The Churches of the Crusader Kingdom of Jerusalem: Volume 3, The City of Jerusalem: A Corpus [3] 0521390389, 9780521390385

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The Churches of the Crusader Kingdom of Jerusalem A Corpus Volume II The City of Jerusalem

DENYS

PRINGLE

with drawings by Peter E. Leach

EE] CAMBRIDGE 9)

UNIVERSITY PRESS

a B- 13627 ; CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS Paulo Sao re, Singapo Town, Cambridge, New York, Melbourne. Madrid, Cape Cambridge University Press The Edinburgh Building, Cambridge CB2 8RU, UK

y Press, New York Published In the United States of America by Cambridge Universit

wwweambridgeorg Information on this title: www.cambridge.org/9 780521390385 © Denys Pringle 2007

This publication is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception and to the provisions of relevant collective licensing agreements, no reproduction of any part may take place without

the written permission of Cambridge University Press. First published 2007 Printed in the United Kingdom at the University Press, Cambridge

A catalogue record for this publication is available from the British Library ISBN 978-0-521-39038-5 hardback

Cambridge University Press has no responsibility for the persistence or accuracy of URLs for external or third-party internet websites referred to in this book, and does not guarantee that any content on such websites is, or will remain, accurate or appropriate,

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fi Pts

CONTENTS

List of plates List of figures List of maps Preface List of abbreviations

Xxiv

St St St St St

103 109 110 112 117 117 124 125 129 132 137 137 141 142 156 157 157 158 158

St George in the Market (no. 316) St George (Mar Jarias) St George (al-Khidr, Mar Jirjis) St Giles (no. 317) St James the Great (no. 318) St James the Less (Qubbat as-Silsila) (no. 319) St James the Less: tomb (no. 320) St James the Persian (no. 321) St John the Baptist: Hospital (nos. 322-3) St John the Evangelist (Latin) (no. 324) St John the Evangelist (Greek) (no. 325) St John the Evangelist (Serbian) (no. 326) St Julian (no. 327) St Lazarus (no. 328) St Longinus (no. 329) St Mamilla (no. 330) St Martin (no. 331) St Mary in Akeldama (no. 332) St Mary of the Germans (no. 333) St Mary Latin (no. 334) St Mary the Great (no. 335) St Mary of Mount Sion (no. 336) St Mary of the Valley of Jehoshaphat (no. 337) St Mary (at St Stephen’s Gate) (no. 338) St Mary (Cradle of Christ) (no. 339) St Mary Hodegetria (Megale Panagia) (no. 340) St Mary of the Mount of Olives (no. 341) St Mary of the Spasm (no. 342) St Mary (now St Mark) (no. 343) St Mary Magdalene (no. 344) St Michael the Archangel (no. 345) St Michael (spurious) St Moses (no. 346)

page ix xvi xix xxi

Corpus Jerusalem

Holy Sepulchre and associated chapels (no. 283) Ascension (no. 284) Chapel Royal (no. 285) ‘Condemnation’ (no. 286) Copts (Jacobites), Church of the (no. 287) Dominicans, House of the (no. 288) ‘Flagellation’ (no. 289) Franciscans, House of the (no. 290) Georgian Nuns, Convent of (no. 291) Gethsemane, Cave church in (no. 292) Golden Gate (no. 293) Harat al-Maghariba, Church in (no. 294) Harat al-Maidan, Church in (no. 295) Holy Archangels (Dair az-Zaitun) (no. 296) House church in the Juiverie (no. 297) Lord’s Prayer (no. 298) Mount Galilee (no. 299) Patriarch’s Chapel (no. 300) Qubbat Sulaiman (Kursi ‘Isa) Repose (no. 301) St Abraham (no. 302) St Agnes (al-Maulawiya) (no. 303) St Anastasia (no. 304) St Anne (no. 305) St Anne (Mikra Panagia) (no. 306) St Bartholomew (no. 307) St Basil (no. 308) St Catherine (no. 309) St Chariton (no. 310)

Cosmas (no. 311) Demetrius (no. 312) Elias (Dair al-‘Adas) (no. 313) Euthymius (no. 314) George (no. 315)

vili

Contents

St Nicolas (no. 347) St Onuphrius (ne. 348) St Pastor (no. 349) St Paul (no. 350) St Pelagia (no. 351) St Peter of the Cock Crow (no. 352) St Peter in Fetters (no. 353) St Procopius (no. 354) St Sabas (no. 355) St Sarkis (no. 356) St Saviour (Gethsemane) (no. 357) St Saviour (Mount Sion) (no. 358) St Stephen (no, 359) St Stephen (Armenian) (no. 360) St Stephen (Hungarian) (no. 361) St Thecla (no. 362)

aes St Theodore (no. 363) St Theodore (St T‘oros) (no. 364) St Theodosius (spurious) St Thomas (no. 365) Sheep Pool (Probatica) (no. 366) Templum Domini (Qubbat as-Sakhra, including Qubbat al-Mi‘raj) (no. 367) Templum or Palatium Salomonis (Jami‘ al-Aqsa) and the Templars’ church (nos. 3 68-9) Vicus heremitarum Zawiya al-Lu’lw’iya (no. 370)

Bibliography Maps Index

PLATES

The photographs are the author’s unless otherwise stated.

XXIV

Church of the Holy Sepulchre (no . 283) and associated buildings, aerial view from NW (photo Richard Cleave). Church of the Holy Sepulchre (no. 283), from SE (photo © John Crook). Church of the Holy Sepulchre (n oO . 283): the rotunda, looking E (photo © John Crook). Church of the Holy Sepulchre (n oO . 283): chapel of Adam (photo © John Crook). Church of the Holy Sepulchre (n 0) . 283): E part of S facade. Church of the Holy Sepulchre (n oO . 283): Prison of Christ (photo © John Crook). Church of the Holy Sepulchre (n oO. 283): the parvis looking SW. Church of the Holy Sepulchre (n oO . 283), chapel of the Holy Trinity (or St John the Baptist, no. 283.3): squinches. Church of the Holy Sepulchre (n oO . 283), chapel of St Helena (no. 283.5): interior looking E. Church of the Holy Sepulchre (n Oo . 283), chapel of St Helena (no. 283.5): Abbasid capitals supporting pendentives. Church of the Holy Sepulchre (no. 283): apsidal ambulatory and night stair door (photo R. Pitt). Church of the Holy Sepulchre (no. 283): ‘winged Solomon’ capital in N transept (photo R. Pitt). Church of the Holy Sepulchre (no . 283): double capital in N transept (photo R. Pitt). Church of the Holy Sepulchre (no. 283): capitals on door to night stair. Church of the Holy Sepulchre (no. 283): capitals in Prison of Christ (photos R. Pitt). Church of the Holy Sepulchre (no. 283): crossing, view at gallery level (photo © John Crook). Church of the Holy Sepulchre (no. 283): crossing, looking W (photo © John Crook). Church of the Holy Sepulchre (no. 283): choir (photo © John Crook). Church of the Holy Sepulchre (no. 283): N transept looking E (photo © John Crook). Church of the Holy Sepulchre (no. 283): N transept, looking W (photo R. Pitt). Church of the Holy Sepulchre (no. 283): N transept gallery, looking W (photo © John Crook). Church of the Holy Sepulchre (no. 283): crossing, viewed from N transept gallery (photo © John Crook). Church of the Holy Sepulchre (no. 283): dome over crossing, viewed externally from NW. Church of the Holy Sepulchre (no. 283): dome over crossing, viewed internally from S transept. Church of the Holy Sepulchre (no. 283): view of S transept from W. Church of the Holy Sepulchre (no. 283): Latin chapel of the Crucifixion on Calvary (photo © John Crook). Church of the Holy Sepulchre (no . 283): twelfth-century mosaic of the Ascension in chapel of the Crucifixion on Calvary. Church of the Holy Sepulchre (no . 283): S fagade (photo © John Crook). Church of the Holy Sepulchre (no . 283): S facade and bell-tower (photo © John Crook).

page

Bo

x

a

List of plates

XXVII

Church of the Holy Sepulchre (no. 283): S facade and chevet of chapel of St John the

XXVIII xxixa-d XXX

ae = ie he (no. 283): S facade, double portal (photo © es Crook). Church of the Holy Sepulchre (no. 283): S facade, capitals of the double portal. Church of the Holy Sepulchre (no. 283): external stair and porch to Calvary

;

XXXTa xxxtb

XXXIC xxxid

NXXIE xxxit XXXII NXNUT

XXXIV XXXV

XXXVI XXXVIT XXXVINA

xxxvittb

XXXVITIC xxxvinid XXXINX NL Xtra-d XL XLUa-p XLIV XLV NUVI NEVI NEVE NLEX

i

.

283.2).

(chapel of the Franks). Church of the Holy Sepulchre (no. 283): S portal, capitals and voussoirs. Church of the Holy Sepulchre (no. 283): porch to Calvary (chapel of the Franks), details of W-facing arch. Church of the Holy Sepulchre (no. 283): S facade, detail of rosette frieze. Church of the Holy Sepulchre (no. 283): porch to Calvary (chapel of the Franks), corbel. Church of the Holy Sepulchre (no. 283): detail of lower frieze. Church of the Holy Sepulchre (no. 283): porch to Calvary (chapel of the Franks), lower cornice and corbel table. Church of the Holy Sepulchre (no. 283): external door to Calvary (photo © John Crook). Church of the Holy Sepulchre (no. 283) : chapel of St James (no. 283.4), mural tombs on S of nave. Church of the Holy Sepulchre (no. 283) : chapel of St James (no. 283.4), detai l of tomb-chest. Church of the Holy Sepulchre (no, 283): canons’ cloister, looking S, with dome of St Helena’s chapel (no. 283.5) and refectory, Church of the Holy Sepulchre (no, 283): canons’ cloister, looking W towards rebuilt apse. Church of the Holy Sepulchre (no. 283): canons’ cloister, W side of W portico. Church of the Holy Sepulchre (no. 283): canons’ cloister, Corinthian column capital at the head of the night stair, Church of the Holy Sepulchre (no, 283 ): canons’ cloister, detail of dome of St Helena’s chapel (no, 283 .5), Church of the Holy Sepulc hre (no. 283): canons’ cloi ster, double elbow-column Church of the Holy Sepulc in W portico. hre (no. 283): canons’ cloister, junction of the Church of the Ascension N and W porticoes. (no, 284): aerial view from S (photo Richard Church of the Ascension Cleave), (no. 284): N wall, show ing pier bases q and b. Church of the Ascension (no. 284): pier bases (photos a,b &d by R. Church of the Ascension Pitt), (no, 284): eedicule fr om SE. Church of the Ascens ion ( Chapel of the Flagellat ion Chapel of the Flagel : W front. lation i Chapel of the Flagel lation j Cave church in Geth sema The Golden Gate ( The Golden Gate (B (no. 293): from NW ab ar-Rahma, Bab . at-Tauba) (no. 293) Robertson and Bea : from NE (photo to, 185 7, Courtesy by of the Palestine Ex ploration Fund, neg. no. P1969). Rahma, Bab at-T auba) (no, 293): interior looking Rahma, Bab at-Tau E. ba) (no, 293): in terior of the dome angels (Dair az-Z over NE bay. aitun) (no, 296) : nave looking angels (Dair az-Z E, aitun) (no, 296) : nave looking angels (Dair az-Z E, aitun) (no, 296) : narthex and rayer (no, 298); W door, apse in the crypt, Latit in in PaPa trtriaiarcrcha hate te (no. 300): : si S i de fa cii ng on to the st Christian Quarte reet of the Patr r Street), iarch (now Latin Patriarcha te (no. 300 ): door from stre Latin Patriarcha e t of the Patr te (no. 300 ): iarch. first-floor hall looking §, (Now a mosque in the Khanga as Latin Patriarc -Salahiya), h's ch apel (n o, 300): apse Te-erected in fr ont of St Anne’s church

List of plates LXa-C Lxd LXI LXII LXIII LXIV LXV

LXVI LXVII LXVIII LXIX LXX LXXI

LXXII LXXIII

LXXIV LXXV LXXVI LXXVII LXXVIII LXXIX Lxxxa-f LXXXI LXXXII LXXXIII LXXXIV LXXXV LXXXVI LXXXVII LXXXVIII LXXXIX XC XCI XCII xclita—d xciie-f XCIV XCV XCVI XCVII XCVUI XCIX

CI

Latin Patriarch’s chapel (no. 300): figured capital on S. Latin Patriarch’s chapel (no. 300): plain capital on N. Qubbat Sulaiman (Kursi ‘Isa): from NE (photo M. Burgoyne). Qubbat Sulaiman (Kursi ‘Isa): interior (photo M. Burgoyne). Chapel of the Repose (or St Saviour) (no. 301): domed porch, seen from NE (photo from the Matson Collection, Library of Congress, Washington DC, neg. no. LC-B2-B11). Chapel of the Repose (or St Saviour) (no. 301): vestibule and remains of domed porch, from NE. Chapel of the Repose (or St Saviour) (no. 301): porch, scrolled stop to hood-mould of E-facing arch. Church of St Agnes (Masjid al-Maulawiya) (no. 303): from SW. Church of St Agnes (Masjid al-Maulawiya) (no. 303): nave, looking E. Church of St Agnes (Masjid al-Maulawiya) (no. 303): view across nave from NE. Church of St Agnes (Masjid al-Maulawiya) (no. 303): S aisle looking E. Church of St Agnes (Masjid al-Maulawiya) (no. 303): view across nave towards N apse. Church of St Anne (no. 305): from S (photo Robertson and Beato, 1857, courtesy of the Palestine Exploration Fund, neg. no. P1961). Church of St Anne (no. 305): from NW. Church of St Anne (no. 305): from E (photo from the Creswell Archive, Ashmolean Museum, University of Oxford, neg. no. EA.CA.5358). Church of St Anne (no. 305): W front, from NW. Church of St Anne (no. 305): W front, from SW. Church of St Anne (no. 305): W window. Church of St Anne (no. 305): nave, looking E. Church of St Anne (no. 305): view from N aisle towards S transept. Church of St Anne (no. 305): N elevation of nave. Church of St Anne (no. 305): capitals (photo b by R. Pitt). Church of St Anne (Mikra Panagia) (no. 306): moulded voussoir built into wall. Church of St Demetrius (no. 312): nave looking E. Church of St Elias (Dair al-‘Adas) (no. 313): from E. Church of St Elias (Dair al-“Adas) (no. 313): from N. Church of St Elias (Dair al-‘Adas) (no. 313): interior looking E. Church of St Elias (Dair al-‘Adas) (no. 313): interior looking E. Cathedral church of St James the Great (no. 318): chapel of the Holy Apostles, W front. Cathedral church of St James the Great (no. 318): nave looking E. Cathedral church of St James the Great (no. 318): view SE though crossing. Cathedral church of St James the Great (no. 318): view NE through crossing. Cathedral church of St James the Great (no. 318): N aisle looking E. Cathedral church of St James the Great (no. 318): interior of dome (photo R. Pitt). Cathedral church of St James the Great (no. 318): capitals to nave piers. Cathedral church of St James the Great (no. 318): capitals of S door. Cathedral church of St James the Great (no. 318): narthex from S. Cathedral church of St James the Great (no. 318): interior of narthex, looking E. Cathedral church of St James the Great (no. 318): S door. Cathedral church of St James the Great (no. 318): elbow column in narthex. Chapel of St James the Less (Qubbat as-Silsila) (no. 319): from N (photo by Sgt. James MacDonald, RE, 1864—5, courtesy of the Palestine Exploration Fund, neg. no. P4365). E side of the Kidron Valley, showing the tombs of Absalom (or Jehoshaphat) and St Simeon (or St Zacharias), with rock-cut tomb complex of the Beni Hezir and possible remains of church associated with the tomb of St James the Less (no. 320) (photo Frank Mason Good, 1875: courtesy of the Palestine Exploration Fund, neg. no. P2101). Church of St James the Persian (Zawiya Shaykh Ya‘qub al-‘Ajami) (no. 321): W door. Church of St James the Persian (Zawiya Shaykh Ya‘qub al-“Ajami) (no. 321): interior looking E.

xi

128 128 131 131 135 136 136 138 139 140 141 141 145 148 149 150 150 151 151 152 152 153 157% 161 162 163 163 163 176 176 177 177 178 178 179 179 180 180 180 181 185

187 191 191

A

xii cH

Cx cx CXIV CXV cxVt cxvina cxviib-d CXVI CXIX CXX CXX1 CNX CXNHI

CXNIY

exxva-b CXNXVI CXXVia~c CXNVGNE CXXIN

List of plates

ee ar

> Muri iew from SE towards the church of the Holy Sepulchre (no. 283) ceeeae Kine 1874, courtesy of the Palestine Exploration Fund, neg. no. P3991). Church of St John the Baptist (no. ea ie i t John the Baptist (no. 322): from S. ; _ ne the apne Nend of vaulted basement, now the masjid of al-Afdal ‘Ali (mosque of “Umar). Church of St Julian (no. 327): central apse. Church of St Julian (no, 327): view SE from the N aisle. Church of St Julian (no. 327): nave looking E. Mamilla cemetery (no. 330): Frankish tomb-chest. Mamilla cemetery (no. 330): detail of Frankish tomb-chest. Jami‘ Sidi ‘Umar and Ramban synagogue, marking probable site of the church of St Martin (no. 331). Burial chapel of St Mary in Akeldama (no, 332): charnel-pit, from SW. Burial chapel of St Mary in Akeldama (no. 332): interior of charnel-pit from E. Church of St Mary of the Germans (no. 333): from W, with Aqsa mosque and Mount of Olives behind. Church of St Mary of the Germans (no. 333): interior looking E. Church of St Mary of the Germans (no. 333): tomb recess in N wall. Church of St Mary of the Germans (no. 333): detail of cornice in N apse. Church of St Mary of the Germans (no. 333): elbow columns,

Church of St Mary of the Germans (no. 333): hall abutting S side of church, looking NW. Church of St Mary of the Germans (no. 333): § end of lower hall. Church of St Mary of the Ger mans (no. no. 333 333):Eend of church and crypt, showing Stair to upper hall, Church of St Mary of the Germans (no. 333

): W jamb of door to upp Church of St Mary Latin er hall. (no, 334) ‘interior lookin g E (photo by Bergheim, courtesy of the Palestine 1872-4, Explorati on Fund, neg. no. P3037). Church of St Mary Latin (no, 334): the interior loo king E (photo by H.H. Kit Courtesy of the Palestine chener, 18 74, Exploration Fund, neg . no. P3994), Church of St Mary Latin (rebuilt as Church of the Redeemer) (no. 334): crossing and N transe pt from S aisle. Church of St Mary Lat in (no, 334): shaft bases with griffes. Church of St Mary Latin (no, 334): the N portal in the 1870s (photo: ©2003 Her Majesty The Royal Archives Queen Elizabeth II) Church of St Mary Lat in (no, 334): elemen ts of the N portal reb church of the Redeem uilt as part of the er, Church of St Mary Latin (no. 334) : the cloister, abutted by the the Redeemer. § transept of the ch

urch of

XXX

ter, bay in SE corner Latin (no, 334): , window on th e W (photographed by side of the abbey bu H.H, Kitchener, 18 ilding 74 of the Palestine Expl 5). or ation Fund, neg. CXXNia-[ Church of st Mary Latin (no. 334): CONNAa~d Chur capitals from chur ch of St Mary La e h and cloister, tin (no. 334): me CXNN Has} Chur dieval doorw. ch of St Mary th ay in upper cloister, e Great (no. 335) : capital Ss from (photos in PAM, the 1900-1 exca Courtesy of the vation Israel Antiquiti 16010, 16014, 16 €s Authority, 01 2, 16 016, 16000, 1602 C8yNva-f Chur 4), ch of St Mary th eee e Gre; it (no, 33 ree 5):¢ appe (photos in PAM, it lals found inas hop Courtesy of the in Suq al-Dabbagh Israel A Ntiquiti 16026, 1602 5. a in 193 7 es Authority, 16241), neg. nos.16027, CNXXY Church of St Ma 15 99 7, 16023, ry of Mount Si on (no. 336): B end, showing masonry of By zantine church .

260 274

List of plates Church of St Mary of Mount Sion (no. 336): E part of S elevation of the Cenacle. Church of St Mary of Mount Sion (no. 336): W part of S elevation of the Cenacle. Church of St Mary of Mount Sion (no. 336): exedra in diaconicon of Byzantine church CXXXVIII (tomb of David). Church of St Mary of Mount Sion (no. 336): N wall of Cenacle, incorporating shaft of S arcade CXXXI1X of twelfth-century church. Church of St Mary of Mount Sion (no. 336): present entrance to Cenacle, showing CXL upper part of a shaft of S arcade of church. Church of St Mary of Mount Sion (no. 336 ),,C Cenacle: interior, looking NW. CXLI Church of St Mary of Mount Sion (no. 336 ), Cenacle: interior, looking W. CXLI Church of St Mary of Mount Sion (no. 336) , Cenacle: interior, looking E. CXLIII Church of St Mary of Mount Sion (no. 336),) C enacle: vault of central S bay. CXLIV Church of St Mary of Mount Sion (no. 336),) C enacle: SW bay, with stair covered by baldachin. CXLV Church of St Mary of Mount Sion (no. 336),) C enacle: details of central column between CXLVIa-—C second and third bays. Church of St Mary of Mount Sion (no. 336), Cenacle: details of central column cxLvid-f between third and fourth bays. Church of St Mary of Mount Sion (no. 336), Cenacle: capital on N side of chancel arch. cxLvia Church of St Mary of Mount Sion (no. 336), Cenacle: capital on S side of chancel arch. cxLvub Church of St Mary of Mount Sion (no. 336), Cenacle: capital on pilaster on S wall between CXLVIIC second and third bays. Church of St Mary of Mount Sion (no. 336), Cenacle: capital of pilaster on S wall between cxLtvud first and second bays. Church of St Mary of Mount Sion (no. 336), Cenacle: base of pilaster on S wall between CXLVIIe€ second and third bays. Church of St Mary of Mount Sion (no. 336), Cenacle: capital on pilaster on S wall between exivut third and fourth bays. cxLvii1a—d Church of St Mary of Mount Sion (no. 336), Cenacle: E window in S wall, interior. Church of St Mary of Mount Sion (no. 336), ), Cenacle: upper part of S elevation. CXLIX Church of St Mary of Mount Sion (no. 336), Cenacle: W window in S wall, exterior. cL Church of St Mary of Mount Sion (no. 336), Cenacle: N pier between second and third bays. CLI Church of St Mary of Mount Sion (no. 336), Cenacle: capitals of N piers. cLua-f Church of St Mary of Mount Sion (no. 336): twelfth-century capital in Ottoman-period CLI baldachin over staircase. Church of St Mary of Mount Sion (no. 336): cloister of Franciscan convent, from NW. CLIV Church of St Mary of the Valley of Jehoshaphat (no. 337): Byzantine crypt, looking E CLV towards the tomb of the Virgin Mary. Church of St Mary of the Valley of Jehoshaphat (no. 337): portal of monumental staircase to crypt. CLVI Church of St Mary of the Valley of Jehoshaphat (no. 337): portal to monumental staircase, CLV right-hand capitals to inner arch. Church of St Mary of the Valley of Jehoshaphat (no. 337): portal to monumental CLVIII staircase, right-hand capital to outer arch. Church of St Mary of the Valley of Jehoshaphat (no. 337): monumental stair, CLIX with tombs of Queen Melisende and Queen Morphia. Church of St Mary of the Valley of Jehoshaphat (no. 337): monumental stair to crypt and tomb CLX of Queen Melisende (photo in PAM, courtesy of the Israel Antiquities Authority, neg. no. 33.349). Church of St Mary of the Valley of Jehoshaphat (no. 337): tomb of Queen Melisende. CLXI Church of St Mary of the Valley of Jehoshaphat (no. 337): tomb of the Virgin Mary, N door CLXII of zdicule (photo R. Pitt). Church of St Mary of the Valley of Jehoshaphat (no. 337): mosaic pavement in cloister W of CLXIII church, excavated in 1937 (photo in PAM, courtesy of the Israel Antiquities Authority, neg. no. 16392). CXXXVI

CXXXVII

302

303

xiv

List of plates

CLXIV

Church of St Mary of the Valley of Jehoshaphat (no. 337): pier base in building W of the church, excavated in 1937 (photo in PAM, courtesy of the Israel Antiquities Authority, neg. no.

CLXV CLXVI CLXVIH cixvitt CLXIX CLXX CLXXI

CLXXH

cuxxu1 CLXXIV

CLXXV CLXXVI cixxvit CLXXVIL CLXXIX

CLXXX chee

cLxxxit_

pails

16400). Chapel (of St Mary?) (no. 338) at St Stephen’s gate, after excavation and landscaping. — v Church of St Mary (now St Mark, no. 343): interior looking E. oe Church of St Mary (now St Mark, no. 343): pilaster capital. = . — Church of St Mary (now St Mark, no. 343): N door. "C Church of St Mary (now St Mark, no. 343): outer door to precinct. : Cathedral Church of St Mary Magdalene and St Simon the Pharisee (no. 344): nave lookingE © (photo by Sgt. H. Phillips, RE, 1867, courtesy of the Palestine Exploration Fund, neg. no. P664). Cathedral Church of St Mary Magdalene and St Simon the Pharisee (no. 344): N side of basement below Ma’muniya School, looking E. Cathedral Church of St Mary Magdalene and St Simon the Pharisee (no. 344): E side of basement below Ma’muniya School. ¢ Church of St Michael the Archangel (no. 345): from SW. : Church of St Michael the Archangel (no. 345): from E. mee

Church of St Michael the Archangel (no. 345): nave interior looking E.

Church of St Michael the Archangel (no. 345): interior of dome, looking E. Church of St Nicolas (no. 347): from E.

Paes of St Nicolas (no. 347): S side of the church and crypt. urch of St Nicolas (no. 347): seven i

Church of St Peter in Se ie 3 Naira aad Breer an Church of St Peter inFetters (no. 353): western nave piers and pilaster, looking N. Church of

Church of St Saviour on Mount Sion (no. : Church of St Saviour on Mount Sion ea aie i Church of St Saviour on Mount Sion (no 358): int i a ee

ee of St Thecla (no. 362): interior, looking F,

. cxent

CXCHI

CXxcIy cxey

CXCVI exert

= CXCIX ce tect

cen

Church of the Sheep Pool (no, 366): fro

ce

ei 352

352

-:

=e se ee 370

ae

ae ;

s

Church of the Sheep Pool (no. 366): fr praia

¢

395

ea rae se ant Temple area (Haram ashi ate sakes Pitt). Temple area (Haram ee ak woe sn Cente), ie fetta Wrought-iron screen ae ea Teemplum Domini aie ipa Fund, neg. no, P] 852). (Qubbat as-Sakhra)

(

Tendlen Dona ae ae

Qubbat al-Mi‘raj, from SW.

BIO

seen

388

395

a of nave and crypt, looking W.

cai : 367nes the Palestine as-Sakhra) (no (Qubbat Exploration Domini ay um of Puna, ae.oeao

387

395

Church of the Sheep Poo! (no. 366): i ee with St Anne's (no, 305) behind.

Church of the Stieen Pool (ag ace) Church of the Sheep Pool (a0: 366):

ae looking N (photo by Photoglob Cole CCU

338 339

ch of St Theodore (no. 363): interior, looking E Church of St Thomas (no. 365): S door : a Church of St Thomas (no. 365): from SE

331 336 337

oo7

“interior looking W,

ee

331

:

see

CLxxxv cexxxvt_ cLxxxvit_

Church of St Thecla (no, 362):N door.

330

i

cLxxxiv

CLNXXIX

326 326

ie :

St Peter in Fetters (no. 3 53): W pilaster in N wall, CChunh Aree , remains ofof elbow column and capital. i viour in Gethsemane

Church of St Thecla (no. 362): from §

309 325 325

340

i

(no. 3 57): nave after excavation in 1 909, looking E (photo courtesy of the Studium Biblicum Franciscanum Jerusal eee Church of St Saviour in Gethsemane (no the Church of All Nations ‘ae . 357): : chevet ind S wall, i after construction of

cixxxvitt

303

~

ae

72 ages

anee) Oe

3

as

- e;oe sre Courtesy of the

412

and Frankish wrought-iron =1900. courtesy of the Palestine

ra) (no. 367) and Qubbat al-Mi‘raj, from NW.

ne 414

List of plates ccva-t CCcVI

ccvil

CCVIII CCIX CCX

CCXI CCXII

Qubbat al-Mi‘raj: selection of external capitals and detail of false lantern. Palatium Salomonis (al-Aqsa mosque): nave looking S (photo by Zangaki, 1870-1900, courtesy of the Palestine Exploration Fund, neg. no. P2478). Palatium Salomonis (al-Aqsa mosque): gibla, including mihrab and the minbar installed by Saladin (photo by Bonfils, 1867-1928, courtesy of the Palestine Exploration Fund, neg. no. P1885). Palatium Salomonis (al-Agqsa mosque): N porch. Palatium Salomonis (al-Agsa mosque): interior of the N porch. Palatium Salomonis (al-Aqsa mosque): Frankish rose window in Mihrab Zakariya and lancet window in blocking of suppressed apse of former Templar chapel, now the Jami‘ al-Arba‘in (no. 368). Palatium Salomonis (al-Aqsa mosque): suppressed apse in Jami‘ al-Arba‘in (photo M. Burgoyne). Palatium Salomonis (al-Aqsa mosque): view from W, showing the Templar buildings on S side of the precinct (photo by James Graham, 1854, courtesy of the Palestine Exploration Fund, neg. no. P2159).

XV 415

426

427 429

430

430 430

431

FIGURES

—

Church of the Holy Sepulchre (no. 283): key plan showing development of the complex in the fourth, eleventh and twelfth centuries. Church of the Holy Sepulchre (no. 283): plan at ground level.

Church of the Holy Sepulchre (no. 283): plan at gallery level. Church of the Holy Sepulchre (no. 283): E-W section lookin g S. Church of the Holy Sepulchre (no. 283): N-S section lookin g E. Church of the Holy Sepulchre (no. 283 ):chapel of St Helena (no. 283.5), plan and section. Church of the Holy Sepulchre (no. 283 ): plan of church and conventual buildings. vi OAD ew Church of the Holy Sepulchre (no. 283 ): plan of infirmary and chapel (no. 283.6) at ground level. Church of the Ascension (no. 284): plan. Church of the Ascension (no. 284): secti on. Church of the Ascension (no. 284) : plan and elevation of edicule. Chapel of the Condemnation (no. 286): plan. Chapel of the Flagellation (no. 289) : plan. Cave church in Gethsemane (no. 292): plan and section. pega aes aral apc The Golden Gate (no. 293): plan and E-W section. PUrkrwweow Church in Harat al-Maghariba (no, 294): plan and N-S sect ion looking W. — “1 Church in Harat al-Maidan (no , 295): pla n. Church of the Holy Archangel s (no. 296 ):plan and E-W section. a wes Church of the Lord’s Prayer (no. 298) : plan of chevet and 20 crypt. Qubbat Sulaiman: plan and section, te Chapel of the Repose, or St Saviour (no. 301): pla n and section. Church of St Agnes (Ma sjid al-Maulawiya) (no . 303): plan and E-W Church of St Anne (no. section. 305): plan.

Church Church Church Church

be ty iw tw bs by

SSSI PAE Oe

8ed at ee id

xvi

of St Anne (no. 305): EW section, of St Anne (no. 305): N-S section, of St Elias (no. 313): pla n, of St George (Mar Jarias ): plan, Church of St James the Great (no. 318): plan at ground level, Ch : urch of StS James the Great (no. 318 ): plan at upper level Church of St James the Great (no, 318) : B-w section look Church of St James ing N, the Great (no, 318) : N-s Section look Chapel of StJames th in g E, e Less (Qubbat as-Sil sila) (no, 3 19): pl Church of St James an and E-w sectio the Persian (Zawiya n looking S. Shaykh Ya‘ ilbal- ‘Aj and E-W section, ami) (no. 321 ): pl an : :

101 105 110 111 113 121 130 134 139 146 147 148 163 166 173

174 175 175 184

190

List of figures

34

35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42

43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50

51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65 66 67 68 69 70 71 72 73 74 75 76 77

The Muristan: plan at basement level (after C. Schick), including churches of St John (no. 322), St Mary the Great (no. 335) and St Mary Latin (no. 334). The Muristan: plan at ground level (after C. Schick), including churches of St John (no. 322), St Mary the Great (no. 335) and St Mary Latin (Redeemer Church, no. 334). Church of St John the Baptist (no. 322): plans at crypt and nave level. Church of St John the Baptist (no. 322): N-S section looking E. Church of St John the Evangelist (no. 325): plan after E. Horn (1725-44), with suggested restoration. Church of St Julian (no. 327): plan and E—-W section. Chapel of St Mary in Akeldama (no. 332): plan and section of charnel-pit. Church of St Mary of the Germans (no. 333): plan. Church of St Mary of the Germans (no. 333): plans and section through the enclosing complex at nave and basement levels. Church of St Mary Latin (no. 334): plan. Church of St Mary Latin (no. 334): plan and N-S section of church and abbey buildings. Church of St Mary the Great (no. 335): plan. Church of St Mary the Great (no. 335): profiles of plinth and pier bases. Church of St Mary of Mount Sion (no. 336): plan. Church of St Mary of Mount Sion (no. 336): plan and sections of the Cenacle. Church of St Mary in the Valley of Jehoshaphat (no. 337): plan and sections of crypt. Church of St Mary in the Valley of Jehoshaphat (no. 337): plan and elevation of the tomb of the Virgin Mary. Church of St Mary in the Valley of Jehoshaphat (no. 337): plan and section of the chapel that contained the tomb of Queen Melisende. Chapel of St Mary at St Stephen’s Gate (no. 338): plan of the chapel and Crusader barbican. Chapel of St Mary (Masjid Mahd ‘Isa) (no. 339): plan and section. Church of St Mary of the Mount of Olives (no. 341): plan. Church of St Mary of the Spasm (no. 342): plan. Church of St Mary (now St Mark) (no. 343): plan. Church of St Mary (now St Mark) (no. 343): E-W section. Church of St Mary Magdalene (no. 344): E-W section looking S. Church of St Mary Magdalene (no. 344): plan. Church of St Mary Magdalene (no. 344): plan of cloister. Church of St Michael the Archangel (no. 345): plan. Church of St Nicolas (no. 347): plan. Church of St Nicolas (no. 347): masonry marks. Cave Chapel of St Pelagia (no. 351): plan and location plan. Cave Chapel of St Pelagia (no. 351): section. Church of St Peter in Fetters (no. 353): plan. Church of St Procopius (no. 354): plan. Church of St Sabas (Dar Disy) (no. 355): plan. Church of St Saviour in Gethsemane (no. 357): plan. Church of St Saviour (Dair Habs al-Masih) (no. 358): plan. Church of St Stephen (no. 359): plan. Church of St Stephen (no. 359): plan of church and associated structures. Church of St Stephen (no. 359): suggested reconstruction of the altar. Church of St Thecla (no. 362): plan. Church of St Theodore (Mar Thadrus) (no. 363): plan. Church of St Theodore (St T‘oros) (no. 364): plan. Church of St Thomas (no. 365): plan.

XVii

196 197 202 203 210 213 225 229

230 242 244 256 257 273 277 296

297 300 308 313 318 321 324 325 332 333 334 337 339 340 345 346 351 355 357 362 370 376 377 378 382 385 386 387

xviii

78 79 80 81

List of figures Chapel of the Sheep Pool (no. 366): plans at nave and crypt level. Chapel of the Sheep Pool (no. 366): sections. Church of the Templum Domini (Dome of the Rock) (no. 367): plan and section. ‘ Templum or Palatium Salomonis Jami‘ al-Aqsa) (no. 368): plan.

MAPS

page

Re Wm WN

Jerusalem Jerusalem, Jerusalem, Jerusalem, Jerusalem,

and Old Old Old Old

outlying area, with key to maps 2-5. City (NW) City (NE) City (SW) City (SE)

477 478 479 480 481

xix

PREFACE

It was the original intention of the author and publishers that Volume 111 would be the final volume of the series and include accounts of the churches of Jerusalem, Acre and Tyre, besides addenda and corrigenda to the first two volumes. The quantity of material, however, both historical and archaeological, relating to the churches of Jerusalem itself, meant that it became apparent that Volume 111 as originally planned would have been a very large book indeed. I am therefore most grateful to my publishers for agreeing to divide the remainder of the Corpus into two volumes instead of one. This volume therefore deals exclusively with the churches of the city of Jerusalem. A fourth and final volume will subsequently cover the churches of Acre and Tyre; it will also include addenda and corrigenda to Volumes 1-111 and a consolidated index to all four volumes. Since the publication of Volume 11, the British School of Archaeology in Jerusalem (now renamed the Kenyon Institute, Jerusalem) has been reunited with the British Institute in Amman for Archaeology and History to form the Council for British Research in the Levant (CBRL), with a remit for research into the humanities and social sciences extending over all the countries of the region. Iam grateful to the CBRL Committee for continuing to sponsor the Crusader churches project and to the British Academy, the Society of Antiquaries of London, the Seven Pillars of Wisdom Trust, and the Research Committee of the Cardiff School of History and Archaeology, Cardiff University, for additional financial support. Most of the present volume was written during the five years (1999-2004) when I held the post of Professorial Research Fellow in the Cardiff School of History and Archaeology, Cardiff University. As before, I am indebted to Professor Bernard Hamilton and Dr Richard Fawcett for reading and commenting on the drafts of all the entries as I produced them, and to Dr Michael Burgoyne, Professor Jaroslav Folda, Dr Anthony Luttrell, Professor Jonathan Riley-Smith, and my colleagues Professor Peter Edbury and Dr Helen Nicholson for advice on specific points of architectural and historical interpretation. Although the initial fieldwork for this volume was undertaken between 1979 and 1984, in particular in the company of the architect Peter E. Leach in May—October 1981 and September 1982, the observations made at that time have been supplemented through numerous subsequent visits. In May 1981, we were joined by the late Robert Pitt, a number of whose photographs taken at that time appear in this volume. The architectural drawings, as in Volumes I-11, are the work of Peter E. Leach, while the map of Jerusalem has been compiled electronically by Ian Dennis. The index has been compiled by Nigel Nicholson. xxi

xxii

;

Preface Among the owners of buildings who have granted us access and permission to | survey and take photographs I am most grateful to: the Armenian Catholic nae Church in Jerusalem; the Armenian Orthodox Patriarchate in Jerusalem; the © Coptic Church, Jerusalem; the Franciscan Custody of the Holy Land; the Greek Orthodox Patriarchate of Jerusalem; the Islamic Waqf Administration of Jerusalem; the Lutheran Church, Jerusalem; the Syrian Orthodox Church, Jerusalem; and the Father Superior of St Anne’s Church, Jerusalem. For access to libraries and archives and for permission to use material or reproduce photographs from their collections I am also grateful to: the Ecole Biblique et Archéologique Francaise, Jerusalem; the Council for British Research in the Levant (Amman and Jerusalem); the Israel Antiquities Authority (curators of the archives of the Palestine Department of Antiquities, 1918-48) . ’ the Palestine Exploration Fund, London, in particular their curator, Felicity Cobbing, and executive secretary, Rupert Chapman; the Studium Biblicum Franciscanum, Jerusalem; the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford (containing the photographic archive of the late Professor K.A.C. Creswell); Dr Richard Cleave; and Dr Michael Burgoyne. I also acknowledge the kindness of Professor Jaroslav Folda and Dr John Crook in permitting me to reproduce a selection of the photographs of the church of the Holy Sepul chre that were taken by the latter for the former. Among the individuals who have assiste d me in investigating the buildings included in this volume and in other ways I would thank especially: Mr Abd alJawad al-‘Abbasi (Abu Muhammad), for assistance with our survey work at the chapel of the Repose in the ‘Umariya School, the for (al-Maulawiya) and St James the Persian (

for discussion of his work j

8 Professor Martin Biddle,

ssrie - Aqsa Mo sque and ae ae ‘ ee iene ieesos aen ae for archaeological des information rela ttintle i é eis ting i sae - his as :At sion) and the€ chchurofchth : in visiting many chur ches in ane neem, especially St Agne ae =n s (the M i éal Ft

is '

st Se

F

,

a

’

tun, Dar

Disy

;

Saviour’

1S

’

oe

amawtya), StJames th Ar menia nPs co dceain St als d eri Savi ou sour (M r’ ou nt Sion), and for as erie Pe elec mat Dae_iPai ; un (Holy Arch Bisho ikia arkenny, foracce

pen,a fo.e ee be meesto visit Orks in 1989; Pr

y, Dair as-Surian); the late ie

Preface Herr Ernst W. Krueger, for guiding me around the church of the Redeemer (formerly St Mary Latin) in Jerusalem in 1979, and Dr Gunnar Lehman for doing the same in 1995; Mr Balasz Major, for information on the Hungarian sources relating to the Hungarian church of St Stephen; Mr John Morgan, for assistance in scanning the photographs; Dr Yusuf Natsheh, for copies of the “Awgaf Administration’s survey drawings of the Masjid al-Maulawiya (1980); Mr Mithkal Natur, headmaster of the ‘Umariya School for access to the chapel of the Repose (1981); Dr Asher Ovadiah, for information regarding the church of St Mary of the Germans; Mr Paris Papatheodorou, sometime architect to the Greek Orthodox Patriarchate, for assisting me in gaining access to and discussing with me the church of St Demetrius (Mar Mitri) and many other Orthodox buildings in the city; Mr Simone Ricca of RIWAQ, Ramallah, for copies of his survey drawings of the Masjid al-Maulawiya (1998); Mr John Seligman, for information concerning the Holy Sepulchre’s infirmary chapel and the abbey of St Mary in the Valley of Jehoshaphat; and Dr Robert Schick, for giving me a draft copy of his bibliographic guide to the monuments and archaeological sites of Islamic Jerusalem. RDP

Cardiff, January 2006

— xxiii

ABBREVIATIONS a

AA SS

Acta Sanctorum (Bollandiana) (Antwerp—Paris— Rome-Brus sels 1643-) Ar Arabic AV Authorized Version of the Bible (161 1) BSAJ British School of Archae ology in Jerusalem Byz. Byzantine Cart. des Hosp. Cartulair e générale de lordre des Hospitaliers de Saint-Jean de Jérusalem (1100-1 31 0) , ed. J. Delaville le Rou lx, 4 vols. (Paris 1894-1906) CCCM Corpus Christianorum, Continuatio Mediaeualis CCSL (Turnhout 1966-) Corpus Christianorum, Ser ies Latina (Turnhou Cr. t 1953— ) Crusader CSCO Corpus Scriptorum Ch ristianorum Orient CSEL alium (Louvain 19 Corpus Scriptorum Ec 03- ) cl esiasticorum Latino CSHB rum (Vienna 1 866Corpus Scriptorum ) Historiae Byzantin DRHC ae (Bonn) Documents relatifs a l'histoire des cr EEA oisades (Paris 19 English Episcopal 46— ) Ac ta (Oxford) ELS Enchiridion Locoru m Sanctorum Docu menta §. Euangeli Respicientia, 2nd ed i Loca n, ed. D. Baldi Je Fr. rusalem 195 5) rench GCs Die grieschischen christlichen Schrif tsteller dey ersten Jahrhunderte (Lei drei pzig—Berlin 1897 Ger, ~-) German Gr, Greek H. Horva(t), Mean ing ‘ruin’ (Heb Hebr. rew) Hebrew IHC Itinera Hierosol ymitana Cruces ignatorum (saec. Sandoli, 4 vols. x1—xy17 ), ed. S. SBE, Coll, maj., Itin. Ric. de vol. xxry Jerusa Itinerarium Pe lem 1978-84) regrinorum et kh, Gesta Regis Ri Khirba(t), mean cardi ing ‘ruin’ (Ara Loeb bic) Loeb Classical Library, London Med. -Cambridge Medieval Mass MGH Const Monumenta Ge rmaniae Histor ica, Legum Se Acta Publica Im ctio IV, Consti peratorum et tutiones et Re gum, ed. L, We 1896) iland (Hanov MGH Epist er

List of abbreviations

MGH SS

Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Scriptores Rerum Germanicarum, ed. G.H. Pertz, T. Mommsen, et al. (Hanover—Berlin etc. 1826-—)

PAM

Palestine Archaeological Museum, Jerusalem: Archives of the Dept of Antiquities of Palestine, 1918-48 Palestine Exploration Fund, London Patrologia Cursus Completus, Series Graeca, ed. J.P. Migne, 161 vols. (Paris 1857-) Patrologia Cursus Completus, Series Latina, ed. J.P. Migne, 221 vols. (Paris 1844-64) Patrologia Orientalis, ed. R. Graffin and F. Nau (Paris 1907- ) Palestine Pilgrims’ Text Society Library, 13 vols. (London 1890-7) quod vide (denotes cross reference) Répertoire chronologique d’épigraphie arabe, ed. E. Combé, J. Sauvaget and G. Wiet, Institut francais d’ Archéologie orientale (Cairo 1931-) Recueil des historiens des croisades Documents arméniens, 2 vols. (Paris 1869— 1906) Documents grecs, 2 vols. (Paris 1875-81) Les Assises de Jérusalem, 2 vols. (Paris 1841-3) Historiens occidentaux, 5 vols. (Paris 1844-95) Historiens orientaux, 5 vols. (Paris 1872-1906) Recueil des Historiens des Gaules et de la France, 2nd edn, 24 vols. (Paris 1869-1904) Regesta Regni Hierosolymitani, ed. R. R6hricht (Innsbruck 1893). Additamentum (Innsbruck 1904) Rerum Britannicarum Medii Aeui Scriptores, or Chronicles and Memorials of Great Britain and Ireland in the Middle Ages (Rolls

PEF PG PL PO PPTS q.V. RCEA

RHC RHC Arm RHC Grec RHC Lois RHC Occ RHC Or RHGF

RRH RRH Ad RS

RSV

Series), 99 vols. (London 1858-97) Revised Standard Version of the Bible (1973)

Rus.

