The Contexts of Painted Pottery in the Ancient Mediterranean World (Seventh – Fourth Centuries BCE) 9781407309514, 9781407339320

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BAR S2364 2012

The Contexts of Painted Pottery in the Ancient Mediterranean World (Seventh – Fourth Centuries BCE)

PALEOTHODOROS (Ed)

Edited by

Dimitris Paleothodoros

THE CONTEXTS OF PAINTED POTTERY

B A R

BAR International Series 2364 2012

The Contexts of Painted Pottery in the Ancient Mediterranean World (Seventh – Fourth Centuries BCE) Edited by

Dimitris Paleothodoros

BAR International Series 2364 2012

ISBN 9781407309514 paperback ISBN 9781407339320 e-format DOI https://doi.org/10.30861/9781407309514 A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

BAR

PUBLISHING

Contents Contents .................................................................................................................................. i List of illustrations .................................................................................................................ii List of tables .......................................................................................................................... iv Introduction ............................................................................................................................ 1 D. Paleothodoros Early Sixth-Century Directional Trade: The Evidence of Attic Early Black-Figured Pottery....................................................................................................... 5 A. Alexandridou Sex and the Athenian woman: A contextual analysis of erotic vase-paintings from attic graves of the 5th century BC.......................................................................... 21 D. Paleothodoros Red-Figure Pottery from Minoa on Amorgos ...................................................................... 41 M. Manoledakis Forme, immagini e rituali: osservazioni sulla ceramica attica dalle necropoli di Marzabotto.................................................................................................................. 81 V. Baldoni Adria e Forcello: Alcune considerazioni sulla ceramica attica figurata proveniente dagli abitati ................................................................................................. 93 F. Wiel-Marin Birth and development of red-figured pottery between Sicily and South Calabria ....................................................................................................... 101 D. Elia

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List of illustrations D. Paleothodoros: Sex and the Athenian woman: A contextual analysis of erotic vase-paintings from attic graves of the 5th century BC Figures 1-2. Ceramicus cemetery, tomb t. HW 198 ............................................................. 25 Figures 3. Athens, Kerameikos Museum 2713, red-figured alabastron ............................... 25 Figures 4-5. Athens, Kerameikos Museum 2713, red-figured alabastron ............................ 26 Figure 6. Athens, Kerameikos Museum 1063, red-figured askos ........................................ 28 Figures 7-9. Athens Kerameikos Museum, red-figured nuptial lebes .................................. 29 Figures 10-11. Ceramicus, tomb Tomb HTR 278 ................................................................ 30 Figure 12-13. Athens, Kerameikos Museum, black-figured alabastron ............................... 31 Figures 14-16. Athens, Kerameikos Museum 1487, red-figured lekythos ........................... 32 Figure 17. Piraeus Museum, inv. 6252 ................................................................................. 33 M. Manoledakis: Red-Figure Pottery from Minoa on Amorgos Figure 1. Topographical sketch of the hill of Minoa. The positions where fragments of red-figure vessels were found are indicated with red dots ......................................... 42 Figure 2. Plan of the city of Minoa, recording the positions where fragments of red-figure vessels were found.................................................................................... 42 Figure 3. Detailed sketch of the wall with tower-like structure ........................................... 43 Figure 4. Sketch of the area of the triangular tower ............................................................. 43 Figure 5. Distribution of fragments from identifiable areas of the vessel, by vessel form................................................................................................................. 74 Figure 6. Statistical table of firmly identified forms. The columns on the right (kraters, skyphoi, kylixes) list the fragments that probably belong to vessels of the specific type ............................................................................................. 74 Figure 7. Chronological distribution of red-figure fragments .............................................. 76 V. Baldoni: Forme, immagini e rituali: osservazioni sulla ceramica attica dalle necropoli di Marzabotto Figura 1. Marzabotto. Ceramiche di importazione nel Museo di Villa Aria, sala V ............ 82 Figura 2. Cratere a figure nere da una necropoli di Marzabotto; perduto ............................ 83 Figura 3. Marzabotto, Museo Nazionale Etrusco “P. Aria”, inv. 335. Stamnos attico a figure nere da una tomba della necropoli orientale .............................. 83 Figura 4. Marzabotto. Stamnos a figure nere ....................................................................... 84 Figura 5. Oon a figure nere da una tomba di Marzabotto; perduto ...................................... 86 Figura 6. Marzabotto. Lekythos a vernice nera da una tomba del sepolcreto nord ............... 86 ii

Figura 7. Marzabotto, Museo Nazionale Etrusco “P. Aria”, inv. 242. Askos a vernice nera da una tomba della necropoli nord ................................................ 87 Figura 8. Marzabotto, Museo Nazionale Etrusco “P. Aria”, inv. 530. Kantharos configurato a figure rosse da una tomba della necropoli nord ...................... 88 Figura 9. Marzabotto, Museo Nazionale Etrusco “P. Aria”, inv. 135. Lekythos a figure rosse da una tomba della necropoli est ............................................... 89 F. Weil-Marin: Adria e Forcello: Alcune considerazioni sulla ceramica attica figurata proveniente dagli abitati Figura 1. La pianura padana e i tre centri di Adria, Forcello e Spina ................................... 93 Figura 2. Presenza delle tre classi di ceramica attica negli abitati di Adria e Forcello......... 94 Figura 3. Presenza delle forme vascolari negli abitati di Adria e Forcello ........................... 95 Figura 4. Forcello (Bagnolo S. Vito, MN), kylix inv. st. 99377 [1985; R 18; l 18; US 90], un fr. di fondo-stelo.............................................................. 96 Figura 5. Forcello (Bagnolo S. Vito, MN), kylix inv. st. 163810 [28.05.2008; R 19; r 4; US 2136], un fr. di fondo-stelo ................................................. 96 Figura 6. Forcello (Bagnolo S. Vito, MN), stemless cup inv. st. 163811 [31.05.2005; R 18; e 13; US 844; RR 914], due frr. contigui di fondo-piede ................ 96 Figura 7. Forcello (Bagnolo S. Vito, MN), stemless cup inv. st. 99385 [1985, Q R 13], due frr. contigui di fondo-piede ............................................................ 96 Figura 8. Forcello (Bagnolo S. Vito, MN), skyphos inv. st. 163297 [23.09.2008; R 18; a-b 12-14; US 2239], un fr. di orlo-parete ....................................... 96 Figura 9. Forcello (Bagnolo S. Vito, MN), skyphos inv. st. 163299 [24.09.2008; Q 18; u 16, t-u 17, t 18; US 2166], un fr. di orlo-parete con due fori di antico restauro ....................................................................................... 96 Figura 10. Forcello (Bagnolo S. Vito, MN), skyphos inv. st. 99337 [R18; m 4; US 2], un fr. di orlo-parete ........................................................................... 97 Figura 11. Forcello (Bagnolo S. Vito, MN), skyphos inv. st. 99338 [R 18; p 3; US 2; RR 219], un fr. di parete ..................................................................... 97 Figura 12. Forcello (Bagnolo S. Vito, MN), skyphos inv. st. 99365 [R 18; u 6; US 2], un fr. di orlo ...................................................................................... 97 Figura 13. Forcello (Bagnolo S. Vito, MN), skyphos inv. st. 99364 [R 18; US 2], un fr. di orlo-parete .................................................................................. 97 Figura 14. Forcello (Bagnolo S. Vito, MN), kantharos inv. st. 99315 [R 18; q 2; US 2], un fr. di parete ................................................................................... 98 Figura 15. Forcello (Bagnolo S. Vito, MN), kantharos inv. st. 163801 [09.09.2008; R 18; a-b 16-17; US 1785], un fr. di orlo-parete ....................................... 98 Figura 16. Forcello (Bagnolo S. Vito, MN), kantharos inv. st. 40716, un fr. di orlo-parete ......................................................................................................... 98 Figura 17. Forcello (Bagnolo S. Vito, MN), kylix inv. st. 164307 [09.09.2009; S 17; f 19; US 2208; RR 1209], un fr. di fondo ........................................ 98 Figura 18. Forcello (Bagnolo S. Vito, MN), kylix inv. st. 163809 [2005], un fr. di fondo in prossimità dello stelo ............................................................. 99 Figura 19. Forcello (Bagnolo S. Vito, MN), skyphos inv. st. 99383, un fr. di orlo-parete ......................................................................................................... 99 Figura 20. Forcello (Bagnolo S. Vito, MN), stemless cup inv. st. 163857 [01.10.2008; R 18; US 2267], un fr. di orlo-parete-fondo-piede .................................... 99 D. Elia: Birth and development of red-figured pottery between Sicily and South Calabria Figure 1. Distribution map of the Chequer Group ............................................................. 107 Figure 2. Calyx-krater by the Chequer Painter ................................................................... 107

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Figure 3. Distribution map of the Santapaola Painter ........................................................ 107 Figure 4. Calyx-krater by the Santapaola Painter ............................................................... 107 Figure 5. Distribution map of the Himera Group ............................................................... 108 Figure 6. Calyx-krater by the Himera Painter .................................................................... 108 Figure 7. Distribution map of the Locri Group .................................................................. 108 Figure 8. Dinos by the Locri Painter .................................................................................. 108 Figure 9. Bell-krater by the Locri Painter from Selinus ..................................................... 109 Figure 10. Bell-krater by the Locri Painter from Locri ...................................................... 109 Figure 11. Examples of figures attributed to the careless trend in the Locri Group: a, c) from Locri; b) from Lipari .................................................................................... 110 Figure 12. Painter of Kylix 105400: kylix and details ........................................................ 111

List of tables A. Alexandridou: Early Sixth-Century Directional Trade: The Evidence of Attic Early Black-Figured Pottery Table 1. Late seventh-century Distribution of Early Black-Figured Attic Vases ................... 6 Table 2. Early sixth-century Overseas Shape Distribution of Early Attic Black-Figured Vases ........................................................................................................ 8 Table 3. Early Sixth-Century Shape Circulation in the Mediterranean .................................. 8 Table 4. Representation of Early Sixth-Century Painters in Attika and the Mediterranean .................................................................................................... 12 Table 5. Late Seventh-and Early Sixth-Century Overseas Shape Circulation according to Painters ...................................................................................................... 13 Table 6. Distribution of Early Sixth-Century Sympotic Shapes in Attika and the Mediterranean (ca. 600-575 B.C.)...................................................................... 15 D. Elia: Birth and development of red-figured pottery between Sicily and South Calabria Table 1................................................................................................................................ 103

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INTRODUCTION: THE CONTEXTS OF PAINTED POTTERY IN THE MEDITERRANEAN (7TH-4TH CENTURIES BCE)* Dimitris PALEOTHODOROS

During the recent past, archaeological contexts have been a major concern for specialists of Greek pottery. It is surely no accident that the majority of recent conference proceedings and collections of studies on the field chose to focus upon the consumer (e.g. Villanueva-Puig et alii 1999, 331-479; Scheffer 2001; Schmaltz and Söldner 2003; de la Genière 2006; Fortunelli and Masseria 2009; the thematic exhibitions – conferences on Gela – Panvini and Giudice 2004 and Camarina, in 2008, to be published by Filippo Giudice; a conference organized in 2008 at the Free University of Brussels focused upon clients and trade of pottery, as well), rather than upon the producer of painted vases (Oakley and Palagia 2009 is a significant exception). Nowadays, there can be no serious attempt to analyze the organization of the ceramic workshops, the iconography of painted pots and the ideology of the craftsmen, without fully taking account of the process of commercialization, distribution and usage of the vases in their last destination, even if the latter might have been very much different from the one originally intended by their producer (see e.g. Arafat and Morgan 1994; Morgan 2004). Voices arguing that “a good archaeologist loses nothing in ignoring the Etruscan tomb where the vase that he studies comes from” (Ortiz 1993, 203), sound strikingly dissonant today, no doubt thanks to a general awareness of archaeologists that the lack of context of a painted vase usually means that the vase has been illegally excavated (see Gill and Chipindale 2000; for markets, see Nørskov 2002).

pottery studies became a sub-discipline of the history of ancient art. Even in the field of iconography, most scholars accepted the strange idea that the vase-painters were working having in mind an ideal Athenian client in the home market, without even taking trouble to notice the fact that the majority of their vases was not consumed locally (Webster 1972; Lissarrague 1990; Osborne 2007). Meanwhile, specialists of Italian and Iberian archaeology start to realize that the artistic superiority of Athenian products cannot be accounted to explain the vast popularity of imported vases in their areas of interest. Greek vases became an important constituent part of the archaeological landscape of past Mediterranean societies, especially in Italy and the Black Sea Area. With the “paradigm shift” of classical archaeology towards the study of social relationships and forms of symbolic expression (Snodgrass 2002), it seems as if the line is taken up by specialists of Greek archaeology. Thanks to the pioneer study of James Whitley on the contexts of protoattic pottery (Whitley 1994), scholars now widely accept the usefulness of contextual approaches of painted pottery for the social historian and the archaeologist alike. The study of the archaeological context is a crucial factor for informing the modern interpreter about the ways ancient Greeks and their clients viewed the images that are painted on their pots. These objects are usually vehicles of important and complex messages, not only in their quality of being objects of prestige and symbols of elite consumption, but also as bearers of images and inscriptions.

The idea that the archaeological context is important for the study of vases and their images goes back to one of the leading figures of the early history of pottery studies, Sir William Hamilton (Jenkins and Sloan 1996). This pioneer student and collector of Greek vases has been the first to realize that his ideas about the Greek origin of painted vases could have been substantiated only if excavations prove the presence of this particular type of artifact in tombs excavated in mainland and insular Greece (see Burn 1997, 248-249). But the link of ceramic studies with archaeology and antiquarian curiosity has been temporarily broken first by two generations of German positivists, in the second half of the 19th century and then by the “era of attributions” inaugurated by a series of seminal articles by Beazley in the 1910’s (von Bothmer 1987). The tendency to regard Greek vases as art objects, already present in the mind of the first excavators at the 18th century prevailed and ancient Greek

While it can no longer be sustained that the traditional art-historical approaches of ancient painted pottery are of little or no value at all (Vickers and Gill 1994, 191-200), it is plain nowadays that the type of traditional approach to vase-painting based solely on the study of style of painting and of the technique of potting cannot answer to all our questions, especially when dealing with provincial or colonial schools of vase-painting (see the papers in Denoyelle et alii 2005 for Apulian red-figure; see Denoyelle and Iozzo 2009, for an overview on italic fabrics; Elia, in this volume). This shift is exemplified in the more grey area of ceramic studies, the study of South Italian pottery, where the old-fashioned “attributionist” school of Arthur Dale Trendall had dominated the discussions, until very recently. Nowadays, scholars have started to ask again questions about the relationship of find-spot to the localization of the workshop, while the

 I would like to thank Vassilis Zervoulakos, Ph. D. candidate and experienced translator, for help with the English texts.

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THE CONTEXTS OF PAINTED POTTERY IN THE MEDITERRANEAN (7TH-4TH CENTURIES BCE)

movement of craftsmen is taken more seriously under consideration.

Bibliography ARAFAT, K. and MORGAN, C. 1994. Athens, Etruria and Heuneburg: mutual misconceptions in the study of Greek-barbarian relations, in Ancient Histories, Modern Archaeologies, edited by I. Morris. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press: 108-134.

However, it would be unwise to suggest that contextual analysis should replace all other areas of ceramic studies. As a methodology, it has its own limitations, since the majority of painted pots in museums and collections have not any recorded provenance. Consequently, this method should not be advertised as a new all-encompassing approach to the study of Athenian vase-painting, but rather as a methodological tool to check some of our generalizing interpretations of their imagery and meaning against what the people who use those vases really thought about them. As I argue in my paper, “contextual analysis of painted vases found in funerary contexts as a means of unveiling trustworthy facets of ancient mentality”, is the safer way for developing “emic” approaches of ancient societies (for examples, see Paleothodoros 2009 and 2010).

BURN, L. Sir William Hamilton and the Greekness of Greek Vases, Journal of the History of Collections 9.2: 241-252. CHIPPENDALE, C. and GILL, D.W.J. 2000. Material Consequences of Contemporary Classical Collecting, American Journal of Archaeology 104: 463-511. DENOYELLE, M. et alii 2005. La céramique apulienne. Bilan et perspectives. Actes de la Table ronde organisée par l’école française de Rome en collaboration avec la Soprintendenza per i Beni Archeologici della Puglia et le Centre Jean Bérard, 30 novembre – 2 décembre 2000), Naples, Centre Jean Bérard. DENOYELLE, M. and IOZZO, M. 2009. Céramique grecque d’Italie méridionale et de Sicile, Les Manuels d’Art et d’Archéologie Antiques, Paris, Picard.

The papers that form up this collection of studies originate in a session organized by the present author at the 15th Annual Meeting of the European Association of Archaeologists at Riva del Garda, in 15-20 September 2009. Papers by Vincenzo Baldoni (Università di Bologna), Federica Wiel Marin (University of Bochum), Diego Elia (Università di Torino) and Dimitris Paleothodoros (University of Thessaly) where presented there. It was decided afterwards to add to this small nucleus two more studies, both by Greek scholars, Alexandra Alexandridou (Open University of Cyprus) and Manolis Manoledakis (International University of Thessaloniki), who have been invited to participate at the Garda session, but had to decline the invitation for lack of time. In that way, the volume acquired a balance, since it is composed of studies focusing on the crucial aspect of the reception and consumption of Greek pottery in various different Italic societies (Baldoni and WielMarin) and the much less undervalued question of the archeological interpretation of Attic pottery in Greek contexts (Paleothodoros and Manoledakis). Moreover, Alexandridou addresses the question of trade and commissions, at the heyday of true Attic black figure, in the first quarter of the sixth century, while Elia’s paper has broad methodological implications, since it challenges the results of the traditional art-historical approach of Locrian vase-painting in favor of a more subtle analysis that contains a much broader discussion of Locrian society and its ideology.

FORTUNELLI, S. and MASSERIA, C. (ed.). 2009. Ceramica attica da santuari della Grecia, della Ionia e dell’Italia, Atti Convegno Perugia 14-17 marzo 2007, Lavello, Osanna Edizioni. de la GENIERE 2006 (ed.). Les clients de la céramique grecque, Actes du Colloque de l’Académie des Inscriptions et Belles Lettres, Paris 30-31 janvier 2004, Cahiers du Corpus Vasorum 1, Paris, De Boccard. JENKINS, I. and SLOAN, K. 1996 (ed.). Vases & Volcanoes. Sir William Hamilton and his Collection, London: The British Museum Press. MORGAN, C. 2004. Attic Fine Pottery of the Archaic to Hellenistic Periods in Phanagoria, Phanagoria Studies 1, Colloquia Pontica 10, Leiden, Brill. NØRSKOV, V. 2002. Greek Vases in New Contexts, Aarhus, Aarhus University Press. OAKLEY, J.H. and PALAGIA, O. 2009. Athenian Potters and Painters II, Oxford, Oxbow Books. ORTIZ, G. 1993. The Collector and the Regulation of the Art Market, in La libre circulation des collections d’objets d’art, edited by Q. Byrne-Sutton and M.-A. Renold. Zürich, Schulthess Polygraphische Verlag A.G. PALEOTHODOROS, D. 2009. Archaeological Contexts and Iconographic Analysis: Case Studies from Greece and Etruria in The World of Greek Vases, edited by V. Nørskov, L. Hannestad, C. Isler-Kerényi and S. Lewis, Analecta Romana Istituti Danici – Supplementum XLI, Rome, Edizioni Quasar: 45-62.

Very often context studies involve the analysis of fresh material. In that respect, Wiel-Marin and Manoledakis offer some invaluable insights on the ways excavation pottery should be treated and interpreted. Elia and Baldoni focus on both old and new material from excavation, while Paleothodoros and Alexandridou are “revisiting” and challenging widespread concepts that make part of current orthodoxy, like the absence of organized trade of the products of the Athenian Kerameikos in the earlier 6th century, or the much debated “female subjectivity” on Athenian pots destined to the people of Athens.

PALEOTHODOROS, D. 2010. Light and Darkness in Dionysiac Rituals as Illustrated on Attic Vase Paintings of the Fifth Century BCE, in Light and Darkness in Anciente Greek Myth and Religion, edited by M. Christopoulos, E.D. Karakantza and O. 2

D. PALEOTHODOROS: INTRODUCTION

VICKERS, M. and GILL, D.W.J. 1994. Artful Crafts, Ancient Greek Silverware and Pottery, Oxford, Clarendon Press.

Levaniouk, Lanham – Boulder – New York – Toronto – Plymouth, Lexington Books: 237-260. PANVINI, R. and GIUDICE, F. Ta Attika. Veder Greco a Gela. Ceramiche Attiche Figurate dall’Antica Colonia, Rome, “L’Erma” di Bretschneider.

VILLANUEVA-PUIG, M.-Ch. et alii (eds.) 1999. Céramique et peinture grecques. Mode d’emploi: actes du colloque international, École du Louvre 2627-28 avril 1995, Paris: La documentation française.

SCHEFFER, Ch. (ed.) 2001. Ceramics in Context. Proceedings of the Internordic Colloquium on Ancient Pottery held at Stockholm, 13-15 June 1997, Stockholm, Amlqvist and Wiksell International.

Von BOTHMER, D. Two Hundred Years of Connoissership, in Papers on the Amasis Painter and his World, edited by M. True, Malibu, The J. Paul Getty Museum: 184-204.

SCHMALTZ, B. and SOLDNER, M. (edd.) 2003. Griechische Keramik im kulturellen Kontext. Akten des internationalen Vasen-Symposions in Kiel vom 24.-28.9. 2001, Münster, Scriptorium.

WHITLEY, J. 1994. Protoattic Pottery: A Contextual Approach, in Ancient Histories, Modern Archaeologies, edited by I. Morris. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press: 51-70.

SNODGRASS, M. 2002. A Paradigm Shift in Classical Archaeology?, Cambridge Archaeological Journal 12.2: 179-194.

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EARLY SIXTH-CENTURY DIRECTIONAL TRADE: THE EVIDENCE OF ATTIC EARLY BLACK-FIGURED POTTERY* Alexandra ALEXANDRIDOU

Abstract: The early sixth century witnesses the first steps towards a wider circulation of Attic early black-figured vases in the Mediterranean. Although the surviving evidence is limited, pointing to a small-scale production largely destined for local consumption, its circulation does not seem random, but a certain degree of organization and specialization can be clearly recognized. Based on the corpus of the existing material, which has been enriched the last years, the aim of the present article is to discuss in detail the distribution of Attic early sixth-century shapes, as well as the organization of the pottery production within the Attic workshops at the time. It will be claimed that the adoption of a number of Corinthian shapes and their animal style must have largely contributed to the development of the trade of the Attic figure-decorated vases. The predominance of “corinthianising” is not merely a result of imported Corinthian vessels or of potters’ movements, but a conscious choice from the part of the Attic workshops in order to promote their products overseas.

INTRODUCTION 

Beazley’s catalogues served as the basis for studying the circulation of specific groups of pottery in the Mediterranean or the concentration of imported Greek pottery at a particular site (history of research on distribution studies: Stissi 1999a and 1996b; for recent studies on trade and circulation, see Oakley 2009, 612613). The last decades brought publications of Athenian material from several sites, as well as a synthesis of its export to the Mediterranean during the late seventh and early sixth centuries (Rosati 1989). Apart from studies focusing on the distribution of Attic vases overseas, James Whitley and Robin Osborne attempted to approach contemporary social history, based on the evaluation of the circulation of seventh-century Protoattic pottery within Attika (Osborne 1989; Whitley 1994.). The contextual analysis of the vase shapes provided important insights into the social behaviour of the Attic élite.

Being the most durable form of material evidence, fine painted pottery is “the archaeological trademark of the Greek presence overseas” (Osborne 1996, 31). It was transported almost everywhere in large quantities and it is the main source of information concerning the trade of commodities. Circulation studies and endeavours at using pottery as a tool for understanding ancient trade and colonisation are not new phenomena (Payne 1931, 181209; Dunbabin 1948; Roebuck 1959). Although style and iconography primarily occupied research, the earliest studies on the distribution of Athenian pottery date to the first half of the twentieth century (Richter 1904-1905; Bailey 1940). By that time, the ceramic evidence was limited, while unsolved issues concerning dating and attribution were factors that prevented scholars from extracting secure conclusions. In 1959, Cook’s stimulating article on the value of Greek painted pottery in the study of ancient trade resulted in a growing interest in this area of research (Cook 1959). Some decades later, the radical view of Michael Vickers and David Gill that painted vases were simply slavish copies of metal vessels, although strongly criticised by a number of scholars, did set an agenda far from stylistic matters, sparking scholarly interest on issues concerning pottery production, as well as trade and distribution mechanisms (Vickers 1984; 1985-1986; Vickers & Gill 1994. For the criticism: Boardman 1987; Cook 1987). Questions on the production, distribution and perception of vases by the buyers are currently largely preoccupying scholars, as indicated by a number of publications of relevant conference proceedings (see for example Rouillard and Verbanck-Pierard 2003; Schmaltz and Soldner 2003. The proceedings of the recently organised conference “Pottery markets in the ancient Greek world”, 19-12 June 2008, University of Brussels, will be soon published).

Despite the increasing interest in this domain, a number of important limitations must be taken into serious consideration (Stissi 1999a, 351-355; Boardman 2001, 293-296). The most important is the awareness that the distribution of Greek pottery is not representative of the ancient circulation pattern and that the available evidence is only a small fraction of the original overall production. Therefore, the study of the mechanisms of trade, based on the distribution of fine pottery, remains very complex with scholars often appearing pessimistic (Cook 1959, 115; Boardman 1979, 33.). The trade of the early Attic black-figured pottery -examined in detail here- has been already treated by a number of scholars. In 1981 Tiverios discussed its circulation until the middle of the sixth century (Tiverios 1981, 151-171). Using mostly Beazley’s catalogues, he mapped the presence of distinct Attic workshops in Greece and Mediterranean sites, drawing the contrast with the reality of the seventh century, when Attic vases, were only circulating within Attika, Aegina excepted. More interestingly, he associated the ‘corinthianising’ character of the early sixth-century Attic production with

 I would like to warmly thank Dr. Amalia Avramidou for reading an earlier draft of this paper and for sharing her views on a number of relevant issues.

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THE CONTEXTS OF PAINTED POTTERY IN THE MEDITERRANEAN (7TH-4TH CENTURIES BCE)

Karouzou 1963; 1982; 1985; Alexandridou 2008; 2009). Like their Protoattic counterparts, whose shapes, dimensions and style of decoration largely follow, they were mainly produced to satisfy local needs.

the desire of the workshops to promote their products (Tiverios 1981, 155-158). Curry’s article of 2000 only focused on the second and third quarters of the century, although the title announced the examination of the vase-circulation in the early sixth century. From the early generations of black-figure painters, Sophilos is only briefly mentioned. Curry elaborated more on the Komast Group and the Polos Painter -the latter being active in the second and not the first quarter of the sixth century-, since she considered them as the only two workshops providing sufficient evidence for the study of the shape production. Due to the limited amount of available material, mostly being of unknown provenance, she mostly appears pessimistic about the possibilities of detecting the degree of organization of the pottery production and distribution (Curry 2000, 86-87). These difficulties are mentioned by Osborne too, who underlines the dangers for misleading conclusions concerning this early period (Osborne 1996, 33-34).

The only site outside Attika, which yielded a sequence of imported Attic vases already from the early seventh century, is Aigina. The island produced cooking pots for local use and imported painted vessels from Athens and Corinth. Attic vase exports there were continuous during the seventh and sixth centuries (Walter-Karydi 1997). Attic and Corinthian pottery was found at the sanctuary of Apollo at Kolona and the town of Aigina, while some of the Protoattic vessels (now in Berlin), as well as of the earliest black-figured, probably derive from graves around the island (Eilmann et al. 1938; Kraiker 1951; Felten 1982; Walter-Karydi 1997; for specific contexts, see Morris 1984, 4-8). The earliest black-figured fragments have been associated with the Painter of Berlin A34 (f.e. Berlin, Antikensammlung, A34: ABV 1.1; Eilmann et al. 1938, pls. 22-23; Athens, National Museum 2226: Walter-Karydi 1997, fig. 14) and the Nessos Painter (see characteristically Berlin, Pergamonmuseum, F1682-now lost-: ABV 5.4, Beazley 1951, pl. 5.2; Aegina, Archaeological Museum 565: ABV 3.1; Kraiker 1951, pl. 45, no. 565; Aegina Museum 2799: Walter-Karydi 1997, fig. 16). They primarily belong to large open vessels –kraters and skyphos-kraters–, as well as to supports, coming from mortuary contexts, where they possibly served as markers. The shapes, exported for this purpose, do not differ from those produced by the same potters and found at the contemporary Attic necropoleis. The Aeginitans apparently appreciated the quality of the Attic vases. The size and the elaborate decoration of the seventh-century examples from funerary contexts are demonstrative of the wealth and taste of the purchasers (Walter-Karydi 1997, 393).

Despite the already expressed scepticism, new material has been added to the existing corpus and even though the amount of the preserved pottery, dating early in the sixth century, still remains limited, for the most part it comes from known contexts and it seems to be adequate for extracting a number of interesting conclusions on the organization of the vase-production and its distribution beyond Attika. Shape is here used as the main tool for studying pottery circulation, thanks to its main role as a trade factor. THE DISTRIBUTION OF THE LATE SEVENTHCENTURY BLACK-FIGURED VASES (Table 1) The vast majority of the earliest Attic black-figured vases, dating to the last quarter of the seventh century, comes from Attika, primarily from funerary contexts, with the North necropolis of Vari in the Attic countryside revealing a large amount of the contemporary evidence (for the necropolis and some of the black-figured finds, see Lemerle 1936, 460; 1937, 451; Karo 1936, 123-125; Riemann 1937, 121-124; Walter 1940, 175-178;

The number of known late seventh-century figuredecorated fragments found at distant sites is too limited. Three amphora fragments by the Nessos Painter and his circle were found at Cerveteri in Etruria (Leipzig, Kunstgewerbemuseum, ABV 5.3; Beazley 1951, pl. 2.1), Smyrna (Tuna-Nörling 1995, pl. 10, 169) and Samos (Vathy Museum K6797: Kreuzer 1998a, pl. 1.1). In

Table 1. Late seventh-century Distribution of Early Black-Figured Attic Vases 300 200 100 0 Attika

Aigina

W. Asia  Minor

Etruria

6

A. ALEXANDRIDOU: EARLY SIXTH-CENTURY DIRECTIONAL TRADE: THE EVIDENCE OF ATTIC EARLY BLACK-FIGURED POTTERY

2006; Sabetai 1993, 129-146 and 2009), comes from the sanctuary on the south slope of the Acropolis, dedicated to the Nymphe, an independent mythical figure, who was probably considered the main protector of marriage, with her name being identical with the ancient Greek word for bride (Kyrkou 1997b, 902; Brouskari 2004, 35-36; Parker 2005, 442-443; Mösch-Klingele 2006, 11-19). The discovery of a classical inscription at the sanctuary and the decoration of a red-figured loutrophoros with the wedding of Admetos and Alkestes have been considered as signs of a chthonic character of the Nymphe at that time. It remains unknown, whether she had a similar character earlier or it was acquired over time (Brouskari 2004, 36; Kyrkou 2000, 287-297).

addition, two unattributed olpai and a lebes, found at Delos and Naukratis respectively (Delos, Archaeological Museum 591: ABV 15.27; Dugas 1928, pl. 44; London, British Museum 88.6-1.566: ABV 15.22, Beazley Archive 300155), as well as a fragment from Naukratis (Alexandria, Greco-Roman Museum 19866: Venit 1988, pl. 61, 268) and another from Histria (Bucarest, Inst. d’Arch. 21001: Alexandrescu 1978, pl. 33, no. 302) date to the very end of the seventh century. The character of the evidence is too scanty impeding any conclusions concerning particular links between the Attic workshops and these markets. It is possible to argue that the vases coming from the sanctuaries of Delos, Naukratis and Samos could have been bought in Athens and carried by dedicators to be offered to the worshipped deities.

The shape of the loutrophoros is also present among the earliest finds from the sanctuary of Nemesis at Rhamnous, where at least during the sixth century a close link between the goddess and women can be traced with the loutrophoros possibly pointing to nuptial rites too, and not to an alleged funerary role in connection the goddess’s chthonic character, as it has been recently suggested (Petrakos 1999, 188-190, 196-197. According to the sources, order and indignation are associated with Nemesis: Parker 2005, 406-407, 476). Only two loutrophoroi are known to have been found outside Attika, one at Naukratis (London, British Museum, 88.61.570b-c, 1965.9-30.759: Venit 1982, pl. CIV) and another at Aegina (Aegina Museum 1987, 1988: ABV 41.35; Bakır 1981, pl. 87, no. 185). Only two shoulder fragments were preserved from the Aegina example and the recognition of the shape is not secure.

THE EARLY SIXTH-CENTURY AND THE FIRST STEPS TOWARDS A DYNAMIC TRADE OF ATTIC BLACK-FIGURED VASES (Tables 2 and 3) The beginning of the sixth century brought important changes in the distribution of Attic figure-decorated vessels. Despite the limited amount of the pottery production and therefore the small number of exported vessels, especially when compared to the evidence dating later in the sixth century, a number of interesting patterns can be traced. On one hand, the representation of vessels that can be assigned to particular painters at a number of sites does not seem to be accidental, while on the other the pottery circulation must have clearly presupposed a certain degree of organization of its production and distribution.

The louterion, a spouted wide krater, seems to have primarily served funerary purposes. As a carrier of water, its content could have offered the purification needed after death, while satisfying the thirst of the deceased (Ginouvès 1962, 244; Callipolitis-Feytmans 1965, 42-43; Andronikos 1968, 2-4; Kurtz and Boardman 1971, 150151; Parker 1983, 35; Rodhe 2000, 162-166). These chthonia loutra must have been libations necessary to rites of passage such as death (Thimme 1964, 16-29; Danforth & Tsiaras 1982, 13; Parker 1983, 35; Garland 1985, 72-74). Since the Geometric period, the shape was associated with tomb and ancestor cults: a number of elaborate louteria attached to a support, many of which date to the period under consideration, were discovered at the dromos of the Mycenaean tomb at Menidi, where they must have been used for libations (Wolters 1898 and 1899; Callipolitis-Feytmans 1965, 43-65). The early black-figured examples are concentrated in Attika with many examples coming from the North necropolis of Vari (i.e. Athens, National Museum, 16386; Athens, National Museum, 16387; Athens, National Museum, 16385; Athens, National Museum, 19168; Athens, National Museum: Callipolitis-Feytmans 1965, fig. 7bis, 1). Only a few examples were found outside Attika (Aegina [Berlin, Pergamonmuseum, F1682, now lost: ABV 5.4, Beazley 1951, pl. 5, 2; Aegina Museum: Hünnekens 1987, pl. 2, 1-2; Aegina Museum: Kraiker 1951, pl. 43, no. 563: this last example is not securely identified], Kerkyra [Corfu Museum, E.61.09: Para 19;

Aigina, the main finding spot for Attic pottery in the last quarter of the seventh century, continued to receive vases also in the early sixth, but it was now the coastal sites of Asia Minor, the Heraion at Samos, as well as Naukratis, which seem to have become the primary markets for Attic products at the time. The exports to Etruria, South Italy and Sicily, as well as the Iberian Peninsula remain limited before the second quarter and especially the middle of the sixth century. The evidence from Naukratis led to the assumption that Attic vases aimed at certain markets, where Corinthian ware was not dominant (Venit 1984, 153-154). At these sites the imports of Corinthian ware may be limited, but there is a strong presence of East Greek vases. The Attic circulation should not be after all seen in isolation, but it must be examined in the wider context of the large amounts of East Greek pottery that has been discovered, and with which it was probably carried (Sørensen 2001, 156). Despite the growing interest in exports, it is not all the shapes that are chosen to be sent beyond Attika; several continue to be exclusively or largely produced for internal consumption. This is the case of shapes serving ritual or funerary purposes, like loutrophoroi, louteria, and plates. The majority of the known loutrophoroi, a shape closely associated with nuptial rites (Mösch-Klingele 1999 and

7

THE CONTEXTS OF PAINTED POTTERY IN THE MEDITERRANEAN (7TH-4TH CENTURIES BCE)

Table 2. Early sixth-century Overseas Shape Distribution of Early Attic Black-Figured Vases

Spain

S. France

Etruria/S.Italy/Sicily

W. Asia Minor

Naukratis/Kyrenaica

Black Sea

Korinthia

Aigina

160 140 120 100 80 60 40 20 0

Table 3. Early Sixth-Century Shape Circulation in the Mediterranean S/P

Aigina

Korinthia

Black Sea

Νaukratis Kyrenaica

Western Asia Minor

Etruria South Italy Sicily

Southern France

Spain

Skyphos Krater

2

–

–

–

–

–

–

–

Column Krater

–

2

2

19

6

3

1

–

Lebes

3

1

5

13

26

9

5

1

Oinochoe/Olpe

9

4

3

24

16

11

2

–

Skyphos

–

14

–

2

5

5

–

2

Cup

4

14

4

9

25

24

6

10

Kantharos

–

–

–

3

1

–

–

–

Loutrophoros

–

–

–

–

–

–

–

–

Louterion

3

–

–

–

1

–

–

–

Plate

–

–

–

–

1

–

–

–

Amphora

4

–

3

10

21

12

2

1

Horsehead Amphora

–

2

–

15

6

30

–

–

Hydria

–

–

–

1

3

–

–

–

Lekane

8

1

6

18

26

9

1

1

Lekythos

–

4

–

2

2

1

–

–

Aryballos

–

–

–

–

1

–

–

–

Exaleiptron

1

1

–

–

2

–

–

–

Amphoriskos

–

–

–

1

–

–

–

–

Total

34

43

23

117

142

104

17

15

Callipolitis-Feytmans 1965, pls. Vb, VI-VIII] and Phokaia [Ankara, Archäologisches Institut der Universität: Bakır 1981, pls. 15-17]). With the exception of the example from Phokaia, all were discovered in funerary contexts.

Feytmans 1974; for the Geometric and Protoattic plates, see Brann 1962, 45-46). The shape was primarily attested on the Athenian Acropolis. Only very few Attic plates were found in domestic and cultic contexts elsewhere. Isolated examples are known from Naxos (Naxos Museum, AE 76b/137: Bikakis 1985, pl. 34), Corinth (Corinth Museum, C-29-154: Brownlee 1987, pl. 16, no. 35) and Lesbos (Williams and Williams 1986, pl. 2), while Naukratis revealed two examples (London, British Museum B601.25 and 601.23, Oxford, Ashmolean

The early sixth-century plate, not common in the Attic black-figure repertory, was destined for funerary and religious purposes rather than domestic, and was mainly recovered from sanctuaries and cemeteries (Callipolitis8

A. ALEXANDRIDOU: EARLY SIXTH-CENTURY DIRECTIONAL TRADE: THE EVIDENCE OF ATTIC EARLY BLACK-FIGURED POTTERY

Museum, 16394: Karouzou 1982, figs. 4-5; Athens, National Museum 16396; Athens, National Museum, Vlastos collection: ABV 2.3; Athens, National Museum 16398). Their dimensions, quality of decoration and their attribution to painters not attested elsewhere imply special commissions for a particular funerary ceremony.

Museum G128 and Toronto, Royal Ontario Museum c46: ABV 9.19; Callipolitis-Feytmans 1974, pl. 15, 4; Brussels, Musées Royaux, A1862: Mayence and Verhoogen 1950, pl. 28, 11), which were offered as dedications, like those from the Athenian Acropolis. Except for vessels for funerary and religious purposes, fine-decorated carrying shapes, like amphorae and hydriai, largely remained in Attika too. A large amount of early sixth-century one-piece and neck-amphorae were found in the Athenian Agora, where they served domestic needs (for the assumption that a well points to the existence of a house: Young 1939, 139; Brann 1962, 108; Moore and Philippides 1986, 1. Papadopoulos seriously challenged this idea for Early Iron Age: Papadopoulos 2003). Their quality suggests that they did not satisfy everyday storage needs, which were probably met by large plain vessels or transport amphorae. The shape appears in a number of sites overseas, primarily in domestic or cultic contexts, but in most cases the discovered examples are isolated. The only exceptions are Naukratis and the Heraion of Samos. The special type of one-piece amphorae, known as horsehead, seems to have been more widely distributed (Birchall 1972; Picozzi 1971; 1972 and in particular Kreuzer 1998c). Etruria yielded an important number of this type of amphorae; they were probably imported for their contents, before finding their way to the tomb (Kreuzer 1998b, 111). The necessity for oil and wine also explains the concentration of horsehead amphorae at Tell Defenneh, a site which seems to have served as a settlement with verified Greek presence mostly after 570 B.C. (Venit 1982, 567-570; Möller 2000, 34-35, 204205). Unlike horsehead amphorae, fine-decorated examples were not common in graves: a few examples are known from Etruria and South Italy. A comparable situation is observed in Attika at the time. The known early sixth-century amphorae from the Attic cemeteries are very few (Athens, National Museum, Para 7, 9ter, Brann 1959, pl. 44, 4; Athens, National Museum, 1036, ABV 38, 2, Bakır 1981, pls. 30-33) and the shape appears almost exclusively in the wells of the Athenian Agora and in sanctuaries. On the other hand, late seventh-century one-piece amphorae largely served funerary purposes: they could be used as urns (Eleusis, Archaeological Museum Z21: ABV 679; Μylonas 1975, pl. 307) or markers (Athens, Kerameikos Museum, 658, ABV 3, Kübler 1970, pls. 89-91). Late seventh-century funerary neck-amphorae derive exclusively from Attika. With the exception of an example from the south-east cemetery of Vari (Athens, National Museum: Callipolitis-Feytmans 1985, figs. 15-16), they are all concentrated in the trench associated with tumulus I of the North necropolis of Vari (Athens, National Museum 16380; Athens, National Museum 16389: ABV 2.1, Karouzou 1985, figs. 1-2; Athens, National Museum, 16390, New York, Metropolitan Museum, 38.11.10: Hünnekens 1987, pl. 134, 1-10; Athens, National Museum 16395; Athens, National Museum 16391, ABV 2.2; Karouzou 1985, figs. 3-4; Athens, National Museum 16392: ABV 2.2, Karouzou 1982, fig. 12; Athens, National Museum 16393: ABV 2.1; Karouzou 1982, fig. 1; Athens, National

Although early sixth-century fine-decorated hydriai are not numerous and the shape did not occupy an important place in the contemporary shape production, their distribution is indicative of the tendency for storage shapes to be confined to local use. The funerary function of the hydria in Attic cemeteries might explain the limited overseas distribution of the shape. A number of examples, many of which are of local production, were concentrated at the trenches of the North necropolis of Vari (Athens, National Museum 19191: Bakır 1981, pls. 72-75; Athens, National Museum 19185; Athens, National Museum 18913; Athens, National Museum 19033; Athens, National Museum 19193; Athens, National Museum, no.), while the shape is twice represented in a contemporary trench excavated in the Kerameikos (Athens, Kerameikos Museum 8405: Kreuzer 1997, fig. 6. The second example from the same trench is unpublished). Isolated examples are known from Corinth (Corinth Museum C-59-1: Brownlee 1987, pl. 12, 2), Smyrna (Izmir Museum: Boardman 1958-1959, pl. 33, 2) and Naukratis (Cambridge, Museum of Classical Art NA 201: Venit 1982, pl. CXXXI), but the Heraion of Samos revealed two (Vathy Museum K1210 and K6834: Kreuzer 1998a, pls. 15-16 and 16.71 respectively), which can be associated with the ritual symposia, taking place during Hera’s festivals (Kreuzer 1998a, 33-34). In contrast to the funerary, ceremonial and carrying vessels, a number of shapes seem to have been produced primarily to be exported, since they are found in great quantities overseas, in some instances concentrated at particular sites. This is evident in the case of the kantharos (Courbin 1953; Rasmussen 1979, 105 and 1985, 38; Brijder 1988, 109-111). Only six early sixthcentury examples are known, half of which were discovered at Naukratis (Cambridge, Fitzwilliam Museum N131.71, London, British Museum B601.14: ABV 26.29; Beazley and Payne 1929, pl. XV, 17; London, British Museum, B601.16 and 44: ABV 28.3, Beazley and Payne 1929, pl. XV, 4-5; London, British Museum B600.50: Beazley and Payne 1929, pl. XV, 19). The exceptional quality of the vessels underlines their special votive character. The shape’s similarity with the Chian chalices, found in large numbers at the site, might imply that the Attic potters could recognize Naukratis as an ideal market for this particular shape (Venit 1982, 138). The aim of the Attic workshops to direct their products towards particular markets is also obvious in the cases of the distribution of the lekane and the olpe. The shapes are of Attic origin and they have been widely distributed overseas, having a strong presence in Attika too. The shape of the lekane, deriving from the Late Geometric bowl, a descendant of the large Geometric

9

THE CONTEXTS OF PAINTED POTTERY IN THE MEDITERRANEAN (7TH-4TH CENTURIES BCE)

plate with return handles (Brann 1961, 365; 1962, 44), seems to have been introduced in the Attic repertory by the Nessos Painter during the last quarter of the seventh century (Lioutas 1987, 69-86). At that time and until the first decades of the sixth, lekanai are found exclusively in Attic necropoleis, with all the known seventh-century examples recovered from a trench at the North necropolis of Vari (For the examples by the Nessos and Panther Painters, cf. Karouzou 1963). During the early sixth century, lekanai appear in the wells of the Athenian Agora and as offerings on the Acropolis, but the shape has still a strong presence in cemeteries of the Attic countryside rather than the Kerameikos. Only two examples by the Kerameikos Painter from the latter site date to the first quarter of the sixth century (Athens, Kerameikos Museum 41: ABV 19.5; Kübler 1970, pls. 94-96; Athens, Kerameikos Museum 39: ABV 19.6; Kübler 1970, pls. 93, 97). At the same time, a large number of lekanai is known from outside Attika, primarily from habitation and cultic contexts. The shape is represented at many sites of the Western coast of Asia Minor, mostly settlements, while the Heraion of Samos also revealed an important amount (Kreuzer 1998a, pl. 28, 125-131). An interesting concentration is observed at Naukratis, where the shape seems to have been considered ideal offering, possibly filled with perishable goods. The examples from Etruria and more distant western sites are much more limited. A large amount of the lekanai found overseas has been assigned to the KX Painter and Sophilos. Only very few decorated by both painters were found in Attika. Examples by the KX Painter are known from the Athenian Agora, the Acropolis and the Vourva tumulus (Athens, Agora Museum P 19483: Moore and Philippides 1986, pl. 91, no. 1310; Athens, Agora Museum P 1130: ABV 24.8; Moore and Philippides 1986, pl. 92, no. 1336; Athens, Agora Museum AP 1558a-b: ABV 24.6; Roebuck 1940, fig.15, 44; Athens, National Museum 296: ABV 24.7, Lioutas 1987, pl. 13, 1-2). In particular the three known lekanai by Sophilos were all found in a long trench associated with the tumulus at Vourva in the Attic countryside (Athens, National Museum 997: ABV 41.29; Bakır 1981, figs. 107-110; Athens, National Museum 998 and 999: ABV 41.28 and 30; Bakır 1981, fig. 105 and 106).

western sites. Only one ring-collar oinochoe is known from Naukratis, but it is by the KY Painter (Boston, Museum of Fine Arts 88.1036: ABV 31.5; Venit 1982, no. B311).

