kuutma, 2013, p. 6; Smith, 2015, p. 141). Kirshenblatt-Gimblett claimed that it is merely due to UNESCO’s listing that heritage as such is created, because “[e]verything on the list, whatever its previous context, is now placed in a relationship with other masterpieces. The list is the context for everything on it.” (Kirshenblatt-Gimblett, 2004, p. 57) She further stated that: [t]he list is also the most visible, least costly, and most conventional way to ‘do something’ – something symbolic – about neglected communities and traditions. Symbolic gestures like the list confer value on what is listed, consistent with the principle that you cannot protect what you do not value. (Kirshenblatt-Gimblett, 2004, p. 57)

By criticising UNESCO’s listing procedure for placing “too much faith (…) in the power of valorization to effect revitalization”, Kirshenblatt-Gimblett simultaneously confirms the ‘value enhancement’ caused by the listing of heritage practices. This ‘value-adding’ effect is further reflected in the creation of value differences between ICH elements that made it to the list and those rejected, possibly leading to feelings of rivalry between heritage communities or even nation states (Arzipe, 2013, p. 25; Logan, 2009, p. 17). Hafstein even equated ICH safeguarding with its ‘institutionalisation’: To safeguard intangible heritage means to create new social institutions (like intangible heritage councils, committees, commissions, networks, foundations, etc.) and to curate certain expressive genres (festivals, but also lists, workshops, competitions, prizes, documentaries, promotional materials, etc.). The social institutions administer these expressions in practices referred to as ‘safeguarding.’ (Hafstein, 2018, p. 128)

In this respect, researchers agree that processes of ‘institutionalisation’ related to a UNESCO nomination change the relationship of the heritage bearers to the heritage practice, comparable to what Bourdieu described in relation to the institutionalisation of cultural capital (cf. Sect. 4.2.3). For example, Salemink (2016, p. 338) stated that it would turn “the ‘culture bearers’ into spectacles, while dispossessing them of their ownership over their cultural objects and lives.” Pratt (2013, p. 82) similarly asserted that “[o]nce there is a list, the intangible items or practices or knowledges on it become performable, that is, they can be articulated as performances addressed to spectators.” Also Hafstein (2018, p. 127) confirms that “calling a festival ‘intangible heritage’ is not to describe it, but to intervene in it. It is to impose upon the festival a particular relationship and to bring to bear on it a certain brand of expertise and set of tools. These are known as ‘safeguarding,’ and they transform their objects.” In sum, these statements imply that a UNESCO nomination bestows value on the ICH element and on its practitioners, entailing a change of consciousness regarding its practice and transmission. In a Bourdieusian sense, the nomination may turn a formerly implicit knowledge transfer into an explicit one, which encourages “the

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conscious reflection of patterns of thought, perception or expression which have already been mastered unconsciously” (Bourdieu, 1984, p. 15). This ‘explication’ of ICH transmission bears the danger to mint, within one doctrinal body, precepts, prescriptions and formulae, explicitly described and taught, more often negative than positive, which a traditional education imparts in the form of a habitus, directly apprehended uno intuitu, as a global style not susceptible to analytical breakdown. (Bourdieu, 1984, p. 15).

Thus, the often attested ‘alienation’ of the heritage bearers caused by UNESCO nominations may be understood in terms of a change from an unconscious transmission of ‘tacit’ knowledge in ‘implicit pedagogy’ to a conscious transfer of standardised, ‘academic’ knowledge in ‘explicit pedagogy’. Thereby, ICH practices are turned from unquestioned constituents of the habitus into rationally reflected knowledge and skills, consciously employable for the building or expression of identities. The ‘UNESCOisation’ of heritage practices also entails their conscious utilisation for economic development. Comparable to educational certificates, a UNESCO listing, makes it possible to relate all qualification-holders (and also, negatively, all unqualified individuals) to a single standard, thereby setting up a unified market for all cultural capacities and guaranteeing the convertibility into money of the cultural capital acquired at a given cost in time and labour (Bourdieu, 1980/1990, p. 218).

The ‘institutionalisation’ of ICH-related cultural capital ‘guarantees’ its ‘convertibility into money’ as the UNESCO logo facilitates access to financial funding, attracts tourists, and may prompt people to buy products related to it. The public perception of the ‘winners’ of the nomination process and the permission to use the UNESCO logo transform a formerly ‘common’ cultural tradition into ‘Intangible Cultural Heritage’. On the one hand, it is asserted that such processes may lead to sustainable economic growth beneficial to heritage communities and the ongoing viability of the heritage elements (Erlewein, 2015, p. 75; Kockel et al., 2020, p. 2; Stefano, 2016, p. 45). On the other hand, they are perceived to trigger processes of ‘overcommercialisation’ which hamper the future transmission of ICH practices and may ultimately lead to their extinction (Aikawa, 2005, p.  82; Labadi, 2013, p. 141; UCLG, 2008, I.11; Verdini, 2016, p. 216). The case study shows that there are many other ways of ‘institutionalising’ ICH and generating local economic revenue from it, apart from UNESCO nominations. The Finsterwalder Sängerfest has not officially been listed by UNESCO as intangible cultural heritage. Nevertheless, the community members employ diverse forms of labelling, logos, or graphic references to the tradition. Such activities may also be understood in terms of an ‘institutionalisation’ of cultural capital. For example, the town Finsterwalde accredited itself with the official by-name ‘Sängerstadt’, which is printed on the town signs (Fig. 4.39). Furthermore, the town’s logo consists of the silhouette of the four contemporary Finsterwalder Sänger (Fig.  4.40) and the local grammar school was named Sängerstadt-Gymnasium (Fig. 4.41).

Fig. 4.39  Town Sign of Finsterwalde with a reference to the Sänger tradition (photo by author)

Fig. 4.40  Official logo of the town of Finsterwalde (photo by author)

Fig. 4.41  Entrance portal of local grammar school named after the tradition (photo by author)

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In 2009, Finsterwalde and four surrounding towns and municipal districts aligned with each other to form the Sängerstadtregion. This intercommunal cooperation aims at the joined provision of services for the public, at supporting the local infrastructure, as well as strengthening the regional identity. Moreover, several choral clubs and other cultural associations were founded acknowledging the Sänger tradition or aiming at its transmission, e.g. the FC Sängerstadt, the AMC Sängerstadt Finsterwalde, or the Sängerfestverein. In comparison to a UNESCO listing, these forms of ICH ‘institutionalisation’ do not take effect on a global level, but on a local one. However, the mechanisms are comparable. With the creation of regional brands, logos, clubs, and associations, the Finsterwalder Sängerfest is ‘institutionalised’ as a tradition and its practitioners are acknowledged as a community. Hence, incorporated cultural capital, e.g. the knowledge and skills constituting the Sänger tradition, is transformed into institutionalised cultural capital. Thereby, the Finsterwalder Sängerfest is further consolidated in that its ‘institutionalisation’ prevents the tradition to “be called into question at any time” as it provides “certificate[s] of cultural competence which confers on its holder [on the heritage community, a.n.] a conventional, constant (...) value with respect to culture” (Bourdieu, 1983/1997, p. 50). The additional symbolic value bestowed onto ICH practices through their ‘institutionalisation’ may stimulate the generation of economic growth. The reason is that the institutionalisation of cultural capital facilitates the conversion of cultural into economic capital. The conversion of capital (cf. Sect. 3.3.5), as defined by Bourdieu, will serve to gain a conceptual understanding of the developmental potential of heritage practices, as demonstrated in the following chapter.

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Bunsen, D. (2011, June 8). Die Sänger von Finsterwalde. Märkische Oderzeitung. https://www. moz.de/artikel-­ansicht/dg/0/1/313565/ Erlewein, S.-N. (2015). Sustainable development and intangible cultural heritage: Integrating culture into development. In M.-T. Albert (Ed.), Heritage studies: v.4. Perceptions of sustainability in heritage studies (pp. 71–84). De Gruyter. Ernst, R. (2018). Vereins History: Die unglaubliche Geschichte. https://www.finsterwalder-­ saengerfest.de/18-­20xx/verein/history-­saengerfestverein.html Graeff, N. (2015). Afro-brasilianische Götter in Deutschland: Immaterielles Kulturerbe weitergeben. Deutsch UNESCO Kommission. Hafstein, V. T. (2018). Intangible heritage as a festival; or, folklorization revisited. The Journal of American Folklore, 131(520), 127. https://doi.org/10.5406/jamerfolk.131.520.0127 Kirshenblatt-Gimblett, B. (2004). Intangible heritage as metacultural production. Museum International, 56(1-2), 52–65. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1350-­0775.2004.00458.x Kockel, U., Nic Craith, M., Clopot, C., & Tjarve, B. (2020). Heritages, identities and Europe: Exploring cultural forms and expressions. In U. Kockel, C. Clopot, B. Tjarve, & M. N. Craith (Eds.), Critical heritages of Europe. Heritage and festivals in Europe: Performing identities (pp. 1–17). Routledge, an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group. Kuutma, K. (2013). Concepts and contingencies in heritage politics. In L. Arizpe & C. Amescua (Eds.), SpringerBriefs in environment, security, development and peace: Vol. 6. Anthropological perspectives on intangible cultural heritage (pp. 1–15). Springer. Labadi, S. (2013). Unesco, cultural heritage, and outstanding universal value: Value-based analyses of the world heritage and intangible cultural heritage conventions (Archaeology in society series). AltaMira Press. http://site.ebrary.com/lib/alltitles/docDetail.action?docID=10659239 Lehmann, H. (2016, August 26). Das Finsterwalder Sängerfest startet heute um 18 Uhr! Lausitzer Rundschau, 65. https://www.lr-­online.de/lausitz/finsterwalde/ das-­finsterwalder-­saengerfest-­startet-­heute-­um-­18-­uhr_aid-­2965483 Logan, B. (2009). Playing the Devil’s advocate: Protecting intangible cultural heritage and the infringement of human rights. Historic Environment, 22(3), 14–18. http://hdl.handle.net/10536/ DRO/DU:30029882 Meissner, M. (2017). The Valorisation of Intangible Cultural Heritage: Intangible Cultural Heritage as Cultural Capital in Sustainable Development. In S. Lira, R. Amoêda, & C. Pinheiro (Chairs), Sharing Cultures 2017. Symposium conducted at the meeting of Green Lines Institute for Sustainable Development, Barcelos, . Meissner, M. (2018). Between social cohesion and social distinction: Intangible cultural heritage and sustainable social development. In R.  Amoêda, S.  Lira, C.  Pinheiro, J.  García Carrilo, J. Calvo Serrano, & J. M. Santiago Zaragoza (Eds.), Heritage 2018: 6th International conference on heritage and sustainable development (1st ed., pp. 235–244). Universidad de Granada; Green Lines Institute. Meissner, M. (2019). The same but different. A Bourdieusian approach to intangible cultural heritage and its potentials for development. In R. Kusek & J. Purchla (Eds.), Heritage and society (pp. 433–446). International Cultural Centre. Müller, W. (2015). Marketing Anlalytics: Faktorenanalyse.. Fachhochschule Dortmund. https:// www.fh-­d ortmund.de/de/fb/9/personen/lehr/mueller/medien/Marketing_Analytics_-­_ Faktorenanalyse.pdf Pinto, T. d. O. (2014). Musik, implizites Wissen und immaterielles Kulturerbe. Paragrana: internationale Zeitschrift für historische Anthropologie, 23(2), 204–215. Pratt, M. L. (2013). Thoughts on intangibility and transmission. In L. Arizpe & C. Amescua (Eds.), SpringerBriefs in environment, security, development and peace: Vol. 6. Anthropological perspectives on intangible cultural heritage. Springer. Rumsey, D. (2015). Statistik für Dummies, Gut beraten bei den Daten, 3., aktualisierte Auflage, Wiley-VCH Verlag GmbH & Co. KGaA. Weinheim.