Russian

SSCLE SWP var.

Society for the Study of the Crusades and the Latin East Survey of Western Palestine variant reading (of a text)

Six- or eight-figure grid references are to the Palestine Grid. Masonry marks are identified, where appropriate, by the numerical reference system devised by Ch. Clermont-Ganneau (1896: 1, 1-47; cf. de Sandoli 1974: xvi; Pringle 198 1a: fig. 4).

XXV

CORPUS

JERUSALEM Cr. Ierusalem, Ierosolima, Therusalem; Ar. al-Quds ash-

Sharif; Hebr. Yerushalayim The city of Jerusalem was first in Frankish hands from 15 July 1099, when it fell to the army of the First Crusade, until 2 October 1187, when it was surrendered to Saladin. In February 1229, the emperor Frederick II negotiated the return of the city to the Franks with al-Malik al-Kamil I, but it was not until May 1244 that Christian control of the Haram ash-Sharif (or Temple area) was re-established under the terms of a treaty made between the Templars and the Ayyubid rulers of Damascus, Hims and Karak. By the end of the same year, however, Frankish rule over Jerusalem ended with the invasion of the Khwarizmian Turks. In the twelfth century, a succession of Latin patriarchs occupied the formerly Greek patriarchal see, claiming

authority over both Latin and local Orthodox Christians and numbering the Armenian and Jacobite metropolitans among their suffragans. The Orthodox, however, also maintained a succession of patriarchs in exile in Cyprus and Constantinople (see Table 1). Only one of these, Leontius II, actually visited Jerusalem during the period of Crusader occupation, in 1177-8, when he received a cool reception from the Latin establishment there. After Saladin’s conquest, however, the Greek patriarchate was re-established in the city and the Greeks regained control of their churches. During the thirteenth century, although the Latin patriarch, Robert of Nantes, may have visited the city briefly in 1244, the Latin patriarch normally resided in Acre. (On the Latin and Orthodox churches in Jerusalem during the time of the Crusader kingdom, see Hamilton 1979: 1980; 1996; Kirstein 2002; Pahlitzsch 1993;

1999; 2001.) During the twelfth century the Franks undertook an extensive building campaign to re-establish the principal shrine churches of the Holy City and redefine its sacred

Table 1 Greek Orthodox and Latin patriarchs of Jerusalem between 1099 and 1244 Latin

Greek Orthodox

eee Symeon II (after 1088/99-before 1106/17)

Arnulf of Chocques (elected 1099, not consecrated) Daimbert of Pisa (1099-1101) Evremar of Chocques (1102-8)

John VIII (1106/1 7—before 1116/17)

Gibelin of Arles (1108-12) Arnulf of Chocques (1112-18) Sabas (1116/1 7—before 1122) Nicolas (before 1122-c.1156)

Warmund of Picquigny (1118-28) Stephen of Chartres (1128-30) WilliamI(1130-45) Fulcher (1145-57)

John IX (before

115 7—before 1161?)

Amalric of Neslé (1157-80)

Nicephorus II (before 1166-1176) Leontius II (1176-85) Heraclius (1180-91) Dositheus I (1185-9) Mark II (1189-—?)

Aimery the Monk (1197-1 202) Soffred, cardinal of S. Prassede (1203) Albert of Vercelli (1205-14) Ralph of Merencourt (121 5-24) Gerold of Lausanne (1225-39)

Euthymius II (?-1230) Athanasius II (c.1231—44)

Robert of Nantes (1240-54)

Source: Information from Hamilton 1980: 373-4; Pahlitzsch 2001: 383

4

Churches of the Crusader Kingdom

precinct itself, entering perhaps at Bab oe geography. Many of these buildings nan pas Temple and exiting at Bab an-Nazir. which was known as the mented structures that had existed in Byzantine time the small

uncertain whether had either fallen into decay through Centunes of neglect oF ‘Sorrowful Gate’. It remains y as Qubbat Sulaiman (q.v) been deliberately destroyed, notably during the hea ‘ domed zdicule known variousl Caliph al-Hakim (996-1021). Apart from the church

o

the Holy Sepulchre and its related chapels (no. 283),

or Kursi ‘Isa (the Throne of Jesus), which stands pas these two gates, might have been connected with it. r

which had already been restored during the eleventh

century, the churches rebuilt during the twelfth century included many associated with the life and Passion of Christ. To the Christian Franks, the Muslims’ Dome of the Rock (Qubbat as-Sakhra) became the Lord’s Temple

(Templum Domini, no, 367), in which Jesus had been circumcised and presented by His parents, while the Mihrab Maryam, containing the crib of the infant Jesus, was reinterpreted as the dwelling of St Simeon, where Mary and the Child Jesus had stayed (no. 339). On the Mount of Olives, Constantine's Eleona church, associated with Christ’s instruction of His disciples, was rebuilt in the 1150s as the church of the Lord’s Prayer (no. 298), while the Golden Gate on the east side of the Temple, through

which He entered the city on Palm Sunday, was also made into a church (no. 293). A chapel was built over the Sheep Pool, where Jesus cured the paralytic (no. 366). The room of the Last Supper occupied part of the great rebuilt church of St Mary of Mount Sion (no. 336). The place in Gethsemane where He prayed three times to the Father was enclosed within the church of the Saviour (no. 357), while the nearby cave in which He left three Apostles and was subsequently arrested was made into a chapel (no. 292). In the twelfth century there were two rival traditions regarding the route along which Jesus had passed from His place of trial and condemnation to the place of execution on Calvary. One tradition associated the Roman Praetorium

and the houses of the priests Caiaphas and Annas with

Mount Sion (nos, 296, 336, 352, 358); but the existence of another, which placed the Praetorium in

the vicinity of the Antonia Fortress on the northern edge of the Temple precinct, led to the development of an alternative Way of the Cross beginning in the Street of Jehoshaphat, the present-day Via Dolorosa. According to this tradition, after His arrest in Gethsemane, Jesus was kept overnight in a

the exclusion of Christians from the Haram, however, the devotional way must have followed a different aes ; may have been in the thirteenth century that the chape

that is known today as that of the Condemnation (no. 286) and the church of St Mary of the Spasm (no. 342), where the Virgin Mary swooned at the sight ofher Son : His way to execution, came to be associated with it. Int 7 church of the Holy Sepulchre (no. 283) itself were to found not only the place of Christ's Crucifixion on Calvary

and that of His burial and Resurrection, but also an alternative miniaturized Way of the Cross set out under one roof. The site of Jesus’ post-Resurrection pra saagy : the Apostles on Mount Sion was shown in the ee .

Mary of Mount Sion (no. 336), and the site of His ca appearance on Mount Galilee was also marked by a eae

(no. 299). Finally, on the summit of the Mount of 0 ives the church of the Ascension (no. 284) was also rebuilt. Among the sites specifically associated with the av tion accorded by Christians to the Virgin Mary were: the church of St Anne (no. 305), where she was said to have been born and where her parents, St Joachim and St Anne, were buried; the Temple (no. 367), where she went for

purification after the birth of Jesus; St Mary of the Spasm.

where she swooned on seeing her Son on His way to

Crucifixion (no, 342); St Mary Latin (no. 334), marking the place from which she observed the Crucifixion and2

her hair, although similar traditions were also ne 7

with the nearby church of St Mary the Great (no. 335): : Mary of the Mount of Olives (no. 341), where an ange

foretold her impending death; St Mary of Mount Sion ee

336), where she fell asleep in the house of St John: and$ Mary in the Valley of Jehoshaphat (no. 337), where th Apostles laid her to rest and from where she was borne Ul

hema tena Ob eed sin

to heaven.

the north side of the Street ie usad ns nines pron

336), where the Holy Spirit came down on the Apostles? Pentecost; St Peter of the Cock Crow (no. 352), whe Peter denied knowing Christ; St Peter in Fetters (no. 3 53 where he was imprisoned, and the church of St Mary att house of Mary Mark, to which he went after his miraCt lous release from Prison (no. 343); St Stephen (no. 359

éeilaling ie sie an :aa

The house of Pilate,

Cross was supposedly te , a or making the eastern endof thee : . rom the Sheep Pool at the heuecaci, pa . as it had been discarded after

identilied cither with thefootie the Teniiilans

oe acses ve eels of Bethesda (no. 366) or, as

between the street and ‘a alice with Birkat Isra’il conquest, this deniian ‘ oe

°

Until Saladin's

al Way appears to have crossed the

Churches and chapels associated with the Apostles a the beginnings of the Church included: the chapel of th

Holy Spirit in the church of St Mary of Mount Sion (n¢

where the Proto-martyr’s remains were buried north |

the city at the time of Empress Eudocia (ap 444), andl

nearby chapel of St Paul (no. 350), marking the spot fro

a

OO

Jerusalem

5

hospice for Hungarians (no. 361). Outside the walls, the which Paul had watched his stoning; St James the Great, chapel of St Mamilla (no. 330) belonged to the cemetery was head his where the Apostle was decapitated and where preserved (no. 318); and the chapels marking the place of canons of the Holy Sepulchre and that of St Mary in martyrdom of St James the Less (no. 319), first bishop of Akeldama (no. 332) to the Hospitallers. None of the Italian city republics, however, seems ever to have estabJerusalem, and his place of burial in the Kidron Valley (no. lished a church in Jerusalem, and the supposed grant of a 320). Among the Latin religious houses established in church to the commune of Marseilles by Baldwin III in September 1152 has been shown to be a thirteenthJerusalem in the twelfth century, Augustinian canons century forgery (RRH, 70, no. 286; Mayer 1972b). served the churches of the Holy Sepulchre (no. 283), the In the twelfth century, Orthodox clergy continued to Ascension (no. 284), St Mary of Mount Sion (no. 336) serve in various chapels in and around the church of the and the Templum Domini (no. 367). Benedictine monks Holy Sepulchre (no. 283). Other churches which are served in St Mary of the Valley of Jehoshaphat (no. 337) and its dependent church of St Saviour (no. 357), and in known or may be assumed to have been Orthodox include St Mary Latin (no. 334) and its dependent church of St those of St Abraham (no. 302), St Anastasia (no. 304), St Anne (no. 306), possibly St Bartholomew (no. 307), St Stephen (no. 359) and chapel at St Stephen’s Gate (no. Basil (no. 308), St Catherine (no. 309), St Chariton (no. 338). Benedictine nuns meanwhile served in St Mary the 310), St Cosmas (no. 311), St Demetrius (no. 312), St Great (formerly St Mary Magdalene, no. 335), St Anne Elias (no. 313), St Euthymius (no. 314), St George (no. (no. 305) and St John the Evangelist (no. 324), which 315), St George in the Market (no. 316), St John the represented the city residence of the nuns of Bethany (Vol. Evangelist (no. 325), St Mary Hodegetria (no. 340), St I, nos. 59-60). Of the military orders, the Hospitallers Mary of the Mount of Olives (no, 341), St Michael the took over the former Orthodox church of St John the St Onuphrius Baptist (no. 322) and by the 1150s had probably built a Archangel (no. 345), St Nicolas (no. 347), (no. 348), St Pelagia (no. 351), St Procopius (no. 354), new conventual church facing the south door of the Holy St Thecla (no. 362), St Theodore (no. 363), and an Sepulchre (no. 323). Their master also had charge of the unidentified church in the Juiverie Quarter (no. 297). The church and hospital of St Mary of the Germans (no. 333) monastery of St Sabas in the Kidron Valley (Vol. 11, nos. and the burial chapel of St Mary in Akeldama (no. 332). 216-17) maintained a church of the same name associThe conventual buildings of the Templars arranged within ated with a metochion in the city (no. 355), while the abbey the structure of the Aqsa mosque included a conventual of St Catherine of Mount Sinai (Vol. 11, no. 150) mainchapel (no. 368), and by the time of Saladin’s conquest they had also built a large new church on the west side of tained the hospital of St Moses (no. 346). Some other unattributed buildings were also quite possibly Orthodox the mosque (no. 369). The leper house of St Lazarus (no. 328) was established outside the walls to the north-west of (nos. 294—5, 370). With the departure of the Hospitallers after 1187, the church of St John the Baptist (no. 322) the city during the 1130s; but the community did not was also returned to Orthodox use. Although the achieve the status of a military order until the following for Georgians, century. During the period of Christian control of Orthodox churches would have catered Serbs and Russians as well as Greeks and Arabs, a convent Jerusalem between 1229 and 1244, the Teutonic Order of Georgian nuns is specifically mentioned in J 120-1 (no. gained possession of St Mary of the Germans (no. 333), 291); and in the 1230s a Serbian monastery of StJohn the despite Hospitaller protestations. In the same period the Evangelist (no. 326) was established on Mount Sion. Dominicans (no. 288) and Franciscans (no. 290) also Among the non-Chalcedonian Christian communities, had houses in the city. From the early fourteenth century who also maintained chapels in the church of the Holy onwards the latter were also able to establish a house adjaSepulchre, the Armenians possessed the cathedral church cent to the Room of the Last Supper, or Cenacle (no. 336), of St James the Great (no. 318) and the churches of the on Mount Sion; they were finally evicted from it in 1551, Holy Archangels (no. 296), St Peter of the Cock Crow (no. but in 1558—9 acquired instead the Orthodox monastery 352) and St Sarkis (no. 356). By the end of the thirteenth of St John the Evangelist, rededicating the church to St century they had also acquired the chapel of St Saviour on Saviour (no. 325). Mount Sion (no. 358). Their church of St Theodore, or Other Latin churches and chapels served the immigrant T‘oros (no. 364), probably existed by the later thirteenth western population, including St Longinus (no. 329), itis century and that of St Stephen (no. 360) by 1334, but which may perhaps be identified as the Chapel Royal in the the of time the at Citadel (no. 285), St Agnes (no. 303), St Giles (no. 31 7), uncertain whether either existed church the Frankish kingdom. It seems likely, however, that St Julian (no. 327), St Martin (no. 331), St Pastor (no. was Armenian in the twelfth 349) and St Stephen of Hungary, to which was attached a of St Thomas (no. 365)

6

Churches of the Crusader Kingdom

tes. In century, even though it was later held by the Jacobi

St John in the Muristan area, south of the Holy Sepulchre

(nos. 322-3); and the provisionof an adequate water and the twelfth century the church of St Mary Magdalene supply through the construction of cisterns, collection Simon the Pharisee (no. 344) represented the cathedral of pools and aqueducts. Much of this building work is alluded the Jacobites. They possibly also possessed the smaller out this book in the discussion of individual church of St James the Persian (no. 321). In this period the to through churches and their endowments, but it would be to go Copts would normally have made use of the same churches beyond the parameters of this study to give it the samelevel as the Jacobites, though an unnamed church was d to churches. Further inforspecifically founded for them in 1092 (no. 287). Its of treatment as that accorde infrastructure of twelfth-century successor was quite possibly the church of mation on the buildings and urban in other pubfound may.be , St Mary, associated with the house of Mary Mark (today the Crusader Jerusalem, however lications (e.g. Vincent and Abel 1914: °945-73; Abel church of St Mark, no. 343), which the Jacobites acquired 1924a; Prawer 1952; 1975a; 1980: 85-101; 1985, from them in the 1470s following their loss of St Mary Benvenisti 1970: 35-73; Pringle 1991; 1997: 53-6; Boas Magdalene. St A number of other national communities are also 2001). recorded as having possessed churches or chapels in Jerusalem in the twelfth century, though it may perhaps be No. 283 Church of the Holy Sepulchre or questioned whether the lists of them set out in the sources Resurrection, with Associated Chapels of St are to be taken quite literally. John of Wiirzburg (c.1165), Mary (no. 283.1), St John the Evangelist (no. for example, concludes his description of Jerusalem thus: In describing in this way the venerable places in the Holy City of Jerusalem, beginning from the church of the Holy Sepulchre and going in a circle by way of David’s Gate until we returned to where we started. I have omitted many chapels and lesser churches, which people of various nations and tongues (add. all of them true practising Christians) have there. For there are there Greeks, Latins, Germans, Hungarians (var. Bulgars), Scots, Navarese, Bretons, English (add. French), Ruthenians,

Bohemians (Boemi), Georgians, Armenians, Syrians (Suriani), Jacobites, Syrians (Syri), Nestorians, Indians, Egyptians, Copts (Cephti), Capheturici, Maronites, and many others whom it would

be long to list. (CCCM, cxxxtx, 137-8: cf, PPTS, v, 69)

The descriptions of the city included in the chronicle of

Ernoul and in the Rothelin continua tion of William of Tyre's chronicle also list those nonuniate communities Who possessed houses and chap els as Syrians, Greeks (Griffons), Jacobites, Bohemians (Boamins, Boavinz) Nestorians and Armenians (Ernoul, xvit (ed. de Mas Latrie, 209-10; ed. Michelant and Raynaud, 52); Cont. de Guillaume de Tyr (Rothelin ), rx (RHC Oce, 11, 507 : ed Michelant and Raynaud, 162: cf. trans. Shirley, 223)) ) The reb

uilding of its churches, although a massive undertaking in itself. was only part of the construction pee pursued by the Franks in the Holy City during the well century, Other works included: the repair a stre ae of the tow n walls damaged during teoe particularly from 117 8 onwaards when a sum of m acide w vaS . SetSet asi é de annually for the Purpose (see no 338 ee en argement of the ); ni Citadel, known as Dav id's Tower (5: one ae con struction of a royal palace ailinccat af * the bui talldi e ng of covered mar k rke ts and shops royal and ecclesiastical patronage (see no, 30 a opm Pmeent of an aneenormous hospit al complex by the Ones;

283.2), the Holy Trinity (or St John the Baptist) (no. 283.3), St James (no. 283.4), St Helena (no. 283.5) and the Canons’ Infirmary (no. 283.6) 1718.1317 (Map 2)

History The Gospels tell us that Jesus was crucified outside the city

walls at a place called Golgotha, meaning the ‘place of the skull’ (kpaviov tépoc, Calvariae locus: Matthew 27.33:¢h

Mark 15.22; Luke 23.33; John 19.17). His body was subsequently laid in a new rock-cut tomb, which Joseph ° Arimathea had prepared for himself and which John affirms was located in the same garden in which the

Crucifixion had taken place 28.57-61;Mark 15.42-7: Luke (John 19.41-2; 23.50-6) . Between cf. eee AD 41

and 69, the city walls were extended to enclose the aré that Christians later identified as that in which ie Crucifixion, burial and Resurrection of Christ ie occurred. To judge by remarks made by Jerome, in ap139 when Hadrian re-established the city as a

Roman ae 4lia Capitolina, the site of the Crucifixi on came to be ove" lain by a temple of Venus, or Aphrodite (Epist., Lvl vr XXII, 581)). According to Eusebius, the construction wor involved covering the site of the tomb with a deep depo of earth, which

was then paved over obscuring

all trace” it (Vita Constantini, 111, 26 (GSC, vu, 95; PG, Xx, 1085 trans. Cameron

and Hall, 132); cf ELS, 619-20; ca and Taylor 1994. 65-71). Thus the site remained : almost two centuries, | _When Constantine made Christian ity the official re

gion in the eastern part of the Roman Empire in a Instructed the Provincial authorities to demolish temple of Venus, to excavate the tomb of Christ and, tak

Jerusalem (Holy Sepulchre, no. 283) advice from Macarius, the bishop of Jerusalem, to construct a basilica that would outshine all others. The complex that took shape under the direction of the provincial governor, Dracillianus, is described by Eusebius. The cave was embellished with columns and other decorative features. To the east of it lay a paved court enclosed on three sides by porticoes. The basilica lay east of this. Its nave was flanked to either side by two aisles with galleries over them, all enclosed by gilded coffered ceilings, above which was a leaded timber roof. At the west end stood a semi-circular apse (‘nuic@aipiov) encircled by twelve columns capped with silver bowls, representing the Apostles (cf. Breviarius A, 1 (CCSL, CLxxv, 109)). The basilica had three doors facing east, before which lay an atrium enclosed by porticoes and east of that the main entrance and propylea facing on to the colonnaded market street (Vita Constantini, 111, 25-40 (GSC, vil, 94-101; PG, xx, 1085-110; ELS, 619-23; trans. Cameron and Hall, 132-7); cf. differing translations by Mango 1972: 11-14; Wilkinson 1981: 164—71; Corbo 1982: 1, 41-7; Gibson and Taylor 1994: 73; and commentary in Cameron and Hall 1999: 281-91). Neither Eusebius nor the pilgrim from Bordeaux who visited Jerusalem in 333 mentions any building over the cave or around Calvary, though the latter refers to a cistern and baptistery beside the basilica (CCSL, CLxxv, 17; trans. Wilkinson, 158). At the time of the dedication of the basilicaon 13 September 335, the complex therefore appears to have been as Eusebius described it. By c.348, however, the ‘place of the Holy Resurrection’ was itself also enclosed in a building (Cyril of Jerusalem, Cat., xv111, 33 (PG, XxxIII, 1056)). Egeria, describing the liturgies revolving around the complex c.384, calls this structure the Anastasis or ‘basilica of the Resurrection’ (basilica Anastasis). Constantine’s basilica she refers to as ‘the Great Church known as the Martyrium because it is on Golgotha behind the Cross’ and the court between them as ‘the court before the Cross’ (chs. xxIv-xL1x (CCSL, cLxxv, 67-90; trans. Wilkinson, 123-47); ELS, 627-34; cf. Wilkinson 1977: 175). Archaeological research indicates that the area in which Constantine's church complex was built had been used as a quarry since the Iron Age and in the early first century AD was being used for burials. The tomb identified as that of Christ was one such, cut into an east-facing slope

(Gibson and Taylor 1994: 51-63). Constantine’s builders therefore isolated the tomb chamber and the rock immediately enclosing it and faced it in marble to form a freestanding zedicule with a columned porch, surrounded by a level paved area (Wilkinson 1972: 82-3, 91-7; Corbo 1982:1, 71-5; Biddle 1999: 20-8). The building that later enclosed this took the form of a rounded structure with a

tad

7

central drum carried on twelve pink limestone columns, arranged in four sets of three interspersed with pairs of masonry piers; doubtless this supported a timber roof or dome (see fig. 1a). On the north, west and south the colonnade was surrounded by a curving ambulatory, with exedrae at the three cardinal points, while on the east it met tangentially with a straight wall, which formed the west side of the courtyard and contained the main entrance. It now appears that there was from the beginning a gallery over the ambulatory and that the bisected Corinthian column drums (originally 7.15 m high) that Ch. Coiiasnon identified supporting the present gallery came from an earlier Roman building of the first to third century. The principal east door opened directly in front of the entrance to the tomb and was flanked by four smaller doors to each side, allowing free access between the rotunda and the porticoed court (Cotiasnon 1974: 21-36, pls. xI-xx; Corbo 1982: 1, 51-79, 223-5; n, pls. 3, 11,

21). The rock of Golgotha, on which by Egeria’s time a cross had been erected (ch. xxxvit, 1 (CCSL, cLxxv, 80; trans. Wilkinson, 136—7)), lay at the south-east corner of the court. It was represented by an irregular pillar of white red-veined limestone (mizzi hilu), scarred by deep natural fractures, which stood some 4.8 m higher than the courtyard and appears to have been left by the quarriers because of its inferior quality (Gibson and Taylor 1994: 56-60). Immediately east of it lies the foundation of the west end of the southern aisles of Constantine’s basilica. It is uncertain whether there was any direct communication here between Golgotha and the basilica, though the fact that the rock’s upper surface would have been roughly level with the basilica’s pavement suggests that to be quite likely. If so, those parts of the liturgy that Egeria describes as happening ‘behind the Cross’ may perhaps be best understood as having taken place in the south aisle with the congregation facing the cross on Golgotha. rather than in the main body of the Great Church or Martyrium (cf. Egeria, XXIV, 7; XXXV, 1-2; xxxvu, 1-8 (CCSL, CLxxv, 68-9, 78-9, 80-2; trans. Wilkinson, 124, 134-5, 136-8)). Otherwise the only direct means of communication between the courtyard and the basilica would have been at the west end of the northern aisles, on the north side of the apse. The overall size and shape of the basilica is known to us from excavation of the foundations of its apse below the choir of the present church, the survival of the foundations of its nave colonnade in the present chapel of St Helena, and the existence of elements of its eastern atrium and propylea behind the present shops in Khan az-Zait Street (Coiiasnon 1974: 37-53; Corbo 1982: 1, 81-117, 225-7; 11, pl. 3; Gibson and Taylor 1994: 73-83) (see fig. la).

8

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! Church of the Holy Sepulchre Ce nturies,

Jerusalem (Holy Sepulchre, no. 283) i

One other significant event that is supposed to have occurred during the building of Constantine’s basilica was the discovery of wood identified as having come from the Lord’s Cross. This is mentioned in 347-8 by Cyril of Jerusalem, who also asserts that the find was made at the time of Constantine himself (Cat., 1v, 10;x, 19 (PG, XxxIH, 468-9, 685-8); Epist. ad Constantium, 1 (PG, XXXII, 1168); ELS, 624; Wilkinson 1981: 240, 332). Egeria relates that the wood was found on the date of the church's consecration and describes how in her day on Good Friday a piece of it, contained in a silver reliquary, was adored by the people on Golgotha (ch. xxxvu1, 1-3; xvi, 1-2 (CCSL, cLxxv, 80-1, 89; trans. Wilkinson, 136-7, 146)). By the beginning of the fifth century the Cross’s discovery had come to be firmly associated with Helena, even though she is not otherwise known to have been involved in the construction of the buildings around Golgotha (Wilkinson 1981: 240-1; Gibson and Taylor 1994: 83-5). The sixthcentury Breviarius asserts that all three crosses had been found on the site of the basilica’s apse and that the relic was kept in a room (cubiculus), apparently on the north side of the courtyard to the left of the west door into the basilica. The same room, which may in effect have been a first-floor sacristy (sacrarium ... ubi est cubiculum), also contained the inscription, reed and sponge from the Crucifixion and

the cup from the Last Supper, as well as an icon of the Virgin Mary and her girdle and headband (Breviarius A, I-11 (CCSL, cLxxv, 109-10; trans. Wilkinson, 59-60); Piacenza Pilgrim (c.570), xx (CCSL, cLxxv, 139, 164; trans. Wilkinson, 83); Sophronius, Anac., xx, 47-54 (ed. Gigante, 123-5; trans. Wilkinson, 91)). The essential form of the fourth-century complex remained unaltered for some three centuries (Eucherius

(449), vi (CCSL, cLxxv, 237; trans. Wilkinson, 53); Breviarius, 1-111 (CCSL, cLXxv, 109-11; trans. Wilkinson, 59-60); Theodosius (~518), vit (CCSL, cLxxv, 117-18; trans. Wilkinson, 65-6); Piacenza Pilgrim (c.570), XVIII-xx

(CCSL, cLxxv,

138-9; trans. Wilkinson,

83);

Sophronius, Anac., xx, 1-54 (ed. Gigante, 123-5; trans. Wilkinson, 91); ELS, 634-9). On 4 May 614, however, the church was sacked by the Persians, the Anastasis and the structures around Golgotha were burnt, and the relic of the Cross was carried off to Persia along with the patriarch, Zacharias. The buildings were subsequently rebuilt or

restored by Modestus, abbot of St Theodosius (Vol. 11, no. 221) (later patriarch), with alms raised in Syria and gifts from the patriarch of Alexandria (Antiochus the Monk, Ep. ad Eustathium (PG, Lxxx1x, 1428); Chron. Paschale (PG, XCII, 988); Theophanes, a.6020 (de Boor, 328 n.26; trans. Mango and Scott, 459 n.3); Strategios, x1, 7; XIII, 6, 8,15,

23, 26; xvi, 21; xx, 38; xxiv (trans. Garitte, 19, 22-4, 40, 52, 55); Eutychius (ed. Cheikho, 1, 216; PG, Cx1,

9

OO

1084, 1089; trans. Pirone, 308, 325); ELS, 639 n.3; Pirone 1990: 61: Schick 1995: 328-9). The Cross itself was finally restored to the church by the emperor Heraclius on 21 March 631 (Strategios, xxIv (trans. Garitte, 54—5); cf. Cotiasnon 1974: 17-18). When Jerusalem fell to the Muslims under ‘Umar ibn alKhattab in 638, tradition relates that although Patriarch Sophronius invited the caliph to pray inside the basilica, ‘Umar elected to pray instead on the steps outside, lest such a precedent should result in the church being made into a mosque. As a result, a mosque of ‘Umar subsequently came to occupy the southern half of the eastern atritwmn and Muslims were forbidden to enter the church to pray (Eutychius (ed. Cheikho, 11, 17; PG, cx1, 1099-100; trans. Pirone, 335-6); ELS, 642 n.1; Clermont-Ganneau 1888: 11, 302-62; 1896:1, 100; Van Berchem 1922: 53-67, no. 26: Schick 1995: 329). Arculf’s description of his visit c.679-88 suggests that the layout of the structures was much as it had been before the Persian sack. The main changes included the extension of the upper surface of the rock of Golgotha by the construction of a platform west of it. This was enclosed by a groin-vault carried on four masonry piers; below it was a small cave-like chapel, its apse abutting the west side of the rock, which was used for

the funeral services of important people. It is possible, however, that the artificial extension of the rock platform had occurred earlier, for sixth-century sources already mention the steps by which one ascended to Golgotha (Theodosius, vit (CCSL, cLxxv, 118; trans. Wilkinson, 65-6); Piacenza Pilgrim, x1x (CCSL, CLXxv, 138; trans. Wilkinson, 83)). Arculf also mentions and illustrates a church of St Mary on the south side of Golgotha and on the east side of the courtyard a chapel containing the cup and sponge and a wooden table for offerings placed where Abraham is supposed to have offered Isaac in sacrifice; in his drawing, however, the latter two have accidentally changed places (Adomnaén, 1, 2-10 (CCSL, CLXxv, 186-94: trans. Wilkinson, 95-8, pls. 5-6); ELS, 642-5; Cotiasnon 1974: 17-8, 29, 32-4, 38, 50; Wilkinson 1977: 175; Corbo 1982:1, 75, 79, 93-4, 98-101; 11, pls. 40-5; Gibson and Taylor 1994: 80-3, fig. 41). Other seventh- and eighth-century sources describe the complex in similar terms. Epiphanius (639-89) refers to the chapel below Golgotha as the “Tomb of Adam’, while an Armenian guidebook (after 715-17) confirms the existence of galleries both in the basilica and in the Anastasis, which it states had ‘twelve columns down below and twelve above in the upper chamber’. Indeed, it is likely that by this time the courtyard also had galleries over its porticoes communicating with those of the Anastasis, since Epiphanius refers to the chapel that contained the chalice, lance, sponge and reed as being above the door

10

gdom Churches of the Crusader Kin

the Armenian into the basilica from the courtyard, while s ry of the Anastasi guide places these relics in the galle

itself (Epiphanius, 1-11 (trans. Wilkinson, 117); Armenian

Hugebure, Guidebook, 1-111 (trans. Nahabedian, 200);

r and Molinier, Vita S. Willibaldi (c.780), xvim1 (ed. Toble 648-9). The 263-4; trans. Wilkinson, 129); ELS, 646, that the irms conf 8) Commemoratorium de Casis Dei (c.80 tantine Cons St Holy Sepulchre, Calvary and the church of time the were all under one continuous roof. At that red and hund a than more church was served by a staff of patrithe to fifty people, including a synkellos, second only arch, twelve acolytes and seventeen servants attached to the patriarch, nine priests, fifteen deacons, six subdeacons, twenty-three canonical clergy, thirteen wardens,

e himself in the Patriarch John VII was forced to barricad him by the local church to resist exactions claimed from

naji. A Muslim and governor, Muhammad ibn Isma‘il al-Sa governor’s relatives Jewish mob composed largely of the and set fire to the penetrated the church of St Constantine Resurrection, the doors leading into the church of the red it and plundome of which collapsed. They then ente patriarch hiding dered it. The next day the mob found the successor, in an oil-cistern and killed him. John VII's s of the door the Christodoulos II, subsequently restored to rebuild the Anastasis, repaired the altar and started

forty-one monks, two superiors, two accountants, two

notaries, two cellarers, a treasurer, a cistern-keeper, nine porters, three hospitallers, and two priests serving the Holy Sepulchre, one in Calvary, two in the chapel of the Chalice and two in the chapel of the Cross and Headcloth. There were also seventeen Latin nuns serving at the Holy Sepulchre (ed. Tobler and Molinier, 301, 305; trans. Wilkinson, 137-8; ELS, 647).

r Thomas I! church; but he died prematurely in 968. Unde the direction of (969-78) the restoration continued under ammar), and the an Iraqi Jacobite, “Ali ibn Suwar (Ibn al-H inued under dome of the Anastasis was rebuilt. Work cont 5), and was Joseph II (979-83) and Orestes (984-100

completed with the restoration of the church (? Je) of St a Constantine to its previous state by the synkellos, Sadag rds when ibn Bishr, during the period from 1005 onwa

Arsenius,

patriarch

of Alexandria,

had

charge of

In 813, during the caliphate of al-Ma’miin (813-33), an earthquake caused most of the roof of the Anastasis to fall down. Profiting by a temporary absence of Muslims

; cf. Gil Jerusalem (Yahya ibn Sa‘Id (PO, xc, 799-803) 1984: 160, 162; 1992: 325-60, 463, 479-80). at Barely was the restoration finished, however, when Easter 1008 the caliph al-Hakim forbade Jerusalem from Christians to perform the Palm Sunday procession

from the city owing to a famine, the patriarch Thomas I (809-19) obtained funds to restore the roof from a wealthy Egyptian and sent to Cyprus for fifty trunks of

The following year he issued instructions to Yarukh, gov : ernor of Ramla, to destroy the church of the Resurrection

Bethany (Yahya ibn Sa‘id (PO, x, 803; CXIV, 487-8)}.

cedar and pine with which to execute the work. As a result the dome was rebuilt with a double shell, covered in lead And so Yariikh sent his son Yiisuf and al-Husayn ibn Zi Wazzan, in company with Abu’l-Fawaris al-Iayf, who seized all (Eutychius, Annales (PG, cxt, 1130-2; ed. Cheikho, 11 that, [the church itsell] 35-6: trans. Pirone, 401-2); Pirone 1990: 62-3: Gil the movable goods that were there. After was cast down as far as the foundations, except for what it w*

(DBA: 161-2; 1992: 459, 478-9). To Bernard the Monk,

espa Bion the church was recognizably the one

es by Bede, following Arculf (Bede, 11, 1-3 (CCSL CLXXV, 254-7)). He is the first westerner to describe Aid seen of the Holy Fire, presided over by Patriarch pabisade (864-880); and he also mentions that the

¢ :ntre ofthe courtyard marked the centre of the world (ch u ie ee and Molinier, 31415: trans Wilkinson,

2-4): EIS, 647-8: ch Typi

Kerameus. 133: ELS, 649).

re

ica

| On Palm Sun suncay day 937,73/, riot rioti ing Muslims set fi ae ri of Constanstine’s basilica and burnt Ne : a he porc 1. before proceeding to loot the chapelofG ae and the Anastasis, with great Chri stian loss aie of life (Eutychius, Annales (PG, CX1 , 1155-6: ed. Cheikh o, 1 #8-9: trans, Pirone, SiR 436): Georgie i

pene eeshoschil, 1, 40); allseen en 9-6;i es Pi : : i’ ao : things were 1990: 62). Worse fee ie eae At Whitsun (28 May) 966, d 2 cu port given him by Kafr, the Ikhshidid aie a . Zypt,

impossible to destroy or difficult to uproot and carry away: Then

the Skull (Golgotha), Calvary, the church of St Constantiné, and all the other buildings enclosed within their walls were destroyed and the sacred remains (holy relics) were completely annihilate Ibn Abu Zahir attempted to remove the Holy Sepulchre and cause all trace of it to disappear; he broke and demolished th

major part of it. There was in the vicinity (of the Holy Sepulchté a monastery of monks, known under the name of the monaster of al-Sari, which was also demolished. The ruination of th church of the Resurrection was begun on Tuesday 5 Safar 40

8% (28 September 1009), All the estates and pious foundations

seized, as well as all the sacred vessels and objects and items

gold and silverwork. (PO, cx1v, 491-2; cf. ELS, 652-3)

ion‘ Muslim sources give the date of this destruct

3984 (17 Sept. 1007 to 5 Sept. 1008), though William

Tyre evidently thought that it had occurred in 1010 (ch.

