The Chronicles of Fernão Lopes: Volume 2. The Chronicle of King Fernando of Portugal (Textos B, 64) 9781855663978, 9781805430117, 185566397X

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THE CHRONICLES OF FERNÃO LOPES

Gold dobra pé-terra, minted by order of King Fernando of Portugal (c. 1369). Museu do Dinheiro, Lisbon, Portugal

THE CHRONICLES OF FERNÃO LOPES VOLUME 2 THE CHRONICLE OF KING FERNANDO OF PORTUGAL Edited by Amélia P. Hutchinson Juliet Perkins Philip Krummrich † Teresa Amado Translated by † R. C. Willis Philip Krummrich Juliet Perkins Iona McCleery Francisco Fernandes † Shirley Clarke Principal Consultant Patricia Anne Odber de Baubeta With an Introduction by Rita Costa Gomes

TAMESIS

© Contributors 2023 All Rights Reserved. Except as permitted under current legislation no part of this work may be photocopied, stored in a retrieval system, published, performed in public, adapted, broadcast, transmitted, recorded or reproduced in any form or by any means, without the prior permission of the copyright owner First published 2023 By Tamesis (Serie B: TEXTOS) ISBN 978 1 85566 397 8 hardback ISBN 978 1 80543 011 7 ePDF Tamesis is an imprint of Boydell & Brewer Ltd PO Box 9, Woodbridge, Suffolk IP12 3DF, UK and of Boydell & Brewer Inc. 668 Mt Hope Avenue, Rochester, NY 14620, USA www.boydellandbrewer.com The publisher has no responsibility for the continued existence or accuracy of URLs for external or third-party internet websites referred to in this book, and does not guarantee that any content on such websites is, or will remain, accurate or appropriate A CIP record for this title is available from the British Library Cover design: Toni Michelle

To medievalists of all ages who preserve and share the knowledge and understanding of times past to illuminate the future, especially the colleagues, collaborators and friends we sadly lost in the course of this project: Teresa Amado R. C. Willis Shirley Clarke Nicholas G. Round

CONTENTS List of Illustrations

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Sponsors xx Abbreviations Introduction: The Chronicle of King Fernando of Portugal Rita Costa Gomes

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The Chronicle of King Fernando of Portugal Prologue Chapter 1 How the King of Aragon and King Enrique [of Castile] made treaties with King Fernando Chapter 2 Concerning the agreements which King Enrique reached with the King of Navarre Chapter 3 How King Pedro met with the Prince of Wales and how they joined forces to enter Castile Chapter 4 How the King of Navarre contrived to avoid the campaign in aid of King Pedro Chapter 5 Concerning King Enrique’s forces and how he prepared his campaign Chapter 6 How King Pedro and the prince drew up their battlelines, and how King Pedro was dubbed a knight Chapter 7 How the Prince of Wales sent a letter to King Enrique, and about what it contained Chapter 8 Concerning the reply that King Enrique sent to the prince’s letter Chapter 9 How the battle was fought between the two kings and how King Enrique was defeated Chapter 10 How the prince declared that the Marshal of France deserved to die and how the plea was decided by a court of knights

11 15 17 19 20 21 23 24 25 26 28

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Chapter 11 Concerning the discussions that King Pedro held with the prince about the capture of the prisoners Chapter 12 Concerning the agreements made between the prince and King Pedro about the matters which the king had promised the prince to attend to Chapter 13 Concerning the persons whom King Pedro killed after leaving Burgos, and how he made a peace treaty with King Fernando of Portugal Chapter 14 Concerning what happened to King Enrique after he fled the battle, as well as to the queen, his wife Chapter 15 Concerning King Enrique’s meeting with the Duke of Anjou and the great welcome he received from the King of France Chapter 16 How King Enrique arranged to return to Castile and how the King of Aragon prevented him from passing through his kingdom Chapter 17 How King Enrique entered Burgos and took the castle and the Jewish quarter Chapter 18 How King Enrique laid siege to the city of León and ordered the minting of the coin known as the sesén Chapter 19 How King Pedro summoned the Emir of Granada to his aid, and how the city of Córdoba was nearly lost Chapter 20 Concerning the steps taken by King Enrique to capture Toledo and how he assembled his forces to fight against King Pedro Chapter 21 How King Enrique and King Pedro joined battle and how King Pedro was defeated Chapter 22 Concerning the discussions held between Men Rodríguez de Sanabria and Sir Bertrand du Guesclin about the besieged King Pedro Chapter 23 How King Pedro got away from Montiel, how he was killed and where Chapter 24 How it became known throughout the kingdom that King Pedro was dead, and how King Enrique was received in various places Chapter 25 The names of the places which declared for King Fernando, and the forces which went over to his side Chapter 26 Concerning the treaties which King Fernando made with the Emir of Granada with a view to their waging war against King Enrique

29 30 33 35 37 38 40 41 42 44 46 47 49 51 52 53

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Chapter 27 How King Fernando received those noblemen who came over to him from Castile Chapter 28 How the King acted in respect of those places in Castile which had declared for him Chapter 29 How a marriage was negotiated between King Fernando and Princess Leonor, the daughter of the King of Aragon Chapter 30 How King Fernando headed for Galicia, and how the town of La Coruña went over to him Chapter 31 How Monterrey was captured Chapter 32 Concerning King Fernando’s departure from La Coruña when he learnt that King Enrique was on his way to do battle with him Chapter 33 How King Enrique laid siege to Braga and took it by surrender Chapter 34 How King Enrique laid siege to Guimarães, and how Count Fernando de Castro took refuge there Chapter 35 How King Fernando left Coimbra to go to the aid of Guimarães, and which were the towns that the King of Castile captured Chapter 36 Concerning King Fernando’s return and the officers of the marches whom he posted in a few places Chapter 37 How Gil Fernandes made a foray into Castile and how he brought back the plunder from his raid Chapter 38 How a number of Portuguese officers of the marches fought against the Castilians and what happened to each one of them Chapter 39 Concerning the towns which Gomes Lourenço captured, and how João Rodrigues fought against the forces from Ledesma Chapter 40 How King Enrique surrounded Ciudad Rodrigo and why he abandoned the siege Chapter 41 How Zamora was surrounded by Queen Juana, and how the sons of Alfonso López de Tejada were killed Chapter 42 Concerning the fleet of ships and galleys which King Fernando sent to Barrameda, and what his troops suffered while they were there Chapter 43 Debates about the truce which some have said that the Emir of Granada made with the Castilians

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54 56 57 58 59 61 62 63 65 66 68 69 70 71 73 75 77

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Chapter 44 How the Castilian galleys sought to do battle with those from Portugal yet did not succeed, and the reason why the Portuguese fleet left the Seville River Chapter 45 How the inhabitants of Carmona sent a message to King Fernando entreating him to go to their aid, and the answer which he gave to the messenger Chapter 46 How King Enrique laid siege to Carmona, and how Don Martín López negotiated the surrender of the town to him Chapter 47 Concerning the narratives which some have offered, when speaking of the betrothal of King Fernando to the Princess of Aragon Chapter 48 What led King Fernando to amass the gold which he sent to Aragon and what was its total value Chapter 49 How the count left Lisbon for Aragon, and how he arrived there with all the treasure which he was taking along Chapter 50 What the count ordered should be done with the gold which he had brought, and how the soldiers began to receive pay for the service they were intended to give Chapter 51 How Count João Afonso [Telo] left for Portugal, and why the princess was not brought there Chapter 52 How the clauses relating to the war were changed yet again, and how the King of Aragon sent his message to King Fernando Chapter 53 How peace was negotiated between King Enrique and King Fernando, and what were the conditions Chapter 54 How the King of Aragon ordered the seizure from Afonso Domingues Barateiro of all the gold that he had under his control Chapter 55 Concerning the coins which King Fernando changed, and of the different values which he placed on each Chapter 56 How King Fernando changed the value of certain coins and fixed the prices of all things Chapter 57 How King Fernando fell in love with Dona Leonor Teles and secretly married her Chapter 58 How King Fernando informed the King of Castile that he could not marry his daughter Chapter 59 How King Fernando and King Enrique revised certain clauses of the Treaty of Alcoutim

78 81 83 85 86 88 89 91 93 94 97 98 101 104 106 107

CONTENTS

Chapter 60 How the people of Lisbon spoke to the king about his marriage, and about the answer that he gave them Chapter 61 How King Fernando refused to address his people as he had promised, and secretly left Lisbon Chapter 62 How King Fernando publicly married Dona Leonor, and how she came to be called the Queen of Portugal Chapter 63 Various arguments advanced by certain people concerning King Fernando’s marriage Chapter 64 Concerning the discussion which the king had with a member of his Royal Council about his marriage to Queen Leonor Chapter 65 How Queen Leonor promoted the marriages of certain noblemen of the realm, and how she extended great privileges to other members of her family Chapter 66 How King Enrique sent Diogo Lopes Pacheco to King Fernando to find out whether he still wished to be his friend, and the answer that Diogo Lopes brought back Chapter 67 How King Fernando and the Duke of Lancaster formed an alliance against the King of Castile and the King of Aragon Chapter 68 How King Enrique sent a message to King Fernando to propose peace to him, and concerning the arguments used by his envoy Chapter 69 Concerning the reply which King Fernando gave to the bishop, and how the bishop took his leave and departed Chapter 70 How the bishop arrived in Castile, and how King Enrique decided to wage war on Portugal Chapter 71 How King Enrique entered Portugal, and the message he received from the papal legate Chapter 72 How King Fernando began to prepare for war, how King Enrique invaded the kingdom, and what happened as a result Chapter 73 How King Enrique arrived at Lisbon, and the way the residents of the city went about protecting themselves Chapter 74 How the admiral refused to allow the galleys of Portugal to fight against those of Castile, and how some Portuguese naos were captured because of him Chapter 75 How the citizens of Lisbon fixed their suspicions on certain people resident in the city, how some were imprisoned, and two men killed

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109 110 112 113 114 116 118 120 121 123 125 126 127 130 132 134

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Chapter 76 How Vasco Martins de Melo and his son Gonçalo Vasques were taken captive in a skirmish Chapter 77 How Count Alfonso attacked Cascais, and García Rodríguez [Taborda] was taken prisoner in a skirmish Chapter 78 How Enrique Manuel fought with Pedro Sarmiento, and the Portuguese were defeated Chapter 79 How Nuno Gonçalves de Faria was killed because he refused to give up the castle to Pedro Ruiz Sarmiento Chapter 80 Concerning the conversation that King Enrique had with Diogo Lopes Pacheco about the siege of Lisbon Chapter 81 Who this Diogo Lopes Pacheco was, and the occasion of his leaving for Castile Chapter 82 How peace was made between King Enrique and King Fernando, and on what terms Chapter 83 How the kings spoke together on the River Tagus and confirmed their agreement once again Chapter 84 How Count Sancho married Princess Beatriz, and King Enrique departed for his own kingdom Chapter 85 How the King of Navarre spoke with King Enrique regarding some matters on which they could not agree Chapter 86 How King Fernando spoke with the nobles whom he was supposed to send forth from his kingdom, and how they departed from Portugal Chapter 87 Of the policies that King Fernando set for the ordering and benefit of his kingdom, and the arms he commanded to be borne Chapter 88 How King Fernando ordered that the city of Lisbon be surrounded with a wall Chapter 89 How King Fernando ordered that the lands of his kingdom should be cultivated and improved Chapter 90 Of the privileges that King Fernando awarded to all those who bought or built ships Chapter 91 How King Fernando organized a maritime company, and the plan he ordered to be followed in this Chapter 92 Concerning the treaty that King Enrique and King Fernando drew up against the King of Aragon and the conditions in it Chapter 93 Concerning the message King Enrique sent to King Fernando and how he promised him the help of five galleys

135 136 138 139 140 141 144 147 149 151 152 153 156 158 161 162 165 167

CONTENTS

Chapter 94 How King Enrique sent to ask the King of Aragon for his daughter, and how she married his son Prince Juan Chapter 95 How Count Alfonso, son of King Enrique, married Dona Isabel, daughter of King Fernando Chapter 96 How Princess Beatriz of Portugal married Don Fadrique, the son of the King of Castile, and under what conditions Chapter 97 Concerning the treaty King Fernando made with the Duke of Anjou to wage war on Aragon Chapter 98 Concerning the abilities and character of Prince João of Portugal Chapter 99 Concerning what happened to Prince João with a bear and a boar while he was out hunting Chapter 100 How Prince João fell in love with Dona Maria, the sister of the queen, and married her secretly Chapter 101 How the queen spoke of the matter to Count João Afonso and concerning the conversations that the count had with Prince João Chapter 102 How the prince arrived at Alcanhões where the king was and concerning the message that Dona Maria received that he was coming Chapter 103 How the prince arrived in Coimbra to kill Dona Maria, and concerning the words he had with her before he killed her Chapter 104 How Prince João was pardoned and how he came to see the king and queen Chapter 105 How the prince left Court feeling sorrowful and went to the Minho Chapter 106 How the prince left in fear for Castile and what happened after he left Chapter 107 How Pope Gregory died, and Don Bartolommeo, the Archbishop of Bari, was elected in his place and named Urban VI Chapter 108 How some cardinals left Pope Urban and elected another Pope whom they called Clement VII Chapter 109 The cardinals’ excuse for electing a [different] Pope, and a response to the two stronger reasons they gave for it Chapter 110 Concerning the war that broke out between Castile and Navarre, and concerning the death of King Enrique

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168 169 171 172 174 175 177 180 182 183 186 188 189 190 194 196 198

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Chapter 111 How King Juan of Castile reigned and a son, given the name of Enrique, was born to him Chapter 112 How the treaty was arranged for the marriage of Princess Beatriz of Portugal and Prince Enrique, the son of the King of Castile Chapter 113 How the King of Castile and the King of Portugal declared for Pope Clement and gave him their obedience Chapter 114 How King Fernando asked those who were privy to him for advice on how he could wage war against the King of Castile, and the reply they gave him on the matter Chapter 115 How Juan Fernández Andeiro came to speak with the king about the coming of the English and how the king dealt with him Chapter 116 How the King of Castile found out that King Fernando wanted to wage war and on how he dealt with it Chapter 117 How the Master of Santiago of Castile entered Portugal, took a great quantity of plunder with him and returned safely Chapter 118 How Count Álvaro Pérez made a raid on Badajoz and what happened to him and the city defenders Chapter 119 How King Fernando ordered the officers of the marches in the Alentejo to go and fight the Castilian Master of Santiago Chapter 120 How the officers of the marches in the Alentejo joined together to fight the Master [of Santiago], and why that did not ensue Chapter 121 How Nuno Álvares ordered Juan de Osórez, the son of the Master of Santiago, to be challenged to a duel and the reason why he was moved to do this Chapter 122 How King Fernando was informed of Nuno Álvares’s challenge and ordered his brother not to consent to it Chapter 123 What the king said to Nuno Álvares concerning his challenge and the reasons he gave him in reply Chapter 124 How the galleys of Portugal went out to seek those of Castile, and how they were found in the harbour of Saltes Chapter 125 How the galleys of Portugal fought with those of Castile, and how those of Portugal were defeated Chapter 126 How King Fernando received news that his fleet was lost

200 201 203 205 207 209 210 211 212 213 215 216 217 218 220 222

CONTENTS

Chapter 127 How Prince João asked some Portuguese to hand Lisbon over to him, and how it was not done as he had wanted Chapter 128 Concerning the message that the king received about the English fleet, and how it arrived in Lisbon Chapter 129 How the earl and the other captains were lodged in the city, and the manner in which the king treated them Chapter 130 How the king declared for the Pope of Rome and betrothed his daughter to the Earl of Cambridge Chapter 131 How the King of Castile had news of the arrival of the English, and the way he acted upon this Chapter 132 Concerning the bad behaviour of the English towards the inhabitants of the realm, and how the king did not put a stop to it because he needed them Chapter 133 How the galleys from Castile arrived in Lisbon and, being unable to harm the ships of the English, they returned to Seville Chapter 134 How the king and the English left Lisbon and arrived at the city of Évora Chapter 135 How the Castilian fleet came to Lisbon, and of the harm and damage it inflicted on various places Chapter 136 Why Gonçalo Mendes de Vasconcelos was relieved of his post as governor, and was replaced by the Prior of Crato in Lisbon Chapter 137 How Nuno Álvares set an ambush for those of the fleet, and how he fared in the encounter Chapter 138 Concerning the arguments that Nuno Álvares put to his men to encourage them to fight, and what happened to him when alone fighting the Castilians Chapter 139 How the motive arose for the imprisonment of the Master of Avis and of Gonçalo Vasques de Azevedo Chapter 140 How Vasco Gomes de Abreu spoke to the queen, and concerning the discussion they had together Chapter 141 How the king decided to order the arrest of both the Master of Avis, his brother, and of Gonçalo Vasques de Azevedo, and for what reason Chapter 142 How the king ordered the arrest of his brother, the Master of Avis, and of Gonçalo Vasques de Azevedo

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223 224 226 228 229 231 232 233 235 236 237 238 240 242 243 244

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Chapter 143 Concerning the message that Vasco Martins received, that he should kill the Master and Gonçalo Vasques, and how he did not wish to do so Chapter 144 Concerning the great fear suffered by the Master and Gonçalo Vasques de Azevedo, and how the queen sought an opportunity to kill Gonçalo Vasques Chapter 145 How the Master arranged to flee, and the manner in which it was to be Chapter 146 How the Master was released and dined that day with the queen, and concerning the discussion he had with her Chapter 147 How the Master went to see the king, and concerning the conversation that he had with him; and concerning the arguments that the Master put forward in the house of the Earl of Cambridge Chapter 148 How Lourenço Martins had desired to kill Vasco Porcalho and the Master told him that he should not do so Chapter 149 How the English, and the Master with them, entered Castile and took the castles of Lobón and Cortijo Chapter 150 How King Fernando and the English arrived at Elvas, and how the queen gave birth to a son there Chapter 151 How Nuno Álvares begged leave of the prior to take part in the battle with the king and, when he was denied it, what the manner of his departure was Chapter 152 How the King of Castile gathered his people together and came to Badajoz with them Chapter 153 How King Fernando prepared for battle and waited in the field, but the King of Castile did not want to fight Chapter 154 How peace was negotiated between King Fernando and King Juan of Castile, and upon what conditions Chapter 155 How Count Álvaro Pérez de Castro and Gonçalo Vasques conveyed the documents of the peace treaty, and concerning the discussions that took place before it was signed Chapter 156 How the English found out that a peace had been negotiated, and how the hostages were exchanged Chapter 157 How the Queen of Castile died, and it was arranged that the king should marry the Portuguese princess Chapter 158 How the marriage between the King of Castile and the Portuguese princess was arranged, and with what conditions

247 248 250 251

252 254 255 257 258 260 261 262

264 266 268 270

CONTENTS

Chapter 159 Concerning the vows that were sworn between the kings to safeguard the matters contained in the agreements Chapter 160 How the Portuguese princess broke off the betrothal she had made and accepted the King of Castile as her husband, through his proctor Chapter 161 How the queen left for Elvas with her daughter and with other people who accompanied them Chapter 162 How the king sent his excuses to the King of England for the marriage of his daughter which he had arranged Chapter 163 How the King of Castile left his kingdom and went to Badajoz Chapter 164 How the King of Castile approved the pacts before he received his wife, the princess Chapter 165 How the King of Castile left for Elvas and how he took the Portuguese princess to wife Chapter 166 What happened to Nuno Álvares, as the King of Castile was sitting down to eat, and what the queen said to the king when she had to take leave of him Chapter 167 How King Juan celebrated his marriage in Badajoz and later returned to Elvas and bade farewell to his motherin-law, Queen Leonor Chapter 168 How the king left Badajoz and went to besiege Count Don Alfonso, and concerning other things that happened afterwards Chapter 169 How King Fernando ordered people to go to Castile to receive the vows of allegiance because of the treaties, and who were the men who made them Chapter 170 How the prelates and nobles of Castile made their oaths and pledges Chapter 171 How Castilian representatives went to Portugal to receive similar pledges in respect of the agreements Chapter 172 How the king and queen left Almada and went to Lisbon, where King Fernando died Chapter 173 How Queen Leonor became ruler of the kingdom, and what the people of Lisbon said to her Chapter 174 Concerning the reply that the queen gave to the speeches made by the inhabitants of Lisbon Chapter 175 How a banner in support of the Queen of Castile was raised in Lisbon, and what happened afterwards

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273 274 276 277 278 279 280 282 283 285 286 288 290 291 293 296 297

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Chapter 176 How Queen Beatriz’s banner was raised in Santarém, and what happened there on that day 299 Chapter 177 Concerning what happened in Elvas when Álvaro Pereira raised the banner for Queen Beatriz 300 Chapter 178 Concerning the message that the King of Castile sent to the Portuguese nobles when they attended the month’s mind of King Fernando 302 Bibliography of works cited Index

303 See general index in volume 5

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS Frontispiece: Gold dobra pé-terra minted by order of King Fernando of Portugal (c. 1369). By courtesy of Museu do Dinheiro, Banco de Portugal, Lisbon.