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Salemink, O. (2016). Described, inscribed, written off: Heritagisation as (dis)connection. In P. Taylor (Ed.), Vietnam series. Connected & disconnected in Viet Nam: Remaking social relations in a post-socialist nation. ANU Press. https://doi.org/10.22459/CDVN.03.2016.09 Sängerstadtmarketing e.V. (2017). Geschichte zum Sängerlied. http://www.finsterwalde-­ touristinfo.de/index.php/saengerlied-­a-­saengerfest/geschichte-­saengerlied Smeets, R. (2005). Globalization and the convention for the safeguarding of the intangible cultural heritage. In UNESCO (Chair), International conference on globalization and intangible cultural heritage. Symposium conducted at the meeting of United Nations University. Smith, L. (2015). Intangible heritage: A challenge to the authorised heritage discourse? Revista D’etnologia De Catalunya(40), 133–142. http://www.raco.cat/index.php/RevistaEtnologia/ article/view/293392/381920 Statistische Ämter der Länder. (2018). Finsterwalde –Demographischer Wandel (2014 – 2016): Wegweiser Kommune. Bertelsmann Stiftung. http://www.wegweiser-­kommune.de/statistik/ finsterwalde+demographischer-­wandel+2014-­2016+tabelle Stefano, M. (Ed.). (2016). The Routledge companion to intangible cultural heritage. Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/9781315716404 UCLG. (2008). Agenda 21 for culture. Barcelona. UNESCO. (2017). Encouraging transmission of ICH [Living Human Treasures]. http://www. unesco.org/culture/ich/en/living-­human-­treasures UNESCO. (2003, October 17). Convention for the safeguarding of the intangible cultural heritage. . https://ich.unesco.org/en/convention UNESCO. (2018). What is intangible cultural heritage? UNESCO Culture Sector. https://ich. unesco.org/en/what-­is-­intangible-­heritage-­00003 UNESCO. (2020a). About intangible heritage  – intangible heritage domains in the 2003 convention: Social practices, rituals and festive events. https://ich.unesco.org/en/ social-­practices-­rituals-­and-­00055 UNESCO. (2020b). Knowledge and practices concerning nature and the universe. https://ich. unesco.org/en/knowledge-­concerning-­nature-­00056 UNESCO. (2020c). Performing arts (such as traditional music, dance and theatre). https://ich. unesco.org/en/performing-­arts-­00054 UNESCO. (2020d). Traditional craftsmanship. https://ich.unesco.org/en/ traditional-­craftsmanship-­00057 UNESCO, & Korean National Commission for UNESCO. (2002). Guidelines for the establishment of living human treasures systems: Updated version. Seoul. UNESCO Section of Intangible Cultural Heritage. UNESCO, & Korean National Commission for UNESCO. (2015). Aide-Mémoire for completing a nomination to the representative list of the intangible cultural heritage of humanity: For 2016 and later nominations. Paris. Division for Creativity, Culture Sector. Verdini, G. (2016). Culture as a tool for harmonious territorial development. In UNESCO Publishing (Ed.), Global report on culture for sustainable urban development: Culture urban future (pp.  212–219). , with courtesy of University of Osnabrück, custodian (Ed.). (Date Stamp 1932). Wir sind die Sänger von Finsterwalde – Und leben und sterben für den Gesang. Universität Osnabrück. Historische Bildpostkarten – Universität Osnabrück Sammlung Prof. Dr. Sabine Giesbrecht. www.bildpostkarten.uos.de Wulf, C. (2001). Rituelles Handeln als mimetisches Wissen. In C. Wulf, B. Althans, K. Audehm, C.  Bausch, M.  Göhlich, S.  Sting, A.  Tervooren, M.  Wagner-Willi, & J.  Zirfas (Eds.), Das Soziale als Ritual: Zur performativen Bildung von Gemeinschaften (pp. 325–338). VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften. Wulf, C., & Zirfas, J. (2004). Bildung im Ritual: Perspektiven performativer Transritualitat. In C. Wulf, B. Althans, K. Audehm, C. Bausch, B. Jörissen, M. Göhlich, R. Mattig, A. Tervooren, M.  Wagner-Willi, & J.  Zirfas (Eds.), Bildung im Ritual (pp.  359–382). VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften.

Chapter 5

The Valorisation of Intangible Cultural Heritage

Abstract  In this chapter, the two understandings of ICH’s potentials as ‘driver’ and ‘enabler’ of development are considered within the theoretical framework of Bourdieu’s ‘Theory of Practice’ by using examples of the case study on the Finsterwalder Sängerfest. It is demonstrated how the practice of ICH may accumulate social relationships and financial profits, using Bourdieu’s concept of capital conversion. These capital conversions are deemed as basic mechanisms conditioning heritage-related development in terms of a ‘growth-based’ understanding of ICH as ‘driver’ of sustainable development. Before, it is demonstrated that ICH may also be an ‘enabler’ of sustainable development, using Bourdieu’s concept of the habitus, which is applied to reconstruct the identity-building aspects of ICH practices. Thereby, the transmission of ICH is understood as a process of capital incorporation based on mimetic processes, which contributes to the ‘unconscious embodiment’ of norms and values that are an implicit part of ICH practices. Based on this, it is shown that ICH is not only a means of identity building, but also a medium wherein different identities are expressed. Finally, the interrelation of ICH’s potentials as ‘driver’ and ‘enabler’ is condensed in a model of ICH valorisation. Keywords  Heritage valorisation · Sustainable development · Cultural capital · Capital conversion · Pierre Bourdieu · UNESCO There are two basic understandings of how ICH may contribute to developmental processes, as it was elaborated before in Sect. 2.3. As an ‘enabler’ of sustainable development, ICH may contribute to processes of identity building, which may enhance the capacity of the practitioners to live self-determined lives and to cope with alterity in the sense of human development. As a ‘driver’ of sustainable development, ICH may stimulate ‘sustainable growth’ in that heritage-related knowledge, practices, and objects are employed to foster economic or social development. Such activities may contribute to sustainable development in a ‘growth-based’ understanding of the concept, corresponding to the so-called ‘three-pillar-model’ of sustainable development. © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 M. Meissner, Intangible Cultural Heritage and Sustainable Development, Heritage Studies, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-79938-0_5

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Approached as cultural capital, ICH may manifest in ‘incorporated’, ‘objectified’, and ‘institutionalised’ states (cf. Chap. 4). According to Bourdieu, cultural capital can be converted into social and economic capital. This way, the practice of ICH may accumulate social relationships and financial profits and, thereby, funtion as a ‘driver’ of sustainable development. Thereby, the intergenerational ‘inheritance’ of cultural capital, i.e., the transmission of ICH, may have major influences on the formation of the practitioners’ habitus. This is the basis for ICH’s potentials as ‘enabler’ of sustainable development in the sense of human development (cf. Sect. 2.2). In the context of this work, the transmission of ICH is regarded as the precondition for its growth-based utilisation, which means that ICH’s ‘enabling’ function determines its ‘driving’ potentials. This, in turn, corresponds to the paradigm that human development exceeds the approach of ‘growth-based’ sustainable development and may form its basis (cf. Sect. 2.2). At the same time, as the case study shows, a ‘growth-based’ utilisation of ICH may also promote its transmission and thus stimulate further identity-building processes in the sense of human development. During ritual performances, ICH practitioners ‘incorporate’ cultural capital in the form of ‘tacit’ knowledge, whereby the consolidation of individual identities and group identities, in terms of a heritage community, may be fostered. In this context, the unconscious incorporation of ICH practices is equivalent to the ‘unnoticed’ transmission of social power relations. Moreover, the hysteresis of the habitus sheds light on the ‘fossilisation’ of ICH practices. As the case study showed, the practitioners perform and interpret the Finsterwalder Sängerfest in different ways, which corresponds to Bourdieu’s assertion that cultural practices reflect the social backgrounds of the actors. Hence, in terms of the ‘enabling’ potential of ICH for development, ICH is not only a means of identity building as it forms the habitus, but can also be a medium wherein different identities are expressed. In such case, the practitioners experience alterity even within their own heritage community, which may enhance their ability to handle cultural diversity as precondition for tolerance and peacebuilding in terms of human development. On the basis of Bourdieu’s ‘Theory of Practice’ the model of ICH valorisation suggested in this chapter illustrates the interrelation of ICH’s potentials as ‘driver’ and ‘enabler’. The transmission of ICH, which affects the formation of individual and group identities, forms the basis of this model on which a ‘growth-based’ utilisation of ICH practices for sustainable development may be stimulated through capital conversion. In turn, the active utilisation of ICH for ‘growth-based’ sustainable development may stimulate its transmission to future generations, thereby further enabling processes of human development.

5.1  ‘Enabling’ Development: The Practice of ICH and the Formation of the Habitus

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5.1  ‘ Enabling’ Development: The Practice of ICH and the Formation of the Habitus The 2003 Convention is based on the assumption that ICH practices affect human identities. For example, UNESCO state that ICH “provides them [communities and groups, a.n.] with a sense of identity and continuity” (UNESCO, 2003, p. 2), while playing a “particular role in transmitting values and life skills” (UNESCO, 2018, VI. 1.3, 180). According to Kurin (2007, p. 13), the safeguarding of the “dynamic social processes (…) of identity-making” is UNESCO’s ultimate goal with the 2003 Convention. This is partly connected to the concept of human development that underlies the Convention, according to which the freedom of cultural expression is a basic component of a self-determined life (cf. Sect. 2.2). Only when people are capable of expressing themselves in terms of their cultural identity, the respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms of human beings may be ensured (UNESCO, 2001, Art. 5). As ICH is understood to be a medium through which cultural identities may be expressed, the 2003 Convention aims at securing its viability by promoting its transmission to future generations. The transmission of ICH practices is successful if they are, (…) inherited from a community’s previous generations and undergo adaptation and extension by current members of the community, [if] they are being constantly redefined and transformed in response to cultural diversity, evolving value systems and means of creative expression (UNESCO, 2014, p. 82).