4; 1, 6 (CCCM, Lxim1, 109-10, 113; trans. Babcock Krey, 1, 65-6, 70); cf. Le Strange 1890: 204; Coiias™

1974: 19-20; Gil 1992: 373-4; Biddle 1999: ”

Adhémar of Chabanais was informed of the events

ee besa (Holy Sune

Ralph of Couhé, bishop of Périgueux, who returned to France from Jerusalem late in 1010. He reports that the destruction occurred on 29 September, and that when the Muslims were unable to reduce the rock of the tomb they resorted to the use of fire, albeit still to little effect (ch. 111, 45-8 (ed. Chavanon, 169-71; MGH SS, Iv, 136-7); Gil 1992: 378-9; Biddle 1999: 72, 149-50 nn.108-9, 150-1 n.10). Ralph Glaber probably obtained his information from Ulric, bishop of Orleans, who visited Jerusalem

no. 283)

11

Sitt “alMulk seat “soon” afterwards “anid s- Nicephorus returned to Palestine the same year (Yahya ibn“ »'y~.. -,Sa‘id (PO, ccxt1, 469-71); Gil 1992: 380-1). The report to Basil may perhaps, as Biddle suggests, have coincided with the ‘completion of; a significant stage in ‘the ‘rebuilding.

works (1999: 75); however, the principal purpose of the”

diplomatic and its timing seems more likely to 1 visit .was have tbeen a result of the accession of the new caliph and *. the window of opportunity provided by the conclusion ofvs "4. in western: Georgia’ and his return. to. sometime betweeen 1025 and 1028. He relates that the» Basil II’s campaign Constantinople. tomb was destroyed in 1009 but that the Muslims’ Adhémar of Chabanais was ‘brought up to date with attempts to break up the interior with iron hammers events in Palestine by pilgrims returning to Angouléme iin proved ineffectual. Five years later, however, al-Hakim’s monk Symeon whom they brought mother, Maryam (Mary), who was a Christian, restored it 1027 and by the Greek that it was al-Hakim himself. who with the help of offerings which flowed in from all parts with them. He records ordered the church to be rebuilt: ‘However, the church that (ch. 111 (ed. France, 134-5; trans. Guizot, 107-1 es they started to rebuild was not as splendid, either in beauty 1999: 72, 74, 150n.111). or in size, as the one before, which Helena the mother of According to the Malkite, Yahya ibn Sa‘id, the restoraat royal expense’ (Adhémar, 111, 47 tion began even before this. In 1011, a revolt of the Arabs : Constantine had built MGH SS, Iv, 137); Landes 1995: in Palestine resulted in al-Mufarrij ibn al-Jarrah of the “(ed. *Chavanon,° °170;; 161—3; Biddle 1999: ‘75-6), The succession of pilgrims Bani Jarrah seizing Ramla. He encouraged the Christians and donations to the Holy Sepulchre from the West from. to start rebuilding the church of the Resurrection, himself 1010 onwards suggest that the rebuilding. proceeded © contributing towards the works until his death in August quickly. It had evidently progressed sufficiently to allow th 1013. He also appointed one of them, Theophilus from ceremony of the Holy Fire to take place in 1027 (Biddle ' Hibal in Wadi Musa, as patriarch (PO, cxtv, 504-5, 520; 1999: 76-7). Gil 1992: 384-5; Biddle 1999: 74). Theophilus died en’... * Al-Magqrizi dates the normalization of relations betwe in January 1020 and was replaced by Nicephorus the Fatimids and the Byzantines to 428 H/apD 1027 (Gil (1020-36), a former joiner in al-Hakim’s palace (Yahya have 1992: 380-1). Work on the church may possibly ibn Sa‘id (PO, ccx11, 433, 437)). Because of Muslim oppocontinued under Caliph al-Zahir (1021-36) (cf. Gil 1992:) sition to Christians praying in the enclosure of the church the.. 480). Towards the end of al- Zahir's reign, however, of the Resurrection, he returned to Cairo and sought from an u sent have to patriarch Nicephorus (1020-36) appears al-Hakim a sijill granting protection to the Christian comIl, us s, to appeal to Emperor Roman munity and ‘the cessation of all hostility against those of emissary, John Cariani with the rebuilding. According : them who pray in the precincts of the church called the (1028-34) for assistance Tyre, writing more than, ‘a century later, Resurrection (al-Quyama) and of its court’. Al-Hakim also | to William of to mission took” “place: in 1048, and was made ~ granted Christians the right to maintain the other ‘that’ Monomachus (1042-—55) (ch.1, 6 (CCCM, churches and holy places inside and outside Jerusalem, «Constantine IX . ‘Babcock :‘and Krey, 1,.69-70)); including Lydda (Vol. 11, no. 137) and Bethlehem (Vol. 1, “SLXIII, 112 14;:‘trans immediate suc‘ owever, Constantine was not Romanus’s no. 61), and permission to restore them and their endowphorus essor, ‘as William: thought, and by: 1048. ‘Nice cf. ments (awgaf) (Yahya ibn Sa‘id (PO, ccxi1, 437-8); would in any. case |shave been. dead. The negotiations Vincent and Abel 1914: 246-7; Gil 1992: 463-4; Biddle °, William. also u between Romanus ite and al-Zahir, which 1999: 74-5). are also recorded by John Skylitzes (ed. Thurn, Al-Hakim disappeared, assumed murdered, in February : mentions, Yahya ibn Sa‘id (PO, ccx11, 533-4; Vincent 1021 and was replaced by his son, al-Zahir (Yahya ibn. 387-8) and by er, by Abel 1914: 247). They were interrupted, howev Sa‘ld (PO, ccx1, 445-7)). In 1024, al-Sayyida Sitt al- and y confinall ror’s death: in 1034. A truce was Mulk, al-Hakim’s sister and a Christian like her mother, » the,-empe IV x cluded in 1037-8: between |his SUCCeSSOr, Michael sent Patriarch Nicephorus to Constantinople to begin its Under . (1036-94) (1034-41), and Caliph al-Mustansir negotiating a trading agreement with Basil II. The patriBar, and r, ‘also recorded by Ibn al-‘Athi arch was also to inform the emperor about the restoration ‘terms, which are t : (trans. Budge,1,196), the emperor was permi of the church of the Resurrection and other churches in Hebraeus on and to ted to rebuild the church of the Resurrecti Syria and Egypt and their endowments, and the protection allowed to appoint the patriarch; the Christians were now being afforded to the Christians by the caliph;

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12 12

Churches oftheCrusader Kingdom

Churches of the Crusader Kingdom

who had died taking the city, and three days later by the anniversary of Duke Godfrey (CCCM, cxxx1x, 125-6,

rebuild the other destroyed churches; and the emperor agreed to release a certain number of Muslim prisoners (Mujir al Din 1494-5: 68; Le Strange 1890: 204; Gil 1992: 402-3; Biddle 1999: 77-9). The Persian traveller Nasir-i Khusraw visited Jerusalem in 1047 and described the church that had already by then been restored by the Byzantine emperor:

139; PPTS, v, 39-40).

Atthe time of Godfrey, Latin canons were installed in the church (Bartolf of Nangis, xxxv11 (RHC Oce, 111, 516; THC, 1, 156); Fulcher of Chartres, 1, 30 (RHC Occ, 111, 361; trans. Ryan, 124); Historia Nicena, Lx1 (RHC Occ, v, 176); Hamilton 1980: 14). According to William of Tyre, Godfrey endowed them with prebends and granted them buildings near by (ch. 1x, 9 (CCCM, Lx111, 431; trans. Babcock and Krey, 1, 391-2); cf. Theodoric, v11, x1 (CCCM, CXxxIx, 151, 154; PPTS, v, 12, 18)). Albert of Aachen asserts that there were initially twenty canons and that

It is large enough to hold eight thousand people inside and is extremely ornate, with colored marble and designs and pictures. It is arrayed with Byzantine brocades and is painted. Much gold has been used, and in several places there are pictures of Jesus riding on an ass and also pictures of other prophets such as Abraham, Ishmael, Isaac, and Jacob and his sons. The pictures are varnished in oil of sandarac and covered with fine, transparent glass that does not block any of the painting. This has been done so that dust and dirt cannot harm the pictures, and every day workers clean the glass. There are several other places just as claborate, but it would take too long to describe them. There is one place in this church painted in two parts to represent heaven and hell and their inhabitants; in all the world there is nothing to equal it. Many priests and monks stay here to read the Gospel. pray, and occupy themselves with acts of devotion all day and night. (trans. Thackston, 48; cf. Le Strange 1890:

Godfrey ordered bells to be cast and rung to regulate the

times of their daily services (ch. v1, 40 (RHC Occ, 1v, 490; trans. Guizot, 1, 359)). One of these bells was doubtless the ‘great bell’ that summoned the people to the Holy Sepulchre on the approach of the Egyptians in 1105 (Fulcher of Chartres, 11, 31, 7 (RHC Occ, 111, 412; trans.

Ryan, 184); Bartolf of Nangis, xxx (RHC Occ, 111, 540); Vincent and Abel 1914: 284), The financial arrangements for the canons were set out by Patriarch Evremar in 1102-3. They were entitled to income from the offerings

204-6)

The church of the Passion and Resurrection of Christ Was the principal goal of the First Crusa de, and when Jerusalem fell on 15 July 1099 many Crusaders made straight for it (Tudebodus, x1, 5 (RHC Occ, 111, 110; trans. Hill and Hill, 119); Fulcher of Chartres, 1, 29 (RHC Occ, III, 360; trans. Ryan, 123); Raymond of Aguilers, xx (RHC Oce, 1, 300; trans, Hill and Hill, 128); Gesta Francorum NXXViE (ed. Hill, 92); Baldric of Dol, xv (RHC Occ, eo 103): Historia Nicena, ix (RHC Oce, v, 176); Aton: Rhenanus, x, 30 (RHC Oce, v 497); Wil liam arnl 21 (CCCM, txutt, 413-14;mae , trans.

373)). Eight days later, whe there was instituted a fe

a

, -

et

,

made at the high altar in the choir, at the patriarchal chair

behind it, at the parish altar at the chevet of the Holy Sepulchre (i.e. on the west side of the zedicule) and at masses held in the church. The patriarch himself contributed a further 150 bezants to the prebends of the precentor, the dean or school master (primicherius, magister scholasticus), and the treasurer, and 100 bezants to that of the sacrist, while King Baldwin I gave 150 to that of the subcantor. The archdeacon, Arnulf of Chocques, also gave the subdean 100 bezants during his own lifetime, after

which the patriarch was to increase the provision to 150 (Bresc-Bautier, 72-4, no. 19; RRH, 7, no. 40; Hagenmeyer

1908: 479-80). It appears that, as archdeacon, Arnulf received the offerings made to the Templum Domini (n0. 367) and to the Rock of Calvary (William of Tyre, X. 7 (CCCM, Lx111, 461; trans, Babcock and Krey, 1, 425)).

120): William of Tyre, CCCM, Lxin, 417 423: trans. Babcock On 5 August 1099, the relic of the True Cross came to and Krey, 1, 378, 382 ): cf Kohl : 1901: 427 nt: Hagenm light in the place where the Orthodox Christians had eyer 1900: 481-2), The earli . Surviving Latin Sacram hidden it in the atrium of the church. Albert of Aachen entaries of the Hol y Sepul fee dating from 1128-30, records that it was enclosed in a gold cross, half an ell in however, contain two aa ad service for 15 July: one length (ch. v1, 38 (RHC Occ, tv, 488-9; trans. Guizot, }, celebrating the captur e of se i and the other the ann 356-7), Subsequently it would be kept in a chapel on the iversary of the dedica tion eration of the church a. North side of the church, when not being carried by (Dondi 2004: 149-50 , ] 58-9, 56). eee es that the churel wo i anes on liturgical occasions or in battle against uld have o tetieclvely rededicated by the Latins at the of Aguilers, xx1 (RHC Occ, 111; time of th 302: = ee fenquest or soon aft erwards. i i ae ZA 1 and Hill, 131-2); Fulcher of Chartres, ti also refers to this dou ‘ ble feast kee Nance = cc, I, 361; trans. Ryan, 125); Bartolf ; eee Was followed the nex t day by the conime te ; XVII (RHC Oce, 11, 516; THC, 1, 156); Ekkehar¢, nsrati F en &: nese:

» 2(RHC Occ, v.i, 33-4); Historia Niceena, uxt (RHC

Jerusalem (Holy Sepulchre, no. 283)

OOS

13

LXII, 425; ‘is single, aeenters inside. The same people :go.out through the . Occ, V, 176); William of Tyre, Ixe4. (CCCM, 't door. To the east is the centre of the world. Not far from: trans. Babcock and Krey, 1, 385); Hageumeyes 1900: southern there, to the east, is Mount Calvary on which the Lord .was 34-5, 82-4).

485-6; cf. Folda 1995: crucified. Beneath the mount is Golgotha. From Mount Calvary Following the Crusaders’ conquest, pilgrim|accounts to the Sepulchre is as farasa man can throw a stone the size: ofa describing the Holy Sepulchre increase. substantially in oss fist: ‘To the left [north] of Mount Calvary iis the prison, and near... number. Some are brief and relatively, uninformative (e.g. he prison to the left [north] is part of the column to which He Anon. I (c.1100), 1 (ed. Hill, 98-9; THC, 1,2); Ottobonian - was ‘tied. t To the south of the Holy Sepulchre iis St Mary Latin [no. Guide (1101-3) (trans. Wilkinson, 92); German Anon. 334)- To the east of Mount ‘Calvary iisthe place where St Helena’ (1102-6), rv—v (IHC, 11, 156; trans. Wilkinson, 118- 19); >" found the Cross of the Lord. (Qualiter sitaieToblerandMolinie phe gage? oe 347-8: IHC,1,2))° | de Situ Urbis (-1114), 11 (IHC, 11, 74; PPTS, v,2; trans. details fuller provide Wilkinson, 177—8)). Others, however, lines aa Another pilgrim text of this period. provides and together with surviving archaeological evidence allow body Christ’s which indicate that the tomb-slab on which one to gauge the effects of the destruction of 1009 and the measured some 1.935 by 0.882 m (Gesta.Francorum lay subsequent eleventh-century rebuilding (fig. *1b). The (c.1100), ed. Hill, 103). most significant change was that Constantine’s basilica The Anglo-Saxon pilgrim Saewulf (1103-4) identified had not been rebuilt. Instead, the rebuilt Anastasis had the rotunda as that built by Constantine and Helena: been provided with a large semi--circular apse ‘on its east side, where the main door from thecourtyard had previ- In the centre of that church is the Lord’s Sepulchre, which is ously been. It thus came to combine the roles of cathedral enclosed bya strong wall and roofed in such a way that when it

and shrine church that had formerly been fulfilled by two °

separate buildings. It was also flanked on the north by a subsidiary chapel, and on the south by three chapels, the central one containing a baptistery. Although it was at one time thought that a gallery was introduced into the Anastasis at this time, more recent research has shown that the present gallery was an original feature of the fourth-century building. On the east side of the Anastasis, the courtyard had also been rebuilt, with vaulted porticoes supporting galleries on the north, east and south. As indicated above, these galleries also appear to have replicated features that had already existed in the time of Modestus, if not before. Within the courtyard were grouped the various chapels and shrines associated with the Passion,

‘rains no rain can fall on the Holy Sepulchre, even though above 64; it ‘the church lies open and unroofed. (ch. IX (CCCM, CXXXIX,

:/ 4

IHC,i, 12; cf. PPTS, 1v, 9, 37)”

In the court to the east of the ratinda Saewulf saw a : number of holy places. They included: Christ theprison where, according to the Syrians, our Lord Jesus the’ vf appears above little was imprisoned after his betrayal. Then, a and crosses other place where the Holy Cross was found with the in honour of where afterwards a large church was constructed to its foun Queen Helena; but afterwards it was destroyed down

may be seen dations by the pagans. Below, not far from the prison, in th bound a marble column to which Jesus Christ our Lord was plac the it is Praetorium and afflicted with harsh lashes. Next to . thenis ; soldiers where Our Lord was stripped of his clothes by the which Adam of chapel and and soldiers including the rock of Calvary the place where He was clothed in purple by, the both lay below the portico at the south:eastern corner. At , /crowned .with a crown of. thorns,’ and where they divided his to Mount gallery level, a small square domed’ hapel stood directly. * clothing by casting lots. Afterwards '‘one goes up on and on altar an up set ham i ‘Abra drum rch octagonal an on Patria dome above Calvary, while another Calvary, where first the afterand Him, to son: s ice‘hi sacrif to ed stood at the south-eastern corner. The ‘church of St Mary: God's command ‘want (Isaac) he whom God, of on the:S that Arculf had seen immediately south of Calvary had by ° wards in ‘the same place

i

the Father for

cial victim to God 1 ’ "was offered as a sacrifi now disappeared, probably a casualty’ofthe 1009 destruc- : p refigurec world. Moreover the rock crag of the mount, tion. By 1099, however, it had. ‘be n replaced by the the salvation of the split apart next to bearing, witness to the passion of the Lord,.is Benedictine abbey churches of St ‘Mary. Latin (no. 334 because it was fixed, was’ Lord’s Cross Kat

and St Mary the Great (no. 335), lyi further to the sout

the: hole in which the

r, as we read in the * wnable to endure the murder of its Creato

hew 27.51 (RSV)]. passion: ‘and the rocks were split’ [Matt where Adam is tha, Golgo i the place that is called Underneath is stream of the a by to have been resurrected from the dead: The temple of the Holy Sepulchre is rounded and on top of the a said t on story: passi the in ng over‘him, as we read temple, above the Holy Sepulchre, is a rounded hole. In the centre © : Lord’s blood runni raised’ were p aslee and many bodies of the saints who had fallen of the temple is the Tomb of our Lord Jesus Christ. It is likewise is the? ry. Calva e of fisted 27.52 (RSV)]. . Beside.‘the ‘plac rounded externally, but inside it is found to be quadrate. The ed : remov body, in the place where the Lord’s entrance is by a door on the east, while on the west there is church of St Mary, ; linen a in ped and wrap from the Cross, was anointed with spices another door and to the south another. People go in through the caput) (ad At the chevet cloth or handkerchief before it was buried. eastern door; and through the other door of the Sepulchre, which

and south-east respectively. An anonymous text of c.1103 r

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14

Churches of the Crusader Kingdom

of the church of the Holy Sepulchre, on the wall outside HOt far from the place of Calvary, is the place that is called ‘The Compass’, where Our Lord Jesus Christ himself marked and MEH, sured the centre of the world with his own hand, as the psalmist attests: "Yet God my King is from of old, working salvation in the midst of the earth’ [Psalms 74.12 (RSV)]. But some people say that in that place the Lord Jesus Christ appeared first to Mary

Magdalene, when in tears she enquired of Him and thought Him to be the gardener, as the evengelist tells us. Those very holy chapels (oratoria) are enclosed within the court of the Holy Sepulchre to the east of it. On the flanks of the church two very distinguished chapels , dedicated respectively to St Mary and to St John, are attache d to it, one on this side [north], one on that [south] in the same way that they stood one to either side of Him as participants in the Lord's Passion. Moreover on the west wall of the chapel of St Mary is to be seen an image of the Mother of God, painted on the outside, which at one time wonderfully consoled Mary the Egyptian, as one reads in her Life, by speakin g to her through the Holy Spirit when she was feeling remorse with all her heart and urgently requested the assistance of the Mother of God in the form of her whose picture it was. On the other [south] side of the church of St John is the very beautiful church (monasterium) of the Holy Trinity, in which is the place of baptism: to itis joined the chapel of St James the Apostle, who occupied the first pontifical

chair of Jerusalem, They are all built and arranged so that anyone standing in the last church is able to see all five churches clearly through one door to the next. (chs. x—x11 (CCCM, CXXXIX, 65-7; IHC. 11, 14~16; PPTS, tv, 10-4, cf. 38-40))

The icon of the Virgin Mar y that now adorned the wes t wall of St Mary's chapel on the north side of the rotunda app ears to have been a rep! acemen t for the one that the Pia cen za Pilgrim had seen in a hig h position near the nor th- western door into Constantine' s basilica (ch. xx (CCSL, CLXXV, 139, 164: trans, Wilkinson , 83); cf. Epiphaniu s, 11 (trans, Wilkinson, 117); Vit a Mariae Egyptiae, xx 11 ~x xy y (PG, LXXXVHe, 3712-16) . It would have faced the western entrance to the chur ch from the Street of the Patriarch (modern Christian Qu art er Street), which wa s also known asthe door of St Ma ry (al-Idrisi, see bel ow) , The Russian Abbot Danie} (1106-8) Provides an even fullerai desicription of the churct h during the fir th

e Frankish occupati on:

st decade of

[The Church of th e Resurrectio nji s circular, and it ha pillars and Six (va s 12 round r, 16) built. 1tis beautifully Paved slabs: it has six wi th marble doors a ndon the galleries (?) it has 12.40) co 16 (var. 6, 8, _ lumns, and abov e the galleries be are depicted the neath thee ttop th holy Prophets in ere mosaic as if they pies and above stood there the altar Christ is depicted in mo eedthe Creation saic. On the () of Adam is de picted in Mosaic ey “a Mosaic ; above of the Lord bein g Raised Upand Aealtar ne se on either side of columns there fs 8 mosaic of th te lopof, the ch e Annunciation urch isE not co mpletely vaulted 's surmounted over in sto ne bu by fashioned

there is no top and it is not covered with anything. Beneath this uncovered roof is the tomb of the Lord. (ch. x (trans. Ryan, 125; cf. trans. de Khitrowo, 12-13)) :

What Daniel interpreted as a mosaic showing the creation of Adam and the Lord being ‘raised up’ was probably a combined Resurrection and Ascension scene such as later adorned the Crusader apse (see below). Daniel’s description of the zedicule is no less detailed and provides evidence for additions that the Franks had made to it:

And the Lord’s tomb is like a little cave cut into the rock, with small doors so that men can enter stooping on their knees for itis

low (var. lower than a man) and round, four cubits in length and breadth. Andas you enter the cave by the small door, on the right

hand there is a kind of shelf cut into the rock of the cave and on

this shelf lay the body of our Lord Jesus Christ. This sacred shelf

is now covered with slabs of marble. On the side three small

windows have been cut in order to see the holy stone, and all the

Christians go there to kiss it. There hang in the Lord’s tomb five great lanterns with oil and these holy lanterns burn ceaselessly

day and night. And the sacred shelf where the body of Christ lay is four cubits in length and two in breadth and half a cubit in

height (var. 14 cubits). And before the cave doors there is a rane three feet [paces?] from the door (var. three pillars) and on this Stone sat the angel who appeared to the women and announce d

to them the Resurrection of Christ. This holy cave is faced with

beautiful marble like a pulpit and there are 12 pillars around it

also of beautiful marble. And above the cave is a beautiful

chamber on pillars, round at the top and covered with gilded Silver plates. And on top of this chamber stands Christ made in

silver and larger than a man, and this was made by the

Franks. And now it is just below the uncovered top; and there are three doors in the chamber, cunningly fashioned like a grille (?), and through these doors come the people to the tomb of the Lord. (ch.

x (trans. Ryan, 128-9: cf. trans, de Khitrowo, 13-14))

From Daniel’s account, it appears that the holy places contained in the court to the east of the church had also been embellished architectura lly, in some cases with mosaics:

Beyond the wall behind the alta r is the navel of the earth and a vault has been built abo ve it and high up is depicted Christ in mosaic and a scroll which reads: ‘Behold I have meas

and earth with my hand’ (cf. Isaiah 40. 12). Fro

ured heaven

m the navel of the earth to the Crucifixion of the Lor to the Place of the Skull itis d and 12 fathoms. And the Crucif ixion is ie the east, on a rock the hei ght of a lance or more. This stone is round like alittle hill. And in the middle of this sto ne on top thereis cut aholea cubit dee very p and less thana span acrthe oss and here was set up the cross of the Lord. Beneath this stone lies the head of Adam the lirstcreated. And at the Cru cifixion Lord, when Our Lord Jesus Chr ist gave up his spirit, then of OUur the veil timber planked of the church [sic] was ren like a floor and t and the rock split, and a the head of Ad it split above am and through the fissure flowed the blood and

oe Jerusalem (Holy Sepulchre, no. 283). The large church that was no Jonger standing was evi- : dently the basilica of Constantine, to which Saewulf also refers. The small church seen by Daniel may‘possibly have : the rock is there to this day and this true sign is on the right side been the.cave chapel of the Invention of.the Cross, which — of the Crucifixion of the Lord. ‘surall. are, rock | holy this and Lord ‘the, of The Crucifixion may therefore have been initially excavated inthe eleventh ~ v built: . . rounded by a wall and above the Crucifixion a chamber was century. A little later, however, the author of de Situ Urbis cunningly and marvellously decorated with mosaic,’ and on th (-1114) wrote: ‘Outside (Golgotha) towards the east is the east wall there is a mosaic of Christ crucified onthe'cross; skilfully” place where St Helena found the Holy Cross, and therea ._ : de Vogiié, 41 2: ELS, © and marvellously done just.asif alive and even mo large church is being built’ (ch. 11 (ed.

water from the ribs of the Lord on to “the:head’ ‘of:‘Ada washed away all the sins of: the human race. And the fissurein

was then. And on the south side there is the taking ‘down from the cross, also marvellously’ done. It has two doors; you'must go up seven steps to the door, and passing through the door, another seven steps. The floor is laid with beautiful marble slabs. Beneath the Crucifixion where the head (of Adam) lies, there is attached as it were a little chapel, beautifully decorated with mosaic and floored with beautiful marble. And this is called the

present tense (edificatur) would seem to indicate that by 1114 the medieval chapel of St Helena (no. 283. 5). was already. under construction. The door that Daniel associates with St Mary the Egyptian (cf..Vita Mariae Egyptiae, XXII-XXVI (PG, LXxxvilc,*3712-16)): was: probably. a

i the place of execution, and above it, Place of the Skull, which is

surviving» part | of :the: eastern ™‘atrium or “portico. of

where the Crucifixion is,:‘is called Golgotha. And’from the

661; PPTS, v, 2; cf. trans. Wilkinson, 178)). The use of the *

é remarked above an alterConstantine’ s basilica, though as native tradition associated her with thewestern entrance

Crucifixion of the Lord to the deposition from, the,‘CLOSS is fathoms. And here, close to the place of the Crucifixion; to the north, is the place where they divided up’ his clothing, and‘... into the same church.

another place where they placed the crown of. thorns on the Lord’s head and dressed him in purple to insult, him. And nearby is the sacrificial altar of Abraham where Abraham placed his sacrifice to the Lord and killed a ram in the place of Isaac, and in the same place where Isaac was brought Christ was offered up as a sacrifice and killed for the sake of us sinners. And nearby, about two fathoms (var. one fathom) further on is the place where Christ our God was struck on the face. And” a further ten fathoms (var. 2, 3, 7) on is the holy prison where Christ was cast and where he remained for a while until the Jews came and set up the cross in order to crucify him. And all these holy places are under one roof ina line to the north. And from the prison of Christ to the place where St Helena found the true cross, nails and crown, and spear and sponge and reed, it is 25 fathoms.

At Easter 1101, the hy Fire,hich: was pipposed ee A come miraculously to the Tomb of Christ on Easter... Saturday, failed to appear until Sunday morning. Matthew . .

of Edessa attributes this delay in part to God's disapproval | of the Franks for having expelled the Armenians, Greeks, Syrians and Georgians from their monasteries, including the Holy Sepulchre (ch. 11, 137 (trans. Dostourian, 178-9; not RHC Arm, 1, 54—5)). Western sources, however, do they that ions include this possibility among the explanat offer (Fulcher of Chartres, 11, 8 (RHC Occ, 111, 385-7; trans. Ryan, 151); Guibert of Nogent, vil, 42 (CCCM, Nangis, cxxvita, 343; trans. Garand, 297); Bartolf of Anon. XLVII-XLIXx (RHC Oce, 111, 524-6; IHC, 1, 162-4);

x11 (RHC © Rhenanus, x, 37 (RHC Occ, v, 513-15); Caffaro, (RHC Oce, | Occ, v.i, 61; IHC, 1, 316-18); Ekkehard, xxx11I 14-16)) 421-2). va ¥eect v.i, 36; IHC, 1, 210-12); Hagenmeyer. 1902: Daniel then proceeds todescribe the sitessivinetothewest “However disadvantaged the oriental Christians may have is no other and south-west of : the: Holy Sepulchre, including --the een as aresult of the Frankish conquest, there ded from exclu monastery of the Spoudaioi (no. 340), the Tower of David evidence to suggest ‘that their clergy: were to uf ‘the church of the Resurrection. Indeed, the following year and the hospice of St‘Sabas (no. 355), before returning the place where St Helena found the Cross, which heeplaces Matthew describes the Chalcedonian_ Greeks and ‘Latins week: before the 20 (var. 30) fathoms east of Calvary. © celebrating Easter in the church © a. 111, 8— pene: And on that spot a very large:square church (orvery large church “Monophysite Armenians: and Syrians (ch. with a timber roof) (dedicated to the Exaltation oftheTrue Cross) -Dostourian, 187-91; RHC Arm; 1, 61-7)). Places pitts was built, but now therejis only a small church:"Heretothe,East Abbot Daniel ends his description of the Holy at Fire on Easter n account of ‘the.liturgy. of the: Holy enter and kiss [the cross], ‘but the power of the Holy Sprit would -* Saturday 1108, in which hehighlights the role played by not admit her to the church. And then she prayed to the Holy * the Orthodox and provides some further details about the Mother of God whose ikon was in the porch near the door, and Baldwin L Daniel church itself. With the support ‘of King then she was able to enter the church and kiss the True Cross. By an’ of the ‘church obtained permission from the ‘custodi this door she went out again into the desert of the Jordan. And inside the tomb: ; lamp presumably the prior, to insert a near this door is the place where St Helena discovered the true of Good Friday he ° before the ceremony. On the evening cross of the Lord, instantly restoring a dead virgin to life. (ch. XV lamp to the tomb, therefore took a newly purchased glass (trans. Ryan, 131; cf. trans. de Khitrowo, 18))

(chs. x—x111

(trans. Ryan, 128-30; cf. trans. de Khitrowo,

(aber

se |

e

16

Churches of the Crusader Kingdom

g

where the key-keeper allowed him to place it at the foot of

the tomb-shelf. At the head stood the lamp of the Greek

sete tin ongsnn eta

community of the church, at the breast that of the monks of St Sabas (no. 355), while above it were suspended five lamps of the Latins. After vespers the church was cleaned, the lamps in the church were all washed and refilled with pure oil, the tomb was sealed, and all lamps and candles were extinguished. The following morning at the sixth hour a large crowd of people assembled outside the church, carrying unlit candles. At the seventh hour the king and his retinue left the royal palace beside David’s Tower and proceeded on foot to the church, being joined on the way by the abbot and monks of St Sabas, including Daniel himself, the other Orthodox clergy proceeding in front and the Latin clergy behind. After entering through the western door, they processed to the east side of the church, where the king took up his accustomed position in front of the tomb, to the right of the screen in front of the high altar, where there was ‘raised up the place of the Prince’. The Latin clergy stood on — or more likely around ~ the high altar, while the Orthodox took their places on top of the tomb itself. The three doors to the tomb were sealed with the royal seal. At

the king’s entrance, the church doors had been opened and the people had flooded in, packing the church, galleries and courtyard. At the eighth hour the Orthodox

began to sing vespers, while the Latins, in Daniel’s words, ‘began mumbling after their own fashion’, T he Latin patriarch, Evremar, was pro bably still in Rome Hamilton 1980: 56~ bishop who at the readi the high altar and went

chapel of Adam below Calvary, burials seem rarely, if ever,

to have taken place inside the church or its precincts. In the twelfth

century

burial. in the

church

precincts was

reserved for the kings of Jerusalem, though some knights also managed to achieve that dignity in the early years of the kingdom. Among them were Galdemar Carpenel, who was buried ‘before the Holy Sepulchre’, contrary to tradttion, around 16 September 1101 (Raymond of Aguilers (RHC Occ, 111, 308, codex F); Hagenmeyer 1904: 387-8); Rorgius, lord or castellan of Haifa, who was buried ‘beneath the portico of the church of the Sepulchre’ in 1106 (Albert of Aachen, x, 17 (RHC Occ, rv, 639; trans. Guizot, 11, 112)); and possibly the celebrated German Crusader Wicher (or Wigger), whose sarcophagus John of Wurzburg claimed to have seen c.1165 on the east side of the parvis with its original epitaph deleted and replaced by that of a Frenchman (CCCM, cxxxix, 124-5: PPIS, vy,

40), though other sources suggest that he was in fact buried in Jaffa in August 1101 (Albert of Aachen, VII, 71

(RHC Oce, tv, 553); cf. Manrique, 11, 154; Riley-Smith 1997: 224), When Duke Godfrey died on 18 July 1100,

however, he was buried in the court on the west side e

Golgotha (Matthew of Edessa, 11, 132 (RHC Arm, 1, 50;

trans. Dostourian, 176); Anon. Rhenanus, x, 32 (RHC Oce, v, 502, 504); Descriptio locorum (1131-43), Lu ie Mu, 112; PPTS, v, 53); Ekkehard, xx (RHC Occ, v.i, 27);

Fretellus (1137), ixxvi—Lxxvut (ed. Boeren, 43-4); Ralph of Caen, exit (RHC Oce, 111, 706; trans. Bacharach, 1 58)

(1099); William of Tyre, 1x, 23 (CCCM, Lx1, 449-50;

trans. Babcock and Krey, 1, 413-14); Folda 1995: 37-40,

492-4 nn.). This established the precedent for later royal burials and, on Palm Sunday (7 April) 1118, Baldwin! was interred tombanda fearfu l Lord.’ The bisho P accompanied by acandle from th e kin . Opene entered it, and re-. emerged with the samae “the tomb, ?

the Holy Fire, Which the © candle now lit by y +y the Fir e was then ne took to the king. 8-. F Fro From this can dle

andles throu ho church. The Pe ut the ople then disn e d to their Churches ~ jn Da a e niel's case the and Monastery of St omplete the o Sabas — to e of vespers, leaving the cler eSpeU R Ts C on their Own. gy to finish Th re e da yYs after Easter eee. , Daniel Abiesto retrie i ve his lamp, an ¥-Keeper for d af te r paying his Pains receiv ed of rock broken from the 16oe6-71; s tran he ifus. aus. e Ay ns, de : Khi ean e,n YU trowo, i 5 75-83): Papadopoulos-K > ef. - Typiikon, ed erame . Belore 2). funera the ¢ bee

|

l

+s Arculf relates, t people before the

beside his brother Godfre y, in the place of Calvary in the vestibule of the temple of the Lord’ s Sepulchre, where he was distinguished from the other people buried there by alarge mausoleum ofgreat and wonderful workman

ship

as befits a king,

made in his memory and in honour of his name of white polished marble, just as his brother Godfrey was exalted by the similar honour ofa mausoleum. (Albert of Aachen, x11,

29 (RHC Occ,

1v, 709; trans: Guizot, 11, 212); cf. Fulcher of Chartres, 11, 64, 6—7 (RHC Occ, 111, 436-7;

trans, Ryan, 222); Anon. Rhenanus, x, 38 (RHC Occ, 515); Matthew of Edessa, 111, ¥: 75 (RHC Arm, 1, 118-19; trans: Dostourian, 221); William of Tyre, x1, 31; x11, 3 (CCCM, Lx 544, 548-9: trans. Babcock and Krey, 1, 516, 519))

Subsequent royal burials included thos e of Baldwin II i2 1131 (William of Tyre, xr11, 28 (CCCM, Lxr11, 625; trans.

Babcock and Krey, 11, 45-6); cf. Ano n. Rhenanus, x, 3?

(RHC Oce, v, 516

) ), Fulk of Anjou in 1143 (Willi Tyre, xv, 27 (CCCM, am of LXIN, 711; trans. Bab coc k and Krey: 11, 135); Anon, Rhenanus, x, 40 (RHC Occ, v, 517)! Baldwin II in 1163 (William of Tyre, xvu it, 34 (CCCM.

Jerusalem (Holy Sepulchre, no. 283) LXIUI, 860; trans. Babcock and Krey, 11, 293)), Amalric in 1174 (William of Tyre, xx, 31 (CCCM, Lx111, 957; trans. Babcock and Krey, 11, 395-6)), Baldwin IV in 1185 (Ernoul, x (ed. de Mas Latrie, 118-19); Cont. de Guillaume de Tyr, v (ed. Morgan, 21); Anon. Rhenanus, x, 43 (RHC Occ, v, 518)) and Baldwin V in 1186 (Eracles, xx111, 17 (RHC Occ, 11, 25-6); Ernoul, xr (ed. de Mas Latrie, 129-30); Cont. de Guillaume de Tyr, xv (ed. Morgan, 31); Anon. Rhenanus, x, 44 (RHC Occ, v, 518)). When Patriarch Arnulf died in April 1118, he was laid to rest beside the other patriarchs, but it is not certain where that was (Albert of Aachen, x11, 29 (RHC Occ, Iv, 709; trans. Guizot, 11, 212)). Although the church of the Holy Sepulchre was quickly adopted as a place for the burial of kings, though not for queens, it was not at first used for coronations. The first two kings, Baldwin I and Baldwin II, were crowned in Bethlehem (Vogtherr 1994: 53-6). With the coronation of Fulk and Melisende on 14 September 1131, however, the tradition was established of crowning monarchs in the church of the Holy Sepulchre (William of Tyre, xiv, 2 (CCCM, Lx111, 634; trans. Babcock and Krey, 11, 51)). Later coronations included those of Baldwin III and his mother, Melisende, on Christmas Day 1143 (William of Tyre, xv1, 3 (CCCM, Lx111, 717; trans. Babcock and Krey, 11, 139)), Amalric on 18 February 1163 (William of Tyre, x1x, 1 (CCCM, Lx111, 864; trans. Babcock and Krey, 11, 295—6)), Baldwin IV on 15 July 1174 (William of Tyre, xx1, 2 (CCCM, LX111, 962; trans. Babcock and Krey, 11, 399)), Baldwin V on 20 November 1183 (William of Tyre, xx11, 30(29) (CCCM, Lxu1, 1057-9; trans. Babcock and Krey, 11, 501-2; Eracles, XxXHI, 5 (RHC Occ, 1, 8); Ernoul, x (ed. de Mas Latrie, 117-18); Cont. de Guillaume de Tyr, v (ed. Morgan, 21)), and Guy and Sibylla on 13 September 1186 (Eracles, xxu11, 18 (RHC Occ, 11, 27-9); Ernoul, x1 (ed. de Mas Latrie, 132-4); Cont. de Guillaume de Tyr, xvi (ed. Morgan, 32-3); cf. Vogtherr

1994:

57-68). In the coronation

service pre-

served by John of Ibelin, the crowning and anointing with oil took place in the choir of the church, before the high altar (Livre, ccxx (ed. Edbury, 570—6)). A Latin version of the coronation oath, probably that intended for Baldwin II or Baldwin III, is preserved in the cartulary of the Holy Sepulchre (Bresc-Bautier, 209, no. 92). A passage in Cherubino Ghiardacci's Historia di Bologna

(1596) has given rise to the belief that important works were undertaken

in the church, and especially on the eedicule itself, in 1119. Ghiardacci relates: The brothers Roberto and Rengherio were living at that time in the house of Tancred and Bohemond, lords of Antioch, who were involved in the enterprise of the Holy Land (che erano all'impresa di terra santa, ie. who were on crusade). Rengherio was the one, who, dabbling in sculpture (della scultura dilettandosi), at the

17

request of Baldwin carved the letters above the altar of the Holy Sepulchre, which is of marble, thus: Praepotens Genuensium praesidium (The powerful assistance of the Genoese. . .). (1596: 63;

cf. Biddle 1999: 90)

The information about the inscription seems to have been derived from the chronicle of Giorgio Stella (¢.1400) and (pace Biddle 1999: 91) was probably an allusion to the famous ‘golden inscription’ that the Genoese were supposed to have set up in the Holy Sepulchre in 1106/9 to record the privileges granted them by Baldwin I for their assistance in capturing Acre, Caesarea and Arsuf (see Epigraphy below). Rengherio’s involvement in carving the letters was Ghiardacci’s own addition to a well-known story, though it could perhaps have had some factual basis (cf. Biddle 1999: 91, 154.10). The date, however, cannot have been 1119, for Bohemond departed for the West in 1105 and died there in 1111, and Tancred died the following year (Runciman 1951: 11, 47-51, 125); furthermore, as Biddle has shown, the ‘1119’ in Ghiardacci’s text relates not to this episode at all, but to the election of Pope Calixtus IJ (1119-24) (1999: 90). The idea propounded by later writers, including Mariti (1790: 1, 142), Vincent and Abel (1914: 263 n.2), Corbo (1982: 1, 198, 199; 111, photos 17-19) and Folda (1995: 79-82, 508 n.19), that a Bolognese sculptor named Rengherio had a hand in redecorating in marble the zedicule enclosing the Tomb of Christ in 1119 is therefore without any foundation (Biddle 1999: 89-91). In any case, Ghiardacci’s own account indicates that Rengherio was no more than an amateur stone-carver.