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Genealogy 1 ‒ The Portuguese Royal Family (with English and Castilian connections), Iona McCleery.

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Genealogy 2 ‒ The Teles de Meneses Family, Iona McCleery.

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The editors, contributors and publisher are grateful to all the institutions and persons listed for permission to reproduce the materials in which they hold copyright. Every effort has been made to trace the copyright holders; apologies are offered for any omission, and the publisher will be pleased to add any necessary acknowledgement in subsequent editions.

Sponsors The Fernão Lopes Translation Project, including the publication of Fernão Lopes’s chronicles for the first time in English, has been made possible in part by the National Endowment for the Humanities: Exploring the human endeavor

Funded by the Direção-Geral do Livro, Dos Arquivos e das Bibliotecas / Portugal

ABBREVIATIONS CKP The Chronicle of King Pedro of Portugal, present edition, vol. 1 CKF The Chronicle of King Fernando of Portugal, present edition, vol. 2 CKJ1 The Chronicle of King João I of Portugal, Part 1, present edition, vol. 3 CKJ2 The Chronicle of King João I of Portugal, Part 2, present edition, vol. 4

Introduction The Chronicle of King Fernando of Portugal RITA COSTA GOMES In the chronicles of Fernão Lopes there isn’t only history: there is poetry and drama. Alexandre Herculano (1839–1840)

O

ur understanding today of the history of Portugal during the second half of the fourteenth century depends heavily on the chronicle of King Fernando written by Fernão Lopes. Few historical narratives have had such an enduring and profound influence in Portuguese culture since the nineteenth century as the one you are about to read, published for the first time in 1816, after almost 400 years of restricted manuscript circulation. In the words of a modern critic, the characters created by Fernão Lopes in this chronicle have inspired Portuguese poets, novelists, and play writers as much as ‘the Greek theatre was nourished by the creations of Homer’.1 Historian Fernão Lopes (c. 1380–c. 1460) wrote the chronicle of the reign of Fernando of Portugal in his role of official chronicler and chief-archivist of the kingdom.2 Fernando ruled from 1367 to 1383. Chronology is important here, since the major project of Lopes as a historian was to provide an official version of the events leading to the dynastic change that took place in 1385, two years after the king’s death. A new dynasty of monarchs acceded to the Portuguese throne in 1385, soon to be called the House of Avis. Those momentous events were close to his lifetime, as Lopes was born, most 1 António José Saraiva, O Crepúsculo da Idade Média em Portugal (Lisbon: Gradiva, 1988), p. 193. The comparison with Homer had already been proposed by Alexandre Herculano in the nineteenth century. 2 For some context, see Robert B. Tate, ‘The Official Chronicler in the Fifteenth Century: A Brief Survey of Western Europe’, Nottingham Medieval Studies, 41 (1997), 157–85.

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probably, in the same decade. Gaining power from a controversial political act – the election of a new king by the parliament, or Cortes3, in 1385 – the first rulers of the House of Avis had to contend with the looming shadow of a contested legitimacy. For almost two decades, the King of Castile continued to proclaim the right to the Portuguese throne of his wife Beatriz, daughter of the deceased Fernando, a contention that echoed in the early fifteenth century across the Peninsula and beyond the Pyrenees. This is the context within which the chronicle was conceived. In order to narrate and explain the events that led to the establishment of the Avis dynasty in Portugal, Lopes composed a narrative trilogy4 based on the reign of three singular monarchs. This narrative cycle, consisting of three distinct chronicles, reaches back to the reign of King Pedro (r. 1357–1367), the father of the first Avis ruler; its middle chronicle is the one presented here in this volume. The longest, most important, and most developed part of Lopes’s elaborate construction, however, is the chronicle of the first king of the new dynasty, João I. João was a half-brother of King Fernando, since he was a bastard son of King Pedro. Although the narrative about King Fernando does not highlight the relationship between the two brothers and rulers, this is nevertheless clearly documented. Most protagonists of the events narrated in the last chronicle of the trilogy, including João himself, had been political players in major events during the previous reign, that of Fernando. Yet Lopes wanted to propose, at the same time, an explanation of political change and the image of a fresh start for the kingdom with João I’s coming to power. This goal he achieved with consummate art. Of all the scholars who wrote in our times about the work of Fernão Lopes, Luís de Sousa Rebelo was the author who contributed most significantly to a perception of the profound conceptual unity cementing Lopes’s three narratives: the chronicles of Kings Pedro, Fernando, and João I. None of these texts can be fully understood in isolation, for they were created as parts of a single whole. According to Sousa Rebelo, within the meta-narrative of this trilogy of chronicles, the underlying goal of the one dedicated to King Fernando was to depict ‘the abuse and the perverted use of power by an oligarchy allied to a foreign faction’.5 The reign of Fernando within this narrative cycle is described as an epoch of successive military disasters for the 3 A consultative body which was to evolve eventually into the parliament of the nineteenth century. 4 I am referring in particular to his last three chronicles, of King Pedro, King Fernando, and King João I in two parts, with a narrative structure that closely links them together towards a firm objective: the celebration and justification of the new Avis dynasty. 5 Luis de Sousa Rebelo, A Concepção do Poder em Fernão Lopes (Lisbon: Horizonte, 1983), p. 27.



INTRODUCTION

3

Portuguese, of growing financial difficulties for the monarchy, and of popular revolts and dissent within the kingdom. In short, this was a disastrous time culminating in the invasion of a foreign ruler claiming the Portuguese throne. It is against this background picture in the chronicle of King Fernando that Lopes announces one of his main themes: the providential nature of the expression of popular will with the election of a new native ruler, thus avoiding what he saw as the unacceptable subjection of Portugal to Castile. The populist and patriotic theme emerges in minor tones at first, becoming louder and clearer in the ensuing narrative of the chronicle of João I, both in its motivations and irrepressible force. At any rate, to assume the role of a leader bringing with him the onset of a new era for the kingdom, João I had to be clearly and unambiguously detached from the previous governing regime. How did Lopes achieve such a historical interpretation? How did he search for the truth about these events? Let us first return to the date of composition of this chronicle. Lopes was formally nominated the cronista-mor, that is, the official royal chronicler of Portugal, in 1434. Taking into consideration internal elements of his narratives, namely his claim to be writing the chronicle of João I in the year 1443, and also that he must have followed the chronological order of the rulers, most specialists agree that the chronicle of King Fernando was composed between the third and fourth decades of the fifteenth century. Although some protagonists of the events he narrates might still have been alive in his day, or at least their testimonies were available fresh and ready to be collected by the historian, Lopes does not refer to such testimony. In this narrative, he achieves a distancing effect in relation to the times of King Fernando by repeatedly accentuating instead the discontinuities with his own present. At the same time, the historian consistently shares with the reader his perplexities and uncertainties about the causes and details of many episodes of this relatively recent past. A scrupulous and careful method using mostly written sources, as later explained in the famous prologue to the chronicle of João I,6 was certainly the appropriate approach to the delicate matters of the near past that he needed to address in this chronicle. Some aspects of Lopes’s method have been made sufficiently clear by modern scholarship to allow for a brief overview here. The use of written sources, a fundamental choice, was always preferred by the historian to aural testimony. He used for the most part narrative sources, but, whenever needed to supplement or clarify those, he also made use of official documents, and even funerary inscriptions. His patron, King Duarte of Portugal (r. 1433–1438), obtained numerous sources from outside the kingdom for Lopes’s use in the composition of this narrative cycle.7 Lopes compiled and translated the 6

Josiah Blackmore, ‘Afeiçom and History-Writing: The Prologue of the Crónica de D. João I’, Luso-Brazilian Review, 34:2 (1997), 15–24. 7 This fact was mentioned by the author who succeeded him as royal chronicler,

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narratives written in Castilian, maintaining his texts close to the original. But his chapters are not mere versions in the Portuguese language of Castilian or Latin texts, since he interspersed, here and there, many sentences or full paragraphs expressing his own judgement on the facts, achieving a characteristic seamlessness of commentary, paraphrase, and translation. In fifty-four out of the 178 chapters of the chronicle of King Fernando, Lopes used in this way the works of the Castilian historian Pero López de Ayala (1332–1407). Of the four surviving narratives by López de Ayala, the Portuguese historian used three: the chronicles of Pedro, Enrique II, and Juan I of Castile. In eight chapters located towards the end of his chronicle of King Fernando, Lopes also used the oldest surviving biographical narrative of Portuguese historiography: the story of the life of Nuno Álvares Pereira.8 Not all of Lopes’s main narrative sources, however, have survived, since at least one chronicle mentioned by him, written by the Portuguese nobleman Martim Afonso de Melo,9 is now lost, together with other texts of unidentified authors that he equally claimed to have read, and occasionally criticizes. If this narrative is about Portugal, why was a chronicle of the kingdom of Castile so central to the work of Fernão Lopes? With these materials, the historian achieved different results. In his chronicle of King Pedro, Lopes had used the texts of López de Ayala to build a contrasted portrait of the Portuguese ruler as, fundamentally, a just king, setting it against the tyrannical figure of Pedro of Castile. In the chronicle of King Fernando, however, the works of the Castilian author allowed Lopes to develop and illustrate the primacy of foreign affairs in the events of Fernando’s reign. A stylistic study of Lopes’s text can reveal his way of doing things. His detailed method of translation and compilation clarified and explained his Castilian source pari passu while generally keeping the chronological framework provided by López de Ayala. From the systematic collation of the chronicle of Fernando with the surviving narratives used by Fernão Lopes, Julio López-Arias has concluded that Lopes’s methodical compilation required a preliminary and detailed juxtaposition of the texts he was using. For instance, subjects located in different chapters of his sources were reordered in this chronicle for the purpose of clarity and intelligibility, and crucial details or critical commentary were added in chosen Gomes Eanes de Zurara. See Manuel Rodrigues Lapa, Froissart e Fernão Lopes (Lisbon: Imprensa Beleza, 1930), p. 13. 8 Adelino Almeida Calado (ed.), Estoria de Dom Nuno Alvrez Pereyra (Coimbra: Imprensa da Universidade, 1991). According to the editor of this text, its authorship cannot be attributed to Lopes. 9 The identification of this author is still uncertain. See, for instance, Anselmo Braamcamp Freire, Brasões da Sala de Sintra (Lisbon: Imprensa Nacional-Casa da Moeda, 1973), vol. 1, p. 423, and Teresa Amado, O passado e o presente: ler Fernão Lopes (Lisbon: Presença, 2007), pp. 38–49.



INTRODUCTION

5

moments of the narrative.10 Whether and in what ways Fernão Lopes espoused López de Ayala’s version of the events is, therefore, a matter that has to be carefully established in every single episode conveyed in this narrative. War action provided the backbone of the narrative, but since the theatre of the Iberian wars was vast, chronological and diplomatic questions emerged, and Lopes had to fill in lacunae to the best of his research abilities. Crucial aspects of Fernando’s intense diplomacy required separate investigation, such as his alliances with the Granadan or the Aragonese rulers that were not narrated in the Castilian chronicles, or the choice of obedience to the different sides of the papal schism. Lopes also reconstructed with care, as shown in the long lists of names inserted in this chronicle, the active participation in these wars of many exiled Castilian and Galician noblemen taking the side of Fernando of Portugal and even serving in his armies. The use of documentary sources in the chronicle of King Fernando is generally associated with Lopes’s professional functions as the royal chiefarchivist. A detailed study of this aspect of his historical method, however, is not as easy to accomplish, not only because many sources from the royal archives have been lost (rendering textual collation impossible) but also due to the diverse ways the texts were used. Narration remains in this chronicle a fundamental process of explaining the past. The main method of composition was, therefore, the compilation of extant narratives, whereas official and private documents provided a different, more factual sort of material mostly devoid of narrative characteristics. Lopes used them, nonetheless, for specific purposes. Documents are characteristically used in this chronicle, for instance, to confirm or deny what others had written, as happens in Chapter 48. Claiming to have searched out the truth of the facts ‘with much work’, Lopes enumerates therein five unsolved questions regarding a particular sequence of events, and then proceeds with a systematic clarification of those same questions based on official documentation – in this case, the written agreements between the Kings of Portugal and Aragon, and sources from the royal treasurer or exchequer, which he dates with precision (March 1370). Otherwise, documentary sources also served in this chronicle as a unique source of information for specific aspects of Fernando’s governance, as shown, for instance, in its prologue. To describe the king’s actions, two extensive passages of the prologue of this chronicle quote almost verbatim some of the petitions presented by the cities of the kingdom in the parliamentary meeting, the Cortes, of 1371.11 In Chapter 10 Julio López-Arias, Peculiaridades Estilísticas de Fernão Lopes (New York: Peter Lang, 1993), maxime 59. 11 See the texts published in A. H. Oliveira Marques and Nuno José Pizarro Pinto Dias (eds), Cortes Portuguesas: Reinado de D. Fernando I (1367–1380) (Lisbon: Centro de Estudos Históricos da Universidade Nova de Lisboa, 1990), vol. 1, p. 17 (for instance, Artigo 4).

6

RITA COSTA GOMES

89 of this chronicle, in contrast, the narrator takes long passages of the law promulgated by king Fernando to prevent the abandonment of agriculture due to labour shortage and peasant migration to the cities (Lei das Sesmarias), transforming the transcribed text of such law into a separate chapter of the chronicle. He similarly paraphrases other legal texts issued to protect the merchants as, for instance, in Chapter 90.12 The narration of the events in the chronicle of King Fernando is artfully constructed. One of its most effective aspects is the gradual construction of characters, and the emplotment of their individual evolution, weaving that plot into the mainstream of the narrated matter.13 The originality of Lopes’s writing consists, for instance, in transforming Queen Leonor Teles into a tragic figure, prolonging the plot revolving around her into the next chronicle, that of João I, where the widowed queen will finally end her days. The portrait of the adulterous and scheming queen was obviously rooted deeply into the imagination of his readers, made familiar to them by medieval literary traditions. Yet the historian gives the character a full-fleshed quality, pointing out moments of compassion and flashes of intelligence that make her also worthy of admiration, thus prolonging the ambiguity of her figure in the successive episodes built around her that punctuate this chronicle. Equally successful is the disparaging effect achieved in the narration of episodes where the protagonist is the other bastard brother of the king, Prince João de Castro, the most serious rival of João I of Avis. The ‘Master of Avis’ was considered by contemporary observers such as López de Ayala to be, at first, simply the agent and follower of this older brother-prince, himself a serious contender to the throne already during the life of King Fernando. The character of Prince João de Castro is another example of Lopes’s skill in constructing subplots revolving around major figures. The choice of a female figure, again, to define the cruelty and ambition of this prince builds up an implicit parallel between Leonor, the queen, and Maria Teles, her sister and victim of João de Castro’s assassin hand. Last but not least, Fernando himself emerges in this chronicle as a weak and shuffling figure, always ready to change course and disregard the good counsel of the common people and his own entourage. Even though Lopes had his own sympathies and a sure hand to cast his characters in salient relief, as we can see, providing a few of them with multifaceted personalities, he still succeeds in convincing the readers of his fundamental fairness of judgement. The sure hand of the narrator never fails 12 The documents can be found in João Martins da Silva Marques (ed.), Os Descobrimentos Portugueses: Documentos para a sua história (Lisbon: Instituto Nacional de Investigação Científica, 1988), vol. 1, pp. 158–60. 13 See the study by Amélia Pereira Hutchinson, ‘Leonor Teles and the Construction of Female Characters in Fernão Lopes’ (Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, London: University of London, King’s College, 2002), maxime, pp. 116–18, 163–84, 198–205.



INTRODUCTION

7

to tie up loose ends, although he occasionally does cover the tracks of some characters, for reasons that remain obscure to us, such as he does with the nobleman Diogo Lopes Pacheco. This remark is meant to bring attention to a last point. Fifteenth-century historians were not intent upon the creation of straightforward propaganda for their contemporary audiences, a commonplace of modern scholarship too often taken as a postulate of analysis. In a more subtle way, many of these authors strove to achieve a vision of the past that would mostly serve the future, following the tradition well described by classical authors such as Lucian.14 Lucian recommended that historians should write keeping in mind not their present audience but future readers, and his precepts were popular among fifteenth-century authors, in particular the first humanists. For instance, in 1446 Guarino of Verona wrote a De Historiae Conscribendae Praeceptis Libellus directly based on Lucian’s text, proposing to historians a return to the principles of impartial and unadorned prose: utility, structural coherence, and search for a truthful establishment of past events. It is highly improbable that Lopes read Lucian’s text about the method of writing history. Although available in Italy before the decade of 1440, to a few who could read it in Greek, even Guarino’s restating of his ideas took some time to circulate in Italian circles. The parallel is drawn here simply to point out how Lopes’s declared goals, especially those announced in the famous prologue to the chronicle of João I, were in alignment with the sort of history writing Guarino of Verona recommended to a friend of his, who was then serving as historiographer at the court of Urbino, and for whom he translated in abbreviated form some passages of Lucian’s prescriptions.15 In the case of Lopes, a similar vision, explicitly guided by a search for factual truth, was proposed precisely because the historian saw no firmer ground on which to build the future, and not solely as a present understanding of events. It was the unprecedented nature of the dynastic change occurring in Portugal that Lopes wanted to explain and to propose as a political lesson to the future readers of his work. Thus, he claimed to be working beyond the immediacy of the contradictory claims and interests of those who were alive, those who had witnessed or directly descended from the protagonists of 14 See the important remarks of Arnaldo Momigliano, ‘Tradition and the Classical Historian’, Essays in Ancient and Modern Historiography (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992), p. 173. For the humanist transmission of Lucian’s precepts, see Guarino Veronese, Epistolario, ed. Remigio Sabbadini (Turin: Bottega d’Erasmo, 1959), vol. 2, pp. 310–16. A few of Lucian’s principles, topical as they were and used by other classical authors such as Cicero, were also mentioned by Fernão Lopes. Guarino combined the precepts of both classical authors in his letter. 15 For a discussion of Lucian’s reception in humanist circles, see Mariangela Regoliosi, ‘Riflessioni umanistiche sullo “scrivere storia”’, Rinascimento, 30 (1991), 3–37 (including a new edition of Guarino’s aforementioned letter).

8

RITA COSTA GOMES

Fernando’s government. It is, therefore, crucial not to confound the frequent addresses of Lopes to his readers (‘now, listen’ … ‘as you heard before’) with an intent to preferentially address his contemporary audience, as propaganda would do. Those are rhetorical devices meant to lure us more deeply into the story, or to tell it more clearly.16 That there was in the meta-narrative of the trilogy of Lopes’s chronicles an attempt at ‘justification’ or ‘glorification’ of the new dynasty is perceptible to most readers.17 Lopes’s works, and this chronicle in particular, were certainly part of a ‘literature of persuasion’ developed in the circles close to King Duarte. The sophisticated nature of his historical work and its political meanings, nonetheless, went well beyond the instrumental present-mindedness of propaganda communication. In other words, a strictly contemporary horizon does not explain fully the interpretative stance nor the goals of Lopes as a historian, as he understood them himself. The last of the Portuguese medieval historians, Fernão Lopes, reveals in his works qualities and concerns that can equally be found in the first humanist historians: a distinct authorial voice, a trust in his own individual judgement, the skills of a critical reader of his sources, and the intent of writing history for the future. Reading him, we can better understand not only the ideological and cultural conditions of his own lifetime in mid-fifteenth-century Portugal, but also gain fundamental insights into many aspects of the times and the events of the reign of King Fernando.

16

João Dionísio, ‘A leitura como diálogo: Crónica de D. Fernando’, in Actas do 4º Congresso da Associação Hispânica de Literatura Medieval, 3 vols. (Lisbon: Cosmos, 1991–1993), vol. 1, pp. 141–45. 17 Filipe Alves Moreira, ‘Fernão Lopes: escatologia e ironia’, in Samuel Dimas, Renato Epifânio, and Luis Lóia (eds), Redenção e Escatologia: Estudos de Filosofia, Religião, Literatura e Cultura Portuguesa (Paris: Nota de Rodapé, 2015), vol. 1, T. 2, pp. 158–70.