This means that ICH practices stay viable if their transmission allows for creative adaptation and redefinition as according to the needs of present and future generations. Bourdieu’s concept of the habitus systemises the connection between the identity-forming effects of ICH practices and their intergenerational creative transmission. In terms of the ‘Theory of Practice’, the transmission of ICH may be understood as an inheritance of cultural capital. Thus, the identity-forming effects of ICH may be considered in analogy to the effects, which an incorporation of cultural capital has on the formation of an actor’s habitus. According to Bourdieu, all forms of capital can be inherited from one generation to the next. Regarding the inheritance of cultural capital, the transmission happens in disguised ways, e.g. through the unconscious imitation of heritage practices (cf. Sect. 3.2.2). Thereby, knowledge and skills are unconsciously passed down and equip the heirs with capabilities to act ‘adequately’ in social situations in which their habitus was formed. Depending on the field of their application, the inherited principles of acting may be more or less profitable, influencing the social status of the actor (cf. Sect. 3.2.3). According to Bourdieu, the inheritance of cultural capital is the most disguised form of a transmission of social inequalities, because it is based on unconscious, mimetic learning processes, involving the transfer of ‘tacit’ knowledge. As children mimetically reproduce the bodily movements and gestures of their parents, they do this without questioning their sense of purpose and without identifying this as a learning process (Wulf, 2005, 2016, 2017). This may apply to all types of everyday (ICH) practices like preparing meals, eating, talking, singing

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or dancing. Through these imitations, understandings of the world, norms, and values – as well as knowledge and skills – are transmitted “from practice to practice without going through discourse“(Bourdieu, 1972/1977). Thereby, ‘tacit’ knowledge is mimetically transferred, entailing the inheritance of values, morals, and world views. Thus, they contribute to the formation of individual and group identities. Through the transmission of ICH, individual identities may be formed. For example, the ‘small’ Finsterwalder Sänger who have been surrounded by choir singers from their childhood onwards usually have no difficulties in spontaneously singing harmony to a particular melody. As they grew up mimicking and listening to their social environment, they unconsciously incorporated the rules of polyphonic singing. Asked for how exactly they manage to do so, they would probably not be able to make their knowledge and skills explicit. Moreover, other people would interpret their abilities as ‘given’, or as a ‘natural’ talent. Their ability is not perceived as a result of steady mimetic learning processes, wherein they incorporated ‘tacit’ knowledge. On the contrary, their abilities are perceived as individual features; singing just ‘runs in their blood’. Via ‘implicit pedagogy’, they unconsciously inherited the high amount of (musical) cultural capital from their social surroundings without great effort. In case such a singer applied for studying music at a conservatory, the inheritance of this type of cultural capital could give him considerable advantage in contrast to someone stemming from an environment where making music is not a part of everyday life. Moreover, he can reproduce his skills spontaneously. For him it is not necessary to think about how to sing because the inherited cultural capital is directly “converted into an integral part of the person, into a habitus” (Bourdieu, 1983/1997, p. 48). Singing became a part of his individual identity. Apart from individual identity building, the transmission of ICH may also form group identities. For example, choir singing may promote the formation of collective identities due to its ritual character. Besides the acts of singing as such, it involves regular rehearsals, special ways of costuming and preparing the performances, which may be understood as ritual arrangements (Wulf, 2016, p. 374). The ritualisation of singing influences the quality of the vocal performance and decisively affects the identities of both, the singers and the audience (Ibid.). In this regard, the human body plays a central role, as bodily knowledge is transmitted by choir singing, affecting the individual performance and the relation of the individual body to the other humans involved (Wulf, 2016, p. 374). Thereby, the human body is formed historically and culturally, which creates feeling of social and cultural belonging (Ibid.). That choral singers relate to each other bodily and mentally, which strengthens their identity as a heritage community, as demonstrated by the ‘small’ Finsterwalder Sänger, who mimetically reproduces the ‘original’ singers during the opening ceremony of the Finsterwalder Sängerfest. In this sense, the opening ceremony represents a performative act involving processes of ‘similarisation’, through which a shared reality is produced (Wulf & Zirfas, 2012, p. 520). Thereby, the practitioners do not only incorporate cultural capital in the form of knowledge and skills related to the Sängerlied, they also embody ‘tacit’ knowledge in the form of morals, values,

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and rules, which appear as self-evident (Bourdieu, 1972/1977, p. 2). Thus, the collective performance of heritage practices may contribute to the formation of a group identity, with several individuals possessing similar morals, preferences, and values. This may have brought about, for example, the self-evident, ‘doxic’ acceptance (cf. Sect. 3.2.2) of the practitioners that the Finsterwalder Sänger are male.1 As the ‘original’ singers have always been male, also their ‘small’ successors are boys. Moreover, the song’s lyrics mention several representatives of guilds (carpenter, baker, teacher, judge, merchant, blacksmith) who have been singing the song throughout history. All of them are male, as the lyrics are a reflection of the social structures of the song’s time of origin when women were not represented in these occupational groups. Although society has decisively changed since then, Finsterwalde has never seen a female Finsterwalder Sängerin. The song as such is sung by men and women alike, but the ‘official’ performers are exclusively male. Up to now, this has not been questioned by the members of the community, at least not in public, as they possibly may not consciously perceive this ‘gender imbalance’. To them, it might ‘go without saying’ because it has ‘always been like that’, which attests to the binding character of the social reality that is created through the performance of the tradition. This testifies to Bourdieu’s understanding of symbolic power which is exerted unnoticed and in complicity with the subordinates (cf. Sect. 3.2.2). This may also be a reason why UNESCO’s demand to eliminate “gender-­ based discrimination” (UNESCO, 2018, VI. 1.4, 181) in the context of ICH practices is rather difficult to comply with (cf. Sect. 2.3.1). As the ICH practice has become a part of the practitioners’ identities, the inherent gender imbalance remains unquestioned, and therefore may not even be interpreted as discriminatory by those excluded from the practices. The case study also indicates within other aspects how the ‘inheritance’ of knowledge and skills related to the Finsterwalder Sängerfest influences the formation of the practitioners’ identities. For example, the fact that 97% of the interviewees had already told others about the Sängerfest may support the argument that the practitioners are emotionally attached to the tradition even beyond its mere performance. Moreover, 62.3% of the interviewees indicated that singing plays an important role in their personal lives. Accordingly, Finsterwalde’s website names at least eleven different choirs existing in that town alone (choirs of the Sängerstadtregion not included) (Stadtverwaltung Finsterwalde, 2015). That the tradition of choral singing is also practiced beyond the festival further suggests that it is a part of the ICH community members’ group identity. These examples show that the effects of ICH practices on individual and group identities may be understood in terms of the inheritance of cultural capital, affecting the habitus of actors. As the inheritance of cultural capital often happens ‘from practice to practice’, morals, values, and preferences are directly incorporated and build an unquestioned part of the actors’ identities, to which all members of a 1  As the author herself is a member of the Sänger community, this statement refers to her own experience. Before starting with her research, she never became aware of the fact that the Finsterwalder Sänger have always and exclusively been male.

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heritage community may revert to equally. Besides its stabilising character, the habitus is also flexible and may account for social change or the social mobility of actors (cf. Sect. 3.2.1). Thus, the inherited patterns of thought and action may be adapted creatively by different actors, e.g. by following generations, which is also a characteristic of human development (cf. Sect. 2.2). However, this may spark conflicts among different members of a heritage community, possibly due to the hysteresis of the habitus. As elaborated in Sect. 3.2.1, the hysteresis effect makes it difficult for actors to be flexible and adapt their acting and thinking to altered living conditions. Hence, this effect may also account for ICH practices that become ‘fossilised’ (Demotte, 2004; Misiura, 2006, p. 81), ‘folklorised’ (Aikawa, 2005, p. 82; Condominas, 2004), or ‘frozen’ (Bouchenaki, 2003, p.  4; van Zanten, 2004, p.  41). Such terms describe heritage practices, which are not adapted to the living conditions of the present practitioners. This might happen in case the practitioners keep persisting on ‘historically correct’ performance, irrespective of whether the values transferred thereby are still relevant for the present or future generations. Such effects are sometimes observed in connection with heritage staging for tourists, through which economic profits may be gained but the symbolic meaning of the practice is inherently altered (UNESCO, 2015, p. 10). Thereby, the viability of the practice is put at risk because it may lose its functional context in that it is ‘musealised’ or ‘folklorised’ as simple formalistic or artistic reproduction (Aikawa, 2004, p. 139). In the case of the Sänger tradition, the consequences of the hysteresis effect on ICH practices can be observed in regard to different styles of choral singing. As the older generations of the heritage practitioners grew up during the former GDR, they prefer singing workers’ and folk songs, which they sang during their youth. Their habitus and musical taste was formed in a social and political system that no longer exists. Still, due to the hysteresis of the habitus, some older practitioners act as if the conditions under which their habitus was formed may still exist, rejecting contemporary styles of choral singing. For example, the older choirs prefer singing in a ‘classical’ style, which does not correspond to the style of contemporary ‘modern’ pop music. Vice versa, the younger generations who grew up after the Fall of the Wall have no relationship with socialist workers’ songs or older folk songs. Their habitus, and hence their musical taste, was formed under different social conditions. Neither do they know the repertoire of the older choirs, nor are the contents of the songs and the singing styles relevant to their current living environments. Hence, they refuse to sing along with the elders and do not join the ‘traditional’ choirs of the region. Thus, from the perspective of the older members of the heritage community, the transmission of the ICH practice in its ‘original’ form is endangered. However, the future viability of choral singing as such is not at risk, since new choirs continue the tradition with ’modern’ singing styles. Some of the ‘traditional’ singers may enviously notice the popularity of the new choirs, but nevertheless are

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apparently not able and/or willing to open their ranks for more contemporary singing styles.2 That the older practitioners sometimes even feel personally offended by modern interpretations of their tradition3 testifies to the strong connection between ICH and identity. In that the ICH element is changed or adapted, some practitioners feel their identities put into question, which may further imply a slow undermining of their social status within the heritage community. According to Bourdieu, the value attached to specific forms of culture is a reflection of the prevailing power structures in social groups. With the concept of the ‘cultural arbitrary’ (cf. Sect. 3.2.2), he alluded to the fact that no cultural practice is inherently more valuable than the other. It is only due to the power of definition, as exerted by dominating social groups, that one way of singing may be perceived as ‘legitimate’ while other styles are seen as ‘inferior’ (cf. Sect. 3.2.4). In this regard, also through the practice of ICH social power is exerted, as the practitioners follow historically established arbitrary rules and value different styles of ICH practices according to prevailing power structures (cf. Sect. 3.2.1). On the other hand, due to the adaptability of the habitus, such handed-down power relations may also be challenged with ICH practices. For example, female community members recently suggested replenishing the traditional male committee of the Finsterwalder Sängerkarneval4 with women. The committee traditionally consists of twelve people, and there had not been enough men available at that time. However, this initiative caused storms of protest, including threats of resignation coming from older male association members.5 In fact, there is no objective reason why women should not be able to perform the tasks of the committee. The arguments advanced that this would be ‘wrong’ because it ‘had never been like this’ testify to the power relations underlying this culturally arbitrary regulation. Although the suggestion was rejected, this example shows that the power structures transmitted in ICH practices are able to be criticised through mere adaptations of the heritage element’s practice. Just as mimeticisms are not merely mechanical replications, but involve creative deviation from the original (Wulf, 2017, pp.  148–149), the transmitted morals and values may also be called into question by the following generations. The refusal to integrate women into the Sängerkarneval committee, as well as the objections of older choir singers against ‘modern’ singing styles, illustrates how ICH practices may be understood with the help of the habitus concept by two distinctive characteristics. First, they testify to the creative adaptability of the younger generations’ ‘inherited’ habitus. Although they incorporated the ICH practice in its ‘original’ state, younger practitioners are able to modify it creatively so that it  Personal experience of the author.  Personal experience of the author. 4  The Finsterwalder Sängerkarneval is the annual carnival celebration of the Männerchor Einigkeit. The choir was founded in 1885 and may be regarded as the basic representative of the Sänger tradition. The Finsterwalder Sänger are usually recruited from the ranks of this male-voice choir. 5  Reported by a community member in a personal conversation with the author (January 2019). 2 3