The canons installed in the church by Godfrey had been prebendaries, supported by benefices and living in their own houses round about the church. In 1114, fulfilling the wishes of his predecessor, Gibelin of Arles (BrescBautier, 85-6, no. 25), Patriarch Arnulf reformed the chapter, imposing on them the monastic rule of St Augustine and confirming their general endowment (Bresc-Bautier, 74-7, no. 20; 35-6, no. 2 (1121); Hiestand, Vorarbeiten, 111, 127-8, no. 21 (1121); RRH, 17, no. 75; 22, no. 95 (1121); William of Tyre. x1, 15 (CCCM, Lx, 519; trans. Babcock and Krey, 1. 489); Hamilton 1980: 62). Not all accepted this new dispensation and some rebel canons were expelled. Seven years later it was still necessary for Pope Calixtus II to request the patriarch, Warmund, to compel the precentor and sub-precentor to conform on pain of expulsion: these two, it appears, were still occupying their prebendal houses while vicars performed their choral duties for them (Bresc-Bautier, 36-7, no. 3 (1121); Hiestand, Vorarbeiten, 111, 130-1, no. 23; RRH, 22, no. 94). It may be expected that the reorganization of the chapter would also have entailed architectural changes, notably the construction of a dormitory, refectory and all the other buildings necessary for communal

18

Churches of the Crusader Kingdom

ithi e e Jerusalem that were aeFu ‘i confirmed to the chapter by King in 1138 were identified as belonging to individual canons, suggesting that the change to the canons’ living arrange-

—2 (ed. Laurent, 53-4)). Apart from the oe contained Aa prior, ee a subprior ee (Bresc-Bautier, eu aie nos. 21, 67, e , ore : a ae E> eae ane a oan ae = Rs eae

ees ee se ca clial Sen re 9, 56, 67, 114-1 5), an almoner (ibid., ei “ais sae remains show that the canons’ cloister 34, 58, 65-6, 114-15), a dean or atic peaspeace and monastic buildings were set out to the east of the 34, 39, 56, 66-7, 114-15), a canon in c oe bes church, in the area previously occupied by the basilica of (sepulchrarius: ibid., nos. 1 14-15), acellarer (ibid., s Constantine (fig. 1c). Significantly, they were laid out far 67, 115), achamberlain (ibid., nos. 34, ee a 127-76; Grabiner 1993; Grethenois c.1400: Ganipente nap 1384: 131-3; Guérin 1889: 305-40; von 05: fate 442,449; Guthe 1885, pl. vi; Hagenmeyer

ltenikise oF 1902: 421-2; 1904: 387-8; 1908: 479-80; 88,93-5.96 ae 105-7; 1980; 14, 62, 68-70, 74-5, 78, 80, 130

ie 05-6, 107, 134n.3, 138-9, 141-4, 146, 147-8,

FySes On 258-63; Hamilton RW 1948: 117-19, Hart Tigo. ie Hanauer 1887; 1903a: 81-3, fig. 2; von 1938: Henschel eee Harvey 1935; Harvey and Harvey fesi85c45. a :imon 1946; Hetherington 1990; Heyck 1900: 35-135. a = :1978: 98-140; Horn 1725—44a; 1724-44b: figs. 3-23, frontispiece; Humbert of Dijon 1332. eo 147-51, fae i unt 1993: 361-6; 1995; 2000: 139-41,

£9196 (iss i 7, 24-6; Hussein, Sciad and Gosselin 1934: nos. 161-3 are no. 36 (1556); 73,no. 55 (1564); 150-2, 3-8); 253-4, no. 167 (1636); 368, no. 24 (1667); 494-8 490-1 ng 56; pes 263-5 (1691-2); 442-3, no. 273 (1698);

308-16 a6 ele 7-21, no. 306 (1719); 526-41, nos. (1757): ee

0); 558-9, no. 327 (1721); 650-1, no. 369

1323-545. | ee 426 (1802); Ibn Battiitta 1325-54a:1,163; 149-51: Jacob : ee Ignatius of Smolensk 1389-1405: 1987: James of Verona 1335: 183-92; leflery 1919. i

103-4 L 11314 : 3-127; Join-Lambert 1958: pls. 9, 71, 74,

Katsimbinis 1977. 119-20;

Kadas

1998;

Kaswalder

1984;

1992;

1999;

79: Kenaan-1. Kedar 1986; 2004b; Kenaan 1973; 1975: an-Kedar

1986a;

1986b;

1987;

1999: 1996; Parrot 1955; Patrich 1993; Pedersen 1984; 27-31. 3b: 55 1 164-5: Perdicas of Ephesus c.1350: 965; Perera 346-50: 44, 62-4; Pesant 1980; Peter de Pennis 0.1350:

228-9; 1422b: 4: Pococke 1743: 11, 15~7, pl; Poloner 1422a: 309-19: Possot Porter 1887: 71-8, pls.; Posniakov 1558-61: 166-77: Prawer 1532: 177-80; Prag 1989: 181-95; 2002: 1975c: Pringle 310-12: HL, 1972a: 424-9, 431-7; 1975a:

Quaresmi 1639a: 1. 1981: 183-4, 186-98; 1993: 30; 55-7. fig. 1. pl. 7: 1971: 263-442; 1639b: 222-91; Rahmani Riley-Smith 1935: 1932; 1976; Richards 1989; Richmond

1474: 66-7. 70. 121-2. 1971: 172; 1991: 46-7; Rinuccini pls. 4.

1. 21, 47-9. 59. 63. 165-79, 204-8; Roberts 1842b: 1856: 1841:1, 330-1: 1. 64-80: 14-15, 20, 22-3; Robinson

1630b: 83-94. 118-25: de 180-2, 254-63; Rocchetta 249-57: Roger 1664: 124-44: Rochechouart 1461: 241-2, 1972;

1976; 1987: Rosenthal Roncaglia 1948; Rosen-Ayalon deSandoli 1974: 5-82: 1986: 1973; Rovere 1996; Sabine 1979: figs.: San Severino aes 1990; 80-4; Sandys 1615: 160-70, 1. 1882: 16-30: Schein 2009: 78-9, 97-102, 105-6; de Saulcy 103-5. 70, 72. 84, 86. 90. 94. 97. 10, 23, 30, 41, 51, 57, 63. n and Chalando Schlumberger. 108, 110, 142, 145, 189-90; 1918: Seligman and Blanchet 1943: 73-8, nos. 1-13; Schmaltz

186-7: Smith Acai 2000: Sepp 1863: 1, 319404: Sigoli 1384: Sunano 1936: ki Straygows 1995; Stochove 1637: 358-64: 129: Surius 1485b: 34, 41. 43. 46-94. 1485a: 31-4, 67, 116: ea baa 4; Tafur 1435-9: 56-7. 1666: 451-87, 497-51 #h-"h* -7, 391 ot 1665: 372-84. 1512: 94-105; Théven es 2: 197 ell Tin Thomson 1876: 673-9: e Thomsen 1921: 34: r e : 267-74: 1959: 267-83 Tobler 1851; 1853:1. pee TeeeeA 1985: 62; della Valle ees 659-64, 670; Tzaferis rchem 1922: 6c: 78-82: Van Be e e : 373-6, 386-92; 161 es 8: er %; de Villamont 158 ae a 428-30, nos. 116-16 aa 4: go 300; cent and Abel 191 2 Vincent 1949; Vin . vI-XIT: -23 1860: 118 2, pls iié Vog de L XU XX Hpls.

72

Churches of the Crusader Kingdom Ascension (pace Corbo 1965a: 135-6; Gil 1992: 436-7), At the time of the Muslim Arab conquest in 638, Eudocia’s

25-36; Warren and Conder 1884: 39-40; Wey 1458: I, 4155,

67-71; Wharton 1992; Wilkinson 1972;-1977: 174-8; 1978a: 180~94, figs. 121-43; 1978b;:1987: 24-7,:47,:57, 64-5, 68; Williams 1849: u, 1-128, 531-5; Willis 1849; Wilson 1865:

cross was pulled down from the church by the caliph ‘Umar (Theophanes, a.6135 (ed. de Boor, 342; trans. Mango and Scott, 476; ELS, 398 n.1)). However, the church appears to

48-54, photos 22a-24, pl. XX, plan; 1880:.1, 13-28; Winter 2000; Zozimos 1419-21: 209-11, 213-14; Zvallart 1587a:

183-222; 1595: 170-200.

-have remained otherwise intact and was described towards the end of the same century by Arculf:

;

See also the bibliographies in:Bieberstein and Bloedhorn 1994: 1, 183-216; Doumato 1981; Schur 1980: 20-4. 5

Ys :: No. 284

A great round church stands there, which has round it three porticoes with vaulted roofs. But there is no vault or roof over the central part; it is out of doors and open to the sky. At the east of it has been built an altar with a small roof over it. (Adomnan, 1, 23, 1~2 (CCSL, cLxxv, 199; trans. Wilkinson, 100))

Church of the Ascension, or the

~ Saviour, in the Abbey of the Mount of Olives es

17330.13180 (Map 1)

In the centre of the church, Christ’s footprints were preserved in the dust below the level of the pavement. The ‘aperture into which one looked to see them was sut‘rounded by a circular railing and was lit by a lamp suspended above it. On the west the building had eight glazed

ca ao :

History By the late fourth century, the place on theMount of Olives from which Christ ascended to heaven’ (Acts 1.4-12; cf.

Mark 16.19; Luke 24.50-1) was being identified with the. ..::windows, inside which were placed eight lamps, whose

highest point of the hill, known as the ‘hillock’ (imbomon). It is uncertain what kind of structure existed when Egeria visited this site in 383 (ch. xxx1, 1: XXXV, 4; XLIII, 3-6 (CCSL, CLXxv, 77, 79, 85: ELS, 388-90, no. 609; trans. Wilkinson, 132-3, 135, 141-2)), but by 392 a church had been built there through the munificence of a Roman noblewoman named Poemenia (Peter the Iberi an (ELS, 393, no. 615); Vincent and Abel 1914: 382, 394; Devos 1969a; 1969b; Wilkinson 1977: 166; 1981: 49-53; Hunt 1982: 160-2; Storme 1993a: 46-7) . Little is known of this building, save that an area inside it was left unpaved in order to expose to view Christ’s footp rints in the sand (Paulinus of Nola (ELS, 390, no. 610) ; Sulpicius Severus (ELS, 390-1, no. 611)) and that it was surmounted bya cross; the latter subsequently burnt down and was replaced by a bronze cross, donated* by the empress

et : : 3, - light could be seen from7 the city below (Adomnan, 1 2

_ 3-20 (CCSL, cuxxv, 199-202; ELS, 398-401, no. 621;

» trans, Wilkinson, 100-1)). Arculf’s drawing of the building, which was copied in manuscripts of both ee

and Bede, shows the entrance to have been on the an facing the church of the Eleona or Lord’s Prayer (no. iae ©

(Wilkinson 1977: 194, pl. 2). The plan may have

something like the round church in Scythopolis (Baisan). excavated in 1921 (Crowfoot 1941: 99, fig. 20). spe

The Old Slavonic versions of Epiphanius, which ae a information probably dating from around the time : Arculf, also mention an altar in the centre of the ee besides the one in the eastern apse at which the Sas performed the service on Ascension Day (ch. Ix

/ Wilkinson,

120);

{ Tarch T; nischvili,

cf. Georgian : ees Lectionary

2 1, 132);. ELS,;402-3,

er burc.

Eudocia, presumably during her period of banishment in’ as. describing the visit by Bishop’ Willibald n.4). in AD Jerusalem between 443 and 460 (John 4 f é. ht i ions two Rufus (ELS, 394—5, at= confir that the church had no roof; she also mentio ms no. 616); Vincent and Abel 1914: 382, 384-5, 394-5 . ag Z , repre’ the north and south arent . columns standing against Wilkinson 1977: 166). In 438, Melania the Yo unger built _ senting the places where the two men had stoo adjacent to the Place of

the Ascension a chapel, or E truction© © ‘Men of Galilee’ (Actsyar 1.11), and a brass sins a lantern Martyrium, in which were deposited relics of St Stephen “ » some kind in the centre of the church enclosi -, and the Forty Martyrs of Sebaste(Vita S. Melaniae Iunioris' : containing a candle (ch. xx1 (MGH SS, xv.i, 9 g: ELS, 403. ' (ELS, 391, no. 612); Vailhé 1900b: 30eave ence riests

~. Abel 1914: 387), '

6; Vincent and: no. 624; trans. Wilkinson, 131)). Around 808 the P ae : Mee ee = ; ‘on num:

«and clergy serving the church of the Lord's Ascensio a The mon on ies ia d Molinier. at the time of the Persian conquest in 614, when 1,207 © monks and nuns of their communi 302; ELS, 403, no. 625; trans. Wilkinson, 137). asiare ties are said to have been killed (Strategios, x11, 1—4; years later, Bernard the Monk (c.870) mentions oe : xxi » 33 (trans. Garitte, o roo 20, 52); ELS, 397, n.2). the church was rounded, with a central altar Asub sequent restoration att an : 626: ributed to Modestus (Antiochus ( (ch. xv (Tobler and Molinier, 316-17; ELS, 404, 9° PG, Lxxx1x, 1427: ELS, 397 n.2)) may perhaps relate to trans. Wilkinson, 144)). the church of the Assump h century tio n of the Virgin Mary in Gethse An Armenian guidebook of the early elevent mane, rather than the chu -shal rch of the describes the church

Or the

tee Mount of Olives suffered gravely:' bered three (Commer, d Casis Dei (ed. Tobler an

as ‘a very beautiful dome

BY Jerusalem (Ascension, no. 284)

e

73

N

stone, which had been bathed with the Apostles’ tears (German -Anon. (1102-6), 1 (IHC, m1, 15-4: trans. Wilkinson, 117). The Brussels map of c.1108 shows a schematic representation of the building as a small round

building like the Church of the Resurrection, a hundred ells long and a hundred wide’ (ch. vii (trans. Nahabedian, 201); ELS, 401-2, no. 622). The site is also mentioned in accounts of the siege of Jerusalem, when on 8 July 1099 the Crusaders ‘wound their way up in procession to the church of the Mount of Olives, from which Christ ascended into heaven. There a most respected clerk, Arnulf [of Choques] : preached a sermon elaborating on the mercy which God would bestow upon Christians who followed Him even:to His grave’ (Tudebodus, x1 (ed. Hill and Hill, 137-8, trans., 116); Raymond of Aguilers (trans. Hill and Hill, 123); William of Tyre, vir, 11 (CCCM, ix111, 400-1; trans. Babcock and Krey, 1, 359); cf. Vincent and Abel 1914: 400). Another source refers to the existence of a church in the place, founded in antiquity and containing many tombs of saints (Bartolf

of Nangis,

xxxu

(IHC,

structure, covered by a dome surmounted by a cross. oe ther pilgrim texts of the early twelfth century also imply that the state in which the site of the Ascension lay at this time was little different to that in which the Crusaders had foundit in 1099. The author of de Situ Urbis (=1114), for instance, refers simply to a chapel (eratoriun: ch. vi (IHC, 11, 76; ELS, 407, no. 633; PPTS, v. 6)). while Belard: of. Ascoli (1112/60) mentions no more than Christ's footprint in the stone, specifying that it was the left foot and that only the ends of the toes and part of the sole were visible (ch. vi (IHC, 11, 48; trans. Wilkinson, 231).

Other pilgrims also mention the footprint (Anon. Ix

1, 152;-trans..

111, (c.1175), 4 HC, 111, 94); Anon. v.1 (1180s), 1x (HC. atione Expugn (de feet both 32)); and in one case the print of (RS, Lxvi, 241)). Some other writers, however. 2.1187) the after site the The first western pilgrim to describe (HC. 11, 163)). Stead capture of Jerusalem was Saewulf (1102-3), :““such as Hugh of St Victor (1135) (ch. 11 CLXXV. 262-3: , (CCCL who came to the place of the Ascension by an arduous | “Peter the Deacon (1137) (section H ascent from the church of St Mary (no. 337), in the Valley IHC, 11, 182)) and Aymar the Monk(1199)(ch.x (THC. the Byzantine of Jehoshaphat below: 184-5)) simply copy the description of , 262-3)). cLXxV church given by Bede (ch. v1. 1-2 (CCCL, es a enclosed bya little tower (turriculo circumdatus) and church itself The earliest references indicating that the se ateprepared with an altar made inside, over the place; the middle of the had been rebuilt date from around aimee ee ee bya wall on all sides. In the place indeed im of c.1150-60 twelfth century. An Icelandic pilgr eee ee stood with the blessed Mary, His mother, of Christ was conrelates, for instance, that the footprint aah - a ee at His Ascension, is the altar of the (trans. Hill. a church dedicated to St Michael ary: inthe same place two men stood by them in tained in Erte Westergard-Nielson. 221-2; ed. and trans. Kedar and . Saying: ‘Men of Galilee, why do you stand looking ahea e the author of the Cambrai into ven?’? (ch. : xvir 1 ((CCCM, , CXXXIX, 70; ELS, 405, no. 630); 208-9). Around the same time c3 ’ with two bell-towers. Almap depicted a stylized church

Wilkinson, 176)), though this may perhaps alternatively be areference to the church of the Lord’s Prayer (no. 298)...

Shortly afterwards, the place was visited by the Russian,

_Idrisi (1154) describes the church as ‘beautiful and grand

n enclose themselves. secking in which men and w ome h Allah’ (trans. Le Strange. BA hereby to obtain favour wit T and nuns possibly recalls a 34); his reference to monks and women founded le mound was “m e houses for both men litt th the on of d and mi un y e mo or itl em man ne sto es around our God ‘by Melania the Elde r and Younger on the Mount of Oliv ist Chr ne sto s thi m ht. Fro eig e-h kne ne o ascended int son h arches, y fifth centuries (cf. Wilkin see: and this place is built about wit n the late third an d earl and on top P of of these a7 orm inf : arches has been built a circular court all hes c.1165) is more wij burg Paved with Warz of : John 67). 1 1977 * « ovis marble slabs. And in the middle of this court there in whose centre. unc : describing ‘a large church. , ive a small el chap this in (magno foramine guodam out a roof or floor and

Abbot Daniel (11068):

aperture coh chapel with ‘ered by a certain large (ch. XIV lies that holy stone where stood the most top open p lace of the Lord’s Ascension’ the n ow sh Pure feet is ), rto ape » its * above) on, of our Lord and Master. And beneath (var. ELS. 40 7. no. 635}). Despite : this stone there i 126 , x1x cxx CM, (CC san altar made of marble slabs and onthis altar, ription scems to they now ¢

faced all ae

the liturgy. Beneath this holy table is a stone

an adether- ar

:

€ must climb up steps to the place of the Ascension

e 22 steps. (ch. xxv (tra ns. Ryan, 135; cf. trans. de

Wo. 24; ELS, 406, no . 631)) A Germa

:

Greeks ia

th is desc ‘somewhat oblique language. in its roof

hole th marble slabs so that you can see only a little « imply that the ch urch had a

of its top which he all the Christians kiss. It [the chapel] has two Oors and on

cd

A as of this period mentions that the local

recommended kissing the earth around the

over the place

PPTS. V. 42). of the Ascension (cf.

also grim text of this period pil s ou ym on an r he Anot (c.1170), 6 of a church (Anon.1i

refers to the existence kinson. 241). . no. 636: trans. Wil 407 , ELS 14: , 111 C, (IH however. is given of this new building.

A fuller description who also tells us m Theodoric (1172). by the German pilgri

74

Churches of the Crusader Kingdom :_ i¢”.

*

a :

that its dedication was to the Saviour, or in the case of _On- Ascension Day, following ‘the chapter meeting at the places illuminated by the presence of the Lord Himself itis “Holy Sepulchre, the patriarch would lead a procession to not customary for any other consecration to be applied in the church of the Lord’s Prayer (no. 298) on the Mountof those parts’. The church was entered up a flight of twenty Olives. The service book of the Holy Sepulchre then

large steps.

oe

iF

, Specifies:.

Moreover, in the middle of the church there stands a certain rounded construction, magnificently embellished with Parian marble and a vaulted canopy (ciborio); which rises to a lofty

crown. A venerable altar is enclosed at its centre, beneath which is seen the stone on which the Lord is said to have stood when He ascended to the heavens. In truth, ‘within the church canons carry out the divine offices: and the’ church itself is strongly

fterall have put on solemn vestments, they proceed from there n procession; and the procession goes around the church of the -Lord’s ‘Ascension (circa ecclesiam Dominice Ascensionis) singing

- the versicle ‘Hail festival day . . . And when they come to the steps by which one ascends to the church, the versicles are foregone and the responses ‘Men of. Galilee. . .’ are sung with the

versicles. . : Then the processions go up to the church. Then the patriarch preaches a sermon to the people. If he is not there, one

fortified against the Muslims (gentiles) ‘with . great and ‘small

towers, with walls, with outworks (propugnaculis) and with night .of the bishops or the prior of the church of the Holy Sepulchre, watchmen. (Theodoric, xxv (CCCM, cxxx1x, 173-4); ‘ELS, £0 whoever hewishes to appoint [preaches].

408, no. 637)

OMEN

©

fe

These defences were no doubt intended to guard the monastery against a repetition of the Muslim raidof 115 in which the Mount of Olives had been temporarily occu. pied (cf. William of Tyre, xvir, 20 (CCCM, Lx111, 787-9; trans. Babcock and Krey, 11, 215-17)). As Theodoric indicates, the church of the Ascension was served in the twelfth century by canons regular under an abbot (Tractatus de locis (1168-8 7) (ed. Kedar, 126); James of Vitry, Hist. Or, 1, 58 (IHC, 111, 328); James of Vitry, Narratio, 111, 384 (IHC, m1, 384)). A prior named Fulcher is attested in 1112 (Cart. des Hosp., 1, 25-6, no. 25: RRH, 15, no. 68) and an unnamed abbot in 1198 (RRH, 198, no. 745; Réhricht 1887a: 35). The abbot (l’abbé de Mont Olivete) had the status of a suffragan bishop, with the right to wear a mitre, cross and ring (John of Ibelin, Livre, CCXXVI (RHC Lois, 1, 415-16: ed. Edbury, 591)). The close relationship between the chapter and the other Augustinian chapters of the Holy Sepulchre, the Templum:

A TGs seen was followed by:a mass (Kohler, ‘Rituel’,

49b); 474 (breviary, fol. “425£6 (fol. 104); cf 405 (fol: ee

Esa

Re

a

The relationship between the chapter of the Mount of Olives and the Holy Sepulchre, however, was not always

harmonious. On Ascension Day 1156, for example, as the patriarch, Fulcher, was away in Rome the procession was led instead by the prior of the Holy Sepulchre. As the canons approached the church of the Mount of (ecclesiam Montis Oliveti), they were met by the prior of the church, Aimery, and his canons, who refused them entry in the absence of the patriarch. On his return, ane called a meeting of leading churchmen and lay people 3 having listened to the conflicting arguments, ordered “ prior and canons of the Mount of Olives, who are nam :

as Guy, Bonicius, John Berruier, Durandus, Odo iG Zacharia, to walk barefoot to the Holy Sepulchre. He eSs

ordained that in future on the occasion of the proces of Olives;'as on those to other stations 10 to the Mount read : ‘ Jerusalem, if the patriarch was absent the prior of the Holy

Domini (no. 367) and St Mary of Mount Sion (no. 336)is: illustrated by an agreement, made sometime between ' Sepulchre could celebrate mass and preach, or Sak

1130 and 1136, by which they undertook to participate in, someone to do so, in his place (Bresc-Bautier, 143- 403: the funerals of members of each other's chapters (Kohler, 54; RRH, 83, no. 323; Vincent

and Abel 1914: 40 ‘Rituel’, 434 (fol. 150a-b)). In 1142-5 , Prior Henry and Hamilton 1980: 75, 120). Guy, abbot of the abbey of St of the Mary of the Valley of: Almost nothing is known of the endowments Jehoshaphat (no. 33 7), came to an agreement abouta dis-” abbey of the Mount of Olives (cf. Hamilton 1980: 2 6n3: ate puted piece of land lying adjacent to the church of the. 99), though in 1185 it was listed as owing service 0 Mount of Olives (Delaborde, 55-6, : ee ois, 1 no 23: Kohler, Chartes,” , Sergeant s (John of Ibelin, Livre, cCXXXIX (RHC | 26, no. 24; RRH, 54, no. 213). 4 2.38 oe 426-7; ed. Edbury, 615)): At the time of Patriarch aes In the twelfth century the ch urch of the Ascension : (1130-4 5), the properties in southern Italy that ha af played an important part in the liturgy of the Jerusalem merly belonged to the church of St Mary church, as it had done in earl of the Tia ier centuries (cf. Typicon (ed. Olives were conferred on the abbey of St Papadopoulos-Kerameus, 16); Mary os RRH. Vincent and Abel 1914: Sion (Hiestand, Vorarbeiten, 111, 286, no. 403-4, 414-15). On Pal 113: have m Sunday the prior wou ld 153-4, no. 576). Those properties, however, seem accompany the patriarch, the -of St prior of Mount Sion and the abbot of St Mary of Jehoshaph at to Bethany for the start of the procession of palms (Ko hler, ‘Rituel’, 412 (fol. 79a )).

been part of the endowment of an Orthodox chur¢

First

Mary (no. 341), which had existed before eeia Crusade; although its association with the altar tot

Jerusalem (Ascension, no. 284)

75

I Saewulf. (see * century Burchard of Mount Sion (1283) says of the of the site of the Ascension is alluded to by above), it was apparently quite separate from the Latin. Mount of Olives: abbey of the Mount of Olives. On its summit in the place where the Lord ascended into heaven In 1187 the church and monastery of the Mount of there is a church. The place is in the centre of it, and above it is an Olives were abandoned by the Latins (de Expugnatione (RS, . opening, so that the space in the air through which He ascended Lxv1, 241)) and after 1191 the community settledinAcre. may also be exposed to view. It is true that the stone on which He stood when He ascended and which held the impression of His According to Mujir al-Din, Saladin established the Mount a memorial. In truth, that stone has been of Olives as a wagf in favour of two shaykhs, al-Salih Wal e “feet was placed there as without mortar, as to obstruct the east door: however. al-Din and Abu Hasan al-Hakari, and their heirs, the dona? :,so placed, » anyone can easily insert a hand and touch the foot-prints, but not tion being registered in a document dated 17 Dhi’l-’ see them. (ch. VIII, 6 (ed. Laurent, 75; IHC, 1V, 192: ELS, 410,

Hijji/20 October 1188 (Mujir. al-Din 1494-5: 192-3;

cf. PPTS, XU, 83))

no. 642; Marmardji 1951: 135; Baldi 1955: 410 n.1). The site of ful the Ascension, however, still seems to have been venerated In 1335, James of Verona also saw ‘a very beauti by local Christians, for an anonymous Greek description - church: and in the vault that is in the centre of the church,

dating after 1187 says of it: Inthe middle of the church is a very. beautiful stone cha ber

with 15 marble columns, and in the middle of the chamber is the

Print of the sole of Christ's foot, fixed in the stone which He stood on when He ascended into heaven; and four ever-burning lamps

hang there. (Anon. Graecus, v (PG, CXXXIII; 977))

seas the relics which Abbot Martin of the Cistercian aa

cas

Pairis (diocese of Basel) brought back from inople included ‘a relic from the spot of the Lord’s

ea ae (Gunther of Pairis, xx1v (trans. Andrea, 126)); bette eae! have been removed from the site ‘Bocith € eine of the ents’, 8, no. 1).

Latin

kingdom

(cf. Kohler,

sia 2, Wilbrand of Oldenburg affirms that the baerpI eae ate with the place of the Ascension had a and that a certain Muslim had established a 11, 242)) ae i it (ch. 11, 9. 2-6 (ed. Laurent, 188; IHC, Mutaesa lenever, following Frederick II's treaty with alto the Chuctane: = 1 229, when Jerusalem. was returned the abbot of the cede an atriarch Gerold appointed representatives his as in the city (B esand the dean of Jaffa 341-2, no. 184; RRH, 262, no. a 996. Hei that the abbe is a 261). It seems unlikely, however, a Sa

to the Franks

uildings would have been, reoccupied, not

i lay outside the area immediately ceded

still in Muslim hands (cf. res the abbey’s estates were 1231, Ernoul Around sitoncsiie: Ha 1975a: 11, 203). oe one Gxistence of ay abbey of black Goris :

de Mas Latrie, 208; ed. Michelant and and around 1252 Matthew Paris LS, 409, no. 639); ium on the Mount Ravina

a

s mep marks a monaster sources continue to refer to Chee thirteenth-century

of Olives, a

Despite Wit CORDED:

of destruction, however, it seems that a rand’s account ly

been complete demolished j e church itself had not in 1187, for towards the end of the thirteenth

Baldi 1955: » it has a very large round hole’ (1 335: 201-2; Poggibonsi 411, no. 644). A decade later. Nicolas of west, up a (1346-50) approached the church from the were set which flight of twelve large steps, five feet wide, the place: between the houses that clustered about you find a porch (loggia) in When you are at the head of that stair, there one pays as tribute front of the door of the holy church; and time. The door is turned in half a drachma per head, for the first west. The church is comthe shape of an arch and it faces the with beautiful marble pletely round inside and columned is a large window up above: columns, and in the middle there

(with sculpture); at the centre of inside it is all painted and worked a the large window above. there is the said church, directly below with (var. add. sixteen columns beautiful round chapel, columned on one

angle has two columns, one and with) eight corners; each and it has two doors. one to the side and the same on the other: which the chapel. and one to the east, west from where one enters has a it e. abov mit its pointed sum is blocked. Over the vault, at slabs with de insi ed The chapel is pav stone ball (un pome di pietra). the in n: ctio dire h 10 feet wide in eac of marble. Internally it is the g lin emb res with two footprints. middle is a slab of marble, and up got st and from there Jesus Chri forms of two bare feet: the said chapel. red stone. which is outside mounted on to another ascended with m that stone Jesus Christ and is walled up; and fro Apostles, when He “ee , in the presence of the the power of the Father ence (calpa. ¢ pena) Fad here is a plenary indulg departed into heaven. T chapel. Truly. the er the above-mentioned as many times as you ent . and there were the residence of a bishop said church used to be utiful; and now the monastery was most bea monks there, and the 5: 412. no. 64 5.2) be 46-50: 46-7: Baldi 195 (13 re. the live ns ace Sar .

tury pilgrims. other fo urteenth-cen The descriptions of t the larger suppor t the idea tha o als r. efe bri gh ou alth s the smaller cha church containing 158: of Cremona 1330: ably intact (Antony 113: Anon. 6: -1 355; 1336 : 1a -4 36 13 m Sudhei : Frescobaldi 70-1; 1344~45b: 456 Anglicus 1344-45a: 1395a: 18-1 9; cf. 4: 129: d'Anglure 138 ci Guc 72; : 84 13 68. 281: 177: .1356-66b: : 6a -6 56 3 c.1 e Mandevill 92b: 82). gg 13922: 384; 13 Sigoli 1384: 188; Bry

76

Churches of the Crusader Kingdom

Similarly in the early fifteent century, Russian pilgrims describe the chapel containing the imprint of Christ’s foot

as being located at the centre of a ‘larger church (Grethenios c.1400: 179-80; Ignatius of Smolensk 1405:

151; Zozimos 1421: 212;-Baldi 1955: a4 19

John

Poloner mentions only the small round chapel containing the stone; it was being used as amosque, and above its door

was an inscription in Arabic, which he interpreted as saying: ‘I am the gate of mercy’ ,(1422a; 234;:1422b:-9;

Baldi 1955: 415, no. 648.4): Louis de Rochechouart men-

~ ‘tions both the church and the chapel, and also records that

on Ascension Day’ the Latins, Greeks, Armenians and ‘Indians’ would gather there: for solemn: celebrations

(1461: 246; Baldi 1955:'.416, no. 649.2):,In these

might kiss the footprints of the Saviour, therefore the Saracens would not either let us have it or keep it themselves, but pulled down the east end of it, took away from the walls and from the

pavement all the casing of marble slabs, and removed the precious columns. Howbeit they left untouched the chapel of the place of. Christ’s footprints, and the rock which contains them, because they also respect the holy footprints. (Faber 1480-3:1,

486-7; Baldi 1955: 417, no. 650.4-5)

The destroyed eastern part of the building was separated from the rest by a dividing wall and at the time of his visit it was occupied by peasant houses and byres for goats. In the north wall of the church Felix also records a hole, into which it was possible for a tall man to reach and touch the stone on which Christ was said to have stood when He

accounts, however, the condition of the larger. church ‘is ascended (Faber 1480-3: 1, 487; Baldi 1955: 419, no. not recorded. Indeed, in 1470- “Anselm Adorno reported 650.5-6).~ that the site of the church was desolate, though sor t © The. Franciscan custos, Francesco Suriano, also é tions of it still remained (1470-1: 276-8), describes the dome of the church as though it still existed "3 Other late fifteenth-century writers, however, confirm .* in the 1480s and records that at Ascensiontide a large part that parts of the vaulting were still standing up to the of the population ofJerusalem would come

height of the aperture in the roof. Felix Faber, for exampl e, describes the building as ‘a great half-ruined church’, containing a round vaulted chapel and having a vaulted porch before the door (1480-3: 1, 484; Baldi 1955: 417, no. 650.3).

In this place there stands a great round church, beautifully built in such sort that on the top it is not covered by a vault, but the vaulted roof has a wide opening purposely made in it, beneath which opening stands the chapel of the Lord’s Ascension, even as doth the chapel of the Lord’s Sepulchre.

Felix repeats a tradition that the origi nal builders of the church had tried to complete the vault , but when the Capping stones fell down they interpre ted this as a sign that God did not wish the place of the Asce nsion to b € covered: over.

to see the solemnities [that] we perform on that day in that glori-

ous church, the care and keep of which is in the hands of ‘ Moslem, a citizen of Jerusalem. Nevertheless we have a key an

at our pleasure may go there by day or night. (1485b: 118)

Exactly when the vaulting of the church fell is vi tain. Quite possibly it happened in stages, with the eat part being demolished first, followed later by the a if: dome and ambulatory. The roof, however, seems to ak gone completely by the 1530s (Vincent and Abel sere! 409). Greffin Affagart, for instance, reported in 15 that the church was then all in ruins except for the nan to which the friars of Mount Sion had the key (1533-* 111-12; cf. Perera 1553b: 24). HisF account 1si oeort a , by Boniface of Ragusa, who asserts that the majo and monastery had been levelled to the groun d, leaving

So as they built they brought footprints of Christ one of the the vault round, resting vipon taining upon the the!~ only the chapel contai s ning eae 5 Dome round wall, but they did not comp standing; the other footprint had been lete it; but, as I said before, they taken to nie Day left a great opening, whose edge they h ave cased all round with of the Rock by the Muslims.In his day the Ascen cut and polished stones. Fei mire 3 ciscans

liturgy was still performed at the chapel by the eeavaila

; A similar explanation is also given for the decision to leave: “ (1577: 67-9; Baldi*1955: 421, no. 651.9; ¢ Gosselin _ 1587a: 172-5, fig. unpaved the spot where Chr ist had stood (Faber 1480-3 p:-174; Hussein, Sciad : ae 1. 485). Both traditions actu ally related to the Byzantine:

“church Pea

(ef. Adomnan,

1, 23, 3-4, 9

(CCSL, cLxxv, 199-202; trans. Wilkin son, 100- 1)), though Felix’s account contains descripti ve details that evidently ref er to the Crusader one that he would have seen. He also confirms that sometime afte r 1187 the church was desecrated and converted int 0 a Mosque. But as in spite of all pro hibitions Christ; an pilgri ms would vis; this church, and we re won t to enter it at night by stealth that the -y

"Even ‘in the early’ seventeenth. century € nough remained

Pee bangs

still

h for of the “walls ‘of the © Crusader churce ae

:

‘

;

Francesco Quaresmito be able to discern its 8 character: :

At that holiest of places a large church was built, and

enera

within ita

infide

chapel. Both through age and through the hatred ofLae

2

the church has been despoiled of all decoration, or in ;teJowet

most part destroyed. And there remain only the walls 0 in whic part with some bases of columns and foundations. fro

°°" Jerusalem (Ascension, no. 284)

77

Amico himself was able to celebrate mass there one one may clearly tell how magnificent it was. The wall enclosing it “Ascension Day (1620a: 47, pl. 34; 1620b: 112-13, pl. portico a was there ly was octagonal in shape; and internal is which in chapel, 34). Much the same conditions obtained when Henry carried on one order of columns. Inside is the Maundrell visited in 1697 (Maundrell 1697a: 470-1). the Lord’s footprint. And from the portico, or columns, up to that chapel, it was open to the sky. The chapel is intact, round and The dome was repaired in 1720-1 (St Laurent and 212) 1639b: 238; 11, (1639a: vaulted. ly complete 415). : o fhe = of the thirteenth century the identification of Karm as-Sayyad with Mount Galilee had also been a] up by western pilgrims (e.g. Hec sunt nya (IHC, Iv, 336); Ricoldus. of Montecroce, Iv, 51-2 (ed. Laurent, 109; ed. Kappler, 56; THC, tv, 268; ELS, 410, no.

643); Mandeville c.1356—66a: 177; c.1356-66b: ae

History In the Gospel accounts of Christ’s Resurrecti on, the disciples are told that He will go before them to Galilee (Matthew 28.7-10; Mark 16.7). Howev er, although John’s Gospel recounts Jesus’ appearance to the Apostles beside the Sea of Galilee (john 21.1 -24) and Matthew relates that ‘the eleven desciples went to Galilee, to the mountain to which Jesus had direc ted them’ (28.16), Luke mentions only His post-Resurrection appearances in and around Jerusalem, followed immed iately by His Ascension (Luke 24.13-50; cf Mark 16.9-19). These apparent inconsistencies caused some Chris tians to seek an alternative Galilee, located close to Jerusalem itself, By the sixth century, a place called Galilee, ‘where the disciples saw the Lord Jesus after he rose from the dead’, was being recognized on the Mount of Olive s a short distance from the churches of the Lord's Praye r and Ascension (Breviariu s, vit (CCSL, cxxvy, 112; trans. Wilkinson, 61)). Four Armenian convents, one of them in Muslim hands , are also mentioned around this ‘Mount Galilee’ in the seventh century (Anastasius of Armenia (trans, Alishan, 396-7)). During the twelfth cen tury, yet another Gal ilee where Christ appeared to the Apostles came to be loc ated by Latin Christians within the church of st Mary of Mount Sion (no. 336) (e.g. Sae wulf (1102-3), XIX , Xx (CCCM, CXXXIX, 70); Anon. 11 (1170), 4 (HC, ny however, that the Orthodox t¢ Gal ilee with the nor thern end

still maintained, for ¢ Post-dating 1187,

281; Ludolph of Sudheim. 1336-41a: 355; James : Verona 1335: 201; Nicolas of Poggibonsi 1346-50: set

cf. Baldi 1955: 411, 414°15, Vincent and Abel 1914: 408). Such references as there are to buildings, ae confirm the view that whatever had existed there in earlie times had been destroyed (cf. Storme 1971: 150). A ne teenth-century English pilgrim, for instance, says t at there were there ‘the dwellings of the worst sae (Anon. Anglicus 1344—-5a: 455; 1344—5b: he hae John Poloner describes the place as ‘formerly we me

(1422a: 234-5; 1422b: 8-9), Felix Faber found ee buildings and a cistern on top of the hill (1480-3:

1,

Sn sixteenth century onwards, Mount Galilee ce came to be associated with the place where at the canal the Ascension two men in white robes had stood by oe said, ‘Men of Galilee, why do you stand lone ic heaven?’ (Viri Galilaei quid statis aspicientes in oe 1.11), The drawing published by Johann Zvallart ( ie pl. p. 174) shows a building with an attached Gee hilltop (cf. Kootwyk 1619: 273, fig. p. 269; Baldi a 418; Storme 1971: fig. 3h: Bagatti 1945: fig. z

Although Don Aquilante Rocchetta describes the pies

old (1630b: 115), the building had probably been ied structed since the time of Felix Faber’s visit. Howevel Henry Maundrell wrote of it in 1697:

About two furlongs [c.200 m] from

e

[the ee : ne Ascension], northward, is the highest part of Mount O oakthat upon that was anciently

erected

Two stadia {¢.370 m] from there ex tends Galilee ~ Which the Wedd and Cana, in ing took Place and Christ chan Wine. At this ti ge d Water into me the church has been razed tAnon, Graecus, to the ground y (PG, OX XNEE, 980)

, The poet P Tdic as of Ephesus al so places the ch the northern su urch on mmit of the Mo unt of Olives 968), allowing (c .1350: it tot identified With the summ as Karm ts-S it known ayyad, A chur ch js also me ntioned by

high tower, in De ee apparition of the two angels toa the apostles after our

al

nae Lord’s ascension, from which the tower itself had the ati to it of Viri Galilzei! This ancient monument

remained ti ho had two years since, when it was demolished by a Turk, w io de

bought the field in which it stood. (1697a: 471; cf. Eugen 1703-4:

San Francisco

44)

In the nineteenth centur y, various Roman and ae remains were

recorded on the site by Tobler OE eh 243-6) and Schick (18894 : 174, 177-84; 1895: ee Around 1880, the hillto

p was acquired by e : Orthodox Patriarchate; a lar ge church and a residenc e for

Jerusalem (Patriarch’s Chapel, no. 300)

the patriarch were built there in 1894 (Storme 1971: 151-2).