THE CHRONICLE OF KING FERNANDO OF PORTUGAL

Prologue

P

rince Fernando, the first-born son of King Pedro, began his reign after the latter’s death; at that time he was twenty-two years, seven months and eighteen days old. He was a doughty, jovial and amorous young man, fond of women and greatly drawn to them. He was well-built, reasonably tall, of handsome appearance and so very good-looking that, when in the company of many other men, even if people did not know who he was, they would immediately judge him to be king over the others. He created many noblemen and enjoyed their company. He was so affectionate towards all those who lived in his entourage that, when one of his squires died, he wept no less than if he were his own son. He was unable to believe anything ill that was said about anyone of whom he was fond but, rather, greatly cherished them and everything to do with them. He was a great horseman and participant in tourneys, a keen jouster and hurler of his lance at targets. His arms were very powerful, and in this no man could exceed him. He cut deep when wielding a sword and handled his lance well when on horseback. He loved justice, was obliging, generous and very liberal towards everyone, and gave a warm welcome to foreigners. He made many land grants to the nobles in his realm, very many more than any king who had preceded him. He loved his people and strove hard to govern them well. Everything that he commanded to be done, both in his own best interests and in order to defend the realm, was based on sound reasoning and was very justly ordained. All this fell away when the war began, and when another new world came into being that was quite the opposite of the one that had preceded it, for long gone were the carefree years of his father’s reign. Then came a huge sequence of sombre events, causing many to lament their wretched misfortune. If he had been content to live in peace, with his abundant revenue, and with the vast treasure bequeathed to him by his forebears, nobody in the whole world would have lived more happily nor passed his days more pleasurably. But that, perhaps, was not ordained from above. King Fernando was also such a keen devotee of hunting both large and small game that he never lost any opportunity to do so. Related in detail, it would take a long time to listen to the way in which he organized the activities throughout the year for such amusements. He sent for all his large game huntsmen at the proper time, and they did not leave his house again till the falcons had moulted. They were then discharged from their duties and returned home. The falconers came next, as well as others who bred and reared the falcons.

12

THE CHRONICLE OF KING FERNANDO OF PORTUGAL

He took with him forty-five mounted falconers, along with other falconers on foot and a number of beaters and declared that he would not rest until he had populated an entire street in Santarém with 100 falconers.1 When he had birds [of prey] brought to him from outside the country, they never brought less than fifty goshawks, falcons and gyrfalcons, all of them in their prime. He also took Moors with him to rouse herons and other birds, and these men swam in rivers and marshes whenever the falcons fell into them. When the king went hunting, he was accompanied by every breed of bird and hound that could be imagined for such sport, so that any bird, great or small, that was roused, whether crane or bustard or even a sparrow or tiny goldcrest, well before its speedy feathers could carry it to safety, was immediately caught by its natural enemy. In such circumstances, not even mere harmless turtle doves evaded their adversaries. To catch rabbits, foxes, hares and other wild animals, the king took so many hounds to follow their trails and their scent that no ruse or number of lairs could prevent their immediate capture. Consequently, the king never went hunting without always greatly enjoying this relaxing sport. King Fernando began his reign as the richest king of Portugal up to his time, because he inherited immense wealth which his father and forebears had amassed. In the treasury tower of Lisbon castle alone, there were found 800,000 gold pieces and 400,000 silver marks, as well as coins and other objects of great value that were kept there. In addition, there was the whole vast hoard of other wealth that was stored in specific places throughout the kingdom. Moreover, from the royal duty that he levied, the king received every year 800,000 libras, that is to say, 200,000 dobras,2 as well as the revenue from the customs-houses in Lisbon and Oporto, from which the king received so much as to be hardly believable now. Indeed, before his reign began, it was found that in average years the Lisbon customs-house made a profit of some 35,000–40,000 dobras, apart from other sums related to the royal tithe. Do not marvel at this nor at its being a much larger sum, because the kings who went before him had such an approach towards their people, believing it to be in their own best interests and to their profit, that inevitably everybody became wealthy, and the kings received a vast revenue. That is because the kings lent money on surety to those who wished to trade and received twice a year their tithe from the returns that these men earned. In consideration of what each man earned, he left behind at once the tithe relating to his earnings

1 The town of Santarém is located on the Tagus, some thirty-four miles to the north-east of Lisbon. 2 The Portuguese dobra, like the Spanish dobla, was a coin of value and was usually struck in silver or gold.

PROLOGUE

13

as the beginning of his payment. Thus, without feeling it, they paid gradually, became rich, and the king received his due revenue. There also dwelt in Lisbon men from many lands, not in a single household, but in many houses, with a house for each nation, such as Genoese and people from Piacenza, Lombards, Catalans from Aragon and Majorca, Milanese, Corsicans, Basques and others from other nations to whom the kings gave privileges and freedoms, believing it to be in their own best interests and to their profit. These men both imported into the kingdom and exported from it vast quantities of merchandise, to the point where, apart from the other wares which they could load up in abundance in this city, in wine alone in one particular year it was found that 12,000 casks were loaded up, not to mention those which the ships later took on board in the second lading in March. For that very reason, many ships came to Lisbon from sundry places, to the point where, if we count those which came from abroad and those which came from other parts of the realm, there often lay at anchor before the city four to 500 merchant ships. There were also ships loading up by the riverside at Sacavém and at Montijo point on the Ribatejo side, some sixty to seventy ships in each place, taking on board salt and wine.3 Owing to the great density of so much shipping at anchor before the city, as we have explained, the barges from Almada docked at Santos, which is quite a distance from the city, simply because they could not make their way in between all those ships.4 The inhabitants of Lisbon, which even then did not have a city wall, fearing that all these people, from such a mixed variety of backgrounds, could be a source of damage and theft throughout the city, determined that every night certain men, both on foot and on horseback, should patrol the streets whenever such ships lay at anchor before the city. King Fernando did not buy for the purposes of trade any of the wares that the merchants are wont to purchase and from which they earn their livelihood, for he only traded in those which he received through the levying of royal duty. If any merchants wished to bring him, from outside his realm, goods that he needed for his warehouses, he did not store such wares, stating that his wish was that the merchants of his own country should become rich and well-to-do, and that he should do nothing that might be detrimental to them or cause them to feel dishonoured. Accordingly, he commanded that, outside the city of Lisbon, no foreign residents should buy, either in person or through a third party, any item, large or small, unless it were for their own sustenance

3 Sacavém is located just north of Lisbon, on the north bank of the Tagus; Montijo faces it on the south bank, in the province of the Ribatejo. 4 Almada is located on the south bank of the Tagus, to the west of Montijo, and opposite Santos, which lies just to the west of Lisbon on the north bank.

14

THE CHRONICLE OF KING FERNANDO OF PORTUGAL

or except if it were wine, fruit or salt. In the port of Lisbon, however, they could freely purchase any merchandise for the purposes of trade. He would not allow any lord, nobleman, cleric or any other powerful person to buy goods for resale, on the grounds that they would in that way take away the livelihood of the nation’s merchants, declaring that it seemed unreasonable that such people should involve themselves in activities that were inappropriate to their station and all the more so because it was prohibited by law. He allowed them to purchase only what was necessary for their sustenance and for the upkeep of their houses. Furthermore, as Lisbon is a great city of many inhabitants and people of diverse origins, and so that it might be purged of thefts, robberies and other crimes committed there and which, it was presumed, were the acts of men who did not reside in the houses of stalwart citizens, and who possessed neither property, income nor any gainful craft or occupation, yet who gambled and spent money lavishly, the king commanded that in every parish there should be two honourable men who should inquire and detect, on a monthly basis, what kind of life was lived by those dwelling there and what was the reputation of their companions. If they discovered that certain men were not conducting themselves in the manner in which they ought, they reported the matter in secret to Afonso Furtado and Estêvão Vasques, who were squires of the king, to whom he had given charge of such affairs. These squires then got their men to arrest and hand them over to be submitted to justice and due process of law. The king declared that his wish was that people who had no occupation nor lived on a permanent basis in the houses of upright citizens should not reside in towns and villages under his jurisdiction; moreover, as it was his obligation to rule over his people with justice and according to the law, if they were subjected to harm or unreasonable behaviour, without his doing anything to stop it, then he would render a very grave account unto God. He did not allow any lord, nobleman, or any other person to take lodging in a quarter of the city in which any such miscreant might dwell, ordering, rather, that they should arrest such miscreants in the quarters where they lodged and that severe punishments should be meted out to those who sought to defend them. He commanded that no nobleman or any other person should dwell in Lisbon when he was not present there himself, except for those who wished to lodge in boarding houses or inns, and ordered that they should pay for their lodgings at appropriate prices. He also commanded the justices to oblige them to pay, for his wish was that they should not dwell there in any other way, even if they owned certain quarters of the city. In order to ensure that this was carried out more effectively, he commanded that all bishops, masters and commanders of military orders and any other people to whom there was a duty to provide lodging and who had houses in the towns and villages within the jurisdiction of the king should repair those houses by a certain time, so that they could take up residence in them, and



CHAPTER 1

15

ordered that the owners of the houses and their representatives be required to complete such repairs at once. Moreover, he commanded the judges that, if their owners or representatives were negligent in this, their belongings should be distrained to provide maintenance for those who would indeed repair them. If the judges were to delay doing this, he commanded the chief magistrate of the district to distrain the belongings of the judges in order to repair the houses and, if the chief magistrate were negligent, the king commanded that the belongings of that magistrate were to be distrained for the same purpose. In this way, everyone was keen to put into effect what the king commanded, and the powerful had houses in which they could lodge, thus relieving the common people from the great and unreasonable trouble from which they used to suffer beforehand.5 The noble King Fernando issued many other decrees, ordering their fulfilment for the sound government and benefit of his people, which, if they were to be expressed in detail, would constitute such a vast treatise as would not be fitting to compile.

Chapter 1

How the King of Aragon and King Enrique [of Castile] made treaties with King Fernando

I

f we leave aside the matters which we have been describing and which cannot be described elsewhere, and if we return to the beginning of King Fernando’s reign, then you should know that after leaving the monastery to which his father had been brought and where he, Fernando, had been proclaimed king, he went to a castle known as Porto de Mós,6 where he stayed for several days. Then, as though he were expecting some new major war with a neighbouring king, he at once sent out orders throughout his kingdom to find out which men might own horses and could bear arms and which men could be crossbowmen and foot soldiers. Likewise, he commanded that his castles be inspected as to their condition and ordered that they should be repaired, wherever necessary, with walls, towers and surrounding moats, as well as with wells and cisterns. As to the gates, he ordered that they be provided with traverses, drawbridges and scaffolding, and equally with weaponry, vats

5 They had suffered from the unwarranted billeting of the ‘great and the good’ in their houses. 6 The village of Porto de Mós is located five miles to the south of Batalha, a township some thirty miles to the south of the city of Coimbra.

16

THE CHRONICLE OF KING FERNANDO OF PORTUGAL

and other receptacles, according to the nature of the place where each castle stood. He charged the chief magistrates of every district with these tasks and ordered his stewards to spare no expense. The king then left and made his way to Santarém. In the month of March, when he was at the nearby village of Alcanhões, messengers arrived from the King of Aragon,7 namely Don Alfonso de Castro Nuevo and Friar Guillermo, a master in theology, who belonged to the Order of Preaching Friars.8 They came in order to arrange a treaty of peace and friendship between King Fernando and their lord, the King of Aragon. Therefore, when Don Alfonso spoke to the king on this matter, he mentioned to him the great, long-standing and notable ties that existed between the Kings of Aragon and Portugal. For that very reason and for many others which he mentioned in his remarks, he ended by saying that it was the wish of his lord the king to maintain with King Fernando a good, firm and everlasting peace and to be a true friend of his and of his children, his realms and his people. King Fernando was greatly pleased at this embassy and gave him a noble and gracious reply. The two kings then drew up a treaty expressed in the firmest terms, namely that they should be loyal friends, without mention of further help or assistance that they might promise one another to provide against any other realm or lordly territory, even though there should chance to be a war against it. Similarly, at this time the King of Castile ordered that a clear message be sent to King Fernando proposing peace and friendship. While he was in Burgos, he commanded his representative, Diogo Lopes Pacheco,9 who at that time lived in his service, to go and negotiate a treaty. Even before the ambassadors of the King of Aragon had left Alcanhões, Diogo Lopes Pacheco arrived. When the day had been arranged for him to speak to King Fernando about the purpose of his visit, he addressed him as follows: Sire, my liege lord, King Enrique of Castile, has sent me to you with his message, as one who desires to establish firm peace and friendship and become your true and steadfast friend. Therefore, before I utter any of the details of what I have been sent to tell you, I humbly beseech that it may please Your Highness to declare to me what your wishes are in respect of establishing peace and friendship with King Enrique. Then, with the grace of God and with your favour, I shall be enabled to tell you what I have 7

Pere III of Catalonia, IV of Aragon, known as ‘the Ceremonious’ (r. 1336–1387). That is, the Dominicans. 9 Diogo Lopes Pacheco had served King Afonso IV of Portugal and advised him to execute Inês de Castro, for whom Prince Pedro nurtured a deep passion. When Pedro ascended to the throne, Pacheco was forced to flee the country to escape the young king’s revenge. In this passage, we see him returning to Portugal as a messenger of Enrique II of Castile. Eventually, he will return to Portugal and serve King Fernando on many diplomatic missions. 8



CHAPTER 2

17

been commanded to say and shall be able to return to him with the reply that is appropriately exchanged between such noble kings, as you both are, and who share between you such great and notable ties.

To these words, King Fernando replied, stating that he was well aware and fully assured of the great and powerful ties, both of lineage and of noble and meritorious achievement, which had always existed between them, as between brothers and friends, and which, if it pleased God, he had every intention of continuing to maintain, with good and just reason. Moreover, since God had enjoined peace and love between all men, and in particular between kings more than all others, so that their kingdoms might be protected from danger, for that reason and owing to the place that God, by His grace, had bequeathed to him on earth, he was pleased to be the true friend of King Enrique and to share with him peace and firm friendship in order that the powerful ties that had always existed between the Kings of Portugal and Castile might be all the more increased. Accordingly, Diogo Lopes should now state in full what he had been commanded to say and what seemed to him to be fitting. They then confirmed their bonds and pacts of friendship, such as had formerly been established between his father King Pedro and King Enrique of Castile. When they had signed and approved the treaty, Diogo Lopes took his leave and went his way. It is said that on this occasion he spoke to the king as though he wished to return to his service.

Chapter 2

Concerning the agreements which King Enrique reached with the King of Navarre

I

t is appropriate for us to continue our account of the actions of King Pedro of Castile against his brother King Enrique, starting at the point where we left off speaking about them.10 We do this so that you can have a brief acquaintance with everything and so that the sequence of this work of ours should not stray from the way in which it first began, particularly as we have nothing to relate about King Fernando prior to the death of the aforesaid King Pedro. Accordingly, you need to know that, having established the alliance with King Fernando of Portugal, King Enrique was fully informed of the many forces which the Prince of Wales11 was assembling to enter Castile with 10 See

CKP, Chapter 40. I.e. Edward, Prince of Wales, the Black Prince (1330–1376), eldest son of Edward III of England. 11

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THE CHRONICLE OF KING FERNANDO OF PORTUGAL

King Pedro. As these forces had no way through the mountains as good as the passes of Roncesvalles, which are located in the kingdom of Navarre, and as this could only be done with the good will of the King of Navarre,12 King Enrique strove to arrange a meeting with him and obtain an agreement that they should not be allowed through. The outcome was that King Enrique and King Carlos of Navarre held a meeting at a frontier town called Santa Cruz de Campezo. There they paid homage to each other and drew up an agreement, in oaths taken over the Sacred Host and in the presence of many noblemen, whereby the King of Navarre would not permit the prince or his forces to make their way through the passes. Were they to force their way through, which he deemed impossible, he himself and all his own forces would enter the battle in support of King Enrique. To guarantee his promise, he offered as surety three castles on his own territory, namely Guardia, San Vicente and Buradón, which would be held by Don Lope Fernández de Luna, Archbishop of Saragossa; Sir Bertrand du Guesclin, a great French knight who was supporting King Enrique; and Juan Ramírez de Arellano. King Enrique undertook to give to the King of Navarre the town of Logroño, in return for the help that he had promised and for defending the passes against King Pedro and the prince. When these agreements had been reached, the King of Navarre went back to Pamplona, and King Enrique made his way to Burgos, delighting in his belief that neither King Pedro nor the prince would be able to make their way through the Roncesvalles passes, because the King of Navarre could easily prevent them from getting through and would do so in order to help him. From Burgos, the king went on to Alfaro,13 where Sir Hugh Calveley,14 an Englishman with 400 horsemen, parted from him and left to join his lord the prince, who was approaching from the opposite direction. At this, King Enrique was deeply perturbed and could have done him great harm but refused to do so, deeming that he was quite right to serve the prince, the son of his lord the King of England.

12

Carlos II, known as ‘the Bad’ (r. 1349–1387). Alfaro is situated some fifty miles to the south-east of the town of Logroño and a similar distance to the south of the city of Pamplona. 14 Sir Hugh Calveley was married to the Aragonese nobility and, for several years, had sided with the cause of Enrique of Trastámara, ruling now as Enrique II of Castile after taking the crown from his brother King Pedro. When the Black Prince agreed to assist King Pedro in regaining his kingdom, Calveley felt it was his duty to join his native liege lord, regardless of whom he was siding with. 13



CHAPTER 3

19

Chapter 3

How King Pedro met with the Prince of Wales and how they joined forces to enter Castile

W

e now go back to talking about King Pedro of Castile, which is where we left off when he passed through Portugal. He reached Bayonne, as you have heard,15 but could not find the Prince of Wales in that town. However, he met with him a few days later and told him how much he needed his help and that of his father. The Prince of Wales answered him, saying that the King of England, his lord and father, and he himself were indeed very ready to help him, and that he had already written to his father about it and was quite certain that he would agree. Delighted at this answer, King Pedro went meanwhile to meet the prince’s wife,16 at a town called Angoulême, and gave her many jewels which he had brought with him. Then letters arrived for King Pedro from the King of England, in which he informed him that he had written to the prince his son and to the Duke of Lancaster, the prince’s brother,17 telling them to go in person with as many forces as possible to assist him in regaining his kingdom. Furthermore, other letters came for the prince in which King Edward informed him how pleased he would be at any support that he and his men could give to King Pedro. He also wrote to the prince’s men, instructing them to join up with him. From that point onward, the prince began to send for his men, and many assembled for the campaign. King Pedro and the prince agreed on how much pay their troops would receive, and King Pedro made his payment in jewels and in gold, both from the doblas18 which he had with him as well as from minted gold coins which the prince lent him against precious stones of great value. It was established in their agreements that King Pedro would give the land of Vizcaya and the town of Castro de Urdiales to the prince; the town of Soria would be awarded to Sir John Chandos, the Constable of Guyenne,19 who was a great and valiant knight and trusted counsellor of the prince. They also agreed that the three daughters of King Pedro should remain in Bayonne as pledges until the prince and all his troops received payment for the time they were to spend on military service in Castile. Once the companies were assembled to enter Castile, they informed the King of Navarre of their wish that he should give them safe passage through the passes of Roncesvalles and that he should accompany 15

See Chapter 2, note 10 above. The Princess of Wales, Joan of Kent. 17 John of Gaunt (1340–1399). 18 Valuable Castilian gold coin. 19 Part of Aquitaine, being the area around Bordeaux. 16

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them into battle in person. For this, King Pedro would give him the towns of Logroño and Vitoria. As the King of Navarre knew that the forces of the prince greatly outnumbered those of King Enrique, he granted them leave to pass through and agreed to go in person with them into battle.

Chapter 4

How the King of Navarre contrived to avoid the campaign in aid of King Pedro

T

he King of Navarre was greatly troubled by the promises he had made first to King Enrique and then to King Pedro, his opponent. He pondered how he might avoid helping either of them, and he did indeed do so but in an ignoble way. Thus, after he had granted safe conduct through the passes of Roncesvalles to the forces of King Pedro and the prince, he was afraid to take part in the campaign and decided not to wait for them in Pamplona. Rather, he left there Martín Enríquez, his lieutenant, who was to accompany them with 300 lances. He himself made his way to Tudela, one of his towns, which is close to the kingdom of Aragon. There he made a deal with a cousin of Sir Bertrand du Guesclin, a knight named Sir Olivier de Mauny, who was living at the time in the town of Borja, which he owned. The deal was that the King of Navarre would go hunting between Borja and Tudela, which were 4 leagues apart, and that Sir Olivier would go out to capture and take him as prisoner to his castle in Borja, where he would keep him captive till the campaign between King Pedro and King Enrique was at an end. In that way, King Carlos would have a good excuse for not taking part in person in the campaign. In return for this, he would give Sir Olivier one of his villages called Gavray, which brought in revenues of 3,000 francs a year. When this had been settled with all due oaths and promises, the king went hunting one day, and Sir Olivier went out to meet him; he captured and imprisoned him until the campaign was over. Then the king thought of another ruse by which he could escape from Sir Olivier’s control without giving him anything in return. He agreed with him that he would leave his son Prince Pedro there as a hostage and that Sir Olivier would take him, King Carlos, to his town of Tudela and that there he would pay Sir Olivier everything to which he had agreed. Sir Olivier declared himself happy with this, the prince was brought, and Sir Olivier left with the king. When they reached Tudela, the king ordered Sir Olivier and one of his brothers to be arrested. The brother ran off over some rooftops but was killed. As Sir Olivier was now held captive,



CHAPTER 5

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Prince Pedro was exchanged for him. That was how this deal caused him to lose his brother and receive nothing of what had been promised.