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remains meaningful in their contemporary living environment. Second, the conflicts provoked by these modifications hint to the hysteresis of the habitus on the side of the older community members, finding expression in an ICH-related generational conflict (cf. Sect. 3.2.1). Thereby, it becomes obvious how tightly the practice of ICH is connected to the stabilisation of individual and group identities, but it may also be a medium through which dominant power structures can be challenged or even dissolved. This is further demonstrated by the case study, which revealed that different styles of participating in the tradition of the Finsterwalder Sängerfest exist in parallel (cf. Sect. 4.1.3). Hence, the practice of the Sängerfest does not only form an overarching group identity of the Sängerfest community, but also allows for the tradition’s adaptation and reinterpretation, expressing the identities of different sub-­ groups within the community. Bourdieu argued that social hierarchies are reflected in cultural practices (cf. Sect. 3.2.4). In one of his most popular publications ‘Distinction’ (1996) he showed that actors stemming from similar social surroundings tend to prefer similar cultural activities. On the one hand, he partly attributed this fact to the ‘class habitus’ that unites “products of the same structures” (Bourdieu, 1972/1977, p. 85) in terms of their tastes and lifestyles. On the other hand, he admitted that even within one class cultural practices may significantly vary, which he explained with the concept of ‘field’ (Bourdieu & Wacquant, 1992). Altogether, he showed that living under similar social conditions results in an emergence of similar patterns of perception, taste, and style. In the case study on the Finsterwalder Sängerfest, it was assessed why the interviewees participate in the festival by asking what aspects of the tradition are important or not important to them (cf. Sect. 4.1.3). A factor analysis of the collected data showed that the given answers could be subsumed under four different factors representing four different ‘motivations’ to visit the festival. Based on the identified factors, four groups of interviewees were formed according to their answers (cf. Sect. 4.1.3). The ‘traditional musical motivation’ unites people for whom ‘traditional choral singing’ and ‘keeping the tradition alive’ are the most important reasons for their participation in the Sängerfest. Practitioners with a ‘contemporary musical motivation’ set their priorities on ‘regional’ and ‘supraregional’ (pop) bands. In turn, the ‘social motivation’ represents people for whom meeting families and friends they ‘rarely’ and ‘regularly’ see and ‘other cultural activities are the main benefit of the festival. Finally, the ‘sensation oriented’ participants mostly enjoyed the ‘general atmosphere/spirit’ of the festival as well as ‘eating and drinking’. It turned out that the four groups of interviewees do not only differ in terms of what they value most about the tradition, but also regarding their social backgrounds (age, gender, secondary and tertiary education, cf. Sect. 4.1.3). Moreover, the different groups selected distinct places in the festival area while being interviewed. As the different festival areas offer different styles of music and various other kinds of activities (e.g. exhibitions, children’s programmes, carousels, wine tastings, etc.), it is presumable that the interviewees were carrying out the respective activities offered at the place of the interview. In the following, the types and styles of activities, which were offered at the different places on the festival area where the groups

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Fig. 5.1  Activities offered where interviewees with a ‘traditional musical’ motivation had stayed during the interview. (collage by author, © Metal, Udo; with courtesy)

Fig. 5.2  Activities offered where interviewees with a ‘contemporary musical’ motivation had stayed during the interview. (Collage by author, copyright clockwise from upper left: author; Metal, Udo; Ibid; Ibid.; author; with courtesy)

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Fig. 5.3  Activities offered where interviewees with a ‘social’ motivation had stayed during the interview. (Collage by author, copyright clockwise from upper left: Comeback Elbe-Elster; Ibid.; Ibid; Metal, Udo; Ibid.; with courtesy of Comeback Elbe-Elster and Udo Metal)

of interviewees had stayed, are illustrated (Figs. 5.1, 5.2, 5.3 and 5.4). The collages are deemed to provide impressions of the different styles in which the Sängerfest is celebrated by different subgroups of the community. The collage above (Fig. 5.1) illustrates activities that practitioners with a ‘traditional musical’ motivation might have enjoyed during the Finsterwalder Sängerfest. The members of this group are on average female, older than 39 years, and from an under-average school education, but with an over-average tertiary education – indicating that a large part of this group grew up in the former GDR.6 Decisively over average, the members of this group were able to complete the lyrics of the Sängerlied, knew how old it is, and could name its composer. Also above average, they were actively involved in the festival’s programme, could name Sänger products or services, and would also buy them. In contrast, community members with a ‘contemporary musical’ motivation were usually male, while no person aged 59 or older was among them (cf. Sect. 4.1.3). The collage above (Fig. 5.2) represents activities that were carried out at the places where they were interviewed. The education level of the group members was slightly over average, while their ability to complete the lyrics of the Sängerlied was

6  During this time, only a small minority could attend grammar school, yet the socialist education system permitted students to obtain a university degree without having graduated from their A-levels (cf. Sect. 4.1.3).

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Fig. 5.4  Activities offered where interviewees with a ‘sensation oriented’ motivation had stayed during the interview. (Collage by author, copyright clockwise from upper left: Metal, Udo, Ibid.; author; Metal, Udo; with courtesy)

far above average. This group showed the highest percentage of interviewees who were actively involved in the programme, while also the majority knew Sänger products and would buy them. Activities that interviewees with a ‘social’ motivation may have enjoyed during the Finsterwalder Sängerfest are illustrated in the collage below (Fig.  5.3). The majority of the group members were under 39 years old, typically were female, and had a comparatively high level of education (cf. Sect. 4.1.3). Their knowledge of the lyrics of the Sängerlied, of the composer, and its year of origin were all under average. However, 100% of the socially motivated visitors had already told others about the Sängerfest, and clearly above average, they could name products and services related to the tradition and would buy them. The group of interviewees with a ‘sensation oriented’ motivation to visit the Sängerfest showed the highest proportion of males who were either aged under 30 or over 49, while the ‘middle-agers’ were underrepresented (cf. Sect. 4.1.3). The activities carried out at the places where they were interviewed are represented in the collage below (Fig. 5.4). The members of this group showed an under-average level of education and an average level of knowledge about the Finsterwalder Sängerlied. Similarly, their knowledge about Sänger products and services as well as their willingness to buy them was about average. Irrespective of their motivations to visit the festival and the different styles in which they celebrate it, overall 90.9% of the interviewees were able to complete the

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lyrics of the Sängerlied. Even within the group of the ‘socially’ motivated, who proved the lowest level of knowledge about the tradition, altogether 86.3% had incorporated the cultural capital necessary to sing the song. Hence, it may be stated that the vast majority of the interviewees had incorporated the same type of ICH-­ related cultural capital, which constitutes them as a heritage community. Nevertheless, the community members interpret their heritage in different ways, which is related to their different social backgrounds. This is also reflected in cultural practices as according to Bourdieu (cf. Sect. 3.2.4). The reason for the differences is that the incorporated ICH-related cultural capital makes up only a small part of the overall amounts and types of capital they possess, which is decisive for the type of cultural practices preferred and the style in which they are executed. Accordingly, the cultural preferences may vary within one heritage community, as the community members’ habitus are determined by all types and amounts of capital they possess. The more similar the types and amounts of possessed capital are and, hence, the closer the positions of the actors in social space, the more likely they practice the tradition in the same way (cf. Sect. 3.2.4). These examples show how an ICH practice may serve as a common reference point to which heritage practitioners may relate and around which ICH communities are formed. Simultaneously, the community members may interpret the heritage element in different ways, celebrating it in diverse styles. Hence, the Finsterwalder Sängerfest exemplifies how an ICH practice may simultaneously take effect as a means of identity building and a medium of identity expression. In this chapter, Bourdieu’s concept of the habitus was applied to conceptually approach the identity-building effects of the ICH practice related to the Finsterwalder Sängerfest. In that the transmission of ICH is understood in terms of an inheritance of cultural capital involving mimetic processes, it reveals how mental and bodily dispositions may be influenced by the heritage practice. The ritual character of ICH practices may enhance the identity-building effects, as it creates feelings of belonging and thus constitutes heritage communities (Wulf, 2016, p. 374). The heritage community is characterised by shared incorporated cultural capital related to the ICH practice. Moreover, the hysteresis of the habitus allows for an understanding of why creative adaptations of the ICH practice may lead to conflicts within a heritage community, revealing inherent social power structures. Finally, the case study showed how different interpretations of a heritage element may exist in parallel, testifying to the social diversity of the heritage community. Against this background, Bourdieu’s habitus concept helps to grasp the potentials of ICH as an ‘enabler’ of development, with a special focus on human development, in three respects. First, it reveals how through ICH practices external structures may be ‘incorporated’ in the minds and bodies of the practitioners, providing them with practical knowledge and skills, enhancing their freedom of cultural expression and ideally enlarging their capability for taking self-determined choices. This way, the ICH practice may serve as means of education, promoting the formation of individual and group identities, as basic characteristics of human development (cf. Sect. 2.2). Secondly, ICH practices may also offer opportunities for groups and individuals to actively externalise their cultural and social needs in order to “express

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themselves” and “participate in the cultural life of their choice and conduct their own cultural practices” (UNESCO, 2001, Art. 5). In this context, a self-determined adaptation of ICH practices may challenge dominant power structures, whereby groups and individuals may exert their cultural rights as a further element of human development. Thirdly, because the identities expressed in an ICH practice may vary, the practitioners may be confronted with different values and world views within their own heritage community. Thus, they experience alterity, which may lead to intercultural learning processes in terms of human development. Thereby, the acceptance or even appreciation of cultural diversity may be advanced, stimulating mutual tolerance and peacebuilding processes (Wulf, 2016, p. 376). In this respect, the experience of alterity may also consolidate the actors’ own identities, as identities are formed in the face of alterity (Ibid). In any of these cases, the active performance of ICH is crucial. Only through active performance may the future viability of heritage practices be ensured. Hence, besides the promotion of human development, the transmission of ICH is also the fundamental basis for the utilisation of ICH as a ‘driver’ of ‘growth based’ sustainable development, which is elaborated in the next sub-chapter.

5.2  ‘ Driving’ Development: The Practice of ICH and Conversions of Capital The previous chapter showed how the incorporation of cultural capital, i.e., the transmission of ICH, may ‘enable’ human development in that it may enhance the capacities of human beings to creatively express their identities, to experience alterity, and to exert their cultural rights. In this chapter, it is elaborated how the objectification and the institutionalisation of incorporated cultural capital may contribute to the conversion of cultural into social and economic capital. Applied to the concept of ICH, this means that ICH may work as a ‘driver’ of sustainable development in that it is utilised to establish social relationships and to obtain economic profits. In this sense, Bourdieu’s capital theory offers a systematic approach to elucidate the connection between ICH practices and ‘growth-based’ sustainable development (cf. Sect. 2.2). Moreover, the case study reveals that the more ICH-related knowledge and skills the members of the Sängerfest community had ‘incorporated’, the higher the probability was that financial rewards and social relations were gained from the heritage practice. This testifies to the importance of a vital transmission of ICH-related knowledge and skills as a condition for their sustainable utilisation in ‘growth-­ based’ development processes. Vice versa, the social and economic profits gained from ICH practices may enhance its significance for the community members and, thus, stimulate its future transmission. Therefore, the utilisation of ICH practices for social and economic development in a ‘growth-based’ sense may simultaneously

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promote processes of individual and collective identity building, testifying to the close connection between human development and sustainable development. As described in Sect. 4.2, ‘incorporated’ knowledge and skills related to the Finsterwalder Sängerlied manifest as ‘primary objectifications’ in the form of the singers’ costumes needed for its ritual performance and as ‘secondary objectifications’ in the form of food, drinks, or other Sänger products. In both cases, ICH-­ related incorporated cultural capital is transformed into objects (cf. Sect. 4.2.2). Moreover, incorporated cultural capital related to the Sänger tradition is institutionalised by the creation of local brands, associations, cooperations, etc. Thereby, additional value is bestowed on the incorporated cultural capital and its possessors (cf. Sect. 4.2.3). Both, the objectification and the institutionalisation of ICH-related incorporated cultural capital are still no capital conversions, as the form of capital stays the same. Through these processes, only different manifestations of cultural capital are created. According to Bourdieu, a capital conversion takes place when cultural capital is turned into money, respectively property rights, or into social networks and group memberships (cf. Sect. 3.3.5). The following section illustrates these processes with the help of the case study, which shows that the ‘objectification’ and ‘institutionalisation’ of ICH-related knowledge and skills may promote their conversion into social and economic capital. Vice versa, the heritage-based accumulation of social and economic capital may contribute to the consolidation of a regional identity, stimulating the transmission of ICH.