Discussion

Bieberstein and Bloedhorn maintain that in the Crusader period the site was occupied by a Syrian monastery, which was destroyed by 1250 (1994: 111, 303-4). It seems likely that the ruined church mentioned by Orthodox pilgrims after 1187 had indeed existed during the time of the Frankish occupation of Jerusalem in the twelfth century. It also seems likely that it had been Orthodox (Syrian or Greek), possibly dependent on the nearby monastery of St Mary of the Mount of Olives (no. 341).

Sources Anon. Graecus (1187-), v (PG, cxxxul, 980); Hec sunt peregrinationes (13c.), 1v (IHC, 1v, 336); Ricoldus of Montecroce (1288-91), rv, 51-2 (ed. Laurent, 109; ed. Kappler, 56; IHC, 1v, 268; ELS, 410, no. 643).

D’Anglure 1395a: 18; Anon. Anglicus 1344—5a: 455; 1344—5b: 70; de Aveiro 1569a: 140°-141'; 1569b: 295; Baedeker 1876b: 109; Baldi 1955: 414-15, 418; 1973: 96; di Bartolomeo 1431: 153; de Beauvau 1615: 155; Bieberstein and Bloedhorn 1994: 111, 303-4; Boniface of Ragusa 1577: 156-7; Eugenio de San Francisco 1703-4: 44; Faber 1480-83: 1, 481-4; Grethenois ¢.1400: 180; von Harff 1496-9: 214-15; Hoade 1978: 253;

Ignatius of Smolensk 1389-1405: 151-2; James of Verona 1335: 201; Kootwyk 1619: 273, fig. p. 269; Ludolph of Sudheim 1336—41a: 355; Mamalades 1961: 50-2; Mandeville ¢.1356-66a: 177; c.1356-66b: 68-9, 281; Mariano da Siena 1431: 96; Maundrell 1697a: 471; Nicolas of Poggibonsi 1346-50: 48-9; Perdicas of Ephesus c.1350: 968; Poloner

1422a: 234-5; 1422b: 8-9; Prag 1989: 255; 2002: 229; Rocchetta 1630b: 115; Schick 1889d: 174, 177-84; 1895:

36-7; Storme 1971: 37, 148-52, figs. 2.7, 3h, 35; 1993a:

89-92; Thenaud 1512: 109-20; Tobler 1852: 75, 243-6:

Vincent and Abel 1914: 408, 412; Zvallart 158 7a: fig. p. 174.

12

on a platform excavated in the bedrock, while the first floor of the western range was at the level of the adjacent street. In the eleventh century, following the destruction of the church under al-Hakim, upper floors were added supported on vaults and the chapel of St Mary (no. 283.1) was built in part of the courtyard (Corbo 1962: 254-65: 1969b: 58-61; 1982: 1, 119-37, 175~9: 11, pls. 1, 3-7, 56, 59-66). These were very probably the ‘spacious rooms in the upper part’ of the Anastasis in which Abbot Daniel (1106-8) tells us the patriarch either was living or had been living (ch. x (trans. Ryan, 128; trans. de Khitrowo, 14)) (see figs. 1-3). The chronicle of Ernoul (c.1231) identifies the present Christian Quarter Street as the Street of the Patriarch, so called because the patriarch had his residence at the north end of it (ch. xvit (ed. de Mas Latrie, 192; ed. Michelant and Raynaud, 34); cf. Estoires d’'Outremer (ed. Jubb, 215; ed. Michelant and Raynaud, 27); Cont. de Guillaume de Tyr (Rothelin, c.1261), 111 (RHC Occ, 11, 493; ed. Michelant and Raynaud, 146; trans. Shirley, 14)). In the twelfth century, the patriarchal palace was evidently extended by Patriarch Arnulf (1112-18), whom an inscription identifies as its founder (see Epigraphy below). This construction work probably formed part of the same programme that saw the laying out and building of the canons’ conventual buildings on the eastern side of the church. Included in the new work was a private chapel. from which Guy of Blond received a relic of the True Cross sometime in the second quarter of the twelfth century (Kohler, ‘Documents’, 7, no. 1). Sometime later. Ralph Niger wrote of Patriarch Heraclius in 1184-5: I saw his chapel, of which I have never seen the like nor indeed one as costly. In sum, no patriarch of the western world had comparable magnificence. (ed. Schmugge. 194: cf. Mayer 1988b:

501)

Among the various members of the patriarch’s household who are mentioned in charters are Patriarch no. William’s chaplains Fulcher (Bresc-Bautier. 215-16, (Bresc98: RRH, 45, no. 183 (1130-3)). Humbert

)) and Bautier,174—5, no. 75; RRH, 45, no. 182 (1137-8

hy 300

The Latin Patriarch’s Chapel (in the

anqa as-Salahiya)

17182.13175 (Map 2)

History

eat

of the fourth-century bishop of Jerusalem —

sch early fifth century onwards that of the patriSidecar as been identified in a series of rooms set on two

Agnes 4 courtyard on the north and west sides of the 283) ny rotunda enclosing the Holy Sepulchre (see no. - “2 ground floor was built, like the Anastasis itself,

wr

, Wichard (Paoli, 1, 23, no. 22: RRH. 55. no. 215 (1143)) 127, no. 6; Patriarch Fulcher’s chaplain Roger (de Marsy, ’s chapAmalric ch RRH, 63, no. 251 (1148)), and Patriar and clerk of lains Rainaldus (1167) and Girardus (11 77) 257-8, no. 376 the chapel John (1167) (Cart. des Hosp.. 1, RRH, (1177); 162 (1167); Bresc-Bautier, 314-15, no. . (1177)) 112-13, no. 431 (1167); 144-5, no. 543 palace into a l archa patri the In 1187, Saladin made it richly (‘Imad alconvent (ribat) for Sufis and endowed Or, v, 82): Din, trans. Massé, 58-9; cf. Aba Shama (RHC Or, 1, 707); Abiav’l-Fida’ (RHC Or, 1, 58); Ibn al-‘Athir (RHC

126

— Churches of the Crusader Kingdom

Ibn Khallikan (RHC Or, 111, 429); Mujir al-Din 1494-5: 77, 82, 166, 191; Frenkel 1992). The endowment deed (wagfiya) of the Khanga al-Salahiya, dated 5 Ramadan 585 (17 October 1189), appears to include a number of properties that had formerly belonged to the patriarch, including the bath-house (Hammam al-Batrak) in Christian Quarter Street, the Mamilla pool and Hezekiah’s pool which both supplied it with water, and the patriarch’s stables (Pahlitzsch 2004: 49-51, 60-9; Dow 1996: 92-3, fig. 30, pl. 50). In the 1860s, France attempted to obtain the Khanga for the Roman Catholic Church in compensation for the destruction of a monastery in Damascus. The move was opposed by both the Muslim and Greek Orthodox communities. One result, however, was that the governor of Jerusalem, Siireyya Pasha, and the Greeks both commissioned the architect Conrad Schick to make detailed models of the Khanga and of the Holy Sepulchr e to demonstrate their cases to the authoriti es in Constantinople (Goren and Rubin 1996: 108-11, fig. 3).

Description A detailed architectural survey of the Khanga as-Salahiya has yet to be made (cf. Hawari 1998 : 1, 98-112; 11, 13-21 (pls. 1.1-1.12), 200-3 (figs. 1.11.4)). Like the twelfthcentury patriarchate, it extended northwards from the Holy Sepulchre, taking up all the area defined by Christian Quarter Street on the west, “Aqabat al-Khanga on the north and the canons’ infirmar y on the east (figs. 2-3). Of the parts surviving from the eleventh century, the west range adjoining the rotunda of the Holy Sepulchre comPrises a two-storey building, which runs along the east side of Christian Quarter Street, wi fered back at first-

range in the twelfth

mental staircase do new door facing th ce . St Mary, which also acted as a vestibule for north the door into the Anasta § sis, - F From a la n i do°wn, another sta ir led up to the gaall ller ery of iy the Anm (Corbo 1969p: 60-1 asi te i ; 198 2:47, pls. 6, 59 ; Vincent and Abel 1914: figs, 64). Th e outer door is no w blocked and its ha i ndesi side de is leftH is e obe scured bY an arch 1 Cacarr rryi ying a buil ilddi i ng over

With joggled vou Ssoirs with drafte beneath a sh allo w porch, cons

LVI

Latin Patriarchate (no. 300): side facing wes t on ane .

;

Street of the Patriarch (now Ch ristian Quarter Street).

€

gadrooned voussoirs and a hood-m antique column with a Corinthian oul capidtal.supp Aboorte ve dtheonse the wall-face is carried forw ard, with a steeply cree r top, the right-hand side of the projection bein g suppor by a pair of heavy corbels, one above the other (de Vog 1860: 208-9, fig.; Vincent and Abel 1914: pl. xx1). At first-floor level most of this range is taken up by 4 ce room which now serves as a mosque for the eer (Vincent

and Abel 1914: fig. 66) (pl. viz). It is ies

by a series of groin vaults separated by flat transver is arches, some parts of which have been rebuilt. Each ae lit by a rectangular window in the west wall. In the 2 , wall is a mihrab flanked by columns with Crusader capt za and surmounted by an inscription, which aenniae struction and the restoration of the room by ‘Isa : ir Ahmad

ibn Ghanim in the reign of al-Malik a Muhammad in 741 /ap 1340 (Van Berchem 1921: P* LIX; 1922: 88-90, no. 34). eaved A smaller room to the sou th of this is directly ee with the axis of the rot unda and Crusader cho ir of A chu

rch of the Holy Sepulchre (fig. 4a). In its presen t form.

LVI

Latin Patriarchate (no. 300): first-floor hall (now a

mosque in the Khanqa as-Salahiya), looking south.

LyVi

: Patriarchate : ce (no. 300): west door to the RN and Holy Sepulchre opening from the Street e Patriarch (now Christian Quarter Street).

howev vé.I

n

it represent Sa aie

:

beat sess

t runcated

remnant

of

a longer

extended further east across the terrace

epee ate ‘ ery of the Anastasis up to the drum that fenearicn se The eastern part of the room was Sane Misha the drum and dome were rebuilt in 1867.

ae the Pi tioe however, allow it to be identified ass aie c apel of the patriarch. Principal among diwindaey eae pointed-arched apse or niche containing part of the ch ae by apsidioles, which was formerly architect dire Pl Ss east wall. Fortunately M. Mauss, the

fullyaaa ee the works on the dome in 1867, caregarden oil iS the niche and in 1870 re-erected it in the Anes Panerai) in front of the west door to St Haley 1946. Soe and Abel 1914: caption to fig. 64; bart of the ae fig. 106) (pl. L1x). When it formed of the Anastasis dome, this window would have oj given a celebrant in the patriarch’s chapel a

ux

ed by M. Latin Patriarch’s chapel (no. 300): apse remov in 1867 da rotun Mauss from the drum of the Anastasis 1870. in h and re- erected in front of St Anne's churc

the top of the clear view down into the church, over end of the east the zedicule as far as the high altar at Crusader choir (see fig. 4). ured internally Originally the chapel would have meas The surviving portion some 12 m east-west and 4 m wide.

128

— Churches of the Crusader Kingdom

ts

Latin Patrlatch’s chapel (no. 300) : ( ac)

figured capit 1s de of the nave

d

i

i

e of the n

ave.

aes ene

Jerusalem (Qubbat Sulaiman)

comprises one and a half groin-vaulted bays, separated by athick transverse arch carried on reused antique columns with engaged twelfth-century capitals supporting cymarecta impost mouldings. It seems reasonable to assume therefore that the chapel would originally have been of three bays, each of them roughly square. The northern capital is plain with thick heavy foliage (pl. Lxd). On the front of the southern one, however, is a long human face with thick plaited hair and a pointed beard; the face itself has been mutilated and partly replaced in plaster (pl. Lxa-c). Like the other capital, this one has also been painted a dark matt red colour. To either side of the head, at the rear and just above the astragal, are two small figures, whose heads have also been defaced. They hold fronds from which voluptuous foliage springs on both sides enveloping the central face. Each frond has a series of small holes drilled in it, and at its end is a fruit, which in one case resembles a fir-cone. The abacus is also distinguished by a series of beads.

129

Massé, 58~9, 396) (1187, 1192); Kohler, ‘Documents’, 7, no. 1 (1128-52); de Marsy, 127, no. 6 (1148); Paoli, 1. 23, no. 22 (1143); Ralph Niger (ed. Schmugge, 194) (1184-5): RRH, 45, nos, 182-3 (1137-8, 1130-3); 55, no. 215 (1143): 63. no. 251

(1148); 112-13, no. 431 (1167); 144—5, no. 543 (1177). Bieberstein and Bloedhorn 1994: 11, 216-17; ClermontGanneau 1888: 111, 57; 1896: 1, 12: Enlart 1925: 11. 137, 174-5; Frenkel 1992; Goren and Rubin 1996: 108-11, fig. 3: Harvey 1935: 25-6, fig. 106; Hawari 1998: 1, 98-112: 11. 13-21 (pls. 1.1-1.12), 200-3 (figs. 1.1-1.4); Mauss 1911; Mujir al-Din 1494-5: 77, 82, 166, 191; Pahlitzsch 2004: 49-51, 60-9; Perdicas of Ephesus c.1350: 965; de Sandoli 1974: 67, nos. 78-9; Thomsen 1921: 44, no. 32; Van Berchem 1922: 87-90; Vincent and Abel 1914: 268-9, 291, figs. 64. 66.

Qubbat Sulaiman (Qubbat as-Sakhra asSaghira, Kursi‘Isa)

17232.13189 (Map 3)

History

Epigraphy

Arab geographers describing the Haram ash-Sharif before the Crusades sometimes speak of a stone identified as the

Two inscriptions were found in 1898 during the removal

Throne of Solomon (Kursi Sulayman), on which Solomon sat while the Temple was being constructed. From the late

of plaster from a wall separating two of the rooms at street level. They were written respectively on the two outer elements of a flat arch composed of joggled voussoirs, which covered a doorway, flanked by colonnettes and suree by a pointed relieving arch with vegetal decorabefor: cesekswere almost immediately defaced, but not cea € ‘hand one had been recorded. It comprised a caShalie to which the other text probably supplied the

condidit ie verse: [Ar]nulfus / patriarcha / domu(m) qui / (Clenitcit a (Patriarch Arnulf, who founded this house)

and Abel 1914; 268 anneau 1888: 111, 57; Vincent Sandon ree fig. 126; Thomsen 1921: 44, no. 32; de marks hav, i7,no. 78). A number of Frankish masonry Garneat i ‘ een recorded in the complex (Clermont-

6:1, 12; de Sandoli 1974: 67, no. 79). Visited 25.4.81, 19.6.81, 13.7.04. Sources Bresc-.

;

avers 74-5, no. 75 (1137-8); 215-16, no. 98

376 (1167): : 15,no. rez (1177); Cart. des Hosp.,1, 257-8, no. (RHC Occ a ie ae Guillaume de Tyr (Rothelin, c.1261), 111 146; trans Shirley, 1 4): D 35 ed. Michelant and Raynaud,

‘hitrowo, 14);a4 (1106-8), x (trans. Ryan, 128; trans. de ed. Michelant sindi (c.1231), xvit (ed. de Mas Latrie, 192;

eq ‘aynaud, 34); Estoires d’'Outremer (c.1230) (ed. ubb, 215: *€d. Michelant and Raynaud, 27); ‘Imad al-Din (trans.

fifteenth century onwards Muslim writers associated this rock specifically with a dome (Qubbat Sulayman), located in the northern part of the Haram ash-Sharif near Bab al-‘Atim, facing the Dome of Jacob (Qubbat Ya ‘quib). Although they still associated the rock with King Solomon, the cupola covering it was attributed to the Umayyad caliph Sulayman (715-17). Finally, an inscription of 1233 H/AD of 1817-18 records the rebuilding of a dome 40m south walt the by II, Bab al-‘Atim in the reign of Sultan Mahmid is now of Sidon and Tripoli, Sulayman Pasha; this dome Berchem’s Van Following known as Qubbat Sulaiman. analysis, however, the dome that the nineteenth-century the medieval Qubbat Sulaiman replaced was probably ‘Qubbat name the of it to Qubbat Ya‘qub, the transfer of an proximity Sulaiman’ being facilitated partly by the the by partly existing dome of that designation and in the dedicatory mention of Sulayman Pasha’s name more plausibly may inscription. The old Qubbat Sulaiman structure, which be identified with an octagonal, domed south-west of Bab alstands some 50 m west of it and 50m

still referred to as the -

ee

N

oo

&

i 1

Lxxxv

LXxxIy

163

‘

soe

te

(no. 313): interior Church of St Elias (Dair al-‘Adas) looking east.

;

Church of St Elias (Dair al- Adas) (no. 313): from es

SC iiio: ppsaniraetenes

Lxxxvi

dassangring tha te

interior ir al-‘Adas) (no. 31 3): Church of St Elias (Da looking east.

a 164

Churches of the Crusader Kingdom

Furthermore, the barrel-vaults which cover the ‘transepts’ and represent in effect continuations of the north and south pendentive arches continue right through the wall to the exterior wall-face. It seems, however, that this was merely a structural feature of the design and that the ‘transepts’ would never have been any deeper than they are now. The rounded-arched windows that are now set in the blocking walls, however, belong to the 1908 restoration. At that time the nave was also extended westwards and a continuous cornice was added to the wall-head to unify the old and new work externally.

Decoration The restoration of the chu rch has resulted in the stripping back of plaster to expose the ashlar wall- faces inside; however, traces of survivin g plaster indicate that the apse in particular would origin ally have been plastered, and quite possib

ly painted,

Scythopolis, Vita S. Cyriaci, v11 (ed. Schwartz, 226; trans, Price, 249); Vincent and Abel 1914: 911). This appears to be the only evidence that we have for a church of St Euthymius in Jerusalem before the Crusader conquest. A description of Jerusalem written sometime alter 1187, however, mentions a church of St Euthymius as one of thirteen Orthodox houses lying west of the Holy Sepulchre, implying by its position in the text that it lay between St Anne’s (no. 306) and St Catherine's (no. 309), where the present church of St Euthymius Ra (Anon. Graecus, vi11 (PG, cxxx1t1, 981): ae : 45). Unlike some other Orthodox houses, thechurc . ‘ mentioned as being in Georgian hands during the gee period, suggesting that it may perhaps have been 7 doned. It was founded, or refounded, however, by An : the daughter of Emperor Alexius II Sienna Trebizond (1297—1330), probably as a refuge foroes from the abandoned monastery of St Euthymius - 7 Jerusalem (nos. 204-5), and was pla age is

1344 (Papadopoulos-Kerameus 255-7; Meimaris

Visited 11.6.81, 8.9.81 , 4.12.02,

1989:

1891a: 1, 245

19). It was sane

Pe ae

monastery, rather than its namesake on the Jeric i rs

Sources PEF: Schick/90/1-2 (1895), Brese-Bautier, 323, no. 169 (-1187); RR H, 109-10, no. 42 (-1ES7), 1

Abel 19244: 38; Bag atti 1979: fig. 11, pl. xxv; Bahat 1980: 81; 1990: 91: Baldi 197 3: 68; Ben

venisti 1970: 73; Bloedhorn 1994: Mt, Bieberstein and 425, 453-4: Boas 1999: 24: Boase 19 95: Chaplin 1889: 77: 10; Enlart 1 5; Guérin 1889: 382: Guide Bley 15; Jeffery 191]: 734: Mamatades 1961: 36: Meiste rmann 1902: 22 9-30, figs. 1. fig: Moore 19 61: 50-1, 78, ‘almer 199}. 32-4: 89, 113; Palmer and van Ge lder 1994; 37-g. USh4: 150; Prag Pierotti 1989: 154-5; 20 02: 147; Prawer Pringle 198 2b. 1980: 93: 9 s. 1.3 andreczki 1865. Vincent and Abel 85 331, 426, 445; 1914: 966 992 ~3, fig. 419: 298, 304, PLANE de Vogiié 1860: —4,

No. 3 I4

ht

that a manuscript of St John Chrysostom, pine ‘ library of the Greek Orthodox Patriarchate, was ane ‘the great Comnenus’ (Papadopoulos-Kerameus 11, 83; Meimaris 1989: 17-18).

In 1517, St Euthymius was included in the list aes erties that were confirmed to the Greek aaa

ufa

incoming Ottoman ruler, Sultan Selim I (Papa aioe

Kerameus 189 1a: 11, 219-22: Vryonis 1981: oe i

164). It was also mentioned by the Russian trave

Posniakov (1558-61: 326; Moore 1961: 79). Description

re. The present church is a small three-bayed is enclosed by

groin-vaults separated by secon parr springing from rectangular pilasters. It is entere ‘ch flanks north through a narrow elongated narthex, wae che the two western bays. The standing structure appea

entirely twentieth century in date. Mon

tery

Church a ©. 17180.13 187 (M ap 3)

: ¥ Yr St Eu thym ius

of te t

History 1 4S5. the mo nks of the Mo nastery of St He nos, 204.5) Euthymius (V , be Wween leru ol. salem and Jeri from the monk cho, Purchased s of Souka (n os, 199-20}) Within the ej ty 4 Xenodocheion . situated near to the Tower of David (Cyr il of

Epigraphy An inscription records that the present church w vas built in 1907 fonachehe Samia.

by the abbot (hégoumenos), Martha Mon

Visited 13.9.81,

Jerusalem (St George in the Market, no. 316)

165

gg g

j

Sources

Visited

Anon. Graecus (1187-), vii (PG, Cxxx11I, 981).

Sources

Abel 1914: 458; Bieberstein and Bloedhorn 1994: 1, 208; 11, 140: Boas 1999: 22; Hoade 1978; Jeffery 1919: 169, figs. 41—2; Meimaris 1989: 17-18; Moore 1961: 16, 45, 79, 113; Papadopoulos-Kerameus 1891a: 1, 245 n.1; m1, 255-7; 111, 219-22: 189 1b: 11, 83; Pierotti 1864: 164; Posniakov 1558-61: 326; Prag 1989: 205; 2002: 188; Sandreczki 1865: 12; Scholz 1822: 274: Tobler 1853:1, 290—2; Vincent and Abel 1914: 645, 911, 1000; Vryonis 1981: 40; 1983: 164.

No.315 Monastery Church of St George 17166.13181 (Map 2)

A description of the Greek monasteries lying west of the Holy Sepulchre, compiled sometime after 1187, includes a church of St George lying between the churches of St Michael (no. 345) and St John the Evangelist (no. 325) (Anon. Graecus, vill (PG, CxxxIII, 981)). This allows it to beidentified with the present Greek convent of St George, re: on the north side of St Francis Street (Harat Dair

i

Either this or the church of St George in the

sone 316) was probably the monastery of St

ea :ee (apud Jerusalem) that was confirmed as wre 0 the abbey of St Theodosius (Vol. 11, no. 221) i onorius iitin October 1216 and January 1218 Pinte Ria 1, 13, no. 72; 175-6, no. 1037; $09), mmissio, 3s., 111, 1-17, no. 1; RRH, 243, no.

rivatae times the convent may have been held for a fies - eorgians (Janin 1913: 34; Moore 1961: 60). bat ane oe however, describes it as being in Greek

eine: ae 7): and in 1517 it was confirmed as Greek arch (Papad essed by Sultan Selim I to the Greek patriWanan eerie 189la: m1, 219-22; ania

Anon. Graecus (1187-), vint (PG, exxxui, 981); Honorius HH. Reg. (ed. Pressutti, 1, 13, no. 72 (1216): 175-6, no. 1037

(1218)); Pontificia commissio, 3s. 11, 1-17, no. 1 (1216, 1218); RRH, 243, no. 909 (1216).

Bieberstein and Bloedhorn 1994: 11, 100; Hoade 1978: 352: Janin 1913: 34; Jeffery 1919: 168: Moore 1961: 60, 73, 79: Papadopoulos-Kerameus 189]a: 11, 219-22; Pierotti 1864: 163: Posniakov 1558-61: 324: Sandrecski 1865: 11: Schick 1896: 217: Scholz 1822: 274; Suriano 148 5b: 87; Tobler 1853: I, 280-1; Vryonis 1981: 40; 1983: 164.

No. 316

History

.a

17.9.81, 5.12.02.

ie

eens

40; . 198 3: 164).

The

Russian

Basil

mentions it between the convents of St Michael (1558-61: 324; Moore 1961: 79).

Desc Tiption

The church was ninetee

completely rebuilt in the first half of the

form it aoe y (Tobler 1853: 1, 280-1). In its present

and a (eat 00r level ov

a four-bayed nave with an eastern apse narthex on the south. It is built at first-

Cr a vaulted basement, which may perhaps contain Medieval : : . elements Hop: and is associated with a

Pilgrim hospice.

,

the Market

Monastery Church of St George in 17172.13163 (Map 2)

History The Cambrai map of Jerusalem (c.1150) illustrates a small ating it church standing just inside David's Gate. design a S. infund ‘the church of St George in the Market’ (Ecclesia the principal Georgii). It is known from other sources that d in this locate was wholesale market for grain and pulses art Stuttg On the area (Prawer 1972: 408: 1975b: 108). is also shown in the map of c.1180, the Templum S. Georgii Sepulchre and the Christian Quarter, between the Holy be the monastery of Street of the Temple. This appears to

r of March 1167, St George that is mentioned in a charte boundary of a piece of when it formed part of the southern of Neslé, granted to the land which the patriarch, Amalric rn boundary was the Hospitallers. Also forming the southe on the other sides the land house of Robert Medicus, while Peter the Clerk on the east was bounded by the house of and the monastery of Greek and the patriarch’s piggery and north (Cart. des Hosp... nuns (no. 340) on the west

3. no. $31). The house of 257-8, no. 376; RRH, 112-1 the northern end of the west Robert Medicus lay towards no. (RRH. 42. no. 170: 112. side of the Patriarch’s Pool west just lay church of St George 430), implying that the (cf. nunnery church of St Mary of it, to the south of the 953). Vincent and Abel 1914: Holy erie s lying west of the A list of the Greek monast es lud the etime a fter 1187. inc Sepulchre, compiled som n the Baptist George’ betwe' en St Joh at Gre e ‘th of rch chu on. Graceus etrius (no. 312) (An (no. 322) and St Dem o possibly the 981)). This was als vill (PG, CXXXIII, Jerusalem) in Jerusalem (apud rge Geo St of ery monast med as belongging to St John’s‘s., waWi s confir whici h, along wiith 221) by Pope dosius (Vol. 11, no. eo Th St of y y be ab the 1218 (Reg. (ed.

r 1216 and January Honorius III in Octobe

e

166

ae ~— Churches of the Crusader Kingdom y ee ee

Pressutti, 1, 13, no. 72, 175-6, no. 1037); Pontificia commissio, 3s., 111, 1-17, no. 1; RRH, 243, no. 909); however,

there was also another Greek church of St George in Jerusalem at that time (no, 315). In the mid eighteenth century the monastery of St George was acquired by the Copts (Robinson 1856: 198; Meinardus 1995; 121). In 1853, Titus Tobler referred to it and the adjacent St Demetrius (no. 312) as forming part of the same monastery (1853: 1, 279: cf. Schick 1900b: 256-7): but in this he was wrong, for in 1865 Mar Jirjis Was correctly identified as a Coptic convent, lying east of the new Greek-Catholic patriarchate in Harat alMawazina, today ‘Aqabat Mar Jirjis or al-Khadra (Sandreczki 1865: 10). Conrad Schick describe d it in 1896 as ‘a Coptic convent and pilgrim-house with an old church’ (1896: 217-1 8). As the Copts were about to make alterations, he prepared a plan and description of the church: It is rather a dark place, havi ng no proper windows. The entrance is on the north side. The outer walls may once have had windows, but I could see nothing of them, and very likely before the upper building was put on the central part may have been covered with a dome. At the north-western corner of the whole building is a dark. small room , which seems to have once been alsoa kind of church, and there , between the latter and the main church. is a little dark cell, where insane people were brought and bound to the iron chains ~ which are stil] there fixed in the Wall -tobecome cured by Mar Jirias or the El Khiider (St George). (1896: 218)

The Coptic church appear s toh ave been entirely reb uilt in modern times, though an inscription above the doo r in its north wall| records in Arabic some building wor k car ried out by a bishop of Jerusa lem in 1597,

a,

278-80, 370-1; Vincent and Abel 1914: 953; Williams 1849: I, 567.

Church of St George (Mar Jarias) 17190.13131 (Map 4) In 1895 Conrad Schick recorded the plan of a small Greek church dedicated to St George which lay some 100 m due east of the Armenian cathedral of St James (no. 318) (fig.

27). It was a two-bayed structure measuring internally some 8.5 m by 6.25 m, with a semi-circular apse and a door on the south in the centre of the western bay. Schick

estimated that its groin-vaults, separated by a transverse arch, replaced an earlier barrel-vault. However, there is no

evidence to suggest that the church existed in the Frankish period.

a

The church appears to be mentioned for the first time in 1517, when a list of properties claimed by the Greek patriarch and confirmed as Greek in a firman of Selim I includes

a church of St George immediately after St James (Papadopoulos-Kerameus 1891a: 111, 219-22; is es 1981: 41; 1983: 164). It is possible that this convent was

a new foundation, replacing St George in the Market ie 316) which is not mentioned in the firman, a

because it was by then no longer in Greek hands (ct Vincent and Abel 1914: 1000).

In the nineteenth

iy

century the church was Kite

served by nuns (Williams 1849: 1.ii, 24). An inscrip ie

records that the old church

was destroyed = #

Arab-Israeli war of 1948 and a new church was built! its place in 1950.

Visited 31.3.81.

Visited 13, 12.02, Sources Anon. Graecus (118 7-), Vite (PG, exxx tn, 98H 187-): Pe Hosp. 1, 257.8, Cart no. 376 (1167): Honorius I Reg Pressutt 13. (ed, no. 72 (1216), 175-6, no. 1037 Pontificia fommissio (1 21 8) . , 3s. ny, 1-17 , no. ] (1216 H-TS. 00.431 1218); RR (11675 243, 90, 90 9 (1219) Ee

Je sh ruysalem maps: Ca mbrai (¢ ve 1150OM : EeEcc clles esia ia in Muttpact (cL ES j funda §. Georgi O: Templim SX. Geo i. rgii), eee Re av en is ti 1970.; 73: Np eeiore +} MeMebersteoin and Blo Bloeedhorn etna 1994: 1,208: 11, +>. Lyd “# Hoad a : e. 1978 58 35 8: Meinardus 1960 wa ie = 12 : 66-9: 4: Moore L961: 44s Prag 1989: eee ae 'hawe 244. 2002: r L980: 9 3. Ro bi ns on 1856: 198; Sho: TO:Schick Sandie 896: 21 7.18. 1900b: 256-7; Tobler 1853:

After

Schick

1895

Church of St George (Mar Jarias): plan.

Pe er s ee e

Sources Scholz 1822: 274; Bahat 1980: 26; Bieberstein and Bloedhorn 1994:1, 208; 11, 248; Hoade 1978: 367; Moore 1961: 45, 115;

Papadopoulos-Kerameus 1891a: 111, 219-22; Pierotti 1864: 163-4: 1869: 119; Schick 1895: 315, fig.; Tobler 1853: 1, 281-2: Vincent and Abel 1914: 1000; Vryonis 1981: 41; 1983: 164; Williams 1849: 1.ii, 24 (no. 23).

Shrine of St George (al-Khidr, Mar Jirjis) 17140.13138 (Map 4) When she arrived in Jerusalem in 438, the empress Eudocia founded an old people’s home ‘facing the city’, associated with a chapel of St George (Cyril of Scythopolis, Vita S. Iohannis Hesychastis, 1v (ed. Schwartz, 204; trans. Price, 223); Wilkinson 1977: 3, 157). After the Persian

sack of Jerusalem in 614, seven bodies were found lying on thealtar of ‘the church of the Holy Martyr George, which

Is outside the city’ and were buried in the surrounding Sab (ch. xx111, 11 (trans. Garitte, 51)). The Georgian

ke

Pe

ee

Jerusalem (St Giles, no. 317)

167

There is no certain evidence, however, to indicate that Eudocia’s church or a medieval successor to it existed in either location during the time of the Latin kingdom. Although Abel identified al-Khidr as the site of a church of St George that is mentioned along with that of St John the Baptist in the possession of the abbey of St Theodosius (vol. 11, no. 221) in 1216-18 (Honorius Hl, Reg. (ed. Pressutti, 1, 13, no. 72, 175-6, no. 1037); Pontificia commissio, 3s.. 111, 1-17, no. 1; RRH, 243, no. 909: Vincent and Abel 1914: 966), it may be noted that St John’s (no. 322) and two alternative churches of St George are recorded inside the city walls in this period (nos. 315-16). A more tantalizing piece of evidence is a Greek description of Jerusalem written sometime after 1187, which, after mentioning the monastery of St Babyla (or St Mamilla, no. 330), which lay five stades from the city as one came from the Monastery of the Cross (vol. 11,0. 145), adds: ‘There was cut off the head of St George’ (Anon. Graecus, xt (PG, CXXXIII, 985)). Quite possibly, however, this was no more than a memory of St George, such as has been retained

into modern times in the shrine of al-Khidr.

Lectionary (5-8c.) also refers under 23 November to a ded-

cation ‘in the building of Euphlius the priest, in the church of St George outside the Tower of David’ (ed.

oe

11, 53, §1379; Garitte 1958: 105, 392-3).

fie ee possibly be the monastery of Aphelius in which meee Justinian constructed a well in the early sixth

Wiki (Procopius, de Aed, v, 9, 18 (Loeb, 358); a “On 19 77: 162). It could also be the church of St ora: pie there were two priests around 808 Wilkiness Casis Dei (ed. Tobler and Molinier, 302, trans.

aa ie a

seats two other churches of St

inos. 315-16), oned

ian

inside the city in later centuries

is identified by A. Ovadiah with a

Was excavated at a maeseic dedicated to St George, that 169.133) j at Shaikh Badr (Giv‘at Ram: Grid ref.

See

(1970: 81-2, no. 70; Ovadiah and

iene : dors 139, no. 21). Shaikh Badr, however,

likely identification i and out of sight of the city. A more of the Seta, n ‘awith a church excavated just north

11713.1397) ions, Pies of St Andrew in 1975-89

no. 25; Bieberstej tah and Gomez de Silva 1981: 222-3, n and Bloedhorn 1994: 11, 51-2; H. Geva, in st recent rn 1993: 11, 784), or with the site of the more Pnvately aati owned Greekes Orthodox chapel o of St rthodox chapel *0rge* (al-Khidr

Jirjis: Grid ref. 1714.1313), located 50 msouth-we 1914. as et of David's Gate facing the Citadel (Abel Vincent 458; 1973. Bustinovié aigand Abel e 1914: 914: 911, 928; ; 1. 58), ; Bieberstein and Bloedhorn 1994:

Sources Abel 1914: 458; Augustinovié 1972: 24: Bloedhorn 1994: u, 48, 58; Canaan 1925: 1875: 195; Hoade 1978: 343; Moore 1961:9, 1989: 292; Schick 1896: 217: Tobler 1853: 928, 170-1; Vincent and Abel 1914: 911, 1977: 157, 162.

Bieberstein and 198; De Hamme 16, 73, 115: Prag 1. 129. 132: u. 966; Wilkinson

Chapel of St Giles No. 317 3) (?)17213-28.13154-62 (Map History Jerusalem in 1187 given in The account of the state of in these words a walk along Ernoul’s chronicle describes into m the Exchange to the gate the Street of the Temple fro the Temple (Bab as-Silsila): . is the street to go to the Temple left, as one goes down thiis et aeby stre a is the right ; t is sold in the city.» To ery, where mea ache But this ]: 333 . [no Hospital of the Germans which one goes to the of the Germans. has the name the Street led the a i

dge, is a chapel that is cal ace left, on the bri street iy riae Gille). At the end of the St Giles (Moutier Saint oa} : utiful) Gates. the Precious (or Bea gates that are called and Raynaud. 196-7: ed. Michelant 2 (ed. de Mas Latrie,

| montier de r eference to the Mous This information and the im in the eated almost verbat rep is e Gil nt sai seigneur

a

168

Churches of the Crusader Kingdom e a

description of the city in 1229 given in the Rothelin continuation of William of Tyre’s chronicle (Cont. de Guillaume de Tyr (c.1261), v (RHC Occ, 11, 497: ed. Michelant and Raynaud, 150; trans. Shirley, 1 6)). St Giles might possibly be the unnamed chapel that is shown on the north side of the Street of the Temple on the Cambrai map (c.1150). Further evidence for the existence of such a chapel is also provided by a list of ovens belonging to the Holy Sepulchre, compiled sometime before 1187. This includes ‘The oven of St Giles (Furnus Sancti Egidii), in the Street of the Temple’ (Bresc-Bautier, 322-3,

oe

There is no historical basis for the claim that St Giles was a monastery founded by Raymond of St-Gilles, or that he was buried in it (pace Salamé-Sarkis 1980: 68; Folda 1995: 55); although Arabic sources relate that Raymond was buried in Jerusalem, the precise location is nowhere ee (Salamé-Sarkis 1980: 65-8; 1983: 132, 140-1; cf. Pringle 2006).

Sources

no. 169; RRH, 109, no. 421).

Bresc-Bautier,

Identification

(Rothelin, c.1261), v (RHC Occ, 11, 497; ed. aca Raynaud, 150; trans. Shirley, 16); Ernoul (c.1231), etait de Mas Latrie, 196-7; ed. Michelant and Raynaud, 38): .

The chapel of St Giles evidently stood on the north side of the monumental masonry bridge, known today as Wilson’s Arch, which carried the Street of the Temple across the Tyropa@on Valley. Built originally in Herodian tor Second Temple) tim es, this appe ars to have been reconstructed in the early Islamic peri od (Bahat 1994: 1 77-8). Tunnelling along the Western face of the Haram ashSharif. initiated by the Israel Mini stry of Religious Affairs after

1967, revealed to the north of Wilson’s Arch the ‘foundations of a cruciform crusader building’, which J. Folda has sought to identify as belonging to the church of St Giles (1977; 273), The subs equent publication of the excavation, however, has revealed that the structure represents the foundations of the Mamluk funerary madr asa known as al-Baladiya, whic h was built around 1380 (BenDow Naor and Aner 1983 : 57; Burgoyne and Ric hards OST: 443.455 1.2: Baha t 1994; 189), Other vaults, apparently of Crusader date, have been found unde rlying the bridge structure itsel f (Bahat 1994: 1 80): but it is hard to relate these to the chap el, which may in any case have been located further West , adjoining the bridge abu tment rather than the arch itsel f. The suggestion by Fr A. Fabre (1922: 50) that the rose window and other Cr usader Sculpture tha tis built into the carly sixteenth-centu ry fountain facing Bab as-Silsila may have come from the chapel has been fol low ed by a number scholars tog. Enlart 1925; 206: Folda 1977; 273: 1995; 35: Bushhausen L978: 150): howeve r, th ere is no partic lor reason Why thi s should be $0. sin ce similar Crusad clements are found er Teused in th C cont emporary Sabil Ta abWad and Sahil Tiq Tariq: Bab an-Nav ir, The Revd [.E Hanauer’s identific . ation of the ch urch with the Ki Retsoloum (1924: la ni ya 141. 147) must also be re} that building stands ected, as loo f west! the Crusader buil Hest to it, however, ding may Well be the Meat market menGened by Ernoul ip Urgoyn ; e and Ric ha rds 1987: 325-6) ,

322-3, no. 169 (—1187); Cont. de Guillaume de

109, no. 421 (-1187).

Jerusalem map: Cambrai (c.1150).

Abel 1924: 38; Bahat 1994: 179-80; Ben-Dov, Naor - oe 1983: 57; Bieberstein and Bloedhorn 1994: 1, 348. we oe UI, 423; Boas 1999: 24; Burgoyne and Richards 1987:

jess

n.2; Buschhausen 1978: 150; Chaplin 1889: 10; isa 406 I1, 206, 265; Fabre 1922: 50; Folda 1977: 273; parent

n.72; Hanauer 1926: 141, 147; Jeffery 1911: 746; 19 1853: 1.

Pierotti 1864: 153; Prag 1989: 176; 2002: 160; Tobler ie, 206, 425; Vincent and Abel 1914: 953; de Vogiié 1860: 437.

No.318 Armenian Cathedral Church : St James the Great 17179.13132 (Map History

n. The Apostle James, son of Zebedee and brother of see

was beheaded under King Herod Agrippa in the oe before Easter c.ap 44 (Acts 12.1-3). Although oe ‘ ice

ical texts do not specify where his martyrdom i athe from an early date it was associated with ae later sixth century, the Piacenza Pilgrim plates , 1379).

tomb on the Mount of Olives (ch. xv1 (CCSL, CLXX\ aes

However, by the early seventh century, traditions wee is culating associating James with a preaching ea in Spain and placing his burial place in aula af Tripolitania. In 830, with North Africa long ate the Muslim hands, his tomb was found in Galicia. ee se a

twelfth century the story of his translation there pe established,

According

to the Historia

cae

.