Chapter 5

Concerning King Enrique’s forces and how he prepared his campaign

W

hen King Enrique learnt that the prince and his troops had made their way through the passes of Roncesvalles with the goodwill of the King of Navarre and that the latter had left the city of Pamplona and had cunningly had himself captured, he assembled his forces and went to pitch camp in a great forest of oaks near Santo Domingo de la Calzada. There he reviewed his troops, left again, crossed the Ebro and pitched camp again near the village of Añastro. There he was informed that some 6,000 of his best Castilian horsemen, whom he had sent to seize the town of Ágreda, which was opposed to him, had gone over to King Pedro. King Enrique was not, however, troubled by this but devoted every day to preparing his forces for battle. The foreigners who were with him from Aragon were the following: Don Alfonso,20 son of Prince Pere and grandson of King Jaume; Don Felipe de Castro, a nobleman who was the brother-in-law of King Enrique, being married to his sister Doña Juana; Don Juan de Luna; Don Pedro Buil; Don Pedro Fernández de Iscar; Don Pedro Jordán de Urriés; and others. From France, the following knights were present there: Sir Bertrand du Guesclin; the Marshal of France;21 the ‘Stammerer’ of Villaines;22 and others. All the great lords and noblemen were there from Castile and León, except for Don Gonzalo Mejía and Don Juan Alfonso de Guzmán. As King Enrique learnt that his enemies were approaching on foot, he drew up his battle-lines in the following way: in the vanguard, he placed Sir Bertrand and the other French knights to fight on foot; with them went the banner of the Order of the Sash, which was carried by Pero López de Ayala,23 followed by Don Sancho (the brother of King Enrique); Pero Manrique (the Chief Administrator of Castile); Pedro Fernández de Velasco; Gómez González de Castañeda; Juan Rodríguez; Pedro Ruiz Sarmiento;24 Ruy Díaz de Rojas;

20

Alfonso de Villena, Count of Denia (1332–1412), was cousin to Pere III. Arnoul d’Audrehem (c. 1300–1371). 22 Pierre de Villaines, Count of Ribadeo. 23 The Castilian chronicler (1332–1407). 24 Pero Rodríguez Sarmiento in the Portuguese text. The present translation, 21

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and other horsemen, so that there were up to 1,000 men-at-arms fighting on foot. On the left flank of the army, alongside those who were on foot, the king placed a wing of mounted men-at-arms, among them his brother Count Tello, Don Gómez Pérez de Porras (the Prior of San Juan) and other noblemen, so that there were up to 1,000 on horseback, with many of the horses clad in armour. Likewise, on the right flank of those on foot the King placed further mounted men-at-arms, among them Count Alfonso (the grandson of King Jaume), Don Pero Muñiz (the Master of Calatrava), Don Fernando Osórez, Don Pedro Rodríguez de Sandoval, and, again, in this battle formation, a further 1,000 on horseback, with many horses clad in armour. Between these two mounted flanks rode King Enrique, with his son Count Alfonso, his nephew Count Pedro (son of Don Fadrique, the Master of Santiago), along with Íñigo López de Orozco, Pero González de Mendoza, Don Fernando Pérez de Ayala, Master Ambrogio [Boccanegra] the Admiral,25 and others whom we shall not bother to mention, up to 1,500 on horseback. All told, there were 4,500 men-at-arms [mounted and on foot], apart from many foot soldiers from Asturias and Vizcaya, who did not account for much because all the fighting was done by the men-at-arms. At this point, the King of France26 sent letters to King Enrique requesting him to avoid a battle and to wage war in other ways. He told him that he could be certain that the prince was accompanied by the flower of the world’s chivalry, and that he and those men were not of the sort who would linger for long in the kingdom of Castile, for they would soon leave again. Therefore, King Enrique should do everything in his power to ensure that battle was avoided. The King of France also wrote to those French knights urging them to give him the same advice. When they spoke to the King of Castile about this, he replied that he would discuss the matter in secret with his own men. They all advised him to prepare for battle in any case, on the grounds that, if he merely expressed or showed doubts as to whether he really intended to fight, then most of the men in his kingdom would abandon him and go over to King Pedro, as indeed would towns, both large and small, because they greatly feared the latter. But if they saw that he was willing to fight, then everyone would await the outcome of the battle and trust by the grace of God that he would be the victor. The king gave this answer to Sir Bertrand and the others and decided to fight the battle.

however, adopts the spelling advised by the Diccionário biográfico español online: http://dbe.rah.es/biografias/53267/pedro-ruiz-sarmiento (accessed 16 February 2019). 25 Ambrogio Boccanegra was the son of the Admiral of Castile, Egidio Boccanegra, whom he would later succeed in the post. 26 Charles V, the Wise (r. 1364–1380).



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Chapter 6

How King Pedro and the prince drew up their battlelines, and how King Pedro was dubbed a knight

O

n King Pedro’s side, the army was drawn up as follows: all of his troops were to fight on foot. In the vanguard was John of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster, the prince’s brother; with him were Sir John Chandos, who was the prince’s Constable of Guyenne, Sir Robert Knollys, Sir Hugh Calveley, Sir Olivier (the Lord of Clisson) and many other knights from England, altogether 3,000 men-at-arms who were valiant and experienced in warfare. On the right wing were the Count of Armagnac and the Lord of Albret and his kinsmen, along with the Lord of Rauzan and other knights from Guyenne who were followers of the Count of Foix, as well as many captains of companies, some 2,000 men-at-arms in all. In the rear were King Pedro, the King of Naples, the Prince of Wales and the banner of the King of Navarre, plus 300 of his men-at-arms and about 1000 English lances. In total, they numbered 10,000 men-at-arms and just as many archers. These men-at-arms were at that time the very flower of the world’s chivalry, for there was peace between France and England; for that reason, the whole duchy of Guyenne supported the Prince of Wales, and therefore he was accompanied by all the valiant men of the duchy. So too did the men of Armagnac, the men of the county of Foix, all the knights and great lords of Brittany and all the chivalry of England. King Pedro was accompanied by some 800 Castilian men-at-arms. Thus, each side’s battle-lines were drawn up in readiness for the day on which battle would take place. King Enrique then left the place where he had been and headed for the area where King Pedro was, pitching camp on a ridge overlooking Álava, where the forces of King Pedro could not fight his troops owing to the strength of their position. The English were greatly heartened by this, because they saw that King Enrique had camped on the ridge and was not going down into the plain, where they were ready to do battle with him. When King Enrique discovered that many of the prince’s forces were dispersing across the plain to forage for food, he sent down some of his captains with their companies, and, finding them scattered about as they foraged, they succeeded in capturing them all. 200 men-at-arms and the same number of archers took refuge on a hill but in the end, despite their determined defence, some of them were slain and the rest taken prisoner. On learning of the approach of King Enrique’s troops, King Pedro and the prince, who were on the other side of the town of Vitoria, thought that it was he himself who was taking the battle to them. Accordingly, they massed

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their forces on a hill called San Román, which lies beyond Vitoria, and there they drew up their battle-lines. There too King Pedro was dubbed a knight by the hand of the prince himself, along with many others at the same time. However, King Enrique’s men made their way back to his encampment, and nothing further was achieved that day.

Chapter 7

How the Prince of Wales sent a letter to King Enrique, and about what it contained

W

hen King Enrique discovered that King Pedro and the Prince of Wales were making their way to Logroño to cross the River Ebro, he left where he was and headed for Nájera.27 He pitched camp just short of the town, so that the River Najerilla passed between his encampment and the route by which King Pedro was bound to come. King Pedro and the prince left Logroño with their troops and reached Navarrete,28 and from there the prince sent a herald to King Enrique with a letter containing the following message: Edward, firstborn son of the King of England, Prince of Wales and of Guyenne, Duke of Cornwall and Earl of Chester, to the noble and powerful prince, Don Enrique, Count of Trastámara. You should be aware that in the last few days the most high and most powerful prince Don Pedro, King of Castile and León, our very dear and most beloved kinsman, has arrived in Guyenne, where we were, and gave us to understand that when his father King Alfonso died, all the people of the kingdoms of Castile and León peacefully accepted him as their king and lord. You were indeed one of those who accordingly obeyed him and spent a long time in doing so. He says that thereafter, about a year ago, you entered his kingdom with foreign troops and have occupied it by force, calling yourself King of Castile, taking his treasure and revenue, and saying that you will defend it against him and against all who wish to assist him. We are quite amazed that a man as noble as you, indeed a king’s son, should commit so shameful an act against your lord and king. King Pedro duly informed the King of England, my lord and father, of these matters and requested his help in recovering his kingdom and suzerainty, on the grounds of the great family ties which the royal houses of England and Castile hold in common, and of the treaties and friendly relationship which he had established with my lord the king and with me. 27 28

Nájera is situated some seventeen miles to the west of Logroño. Navarrete is located some seven miles to the west of Logroño.



CHAPTER 8

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The king, my lord and father, on seeing that King Pedro, his kinsman, was asking him for something that was just and reasonable, indeed for precisely the kind of help which every king should give, was pleased to give such assistance. He commanded us to go with all his vassals and friends to King Pedro’s aid, as was appropriate to his honourable status. That is the reason why we have come and are encamped here in Navarrete, which is just inside the Castilian frontier. Should it be God’s will to avoid such a great spilling of Christian blood, as would be bound to happen if a battle took place, and which God knows would be grievous to us, we implore and beseech you in the name both of God and of Saint George the Martyr that, if it is your wish that we be a worthy mediator between yourself and King Pedro, you should inform us accordingly. If this is so, we will endeavour to ensure you receive such a great share in his realm and in his grace and favour as to enable you to live there enjoying great wealth and a good and honourable estate. If you have any other matters which you contend should be settled with him, with God’s grace we intend to mediate in such a way as to secure a very satisfactory outcome for you. However, if that is unacceptable to you, and if you wish to settle matters on the battlefield, and God knows that this is not our wish, then we cannot avoid accompanying King Pedro, our kinsman and friend, in his fight for his kingdom. If anyone tries to block our way, then, with the help and grace of God, we shall do our best in support of King Pedro. Written in Navarrete, a town in Castile, on the first day of April.

Chapter 8

Concerning the reply that King Enrique sent to the prince’s letter

W

hen King Enrique saw this letter, he received the herald well and gave him lengths of cloth of gold and doblas. He took advice as to how he should reply to the prince, because some were saying that, as he had not addressed him as a king, he should write back to him in an uncustomary manner. But they then agreed to write to him courteously, and the letter read as follows: Don Enrique, by the grace of God King of Castile and León, to the most high and most powerful Prince Edward, first-born son of the King of England, Prince of Wales and of Guyenne, Duke of Cornwall and Earl of Chester. From your herald we have received your letter containing many arguments put forward by our opponent who is there with you. It seems to us that you have not been well informed, because in times past he governed these kingdoms in such a manner that all those who know or hear about

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it are amazed at the length of time people suffered under his rule. All the inhabitants of the realms of Castile and León have endured his actions till now, undergoing great harm, travail, deaths, dangers and other afflictions which it would take long to relate and which they have become incapable of concealing or tolerating any further. God by His mercy took pity on all the inhabitants of these kingdoms, so that this great evil should not continue. While nobody on King Pedro’s land did anything but duly obey him, and when everybody was with him in Burgos to serve him and to help him to defend his kingdoms, God’s verdict went against him, King Pedro of his own free will abandoned them and left.29 Everybody under his rule was delighted at this, maintaining that God had shown great mercy in freeing them from the harsh and perilous domination that they had undergone. All the inhabitants of these kingdoms, prelates, nobles, knights and citizens, came to us of their own free will and accepted us as their lord and king, so that we understand from these events that this was the work of God. Therefore, as this kingdom was given to us by the will of God and of all who dwell therein, you cannot have any reason to trouble us. If there has to be a battle, and God knows that it gives us no pleasure, then we shall not be able to avoid fighting in person to defend these kingdoms, to which we are so bound in duty, against all adversaries. Therefore, in the name both of God and of Saint James the Apostle we implore and beseech you not to force your way with such might into these kingdoms and not to cause damage therein, for if you do so we shall not fail to defend them. Written in our encampment near Nájera, on the second day of April.

When the prince showed this letter to King Pedro, they deemed that these arguments were insufficient to avoid going immediately into battle, adding that, since everything was subject to the will of God, He should settle matters by His own good grace.

Chapter 9

How the battle was fought between the two kings and how King Enrique was defeated

Y

ou have already heard how King Enrique pitched his camp on the route that King Pedro was bound to take, so that the River Najerilla ran between one army and the other. He then took counsel about whether he should cross the river to give battle on a great flat and open space opposite Navarrete and towards which his enemies were surely heading. Many of his followers were troubled by this, because they had originally pitched their camp in a more 29 See

CKP, Chapter 36.



CHAPTER 9

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advantageous position than the one they had later. King Enrique, however, was a man of great courage and stern resolve; he declared that he did not wish to go into battle other than on a flat and open space that gave him no advantage. King Pedro and the prince left Navarrete with all their companies on Saturday morning; they all dismounted and drew up their battle-lines in the way that we have outlined, a good distance before they reached the army of King Enrique. The latter also drew up his forces in the way that we have described, but before battle was joined, a number of horsemen and the soldiers following the banner of the town of Santesteban, all of whom had been with King Enrique, went over to King Pedro. Then the armies moved forward and came to close quarters. Count Sancho, King Enrique’s brother, Sir Bertrand, and all the knights who followed the banner of the Sash launched an attack on the vanguard advancing under the Duke of Lancaster and the constable. Those fighting alongside King Pedro and the prince bore red crosses set on white fields, whereas on that day those fighting alongside King Enrique wore sashes. They collided with such ferocity that all their lances fell to the ground, and so they began to strike each other with swords, axes and clubs, King Pedro’s men crying out, ‘For Guyenne, Saint George!’, and King Enrique’s troops ‘For Castile, Saint James!’ They struck at each other with such force that the prince’s vanguard began to reel back about one pace, some of them being knocked to the ground, so that King Enrique’s men started to believe that they were winning and closed in, striking at them once more. Don Tello, King Enrique’s brother, who was on horseback on the left of King Enrique’s vanguard, made no move to fight, which was a major cause of the battle being lost and was why King Enrique ever after bore a grudge against him. The forces on the right wing of the prince’s vanguard charged straight at Don Tello, and he and his followers did not dare to await their onset but speedily fled the field. They were chased by those from the right wing who were after Don Tello, but their pursuers saw that they could not stop them and so they attacked from behind those who were fighting on foot in King Enrique’s vanguard and who, under the banner of the Sash, were battling against the prince’s vanguard. Smiting them from the rear, they set about slaying some of them. The left wing of the prince’s vanguard then began to do likewise once they found that there was no more cavalry to confront them. Consequently, this became the very thick of the battle, with Don Sancho and the others all being surrounded on every side by the enemy, though the banner of the Sash had not yet been dashed to the ground. King Enrique, who was a valiant knight, galloped up on his horse several times, clad in his hauberk, to where the battle was so closely fought, in order to help his men, thinking that the rest of his mounted retinue would do likewise. When he saw that his companions were not fighting [alongside him], he could no longer withstand the enemy and was forced to turn tail, along with his mounted retinue. Thus the battle was lost.

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It is said (and it may well be true) that, if King Enrique’s side had fought the battle well, it is quite possible that King Pedro would have been defeated. Badly fought as it was, were it not for the huge efforts and bravery of the prince and of the Duke of Lancaster, who were both doughty men-at-arms, the victory would still have hung in the balance. Many of the infantry who fought under the banner of the Sash were slain, as well as some 400 knights and men-at-arms. Many others were taken prisoner, among them Don Sancho, Sir Bertrand, the Marshal [of France], Don Felipe de Castro and others whose names we shall not mention so as not to prolong this account. Likewise, of those on horseback, the Count of Denia, Count Alfonso, Count Pedro, the Master of Calatrava and others whom we shall not bother to name were captured. Many of King Enrique’s men were killed while being pursued towards the town of Nájera. Later, by his own hand, King Pedro slew Íñigo López de Orozco, who had been captured by one of the prince’s knights. He had Gómez Carrillo de Quintana, King Enrique’s lord chamberlain, put to death, along with Sancho Sánchez de Orozco and Garci Jufre Tenorio, who had been taken prisoner during the battle. Everybody deemed this to be a great wrong. The battle was won on the eve of Passion Sunday, 6 April 1367.30

Chapter 10

How the prince declared that the Marshal of France deserved to die and how the plea was decided by a court of knights

O

n the following day, which was a Sunday, all the prisoners who had been captured during the battle were brought before the prince because King Pedro asserted that some of them, against whom he had already passed sentence, should be handed over to him so that justice might be carried out. Amongst these there appeared the Marshal of France, a man of over sixty years of age, and whom the prince, when he saw him, declared to be a traitor and a breaker of oaths, and who thus deserved to be put to death. The marshal answered him, saying: ‘My lord, you are the son of a king, and I shall not answer you in the way that I could in this matter, but I am no traitor or breaker of oaths.’ The prince said that he wished a group of knights to sit in judgement 30 The battle actually took place on 3 April. Derek Lomax and R. J. Oakley (eds and trans), Fernão Lopes: The English in Portugal 1367‒1387 (Warminster: Aris & Phillips, 1988) p. 340, venture that Lopes misread the date given by his source, Ayala (Crónica de Don Pedro primero, Year 18, Chapter 12).



CHAPTER 11

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on the case and that he would prove what he said against him. The marshal agreed, and twelve knights of different nationalities were installed as judges. Speaking against him, the prince stated that in the battle of Poitiers, which he, the prince, had won, and in which the King of France had been taken prisoner, the marshal had also been captured and put up for ransom. He had solemnly sworn, on pain of being deemed a traitor and breaker of oaths, that, unless it were in the company of the King of France or some other member of the royal house whose coat of arms bore the Fleur-de-Lys, he would never take up arms against the King of England or against the prince until his ransom were paid, which it still had not been. ‘Now, the King of France did not participate in this recent battle, nor did any member of his royal house; nevertheless, I see you bearing arms against me without having paid what you had agreed, wherefore you have committed a felony.’ On hearing this, many thought that the marshal had acted very badly and that he could not avoid being put to death on that account. The prince told the marshal to mention, freely and openly, everything that he could think of to defend his reputation and honour, since this was a matter of war between knights. The marshal answered that everything which the prince had said was true. ‘Nevertheless, my lord, I did not take up arms against you as the leader in this battle, because King Pedro is the leader, and you came here as a paid soldier to earn the wages he pays. Since, therefore, you are not the leader and are a paid soldier, I did not commit the wrong of bearing arms against you but bore them against King Pedro, at whose behest this battle was fought.’ The judges told the prince that the marshal had answered very well and according to law, and they acquitted him of the charge brought against him. His answer was carefully noted down, with the result that, when similar cases were adjudicated in later warfare, they were settled by the same verdict.