The shape of the olpe, prominent in the repertory of the Gorgon Painter and his circle, is found in large quantities on Aigina, the coast of Asia Minor, as well as Etruria. Although very few examples from Attika can be assigned to the Gorgon Painter himself, none of his is found overseas, where all the known examples have been associated with the so-called Group of the Early Olpai, formed of painters stylistically close to him. The majority was found at Naukratis, where other shapes of this group are absent (two lekanai in the manner of the Gorgon Painter are the only exceptions [Alexandria, GraecoRoman Museum 17030: Venit 1988: pl. 62. 275; Toronto, Royal Ontario Museum 910.234.20: Venit 1982: pl. CLXX]). Ring-collar oinochoai are also decorated in the manner of the Gorgon Painter, and, with the exception of a single example from the Agora, they were all found in

Unlike their weak presence in Attika, large numbers of column-kraters and dinoi are known from sites of Western Asia Minor, Naukratis and Kyrenaica. Although rare in Etruria, South Italy and Sicily, these sympotic shapes appear in the tumuli of Cortona, pointing to special connections between Attika and Cortona at that time (Grassi 1992; Paribeni 1992). The shape of the dinos was prominent in the repertory of Sophilos. With a single exception from the Acropolis (there is one more example from the Acropolis [Athens, National Museum, Acropolis Collection, 1.586: ABV 43.5; Bakır 1981, pl. 83. B17] and one from the Kerameikos [Athens, Kerameikos Museum: Bakır 1981, pl. 84. B28], which however do not belong to the painter himself but his circle), the rest were destined for overseas markets. In a particular case, there is positive evidence for the vessel to have been specially

Unlike the lekane and the olpe, the number of the early sixth-century symposium shapes found in Attika is limited when compared to those found overseas. The skyphos is the only exception. If accidents of preservation are excluded, the production of banqueting ware does not seem to have been destined to serve local needs, but rather foreign customers, playing an important role in the development of overseas Attic trade. In addition, its distribution raises questions concerning the actual role and importance of the symposion in Attika at the time [table 6]. The column-krater and the dinos are the two main mixing early sixth-century Attic shapes, both introduced by Attic potters as close imitations of their Corinthian counterparts (whether the Attic shape of the column-krater follows Corinthian prototypes or is an independent invention is a matter of controversy: Tiverios 1981, 126-127; Harrison 1993, 38-43). In contrast to the overseas evidence, the examples of both column-kraters and dinoi from Attika are very few. They mostly come from the wells of the Athenian Agora and the Acropolis, while being almost absent from the contemporary necropoleis. A single column-krater was discovered in the trench of tumulus I at Vari, but it belongs to the late seventh and not the early sixth century (Athens, National Museum 16388: Tiverios 1981, pl. 44). A dinos with attached plastic mourners on its rim from the Kerameikos continues the development of the Geometric and seventh-century Attic shape (Athens, Kerameikos Museum 98: Kübler 1970, pl. 80), inspired by oriental, metal prototypes and does not follow the Corinthian prototype (Amyx 1988, 477; Sakowski 1997, 13-14. A number of scholars considered this type of lebes as the predecessor of the black-figured shape: Callipolitis-Feytmans 1970, 112; Lullies 1971, 48; Boardman 1970, 105; Morris 1984, 26; Williams 1983, 11). Moreover, the association of an early sixth-century fragment from the Kerameikos with the shape of the dinos is not secure (Athens, Kerameikos Museum: Bakır 1981, pl. 84, no. B28).

10

A. ALEXANDRIDOU: EARLY SIXTH-CENTURY DIRECTIONAL TRADE: THE EVIDENCE OF ATTIC EARLY BLACK-FIGURED POTTERY

77-79). Moreover, the large number of vessels associated with drinking (mainly kotylai, oinochoai and kraters) from Corinthian settlement contexts, as well as the predominance of cups among the sixth-century Attic imports to Corinth, show that the symposion was also associated with non-cultic activity (Hannestad 1992; Thomassen 2003, fig. 41). Although Juliette de la Genière (1988) suggested that the distribution of Corinthian column-kraters were mainly produced for overseas markets and especially Etruria, the preserved evidence from Corinth is indicative of a production also satisfying local needs (Cristofani and Martelli 1991, 10-11, fig. 2). The significant role of the symposion in Corinth is further indicated by the earliest sympotic representations on Corinthian vases that predate their Attic counterparts by almost two decades (Dentzer 1982, 78 and 95).

commissioned: the choice of the iconographic theme –the funeral games for Patroklos– for the dinos from Pharsalos (Athens, National Museum 15499: ABV 39.16; Para 18; Add2 10; Bakır 1981, pl. 6), as well as the spelling mistakes in the inscription, thought to indicate Thessalian elements, point into this direction. Inscription: Jeffery 1984, 53; Baurain-Rebillard, 1999: 134-138, 155-160; Kilmer & Develin 2001, 19-22). The Komast cup is one of the most widely distributed Attic early sixth-century shapes in the Mediterranean. Its production seems to have been primarily destined for foreign markets. The examples from Attika are very few and are spread at various sites and contexts, without presenting any particular concentration anywhere. On the other hand, the shape is dominant in Etruria and Sicily, as well as in Spain. In the Greek mainland, Corinth seems to have been a market primarily for Attic cups (Hannestad 1992, 158-163). The shapes from the West have been mostly attributed to the KY Painter and the Komast Group. The KX Painter and his circle also decorated cups, but those by the painter himself are only found at the Heraion of Samos (a cup at Naukratis is the single exception: London, British Museum 1914.3-17.10+86.41.1061: ABV 26.26, Beazley and Payne 1929, pl. XV. 8, XV. 31).

The lack of excavated domestic contexts in Attika, with the exception of the Agora wells, does not allow for secure conclusions concerning the role of the banquet in the life of the Attic élite in the sixth century. Nevertheless, the distribution of early sixth-century Attic sympotic shapes implies that their production was primarily intended to secure overseas markets. Athenian workshops seem to have realized that the adoption of Corinthian shapes and decorative themes could guarantee the wider circulation of the Attic products in the Mediterranean. This is most prominent in the cases of the Attic skyphos and cup, which have been warmly accepted by Corinthians, as well as western markets, where Corinthian vases were imported in large quantities. On the other hand, at the coastal sites of Asia Minor, Naukratis and at the Black Sea, the primary markets for Attic banqueting shapes, it was the East Greek wares which dominated while the Corinthian products, mostly kotylai and perfume containers, have been limited. There the Attic shapes were meeting the demands of the buyers for high-quality drinking sets mostly from East Greek workshops. The aim of Attic potters to render their products competitive in the overseas markets, might explain why, although shapes, like the skyphos (for the Geometric Attic skyphos, cf. Brann 1962, 46-49; Coldstream 1968, 14, 18, 48, 86-87; MalagardisPsachoulia 1986, 7-16) and the lebes (seventh-century Attic clay cauldrons with figures attached to their rim, and the bowl not separated from the support, derive from oriental, metal prototypes: Amyx 1988, 477; Sakowski 1997, 13-14) were continuously produced from the Geometric period or the seventh century by Attic workshops, are suddenly abandoned and replaced by their Corinthian versions in the first quarter of the sixth century.

The Komast skyphos is the only sympotic shape, which except for being widely circulated overseas, is also dynamically present in Attika. Like the cup, it was introduced in the Attic shape repertory late in the first quarter of the sixth century, copying the Corinthian kotyle (Payne 1931, 294; Amyx 1988, 457-458) without any significant changes (Moore and Philippides 1986, 5859, with further bibliography). In this case too, Corinth and its region are the main importers. Examples are known from Etruria, Sicily and Spain, but are not numerous. With the exception of the Heraion from Samos, the shape is absent from other sites of the western part of East Greece. The choice of the decoration of the available skyphoi shows that there must have been a distinction between those destined for the local and the others for the overseas market. The examples from Attika, found in the Agora, the Acropolis, the necropoleis of Kerameikos, Vari and the tumulus at Vourva are not decorated with komasts, but with animal friezes. All these sympotic shapes were not Attic creations, but have been introduced in the workshops in the first quarter of the sixth century under strong Corinthian influence. They all copy their Corinthian counterparts without any significant variations. The symposion, a male activity that centred on the consumption of wine, occupied a prominent position in the life of the archaic poleis and was an important part of the aristocratic life-style (Murray 1982; 1983a; 1983b; 1990; Vetta 1983; SchmittPantel 1990; 1992). Banqueting seems to have played an important role in Corinthian cults, as suggested by the archaeological evidence from the sanctuary of Demeter and Kore on Acrocorinth, Hera at Perachora and Poseidon at Isthmia (Payne 1940, 53-66; Bookidis 1990, 86-94; 1993; Bookidis et alii 1999; Morgan 1994; 1998,

ORGANIZATION OF THE EARLY BLACKFIGURE SHAPE PRODUCTION (Tables 4 and 5) The preserved late seventh-century vases and fragments indicate that the contemporary pottery production was limited and depended on a few potters. It was destined almost exclusively to satisfy local needs and tastes. The restricted production and its distribution support the view

11

THE CONTEXTS OF PAINTED POTTERY IN THE MEDITERRANEAN (7TH-4TH CENTURIES BCE)

Table 4. Representation of Early Sixth-Century Painters in Attika and the Mediterranean AndroAthens Berlin Anagyrus siren 16407 1659 Painter Painter

Lotus Painter

KX Painter

KY Painter

10

12

64

11

12

51

1

–

–

4

4

3

2

–

–

–

–

2

13

5

3

–

–

–

–

–

2

6

1

1

–

–

–

–

–

–

1

2

3

1

4

–

–

–

–

–

–

1

–

–

2

Greece

–

–

–

–

–

–

–

2

1

–

–

Black Sea Area

8

–

–

–

–

–

–

2

5

–

2

Western Asia Minor

30

–

–

–

6

–

–

36

15

–

20

Cyprus Near East

2

–

–

–

–

–

–

1

–

–

1

North African Coast

26

–

–

–

2

–

–

11

6

16

11

Italy

18

–

1

–

2

–

–

13

12

9

7

Southern France

5

–

–

–

–

–

–

–

–

6

2

Spain

2

–

–

–

–

–

–

1

3

10

–

Total

216

23

9

5

14

10

12

138

78

65

103

S/P

Gorgon Painter

Panther Painter

Attika

100

23

8

5

3

Aigina

13

–

–

–

Corinthia

4

–

–

Mainland Greece

2

–

North Greece

2

Islands

Komast Sophilos Group

Note: The Komast Group includes also vessels that are referred to as Komast cups or skyphoi, but have not been attributed to particular painters. The numbers represent not only the vessels by the painter himself but also by painters of his circle.

now larger. Although largely represented in Attika, a large amount of the products of the most active painters of the period were circulated overseas [tables 4-5]. The Gorgon Painter (ABV 8-13. Para 6-9; see Scheibler 1961, for his olpai and amphorae), active in the early sixth century, was very influential; during the late stage of his career a number of painters have been working in his manner (Williams 1986). The work of the Painter of Istanbul 7314 was identified by Güven Bakır and Karl Kilinski (Bakır 1978; Kilinski 1978), while, more recently, the Deianeira Painter, the Painter of the London Olpai and the Painter Big Ears, closely associated with the Gorgon Painter, have been added by Dyfri Williams (1986). A large number of olpai belong to the Group of the Early Olpai, which is stylistically close to the Gorgon Painter. More than half of the known vessels by the painter and his circle are found overseas, with the sites of the West coast of Asia Minor and Naukratis attracting large amounts.

that it must have been the same person that undertook the tasks of making and decorating the pots (Hünnekens 1987, 105. More generally on this matter: Hemelrijk 1991). The evidence available allows the conclusion that some late seventh-century painters, such as the Painter of Berlin A34 and the Nessos Painter, had a number of followers working in their manner. Hünnekens (1987, 104-130) defined a “workshop of the Chimaera Painter”, composed of a number of painters working in the manner of the Nessos Painter. The work of some of his associates can be distinguished. The style of the first can be recognized on a support from Eleusis (Eleusis Archaeological Museum: ABV 4.2; Hünnekens 1987, pls. 177, 1-3), an amphora from the peak sanctuary of Zeus on Mount Hymettos (Collection Unknown, H163: Young 1940, fig. 9) and a lid fragment of a skyphos-krater from the Agora (Athens, Agora Museum P 21565: Para 5 (I).1, Moore and Philippides 1986, pl. 40, 407). The second can be assigned an unpublished louterion (Athens, National Museum 16386) and a lekane (Athens, National Museum 16404) from Vari. Nevertheless, the repertory of those painters does not conclusively indicate that any organization existed in the workshop’s shape-production.

The shape production of this group of painters indicates a degree of specialization within the workshop. Almost all the known olpai have been decorated by painters working in the Gorgon Painter’s style or the style of the Group of the Early Olpai. However, only few belong to the Gorgon painter himself. Four come from Attika (two from the Agora: Athens, Agora Museum, P 997 and P 15002: ABV

During the first quarter of the sixth century more potters and painters seem to have been involved in the blackfigure production and the number of the known vases is 12

A. ALEXANDRIDOU: EARLY SIXTH-CENTURY DIRECTIONAL TRADE: THE EVIDENCE OF ATTIC EARLY BLACK-FIGURED POTTERY

Table 5. Late Seventh-and Early Sixth-Century Overseas Shape Circulation according to Painters P/S

Berlin A34 Painter

Nessos Painter

Gorgon Painter

Berlin 1659

KX Painter

KY Painter

Komast Group

Sophilos

Skyphos-Krater

1

1

–

1

–

–

–

–

Column Krater

–

–

1

3

–

7

4

4

Lebes

–

–

13

–

6

1

–

26

Krater

2

1

–

–

–

–

–

–

Louterion

–

1

–

–

–

–

–

2

Olpe

–

–

65

–

–

2

1

–

Skyphos

–

–

–

–

9

5

6

1

Cup

–

–

–

–

21

53

33

1

Kantharos

–

–

–

–

3

–

–

–

Chalice

–

–

–

–

–

–

–

–

Amphora

–

4

17

3

10

–

1

6

Hydria

–

–

1

–

1

–

–

–

Loutrophoros

–

–

–

–

1

–

–

–

Lekane

–

1

5

2

21

2

5

7

Plate

–

–

1

–

–

–

–

1

Lekythos

–

–

4

2

–

–

–

–

Aryballos

–

–

–

–

–

–

–

–

Exaleiptron

–

–

–

–

1

–

–

–

Amphoriskos

–

–

3

–

–

–

–

–

Pyxis

–

–

–

–

–

–

–

–

Support

–

3

–

–

–

–

–

–

Lid

1

–

1

–

–

–

–

–

Fragment

2

1

4

–

2

–

2

3

Total

6

12

115

11

75

70

51

51

exception of a plate from Naukratis: London, British Museum, B601.25 and 601.23, Oxford, Ashmolean Museum, G128, Toronto, Royal Ontario Museum, c46, ABV 9.19; Callipolitis-Feytmans 1974, pl. 15.4), were found in Attika. The painter probably dealt with shapes that needed a certain degree of draughtsmanship and were destined for particular purposes, like his monumental plates dedicated on the Acropolis (Athens, National Museum, Acropolis Collection 1.515 and 1.514: ABV 10.20; Callipolitis-Feytmans 1974, pl. 14.2 and 15.3), the exaleiptron from Vari (Athens, National Museum, 19172: Para 7, Scheibler 1964, figs. 18-19) and the twenty loutrophoroi from the sanctuary of the Nymphe (Papadopoulou-Kanellopoulou 1997, nos. 44-68).

9.15 and 10.5; Moore and Philippides 1986, pl. 64, 671 and 672 respectively. The other two are Athens, National Museum, 19176 [ABV 9.16; Scheibler 1961, fig. 5] and Athens, National Museum 19186); from those found overseas only three are known from Clazomenae (Clazomenae Museum, 129, 3071 and 1996: TunaNörling 1996, pl. 14, nos. 129 129A and pl. 15, no. 130, respectively), while the rest are products of the painter’s circle. Unlike the Group of the Early Olpai, the Painter of Istanbul 7314 has been attributed only lekythoi and amphoriskoi, shapes very uncommon in the early blackfigure repertory. The shape of the lekythos was also favoured by the Deianeira Painter and the Painter of the London Olpai, who, by contrast, decorated only a few olpai. The Gorgon Painter has been assigned only one lekythos of the round, shoulderless version of unknown provenance (London, private private collection: ABV 9.17; Haspels 1936, pl. 1, 3).

The KX Painter was active during the late first quarter of the sixth century (ABV 23-28, Para 14). A number of painters have been distinguished as working in his style: the Painter of New York 22.139.22, the Painter of Copenhagen 103 and the Béziers Komast Painter (Brijder 1983, 48). The KX Painter decorated a large number of vessels, mostly favouring small shapes. Cups and lekanai predominate, followed by skyphoi. The production and distribution of the cups is indicative of the division of work among the painter and his associates. It seems that

The Gorgon Painter decorated different shapes from his associates. He was responsible for the decoration of all the skyphoi-kraters and exaleiptra, as well as for the majority of plates, loutrophoroi and lebetes produced in his workshop. Lebetes were exclusively reserved to overseas trade, while the rest of the shapes (with the 13

THE CONTEXTS OF PAINTED POTTERY IN THE MEDITERRANEAN (7TH-4TH CENTURIES BCE)

with the lebes predominating. His work extends over three decades beginning around 600 BCE, but the work of his circle of painters extends to the late 570’s. He is very productive and unlike most of his contemporaries, who limited themselves to animal friezes, he has been associated with a number of mythological and epic scenes (Brownlee 1988; 1995; Baurain-Rebillard 1999). Although many of his vessels come from Attika, they are also largely distributed in the Mediterranean, represented at almost all sites that are known to have imported early black-figured pottery.

the KX Painter decorated only large, luxurious cups, whilst the commoner shape was left for his associates. All the cups assigned to the painter himself, some of which decorated with elaborate sympotic scenes, have been found at the Samian Heraion (Kreuzer 1998a, nos. 200208). He is an innovative painter, who experimented with the shape, producing cups of large dimensions with convex rim, which are closer to the earliest Siana cups (i.e. Vathy Museum, K1280: ABV 26.28; Kreuzer 1998a, pls. 37-39, 200; for this special cups: Brijder 1997). He seems to have produced a double cup, following East Greek prototypes with features close to the Middle Corinthian cups too (Vathy Museum, K1196: Kreuzer 1998a, pl. 41, 206). Double or multiple cups are distinctive to Samian workshops and probably served ritual purposes (Walter 1957, 35-51). A fragmentary example from the Athenian Acropolis has been assigned to the same potter, even though it has been decorated by a Corinthian painter, who lived and worked in Attika at that time (Kreuzer 2009). The East Greek influence on his cups, in combination with the concentration of the painter’s cups at the Heraion led to the assumption that he might have worked on the island for a period, using Attic clay (Pipili 2000; 2003). There is, however, no evidence for exports of Attic clay (for export of Chiot clay to Naucratis, see Lemos 1991, 2). In addition, the KX Painter was a skillful craftsman, who could benefit from external influences and produce luxurious pieces especially designed to meet the needs of his élite clientele, who participated at the ritual dinners at the Heraion (Kreuzer 1998a, 32-41). His lekanai and amphorae were mostly destined for Western Asia Minor and Naukratis and are poorly represented in Attika.

An indication for specialization of a number of potters on particular shapes is provided by the repertory of the Panther (ABV 18, 1-6; Para 11-12; Add2 6), Androsiren (ABV 18, 1-2; Para 10), and Athens 16407 Painters. Their activity can be placed early in the sixth century. The Androsiren Painter is almost contemporary, while the lekanai by the Painter of Athens 16407 should be dated later in the first quarter of the sixth century (Lioutas 1987, 71-77). All these painters have been assigned lekanai destined for local consumption; there are only two exceptions, a skyphos and a support from the Athenian Agora, attributed not to the Panther Painter himself, but to another painter very close to his style (Athens, Agora Museum P 23544 and P 25368: Moore and Philippides 1986, pl. 99 no. 1451 and 51, no. 534, respectively). The lekanai of these painters come from the North necropolis of Vari and were found in association with tumulus I (cf. Alexandridou 2008 and 2009; for the lekanai by the Panther Painter, see Karouzou 1963). The only exception is a fragment of a lekane by the Androsiren Painter excavated at the sanctuary of Malophoros at Selinus (Palermo, Museo Archeologico Regionale: Paoletti 1991, 135, fig. 1A-B). The clay of the lekanai from Vari does not point to local production. The massive concentration of vases of this shape in Vari is to be connected to the special ceremony organised in honour of the deceased of the tumulus. Despite the limited number of lekanai assigned to each of the aforementioned painters, it might be possible to suggest that they were dedicated to the decoration of this particular shape.

Most of the production by the KY Painter and the painters of the Komast Group come from outside Attika. The shape repertory of the KY Painter is quite limited. He has been associated with very large number of cups, but very few skyphoi, lekanai, or olpai. Except for the typical Komast cups, he attempted shapes of exceptional dimensions, with traits resembling the Siana cups, like those of the KX Painter (Corinth Museum CP-2588a-b: Brownlee 1987, pl. 14.17; Thasos, Archaeological Museum 85.670: Brijder 1997, fig. 16.9). The members of the Komast Group decorate shapes similar to the KY Painter. Column-kraters, skyphoi, and lekanai are found among their work, but the cup dominates, with the vast majority being found outside Attika. The distribution of the shapes by these painters does not seem random either. Cups by the KY Painter were primarily found in the West, when Naukratis and Kyrenaica received cups and skyphoi by the Komast Group. It is also worth noting that the KX and KY Painters focused on the production of different large vessels, with the former being assigned a number of lebetes and the latter column-kraters.

EARLY SIXTH-CENTURY ATTIC DIRECTIONAL POTTERY TRADE Scholars dealing with early sixth-century distribution appear skeptical when discussing the organization of Attic pottery industry at the time. Clear intentions lying behind the exports of particular shapes to particular sites are questioned and scholarship tends to focus on the production of workshops active later in the sixth century. The Tyrrhenian Group and the Nikosthenic workshop are considered ideal cases, since they offer more possibilities for discussing the degree of specialization of the pottery production (Osborne 1996, 33; Curry 2000, 85-86) and the existence of directional trade (Boardman 1979, 34; Osborne 1996, 31).

Unlike the shapes produced by the KX, KY Painters and the Komast Group, Sophilos (ABV 37-43, 681, 714; Para 18-19; Add2 4; Karouzou 1937; Bakır 1981), the earliest Attic painter, whose name is known from his signatures (see Bakır 1981, 5-7), a leading artistic personality of the first quarter of the sixth century, focused on large vessels,

14

A. ALEXANDRIDOU: EARLY SIXTH-CENTURY DIRECTIONAL TRADE: THE EVIDENCE OF ATTIC EARLY BLACK-FIGURED POTTERY

Table 6. Distribution of Early Sixth-Century Sympotic Shapes in Attika and the Mediterranean (ca. 600-575 B.C.) 120 100 80 60 40 20 0

Attika Overseas

Column‐Krater

Lebes

Krater

Oinochoe/Olpe Skyphos

Cup

loutrophoroi from the Sanctuary of the Nymphe were also decorated by a Corinthian painter (PapabdopoulouKanellopoulou 1997, 80), while some aryballoi have been assigned to a group of Corinthian painters, stylistically close to the Corinthian Sphinx Painter (Callipolitis-Feytmans 1976, 152). The activity of Corinthian painters working in Athens can be drawn back to the close of the Early Iron Age on the evidence of a late eighth-or early seventh-century kiln, found under the Tholos in the Athenian Agora, which seems to belong to a Corinthian-trained potter (Monaco 2000, 29-32; Papadopoulos 2003, 222-224).

Although the number of the produced vessels is limited at the time and only a few fragments are known from the majority of the examined sites, there seems to be sufficient evidence indicating that, already from the beginning of the sixth century, the production of particular shapes, as well as their circulation at specific areas was not random, but were dictated by specific rules. The most productive early sixth-century painters or workshops were aware, most probably through middlemen, of the particular needs and desires of the customers abroad. The cups by the KX Painter from the Samian Heraion, the chalices from Naukratis, sympotic ware from the sites of Western Asia Minor and the tumuli of Cortona are more than indicative of this reality. In addition, a closer look at the production within the workshops makes it clear that a degree of organization is already present. In a number of cases, like those of the workshops of the KX and the Gorgon Painters, the painter and his associates focus on different shapes, with the painter himself most often undertaking special commissions, shapes for particular uses, and pieces of exceptional quality. In addition, it is possible to distinguish a tendency of the different workshops or potters to focus on specific shapes.

Although imported Corinthian vessels and more prominently the movement of artists contributed to the dissemination of the Corinthian style in the local Attic production, the adoption and dominance of Corinthian shapes and their animal style of decoration for a number of decades, should be associated with the awareness from the workshops’ part that “corinthianising” could significantly boost the wider distribution of Attic products. This is most evident in the case of the exports of shapes to Corinth and its wider area, as well as to western sites. Corinthian buyers clearly appreciated products which were imitating local prototypes. The situation is more complicated in the case of Naukratis, Western Asia Minor and the Black sea area, sites where Attic vases were found in large quantities from the early sixth century, but Corinthian products were not common. Since, however, these markets showed a special preference for sympotic vessels, which were largely absent from the Attic workshops in the seventh century or their equivalents were confined to funerary purposes, the introduction of Corinthian shapes and their decorative style, gave the Athenians the possibility to compete at the Mediterranean markets.

The adoption of Corinthian banqueting shapes, some of which also decorated with Corinthian themes, like komasts, is the strongest indication that a number of capable potters or workshops could not only discern the markets’ desires, but they also attempted to find means of promoting their products, rendering them competitive in the Mediterranean markets, where East Greek and Corinthian products were dominating already from the seventh century BC (for the adoption of Corinthian shapes and styles as means of promoting Athenian products, see already Tiverios 1981, 157-158).

The systematic and detailed analysis of the pottery evidence of the period under consideration, facilitated by the fact that the vast majority of the examined vessels derives from a known context, strongly supports the theory of directional trade (Osborne 1996, 31, 38, Sørensen 2001, 155; for a focus on consumption and the desires of the consumers: Foxhall 1998). Historically the period coincides with the archonship Solon, who has been credited a number of laws and regulations (Aristotle’s Athenian Constitution and Plutarchs’ Life of Solon are the main literary sources for Solon’s reforms.

The “corinthianising” character of the early sixth-century Attic pottery has been regarded as deriving from the Corinthian vases imported in Attika from the seventh century, destined to satisfy the needs for small vessels (Callipolitis-Feytmans 1986; cf. also Boardman 1995). Nevertheless the first decades of the sixth century preserve sufficient evidence for the presence of a number of Corinthian potters and painters in Attika: a seventhcentury lekane, published by Dunbabin, was made and decorated by a Corinthian (Dunbabin 1950); a number of

15

THE CONTEXTS OF PAINTED POTTERY IN THE MEDITERRANEAN (7TH-4TH CENTURIES BCE)

BEAZLEY, J.D. 1951. The Development of the Attic Black-Figure, Sather Classical Lectures, Berkeley and Los Angeles, University of California Press.

For those more securely related to the lawgiver, see recently Rhodes 2006). Among others, the lawgiver has been assigned reforms aimed at the development of industry and trade in Attika (Plut. Sol. 24. 4). However, the presence of black-figured Attic vases in Egypt and Western Asia Minor early in the sixth century predates Solon’s archonship. It is not quite certain that the expanding distribution directly resulted from his laws (Curry 2000, 81). If the promulgation of these laws is to be accepted, then they must have aimed at promoting an already existing situation.

BIKAKIS, M.H. 1985. Archaic and Classical Imported Pottery in the Museum of Paros and Naxos, Ph. D. Dissertation, University of Cincinatti. BIRCHALL, A. 1972. “Attic Horse-head Amphorae”, The Journal of Hellenic Studies 92, 46-63. BOARDMAN, J. 1970. “A Protocorinthian Dinos and Stand”, Antike Kunst 13, 92-94. BOARDMAN, J. 1979. “The Athenian Pottery Trade. The Classical Period”, Expedition 21, 33-39.

Even though local needs still accounted for the majority of the vases produced during the first quarter of the sixth century, their overseas distribution was obviously growing. In contrast to the seventh century, Athens was now gradually becoming part of a wide Mediterranean network. The early sixth-century trade sets the stage for further developments in the circulation of Attic figuredecorated vases, which during the second quarter or the middle of the sixth century came to dominate the Mediterranean markets.

BOARDMAN, J., 1958-1959. “Old Smyrna: The Attic Pottery”, Annual of the British School of Athens 5354, 152-181. BOARDMAN, J. 2001. The History of Greek Vases, London, Thames and Hudson. BOOKIDIS, N., 1990. “Ritual Dining in the Sanctuary of Demeter and Kore at Corinth: some questions”, in Sympotica: a Symposium on the Symposion, edited by O. Murray, Oxford: Clarendon, 86-94.

Bibliography

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20

SEX AND THE ATHENIAN WOMAN: A CONTEXTUAL ANALYSIS OF EROTIC VASE-PAINTINGS FROM ATTIC GRAVES OF THE 5TH CENTURY BC* Dimitris PALEOTHODOROS

“If we cannot understand the images of society, we cannot understand society itself” Beard 1991, 12

INTRODUCTION

another” (Halperin 2003, 138 and 139, respectively), an act that serves to “divide, classify and distribute its participants into distinct and radically opposed categories” (Halperin 1988, 49): the free, adult, male citizen who is the dominator and the rest of the population (slaves, children, women, foreigners) who are the dominated (Halperin 1988, 49-50; Halperin 2003, 139; Winkler 1990). This prevalent topos is deeply rooted in the interpretation of ancient texts of a highly idiosyncratic nature, philosophical or medical treatises, tragedies and oratory speeches (for sources Hubbard 2003 is essential; for a useful overview, see Karras 2000; for criticism, see Loraux 1989; Davidson 1998, 169-172, 2001 and 2007, with further references).

In this paper, I propose a revision of established dogmas on ancient Athenian sexual morality. I intend to show that the prevailing opinions in recent scholarship regarding the oppression of female sexuality and the censorship of women’s erotic desire are not supported by the available archaeological evidence. I use the analysis of erotic vases found in Athenian tombs as a corrective of such generalizing interpretations and as a means to prove that Athenian women might have developed subjective readings of those vase images that we normally consider to target a male audience.

Feminist scholars, while not questioning the validity of the concept of the active/passive dichotomy (i.e. Salisbury 2001, 322: “…women’s sexuality, while demanding, was expressed in open passivity”; DuBois 2003, 89), or of the extreme segregation of Athenian society by gender (Keuls 1986; Pedersen 1997, 37; Foxhall 2003, 181) point out that Foucault and his followers have reduced the reflexive self to an idealized male self, thus ignoring the issue of female sexuality (Foxhall 2003, 169). Since the efforts of social historians and classical scholars to write down the history of sexual morality in Athens are informed principally by texts serving as vehicles of the dominant masculine ideology, the ancient female’s perception of herself and her sexuality are not heard at all (Pedersen 1997, 36; Foxhall 2003, 181). Thus, the task of the feminist social historian is to look for discourses that are autonomous to the dominant male ideology.

READING IMAGES OF WOMEN ON VASES Recent discussions have rightly laid considerable stress on images painted on pots as an important primary source of documentation both for the ways in which the Athenians represented their sexual life to themselves and for the attitudes and the concepts that were shared by the general public to which the vases appealed (i.e. Beard 1991; Skinner 2005; Schroer 2006; Sutton 2009a). Vasepainting is the larger repository of images of women available from the ancient world. Inevitably, a number of scholars thinks it worth considering whether the images painted on vase that were destined to meet women’s needs (pyxides, alabastra, epinetra, small hydriae, small pelikai, squat lekythoi), might have deliberately targeted a female audience, even though they were produced by men (Bérard 1989). Current orthodoxy in the field of the history of ancient sexuality has been established by the works of Sir Kenneth Dover (1978), Michel Foucault (1985) and David Halperin (1988 and 2003, among other works). It consists in the belief that sexual desire was not classified according to its object, but according to the role adopted by each partner, active or passive (Dover 1978; Foucault 1985; Halperin 2003), respectively. Sex was “an action performed by one person upon another” and “an act of penetration of the body of one person by the phallus of

A number of scholars would reject altogether the testimony of painted vases as a legitimate vehicle of women’s voices, assuming that vase-paintings did not only display messages that were favoured by male ideology, but they also contributed to shape it, because they forced women to internalize the dominant ideology (Sutton 1992; Blundell, in Blundell and Rabinowitz 2008). According to this interpretation, the vases depict women either as prostitutes and courtesans, or as virtuous ideal women restricted to the limits of the household (Pedersen 1997, 50; Fox 2000, 112-113). In order to be desired, women must play either the former or the latter role. Consequently, women would see themselves as ideal

 I would like to thank my collegue and friend Christos Zapheiropoulos for improving this text in many ways. Special thanks are due to my post-graduate student Natalena Zachou for the drawing in figure 17.

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THE CONTEXTS OF PAINTED POTTERY IN THE MEDITERRANEAN (7TH-4TH CENTURIES BCE)

figures of a male desire and a male ideology (LlewellynJones 2002, 174). This certainly brings in mind Berger’s famous statement that “(m)en look at women. Women watch themselves being looked at” (Berger 1972, 47), or Andrew Stewart’s more recent formulation that “the more gynaecocentric the image, the more it actually reinforces the patriarchy and helps to oppress the woman who employs the image” (Stewart 1996, 145).

CONTEXTUAL ANALYSIS OF ATHENIAN POTTERY Attempts by feminist scholars to uncover particular female subjective readings on Athenian pots have failed spectacularly, because those scholars have not been able to liberate themselves from analytic approaches borrowed from traditional classical scholarship (Pedersen 1997; Rabinowitz 2002 and 2008; Goff 2004, 247-281, form a representative sample). “Double readings” of images are constantly detected, nevertheless they remain unsubstantiated and they are simply grounded on the scholars’ conviction that in Greece the female regard on images was constructed outside of male gaze and in opposition to it (Fox 2000, 112-113; Rabinowitz 2002). There is a complete lack of any material proof to support similar statements, and as a result scholars are obliged to turn to obscure and remote parallels between vasepainting and contemporary film-making, as to the ways with which the spectator’s gaze is constructed (i.e. Pedersen 1997, 50; Brown 1997, 16-17; Fox 2000, 109; Llewellyn-Jones 2002, 172-173 and passim; for the parallel between ancient art and modern film, see notably Kampen 2009).

Even scholars trained in traditional approaches do fully accept this polarized image of women depicted on vases: therefore, even for them, all naked women are courtesans or prostitutes; on the other hand, all respectable women of citizen status are heavily draped (e.g. Williams 1983, 99; Shapiro 2000, 15; Neils 2000, 208; this point of view is overemphasized in Keuls 1985, 204-228; a significant exception to this consensus is Kilmer 1993, 159-168). However, such hurry to determine female social status throw images may lead to assumptions that the majority of women that are depicted on vases in an overtly eroticised manner, should necessarily be regarded as hetairai – “courtesans” (on this danger, see Lewis 2002, 98-99 and especially Lewis 2006; note also Harvey 1988 and Kreilinger 2006, who both criticizes the circularity of the argument). Needless to say, women appearing in erotic scenes are almost unanimously considered unrespectable, even if the setting appears to be a domestic one (i.e. Sutton 1981; Keuls 1985; Peschel 1987; Dierrichs 1993, 85-90; Neils 2000, 212; Badinou 2003, 70-72 and 93-95).

For all their erudition and ingeniousness, these interpretations prove nothing else than the desire of the scholar to discover parcels of resistance to the dominant male ideology, to view women not as “passive receptors”, but as “active aggressors against the male viewpoint”, when viewing images of themselves (Brown 1997, 17). It is as if scholars are using their point of view on ancient gender relations in order to interpret the images found on vases, rather than vice versa (see in particular Fox 2000, 109).

It is often assumed that after the end of the great era of exportations of Attic vases to the West, around 470 BC, potters and painters turned to the home market, in order to satisfy a clientele hitherto neglected, namely Athenian women (e.g. Lewis 2002, 9). Vase-painters are imagined as cynically exploiting their female clients’ desire for seeing themselves on painted pots (see Sutton 1992). This point does not take into consideration, however, the general movement in art (notably on funerary sculpture and on white lekythoi), towards a higher visibility of women, which has been explained by the growth of the awareness, by Athenian males, of the importance of their female kin for the survival and the well-being of their country (most notably Osborne 1997).

Subjective female readings of ancient images surely exist: it is only a question of method to uncover some of the ways used by Athenian women to interpret and reinterpret their proper image shown on the vases. A different line of inquiry is needed: what I propose here is to make use of a convincing amount of data, drawn from the analysis of groups of finds from female tombs furnished with pots bearing erotic images. This simple method of investigation will provide us with primary indications on the ways that the Athenian women and their relatives conceptualized female sexuality in a private or semi-private setting. It is indicative of the priorities of Greek archaeology that no one, to my knowledge, has attempted such an analysis before. Even outside the field of pottery studies, contextual studies that aim to establish female ways of viewing ancient art are extremely rare (i.e. Younger 2002 and Kampen 2009).

All this led to another trend in scholarship, this time more positive towards the use of vase-paintings for the study of ancient female subjectivities. It is argued that the vasepainters, experienced visual technicians as they are, address themselves directly to their female audience (Bérard 1989, 89; Pedersen 1997; Lewis 2002, 11; Goff 2004, 252-253, with some reservations; Rabinowitz in Blundell and Rabinowitz 2008). Although male-authored, images of women shown in their own, interior space, without the presence of men, are subject to “double readings”: Viewed by a man, women shown on pots should be classed as passive objects of male desire, i.e. as courtesans and prostitutes, or as respectful housewives; viewed by a woman, the very same images could reflect the female’s own experiences of female companionship (Pedersen 1997, 50-69; Rabinowitz 2002).

This paper is not primarily concerned with feminist scholarship. It forms part of a wider argument in support of the validity of contextual analysis of painted vases found in funerary contexts as a means to reveal trustworthy facets of ancient mentality. My ambition is to build up an “emic” approach of Athenian social life, an approach that is based on the contextualization of archaeological finds.

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D. PALEOTHODOROS: SEX AND THE ATHENIAN WOMAN: A CONTEXTUAL ANALYSIS OF EROTIC VASE-PAINTINGS FROM ATTIC GRAVES…

woman’s place” (Stears 1995, 116) and even as the “extension of the gynaikonitis” (Younger 2002, 181). Whatever the original intention of the maker, commissioner or owner of the vase that was put in a grave might have been initially, it was the women that were ultimately responsible for the forming up of the ceramic assemblages accompanying the deceased. Therefore we can safely assume that the tomb is an ideal area to look for female readings of Athenian pottery.

Tomb-contexts are easier to interpret than pottery from sacred deposits or domestic sites (Lynch 2009), since in their case it is often possible to define the sex and even the age-group of the person associated to the vase and to learn much valuable information on its wealth and status. Ceramic assemblages rarely amount to more than a handful of pots. Axiomatically, I take it for granted that these assemblages are not formed up in random carefully selected for their form and subject-matter, either by the deceased person itself, at the moment of their acquisition, or by his/her close relatives, a few hours before the funeral take place.

WHAT IS AN EROTIC IMAGE?

There is no need discuss here who it is who decides what is appropriate for women to see (see Goff 2004, 247-254, for a useful summary). It has been forcibly argued in the past that the vase images do not reflect the choices and interests of women, but of those men who commissioned the vases in order to offer them as presents to their female kin (Webster 1972, 242; Williams 1983, 105; Keuls 1985, 118). This idea fits the widespread belief that the women of Athens lived in complete seclusion and they were not allowed to go to the marketplace for shopping. However, there is no proof at all that this is what was actually happening in late archaic and classical Athens: we do possess secure evidence that free women had the right to spend a modest amount of money their will (see notably Kuenen-Janssens 1941 and Johnstone 2003). And in fact, images of commercial activities (selling wine, oil and perfumes) on both black-figured and redfigured vases of the late sixth and fifth centuries BC, quite often depict female clients (Chatzidimitriou 2005, pl. 44-45, 47.2 and 49 for the black-figured examples, and pl. 52.2-3 and 53 for the red-figured ones); on a fragmentary amphora from the Acropolis, a woman escorted by a servant holding a parasol visits a wineshop (Athens, Acr. 681: Chatzidimitriou 2005, pl. 47.2 no. E 13): she must be regarded as a free woman of citizen status; a woman who buys perfume from a female shopkeeper appears on one side of an Athenian pelike in Bern (inv. 12227: Beazley 1963, 596, no. 1; Jucker 1970, pl. 22-23, no. 56; Chatzidimitriou 2005, pl. 52.1), while on the other side, the same woman handles the perfume bottle to a housewife seated on a stool. The former must be regarded as a younger relative or friend, rather than a domestic slave of the latter, since she bears jewelry. Also of relevance is the fact that a place in the Athenian Agora, where various vessels were available for sale, was called “the women’s market” (Pollux, Onomasticon, X, 19).