Written in 1139, James’s body had been pou aisecia Compostela by his disciples from the place ae ae

been thrown outside the walls of Jerusalem (PL. C1 892: Vincent and Abel 1914: 528, text V1). By the twelfth century the place of James s ieyrdom ca in Jerusalem had come to be associated with neu The reasons for this are uncertain, though it may ber rot

Jerusalem (St James the Great, no. 3.18)

eee EEEIIEEIEISEEIEIEEEEEIEEEEEEEEEIEEENEEIIREIIEEEmnerenenmemmeemeees pemeeeenee nn ee

that at this time some of the other places mentioned in Acts 12. including the Prison of St Peter (no. 353) and the

house of John Mark (no. 343), were also located in that

area. The particular choice of site, however, seems to have been caused by the prior existence of a church dedicated to St Menas. the account of whose passion that was current by the tenth century bore a number of similarities to that of St James (Vincent and Abel 1914: 521-2). A church or martyrium of St Menas had been founded around 444 by a Roman patrician lady named Bassa, who also established near by a women’s convent of which she became abbess. The church subsequently had as its abbot the monk Andrew, a protégé of St Euthymius (Cyril of Scythopolis, Vita S. Euthymii(ed Schwartz. 49; trans. Price, 46)). The Georgian Lectionary refers to the commemoration of the Prophet Isaiah. Menas and Evtha (Phocas?) ‘in the building of the Blessed Bassa’ on 5 May, the deposition of relics of Isaiah ‘in the building of Bassa. in St Menas’ on lbJune, the commemoration of Isaiah, Menas and Phocas ‘in the building of Bassa’ on 31 October, and the commemoration of Bassa herself ‘in the building of Bassa, in St Menas’ on 6 December ($952. $1032, §1335, §1401 (ed.Tarschnischvili, 11, 8, 16, 48, 55): Garitte 19 58: 216; Vincent and Abel 1914: 518-19: Wilkinson 1977: 161).

Although nothing remains of the original church, the ca of its dedication is retained by the chapel of St ay ee was apparently built by the Georgians . a is and 1088 and is attached to the north side ia oe Sentry church of St James (Vincent and ;

Bb 522: Janin 1913: 23; Prawer 1976: 229).

ue po - catholicus of Armenia. Gregory III as ig ee Jerusalem and participated with the bates oeoe: = illiam I, and the papal legate, Alberic. Sion eer aaa a synod held in the church of Mount 18 (CCCM, LXIII, 699; trans. Babcock and ee aig

(ed. Chabot oe

ore Michael the Syrian. xvi, 10

449-50). ae fg the Samuel of Ani (RHC Arm, 1, Ginga at sate e Constable (RHC Arm, 1, 618): Arm, 1, 41 7-18): Vincent and (RHC Abel 191.4: apn 27.8) the an amilton 1980: 203-5: Prawer 1976: Atietizan vets oe May well have acted as a spur for the snc ebuilding of the cathedral church of St James. é

_

Must have been well e .advvance d byy the the time time thatthat KiKing

Toros If visited

ing Amalric in Jerusalem around 1163 76: 230-1; Sanjian 1979: 12 The earli est detailed atai accountiisof the2/222) new church is that

icf. Prawer 1 hen by

ilh3.

the ¢

:

the German pilgrim John of Wiirzburg around

from [the monastery of St Sabas. no. iw pie a in honsur-ce hw beyond another street is a large church ‘rand also hav St James the Great. where Armenian monks eit *ailt

ve there a large hospital for bringing together the

169

poor of their nation. There also the head of the same Apostle is held in great veneration: for he was decapitated by Herod, and his disciples took his body to Galicia (var: by divine providence to Galicia in the kingdom of Spain), having placed it on boant ship in Jaffa, while his head remained in Palestine, The same head is still shown in that church to visiting pilgrims. (CCCM, eNANIN,

133:cf. PPTS, v. 45)

Shortly after John’s visit, in 1168, Saladin took control of Egypt. and the Armenian patriarch of Alexandria and his monks fled to Jerusalem. bringing with them seventy-live

illuminated books (Prawer 1976: 232). An unnamed pilgrim around 1170) mistook the Armenians in St James's for Jacobites, but noted that in addition to the Apostle’s head the church also contained Ps PPTS. V1. the arm of St Stephen (Anon. 1, LO HC. years later few a 12)). Another pilgrim text written identifies the church as the actual place of martyrdom (Anon. v.i, 6 (HC, 11, 30; PPTS, vt. 24). In 1179, the Armenians of St James are recorded possessing a piece of land in the Hinnom Valley beside the Bethlehem road A (Cart. des Hosp., 1. 376, no, 554: RRH, 157. no. 390), this in belonged bakery in front of the door of the church er. period to the canons of the Holy Sepulchre (Brese-Bauti 421). 322-3, no. 169; RRH, 109, no. ds the One version of John of Ibelin’s Livre accor y the archArmenian archbishop two suffragans. namel order of St the of r maste bishop of the Jacobites and the plausible more Lazarus. This is evidently incorrect and a suffragans of the variant version makes all three prelates nian archbishop Latin patriarch. In the case of the Arme after the union of the the reference should probably date in 1198. though it may Armenian and Roman churches in Jerusalem between only have become a practical issue Lois, §. 415-16: ed. 1229 and 1244 (Livre, CCXVI (RHC 188-9: Edburvy 1997: Edbury, 592); cf. Hamilton 1980: 178, 186). retained possession of the After 1187 the Armenians ccus. IT (PG. CXXNTEL. Fehh: church of St James (Anon. Gra their ugh a firman upholding Sanjian 1983: 133). tho have been issued by eu rights that is purported to oe

authenticity (Sanjian ms appears to be of doubtful 459%: 7: 45: Richards 1989: figs. 5-7: Antreassian 197 catholicus firmed to the Armenian The church was also con ra Tr Au ch 1239 (Reg.. ed. by Pope Gregory IX in Mar , no. 27:

h. Biblioteca. 11. 291 1227, no. 4739: Golubovic onicle 111. 334, no. 256). The chr Pontificia Commissio, 38.. gneur sei mon to it as the mastier of Ernoul (c.1231) refers its s a detailed deseripue? of Saint Jake de Galisse and give the of nt fro in g din of the street lea location on the east side Sion. Ernoul the postern of Mount Tower of David towards of James s mar ce also identified this as the place and Raynaud. ie. 192: ed. Michelant xvit.i (ed. de Mas Latr

170

— Churches of the Crusader Kingdom

33): cf. Cont. de Guillaume de Tyr (Rothelin, c.1261), 111 (RHC Occ, 11, 492-3; ed. Michelant and Raynaud, 145; trans. Shirley, 14)). According to the Estoires d’Outremer, angels carried James’s body from there to Galicia (ed. Jubb, 215: ed. Michelant and Raynaud, 26). A letter written by the patriarch of Jerusalem, Robert of Nantes, to Pope Innocent IV in September 1244 describes the attack on the city by the Khwarizmian Turks that had taken place on 11 July. Finding themselves unable to attack the Christians who had taken refuge in their churches and hospitals, the Turks withdrew in confusion, and unexpectedly stormed the church of St James, belonging to the Armenians, who resided in the same city and took it, and slew with the edge of the sword many Armenians whom they found within the church—priests, clergy, and laity. (Melrose Chron. (trans, Stevenson, 71))

Despite this disaster, the church continued to be mentioned in later thirteenth-century pilgrim texts (Sains pelerinages (c.1230), x1t1 (ed. Michelant and Raynaud, 1045); Pelrinages et pardouns de Acre (1258-64), 111 (ed. Michelant and Raynaud, 231); Chron. Sampet rinum (1267-8), 11 (IHC, iv, 82); Burchard of Mount Sion (c.1283), vit, 2 (ed. Laurent, 72; THC, tv, 188; PPTS, x11, 78): Hee sunt peregrinationes, 11 (IHC, 1v, 334)). One tradi-

tion which appears in this period is that it was built in the place to which James's body had been carried by angels from his place of execution in Jaffa (Anon. saec. xuI (1244-), 11 (IHC. tv, 348); cf. Oderic of Friuli 1330: 150). Philip of Savona (1285-91) encoun tered both this story and the alternative one that identif ied the church as the place of martyrdom (ch. x11 (ed. Neumann, 38~9; IHC, rv, 226)). Indeed, Ricoldus of Montec roce (1288-91) saw inside the church a blood stained marble stone where the beheading supposedly occurred (ch. 1v, 6—7 (ed. Laurent, 108: ed. Kappler, 48: IHC, tv, 264)). Another tradition, retold by Marino Sanudo with due scepticism, was that the angels transported

no more than the head from Jaffa to Jerusalem (Sanudo. 111, 14,9 (ed. Bongars, 254; PPTS, xu, 41). Although the Georgi ans made several attempts throughout the Mamluk period to regain possessi on of the church, it seems that on each occasion the attempt was blocked by the Armeni ans appealing to the sultan (Sanjian 1983: 135-6:ef Jan in 19] 3: 34-5), An Armenian scribe, Step‘anos Erkayn, copied @ Gospel book in the church in 1321 (Stone 1969; 8). Pilgrims from Europe and Wh Saoy visited Jerusale mb Russia etween the fourteen th century and Ihe sixteenth also confirm that the mo nks Serving there were Armenians (F itzsimons ] 322-3: 45; Oderic of Friuli 1330; 150: James of Verona 1335; 196-7; Ludolph of Sudheim 336—41a: 352: 1336-41: 103: Peter de

Pennis c.1350: 351; Gucci 1384: 131; Grethenios c.1400: 175; Zosimos 1419-21: 215; de Rochechouart 1461: 249; Affagart 1553-4: 93; Perera 1553b: 32), though one perpetuated an earlier confusion by calling them Jacobyns (Guylforde 1506: 21). a A number of pilgrims from the 1340s onwards identify the patron of the church as St James the Less, the brother of Jesus and first bishop of Jerusalem (Anon. Anglicus 1344—5a: 454; 1344—5b: 68; Nicolas of Poggibonsi 1346-50: 35; Gucci 1384: 131; Zozimos 1421: 215; Affagart 1553-4: 93). It seems unlikely that they bi simply confusing St James the Less with St James t re Apostle, since the Armenians today show the former's tomb inside the church under the bishop’s throne (Antreassian

1977:

59-60;

Hintlian

1976:

eae

likely it was the result of the appropriation at this time an earlier tradition which associated the house of stJames the Less, containing his throne, with Mount Sion ea Egeria (384), in Peter the Deacon, frag. E (CCSL, aa

95; trans. Wilkinson, 183); cf. Wilkinson 1977: 17

:

the time of the Crusader kingdom, however, thesae James the Less was still being shown in the Kidron Va . 320). ite oe Nicolas of Poggibonsi entered monastery through a small door enclosed by a large arc And inside it there is a large and beautiful monastery, foe most beautiful church with two small doors, and at the en net there is a cistern. In the middle of the [north] wall of meer a there isa small chapel, with a very beautiful ee aie it. Beneath the altar there is a large stone of red marb iita

round hole, four fingers wide and a palm high. And ee sie off the head of St James; and there, by divine miracle, i; ad ing day he was found in Galicia with two of his discip!es-

three lamps always burn there. (1346-50: 35) After the fall of Cilician Armenia to the alts t 1374-5, Queen Mariun, wife of the last king, ue

became a nun at St James’s until her death in 1377, she was also buried there (Ervine 1999: 127). polonet Further details of the church are given by John in the early fifteenth century:

That church [of the Armenians] is rounded, Eke

g walls

ne

and extremely strong resounding vaults. In the middle ded glass square columns. It has no windows, except for a aie Indeed.

one at its highest point, but has 300 or more panei in

during my time there 120 lamps were burning in tha h populat one chandelier, and I have never seen nor heard suc where St

devotion. To the left of the entrance is shown the place the place James the Great was beheaded, and it is 222 paces from 4: cf Where his brother John celebrated Mass. (14222: » 243-# ©

1422b: 15)

ae

Anselm Adorno is the first to refer explicitly to th dome, describing the building as

e centra

|

Jerusalem (St James the Great, no. 318) ee71

e a EP S a

a most beautiful church having a tower carried at its highest point, rounded and with a broad aperture. (1470-1: 262)

The dome also features prominently in the description made by Felix Faber in the 1480s: This church is great and lofty, insomuch that it overtops every other church which is in Jerusalem, and is seen before them, for the first thing which one sees is the dome of this church. It has no windows, but light comes through an opening in the top, and fills the church. There are many chapels round about it, which are now ruined and desecrated. In the church itself hang many lamps, and in the midst there hang a hundred and twenty lamps in one chandelier. (1480-3: 1, 322)

Felix, like Grethenios (c.14.00: 215), also refers to two large round stones which had been brought by angels to the Virgin from Sinai (1480-3: 1, 322). By the late seventeenth century these had been joined by other stones from the place of Jesus’ Baptism and Transfiguration

(Maundrell 1697a: 466; 1697b: 132-3). In March 1517, the Ottoman sultan, Selim I, issued a firman confirming the possession of the church of St James by the Armenian patriarch, Sargis (Sanjian 1983: 137). Atthe same time, however, a firman issued in parallel to the Greek patriarch confirmed to him the monastery of ‘St James, son of Zebediah, of the Georgians’ (PapadopoulosKerameus 1891a: 111, 219-22; Vryonis 1981: 40-1; sie 164). It seems unnecessary to seek to explain this fea inconsistency by identifying the latter as a aes tame (pace Sanjian 1983: 137), since the bathsRide also confirm the competing claims of ek reeks and the Armenians to the monasteries of pias = or Prison of Christ (no. 358), and the Holy ea i S.Or House of Annas (no. 296), both of which fhecan ee hands. It may also be noted that 1512. a he ad laid claim to St James's as recently as for sicihes ne and the Greeks were to continue doing so 1983: 136 a centuries (Thenaud 1512: 103; Sanjian Susan :i- Vincent and Abel 1914: 524). In the later Latins to pnae the Armenians also permitted the ithe thurch neethe feast of the Decollation of St James

eee

iy of Ragusa 1577: 79).

cutaway sei eof the seventeenth century a plan and

rnatding Ars

Wve View. of the church were made by Ico. In his description he records:

This chu i

iv : me, i apees no light except that from the aperture in the iron window WY ould be 12 palms in diameter, and is made of an Would say ee if p were not for the rain that enters, one ordi y glass. (1620a: : 43, ertainph.that 37) it was of ordinar 37:= 1620b: 118;

Francesco that in cepa

likened the opening in the vault to

Holy Sepulchre and noted that the cloister or

square in front of the church was used as a market (1639a:

11, 60-1; 1639b: 134-5). Various works are recorded taking place in the church in the seventeenth century. Sometime between

1633 and 1666, the narthex on its south side was walled up to form the chapel of Etchmiadzin (Vincent and Abel 1914: 556; Antreassian 1977: 66; Hintlian 1976: 5+). In 1648, a

mosaic floor was laid in the area of the high altar. chancel and bema (Antreassian 1977: 65), and the church was repaved in 1651 (Vincent and Abel 1914: 556: Carswell 1972: 1, 6). The patriarchal throne of St James the Less, dated by an inscription to 1661, was donated in 1680 (Carswell 1972: 1, 6-7; Antreassian 1977: 65-6), A continuing dispute with the Greeks over possession of the church resulted in the Turks closing it between 1656 and 1659 (Antreassian 1977: 58); the dispute was not linally resolved until 1813, when Sultan Mahmid II upheld the Armenians’ rights against Greek counter-claims (Vincent and Abel 1914: 524; Antreassian 1977: 48-9). er During the patriarchate of Gregory the Chain-Bear and h churc (1715-49) an extensive restoration of the was walled. tery monas The . monastery was undertaken the altar 's James St rooms were built for pilgrims, and in ty enlarged. of the Holy Cross was built and the sacris in 1727. the With the permission of a firman obtained and covered red interior of the church was also plaste Kiitahya (Carswell with decorative ceramic tiles from the ornaments and 1972: 8-9; 107-11). In 1721. decorated and gilded wooden panels in the church were to the chapel of the (Antreassian 1977: 65). The door altar of the chapel of decapitation is dated 1731, the the chapel of St Macarius Etchmiadzin 1733, the door to tomb 1751 (Antreassian 1738, and the same saint’s records paintings and a 1977: 62-3, 66). Fr Elzear Horn completed between 1 726 and decorative pavement being the dome was still open. being 1730: however, the hole in cloth to keep out the rain covered in winter by a waxed (Horn 1725-446: 188). airs to the cupola being An inscription records rep Further treassian 1977: 65-6). undertaken in 1812 (An the earthundertaken following works, however, were n the

on 23 May 1834. whe quake that struck Jerusalem Cyprus described the repairs Greek monk Neophytos of ities to their churches: made by the various commun

the Greeks] in the passed [the Latins and But the Armenians sur ndations 4 HEN y built on very solid fou question of building. The it to the Church: by of St James and joined narthex to the church the women. es made an enclosure for other additions they Cupola of the Churc greatly enlarged. The church was thereby the Baths. es now covered with glass like was formerly open and the Cupola were for ne. The windows of ]. hre ulc Sep they finished it off in sto the Holy of the Katholikon [in nee closed, as those

172

Churches of the Crusader Kingdom

and these were now opened. They painted the church and decorated it with many new pictures. (1821-41: 76-7)

The women’s gallery was built above the new narthex on the west side of the church, the upper part of whose west wall was removed to allow a clear view down into the nave (Vincent and Abel 1914: 556). . A detailed study of the church and its surrounding chapels was made by Ers Vincent and Abel in 1919-2] (1914: 529-58, figs. 197-225, pls. LIV-LVIIL).

Description St James's cathedral stands surrounded by the build ings of the Armenian Patriarchate on the east side of the medieval Street of Mount Sion (today Armenian Patriarchate Street), roughly midway between the Tower of David and the southern wall of the city. The build ing consists of a large domed basilica of three bays, with an open narthex (now walled in) ranged along its south side and enclosing the main door, a later narthex and gallery added to the West front, and the chapels of St Menas and St Stephen lying on the north, the latter acting as a sacristy (figs. 28-31). The earliest part of the com plex is represented by the chapel of St Menas, which adjo ins the north wall of the church, quite possibly as it did the church that preceded the present one. Externally this chapel would originally have appeared roughly cubo id, measuring 7.05 m east-west and some 7.15 m north-south, Internally it consists of a groin-vaulted space, 4.6 m by 5.3 m, with two semi-circular apses to the east, lit originally by plai n rectangular slit-windows (wh ich now face into the sacr isty). In recent times these have contained altars dedicated to St Menas and St Zacharias. The building now has an upp er Storey of slightly reduced proportions, containing ano the r chapel. dedicated to the Holy Apostles, This measur es 4.15 by 3.7 mand has a low vault anda singlee ast -facing apse, This is reached by asta irin the north w all of the church or through a plain door fro m the terrace roof of the adjoining convent buildings to the West. The east and wes t facades at this level are faced in ashlar and are capped by low gables With moulded co Pes (ph LXXxvir), Althou gh the masonry has evidently been repaired and altered at various times, the general architectura l character of t}Nese facades js sugBestive of fifth. or six th-century work, The upper chapel, however. was eviden tly built after the medieval church, stice it obscures one of its windows, It seems possible therefore that the earlier gables were sim ply rebuilt at the higher level when the upper storey was add ed (Vincent and Abel 1914. S44~7, fips. 2142] 7).

A number of irregularities apparent in the layout ol the main church suggested to Vincent and Abel that its twelfth-century Armenian builders incorporated various elements surviving from a Georgian church of Benet similar design, built in the eleventh century (1914: 547-8, 552-3). However, although it appears likely that some of these irregularities are indeed the result of the medieval builders accommodating within their design elements surviving from an earlier church on the ee site, the attempts that have been made to identify elements of an eleventh-century structure are not ae gether convincing (1914: pl. Liv). Since it is beled impossible to study the masonry in detail, cae lower levels are mostly obscured by other bui a plaster or tilework, it seems preferable to treat theoS as having essentially one medieval phase, while s o the major irregularities that may hint at chrono ae differences. In any case, as will become seers irregularities in the church’s planning seem as eeaei owing to survivals from the Byzantine period as fro

eleventh century. The first irregularity to be noted is the alignment

a oe

north wall, which at its east end differs by some 2°20 the orientation of the rest of the building. As a resu Hs north aisle is some 1.2 m wider at the west end than = east (Vincent and Abel 1914: 533-4). The charac on the external masonry is also quite different to that 0 cs

south wall. Where it may be seen above the esas a St Stephen’s chapel and adjacent buildings, the wa ses of very roughly cut blocks of stone, laid in regular c oe

with thick mortar joints. Freestone ashlars with rs dressings are used for the north-east quoins, W ann wall formerly returned over the top of the northern os

and around the windows,

which are rounded-arc

some 0.9 m wide and with an internal splay ee

i

Abel 1914: 550, figs. 222-3). In contrast, the sees ae is faced completely in ashlar. Although its central pie has been altered, the other two are some 1.0 m \ a rounded-arched

and

with

label-stopped

srcrenen

(Vincent and Abel 1914: 548-50, figs. 210-21, pl. fi These differences, however, do not necessarily mean 5s

the north and south walls belong to different ‘vane

the contrary, the disposition of the windows in the ce pe of the bays indicates that they are more likely to a a temporary. The greater care and expense lavished 01 fl south wall may best be explained by the eee built that would have been the church’s principal ae containing its main entrance. It also seems more likely tat

the diferent alignment of the north wall was the so :

it; having been built over the foundations of the wa ith the fifth- or sixth-century basilica, con temporary WwW! chapel of St Menas.

Jerusalem (St James the Great, no. 318)

173

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1 St Macarius

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amendments — After CAV FR omendments -H. Vincent, with level. church ar id adjoining Cc.h apels at ground he urch of St Jame:Sst he Great (no. 3 18): plan of thec.

e the evi-

improbable. despit _side walls seems a priori high ly of ss dne war awk the is ni s above the side apses the junction neoy an So for the later addition 0 f chapel ce den the of ch whi in , nave the likely that the widths relatively greater Methe chevet and 4: 534, pl. Lv). It seems more A second a

nave walls compared With those of the ase ne of the theentrancesintotheside chapels being oie et resultsin thrown off-centre. Vincent and Abel's argume owed and r than the nt that the chevet was built late

(191 nave side apses perpetu ate the the central apse and the two of fifth- or lier columned basilica ear an of ths wid e aisl and not have er aisle roofs would —sixth-century date, whoset imb

174

— Churches of the Crusader Kingdom

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): y in Akeldama (no. 332 Burial chapel of St Mar from the east. interior of charnel-pit.

sepultura pere(c.1108: Acheldemach, ls sse Bru s: map lem Jerusa don (c.1250: 0: Acheldemach): Lon 117 (c. 7 ue Hag ; um) grinor udo-Vesconte (de sepeliuntur Anglici): San ubi iis ar Joh m] [iu c.: (12 Carnel fullonis): Uppsala eldinach, Bastard, c.1320: Ach gui san nis). Acheldemach, ager

ager

109: d'Anglure 1395a: ; Affagart 1533+: : Adorno 1470-1: 284 ny of Cremona 1330 ema 1486: 107; Anto iro Ave de 20-1; Antonio da Cr -1; u. 170 30; d’Arvieux 1735: 159; Ariosti 1463: 9-80: Barkay 1988: 57 5: 195 287; Baldi 1569a: 137% 1569b: di Bartolomeo 1431: 62-3; 1863: 136-7: .: 126; Bartlett 1847: isti 1970: 32. fig 1615: 139: Benven : | 98 16 yn 155; de Beauvau Bru de 4: II. 323-5: 199 orn edh Blo d | an in i Caumont 1418:° 255: de ondelmonti 1468: -1: OE ee 187; Bu I. 534-8: 11. 380 : 0-3 148 171: Faber -3; 182 : 400 44; Dondi 2002: c.1 thenios 14, fig. p. 15: Gre ff Har von 8: Fransen 1974: 19 . pl -2. Hanauer 1926: 361 of s me Ja oe Guylforde 1506; 34; : 78 45; Hoade 19 6: 197 an tli Hin ; no. a2 1496-9: 217 198-9. 152 es . -1; Kloner 2001: 1846: fit Kra Verona 1335: 200 ; 11 4089-90; Kopp 1959: Kootwyk 1619: 28

Churches of the Crusader Kingdom a

228 | CUS 228

Os

SS

41a: 355; 193-5; Lewin 1863: 170; Ludolph of Sudheim 1336ille Mandev fig.; 49-52, 23-9, 1979: 1336-41b: 112; Major 1431: Siena da o Marian 279; -66b: ¢.1356-66a: 175; ¢.1356 136; 99:deMartoni 1395: 616; Maundrell 1697a: 468; 1697b: Iv, 1901: rt Momme 75; 2004: l Melander 1894; Mitchel of as Perdic 42; 0: 1346-5 onsi 313-20: Nicolas of Poggib

SS

SSS

des Hosp., 1, 123, no. 154 (1 143); Hiestand, Vorarbeiten, 1, 169-71, no. 51; RRH, 54-5, no. 214; Favreau-Lilie 1974: 20-1; Dichter 1979: 79, fig. 41). At the same time, the pope wrote in similar terms to the ‘Jerusalemite Brothers of the Hospital stationed throughout Germany’

Ephesus c.1350: 969; Perera 1553b: 43-4, 68; Peter de Pennis c.1350: 360-1; Pierotti 1864: 206-7; Pococke 1743: 11, 25;

Poloner 1422a: 238; 1422b: 12; Porter 1887: 86-7; Posniakov 273; -4; 1561: 327-8: Possot 1532: 184; Prag 1989: 3032002: 11, mi 1639a: Quares Prescott 1954: 133; Pringle 1993: 34, fig.; 217: 1639b: 196-8; Reich, Avni and Winter 1999: 131; Robinson 1841: 1, 524-6; Rinuccini 1474: 68, 150; Ritmeyer 104; de 1630b: and Ritmeyer 1994: 26; Rocchetta Rochechouart 1461: 262; Sandys 1615: 187; Schick 1892: 283-9, fig.; Schultz 1845: 39-40; Sepp 1873: 1, 297-300; Suriano 1485a: 119-20; Thenaud 1512: 109; Tobler 1853: 11, 260-75; Vincent and Abel 1914: 865-6, 874, 967; de Vogiié 1860: 334; Wilkinson 1977: 149; Wilkinson, Hill and Ryan 1988: 21, 29; Williams 1849: 1.ii, 61-3; Wilson 1865: 67; 1880:1, 98-9, 110, pl.; Zvallart 1587a: 144-5, pl. p. 139.N.

No. 333 Church and Hospital of St Mary of theGermans) 17215.13143 (Map 5) History James of Vitry, writing in 1229-40, describes how, sometime after the First Crusade, a religious-minded German, who had settled in Jerusalem with his wife, established a hospital for German visitors to the city who were unfamiliar with French, the language of the country. This house offered hospitality to the poor and infirm. With the consent of the patriarch, the founder also built a church beside it dedicated to St Mary. The house was supported both by fie original endowment and by alms donated by the faithful (Hist. Or, 111, 66 (ed. Moschus, 120-3; ed. Bongars 1085); IHC, 111, 342-4; cf. Sanudo, 111, vii, 3 (ed. Bonears 178-9)). A late fourteenth-century source dates the foun dation to the year 1127 and claims that the founder's wife added a hospital for German women, though it is unceraanea :derived this information from (John of Ypres

(Cart. des Hosp. 1, 124, no. 155 (1143); Hiestand, Vorarbeiten, 111, 171-2, no. 52; RRH, 55, no. 214). The German pilgrim John of Wiirzburg visited the hospital in Jerusalem around 1165. He approached it down the street leading from David's Gate to the Temple. ha On the right-hand side there is a certain alley leading throug

which is long portico, in which street is a hospital and a church,

‘The House being newly made in honour of St Mary and is called anybestow tongues other of of the Germans’. Few if any people 45-6) v, PPTS, cf. 33: 1 thing of value on it. (CCCM, cxxx1x,

ning of The Chronicle of Ernoul (c.1231) places the begin al (Ospital the Street of the Germans, in which the hospit the meat after e Templ des Alemans) lay, in the Street of the (ch. market and before the church of St Giles (no. 317) Latrie, Mas de ed. 38; ud, Rayna Xv, 2 (ed. Michelant and c.1261), V 196); cf. Cont. de Guillaume de Tyr (Rothelin,

150; (RHC Occ, 11, 497; ed. Micheland and Raynaud,

nd trans. Shirley, 16)). In 1176, Countess Sophia of Holla

and was buried at died in Jerusalem while on pilgrimage SS, XVI, the German Hospital (Annales Egmundani (MGH 468); Favreau-Lilie 1994: 30). ers of the It is uncertain what became of the broth

their German Hospital in Jerusalem after 1187, when er, that house and archive were lost. It seems, howev

The Hospital of the Germans was evidently viewed as a potential rival by the Hospitallers of St John, especially in the West, where both houses looked for funds. In Decent 1143, therefore, Pope Celestine II issued a privilege ee ; the prior and brothers (servientes) of the German Hospit r under the authority of the master of the Hospital t5 John. Although the master was to oversee the diciis ' the prior and ensure that only German speakers of aieel

quality were admitted as brothers, the German Hospi ‘ retained its distinct identity under papal Stee nae

West, for on members of the hospital still existed in the taking the 6 February 1191 Clement III issued a letter

German brothers of the church of St Mary of Jerusalem

340-1, no. under his protection (Hiestand, Vorarbeiten, 111,

187, no. 700; 163; Strehlke, 263-4, no. 295; RRH, Favreau 1994: 31, 36). This letter was evidently not German field intended for those serving in the independent yet have a not did that as hospital before Acre (see Vol. 1v), , church (Favreau-Lilie 1994: 36-7). Another document which purports to be a privilege addressed by the same pope on 12 February 1191 to ‘Henry Valpach, master of the

brothHospital of St Mary in Jerusalem’, imposing on the a forgery ers the rule of St Augustine, has been shown tobe

sixteenth century made for the Teutonic Order in the (Hiestand, Vorarbeiten, 111, 343-4, no. 165; Strehlke, 265

n.14; Favreaw-Lilie 1974: 38; 1994: 36). It seems a40°

possible, however, that Ulricus magister Teutonici hospitalis. who witnessed an act of the landgrave of Thuringia at e Halle in 1195, was a refugee from the Jerusalem hous German confraternity rather than a representative of the in Acre (Favreau-Lilie 1994: 37-8), though he might equally have been master of a local hospital.

Jerusalem (St Mary of the Germans, no. 333)

some properties In1197, the emperor Henry VI granted tonicorum apud in Barletta and Palermo to the hospitale Theu in Mary; and on Hierusalem, founded in honour of the Virg the hospitale 20 February 1214, Frederick II took ection and prot Theutonicorum Sanctae Mariae under his ble that these confirmed its possessions. Although itis possi of the Jerusalem two grants related to residual elements erties to which hospital existing in the West, any such prop by this time the hospital could show title were probably an hospital in being gradually absorbed by the new Germ ed, the supInde . Acre, later to become the Teutonic Order hospiposed continuity between the Jerusalem and Acre ew II of tals is specifically recognized in acts of Andr k II of eric Fred of act an Hungary in 1211 and 1212, while subof on 1221 recognized the Acre hospital's possessi nged to sidiary houses in the West that may once have belo 2). 39-4 994: 1 ie -Lil reau the Jerusalem establishment (Fav of return the Eventually, in April 1229, shortly after from Jerusalem to Frederick II, the Teutonic Order obtained

in the the emperor the house that the Germans had held posand rights r city before 1187, along with all its forme

sessions. In addition, they were granted the former royal

palace situated beside the Citadel in the ruga Armeniorum, near the church of St Thomas (no. 365), together with an ated or domain adjacent garden and six carrucates of esche land in the territory of the city, wherever such could be found (Ernoul, xi (ed. de Mas Latrie, 465); HuillardBréholles, 111, 126; Strehlke, 55, no. 69; Predelli, 142 5-6,

Church of St Mary of the Germans (no. 333): plan.

9

1974: 89; no. 28; RRH, 265, no. 1010; Favreau-Lilie ion from the 1994: 33-4). These grants drew a react Pope Gregory IXin Hospitallers of St John, who appealed to ine II that had Celest of 1229 and 1239, citing the bull subordinate to made the German Hospital in Jerusalem IX and Innocent IV their master; however, both Gregory 86-7; 1994: 34). In rejected the claim (Favreau-Lilie 1974: oned once more. 1244, Jerusalem was in any case aband an Hospital were Remains identified as those of the Germ Drake in the Jewish noted in 1872 by C.F Tyrwhitt aidan (1872: 85-6; Quarter, on the east side of Harat al-M

Conder 1884: 41, 272). cf. Chaplin 1889: 10; Warren and , cleared of rubble and They were rediscovered in 1968 an archaeological park later buildings, and laid out as Ovadiah 1973; 1975: (Ben-Dov 1982: 349-53; 1993; 1981; 1993).

Description referred to by Ernoul may be The ‘Street of the Germans’ at al-Maidan, or Misgav laidentified with the present Har on y lies on the east side of it. Dakh. The church of St Mar l Wal n ter al-Wad and the Wes sloping ground overlooking the While 2, pls. CXxIV-CXVII). of the Temple area (figs. 41et little below the modern stre

a west door of the church is The over a vaulted undercroft. t level, the east end is buil m. 4.9 of toamaximum height walls of the church survive

rs

41

i)No

230

— Churches of the Crusader Kingdom

SECTION

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tt

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A.Ovadiah

20

1981,eBSAT

LOWER +42?

Chur IE nAMStie Mes ch of ANTE scali Mary of th e ( crmMans eee

30

Survey 581

PLAN 0.3 3 3):7 plans (no, € of the church and adjoi ning buildings atn ave alr id baseme!

i:

.

CXIV.

Ch na

St Mary of the Germans (no. 333): view from

.

the Aqsa mosque and Mount of Olives behind.

exv1

(no. 333): tomb Church of St Mary of the Germans recess in the north wall.

-storey hall, south of which yard and to the south by a two was a street.

Xv

ond

ay

Church of StM ary of the Germans (no. 333): interior, locking ease

0 the level of the springing of the side apses

ais] the chevet, theree ae The west front, the interior of constructed are In finely wrolightr and window surrounds masonry is Toughly cut, tho ashlar, while the rest of the The church Was flanked to ce laid in regular courses.

€north by a building with a central court-

23 in plan, measuring overall The church is rectangular th sou m thick on the north and by 15.6 m, with walls 1.8 too y it k (fig. 41, pl. cxv). Internall and 1.4 m on the west ating basilica of four bays, termin the form of a three-aisled in a ned tai semi-circular apses con on the east with three e and the nave was some 4 m wid flat chevet. The central 1.10m carried on plain piers, aisles 2.8 m. The arcade was eastern two y the lower part s of the square, of which onl arrises with e quirked chamfered ones remain. These hav g pilasters ement. Two respondin pav the ve abo t jus stops were none. but in the aisles there survive at the west end, probably have th of 1.8 m would The eastern bay ’s wid bays, with the second and third the in ed eat rep been vaulting shorter. None of the at wh me so g in be y western ba nave and aisles , however, that the survives. It is likely ve rising above vaulted, with the na noi gr en be ve ha would odate a clearstory. the aisles to accomm mns with matchber of elbow colu The survival of anum uld have been t the nave bays wo tha ts ges sug ls ita ing cap

ext

Church of St Mary of the Germans (rio. 333): (a) de tail of cornice in the north apse: (b-d) elbow columns.

separated by transverse arches springing from consoles as in the church at Abu Ghosh (Vol. 1. no. 1). Two diffe rent types of clbow column survive: a larger ty pe. in which a thickdleafed capital (minus its astragal) and a column with attiched astragal are cut respective ly from two separate stones. and a smaller type in which the column and capital

are carved from the same stone (pl exvit b-d), Although

a vonsole of the larger type still survi ves in situ in the upper level of the hall on the south side of the church, it seems likely that consoles of this type woul d also have been used inthe nave of the church, while the smaller variety may perhaps have been used in the aistes.

The ventrabapse is 3. bhi wide and 2.06.m deep. and the

side apses about 2 im wide and 1.3 0 m deep. A low step separates the apses from the nave, A slight projection at the base of the apse walls has been enlarged in the

recent Festeration to provide bench seating: for visitors. though

it is likely to have been intended originally as no more than a plinth course, albeit: undecorated. The central apse is pierced by a sing le window. £3 m Wide internally, LL im externally and 1.3m high: the arch

covering it now has a slightly pointed profile. sates

Window itself is largely a restoration. It is probable oh

there would have been a second window. placed above d and above the lower cornice that would have se ee that of the side apses, but nothing now survives ae level. Similarly the semi-dome would probably Gan sprung from an upper cornice. which would have ee tinued around the clearstory to form an impost for nave vaulting. The north ae survives in part to the level of the ae : from which its semi-dome would have sprung. pear above

pavement level. The cornice itself is 0.2 m ua hed consists of a quirked cavetto moulding, its fillet eeAe in with a frieze of alternating double lozenges and :ire jee

rectangular compartments (pl cxvita). The ape esoe

by two window openings, one above the other. The '0 ns one has a double splay, 0.48 m wide on the inside. re

rowing to 0.22 m and opening to 0.35 mon the oe ee itis 1.2 m high and covered inside and out by @ aa

circular head cut froma single stone. The window the is slightly larger, its sill being formed by the lintel a

333) Jerusalem (St Mary of the Germans. no.

rnally, narrowing to window below. It is 0.6 m wide inte to 0.55 m. Its profile is about 0.30 m and opening again on the outside. The slightly more pointed, particularly similar to its northern lower window in the south apse is survive. It is also equivalent. but the upper one does not blocked when the clear that the lower one would have been adjoining hall in a external stair access was made to the rous provision of secondary phase. The relatively gene e possible by the windows in the apses was evidently mad effectively at firstfact that the east end of the church was provided at a floor level externally: thus windows could be low level without compromising security.

carried on a groinThe eastern part of the church was exx). This is entered vaulted basement (fig. 42. see pl. 2.4 m wide, immedithrough a pointed-arched opening. ral apse: however, it ately below the window of the cent as it would have been parmay possibly be a later insertion. to the southern hall (see tially blocked by the external stair lit by a slightly pointed below). The northern bay was in the north apse, though window, similar to those above it insertion of a later door. the sill has been cut away by the

of the western The principal door stood in the centre

but its upper facade. It was 1.41 m wide and of two orders. two pairs of by ed part has been rebuilt. It was possibly flank with a ated colonnettes. the arris between them being decor opened into quirked roll with a torus base. Subsidiary doors present their in and wide the aisles. These are each 0.80 m ely entir form are covered by pointed arches. It is not or certain, however. whether they are original features tly direc built is one hern later insertions. Indeed. the nort have over a cistern head, suggesting that it may originally the been simply an internal recess allowing access to exis’ doors these er. howev cistern. If they were original, tence might lend support to the idea that there was origi-

: 1 38). A nally an outer porch or narthex (Ovadiah 1993 door in the second bay of the south wall gave access latterly from the hall, but in view of its location it may possibly

an insertion. It is ae been an original feature rather than and a low1.26 m wide. with a pointed arch on the outside

ch and was pointed rear arch. It opened into the chur

secured shut by a sliding draw-bar. In the north wall of the first bay an aumbry was set into the the wall: this was possibly faced by a similar one in door. a ats wall. The northern aumbry was rebated for from two hinges on the east side: it was 0.6 m deep

internal nd contained slots for one or possibly two shelves. Rel second bay of the north wall a rounded-arched ed as a window for pana) reliquary niche survives. adapt

co

233

house (pl. cxvi). It was 1.56 m wide and

als and short colonnettes with thick-leafed capit sea these supported consisted vs ae ApS: The arch that -recta hoodaroll-moulding. enclosed by a form of cyma

or relipes with label-stopped ends. The tomb-chest has gone. The other Lah eenont below the niche

t slappings a — in the north wall all appear to be recen window One were no windows.

Sh 0 that there alae pointed arch and internal splay does ee a oe in the south wall of the western bay. which. latof the church tly at least. was probably the only side wall

Decoration and Furnishing are ing with tesserae 2 cm squ Traces of white mosaic pav n ter eas and ns in the central were found in the excavatio ah adi ing a beaten clay tloor (Ov parts of the church, overly lower the On . 2) 14 -Dov 1993: 1981: 590; 1993: 1 38: Ben dark in ngs traces of wall painti part of the north apse ah adi were also recorded (Ov brown on white ground 1 38). 1981: 587. fig. 6; 1993:

Associated Buildings against the was subsequently built A two-storey structure D This (fig. 42. pls. CXVIEE-CNNED south side of the church l cantinuthe church, its north wal extended 14m east of storey of er low 's south wall. The ing the line of the church thnor south. bays east-west by two the hall extended four y level with the upper storey. roughl t tha ely lik is it ugh tho the west. ended another bay to ext e hav ld wou . rch the chu internally and ed 22 by 10.2-11 m The lower floor measur from 1.16 min-vaults springing was enclosed by gro with shallow tangular pilasters. rec and rs pie square nw all bays. The vaulting has the n wee bet s rib transverse \ hen discovered was party intact gone. though it north-west comet. . 7). A stair int he fig : 81 19 ah di va (O or and to the led up to the first flo h. rc -a mi se a on d 's pierce carrie Large splayed window . ch ur ch e th o int south door uthert of which st wall. below the so the two bays of the we windows on the pear to have been ap o als e er Th r. doo is a 51: 393). 3 eet (cf. Ovadiah 19 y eat ithPyas the south. facing the str re vate s been rought the sa thy Aterncn: ve ha d ul wo or flo marth. Almost The first a_i ni leng but perhaps 27 mi the lower internally se existence may its western bay. % ho of es iv rv su g in a poet hase noth by the etistence of ed rr fe in be ss le sorey. An neverthe wall of the bewer st we e th of top church sug standing on south wall of the e th e int lt bui elbow column the outer walls of the pilasters around el lev s thi at t tha powsbly. were gests ensed with or mete sp di her cit re we net wast and the hall . allowing for Urin es on er low e th by set back from isisalwo ssggesied

acious interior. Th asomewhat more sp

Churches of the Crusader Kingdom

234

cxx

exvitt.