Chapter 11

Concerning the discussions that King Pedro held with the prince about the capture of the prisoners

O

n the Monday, the king and the prince left the battlefield for the city of Burgos, somewhat dissatisfied for two reasons. The first was because on the day of the battle the king had slain Íñigo López de Orozco by his own hand, after he had been captured by a Gascon knight, who complained to the prince that the king had caused him to lose his prisoner and brought dishonour upon him. The prince told the king that it indeed seemed that he was unwilling to keep to the agreement which he had made with him, because he had already begun breaking one of its main clauses, which was that he should not kill any

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man of rank without the man first being put on trial. To this, the king made the best excuses that he could. The second reason was that on the Sunday after the battle, King Pedro asked the prince to have all the Castilian knights and squires of rank handed over to him at reasonable prices, which the prince would owe to those who were holding them; he, the king, would undertake to pay to the prince the final amount. He added that if he held such men, he would talk to them in such a way that they would go over to his side. King Pedro was most insistent on this point, claiming that if they were released in any other way they would always act against him. The prince asserted that this was not a reasonable request, as the prisoners belonged to those who held them, and they were of such mettle as not to hand over any of their prisoners for even 1,000 times what they were worth; indeed, they would immediately think that he was buying them in order to kill them. Therefore, the king should not pursue this matter any further, as it could never be brought about. King Pedro replied that if matters were to proceed in this manner, then he realized that the prince had not helped him, that he had more fully lost his kingdom now than previously and that he had spent his wealth in vain. The prince was angry at this and said to the king, ‘My lord and cousin, I think that your attitude now is more likely to lose you your kingdom than your attitude when you ruled it; indeed, you governed it in such a way that you were bound to lose it. Wherefore I advise you to treat everyone in such a way that you win the hearts of the great lords and noblemen of your country. If you act as you did formerly, you will be on the point of losing both your kingdom and your life. Moreover, my liege lord the king and I will no longer be able to help you.

Chapter 12

Concerning the agreements made between the prince and King Pedro about the matters which the king had promised the prince to attend to

A

fter this, the prince had some of his men go to King Pedro with the request that he honour the agreement between them, of which he was well aware, namely that both he and all the other lords and men-at-arms who were there should be paid their wages and expenses according to their status and without fail. Though in Bayonne the king had paid him and the others a part of what they were due to receive, he, the prince, nevertheless still owed



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considerable amounts to all of them, according to the solemn oaths that he had sworn to his men, having the king’s agreement to this, as the latter was also well aware. He therefore beseeched the king, now that he was in possession of his kingdom, to arrange for them all to be paid, thus releasing the prince from the obligations he had incurred with them. Furthermore, as the king, without his asking him, had freely undertaken to present to him land and income in the kingdom of Castile, as well as the lordship of Vizcaya and the town of Castro Urdiales, in accordance with the grants he had made in his charters, he now begged the king to fulfil his promise, so that he, the prince, might soon return home, since a long stay in his kingdoms with so many men was unprofitable, a great loss to him and very expensive. The king listened to what the prince’s men said to him and sent others with the answer that what they had said was true and that he was happy to fulfil everything he had promised. However, the king wished to change his view about the payment of what he owed, claiming that he had already made great payments of wages and expenses in the form of jewels and precious stones for which he had been paid at a rate well below their true value. The prince answered that his men had been offended by such payment and that they had been given precious stones and jewels which were of no use to them, instead of the money they needed to buy horses and arms with which to serve him, so that the king ought not to utter any words on that subject. The prince added that he agreed to the king’s request to be left with 1,000 of the prince’s lances,31 to whom the king would pay wages and expenses until such time as he felt at ease in his kingdom; however, the prince’s men would first want to see how the men-at-arms were paid for all the time they had already served. Many discussions and arguments took place between King Pedro and the prince on these matters. Finally, they agreed to draw up an account of the troops that had come, what they had received as wages and how much they still owed them: they found that all together it amounted to a vast sum. For this, the prince requested to be given twenty castles, which he would name, as pledges to guarantee payment and also asked that the town of Soria should be handed over to Sir John the Constable, to whom King Pedro had promised it in his charters. The king answered that there was no way in which he could hand over these castles as surety, on the grounds that his subjects would say that he wanted to give away the land to foreigners. Moreover, as to the 1,000 lances which he had requested, he no longer deemed it suitable for them to remain in his kingdom. He was, however, happy to grant [to the 31 The term lança (Sp. lanza) refers to a military unit which, in Castile, comprised a single combatant, a knight with two horses (one a warhorse, the other a generalpurpose mount) and who would be accompanied, at the most, by a squire or page. The composition of the lanza is detailed in the report of the Cortes of Guadalajara of 1390, in the CKJ2, Chapter 146.

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prince] the lordship of Vizcaya and Castro Urdiales, as well as the town of Soria to Sir John. There were many debates about these matters, as they communicated via men they could trust, with the prince saying that he wanted to know how his men were to be paid and how he himself was to be released from his obligations to them. The king sent him a message to say that he was at once sending a request throughout his kingdom asking for aid to pay these debts, adding that on an appointed day he would repay him half. As to the remainder, the prince should keep as pledges the king’s three daughters, who were in Bayonne, till the entire debt was finally settled. The king then issued charters handing the territory of Vizcaya to the prince and the town of Soria to Sir John. The inhabitants of Vizcaya did not wish to hand themselves over to the prince, notwithstanding the message they received from him, because the king had written to them in secret that they should not do so. The constable was asked to pay 10,000 doblas to the chancery for his charter, which he refused to do, claiming that the only reason for demanding so much was in order to avoid giving him the town. Seeing how matters were proceeding, and to avoid giving the king grounds to be discontented with him, the prince said that he would like to remain for a few days in Castile and begged the king to swear an oath to fulfil everything that he had promised him. The king accepted this, and they agreed that the prince should come from Las Huelgas de Burgos, where he had been staying, to the Church of Santa María inside the city, where, in the presence of everyone, the king would publicly swear an oath to carry out everything that had been worked out between them. The prince said that he would not enter the city unless he were given one of the city gates, along with its tower, in which to place men-at-arms for his own safety. Accordingly, the king commanded that this be granted to him. Men-at-arms and archers were placed in the tower. At the bottom, by the gate, in a vast square inside the city, the prince stationed 1,000 men-at-arms, while outside the city, around the convent where he was staying, were the rest of his troops, who had come with him, all armed. The prince entered the city [of Burgos] by the gate that was guarded, and both he and his brother were mounted but unarmed; around the prince were captains and some 500 other men-at-arms. In this way, he arrived at the cathedral, where the oaths were to be sworn. King Pedro also arrived, and they read out in public the documents that stated what King Pedro was bound to give to the prince and his men, and how he undertook to give to him or to his treasurers in Castile half of the amount owing within four months of that date and the other half in Bayonne within a year, for which the prince would retain as pledges the king’s daughters, who had remained behind when he had departed. Likewise on that day King Pedro swore that he would have the lordship of Vizcaya and Castro Urdiales handed over to the prince, and the town of Soria to Sir John Chandos the Constable of Guyenne, as he had



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promised him. After this had been done, the king went off to his palace, and the prince back to the convent where he was staying. King Pedro went to see him afterwards and said that he had sent many men throughout the realm to collect money for the first payment, and that he himself intended to travel through the land to give the process more thrust and greater effect. The prince congratulated the king on this and duly thanked him, because it would uphold his truthfulness and fulfil the oaths that he had taken. He added that he had been told that the king was sending letters to the inhabitants of Vizcaya instructing them not to regard him, the prince, as their lord, but he could not believe this. He asked him to hand Vizcaya over as he had promised, and also the town of Soria to the constable. The king replied that he had never sent such letters, and that he was content for the prince to have that territory and for it to be handed over to him. Moreover, he would remedy all these matters in the space of four months and thus he took his leave of him.

Chapter 13

Concerning the persons whom King Pedro killed after leaving Burgos, and how he made a peace treaty with King Fernando of Portugal

K

ing Pedro left Burgos, and the prince made his way to a place called Arrusto. On his way to Toledo, and before he reached that city, the king ordered the execution of Ruy Ponce de Palomeque, a knight, and of Fernán Martínez, an honourable citizen of Toledo, because they had gone over to King Enrique, once the latter had entered the kingdom. King Pedro took a number of citizens of Toledo hostage, by way of surety, and then, leaving Toledo, he made his way to Córdoba. Two days later, he armed himself at night and went with others through the city to certain houses. He ordered the execution of sixteen of the most honourable men in the city, announcing that these had been the first to go and welcome King Enrique when he had reached Córdoba. King Pedro then left and went to Seville. Before he got there, he ordered the execution of several men: Master Egidio Boccanegra, the Admiral of Castile, Don Juan, the son of Don Pedro Ponce de León, Alfonso Arias de Quadros, Alfonso Fernández and a number of others. He commanded Martín López de Córdoba, Master of Calatrava, who had stayed in Córdoba, to execute Don Gonzalo Fernández de Córdoba, Don Alfonso Fernández, the Lord of Montemayor, and Diego Fernández, the Chief-Justice of the city. However, Martín López refused to carry out this order, believing that he would be

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doing wrong. King Pedro was furious with him for this and ordered him to be arrested for treason. But at the behest of the Emir of Granada, of whom King Pedro was afraid, he set free Martín López, who thus escaped execution. King Pedro was also angry with Don Juan Alfonso de Guzmán, who was later Count of Niebla, because he had not gone to help him previously when there were disturbances in Seville and King Pedro had fled to Portugal. As he could not find him in Seville when he sought to arrest him, he ordered the arrest of Doña Blanca,32 his mother, had her executed with great cruelty and seized all the property belonging to them both. He also ordered the execution of Martín Yáñez, his chief treasurer, from whom his treasure galley was seized, as you have heard.33 While the king was in Seville, he sent Mateos Fernández, his chancellor of the great seal and a member of his council, to Portugal to negotiate a treaty of peace and friendship with King Fernando. Mateos Fernández reached Coimbra, where King Fernando was staying at the time, and in his negotiations declared that King Pedro desired peace and friendship with him and wanted to be his true friend forever in everything that they found necessary. They then signed as firm a treaty of friendship as possible, along with the appropriate supporting documents. After the ambassador from Castile had departed, King Fernando sent one of his own counsellors, João Gonçalves, to Seville to confirm the treaty of peace and friendship which King Pedro’s representative had negotiated with him. João Gonçalves duly arrived in Seville, King Pedro confirmed everything that Mateos Fernández had negotiated and on that João Gonçalves returned to Portugal. King Pedro then sent a second ambassador, his chief provincial governor, Juan de Cayón, to King Fernando to request him to ratify once more the treaty of friendship which they had made. Juan de Cayón went to Tentúgal, where King Fernando then was, and at his request the king corroborated the treaty of peace and friendship which he had already made. The messenger received from him further pledges and guarantees of the agreements, took his leave of the king and headed back to Seville. There let us leave King Pedro and return to telling the story of King Enrique, relating what happened to him after he fled the battle and made his way back to Castile, as well as what happened to his wife and children. We would have preferred to relate first, as would seem reasonable, the payment which King Pedro made to the prince, how he handed over to him the territories which he had promised him and how the prince took his leave and went back to his own land. However, we are unable to do that, because in the works of former historians whose writings precede our own we have found no reference to such matters in the texts which they have passed down 32

According to Ayala, Crónica de Don Pedro primero, Year 18, Chapter 27, her name was Doña Urraca Osorio. 33 See the CKP, Chapter 37.



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to us. Rather, our understanding is that the reverse happened and that King Pedro made no further payment to the prince, as you will hear later on, and that the prince left without speaking further to the king, because he had received news that the French were beginning to make war on the duchy of Guyenne by bringing in the Free Companies. For that reason, we shall return to the deeds of King Enrique, some of which we shall relate, though many of them we shall omit in order to be brief.

Chapter 14

Concerning what happened to King Enrique after he fled the battle, as well as to the queen, his wife

K

ing Enrique fled from the battle, as you have heard, once he saw that all was lost. On that day, he was fully armed with a hauberk riding a grey Castilian great horse; because so much had been asked of his mount, it could no longer carry him as he needed. Observing his predicament, a squire from his household, who had a fine jennet, approached him, saying: ‘Sire, take this horse, because yours can barely move.’ The king did so, left the village of Nájera and made his way via Soria to Aragon. He was accompanied by Don Fernán Sánchez de Tovar, Don Alfonso Pérez de Guzmán and Master Ambrogio, the son of the Admiral, and others. On the following day, they were attacked by a number of horsemen from a village near Soria, because these horsemen had noticed what a hurry they were in, and some of them recognized the king and sought to capture and kill him in order to win the favour of King Pedro. However, when King Enrique saw how they were hesitating, he attacked and defeated them, slaying the man who had tried to capture him. From there, he reached Aragon, arriving at a village named Illueca, where he encountered Don Pedro de Luna, who was later to be known as Pope Benedict,34 and left Aragon in his company. He reached Ortes, a village belonging to the Count of Foix, who was greatly troubled at the king’s defeat and at his arrival at his house, owing to his own fear of the prince, whom he considered to be one of the most powerful men in the world. He was afraid that the king’s presence in his house would cause the prince to bear him a grudge for not taking him prisoner. It is said that the count asked the king how he came to be there, to which the king replied as follows: ‘My presence here is due to an occurrence which befalls many a knight: I went into battle and lost, which is why I am here, as you can see.’ 34

Antipope Benedict XIII.

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The count comforted and welcomed him, giving him horses, money and men, who accompanied him as far as Toulouse, where he stayed for several days. King Enrique then made his way to Villeneuve, near Avignon, where the Duke of Anjou, the brother of the King of France, was staying. The duke gave him both a very warm welcome and sums of his own money. He was also greatly helped in all this by Pope Urban V, who was then in Avignon and had a great liking for King Enrique. However, the king did not meet the Pope this time, because everybody feared the Prince of Wales, considering him to be very powerful. As soon as the Archbishops of Toledo and Saragossa learned that the battle had been lost, for they had remained in Burgos with the queen and the royal princes while the king had gone forth into battle, they set off in great haste for Saragossa. They arrived there after much difficulty and in great distress and were received by the King of Aragon in a way quite different from that which they had expected. In fact, the King of Aragon considered that both the Prince of Wales and King Pedro now wielded great power in Castile and, being very afraid of them, he declared that King Enrique, on seizing the kingdom of Castile, had not fulfilled the undertakings which had been agreed between them. The King of Aragon at once took back the princess, his daughter, whom Queen Juana had brought with her as the intended wife of the prince, her son, and announced that he was no longer in favour of such a marriage. Amid all this, the queen had no knowledge of what had happened to the king, her husband, after he had fled from the battlefield. The Prince of Wales and King Pedro now negotiated a treaty of friendship with the King of Aragon, all this being done to prevent King Enrique from finding any welcome in his own country. Owing to this intended hostile reception, many Aragonese lords and noblemen appeared before the King of Aragon, organized in bands. Some of them urged the king to side with King Enrique, whom, in whatever he needed in his warfare with Castile, he had always found to be of great assistance and a loyal friend, adding that at such a time he ought to thank him for it; this was especially the case, for, if King Pedro were to feel at ease in his own kingdom, then he would be capable of making war on him just as before. But other lords and noblemen said that King Enrique had failed to keep his promise to the King of Aragon about what he would give him when he seized the kingdom of Castile and that, therefore, there were no grounds for helping him. Queen Juana, noticing, amid all this, that it was inadvisable for her to stay in Aragon, because certain lords were hostile towards her husband, decided to go and join him, for she now knew where he was. She left Saragossa, bound for France, and found King Enrique in Servian, which is a village in Languedoc.



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Chapter 15

Concerning King Enrique’s meeting with the Duke of Anjou and the great welcome he received from the King of France

W

e now go back to relating what King Enrique did after he reached Villeneuve near Avignon, as you have heard, where the Duke of Anjou was staying. Though the duke welcomed him and shared his money with him, he was very perturbed at his arrival, because the Kings of France and England had recently negotiated peace between them, handing the duchy of Guyenne to the prince. The Duke of Anjou was afraid that the reception which he was giving to King Enrique would displease the King of France, his brother, because the prince might bear a grudge against him for wishing to wage war once more, since he was allowing into his territory men for whom the prince had little liking, especially in the case of King Enrique, of whom the prince was still afraid. Therefore, the duke had wanted as much as possible to avoid seeing King Enrique at that time. However, when he realized that this could not be avoided, he commanded that King Enrique be given lodging in the tower on the bridge at Avignon, which is on the King of France’s side. There the duke saw him in secret on the first occasion on which he spoke to him, advising him to write to the king, his brother, informing him of his needs. King Enrique did so, and his messengers reached Paris, where the King of France was to be found. They told him about how King Enrique had been defeated in battle, adding that the French royal house was the greatest in Christendom and should not fail to help those who found themselves in such straits. For that reason, King Enrique was asking him to deign to help him in any way he saw fit, especially against men who were hostile to him, even though peace existed with them at the time. As soon as he had read his letters, King Charles of France wrote at once to the duke, his brother, telling him to give King Enrique 50,000 gold francs, as well as a mighty castle named Peyrepertuse, where he could install his wife and children. In addition, he commanded that the county of Cessenon be restored to him, a county which his predecessor, King Jean of France, had granted to King Enrique for serving him in his war against the English, and which later King Charles had seized from him in default of a sum of gold. The King of France now redeemed it for him, and he duly received all these grants, which the duke bestowed on him very readily. Meanwhile, on a daily basis, King Enrique was receiving knights and squires from Castile bearing news of how the Prince of Wales and King Pedro were greatly at odds and could not come to an agreement. Moreover, those followers of King Enrique who had been captured in the battle were

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now at liberty and were manning the castles which they had held earlier and from which they were waging war on King Pedro. He also learned how a number of towns and villages, as well as all Vizcaya, were on his side. He received letters from certain English knights, his friends, who had accompanied the prince and had served under him when King Enrique had entered Castile and who now urged him not to return to the kingdom until the prince had left it. This was because after King Pedro left Burgos and went to Seville, although the prince had waited for four months for his first payment, he had neither received any further message nor any part of the items which he had been promised. Therefore, they added, their understanding was that the prince was at odds with King Pedro, would soon depart for his own country and would never give him any further help, nor would the troops who had accompanied the prince, because they were all utterly dissatisfied with him. Furthermore, the prince had received news that the companies of Limousin, Perrin de Savoie and others were waging war on him in the duchy of Guyenne: he would not, therefore, remain in Castile for long. Consequently, as this and similar news reached King Enrique daily, he became very cheerful and regained his determination.

Chapter 16

How King Enrique arranged to return to Castile and how the King of Aragon prevented him from passing through his kingdom

W

e know no more than what you have already heard concerning how long the prince stayed in Castile and the circumstances of his departure. But when King Enrique received confirmed reports that he had left, he arranged the return to Castile and held a meeting in the village of Aigues Mortes with the Duke of Anjou and Cardinal Guy de Boulogne, a kinsman of the King of France. There, in the name of the King of France, they negotiated the strongest agreements that they could with King Enrique, which they confirmed on oath. The duke also gave King Enrique a sum of money with which to help him on his return. The king departed and went back to Peyrepertuse, where he had left his wife and children, and was accompanied at that stage by some 200 lances. He sent for other companies to go with him, and there rallied to him several captains with their forces, namely the Count of Illa,35 Don Bernal, Count of

35

The Catalan, Andreu de Fenollet i de Saportella, third viscount of Illa.



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Osona,36 the Bastard of Béarn,37 Sir Bernard de Villamur,38 and the Stammerer of Villaines. He then left with them, heading for Castile, and took with him his wife the queen and Prince Juan. He left behind Princess Leonor, along with other ladies and maidens, in the castle of Peyrepertuse. The King of Aragon, on learning of King Enrique’s return and how he would have to pass through his territory, sent him a message to say that he was a friend of the Prince of Wales, had no wish to cause the latter any annoyance and therefore required King Enrique not to cross over his land; were he to attempt to do so, he could not avoid defending it against him. King Enrique answered the messenger as follows: ‘I am greatly astonished that the King of Aragon should send me such a message as this, for he knows only too well that, at the time when I was necessary to him in the war that he fought, I never once failed him whenever he had need of me. Indeed, when I invaded Castile, he recovered 120 villages and castles which King Pedro had seized. Yet now he sends me a message to say that I should not pass through his kingdom. It behoves me to make my way to Castile, so I cannot avoid passing through it. If he wishes to block my path, then that is his own affair, but I shall be unable to avoid defending myself to the best of my ability against anyone who seeks to block or hamper my passage through.’ The knight returned with this reply, and the king gave orders that all routes be closed to King Enrique. However, in Aragon there were many who supported him and regarded it as an honour to serve him, for example Prince Pere, Count of Denia, the Count of Empúries, Don Pedro de Luna, the Archbishop of Saragossa and others. Prince Pere sent a squire of his to King Enrique to guide him through the territory of Ribagorza. The king travelled through the kingdom of Aragon, greatly opposed by those who were closing the roads to him, though they did not dare to stand and do battle with him. The king reached a village belonging to Prince Pere known as Arén and rested there for two days. Afterwards, he left and continued his journey and met the prince in another of the prince’s villages, namely Benabarre, where the latter supplied him with food and everything else that he needed. The king then journeyed onwards and arrived at Estadilla, where he received the news that the King of Aragon was ordering his forces to go forth from Saragossa to do battle with him on the way there. That night, King Enrique slept at Barbastro, where he was informed that the King of Aragon was in Saragossa, had given the order to all his troops to cross the bridge over the Ebro in order to block his path and that they were doing so with much reluctance, because most of them had a great liking for King Enrique. King Enrique carried on with his journey, passed through the kingdom of Navarre and arrived in sight of Calahorra on the Castilian frontier. Before he 36

He was the son of Bernat de Cabrera, chief counsellor to Pere III. Arnaud-Guillaume de Béarn, bastard brother of Gaston Phébus, Count of Foix. 38 Bernard de Villemur, Lord of Saint-Paul and of Pailhès. 37

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reached the town, the king asked his companions if they were already in the territory of Castile, and they answered that they were. Thereupon the king dismounted, knelt on the sandy shore by the river and, making the sign of the Cross, he declared: ‘I swear by this sign of the Cross that never in my life, whatever the need, will I leave this kingdom of Castile, and that I will rather await death or whatever fate may bring than ever leave this land again.’ The king said this because he had left the kingdom after the battle of Nájera and had resented the steps he had been forced to take with his friends in order to seek their help. He dubbed several new knights before entering Calahorra, and there he and all his followers received a great welcome. The king was joined there by Don Juan Alfonso de Alfaro, Don Juan Ramírez de Arellano and a number of other knights and squires, who were on the move in Castile and who amounted to some 600 men-at-arms. The king was delighted at their presence and gave them a warm welcome.