5.2.1  The ‘Conversion’ of ICH Practices into ‘Social Capital’ The ‘incorporated’ knowledge and skills related to the Sänger tradition are ‘objectified’ in the form of several products and services, as explained before (cf. Sect. 4.2.2). One example is the Sängerfestbier, which plays an essential role in the opening ceremony of the Finsterwalder Sängerfest and beyond. Every two years, the beer is brewed exclusively for the festival. Hence, it would not exist without the Sänger tradition and may therefore be regarded as an objectification of the incorporated cultural capital of the Sängerlied. With the traditional barrel tapping, the Finsterwalder Sängerfest is officially opened. This ceremony is executed by political and cultural representatives of the region and beyond, involving hundreds of singers and thousands of visitors. Hence, the Sängerfestbier marks an occasion and an important social event, bringing together different social groups from Finsterwalde and afar, as indicated by the demographic data from the case study (cf. Sect. 4.1.3). Thereby, objectified cultural capital may be converted into social capital; or, into “a durable network of more or less institutionalized relationships of mutual acquaintance and recognition – or in other words, to membership in a group (…)” (Bourdieu, 1983/1997, p. 54). In this respect, the ‘nature’ or ‘content’ of the objectified cultural capital is ‘arbitrary’. Probably, the tapping of a barrel of wine or cider would have similar social effects. What is important about the Sängerfestbier is its symbolic relation to the

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Fig. 5.5  Sängerlieddenkmal in Finsterwalde. (Photo by author)

tradition, which is represented by its labelling and its ritual function in the opening ceremony. This gives further evidence of the interrelation between objectified cultural capital and incorporated cultural capital: the symbolic meaning of the beer is best comprehensible with the possession of knowledge related to the tradition of the Sängerfest. As will be shown in the following sub-chapter, the level of knowledge about the Sänger tradition is related to the knowledge of Sänger products or services, their appreciation, and valuation in economic terms (cf. Sect. 5.2.2). Another objectification of the tradition is the bronze Sänger monument (Fig. 5.5). The monument depicts three musicians representing different social ranks. One figure wears a frock and holds a violin; the other is dressed more casually and carries a flute, while the third one is a barefooted singing boy without any instrument. The monument symbolises that singing has always united the different social classes of Finsterwalde (Stadtverwaltung Finsterwalde, 2016). With the erection of the statue, the singing tradition of Finsterwalde was ‘objectified’, through which it was ‘converted’ into ‘social capital’ in several respects. The artistic message of the

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statue itself symbolises the socially cohesive effects of the ritual of choral singing (cf. Sect. 4.2.1). Moreover, the inauguration of the monument represented a ritual act, which brought political representatives, entrepreneurs, choral singers, and others together, and contributed to the enlargement of their social networks. Finally, the town’s commitment to the Sänger tradition was ‘objectified’ with this monument, functioning as a point of reference for local identity building. In this sense, the belonging of the inhabitants of Finsterwalde to a ‘singer’s community’ was reassured through the building of the monument. Likewise, the institutionalisation of incorporated cultural capital may contribute to the conversion of cultural into social capital. In the case of the Sänger tradition, the official denomination of Finsterwalde as the ‘town of the singers’ – which is displayed on the town signs – represents an institutionalisation of incorporated cultural capital (cf. Sect. 4.2.2). With this naming, the institution of the city council officially recognised the Sänger tradition as the cultural heritage of the town. Hence, the city council bestowed symbolic value on the tradition and its bearers: on the Finsterwalder Sänger and the whole heritage community celebrating the Sängerlied. Since then, some inhabitants have explained to strangers that they come from the Sängerstadt, functioning as an expression of a figurative group membership. Similarly, the announcement of the Sängerstadt as the next train stop may evoke feelings of belonging on the side of the inhabitants and curiosity on the side of foreign travellers. Soon after Finsterwalde became the Sängerstadt, and the whole region surrounding Finsterwalde  – including four other towns and  – was officially named Sängerstadtregion (Fig. 5.6). This indicates the initiation of an ongoing process of regional identity building sparked by the ‘institutionalisation’ of the Sänger tradition. With the establishment of the Sängerstadtregion, not only the inhabitants of Finsterwalde, but the whole region, were provided with a common cultural reference point to which they could relate in terms of a ‘sense of home’. Thus, the ‘group membership’ mentioned above was widened beyond the town’s borders. Moreover, the founding of the Sängerfestverein in 1992 may be regarded as an institutionalisation of incorporated cultural capital. The association was founded exclusively for safeguarding the practice of Sängerfest. Anyone interested may Fig. 5.6  Logo of the Sängerstadtregion uniting Finsterwalde with the towns Sonnewalde and Doberlug-Kirchhain, as well as with the municipalities Elsterland and Kleine Elster as inheritors of the Sänger tradition (© Sängerstadtregion; with courtesy)

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become a member of this association, thereby enlarging his or her social network. Furthermore, the associations’ members serve as contacts for the heritage bearers or other people interested in the singing tradition, providing opportunities to establish social networks beyond membership in the association. In both respects, the members of the Sängerfestverein may profit from the ‘multiplier effect’ of social capital as gained through their membership in this association. This means that their enlarged social networks may bestow additional value on the other forms of capital they possess or compensate a lack thereof (cf. Sect. 3.3.2). The provided examples show how the ‘objectification’ and ‘institutionalisation’ of an ICH practice may enlarge the practitioners’ social networks and establish group memberships. This process was conceptualised as a conversion of objectified and institutionalised cultural capital into social capital on the basis of the incorporation of cultural capital. Thereby, the ‘multiplier effect’ of the social capital gained from cultural capital may, in turn, increase the value of the other forms of capital the actors possess. In sum, this sub-chapter elucidated how ICH may function of as a ‘driver’ of social sustainable development in its ‘growth-based’ understanding, simultaneously contributing to identity building on local and regional levels in terms of human development. In the next sub-chapter, it is shown how ICH’s potential as ‘driver’ of economic sustainable takes effect in regard to the Sänger tradition.

5.2.2  T  he ‘Conversion’ of ICH Practices into ‘Economic Capital’ Economic development may be stimulated by ICH practices in that their ‘objectification’ and ‘institutionalisation’ may acquire capital “(...) which is immediately and directly convertible into money and may be institutionalized in the form of property rights (…)” (Bourdieu, 1983/1997, p.  47). In the case of the Finsterwalder Sängerfest, financial profits are gained especially with services related to the tradition. The celebration of the Finsterwalder Sängerfest regularly attracts about 100.000 participants and visitors (Bartels, 2019; Finsterwalder Sängerfest e.V., 2019). During the festival, the singers and visitors need accommodation, which generates economic revenues for the services provided by the regional hotel sector. Also local retailers, supermarkets, and especially gastronomic services economically profit from the festival. Furthermore, the Sängerfest serves as a source of income for entrepreneurs in the field of event technology. As there are ten stages on the festival area where live music is played day and night, especially stage builders, lighting engineers, and, most of all, sound engineers earn money during the Sängerfest. Moreover, the musicians performing on stage are payed (more or less) depending on their popularity and negotiation skills. Hence, through services provided in connection with the singing performances and the organisation of the Finsterwalder Sängerfest, cultural capital is converted into economic capital.

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Fig. 5.7  0-Euro-Schein sold at the Finsterwalder Sängerfest in 2018 (© Finsterwalder Sängerfest e.V., with courtesy)

The Finsterwalder Sängerfest is free of charge due to the Sängerfestverein covering expenses for the festival through sponsorships and donations. In order to keep it a free festival, the Sängerfestverein developed different strategies to enhance fundraising. One example is the ‘objectification’ of the tradition in the form of a NullEuro-Schein. This is a souvenir in the form of a banknote, depicting the Sänger monument and the first sentence of the Sängerlied’s lyrics (Fig. 5.7). Equipped with the original safety features of the conventional Euro banknotes, altogether 10.000 Sänger banknotes with the nominal value of zero Euro were printed and sold for the price of two Euros each. The banknotes are unique due to individual serial numbers and proved to be popular collectibles, as the association received 300 orders in 2018 before the the festival had even started. Thereby, an ‘objectification’ of the Sänger tradition helped to raise funds. This also evidences the donors’ identifying with the tradition, as they are induced to provide money for the festival’s future existence. Apart from their ‘objective’ production costs, the notes bear symbolic value due to their metaphorical reference to the Sänger tradition. The recognition of this value presupposes the ability to ‘decode’ the inherent message of the banknote ‘correctly’, which presupposes the possession of incorporated cultural capital, i.e., knowledge about the tradition (cf. Sect. 3.3.3). Moreover, as Bourdieu stated, the ‘encoded’ message may be best understood  – or ‘decoded’  – when the ‘producer’ and the ‘consumer’ of the cultural object have incorporated the same form of cultural capital (Bourdieu, 1984, p. 1). This means that the Sängerfestverein members who produced the banknote had probably ‘incorporated’ the same knowledge about the tradition as the people who had bought them. This further illustrates that the ‘growth-based’ utilisation of the Sänger tradition is promoted by its transmission,

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Fig. 5.8  Willingness to buy Sänger products according to the level of knowledge about the origins of the Sängerlied

involving the ‘incorporation’ of knowledge and skills. Vice versa, the example shows, that economic profits gained from the ‘objectification’ of the ICH practice may, in turn, also stimulate its future transmission. The interrelation between the transmission of ICH practices, involving the incorporation of knowledge and skills, and its efficacy in terms of ‘growth-based’ development is exemplified in a further aspect of the case study. In the interviews, the participants of the Finsterwalder Sängerfest were asked whether they knew of any products and services related to the Sänger tradition. This resulted in 145 mentions of 31 different Sänger products, services, associations, or other entities (cf. Sect. 4.1.3). Following this, the interviewees were asked whether they would prefer buying such Sänger products in the face of comparably cheaper products without any reference to the Sänger tradition. Overall, 65.2% would do so, while 34.8% would not. As it turns out, compared to their knowledge about the Sänger tradition, the knowledge level is positively associated not only with the interviewees’ knowledge of Sänger products, but also with their willingness to buy them (Fig. 5.8). As the table above shows, 73.4% of the interviewees with a high or very high level of knowledge about the tradition would buy Sänger products even if they were more expensive than similar products without a Sänger reference. Among the group with no or low knowledge, only 45.1% would do so. This shows that the more the interviewees knew about the Sängerlied, the more they were familiar with Sänger products and the more likely they were to spend money on them. In other words, as interviewees ‘incorporated’ more ICH-related cultural capital, it was more likelier that its ‘objectifications’ converted into economic capital. Among the mentioned ‘objectifications’ of the Sänger tradition were the Sängerfestbrot, the Sängerfestbier, the Stimmenöl, and other products like mugs,

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postcards, CDs, etc. Some of them are sold exclusively during the festival (e.g. the beer and the bread) and others are offered the whole year round, for example at the tourist information or via online shops. This way, the objectified forms of the Sänger tradition may provide sources of income for local businesses and entrepreneurs for the whole year. Thereby, the consumers’ knowledge about the tradition, i.e., their incorporation of ICH-related cultural capital, may positively influence their buying decision, as the survey data revealed. Apart from the creation of ICH-related objects, the ‘institutionalisation’ of the Sänger tradition may contribute to the acquisition of economic capital. Through the foundation of the Sängerfest association, its institutionalisation created a non-­ governmental organ, wherein ICH-related expertise is condensed and social networks are enlarged. This decisively facilitates the organisation of the festival and the initiation of fundraising activities, contributing to an increase of finances. Moreover, the Sängerfestverein as well as the label Sängerstadt bestow additional value on the tradition, resulting in a higher appreciation among the inhabitants, but also to the popularisation of the Sängerfest on national and international levels. This, again, may increase economic benefits for local and regional entrepreneurs and, thus, stimulate its future transmission. Also on an individual level, the members of the Sängerfestverein may profit from the institutionalisation of their tradition in economic respects. This cultural association brings together local entrepreneurs, politicians, and actors from the cultural sector. These representatives from rather different sectors of the economy meet regularly, as they all relate to the Sänger tradition. Thereby, political and business contacts may be established through which individual financial profits may be gained in the long run due to the ‘multiplier effect’. Thus, their collectively incorporated cultural capital is institutionalised and, eventually, converted into economic capital. In sum, the case study shows how ICH may manifest in ‘incorporated’, ‘objectified’, and ‘institutionalised’ states and how social and economic development may be stimulated by the conversions of these respective manifestations. Both, the ‘objectification’ and ‘institutionalisation’ of ICH, as well as their utilisation for development, are dependent on the transmission of ICH-related knowledge and skills, i.e., on the incorporation of cultural capital. In other words, without the steady practice of ICH-related knowledge and skills, neither ICH-related objects nor institutions promoting or ‘certifying’ its practice would exist. Moreover, the conversion of ‘objectified’ and ‘institutionalised’ ICH practices into social and economic capital is related to the amount of ‘incorporated’ ICH-related knowledge and skills. The examples show that the conversion of ICH-related cultural capital into social and economic capital may stimulate ‘growth-based’ development. In turn, this may promote processes of identity building on local and regional levels. Thus, the utilisation of ICH as a ‘driver’ of development may promote its future transmission, therewith enhancing the practitioners’ capabilities to express individual creativity and exercise cultural rights. This testifies to the interrelation of the two understandings of ICH being an ‘enabler’ and a ‘driver’ of sustainable development, rooted in paradigms of human and sustainable development. The two developmental

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potentials of ICH and their mutual dependencies are further condensed and illustrated with the help of a model of ICH valorisation in the following.