My use of the term “erotic images” is broad. I do not restrict its use to the mere images that do seem erotic to a modern viewer because they imply genital activity or display nudity. My understanding of the term encompasses a rather heterogeneous spectrum of iconographic categories, ranging from the simple scenes of heterosexual or homosexual courtship to the more crude and detailed group activities of drunken men and naked women. According to my classification, the term encompasses the following iconographic categories: “erotica” (Boardman and La Rocca 1978; Johns 1982; Keuls 1985, 158-186; Peschel 1987; Kilmer 1993; Dierrichs 1993); scenes of male homosexual (Beazley 1948; Dover 1978; Shapiro 1981, 1992 and 2000; Keuls 1985, 274-299; Lear and Cantarella 2008) and heterosexual courtship (Sutton 1981 and 1992); solitary performances, including “hard” pornographic scenes of women playing with dildos and other phallic implements (Kilmer 1993, 29-30 and 98-100; DuBois 2003, 90-100; Rabinowitz 2002, 140-146); scenes of naked women interacting with alive phallic birds (Boardman 1992), men and women misbehaving with vases (Cohen and Shapiro 2002), scenes of satyrs and men or youths masturbating (Vermeule 1969; Lissarrague 1990 and 2000; Kilmer 1993, 60-64), pursuits and abductions involving gods/heroes and mortals (Kaempf-Dimitriadou 1979; Sourvinou-Inwood 1987; Cohen 1996; FrontisiDucroux 1996; Arafat 1997, 109-115; StansburryO’Donnell 2009) or satyrs and maenads (McNally 1978 and 1985; Lissarrague 1990; Hedreen 1994) and finally the most important category in terms of numbers, the socalled “praise of beauty” scenes of voyeurist character, namely scenes of naked girls and boys bathing (Ginouvès 1962; Boardman 1997; Pedersen 1997; Isler 1998; Kreilinger 2006; Sutton 2009b) or exposing their nudity in an overtly sexual manner, scenes of female genital depilation (Descoeudres 1981; Bain 1982; Kilmer 1982; Davies 1987; Paul 1994-1995), and more generally all pictures of women making their toilet (Lewis 2002, 130171; Blundell and Rabinowitz 2008); this category finally includes scenes of brides receiving gifts from Eros and their grooms or friends and relatives (Oakley and Sinos 1992; Sutton 1997/1998). I leave aside various obscene images, especially in the context of Dionysiac cult, following the useful distinction between obscenity and pornography, pointed in Otto Brendel’s groundbreaking study on ancient erotic art (1970, 1318).

Moreover, we have reasons to believe that the decision to select the vases and all other grave-goods to be placed in the tomb or offered to the deceased person was left to his female relatives, who also took care of the corpse and provided continuous honors to the dead after the burial (see notably Houby-Nielsen 1996, 239-240; see also Shapiro 1991, 651 and passim). Death was polluting and men avoided contact with it, or with the objects that belonged to the dead person, leaving the job to women (Parker 1983, 33-35). In a very pertinent way, Athenian cemeteries have been aptly described as “the ultimate

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THE CONTEXTS OF PAINTED POTTERY IN THE MEDITERRANEAN (7TH-4TH CENTURIES BCE)

by the skeletal material as female, along with some cremations which are clearly identified by either the record of the artefacts they contained, or the iconography of the vases, as belonging to a person of female gender.

It should be noted that erotic imagery is not static, but it evolves considerably (Shapiro 1981, Kilmer 1993, Sutton 1981, 1992, 1997-1998; 2000 and 2009a): scenes of intercourse in licentious public revels appear in the second quarter of the sixth century, and decline rapidly after 550 BC, only to be replaced by orgies taking place in the context of the symposion; single couples engaging in sexual intercourse are often depicted from 520 to 470 BC, but are rarely shown afterwards; homosexual courtship scenes start around 560 and continue till the later part of the archaic period, but tend to disappear altogether after 470 BC; erotic pursuits appear near 500 and cease after the 430’s; heterosexual courtship scenes have their prime in the late archaic period, and are replaced after the middle of the fifth century by images with clear nuptial overtones; female nudes are popular from 520 to 460, and again during the 4th century, but in the latter period, they clearly refer to goddesses and to anonymous brides.

Athens cannot be classified as a “society in equilibrium” (d’Agostino 1982), or as a “conservative society” (de la Genière 1990, 86), where gender specifiers are found in almost every grave, as is the case for cities like Paestum (Cipriani 1989) or Locri (Cerchiai 1982) in South Italy. Quite to the contrary, in Athens, in a statistically significant number of cases, tombs contain pots (notably lekythoi) or other items that do not betray the gender of the deceased. On the other hand, artefacts with strong gender connotations do appear. This happens more often in Athens (Houby-Nilssen 1996, 239-240), and in Greece, in general, than, for example, in Etruria (Spivey 1991, 5758; Ginge 1996, 69-71). Even in cases where the objects put in a tomb denote the gender of the dead person in a sufficiently clear manner, the remote possibility that persons of male biological sex might have chosen to be buried with objects of the female gender and vice versa cannot be ruled out entirely (Arnold 2002). The latter possibility seems unlikely in a classical Greek context, but I know of no study that has addressed this question yet and thus the possibility that the available evidence was simply overlooked or misinterpreted is real. However, this danger is diminished, I believe, by the fact that the data analysed here provides strong nuptial connotations, which, I suggest, are unlikely to relate to gender transformers.

SEX AND GENDER IN ATHENIAN TOMBS Since the overwhelming majority of Athenian vases bearing erotic images has been found in Italy, a number of scholars have questioned their relevance to the study of Athenian sexuality (i.e. Langlotz 1984; Lewis 1996, 150151 and 2002, 118; de la Genière 2009, 345; Rassmussen 2007, 224, for pederastic scenes). It has been argued that erotic vase-paintings were specially designed by Athenian potters in order to meet the needs of the Etruscan market and were essentially alien to Athenian tastes properly speaking. The argument is partly based on the alleged paucity of erotic material from Athenian domestic assemblages (de la Genière 2009, 341-344, Lynch 2009; against this see Skinner 2005, 80-81 and Sutton 2009a). The discussion however, for all its implications for the study of the majority of erotic images, is irrelevant to my argument, since I restrict my analysis to the study of tomb-contexts excavated in Athens proper. We can reasonably assume that whatever vase is found there is obviously meaningful in an exclusively Athenian context.

EROTIC IMAGES FROM ATHENIAN TOMBS Ceramicus, t. HW 198 My first case-study comes from an Athenian tomb excavated in 1963, t. HW 198 in the Ceramicus cemetery (Knigge 1964, pl. 58; Kunze-Götte, Tancke and Vierneisel 1999, 14, pl. 19, t. 20). The tomb contained an important red-figured alabastron (Athens, Kerameikos 2713: Knigge 1964, pl. 59; Beazley 1971, 331 and 523; Sutton 1981, 363; Pandou 1989b, 98-99, no. 38; Schnapp 1989, 83, fig. 112; Kunze-Götte, Tancke and Vierneisel 1999, 131-132; Badinou 2003, pl. 80, no. A 136; Baggio 2004, 62-63, fig. 10-11; Stampolidis and Tassoulas 2009, 203-204, no. 168), 14 black-figured or patterned lekythoi, a lamp, a miniature drinking cup, an oil-container and other ritual objects [figure 1-2].

It is often impossible to identify the biological sex of the deceased, especially in cases of primary cremation, which was largely practiced in Athens during the 6th and the 5th centuries. Things are further complicated by the fact that even in the case of inhumations skeletal material is not always appropriately studied, if at all. This is patently true for the several hundred tombs that were excavated during the Metro excavations in Athens (for a sample see Parlama and Stampolidis 2000) or during earlier investigations of Athenian cemeteries. Therefore, caution is needed whenever one tries to define the biological sex of the deceased by simply isolating among the grave goods those that are considered to be gender signifiers by modern reckoning, i.e. mirrors, perfume-containers, boxes and ritual vases for females, strigils, weapons and razors for males (Arnold 2002). I will try to avoid the danger, by restricting my analysis to a small number of cases, using data from tombs that are securely identified

On the obverse of the Ceramicus alabastron, we see a girl embracing a youth who wears a festive garland [figure 3]. Erotic kisses are frequently shown on attic vases, in both heterosexual and homosexual contexts (Baggio 2004, 57-62). Women there are not only responsive, but they are actively involved in the act of kissing, grasping their partner’s head. Eye-contact is a key device for establishing equality and symmetry among the lovers (Baggio 2004, 59), but more crucially, it establishes feminine active participation during sexual relations

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D. PALEOTHODOROS: SEX AND THE ATHENIAN WOMAN: A CONTEXTUAL ANALYSIS OF EROTIC VASE-PAINTINGS FROM ATTIC GRAVES…

Figures 1-2. Ceramicus cemetery, tomb t. HW 198. Courtesy German Archaeological Institute, Athens

(Frontisi-Ducroux 1996, 84: “for painters and their public, maintaining visual reciprocity seems to indicate a certain interest in feminine participation during sexual relations”; see in general Frontisi-Ducroux 1998, 203252). The transparency of the young girl’s dress not only focuses on her sexuality, celebrating her youthful body, the outline of which is clearly discernable (LlewellynJones 2002, 188-190), but it also reinforces the impression of intimacy that reigns on the scene. Although the painter took pains to show the pubic hair (see Kilmer 1982 and 1993, 133-154), he clearly intended the girl to be of very young age, for she lacks the torpedo-like breasts sticking out of the torso and culminating in detailed nipples of exaggerated proportions (LlewellynJones 2002, 181), that usually characterize the ideal, highly erotic versions of Athenian women. This deliberate attempt to depict an unripe female body has been misunderstood by careless scholars, who identified the figure as a boy (Schnapp 1997, 326, n. 319). On the reverse appear both a seated woman spinning and a standing youth who holds a hare [figure 4-5]. The animal is a token of sexual attraction and love, usually offered by adult men to boys in scenes of homosexual courtship of the fifth century BC (Koch-Harnack 1983, 63-87; Schnapp 1989, 78-87; Schnapp 1997, 247-257 and 417-424). The hare’s presence in a scene of heterosexual courtship is notable: one is reminded of an amphora by the Amasis Painter in the National Library in Paris (Cab. Méd. Inv. 222: Beazley 1956, 152 and 687, no. 25; Beazley 1971, 63; Von Bothmer 1985, 125-127, no. 23), with a scene of a very different mood: a maenad offers a hare to Dionysus, while her companion holds a deer. The second animal that is usually exchanged in scenes of pederastic courtship, the cock, is found on two vases, on a

Figures 3. Athens, Kerameikos Museum 2713, red-figured alabastron. Courtesy German Archaeological Institute, Athens 25

THE CONTEXTS OF PAINTED POTTERY IN THE MEDITERRANEAN (7TH-4TH CENTURIES BCE)

Figures 4-5. Athens, Kerameikos Museum 2713, red-figured alabastron. Courtesy German Archaeological Institute, Athens

1983, 94-95; Wasowitz 1989; Lissarrague 1995, 95-97; Lewis 2002, 62-65; Bundrick 2008; against this view, see Ferrari 2002, 57, who identifies the spinner to the unmarried maiden). The chair and the basket of wool that is placed at her feet, the kalathos (the very symbol of “the virtues of industry and submissiveness”: Keuls 1983, 221) denote the inner space of women’s room, the gynaikônitis. Countless images of women spinning appear on red-figured vases of various shapes, but most notably on shapes that were usually connected to female users, like lekythoi, squat lekythoi, hydriae, alabastra, and pyxides (Bundrick 2008, 288, table 1), but also on cups. The association of the spinner receiving gifts with a scene of kissing has led to the popular assumption that our vase actually represents a courtesan being visited by one of her favourites (Knigge 1964, 108-109, followed by KochHarnack 1983 129-130, Pandou 1989b, Kunze-Götte, Tancke and Vierneisel 1999, p. 131-132, Badinou 2003, 93-94, Stampolidis and Tassoulas 2009, 203).

black-figured cup by the Amasis Painter in the Louvre, showing bearded men bringing gifts to youths and to a naked girl (inv. A 479, from Camirus: Beazley 1956, 156, no. 80; Beazley 1971, 65; Von Bothmer 1985, 200-203, no. 80; Schnapp 1989, 79, fig. 108; Schnapp 1997, 249, no. 178a-b) and on an alabastron in the National Museum of Athens, with a youth and his servant bringing a cock and a goose to a woman who is spinning (Athens 1239: Knigge 1964, pl. 57.3-4; Chryssoulaki 1989, 112 and 114; see also a cup in Luzern market: Beazley 1963, 892, no. 8; Koch-Harnack 1983, 133, fig. 66). This small group of references allows the conclusion that the gift of a hare is exceptional, but not altogether out of place in the iconography of heterosexual courtship. The Ceramicus alabastron bears three inscriptions: between the youth holding the hare and the spinning woman, we read either ΚΑΛΩΣ ΕΙΜΙ: “I am good looking”, or ΘΑΛΩΣ ΕΙΜΙ: “I belong to Thallô”; next to the spinner: ΗΕ ΠΑΙΣ ΚΑΛΗ. “The girl is beautiful”. Atop the neck appears the potter’s signature: ΑΤΙTΑΣ EΠΟΙΕΣΕΝ, “Atitas Made (me)”.

The curious idea that the spinner should be considered as a hetaira has its origins to the problems arising from the attempts to interpret images of spinning women visited by males who cradle purses. One of the best known examples appears on a lost alabastron from Pikrodafni in

The spinner is the very symbol of the mistress of the household (Keuls 1983 and 1985, 240-266; Williams

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D. PALEOTHODOROS: SEX AND THE ATHENIAN WOMAN: A CONTEXTUAL ANALYSIS OF EROTIC VASE-PAINTINGS FROM ATTIC GRAVES…

In a disconcerting variant of the iconographic motif of purse-offering, the active role is reserved to the woman: thus, a cup in San Antonio (Shapiro et alii, 1995, 172173, no. 172-173, no. 37) shows a woman offering a purse to a youth; the setting is the men’s room, the andrôn; a similar scene appears on a mid-fifth century cup in Florence (inv. 3961: Magi 1959, 20 and pl. 114). It is rather difficult to envisage that the youths are bribed by elder women or hetairai (Shapiro et alii 1995, 173) to provide them with sexual services, as the logic of the equation of purse giving with mercenary sex necessarily implies. Consequently, it would be preferable to assume that we are faced with scenes that need not be associated to payment, but rather to gift-offering. It should not be taken for granted that women are only passive recipients in the act of gift giving, for on a white-ground alabastron in Palermo, a woman holds up a cock to a youth (coll. Mormino, inv. 796: Badinou 2003, pl. 111, no. 298). This particular object is not destined to the woman, but to the boy, much like the mirror held by a bearded man on a red-figured cup at Leiden is not his own, but rather a gift to the woman who faces him (inv. PC 94: Beazley 1963, 814, no. 2; Vos 1991, pl. 165).

Attica (Once Berlin F 2254, alabastron by the Pan Painter: Beazley 1963, 553, no. 123; Beazley 1971, 387; Keuls 1985, 261, fig. 38; Ferrari 2002, fig. 3-4), showing a youth leaning on his stick and offering a purse to a seated woman who is spinning. The presence of the purse invites one to believe that the youth is buying the services of the woman. Other solutions have been proposed, namely that the purse does not contain coins, but astragaloi, “knucklebones” (Killet 1996, 125-128; Ferrari 2002, 14-17; see also Younger 2002, 190: “… the phormiskoi should either contain coins for sex or astragaloi as a love gift”). However, this attractive idea should be refuted on the evidence of similar scenes of men buying pots, oil, wine and other commodities, which make it abundantly clear that the purse is usually involved is financial transactions (von Reden 1995, 206-210). Scholars generally conclude that these spinning women are high-class courtesans, who adopted the attitudes and the gestures of well to do women, in order to raise their price and attract clients who prefer to live the fantasy that they have sex with a respectable housewife (Rodenwalt 1932; Sutton 1981, 369, with reservations; Reinsberg 1989, 120-125; Meyer 1988; van Reden 1995, 197-211; Davidson 1997, 86-90; Neils 2000, 208; Badinou 2003, 4-7; Rosenweig 2004, 68-71; Wrenhaven 2009). Spinning prostitutes certainly existed in ancient Athens, as is amply documented by both the archaeological and epigraphic records and the iconographic evidence (Williams 1983, 96-97); building Z in the Kerameikos has been identified with a brothel, but nearly every room yielded a significant amount of loom-weights (Kunze 1982, Lind 1988); recently, it has been argued that the wool-workers (ταλασιουργοί) mentionned in Attic manumissions should be identified to prostitutes who do not dare to confess openly their former occupation (Wrenhaven 2009). pinning prostitutes being approached by clients appear on a red-figured cup of the late archaic period (once in a German private collection: Cahn 1975, pl. 33); However since the setting makes it clear that the women do not belong to the realm of the oikos, it would be unwise to use this and other images of slave prostitutes working the wool, as an indication that all spinning women offered purses of gifts should be regarded as courtesans (see the insightful comments by Keuls 1983, 227-229).

To return to the Ceramicus alabastron, I want to argue that only the study of the archaeological context can offer us clues for the correct interpretation of the scene. The biological sex of the deceased has been determined as female. When she died she was about 12 to 14 years old. Ursula Knigge, the excavator, concluded that the girl buried in the tomb was a prostitute who had received the alabastron as a gift during her lifetime (Knigge 1964, 108-109). This striking conclusion is based solely on the interpretation of the iconography of the alabastron as an illustration of the daily occupations of courtesans. One is immediately reminded of similar commonsensical assumptions that turned into a courtesan a woman from Corinth who was buried with a mirror showing a scene of rear intercourse, because such scenes are regarded today as inappropriate for a “respectful” woman (Boston Res. 08.32C; see the detailed discussion by Stewart 1996, 141, fig. 6 and 145-150). Nothing in the make and the placement of the tomb HW 198, the quality and quantity of the grave goods, or any other significant detail indicates that the woman was marked out as a social outcast (although it has been argued that a woman named Choiros – a pun for “cunt” – on an attic funerary stela in Karlsruhe should be identified with a prostitute: Thimme 1967, 199-203; Stears 1995, 124 is cautious). It is easy to imagine the owner of the alabastron as a member of the free citizen population of Athens that was normally, but certainly not exclusively (Patterson 2006) buried in the Ceramicus cemetery. Although wealth is not necessarily translated into social status, the number of grave goods seems to preclude the possibility that the woman was an adolescent prostitute: how it would have been possible for her to make the modest fortune needed to afford buying these particular grave goods, at the age of 12-14 years, let alone the burial plot where she was buried? Not surprisingly, in later publications, German scholars refer to a child’s

Other scholars, however, point out that the act of spinning in a domestic setting is surely referring to the oikos, so that the man should be interpreted as a husband who brings money to his hard-working wife (Beazley 1931, 24-25). In that respect, the painters fully explore the concept of the unity of the household, with the man bringing in money, as his wife produces clothing (Bundrick 2008, 300-301). Alternatively, the purse can be interpreted “as the symbolic expression of the power of money in human relations” (Keuls 1983, 229), as a sort of “economic phallus” (Keuls 1985, 264), that signifies the power of man to dominate the woman, irrespective of her real social status (for a similar conclusion, see Shapiro 1992, 72, n. 3, who argues that the purse “signifies ability to purchase anything from sex to vegetables, but not necessarily intent”; see also von Reden 1995, 206-209).

27

THE CONTEXTS OF PAINTED POTTERY IN THE MEDITERRANEAN (7TH-4TH CENTURIES BCE)

biological sex of the skeleton discovered within the tomb has not been determined. However, the grave goods provide enough information to determine her as a female. Particularly revealing is the presence of the nuptial bowl, which was a marriage gift to brides (Oakley and Sinos 1992, 6; Sgourou 1995, 218-220; Sgourou 1997, 72). Whenever the sex of a deceased buried with a nuptial bowl is determined, it is always female (Sgourou 1995, 222-224). The Ceramicus example is typical for it shows the adornment of the bride by an all-female attendance, including the goddess Nike. Since numerous examples of nuptial bowls have been found in the Agora excavations (Moore and Philippides 1986, 27-29 and 166-168, no. 510-518, pl. 48-49; Moore 1997, 18-20 and 151-156, no. 119-163, pl. 21-24), it is concluded that these vessels were kept by married women at home, until their death (Sgourou 1997, 72).

tomb, without making any comment on her status (Kunze-Götte, Tancke and Vierneisel 1999, 14). There is a much more plausible scenario: the occupant of the tomb was an unmarried maid who had just passed puberty when she died. In this reading, both girls on the alabastron offer images of the deceased: she appears as a young near-adolescent lover on the kissing scene, and as a spinning housewife receiving gifts by her husband on the other scene. Both images refer to a marriage that never took place, because of the virgin’s death. The conjugal overtones of the scene, aptly recognized by some scholars (i.e. Baggio 2004, 65), gain considerable force, once we recognize that they refer not to some present status of her as a married woman, but alas to a condition that she never attained. What made her untimely loss greater for her female relatives, who decided to put the alabastron in the tomb, a symbol of erotic desire (Badinou 2003, 122), was that she died unmarried, failing to fulfill her duty as a housewife and to draw pleasure from it. Admittedly, this “subjective reading” does not contradict the male-dominated ideology of the idealized industrious yet erotically attractive housewife (Keuls 1985, 252-258), but fully incorporates it and accepts it, by simultaneously exploring its sexual overtones for the female partner herself. To quote Barbara Goff (Goff 2004, 254) “the woman viewer is thus perhaps offered a position that simultaneously constructs her as object of the internalized male gaze and as subject of her own gaze”. This particular reading confirms Sutton’s suggestion that allusions to marital sex might be expressed through the iconography of courtship developed for pederasty and prostitution (Sutton 1993, 20; see also Sutton 1997/1998, 31). For example, on an alabastron in Paris (Cabinet des Médailles 508: Beazley 1963, 1610; Reilly 1989, pl. 80a; Sutton 1993, 20, fig. 1.6; Lewis 2002, 32, fig. 1.16), we find a small girl holding an alabastron and looking at a seated woman making a wreath, who is being offered a headband by a youth, identified by an inscription as fair Timodemos. Another inscription acclaims the woman as “a fair bride” (ΗΕ NYMΦΕ ΚΑΛΕ). A wool basket lies in front of her legs. The inscriptions make clear the nuptial significance of the scene, which refers to the conjugal relationship between Timodemos and his young bride.

Figure 6. Athens, Kerameikos Museum 1063, red-figured askos. Courtesy German Archaeological Institute, Athens

Herbert Hoffmann (1977, 4), who studied in depth the iconography of askoi, argued that the key element on the Ceramicus example is the contrast between the frontfacing position with the rear position of love-making. According to this interpretation, which obviously derives from Dover’s account of the rear position as an allusion to homosexual anal copulation (Dover 1978), the frontfacing position was held at low esteem, while the rear position is an allusion to the hierarchically superior homosexual relationship. Eva Keuls (Keuls 1985, 176178) is also sustaining that the two scenes depict the same man with two different partners, a young and desirable woman penetrated frontally and an older and unattractive prostitute penetrated anally (for a different estimate, making both women young, see Kilmer 1993, 40 and 48). Both Hoffmann and Keuls think that the women depicted on the Ceramicus askos are prostitutes, an opinion obviously shared in almost all other studies of the vase.

Tomb HTR 499 More evident allusions to marital sex can be detected in the case of tomb HTR 499 in the Ceramicus: it contained a red-figured vessel called an askos (Athens, Kerameikos Museum 1063: Sutton 1981, pl. 3; Keuls 1985, 178, fig. 160; Dierichs 1993, pl. 101a-b; Pandou 1989c, 121, no. 52; Kilmer 1993, fig. R 1189; Kunze-Götte, Tancke and Vierneisel 1999, pl. 89.1-4; Stampolidis and Tassoulas 2009, 220, no. 85) side of the handle a couple making love in front facing position and on the other side the same, or a very similar couple in the rear position [figure 6], as well as a large bowl, the so-called lebes gamikos (“nuptial bowl”), by the Painter of London E 489 [fig. 79], a clay lamp and a statuette of a crouching boy. The

This analysis cannot be easily reconciled with the fact that the deceased was a married woman, as it is indicated

28

D. PALEOTHODOROS: SEX AND THE ATHENIAN WOMAN: A CONTEXTUAL ANALYSIS OF EROTIC VASE-PAINTINGS FROM ATTIC GRAVES…

Figures 7-9. Athens Kerameikos Museum, red-figured nuptial lebes. Courtesy German Archaeological Institute, Athens

by the presence of the nuptial bowl. Equally unconvincing are the view that erotic images are appropriate for a tomb, because sexual intercourse can serve as an apotropaic device (Lynch 2009, 164, n.31;

Sutton 2009a, 84; also Lewis 1997, 151, for vases with erotic images in Etruscan tombs) and the suggestion that the askos would hold oil to supply lubrication for the act of anal copulation (Kilmer 1993, 40 and 86). This 29

THE CONTEXTS OF PAINTED POTTERY IN THE MEDITERRANEAN (7TH-4TH CENTURIES BCE)

different from the misogynist discourse of authors like Hesiod, Simonides and the major tragic poets, which is certainly due to the “almost neurotic fear on the part of men of being deceived in marriage by their wives” (Versnel 1987, 66).

particular shape appears too often in funerary contexts from the early 5th down to the 4th century BC, to be ascribed to such a use. In my view, the correct interpretation of the reading of the images by those women who decided to put the askos in their relative’s tomb, can be grasped only by fully analyzing the tomb-context: among the grave-goods are included three strong iconographical signs, the statuette of the boy, the bride on the nuptial bowl and the motif of intercourse on both sides of the askos. Taken in conjunction, these elements celebrate female sexuality in the context of marriage, with procreation of male offspring as its triumphant outcome, what is usually called erotic “work”. A concomitant male reading would make the woman a prostitute and the man a reveler, thus conforming the image to erotic “play”, that is to sexual intercourse that does not aims at engendering offspring (Carson 1990, 149). The latter reading might have been intended by the maker of the pot, but the appropriation of the message by a female viewer would have produced a very different, domestic reading of intercourse, one that does not contest the dominant ideology, but simply offers a very positive evaluation of female sexuality, very

Both the askos and the nuptial bowl from tomb HR 499 date from about the middle of the 5th century BC (Kunze-Götte, Tancke and Vierneisel 1999, 132): I venture the hypothesis that the marriage of the woman did not occur much earlier than her death: the male statuette might be regarded either as an indication that she already had engendered male offspring, or that she died on childbirth or during her pregnancy. Tomb HTR 278 Tomb HTR 278 (Kunze-Götte, Tancke and Vierneisel 1999, pl. 52-54) in the Ceramicus admittedly offers less secure evidence for our purpose: it yielded eleven vases, eight lekythoi (one red-figured and seven black-figured) and three alabastra (two black-figured and one blackglazed). [figure 10-11]. We move on shaggy ground here, since we do not have any positive indication about the

Figures 10-11. Ceramicus, tomb Tomb HTR 278. Courtesy German Archaeological Institure, Athens 30

D. PALEOTHODOROS: SEX AND THE ATHENIAN WOMAN: A CONTEXTUAL ANALYSIS OF EROTIC VASE-PAINTINGS FROM ATTIC GRAVES…

Figure 12-13. Athens, Kerameikos Museum, black-figured alabastron. Courtesy German Archaeological Institute, Athens

sex of the deceased; the alabastron is a female shape, but stone alabastra have also been found in at least two male tombs in Athens (see Badinou 2003, 51, n. 6 for references), so the possibility that the deceased was a male cannot be ruled out with certainty, although it seems unlikely, because painted alabastra are exclusively connected with women (Badinou 2003). The female gender of the deceased is further suggested by the iconography on the vases put into the tomb: the blackfigured lekythoi show the Judgment of Paris, a group of women dancing, the Delian triad with Dionysus, two men courting a girl, an actor dressed as warrior riding a dolphin and floral ornaments; the alabastra show Peleus abducting Thetis (Kunze-Götte, Tancke and Vierneisel 1999, pl. (54.1-2) [figure 12-13] and Athena with Herakles, Poseidon and Amphitrite.

woman, who holds a flower; on the other side, the woman is offered a purse, but she makes a gesture indicating that she declines the offer. As it was stated above, the purse is usually explained as an indication that the woman is offered money for sex. This may be so here, but it is significant that the offer is not accepted. The Judgment of Paris and the fight of Peleus and Thetis are unequivocal allusions to marriage: they celebrate female beauty and the necessity to tame the virgins before marriage. Taken together, all these images refer to wedding. To the eyes of those who selected this particular red-figured lekythos to be included into the tomb, its overtly romantic decoration precisely suits the same purpose of celebrating female beauty and grace.

The red-figured lekythos (Athens, Kerameikos Museum 1487: Pandou 1989a, 97-98, no. 37; Kunze-Götte, Tancke and Vierneisel 1999, pl. 53.2) has on each side the image of a youth courting a lavishly dressed woman [figure 1416]. There are minor, but significant differences between the two images: on one side the youth offers a fruit to the

We leave the Ceramicus cemetery in order to move to a tomb discovered during the construction of a road in Ilioupoli in Southern Attica (Pologiorgi 1995). The biological sex of the deceased cannot be determined, because the body had been cremated. We are dealing with a primary cremation: the dimensions of the burial shaft

Child’s tomb from Ilioupoli

31

THE CONTEXTS OF PAINTED POTTERY IN THE MEDITERRANEAN (7TH-4TH CENTURIES BCE)

Figures 14-16. Athens, Kerameikos Museum 1487, red-figured lekythos. Courtesy German Archaeological Institute, Athens

32

D. PALEOTHODOROS: SEX AND THE ATHENIAN WOMAN: A CONTEXTUAL ANALYSIS OF EROTIC VASE-PAINTINGS FROM ATTIC GRAVES…

Figure 17. Piraeus Museum, inv. 6252. Drawing by Natalena Zachou

tomb 1010 in the Ceramicus, found in the early 90’s during the works for the construction of the Athenian metro. The tomb was quite well furnished: there were eight black-figured lekythoi (three with Herakles fighting the lion, two with Dionysiac subjects, one with Athena killing a Giant, one showing a drinking party and lastly, one with several couples making love in couches). In addition, there are seven miniature black-glazed vessels and a series of terracotta toys (a shepherd with his herd, dogs, ducks, a horse and a chariot), a shell and 69 knuklebones (Stampolidis and Parlama 2000, 293-304). The excavators identified the owner of the tomb as a child. It is stated that the iconography of the lekythos with erotic subjects does not fit with the age of the deceased (Stampolidis and Parlama 2000, 298-299; see also De la Genière 2009, 343 and Sutton 2009a, 84). It does not follow, however, that these images do not refer to the deceased or bear an impersonal apotropaic message (Lynch 2009, 164, n. 31): as in the case of the Piraeus alabastron, the lekythos refers to the prospects of a future life, idealized by reference to the sexual pleasures following the banquet. What is the wedding for the girl is the banquet for the boy, if indeed the person buried was a male: a symbol of the happy life, a context for sexuality to blossom.

(1.40 m x 0.90 m) suggest that the cremated corpse belonged to a child (Pologiorgi 1995, 244). This is further supported by the presence of a toy, the figurine of a rider. The tomb also contained a number of black-figured and black-glazed pots (two lekythoi, five miniature skyphoi and a miniature oinochoe) and a red-figured alabastron [figure 17] depicting two women (Piraeus, inv. 6252: Pologiorgi 1995, pl. 63β-δ; Steinhauer 2001, 270, fig. 380). To the left, there is a richly dressed woman holding a mirror reflecting her image. She is approached by a similarly dressed woman of slightly smaller scale. Since both the shape and the iconography of the alabastron make it likely that the cremated child was of female sex (Pologiorgi 1995, 245), the image in question is not intended to be a portrait; rather, the deceased is represented in a future state of her life, as a beautiful woman at her prime, as a future bride; unfortunately she did not live enough to attain at this stage of life. This observation is compatible with the custom of putting into the graves of elder children items which were especially gender-laden in the adult world (Houby-Nilssen 1996, 244). The idea that child tombs might be furnished with images that refer to a happy future life which was not attained by the deceased is further supported by the finds from the 33

THE CONTEXTS OF PAINTED POTTERY IN THE MEDITERRANEAN (7TH-4TH CENTURIES BCE)

unnamed boy, a tantalizing red-figured rhyton by Douris in the British Museum showing a woman pursuing a young man by an altar, while a bearded man leaning on his stick looks upon (London E796: Hoffmann 1962, pl. IV.1-2; Beazley 1963, 445, no. 258), or another rhyton with a woman running with both hands outstretched towards a youth leaning on his stick (New York 06.1021.203: Hoffmann 1962, pl. XIII.1-2; Beazley 1963, 777, no. 2).

CONCLUSION: THE SEXUAL LIFE OF THE ATHENIAN HOUSEWIFE The general conclusion reached at the term of this analysis is that specific tomb-contexts offer reasons to reject long-established interpretations of iconographical motifs and to propose innovative readings. The number of tomb-contexts taken under consideration here is sufficient to disprove the possibility that they all belong to marginalized members of society, courtesans and slave prostitutes. It becomes clear that housewives or even adolescent girls could have access to the erotic repertory created by vase-painters; in fact they responded favorably to erotic images, by producing their own subjective, female readings which do not question established dogmas of their male-dominated society, but focus instead on women as active subjects of heterosexual desire. Erotic imagery can be linked to the expectations of the female audience, especially when these images appear on shapes that are normally designed to be used by women. The context is always marital and the setting domestic: it could not have been otherwise, since the creation of female sexuality took place within the household (Foxhall 2003, 178).

It is time to take the evidence for active expressions of female desire more seriously: citizen women were certainly not “raised to regard sex as a painful duty”, as is sometimes claimed (Keuls 1985, 114); sex was the prerogative for a successful marriage oriented prevalently towards procreation that assured the continuity of a man’s lineage, by producing male heirs who will take care later of their parents (Brulé 2003, 155-159). The wife’s erotic rival was not the courtesan, nor the prostitute, or the beloved boy, but other respectable citizen women, who might induce the husband to divorce her (Cantarella 2002, 90); producing male children was a safe way for a married woman to preserve her married status. The status of the women shown on erotic vases was determined by the use of the vases (most notably argued by Beard 1991, 30; see also Osborne 1996, 77, Stewart 1996, 149, Kilmer 1997, 124, Pedersen 1997, 36): this process does not involve only the user of the vase during lifetime, but also those female relatives who where responsible for the selection of grave goods. Ambiguity leaves room for double readings and subjective interpretations. Idealized versions of desirable females might adorn tombs of adolescent females; ambiguous sceneries of courtship and love-making might satisfy the tastes of future brides. The proper reading of Athenian imagery is impossible without reference to the archaeological context. The difficulty of the method lies with the necessity of studying each context individually, because every single funerary assemblage is the result of a unique decision made by a group of mourning female relatives of the dead. On the other hand, this is one of the few available ways for making the silent women of Ancient Athens speak.

Athenian women were certainly not naïve in sexual matters (Roy 1997, 12): they were expected to participate in important ritual actions which involved verbal abuse about sexual matters. In Aristophanic plays, Athenian housewives display an enormous appetite for sex and wine. Yet, this attitude is generally considered as a sign of them being portrayed in the guise of courtesans (i.e. Garrison 2000, 144; Henderson 2002, 82; Stroup 2004; Faraone 2006; Gilhuly 2009, 154-155). This distorted idea about Athenian housewives is born out from the old familiar concept that sex and desire are necessarily “dirty” and inappropriate. It echoes opinions expressed by several ancient Greek authors, who laid considerable stress on the negative aspects of female sexuality. Medical writers believe that the wetness of women’s nature is the cause of their being more open to erotic emotion than men. Since their capacity for pleasure is inexhaustible, women feel no physical need to control desire; whence aroused, they are sexually insatiable (see Carson 1990, 142). Women’s sexuality represents a danger for men and needs to be isolated and suppressed, since women are by nature inclined to commit adultery and threaten the integrity and survival of the family (Carson 1990, 143).

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DESCOEUDRES, P. Antichthon 15, 8-14.

1981:

“Hêdistos

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RED-FIGURE POTTERY FROM MINOA ON AMORGOS* Manolis MANOLEDAKIS

important, as are the sculptures of the same era, since, given the paucity of architectural ruins from the Archaic and Classical periods at Minoa, they constitute the only witness to the continued habitation of the city over that time (cf. Marangou 2002, 123-134).

THE ANCIENT CITY OF MINOA AND THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL EXCAVATIONS* The island of Amorgos – easternmost and seventh largest of the Cyclades group – had three cities in antiquity: Aegiale in the northeast, Arcesine in the southwest and, roughly in the centre, Minoa, which stood on the south slope of the hill (Mount Mountoulia) overlooking the port of Katapola. Although all three sites were identified by L. Ross in 1837 (Marangou 2002, 4-5, 108-109), only Minoa has been excavated (for the name ‘Minoa’, see Marangou 2002, 105-108).

Of particular importance are the 147 fragments of redfigure vases that were found – most of them non-stratified – during the surface and excavation exploration of the site between 1981 and 2003, for besides the specific evidence they afford they also document the relations of the city, and more generally of the island, with Athens in the 5th and 4th centuries BC. The fragments of red-figure ware presented here come from almost every part of the Minoa site, from the Acropolis and the city wall to the Lower Town [fig. 1]. The following sections describe in brief the locations that yielded important quantities of red-figure sherds.

The systematic excavation of the city was undertaken by the University of Ioannina in 1981, and carried out under the aegis of the Archaeological Society at Athens by a team directed by Prof. Lila Marangou (for early “excavations” at Minoa, particularly in the 19th century, see Marangou 2002, 109). The impressive architectural ruins and portable finds brought to light over the course of the fourteen-year project (1981-2005) provide much information about various aspects of the history of Minoa and the activities of its inhabitants, while the dozens of students involved in the work gained invaluable field experience on Mountoulia’s meltemi-buffeted slopes. The surface and excavation finds show that the site was settled in the 5th millennium BC, and there are also traces of habitation in the 3rd millennium. The city was inhabited continuously from 1100 BC to the late 3rd or early 4th century of our era, when it was finally abandoned (Marangou 2002, 116-162, with bibliography).

Square A/6 The excavation of square A/6, south of the Hellenistic temple (see Marangou 2002, 189 ff., with bibliography), began in 1988. It revealed part of a Geometric Age defensive terrace wall, built mainly of schist, that formed the southern boundary of the walled city, its east end abutting a square tower-like structure (Marangou 1988a, 119-120; 1988b, 170; 1989a, 274; 1989b, 110; 1990a, 240-241; 1990b, 116; 1991a, 293; 1991b, 99; 2002, 264) [fig. 3]. This discovery not only radically altered the thencurrent image of the Lower Town but also brought to light the largest single quantity of red-figure pottery sherds on the site. Excavation of the ‘tower’ to the west of the monumental gate [fig. 2, no. 1] yielded 13 fragments, while another 26 were found inside and outside the adjoining wall to the west, so that the astonishing total of 26.5% of the red-figure vases from Minoa come from this particular area.

THE IMPORTANCE OF THE FINDS AND THEIR DISPERSAL OVER THE SITE Of the pottery found at Minoa, to date only certain categories and isolated items from the Geometric (Blanas 2006) and Hellenistic periods have been published (Pappa 1994 and 1996; Marangou 2002, 378 ff.), but nothing from the intervening years. The pottery of the Archaic and Classical periods, however, which together span more than four centuries (700-323 BC), is particularly

Cut Aν/N1 Cut Aν/N1, in the southeast corner of the east wall of the Gymnasium (Marangou 1987a, 115-116; 1987b, 257-258 and plate 174a; for the Gymnasium, see Marangou 2002, 225 ff.) [fig. 2, no. 4], yielded eight fragments of redfigure ware. The importance of this cut lies in the fact that it shows how the foundations of the Gymnasium building were constructed. Moreover, the lack of finds post-dating the end of the 4th century BC in its lower strata is particularly significant, since it indicates that the east wall of the Gymnasium – and the edifice itself – was probably built in the last quarter of the 4th century BC (Marangou 1987a, 258 and 1987b, 116; 2002, 231).

* Especial thanks go to the director of the Minoa excavation, Professor of Classical Archaeology Lila Marangou of the University of Ioannina, who so graciously entrusted the publication of this material to me and gave me all possible practical assistance in studying it. I also wish to thank Professors of Classical Archaeology Stella Drougou and Michalis Tiverios and Assistant Professor Eleni Manakidou of the Aristotle University of Thessaloniki for their extremely useful observations. The photographs are by G. Despotidis, except for numbers 2, 6, 13, 16, 27, 48, 54, 57, 93-98, 109, 114, 135, 138, 146, 147, which were taken by K. Boura.

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THE CONTEXTS OF PAINTED POTTERY IN THE MEDITERRANEAN (7TH-4TH CENTURIES BCE)

Figure 1. Topographical sketch of the hill of Minoa. The positions where fragments of red-figure vessels were found are indicated with dots (drawing by G. Antoniou)

Figure 2. Plan of the city of Minoa, recording the positions where fragments of red-figure vessels were found (drawing by G. Antoniou) 42

M. MANOLEDAKIS: RED-FIGURE POTTERY FROM MINOA ON AMORGOS

Figure 3. Detailed sketch of the wall with tower-like structure (drawing by G. Antoniou)

Cut Γ/δ1 Cut Γ/δ1 on the west side of the Gymnasium “lavatory” (Marangou 1987a, 117; 1987b, 260-262 and pl. 184; see generally Marangou 2002, 232 ff.) [fig. 2, no. 4α] yielded seven fragments of red-figure ware (non-stratified). The lower strata of the cut appear to be solid fill, unlike the disturbed upper strata. As in cut Aν/N1, most of the portable finds from the fill are potsherds from the Geometric, Archaic and Classical periods and oil lamps, which suggest the end of the 5th century BC as a terminus post quem for dating the fill (Marangou 1987b, 261 and tab. 183). The “Theatre” Numerous fragments of red-figure ware were found scattered and non-stratified in what has been labelled the “Theatre” area, north and northeast of the Gymnasium and particularly within squares I6/NA1,2,4 and I6/BΔ2 of Chart 1:1 and A6/NΔ2 and BΔ2 of Chart 1:2 [fig. 2, no. 5], where five fragments were found. Excavation of this sector began in 1988 and brought to light segments of many monumental walls, which were thought to belong to public edifices of the Hellenistic city, e.g. the Theatre (Marangou 2002, 238 ff.), the Bouleuterion and the Sarapeion [Marangou 1988a, 122-123; 1988b, 175-176, 1989a, 112; 1989b, 281 ff; 1990a, 123; 1990b, 250 ff, 1991a, 102; 1991b, 301-304). However, despite the wealth of portable finds (Marangou 1989b, 282; 1990b, 250, 253, 255 and 1991b, 302-303) and architectural remains, it proved impossible to identify particular areas with particular buildings (Marangou 1989b, 286). Subsequent excavation altered the proposed interpretation of the site and today, following the most recent field work (Marangou 1999b, 219 and 2000, 153 ff.), the area formerly tentatively identified as the Theatre is now held to be a residential area, with houses built by prosperous citizens (Marangou 1999a, 75) and possibly some public buildings. One of the walls found northeast of the Gymnasium in 1999 bore the inscription ‘΄Ορος | οÓκίης | ’Ιθυδίκης. (Marangou 2002, 240 ff.).

Fig. 4. Sketch of the area of the triangular tower (drawing by G. Antoniou) Triangular Tower Seventeen fragments of red-figure ware were found in 2001 and 2003 in the area of the triangular tower on the

43

THE CONTEXTS OF PAINTED POTTERY IN THE MEDITERRANEAN (7TH-4TH CENTURIES BCE)

west-southwest side of the city wall [fig. 4]. The tower arises out of the rock and is built of massive blocks of schist. The beam sockets in the inner face of its north wall are evidence of a two-storey structure. Finds from this area suggest that it was in constant use from the Geometric to the Roman period, while there are also indications of pre-historic habitation (Marangou 2001a, 68; 2001b, 122-124; 2002, 271; 2003, 73-76).

2. Fragment of lip and body. Mid 5th – mid 4th c. BC. CCN: M94/CRF 1. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.058 m; max. e. width: 0.066 m; max. e. thickness: 0.0073 m. Find location: “South of the stable”. Loose. Clay reddish-brown (2,5YR 6/4), not particularly finegrained, relatively clean. Interior black-glazed. Deposits, dents and flaking on both surfaces. Lip outward-curving, black-glazed, separated from the body on the outside by a shallow groove. On the outside, parts of two horizontal leaves with double horizontal black lines running down the centre. Remarks: This is part of a decorative band with a pattern of leaves, the decorative motif most commonly used beneath the rim of a krater. Typological and iconographical parallels: Gex 1993, 358, 361 and pl. 85, 358.

The remaining 71 fragments of red-figure ware were found scattered at different locations around the Lower Town and the Acropolis [fig. 1]. CATALOGUE In this catalogue the fragments are presented by shape, chronology and find location, with the surface finds of each type preceding the excavation finds. Each item has a catalogue code number (CCN), e.g. M86/CRF 1, the first element indicating the place and year of discovery (Minoa 1986), the second the type of article (CRF = Clay, Red-Figured), and the third the serial number of the item within the whole set of finds that came to light in the particular year. OPEN MOUTHED VESSELS KRATERS BELL KRATERS The bell crater was the last type to appear (after the invention of the red-figure technique) and was particularly popular in the late 5th and early 4th century BC. (Richter and Milne 1935, 6-7; Talcott and Philippaki, Edwards and Grace 1956, 8-9; Drougou 1982, 85-92; Kanowski 1984, 61-62 and Moore 1997, 2634).