Chapter 17

How King Enrique entered Burgos and took the castle and the Jewish quarter

F

or a few days, the king remained in Calahorra, and there he was joined by many forces. He then left, bound for Burgos. He neared the town of Logroño, which had taken King Pedro’s side, and did not succeed in taking it. He approached the town and before reaching it sent a message to find out the wishes of the townsfolk as to whether they would welcome him. The people of the town were very happy at his approach and sent him messengers to say that he could enter the following day, for all of them were ready to pay him obeisance, even though those in the castle, namely the governor and some 200 men-at-arms, were on the side of King Pedro, as also was the Jewish quarter; they added that he should not fail to continue his journey on that account, because they would all later go over to his side. Thereupon the king left and headed for Burgos, where all the people and the clergy gave him a great welcome, despite the arrows and artillery39 being fired from the castle. The king ordered an attack on the castle and on the Jewish quarter by means of undermining the walls and hurling projectiles from siege engines. Immediately the Jews agreed to side with the king and

39 Trõos in the text. This early form of cannon was already being used in Castile in the late 1360s.



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paid him one conto.40 Alfonso Fernández, the castle governor, held out and defended it for a number of days. Finally, he surrendered the castle to King Enrique and handed over the King of Naples,41 who was within its walls and who had come to support King Pedro at the battle of Nájera. The king sent him to the castle of Turiel and later received 80,000 doblas, which his wife Queen Giovanna paid to ransom him. While in Burgos, the king received news that the city of Córdoba was on his side and that King Pedro was in Seville and was fortifying the township of Carmona. He was greatly pleased at these reports and dispatched his wife and the prince, his son, to the Toledo area, because in that region many places were on his side. She went accompanied by the Archbishop of Toledo, the Bishop of Palencia and others. After that, the king laid siege to the town of Dueñas, because it lay on the road between Burgos and Valladolid and was a source of havoc and destruction. On arrival there, King Enrique attacked the town with siege engines. Ruy Rodríguez, the governor, made a truce with him, which lasted for a fixed number of days, but, once that period was over, as he had received no help from King Pedro, he surrendered the town to the king, and all its inhabitants were at his mercy.

Chapter 18

How King Enrique laid siege to the city of León and ordered the minting of the coin known as the sesén

I

t was the beginning of the year 1368 and the third year of King Enrique’s reign. In January, the king left the town of Dueñas and went to besiege the city of León. The city itself had sided with King Pedro, whereas the noblemen of the area favoured King Enrique. He built a siege tower at the monastery of Santo Domingo, and, when he fixed it against one of the city towers, those within could no longer defend it; they surrendered the city to him, and everyone went over to his side. 40 This represented a vast sum of money. According to Castilian sources, the sum paid to Enrique by the Jews of Burgos was one million maravedís. The value of this standard unit of money of account was fixed at ten dinheiros. The Jewish community had already furnished him with a similar sum (about nine times their regular annual tax-assessment) in the previous year. See Julio Valdeón Baruque, Enrique II de Castilla: la guerra civil y la consolidación del regimen (1366–1371) (Valladolid: Universidad, 1966), p. 174. See also Ayala, Crónica de Don Pedro primero, Year 18, Chapter 35. 41 Jaume, son of the deposed Jaume II of Mallorca, was titled King of Naples by virtue of his marriage to Giovanna I.

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The king left León after winning it and went to attack Tordehumos, which favoured King Pedro, yet it surrendered to him, as did a number of other places. He then decided to travel to Illescas, which is 6 leagues away from Toledo, where the queen, his wife, was staying. There he remained for several days, asking everyone what they thought was the better line of action, whether to proceed through the kingdom or to lay siege to Toledo. Many opinions were expressed on this subject, and finally they agreed to besiege Toledo, owing to the considerable quantity of food that was available in that area. He pitched camp on the plain on 30 April. Accompanying the king there were up to 1,000 men-at-arms, whilst in the city there were some 600 knights and many foot soldiers. Next, so that the king could intensify his siege of the city, he ordered a wooden bridge to be built across the Tagus, close to his encampment,42 and sent a number of men-at-arms across it with orders to remain there. As for his wife the queen and the prince, he dispatched them to the city of Burgos, where they could be safe. In his camp, there was a plentiful food supply and ample monetary support available from those places which the king took while his camp was pitched there, as well as from others round about which were on his side. In order to pay the troops who accompanied him, it was decided that new coins should be struck. Coins were minted and given the name of sesenes, for each one of them was worth six dineros.43 The coin was minted in both Burgos and Talavera and enabled the king to pay the forces which he had with him.

Chapter 19

How King Pedro summoned the Emir of Granada to his aid, and how the city of Córdoba was nearly lost

L

et us leave the siege of Toledo to one side and consider what King Pedro was doing in the meantime. While he was in Seville, he was kept fully informed of everything that his brother had achieved ever since entering the kingdom up to laying siege to Toledo. He was deeply troubled at this, yet 42

Fernão Lopes misunderstood his source, Pero López de Ayala’s Crónica de don Pedro primero, Year 19, Chapter 2. Lopes interpreted the expression ‘facer cerca de su real’ as meaning ‘to put up a siege around his encampment’, thus writing ‘cercar (todo) o arreall’. In fact, in Ayala’s passage, the word ‘cerca’ means ‘close by’ or ‘near’, and that is the meaning adopted in the present translation. 43 A dinero was a copper coin of low value. Here, it is used as an accounting unit, to designate the value assigned to the new coinage.



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he devoted himself solely to fortifying the township of Carmona as much as possible. But when he learned that Toledo was under siege, he negotiated with the Emir of Granada, urging him to come to his aid with as many troops as he could muster. The Moorish sovereign was very pleased at this and came with a vast army, for he brought with him 9,000 light horsemen and 80,000 foot soldiers, of whom 12,000 were crossbowmen. In addition, King Pedro had 1,500 men on horseback and 6,000 on foot, so that the total body of men came to 98,500. With this combined force, King Pedro laid siege to the city of Córdoba, which was not on his side and was waging vigorous war against him. In the city, there were many valiant noblemen, along with ample forces with which to maintain their defence. Believing that the Moors would just fight with them at the barricades, they prepared no defences on the city walls. Yet the vast numbers of Moors swept towards the city to the point where the volleys from the crossbows were so great in one place that Aben Faluz, a Moorish captain, captured the rampart known as Calahorra. They seized the old fortress and cut six breaches in it, and a number of Moors surged onto the walls with their banners. The resulting disarray in the city was so great that the people thought that they had broken into the city itself. Seeing the confusion, the ladies and the maidens who were there poured into the streets and squares, weeping and dishevelled, pleading with the lords and knights to take pity on them and not to let them be dishonoured and taken into captivity by the Moors. They shed so many tears, screamed so loud and uttered such words that no man who heard them could avoid having great pity and sympathy for them, such that the men inside the walls summoned up great courage and headed boldly to the place where the Moors were to be found. They fought with them so doughtily that they forced them against their will to abandon the walls, thrusting them out of the city, killing many and taking others prisoner. The Moorish banners too were left abandoned. The breach in the walls was hastily repaired, because they expected a similar and even greater onslaught the next day, and they were very contented that God had delivered them from the immense danger in which they had found themselves. Indeed, the next day the Moors and the forces of the king returned for a further onslaught, but they found the city differently prepared, so that they withdrew again, outside the city. The king would have been very pleased if the Moors had recaptured and destroyed Córdoba, because he was furious that within it were numbers of those who had vigorously waged war against him, but he now returned to Seville, and the emir to his city of Granada. The emir came back on another occasion and laid siege to the town of Jaén. Those inside the town went out to the barricades, but, harried by the Moors, they were forced to retreat. The Moors swept in with them and captured the town. While entry was being forced, numbers of the Christians were killed or captured, and the rest gathered

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in the keep and negotiated with the Moors from there, by which parley they would hand over a certain quantity of doblas for them to lift the siege. Thereafter the king left Seville, and he and the Emir of Granada made for Córdoba, but they found it in such a state of readiness against attack that they did not attempt to cause it any further trouble. The Emir of Granada captured the town of Úbeda, which was not well walled, robbing and burning it. He entered Utrera and Marchena, and from those towns he took prisoner everybody he found there. Many people were lost, for it is certain that from the township of Utrera alone the Moors took 11,000 prisoners, men, women and children alike. The Emir of Granada recovered the castles which King Pedro had captured when he had gone to the emir’s aid against the Red Emir,44 as well as several others. Great havoc was wrought at this time in the lands of the Christians, owing to the differences between these kings. When all this was done, King Pedro went back to Seville and continued to fortify the township of Carmona, which lies 6 leagues distant from that city, for fear lest he should be confronted by some great danger and so that there he could find sanctuary.

Chapter 20

Concerning the steps taken by King Enrique to capture Toledo and how he assembled his forces to fight against King Pedro

W

e now return to Toledo, which was under siege when we left it.45 King Enrique had seized a small wooden tower which those inside the city had erected on the Church of San Servando, which stands on the [Alcántara] bridge. One day, some of King Enrique’s supporters who were inside the city captured this Abbots’ Tower, which is very high and very strong, and began to shout their support for King Enrique. Those who were in the encampment immediately placed ladders against the tower, and forty men clambered up and placed five banners on it. On seeing this, the city people set fire to the tower which was lower on its inner side. Those on top could not withstand the fire and dashed back down the ladders. Another group of the men inside Toledo, who on a number of occasions sought to provide King Enrique with a way into the city, were discovered and consequently put to death. 44 See 45

CKP, Chapter 33. See Chapter 19 above.



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As Toledo had now lain under siege for ten and a half months and as it had been harried by the king in a variety of ways, the city had now run very low both in men and food supplies, so that they were eating horses and mules, and a bushel of wheat was worth 1,200 maravedís. King Pedro, who had received reports indicating how much Toledo needed his help and how its inhabitants could not hold out much longer because of the hunger in the city, now sent for all those who supported his cause and negotiated with the Emir of Granada, urging him to give assistance by providing him with some of his forces. Before leaving Seville, King Pedro took his sons, his treasure and his arms and armour and placed them all in the township of Carmona, which he had fortified. When this had been done, he left there men he could trust and departed for Alcántara, where he assembled all the forces which he had summoned forth, with the intent of going to the aid of Toledo. When King Enrique heard of this, he sent a message to Córdoba commanding all his troops to join him in Toledo, to which he was laying siege, as soon as they knew that King Pedro was leaving Seville, because it was his intention to do battle with him. When they read his messages, they did as he commanded, and altogether they numbered some 1,500 men-at-arms. When King Pedro reached Alcocer in the region of Toledo, these men were still at Villa Real, which lies 18 leagues distant from that city. Amid all these circumstances, King Enrique was not sure whether King Pedro was advancing in order to do battle with him or to make him raise the siege of the city. Hence, as there was some doubt as to whether there would be a battle, he decided to leave some troops close by the city so that if there were no battle he would not have wasted time and trouble in keeping it under siege, for he feared that King Pedro would feign to do battle with him so that he would strike camp, thus enabling him to provide the city with troops, weaponry and ample food supplies. Consequently, King Enrique left in his encampment 600 men-at-arms, as well as foot soldiers and crossbowmen, and having departed from the siege of Toledo he travelled to a town named Orgaz, which lies 5 leagues distant from that city. There he was joined by the forces that, as we said, were approaching from Córdoba. In addition, Sir Bertrand du Guesclin arrived from France, so that with those who accompanied him and with other foreigners who were with the king, they constituted some 600 lances. The result was that all these men joined with other troops came to number another 3,000 foot soldiers. The king did not concern himself with assembling any forces other than those whom normally each lord had in his entourage, and he drew up his order of battle as follows: he gave the vanguard to Sir Bertrand and to the other knights who had come from Córdoba; all the remaining forces were to accompany him in a separate formation, without further wings or any particular order of battle. On leaving Orgaz, he learnt that King Pedro had crossed the plain at Calatrava and was

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close to the castle of Montiel,46 which belongs to the Order of Santiago, and that he was accompanied by Don Fernando de Castro, Fernando Alfonso de Zamora and the councils of Seville and other places, numbering some 3,000 lances, as well as by Moors whom the Emir of Granada had sent to help him and who numbered 1,500 horsemen.

Chapter 21

How King Enrique and King Pedro joined battle and how King Pedro was defeated

K

ing Enrique took advice to advance speedily and to seek a way to do battle with King Pedro, for he knew only too well that if the war were to be prolonged King Pedro would gain many advantages. Therefore, he made haste as fast as he could in order to bring the battle forward, so that he came close to Montiel, where King Pedro was. Several of those who were with him set fire to the scrubland in order to see their way, because it was a very dark night. King Pedro had not received any news of King Enrique and was unsure whether he had left the encampment which had besieged Toledo. His own companies were scattered around the villages two or 3 leagues away from Montiel. García Morán, who was the castle governor, on seeing the fires, told the king about them and asked him to see whether they were caused by his enemies. King Pedro said that he thought it was Gonzalo Mejía and the others who had left Córdoba and were on their way to join those who were at Toledo. As he was in some doubt, however, the king sent messages to all his men, who were lodged in the neighbouring villages, ordering them to join him at daybreak at Montiel, where he was to be found. On the morning of the following day, King Enrique arrived with his forces, who had advanced within sight of Montiel since midnight. A number of King Pedro’s men, whom he had sent along the route from which the light of the fires could be seen, hurried back to say that King Enrique and his companies were all getting very close. On hearing this, King Pedro and his men buckled on their armour and drew up their battle-line close to Montiel. However, not all his supporters whom he had summoned from the [surrounding] villages had yet arrived. On his arrival, King Enrique drew up his forces ready for battle; Sir Bertrand du Guesclin, the Masters of Santiago and Calatrava and the others 46 The now ruined castle of Montiel is located thirty miles east-south-east of the town of Valdepeñas.



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who were in the vanguard, on advancing to join battle with King Pedro’s men, found a ravine which they were unable to cross. King Enrique and his troops, which constituted the second line of battle, took a different route and headed straight for King Pedro’s banners. As soon as they clashed with them, Pedro’s men were at once routed, for neither King Pedro nor his forces could offer resistance for very long, and they began to take flight. As for King Enrique’s forces, some hunted down and killed numbers of the Moors, whilst others remained behind doing battle with King Pedro’s men to the point where King Pedro took refuge in the castle of Montiel; there he shut himself in, along with part of his army, whereas others fled, and some of them were killed. Of King Enrique’s forces, the only man to die was a knight from Córdoba named Juan Jiménez. This battle took place at the hour of prime,47 on Wednesday, 14 March 1369. On that very day, Martín López de Córdoba, whom King Pedro had made Master of Calatrava, was approaching to support him in the battle. But some of those who were already in flight gave him the news of King Pedro’s defeat, and he turned back to Carmona, where King Pedro’s sons were lodged, namely Don Diego, Don Sancho and others whom King Pedro had fathered by other women after the death of Doña María de Padilla. Martín López took possession of all three fortresses in the town and of the king’s treasure, as well as of everything that he could find. Taking refuge in that place with him were some 800 horsemen and many crossbowmen and foot soldiers, for it was abundantly well provisioned, both with weaponry and food supplies.

Chapter 22

Concerning the discussions held between Men Rodríguez de Sanabria and Sir Bertrand du Guesclin about the besieged King Pedro

A

fter the battle was over and King Pedro had taken refuge in the castle of Montiel, King Enrique then very swiftly ordered the construction of a wall of mud and dry stones, with which he surrounded the place in such a way that King Pedro could not escape. With King Pedro in the castle was a Galician knight named Men Rodríguez de Sanabria, who had been taken captive in the town of Bribiesca when King Enrique had re-entered the kingdom. Having been captured by a knight named Sir Beltrán de la Sala, Sir Bertrand du Guesclin ransomed him for 5,000 francs, because Men Rodríguez 47

An ecclesiastical term for 6 a.m.

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told him that he was a native of Trastámara, which Sir Bertrand had recently been granted as his own county. For this reason, Men Rodríguez spent some time with Sir Bertrand before leaving to join King Pedro, and, owing to his acquaintance with Sir Bertrand, he sent him a message from the castle to say that he wished to speak with him in secret if he were happy to do so. Sir Bertrand answered that he was, and so they arranged a time when they could converse. As the guard duty for that section belonged to Sir Bertrand, Men Rodríguez came to speak to him one night, and his argument ran as follows: ‘Sir Bertrand, King Pedro, my liege lord, has commanded me to speak with you and his message to you is that he knows well that you are a very noble knight and that you have always taken pride in carrying out valiant deeds. Furthermore, given the situation in which he finds himself, as you can see, he sends me to tell you that, if you are willing to free him from that situation and bring about his safety and take his side, he will grant to you 200,000 Castilian doblas, plus six towns as a lawful inheritance for you and for your successors. Moreover, I beseech you to do this, for you will achieve great honour in going to the aid of such a king when everybody knows that he will have recovered his life and his kingdom because of you.’ Sir Bertrand answered Men Rodríguez as follows: ‘My friend, you well know that I am a vassal of the King of France, my liege lord, and a native of his land and that by his command I have come here to serve King Enrique, because King Pedro is on the side of the English and has made an alliance with them, especially against the one whom I hold to be my liege lord. In addition, I serve King Enrique and am in his pay: it would be wrong for me to do anything that would be a disservice or dishonourable to him, and you ought not to persuade me otherwise. I beg you, if you have found me to be both noble and courteous, not to press me further.’ ‘Sir Bertrand’, replied Men Rodríguez, ‘it is my understanding that I am proposing to you something which, were you to do it, would bring no shame upon you. I urge you to ponder on it and take advice on the matter.’ On hearing this reasoning, Sir Bertrand replied that it was his wish to take advice in order to see what he ought to do in such circumstances. Men Rodríguez returned to the king with this message, and later some people said that he had used cunning in speaking to Sir Bertrand in this way, as it was his intention that King Pedro should be duped, as he later was. They added that, though he was taken prisoner when King Pedro was killed, all this was just cunning on the part of Men Rodríguez, because King Enrique later bequeathed to him two places in Galicia as his lawful inheritance. Others claim that apparently this was not so, because Men Rodríguez was a noble and valiant knight and that it cannot be believed that he would do such a thing against his liege lord, especially as he had adopted the cause of King Pedro and that he ended his life still persisting therein.