5.3  Model of ICH Valorisation The suggested model of ICH valorisation is derived from the conceptualisation of UNESCO’s definition of ICH (cf. Chap. 2) and theoretically framed by Bourdieu’s ‘Theory of Practice’ (cf. Chap. 3). Supported by the findings of the case study (cf. Chap. 4), this model takes into account the existence of ICH’s manifestations in ‘incorporated’, ‘objectified’, and ‘institutionalised’ states. The model illustrates how ICH in its different states may contribute to social and economic development, whereby – according to Chap. 5 – these processes are understood as conversions of capital. Thereby, the two understandings of ICH as an ‘enabler’ and a ‘driver’ of development are interlinked, reverting to the mutual interrelation of ‘growth-based’ sustainable development and human development (cf. Sect. 2.2). With the creation of a model of ICH valorisation, two basic objectives are met. First, the model illustrates in an intentionally simplified way the theoretical and practical insights of this

Fig. 5.9  Model of ICH valorisation. (Author’s illustration)

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book. Secondly, it follows to provide a conceptual foundation for implementing ICH’s developmental potentials into localised, regional agendas for sustainable development. In this sense, the term ‘valorisation’ is understood as a stimulation of sustainable heritage-based development. In sum, the model seeks to inspire heritage practitioners, local stakeholders, and actors from the fields of regional development and cultural policy to valorise their intangible cultural heritage for the benefit of heritage communities. In the illustration below (Fig. 5.9), the model of ICH valorisation is depicted in its final state. The following section will retrace the conceptual genesis of the model through a reconstruction and explanation of its singular components, leading to the complete visualisation of the model. The model systemises ICH’s role in developmental processes in two ways: first, it visualises the conceptualisation of ICH as cultural capital; and second, it reflects developmental potential as capital conversions. Its basic design consists of overlapping and diffusing circles in order to illustrate that the depicted processes run continuously, may operate in parallel, and are interrelated. Incorporated cultural capital, in the form of ICH-related knowledge and skills, forms the nucleus of the model. Because it is the condition of existence for the different manifestations of ICH, also the ICH-related developmental processes are based on it. Incorporated cultural capital may manifest in objectified and institutionalised states, and resultantly, ICH may also be ‘objectified’ and ‘institutionalised’. This point has been exemplified by the case study in Sect. 4.2. In the following scheme, the case study is applied once again in order to underpin the nucleus of the valorisation model with practical examples. The illustration above (Fig. 5.10) shows that the knowledge and skills related to the Finsterwalder Sängerlied are understood as ‘incorporated’ ICH, which forms the basis of the valorisation process. The lower circle indicates by which means the incorporated knowledge and skills related to the ICH of the Sängerlied are

Fig. 5.10  Nucleus of the valorisation model exemplified with Finsterwalder Sängerlied. (Author’s illustration)

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Fig. 5.11  Means of ICH objectification and institutionalisation. (Author’s illustration)

‘institutionalised’. As described in Sect. 4.2.3, the town, the local grammar school, and the surrounding region were named after the Sängerlied. Furthermore, an association was founded to keep the tradition going by regularly organising the Finsterwalder Sängerfest. The upper circle illustrates that the Finsterwalder Sängerlied is ‘objectified’ on two levels. On the one hand, there are objects that are indispensable to its continued practice. In case of the Sängerfest, this accounts for the costumes, which are needed for the ritual performance of the Sängerlied, and which characterise the Finsterwalder Sänger. Hence, these objects are understood as ‘primary objectifications’ of the tradition and positioned within the nucleus of the Sängerlied. On the other hand, the Sänger statue, the Sängerfest beer and bread, the Finsterwalder Stimmenöl, and the Null-Euro-Schein are understood as ‘secondary objectifications’ of the Finsterwalder Sängerlied. These elements are not needed for the ICH practice as such (the singing of the Sängerlied), however, the tradition still conditions their existence and they reinforce its ritual character. Either are they produced exclusively for the celebration of Finsterwalder Sängerfest, or ‘invented’ for other reasons, whereby they directly refer to the tradition through their labelling. Derived from the examples above, the following illustration (Fig.  5.11) summarises the basic means and methods of how ‘incorporated’ ICH may be ‘institutionalised’ and ‘objectified’. As the lower circle shows, an ‘institutionalisation’ of ICH may be expedited by the founding of clubs, societies, or associations, supporting the practice of the ICH element and its future transmission. Further, different labelling activities may contribute to the ‘institutionalisation’ of heritage practices. On the one hand, the heritage element may be labelled by international organisations (e.g. UNESCO), local community organisations (e.g. Stadt Finsterwalde), or associations (e.g. Sängerfestverein). On the other hand, the ICH element itself may serve as a regional

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brand or label to connect it to specific products or services (e.g. Sängerfestbier). Thereby, the ‘institutionalisation’ of ICH may function as a certificate for regional products of controlled origin or for designating ‘heritage places’ (e.g. Sängerstadt). The upper circle of Fig. 5.11 depicts ‘primary’ and ‘secondary objectifications’ of ICH. As stated before, ‘secondary objectifications’ refer to heritage-related products and services that are genuinely unnecessary for the practice as such. Such objects may be named after the tradition or relate to it in other ways, e.g. through their shape or their labelling. Hence, ‘secondary objectifications’ may represent both ‘objectifications’ and ‘institutionalisations’ of ICH practices. This is illustrated by the dotted arrow connecting the two respective circles. On the one hand, these items are direct ‘objectifications’ of the ICH element, as they would not exist without it. On the other hand, they are named after the ICH element, which bestows additional value on them. Through this reference, the symbolic meaning of these products may be recognised, preferably by people possessing relevant heritage-­ related knowledge, which may increase their financial revenue (cf. Sect. 5.2.2). The illustrations above helped to explain the different forms in which intangible heritage practices may manifest, namely, in ‘incorporated’, ‘objectified’, and ‘institutionalised’ states. In the following, it is illustrated that these different manifestations of heritage practices may be ‘drivers’ of development in that they contribute to ‘growth-based’ social and economic development. The model of ICH valorisation supports the conversion of capital as the central mechanism that allows ICH to function as a ‘driver’ of ‘growth-based’ developmental processes. As depicted in Fig. 5.12, ICH may contribute to social and economic development when cultural capital is converted into social and economic capital. The model’s nucleus is formed by the ‘incorporated’ knowledge and skills related to the ICH element, and is augmented by its ‘institutionalised’ and ‘objectified’ states. The dotted circles further illustrate that capital conversions can be stimulated

Fig. 5.12  Capital conversions conditioning the potential of ICH as a ‘driver’ of development. (Author’s illustration)

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by the ‘objectification’ and ‘institutionalisation’ of ICH. Thus, they are understood as means of heritage-based development, i.e., as means of ICH valorisation. The following paragraph exemplifies how these conversions can occur, namely through two means: first, through conversions of objectified cultural capital into social and economic capital; and, secondly through conversions of institutionalised cultural capital into social and economic capital. These instances are summarised and illustrated by examples from the case study. First, the ‘objectification’ of ICH may stimulate conversions of cultural into social and/or economic capital. In that it provides for occasions to enlarge social networks and to become member of social groups, the ‘objectification’ of ICH converts cultural into social capital. For example, the inauguration of the Sänger monument represents a social act that not only brought together political representatives, entrepreneurs and citizens, but also promoted a figurative group membership in a ‘singer’s community’ of a ‘singer’s town’ (cf. Sect. 4.2.3). Economic development may be stimulated by ‘objectifications’ of ICH, e.g., through the retail of heritage-­ related products and services, or converting cultural into economic capital. As the examples of the Sängerfestbrot, the Sängerfestbier, the Stimmenöl and other Sänger items show, such products may be sold at heritage festivals, whereby they contribute to economic development. ‘Objectifications’ can also exist in the form of services related to gastronomy, the hotel sector, or private businesses surrounding musical performances. The Finsterwalder Sängerfest then creates economic revenue on an entrepreneurial level as well. Second, the ‘institutionalisation’ of ‘incorporated’ ICH may also convert cultural into social and/or economic capital. In the form of labelling or branding activities, the ‘institutionalisation’ of ICH bestows added value on the heritage practice. Thus, it increases its social significance within the heritage community and converts cultural into social capital. For example, naming Finsterwalde as Sängerstadt heightened the town’s recognition value and contributed to regional identity building by instilling pride in the inhabitants that they live in a ‘unique’ place (cf. Sect. 4.2.3). Furthermore, ICH ‘institutionalisation’ in the form of associations, clubs, or societies may strengthen the members’ social networks and lead to an accumulation of new social relationships. Through social impact, such ‘institutionalisations’ of ICH may further support the acquisition of public and private donations, sponsorships, or subsidies of different kinds. This may in turn contribute to a gain in economic capital. In that sense, the founding of clubs and associations may also establish cooperation among regional companies and enterprises, yielding financial profit on entrepreneurial levels as a result of the ‘multiplier effect’ of social capital. Not only ICH practices including their practitioners may be ‘institutionalised’ and, thus, bestowed with added value, but also ICH objects. The labelling of ‘objectified’ ICH elements, which ‘certifies’ them as ‘heritage objects’, may contribute to their raised ‘scarcity value’ and a higher recognition factor, promoting their profitable retail within the heritage community and beyond. In sum, the ‘objectification’ and the ‘institutionalisation’ of ICH practices may contribute to social and economic development in their ‘growth-based’ understandings. The capital conversions result in quantifiable increases of either social contacts

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Fig. 5.13  Model of ICH valorisation

or financial income. Hence, they conceptualise the role of ICH as a ‘driver’ of development. However, these processes may simultaneously promote the building of individual and group identities and further stimulate the transmission of ICH, as the final model of ICH valorisation depicts (Fig. 5.13). In the final illustration of the valorisation model, ICH’s ‘driving’ role in the form of capital conversions is enclosed by a larger circle, which refers to the transmission of ICH. As the case study proved, the ‘growth based’ utilisation of the Sänger tradition in the form of ‘instutitonalisations’ and ‘objectifications’  – including their social and economic profits  – may reinforce its future transmission. In turn, the transmission of ICH is the precondition for ICH’s ‘driving’ function. Without it, no knowledge or skills could be ‘objectified’ or ‘institutionalised’, and thus, not converted into social or economic capital. Therefore, incorporated ICH forms the nucleus of the valorisation model. Because ‘incorporated’ ICH is a result of ICH transmission, the transmission conditions the whole valorisation process. In this sense, the ‘enabling’ function of ICH in developmental processes becomes apparent: the handing-down of ICH practices ‘enables’ their utilisation in ‘growth based’ development processes. Simultaneously, processes of individual and group identity building are stimulated, as was exemplified with the help of Bourdieu’s habitus concept (cf. Sect. 5.1). On the one hand, the transmission of ICH ‘enables’

References

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communities to gain social and economic profits in the sense of ‘growth based’ development. On the other hand, it ‘enables’ them to express their identities, and eventually enlargens their capabilities, to live self-determined lives in the sense of human development. In sum, the model of ICH valorisation takes into account a multidimensional interrelation between the roles of ICH as a ‘driver’ and ‘enabler’ of development. In the model, the transmission of ICH is understood simultaneously as the basis and the goal of the valorisation process. In this sense, ICH’s role as an ‘enabler’ of development incorporates its ‘driving’ function, just as the concept of human development comprises the notion of sustainable development. However, due to the context-­based definition of sustainable development, the community determines whether or not the heritage-based development promoted by the valorisation of ICH is truly sustainable.