Church of St Mary of the Germans (no. 333): east end of hall. the church and crypt, showing the stair to the upper

Church of St Mary of the Germans (no. 333): hall abutting the south side of the church, looking northwest.

cxtx

Church of St Mary of the Germans (no. 333): south end of the lower hall.

cxx1

+

west

Church of St Mary of the Germans (no. et e a

jamb of the door to the upper hall, recessed be semi-arch set into the east end of the church.

,

no. 333) Jerusalem (St Mary of the Germans,

235

Epigraphy ern arch) that seems to the recess (now covered by a mod of the church immediLatin inscription on the have been made in the south wall Tyrwhitt Drake noted an effaced n atio oper an , umn col w elbo g of the complex, of which ately west of the survivin lintel to a house occupying part d mpte atte not was ons, reas ke 1872: 86; Warren and which, no doubt for structural the date 8 NOV was legible (Dra this suggesfor ort supp her Furt it. of east the in the bay to Conder 1884: 272). tograph taken at the tion is also provided by a published pho a pilaster with an time of the clearance which shows umn supporting an attached, though damaged, elbow col n of a transverse arch. Discussio impost moulding and the springing this relates it to the de Vogtié onwards Although the caption accompanying a number of writers from gh hou Alt g ivin surv the of e to 1127/8 (1 860: lower storey (Ovadiah 1981: fig. 9), non foundation of the church the ed dat e hav on was it e likely n of : Grabiner 1999: 194), Joh lower-storey pilasters is of that type. Mor 303-4; Ovadiah 1981: 594 h rap tog pho the the r t afte d tha she ly oli y, would imp the upper storey but was dem ’s words, if taken literall urg rzb Wii bays orey , r-st eed uppe Ind the 1160s. was taken. Following this analysis, the still under construction in was rch chu stran k thic y’s d by of Vitr would therefore seem to have been separate to a church, and James his is the first reference r than late . t oles buil cons church was verse arches, carried on similar t also indicates that the oun acc ssed acce rch's been chu have d the ever, At the upper level, the hall coul itself. Architecturally, how al pit hos the were sh that Gho walls rch at Abu from ground level on the west, though the r is the Hospitaller chu ato par com est clos later to be much has a similar recorded there by the excavators appeared although slightly larger ch whi 1), no. 1, . (Vol oIn addition h groin-vaulting incorp in date (Ovadiah 1981: 596, figs. 1, 11-12). an and elevation, wit -pl und gro is s hed Thi reac , s. north column there was a door in the central bay on the arches carried on elbow e ers nsv tra ing rat the st uired h, built again when the Hospital acq by anexternal stair supported ona semi-arc ly to date after 1141, like ti enis ertain Benv unc cf. I, is —CXX cxxX r (pls. late ch much the east wall of the chur Emaus, though how de a terr a 86). by ed n.1 pierc 579 ves, 1995: 1970: fig. p. 63). Only the west jamb survi 13, 216-18; cf. Folda 0b: 200 le ing (Pr eady alr The east. y was bolthole, indicating that the hinges were on the the church of St Mar ore ref the ly sib Pos visit and the constrained by the by the time of John’s positioning of the door was evidently te ple com lly ntia esse cerned with the adjaposition of the east wall of church, the width of the stair, k that he saw was con wor ng ldi bui its ed form and the position of a pilaster that would have the set in a cent buildings. uctures adjoining eastern reveal inside the hall. The door was retation of the str erp int e Th d ver, n-Dov an A. problematical. M. Be recessed arch, possibly supported by colonnettes; howe at wh me so is ch chur taining a , it was nechern building as con ut in order to accommodate the right-hand jamb so the fy nti ide Ovadiah hall above it: the s covered by a halfs, with a ceremonial air essary for the builders to create a reces nst dow al pit hos truction of the e (Ben-Dov 1982: arch in the wall of the church. The cons interpret as a hospic y the ng ldi bui h rt no Mitchell. on the recess would also have blocked the lower window of the 594: 1993: 139). P. : 81 19 h ia ad Ov 351; l of the , that the upper hal d te es south apse. gg su s ha , 004: . . other hand church extends ed as a hospital (2 rv se ve ha y ma The building on the north side of the ng | southern buildi ilarity to a khan, h-south, its south In view of its sim 5). some 33.6 m east-west and 20.5 m nort . fig 54" , -8 t97 sui , e 74-8 s be mor wall of the church. The ilding cou Id perhap bu h rt no 9 the wall being aligned with the north r, le the and has now been howeve ice-cum- hospital. whi reted as a hosp structure has not been fully investigated erp int and ©) °: y ory abl mit dor to have had the tained the ver, con howe e hav ars, appe ght It es. mi hous » . seas into south building osed uncertain, however, encl t is cour It al centr rs. d the gate elon bro an : of a khan, with refectory of the the entire Ag and four from north recorded represented n bee s ha etopen bays, eight from east to west at wh ether street on the west. It wh a part of it. 0 south. It was entered from the mplex or simply co e ctur stru ding stan the of h Siaer uncertain how muc gh it evidently perpetmeet to the twelfth century, thou 9.82, 15.9.94.

e contemporary with hee e general form of a structur below it, one was ated stig ses riba Of five cisterns inve ough this nas alth ery: sence 0 contain a quantity of pott piece ae eta

as mainly thirteenth century, the one

ita polias been published appears to be Italian graff

croma of the later fifteenth century 351-3; 1993: 142).

(Ben-Dov

1982:

1, 10.10.81, Visited 3.79, 30.9.8 Sources

p.. 176): Cart. des Hos Ss. xvi, 468) (1 GH (M i , an lin nd the mu (Ro Annales Eg laume de Tyr 143); Cont. de Guil (1 5 415 s. no 1, 123-4,

|

|i

236

— Churches of the Crusader Kingdom

c.1261), v (RHC Occ, 11, 497; ed. Micheland and Raynaud, 150; trans. Shirley, 16); Delaville le Roulx, ‘Inventaire’, 49, no. 33 (1143); 81, no. 233 (1229); Ernoul (c.1231), xvi, 2 (ed. Michelant and Raynaud, 38; ed. de Mas Latrie, 196) (1187); xL (ed. de Mas Latrie, 465) (1229); Hiestand, Vorarbeiten, 111, 169-72, nos. 51-2 (1143); 340-1, no. 163 (1191); 343-4, no. 154 (1191); Huillard-Bréholles, 111, 126 (1229); James of Vitry, Hist. Or. (1217-40), txvi (ed. Moschus, 120-3; ed. Bongars, 1085; IHC, m1, 342-4; PPTS, x1, 55); John of Wurzburg (c.1165) (CCCM, cxx1x, 133; PPTS, v, 45-6); Predelli, 1425-6, no. 28 (1229); RRH, 54-5, no. 214 (1143); 187, no. 700 (1191); 265, no. 1010 (1229); Sanudo, 111, vii, 3 (ed. Bongars, 178-9) (c.1320); Strehlke, 55, no. 68 (1229); 263-4, no. 295 (1191). Ariel 1975; Arnold 1978; 1980; Bahat 1980a: 38; 1988: 202:

1993a: 123; Ben-Dov 1982: 349-53; 1993; 1999: 88, figs. 7a-b; Ben-Dov, Bahat and Rosen-Ayalon 1993: 799: Benvenisti 1970: 63-4, 346, figs.; Bieberstein and Bloedhorn 1994: 1, 43, 207, 222; 11, 340-2; Buschhausen 1978: 191; Chaplin 1889: 10; Delaville le Roulx 1888; Dichter 1979: 79, fig. 41; Drake 1872: 85-6; Favreau-Lilie 1974: 12-34, 86-7, 126-7: 1994; Grabiner 1989; 1999: 194, fig. 5; Hanauer 1926: 30, 140; Hiestand 1985: 49-50; von Holst 1981: 26-8, 218-19, figs. 11-12, 177-8; Jeffery 1911: 746: 1919: 148; John of Ypres 1380: 796; Kluger 1987: 126-34; Luttrell 1994: 66; Mann 1976; Mitchell 2004: 75-8, 96, 97-8, fig. 5; Moore 1961: 42, 46, 115; Murphy-O’Connor 1998: 76-7; Ovadiah 1973; 1975; 1981; 1993; Piccirillo 2000b: 194—5, fig. 48; Pixner 1979: 74-5, pl. 7; Prag 1989: 226; 2002: 205; Prawer 1975a: 1, 495; 1980: 97-8; Pringle 1991: 109; Sharon A 1973: 182; Tobler 1853: 1, 416-18; 1859: 299; Vincent and Abel 1914: 953; de Vogiié 1860: 303-4; Warren and Conde r 1994: 41, 272; Zimmerling 1988.

No.334 Abbey Church of St Mary Latin 17193.13169 (Map 2) History In the 860s, Bernard the Monk desc ribed how he and his fellow pilgrims stayed in a hospice that had been established in Jerusalem for western travellers by the emperor Charlemagne. This building face d on toa market and next to it stood a church of St Mar y (ch. x (ed. Tobler and Molinier, 314: trans. Wilkinson, 142)), It is possible that this Latin hospice and its asso ciated church succeeded an earlier establishment founded by Pope GregoryI(John the Deac on, Vita S. Gregorii, 11, 52 (PL, Lxxv, 110); AA SS Mart. i,

132, 148; Riant 1881: 27-8; Wilkinson 1977: 161). It may very well have been associated with the church of St Mary the Virg in that Arculf recorded stan ding immediately south of Calv ary in the seventh century (Adomnan, 1, 4 (CCSL, CLXX V, 190; trans. Wilkinson, 97);

cf. Wilkinson 1977: 196-7, pls. 5-6); however, neither the church nor the hospice is mentioned in a Carolingian document listing the churches in Jerusalem around 808, although the staff associated with the Holy Sepulchre included three described as ‘hospitallers’ (hospitales) besides seventeen Latin nuns (Commem. de Casis Dei (ed. Tobler and Molinier, 301; trans. Wilkinson, 137-8)). More than a century after Bernard’s visit, however, on 29 October 993, both the church of S. Maria Latina and the Holy Sepulchre received donations in southern Italy from Hugh, marquis of Tuscany (Riant 1884; Delaville le Roulx 1904: 9; Gil 1992: 480-1). Like the Holy Sepulchre, St Mary’s would doubtless have been destroyed on al-Hakim’s instructions in 1009. We hear more of the church of St Mary Latin in the sources recording the early history of the Hospital of St John (nos. 322-3). According to William of Tyre, some-

time in the eleventh century merchants from Amalfi obtained permission from the Fatimid caliph to establish a hospital in Jerusalem for use by Latin pilgrims. A short distance from the door of the Holy Sepulchre they built a

church of St Mary, associated with a Benedictine abbey, which later came to be known as St Mary or the monastery ‘of Latina’ (de Latina), Subsequently a convent for women

was established near by, dedicated to St Mary Magdalene (no. 335). Later, as the numbers of western pilgrims

increased, a separate hospital was created, all three houses

being supported by alms from Amalfi. These houses all appear to have been founded during the reign of caliph alMustansir (1036-94) and before the Turkoman conquest of 1070-1 or 1073 (William of Tyre, 1, 10; xvIII, 5 (CCCM, Lx111, 123, 815-17; trans. Babcock and Krey, I,

80; 11, 242-5); cf James of Vitry, Hist. Or, 1, 64 (eo Moschus, 111-15; ed. Bongars, 1082; IHC, 111, 340-2); Sanudo, 111, viii, 3 (ed. Bongars, 178); de Prima Institution?

Hospitalariorum, 1-1v (RHC Oce, v, 401-2; IHC, 1v, 442); William of S. Stefano, 1 (RHC Occ, v, 423); see also nos:

322-3). At the time of the fall of Jerusalem to the First Crusade, Albert of Aachen tells us with some exaggeration that only

the Holy Sepulchre and the small church (ecclesiola) of St Mary ad Latinos remained intact. Their survival was 4 result of the fact that their communities had continued to

pay taxes to the Muslim rulers (ch. v1, 25 (RHC Occ, 1¥.

481; IHC, 1, 276; trans. Guizot, 1, 344). In 1102, the abbot of St Mary Latin is mentioned taking part in oe

council that deposed Daimbert as patriarch (Albert ©

1. Aachen, 1x, 16 (RHC Oce, 1v, 599-600; trans. Guizot,

54)). Other early twelfth-century sources place St ee

Latin south of the Holy Sepulchre and beside the ete

(Qualiter sita (c.1103) (IHC, 1, 2; trans. Wilkinson, 90); @ Situ (-1114), 11 (IHC, 11, 74; PPTS, v, 3)).

Jerusalem (St Mary Latin, no. 334)

the English pilgrim Within a few years of the conquest d: Saewulf visited Jerusalem and note Holy Sepulchre to the south Outside the door of the church of the d ‘Latina’, because service isthe church of St Mary, which is calle there to the Lord by the has always continued to be rendered during the crucifixion that, monks in Latin; and the Syrians say God herself stood in of er of her Son our Lord, the Blessed Moth church is. (CCCM, the of that same place, where the altar 4; PPTS, tv, 14) CXXXIXx, 68; cf. trans. Wilkinson, 103—

aps more accuAbbot Daniel (1106-8), however, perh tradition, which rately reflected the official Orthodox the other women located the place from which Mary and of Golgotha, on had watched the Crucifixion to the west in the Spoudzeon the site of the Greek church of St Mary the same tradition monastery (no. 340). None the less, church by continued to be associated with the Latin locates the western writers. Bartolf of Nangis, for example,

237

is more often called descriptions, though the nuns’ church . Thus, John of St Mary the Great (Major) (no. 335) ng the Hospital and St Wiirzburg (c.1165), after describi Mary the Great, writes: order in the same street is a Not far from here in the same in honour of St Mary and monastery of monks, built likewise Sanctam Mariam Latinam), [var: called At St Mary Latin (Ad constructed it and the Hospital because the Latins are said to have separated from one another.} of St John and afterwards they on Apostle is held in great venerati where the skull of St Philip the ask and come tion to those who and moreover is shown with devo , v. 44-5) PPTS cf. for it. (CCCM, CXXXIX, 132:

of the place of church of St Mary Latin immediately south that there the finding of the Cross (no. 283.5) and says 111, 501; Mary wept and tore her hair (ch. xxXxII (RHC Oce, r sources say IHC, 1, 150: trans. Wilkinson, 173)). Othe an altar in the that and e that the Virgin’s house was ther Mary church marked the place where she had stood with Jesus the wife of Clopas and Mary Magdalene. There also

ple had said, ‘Woman, behold your son!’, and to the disci

John, ‘Behold, your mother!’ (Anon. 1 (c.1 100), 2 (ed. Hill,

Anon. 99; IHC, 111, 2; trans. Wilkinson, 87; PPTS, VI. 2);

. Wilkinson, vir (1148) (IHC, 111, 78; PPTS, vi, 70; trans 233); cf. John 19, 25-7).

31-43) relates The author of the Descriptio locorum (11

ea that the church stood in the Street of Merchandises (plat

s had held it mercenariorum) and also claims that the Latin

since the time of the Apostles (ch. xi (IHC, 11, 104; PP TS, Bernard Vv, 41)). The mention of the market echoes both

medieval account the Monk and a passage in the fictional

Charlemagne to the of the pilgrimage supposedly made by

Holy Places, during which

They began to build a church that is of St Mary. The local people call it Latanie,

For folk of different tongues come there from the whole town; serges. There they sell their silks, their linens and their woollen Ginger, sugar, pepper, other good spices,

And numerous good herbs, of which I know not how to tell you.

(Voyage de Charlemagne, x11, lines 207-11 (ed. Michelant and 7)) Raynaud, 6; Fr. trans. Tyssens, osition of these lines Jean Richard has placed the comp n and the 0, when both the Lati around the years 1120-5 around the church (1965). Syrian markets were situated the nuns, which he called Saewulf located the church of

the St Mary the Small (Parva), between St Mary Latin and in later nt is also reflected Hospital. This arrangeme

d by Theodoric (11 72), who John’s description is elaborate s’ the Hospital and the nun likewise, after describing ues: church of St Mary, contin ted to the ately another church loca Next there follows immedi while Our e cated to Our Lady, becaus east, which is similarly dedi salvaour for s to the torment of the cros Lord was being exposed was she ow, by the greatness of her sorr tion, rendered insensible , cave nd g hands into an undergrou borne thither by supportin the out pull to

her grief she continued where in atonement for bottle in the are preserved in a glass hairs of her head, which same church There is moreover in the same church to this day. h gold, and the Apostle richly adorned wit the head of St Philip the Cyprian. bishop tle, and the arm of St arm of St Simon the Apos church under e God there in the same [of Carthage]. Monks serv CM, CXXXIX, of an abbot. (ch. xl (CC 4 rule and the authority 158; cf. PPTS, Vv, 23))

with their Benedictine churches The Hospital and the two rai map of depicted on the Camb are es fri bel e tiv pec res th side of the ck, lying on the sou c.1150 as a single blo west to east (platea Sepulcri). From Street of the Sepulchre l. S. Maria ad Hospitale S. Joh., Ecc they are identifed as: or. That the S. Maria ad latinam min l. Ecc and or mai m latina nuns andthe was indeed that of the second of these houses fusion of their ks. despite the con third that of the mon s text of c.1180°.

by an anonymou names, is confirmed The head of St ; 30; PPTS, vi. 23)). 111, C, (IH 2 , V.i (Anon. ntioned among the Virgin are also me Philip and the hair of another pilgrim . in St Mary Latin by © the relics to be seen 0), 3 (IHC, 111, 123 e (Anon. II (c.117 tim 7 e sam the ut abo Wilkinson. 239)). ns. tra 7; l vi, PPTS, church was wel h century the by ~ During the twelft its possessions made of ion mat fir con to, endowed. A s of 1252 refers erred to in a vidimu ref and II n on, wi ill ld Ba of Bou made by Godfrey s ion mat fir con a:° earlier Ad, 19, no. 315 IJ and Fulk (RRH 2, Pope : Baldwin I, Baldwin 52. n0. 52). In 111 , re’ tai ven ‘In lx, Delaville le Rou tection of the Holy abbey under the pro the k too II l cha Pas the patriarch, and the authority of g tin pec res le See, whi ted the monks ru le. He also gran e in ct di ne Be its confirmed

238

Churches of the Crusader Kingdom

no. 28). From Messina the monks of St Mary Latin were later permitted by William II in March 1168 to export to their house in Jerusalem a range of goods, including wool, cheese, bacon, tuna, flax, wine and pottery (Holtzmann, 70-1, no. 7; Sinopoli, 145, nos. 29-30). This may perhaps account for the two fragments of proto-maiolica from southern Italy found in excavations at the site (Vriezen 1994: 219, 239, pl. virt.11: 1-2). A late twelfth-century source records that the abbot of of St Mary Latin was mitred and was effectively a suffragan the patriarch (Tractatus de locis (1168-87) (ed. Kedar, 126)). The same information is repeated by John of Ibelin, who adds that he wore a mitre, cross and ring (ch. CCxxv1 Thietmar (ed. Edbury, 591-2; RHC Lois, 11, 415-16); cf. twelfththe Among 54)). (1217), xxx, 3 (ed. Laurent, 1130 in name century abbots, Richard is mentioned by 133), (Delaborde, 43-7, nos. 17-18; RRH, 33, no. shops, namely those that are contiguous with Latina, an oven, a 1144 and 1136 n betwee Soibrandus or Sehebrandus palace next to St Stephen’s Gate, certain houses on the southern 41, RRH, (Bresc-Bautier, 78-83, no. 22-3; 107-9, no. 38; side after that palace, houses above the town wall next to the s or Amelius in no. 167; 43, no. 172; 57, no. 226), Amiliu same palace as far as the second mural tower, and on the other 1155-6 (Bresc-Bautier, 113-15, no. 41; 143-5, no. 54; side of [i.e. outside] the gate the church of St Stephen [no. 359] 323; 113-14, next to the road that leads from Jerusalem to Nablus, a hospital 274-5, no. 141; RRH, 76, no. 299; 83, no.

freedom from the payment of tithes on the produce of their own work and on oblations and rents, as well as licence to bury within their monastic enclosure, or in churches belonging to the monastery, any person who expressed a wish to be buried there in writing or on their deathbed, so long as they were not excommunicate (Hiestand, Vorarbeiten, 111, 112-16, no. 12; Holtzmann, 50-3, no. 1; Sinopoli, 140, no. 2; Hamilton 1980: 96-7). Among those known to have been buried in St Mary Latin were the first two lords of Caesarea, Eustace Garnier and his son Walter, who died in 1123 and 1149/54 respectively (Paoli, 1, 205-6, no. 162; RRH, 89, no. 342; Pringle 1986: 85). A more detailed privilege issued by Pope Hadrian IV to Amelius, abbot of St Mary Latin, on 30 April 1158, included the right of burial and baptism. Among the abbey’s possessions in Jerusalem itself it lists:

next to the same road, an orchard between the same church and Jerusalem [and] other orchards and vineyards that you have in the territory of Jerusalem along with their tithes. (Hiestand, Vorarbeiten, 111, 218-22, no. 79)

and no. 435), and Rainald or Reginald between 1160

Within the kingdom of Jerusalem the abbey also possessed various lands and tithes, including churches in Jaffa and Beirut (Vol. 1, nos. 46 and 113), other properties and churches in the county of Tripoli and principality of Antioch, and extensive properties in Sicily and Calabria (Hiestand, Vorarbeiten, 111, 218-22, no. 79; Richard, ‘Chartier’; Sinopoli, 140, nos. 3-4; RRH, 85, no. 331). In the 1160s some disputes over properties arose with the Hospital and Holy Sepulchre (Bresc-Bautier, 274-5, no, 141; RRH, 113-14, no. 435; Delaville, ‘Inventaire’, 55

no. 74); but when the papal privilege was confirmed by

Alexander III, on 8 March 1173, the only notable major addition in the kingdom itself was a church in Acre (Hiestand, Vorarbeiten, 111, 271-3, no. 106: Holtzmann 56-9, no. 2: Sinopoli, 140, no. 5: RRH, 86, no. 331: of Hiestand, Vorarbeiten, 111, 294, no. 120; see alea Vol 1). The abbey's vineyard lying west of St Stephen's chiirch is also mentioned in a charter of 1177 (Bresc -Bautier, 314-15, no. 162: RRH, 144-5, no. 543), Some of the properties in southern Italy referred to in these privileges had probably been acqu ired before the Crusader conquest of Jerusalem, thou gh they were au mented by later grants. Notable among these was the priory of St Philip in Agira that was given by Roger I f Sicily sometime after 1095 and conf irmed in 1126 b hi son, Roger I (Briihl, 18-20, no. D7: Sinopoli, 136-8 ie

1167 (Bresc-Bautier, 123-7, no. 45; Cart. des Hosp. 1

219, no. 304; 256, no. 373; Delaborde, 82-3, no. 35:

RRH, 89, no. 342; 92-3, no. 354; 98, no. 371; RRH Ad,

date, 22, no. 370a; 27, no. 434b). At an unknown

icated the vidiFacundus, prior of St Mary Latin, authent mation of a charter of Patriarch William I (1130-45) no. 135). In the (Delaborde, 47-9, no. 19; RRH, 34,

1180s, the abbey owed the service of fifty sergeants (lone

of Ibelin, Livre, ccxxx1x (ed. Edbury, 615; RHC Lois, 426)).

After Jerusalem fell to Saladin in 1187, the abbey

appears to have been abandoned. It is likely that the St Mary remaining monks would have made their way to

me for a while their Latin in Agira, in Sicily, which beca ndus wrote to principal house. In 1189, Abbot Facu tance for leading churchmen and secular rulers for assis

the brothers remaining ‘in Jerusalem’ (Sinopoli, 148, 0.

to the 51); and, in 1195, the Emperor Henry VI confirmedthe first abbot of St Mary Latin in Agira, ‘which was church of the Latins in Jerusalem’, its obediences and the

corn each year for the susteright to export 200 salma of

nance of the brothers still living in Jerusalem (Sinopoll 145, no. 32). In fact, after 1192 it is likely that those

monks remaining in Palestine were residing in the tcl

tim in Acre, which the abbey had possessed since some

between 1158 and 1173 (see Vol. IV).

d

foun A fragmentary inscription referring to 4 wagf, the to dating and 1890s the h in churc the of site the on

time of al-Mu‘azzam ‘Isa, suggests that by 600-15 #

Jerusalem (St Mary Latin, no, 334)

239

I Ap 1203-18 the building had been converted into a Shaft madrasa (Van Berchem 1922: 178-85, no. 58; Vincent and Abel 1914: 963; RCEA, x, no. 3817). Itis possible that this conversion was made at the time of Baha’ al-Din ibn Shaddad, part of whose name may be identified in the text. In 1192, Saladin had entrusted to him the administration of the madrasa occupying the former church of St Anne (no. 305) and oversight of the building work on anew hospital that he was establishing in the adjacent former church of St Mary the Great (no. 335) (Richards 1994: 75). Whether or not the church was reoccupied by the Benedictines when Jerusalem returned to Christian hands between 1229 and 1244 is unknown. The description of the city in 1187 that appears in Ernoul’s chronicle (c.1231) appears to confuse Sainte Marie le Latine with Sainte Marie le Grant (Ernoul, xv11.i (ed. de Mas Latrie, 193; ed. Michelant and Raynaud, 34-5); cf. Cont. de Guillaume de Tyr (Rothelin, c.1261), 111 (RHC Occ, 11, 493-4; ed. Michelant and Raynaud, 147; trans. Shirley, 15)). Other sources recall that St Mary Latin was where the Virgin and the other Marys had torn their hair (Anon. Ix

(c.1200-50), 1 (ed. Golubovich, 405; IHC, 111, 93); Anon. x (1250-) (ed. Golubovich, 408; THC, 111, 102); Anon. saec. XI11a (-1239) (IHC, rv, 372); Cont. de Guillaume de Tyr, x (RHC Occ, 11, 508; ed. Michelant and Raynaud, 165; trans. Shirley, 24); Pelrinages et Pardouns de Acre

(1258-64), 1, 2 (ed. Michelant and Raynaud, 230)), some

adding that it was served by black monks (Pelerinaiges (c.1231), vi (ed. Michelant and Raynaud, 94n); Chemins et

pelerinages, A-1265), 11, 8 (ed. Michelant and Raynaud, 183)). The Sains pelerinages (c.1230), however, refers to a church but to ‘the fountain where Our Lady and Marys rent their gowns and their beautiful hair, when Son of God died on the Holy True Cross’ (ch. x1

not the the (ed.

Michelant and Raynaud, 104°)); another source merely mentions the location (Chemins et pelerinages, B (1 268), II, 8 (ed. Michelant and Raynaud, 193)). The site of the monastery in Jerusalem was confirmed to the refugee community of St Mary Latin in Sicily by Pope Benedict XI in 1304 (Hiestand, Vorarbeiten, 111, 388-90, no. 195). Later in the fourteenth century the church was

also mentioned by Ludolph of Sudheim, but not in terms to suggest that it was still identifiable (1336—41a: 352;

1336-41b: 103; Mandeville c.1356-66: 168).

h was being By the sixteenth century, part of the churc

n used as a jail and was identified by Christians as the Priso of St Peter (Possot 1532: 171-2: Perera 1553b: 31, 64:

bes it as Goujon 1671: 247). Francesco Quaresmi descri

being ruined and as having three chapels, the central one were higher than the others. Over the main door there IL, a: (1639 sculpted figures of angels and other persons 0; 1639b: 136-8).

Acentury later an illustration by Elzear Horn shows the church as roofless. At that time the nave was acting as an

outer court to a khan which occupied the cloister, though

it was also partly occupied by houses and a tannery. The main entrance lay on the north and was double, though the western opening had been blocked by the construction of a Muslim prayer platform and mihrab. Each opening was covered by a rounded tympanum, both being enclosed by a larger semi-circular arch and the space between filled with ‘sculptured . . . figures of holy persons’. Horn took these to represent ‘the wondrous liberation from prison of St Peter, for in the centre the same Peter seems to stand; to some the left of the open door there is an Angel, with of apse north the of most time others to the right’. By this partly was one the church had collapsed and the central ‘prison’ obscured by a dwelling. The place identified as the it was lay in the south wall of the church, near its west end; s on Christian native and freely visited by the Franciscans twoa and payment of a small candle. A stone staircase church's storey porch witha domical roof, built against the first-floor level. south wall, gave access into the cloister at to make out possible Within the monastic buildings it was a first-floor and the dormitory, the kitchen, the refectory

southern apse ‘sacristy’ commanding a view into the 1697a: (Horn 1725-44: 193-6, fig. 37: cf. Maundrell 10). 11, 465; 1697b: 131; Pococke 1743: de Vogiié, who In 1854, the building was studied by M. the Great (1860: identified it incorrectly as St Mary the Muristan area 255-62, pls. xvI-xvii1). In 1867-70,

Warren, who sank was investigated further by Sir Charles the ground inside the anumber of investigatory shafts into hing of interest. At the church, but without finding anyt a series of plans and same time, Conrad Schick produced which also indicated sections of the surviving buildings, s (Schick 1872: Warren the location of Warren's sounding 1884: 254-61: Wilson e 1870: pl. L; Warren and Conder Preine 1998a: 20-1, . and Warren 1871: 210; NeubertoR ih fig.; 1998b: fig. 10). . an. ist Mur the ern part of On 7 November 1869, the east to d nte y Latin. was gra including the remains of St Mar of Prussia (later Kaiser |. . m Crown Prince Frederick Willia d al-‘Aziz. The church and Frederick III) by Sultan ‘Ab ) is in 1871 (pls. CXX1I-CXXI11 cloister were cleared of debr con was th side of the cloister and the refectory on the sou chapel. From 1893, the” verted for use aS 4 Lutheran of : y rebuilt to the designs church itself was completel er h Adler (1827-1908) und the Berlin architect Friedric rch chu the It was dedicated as the direction of Herr Groth. Day, 31 kirche) on Reformation of the Redeemer (Erléser (Conder

of Kaiser William II October 1898. in the presence and 6b: 90-1: Wagner-Lux 1875: 77; Baedeker 187 7a: 199 4: 1-2; Kriiger Vriezen 1998a: 25; Vriezen 199

|

|i

a Churches of

240

Cxxt!

the Crusader Kingdome Fe

*

Church of St Mary Latin (no. 334): the interi or looking e

5-8, 20-1). As the walls and Piers of the medieval chu rch had been built with foundat ions no more than 2.5-3 m deep, the building was tota lly dismantled and new fou ndations were sunk down to the bedrock some 11 m below (Schick 1894a: 146-7; 189 4b: 261-2; 1902. 44; Kri iger 1997a: 7-8). Subsequently the cloister was also restor ed and new buildings were added, including a reside nce for the Lutheran minister (Kriiger 1997; 20). The church was approached from Dav id Street by a new street named after Crown Prince Fre derick William, which effe ctively divided the eastern par t of the Muristan belong ing to the Lutherans from the wes tern part belonging to the Greek Orthodox Patriarchate. The disposition of the old and new constructions is shown on the drawings that Conrad Schick prepared for the PEF in 1900 (1901. 190 2) (see figs. 34—5), Unfortunatel y, during the works tothe church, it seems that no archaeologic al contr. ol was exe rcised and little or nothing of what w:as de stroyed was recorded, other than by Schick and by the Domi nicans during their fur tive visits to the site (Vincent and Abel 1914: 954-63 , figs, 396-7, pl. Lxxxvit),

In 1921, the property passed from the exiled pias Kaiser to the Jerusalem Foundation of the : mewhe Evangelical Church (Hohlfeld 1978a: 8-9; 1978 : :+W. church was extensively renovated by the architect misseue

Krueger between

1970

and

1973.

Excavations

a

carried out inside it in 1970-1 by Dr Ute Lux eae. 1972-4 by Dr Karel Vriezen of the Deutsches Eva aled isches Institut

fiir Altertums-wissenschaft. the pavement of the medieval church lyingThese yaa of at a enw 2.1 m below that of the modern church (Lux 1 hae

1972b; 1972c; Vriezen 1977; 1978; 1994; Wagner-

and Vriezen 1998a; 1998b).

Description Although historical sources suggest that the church oF ing in the twelfth century was the successor of the chur .

of St Mary recorded in the ninth century, no certain coh:

of any pre-existin g building has been found in excavatio -

A wall running east-west and some 1.5 m thick that w

CXxt1_

ae . ‘ Kitchener in 1874. Church of St i (no. 334): the inte ing east, photographed by H.H. look rior Mary Latin

Partial] ee

below the central aisle of the present

were dug in 1893-4 was identified at th foundations wall’ of Jerusalem ‘second the as (Schick ie

it was reinvestigated aA ‘ 1902: 46-7, fig.). In the 1970s, uilt in the eal interpreted instead as a retaining wall, the fourth (Lux sp hae century and heightened in

Vagner-Lux and

291-5: Vii578; 1972c; Vriezen 1994: and that

if its dating of the associated bin 1998). Even could be moved area Into the Byzantin evelling up of the one writer has as ieae Islamic period, Suggested, there a8 to associate it with a uld still be no particular reason

the construction of Charlemagne’ h eae or with The apparent lack of any ean (cf. Magness 1996). that might relate to the Church built in ilogical evidence century is more difficult to acount for. The oe

the cloister comPared with the] relatively small size of ater church could possibly indicate that the Original ch urch smaller. Its remains might therefo re

pos

was 7 somewhat

y sibly still await discovery in the unexcavated

rch. stern part of the present chu area below the south-ea: thven that all trace of the ele Alternatively, it may be ury h-cent troyed when the twelft century building was des ng had ldi bui t the twelfth-century church was built; or tha and one y eleventh-centur ially the same form as the

essent although ndations. Unfortunately, stood on the same fou also appears to enth-century church the plan of the ninete from the addiits predecessor (apart have respected that of bay), almost no r the south-western tion of a bell-tower ove u. While building remains in sit rch chu al iev med the part of a sincere attempt appears to represent the reconstruction ered its original to what Adler consid to restore the church ine precisely n, in order to determ bee ve ha to rm fo al mediev y on phow necessary to rel no is it s wa rm fo what that made before the and written accounts tographs, drawings rebuilding took place. il 1893

the site unt remains occupied t The church whose ing towards the eas four bays, terminat of les ais e ss re ne th in th d ha The relative lar apses (fig. 43). in three semi-circu

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Church of St Stephen (no. 3 59): plan.

Decoration and Furnishings

'

Masonry

The interior of the church was covered with a granular render, which formed the base for paintings. In the apse these consisted of a brown or dark red dado with traces of Pictures above it (Conder and Mantell 1882: 116; Warren and Conder 1884: 388; Vincent and Abel 1914: 769). Two elements of the retable from the altar were recov« ered, both carved in local malaki limestone (fig. 73). The upper element was some 0.5 m high and 0.2 m thick and was crowned by a moulded and gilde d cornice. When first discovered its face was covered with paintings, but these have now mostly perished, leavi ng only the incised out. _lines inscribed as a guide by the artist. The painting repre_ Sented Christ enthroned, flanked by twelve Apostles, six to - each side. Each Apostle had a symbol of some kind in his left hand and held the right hand up in an attitude of instruction. All thirteen figures were set under a continuous arcade of pointed arches. Hollowed roundels in the spandrels between the arches evidently once contained insets, perhaps, as Vincent and Abel suggest, metal discs identifying the Apostles, The lower element, consisting of a moulded cornice, was probably placed immediately below the first to serve as a gradine, or shelf, behind the: altar

table. The latter we know from Theodoric’s ee have been of open design, so as to reveal the place 0 oa

tyrdom (Conder and Mantell 1882: 116, figs.; brie as

Conder 1884: 388-90, figs.; Vincent and Abe “ 769-71, fig. 329; Folda 1977: 262-3, pl. XXXVI OS

A defaced sculpture of an angel’s head was a into the wali of Sa‘ad wa-Sa‘id before its rebul si4 1905-6 (Warren and Conder 1884: 387; Bieberste!

Bloedhorn 1994: 11, 147, 232).

Associated Buildings A barrel-vault some 6 m wide inte rnally ee

north side of the church and was subd ivided ae with The eastern compartment communicated by a ¢0 ternal the nave of the church, and there was a ee ne

door in the west gable. North of this were at leas sail four pointed barrel-vaults, each some 8 M Sail and extending 3 m west of the church and the first isrubble apparently secondary to them. These vaults wert sabe built with transverse ashlar arches flus h with the ion the and rectangular vents in the crowns. They are m were west into a court, some 6-8 m wide. Some of the

Jerusalem (St Stephen, no. 359)

37

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Church of the Templum Domini ( Dome of the Rock) (no. 367): plan and section.

Creswell

1932

Jerusalem (Templum Domini, no. 367)

including the parapet. Each external face has a sevenbayed blind arcade, the upper parts of the five central bays being in each case pierced by a rounded-arched window. Above the spouts that discharged rainwater from the leadcovered timber roof of the ambulatory, each side of the parapet contained thirteen small blind arches, springing from engaged colonnettes; these were converted to apsidal niches at an early date. In each of the central bays of the sides facing the cardinal points there was a door (2.6 m wide, 4.3 m high), which reduced somewhat the size of the window above it. Between the central cylinder and the outer octagon was an intermediate octagonal arcade consisting of twenty-four arches arranged three to each side with a pier at each corner and two columns to each side. The setting-out of both the plan and the elevation was the product of an elaborate geometrical scheme, based, like that of the cathedral of Bosra (AD 512-13), on the prolongation of the sides of two intersecting squares, set

within the circle formed by the centre line of the inner arcade (for general descriptions, see Allen 1999; Creswell 1924; 1958: 18-34; 1969: 68-100; Richmond 1924). Apart from the marble of the columns and capitals, little of the stone and timber used in the construction would have been visible; for the whole interior and exterior were covered with rich decoration, including mosaics (both inside and out) of green, blue, gilt and mother-of-pearl, sheet metal worked en repoussé, gilding, painting and marble veneer. The window openings were filled with Pierced marble panels set with glass. Externally the dome was covered with lead and plates of brass gilt; inside it was evidently painted, though the present scheme is the result of numerous repaintings over the centuries (Van Berchem

1925: 289-98, no. 225). K.A.C. Creswell thought that each door of the Umayyad building was preceded by a porch, consisting of a masonry

barrel-vault springing from timber architraves supported on four columns and with a gable roof covering it. A porch of this form is illustrated on a twelfth-century Crusader sculpture built into the door-jamb of the Sultan Hasan Mosque in Cairo (cf. Jacoby Z 1982: pl. 5.5a).A description

by al-‘Umari, however, records that by 1344-5 the south

Porch had been extended into a three-bayed portico carried on eight columns. A similar conversion had also

occurred with relation to the north and east ones, but there the flat-roofed flanking bays had subsequently been made into rooms. The western porch was probably similar,

but was replaced by the present annexe in 1780 (1958:

23; 1969: 1, 83-5, fig. 27, pls. 1-2). H.R. Allen, however,

Points out that the columns and architraves of the original

Porches abut the outer wall of the octagon and must thereor possibly fore be additions, made, he suggests, before

during the Crusader period (1999: 209-11). The porches,

411

however, are mentioned by Ibn al-Faqth (903) and alMugqaddasi, so must have existed by the tenth century (Le Strange 1890: 120, 123). Another feature shown on the Crusader scupture is the smaller blind arcade in the parapet wall of the outer octagon: this is also shown on the drawing of Erhard Reuwich of Utrecht of 1483 published by van Breydenbach, but was obscured by the application of tile work in 1552 (Creswell 1969: 79-80, 89-90, figs. 24-6, 32, pl. 2b; Nebenzahl 1986: pl. 21). The restoration work carried out by the Avyubids after 1187 seems to have been so thorough that almost nothing remains in situ that can be attributed with certainty to the Franks. All trace of the conventual buildings which occupied the north-eastern part of the platform was also removed. The most obvious lasting change made to the overall structure of the building was probably their treatwe ment of the rock itself and the cave within it: but since impositis do not know what form these had before 1099. them. sible to assess what effect the Crusaders had on

Decoration and Furnishings Dome of the Rock can Although no structural part of the ration and furnishdeco be attributed to the Crusaders. the their former presence. ing of the interior bears witness to ures that survived in situ Principal among the Frankish feat

ly removed only in the until the 1920s and was final ght-iron screen that: ran 1950s-1960s was the wrou piers of the central circular between the columns and is screen (pls. cct-Cct). This arcade, forming a chancel its y around 1150. Typicall first mentioned by a pilgrim

of volutes attached toa series design consisted a series of bars. though the design vertical and some transverse in it. Now the panels inserted differed on some of the door a ie in the building is part of

only piece remaining ies g the hairs from the prop reused in the adicule enclosin ls rey gh some of the door pane Muhammad's beard, thou Holy the in and mic Museum still be seen in the Isla the in ts ape have been reused as par of Sepulchre, where they ies ser a screen was topped by d Armenian gallery. The hel ly once Enlart observed probab as ch whi , lys dee urfle e A

ee 25: 1. 187: i i -3. rs candles (Enlart 19 7,la522 3: 138: Foldaa 1977:: 138: : 1977 97: Boase 1967:.97 e a ncan 1969: 1. pl. Sak: Du e a : 6.7; cf, Creswell s ae ai m and Ory a $ pauteeval Berche 357. : pl 20003 ; GiGi bson 2 ; 83 , 7 -4 73 . elabrum iat ought-iron cand wr a ns ai nt co o bd ce als ankish eee is evidently of Fr h ic F wh , ra kh a Sa e th PL 32% 1121 1 fig, 13925 19 6: 24 19 t (Gnlar 80: 1. 59)99; Wilson 18

412

Churches of the Crusader Kingdom

ates Sada tide cestn arse

;

cc1_

The Templum Domini (Qubbat as-Sakhra ) (no. : the entrance to the he cave 367): photograph by Bonfils (1867-1928), showing and the muezzins’ gallery, with the Frank ish wrought- iron screen still in position.