3. Fragment of lip and body. Mid 5th – mid 4th c. BC. CCN: M99/CRF 217. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.06 m; max. e. width: 0.036 m; max. e. thickness: 0.011 m. Find location: East of the “Theatre”. Chart 1:2 (Marangou 1999b, 219 ff.), square A6/NΔ4. Found while clearing the area between the south face of a wall and the north face of a conduit. Clay yellowish-brown (5YR 7/4), relatively coarsegrained, clean. Interior black-glazed. Dents and flaking, locally severe, on both surfaces. Lip outward-curving, separated from the body on the outside by a groove and on the inside by a reserved band. Beneath the rim on the outside are two decorative bands between reserved strips, both displaying parts of elongated horizontal leaves. Typological parallels: Gex 1993, 367 and pl. 86.

Surface finds

1. Fragment of handle and body. Mid 5th – mid 4th c. BC. CCN: M81/CRF 486. Dimensions: Maximum extant length: 0.087 m; max. handle diameter: 0.03 m. Find location: “West of the dig site” (Marangou 1981, 313 ff.). Clay orange-brown (5YR 7/6), coarse-grained, with admixtures. Black-glazed, except for the underside of the handle. Dents and flaking over the entire surface. Handle horizontal, cylindrical, narrowing and gently curving away from the body. Typological Parallels: Gex 1993, 286 and pl. 73.

44

M. MANOLEDAKIS: RED-FIGURE POTTERY FROM MINOA ON AMORGOS

4. Fragment of body and base of handle. Mid 5th – mid 4th c. BC. CCN: M01/CRF 706. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.023 m; max. e. width: 0.0316 m; max. e. thickness: 0.0191 m. Find location: Chart 5:6, square Z6, development S of old face, E sector. Clay orange-brown (7,5YR 6/6), fine-grained, clean. Interior black-glazed. Dents and flaking. Part of a reserved ring decorated with an ovolo encircling the base of the handle. Typological parallels: Moore 1997, pl. 49, no. 391.

7. Fragment of lip and body. 5th – 4th c. BC. CCN: M89/CRF 51. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.0373 m; max. e. width: 0.06 m; max. e. thickness: 0.0093 m. Find location: Unknown. Clay yellowish-brown (5YR 7/4), fine-grained, clean. Interior black-glazed. Considerable dents and flaking, especially inside. Lip outward-curving. A reserved band on the outside, on the lower part of the rim, as well as on the extant part of the body. Typological parallels: Gex 1993, 367 and pl. 86.

Excavation finds

5. Fragment of lip and body. Late 5th – 4th c. BC. CCN: M82/CRF 492. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.04 m; max. e. width: 0.0672 m; max. e. thickness: 0.0096 m. Find location: Area NW of Δ1 (Marangou 1982, 286 ff.). Removal of overlying fallen stones. Depth: 0.95-1.10 m. Clay orange-brown (5YR 7/6), relatively coarse-grained, with admixtures and some mica. Interior black-glazed. Considerable dents and flaking on both surfaces. Rounded, slightly outward-curving lip, separated from body by grooves inside and out. Parts of two elongated leaves on the upper part of the body, outside. Typological parallels: Gex 1993, 366 and pl. 86.

8. Fragment of handle and body. Mid 5th – mid 4th c. BC. CCN: M90/CRF 201. Dimensions: Max. e. length: 0.14 m; max. handle diameter: 0.043 m. Find location: “Theatre”. Chart 2:1 (Marangou 1990b, 250 ff.), square I1/BA1, North extension, layer 8. Clay orange-brown (5YR 7/6), relatively coarse-grained, with admixtures. Black-glazed except for inner surface of handle. Considerable flaking, scratches and dents. Handle horizontal, cylindrical, narrowing and gently curving away from the body, with reserved ring encircling its base. Typological parallels: Gex 1993, 286 and pl. 73.

6. Fragment of lip and body. Mid 5th – mid 4th c. BC. CCN: M87/CRF 14. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.039 m; max. e. width: 0.065 m; max. e. thickness: 0.008 m. Find location: Cut Γ/N1 (Marangou 1987b, 262). Depth: 1.95-2.15 m., E sector. Clay orange-brown (5YR 6/6), fine-grained, clean. Interior black-glazed. Dents and flaking on both surfaces. Lip outward-curving, black-glazed. Part of a decorative band with elongated horizontal leaves on outside of body beneath the rim. Typological and iconographical parallels: Gex 1993, pl. 84-86.

9. Fragment of handle and body. Mid 5th – mid 4th c. BC. CCN: M93/CRF 453. Dimensions: Max. e. length: 0.091 m; max. handle diameter: 0.033 m. Find location: Chart 5:6, south of A6 (Marangou 1993, 204 ff.), squares H4, Θ4, I4. Clay orange-brown (5YR 7/6), fine-grained, clean. Blackglazed except for inner surface of handle. Dents and 45

THE CONTEXTS OF PAINTED POTTERY IN THE MEDITERRANEAN (7TH-4TH CENTURIES BCE)

right in three-quarters view. The drapery of the fulllength garment is rendered with fine raised lines. To the right is part of a second clothed figure. Both figures are standing on a decorative border with a meander and abacus motif.

flaking. Handle horizontal, cylindrical, narrowing and gently curving away from the body. Typological parallels: Gex 1993, 256 and pl. 89.

10. Fragment of handle and body. Mid 5th – mid 4th c. BC. CCN: M93/CRF 552. Dimensions: Max. e. length: 0.18 m; max. handle diameter: 0.034 m. Find location: NW of the monumental fortification building to the south of the Hellenistic temple (Marangou 1993, 197 ff.). Clay orange-brown (5YR 7/6), fine-grained, relatively clean. Βlack-glazed, except for inner surface of handle. Dents and flaking. Handle horizontal, rounded, cylindrical, with an ovolo ring encircling its base. Typological parallels: Moore 1997, pl. 49, no. 391.

13. Fragment of handle and body. Mid 5th – mid 4th c. BC. CCN: M01/CRF 851. Dimensions: Max. e. length: 0.04 m; max. handle diameter: 0.047 m. Find location: W slope. City wall. N of the triangular tower. Chart 8:3, square B-Γ/3-4. Cut 4/01, Gate, stone layer (4). Clay orange-brown (5YR 7/6), relatively coarse-grained, with admixtures and mica. Βlack-glazed, except for inner surface of handle. Many deposits and flaking. Handle horizontal, cylindrical, narrowing and gently curving away from the body. Body inside brown-glazed. Typological parallels: Gex 1993, pl. 73.

11. Two fused fragments of lip and body. Late 5th – 4th c. BC. CCN: M96/CRF 101. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.048 m; max. e. width: 0.096 m; max. e. thickness: 0.009 m. Find location: Chart 6:7 (Marangou 1996b, 280 ff.), squares B1, B2, road M1, 2nd step (depth: 0.87 m.). Clay orange-brown (5YR 7/6), relatively fine-grained, with admixtures. Interior black-glazed. Dents and flaking on both surfaces. Lip outward-curving, slightly rounded, separated from body on the outside by a shallow reserved groove and on the inside by a reserved band. Neck decorated with a row of elongated horizontal leaves. Typological and iconographical parallels: Gex 1993, 364 and pl. 85; Moore 1997, pl. 55, no. 499.

14. Fragment of lip and body. Late 5th – 4th c. BC. CCN: M/CRF 01 (Unknown find date). Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.062 m; max. e. width: 0.077 m; max. e. thickness: 0.011 m. Find location: Unknown. Clay orange-brown (5YR 6/6), relatively coarse-grained, with few admixtures and mica. Interior black-glazed. Dents and flaking on both surfaces. Lip slightly outwardcurving. Between lip and body outside shallow groove and inside a reserved band. On the outside decorated with elongated leaves, which is a common motif. Typological and iconographical parallels: Gex 1993, 364 and pl. 85.

12. Six fused fragments of vessel body. Mid 5th – mid 4th c. BC. CCN: M01/CRF 752. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.166 m; max. e. width: 0.131 m; max. e. thickness: 0.007 m. Find location: Chart 8:3, square Γ2-3. Triangular tower, layer 2, cut levelling 2/2001 and cut 1/2001, layer 2, flush with E wall. Clay orange-brown (5YR 6/6), fine-grained, clean. Interior black-glazed. Dents and flaking on both surfaces. On the outside, most of a standing clothed figure (from the chest down) that appears to be turned towards our

CALYX KRATERS Calyx-kraters appeared in the second half of the 6th century BC; the earliest known example was decorated by Exekias (see Oakley 1984; Tiverios 1989, 59 ff.; Frank 1990; Tsingarida 2003). 46

M. MANOLEDAKIS: RED-FIGURE POTTERY FROM MINOA ON AMORGOS

Excavation finds

Surface find

17. Fragment of lip and body. Second half of the 5th – first half of the 4th c. BC. CCN: M81/CRF 477. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.062 m; max. e. width: 0.059 m; max. e. thickness: 0.011 m. Find location: “Cut to the south of the temple” (Marangou 1981, 320 ff.). Clay orange-brown (5YR 6/6), relatively coarse-grained, with few admixtures. Interior black-glazed. Many dents and flaking on both surfaces. Lip outward-curving and separated from body on the outside with a shallow groove with a reserved band on it. On the outside, lip decorated with a band of ovolo moulding, and neck with a band of laurel leaves. Remarks: See fragment nr. 15. Typological parallels: Gex 1993, 345 and pl. 82.

15. Fragment of lip and body. Late 5th c. BC. CCN: M86/CRF 6. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.071 m; max. e. width: 0.073 m; max. e. thickness: 0.013 m. Find location: Acropolis, NE slope, “Sanctuary” (Marangou 1986, 212 ff.). Clay orange-brown (5YR 7/6), relatively fine-grained, with few admixtures and little mica. Interior blackglazed. Dents and considerable flaking on both surfaces. Lip slightly inward-curving, separated from the body on the outside by a shallow groove. Both this groove and a similar one lower down are accented by reserved bands. The outside of the upper part of the body is decorated with a row of leaves and fruit (olive or laurel) above an ovolo molding. There is a reserved band between lip and body on the inner side. Remarks: This pattern of leaves and ovolo moldings is very commonly found decorating the upper parts of kraters from the Classical period. Typological parallels: Gex 1993, 197 and pl. 15. BELL or CALYX KRATERS Surface find

18. Fragment of body. Mid 5th – mid 4th c. BC. CCN: M81/CRF 480. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.052 m; max. e. width: 0.061 m; max. e. thickness: 0.007 m. Find location: “Between the temple and Δ1 (Marangou 1981, 316 ff.), beneath the fallen stones”. Depth: 0.25 m from the surface of the local stone on the west side. Clay yellowish-brown (5YR 7/4), relatively fine-grained, with admixtures. Interior black-glazed. Dents and flaking on both surfaces. On the outside, the middle and four more petals of an open palmette with an encircling reserved band. Above this, to the left of the palmette, are two dots and parts of two ovals from the ovolo moulding, painted in black. Remarks: The fragment obviously comes from the area adjacent to one of the handles of the vessel. This is clear from the band of ovolo moulding, a motif that encircles the bases of the handles, and the palmette, which is one of the motifs used to ornament the areas beneath and beside them. Mentioned and depicted in Marangou 1981, 319, fig. 6a. Typological and iconographical parallels: Moore 1997, pl. 45, no. 342.

16. Fragment of lip and body. Mid 5th – 4th c. BC. CCN: M01/CRF 73. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.04 m; max. e. width: 0.054 m; max. e. thickness: 0.009 m. Find location: Chart 5:6, squares H6, Θ6, I6. Surface cleaning, N face of the wall. Clay orange-brown (5YR 6/6), fine-grained, clean. Interior black-glazed. Dents and flaking on both surfaces. Lip slightly outward-curving. On the outside decorated with row of horizontal leaves. Typological and iconographical parallels: Gex 1993, pl. 84-86. 47

THE CONTEXTS OF PAINTED POTTERY IN THE MEDITERRANEAN (7TH-4TH CENTURIES BCE)

Clay orange-brown (5YR 6/6), fine-grained, clean. Interior black-glazed. Dents and flaking on both surfaces. On the outside, two horizontal reserved bands. Remarks: The fragment is slightly curved, which probably means that it belongs to the upper part of the vessel. 19. Fragment of lip and body. 5th – 4th c. BC. CCN: M89/CRF 49. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.042 m; max. e. width: 0.048 m; max. e. thickness: 0.012 m. Find location: Squares Δ3, E3 (Marangou 1989b, 270 ff.). Layer under the fallen stones, depth: 1.65-1.80 m. Clay orange-brown (5YR 7/6), fine-grained, clean. Interior black-glazed. Many dents and flaking on both surfaces. Lip outward-curving, separated from body on the outside with a groove. On the outside, two parts of elongated leaves are slightly discerned beneath the rim. Typological parallels: Gex 1993, 367 and pl. 86.

22. Fragment of lip and body. Mid 5th – mid 4th c. BC. CCN: M99/CRF 201. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.033 m; max. e. width: 0.039 m; max. e. thickness: 0.009 m. Find location: Chart 2:2, square A1/BΔ2, “Theatre” (Marangou 1999b, 219 ff.). Clay orange-brown (5YR 7/6), fine-grained, clean. Interior black-glazed. Dents and flaking on both surfaces. Lip and body form an obtuse angle and are outside separated with a reserved band. On the body a horizontal elongated part, maybe of a leaf, is to be seen on the outside. Typological parallels: Gex 1993, 367 and pl. 86.

20. Fragment of body. Late 5th – first half of the 4th c. BC. CCN: M93/CRF 308. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.124 m; max. e. width: 0.074 m; max. e. thickness: 0.01 m. Find location: Chart 5:6 (Marangou 1993, 197 ff.), square I6/1, layer 2. Clay reddish-brown (5YR 7/4), fine-grained, relatively clean. Interior black-glazed. Dents and flaking on both surfaces. On the outside, mostly black-glazed, with an open palmette from seven petals and a pair of twisted shoots on its base. Rest of the surface reserved. Remarks: The fragment obviously comes from the area adjacent to one of the handles of the vessel. Iconographical parallels: Gex 1993, 232 and pl. 66.

23. Fragment of lip and body. Mid 5th – mid 4th c. BC. CCN: M00/CRF 202. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.045 m; max. e. width: 0.038 m; max. e. thickness: 0.0089 m. Find location: “Theatre”. Chart 1:1, square I6/BA1-4, cut 2/00, south extension, stone layer. Clay orange-brown (5YR 7/6), relatively fine-grained, clean. Interior black-glazed. Minor dents. Lip outward curving. On the outside, elongated and rounded parts, maybe of floral motifs. Traces of applied white slip can also be seen. A wide groove on the upper part. Typological parallels: Gex 1993, pl. 86.

21. Fragment of the upper part of the body. Late 5th – 4th c. BC. CCN: M96/CRF 702. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.027 m; max. e. width: 0.042 m; max. e. thickness: 0.007 m. Find location: Chart 6:7, square Z3 (Marangou 1996b, 280 ff.), cut Γ/δ2, west extension, layer 1.

24. Fragment of lip and body. 5th – 4th c. BC. 48

M. MANOLEDAKIS: RED-FIGURE POTTERY FROM MINOA ON AMORGOS

CCN: M00/CRF 204. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.0352 m; max. e. width: 0.0656 m; max. e. thickness: 0.008 m. Find location: “Theatre”. Chart 1:1, square I6/NA4, cut 2/00, S extension, E part. Clay καστανός (5YR 5/8), fine-grained, clean. Interior black-glazed. Dents and flaking on both surfaces. A shallow groove covers the horizontal surface of the lip. Lip outside black-glazed. Horizontal brown and black bands go round the upper part of the body. Typological parallels: Gex 1993, 353 and pl. 84.

27. Fragment of lip and body. Mid 5th – mid 4th c. BC. CCN: M01/CRF 605. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.055 m; max. e. width: 0.057 m; max. e. thickness: 0.0117 m. Find location: W slope. City wall. Chart 8:3, squares H4-Θ3. Unveiling of AΔ2, layer 4. Clay orange-brown (5YR 6/6), fine-grained, clean. Interior black-glazed. A few dents on the outside. Lip outward curving. Outside decorated with row of horizontal leaves. Typological and iconographical parallels: Gex 1993, pl. 83-86.

25. Fragment of lip and body. Mid 5th – mid 4th c. BC. CCN: M00/CRF 253. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.0519 m; max. e. width: 0.0551 m; max. e. thickness: 0.011 m. Find location: “Theatre”. Chart 1:1, square I6/NA1,2 – Chart 1:2, square A6/NΔ1,2. Baulk, S part, stone layer. Clay orange-brown (5YR 6/6), fine-grained, clean. Interior black-glazed. Dents and severe flaking, especially on the outside. Lip outward curving. On the outside, parts of horizontal black bands of different thickness. Typological parallels: Gex 1993, pl. 86.

COLUMN KRATERS The column krater was known in Attic pottery from the early 6th century BC. It became less popular in the 5th century, but the type was never abandoned (Bakir 1974). Excavation find

28. Fragment of lip and body. Second quarter of the 5th c. BC. CCN: M93/CRF 310. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.054 m; max. e. width: 0.078 m; max. e. thickness: 0.01 m. Find location: Chart 5:6, square I6/1 (Marangou 1993, 197 ff.), layer 2, with finds from the Geometric to the early Roman period (depth: 2.74-2.96 m.). Clay reddish-brown (2,5YR 6/6), fine-grained, clean. Dents and flaking on both surfaces. Interior unglazed, except for the rim and upper part of the body, which are black-glazed. The exterior surface of the rim is chipped. Immediately beneath the rim on the outside of the body is part of a band with a tongue motif. Below are parts of two reserved vertical bands with rows of dots. Remarks: Taken together, the marked circular chipping on the right part of the fragment and the surviving decoration suggest that this is the point of attachment of a handle to the body of a column krater. Typological parallels: Gex 1993, pl. 58.

26. Fragment of lip and body. Mid 5th – mid 4th c. BC. CCN: M01/CRF 705. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.039 m; max. e. width: 0.026 m; max. e. thickness: 0.012 m. Find location: Chart 5:6, square A6. Configuration of the lower level (3) of the S face. Clay brown (7,5YR 6/6), relatively coarse-grained, with few admixtures and mica. Interior black-glazed. Dents and severe flaking on both surfaces. Lip slightly outward curving. On the outside separated from body with a reserved band. Two reserved bands on the outside of the body may be parts of elongated leaves. Typological parallels: Gex 1993, pl. 86.

49

THE CONTEXTS OF PAINTED POTTERY IN THE MEDITERRANEAN (7TH-4TH CENTURIES BCE)

Find location: “To the west of the excavation area”. Clay orange-brown (5YR 6/6), fine-grained, clean. Interior black-glazed. Dents and flaking on both surfaces. On the outside, three reserved horizontal bands beneath a hem.

KRATERS OF INDECHIPHERABLE TYPE Surface finds

29. Fragment of body. Mid 5th – mid 4th c. BC. CCN: M81/CRF 476. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.015 m; max. e. width: 0.025 m; max. e. thickness: 0.0063 m. Find location: N of the temple (Marangou 1981, 320 ff.), ± 1.25 m. far from the N external face of the N wall. Clay orange-brown (5YR 7/6), relatively fine-grained, with few admixtures. Interior black-glazed. Some dents and flaking on both surfaces. On the outside, two intersected slanting lines and to the left a part of an elliptic motif and a third slanting line, all black-glazed. Remarks: Maybe there is part of a garment.

32. Fragment of body. Mid 5th – mid 4th c. BC. CCN: M86/CRF 2. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.03 m; max. e. width: 0.035 m; max. e. thickness: 0.0086 m. Find location: “To the west of the excavation area”. Despotides’ field. Clay yellowish-brown (5YR 7/4), fine-grained, clean. Interior black-glazed. Several dents and considerable flaking on both surfaces. On the outside, part of a reserved decorative band, and above it a crossed square with four dots next to part of a meander. Above both, a horizontal black line. Remarks: Meanders punctuated by squares with vertical or diagonal crosses or abacus motifs are very commonly used for decorative bands on vessels of the Classical period, especially for bands on the lower part of these vessels, beneath the principal ornament. Typically, these decorative motifs continued to be executed in the blackfigure technique even on red-figure vessels. Iconographical parallels: Gex 1993, 211 and pl. 63.

30. Fragment of body. First half of the 4th c. BC. CCN: M83/CRF 488. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.0315 m; max. e. width: 0.036 m; max. e. thickness: 0.0061 m. Find location: NΔ/1 (Marangou 1983b, 319 ff.). Clay orange-brown (5YR 7/6), relatively coarse-grained, clean. Interior black-glazed. Dents and flaking on both surfaces. On the outside, most of the hair – rendered with a color wash – of a female figure, head depicted in left profile. To the right, a right hand. Remarks: The fingers are very roughly sketched, suggesting a date in the 4th c. BC. Iconographical parallels: Moore 1997, 154, no. 141 and pl. 23.

33. Fragment of body. 5th – first half of the 4th c. BC. CCN: M86/CRF 3. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.05 m; max. e. width: 0.036 m; max. e. thickness: 0.0073 m. Find location: Vespasianae (Marangou 1986, 226 ff.). From the braking up of the dry stone wall of the west wall of the Hellenistic analemma. Clay orange-brown (5YR 6/6), fine-grained, clean. Interior black-glazed. Dents and flaking on both surfaces. On the outside, part of a decorative band with row of meanders, framed by two horizontal black lines. Remarks: See fragment nr. 32. Iconographical parallels: Gex 1993, 235 and pl. 67.

31. Fragment of body. 5th – first half of the 4th c. BC. CCN: M86/CRF 1. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.038 m; max. e. width: 0.028 m; max. e. thickness: 0.008 m.

50

M. MANOLEDAKIS: RED-FIGURE POTTERY FROM MINOA ON AMORGOS

37. Fragment of body. Late 5th – first half of the 4th c. BC. CCN: M87/CRF 2. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.051 m; max. e. width: 0.061 m; max. e. thickness: 0.009 m. Find location: From the field SE of the “Vespasianae”. Clay orange-brown (5YR 6/6), relatively coarse-grained, with few admixtures. Interior black-glazed. Flaking on both surfaces. Fragment strongly outward curving. On the outside, a reserved horizontal band and part of a horizontal oblong leaf of olive or laurel. Inside a reserved horizontal band. Remarks: The decorative motif as well as the curvature of the fragment lead to the impression that the fragment belongs to the upper part of the vessel body. Iconographical parallels: Moore 1997, pl. 47, no. 375.

34. Fragment of lip and body. Late 5th – early 4th c. BC. CCN: M86/CRF 4. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.051 m; max. e. width: 0.0549 m; max. e. thickness: 0.006 m. Find location: “SW of Δ5” (Marangou 1986, 224-225). Despotides’ field. Clay orange-brown (5YR 6/6), fine-grained, with few admixtures. Interior black-glazed. Some minor dents and flaking on both surfaces. On the outside, the upper part of the leg of a couch and parts of two cushions concealing part of it. Remarks: This is obviously a detail of a banqueting scene. Iconographical parallels: For banqueting scenes in the vase-painting see Jacobsthal 1912, 33 ff.; Peschel 1987, fig. 278. For couches see Richter 1966, 52-63, fig. 309-334 and 332 for cushions concealing legs of couches. 35. Fragment of body. 5th – 4th c. BC. CCN: M86/CRF 7. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.018 m; max. e. width: 0.021 m; max. e. thickness: 0.0063 m. Find location: “West of the NW cluster”. Despotides’ field. Clay orange-brown (5YR 7/6), fine-grained, clean. Interior black-glazed. Some dents and flaking on both surfaces. On the outside, parts of two rectangular blackglazed motifs on a reserved background.

38. Fragment of body. Second half of the 5th c. BC. CCN: M87/CRF 11. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.046 m; max. e. width: 0.086 m; max. e. thickness: 0.006 m. Find location: Γ/δ1 (Marangou 1987b, 260-262). North extension, west sector, west face (reddish soil). Clay yellowish-brown (5YR 7/4), relatively fine-grained, with few admixtures and little mica. Interior blackglazed, with some localized dents and scratches. On the outside, part (waist to hips) of a standing clothed female figure. The drapery of the garment, which is belted around the waist, is indicated with fine vertical lines and the edges by black brush strokes. To the left of this figure is an indecipherable dotted object (?). Remarks: The quality of the rendering of the garment details suggests a date for this fragment in the second half of the 5th century BC. Iconographical parallels: Moore 1997, pl. 104, no. 1090.

36. Fragment of body. 5th – 4th c. BC. CCN: M87/CRF 1. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.033 m; max. e. width: 0.045 m; max. e. thickness: 0.007 m. Find location: From the breaking up of the wall at “Vespasianae” (Marangou 1987b, 260 ff.). Clay orange-brown (5YR 6/6), fine-grained, clean. Interior black-glazed. Dents and flaking on both surfaces. On the outside, parts of four vertical, almost parallel, fine raised lines, probably from garment folds.

39. Fragment of body. First half of the 4th c. BC. CCN: M88/CRF 1. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.031 m; max. e. width: 0.043 m; max. e. thickness: 0.008 m. Find location: Square A6 (Marangou 1988b, 167-170). Surface layer. 51

THE CONTEXTS OF PAINTED POTTERY IN THE MEDITERRANEAN (7TH-4TH CENTURIES BCE)

Find location: West Slope, Wall, Chart 8:3, squares Γ2-3 (Chart 1.0, square H6). Found during clearance along the length of the exterior face of the wall. Clay orange-brown (5YR 6/6), fine-grained, with few admixtures. Interior black-glazed, with considerable flaking. On the outside, part of the torso of a clothed female figure and the left arm of the same figure from elbow to fingers. The arm appears to be lowered, elbow bent and angled upwards. An armlet has been painted on the wrist in white. The drapery of the garment is rendered with a close hatching of fine raised lines and in some places with black brush strokes. Above these, at chest level, is a decorative motif with a vertical band and triangles formed of three dots, painted on with a white wash. Remarks: The difference in the rendering of the drapery to the right of the arm suggests the presence of two figures, one beside the other. Iconographical parallels: For white armlets see e.g. Burn 1987.

Clay orange-brown (5YR 6/6), fine-grained, clean. Interior black-glazed. Dents and flaking on both surfaces. On the outside, part of the hair of a figure and above it an indecipherable motif.

40. Fragment of body. Late 5th – early 4th c. BC. CCN: M92/CRF 803. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.053 m; max. e. width: 0.075 m; max. e. thickness: 0.01 m. Find location: Upper town, SW Slope (Marangou 1992b, 188-191). From the clearing of embankment 4. Clay orange-brown (5YR 6/6), relatively fine-grained, clean. Interior black-glazed. Localized dents and flaking on both surfaces. On the outside, part of what is probably the edge of a woman’s garment. Fine vertical lines suggest the drapery, and there are traces of applied white colour at the hem.

43. Fragment of body. Late 5th – first half of the 4th c. BC. CCN: M/CRF 04 (Unknown find date, probably 1985). Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.023 m; max. e. width: 0.014 m; max. e. thickness: 0.0076 m. Find location: “SW of the excavation” (L. Marangou). Clay reddish-brown (5YR 5/6), fine-grained, clean. Interior black-glazed. Local flaking. On the outside, part of a wreath on a man’s head. The wreath and some of its leaves are rendered with white and yellowish-brown colour. Iconographical parallels: Caskey and Beazley 1963, pl. 26.

41. Fragment of body. Mid 5th – mid 4th c. BC. CCN: M93/CRF 302. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.032 m; max. e. width: 0.038 m; max. e. thickness: 0.0061 m. Find location: Chart 5:6 (Marangou 1993, 197 ff.), square I6/1. Clay orange-brown (5YR 6/6), fine-grained, clean. Interior black-glazed. Dents and flaking on both surfaces. On the outside, part of a decorative border with meanders. Remarks: See fragment nr. 32. Iconographical parallels: Gex 1993, 210 and pl. 63.

Excavation finds

44. Fragment of body. Mid 5th – mid 4th c. BC. CCN: M81/CRF 404. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.037 m; max. e. width: 0.047 m; max. e. thickness: 0.007 m. Find location: Inner cut of Δ1 (Marangou 1981, 316 ff.). Clay reddish-brown (5YR 5/6), fine-grained, with few admixtures. Interior black-glazed. Very minor dents and flaking. On the outside, part of the flank, belly and two hind legs of a bull in right profile and, in front of this

42. Fragment of body. First half of the 4th c. BC. CCN: M01/CRF 602. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.037 m; max. e. width: 0.049 m; max. e. thickness: 0.006 m. 52

M. MANOLEDAKIS: RED-FIGURE POTTERY FROM MINOA ON AMORGOS

Late 5th – first half of the 4th c. BC. CCN: M87/CRF 6. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.043 m; max. e. width: 0.047 m; max. e. thickness: 0.0089 m. Find location: Aν/N/1a (Marangou 1987b, 257-258). Depth: 0.50-0.70 m. Clay reddish-brown (2,5YR 5/4), fine-grained, clean. Interior black-glazed. Considerable dents and flaking on both surfaces. On the outside, a band of black glazing following a larger reserved section covered with a roughly drawn, irregular net motif.

animal, the right foot and ankle of a standing male figure, also in right profile. Remarks: The scene probably depicts a man leading a bull, perhaps to sacrifice. Mentioned and depicted in Marangou 1981, 319, fig. 6b.

45. Fragment of body. 5th – 4th c. BC. CCN: M83/CRF 489. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.028 m; max. e. width: 0.021 m; max. e. thickness: 0.0063 m. Find location: Δ4 (Marangou 1983, 327-328). North part, depth ± 0.70 m. Clay orange-brown (5YR 6/6), fine-grained, with admixtures. Interior black-glazed. Very minor dents and flaking. On the outside, part of indecipherable decoration, consisting of black bands and dots.

48. Fragment of body. Mid 5th – mid 4th c. BC. CCN: M87/CRF 15. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.026 m; max. e. width: 0.035 m; max. e. thickness: 0.0063 m. Find location: Cut Γ/δ1 (Marangou 1987b, 260-262). Depth: 0.15-0.29 m. Clay orange-brown (5YR 7/4), fine-grained, with few admixtures. Interior black-glazed. Some dents on both surfaces. On the outside, parts of four palmette petals. Iconographical parallels: Gex 1993, 249 and pl. 68.

46. Fragment of body. Late 5th – first half of the 4th c. BC. CCN: M87/CRF 7. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.041 m; max. e. width: 0.038 m; max. e. thickness: 0.008 m. Find location: Aν/N/1α (Marangou 1987b, 257-258). Depth: 0.50 m. Clay brown (7,5YR 6/4), relatively fine-grained, with few admixtures and mica. Interior black-glazed. Severe dents and flaking on both surfaces. On the outside, part of a decorative border, rendered with the black-figure technique, with an ovolo moulding with dots between the ovals. Inside, a reserved band. Remarks: The ovolo mouldings belong to the decorative motifs that continued to be rendered with the black-figure technique, even on red-figure vases.

49. Fragment of body. Late 5th c. BC. CCN: M01/CRF 706. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.027 m; max. e. width: 0.034 m; max. e. thickness: 0.0079 m. Find location: Cut Γ/δ1 (Marangou 1987b, 260-262). Depth: 1.40-1.63 m. Clay yellowish-brown (5YR 7/4), fine-grained, clean. Interior black-glazed. Dents and flaking on both surfaces. On the outside, the top of a horse’s head with the ears and part of the mane, in three-quarter view towards our left. The inside of the left ear is rendered with a vertical wavy line and the mane with a series of horizontal wavy lines. Also discernible on the head are two intersecting diagonal lines, representing part of the reins. All the lines are painted on with a colour wash. Remarks: The design is quite carefully executed and realistic. Iconographical parallels: Moore 1997, pl. 83, no. 814.

47. Fragment of lip and body.

53

THE CONTEXTS OF PAINTED POTTERY IN THE MEDITERRANEAN (7TH-4TH CENTURIES BCE)

CCN: M88/CRF 6. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.034 m; max. e. width: 0.035 m; max. e. thickness: 0.0062 m. Find location: Square A6 (Marangou 1988b, 167 ff.), part Δ/α, depth: 2.90-3.20 m. Clay orange-brown (5YR 6/6), fine-grained, clean. Interior black-glazed. Dents and flaking on both surfaces. On the outside, part of a garment. A vertical, slightly rounded line separates the garment in two parts, rich in drapery, rendered with raised horizontal wavy lines.

50. Fragment of lip and body. Late 5th – early 4th c. BC. CCN: M87/CRF 13. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.039 m; max. e. width: 0.057 m; max. e. thickness: 0.007 m. Find location: Γ/N1 (Marangou 1987b, 262). Baulk (depth: 0.80 m.). Clay orange-brown (5YR 6/6), fine-grained, clean. Interior black-glazed. Some dents, more flaking, on both surfaces. On the outside, parts of two scrolls, one long petal from a palmette and smaller oblong motifs. Remarks: The surviving elements of the decoration suggest a pattern of tendrils framing palmettes, a decorative motif characteristic of the Classical period, which was used as a rule to decorate the area near the handles of a vessel or the upper – and more rarely lower – parts of the body. Iconographical parallels: Moore 1997, pl. 32, no. 237 and pl. 45, no. 342.

53. Fragment of body. 4th c. BC. CCN: M88/CRF 7. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.054 m; max. e. width: 0.039 m; max. e. thickness: 0.0093 m. Find location: Square A6 (Marangou 1988b, 167 ff.), part Δ/α. Clay orange-brown (5YR 6/6), fine-grained, clean. Interior black-glazed. Very minor dents and flaking. On the outside, part of a decorative motif with palmettes and scrolls. Remarks: The fragment obviously comes from the area adjacent to one of the handles of the vessel. Iconographical parallels: Moore 1997, pl. 36, no. 270.

51. Fragment of body. 5th – 4th c. BC. CCN: M88/CRF 3. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.039 m; max. e. width: 0.041 m; max. e. thickness: 0.0061 m. Find location: Square A6 (Marangou 1988b, 167 ff.), part A/δ. Clay reddish-brown (2,5YR 5/6), fine-grained, relatively clean. Interior black-glazed. Minor dents and flaking on both surfaces. On the outside, parts of four fine vertical black lines painted on with a colour wash, probably rendering a garment drapery.

54. Fragment of body. Mid 5th – mid 4th c. BC. CCN: M89/CRF 48. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.04 m; max. e. width: 0.039 m; max. e. thickness: 0.011 m. Find location: Square A6 (Marangou 1989b, 273-275). A/α, N part. Depth: 2.32-2.62 m. Clay orange-brown (5YR 7/4), fine-grained, with few admixtures. Interior black-glazed. Dents and flaking on both surfaces. On the outside, some traces of a decoration with red glazing. Remarks: To the right, probably part of a dressed figure.

52. Fragment of body. Late 5th – early 4th c. BC. 54

M. MANOLEDAKIS: RED-FIGURE POTTERY FROM MINOA ON AMORGOS

Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.0312 m; max. e. width: 0.025 m; max. e. thickness: 0.0073 m. Find location: Gymnasium. SE corner (Marangou 1991b, 298-299). Squares Θ4/Iν, layer 19. Clay orange-brown (5YR 6/6), fine-grained, clean. Some mica. Interior black-glazed. Very minor denting and flaking on both surfaces. On the outside, most of a woman’s head in left profile. The face is painted on in white, the contour and features (mouth, left eye and eyebrow) in light brown and the hair with a colour wash. Above the hair are some leaves from a wreath, painted on in white, and to the left of these the tips of some feathers. To the left of the face is a fine vertical white line. Remarks: There is most probably a winged figure in front of the woman, perhaps a Nike or a Cupid.

55. Fragment of body. 5th – 4th c. BC. CCN: M89/CRF 50. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.0342 m; max. e. width: 0.058 m; max. e. thickness: 0.008 m. Find location: “Theatre”. Chart 1:1, square I6/BA1 (Marangou 1989b, 281 ff.) Θ89, 38 or 39. Clay orange-brown (5YR 6/6), fine-grained, clean. Interior black-glazed. Minor dents and flaking, especially inside, where there is also a reserved band. On the outside, part of an elongated horizontal motif with a wavy ending. Remarks: The survived part of the decoration could belong to a floral motif or to a flapping hem.

58. Fragment of body. Mid 5th – mid 4th c. BC. CCN: M91/CRF 352. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.043 m; max. e. width: 0.049 m; max. e. thickness: 0.0094 m. Find location: Square B5/T1 (Marangou 1991b, 292), layer 4 (depth: 2.10-2.40 m.). Clay yellowish-brown (5YR 7/4), fine-grained, clean. Interior black-glazed. Severe dents and flaking on both surfaces. On the outside, part of a decorative band with row of meanders (parts of three of them can be seen). Remarks: See fragment nr. 32. Iconographical parallels: Gex 1993, 235 and pl. 67.

56. Fragment of body. Late 5th c. BC. CCN: M90/CRF 352. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.033 m; max. e. width: 0.036 m; max. e. thickness: 0.0089 m. Find location: “To the south of the Hellenistic temple” (Cut A6/τ1) (Marangou 1990b, 239 ff.). Clay reddish-brown (2,5YR 6/6), relatively fine-grained, with few admixtures. Interior black-glazed. Some dents and flaking on both surfaces. On the outside, the back of the head and neck of a left-facing male figure. The hair, short and curling with some ringlets falling onto the neck, is rendered with an applied colour wash. Also discernible is part of a wreath with four leaves, painted on in white. Mentioned and depicted in Marangou 1990b, pl. 153 b. Iconographical parallels: Caskey and Beazley 1963, pl. 26.

59. Fragment of body. Late 5th – early 4th c. BC. CCN: M91/CRF 353. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.042 m; max. e. width: 0.042 m; max. e. thickness: 0.0088 m. Find location: Square B6/T1 (Marangou 1991b, 292), depth: 2.50-2.70 m. Clay orange-brown (5YR 6/6), fine-grained, clean. Interior black-glazed. Dents and flaking on both surfaces. On the outside, part of a left arm, roughly from the middle of the forearm to the sketchily rendered fingers. The arm is raised and inclining towards the figure, wrist and fingers bent. Farther to the right is part of a vertical band with two brown lines running down it, which is probably part of an architectural structure.

57. Fragment of body. Second quarter of the 4th c. BC. CCN: M91/CRF 1.

55

THE CONTEXTS OF PAINTED POTTERY IN THE MEDITERRANEAN (7TH-4TH CENTURIES BCE)

Clay orange-brown (5YR 7/6), fine-grained, clean, with some mica. Interior black-glazed. Many dents and flaking on both surfaces. On the outside, the right half of a hand of a standing female figure, from the middle of the forearm and bended in the elbow, rendered with applied white slip. The figure is wearing a garment, whose folds are rendered with dense vertical parallel lines.

Remarks: This is probably a gesture of salutation: cf. Neumann 1965, 41-48, fig. 21 b. Depicted in Marangou 1991a, 99, fig, 155b and 1991b, pl. 187b.

60. Fragment of body. Mid 5th – 4th c. BC. CCN: M92/CRF 84. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.031 m; max. e. width: 0.051 m; max. e. thickness: 0.0062 m. Find location: Square A6, part Δ/α (Marangou 1992b, 197 ff.), north face. Clay orange-brown (5YR 7/6), coarse-grained, with admixtures. Interior black-glazed. Dents and flaking on both surfaces. On the outside, part of a decorative band with meander and probably an abacus motif. Remarks: The motif of meanders interrupted by abacus or other ornaments (see fragment nr. 32) has been rendered with the red-figure technique. Iconographical parallels: Gex 1993, 231 and pl. 67.

63. Fragment of body. Late 5th – first half of the 4th c. BC. CCN: M93/CRF 309. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.026 m; max. e. width: 0.038 m; max. e. thickness: 0.008 m. Find location: Chart 5:6, square I6/1 (Marangou 1993, 197 ff.), layer 2. Clay yellowish-brown (5YR 7/4), fine-grained, clean. Interior black-glazed. Dents and flaking on both surfaces. On the outside, a horizontal reserved band, forking in three others. Probably a floral motif.

61. Fragment of body. Late 5th – first half of the 4th c. BC. CCN: M93/CRF 306. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.05 m; max. e. width: 0.034 m; max. e. thickness: 0.0076 m. Find location: Chart 5:6, square I6/1 (Marangou 1993, 197 ff.), layer 2 (depth: 1.92-2.49 m.). Clay yellowish-brown (5YR 7/4), fine-grained, clean. Interior black-glazed. Dents and flaking on both surfaces. On the outside, part of the chest, neck and back of the head of a wreathed standing male figure. The head is rendered in left profile, but not the body. A fine slightly curving horizontal line between neck and torso suggests that the figure is probably seated, head turned towards the back. The short curly hair is rendered with a colour wash, while the four round leaves of the wreath are painted on in white.

64. Fragment of body. 5th c. BC. CCN: M93/CRF 311. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.04 m; max. e. width: 0.05 m; max. e. thickness: 0.0061 m. Find location: Chart 5:6, square I6/1 (Marangou 1993, 197 ff.), layer 2. Clay ash-grey (10YR 6/1), fine-grained, clean. Interior black-glazed. Considerable dents and flaking on both surfaces. On the outside, the shins and feet of a male figure standing on a meander punctuated by an abacus motif. Remarks: The right leg is rendered frontally and the left in right profile. The meander borders the lower part of the figured scene.

62. Fragment of body. First half of the 4th c. BC. CCN: M93/CRF 307. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.037 m; max. e. width: 0.052 m; max. e. thickness: 0.007 m. Find location: Chart 5:6, square I6 (Marangou 1993, 197 ff.), layer 2 (depth: 1.92-2.49 m.). 56

M. MANOLEDAKIS: RED-FIGURE POTTERY FROM MINOA ON AMORGOS

65. Fragment of body. Late 5th – early 4th c. BC. CCN: M93/CRF 313. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.07 m; max. e. width: 0.041 m; max. e. thickness: 0.0071 m. Find location: Chart 5:6, square H6 (Marangou 1993, 197 ff.), along wall 4 (depth: 1.56 m.). Clay yellowish-brown (5YR 7/4), relatively fine-grained, clean. Interior black-glazed. Dents and flaking on both surfaces. On the outside, part from the garment of a standing figure. The drapery is rendered with fine vertical lines. There are also two brown vertical wavy lines.

68. Fragment of body. Mid 5th – mid 4th c. BC. CCN: M93/CRF 451. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.069 m; max. e. width: 0.066 m; max. e. thickness: 0.0086 m. Find location: Chart 5:6, south of A6, squares H4/5, Θ4/5, I4/5 (Marangou 1993, 197 ff.). Clay reddish-brown (5YR 6/4), fine-grained, clean. Interior black-glazed. Severe dents, flaking and scratches on both surfaces. On the outside, part of a decorative border with a row of meanders. Remarks: See fragment nr. 32. Iconographical parallels: Gex 1993, 235 and pl. 67.

66. Fragment of body. Late 5th – mid 4th c. BC. CCN: M93/CRF 314. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.0401 m; max. e. width: 0.056 m; max. e. thickness: 0.0069 m. Find location: Chart 5:6, square H6 (Marangou 1993, 197 ff.), along wall 4 (depth: 1.56 m.). Clay orange-brown (5YR 6/6), relatively fine-grained, with few admixtures. Interior black-glazed. Dents and flaking on both surfaces. On the outside, part of the trunk and the right hand of a standing clothed figure, probably female, holding a long slender object with a curved tip. The drapery of the garment is rendered with a close hatching of fine raised lines, and part of the lower section is painted white. Part of a cushion, apparently hanging downwards, can be seen to the right of the figure. Remarks: While the cushion suggests a banquet scene, it is difficult to determine what the figure is holding – the object resembles the plectrum for a stringed instrument, although it seems too big – or what the section painted white represents. Iconographical parallels: For iconographical parallels of the cushion see Richter 1966, fig. 332.

69. Fragment of body. Mid 5th – mid 4th c. BC. CCN: M93/CRF 452. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.059 m; max. e. width: 0.052 m; max. e. thickness: 0.0063 m. Find location: Chart 5:6, south of A6, squares H4/4, Θ4/5, I4/5 (Marangou 1993, 197 ff.). Clay orange-brown (5YR 7/6), relatively fine-grained, clean. Interior black-glazed. Severe dents, flaking and scratches on both surfaces. On the outside, part of a floral decoration: a twisted shoot and above it two petals of an open palmette. Remarks: The motif is probably a row of twisted shoots, with palmettes above their volutes. Iconographical parallels: Moore 1997, pl. 45, no. 342.