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Chapter 23

How King Pedro got away from Montiel, how he was killed and where

S

ir Bertrand was very worried by the arguments which Men Rodríguez had put before him, and the next day he called together those kinsmen and friends who were there with him, especially a cousin of his named Sir Olivier de Mauny. He explained to them all the reasons which Men Rodríguez had set out and asked for their advice as to what they thought he should do. Nevertheless, he told them at once that there was no way in the whole world that he would do such a thing, as King Pedro was the enemy of the King of France, his liege lord, as well as of King Enrique, in whose service he was and from whom he received his pay. However, he was asking them whether he should reveal to the king the arguments advanced by Men Rodríguez or whether he should take the matter any further at all, as the latter had proposed to him something which, were he to carry it out, would be an act of treason. Having heard the discussions which had taken place between him and Men Rodríguez, the knights who were his kinsmen, as well as a number of others with whom he raised the matter, declared that their advice was that he should avoid doing anything that ran counter to the service of his liege lord, the King of France, or, indeed, to the service of King Enrique, from whom he received his pay, especially as he was well aware that King Pedro was the foe of those two great lords. Rather, they told him that they thought it right that he should inform King Enrique of the matter. Sir Bertrand accepted their advice and informed the king of everything that had passed between him and Men Rodríguez de Sanabria. King Enrique thanked him warmly for doing so, adding that God be praised that he was in a better position than King Pedro to grant him those towns and doblas which the latter had promised him. He undertook to grant them to him at once and requested him to tell Men Rodríguez that King Pedro would have safe conduct to his, Sir Bertrand’s, pavilion and that he would set him free; when the king arrived, Sir Bertrand was to inform King Enrique. Sir Bertrand hesitated to do this, but, under pressure from a group of his kinsmen, he went off to carry it out. However, those who heard of this decision considered that it was very wrong, on the grounds that, some say, when Sir Bertrand gave his answer to Men Rodríguez, they both took solemn oaths that King Pedro should be set free, so that the king considered himself to be safe in Sir Bertrand’s hands. It is unimaginable that anything else could have led King Pedro to leave his castle and place himself in his power. However, owing to

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the great pressure which he was under, with numbers of his supporters going over to King Enrique as well as with the very little water which remained, and encouraged by the oaths that had been sworn to him, King Pedro ventured out one night, after spending nine days in the castle. He put on a coat of plates, mounted a jennet and was accompanied by Don Fernando de Castro, Diego González (the son of the Master of Alcántara), Men Rodríguez and others. He arrived at where Sir Bertrand lodged, dismounted and spoke to him as follows: ‘Ride off, for it’s time for us to go.’ Nobody answered him, because the message had already gone to King Enrique that King Pedro was in the company of Sir Bertrand. On realizing this, King Pedro had grave doubts about being there, decided it was not a good sign and attempted to ride off, but one of Sir Bertrand’s party took hold of him, saying: ‘Tarry a moment, my lord’, and prevented him from leaving. At this moment, King Enrique arrived fully armed and with a bascinet on his head, as he was ready for this situation. Entering Sir Bertrand’s tent, he seized King Pedro but did not completely recognize him, not having seen him for a long time. At this point, opinions differ, though the final outcome is the same. Some say that, when King Enrique seized him, he was still uncertain whether he was King Pedro and that one of Sir Bertrand’s knights said to him ‘Just look: here is your great foe!’ whereupon King Pedro immediately answered, saying ‘It is I, it is I.’ They go on to say that King Enrique then recognized him fully and stabbed him in the face with his dagger, knocked him to the ground and stabbed him again repeatedly till finally he died. In their books, others state that, when King Pedro realized that he was in his brother’s power and just how he had been betrayed, he hurled himself at him exclaiming ‘You traitor, so here you are!’ and that, as a man of great courage, he had sought to strike him with a dagger which had already been taken from him, and that, when he could not find it, he wrestled him to the ground. Thereupon Fernán Sánchez de Tovar, who was one of the knights in King Enrique’s entourage, pulled King Pedro from on top, King Enrique returned the attack, and in this way King Pedro was killed. Were it not for this, the belief is that, if they had been left to themselves, King Pedro would have slain his brother. In seeking to reconcile the varying viewpoints of these and other writers, our view is that perhaps both of them fell, and that King Pedro should be deemed to have been a valiant and stout-hearted knight, who at that time lost neither his courage nor his noble endeavour, but that, without anyone to help him and with many to help King Enrique, the latter slew him by his own hand and thus brought his troubled life to an end.



CHAPTER 24

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Chapter 24

How it became known throughout the kingdom that King Pedro was dead, and how King Enrique was received in various places

A

great hubbub broke out in the encampment when once it was known that King Pedro was dead. At that hour too Don Fernando de Castro, Men Rodríguez de Sanabria and Gonzalo González de Ávila were taken prisoner, along with others who had emerged from the castle with the king. He died on 23 March 1369, being at that time thirty-five years and seven months old. He was a well-built man, with a light complexion and fair hair, and spoke with a slight lisp. Until King Enrique was acclaimed king in Calahorra, King Pedro had reigned over his kingdom for a full sixteen years, and then reigned for three more years in contention with him. He was slain just as you have heard and was then taken to Toledo, where he was buried alongside the other kings. Those who had been in the castle of Montiel all surrendered to King Enrique and handed to him all King Pedro’s belongings. Likewise, Toledo, the city which King Enrique had been besieging, surrendered to him. King Enrique left Montiel and journeyed to Seville, which had already proclaimed its support for him, and from there he dispatched all his forces to their respective homes. Moreover, it was confirmed that Ciudad Rodrigo, Zamora, Carmona and a number of other places, all of which had in the past supported King Pedro, did not wish to go over to King Enrique. The king sent a proposal to Martín López de Córdoba, who called himself the Master of Calatrava, and to the others who were in Carmona with King Pedro’s sons, namely that he would transfer the boys and all of their party, together with the treasure, jewellery and all the belongings that were left by King Pedro, either to Portugal, or to Granada, or to England, whichever they preferred, and that they should leave Carmona without further ado. However, they refused to enter into any treaty. In addition, he had a proposal sent to the Emir of Granada that they should call a truce for a certain period, but the Moorish sovereign rejected it. Noting this, the king left his frontier forces in that area and journeyed to Toledo, where he now had the city’s support, and where he received the warning that, though he were to demand the collection of a large sum of tribute throughout the realm, there was no way in which he could gather enough to pay the wages which he owed. Consequently, in order to avoid angering and offending his people, he devalued the currency. This devaluation served at the time for the payment of the foreigners but greatly harmed his country by producing major rises in prices, owing to the weakness of the currency, so that a dobla was worth 300 maravedís and a horse 60,000.

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Chapter 25

The names of the places which declared for King Fernando, and the forces which went over to his side

A

fter the death of King Pedro, several lords of places which had supported him now declared for King Enrique; others, however, who refused to obey him, wrote at once to the King of Portugal that, if it pleased him to have them as his vassals, they would declare for him, and that, in that case, if he were to begin crossing into Castile, they would give over their townships to him, would welcome him as their liege lord and would pay him due homage. King Fernando was delighted at this and sent answers to all of them that he was greatly pleased thereby; he considered them to be his [vassals] and would grant them many favours; he would go to their aid with his forces and be physically present if they were besieged and were in need. The towns, large and small, which declared for him were as follows: Carmona, Zamora, Ciudad Rodrigo, Alcántara and Valencia de Alcántara, plus, in Galicia, the township of Tuy, Padrón, La Rocha, La Coruña, Salvatierra, Bayona, Allariz, Milmanda, Arahujo, the town of Orense, the township of Ribadavia, Lugo, and the city of Santiago, which went over rather later and subject to certain conditions.48 Accordingly, when all these places declared for King Fernando, there also immediately went over to him, along with their forces, all the noblemen and knights who had supported King Pedro, both those in Galicia and those in Castile, quite apart from those who lived in those places which had declared for Portugal. The names of some of them are as follows: Don Alfonso (the Bishop of Ciudad Rodrigo, who gave to the king the castles of Hinojosa and Lumbrales), Count Fernando de Castro, Álvaro Pérez de Castro (the latter’s bastard brother, who later became count49), the Master of Alcántara (Don Pedro Girón), Fernando Alfonso de Zamora, Juan Alfonso de Baeza, Juan Alfonso de Mujica, Suero Yáñez de Parada (a royal commissioner in Galicia), Gonzalo Martínez de Cáceres, Álvaro Menéndez de Cáceres, Alfonso Fernández de Lacerda, Juan Pérez de Novoa, Juan Pérez de Aza, Fernán Rodríguez and Álvaro Rodríguez (his brothers), Alfonso Fernández de Burgos, Men Rodríguez de Sanabria, Alfonso López de Tejada, Alfonso Gómez Churichán, Diego Alfonso de Carvajal, Gómez García de Hoyos, Martín García de Algeciras, Juan Fernández Andeiro,50 Pedro Alfonso Girón, Martín López de Ciudad, 48

For ease of reference, Castilian, rather than Galician, orthography has been used for these toponyms. 49 Count of Arraiolos and of Viana (da Foz do Lima). 50 Juan Fernández Andeiro would eventually play an important role in AngloPortuguese relations, becoming an ambassador of John of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster, and afterwards of King Fernando. Like many other Galicians, he also settled in Portugal.



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Alfonso Vázquez de Bahamondo, Alfonso Gómez de Lira and Lopo Gómez, Fernán Camiña and his sons, Diego Alfonso de Proaño, Fernán Gutiérrez Tello, Díaz Sánchez (a royal commissioner in Cazorla), García Pérez del Campo, Pedro Díaz Pallameque, Diego Díaz de Gayoso, Fernando Álvarez de Queiroz, García Prego de Montán, Diego Sánchez de Torres, Juan Alfonso de Zamora, Diego Alfonso de Bolaño, Andrés Fernández de Vera, Álvaro Díaz Palazuelo, Gonzalo Fernández de Valladares, Bernardo Yáñez del Campo and Martín Chamorro (son of the Master of Alcántara). These and others whom we have not named went over to King Fernando, some of them in groups, others individually but with their forces, explaining to the king that, just as those places had declared for him, so would many others, in that they believed that it would be no surprise if he became King of Castile or of the greater part thereof. They added that, if he did not wish to be king, he could raise up as king one of the sons of King Pedro, who were his nephews and were at the time under the protection of Martín López in Carmona. Either way, he would earn very great honour and could not but profit thereby, as well as avenging the death of his cousin King Pedro, which would be a great accomplishment on his part, one for which everybody would respect him. The king declared that the King of Castile would be whosoever God chose but that he would strive with all his might to avenge the death of his cousin King Pedro. Some say that he complained to the Pope and to the King of England and his sons about the great and dishonourable wrong which King Enrique had committed against his cousin King Pedro in killing him as he did and wresting his kingdom from him. To this effect, Dom Martinho (the Bishop of Évora) and the admiral set sail in two galleys when the king dispatched them to convey that message to the Black Prince and to other great lords.

Chapter 26

Concerning the treaties which King Fernando made with the Emir of Granada with a view to their waging war against King Enrique

K

ing Fernando was strong-willed and keen to have what all men by their very nature desire, namely the enhancement of their reputation and honourable estate. When he realized that, without even seeking it, the world was offering him a favourable route towards achieving so great an honour, he decided, without further regard to possible setbacks, that he would fully pursue and press ahead with this objective, as there was so much help at hand to enable him to fulfil it that it seemed to him a straightforward matter for Castile to become his at an early date.

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Assured that the Emir of Granada had refused to make any treaties with King Enrique, owing to the death of King Pedro, who was a great friend for reasons which you have already heard about,51 he at once agreed a treaty with him, of which the terms were as follows: both would wage war against all those who declared for King Enrique and went to his aid; the war would take place both on land and by sea; the Emir of Granada would neither make peace with King Enrique nor enter into any truce with him, rather he would always aid King Fernando and proceed with the war against King Enrique; any townships which declared for King Fernando would be safe from the Emir of Granada, and likewise any which declared for the Emir of Granada would be safe from King Fernando; if the Moorish sovereign were to send for troops from Bellamarín or other places to help him against King Enrique, then he would be expected to pay their wages, without costing King Fernando anything; in the same way, if foreign soldiers came at the behest of King Fernando, the Emir of Granada would not be expected to pay any part of the wages due to them for coming; if any towns, large or small, which declared for the Emir of Granada after he had vanquished them or was on the way to do so, were commanded by him to be destroyed, the peace between them would not be sundered, because their only reason for that declaration was born of fear; in the same way, if King Fernando were to do likewise, when it suited him to do so, to those who [equally insincerely] declared for him, he too would not be breaking the agreement. Thus the treaty between them was signed for a period of fifty years and sealed with great oaths which were taken in accordance with the beliefs of each sovereign and in which each party swore not to break his oath, whatever might happen.

Chapter 27

How King Fernando received those noblemen who came over to him from Castile

H

aving already heard which places declared for King Fernando and what the names were of certain noblemen who came over to his side, you will need to know just how the king received them and whether he deemed himself lord of the towns, large and small, which had sided with him. If we take first of all the manner in which he received them, we can state that he gave them a very honourable and hospitable welcome, for, quite apart from the fact that the king was generous and bountiful both to his own people and to foreigners, he expressly bestowed a great welcome on the latter and shared 51 See

CKP, Chapter 33.



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out vast largesse among them, to the point where his own people found fault with him and sometimes told him so in his Royal Council. His answer to the noblemen who spoke to him about this was that his own people had houses and lands in which they could live in comfort, whereas those who rallied to him without any means of support needed good lodgings and many favours from him. He then begged them always to show these foreigners great respect, declaring that they would always reveal themselves to be valiant noblemen by honouring and welcoming any valiant men who came to them bereft. Indeed, it would be a lengthy process to express in detail all the acts of generosity that he vouchsafed to them. For this reason, we would like you to know that, after the death of King Enrique,52 on one occasion King Juan, his son, was lodging in a cluster of small houses in a township of Castile called Medina del Campo. While he was having supper in a narrow room in one of them, there was a group of noblemen outside debating many matters. Among their number was a certain Fernán Pérez de Andrade, along with Álvaro Pérez de Osorio, García González de Grijalba and others, and they began to discuss the acts of beneficence performed by the kings of Portugal and Castile, asking which were the more generous. Some of them claimed that King Enrique had been most generous, while according to the whim that took them, others named King Alfonso or other former kings of Castile. Though there were no Portuguese present, the noblemen began to give high praise to King Dinis of Portugal, declaring that he stood out very prominently among those kings of Spain53 who were bountiful. While talking about this, several nobles started to say that King Fernando was the most generous king that men could remember. Furthermore, those who were saying this, in order to test their viewpoint, called to Juan Alfonso de Mujica, who was discussing other matters with another group of nobles nearby. They gave him a full account of their debate and of their hesitancy concerning the beneficence of former kings of Spain, and then, on the grounds that several of them were supporting the cause of King Fernando, claimed that he was the most bountiful of all. As Juan Alfonso had been to Portugal after the death of King Pedro, they told him that he should describe how generous he had found King Fernando. He answered as follows: ‘I am not in a position to know of every act of generosity which King Fernando performed in favour of those great lords and noblemen who made their way into his country. I do know, however, that they all received from him great honours and a warm welcome, and that to many whom I could name he gave townships and lands to be their lawful inheritance, as well as gifts of money, pack-animals and other things. As for me, I can tell you that on one occasion, when I was in the town of Évora, on a particular day he sent me 30 horses, 30 mules, 30 52 53

Enrique II died on 29 May 1379. At that time, ‘Spain’ meant the entire Iberian Peninsula.

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full suits of armour and 30,000 libras in cash, to the value of over 1,100 silver marks, plus four pack-mules, two of them carrying two beds and the other two carrying carpets; he also gave me as my lawful inheritance one of his townships, the name of which is Torres Vedras. From that, you can see what he would have given to great lords and noblemen of greater rank and status than me.’ All of them then said that they could not think of one of the former kings who showed such generosity towards any foreigner entering his country.

Chapter 28

How the King acted in respect of those places in Castile which had declared for him

S

peaking further about the suzerainty which King Fernando adopted in respect of the towns, large and small, which declared for him, you should be aware that such support for him was not declared so lightly as to prevent him from exerting the same authority over them as he did in other parts of his realm. Rather, they fully ceded themselves to him and obeyed him in all respects as their sovereign and natural liege lord. Indeed, he resorted to just such a title and rank with regard to a number of places whenever he wrote to them, so that when writing to Zamora he called himself ‘King of Portugal, the Algarve and of the very noble town of Zamora’, declaring that by the death of his cousin King Pedro he was the rightful heir of the kingdoms of Castile and León and their natural liege lord. He ordered coins to be struck bearing his insignia, both in gold and in silver, graves54 and barbudas,55 in a number of places which had declared for him, for example in Zamora, La Coruña, Tuy, Valencia [de Alcántara] and Miranda [do Douro]. In these places, he installed, as appropriate, his treasurers and officials, who then spent and issued via his charters and commands the aforesaid coins, which then circulated throughout the kingdom of Portugal. The king granted great privileges to the town of Orense, to Santiago and to the other places which had declared for him, allocating major stipendiary posts. Many people approached him from these towns large and small, requesting the property of those who had taken King Enrique’s side, and won from him favours, 54 Silver billon (alloy of copper and silver) coins minted in King Fernando’s reign displaying a grave, a type of lance used by Enrique II’s French mercenaries. King Fernando wished to mark the importance of the wars with Castile. 55 Silver billon coins minted in King Fernando’s reign. The name derives from the depiction of the sort of helmet used by the Castilian-French armies, which resembled a bearded face.



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privileges and positions. Moreover, everything was cheerfully granted. He distributed the property of churches and monasteries, such as they possessed, both in Portugal and in the places which had declared for him, giving it not only to the clergy, but also to the laity, if they asked for it first. He also gave the commandery of Toroño, as well as the villages and hamlets that pertain to it, to Rui de Meira, a knight of the Order of San Juan. He ordered the villages and hamlets of the Order of Alcántara to receive the cellarer García Pérez del Campo as the lieutenant for the Master of that Order. All those items that were prohibited to pass between one kingdom and the other now flowed freely between such places, as each person saw fit to take, and thus it was that the king not only regarded such places as his true inheritance, but also expected to acquire many more, according to what some people led him to believe. Just as King Fernando distributed the property of those who went over to join King Enrique, similarly King Enrique dealt out the lands and property of those who had declared for Portugal and harried them with all his might.

Chapter 29

How a marriage was negotiated between King Fernando and Princess Leonor, the daughter of the King of Aragon

M

eanwhile, King Fernando had received the agreement of those in his Royal Council that in order to wage war against King Enrique he could not find a better way than to suggest to King Pere of Aragon that his daughter, Princess Leonor, who had been betrothed to Prince Juan, the son of King Enrique, should marry him, King Fernando. By such a marriage, he planned greatly to advance his cause, along with the other forms of assistance which he had. That was because, with the Emir of Granada on the one hand, with the King of Aragon on the other and, on his own account, with the forces and places which had gone over to his side, he concluded that the situation was very propitious for what he had begun to be completed all the earlier. Accordingly, he requested the hand of Princess Leonor in marriage, sending as envoys Baldassare di Spinola, Alfonso Fernández de Burgos and Martín García, who were knights in his Royal Council. After they had spoken to the King of Aragon, the latter was pleased to arrange her marriage to King Fernando, sending one of his knights, Don Juan de Villaragut by name, with full powers to confirm the marriage. He arrived in Lisbon, where King Fernando was staying, and after drawing up the agreement, the king was married by proxy in the Church of São Martinho in Lisbon, because at the time the king was lodging in the Palace of the Princes, which is close to that church.

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The treaty contained one condition, namely that, with all his might, the King of Aragon would help him to wage war against the King of Castile for a full two years and that 1,500 lances would be paid at King Fernando’s expense. As it was necessary for these men-at-arms to receive their pay in a coinage that was customarily used in the kingdom of Aragon, this treaty laid down that King Fernando would send to Aragon sufficient gold and silver bullion to enable the minting of enough florins and reales to pay the forces who would have to wage war but who would not be allowed to forage for food off the King of Aragon’s land as they marched across it once the war had begun.56 King Fernando was obliged to provide a number of hostages as pledges of his good faith, in order to assure the King of Aragon that his troops would receive their pay while serving in the war.

Chapter 30

How King Fernando headed for Galicia, and how the town of La Coruña went over to him

K

ing Fernando went to war, placing his officers of the marches in every border region, as well as in those places which had declared for him. He commanded that every place should be subject to guard duty, with certain sentries on each watch, along with additional sentries to oversee them. At sunset the gates of every township were to be locked and not opened till sunrise. At the gates were posted certain soldiers who would not allow any stranger to enter, whilst on the tops of the walls were placed many stones and wooden beams to hurl at those outside, should need arise. Wheat from all the barns was brought into the towns and villages, and cattle were removed from border areas to well within the kingdom. All tall trees around the townships were cut down and chopped up, so that their enemies could not use them to make anything which might cause them any trouble. The king ordered that these and other edicts should come into force in all towns and villages. Moreover, though some say that he considered that his only role in this war was as avenger of the death of his cousin King Pedro, that was not so, because he was advised and indeed claimed that, as King Pedro was dead, he was heir to the kingdoms of Castile and León, for he was the legitimate great-grandson of King Sancho of Castile and grandson of Queen Beatriz, daughter of the said King Sancho.57 Nevertheless, he would never 56 With this clause, the King of Aragon was trying to prevent the devastation caused by large numbers of soldiers feeding off his land. 57 Sancho IV’s daughter, Beatriz, married Afonso IV, King of Portugal, the father of King Pedro.