Although the Dome of the Rock contains a ee pieces of Crusader architectural sculpture, none appear:

be in situ and it is uncertain which, if any, originally see from this building. They include the doorway to nae (pl. cc1), which consists of a moulded arch Sahat Corinthianesque capitals with matching abaci me sen

decorated with a wet acanthus rinceau Loon

1978: 185-6, pls. 313-18; Jacoby Z 1982: 328, s sae

figs. 7, 44; Osman 1999: 73, 83). A mila i flankedby™

Corinthianesque capitals with human heads (Busch ] ‘tie 1978: 184-5, pls, 324, 326, 328), while the shrine = t bottom and to the left of the stair descending into thee 8 has a trefoil arch with wet swirling acanthus rosettes as

PERS

cc

Hee

mos Fhe

The Templum Domini (Qubbat as-Sakhra) (no. 367): the rock and Frankish wrought- iron screen, looking north, as photographed in 1890-1 900.

spandrels, carried on double and triple intertwined pee

nettes (Strzygowski 1936: 500-1, pl. 1: kerri

1978: pls. 77-81, 101). Another collection of scu eee

elements, including three pairs of intertwined colonn

Jerusalem (Templum Domini, no. 367) A

I

supporting a double conch in a manner reminiscent of the tomb of Baldwin V, has been removed to the Islamic Museum (Strzygowski 1936: 501, pl. 11; Buschhausen 1978: pls. 72, 74-6). Other pieces of Crusader sculpture reused in the building have more obviously been brought from elsewhere at a later date (cf. Hunt 2000).

Qubbat al-Mi Taj

The Qubbat al-Mi‘aj, or Dome of the Ascension, stands some 20 m north-west of the Dome of the Rock (pls. cctI-ccv). Its dome sits directly on an octagonal structure, whose sides originally consisted of open pointed arches of two orders, the inner arches being supported on facing pairs of colonnettes, the outer ones on single colonnettes arranged in pairs at the corners of the building. The colonnettes enclose piers of lozenge-shaped cross section, with the abaci of the inner-order capitals touching on the inside. The voussoirs of the outer order are enclosed by a continuous hood-mould, and above there is a projecting moulded

Ccllt

= 413

cornice. The dome itself is set back from the cornice with no apparent intermediate drum. It is surmounted by a false lantern consisting of six miniature colonnettes with thickleaved capitals, which support intersecting pointed arches surmounted by a small onion dome and finial (pl. cevf. In a secondary phase the wdicule’s once-open arches have been blocked with slabs of marble. a projecting milirab has been added on the south and a door on the north. Over the door an inscription identifies the structure as the Dome of the Prophet and credits ‘Izz al-Din “Uthman ibn ‘Ali alZanjili, governor of Jerusalem, with re-founding it in 597 w/AD 1200-1, after an earlier dome, known from historical accounts, had been destroyed (Van Berchem 1925: IX, no. 36-54; Mujir al-Din 1495-6: 113-12: RCEA,

3533: Le Strange 1890: 155). d. M. de This building has been variously interprete

(1980: 90-1) and Vogiié (1864: 104, fig. 45), B. Kiihnel 1987: 47-8) M. Burgoyne (in Burgoyne and Richards

y a Muslim struchave suggested that it might be essentiall der spolia, while Crusa ture, built in Crusader style using y Crusader, either Max Van Berchem regarded it as mostl

north- west. ‘raj. from the

L-Mi The Templum Domini (Qubbat as-Sakhra) (no. 367 ) and Qubbat a

a

414

Churches of the Crusader Kingdom

eee

Dome of the Ascension, each supported on four columns, are recorded in this area by Muslim sources before the Crusader conquest (Nasir-i Khusraw, trans. Thackston, 41; cf. Le Strange 1890: 121, 123, 153-5; Van Berchem 1925: 38-9). It is therefore theoretically possible that one of these may have been adapted to Christian use and subsequently rebuilt; but if this was the case, it remains unknown which of the earlier domes was so used and what particular Christian tradition was attached to it. Alternatively, the building may have had no connection with any preceding Muslim structure, but have been intended either to commemorate a now-forgotten biblical event that took place in the Temple precinct or to serve a particular liturgical function. The principal parish es in Jerusalem with the right of baptism was the .d Sepulchre; however, the close association aca 7

cclv

|

|. t

Qubbat al-Mi‘raj, from the south-west.

reassembled from spolia from elsewhere or adapt ed in situ (1925: 48-53). C. Schick (1896b: 23-4), B. Meistermann (1936: 205) and C. Enlart (1925: 11, 21213, pl. 117),on the other hand, identified it as the forme r baptistery of the Templum Domini, from which the font had been removed; their interpretation has been generally followed by T.S.R. Boase (1977: 87) and J. Folda (1995 : 266, 273). Folda’s

detailed analysis of the capitals now suggests a Muslim origin to be extremely unlikely. The impression that some of the capitals are mismatched is now proved to be an illusion produced by the infilling of the arches, which makes it impossible to see the paired capitals of the inner-order arches as was originally intended. Although the capitals of the outer-order arches are all of the thick-leafed type and those of the inner order of variable design, the stylistic homogeneity of the latter and their similarity to capitals on the Dome of the Ascension (no. 284) indicate that they were not reused but were more probably made specifically for this building at the time of its construction in the 1140s-1150s (Folda 1995: 253-74, pls. 84.5), The original function of the building is difficult to determine. At least two domes, a Dome of the Prophet and a

chapters of the Holy Sepulchre and the Temple an observation made above that the income and offerings made to the two churches in the twelfth century a seem to have been treated as a single resource suggest :‘s baptisms or confirmations may also have taken a 2 Temple, despite the lack of any contemporary menti ia such. The building would have been outside the can i‘ cloister, and therefore in the public area of the ane Alternatively it may have been used for some one we liturgical function, such as the blessing of the pa Palm Sunday. ; Whatever purpose this building may have se Crusader times, under the Ayyubids it was at first ae ‘

as the Dome of the Prophet and then, perhaps peeates the time of Yaqiit (1225), as the Dome of the a

ee

(Qubbat al-Mi raj) (Le Strange 1890: 155; ieee au) 1925: 44-5). The present Dome of the Prophet seeas Nabi) was built between it and the Dome of the aan

1539 (Mujir al-Din 1494-95: 112-13; cf. Le 1890: 153-6; Van Berchem 1925: 38-47).

Epigraphy

The Latin inscriptions recorded by John of ae

(c.1165) and Theodoric (1172) (see above) 5 and de cussed by Thomsen (1921: 34-8, nos. o riptions Sandoli (1974: 105-24), while the Arabic insc (1925:

are published and discussed by Van Berchem f 1190 223-376). The latter include two amare = come and 1195-

6 respectively, which may possi bly seepldet originally from the Muslim cemetery outside t aneee

Gate (Van Berchem 1925: 299-301, nos. ame is the pieces of marble removed from the Sakhra = cluding part of what appears to be an epitaph in verse, See the name [A]mericus (Clermont-Ganneau 1884a:

Jerusalem (Templum Domini. no. : 367)

ceva-f

jaej:

Qub bat al-Mi‘ra

no. 3, pl. 1d; e hes o

se lantern (f. d detail of the fal ) an -e ls (a ta pi al ca rn te a selection of ex

1896: 1, 141-2; v, 6: 1885: 237;

i 1974: 119, no. ol nd Sa de : 65 o ). 157, fig. 34: o dhorn 1994: 11, 86 a ae and Bloe

Numerous ni

ve been recorded sonry marks ha ma a s sa y nr (Clermonton maso around the building

Ganneau

415 = 415

74: 121-2: cf 6: 1, 15: de Sandoli 19

189 a in and

firey own of Abbot Geo Two seals are kn ). 13 19 e of on ms d ia an ll 9) Wi (116 §Abbot Raymond of e on and ), n 60 do 8an (113 Chal )( Schlumberger. 80 65/ 17 (1 4. r 10 ge 5. Abbot Ro Broussillon. , nos. 174-3: de -9 8 13 : 43 ye 19 162-3: Ma r Blanchet : 122-3. nos. 74 19 i ol nd Sa no. 1 43; de : 122). 1.5; Linder 1982 1978: 32 _ pl.

416

Churches of the Crusader Kingdom

Visited 1

3.1.82, 12.5.82, 13.9.94.

(1205); al-Harawi (trans. Sourdel-Thomine, 62-6) (1173): Hee sunt peregrinationes (13c.), v (IHC, Iv, 336); Hiestand, Vorarbeiten, tr, 250-5, no. 95 (1168); 293, no. 119 (1170-80); Historia Nicewana, LX-LXx1I (RHC Occ, v, 176) (1099); Huillard-Bréholles.

Sources

Aba’ l-Fida’ (RHC Or, 1, 57, 104, 122) (1187, 1229, 1244); Abii Shama (RHC Or, tv, 318-20) (1187); Achard of Arrouaise, Tractatus super Templo Domini (1100-31) (ed. de Vogiié, 567-79;

THC. u1, 52-60); Albert of Aachen, v1, 23-4; vu, 30 (RHC Oce, Iv, 479-80. 526; IHC, 1, 274-6; trans. Guizot, 1, 342~3, 417) (1099, 1100); Annales de Terre Sainte (ed. R6hricht and Raynaud, 441) (1244); Anon. 1 (¢.1101), 2 (IHC, 111, 2; PPTS, v1, 1; trans. Wilkinson, 87-8); Anon. 1 (¢.1170), 5 (IHC, 111, 12; trans. Wilkinson, 240); Anon. 1v (c.1185), 4 (IHC, 111, 86); Anon. v.i (eT 180), 3, 5 (HC. m1, 30); Anon. vi (1148), 9 (IHC, 1, 68-72); Anon. vu (e.1160), 3 (IHC, 11, 78: PPTS, vi, 71: trans.

Wilkinson, 233-4); Anon. 1x (1200-50), 405-6: THC, 111, 92); Anon. x (1250-) (ed. THC. ut, 102); Anon. Graecus (1187-), 985-8): Anon. Rhenanus, xxx (RHC Oce, v,

2 (ed. Golubovich, Golubovich, 408-9: xi (PG, cxxxtl, 497) (1099); Anon.

saec. Xba (+1229), 1 (IHC. tv, 370); Anon. saec. xurb (1244-), 17-19 (IHC, 1v, 352-6); Baha’ al-Din (trans. Richards, 78, 89,

198, 217, 235) (1187-92): Bartolf of Nangis (1108), xxx1, NNNVEE, NEVE NEVIEL (RHC Occ. 1, 510, 516, 523, 525: THC. 1, 150, 162); Belard of Ascoli (1112-60), 1 (IHC, 11, 44; trans.

Wilkinson, 228): Benedict of Accoltis, vit (RHC Occ, v, 602~3);

Benjamin of Tudela (1169-71) (trans. Adler, 22-3; trans. Asher, S3—b: Brese-Bautier, 143-5, no. 54 (1156); 283-7, no. 146

(1168): 302. no. 153 (1170-80): 351-2, appx. 3 (1130-6); de Broussillon. 1, 104, no. 143 (1169): Caffaro (RHC Oce, v.i, 61) (LLU): Cart. des Hosp. 1. 25-6, no. 25 (1112); Chalandon, ‘Un diplome inedit d’Amaury I... en faveur de l'abbaye du temple’ (1266): Charles of Anjou, Chron. (1266) (ed. Richard, 177) (LUST): Chemins et pelerinages (1260s), 11, 9-11 (ed. Michelant

and Raynaud, 183-4, 193-4): Chron. S. Medardi Suessionensis, 490 (1229): Cont. de Guillaume de Tyr. Vv, Uxtt (ed, Morgan, 21, *SVCLISS, 1187); Cont. de Guillaume de Tyr (Rothelin, ¢.1261),

VEN.

NV. NEN (RHC Occ, tr, 497-9,

508-9, 521, 525-6: ed.

Michelant and Raynaud, 150-3, 165-6; trans. Shirley, 17-18,

24-5. D4 37): Daniel (1106-8), xvi (trans. Ryan, 132: trans.

de Khitrowo, 19-20); Descriptio locorum, XXxVI-xxxvit (HC, 1, 100-2: PPTS. v, 38-9): Ekkehard of Aura, tv. xxxtt (RHC Oce, v, M4. SOHC. 310-12) 1099-] 101): Eracles, xxint, 5: xxtv, 2 (RHC Oke. 8. LOD LES5 7): Ernoul. x (1185); XviLii (1187); MIN (LEST Hx 1229) fed. de Mas Latrie, 118, 197-9, 234-5, tobe3,ed. Michelant and Raynaud. 3841); ELS, 44 8-52. no. She de Expumatione (RS. EXVE. 249-50; THC, mt, 116-18) HUES?) Fretellus (1137) “EVE (ed. Boeren,

31~3, 58-9); Fulcher, 1. 26. 28, 29, 30, 33: tS (RHC Oce. tt, 356-7, 350-60, 360, 361, 366, 386; trans, Ryan, LI7-18. 122, 123, PA S

pa

120s): Ger

man Anon. (1102-6), 1 CHC, i, 156. trans. Wilkinson, | U9): Gesta Francerum, XXNNIN (ed. Hill, U4b CLOUOF Gesu Regis Henr ich IE (RS. NUIX.L AL) (118 7): Guibert of Noge

nt, vit. 10: Vil, UZr ven. 42 (CCOM,

CXNVITA AShe4, 295-6, 342.3: tran s. Garand, 245, 255-6, 297-8) 1099- TION): Gunther of Patris, Nxiv (trans. Andrea , 126)

m1, 86-90, 96-7, 99-102, 105 (1229); Ibn al-Athir, al-Kamil (RHC Or, 1, 704-6) (1187); Ibn Wasil, trans. Blochet, 357 (1244); Icelandic pilgrim (1150s—1160s) (trans. Kedar and Westergard-Nielsen, 208; trans. Hill, 221); al-Idrist (1154), mt. 5 (trans. Jaubert, 343-4; trans. Le Strange, 34); ‘Imad al-Din (trans. Massé, 54—7, 98; Gabrieli, 165-7; Gabrieli and Costello. 168-71) (1187); James of Vitry (1217-40), Hist. Or, 1, 62 (IHC. 111, 334-8); James of Vitry, Narratio de Statu Terrae Sanctae, 1 (IHC, 111, 384); John of Ibelin, ccxx, CCXXVI, CCXXXIX (ed. Edbury, 575-6, 591-2, 615); John of Wiirzburg (c.1165)

(CCCM, cxxx1x, 86-96, 140; PPTS, v, 9-20): Kohler. ‘Documents’, 8, no. 1 (—1129/52); Kohler, ‘Rituel’, 405 (fol. 50a), 410 (fol. 67a), 412-13 (fols. 70b-80b), 425 (fol. 100a).

428-9 (fols. 119b-20b), 434 (fols. 150ab); Matthew ofEdessa. 1, 75 (trans. Dostourian, 221) (1118); Matthew Paris. Chon.

Maj.

(RS, Lvit.iv, 288-91) (1244); Melrose Chron. sca Stevenson, 74) (1244); MGH Epist, 1, 299-304, 315-17 Lae

MGH Legum, ed. Pertz, 11, 260-5 (1229); Nicolas as

bverd (1145-53), 1v, 1 UHC, ur, 218; trans. Kedar an Westergard-Nielsen, 205; trans. Hill, 217); Oliver of ets (1196-1227), x (ed. Hoogeweg, 16-17; IHC. Iv. oe

Ottobonian

Guide

(1101-3),

1

(trans.

Wilkinson. he

Pelerinaiges (c.1231), vu (ed. Michelant and Raynaud. 9 ey

Pelrinages et Pardouns de Acre (1248-64), 11 (ed. pent 1 Raynaud, 230-1); Peter the Deacon (1137), frag. C3 © ve cLxxv, 95; IHC, 11, 176-8; trans. Wilkinson, eon chronique du régne de Baudouin I*” (CCCM, pavement (1118); Philip Mouskét (1242) (ed. Michelant and ae

1122-3); Philip of Savona (1285-91), v1 (ed. Ne

IHC, 1v, 232-4); Phocas (1177), x1v (PG, CXXXIX. O44: Ee ie

20; trans. Wilkinson, 324); Qualiter sita (c.1103) Lenin trans. Wilkinson, 91); Ralph of Caen, CXII, CXXIX, COE { Occ, 111, 685, 695-6, 700; IHC, 1, 184, 186. 188: Sa Bacharach, 129, 144, 149-50); Raymond of Aguilers.xx1¢ al Occ, 111, 303: trans. Hill and Hill, 133) Aaa Durham,

wines

Vita S. Godrici, xv, 43 (ed. Stevenson. 37) c ne

Robert of Auxerre (MGH SS, xxvi. 250-2) (1 187 y Ro an Beitriige, 1, 43-7 (1229); Roger of Howden (RS. a RRU.

(1187); Roger of Wendover (RS, LXXX1v.ii. 366) (12- a. Ist 15, no. 68 (1112); 43-4, nos. 172, 174 (1138): mi a is );no. 323 (1156); 115, no. 444 (1168): 120.1 “2 (113883, (1170-80); 297, no. 1115 (1244); RRH Ad. 13, peer

(1137-60); 25-6, no. 422a (1166): Saewull (1102- See

(CCCM, exxtx, 67-8; PPTS, tv. 15, 40: trans. i ant 104-5): Sains pelerinages (¢.1230), xit (ed. Miche eens Raynaud, 1045); de Situ Urbis Ierusalem (-11 14). Li ( vith

7+: PPTS, v, 1-3: trans, Wilkinson, 177); Terricus. ee

cet, 1409-10) (1187); Theodoric (1172), IV. VE pes (CCOM, exxxix, 146, 152. 158-64: PPTS, Vv. 6. poe wet

Theotonii Vita (-1160), xiv (IHC, i, 38); Thietmar i ‘s7) ted.

XNX, 3 (ed. Laurent. 26, 54); Tractatus de locis (iis pe 106. HE Kedar, 126, 127); Tudebodus, xiv. XV. XVI (RHC Occ,

aly

s, nos, 368-9) Jerusalem (Templum/ Palatium Salomoni

and Grahar Paste (bere od Poggibonsi 1346-50; 54: Nuscibeh . TIENT) Peter de Peescis

120) (1099); Tudebodus 110, 113: trans. Hill and Hill. 116. (1099): Typikon (ed. cont.. exxiv. (RHC Occ, U1. 222-3) a (trans. Hitti, 164: Papadopoulos-Kerameus. 18) (1122); Usam 38—$4); Wilbrand of (11 80) llo, Gabrieli, 80; Gabrieli and Coste

Friuli 1330:

116-25; Prawet pemsa a 1989: SL. PLY-29: 202: Teyda 1, Set tetek 206-8, 308-9: Quaresmi

1943: de Sandal: ETE St Laurent and Riedimaver Dis

trans. Babcock and 43 3-4. 461, 363, 581. 699-700. 914. 965;

106-7 pl Shen 336: de Sauley PNS2: 93-5, joa

425. 536, 556: U. Krey. t. 62-3. 344-5, 384-5, 391-2. 395, Paris AC (1250/9). Jerusalem

Cambraii(c.11 50): The maps: Aldomar (1 2c.): Brussels (c. 1108);

r (1 2c." aris Hague (¢.1170); London (¢.1250); MontpellieSanudo-Vesconte Pare-lez-Louvain

(1135-55)

ESE

eb-OE. pls. WAV

1999: Amico 1470-1: 258-60: Allen api eae 36; Adorno0b: 114-15. pl. 35: Anon. Anglicus 20a: 47, pl. 35: 162

brass Wiliams PD BANG 246-50. yar t Pss jeda, pla 1865: 32-6. photos

AVHIENNINE

ma 1486: 111: 1 344-5b: 63: Antonio da Cre er

1847: 495-500, pl: Bartlett 120 8: 185 y cla Bar -1: e e e u 1615: aR 1863: 154-8: de Beauva

ee

Ne

berstein and 70. 163. 344: Bie 48, 6. 7: 45isti 1970: 72-87. 88-9: Boase 196

tt, . pl. aphlanie 1994: 1, 203-3: P1112; 1977: 86. 138-86 .

Bloed

Pa

0; Buschhausen 1978: 177 - ‘igi nae figs. 6-1 Burgoyne 101, 313-8. 324. 326-9: aa ce pis. ioe 4-81.

Grethenics 3: pl. SS: Grabots 1996; fiona 0-61: Gibson 200 2: 190 4ni-%: 1900; 485-#125-4. r eve enm 134. 147. Hag -7: 96. 99. aamielton 176 B 1977: 109-10; 1980: -4: von

-60, 1f2 6: 268-91. Bgs- 136 net 370: Hanauer 192 Horm 1724-44b:

Hoade 1978: 174-83: i 1496-9: 208-10; 1332: 530; [bn Batata J 325-S4act. $21 1-2 : 5 Humbert of Dijon ethn abFurat cbs Tad: 1125-54h. 1, 9.78-9F380. Bes. ner. 44: Iefiery VTE: °15. acety 2 1982: 328ambert pass: pis 10. 12

: de Kihnel BIYSE on

29-30. 30, 84-6, enge par. Ht=2. Sr: Le1 4 0 1 n an hm Le IS3er ph 73: Tass: todolphf sodhom s i 9. 114-51; gate 200 1: Linder 107-

Macgrisd«140012: 85-416: 9-10 al 36 13 1: 035 Ta: ser 1946701 suet. aes : 31. 210-6 Ma

1951 4 26. 27: Marmardi 9: Megaw 193- yigetetimank 1 222 : al sir Mfa 81: 1, TASTE: LOTT 69 da Mates 16

Fin

149$

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gi-32

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Terplam lar Chapel in the mp Te 9 836 d the Nos. tJaml al. \qsa). an s ni mo lo Sa um or Palati of the Templars x4 Adjacent Church 235.U3052 Mar 17 8. 14 13 4. 1724

ee OO Tet: mple percaret Te et rm fo e th southern end of eee W h at mar have Itisuncertain we poe at! ares. t heugh um tures in Ubis SSE Ley ch urch ¢ {New ch s n’ ia in st Ju Dab . 8 Creswell yOS3: 329-46 tua Dts at ie © S. Khatiabin Ap

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$96: 1, 129-30, 141-2, 4: 23.28. 129. pls. 1-3: Dondi 2001972: Had 659: 196 0; 1-1 . pls e a 168. 199: Duncan pis. 59, 65. $7. 92. 1924b; 1925: 11. 207-14. 1995. FaeElm art Enl 7b: 199 : pea 4-9 -228, 269-70. figs. gusson 187: 199199 HL. 43. 117: Fer Folia 5: 136-7. 249-74 $S-63: Fitsimons 1332—Hb: 46: Gautier-Van Berchem and Ory

2-5; foin-L 38H 1919: 1389: Krimsky 1970:

Ses

History

bi 164 $50: 7 3-86: ele 2:C 198 se Bus 8: 477: 198 a ce 269; 1S8s84a: 1874: 156-S. nt-Ganneau rmo Cle 1: 1888: v. 70-8: 460-1 6: 1885 23785: Cre v, 4b: 188 id: swell 1958: es arae ie Sena 152-65, 179-22

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a 418 Churches of the Crusader Kingdom Se

by al-Mansur from 758-9 onwards. Further earthquake damage led to another major rebuilding by Caliph alMahdi (775-85) (Creswell 1958: 43, 205; 1969: 373-5: cf. Le Strange 1890: 89-93; Amiran, Arieh and Turcotte 1994: 266-7). Al-Mahdi’s rebuilt mosque was described by alMugqaddasi around 985. He records, however, that elements of the earlier building still remained around the mihrab, but that the new building was firmer and more substantial: The more ancient portion remained, even like a beauty spot, in the midst of the new, and it extends as far as the limit of the marble columns; for beyond, where the columns are of concrete [ie. masonry], the later building commences. The Main-building of the Aksa Mosque has twenty-six doors. The door opposite to the Mihrab is called the Great Brazen Gate: it is plated with brass gilt, and is so heavy that only a man strong of shoulder and of arm can turn it on its hinges. To the right of this (Great Gate) are seven large doors, the midmost covered with gilt plates; and after the same manner there are seven doors to the left. And further, on the eastern side (of the Aksa), are eleven

doors unornamented. Over the first-mentioned doors, fifteen in number, is a colonnade supported on marble pillars, lately erected by “Abd Allah ibn Tahir [governor of Khurasan and the East, 828-44], ... The centre part of the Main-building (of the AksA) is covered by a mighty roof, high-pitched and gable-wise, over which rises a magnificent dome. The ceilin gs everywhere. . . are covered with lead in sheets. . . (Le Stran ge 1890: 98-9) Al-Muqaddasi’s description indicate s a building comprising a central raised nave, with a clearstory and adome set over the bay in front of the mihr ab in the south qibla wall, flanked to either side by seve n aisles, making fifteen in all including the nave. The fifte en doors in the north wall were preceded by an open porti co, built in the early ninth century; there were also eleven doors in the east wall, but apparently none in the west. The south wall represented, as al-Muqaddasi describes it, the origi nal Haram wall, which he attributes to Solomon. On it Khalif ‘Abd al Malik subsequen tly built, using smaller but wellshaped stones, and 1890: 98)

battle ments are added abov e. (Le Strange

Another series of earthquak es in the winter of 1033-4 caused extensive damage to the mosque (Yahya ibn Sa‘id (PO, ccext1, 535); Amiran , Arieh and Turcotte 199 4: 2 68) ’ and it was subsequently rest ored by the Fatimid cal iph al-Zahir in 1035, A mosaic inscription recording the com pletion of the restoration and gilding of the dome in October 1035 was seen and copied by al-Harawiin 1173. Al-Harawi states that it was on the ceiling, though it is mor e likely to have been on the masonr y drum below the dom e. The text recorded the name of the sultan, his vizier Abu’lQasim ‘Ali

ibn Ahmad, and the mosaicist ‘Abdallah ibn al-Hasan alMisri (trans. Sourdel-Thomine, 64-5; cf. Van Berchem 1925: 381-92, no. 275; RCEA, vu, no. 2409; Creswell 1969: 375; Le Strange 1890: 101-2). Although the inscription has since been lost, another mosaic inscription in Kufic lettering found on the north arch below the domein 1926 and destroyed soon afterwards also mentioned alZahir’s name and that of the sharif Abu’]-Qasim ibn Abu’-

Hasan al-Husayni (Wiet 1927: 452-3, no. 301; RCEA, vil

no. 2410). The Fatimid decoration of the consoles supporting the outer lip of the timber dome also provides evidence for his restoration of the dome. Other structural evidence, however, suggests that the masonry arches and pendentives below the dome, as well as the arches buttressing it, belonged to the pre-existing building (Hamilton 1949: 70-4; Creswell 1969: 375-8).

The form of the mosque after this work was described by Nasir-i Khusraw in 1047. For him, al-Aqsa mosque marked the ‘farther temple’ to which God transported Muhammad on the night of his heavenly ascension: In that place is a skillfully constructed edifice with sara carpets .. . On the outside again, along the southern ie ag

beyond the corner, there is an uncovered courtyard 7 420 ells long. The length of the mosque along the west ie rors [recte 120?] ells, with the maqsura to the right along the s : wall; it is 150 ells wide. It has 280 marble columns ae stone arcade the tops and bottoms of which sucennnn A joints filled with lead so that the construction is ceirene y a Between every two columns is a distance of six ells, isl ground is flagged in colored marble tile, the joints again ca in lead. The magsura, in the middle of the south wall, is large eae for sixteen columns and an enormous dome inlaid in tile, a a been described. It is filled with Maghrebi carpets, cata lanterns each hung by a separate chain. There is a pat fae inlaid with tile; on either side of the mihrab are two marble p a the color of red carnelian, and the whole low wall of the Lae

is of colored marble. To the right is Mu‘awiya’s mihrab, an ed in of Umar to the left. The ceiling is covered with wood oa ‘ie elaborate designs. Along the wall of the magsura si which courtyard are fifteen gateways and ornate doors, eac a is 420

is ten ells tall and six wide, ten of them on the ae ang. One [recte 120?] ells long and five on the wall that is 150 a iy ornate set of these doors in particular is done in such beautl Nake: It

brass that one would think it was of gold burnished ae ae has the name of the Caliph Ma’mun on it and is said to

sent by him from Baghdad [AD 813-17]. is a When all the fae are een the inside of the me ne light as an open courtyard. However, when the wind ane fain or itis raining, the doors are closed, and then the light co skylights. . , :

. . . Inside the covered portion is a tank sunkinto the earth such that, when covered, it is level with the floor: this iis for collecting rainwater. In the south wall is a gate at the ablu jon poo

Jerusalem (Templum/Palatium Salomonis, nos. 368-9)

= 419

When anyone needs water for making ablutions, he goes there and renews his ablutions, for the mosque is so large that if you had to leave it, you would certainly miss your prayer. The roofs are all covered with lead, and there are many tanks and cisterns sunk into the ground, since the mosque rests entirely on rock ... Of all the city, the greatest abundance of water is

Nasir-i Khusraw also mentions the Spring Gate (Bab al‘Ayn), leading down to Silwan; this may be identilied with the Herodian Triple Gate to the east of the Double Gate. also rebuilt in the Umayyad period (Burgoyne 1992:

found in the Friday mosque. . . ... At every place in the city lower than the mosque, a door has been cut to lead up to the courtyard through a tunnel. One of these doors is called the Prophet’s Gate. This passageway is on the kiblah side, that is the south, and is built so that it is ten ells wide; the height, depending on the number of steps, varies from five to twenty ells. The roof of this passageway lies under the pavement

Children of Israel had entered the mosque, may be identified with Barclay's Gate, also Herodian in origin. This is set in the west wall of the Haram some 55 m from the south-west corner. Since Ibn al-‘Arabi was able to pass

of the mosque and is strong enough for a building of such enormity to be built on top of it with no trace of strain. There are stones so enormous that the mind cannot comprehend how human strength could have moved them. They say that this structure was made by Solomon son of David, and that our Prophet Muhammad, on the night of his heavenly ascent,

entered the mosque by this passage. This door indeed faces the road to Mecca. . . At this gateway to the mosque, where the passageway has been constructed, is hung a double-leafed door. The outside wall at this point is nearly fifty ells high. The reason for this gate is SO

that the people of the quarter adjoining this end of the mosque should not have to go to another quarter when they want to enter. (trans. Thackston, 34—7; cf. PPTS, tv, 36-42)

The mosque that Nasir-i Khusraw saw would have been later by essentially the same that was seen a half-century

the victorious Crusaders.

His account,

some difficulties. The north-south

however, raises

dimension

of 420

e is probacubits cannot possibly be correct, and Le Strang

bly right therefore to alter it to 120 while leaving the of cast-west one as 150 (1890: 106). The resulting ratio no albeit ns, colum of r numbe 4:5, however, and the large doubt exaggerated, suggest a building of similar propor

e tions and size to that seen by al-Muqaddasi (Le Strang ten doors that 1890: 103-7). This is also suggested by the

Nasir-i Khusraw counted in the east wall, which correspond reasonably well with al-Muqaddast's eleven. In the

This appears to north wall, however, he noted only five.

(1969: have influenced Hamilton (1949: 71) and Creswell

377) into thinking that the eleventh-century mosque had

reduction in only seven aisles, like the present mosque. The arily imply the number of doors, however, does not necess

a reduction in the number of aisles.

t's The gate which Nasir-i Khusraw calls the Prophe

Gate (Bab al-Nabi) may be identified with the present

Double Gate’. This is set in the south wall of the Haram passage below the and leads up through a vaulted

ian, though it appears Mosque: its origins might be Herod on

before work to have been rebuilt in the Umayyad period figs. 3-5). 110. oyne 1992: (Burg e began the mosqu

110-11, figs. 6-7). A third gate in this area, the Gate of Remission (Bab Hitta), through which it was said that the

through this gate in 1093 (Drory 2004: 116), its blocking

and conversion into the Mosque of Buraq must have occurred at a later date, very possibly after the Crusader period (Nasir-i Khusraw (trans. Thackston, 37; PPTS. iv. and 42-3); cf. Burgoyne 1992: 109, fig. 2: Gibson Jacobson 1996: 63-79, figs. 28-39). the The last structural event to be recorded before below the Frankish conquest is identified by an inscription records which nave. cornice on the north gable end of the ctions of the the building of the facade on the instru 1065 (Husseini Fatimid caliph al-Mustansir in 458 n/AD

time of the pil1942: Hamilton 1949: 32. fig. 18b). Atthe the Aqsa was 7, grimage of Robert I of Flanders in 1085the Muslim for e still serving as the principal Friday mosqu , vit. 27 (COCM. inhabitants of the city (Guibert of Nogent 150). cxxvila, 319-20; trans. Levine. of Jerusalem on 15 July. During the Crusaders’ capture 10,000 Muslims being western chronicles report some though the figure of 3,000 massacred inside the Aqsa. lim writer Ibn al-‘Arabi is given by the contemporary Mus were

Drory, 120). Others perhaps more realistic (trans. w in the vast vaulted cistern belo killed trying to take refuge the rd reco some sources also the Temple precinct, while of — 300 according to Albert killing of a further number mosque

refuge on the roof of the Aachen —who had taken |Gesta of safety from Tancred and had received pledges (RHC xv Hill. 91-21: Tudebodus, Francorum, XXXVI (ed. of ond Raym

and Hill. 119-20): Occ, 11, 110; trans. Hill Hill. 111, 300; trans. Hill and Aguilers, xiv (RHC Occ, 1, xxxV-NNXVIE (RHC Oe, of 127-8); Bartolf of Nangis. ene Bal . 869% Monk (RHC Occ. 1. i. : 515-16); Robert the nt. 102-3): Guibert of Noge Dol, x1v (RHC Oce, IV. trans. a CXxVIla. 279-84 CM, (CC 27 , 7-10 359: aes 12-13 (RHC Occ. ie 27. 1. her. Fulc 130-2); (RHC xe iv, of Aachen. ¥1- 20-8 Ryan, 121-2); Albert ie ae s ‘ of Tyre, VI. 20 477-83); William enmaye and Krey. 1. 37 1-21; Hag k coc Bab s. tran ; 411-13 ’ ; - 479-80; Kedar 2004). ons say littlea mee ae ie nee pilgrim descripti than _ sa she i Salomonis se Templum or Palatium possibly few bot c te Qui . ini s Dom arx m rem Templu 1102-3 ‘ stage. though Saew -~ulfin

to visit it at this

420

Churches of the Crusader Kingdom

on its ‘wonderful size’ (ch. xv (CCCM, cxxxIx, 68; PPTS, 1v, 17, 42); cf. Anon. 1 (c.1101), 2 (ed. Hill, 99; IHC, 11, 2): Qualiter sita (c.1103), (ed. Tobler and Molinier, 348; IHC, 1, 2; trans. Wilkinson, 91); de Situ Urbis (-1114), 11 (HC, 01, 74; trans. Wilkinson, 178; PPTS, v, 3)). One pilgrim who evidently did venture inside it was the Russian Abbot Daniel (1106-8): Here too was the house of Solomon and it was a mighty house and very great and exceedingly beautiful. It was all paved with marble slabs and supported on arches and the whole house was supplied with water. The rooms were made very beautiful and skilfully decorated with mosaic and columns of costly marble beautifully arranged in rows and the chambers were cleverly built on these columns and the whole house was overlaid with tin. (ch. xvii (trans. Ryan, 132—3))

Daniel’s description of the gate of the ‘house’ as ‘very beautifully and cunningly overlaid with tin, ornamented with mosaic and gilded copper’, appears to relate to one of the gates of the Haram, probably Bab as-Silsila, for he identifies it as the Beautiful Gate where Peter and John healed the lame man (Acts 3.2) (ch. xviii (trans. Ryan 132-3; cf. trans. de Khitrowo, 20-1)). It seems that the very size of the building caused probJems for its new owners. After describing the Templum Domini, Fulcher of Chartres writes of it in an early version of his history, written by 1106: Another temple, called the Temple of Solomon, is large and wonderful, but it is not the same one that Solomon made. It is now much to be lamented that, after it came into our hands and those of King Baldwin, we were unable, though lack of money, to repair its roof structure. Indeed, the king was in the habit of selling the lead to tradesmen whenever it fell off the roof or was taken down on his instructions. (ch. 1, 26 (RHC Oce, 111, 357); cf. Wilkin son

1987: 27)

In his later redaction from the 1120s, howev er, Fulcher

simply wrote:

This [Temple], because of our poverty, could not be maintained in the condition in which we found it. Where fore it is already in large part destroyed. (ch. 1, 26, 10 (RHC Occ, 111, 357; trans. Ryan, 118))

The partial destruction of the building would therefore have already occurred by 1106. Subseque ntly the building became one of the king’s palaces in the city (William of Tyre, viii, 3 (CCCM, uxut, 386-7; trans. Babcock and Krey, 1, 345); Ernoul, 11, (ed. de Mas Latrie, 9)). Baldwin I dined in it after mass on Easter Day, 1101 (Fulcher, 11, 8 (RHC Occ,

11,

387));

and

after

his

coronation

in Bethlehem at Easter 1118, Bald win II received homage

from the leading men of the king dom and granted fiefs to them ‘in the palace of King Solo mon’ (Albert of Aachen,

xl, 30 (RHC Occ, iv, 709; trans. Guizot, 11, 212)). Indeed, the partial destruction regretted by Fulcher may well have been part of the building works undertaken to fit the building for its new role. From 1120 onwards the palace became the principal residence of the Templars. The second chapter of the chronicle of Bernard the Treasurer, written in 1232, incorporates what appears to be an early account of the origins of the order (Tommasi 1992: 460-7; Luttrell 1996). According to this source, after the conquest of Jerusalem a number of knights attached themselves to the Holy Sepulchre, under the authority of the prior. They seem to have been housed in the nearby Hospital (nos. 322-3), from which they also received food. Eventually tiring of military inactivity, however, they sought the permission of the prior and of the king, Baldwin II, to elect themselves a master who would lead them in battle in defence of the kingdom. The prior accordingly released

them from their vows to him and the king granted them

lands, castles and towns. As they now had nowhere to live, the king also lent them one of his three residences (manoirs) in Jerusalem, the ‘Temple of Solomon’, in which

he was accustomed to dine when he wore his crown inthe

city. There they constructed a ‘fine and rich’ residence adjacent to the king’s, so that if he should ever want his residence back, they could still continue to live there.on this reason they were given the name “Templars iat 11 (ed. de Mas Latrie, 7~9); cf. Estoires d ’Outremer (ed. Juod, 46-7)).

the eee align of Tyre places the date when adopted a regular life in 1118, but other sources sande that it occurred in 1120. Although he describes pen canons regular, vowed toa life of poverty, chastity wae : dience, they were evidently not priests and may ney have already been serving as lay religious from 1 if a sea? when the canons of the Holy Sepulchre were

(Luttrell 1996: 200-1). William identifies the ae

ae among the knights as Hugh of Payens, who eae es first master, and Godfrey of St-Omer. He also se

Baldwin II granted them his palace on a temporary

wrhwmwvOwOOoooooco

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See lege late 'a ae en ES RS FI ee R are Gs Sel eal tae b ee Sel wha! ola at leE cele ie eeT iee pr

MAPS OF JERUSALEM e ee 132

132

1

Map showing the locations of outlying churc hes, with key to maps 2-5 (based on K. Bieberstei n and M. Burgoyne, Tiibinger Atlas des Vorderen Orient s, B.1v.7 (Jerusalem: Baugeschichte), Karte 1v, at 1/5,000 (Wiesbaden 1992)),

2-5

Maps showing location of churches within and adjacent to the Old City (based on Survey of Palestine, Jerusalem: The Old City, at 1/2,500 ([Jaffa] 1947)).

The Palestine Grid is represented on each map, with north to the top of the page. 13],

1311

130,

476

477

Maps of Jerusalem

Mount Galilee

2 3

as

22 Sole Sears

a

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: ‘Ai

amilla |

St