67. Fragment of body. Mid 5th – mid 4th c. BC. CCN: M93/CRF 317. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.064 m; max. e. width: 0.039 m; max. e. thickness: 0.0071 m. Find location: Chart 5:6, square I6/1 (Marangou 1993, 197 ff.), along wall 4 (depth: 1.56 m.). Clay orange-brown (5YR 6/6), relatively coarse-grained, clean. Interior black-glazed. Dents and flaking on both surfaces. On the outside, part of a scroll and to the right maybe a hem, with drapery rendered with two fine raised and a thicker line painted on with a colour wash. Below, part of a meander and abacus band.

70. Fragment of body. Mid 5th – mid 4th c. BC. CCN: M93/CRF 454. 57

THE CONTEXTS OF PAINTED POTTERY IN THE MEDITERRANEAN (7TH-4TH CENTURIES BCE)

Mid 5th – early 4th c. BC. CCN: M93/CRF 551. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.033 m; max. e. width: 0.0473 m; max. e. thickness: 0.0061 m. Find location: “NW of the monumental fortification building, to the south of the Hellenistic temple” (ΠAE 1993, 197 ff.). Clay reddish-brown (5YR 6/4), fine-grained, clean. Interior black-glazed. Dents and flaking on both surfaces. On the outside, parts of two scrolls. Remarks: See fragment nr. 50. Iconographical parallels: Moore 1997, pl. 32, no. 237 and pl. 45, no. 342.

Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.036 m; max. e. width: 0.04 m; max. e. thickness: 0.007 m. Find location: Chart 5:6, south of A6, squares I4/5, Θ4/5, H4/5 (Marangou 1993, 197 ff.). Clay brown (5YR 6/4), relatively fine-grained, with admixtures. Interior black-glazed. Dents and flaking on both surfaces. On the outside, part of a garment's hem with folds rendered with fine vertical lines. 71. Fragment of body. Late 5th – 4th c. BC. CCN: M93/CRF 455. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.029 m; max. e. width: 0.04 m; max. e. thickness: 0.008 m. Find location: Chart 5:6, squares Z5, H5 (Marangou 1993, 197 ff.), to the south of the stone group. Clay yellowish-brown (7,5YR 7/4), fine-grained, relatively clean. Interior black-glazed. Dents and extensive flaking, particularly on the exterior surface, with the outline of the lower part of a face in right profile and part of the drapery of the garment of a second figure, which appears to be holding a stringed instrument, possibly a lyre. Iconographical parallels: For representations of stringed instruments in the red-figured vase-painting see Maas and Snyder 1989.

74. Fragment of body. 440 – 410 BC. CCN: M94/CRF 2. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.066 m; max. e. width: 0.13 m; max. e. thickness: 0.008 m. Find location: “NW of the monumental fortification south of the Hellenistic temple” (Marangou 1994, 238). Clay orange-brown (5YR 7/6), relatively fine-grained, clean. Interior black-glazed. Many dents, extensive patches of flaking and deposits on both surfaces. On the outside, part of the head, the upper part of the torso and the right arm (to the middle of the forearm) of a beardless male figure, standing facing towards the viewer’s right. The torso is in three-quarters view and the head in profile. The short hair is rendered with a colour wash and the wreath with white paint. A heavily flaked area behind the figure, with a hole on either side (one approximately in the figure’s right armpit) shows that the vessel had been broken and repaired with lead rivets. Inside the vessel there is a horizontal reserved band. Remarks: Painted with the manner of the KleophonPainter (see ARV2 1143-1151; Marangou 1996a, 110, with bibliography). The fragment is depicted in Marangou 2002, 134, fig. 135.1.

72. Fragment of body. Late 5th – early 4th c. BC. CCN: M93/CRF 551. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.033 m; max. e. width: 0.0473 m; max. e. thickness: 0.0061 m. Find location: Chart 1:1, square E3 (Marangou 1993, 197 ff.), flush with the south face of wall ΔA. Clay yellowish-brown (5YR 7/4), fine-grained, clean. Interior black-glazed. Dents and flaking on both surfaces. On the outside, most of the head and right arm of a leftfacing youth. The figure is depicted reclining, right arm bent and raised above his head, giving the impression of a guest at a banquet who has already imbibed a considerable quantity of wine. The contours of the face and curls are rendered with a colour wash. Iconographical parallels: For a similar posture see Moore 1997, pl. 51, no. 427.

75. Fragment of body. Second half of the 5th c. BC. CCN: M94/CRF 3. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.037 m; max. e. width: 0.033 m; max. e. thickness: 0.0063 m.

73. Fragment of body. 58

M. MANOLEDAKIS: RED-FIGURE POTTERY FROM MINOA ON AMORGOS

and scratches on both surfaces. On the outside, part of a floral decoration with palmettes and shoots.

Find location: Chart 6:6, square B1 (Marangou 1994, 238), layer 5 (depth: 0.90 m.). Clay yellowish-brown (5YR 7/4), relatively fine-grained, clean. Interior black-glazed. Dents and flaking on both surfaces. On the outside, part of a circular motif including curved lines, four dots and two parallel slanting lines. Above parts of three curved lines on a reserved background. Remarks: The circular motif indicates probably a shield.

78. Fragment of body. Mid 5th – mid 4th c. BC. CCN: M99/CRF 1. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.047 m; max. e. width: 0.031 m; max. e. thickness: 0.007 m. Find location: Chart 6:7 (Marangou 1999b, 213 ff.), square E4, east of the stable. Clay orange-brown (5YR 7/6), fine-grained, clean, with some mica. Interior black-glazed. Dents and flaking on both surfaces. On the outside, part of a garment, maybe a warrior's chiton.

76. Fragment of body. First half of the 4th c. BC. CCN: M97/CRF 101. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.057 m; max. e. width: 0.058 m; max. e. thickness: 0.001 m. Find location: Chart 6:7, square H3 (Marangou 1997, 188-189), west part, layer 1. Clay orange-brown (5YR 7/6), coarse-grained, with admixtures and mica. Interior black-glazed. Many dents and considerable flaking on both surfaces. On the outside, the head and left arm of a female or youthful male figure, facing left, arm extended and raised. Above the head are the feet of another figure, painted on in white, as are the face and the arm of the first figure. Remarks: The size of these feet in relation to what can be seen of the figure beneath them indicates that the latter is considerably smaller. The posture suggests a Cupid or a Nike, figures that on vessels of the 4th century BC were commonly painted hovering in the air between the figures in the scene. The feet apparently belong to a female figure. The likelihood that the vessel belongs to the Kerch style is lessened by the fact that the two figures are on completely different planes, an arrangement that was more frequent in the first decades of the 4th century BC (see in general Metzger 1951).

79. Fragment of body. Mid 5th – mid 4th c. BC. CCN: M00/CRF 203. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.033 m; max. e. width: 0.032 m; max. e. thickness: 0.0079 m. Find location: “Theatre”, Chart 1:1, sq. I6/BA1-4, cut 2/00, N extension, layer of fallen stones. Clay orange-brown (5YR 7/6), fine-grained, clean. Interior black-glazed. Inside, dents flaking and scratches. On the outside, part of an ovolo moulding band, rendered with the black-figure technique.

77. Fragment of body. Mid 5th – 4th c. BC. CCN: M97/CRF 700. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.039 m; max. e. width: 0.0612 m; max. e. thickness: 0.0079 m. Find location: Chart 6:6, squares Θ6, I6 (Marangou 1997, 188-189), Building BA1. Clay orange-brown (5YR 7/6), relatively coarse-grained, with few admixtures. Interior black-glazed. Dents, flaking

80. Fragment of body. Mid 5th – mid 4th c. BC. CCN: M00/CRF 252. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.031 m; max. e. width: 0.0443 m; max. e. thickness: 0.0072 m. Find location: “Theatre”, Chart 1:1, sq. I6/BA2 – Chart 1:2, sq. A6/BΔ2. Baulk, S part, stone layer. 59

THE CONTEXTS OF PAINTED POTTERY IN THE MEDITERRANEAN (7TH-4TH CENTURIES BCE)

Mid 5th – mid 4th c. BC. CCN: M01/CRF 701. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.027 m; max. e. width: 0.0383 m; max. e. thickness: 0.006 m. Find location: Chart 6:6, square Δ1 – Chart 5:6, square Δ6. City wall (wall 6). Baulk. Layer 2. Clay orange-brown (5YR 7/6), relatively fine-grained, clean. Interior black-glazed. Some dents on both surfaces. On the outside, part of what is probably a woman’s hair and segments of two parallel oblique reserved lines. The contour of the hair is reserved and highlighted with a colour wash, and there are also traces of white paint.

Clay brown (5YR 6/8), relatively fine-grained, with few admixtures. Interior black-glazed. Dents and flaking on both surfaces. On the outside, parts of two black vertical bands on a reserved background.

81. Fragment of body. Mid 5th – mid 4th c. BC. CCN: M00/CRF 254. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.0416 m; max. e. width: 0.0416 m; max. e. thickness: 0.007 m. Find location: “Theatre”. Chart 1:1, square I6/NA1. Baulk, S part. Clay orange-brown (5YR 7/6), fine-grained, clean. Interior black-glazed. Dents and flaking on both surfaces. On the outside, part of a decorative band, framed by two reserved horizontal lines, with a meander and part of an abacus motif. Remarks: See fragment nr. 60. Iconographical parallels: Gex 1993, 321 and pl. 67.

84. Fragment of body. 5th – mid 4th c. BC. CCN: M01/CRF 703. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.0286 m; max. e. width: 0.032 m; max. e. thickness: 0.0061 m. Find location: Chart 6:6, squares Δ6, Δ1. City wall (wall 6). layer 5. Clay orange-brown (5YR 6/6), relatively fine-grained, with few admixtures and mica. Interior black-glazed. On the outside, parts of six petals of a fan-shaped palmette. Iconographical parallels: Gex 1993, 437 and pl. 97.

82. Fragment of body. 5th – 4th c. BC. CCN: M00/CRF 301. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.043 m; max. e. width: 0.041 m; max. e. thickness: 0.008 m. Find location: “Theatre”. Chart 1:1, squares I5, I6, Θ5, Θ6. Configuration of the area after of the breaking up of the dry stone wall nr. 3. Clay reddish-brown (5YR 5/6), fine-grained, with admixtures. Interior black-glazed. Severe dents and flaking on both surfaces. On the outside, small parts of a meander band and two indecipherable vertical elongated motifs, maybe parts of palmette petals.

85. Fragment of body. 5th – 4th c. BC. CCN: M01/CRF 352. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.034 m; max. e. width: 0.0342 m; max. e. thickness: 0.0063 m. Find location: Chart 5:7, squares A5,6 / B5/6. Baulk. Removal of the 1st layer of fallen stones. Clay reddish-brown (2,5YR 6/6), relatively coarsegrained, with few admixtures. Dents and flaking on both surfaces. Interior black-glazed, with three brown bands. On the outside, parts of five black lines: four slender and raised (one curved, two vertical and one slanting across one of the vertical lines); the fifth, a curve intersecting the second vertical line, is painted on with a colour wash. Remarks: The lines on the exterior surface could delineate the folds of a garment.

83. Fragment of body. 60

M. MANOLEDAKIS: RED-FIGURE POTTERY FROM MINOA ON AMORGOS

Second half of the 5th – early 4th c. BC. CCN: M01/CRF 403. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.035 m; max. e. width: 0.041 m; max. e. thickness: 0.0071 m. Find location: Chart 5:6, square H6. East extension, southern part, layer 3. Clay reddish-brown (5YR 6/4), fine-grained, clean. Interior black-glazed. Dents and flaking on both surfaces. On the outside, a band with a crossed square and four dots and part of another square. Above, two shoots, each with four round leaves, painted over the black glazing with white paint. Remarks: The square next to the crossed square probably contained a meander, following the customary motif of a meander punctuated by crosses or abaci. Iconographical parallels: Gex 1993, 211 and pl. 63.

86. Fragment of body. Late 5th – early 4th c. BC. CCN: M01/CRF 402. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.064 m; max. e. width: 0.055 m; max. e. thickness: 0.0089 m. Find location: Chart 5:6, square H6. E extension, S part. Between the E face of wall 5 and the E face of the cut. Layer 2. Clay orange-brown (5YR 7/6), relatively fine-grained, relatively clean, with some mica. Interior blackglazed. Dents and flaking on both surfaces. On the outside, part of a decorative band with meander and an abacus ornament with dots in the centre of its white squares. Remarks: See fragments nr. 32 and 60. Iconographical parallels: Gex 1993, 231 and pl. 67.

89. Fragment of body. Mid 5th – mid 4th c. BC. CCN: M01/CRF 756. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.038 m; max. e. width: 0.0542 m; max. e. thickness: 0.007 m. Find location: W slope. City wall. Chart 8:3, square BΓ/3. Triangular tower. Cut 3/2001. Layer 1. Clay orange-brown (5YR 7/8), fine-grained, clean. Interior black-glazed. Severe dents and flaking on both surfaces. On the outside, part of an oblong leaf.

87. Fragment of body. Late 5th – early 4th c. BC. CCN: M01/CRF 353. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.023 m; max. e. width: 0.0233 m; max. e. thickness: 0.0069 m. Find location: Chart 5:6, square H6. E extension, S part. Between the E face of wall 5 and the E face of the cut. Layer 2. Clay orange-brown (5YR 6/6), relatively fine-grained, with few admixtures and mica. Interior black-glazed. Dents and flaking on both surfaces. On the outside, a reserved rectangular motif and parts of a horizontal and three curved bands. Remarks: Maybe parts of an abacus ornament interrupting a row of meanders, and a palmette.

90. Fragment of body. Mid 5th – mid 4th c. BC. CCN: M01/CRF 751. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.04 m; max. e. width: 0.032 m; max. e. thickness: 0.0071 m. Find location: W slope. City wall. Chart 8:3, square Γ23. Triangular tower, SE part along the E wall. Clay orange-brown (5YR 7/6), relatively fine-grained, with few admixtures and mica. Interior black-glazed. Minor dents and flaking on both surfaces. On the outside, a palmette petal between two scrolls. Remarks: See fragment nr. 50. Iconographical parallels: Moore 1997, pl. 32, no. 237 and pl. 45, no. 342.

88. Fragment of body. 61

THE CONTEXTS OF PAINTED POTTERY IN THE MEDITERRANEAN (7TH-4TH CENTURIES BCE)

Find location: W slope. City wall. E of the triangular tower. “Area 6”, E face. Clay orange-brown (5YR 7/6), relatively fine-grained and clean. Interior black-glazed. Dents and flaking on both surfaces. On the outside, parts of two irregular red rings. Remarks: The motif reminds us of an eye, but most probably it depicts part of a palmette core (cf. Gex 1993, 466 and pl. 101).

91. Fragment of body. Mid 5th – mid 4th c. BC. CCN: M01/CRF 755. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.026 m; max. e. width: 0.0293 m; max. e. thickness: 0.013 m. Find location: W slope. City wall. Triangular tower. Layer 3. Clay brown (5YR 5/8), fine-grained, clean. Interior black-glazed. Minor dents and flaking on both surfaces. On the outside, parts of a thick horizontal, slightly rounded band and a thin horizontal line. 92. Fragment of body. Mid 5th – mid 4th c. BC. CCN: M01/CRF 753. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.024 m; max. e. width: 0.042 m; max. e. thickness: 0.007 m. Find location: Chart 8:3, square Γ2-3. Triangular tower. Layer 2. Cut 2/2001. Clay orange-brown (5YR 6/6), fine-grained, clean. Interior black-glazed. Dents and flaking on both surfaces. On the outside, parallel slanting lines painted on with a colour wash, probably rendering drapery.

95. Fragment of body. Mid 5th – mid 4th c. BC. CCN: M01/CRF 853. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.056 m; max. e. width: 0.044 m; max. e. thickness: 0.006 m. Find location: W slope. City wall. N of the triangular tower. Chart 8:3, square B-Γ/3-4. Cut 4/01, Layer 7. Clay orange-brown (5YR 6/6), fine-grained, clean. Interior black-glazed. Minor dents and flaking on both surfaces. On the outside, part of the lower decorative border with a meander. Above it, on the main decoration area, two red vertical bands. Remarks: The survived parts of the main decoration are too few to indicate the depicted theme. 96. Fragment of body. Mid 5th – mid 4th c. BC. CCN: M01/CRF 951. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.037 m; max. e. width: 0.051 m; max. e. thickness: 0.0056 m. Find location: W slope. Gate. Chart 8:3, square Γ3. Clay orange-brown (5YR 6/6), fine-grained, clean. Interior black-glazed. Dents and flaking, mostly outside, where we can see part of a garment's hem. Remarks: Maybe part of a standing clothed figure.

93. Fragment of body. Mid 5th – 4th c. BC. CCN: M01/CRF 604. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.021 m; max. e. width: 0.054 m; max. e. thickness: 0.008 m. Find location: W slope. City wall. Chart 8:3. E face of BN5. Clay orange-brown (5YR 6/6), fine-grained, with very few admixtures. Interior black-glazed. Dents and flaking on both surfaces. On the outside, parts of four palmette petals.

97. Fragment of body. 5th – 4th c. BC. CCN: M03/CRF 953. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.02 m; max. e. width: 0.023 m; max. e. thickness: 0.006 m.

94. Fragment of body. Mid 5th – mid 4th c. BC. CCN: M01/CRF 801. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.021 m; max. e. width: 0.034 m; max. e. thickness: 0.0068 m. 62

M. MANOLEDAKIS: RED-FIGURE POTTERY FROM MINOA ON AMORGOS

Find location: W Gate. City wall. Chart 8:3, square B4, cut Δ1/03. Stone layer. Clay orange-brown (5YR 7/6), fine-grained, with few admixtures. Interior black-glazed. Dents and flaking on both surfaces. On the outside, parts of two black intersected bands, shaping an X.

Excavation find

100. Fragment of lip and body. 5th c. BC. CCN: M88/CRF 9. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.051 m; max. e. width: 0.075 m; max. e. thickness: 0.008 m. Find location: Square A6, part A/δ (Marangou 1988b, 167-170), trench, depth: 4.60-4.76 m. Clay yellowish-brown (5YR 7/4), relatively fine-grained, with few admixtures. Interior unglazed, except for the black-glazed rim. Dents and flaking on both surfaces, and flaking over the entire exterior surface of the rim. On the outside of the body, part of a band with tongue motifs, and below this a reserved ellipse. Remarks: This tongue motif is the commonest ornament for the decorative band just beneath the lip of a lebes.

98. Fragment of body. Mid 5th – mid 4th c. BC. CCN: M03/CRF 954. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.027 m; max. e. width: 0.026 m; max. e. thickness: 0.006 m. Find location: W slope. Gate. Chart 9:3, squares B-Γ/23, cut 03/03, layer 2. Clay orange-brown (5YR 7/6), fine-grained, clean. Interior black-glazed. Minor dents on both surfaces. On the outside, parts of a leaf and two palmette petals.

SKYPHOI The skyphos is found in Attic pottery from the early 6th century BC and imitates Corinthian forms. In the redfigure style three types were particularly common: Type A, Type B, and the Corinthian cotyle (for the latter, see Oakley 1988; for skyphoi in general, see FreyerSchauenburg 1970; Scheibler 2000; Batino 2002). Surface finds 99. Fragment of body. Late 5th – early 4th c. BC. CCN: M/CRF 02 (Unknown find date). Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.044 m; max. e. width: 0.048 m; max. e. thickness: 0.0076 m. Find location: Unknown. Clay orange-brown (5YR 6/6), fine-grained, clean. Interior black-glazed. Few dents and little flaking, chiefly confined to the interior surface. On the outside, part of the rich folds of the garment of what is probably a female figure. The drapery is rendered with raised lines and the fibula holding it in place with a colour wash. Beyond a certain point the curved lines delineating the drapery become straight, verticals and slashes. Remarks: This is probably the part of the garment covering the area near the shoulder of the figure wearing it.

101. Two fused fragments of lip and body. Mid 5th – mid 4th c. BC. CCN: M84/CRF 1. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.0286 m; max. e. width: 0.0293 m; max. e. thickness: 0.004 m. Find location: Acropolis, A1 (Marangou 1984, 383 ff.). From the cleaning of the place. Clay yellowish-brown (7,5YR 8/6), fine-grained, with few admixtures and some mica. Black-glazed, thinner on the interior surface. Some dents and flaking on both surfaces. The lip is continuous with the body, which preserves parts of what are either three acanthus leaves or the petals of an irregular palmette. Typological parallels: Gex 1993, 406 and pl. 22.

LEBETES In Attica, the lebes prevailed from the late 7th c. BC, copying a metal shape, and was abandoned towards the late 5th c. BC (Brownlee 1981, 1988 and 1997). 63

THE CONTEXTS OF PAINTED POTTERY IN THE MEDITERRANEAN (7TH-4TH CENTURIES BCE)

Excavation finds

102. Fragment of lip and body. Third quarter of the 4th c. BC. CCN: M01/CRF 601. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.038 m; max. e. width: 0.0293 m; max. e. thickness: 0.005 m. Find location: City wall, east of the triangular tower. Clay orange-brown (5YR 6/6), fine-grained, clean. Interior black-glazed. Some dents and flaking on both surfaces. The outward-curving rim is continuous with the body. On the outside, part of a standing beardless male figure, facing right, the head touching the rim of the vessel. The face and the extended right arm of the figure, which is holding a strigil, are preserved. Remarks: This is obviously a detail of a scene from the world of athletics, with a young athlete who is doubtless naked. The vessel must be ascribed to the “F.B. (Fat Boy) Group”, given the facial features of the figure and the specific choice of subject for the specific shape of vessel. For the “F.B. Group” see ARV2 1484-1495. Typological and iconographical parallels: The closest parallel of the “F.B. Group” belongs to a shard from Delos: Dugas 1952, pl. LIV, 17. See in general Sabbatini 2000. For the type of the strigil see Marwitz 1979, esp. 77, fig. 8 and 17; Kotera-Feyer 1993.

104. Fragment of body. 5th c. BC. CCN: M88/CRF 8. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.044 m; max. e. width: 0.032 m; max. e. thickness: 0.004 m. Find location: Square A6, part A/δ (Marangou 1988b, 167-170), “trench”, depth: 4.60-4.70 m. Clay orange-brown (5YR 6/6), fine-grained, clean. Interior black-glazed. Dents and flaking on both surfaces. On the outside, an indecipherable motif, inside, a reserved and a brown band on the black-glazed background.

105. Fragment of lip and body. Late 5th – mid 4th c. BC. CCN: M93/CRF 315. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.028 m; max. e. width: 0.0311 m; max. e. thickness: 0.004 m. Find location: Chart 5:6, square H6 (Marangou 1993, 197 ff.), depth: 1.56 m. Clay yellowish-brown (5YR 7/4), fine-grained, clean. Interior black-glazed. Minor dents. The lip is continuous with the body. On the outside, parts of three acanthus leaves or irregular palmette petals. Typological parallels: Gex 1993, 406 and pl. 22.

103. Fragment of base and body. Mid 5th – mid 4th c. BC. CCN: M88/CRF 2. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.029 m; max. e. width: 0.0475 m; max. e. thickness: 0.006 m. Find location: Square A6 (Marangou 1988b, 167-170). Surface layer, “rubble”. Clay orange-brown (5YR 7/6), fine-grained, clean. Glazing black on the annular base and reddish-brown, due to imperfect firing, on the interior surface. Dents and flaking particularly on the base. There is a small ring of thin brown paint in the centre of the lower part of the body. The outside is covered with an irregular and rather hastily executed net motif. A groove separates the conical body from the base. Remarks: This vessel is a Corinthian-shape cotyle. Typological parallels: Moore 1997, pl. 124, nos: 13291330. For the net motif in the lower parts of the body of these vases, above the base, see Oakley 1988, 170.

106. Fragment of body. Mid 5th – mid 4th c. BC. CCN: M88/CRF 5. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.012 m; max. e. width: 0.0152 m; max. e. thickness: 0.003 m. Find location: Temple, cut II/5 (Marangou 1988b, 163166), layer 2. Clay yellowish-brown (5YR 7/4), fine-grained, clean. Interior black-glazed. Dents and flaking on both surfaces. The outside is covered with an irregular and rather hastily executed net motif. Remarks: This vessel must be a Corinthian-shape cotyle. Typological parallels: See fragment nr. 103.

64

M. MANOLEDAKIS: RED-FIGURE POTTERY FROM MINOA ON AMORGOS

Late 5th – first half of the 4th c. BC. CCN: M93/CRF 318. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.028 m; max. e. width: 0.051 m; max. e. thickness: 0.005 m. Find location: Chart 5:6, square H6 (Marangou 1993, 197 ff.). Depth: 1 m. Clay orange-brown (5YR 7/4), fine-grained, clean. Exterior black-glazed. Dents and flaking on both surfaces. Inside, part of the reserved tondo, with parts of two fine black lines. Typological parallels: Gex 1993, pl. 392.

KYLIKES The kylix was the most popular form of vessel in Antiquity, and several different types were made (See e.g. Bloesch 1940; Seki 1985; Vierneisel and Kaeser 1990). Excavation finds

LEKANIDAI This shape was to be seen from the early 6th c. BC until the end of the 4th c. BC (see Talcott, Philippaki, Edwards and Grace 1956, 10-11; Lioutas 1987 and 1997; Moore 1997, 54-55.

107. Fragment of body. 5th – first half of the 4th c. BC. CCN: M87/CRF 10. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.022 m; max. e. width: 0.022 m; max. e. thickness: 0.0052 m. Find location: Aν/N/1 (Marangou 1987b, 257-258). Depth: 1.40-1.55 m. Clay orange-brown (5YR 7/6), fine-grained, with admixtures. Exterior black-glazed. On the inside, three black curved lines and a slightly rounded one beneath a black-glazed part. Remarks: The series of curved lines indicate that we see part of the inner tondo of the kylix.

Surface find

110. Fragment of lip and body. 5th – 4th c. BC. CCN: M82/CRF 493. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.043 m; max. e. width: 0.049 m; max. e. thickness: 0.007 m. Find location: “To the south of the temple”. During the configuration of the area. Clay yellowish-brown (5YR 7/4), relatively coarsegrained, with few admixtures and mica. Interior blackglazed. Dents and flaking on both surfaces. The slightly rounded lip is continuous with the body. On the outside, reserved band with row of black dots on the lip. On the body an indecipherable motif.

108. Fragment of body. 5th – 4th c. BC. CCN: M90/CRF 353. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.023 m; max. e. width: 0.0264 m; max. e. thickness: 0.049 m. Find location: Γ/N1/α 90 (Marangou 1990b, 242 ff.). Layer 9. Clay orange-brown (5YR 7/6), fine-grained, clean, with traces of mica. Interior black-glazed. Some dents and flaking, confined chiefly to the inside. On the outside, a reserved band displaying four horizontal black lines, the top one intersected by an indecipherable ellipse, while an oblique line can be discerned at the upper right edge. The rest of the fragment is black-glazed, save for a reserved band.

Excavation finds

111. Fragment of lid. Late 5th – mid 4th c. BC. CCN: M87/CRF 3. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.0151 m; max. e. length: 0,0044m; max. e. width: 0.03 m; max. e. thickness: 0.0069 m. Find location: Aν/N/1δ (ΠAE 1987, 257-258). Depth: to 0.38 m.

109. Fragment of body. 65

THE CONTEXTS OF PAINTED POTTERY IN THE MEDITERRANEAN (7TH-4TH CENTURIES BCE)

Clay orange-brown (5YR 6/6), fine-grained, clean. Interior black-glazed. Minor dents and flaking on both surfaces. The lip curves sharply downwards and is separated from the rest of the lid with a groove. The outside of the rim is reserved and demarcated by an ovolo moulding. The lines of the ceramic wheel are visible on both surfaces. Typological parallels: Gex 1993, pl. 13 and 55.

114. Three fused fragments of lip, body and handle. Early 4th c. BC. CCN: M01/CRF 852. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.073 m; max. e. width: 0.17 m; max. e. thickness: 0.008 m. Find location: West slope. Wall. North of the triangular tower. Chart 8:3, square B-Γ/3-4. Cut 4/01. East face. Layer 5. Clay orange-brown (5YR 6/6), fine-grained, relatively clean. Interior black-glazed, few dents, considerable flaking. The rim curves inwards on the exterior face only, creating a groove for the lid to rest in. The knob is vertical and squat. The lower part of the body curves inwards. A horizontal decorative band with a row of lyrepalmettes alternately vertical and reversed runs around the outside beneath the rim, broken only by the handles. Typological and iconographical parallels: Gex 1993, 162, 164 and pl. 54.

112. Fragment of lid. Late 5th – mid 4th c. BC. CCN: M87/CRF 5. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.019 m; max. e. length: 0,051 m; max. e. width: 0.034 m; max. e. thickness: 0.008 m. Find location: Aν/N/1α (ΠAE 1987, 257-258). Depth: 0.50-0.70 m. Clay orange-brown (5YR 6/6), fine-grained, clean. Interior black-glazed. Dents and flaking on both surfaces. The lip curves sharply downwards and is separated from the rest of the lid with a groove. The outside of the rim is reserved and demarcated by an ovolo moulding. Typological parallels: See fragment nr. 111.

LEKANIS-TYPE VESSELS Lekanis-type vessels are large basins used primarily for household purposes (Lioutas 1987; Lüdorf 2000). Excavation find

115. Two fused fragments of the body and the transition to the foot. Mid 5th – mid 4th c. BC. CCN: M01/CRF 757. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.073 m; max. e. length: 0,207 m; max. e. width: 0.081 m; max. e. thickness: 0.11 m. Find location: W slope. City wall. Chart 8:3, sq. B-Γ/3. Triangular tower, cut 3/2001, layer 1. Clay reddish-brown (2,5YR 6/8), relatively coarsegrained, with admixtures. Both surfaces black-glazed. Severe dents and flaking. The body is continuous with the foot. Inside, reddish-brown-glazed in the centre.

113. Fragment of lid. First half of the 4th c. BC. CCN: M93/CRF 553. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.031 m; max. e. width: 0.0496 m; max. e. thickness: 0.006 m. Find location: Chart 1:1, square E3 (Marangou 1993, 197 ff.). Chart 6:6, sq. A1-B1-Γ1 – Chart 5:6, sq. A6-B6Γ6-Δ6. Flush with the south face of the wall. Clay yellowish-brown (5YR 7/4), fine-grained, with few admixtures. Interior black-glazed. Dents and flaking on both surfaces. The lip curves sharply downwards. The outside of the rim is reserved and demarcated by an ovolo moulding, while parts of animals can be discerned on the rest of the lid. Remarks: Animals and monsters, e.g. gryphons, are a common subject for the decoration of lekanis lids. Typological and iconographical parallels: Moore 1997, pl. 107, no. 1126.

FISH-PLATES Fish-plates are a special kind of dish, encountered for the first time in the early part of the 4th century BC (See McPhee and Trendall 1987; Kunisch 1989; Marangou 1996a, 121; Zindel 1998). 66

M. MANOLEDAKIS: RED-FIGURE POTTERY FROM MINOA ON AMORGOS

Excavation find

118. Fragment of body. 5th – 4th c. BC. CCN: M81/CRF 478. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.028 m; max. e. width: 0.043 m; max. e. thickness: 0.006 m. Find location: Cut to the west of the temple (Marangou 1981, 313 ff.). North extension. Depth: ± 0.90 m. from the face of the wall eastwards. Clay orange-brown (5YR 7/6), fine-grained, clean. Interior black-glazed. Dents and flaking on both surfaces. On the outside, part of a table. We can see the upper part of one foot and a vertical side of the surface of the table, whose edge is decorated with parallel vertical black bands. Iconographical parallels: For iconographical parallels see e.g. Pfuhl 1923, fig. 516 and Richter 1966, fig. 332. For tables in the ancient Greek vase-painting see Richter 1966, 63-72.

116. Fragment of base and body. First half of the 4th c. BC. CCN: M00/CRF 201. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.0233 m; max. e. thickness: 0.0077 m; base diameter: 0.09 m. Find location: “Theatre”. (Chart 1:1, square I6/BA1-4). Clay yellowish-brown (5YR 7/4), relatively fine-grained, clean. Base and exterior surface of the body black-glazed. Dents and flaking, chiefly on the body. The annular base forms an acute angle with the body. A groove and a reserved ring run round the seating on the base. The bottom of the body of the dish has a decorative ring of ovolo moulding, and outside this five fin-tips can be seen. Remarks: Fish plates were commonly decorated with a pattern of fish in the 4th century BC, and some such design must have ornamented the rest of the area around the moulding. Typological and iconographical parallels: McPhee and Trendall 1987, pl. 8-11.

119. Fragment of body. 5th – 4th c. BC. CCN: M82/CRF 482. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.02 m; max. e. width: 0.016 m; max. e. thickness: 0.0061 m. Find location: To the south of the Hellenistic temple (NΔ1) (Marangou 1982, 283 ff.). Clay orange-brown (5YR 6/6), fine-grained, clean. Interior black-glazed. Dents and flaking on both surfaces. On the outside, part of an elliptic motif, which could be a palmette petal.

OPEN-MOUTHED VESSELS, PROBABLY KRATERS Surface find

120. Fragment of body. Mid 5th – early 4th c. BC. CCN: M87/CRF 12. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.024 m; max. e. width: 0.038 m; max. e. thickness: 0.0056 m. Find location: Cut Γ/δ1 (Marangou 1987b, 260-262). North extension, west part, west face (depth: 1.34 m.). Clay yellowish-brown (5YR 7/4), relatively fine-grained, clean. Interior black-glazed. Dents and flaking on both surfaces. On the outside, parts of three palmette petals, an ovolo moulding and an indecipherable motif. Remarks: The curved ovolo moulding may indicate that the fragment comes from the area adjacent to one of the handles of the vessel

117. Fragment of body. Late 5th – early 4th c. BC. CCN: M93/CRF 305. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.026 m; max. e. width: 0.0449 m; max. e. thickness: 0.0058 m. Find location: Chart 5:6, square I6/1 (Marangou 1993, 197 ff.). Clay brown (5YR 6/4), coarse-grained, with admixtures. Interior black-glazed. Dents and flaking on both surfaces. On the outside, part of the lower half of a standing clothed figure in right profile, plus the extended right arm. Fine vertical brush strokes suggest the drapery of the garment. To the right is part of an architectural support or a second standing clothed figure. Excavation finds

67

THE CONTEXTS OF PAINTED POTTERY IN THE MEDITERRANEAN (7TH-4TH CENTURIES BCE)

column supporting an architrave that appears to be decorated with a meander. Iconographical parallels: For architectural elements in the vase-painting see Oliver-Smith 1981.

121. Fragment of body. 4th c. BC. CCN: M90/CRF 351. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.049 m; max. e. width: 0.047 m; max. e. thickness: 0.0056 m. Find location: “To the south of the Hellenistic temple” (N-NE of cut A6/τ1) (Marangou 1990b, 239 ff.). Clay orange-brown (5YR 6/6), fine-grained, clean. Interior black-glazed. Dents and flaking on both surfaces. On the outside, part of a woman’s chiton. Although nothing can be seen of the figure itself, it must have been depicted standing, turned towards our right, leaning slightly forward and in full motion. The preserved portion of the chiton, which is belted at the waist, creating an overfall, covers the back of the figure from shoulder to hem. The drapery is rendered with fine, vertical, raised curves, and the hem and overfall with a colour wash applied in thicker, horizontal wavy lines. At the left edge of the fragment, behind the figure, are traces of what is probably the garment of a second figure. Depicted in ΠAE 1990, pl. 153 b. Iconographical parallels: Moore 1997, pl. 107, no. 1118.

124. Fragment of body. 5th – 4th c. BC. CCN: M99/CRF 151. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.021 m; max. e. width: 0.027 m; max. e. thickness: 0.006 m. Find location: Chart 6:7 (Marangou 1999b, 211-212), square Γ4, cut B2, layer 1. Clay orange-brown (5YR 6/6), fine-grained, clean. Interior black-glazed. Dents and flaking on both surfaces. On the outside, parts of three curving lines, one terminating in circular motifs at both ends. Remarks: This is probably a detail of a garment, with the two clasps securing its folds.

122. Fragment of body. Late 5th – mid 4th c. BC. CCN: M91/CRF 351. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.028 m; max. e. width: 0.024 m; max. e. thickness: 0.0056 m. Find location: Square B5/T1 (Marangou 1991b, 292). Layer 2. Clay yellowish-brown (5YR 7/4), fine-grained, clean. Interior black-glazed. Dents and flaking on both surfaces. On the outside, part of a coffer, decorated with rectangular motifs, vertical and wavy lines. Iconographical parallels: e.g. Burn 1987, fig. 21.

125. Fragment of body. Mid 5th – mid 4th c. BC. CCN: M99/CRF 202. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.025 m; max. e. width: 0.0285 m; max. e. thickness: 0.005 m. Find location: East of the “theatre”. Chart 1:2 (Marangou 1999b, 219 ff.), square A6/BΔ4, south face of wall AΔ. Clay orange-brown (5YR 6/6), fine-grained, clean. Interior black-glazed. Dents, flaking and scratches on both surfaces. On the outside, the left shin and ankle of a walking man in left profile. Behind the foot is a vertical band and to the left a curving band with a line of dots. Remarks: The curving band could be part of the wheel of the chariot into which the figure is stepping.

123. Fragment of body. Mid 5th – mid 4th c. BC. CCN: M96/CRF 102. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.0281 m; max. e. width: 0.0349 m; max. e. thickness: 0.0058 m. Find location: Chart 6:7, squares B1, B2 (Marangou 1996b, 280 ff.), Road M1, 2nd step. Clay orange-brown (5YR 7/6), relatively coarse-grained, with admixtures. Interior black-glazed. Dents and flaking on both surfaces. On the outside, the upper part of a Doric

126. Fragment of body. Mid 5th – mid 4th c. BC. CCN: M00/CRF 251. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.027 m; max. e. width: 0.037 m; max. e. thickness: 0.006 m. 68

M. MANOLEDAKIS: RED-FIGURE POTTERY FROM MINOA ON AMORGOS

Clay orange-brown (5YR 6/6), relatively fine-grained, clean. Interior black-glazed. Dents and flaking on both surfaces. On the outside, part of the breast, waist and thigh of a veiled female figure, which appears to be moving towards our left. The folds of the veil, which is belted around her waist, are rendered very simply, with a hatching of fine raised lines. At the point, which the figure is facing, there is part of a slightly off-vertical band with a fine black line down the centre. Remarks: The garment worn by the female figure suggests an Amazon, while the vertical band could be part of the leg of a standing male figure. The scene might, then, depict the combat between a fallen or kneeling Amazon and an attacking warrior.

Find location: “Theatre”. (Chart 1:1, square I6/NA2 – Chart 1:2, squares A6/NΔ2, A6/BΔ2). Clay orange-brown (5YR 6/6), fine-grained, clean. Interior black-glazed. Dents and flaking on both surfaces. The exterior surface of the fragment is separated in two vertical parts, a black-glazed and a reserved one. 127. Fragment of body. Mid 5th – mid 4th c. BC. CCN: M01/CRF 754. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.0307 m; max. e. width: 0.0334 m; max. e. thickness: 0.006 m. Find location: Chart 8:3, square Γ2-3, triangular tower, layer 2, cut 2/2001. Clay orange-brown (5YR 6/6), fine-grained, clean. Interior black-glazed. Local dents and flaking on both surfaces. On the outside, part of a reserved horizontal band.

Excavation find

OPEN-MOUTHED VESSELS, PROBABLY SKYPHOI Surface finds 130. Two fused fragments of body. First half of the 4th c. BC. CCN: M87/CRF 8. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.029 m; max. e. width: 0.024 m; max. e. thickness: 0.005 m. Find location: Aν/N/1α (Marangou 1987b, 257-258). Depth: 0.83-1.14 m. Clay orange-brown (5YR 6/6), fine-grained, clean. Interior black-glazed. Dents and flaking on both surfaces. On the outside, the wrist and hand of a right arm, thumb outstretched and remaining fingers (only three are depicted) bent towards the palm. Remarks: This is probably a gesture of salutation.

128. Fragment of body. Late 5th – early 4th c. BC. CCN: M01/CRF 704. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.027 m; max. e. width: 0.0315 m; max. e. thickness: 0.0051 m. Find location: City wall (Chart 5:6, squares Δ5/Δ6). Clay orange-brown (5YR 6/6), fine-grained, clean. Interior black-glazed. Some dents, on both surfaces. On the outside, parts of petals between repeated curves. Remarks: The surviving fragment of the decoration suggests a pattern of scrolls and palmettes, a decorative motif characteristic of the Classical period that was generally used for the parts of vessels adjacent to the handles or for the upper – and more rarely lower – areas of the body. Iconographical parallels: Moore 1997, pl. 32, no. 237 and pl. 45, no. 342.

KRATERS or SKYPHOI Surface find

131. Two fused fragments of body. 5th – 4th c. BC. CCN: M90/CRF 551. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.032 m; max. e. width: 0.06 m; max. e. thickness: 0.005 m. Find location: SE slope. Chart 2:1, squares I2-I3 and Chart 2:2, square A2 (Marangou 1990b, 250 ff.). Building 1, east wall. Clay orange-brown (5YR 7/6), fine-grained, clean. Interior black-glazed. Some dents, flaking and deposits on both surfaces. On the outside, part of the garment (probably its lower part) of a standing figure. The drapery is rendered with fine slanting and vertical lines painted on with a colour wash.

129. Fragment of body. Second half of the 5th c. BC. CCN: M01/CRF 702. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.175 m; max. e. width: 0.0433 m; max. e. thickness: 0.005 m. Find location: City wall (Chart 5:6. Baulk between squares E6, Z6).

69

THE CONTEXTS OF PAINTED POTTERY IN THE MEDITERRANEAN (7TH-4TH CENTURIES BCE)

Clay orange-brown (5YR 6/6), fine-grained, clean. Interior black-glazed. Some dents and flaking. On the outside, probably part of a garment.

Excavation finds

132. Fragment of body. 5th – 4th c. BC. CCN: M91/CRF 651. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.019 m; max. e. width: 0.027 m; max. e. thickness: 0.005 m. Find location: Gymnasium. Chart 7:7, squares I4-I5 (Marangou 1991b, 294 ff.). Layer 13. Clay orange-brown (5YR 6/6), relatively coarse-grained, with admixtures. Interior black-glazed. Some dents and flaking on both surfaces. On the outside, part of a garment, whose drapery is rendered with fine wavy lines.

135. Fragment of body. Mid 5th – 4th c. BC. CCN: M01/CRF 606. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.031 m; max. e. width: 0.037 m; max. e. thickness: 0.0057 m. Find location: W slope. City wall. E of the triangular tower. Wall BN6. E face, layer 2. Clay orange-brown (5YR 6/6), fine-grained, relatively clean, some mica. Interior black-glazed. severe dents and flaking on both surfaces. On the outside, parts of palmettes and tendril. Remarks: See fragment nr. 50. KRATERS or KYLIXES Excavation find

133. Fragment of body. Late 5th – 4th c. BC. CCN: M93/CRF 1. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.027 m; max. e. width: 0.022 m; max. e. thickness: 0.0056 m. Find location: Chart 7:7, square Δ6 (Marangou 1993, 197 ff.). From the dry stone wall to the surface of the wall SW-NE. Clay orange-brown (5YR 7/6), fine-grained, clean. Interior black-glazed. Dents and flaking on both surfaces. On the outside, parts of a garment and two folding edges of it. The drapery is rendered with fine raised vertical lines and the edges with curved lines of different thickness. Iconographical parallels: For similar rendering of garment edges see Moore 1997, pl. 17 and 94.

136. Fragment of body. 5th – 4th c. BC. CCN: M01/CRF 351. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.0271 m; max. e. width: 0.026 m; max. e. thickness: 0.0059 m. Find location: Chart 5:7, square A6. W of the SE tower. Baulk. Layer 1. Clay orange-brown (5YR 6/6), relatively fine-grained, clean. Interior black-glazed. Dents and scratches, especially outside. On the outside, a black vertical line intersecting a horizontal one. Both are fine and raised.

134. Fragment of body. Mid 5th – mid 4th c. BC. CCN: M01/CRF 603. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.03 m; max. e. width: 0.033 m; max. e. thickness: 0.0052 m. Find location: W slope. City wall. E of the triangular tower.