References Aikawa, N. (2004, June 24). An historical overview of the preparation of the UNESCO international convention for the safeguarding of the intangible cultural heritage. Museum International, 2004(56), 137–149. https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/toc/14680033/2004/56/1%E2%80%902 Aikawa, N. (2005). The international convention for the safeguarding of the intangible cultural heritage: Addressing threats to intangible cultural heritage. In UNESCO (Chair), International Conference on Globalization and Intangible Cultural Heritage. Symposium conducted at the meeting of United Nations University, Tokio, Japan. Bartels, C. (2019). Gutes Beispiel: Finsterwalde. http://ueberallistesbesser.de/ gutes-­beispiel-­finsterwalde/ Bouchenaki, M. (2003, October 27). The interdependency of the tangible and intangible cultural heritage: Communication inaugurale/keynote address par Mounir Bouchenaki. Assistant Director General for Culture, UNESCO.  ICOMOS. 14th General Assembly and Scientific Symposium, Victoria Falls, Zimbabwe. http://www.icomos.org/victoriafalls2003/papers/2% 20-­%20Allocution%20Bouchenaki.pdf Bourdieu, P. (1977). Outline of a theory of practice. Cambridge studies in social anthropology: Vol. 16. Cambridge University Press. (Original work published 1972). Bourdieu, P. (1984). Outline of a sociological theory of art perception. In P.  Bourdieu (Ed.), European perspectives. The field of cultural production: Essays on art and literature: Part III: The pure gaze: Essays on art. Chapter 8 (pp. 1–27). Columbia University Press. Bourdieu, P. (1996). Distinction: A social critique of the judgement of taste (8th ed.). Harvard University Press. (Original work published 1979). Bourdieu, P. (1997). The forms of capital. In A. H. Halsey, H. Lauder, P. Brown, & A. Stuart Wells (Eds.), Education: Culture, economy and society (1st ed., pp. 46–58). Oxford University Press. (Original work published 1983). Bourdieu, P., & Wacquant, L. J. D. (Eds.). (1992). An invitation to reflexive sociology. Polity Press. Condominas, G. (2004, June 24). Researching and safeguarding the intangible heritage. Museum International, 2004(56), 21–31. https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/toc/14680033/2004/56/ 1%E2%80%902 Demotte, R. (2004, June 24). National policies concerning intangible cultural heritage: The example of Belgium’s French community. Museum International, 2004(56), 174–179. https:// onlinelibrary.wiley.com/toc/14680033/2004/56/1%E2%80%902

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Finsterwalder Sängerfest e.V. (Ed.). (2019). In Finsterwalde spielt die Musik! https://www. finsterwalder-­saengerfest.de/presse.html Kurin, R. (2007). Safeguarding intangible cultural heritage: Key factors in implementing the 2003 convention. International Journal of Intangible Heritage, 2, 9–20. Misiura, S. (2006). Heritage marketing. Elsevier Butterworth-Heinemann. http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/book/9780750663182 Stadtverwaltung Finsterwalde (Ed.). (2015). Chöre, Gesang und Musik. https://www.finsterwalde. de/wohnen-­und-­leben/38-­choere-­und-­gesang Stadtverwaltung Finsterwalde (Ed.). (2016). Sängerdenkmal. https://www.finsterwalde.de/ tourismus/stadtrundgang/152-­saengerdenkmal UNESCO. (2001). Universal declaration on cultural diversity. . http://www.unesco.org/new/ fileadmin/MULTIMEDIA/HQ/CLT/pdf/5_Cultural_Diversity_EN.pdf UNESCO. (2003, October 17). Convention for the safeguarding of the intangible cultural heritage. Paris. https://ich.unesco.org/en/convention UNESCO. (2014). Culture for development indicators: Methodology manual. Paris. UNESCO. www.unesco.org/creativity/cdis UNESCO. (2015). Intangible cultural heritage and sustainable development. http://unesdoc. unesco.org/images/0024/002434/243402e.pdf UNESCO. (2018). Operational directives for the implementation of the convention for the safeguarding of the intangible cultural heritage. . van Zanten, W. (2004, June 24). Constructing new terminology for intangible cultural heritage. Museum International, 2004(56), 36–44. https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/toc/14680033/2004/5 6/1%E2%80%902 Wulf, C. (2005). Crucial points in the transmission and learning of intangbile heritage. In UNESCO (Chair), International Conference on Globalization and Intangible Cultural Heritage. Symposium conducted at the meeting of United Nations University, Tokio, Japan. Wulf, C. (2016). Immaterielles kulturelles Erbe: Aktuelle Entwicklungen und grundlegende Strukturelemente. Die Tonkunst. Magazin Für Klassische Musik Und Musikwissenschaft, 10(4), 371–377. Wulf, C. (2017). Mimesis. In A.  Kraus, J.  Budde, M.  Hietzge, & C.  Wulf (Eds.), Handbuch Schweigendes Wissen: Erziehung, Bildung, Sozialisation und Lernen (1st ed., pp. 144–154). Beltz Juventa. Wulf, C., & Zirfas, J. (2012). Performativität. In C. Wulf & J. Zirfas (Eds.), Handbuch. Handbuch pädagogische Anthropologie (1st ed., pp. 515–524). VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften.

Chapter 6

Conclusion

Abstract  This chapter contains a summary of how the model of ICH valorisation was developed in this book. With the help of Bourdieu’s ‘Theory of Practice’ and a case study, the potentials of ICH as a ‘driver’ and an ‘enabler’ of development were brought together, reflecting the affiliation between human and sustainable development. The valorisation model conceptualises how ICH can exist as cultural capital in three different states, and how it can convert into social and economic capital. Additionally, it considers the transmission of ICH as both a fundamental component and outcome of the valorisation process. The model of ICH valorisation is intended to cater to the asserted lack of empirically tested or theoretically founded explanations of the interrelation between ICH and development and provides an approach to the valorisation of ICH beyond UNESCO’s scope. The chapter closes by addressing the model’s potential scope of application as well as its limitations, need for further research, and possibilities of its advancement. Keywords  Heritage valorisation · Intangible heritage · Pierre bourdieu · Cultural capital · UNESCO · Capital conversion This book systematically approached ICH's relation to both, sustainable development and human development. To this end, the roles of ICH as a ‘driver’ and an ‘enabler’ of development were explored on theoretical and practical levels, whereby the development notions promoted by UNESCO conditioning the normative character of the 2003 Convention were considered. Taking into account the definition of ICH and its supposed potential as a ‘guarantee of sustainable development’, the work ultimately suggested a model of ICH valorisation that utilises these potentials beyond the scope of the 2003 Convention. The social mechanisms conditioning the relationship between ICH and development were studied based on the ‘Theory of Practice’ by Pierre Bourdieu. Thereby, the concepts of habitus and capital served as methodological tools to examine the identity-building effects of ICH practices, as well as their potential to foster ‘growth based’ social and economic development. This showed that ICH practices may be approached as forms of cultural capital, which manifest in incorporated, objectified, © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 M. Meissner, Intangible Cultural Heritage and Sustainable Development, Heritage Studies, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-79938-0_6

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and institutionalised states. Based on that, this work conceptualised developmental potentials of ICH practices as being determined by the conversion of cultural into social and into economic capital. The analysis further revealed that, analogous to the inheritance and incorporation of cultural capital, which form the habitus, the practice of ICH may influence individual and group identities. This conceptualisation of the link between ICH practices and developmental processes was examined on a practical level with the help of a case study. The case study on the Finsterwalder Sängerfest, a tradition celebrating the singing of the Finsterwalder Sängerlied, is based on 166 standardised oral and written interviews conducted during the three-day festival in 2016. The questionnaire assessed the interviewees’ motivations to visit the Finsterwalder Sängerfest, their factual knowledge about the origins of the tradition, the degree of their identification with the tradition, their knowledge about products and services related to the tradition and their willingness to buy them, as well as demographic data. The case study exemplified that, like cultural capital, the knowledge and skills related to the Finsterwalder Sängerlied appear in ‘incorporated’, ‘objectified’, and ‘institutionalised’ states. It was further illustrated that and how the different manifestations of ICH-related cultural capital are converted into social, as well as economic capital. The capital conversions, in turn, initiate ‘growth based’ developmental processes, as they transform ICH-related knowledge and skills into social relations and financial profit. Thus, the function of ICH as a ‘driver’ of sustainable development was illustrated on a practical level. Analogous to Bourdieu, who showed that the incorporation of cultural capital affects the formation of the habitus, the case study demonstrated that the practice of ICH may contribute to the building of individual and group identities. In this sense, the Sängerfest community was understood as a group of people who incorporated similar types of ICH-related cultural capital, e.g. the lyrics and melody of the Finsterwalder Sängerlied. Moreover, the transmission of ICH was conceptualised as an inheritance of cultural capital, and involved mimetic processes and the ‘incorporation’ of ‘tacit’ knowledge. Thereby, ICH-related knowledge and skills are transmitted from generation to generation. Further promoted by the ritual character of ICH practices, the mimetic ‘knowledge transfer’ contributes to the ‘inscription’ of morals, values, beliefs, and worldviews into the habitus of the practitioners. In this context, the ‘fossilisation’ of ICH practices was approached as a consequence of the hysteresis of the habitus. Moreover, with the unconscious incorporation of ICH practices, power relations may be consolidated in unnoticed compliance with the following generation. Alternatively, through the modification of the ICH practices by younger practitioners, these power relations might also be challenged or questioned, e.g. regarding long established gender imbalances. This way, individuals and groups may creatively express themselves and exert their cultural rights through ICH practices in the sense of human development. Apart from demonstrating how ICH practices may take effect as means of individual and group identity building, the case study further illustrated that they may also serve as means of social distinction. It turned out that the heritage community of the Finsterwalder Sängerfest consists of at least four sub-groups who practice the