137. Two fused fragments of body. Early 4th c. BC. CCN: M01/CRF 401. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.031 m; max. e. width: 0.0623 m; max. e. thickness: 0.005 m. Find location: City wall (Chart. 6:6, square H1 – Chart 5:6, square H6).

SKYPHOI or KYLIKES Surface finds

70

M. MANOLEDAKIS: RED-FIGURE POTTERY FROM MINOA ON AMORGOS

Remarks: The curved line presumably belongs to a tendril scrolling around the palmette, a common floral decorative motif.

Clay orange-brown (5YR 6/6), relatively fine-grained and clean, with some mica. Interior black-glazed. Some dents and flaking on both surfaces. On the outside, part of the head and upper torso of a clothed female figure in right profile, apparently extending the left arm. The head is rendered in full profile and the body in three-quarters view. The hair is bound with a ribbon and is rendered with a colour wash, while the folds of the veil are indicated by fine raised lines. Remarks: The garment gives the impression of having been drawn hastily but confidently. It is transparent, and accents the curves of the body beneath it. The extended hand may very well have held a phiale or coffer. Iconographical parallels: Moore 1997, pl. 25, no. 157.

140. Fragment of body. 5th – 4th c. BC. CCN: M88/CRF 4. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.02 m; max. e. width: 0.033 m; max. e. thickness: 0.004 m. Find location: “Theatre” (Marangou 1988b, 174 ff.). East analemma wall 24-30 m. (humus). Clay orange-brown (5YR 7/6), fine-grained, clean. Interior black-glazed. Dents and flaking on both surfaces. On the outside, parts of three palmette petals. CLOSED VESSELS

138. Fragment of body. Mid 5th – mid 4th c. BC. CCN: M03/CRF 955. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.028 m; max. e. width: 0.027 m; max. e. thickness: 0.0047 m. Find location: Chart 9:2, square Θ4 (north of the wall). Surface find (L. Marangou). Clay orange-brown (5YR 6/6), fine-grained, clean. Interior black-glazed. Some dents and flaking on both surfaces. On the outside, part of a spearhead and part of a barely discernible obliquely curving band. Remarks: The band could be part of a Satyr’s tail, in which case the fragment may come from a scene inspired by some Satyr play.

LEKYTHOI There are three principal types of lekythos. The first, which was the most common in the first half of the 6th century BC, has a smooth profile running unbroken from neck to base. The second, which is found from the middle of the 6th century to the end of the 5th, has a slightly rounded body and an offset shoulder. The third type, which was particularly popular from the middle of the 5th to the middle of the 4th century BC, has a flattened body and a broad base (Fairbanks 1907 and 1914; Reizler 1914; Buschor 1925; Rudolph 1971; Kurtz 1975). Surface find

Excavation finds

139. Three fused fragments of body. 5th – 4th c. BC. CCN: M91/CRF 801. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.031 m; max. e. width: 0.058 m; max. e. thickness: 0.0031 m. Find location: Acropolis, K/A3 (Marangou 1991b, 285). Cut Δ-Α, depth: 2.00-2.08 m. – Cleaning of the W face, depth: 1.70-2.00 m. Clay orange-brown (5YR 7/6), relatively fine-grained, with admixtures. Interior black-glazed. Considerable dents and flaking on both surfaces. On the outside, parts of three petals of an open, irregular palmette, fairly carelessly drawn. To the left is part of a curved line, apparently following the first two petals.

141. Fragment of body. Early 4th c. BC. CCN: M93/CRF 304. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.038 m; max. e. width: 0.048 m; max. e. thickness: 0.0038 m. Find location: Chart 5:6, square I6 (Marangou 1993, 197 ff.). Clay orange-brown (7,5YR 6/4), fine-grained, clean. Interior unglazed. Little flaking. On the outside, part of a standing clothed male figure, from the lower part of the head to the lower part of the chest, in right profile. The right arm – the wrist and hand are missing – is held out and slightly raised; the left is also extended, but is held 71

THE CONTEXTS OF PAINTED POTTERY IN THE MEDITERRANEAN (7TH-4TH CENTURIES BCE)

much lower, among the folds of the garment. This hand is holding some object, perhaps a phiale. The short hair is rendered with a colour wash, while the drapery of the garment is suggested by occasional vertical brush strokes.

PELIKAI The pelike appeared immediately after the invention of the red-figure technique, possibly in the workshop of the Pioneer Group, and was particularly popular from the second half of the 5th century to the end of the red-figure period (Becker 1977). Excavation find

142. Fragment of body. Mid 5th – 4th c. BC. CCN: M/CRF 03 (Unknown find date). Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.016 m; max. e. width: 0.02 m; max. e. thickness: 0.005 m. Find location: Unknown. Clay orange-brown (5YR 7/6), relatively fine-grained, with few admixtures. Interior unglazed. Dents and flaking on both surfaces. On the outside, a segment of a continuous meander. Remarks: The meander is the motif most commonly used in the Classical period to decorate the borders of the principal scenes on the sides of a lekythos. Iconographical parallels: Moore 1997, pl. 89, no. 881.

144. Fragment of neck. Late 5th – first half of the 4th c. BC. CCN: M87/CRF 4. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.0696 m; max. e. width: 0.061 m; max. e. thickness: 0.012 m. Find location: Aν/N/1α (Marangou 1987b, 257-258). Depth: to 0.50 m. Clay brown (5YR 6/8), fine-grained, clean. Interior black-glazed. Considerable dents and flaking on both surfaces. On the outside, the upper half of a standing clothed male figure, in right profile. The deterioration has obscured the facial features and much of the detail of the garment. The right arm is apparently extended. The short hair is rendered with a colour wash, as is part of the garment, the folds of which are indicated by fine brush strokes. Remarks: Although the surface of the vessel is badly damaged, the design is clearly simple and hastily executed. Typological parallels: Gex 1993, 3, pl. 30.

ASKOI Askoi appeared in the beginning of the 5th century BC and have several types (Rüdiger 1960; Massei 1978; Boardman 1981; Moore 1997, 23-25). Excavation find

143. Fragment of body. Mid 5th – mid 4th c. BC. CCN: M93/CRF 303. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.0191 m; max. e. width: 0.0278 m; max. e. thickness: 0.003 m. Find location: Chart 5:6, square I6/1 (Marangou 1993, 197 ff.). N face, layer 1. Clay orange-brown (5YR 7/6), fine-grained, clean. Dents and flaking on both surfaces. On the outside, parts of the belly, flanks, genitals and hind legs of some animal, possibly a bull. The animal is turned towards our left, and the position of the sharply bent legs shows that it is galloping. The interior surface is covered with rows of slightly raised horizontal lines. Remarks: The angle of the animal’s legs suggests that the fragment comes from the upper part of an askos, and reveals the effort made by the potter to fit the animal into this circumscribed circular area. Typological and iconographical parallels: For the effort to fit an animal into a circular area see Moore 1997, pl. 109, no. 1156 and pl. 111, no. 1183.

INDECHIPHERABLE SHAPES Excavation finds

145. Two fused fragments of the body of a closed vessel. Mid 5th – mid 4th c. BC. CCN: M93/CRF 316. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.0253 m; max. e. width: 0.032 m; max. e. thickness: 0.0034 m. Find location: Chart 5:6, square I6/1 (Marangou 1993, 197 ff.), layer 2 (depth: 2.74-2.96 m.). 72

M. MANOLEDAKIS: RED-FIGURE POTTERY FROM MINOA ON AMORGOS

2. Most of them, even the largest, come from areas covered with decorative motifs, so that in the rare instances when we are fortunate enough to be able to recognise a narrative scene, the surviving elements are tiny, e.g. parts of a figure or an object. This, of course, also makes it difficult to recognise the hand of the artist.

Clay orange-brown (5YR 7/6), fine-grained, clean. Dents and flaking on both surfaces. On the outside, part of a wing and a graffitο with the letters A and P fused together. The interior surface is covered with rows of fine raised bands. Remarks: The letters may indicate the workshop where the vessel was made. For graffiti see Hackl 1906; Lang 1976.

3. The particularities of the Minoa excavation site, including the marked disturbance of the strata and the frequent presence of refuse in areas of fill (see infra, 74), together with the two disadvantages noted above, make it very difficult to try to date the fragments with any precision, and almost impossible to pinpoint a period of less than thirty years. Nonetheless, this set of 147 fragments of red-figure ware is still – for the reasons outlined at the beginning – a valuable body of archaeological material for anyone studying Minoa. Let us therefore review the most important conclusions that can be drawn from them.

146. Fragment of the body of a closed vessel. 5th – 4th c. BC. CCN: M01/CRF 607. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.031 m; max. e. width: 0.022 m; max. e. thickness: 0.006 m. Find location: W slope. City wall. E of the triangular tower. Wall BN6. E face, layer 2. Clay orange-brown (5YR 7/6), fine-grained, with few admixtures. Deposits, dents and flaking on both surfaces. On the outside, part of a probably floral decoration.

SHAPES AND INTENDED USES OF THE VESSELS As we have already said, the fragments of red-figure ware found at Minoa are often too small to give any indication of the shape of the vessel [fig. 5]. Of the 147 fragments found (fused fragments of a vessel are treated as a single piece), 110, or roughly 75%, come from the body of the vessel. Thus, in 14 cases (117-130) the shape of the vessel has been conjectured from the thickness of the piece and the glazing on the interior surface, in 10 cases (131-140) these factors suggest either of two possible shapes, with nothing to indicate which, while in another three (145-147) all that can be said is that the fragment came from a closed vessel. Of the remaining 37 fragments, 23 come from rims (chiefly of kraters), 6 from krater handles, 2 from bases, 1 from a neck, 3 from lekanis lids, 1 from the point of transition from body to foot and 1 from the point of transition from lip to body (fig. 5). One fragment of a lekanis (114) is part of the rim, the body and one handle of the vessel.

147. Fragment of the body of a closed vessel. 5th – 4th c. BC. CCN: M03/CRF 952. Dimensions: Max. e. height: 0.027 m; max. e. width: 0.023 m; max. e. thickness: 0.0034 m. Find location: W slope. Gate. Chart 8:3, squares B-Γ/34, cut 4/01. Clay brown (5YR 5/6), fine-grained, clean. Very minor dents on both surfaces. On the outside, part of an indecipherable, probably floral, decoration (part of a palmette?).

Numerically speaking, the commonest shape represented by the red-figure potsherds from Minoa is the krater [fig. 6]. Of the total of 147 fragments recovered, 99 (1-99), or 67%, are certainly from kraters; this proportion may increase to 79% if we add the 17 fragments of openmouthed vessels that were probably kraters (117-127, 131-136). Next come the skyphoi, with 6 certain fragments (101-106), among them two Corinthian cotylae, and another 12 probable (128-135, 137-140). The lekanis is represented by 5 fragments (110-114), the kylix with certainty by 3 (107-109) and possibly by another 5 fragments (136-140) and the lekythos by 2 fragments (141-142). Finally, we have one fragment each of a lebes (100), a fish-plate (116), an askos (143), a pelike (144) and a lekanis-type vessel (115). It is worth noting that none of the red-figure sherds found at Minoa comes from an amphora.

GENERAL OBSERVATIONS As a general observation following this description of the 147 fragments of red-figure vessels found at Minoa on Amorgos, it might be said that these fragments have three basic drawbacks: 1. The vast majority of them are so small that it is often very difficult to determine the type of each shape or even the shape itself. 73

THE CONTEXTS OF PAINTED POTTERY IN THE MEDITERRANEAN (7TH-4TH CENTURIES BCE)

Lids

Rims

Bell-kraters

7

Calyx-kraters

1

Bell- or Calyx-kraters

8

Column-kraters

1

Lebetes

1

Skyphoi

3

Lekanidai

3

Necks

Handles

Bases

Foot

6

1

2

1

Lekanis-type vessels

1

Fish-plates

1

Pelikai

1

Fig. 5. Distribution of fragments from identifiable areas of the vessel, by vessel form

120 100

99

80 60 40 20

17 1

6

12 3 5

5

1

1

2

1

1

0 Kraters

Lebetes

Skyphoi

Kylixes

Lekanidai Lekanis‐ Fish‐plates Lekythoi type

Askoi

Pelikai

Fig. 6. Statistical table of firmly identified forms. The columns on the right (kraters, skyphoi, kylixes) list the fragments that probably belong to vessels of the specific type

column (28) krater. The only basic krater type not found at Minoa is the volute krater.

The numerical preponderance of kraters is interesting, and is indicative of the popularity of this form in the Classical period. By contrast, the kylix, the most popular form of red-figure vessel, is represented at Minoa by relatively few finds.

None of the fragments of red-figure pottery found at Minoa came from a tomb, which means that their intended use was either practical or votive. The fact that the overwhelming majority of these sherds were found in fill in very different areas of the site, including outside the city wall, and together with many finds from other periods, makes its exceptionally difficult to distinguish between these uses, since these fragments were evidently thrown out as refuse and we have no way of knowing whether they came originally from a temple, in which case they would have been votive offerings, or a house, in which case they would more likely have served a domestic function.

Most of the krater fragments are from the body of the vessel, making it very difficult to recognise the particular type. This can be achieved only in the cases where the fragment is either from a characteristic part of the vessel, e.g. the rim, or is big enough for the shape of the curve to provide a useful clue. Of the 28 krater-fragments that could be identified as to type, 14 are bell kraters (1-14), the last variation to be developed and the one that became the most popular of all from the mid 5th century BC on. This appears to be true for other parts of Greece as well, like Pella in Macedonia (Akamatis 2008, 26). Another 12 fragments come from either bell or calyx-kraters (16-27), while two more belong certainly to a calyx (15) and a

What tips the balance is the statistical chart of frequency of occurrence of shapes [fig. 6]. The manifest 74

M. MANOLEDAKIS: RED-FIGURE POTTERY FROM MINOA ON AMORGOS

the folds of the hem is such as to warrant a dating in the latter half of the 5th century BC.

preponderance (nearly 80% of all the vessels found) of kraters, a large vessel eminently suitable for votive offerings, in conjunction with the absence of other symposium vessels, such as the kylix and the lebes, is a strong indication that these kraters were perhaps not used for banquets but were instead votive offerings, in a city that is known, by inscriptional or excavation evidence, to have had at least three temples, the temples of Apollo (IG XII 7, 222-226) [fig. 2, no. 3], of Sarapis-Isis-Anubis (IG XII 7, 227) and of Dionysus (IG XII 7, 229) [fig. 1], to be identified with the one excavated at the summit of the Acropolis, that was probably devoted to the cult of Dionysus in antiquity and to the Egyptian divinities from the Late Hellenistic Age on (see Marangou 2002, 189 ff. and 254 ff. For the Temple of Apollo see Marangou 2002, 189 ff).

A figure that occurs with some frequency is that of a youth crowned with a wreath, a subject that was particularly common in the late 5th and the whole of the 4th century BC. In addition to fragment 74, this figure also appears on another three krater fragments (43, 56 and 61). It should be noted that, although the sherds displaying parts of figured scenes are very small and the motifs preserved exceptionally partial, it is nonetheless often possible to identify at least the general subject matter of the scene. Careful study of the red-figure vases from Minoa reveals that they were decorated with scenes from the worlds of religion or myth, war, athletics, banqueting and women.

DECORATION

The scene on the fragment of skyphos no. 102 represents the world of athletics, while fragments 75, 78 and 125 may depict scenes of warfare, if the proposed interpretations are correct. On fragment 44 we have what is probably part of the preparation of a sacrifice. Other scenes that may be related to religion are those on fragments 141 and possibly 76, the latter being the sole example of a scene with figures depicted on different levels, and possibly a depiction of a Nike or an Eros.

As regards decoration, the small size of most of these fragments means there are no whole scenes, which deprives us of the possibility of recognising the hand of a master, a particular workshop or even a style of decoration. The only exceptions are fragments 74 and 102. In the first of these, the manner in which the facial features, the curling hair and lines of the body are rendered are strongly reminiscent of the work of the Kleophon Painter, one of the most important vase painters of the second half of the 5th century BC, a student of the Achilles Painter and teacher of the Dinos Painter. In fragment 102, the subject of the young athlete holding a strigil, the type of vessel on which the scene appears, the thickness of the lad’s arm and the details of his facial features, especially the sharpness of the angles and the black circle in the region of the mouth, justify the ascription of this vessel to the “Fat Boy Group”.

Fragment 137, where the two different ways of drawing in red-figure work – i.e. with lines in slight relief and lines highlighted with a thin wash of colour – are very clear, evokes the world of women, as do fragment 42 and the coffer on fragment 122. Nor are banqueting scenes missing from the repertory of subjects: the young man on fragment 72 is evidently reclining and possibly drunk, while on fragment 34 we have part of a banqueting couch. The table on fragment 118 and the otherwise problematic cushion on fragment 66 are also suggestive of banqueting scenes, while the barely discernible musician on fragment 71 may also belong to such a scene. Finally, the scene on fragment 138 might be Dionysiac in content.

These two fragments are the only ones retaining enough of the figure depicted, and particularly enough of the face, to permit an attempt to identify the painter; on all the rest the figures are far too incomplete, although the face on fragment 57 has survived intact and in good condition. In total, of the 147 fragments found, only on 60 (i.e. 40%) is it possible to discern with certainty a portion of a figured scene. In 34 of these there is clearly a human figure, frequently identifiable solely thanks to part of an arm or a garment. Another 14 appear to display parts of the drapery of a garment, seven parts of animals, and five parts of objects or buildings. The remainder preserve decorative motifs, mainly palmettes from the handles or the upper parts of the body, leaves from the decorative bands of the rims, meanders from the bands bordering the lower parts of the figured scenes and mouldings, while in a few cases the motif cannot be identified.

The fragmentary nature of the finds makes it impossible to recognise any further details relating to the iconographical subjects, which in many cases would have been particularly interesting (e.g. fragments 30, 38, 39, 56, 57, 61, 62, 76, 121, 130, 145 among others). Finally, none of these fragments bear traces of any inscription that would have provided information about the potter, the painter or the figures depicted. DATING, WORKSHOP AND HISTORICAL CONTEXT

Among the figures meriting special attention (other than those discussed above, on fragments 74, 102 and 57), particular mention should be made of that ornamenting krater fragment 38. Although all that exists is part of her garment, the quality of the rendering of the drapery and

Unfortunately, neither the study of the form and decorative style of the red-figure vases from Minoa, nor the comparison with dated finds from the same site can be of any assistance with dating. The potsherds recovered are all very small, and since most of them come from the

75

THE CONTEXTS OF PAINTED POTTERY IN THE MEDITERRANEAN (7TH-4TH CENTURIES BCE)

60 50 40 30 20 10 0 500 BC

475

450

425

400

375

350

325

300

Fig. 7. Chronological distribution of red-figure fragments (approximate, based on datings to periods of fifty years or less)

As regards the origin of the red-figure vessels to which the 147 potsherds found at Minoa once belonged, they must have come from Attica. This may be deduced from the colour of the clay, which as a rule is the orangebrown or reddish-brown typical of Attica (chiefly 5YR 6/6 and 5YR 7/6), the shiny black glazing (2,5YR N2,5/0), and the quality and the technique of the drawing on most fragments. Also, in the vast majority of these fragments the clay is fine-grained and clean. Moreover, the Kleophon Painter and the artists of the “Fat Boy Group”, whose styles have been identified on two fragments (numbers 74 and 102 respectively) both came from Attica.

body of the vessel they provide little or no information useful in identifying the particular type. Similarly, with very few exceptions (e.g. fragments 28, 57, 74, 102) the surviving iconographical motifs are far too fragmentary to permit a dating pinpointed to a period of less than thirty years. In addition, many of the fragments (32) were surface finds, while in most other cases there was nothing in their circumstances that could point towards a precise dating. The strata at Minoa are often so disturbed that in many instances artefacts from vastly different periods are found in the same stratum, while many of the potsherds recovered were refuse in fill, found together with objects from different periods (cf. e.g. Marangou 1987b, 261). Very few potsherds came from undisturbed strata, and those that did were found in the final years of excavation, primarily in the area of the triangular tower.

From the middle of the 5th century BC on, therefore, there appear to have been substantial exports of Attic redfigure ware to Minoa. Many of these vessels, moreover, display similarities of clay, glaze and decorative style that suggest that most of them may have been made in certain Attic workshops that had developed trade relations with the island city.

The net result is that just 5 fragments have been dated to within 25-30 years, 29 to within half a century, 16 to a period of 75 years, 70 within a century, 4 to a period longer than a century, while in the case of 23 fragments all that can be said is that they date from the 5th-4th century BC, until the end of the red-figure period.

This dating of the fragments naturally leads to a search for historical evidence of trade between Athens and Amorgos. It should be noted that Minoa’s trade, not only with Athens but in general, was facilitated by the superbly protected natural harbour of Katapola (Marangou 2002, 289). Unlike other parts of Greece where a similar chronological dispersion of Attic redfigure ware has been observed (e.g. at Pella: Akamatis 2008, 68 ff.), here the hunt is not particularly complicated, despite the paucity of relevant information in the ancient texts. The fact that Amorgos was a member of the Delian League at least by 434 BC – the year when its three cities appear on the Athenian tribute lists as 'Αμόργιοι and among the “πόλεις φόρον αύταà ταξάμεναι

Imprecise as they are, however, these dating do nonetheless provide a certain amount of information. Barring fragments 28, which belongs to the second quarter of the 5th century BC, and 102, which can be dated to the third quarter of the 4th century BC, and the 23 fragments dated to the general period of the 5th-4th century BC, almost all the rest can be placed between the middle of the 5th and the middle of the 4th century BC [fig. 7]. This fact reinforces the likelihood that most of the 23 loosely dated fragments also belong to this period. 76

M. MANOLEDAKIS: RED-FIGURE POTTERY FROM MINOA ON AMORGOS

BROWNLEE, A.B. 1997. “Antimenean Dinoi”, in Athenian Potters and Painters, The Conference Proceedings, edited by J.H. Oakley, W.D.E. Coulson and O. Palagia, Oxford, Oxbow Books: 509522.

rather than in the insular tribute division along with the rest of the Cycladic group (IG I3, 278-282; Meiggs 1972, 250-251; Nigdelis 1990, 11, with further bibliography at note 2; Marangou 1995, 197) – fully accounts for the significant increase in the quantity of Attic red-figure ware on the island in the third quarter of the 5th century BC [see fig. 7], as indeed of other products of Athenian potters and sculptors (Marangou 2002, 28 and 132). The wealth of vessels from the second and third quarters of the 4th century BC has a similar historical explanation, in the association of the island’s cities with the Second Athenian Confederacy (IG II2, 43, ll. 124-128; Nigdelis 1990, 11-12; Marangou 1995, 197 and 2002, 30 and 133) and the establishment of an Athenian garrison on Amorgos during the Social War (357-355 BC), as indicated by an Arcesinean decree of 357-356 BC honouring the Athenian general Androtion (IG XII 7, 5; Cargill 1981, 155, 158-159).

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FORME, IMMAGINI E RITUALI: OSSERVAZIONI SULLA CERAMICA ATTICA DALLE NECROPOLI DI MARZABOTTO Vincenzo BALDONI (Università di Bologna)

Summary: Marzabotto constitutes a stimulating case-study for the contextual analysis of imports of Attic pottery, found in all possible contexts: settlement, necropoleis and sanctuaries. On the occasion of the study of all Attic pottery from the excavations in Marzabotto (Baldoni 2009), it was possible to associate 33 Attic figured and black-glazed vases (dating from the end of 6th to the first half of 4th century BC) to the cemeteries of the town which have been fully investigated in the 19th century (almost 300 tombs). When interpreting the evidence, one must keep in mind that only partial data are available for the Marzabotto tomb contexts, because of significant gaps in our documentation. It has been possible to associate a few vases to specific graves; often, they make part of a funerary set of high quality. Those vases are the subject of this paper. First comes a black-figured stamnos (about 510-500 BC) with two dionysiac subjects (a highly original erotic scene with satyrs and a maenad on the obverse and the dionysiac thiasos on the reverse). The vase was used as a cinerary urn in a pit grave of a woman, also containing high quality artifacts (a bronze mirror, a pair of earrings, an alabastron and a bronze phiale). The choice of the stamnos as a cinerary urn, and the dionysiac imagery on it, can be regarded as evidence that the dead woman was an adept of Dionysos; dionysiac ritual, even in the archaic period, is an answer to Death. From the first half of the 5th century BC we have a lekythos (Little-lion Class) and a ‘deep’ askos, both black-glazed. Such ‘simple’ vases were found in two high-level female tombs: the former in a pit grave with a bronze cista, used as the urn; the latter in a more monumental grave ‘a cassone’, with the richest funerary set of Marzabotto (a bronze ovoid situla, many golden and amber jewels, a bronze mirror, an alabastron, a glass pearl). Both attic vases in these two grave contexts have been selected for their use as containers of valuable and refined perfumes for the toilet, and perhaps for ritual purposes too. This usage responds to a different expressive need than the rest of the vases found in Marzabotto, which are mainly linked to the symposium. From the third quarter of the 5th century there is a red-figured plastic kantharos with the heads of a satyr and a woman; on the upper part of the vase body, Menelaos pursues Helen and on the opposite side a conversation scene. This tomb (‘a cassone’, cremation) contained many objects pertinent to the feminine sphere, which can be associated to the activities of the woman when she was alive (spinning) and to her beauty. There was also a bronze writing tool. The kantharos might have been selected for its originality, but also for its complex system of values connected with the dionysiac sphere, referring to the otherness and the dual nature of the god, while the pursuit can be linked to the funerary ideology and might have been perceived as a metaphor for death. The last vase is a red-figured squat palmette lekythos of the late 5th / early 4th century BC. It was found inside a rather modest feminine grave. Again, the Attic vase had been chosen as a perfume container, connected with feminine beauty. Attic sympotic vessels could have played a complementary role in this particular funerary set, since other bronze vases, typical of the wine consuming costume in the Etruscan Po valley of this period (kyathoi, colum), were found. There was also a fragment of another Attic vase, maybe a kylix, but it is now lost. The study on subjects and/or shapes, and on specific context data (i.e. tomb structure, gender of the deceased, funerary set and ritual) allows to consider the ways of reception and use of Attic pottery in Marzabotto funerary contexts. What emerges in most cases are the coherent use and the aware reception of Attic Vases within the funerary contexts, according to the ideology expressed by many other elements.

Il corpus delle ceramiche attiche rinvenute negli scavi ottocenteschi è stato recentemente edito dallo scrivente (Baldoni 2009). Tali scavi hanno interessato l’acropoli, parte dell’abitato e le due necropoli settentrionale ed orientale della città. Le ricerche sul campo, interrotte alla fine del XIX secolo, sono state poi riprese solo a partire dal secondo dopoguerra nell’abitato e in diverse aree sacre e sono tuttora in corso (per gli scavi ottocenteschi delle necropoli: Marchesi 2005; Morpurgo e Pozzi 2009; per i rinvenimenti di vasi attici: Baldoni 2009, in particolare cap. I).

Negli studi relativi alla diffusione della ceramica attica in Etruria padana, la documentazione di Marzabotto costituisce un punto di vista privilegiato per l’analisi contestuale degli esemplari, poiché permette di analizzare numerosi rinvenimenti da diversi ambiti d’uso, abitativo, sacro e funerario. Per il tema di questo volume si propone l’analisi in contesto dei vasi attici dalle necropoli della città etrusca, indagate esaustivamente nel XIX secolo (quasi 300 tombe in tutto), con l’intento di soffermarsi in modo particolare sugli esemplari meglio contestualizzabili e, dunque, significativi, poiché dotati di molteplici elementi di valutazione per la comprensione dei modi di ricezione ed uso di questa classe di materiali (topografia dei sepolcreti, struttura tombale, rito funerario, corredo, sesso del defunto).

I dati disponibili riflettono solo in parte la reale entità della presenza della ceramica attica nelle necropoli [Fig. 1]. La parzialità della documentazione disponibile è dovuta a molteplici fattori: le ripetute spoliazioni subite dalle tombe prima della loro scoperta, la metodologia 81

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Figura 1. Marzabotto. Ceramiche di importazione nel Museo di Villa Aria, sala V (fotografia del marzo 1933; Archivio fotografico SAER, inv. 1497. Su concessione del Ministero per i Beni e le Attività Culturali – Soprintendenza per i Beni Archeologici dell’Emilia Romagna) alcuni grandi contenitori a figure nere (anfora, cratere, stamnos), che documentano la volontà di esibire ora anche nei corredi funerari la pratica del consumo del vino (Baldoni 2009, cat. 2, 4, 7). Mancano nelle tombe della fine del VI secolo a.C. i vasi a figure rosse, presenti invece in abitato, dal quale provengono esclusivamente kylikes prodotte con questa tecnica, come ad esempio la nota coppa di Chachrylion (Baldoni 2009, cat. 236). Anche nei recenti scavi in ambito urbano sono state rinvenute kylikes a figure rosse della fine del VI secolo a.C., tra cui anche una rara coppa a occhioni (Brizzolara e Baldoni 2010, cat. 19). Analoga situazione si riscontra nelle necropoli di Bologna, dove un numero limitato di deposizioni presenta vasi a figure rosse, quasi tutte kylikes (ad esempio Beazley Archive 200549, 200902, 201598); la predominanza di questa forma non stupisce, considerando che le kylikes costituiscono anche la maggioranza dei vasi effettivamente prodotti con tale tecnica in questo periodo (Paleothodoros 2007, 168). Nelle coeve tombe di Bologna vi è al contrario un’ampia varietà di vasi a figure nere, tra cui grandi contenitori da simposio, talvolta piuttosto ricercati per la forma (crateri a volute: Beazley Archive 4800, 12685, 13037, 13038) o per la particolare tecnica esecutiva (anfora bilingue del P. di Andokides dalla tomba 85 del sepolcreto Arnoaldi: Beazley Archive 200010); molti pure i temi presenti, tra i quali prevalgono i soggetti dionisiaci (Macellari 2002, 386-388).

ottocentesca di indagine e di registrazione dei dati (peraltro in parte perduta), la distruzione o il danneggiamento di alcuni vasi conservati nel museo di Marzabotto durante la seconda guerra mondiale; è stata inoltre avanzata l’ipotesi che vi fossero altre zone adibite alla sepoltura. Nella maggioranza dei casi, i vasi attici sono riconducibili genericamente al contesto di rinvenimento: dei 33 esemplari sicuramente provenienti dalle necropoli, solo pochi sono con certezza riferibili a singole tombe (Baldoni 2009, figura 28). Come è noto, le più antiche attestazioni di ceramica attica a Marzabotto risalgono alla metà del VI secolo a.C. circa e non provengono dalle necropoli, ma dalle aree sacre e dall’abitato (Baldoni 2009, 243, 249-250, con bibliografia; vedi anche Malnati e Desantis 2009). In questa fase cronologica, che comprende il terzo quarto del secolo, vi sono numerose kylikes a figure nere (Siana, Gruppo dei Piccoli Maestri e Classi correlate). In Etruria padana il grande afflusso di ceramica attica si osserva solo a partire dall’ultimo quarto del VI secolo a.C., quando i vasi attici si diffondono anche nei centri minori del comparto territoriale e iniziano ad essere presenti in modo consistente nei corredi funerari (in particolare a Bologna: Macellari 2002; per Spina, cfr. Bruni 2004, 96). A Marzabotto in questo periodo è attestata una più ampia varietà di forme vascolari, soprattutto in abitato; dalle necropoli sono noti 82

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Figura 2. Cratere a figure nere da una necropoli di Marzabotto; perduto (da Gozzadini 1870)

Figura 3. Marzabotto, Museo Nazionale Etrusco “P. Aria”, inv. 335. Stamnos attico a figure nere da una tomba della necropoli orientale (Archivio fotografico SAER, invv. 84171, 84173. Su concessione del Ministero per i Beni e le Attività Culturali – Soprintendenza per i Beni Archeologici dell’Emilia Romagna)

Beazley Archive 351152, 351155, 13096) – possono essere stati funzionali all’esaltazione dell’areté militare o all’eroizzazione del defunto o alludere a un passaggio di status, in considerazione della capacità da parte degli etruschi padani di fruire di molteplici significati veicolati dalle immagini vascolari attiche già nel periodo in questione (Brizzolara e Baldoni 2010). L’allusione al viaggio e al passaggio di status è espressa su una serie di temi iconografici presenti anche nei contesti funerari successivi, sia nella ceramica attica, sia nelle stele felsinee (per i quali si rimanda a Govi 2009a e 2009b).

A Marzabotto negli ultimi decenni del VI secolo a.C. sono solo due i soggetti iconografici su vasi provenienti dalle necropoli. Su un cratere a colonnette (Baldoni 2009, cat. 7) [Fig. 2], attualmente perduto, vi era sul lato principale un guerriero o una coppia di sposi su una biga in presenza di Apollo, Artemide e Latona: la lettura della scena è incerta e si basa sulle riproduzioni ottocentesche poco fedeli all’originale, in particolare di chi è sul carro, come evidenziato già nella letteratura del tempo (Gozzadini 1870, 28). Sul lato secondario del cratere, molto lacunoso, era rappresentata una scena di congedo, della quale rimanevano le figure di due guerrieri e di una donna. L’assenza di dati contestuali certi non permette di cogliere appieno il significato della scelta di questi temi: il congedo del guerriero e il viaggio / trionfo su carro – ben documentati anche nelle coeve tombe bolognesi talvolta in associazione sullo stesso vaso (ad esempio:

Maggiori elementi di valutazione sono offerti dalla lettura in contesto di uno stamnos a figure nere dello scorcio del VI secolo a.C. (Baldoni 2009, cat. 4; vedi anche Baldoni 2011) [Figg. 3-4], proveniente da una tomba femminile della necropoli orientale, nella quale sono state rinvenute 83

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dell’immagine, una forma vascolare dove sovente sono presenti scene originali e orientate a soddisfare il gusto della clientela di destinazione, a cui si addice l’esaltazione del dionisismo in chiave femminile (cfr. Paleothodoros 2009, 50-51, dove si ricorda la partecipazione delle donne nei banchetti raffigurati sulla spalla degli stamnoi del Gruppo del Perizoma). La rarità o l’unicità della raffigurazione è infatti riscontrabile in un numero considerevole di stamnoi (10% di quelli a figure rosse), un fenomeno imputabile al fatto che si tratta di una forma nuova e meno influenzata dalla tradizione delle botteghe e dalle preferenze della clientela (vedi Isler-Kerényi 2009, 82, che conclude che ‘Le répertoire des stamnoi, riche en sujets dionysiaques et en allusions à la mort, reflète assez bien les usages possibles — bien que non exclusifs — du récipient. Mais il révèle aussi l’ambition du peintre de fabriquer un vase particulier pour une clientèle choisie’). Lo stamnos si trovava all’interno di una tomba a pozzetto con rivestimento in ciottoli; il vaso attico era defunzionalizzato mediante la rottura intenzionale delle anse. Il corredo, integro, era disposto tra le pareti del pozzetto e il vaso attico ed era costituito da una phiale in bronzo, uno specchio in bronzo liscio e un alabastron di alabastro. Lo stamnos fungeva da contenitore delle ceneri ed era coperto da una ciotola di produzione locale; un ciottolo chiudeva l’imboccatura del pozzetto (Brizio 1890, all. 59, cc. 419-420).

Figura 4. Marzabotto. Stamnos a figure nere. (Da Brizio E. 1886. Guida alle antichità della villa e del Museo etrusco di Marzabotto, Bologna)

Molti elementi della deposizione ne mettono in risalto la rilevanza, a partire dalla tipologia della tomba e del rituale utilizzato. Il rituale dell’incinerazione secondaria con le ceneri raccolte dentro un cinerario è attestato solo 13 volte a Marzabotto (5 nella necropoli est, 8 in quella nord), il 4,4% delle quasi 300 sepolture scavate in totale (Marchesi 2005, 203). In queste deposizioni, databili a partire dall’età tardo-arcaica, il cinerario è costituito spesso da un contenitore prestigioso: stamnoi (il nostro e due in bronzo), ciste cordonate in bronzo, crateri attici a figure rosse o un vaso di produzione locale. Nella necropoli orientale sono utilizzati un stamnos (Brizio 1890, all. 46, c. 407), una cista cordonata in bronzo (Brizio 1890, all. 58, c. 417), un vaso di produzione locale (Brizio 1890, all. 26, c. 375) e due vasi figurati (Baldoni 2009, 37, nr. 33). Nello stesso sepolcreto vi sono anche altre due tombe a pozzetto manomesse (Brizio 1890, all. 58, c. 417). Nella necropoli settentrionale, come cinerari sono attestati dolii di impasto (Gozzadini 1870, 26; Brizio 1890, all. 20, c. 365), due ciste cordonate in bronzo (Gozzadini 1870, 25, Brizio 1890, all. 20, cc. 365-66 e Gozzadini 1870, 24) e un vaso acromo (Brizio 1890, all. 26, c. 375).

le deposizioni più antiche. L’esemplare costituisce finora un unicum nel comparto padano (per gli stamnoi a figure rosse: Reusser 2002, 66-69, 70-86), sebbene la forma sia ben documentata a Marzabotto e in Etruria padana nella versione in bronzo (Shefton 1988; Muffatti 1968, 124128). Su entrambi i lati dell’esemplare vi è un soggetto dionisiaco: su quello principale una scena erotica in ambito simposiale cui partecipano due satiri (itifallici e con zampe equine) e una menade; sull’altro lato un thiasos con al centro Dioniso, una menade, un satiro retrospiciente. La raffigurazione principale si colloca nell’ambito delle scene che esprimono una relazione erotica tra i satiri e le loro compagne e nelle quali l’eros e il simposio costituiscono una metafora del contatto con Dioniso e dell’avverarsi di una “felicità dionisiaca”, raggiunta attraverso un percorso iniziatico grazie al ruolo mediatore dei satiri (eros come fenomeno religioso: Bérard 1992; Isler-Kerényi 2001, in particolare 171 ss; vedi inoltre Osborne 1997; sessualità dei satiri e loro relazioni con le figure femminili: Mc. Nally 1978; Lissarrague 1987 e 1990; Hedreen 1994; i satiri come intermediari e il loro speciale rapporto con Dioniso: IslerKerényi 2001, 226 e 2004, 43-45).

La cremazione con le ceneri raccolte entro contenitore è un rituale di antica tradizione ed è documentato in Etruria, in Grecia e nelle colonie greco-occidentali. Dalla metà del VI sec. a.C., nell’ambito di una ripresa di tale costume funerario in Etruria e nell’Occidente greco (cfr. Rendeli 1993; Reusser 1993), esso è nuovamente riscontrato nelle necropoli, anche se sempre in un limitato numero di tombe; ora il cinerario impiegato è un vaso

All’esperienza del contatto con Dioniso, simbolo di rinascita e di rinnovamento, rimanda anche il thiasos raffigurato sul lato secondario, con l’epifania del dio al cospetto dei suoi seguaci (Isler-Kerényi 2004, 35 ss.). La raffigurazione sul lato principale non trova confronto puntuale e ciò non stupisce se si pensa al supporto

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tra i rinvenimenti in abitato (Gozzadini 1865, tavola 20, 1); sono citati dal Gozzadini nelle indagini di diverse tombe (Gozzadini 1870, 43-44; sull’uso e sul significato di questi oggetti vedi Desantis 1993, 37-39; inoltre Elia e Cavallo 2002, per l’ambito greco occidentale).

attico, in particolare il cratere. Secondo un’interpretazione diffusa, questo rituale non è solo rivolto a manifestare la pratica del simposio come segno di distinzione sociale, ma è dotato di un significato religioso ed esprime una prospettiva di salvezza; tale aspirazione è riconducibile, secondo alcuni studiosi, alla diffusione di credenze escatologiche di tipo dionisiaco (Pontrandolfo 1995; d’Agostino 2003; sul rituale e la sua diffusione a Bologna vedi anche Govi 2009a 462-463 e 2009b, 34-35, con ampi riferimenti bibliografici).

Altri elementi della tomba sono una ciotola di produzione locale a chiusura del cinerario e un ciottolo a copertura e a segnacolo del pozzetto. La semplicità del corredo è una costante nelle tombe di questo tipo, dove spesso è ridotto all’essenziale e contempla solo il cinerario ed eventualmente qualche fibula, pertinente al tessuto che avvolge le ceneri. Questa semplicità è forse dovuta anche all’elevato valore del cinerario, come è stato osservato per altre tombe di Marzabotto e di Bologna con contenitore bronzeo (Sassatelli 1989, p. 62, nota 54. Cfr. inoltre d’Agostino 1998, p. 55, per Spina).

A un rituale di tipo eroico sembra richiamare la phiale bronzea, probabilmente impiegata per la libagione prima della cremazione o nello spegnimento dei resti del rogo, secondo una tradizione di matrice omerica diffusa in Grecia e in Etruria (cfr. Pellegrino 2004-2005, pp. 187188; vedi anche Lissarrague 1995). Tale rituale è meglio esplicitato in un’altra tomba di Marzabotto, anch’essa femminile a incinerazione in pozzetto, dove una phiale di bronzo (Muffatti 1968, 147-148) era deposta sopra le ceneri all’interno del loro contenitore, una cista bronzea (Gozzadini 1870, 25, tavole 2.1 e 2.4; Brizio 1890, cc. 271, 365-366; Marchesi 2005, 208; per la cista: Stjernquist 1967, II, p. 28, nr. 39: 1; Muffatti 1968, pp. 119-121, tavola IX b). Anche a Bologna due rare phialai attiche decorate con la tecnica di Six provengono dalla ricca tomba 381 della Certosa, dove sono state rinvenute capovolte (Govi 2009b, 32.).

In queste tombe è dunque evidente la volontà di mettere in risalto il contenitore delle ceneri, oggetto carico di un elevato valore simbolico, in quanto può identificarsi con il defunto stesso (Baats e d’Agostino 1999). Tornando al nostro stamnos, si osserva che tale forma è particolarmente adatta sul piano funzionale e simbolico al suo contesto d’uso, in quanto assomma la funzione di ricettacolo delle ceneri – connaturata all’origine della forma nella cultura funeraria etrusca – alla valenza simbolica di contenitore del vino puro, che è assimilabile ad un prodotto della metamorfosi e quindi a Dioniso stesso (Isler-Kerényi 2009). In questa prospettiva l’esemplare appare adeguato ad esprimere non solo l’adesione al dionisismo come esibizione di uno statuto sociale elitario, attraverso il recupero di un rituale di antica tradizione e l’esaltazione della pratica simposiale; per forma e temi iconografici lo stamnos è anche atto all’espressione di un’adesione a Dioniso come speranza e augurio di rinascita ed è coerentemente inserito in un contesto funerario femminile, dove molteplici elementi convergono nella stessa direzione. L’ambito cronologico della deposizione non appare incompatibile con questa proposta di lettura, in considerazione dell’ipotesi, avanzata da alcuni studiosi, dell’affermarsi di forme di religiosità dionisiaca a sfondo salvifico già in epoca tardo-arcaica e non solo nell’avanzato V secolo, come tradizionalmente ammesso (vedi Govi 2009a, 459, nota 41 e 463, nota 75; Govi 2009b, 34; per il dionisismo in Etruria padana vedi anche Pizzirani 2009b).

Anche la cronologia della tomba con lo stamnos in esame (scorcio del VI secolo a.C. o inizi del secolo successivo) è un dato di rilievo, essendo il più antico esempio noto dell’impiego di un vaso attico come cinerario a Marzabotto. Il dato acquista maggiore evidenza se si considera che a Bologna l’uso di un vaso attico come cinerario ricorre solo una volta nel primo quarto del V secolo a.C. (Certosa, tomba 174: Govi 2009b, 34, nota 54), anche se non mancano antecedenti nelle tombe di fase proto-Certosa (in dolii, ad esempio le tombe 38 Arnoaldi e 8/1962 dei Giardini Margherita: vedi Macellari 2002, 385). Il rituale a Bologna è invece molto diffuso a partire dal secondo quarto del V secolo a.C., nelle tombe a pozzetto con cratere cinerario (cfr. Govi 2009a, 462, nota 71; Govi 2009b, 34). Degna di nota è anche la posizione dei pozzetti degli incinerati, che a Marzabotto sono stati rinvenuti a coppie o a gruppi di tre, un dato interpretato come probabile indizio di relazione tra i defunti (Marchesi 2005, 205) o della volontà di distinguere nei sepolcreti i destinatari di questo rituale (l’ipotesi è stata formulata per Bologna, dove vi sono raggruppamenti più consistenti: Macellari 2002, 388; Govi 2009b, 34).

Un indizio della diffusione di dottrine misteriche di tipo soteriologico può forse cogliersi nella deposizione di un oon a figure nere (Baldoni 2009, cat. 6) [Fig. 5], perduto, che sappiamo solo essere stato rinvenuto in una tomba di Marzabotto, non meglio specificata nei documenti del tempo. L’impossibilità di affrontare un esame diretto dell’esemplare lascia spazio solo all’ipotesi di ascriverlo alla produzione attica sulla base di confronti formali e decorativi con gli oa del Gruppo del Cigno, produzione peraltro di difficile determinazione cronologica. In quanto forma quasi esclusivamente attestata in ambito funerario greco, l’oon costituisce un unicum in ambito etruscopadano. Numerose attestazioni di uova reali o di altro

A contrastare apparentemente con quanto osservato è la semplicità del corredo in esame: oltre alla phiale, esso comprende infatti pochi oggetti riferibili alla sfera della seduzione, come lo specchio, gli orecchini e l’alabastron, quest’ultimo interpretabile sia quale contenitore di unguenti profumati, sia, forse, come funzionale al rito della preparazione del corpo per la cremazione. Gli alabastra sono comuni a Marzabotto e compaiono anche

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Figura 5. Oon a figure nere da una tomba di Marzabotto; perduto (da Baldoni 2009)

materiale nelle tombe di alcuni centri del comparto (anche a Marzabotto) evidenziano comunque una stretta connessione di questo tipo di offerta con l’ideologia funeraria (Guarnieri 1993; Bertani 1995). Secondo alcuni studiosi questo tipo di deposizione non può essere interpretata solo come semplice offerta di cibo, ma può essere messa in relazione con la diffusione di culti misterici di matrice orfica, che in ambito padano è indiziata anche da alcuni temi iconografici su vasi attici da tombe felsinee (Bottini 1992, 64; Macellari 2002, 391; Govi 2009a, note 63, 70, 75). Per l’oon di Marzabotto, in ultima analisi, non si possono avanzare proposte di lettura fondate, dato che non conosciamo altri aspetti della deposizione e dell’eventuale ulteriore corredo di accompagnamento, utili a chiarirne meglio funzione e significato.

Figura 6. Marzabotto. Lekythos a vernice nera da una tomba del sepolcreto nord (particolare di una fotografia del marzo 1933; Archivio fotografico SAER, inv. 1497. Su concessione del Ministero per i Beni e le Attività Culturali – Soprintendenza per i Beni Archeologici dell’Emilia Romagna)

due volte, come già detto: in una tomba del sepolcreto orientale (Brizio 1890, all. 58, c. 417), dove l’unico elemento presente era il cinerario, come spesso riscontrato in ambito padano; in un’altra della necropoli settentrionale, già ricordata, con una phiale in bronzo e molti oggetti di ornamento femminile. Tali caratteristiche inseriscono quest’ultima nella serie di incinerazioni in cista etrusco-padane che si distinguono per la ricchezza del corredo, costituito prevalentemente da oggetti di pertinenza femminile (specchi, gioielli, strumenti per la filatura: cfr. Pizzirani 2009a, 57-58). Tornando a considerare la tomba con la lekythos attica, si osserva che il vaso di importazione, piuttosto modesto e privo di decorazione, è scelto e deposto coerentemente al tipo di sepoltura e al rituale impiegato. La lekythos, infatti, può essere connessa sia al rituale per la preparazione del corpo, sia alla sfera della seduzione, in quanto contenitore di preziose sostanze profumate e, come il rimanente corredo che richiama le attività femminili, rimane comunque estraneo all’ideologia del simposio; a questo fa riferimento, nella molteplicità dei significati già ricordati, solo il particolare contenitore delle ceneri usato in questo genere di deposizioni.

Tra le numerose ceramiche attiche databili entro la metà del V secolo a.C. rinvenute nelle necropoli di Marzabotto, solo due vasi a vernice nera sono contestualizzabili con precisione e provengono da due tombe femminili del sepolcreto settentrionale. Il primo esemplare è una lekythos della Classe del leoncino (Baldoni 2009, cat. 1092) [Fig. 6] deposta nella necropoli nord in una tomba a pozzetto a cremazione con le ceneri raccolte entro una cista cordonata in bronzo (Gozzadini 1870, 24; Stjernquist 1967, 28, n. 39: 2; la cista rientra nel Gruppo Certosa: fine VI-inizi IV secolo a.C.). Il vaso attico, di cui restano alcuni frammenti, era situato all’interno del cinerario e presentava tracce d’incendio e abrasioni sulla superficie, fatto che induce a ritenere che sia stato impiegato nel rituale crematorio, prima di essere deposto come unico vaso del corredo, a diretto contatto con le ceneri del defunto. Gli altri elementi del corredo sono una fusaiola e altri strumenti per la filatura in osso, anch’essi rinvenuti con tracce del rogo (ora perduti). In questo contesto l’elemento centrale è costituito dalla cista, che connota fortemente questo genere di deposizioni (sul rituale dell’incinerazione in cista e la funzione del contenitore vedi Martelli 1982, 189 e Sassatelli 1989, 6263; per l’ipotesi della cista (e del dolio) come espressione di appartenenza culturale vedi Govi 2009b, 35). Le incinerazioni in cista sono ben documentate in ambito padano soprattutto nella seconda metà del V secolo a.C. (lista delle attestazioni in Pizzirani 2009a, 53-54). A Marzabotto questo tipo di deposizione è attestata altre

L’altra deposizione con ceramica attica di questo periodo di cui si conserva la relazione di scavo era situata nel settore orientale della necropoli nord; la struttura era a cassone in lastre di travertino, la tipologia che sappiamo essere la più diffusa a Marzabotto e destinata quasi solo ad individui cremati (le tombe a cassone costituiscono il 66, 8% di tutte quelle scavate a di Marzabotto; su 87 incinerazioni attestate, 74 sono in cassone: Marchesi 2005, 203-204). La sepoltura era integra al momento dello scavo e non è attualmente individuabile sul terreno (Gozzadini1870, 19, 83, nota 74, nr. 1 e tavole 16 e 17; sulla tomba vedi anche Marchesi 2005, 208-209, figura

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periodo nel quale è verosimilmente collocabile anche la deposizione (Reusser 2009, 785). Sebbene sia stato rilevato come non sia possibile operare una chiara distinzione cronologia delle tipologie tombali e dei rituali adottati nei due sepolcreti di Marzabotto a causa della scarsità dei dati utili a questo scopo (Marchesi 2005, 206-207), è indubbio che il secondo quarto del V secolo a.C. costituisce in questo centro, come più in generale in ambito padano, un periodo di grande fioritura economica, nel quale si registra una notevole importazione di ceramiche attiche. Il fenomeno non contrasta con quanto osservato a proposito delle due tombe esaminate, dove la deposizione dei due vasi a vernice nera sembra motivata da criteri di selezione ricollegabili piuttosto a istanze di carattere sociale o a scelte individuali e non certo dovuti alla scarsa circolazione di vasi figurati d’importazione (cfr. per Bologna: Govi 2009b, 34). Al secondo quarto del V secolo a.C. sono infatti databili numerosi esemplari attici a figure rosse (e a vernice nera) rinvenuti a Marzabotto (Baldoni 2009, 91, 194-195, 244 e figure 138-139), tra i quali alcuni riferibili con certezza all’ambito funerario (ma non a singole tombe): tre crateri a colonnette e due a calice, una kylix a figure rosse e uno skyphos a vernice nera, quest’ultimo proveniente da una tomba a cassone della necropoli orientale già depredata e pertanto non trattata in questa sede in dettaglio (Baldoni 2009, crateri cat. 103-105, 132-133; kylikes cat. 237, skyphos cat. 448).

Figura 7. Marzabotto, Museo Nazionale Etrusco “P. Aria”, inv. 242. Askos a vernice nera da una tomba della necropoli nord (da Baldoni 2009) 13; Bentz e Reusser 2008, 73-74; Reusser 2009; Baldoni 2009, 29, figure 11-12 e 34, nr. 16). Il rituale crematorio in questo caso prevedeva la raccolta dei resti del defunto entro un tessuto, del quale restavano alcuni filamenti d’oro rinvenuti sul fondo presso le ceneri. Si tratta di un rituale particolarmente raffinato, presente solo in questo tipo di tombe e certamente destinato ad individui eminenti; esso trova riscontro nelle necropoli bolognesi, dove è utilizzato già alla metà del VI secolo a.C. (Macellari 2002, 387; Govi 2009b, 31). La tomba in esame presentava il corredo più ricco delle necropoli di Marzabotto e comprendeva una situla ovoide in bronzo (Gozzadini 1870, 31, tavola 14, 6), una delle due presenti a Marzabotto – anche l’altra era inserita in un ricchissimo corredo femminile in una tomba a cassone (Gozzadini 1870, 83, nota 74, nr. 2 e tavola 14, 8) – , molti gioielli in oro (57 oggetti disposti in tre strati) e ornamenti in ambra, uno specchio di bronzo, un alabastron, un vago di pasta vitrea e un askos attico a vernice nera (Baldoni 2009, cat. 1100) [Fig. 7]. All’interno della tomba vi erano tracce di una polvere rossa, che il Gozzadini pensò essere una sostanza da toilette femminile contenuta nell’alabastron (Gozzadini 1870, 44). Il contesto si distingue non solo per la quantità e la qualità dei reperti, ma anche per il rituale e la struttura tombale. Tutti gli oggetti del corredo sono volti ad esprimere lo status eminente della defunta, essendo connessi principalmente alla bellezza, alla cura e all’ornamento del corpo. Oltre alle oreficerie di altissimo livello, trafugate dal Museo nel 1911 (Marchesi 2005, 209), allo specchio e alla situla (Marchesi 2005, 209, nota 51), è rimarchevole anche la presenza dell’alabastron e dell’askos, quali contenitori di pregiate e raffinate sostanze profumate e da toilette, come avviene in altre tombe femminili di Marzabotto e anche in altri contesti di rango sia etruschi, sia greco-occidentali, come già accennato. La selezione della ceramica attica anche in questo contesto sembra rispondere dunque alla sua capacità di evocare la ricchezza e gli usi raffinati della defunta, coerentemente al restante corredo. Va messo in evidenza che l’askos è l’unico proveniente dal contesto funerario di Marzabotto ed è probabilmente il più antico esemplare giunto in questo centro: è infatti ascrivibile al tipo ‘deep’, la variante più antica, prodotta probabilmente già nei primi decenni del V secolo a.C. e comunque databile al più tardi nel secondo quarto del secolo,

Dal punto di vista delle forme è evidente che l’uso di tali contenitori fosse funzionale a rimarcare l’adesione al simposio. Piuttosto articolata è la scelta dei temi, mirati all’esaltazione di valori eroici, civici e militari; le stesse iconografie possono aver assunto un particolare significato in ambito funerario, come il komos, il duello epico (Achille e Memnone), la gigantomachia con Apollo, il thiasos dionisiaco, gli atleti e le scene di inseguimento, di colloquio e di corteggiamento. E’ comunque chiaro che nello stesso ambito cronologico vi sono diverse esigenze che motivano la preferenza di forme vascolari e di temi iconografici da utilizzare nelle tombe; la mancanza di dati contestuali specifici per la maggioranza delle attestazioni non permette, però, di approfondire l’analisi e comprendere meglio il significato di queste scelte. Per la fase successiva alla metà del V secolo a.C. la documentazione da Marzabotto appare rilevante innanzitutto per la quantità delle importazioni attiche, che non tendono a diminuire, come diversamente noto per la vicina Bologna, ma si attestano su valori piuttosto elevati fino ai primi decenni del IV secolo a.C., per poi esaurirsi verso la metà dello stesso (per Marzabotto: Baldoni 2009, 90-91, 194-195, 244 ss., figura 138; per le necropoli di Bologna dopo la metà del V secolo a.C., vedi da ultimo Govi 2009b, 23-27, con riferimenti.). Il corpus dei vasi attici restituito dalle necropoli di Marzabotto nel periodo compreso tra la metà del V e la prima metà del IV secolo a.C. comprende crateri a colonnette e a campana, un kantharos plastico, skyphoi, 87

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Figura 8. Marzabotto, Museo Nazionale Etrusco “P. Aria”, inv. 530. Kantharos configurato a figure rosse da una tomba della necropoli nord (da Bentz e Reusser 2008) tomba femminile a cassone a incinerazione del settore orientale della necropoli nord (Brizio 1890, all. 14, cc. 360-361). All’interno del cassone erano contenuti anche molti altri oggetti, attualmente perduti o non più identificabili: un frammento di una kylix, non meglio specificabile e probabilmente a vernice nera, uno stilo scrittorio, due cilindretti d’osso, una fusaiola fittile, tre vaghi di collana in pasta vitrea, un piccolo oggetto in osso rotondo, due fibule in bronzo (in una erano infilati due anelli dorati), un oggetto non precisabile in ferro, un pendente d’ambra. La maggior parte degli elementi di questo ricco corredo rimandano alle attività femminili (filatura) e alla sfera della seduzione, in analogia a quanto riscontrato in alcune sepolture femminili già ricordate. E’ interessante notare in questo corredo la presenza dello stilo scrittorio, che ricorre solo altre due volte nelle deposizioni di Marzabotto (in una tomba di fanciullo e in una a cassone: Marchesi 2005, 210). Elemento di spicco del corredo e certamente dovuto a una scelta non casuale è il kantharos attico, l’unico rinvenuto a Marzabotto. La vasca dell’esemplare è configurata a testa di satiro e di donna; sul calice è rappresentato (sul lato con la testa di satiro) l’inseguimento di Elena da parte di Menelao e un’altra figura femminile, forse una divinità; sull’altro lato del calice vi è una scena di colloquio con due donne e un ammantato con bastone. Il kantharos, vaso potorio dionisiaco per eccellenza, richiama fortemente nel tomba il simposio e il consumo rituale del vino. Come è noto vasi plastici e configurati di produzione attica sono particolarmente diffusi in ambito funerario e cultuale; essi ricorrono frequentemente, in una varietà di forme e raffigurazioni, nelle tombe etrusche, anche di area padana

kylikes, una lekythos e probabilmente piccole ciotole e saliere a vernice nera (Baldoni 2009, crateri cat. 107-108, 139; kantharos plastico cat. 156; skyphoi cat. 159, 162, 163, 165, 181; kylikes cat. 232, 238-242, 279, 303-304; lekythos cat. 155; alcune piccole ciotole e saliere a vernice nera, databili prevalentemente in questo periodo e provenienti probabilmente da tombe: cat. 1065-1070). Anche in questo periodo le forme adottate sono quasi esclusivamente destinate al simposio e tra tutte prevalgono i vasi potori. I temi riguardano il mondo di Dioniso (ritorno di Efesto, thiasos, satiri e menadi), divinità ed eroi (Eros e Afrodite, Eracle e Dioniso, Trittolemo, Demetra ed Ermes), le Amazzoni, personaggi dell’epos (Menelao ed Elena), esseri fantastici (sfinge), il komos, gli atleti, le figure femminili e gli ammantati, le scene di libagione. Per alcuni di questi temi si osserva una continuità di attestazione nelle tombe dal periodo precedente (i temi dionisiaci, gli atleti, il komos, il ratto o l’inseguimento); altri soggetti iconografici compaiono nelle tombe di Marzabotto per la prima volta e sono caratteristici della produzione attica di età classica. Tra i temi attestati ve ne sono alcuni che hanno una forte valenza semantica in ambito funerario, come i personaggi eleusini, Dioniso ed Eracle giovane, Eros che suona il tympanon e Afrodite, le scene di libagione e la sfinge. Nella seconda metà del V secolo a.C. l’unico vaso di cui è nota la tomba di pertinenza è un kantharos plastico a figure rosse databile al 450-430 a.C. circa (Baldoni 2009, cat. 156) [Fig. 8]. Il vaso era deposto all’interno di una 88

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(Spina, Bologna: cfr. ad esempio Macellari 2002, tombe 86, 128). Si tratta di una produzione per la quale gli studiosi hanno evidenziato una stretta coerenza sul piano funzionale e su quello simbolico della raffigurazione, orientata verso la rappresentazione dell’alterità rispetto all’identità del cittadino greco (Lissarrague 1995-96). Le associazioni dei soggetti presenti sulla parte configurata, come nell’esemplare in esame, è stata inoltre interpretata come espressione metaforica di una complessità, esplicitata attraverso l’unione di due identità opposte, antitetiche e coincidenti, che richiamano il dualismo insito nella natura di Dioniso, dio dell’ambiguità e dell’opposizione (Sarti 2009, in particolare 207-209; sul significato e la funzione questi vasi vedi anche Hoffmann 1997; True 2006; Ebbinghaus 2008). La deposizione del kantharos nella tomba di Marzabotto può dunque essere considerata come esito di una scelta precisa dettata forse dall’originalità e dal ‘prestigio’ del vaso stesso, ma anche dal simbolismo proprio della forma, della parte configurata, incentrata su Dioniso, così come della raffigurazione sul calice del vaso: per quest’ultima non occorre insistere sul valore che assume anche in chiave funeraria la scena con l’inseguimento di Elena (vedi Martelli 2006, 14), che si ricollega ad una serie di immagini di ratto o di inseguimento su alcuni vasi delle tombe di V secolo a.C. di Marzabotto.

Figura 9. Marzabotto, Museo Nazionale Etrusco “P. Aria”, inv. 135. Lekythos a figure rosse da una tomba della necropoli est (da Baldoni 2009) caratterizza l’ambito funerario di Marzabotto rende impossibile un esame sistematico delle evidenze e una loro interpretazione certa, i casi esaminati sembrano comunque evidenziare più volte una ricezione consapevole della ceramica attica e dei suoi significati e una sua utilizzazione coerente con l’ideologia espressa dai molteplici elementi costitutivi dei contesti analizzati.

Il più tardo vaso attico proveniente con certezza da una tomba della città è una lekythos a figure rosse (Baldoni 2009, cat. 155) [Fig. 9] inserita in una tomba probabilmente femminile a inumazione della necropoli orientale (nucleo meridionale) inquadrabile nella prima metà del IV secolo a.C. (Brizio 1890, all. 47, c. 409). L’esemplare, di tipo ariballico e con decorazione a semplice palmetta sul corpo, è riferibile alla produzione attica della fine del V-prima metà del IV secolo a.C. estremamente diffusa in ambito padano, soprattutto nelle tombe di Spina (cfr. Muggia 2004). Nel corredo funebre erano presenti oltre alla lekythos un vaso attico a vernice nera, di cui rimaneva un frammento, non più identificabile; vi erano inoltre un kyathos e il manico di un colatoio in bronzo; infine tre cilindretti d’osso decorati (Morpurgo e Pozzi 2009, 199, nrr. 173, 174 e 179). Anche in questa deposizione, con corredo indubbiamente più modesto rispetto a quelli esaminati in precedenza, alcuni elementi sembrano peculiari del mondo femminile, come gli oggetti in osso, funzionali probabilmente alla filatura e la lekythos, che richiama l’uso di sostanze profumate. Difficile stabilire il ruolo della ceramica attica nel servizio simposiale in questo corredo, data l’impossibilità di individuare la forma vascolare del frammento attico rinvenuto nella tomba; alla pratica del consumo del vino fanno riferimento i bronzi, che fanno da complemento al vasellame attico in numerosi corredi padani (cfr. Macellari 2002, in particolare 230-231 e 393; Pizzirani 2009a, 75 e 78, con riferimenti).

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MUGGIA, A. 2004. Impronte nella sabbia. Tombe infantili e di adolescenti dalla necropoli di Valle Trebba a Spina. Firenze, All’Insegna del Giglio.

REUSSER, Ch. 1993. Una tomba visentina nel Museo Archeologico di Chiusi. Considerazioni sulla fase arcaica di Bisenzio. In Prospettiva 72, 75-86.

OSBORNE R. 1997, The Ecstasy and the Tragedy: Varieties of Religious Experience in Art, Drama, and Society. In C.B.R. Pelling (ed.), Greek Tragedy and the Historian, 187-211. Oxford, Clarendon Press.

REUSSER, Ch. 2002. Vasen fur Etrurien. Verbreitung und funktionen attischer Keramik im Etrurien des 6. Und 5. Jahrhunderts von Christus. Zürich, Akanthus. REUSSER, Ch. 2009. Ein Attisch Schwarzgefirnisster Askos aus Marzabotto. In S. Bruni (ed.), Etruria e Italia preromana. Studi in onore di Giovannangelo Camporeale, 781-787. Pisa-Roma, Fabrizio Serra Editore.

PALEOTHODOROS, D. 2007. Commercial Networks in the Mediterranean and the Diffusion of Early Attic Red-figure Pottery (525-490 BCE). In Mediterranean Historical Review 22.2, 165-182.

SARTI, S. 2009. An unpublished dimidiating animalhead cup in the Musées royaux d’art et d’histoire of Brussels. In A. Tsingarida (ed.), Shapes and uses of Greek vases (7th – 4th centuries B.C.), 203-212. Bruxelles, CReA-Patrimoine.

PALEOTHODOROS, D. 2009. Archaeological contexts and iconographic analysis. Case studies from Greece and Etruria. In V. Nørskov et al. (eds.), The world of Greek vases, 45-62. Roma, Quasar.

SASSATELLI, G. 1989. Ancora sui rapporti tra Etruria padana e Italia settentrionale: qualche esemplificazione. In R.C. De Marinis (ed.), Gli Etruschi a Nord del Po, 49-81. Udine, Campanotto.

PELLEGRINO, C. 2004-2005. Ritualità e forme di culto funerario tra VI e V sec. a.C. In Annali di archeologia e storia antica 11-12, 167-216. PIZZIRANI, C. 2009a. Il sepolcreto etrusco della Galassina di Castelvetro (Modena). Bologna, Ante Quem.

SHEFTON, B.B. 1988. Der Stamnos. In W. Kimming (ed.), Das Kleinaspergle. Studien zu einem Furstengrabhügel der frühen Laténzeit bei Stuttgart, 104-152. Stuttgart, Theiss.

PIZZIRANI, C. 2009b. Iconografia dionisiaca e contesti tombali tra Felsina e Spina. In R. Bonaudo et al. (eds.), Tra Etruria, Lazio e Magna Grecia: indagini sulle necropoli, 37-49. Paestum, Pandemos.

STJERNQUIST, B. 1967. Ciste a cordoni (Rippenzisten). Produktion-Funtion-Diffusion, Lund, Gleerups. TRUE, M. 2006, Athenian Potters and the Production of Plastic Vases. In B. Cohen (ed.), The Colours of Clay. Special Techniques in Athenian Vases, 240-290. Los Angeles, The J. Paul Getty Museum.

PONTRANDOLFO, A. 1995. Simposio e Élites Sociali nel Mondo Etrusco e Italico. In O. Murray e M. Tecuçan (eds.), In Vino Veritas, 176-195. Roma, British School at Rome.

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ADRIA E FORCELLO: ALCUNE CONSIDERAZIONI SULLA CERAMICA ATTICA FIGURATA PROVENIENTE DAGLI ABITATI Federica WIEL-MARIN

Le prime notizie sicure di scavi condotti in Adria risalgono alla fine del ‘700 ad opera della famiglia Bocchi: allora si è scavato soprattutto nella parte meridionale dell’attuale cittadina. In quest’area va collocato l’antico abitato dell’emporion in base non solo a vecchi scavi ma anche a indagini condotte in anni recenti da Simonetta Bonomi (si vedano gli scavi di via San Francesco, 1994 [Camerin e Tamassia 1999; Bonomi, Camerin e Tamassia 2002b] e di via ex Riformati, in corso di studio). Le necropoli sinora scoperte sono da collocarsi tutt’attorno ad Adria: di epoca arcaica-classica sono la necropoli di Ca’ Cima (Bonomi 1997, Bonomi 1998, Bonomi 2003, Bonomi 2004 e Bonomi, Camerin e

In queste pagine si vuole analizzare la presenza della ceramica attica figurata nei due abitati di Adria e Forcello [fig. 1] e vedere se i due siti possano essere messi in relazione o meno. Si inizia con il presentare la situazione attuale (settembre 2009) per poi passare a valutare il quadro generale sia dal punto di vista delle forme vascolari che da quello della loro decorazione. Adria (Wiel-Marin 2005 con bibliografia precedente) era situata, in antichità, a qualche chilometro dalla costa, sul fiume Tartaro, che scorre tra l’Adige, a nord, e il Po, a sud (provincia di Rovigo). Ad Adria nel corso dei secoli sono stati individuati sia l’abitato che alcune necropoli.

Figura 1. La pianura padana e i tre centri di Adria, Forcello e Spina 93

THE CONTEXTS OF PAINTED POTTERY IN THE MEDITERRANEAN (7TH-4TH CENTURIES BCE)

Figura 2. Presenza delle tre classi di ceramica attica negli abitati di Adria e Forcello

Tamassia 2002a), alcune tombe dalla necropoli del Canal Bianco (De Min 1986) e un corredo scoperto da Luigi Conton (Bonomi 1997, 31). Per quanto riguarda la ceramica di Adria proveniente da abitato [fig. 2] e scoperta nel corso degli anni dalla famiglia Bocchi, le figure nere sono conosciute solo in minima parte (Bonomi 1991), ma sono in corso di studio da parte di Maria Cristina Vallicelli (per un primo inquadramento si veda Vallicelli 2003), le figure rosse sono state pubblicate dalla sottoscritta, mentre la vernice nera è stata studiata da Carolina Ascari Raccagni nella sua tesi di laurea quadriennale, dal titolo La ceramica attica a vernice nera da Adria. Materiali e problemi (2004, Univ. di Ferrara: vincitrice di una borsa di studio bandita dal C.P.S.S.A.E., ha in preparazione la pubblicazione della tesi per Padusa).

26-27), gli scavi dell’abitato sono iniziati all’inizio degli anni ’80 del secolo scorso e continuano tutt’oggi sempre sotto la direzione di Raffaele de Marinis. La sottoscritta1 è stata incaricata dello studio di tutta la ceramica attica (figure nere e rosse, vernice nera): è stato visto e catalogato probabilmente solo un decimo di quanto rinvenuto [fig. 2].

Forcello (de Marinis e Rapi 20072 con bibliografia precedente), comune di Bagnolo San Vito, provincia di Mantova, va invece collocato verso la fine del corso del fiume Mincio poco prima della sua immissione nel Po. Del Forcello al momento si conosce solo una piccola porzione di abitato, mancano completamente le sepolture. Dopo i primi rinvenimenti da raccolte di superficie degli anni ’60 e ’70 (de Marinis in de Marinis e Rapi 20072,

Ora la ceramica può essere valutata da tre diversi punti di vista: forme vascolari, iconografia e pittori. Il primo e l’ultimo sono applicabili a materiale proveniente da abitati, mentre il secondo, visto lo stato di conservazione frammentario, crea non pochi problemi, perché il

Un confronto tra i due siti può essere valido e utile solo se si basa su presupposti simili e per questo motivo, mancando le necropoli al Forcello, sarà limitato al solo materiale proveniente dai due abitati e, per di più, alle sole figure rosse, in quanto ad Adria, delle tre classi ceramiche, è l’unica che per il momento è stata pubblicata nella sua interezza.

1

Sono molto grata a Raffaele de Marinis, che nel 2004 ha voluto affidarmi lo studio di detta ceramica.

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Figura 3. Presenza delle forme vascolari negli abitati di Adria e Forcello

presenza dei contenitori di grandi dimensioni è maggiore e più varia rispetto a quella del Forcello: se nel centro mantovano sono ben testimoniati tutti e quattro i tipi di cratere, mancano invece anfore, hydriai e pelikai, attestate però ad Adria. Queste leggere diseguaglianze andranno probabilmente imputate anche al numero “ridotto” di frammenti sinora presi in considerazione al Forcello: se nel centro mantovano è stato visto e documentato circa 1/10 del totale, che nel caso della ceramica a figure rosse corrisponde a 406 pezzi, ad Adria le 2458 unità (Wiel-Marin 2005) equivalgono invece al 100% [fig. 2].

presupposto per riconoscere con sicurezza una certa iconografia è, in assenza di dettagli “parlanti”, quello di avere una scena completa o quasi. Partendo proprio dall’iconografia, ad Adria sono conservate 31 scene complete o pseudo-complete (WielMarin 2005, catt. 251, 636, 644, 653, 1125, 1126, 1129, 1134, 1147, 1150, 1165, 1176, 1180, 1181, 1193, 1195, 1198, 1202, 1203, 1204, 1205, 1206, 1207, 1208, 1222, 1238, 1247, 1248, 1252, 1253, 1259), pari all’ 1,26% del totale, mentre al Forcello per il momento solo quattro [figg. 4-7], pari all’ 1% del totale “attuale”. In entrambi i centri si può comunque osservare una predilezione per le scene di vita quotidiana, sport e simposio e un “apparente” scarso interesse verso quelle mitologiche.

Passando infine ai pittori, ogni confronto su questo piano è prematuro, perché, se ad Adria il lavoro di attribuzione è stato concluso alcuni anni fa, al Forcello invece la sottoscritta è ancora occupata nel documentare la ceramica sinora rinvenuta e di conseguenza non ha completato le attribuzioni. Si può comunque anticipare che al Forcello sono attestati, così come ad Adria (civette: Wiel-Marin 1999 e Wiel-Marin 2005 [catt. 655-657, 661664, 861-884, 1070-1119, 1141-1142]; fregio fitomorfo: Wiel-Marin 2002 e Wiel-Marin 2005 [catt. 885-914, 1068]; Saint Valentin: Wiel-Marin 2005 [catt. 665-674, 916-923]), i vasi con civette (invv. 99333 [de Marinis 1986, I, fig. 76]; 40174, 99331-99332, 99334-99335 [de Marinis e Rapi 20072, fig. 72]; 145865+145866 [WielMarin 2008]; 99336-99342, 99367-99368, 163290163291, 163295-163306, 164225-164231, 164387, 164473 [figg. 8-11]), fregio fitomorfo (invv. 164232 [de

Se si passa invece alle forme vascolari [fig. 3], la situazione cambia notevolmente: infatti ogni frammento può essere solitamente assegnato a una ben precisa forma. Dal grafico si desume una distribuzione di rapporti percentuali simile nei due centri: notevole presenza di forme per bere, dove vengono preferite le kylikes agli skyphoi, una certa quantità di contenitori di grandi dimensioni, quali i crateri di tutti e quattro i tipi (volute, colonnette, calice e campana), una pressocché totale assenza delle altre forme sia per attingere (oinochoai, olpai, kyathoi), che completerebbero il “servizio da simposio”, che per olii profumati e contenitori con coperchio, tipicamente femminili (pyxides e lekanides). Si precisa che ad Adria, allo stato attuale degli studi, la 95

THE CONTEXTS OF PAINTED POTTERY IN THE MEDITERRANEAN (7TH-4TH CENTURIES BCE)

Figura 5. Forcello (Bagnolo S. Vito, MN), kylix inv. st. 163810 [28.05.2008; R 19; r 4; US 2136], un fr. di fondo-stelo

Figura 4. Forcello (Bagnolo S. Vito, MN), kylix inv. st. 99377 [1985; R 18; l 18; US 90], un fr. di fondo-stelo

Figura 7. Forcello (Bagnolo S. Vito, MN), stemless cup inv. st. 99385 [1985, Q R 13], due frr. contigui di fondo-piede

Figura 6. Forcello (Bagnolo S. Vito, MN), stemless cup inv. st. 163811 [31.05.2005; R 18; e 13; US 844; RR 914], due frr. contigui di fondo-piede

Figura 9. Forcello (Bagnolo S. Vito, MN), skyphos inv. st. 163299 [24.09.2008; Q 18; u 16, t-u 17, t 18; US 2166], un fr. di orlo-parete con due fori di antico restauro

Figura 8. Forcello (Bagnolo S. Vito, MN), skyphos inv. st. 163297 [23.09.2008; R 18; a-b 12-14; US 2239], un fr. di orlo-parete

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Figura 10. Forcello (Bagnolo S. Vito, MN), skyphos inv. st. 99337 [R18; m 4; US 2], un fr. di orlo-parete Figura 11. Forcello (Bagnolo S. Vito, MN), skyphos inv. st. 99338 [R 18; p 3; US 2; RR 219], un fr. di parete

Figura 12. Forcello (Bagnolo S. Vito, MN), skyphos inv. st. 99365 [R 18; u 6; US 2], un fr. di orlo

Figura 13. Forcello (Bagnolo S. Vito, MN), skyphos inv. st. 99364 [R 18; US 2], un fr. di orlo-parete

Marinis 1982, fig. 71]; 99316 [de Marinis 1986, I, fig. 75]; 19195e, 99363-99365, 163807-163808, 164200, 164233 [figg. 12-13]) e Saint Valentin (invv. 99311, 99313, 99316, 99319, 99321-99324, 99329 [de Marinis 1986, I, fig. 75]; 145867-145868 [Wiel-Marin 2008]; 40716, 99312, 99314-99315, 99317-99318, 99320, 99325-99328, 163798-163805, 164235-164462 [figg. 1416]) e la distribuzione cronologica appare simile a quella dell’abitato dell’emporion.

dove si rifornirvano i “traders”, che intrattenevano le relazioni commerciali tra i due centri a nord del corso del Po. Adesso bisognerebbe però analizzare quale relazione commerciale intercorresse, in fatto di ceramica attica, tra il Forcello e Spina: è possibile ipotizzare un rapporto preferenziale tra i due centri? Prima di formulare una risposta a questa domanda vediamo i punti di contatto o meno tra Adria e Spina, tenendo sempre ben presente, che si tratta di due realtà completamente diverse, la prima di abitato, la seconda funebre: 1) ad Adria, oltre agli skyphoi con civette e ai vasi del gruppo Saint Valentin, sono diffusi gli skyphoi con fregio fitomorfo; 2) a Spina invece, se gli skyphoi con fregio fitomorfo sono pressoché assenti, sono invece presenti i piatti (Curti 2002; Wiel-Marin 2002) con fregio fitomorfo, ma in una fase cronologica più tarda; 3) inoltre i corredi sono

Ora, in base all’apparente comunione di temi iconografici e alle scelte delle forme vascolari, si potrebbe immaginare che tra il Forcello e Adria, entrambe a nord del fiume Po, esistessero degli scambi commerciali regolari e sistematici. La scelta delle forme vascolari presenti nel centro mantovano potrebbe essere imputata non tanto alle esigenze/richieste della popolazione locale, quanto piuttosto all’offerta presente sul mercato di Adria, 97

THE CONTEXTS OF PAINTED POTTERY IN THE MEDITERRANEAN (7TH-4TH CENTURIES BCE)

Figura 14. Forcello (Bagnolo S. Vito, MN), kantharos inv. st. 99315 [R 18; q 2; US 2], un fr. di parete

Figura 15. Forcello (Bagnolo S. Vito, MN), kantharos inv. st. 163801 [09.09.2008; R 18; a-b 16-17; US 1785], un fr. di orlo-parete

Figura 17. Forcello (Bagnolo S. Vito, MN), kylix inv. st. 164307 [09.09.2009; S 17; f 19; US 2208; RR 1209], un fr. di fondo Figura 16. Forcello (Bagnolo S. Vito, MN), kantharos inv. st. 40716, un fr. di orlo-parete

tendenzialmente di entità diversa in fatto di numero di vasi: Adria modesta, Spina ricca. Per cercare di chiarire l’annoso problema dei rapporti tra Adria e Spina (e di conseguenza anche con il Forcello), vista soprattutto la diversità di provenienza, si dovranno aspettare sia la pubblicazione dei nuovi scavi dell’abitato, che gli studi della ceramica attica proveniente dai vecchi scavi2 da

poco avviati dalla scrivente; ad oggi si sono passate solo una trentina di casse (dagli scavi del 1966, quadrato 7-82-1, quadranti II, II-IV, III, strati B-F) su un totale indicativo di 4000, per cui quanto verrà riferito potrà essere solo indicativo e verrà limitato, per gli stessi motivi già menzionati, alle sole figure rosse. Qui di seguito si faranno delle osservazioni, che si discostano da

2 Ringrazio Luigi Malnati e Caterina Cornelio per avermi affidato, nel 2009, lo studio di questo importante materiale, che da vari decenni giace in magazzino nel Museo Archeologico Nazionale di Ferrara senza essere ancora stato studiato in modo sistematico (Malnati in Storia di

Ferrara 2004, 24). La sottoscritta ha intenzione di prendere in considerazione tutti i frammenti, compresi quelli non “pregiati”, in modo da poter dare un quadro più veritiero possibile. Da ultimo: Storia di Ferrara 2004 e Patitucci Uggeri 2009.

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Figura 18. Forcello (Bagnolo S. Vito, MN), kylix inv. st. 163809 [2005], un fr. di fondo in prossimità dello stelo Figura 19. Forcello (Bagnolo S. Vito, MN), skyphos inv. st. 99383, un fr. di orlo-parete

delle necropoli spinetiche (Curti 2002), mentre sono pressoché assenti sia ad Adria (Wiel-Marin 2005, cat. 2458) che al Forcello (piatto da pesce, non vidi, Baraldi 2005, pp. 167-168, fig. 90). Anche le oinochoai/olpai e le lekanai sono state molto apprezzate dagli spineti. La distribuzione cronologica dei vasi è leggermente sfasata, in quanto il picco delle attestazioni sembra più spostato nella seconda metà del V sec. a.C., mentre ad Adria è nella prima metà (ad eccezione dei grandi vasi per contenere, seconda metà del V sec. a.C. [Wiel-Marin 2005, p. 61]) e al Forcello “equamente” distribuito. In relazione ai temi iconografici parrebbe invece attestarsi una situazione simile, ossia predilezione per le scene di vita quotidiana, sport e simposio (si veda Nilsson 1999, 12, che presenta un quadro diverso, basato ovviamente sul solo edito); questo potrebbe dipendere sicuramente dal fatto che in tutti e tre i siti stiamo considerando materiale proveniente da abitato.

Figura 20. Forcello (Bagnolo S. Vito, MN), stemless cup inv. st. 163857 [01.10.2008; R 18; US 2267], un fr. di orlo-parete-fondo-piede

Da quanto visto si può affermare, che al momento, per quanto riguarda gli abitati e la ceramica attica a figure rosse, i tre centri padani (Adria, Forcello e Spina) sono accomunati da una notevole predominanza delle forme per bere (anche se con scelte specifiche diverse!) su tutte le altre e da un’apparente predilezione per i soggetti di vita quotidiana/sport/simposio. Spina sembra però distinguersi per la presenza di forme, assenti o molto rare negli altri due centri, e per una presenza rarefatta delle importazioni nella prima metà del V sec. a.C., accompagnata però dalla presenza di ceramica a figure nere.

quanto affermato dalla Nilsson (1999) e dal Bruni (in Storia di Ferrara 2004, 84) e che in futuro andranno verificate con il procedere del lavoro. A Spina gli skyphoi sembrano essere molto più attestati rispetto ad Adria e al Forcello (in entrambi i centri le kylikes predominano sugli skyphoi), tanto da raggiungere quasi un rapporto di 1:1 con le kylikes. I crateri di forma aperta predominano su quelli di forma chiusa (ad Adria le forme chiuse sono ben più presenti di quelle aperte, mentre al Forcello abbiamo, al momento, quasi un rapporto di 1:1). Sono ben attestati anche i piatti con labbro teso decorato da un fregio fitomorfo (mirto e olivo), già ampiamente conosciuti dai corredi tombali

Bibliografia AURIGEMMA, S. 1960-1965. La necropoli di Spina in Valle Trebba, voll. 1-2, Roma, “L’Erma” di Bretschneider.

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De MARINIS, R.C. (a cura di) 1986. Gli Etruschi a nord del Po, Mantova, Stabilimento grafico della PubliPaolini. De MARINIS, R.C. e RAPI, M. (a cura di) 20072. L’abitato etrusco del Forcello di Bagnolo S. Vito (Mantova): le fasi arcaiche, Firenze, Tipografia Latini. De MIN, M. 1986. Adria e il suo territorio in età preromana. In R.C. de Marinis (a cura di) Gli Etruschi a nord del Po, 61-66, Mantova, Stabilimento grafico della Publi-Paolini.

BARALDI, M.E. 2005. in E.M. Menotti, Cibo vita e cultura nelle collezioni del Museo Archeologico Nazionale di Mantova, 167, fig. 90, Mantova, Tre Lune Edizioni. BONOMI, S. 1988, Un nuovo cratere attico a figure rosse del Museo di Adria. Archeologia Veneta 11, 7-13. BONOMI, S. 1991. Corpus Vasorum Antiquorum. Italia. Adria – Museo Archeologico Nazionale, II, Roma, “L’Erma” di Bretschneider. BONOMI, S. 1997. Adria: la necropoli di Ca’ Cima. Beni culturali ed ambientali del Polesine 1, 30-34.

NILSSON, A. 1999. The Function and Reception of Attic Figured Pottery. Spina, a Case Study. Analecta Romana Instituti Danici 26, 7-23. PATITUCCI UGGERI, S. 2009. Spina rivisitata: Aspetti topografici e urbanistici. In S. Bruni (a cura di), Etruria e Italia preromana. Studi in onore di Giovannangelo Camporeale, 687-695, Pisa-Roma, Fabrizio Serra Editore. Storia di Ferrara 2004. F. Berti, M. Harari e A. Ghinato (a cura di), Storia di Ferrara, II, Spina tra archeologia e storia, Ferrara, Corbo Editore. VALLICELLI, M.C. 2003. La ceramica attica a figure nere dall’antico abitato di Adria. In B. Schmaltz e M. Söldner (a cura di), Griechische Keramik im kulturellen Kontext, 211-216. Münster, Scriptorium. WIEL-MARIN, F. 1999. La collezione Bocchi di Adria: il caso di tre classi di vasi attici come documento degli scambi di un emporion dell’Alto Adriatico. In Proceedings of the XVth International Congress of Classical Archaeology. Classical Archaeology towards the Third Millenium: Reflections and Perspectives, a cura di R.F. Docter e E.M. Moormann, 458-460, Amsterdam, Allard Pierson Museum.

BONOMI, S. 1998. Adria e Spina. In F. Rebecchi (a cura di), Spina e il delta padano. Riflessioni sul catalogo e sulla mostra ferrarese, 241-246, Roma, “L’Erma” di Bretschneider. BONOMI, S. 2000. Ceramica attica da corredi tombali del IV sec. a.C. di Adria. In B. Sabattini (a cura di), La céramique attique du IV siècle en Méditerranée occidentale, 93-98. Napoli, Centre Jean Bérard. BONOMI, S. 2003. Ceramica attica ad Adria (Rovigo): usi funerari ed usi domestici tra VI e V sec. a.C. In B. Schmaltz e M. Söldner (a cura di), Griechische Keramik im kulturellen Kontext, Münster, Scriptorium. BONOMI, S. 2004. Il porto di Adria tra VI e V sec. a.C.: aspetti della documentazione archeologica. In M. Guggisberg (a cura di), Die Hydria von Grächwil. Zur Funktion und Rezeption mediterraner Importe in Mitteleuropa im 6. und 5. Jh. v. Chr., Schriften des Bernischen Historischen Museums 5, 65-69, Bern. BONOMI, S., CAMERIN, N. e TAMASSIA, K. 2002a. Etruschi Adriati. Guida breve all’esposizione, Adria, Apogeo Editore. BONOMI, S., CAMERIN, N. e TAMASSIA, K. 2002b. Adria, via San Francesco, scavo 1994: materiali dagli strati arcaici. In L’alto e medio Adriatico tra VI e V secolo a.C., Padusa 38, 201-213.

WIEL-MARIN, F. 2002. Skyphoi attici sovraddipinti da Adria. In L’alto e medio Adriatico tra VI e V secolo a.C., Padusa 38, 221-227. WIEL-MARIN, F. 2005. La ceramica attica a figure rosse di Adria. La famiglia Bocchi e l’archeologia, Padova, Cleup. WIEL-MARIN, F. 2008. Dalla Grecia al Forcello. Antiche vie di traffico nel Mediterraneo del VI-V secolo a.C. La ceramica d’importazione. In M. Baioni e C. Fredella (a cura di), Archaeotrade. Antichi commerci in Lombardia orientale, 236-248, Milano, Edizioni Et.

CAMERIN, N. e TAMASSIA, K. 1999. Adria, via San Francesco, scavo 1994: edificio di tipo abitativoartigianale di III-II sec. a.C. Padusa 34-35, 212-235. CURTI, F. 2002. Presenze di stemmed plates attici a figure rosse nell’Adriatico. In L’alto e medio Adriatico tra VI e V secolo a.C., Padusa 38, 161-173. De MARINIS, R.C. 1982. Bagnolo S. Vito (MN). Studi Etruschi 50, 495-502.