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ICH element in different ways as related to their respective social backgrounds. This affirms Bourdieu’s theoretical interrelation of capital and field, according to which the same form of cultural capital may be interpreted and, hence, valued differently in diverse social groups and situations. As a consequence, the different groups celebrated the tradition in different styles at distinct places throughout the festival area, whereby social distance was reflected in spatial distance. Nevertheless, the different practices were all related to one and the same tradition. This provided an occasion for the community members to experience alterity within their own heritage community. In its double function as medium of identity building and for the experience of alterity, ICH may advance feelings of tolerance and solidarity, ideally contributing to processes of peacebuilding. The potentials of ICH as a ‘driver’ and an ‘enabler’ of development were brought together in the suggested model of ICH valorisation, reflecting the affiliation between human and sustainable development. The model conceptualises how ICH can exist as cultural capital in three different states, and how it can convert into social and economic capital. This acknowledges the potential of ICH as a ‘driver’ of ‘growth based’ social and economic development. Additionally, the model conceptualises the transmission of ICH as both a fundamental component and outcome of the valorisation process. In this sense, the model illustrates the capacity of ICH as an ‘enabler’ of development. The model of ICH valorisation is intended to cater to the asserted lack of empirically tested or theoretically founded explanations of the interrelation between ICH and development. As it is conceptually based on Bourdieu’s concepts of habitus and capital and backed empirically by the results of a case study on a ’non-listed’ ICH element, it provides an approach to the valorisation of ICH beyond UNESCO’s scope. In sum, the model aims at providing heritage practitioners, as well as cultural and political stakeholders, with a structured suggestion on how to recognize and harness the developmental potential of their heritage practices, irrespective of their relationship to UNESCO.  Thereby, it serves as an example of how the 2003 Convention may make practical impact beyond its administrative mechanisms, like in the controversial nomination and listing procedures. In other words, the model may offer communities the possibility to profit from the developmental potentials of ICH as suggested by the Convention while simultaneously avoiding the possible negative consequences of a UNESCO nomination. Pierre Bourdieu’s ‘Theory of Practice’ was chosen as the methodological framework for the present research because it offers the opportunity to conceptually unite the identity-building effects of ICH practices with their potentials for ‘growth based’ development. In this sense, the habitus and capital concepts served as methodological tools to analyse the social and developmental significance of ICH practices. Thus, the capital theory was applied in a way that deviated from its original intention to highlight the inheritance of social inequalities. While this work acknowledges that properties of capital, which function as means of social dominance and power exertion do exist, the main focus was set on the mechanisms of capital inheritance and conversion in order to conceptualise heritage-based developmental processes. According to Bourdieu’s theory, the possession of different forms of capital

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determines the actors’ positions in social space. Hence, capital is acquired and deployed in order to ‘defend’ or improve social positions. This especially accounts for the transmission of cultural capital, which Bourdieu deemed to be the most effective way to reproduce social inequalities, as its inheritance mostly happens unnoticed due to its unconscious incorporation. It was not a specific objective of this book to consider the social power relations immanent in the different forms of capital. However, this might be a rewarding field of follow-up research. To consider ICH as a form of cultural capital may serve as a methodological approach to analyse how power is exerted through and by heritage practices. As with the transmission of ICH, morals, values, and worldviews are transported from one generation to the next, and social power relations are also reproduced. This becomes apparent in the context of discriminating gender roles inherent in some ICH practices which, despite UNESCO’s recommendations, are hard to alter. That ICH practices implicitly function as stabilisers of social power structures becomes most obvious in case of heritage interventions, adaptations, or re-interpretations. This was exemplified with the suggestion that female members of the Sänger community could replenish the traditional male committee of the Finsterwalder Sängerkarneval. The initiative was stopped immediately because it had caused storms of protest, including threats of resignation from (elderly) male association members. Similar reactions can be observed in case younger community members reinterpret ICH elements with a ‘modern twist’, as it is the case with new choirs performing contemporary pop music at the Finsterwalder Sängerfest. That older community members feel urged to ‘defend’ the (in their view) ‘original’ and ‘correct’ way of practicing heritage hints at how loss and gain of power is negotiated with and through ICH. Further research could elucidate how ICH practices are pervaded by power relations or deployed as ‘weapons’ in social struggles. In this respect, further research on the relevance of the hysteresis effect for the ‘fossilisation’ of ICH practices may generate new insights on the mechanisms impeding the intergenerational transmission of ICH practices. As explained earlier in this work, the habitus may be characterised by inflexibility as a result of its historicity. In cases of swift political developments or rapid changes due to migration, globalisation, or social mobility, the inertia of the habitus makes it sometimes impossible for actors to adapt their actions to new living conditions. This means that the actors continue to carry out practices appropriate in the social context in which their habitus evolved, but which are no longer relevant within the changed environment. The hysteresis of the habitus might affect heritage practices, for example, in case heritage bearers understand the safeguarding of ICH as preserving a ‘historically correct’ performance. This may prevent younger generations from endowing ICH with a contemporary relevance, which would contribute to its ‘musealisation’ and eventually lead to its extinction. Understood in terms of heritage practices, the ‘hysteresis effect’ could offer a conceptual basis on which risk factors determining the ‘need of urgent safeguarding’ of ICH can be identified. The insights related to it might generate new approaches for the transmission of endangered ICH practices. Apart from providing a possibility to evade the political aura of UNESCO’s 2003 Convention, the examination of ICH practices with the help of a sociological theory

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acknowledges the interdisciplinary nature of Heritage Studies as a research field. It extends the classic diachronic view on heritage in terms of intergenerational transmission over time by a synchronic perspective as to its varying adaptations across different social strata. With this in mind, this approach sheds light on the contemporary relevance of heritage practices for social distinction and identity building. It also adds a theoretical perspective to the academic heritage discourse, which is currently dominated by descriptive case studies. In turn, the application of Bourdieu’s capital theory to the concept of ICH also helps to clear up the widely spread misunderstanding that his concept of cultural capital exclusively refers to knowledge and skills related to ‘high’ or ‘elite’ culture. According to Bourdieu’s relativist epistemology, this works exemplifies that cultural capital may refer to ‘legitimate’ ‘high culture’ as well as to an informally acquired skill like singing a folk song. This research was influenced by UNESCO’s affirmation of the potential of ICH for sustainable development in the context of the 2003 Convention. Hence, the methodological approach of this work was designed to elucidate the connection between ICH and sustainable development. As comprehensive document analyses showed, sustainable development is a normative concept with varied meanings that depend on the political, social, and economic contexts in which they are applied. The ‘three-pillar model’, as it was introduced earlier in this work, incorporates social, economic, as well as ecological dimensions of sustainability. However, the model of ICH valorisation as the basic outcome of this research only conceptualises how social and economic development may be triggered by ICH practices. It does not feature an ecological dimension, as it is based on Bourdieu’s capital theory, which focuses on cultural, social, and economic capital as the central forms of capital. Nevertheless, the valorisation model would allow for a construction of ‘ecological capital’ as a separate capital form. For example, if the consumption of ‘imported’ goods would be reduced in favour of ICH-related objects which are produced with regional raw material, transportation routes were shortened. This could minimise carbon emissions and, hence, contribute to ecological sustainability. In this sense, further research on the connection between cultural practices and ecological concerns could complement the valorisation model by an ecological dimension, analoguously to the three-pillar model of sustainable development. In the course of the present research work, UNESCO’s endeavours to establish culture as the fourth pillar of sustainable development were also considered. The suggested model of ICH valorisation is related to an understanding of ‘culture’ as a ‘resource’ for development, as UNESCO demanded in the Hangzhou Declaration. In this regard, the valorisation model also corresponds to UN’s SDG No. 4, wherein culture, including cultural heritage, is recapitulated as knowledge and skills, which are needed to promote sustainable development. In demonstrating how to stimulate sustainable development with ICH practices, the valorisation model inevitably links the respective heritage communities to developmental processes through the concept of capital incorporation. Hence, according to the model, ICH practices cannot be valorised without an active involvement of the local community as the bearers of the ‘cultural resources’ on which the valorisation process are based. This way, the model advances the integration of the values and aspirations of the ICH community

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into public planning activities, supporting community involvement as a basic necessity of sustainable development. An in-depth analysis of chapter VI of the ODs showed that the recommendations provided by UNESCO on how States Parties could integrate ICH into their development strategies are rather unspecific. The ODs are missing concrete action plans and draw on UNESCO-specific language, possibly preventing stakeholders from outside the UNESCO context from recognising the developmental potential of their ICH. The model of ICH valorisation may complement the ODs’ recommendations by providing a structured approach on how to utilise listed and non-listed heritage practices for the stimulation of sustainable development. Thus, it may be applied to any type of heritage practices, irrespective of its ‘official’ acknowledgement as ICH, and regardless of the status of the nation state wherein it is practiced. The application of the model to other ICH practices would be necessary to test its validity and to further refine and facilitate its practical utilisation. It is one of the major aims of the valorisation model to work beyond UNESCO’s scope. This means that it is also detached from the ‘checks and balances’ offered by the 2003 Convention, which aim to ensure that no one is excluded from the right to practice ICH, and that not just a few benefit from its developmental potentials (van Ginkel, 2005, p. 23). In this sense, the model does not offer any controlling mechanism concerning the ways in which the ICH element is transmitted, e.g. in regard to possibly harmful forms of power exertion, or with respect to who profits from it socially and economically. The model’s application and ultimate goals are generally determined by the individuals and groups deploying it. Thus, it is beyond its scope whether the social and financial rewards are used to sustainably strengthen the local community or whether tourism stimulated by the valorisation does not harm the ICH element. In this sense, the model of ICH valorisation has a purely descriptive character without any normative implication, corresponding to Bourdieu’s concept of the ‘cultural arbitrary’, according to which the values attached to cultural practices are negotiated within social fields. Thus, ICH communities themselves  – although not necessarily consciously  – bestow social and/or economic value on their ICH practices and, hence, define the ‘success’ of the valorisation process. This further corresponds to sustainable development as an ‘ontologically open’ concept, whereby goals and implementation methods are determined in the light of the respective context. Accordingly, it is the heritage communities’ responsibility to specify and ensure the goals and implementation of the developmental processes stimulated by their practices. Regarding the potential of ICH practices to contribute to peacebuilding and equity, the research results are ambiguous. As the case study confirmed, the incorporation of the same heritage-related knowledge and skills may serve as a basis on which heritage communities are constituted. Shared cultural capital may enhance regional identity building and foster social cohesion, ideally contributing to mutual understanding and equity among the members of the ICH community. However, the case study also showed that ICH practices may be used by community members to unconsciously or consciously delineate from each other. The style in which individuals use their heritage in order to distinguish themselves from other members of

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the same community is related to their respective social position. This indicates that social inequalities are reflected in ICH practices. As suggested earlier, this may provide occasions for the community members to experience alterity, ideally resulting in the advancement of mutual tolerance. In this sense, the findings could be indicators of the inclusive potential of ICH practices, offering the possibility for different social groups to express their respective identities. Conversely, the findings may also be interpreted in a way that suggests that the practice of ICH contributes to the maintenance or even consolidation of social inequalities. Different interpretations and practices of an ICH element may evoke conflicts between community members, which impedes social cohesion and mutual tolerance. In this regard, further research is needed to examine if and to what extent different practices of a heritage element may contribute to the fragmentation of heritage communities, or whether they are promoters of inclusiveness that allow for cultural diversity ‘under the umbrella’ of a single form of ICH. In sum, by providing a framework for the integration of ICH into developmental strategies and local policies, the model of ICH valorisation is intended to encourage heritage communities to actively participate in heritage-based development. It offers the possibility to evade the normative tenor of the 2003 Convention and the UNESCO-specific language used in the ODs, as it draws upon a theory and presents a case study situated outside of the UNESCO discourse. Thereby, the model of ICH valorisation complements other research projects investigating the connection between cultural heritage and development beyond UNESCO’s scope of action. However, the absence of any normative framework also means that the model does not provide any orientation in ethical regards as to the goals pursued with its application. This means that it does not give recommendations on how to ensure that the profits gained from the valorisation process are used in sustainable ways. The model is limited to conceptualise the conversion of cultural into economic and social capital, i.e. the transformation of ICH into social relationships and financial rewards, contributing to its future transmission. In which ways and for what purposes the financial and social benefits gained from ICH practices are deployed in developmental strategies depends on the respective political, social, and economic contexts. To adjust the ICH valorisation process to the principles of sustainability lies in the hands of the involved communities.

Reference van Ginkel, H. (2005). Cultural heritage, identity formation and change in a globalizing world (In UNESCO (Chair), International conference on globalization and intangible cultural heritage). Symposium conducted at the meeting of United Nations University.