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BIRTH AND DEVELOPMENT OF RED-FIGURED POTTERY BETWEEN SICILY AND SOUTH CALABRIA* Diego ELIA

The chronology and processes related to the birth of redfigured pottery in Sicily, along with the question of the relationship with the productions of Magna Graecia, has been the subject of a lively debate amongst scholars for many years.

the production. This industry, by the way, developed in an area that had seen starting, from the last quarter of 5th century, a progressive contraction of Attic imports, which disappeared almost completely in the early 4th century BC (Giudice 2001, 171, fig. 1b; Giudice 2007, 418-420).

Stylistic analysis has long been the preferred method of investigation, but recently it has become more and more clear that only by using a wider collection of evidence and by utilising a more complex, critical approach, will it be possible to analyze the articulated phenomena that were involved (for the area examined, see e.g. Spigo 1991, 2001; Giudice 2001; Giudice and Giudice Rizzo 2004; Barresi 2002a, 2005; Elia 2004, 2005, 2010a; de Cesare 2009; Denoyelle and Iozzo 2009, 166-171). Some case studies, for which a series of more contextualised data are available, can offer some indications that will be valuable for this discussion.

Various hypotheses have been formulated about the factors which conditioned the birth of red-figure in Sicily. Some of those factors are shared by other areas in the West where red-figured pottery was made, such as the crisis in Attic production, the reflections of the grand Periclean works in Athens (Giudice 2002; Giudice and Giudice Rizzo 2004), and the migration of craftsmen of Attic formation (de Cesare 2009, 278). Other factors are specific to the Sicilian context, such as phenomena connected with the Athenian expedition (Trendall 1989, 29; Barresi and Valastro 2000, 125), the presence of Athenian communities in Sicily (Giudice 2001; Denoyelle 2008, 346) or the political activity of Dionysius the First (Giudice 1992, 344-345).

In particular, I think it is useful to briefly re-examine the case of the first Sicilian red-figured productions, giving particular attention to their find contexts and chronological aspects. This phase is closely related to the development of other workshop traditions which existed outside the island of Sicily and for which a very high level of the mobility of the craftsmen has been supposed. On this subject, I intend to investigate in particular one of the figurative traditions which was transferred from Sicily to Southern Italy, for which quite a detailed analytical picture is available. That picture has allowed me to propose a reconstruction of some of the phenomena that were triggered by the establishment of a new workshop and to look at the links that were created between the activity of this group of craftsmen and the needs of the local market.

While it is not possible to present an extremely detailed analysis here, it is nevertheless useful to re-examine, in a synthetic manner, some of the characteristics of the first red-figure produced in Sicily, to define the general picture, concentrating on elements, particularly chronological ones, which perhaps have not yet been fully considered, notwithstanding the precise picture traced by U. Spigo one decade ago (Spigo 2001, 286292). A.D. Trendall, who has been followed by numerous subsequent writers, recognised the Chequer Painter [fig. 2] as the first craftsman to produce red-figured pottery in Sicily (Trendall 1989, 29-30; Lambrugo 2004; Denoyelle 2008, 346). About twenty vases have been attributed to this painter [tab. 1], and amongst them the krater is the most common shape (see Appendix). In terms of style there is a clear and close relationship with Athenian redfigure of the last decades of the 5th century BC. A.D. Trendall (1967, 196; 1989, 29) recognised stylistic links with the Pothos Painter and the Kadmos Painter in the initial phase of the Chequer Painter’s work, and with the Jena Painter for the latter stages of his career. More recently U. Spigo (1991, 52) has shown, in a convincing way, the closeness of this production with the minor vases of the Eretria Painter, as well as with the followers and successors of the Meidias Painter (see also Barresi and Valastro 2000, 126; de Cesare 2009, 277-278, 282). M. Denoyelle has also shown a link with the Meleager Painter (Denoyelle 2008, 346; Denoyelle-Iozzo 2009,

THE CHARACTERISTICS OF THE EARLIEST RED-FIGURE PRODUCTION IN SICILY The phenomenon of the birth of red-figure in Sicily certainly presents some peculiar characteristics, which involved a number of aspects of the production. Amongst these, is the chronological gap of at least one generation between the first red-figure productions of the West in Apulia and Lucania, and those of Sicily. Secondly, the probable presence of many productive units located in different places around the island, since the beginning of  I am grateful to Ted Robinson for the translation of the text into English, and to Valeria Meirano for her supplementary help in writing the final version.

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THE CONTEXTS OF PAINTED POTTERY IN THE MEDITERRANEAN (7TH-4TH CENTURIES BCE)

In the reconstruction proposed by A.D. Trendall, and still widely accepted, the Chequer Painter profoundly influenced the second generation of Sicilian vasepainters, in particular the Dirce Painter, who is also thought to have worked in Syracuse starting from the beginning of the 4th century BC. Trendall (1989, 30) also wrote: “it would seem that there were different schools of vase-painting in Sicily in the earlier fourth century”. M. Denoyelle (2008, 346-347; Denoyelle and Iozzo 2009, 166-167) has recently questioned this reconstruction, and I share her doubts.

168). In the most atticizing of the vases by the Chequer Painter, their closeness to the Attic models is so great that even their attribution is problematic: as for example with a cup on the antiquities market in Basel, which was initially attributed by A.D. Trendall to the Jena Painter, and only later was it tentatively associated with the Chequer Painter by Trendall himself (1983, 92, n. 1), and then also by U. Spigo (1991, 52; see also Barresi 2002a, 69; de Cesare 2009, 278). The Chequer Painter was a craftsman of relatively modest abilities, and his style remained very firmly in the debt of the formulas of Attic pottery of the end of the 5th century. The most original trait of the painter is found in his choice of subjects. S. Barresi (2002a) has effectively reconstructed the personality of this craftsman who was suspended between tradition and experimentation, between Attic models and a Western sensibility (see also Spigo 2001, 265-267).

In fact, in my opinion, the existence of distinct workshops working at the same time in different parts of Sicily must already be recognised from the initial phase of production, which is considerably more articulated than is usually supposed, both from the point of view of style, but also of iconography and concerning the details of the process of production. We need to concentrate our attention on this phase, and I propose to look particularly at two other workshops which are attested in Sicily.

The distribution of the vases of the Chequer Painter (see Appendix; fig. 1), found mainly in Sicily and particularly in the Eastern and South-Eastern parts of the island, has suggested that the workshop was located in Syracuse (Trendall 1983, 89; Spigo 1987, 1-5), and this hypothesis is considered still valid (Barresi 2002a, 68; de Cesare 2009, 279; Denoyelle and Iozzo 2009, 168). However, a few vases have also been found in Campania, at sites such as Caudium-Montesarchio, Napoli-Castelcapuano and Velia. In the bibliography you will find various explanations for the presence of these vases by the Chequer Painter in Campania: some support the hypothesis that they could have been produced in Campania (Trendall 1967, 199; 1970, 33; Pontrandolfo 1991, 36-41), but the majority of the scholars think it more probable that they were imported into Campania from Sicily (Barresi 2002a, 68-69; de Cesare 2009, 280; Denoyelle and Iozzo 2009, 168). The latter view could be preferable due to the close links between Campania and Sicily, particularly between Campania and Syracuse, at the time of Dionysius the First.

The first is the Himera Group [fig. 6], to which more than twenty vases have been connected – both complete and fragmentary – almost exclusively found at Himera (see Appendix) [tab. 1 and fig. 5]. We are dealing with a production which was not always of very high quality, and which concentrated on kraters and skyphoi. When we compare these vases with the production that I analysed earlier, there are clear stylistic affinities with certain vases of the Chequer group. There are however Attic influences that have been recognised in the work of the Himera Painter that seem to point to different sources, again with traditions associated with the Polygnotos Group (Mugione 2008, 416). In this case it is also possible to recognise a close link with Early South Italian productions, particularly in comparing some products of the Himera Group with ones by the Santapaola Painter (Joly 1972; Spigo 1996, 58). The second workshop is the Locri Group, which counts fifteen vases found in Sicily [tab. 1 and fig. 7]. In this group, the shapes produced seem rather heterogeneous and original (see Appendix). The most original and competent of the painters in this group was the Locri Painter [figs. 8-9], who is generally considered to be the earliest member of the Group (Elia 2010a, 148-151; see also Lippolis 2008, 395; Denoyelle and Iozzo 2009, 167). Examining the style of the Locri Painter’s work, one sees the influence of Attic red-figure, again with models which come from the Polygnotos Group, such as the Kleophon Painter and the Dinos Painter, but also with slightly later painters (Spigo 1991, 52-53; Mugione 2008, 417). In this case too, however, there are fairly close relations between the vases of the Locri Group and the contemporary production of the Himera Group, as well as the Santapaola Painter, which all seem to share a certain dependence on the earliest vase-painting of South Italy, particularly that of the Early Lucanian school.

Returning to the finds in Sicily, it is evident that within the Chequer Group there were craftsmen whose style presupposes a different kind of formation. Since it is not possible to present here a detailed analysis, I will limit myself to recalling the vases grouped around the personalities of the Painter of Syracuse 24000 and the Santapaola Painter [fig. 4]. These two craftsmen seem to have used quite different Attic models than the Chequer Painter, and looked particularly to the Polygnotos Group (Mugione 2008). It is possible that these influences were mediated by contacts with Early South Italian production. For the Santapaola Painter a close relation with craftsmen who worked in Metapontum, in particular with the Amykos Group, has been proposed (Spigo 1991, 58; Iozzo and Denoyelle 2009, 167; Denoyelle forthcoming). These two Sicilian painters also decorated mainly kraters (see Appendix), and while there is not a large number of vessels that has been attributed to them [tab. 1], they clearly show the plurality of influences that characterises the first Sicilian red-figure.

So this picture, which I have briefly traced, shows that right from the earliest development of figured pottery in

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Table 1 by Marco Serino CODE

PROV.

ESSENTIAL BIBLIOGRAPHY CHEQUER PAINTER AND HIS GROUP

CK1

Randazzo

Richter 1966, 62, fig. 333; Trendall 1967, 197, n. 3; 1983, 93, n. 4

CK2

Syracuse

CVA Italia 17, 5, pl. 7.4-5; Trendall 1967, 198, n. 6; 1983, 93, n. 7

CK3

Lentini

Orsi 1930, 164, fig. 17; CVA Italia 17, 4, pl. 7.1; Trendall 1967, 198, n. 7; 1983, 93, n. 8

CK4

Centuripe

Trendall 1967, 198, n. 9; 1983, 93, n. 10; Giudice 1985, 247, fig. 282; Barresi 2002a, 70

CK5

Montesarchio

CK6

Sicily

Libertini 1930, 164-165, pl. 76; Trendall 1967, 198, n. 8; 1983, 93, n. 9; Barresi and Valastro 2000, 134-135, fig. 103

CK7

Sicily (?)

Trendall 1967, 197, n. 4, pl. 78,4; 1973, 181, n. 4; 1983, 93, n. 15; Tusa 1971, 37, n. 45, pl. 17; Schauenburg 1976, 46, fig. 13; Giudice 1992, 210

CC1

Syracuse

Trendall 1967, 200, n. 19; 1983, 94, n. 24

CC2

Syracuse

Trendall 1967, 200, n. 20; 1983, 94, n. 25

CC3

Lentini

CC4

Randazzo

Trendall 1967, 200, n. 22; 1983, 94, n. 27

CC5

Camarina

Arias 1935, 281-283, figs. 1-2; CVA Italia 17, 9, pl. 13, 4; Spigo 1991, 61, fig. 13

CC6

Paternò

CC7

Camarina

CVA Italia 17, 11, pl. 23,3; Trendall 1967, 200, n. 23; 1983, 94, n. 28

CC8

Scoglitti

CVA Italia 17, 11, pl. 23,4; Trendall 1967, 200, n. 24; 1983, 95, n. 29

CC9

Camarina

Trendall 1967, 201, n. 25; 1983, 95, n. 30

CC10

Montesarchio

Trendall 1970, 33, n. 11b; 1983, 93, n. 14; Pontrandolfo 1991, 36

CC11

Montesarchio

Trendall 1970, 33, n. 11a; 1983, 93, n. 13; Pontrandolfo 1991, 37, fig. 4

CC12

Castelcapuano (Naples)

Pesce 1935, 271, pl. 18.4; Trendall 1967, 198, n. 11, pl. 79,3; 1983, 93, n. 16

CC13

Sicily (?)

Trendall 1952, 45, fig. 5; 1967, 198, n. 12; 1983, 93, n. 15; Barresi 2002a, 68, note 79

Sk1

Mothya

Isserlin, Coldstream and Snodgrass 1970, 581; Trendall 1983, 94

Sk2

Terravecchia di Grammichele

Elia 2006b, 234 and 239, fig. 3, pl. III

Sk3

Himera

Allegro et al. 1976, 286, pl. XLV, 10

Sk4

Erice

Sk5

Campania (?)

Trendall 1983, 93, n. 12; Pontrandolfo 1991, 37

Orsi 1930, 166, fig. 18; CVA Italia 17, 6, pl. 10.1; Trendall 1967, 200, n. 21; 1983, 94, n. 26; Spigo 2001, 266

Rizza 1961; Spigo 1991, 60; Spigo 2001, 271 and 279, fig. 5

De Cesare and Serra 2009, 107 and 131, n. 57 Trendall 1967, 199, n. 14, pl. 79.4; Barresi 2002a, 71

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THE CONTEXTS OF PAINTED POTTERY IN THE MEDITERRANEAN (7TH-4TH CENTURIES BCE)

CODE

PROV.

ESSENTIAL BIBLIOGRAPHY

An1

Castelcapuano (Naples)

Le1

Velia

Maffettone 1999, 91 and 104-105, n. 13, figs. 2,13 and 8,13; Barresi 2002a, 73, note 100

Oi1

Randazzo

Rizzo 1900, pl. 5, fig. 20-22; Pace 1922, 568-569; Wuilleumier 1931, 234; Pace 1938, 466, fig. 336; Spigo 1991, 60; Giudice 2001, 191; Giudice Rizzo 2002, 121-146

PS1

Centuripe

Rizzo 1900, 262-3, fig. 1; Trendall 1967, 199, n. 18, pl. 79, 5-6; 1983, 94, n. 23; Spigo 1991, 54, fig. 2

Pesce 1935, 271, fig. 10; Pontrandolfo 1991, 37-40, figs. 6-7

SANTAPAOLA PAINTER CK8

Lentini

Joly 1972, pl. 52,1; Lagona 1973, pls. 24-25; Trendall 1970, 34, n. 25a, pl. VII, 1-2

CK9

Lipari

Bernabò Brea 1981, 259-260, fig. 436; Bernabò Brea and Cavalier 1997, 13-14; Bernabò Brea, Cavalier and Villard 2001, 297

CK10

Lentini

CVA Italia 17, pl. 7.2; Trendall 1970, 34; 1983, 95; Joly 1972, pl. 53,1

CK11

Lipari

Bernabò Brea 1981, 264; Bernabò Brea and Cavalier 1991, 123-124, figs. 152-155

CC14

Lipari

Bernabò Brea 1981, 264; Bernabò Brea and Cavalier 1991, 104-105, figs. 144 and 149

CC15

Camarina

Spigo 1987, 17, note 20; Spigo 2001, 277 e 284, fig. 13

Sk6

Sorrentini

Spigo 2001, 282-284, figs. 8-10

Sk7

Sorrentini

Spigo 2001, 282-284, fig. 7

Sk8

Syracuse

Spigo 2001, 284, figs. 11-12

Hy1

Lipari

Bernabò Brea and Cavalier 1997, 17; Bernabò Brea, Cavalier and Villard 2001, 86; Trendall 1983, 95, n. 36 HIMERA GROUP

CK12

Himera

Adriani et al. 1970, 281, pl. 71,4; Joly 1972, pls. 46,2 and 47, 2-3; Trendall 1970, 34, n. 25e, pl. VII, 3; 1983, 96, n. 37

CK13

Himera

Bonacasa 1968-69, pl. 51,1; Adriani et al. 1970, 282, pl. 70,1 and 3; Joly 1972, pls. 45, 46,1 and 47,1; Trendall 1970, 35, n. 25f, pl. VII, 4; 1983, 97, n. 38

CK14

Himera (?)

CK15

Himera

Adriani et al. 1970, pl. 70, 2 and 4; Joly 1972, pl. 44; Trendall 1970, 34, n. 25d; 1983, 97, n. 42

CK16

Himera

Adriani et al.1970, pl. 71,3; Joly 1972, pl. 48; Trendall 1970, 35, n. 25g; 1983, 97, n. 43

CK17

Himera

Joly 1972, pl. 47,4; Trendall 1970, 35, n. 25h; 1983, 97, n. 44

CK18

Himera

Allegro et al. 1976, 509, pl. 82,1; Trendall 1973, 182; 1983, 97, n. 45a

CC16

Himera (?)

Cr1

Himera

Joly 1972, 95, n. 10

Cr2

Himera

Joly 1972, 96, pl. XLIX, 3; Allegro et al. 1976, 145, pl. XXIV,3; Trendall 1983, 98

Cr3

Himera

Joly 1972, 96, pl. XLIX, 4; Allegro et al. 1976, 146, pl. XXIV,4; Trendall 1983, 98

Sk9

Himera

Adriani et al.1970, 282-283, pl. LXXI,1; Joly 1972, pl. 49,1; Trendall 1970, 35, n. 25i; 1983, 97, n. 45

Sk10

Himera

Bonacasa 1972-73, 220, pl. 51,2; Allegro et al. 1976, 510, pl. 82, 2-3; Trendall 1973, 182; 1983, 98, n. 45b

Trendall 1970, 35, n. 25j, pl. VIII,1; 1983, 97, n. 40; Joly 1972, pl. 52,2

Joly 1972, pl. 53,2; Trendall 1970, 36, n. 25k; 1983, 97, n. 41

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CODE

PROV.

ESSENTIAL BIBLIOGRAPHY

Sk11

Himera

Joly 1972, 95, pl. 50, 1-2; Allegro et al. 1976, 147, pl. 24,6

Sk12

Himera

Joly 1975, 95, pl. 49.2

Sk13

Himera

Allegro et al. 1976, 147, pl. XXIV, 2; Trendall 1983, 98

Sk14

Himera

Allegro et al. 1976, 282 and 287, pl. XLV, 15

Sk15

Himera

Allegro et al. 1976, 286, pl. XLV, 9

Sk16

Agrigento

Hy2

Himera

Giudice 1966, 72, pl. XXVI, 3-6-10; Allegro et al. 1976, 146, tav. XXIV, 5; Trendall 1983, 98

LG

Himera

Adriani et al.1970, 283, pl. LXXII,1 and LXXII,5; Joly 1972, 95, pl. LI, 1-2

De Miro 2000, 286, n. 1944, pl. CXXXII, 1944

LOCRI GROUP (from Sicilian sites) CK19

Monte Adranone

Spigo 2001, 287; Elia 2004, 151, note 2; 2010, 178, CK1

CV1

Sicily (?)

CC17

Gela

CVA Italia 17, pl. 10, 3; Schauenburg 1976, 46, fig. 14; Spigo 1977, 584, n. 19; Trendall 1983, 31; Spigo 1987, 21, fig. 1; Elia 2004, 151, note 2; 2010a, 175, CC3

CC18

Selinus

Tusa 1971, 225, n. 58, pl. 80; Trendall 1973, 163, n. 375b; 1983, p. 30, n. 375b; Kustermann Graf 2002, 131, n. 57/O710, pl. XXIX, CXXXV; Elia 2010a, 175, CC2

CC19

Messina

Spigo 1992, 15-16, pl. V,1; Elia 2010a, 175, CC7

CC20

Lipari

Sk17

Selinus (?)

Barresi 1992, 203, n. G1; Elia 2010a, 183, Sk1

Sk18

Selinus (?)

Barresi 1992, 203, n. G2; Elia 2010a, 183, Sk2

Sk19

Selinus

Barresi 1992, 203, n. G3; Elia 2010a, 183, Sk3

Sk20

Selinus

Barresi 1992, 204, n. G4; Elia 2010a, 183, Sk4

Sk21

Camarina

Pe1

Vassallaggi

Orlandini 1971, 78, n. 7, figs. 119-120; Trendall 1983, 30, n. 376a; CVA Italia 72, 36-37, fig. 25, pl. 31; Elia 2010a, 183, Pe1

Di1

Selinus

Tusa 1971, 222, n. 54, pls. 77 and 78a; Trendall 1973, 163, n. 375c; 1983, 30, n. 375c; Kustermann Graf 2002, 93-94, n. 57/O711, pl. VIII, CXXXV

An2

Agrigento

Trendall 1967, 74-75, n. 376; 1983, 30, n. 376; Barresi 2002b, 196-199, fig. 10; Elia 2010, An1

Hy3

Syracuse

CVA Italia 17, 6-7, pl. 11; Trendall 1967, 75, n. 379; 1983, 31, n. 379; Elia 2010a, Hy1

Barresi 1990-91, appendix n. 5, pls. 103-106; Elia 2010a, 179, CV1

Spigo 2000, 29-35, figs. 1-11; 2001, 285-286, figs. 17-18; Elia 2010a, 175, CC4

Di Vita 1983, 46, fig. 36d; Spigo 2000, p. 47, note 2; 2001, 284; Elia 2010a, 183, Sk5

Vases of unknown provenance: 17 in the Chequer Group (6 CK, 6 CC, 1 LB, 1 Oi, 2 Sk, 1 Ky), 3 in the Santapaola Group (CK), 2 in the Himera Group (CK, Sk), 3 in the Locri Group (2 CV, 1 CC). Legend: An=amphora; CC=bell-krater; CK=calyx-krater; CV=volute-krater; Cr=krater fragment; Di=dinos; Hy=hydria; LG=lebes gamikos; Ky=kylix; Le=lekane; Oi=oinochoe; Pe=pelike; PS=skyphoid pyxis; Sk=skyphos.

Sicily, there are two parallel tendencies (recently, the same opinion is shared by Denoyelle 2008, 347; de Cesare 2009, 280). On the one hand, there is the production which has traditionally been placed at the very start of red-figure on the island, which is influenced particularly by Attic models, especially from the circle of the Meidias Painter. On the other hand, there are a

number of productions, both those that have been seen as autonomous, such as the Locri Group, but also productions which in Trendall’s reconstruction belong within the Chequer Group, such as the Santapaola Painter, the Painter of Syracuse 24000 and the Himera Painter, which show evidence of different Attic models, and a stronger western character. 105

THE CONTEXTS OF PAINTED POTTERY IN THE MEDITERRANEAN (7TH-4TH CENTURIES BCE)

and a skyphos found in a level of destruction (already pointed out: Spigo 1991, 286), M. Serino has recently recalled a fragmentary skyphos coming from a pit covered by destruction levels (Adriani et al. 1970, 248, 282-283, n. 14, pl. LXXI,1; Serino 2008-09, 192). The former two have been both tentatively attributed to the Chequer Group or to the Himera Group (Trendall 1983, 97-98, nn. 45a-45b; Spigo 2001, 286), while the pertinence of the skyphos Sk9 [tab. 1] to the Himera Painter is commonly accepted (Joly 1972, 95, n. 6; Trendall 1983, 97, n. 45).

Rather than going further into considerations of the style of these early painters, I would like instead to concentrate on a number of chronological aspects which can be inferred from the contexts in which these vases were found, and which are fundamental for our reading of early Sicilian vase-painting.

THE CHRONOLOGICAL PROBLEM What emerges suggests that we should completely reconsider some of the fixed points of the reconstruction of early Sicilian vase-painting that has been generally proposed. The general scheme, which was devised by Trendall for the different Sicilian productions, based particularly on concepts of stylistic evolution, has been understood as immutable for many decades. The opinion expressed by E. Joly on the chronology of the Himera Painter clearly shows this attitude: “In base alle considerazioni sino a qui fatte, l’opera del Pittore di Himera sarebbe ragionevolmente compresa entro il primo trentennio del IV sec. a.C. [...] Volere proporre un’altra datazione sarebbe quanto mai azzardato: non tanto ai fini di un diverso inquadramento cronologico del nostro Pittore, quanto, invece, perché una diversa cronologia sconvolgerebbe, di riflesso, la successione finora generalmente condivisa delle fabbriche siciliane e, a maggior ragione, delle fabbriche italiote ad esse collegate.” (Joly 1972, 105)

Similar conclusions regarding chronology can be made for the Locri Group, this time based on tomb associations in many sites (Spigo 2001, 287; Elia 2005, 159; Elia 2010a, 151-152). For the tomb at Vassallaggi which contained the pelike by the Locri Group, P. Orlandini proposed a dating in the last years of the 5th century, based both upon the associated fine ceramics but also upon historical considerations for the site of Vassallaggi (Orlandini 1971, 12, 78-81, 220). A. Kustermann Graf published a systematic study of the cemeteries at Selinus, and proposed a date of the late 5th century for the Locri Group vases found there: for the Gaggera necropolis a terminus ante quem seems to be supplied by the Punic conquest of Selinus in 409 BC, after which the area seems to have been abandoned (Kustermann Graf 2002, 93-94, 131, 279). Again, in the case of the krater from Monte Adranone, which is still substantially unpublished, U. Spigo has indicated a date for the context of the end of the 5th century BC (Spigo 2001, 287).

If the dating of the Chequer Painter between the last decades of the 5th century and the beginning of the 4th is based principally on those stylistic evaluations that I have briefly presented, the only significant archaeological contexts which could throw some light on the question of chronology are tomb XLII at Castelcapuano and some fragments which have been discovered at Motya. In tomb XLII we see an association with an Attic kylix by the Painter of Munich 2335, a Campanian skyphos by the Eros and Hare Painter, along with various black glaze vases, which seem to confirm a dating in the last decades of the 5th century (Pontrandolfo 1991, 39-40; Spigo 2001, 286; Mugione 2008, 414). At Motya, fragments which “look to be associated in style with the Chequer Painter” were discovered near the North Gate, in a level which appears to precede the destruction of the city by Dionysius the First in 397-396 BC (Trendall 1983, 94: “As it looks nearer to the painter’s earlier work than to his later, a date around 400 BC would fit in very well”; Spigo 2001, 286).

From the archaeological contexts, it is therefore fairly clear that these early Sicilian productions should be substantially contemporary. They involved numerous centres – in conformity with the phenomenon of the “decentramento produttivo” (Lippolis 2008, 395), typical of western Greece – and they all probably began in the decade 420-410 BC (according to M. Denoyelle, perhaps with the exception of the Chequer Painter, starting his activity only from the end of the century: Denoyelle and Iozzo 2009, 168). The elements which might allow us to locate these workshops in specific cities in Sicily are extremely sparse and the proposals that have been made are quite uncertain. Anyway, the contemporary birth of workshops in different sites of the island, strictly related to the different market areas, is undeniable. Due to the lack of archaeometric studies, the only approach which can be useful is the analysis of the areas of distribution of these groups, which are quite different (see Appendix). So, the products of the Chequer Group (including those of the Santapaola Painter), as I observed earlier, are concentrated in the Eastern and South-Eastern part of the island [figs. 1 and 3]; the workshop has therefore been proposed to have had its home in Syracuse. The works of the Himera Group, on the other hand, are concentrated in Himera [fig. 5] and this indicates, most probably, that production occurred at Himera itself: if that’s true, it shows that also the north-western area of the island was part of the production of the earliest red-figure pottery in

The other two workshops which I discussed earlier seem also to belong to the same chronological horizon, even perhaps a littler earlier. For the Himera Group, we have the important stratigraphical observations which were made on the basis of the excavations conducted in the city of Himera itself, destroyed by the Carthaginians in 409 BC. While the greatest number of relevant finds come from surface levels (Joly 1972), in some cases it is clear that the fragments belong to archaeological contexts which have been associated with the events of 409 BC in the excavation report: besides the fragments of a krater 106

D. ELIA: BIRTH AND DEVELOPMENT OF RED-FIGURED POTTERY BETWEEN SICILY AND SOUTH CALABRIA

Figure 1. Distribution map of the Chequer Group (by M. Serino)

Figure 3. Distribution map of the Santapaola Painter (by M. Serino)

Figure 4. Calyx-krater by the Santapaola Painter (from Bernabò Brea and Cavalier 1997)

Figure 2. Calyx-krater by the Chequer Painter (from Giudice 1985)

Agrigento, Camarina, Gela, Syracuse, Lentini, Himera and Lipari. With the only exception of Himera, the main destination of these vases is funerary: the kraters (and the dinos) were frequently used to contain ashes, being part of an élite ritual (Elia 2006a) related to eschatological beliefs of Dionysiac type (de Cesare 2009, 280). On the contrary, the circulation of these vases seems to involve in only a rather limited way the so-called “minor” settlements of the interior, at least in this early phase, differently to what has been stated even recently (Denoyelle and Iozzo 2009, 168). This trend will change considerably later on, especially starting from the middle decades of the 4th century BC (Serino 2008-09, 184). This type of distribution for the earliest vases can be regarded as a peculiarity of Sicily, as the situation is very different in other areas of Southern Italy (Apulia and Lucania, but also in Campania).

Sicily (Giudice 1985, 256). There is a wider distribution, on the other hand, of the products of the Locri Group, that one finds above all along the southern coast of the island from Selinus to Syracuse [fig. 7]. Those vessels of the Locri Group which are the earliest stylistically, seem to be concentrated in the South-Western part of the island, particularly at Selinus, where a dinos, a bell-krater and two skyphoi (besides other two skyphoi, probably) were found; to them two vases from Agrigento and Monte Adranone can be added. Another factor which emerges from the distribution of Sicilian vases of the earliest phase of production is that they are found mainly within the large coastal colonial settlements. Of the vases which have a secure provenience, over 70% come from such contexts: Selinus,

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Figure 7. Distribution map of the Locri Group (by M. Serino)

Figure 5. Distribution map of the Himera Group (by M. Serino)

Figure 8. Dinos by the Locri Painter (from Tusa 1971)

Figure 6. Calyx-krater by the Himera Painter (from Joly 1972)

seems to reflect undeniable phenomena of mobility which involved some workshops in Sicily. Many of the factors that were involved remain to be clarified. I will limit myself here to an analysis of the evolution of one among the productions already mentioned: the Locri Group, a workshop which represents the first such experience in South Calabria.

These characteristics seem to be common to the various early workshops of Sicily, and they reveal that the stimulus for the start of production may well have been the requests of internal markets of these single colonies. FROM SICILY TO MAGNA GRAECIA: THE LOCRI GROUP (AND OTHER “MINOR” PRODUCTIONS)

Because we have many well-documented archaeological contexts from this area, the Locri Group constitutes an excellent opportunity to investigate those phenomena connected with the production and circulation of figured pottery.

Some of the productions, which we looked at until now, stood in close relationships to workshops operating in Southern Italy in the decades immediately after the examined period. Long ago A.D. Trendall proposed a “diaspora” of Sicilian potters and painters of the second generation; the hypothesis has subsequently been criticised a number of times, and while it does certainly need to be subjected to a profound and general revision, it

A study based on a number of different elements (Elia 2004, 2005, 2009, 2010a) has in fact permitted us to affirm that an important segment of the activity of this Group took place in the city of Locri, after a previous Sicilian phase. The presence at Locri of a considerable 108

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Figure 10. Bell-krater by the Locri Painter from Locri (by D. Elia)

Figure 9. Bell-krater by the Locri Painter from Selinus (from Kustermann Graf 2002)

Regarding the Locri Group, I would like to focus on a few particular aspects to make it clear the relationship between the initial phase in Sicily and the subsequent development at Locri. These aspects concern chronology, style and the link between this local production and the demands of the internal market, in terms of vase-shapes and iconography.

number of finds, which have specific, shared characteristics, is significant [fig. 7]: considering the limited amount of vases by the Locri Group widely dispersed at a number of sites in Sicily, the products of this atelier found in Southern Calabria show a high concentration especially at Locri (more than 80%: Elia 2005, 2010a). Here they dominate the circulation as a sort of monopoly and show some specific characteristics in comparison with those found in Sicily. In fact, even though the Sicilian roots are evident in style and composition, Locrian workshops (the Locri Group and other “minor” productions as the Kneeling Eros Group and the Painter of Pyxis RC5089) show affinities in drawing and iconography, revealing that they belong to a common productive milieu. As we’ll see, the morphological répertoire as well shows different characteristics in comparison with the other contemporary productions.

First, the discoveries in Calabria and particularly in Locrian necropoleis belong to a more recent period (first half of the 4th century BC) than those contexts in which Locri Group vases are attested in Sicily. A recent analysis of some Locrian graves (tombs 749, 884, 975, 1119; Elia 2010a, 151-154) shows a concentration in the period between 380 and 350 BC: evidently, in Locri, we are looking at a part of the production of this workshop later than what we find in Sicily. Secondly, stylistic analysis permits us to recognise a number of different vase-painters at Locri, and they are distinguishable not only on the basis of style but also on the basis of their choices of subject-matter and of shapes to decorate. On the basis of this information it is possible to propose a reconstruction of the internal organisation of the circle of craftsmen that in many senses was quite closed to outside influences. Recently, I sketched the most salient traits of the principal vase-painters and I proposed a reconstruction of their activities (Elia 2010a, 148-151, 154-156).

Archaeometric studies, moreover, have been extremely important at Locri in confirming the hypothesis put forward on the basis of style and distribution analysis. In fact the similarity of the clay composition of figured vases and black glaze pottery, which makes up a reference group for Locrian origin, attests to local production for many red-figure samples (Mirti et alii 2004; Elia 2004, 148-149; 2005, 160-161; 2010a, 101). The Locrian productions present some characteristics which are quite similar with the earlier experiences in Sicily. In particular, they were almost exclusively directed towards the internal market. It should also be noted that the Locrian workshops appear in a place where the circulation of figured pottery, both Attic and Western, had been virtually absent for some decades (Giudice 1989, 90; Giudice 2007, 407-409; Elia 2010a, 140).

In the first instance, we have the Locri Painter [fig. 10]. Some of his vases in fact demonstrate a direct continuity with some products that have been found in Sicily. It’s therefore likely that this vase-painter represents the founder of the Locri workshop, and soon afterwards he was joined by pupils and followers. At the same time, one sees on the vases from Locri, a type of drawing which is

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Figure 11. Examples of figures attributed to the careless trend in the Locri Group: a, c) from Locri; b) from Lipari (from Elia 2010a)

[fig. 11], and which demonstrate a desire to continue making vase-forms (mainly kraters and lekanai, also oversized), iconographic schemes and compositions which had already been established by the most competent and original vase-painter in the workshop, the Locri Painter. One is dealing with a production that gives the impression of being tired: it is certainly repetitive (mainly in subjects and compositive schemes) and does not seem particularly interested in distinguishing itself from the earlier vases, and neither does it attempt any novelties or experimentation. It’s often clear the translation of the schemes of the Locri Painter into a more careless figurative language: e.g. the drapery, in which the folds are repeated in a very summary fashion, so that the organic construction of the original model starts to dissolve.

looser and more sinuous, compared to the rather more rigid renderings of the earlier products. Similarly, a greater attention is given to proportions, even if the heads continue to be excessively large, and the faces rather angular. The later phases of the activity of the Painter see a development of his iconographic répertoire. In his earliest vases, one finds scenes with a narrative element (e.g. Perseus and Andromeda; the meeting between Penelope and Ulysses; the contest for the tripod between Herakles and Apollo, etc.). In the Locrian phase of his career, however, apart from a few rare exceptions, genre scenes are the most represented. E. Lippolis has defined these scenes as “rappresentative”, that is, where people through their attitudes, poses, actions and attributes, evoke situations which, in the majority of cases, are difficult to interpret (Lippolis 1996, 388).

The second tendency that we see in other artisans, such as the craftsman who made a group of vases that I have recently collected around Kylix 105400 [fig. 12] (Elia 2010a, 155-156), has a rather more graceful style, in which one sees the rendering of minute figures that are vital and well-proportioned and compositions which are more lively. But also in the case of this craftsman there is a clear and wide-ranging stylistic debt to the presumed founder of the workshop. We have here a painter who produced small size vases with subjects of a quite repetitive nature. The richness and variety of the vaseforms is a distinct feature of the “Painter of Kylix 105400”. Other than specialising in small lekanai, he decorates a number of other shapes that are notably rare, such as kylikes; he also makes little vessels such as shallow askoi and barrel-vases.

In a similar way, the vase forms show a clear transformation and adaptation for the new market. In particular, compared to the originality already mentioned for the Sicilian phase of the group, at Locri this painter chooses principally kraters, and adopts certain new forms, such as the lekane. This shape seems to have been introduced to Locri by the Locri Painter himself, even in an original monumental version (Elia 2004, 2010a), and it enjoyed a particular popularity in the city. Alongside this vase-painter, one can recognise the activities of a number of other painters who reveal clear stylistic debts to the Locri Painter, but who have many particular traits which can be more or less original. One can recognise in particular two trends within the workshop. On the one hand, there is a group of vases which are characterised by a rather run-of-the-mill style

It is the identification of different personalities within the workshop which permits us to see more clearly other

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Figure 12. Painter of Kylix 105400: kylix and details (from Elia 2010a)

significant proportion (about one-fifth) together with the rarer skyphoi, have come from the excavations in the settlement, whereas the greater part have come to light in the cemeteries. Besides the diffusion in activities related to everyday life, as known at Himera, it is useful to underline the fact that at Locri the funerary use of these vases occurred neither as elements of the grave-goods, nor as cinerary urns. The funerary use of kraters is instead linked to their ritual use in the ceremonies that took place on the occasion of the burial or at later times during the visits to the tombs. The oversized lekanai which were a characteristic element of the Locri Group in its Locrian phase, were used in the same way (Elia 2010a, 347-364). We are dealing with specimens whose diameter could exceed 50 cm. These vessels seem to have been carried out by a restricted number of painters within the workshop (Locri Painter, Locri Group “with careless trend”).

painters whose identity was still rather poorly defined. I’m referring in particular to the Kneeling Eros Painter, initially inserted into the Revel Group, along with other vases that were found between Sicily and Campania (Trendall 1967, 219-220; 1983, 113). In this case we are dealing with a local minor painter, who produced vessels exclusively for the internal market at Locri, specialising in small forms, particularly lekanai and in very repetitive compositions (Elia 2010a, 156). The last and latest personality who appears to have been active at Locri is the Painter of Pyxis RC5089, who is still relatively poorly-known and works between 360 and 340 BC (Elia 2010a, 157-158). In this case, there are only fifteen or so vases, which are concentrated in the city of Locri, with only two examples coming from Medma and Kaulonia (Elia 2010b, note 15). Again we are dealing with a vasedecorator who worked mainly on small forms, particularly lekanai, which by this time had become traditional at Locri, and who shares with the painters of slightly earlier times a close attention to the demands of the local market.

Amongst the painters we might characterise as minor (Painter of Kylix 105400, Kneeling Eros Painter, Painter of Pyxix RC5089), on the contrary, there was a specialization in rare or smaller form, e.g. the two kylikes of type B [fig. 12], a thin-walled cup and the very common smaller lekanai, placed in female graves or in burials belonging to pre-adult individuals. These lekanai seem to be a peculiarity of Locrian production, whereas in Sicily the form only becomes common in the decades immediately afterwards. The wishes of the internal market at Locri also seem to have encouraged the growth of production of lekanai which were decorated with geometric or floral motifs and this again is a characteristic of the Locrian production (Elia 2004, 146, fig. 3).

For all these so-called “minor” painters, their localisation in Locri is demonstrated not only by their close affinity in terms of style and composition, but also by the results of archaeometric analyses. LOCAL PRODUCTION AND LOCAL MARKET: VASE FORMS AND ICONOGRAPHY As has already been mentioned, the production of these workshops in the course of the first half of the 4th century appears to be directed almost exclusively at the internal market. On the basis of the repertory of vase-forms used, and the contexts in which they have been found, it is possible to formulate suggestions about the destination of the vases, recognizing a sort of specialization of the single productive units responding to the demands of the market (cf. Lippolis 2008, 396).

Amongst these minor members of the workshop one sees a particular interest in small vases of unusual shape. This is the case, for example, with the barrel-vase. This, generally speaking, is a very rare form, but at least four specimens were made at Locri. Amongst these rare forms we should also include the situla with a beaked spout, the lenticular askos and the miniature version of the krater. One trait that is common to all these small vases is that

Above all, kraters are extremely common: they represent 55% of the Locrian production of the Locri Group. A 111

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the cult of Apollo (Elia 2010a, 141-146). Some iconographies reveal in fact close links with local religion, as the frequent representation of two winged figures (one is a naked male, and the other a female dressed in a chiton): they are adolescents of equal size and making similar gestures; sometimes they are shown singly, whereas in the more complex scenes they are represented in the act of presenting gifts to a seated female figure. The peculiarity of this subject can only be fully explained when one realises that it enjoyed a popularity at Locri in a period well before the beginning of the local production of red-figured pottery, linked to the cult of Aphrodite (Elia 2009, 184-187; 2010a, 146-147).

they come from infant burials. Rather than crediting the inventiveness of the artisans for these peculiarities in the vase-forms used, I believe that we should recognise them as a response to quite precise demands from the local market. This interest clearly emerges from the analysis of grave-goods: very common at Locri are the plastic and figured spouted forms, also imported, which were placed into the tombs of individuals who died before reaching adulthood (Elia 2009, 182-184). From a recent survey of the archaeological record (Elia 2009, 2010a), it is clear that the workshops (and the job of single craftsmen) at Locri were organised to respond to particular requests from the local market, producing decorated forms – some of which elsewhere are rare or unknown – for specific elements of the Locrian funeral rite.

So, this pair of winged figures does not simply represent, as has been proposed up until now, an iconographic solution specific to this workshop: rather, it is proof of a close relationship between the local workshop and the environment in which it was working. In this case we see the revitalisation of an iconographic tradition which had been thoroughly entrenched in the city at least since the beginning of the 5th century BC.

The close links between the workshops and the internal market of the city seem to find a further reflection in the choice of the subjects which were represented, as has been recently proposed for a krater with a scene related to

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APPENDIX Marco SERINO

in the Aeolian island (Bernabò Brea – Cavalier 1997, Spigo 2002), but it is necessary to be cautious, in particular considering the effects of casualness on research and findings.

The products attributed to the Chequer Painter and his Group are 46; we have information about the provenance of only 29 among them [fig. 1]. Most of the specimens of this Group come from the south-eastern part of Sicily, with the exception of some isolated Attic-type skyphoi in Motya, Himera, and Erice (tab. 1, SK1, SK3, SK4). Among the artefacts found in Sicily, almost half of the specimens of this workshop come from colonial centres. The frequency of the different vase shapes shows the preponderance of bell-kraters – ten pieces in Sicily, three in Campania – followed by seven calyx-kraters [tab. 1]. In light of this, it is possible to notice some signals of continuity / discontinuity with the Attic shape tradition of the previous decades: if, on the one hand, bell- and calyxkraters had been in great demand on Sicilian market for decades till that time, on the other hand, it is possible to notice the total absence, in the early-Sicilian production, of the column-krater, a shape that had enjoyed a great success on the island in the previous decades (Giudice 2007). The works attributed to the Santapaola Painter are 13; we have information about the provenance of ten of them [fig. 3]. A high concentration of finds comes from the eastern part of the island. The most common shape is the calyx-krater (four) – according to a Sicilian tradition that seems to assert itself more and more – whilst there are only two examples of bell-kraters. Four artefacts attributed to this workshop come from Lipari (CK9, CK11, CC14, Hy1) [tab. 1]. For this reason some scholars proposed that the location of this workshop was

From the Himera Group 23 artefacts are known, among which 19 are of certain provenance [fig. 5]. Nearly all of these have been found in the inhabited area on the Plateau of Himera, with the sole exception of a skyphos (SK16) from Agrigento (De Miro 2000) [tab. 1]. This is a particularly interesting case: the finding of a substantial number of figured fragments in a single inhabited area is peculiar, considering the general preponderance of finds from funerary contexts. The diffusion of these fragments, a demonstration of the continuous circulation of figured ceramics in the area, is also to be noticed. The most common shapes for this production are calyx-kraters (seven) and skyphoi (eight). The products of the Locri Group from Sicily are 15; 14 of them are of known provenance. The highest concentration of specimens attributed to the Sicilian phase of the Locri Group [fig. 7] is found in the southwestern part of Sicily. It is important to point out that this Group presents the highest variety of shapes, with some unica in the early-Sicilian répertoire (pelike, dinos, amphora, hydria). 78% of the artefacts, as for the Himera Group and the Santapaola Painter, come from colonial centres (Selinus, Agrigento, Gela, Camarina, Syracuse), whilst only two were found at sites of the interior.

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isole nel Mediterraneo antico, 277-294. Pisa, Edizioni della Normale.

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