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have involved himself in beginning that quest nor in pursuing that right of succession from so far back, were it not on account of those places which had spontaneously declared for him and those noblemen who had come over to his side in great numbers, making him believe he should do it. As there were still some places in Galicia which had not declared for him, the king decided to enter Galicia in order to receive those places which were on his side, to bring calm to those areas that supported him and to gain from the rest as much as he could. But his journey was such that it would have been more honourable for him not to have gone on this occasion. He set off there by land, accompanied by Don Álvaro Pérez de Castro, Dom Nuno Freire, the Master of the Order of Christ, and other great lords and knights, as well as a large number of troops. He also sent eight galleys by sea to La Coruña, captained by Nuno Martins de Góis. The king reached Tuy, where he was warmly welcomed by Alfonso Gómez de Lira, the governor of the town, and by all its residents. The king told Lopo Gómez, the governor’s son, to go ahead to La Coruña to discover if the town’s inhabitants were hesitating as to whether to receive him as their liege lord, ordering him, if that were the case, along with those accompanying him, to take up positions on the wall above the gates of the town and from there to prevent the townsfolk from closing the gates until the king entered, for he would be nearby. Lopo Gómez reached La Coruña and uttered not a word to the townsfolk about his intentions, except that he had arrived there to work out what approach the Portuguese would wish to adopt. Thereupon King Fernando came into view, and all the inhabitants went out to greet him. Among them was Juan Fernández Andeiro, the most respected man in that town, because the remaining townsfolk were either fishermen or people of no importance. As Juan Fernández had not yet seen the King of Portugal, he called out among everyone else, ‘Where is my liege lord King Fernando?’ On hearing this, the king spurred on his horse, declaring, ‘It is I, it is I.’ Then Juan Fernández kissed his hand, as did all those in his company. As this was how the king was welcomed in La Coruña, none of what Lopo Gómez had been required to do was put into effect.

Chapter 31

How Monterrey was captured

A

fter the town of La Coruña had declared for King Fernando, as we have described, the king ordered that ships should be loaded up in Lisbon with wheat, barley and wine and that all these things be delivered to the said town so that it might be duly equipped with food supplies, as well as to surrounding villages where there was also a shortage of provisions. While

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one of the naos58 and a barge were unloading their cargo alongside the town, enemy ships arrived, capturing the nao, the barge and a good 140 moios59 of wheat and barley that were still on board, as well as eleven casks of wine. Having seized everything, they then set fire to the ships. The king ordered that the walls of Tuy, of Bayona de Miñor and of other places be strengthened, as the act of one intending to possess them for a long time. The Portuguese galleys that plied along the coast captured a number of unladen ships and one smaller boat in the Pontevedra estuary, only to find ten silver marks, fifty dozen goatskins and other items of little value. Count Fernando de Castro led an attack on Monterrey,60 accompanied by ninety of his squires, while Vasco Fernandes Coutinho took sixty, Juan Pérez de Novoa 100, and Men Rodríguez de Sanabria eighty. Also present were Fernão Rodrigues de Sousa and other noblemen, each of them accompanied by his own troops. Present too were a number of vassals of Prince João, namely Vasco Martins Portocarreiro, Gil Fernandes de Carvalho, Martim Ferreira, Fernão Rodrigues do Vale and up to 100 other valiant squires. Some of them accompanied the count in the attack on Monterrey, while others remained behind in the border areas, as they were commanded to do. Those who were fully armed received 30 soldos per day, those who were partly armed received twenty and the rest were paid fifteen. In order to make these 58

Naos were usually one- or two-masted ships with a capacity of up to two hundred tons and features specifically Iberian in comparison to the north European ‘cog’ and the ‘hulk’ of the Hanseatic League. These are the ships that eventually evolved into and coexisted with the much larger ‘carracks’, and that were used both for commerce and warfare. At the end of the fourteenth century, shipbuilding technology was undergoing a process of evolution whereby different types of vessels were favoured by different regions in Europe, though all subject to cross-influences, including from the Mediterranean, in an effort to improve capacity, speed and manoeuvrability. For this reason, it has proved impossible to find an English word that can accurately represent the Portuguese and Castilian naos, frequently mentioned by Fernão Lopes in his chronicles. As a solution, the translators decided to maintain the original nao and naos for these Portuguese ships and their counterparts from other Peninsular kingdoms. See: Filipe Castro, ‘In Search of Unique Iberian Ship Design Concepts’, Historical Archaeology, 42:2 (2008), 63–87. 59 A moio (Latin modius) was a dry measure which after King Pedro’s reform and attempt at standardization in 1357–1358 became equivalent to sixty-four alqueires (one alqueire = two gallons or 8.8 litres), or sixteen bushels (one bushel = eight gallons), the equivalent of 128 gallons, or 563.2 litres. Therefore the estimated grain cargo captured was 17,920 gallons, nearly seventy-nine thousand litres; cf. Luís Seabra Lopes, ‘Sistemas Legais de Medidas de Peso e Capacidade, do Condado Portucalense ao Século XVI’, Portugalia, New Series, 24 (2003): 113–64 (140). 60 The village and castle of Monterrey are located four miles to the west of the township of Verín, very close to the Portuguese border.



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payments, the official responsible made his way round all the places where the detachments were to be found. Then the count pitched his camp before Monterrey, attacking with siege engines and siege towers, and, though it was stoutly defended by those within, it was finally captured and gave its support to Portugal.

Chapter 32

Concerning King Fernando’s departure from La Coruña when he learnt that King Enrique was on his way to do battle with him

W

hile King Enrique was in Toledo, he received reports that King Fernando of Portugal was making ready to wage war against him and had news of which places had declared for King Fernando and how many nobles had gone over to him, as well as how he was laying claim to inherit the kingdoms of Castile [and León], on the grounds that, as we have explained,61 he was the rightful great-grandson of King Sancho. He also learned for certain that King Fernando had ordered the construction of a fleet of galleys, that in the places that had declared for him they were assembling their forces and that King Fernando was sending them their pay. On receiving this news, King Enrique immediately left Toledo and headed for Zamora, which was opposed to him, and pitched camp alongside the bridge. These events took place in the month of July 1369. While King Enrique was thus confronting Zamora, pondering how he might win certain agreements from the inhabitants whereby they might obey him and become his adherents, he received further news that King Fernando had entered Galicia, that La Coruña had gone over to him and that all this territory wished to obey him. Armed with this knowledge, King Enrique left Zamora at once and headed for Galicia with all his forces and with the clear intent of doing battle with King Fernando. He was accompanied by Sir Bertrand du Guesclin and his fellow Bretons, as well as all the great lords and noble knights who were in his kingdom. King Fernando, who was unaware of this and was unprepared for anything except for receiving townships, on learning that King Enrique was approaching with all his forces with the intent of doing battle with him, did not think it advisable to await his arrival. Indeed, when he heard that King Enrique was in Galician territory, he posted his officers of the marches in the places which 61

In Chapter 30 above.

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had declared for him, so that in La Coruña he left Dom Nuno Freire, Master of the Order of Christ and a native of that area, with 400 horsemen, in Tuy he left Alfonso Gómez de Lira and he posted captains in Salvatierra and other places. He ordered Don Álvaro Pérez de Castro to take command of the forces which had been accompanying him and to march with them overland into Portugal. King Fernando himself boarded one of the galleys brought by Nuno Martins and sailed in it to the city of Oporto. As he advanced, King Enrique was informed that King Fernando had departed and returned to Portugal. With Sir Bertrand du Guesclin, Count Sancho his brother and the great lords who accompanied him, he took the decision to make his way into Portugal in order to see whether he could come to some pact with King Fernando, namely that they should be friends and that they should not go to war against one another. He broke away from the route to La Coruña, advanced between Tuy and Salvatierra and forded the River Minho, as it was the season when this could be done. When his forces entered Portugal, they began to wage war just as a man with grim intentions does in the land of his foes when he encounters nobody to stop him.

Chapter 33

How King Enrique laid siege to Braga and took it by surrender

K

ing Enrique reached Braga and, as it was a large and poorly protected place, with no more than a single tower and even that in a place where it was of little avail, it would be easy to capture. Before the King of Castile arrived, Lope Gómez de Lira had moved swiftly into the city with ten horsemen and thirty foot soldiers, as he knew that there were very few troops in the city and that even those few were very poorly armed for the purpose of defending it. King Enrique began to lay siege to the city, but despite the walls being low and those inside them being so poorly armed he was unable to take it. Having confronted the city for days, on the eve of Saint Bartholomew’s Day62 he gave orders for it to be attacked [once more] by setting a siege tower against it. This attack caused the death of forty-eight of the soldiers inside, owing to their lack of defensive arms, yet even so the king did not succeed in capturing the city. At this point, those inside the city, realizing that they could defend it no longer, agreed to surrender after a truce of a few days in which they

62

That is, 23 August.



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could inform King Fernando, who was in Coimbra. In view of this, on a night before the deadline, Lopo Gómez left and went his way. Help did not reach the city within the period of the truce, and therefore it surrendered to King Enrique, who entered the city with all his forces. The inhabitants had placed everything that they could carry in the Cathedral, where it would not be taken from them. After King Enrique had been in the city for six days and when he recognized how difficult it was to stock it with supplies and in addition how the land around it was also bereft of such supplies, his men set fire to it and left for Guimarães, which lies 3 leagues away. On learning that Braga had surrendered, King Fernando complained bitterly about its inhabitants, claiming that they could have held out longer if they had tried, especially as he had been getting ready to go to their aid. He particularly blamed Gonçalo Pais de Braga, the schoolmaster Martim Domingues and a number of others, stating that they were only too ready and obliging in surrendering the city to King Enrique. He gave their possessions to whosoever sought them from him. Later the king learnt how much they had done to defend themselves and that they were not to blame, pardoned them for a mistake which they had not committed and upheld them as his valiant and loyal subjects, ordering that no one should bring charges against them.

Chapter 34

How King Enrique laid siege to Guimarães, and how Count Fernando de Castro took refuge there

W

hen King Enrique reached Guimarães, he found that the town was more suited to defence and better armed than Braga, for it had been entered by Gonçalo Pais de Meira, a noble and resourceful knight, along with his sons Fernão Gonçalves and Estêvão Gonçalves, who later became Master of Santiago, and forty horsemen, as well as other noblemen from that region, with the result that within the walls were a goodly number of valiant men. The king pitched his camp outside the walls on the first day of September and surrounded the entire township with the vast number of troops which he had brought with him. Those inside, both horsemen and foot soldiers, went out and skirmished with them. This was right at the beginning while the encampment was some distance away. The king ordered that the camp should be brought closer and that siege engines should be made ready. He then began to attack the town, whilst those inside strove to defend it, with the result that the assailants achieved nothing in their attack. It is said that King Enrique swore that he would not leave the place unless he captured it and

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gave orders for it to be attacked with such frequency as to give little respite to those inside the town. Though the town was subjected for three weeks to many, many stones being hurled at it from siege engines, it pleased God that not a single one ever injured any man, woman or animal. Those inside the town equipped other engines, hurling stones at those outside, injuring them, killing some of them and causing great confusion in the encampment. One evening, Diogo Gonçalves de Castro, the father of Lopo Dias de Azevedo, made his way into the town, dressed in humble clothing and declaring that he was a member of the judiciary and was there to perform a marriage. However, the townsfolk recognized him, and he was at once arrested. Realizing that he faced death, he confessed that he and King Enrique had discussed a plan whereby he would set fire to the town in four places and that, while the inhabitants rushed to put out the fire, King Enrique would make every effort to enter the town. In view of such treachery, they put him to death and abandoned his corpse to the dogs. Similarly, Count Fernando de Castro, whom King Enrique had captured in Montiel when King Pedro was killed, was at that time present as a prisoner, not in irons from which he could not escape, but unfettered and under guard from a royal warder by the name of Ramiro Núñez de las Cuevas. Some say that the count declared that he would like to talk to the townsfolk to persuade them to surrender to King Enrique and to get from them some suitable agreements; they add that, when his warder accompanied him to witness the discussion and to act as his guard, and when the count got close to the wall, the latter went on into the town. On seeing this and through fear of King Enrique, Ramiro Núñez knew not what to do. Risking the danger of death, he followed the count into the town and was immediately taken prisoner. Others state that Count Fernando entered the town in a quite different way, for they assert that on a particular day Gonçalo Pais de Meira made a sortie from the town accompanied by his sons and his troops, as well as by Gonçalo Garcia da Feira and many others from the town. They attacked King Enrique’s encampment, killing many Castilians, and reached the tent where Count Fernando was [held], taking him by force and bringing him into the town, having planned in advance to do this. They go on to say that, when King Enrique was laying siege to Braga, Count Fernando had wanted to take refuge there, but realizing that the place was weak and impossible to defend, he had not sought to do so. But whatever the truth may have been, his warder entered the town along with him for fear of King Enrique, and some accused him of already knowing what would happen. Amid all this, the King of Castile maintained his encirclement of the town, declaring that he would not lift the siege until he had captured it.



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Chapter 35

How King Fernando left Coimbra to go to the aid of Guimarães, and which were the towns that the King of Castile captured

L

et us leave Guimarães under siege and go back to relating where King Fernando was while the aforementioned events took place. You should now be made aware that King Fernando, after leaving La Coruña and reaching Oporto, then headed immediately for the city of Coimbra, where he managed to take his ease. It was there that he received the message that Braga had been surrounded and learned for certain that King Enrique was laying siege to Guimarães. He set about assembling his troops, to make haste in aid of that area and to wage war against the King of Castile. He at once dispatched letters to the city of Oporto to order the rapid construction of a bridge of barges across the River Douro, so that he and all his army could cross over in the space of one day, because he was fully intent on fighting against King Enrique and anxious that the inhabitants of Oporto should get ready to accompany him. The city dwellers were greatly pleased at these instructions, and all made great haste to carry out their task, some of them bringing barges, some fetching timber, others anchoring the barges and mooring them with cables. The result was that there was very swiftly constructed a large and spacious bridge, strewn with earth and sand, which was wide enough for six mounted men to pass over it abreast with ease. When all this had been completed, all the men-at-arms and foot soldiers, as well as crossbowmen bearing the city’s banner, made ready to accompany their king into battle. King Fernando left Coimbra with all his men. It is said that he reached Oporto and that King Enrique received reports of his arrival. Some even state that King Fernando sent letters to King Enrique, challenging him to await his advance. The latter, however, realizing that he could not capture Guimarães, headed at once for [the furthest inland part of] that region, capturing Vinhais, Bragança, Cedovim and the heights of Miranda do Douro in just a few days. Some of these places were taken by guile, others because they had no means of defending themselves. Thus, in the capture of Miranda, before King Enrique arrived there, a number of his men changed their clothing and pretended they were Portuguese muleteers and that they needed food from the town for which they were ready to pay. The inhabitants, unaware of the ruse, let them into the town. Once they were inside, they seized the gates, and those who were following close behind to help them speedily poured in and thus they captured the town. Similarly, the inhabitants of Cedovim defended their town very well when King Enrique attacked it. Some of those in the encampment

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plotted with Vasco Esteves and others to let them into the town, promising them that they would not be harmed and that King Enrique would greatly reward them. Agreeing to this, they fetched the keys and flung open the gates, so that the enemy poured in, and the town was captured. Later, when Vasco Esteves took flight, the inhabitants, who had had no knowledge of this, set up a search for him, and caught and hanged him from one of the battlements. Consequently, all the high ground of that region was heavily occupied by men, women, children and livestock: they lived in Abadia Velha, Ventosela and in all the villages up in the hills. All the monks and abbots fled from their monasteries in that region, and this occurred throughout August until the time of Our Lady’s birthday in September.63 King Enrique left Bragança well defended and headed for Castile. It is said that the cause of his early departure and failure to await King Fernando and do battle with him was a report which he received while besieging Guimarães, saying that the Moors had captured and totally destroyed the town of Algeciras, through its not being well protected, and that the Emir of Granada had arrived there in person. Owing to the king’s great sorrow at this, he left and made his way to the town of Toro. He distributed some of his forces along the border with [the emirate of] Granada, others in Galicia and some near to Zamora and to the other places which had not declared for him and which had sided with Portugal.

Chapter 36

Concerning King Fernando’s return and the officers of the marches whom he posted in a few places

O

n learning that King Enrique had raised the siege of Guimarães, King Fernando advanced no further and turned back. It is said that he was disappointed that the King of Castile had departed. He then sent some of his forces back to their own individual areas and others to the borders of certain regions and towns in accordance with his view as to what they needed, rewarding them with great and generous favours and paying them their wages in advance over a given period. To serve as chief officer of the marches in the region of the Alentejo, he dispatched Prince João, along with his brother Prince Dinis, and with them the Master of Santiago and Brother Álvaro Gonçalves, Prior of the Hospitallers, as well as Fernão Rodrigues de Aza, Fernão Gonçalves de Meira, Vasco Gil de

63

8 September.



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Carvalho, Juan Alfonso de Baeza,64 Gonçalo Eanes Pimentel, Vasco Martins de Sousa and others whom we shall not bother to mention. The daily pay was as follows: 30 soldos a day (that is, 8 dobras a month) to a knight fully armed, à guisa, with a charger accustomed to go in a tari-bridle,65 and with a hackney; 20 [soldos] (that is, 5 dobras a month) to those on jennets; and 15 soldos to those with just one horse but no hackney. At that time, armed à guisa meant, in respect of both horsemen and foot soldiers, being fully equipped, without any item found wanting; anyone more ordinarily and less well armed was deemed to be armed à meia guisa. Indeed, when the wages were paid, a deduction was made in respect of any misdemeanours committed. From the armoury in Lisbon, they transported to each town the weaponry and other items necessary for their defence. Gonçalo Mendes de Vasconcelos was dispatched to serve as chief officer of the marches at Elvas, and with him went forces from Lisbon, including Álvaro Gil, Vasco Esteves de Moles, Estêvão Eanes and Martim Afonso Valente, all of them knights. Gomes Lourenço do Avelar, Gonçalo Vasques de Azevedo, Gonçalo Gomes da Silva, João Gonçalves Teixeira and others were sent, in the company of the aforesaid Gonçalo Lourenço, to Ciudad Rodrigo. João Mendes de Vasconcelos went to Estremoz, and Fernando de Olivença went to Olivença. At that time, Master Martín López was in Carmona, Álvaro Pérez in Monterrey, Alfonso Gómez de Lira in Tuy, Nuno Viegas the Elder in Milmanda, and Rodrigo Eanes in Arahujo. Likewise, other noblemen were in their specific areas. King Fernando complained bitterly about the inhabitants of Bragança, Vinhais and the other townships which King Enrique had captured on this occasion, declaring that they were to blame for surrendering, in that they could have defended longer than they did. He distributed the property of a number of them to those who asked him for it. The former were greatly aggrieved at this, declaring that he was blaming them for surrendering to the enemy too early, when in fact they could no longer defend themselves, yet he accepted no blame himself for failing to rush to their aid, when he could have done better. One thing is certain: King Fernando was greatly censured by his people, who said that no king could accomplish the great deeds at which he aimed unless he

64 Juan Alfonso de Baeza remained in the service of King Fernando, married in Portugal, and he and his descendants adapted their surname to Portuguese spelling, first as Baeça and finally Beça. 65 The Portuguese text reads ‘cavallo tari’. The meaning of this adjective as applied to a horse is unclear, and our translation is speculative. The only other known occurrence of the term is in King Duarte’s treatise on equitation, Livro da Ensinança de Bem Cavalgar Toda Sela, where it refers to a bridle with a curb bit severe enough to control a horse in the joust. It may be assumed that such a bit would be equally necessary for a warhorse in battle, whether a heavy charger or the lighter jennet.

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were present in person with his forces, to urge them on and to set an example by his own acts of valour. They added that his youth and courage availed him nothing, because he scattered all his forces too widely and allowed himself to be dominated by the advice of Count João Afonso Telo and others, who in cowardly fashion led him to believe that he should not rush into battle, because all Castile would obey him when he least expected it. Moreover, in this way he was acting to the detriment of both himself and the realm with his currency changes, in an attempt to please everybody, and was jeopardizing the forces and towns which he held, because he was ruled by cowardice. The result was that all he did was to travel between Santarém and Coimbra and then head back to Lisbon, causing his forces to adopt the scornful jingle proclaiming ‘Back and forth he goes again, out from Lisbon to Santarém.’ In the meantime, the war was intensifying, and those in border areas were hard at work, each side seeking to inflict damage on the other by mounted forays into their enemies’ territory, capturing troops and stealing cattle as best they could.

Chapter 37

How Gil Fernandes made a foray into Castile and how he brought back the plunder from his raid

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t this time, there happened to be in Elvas a youthful squire by the name of Gil Fernandes. He was the son of Fernão Gil and grandson of Gil Lourenço, who was the prior of the Priory of Santa Maria in that very town and who had been a man of great endeavour and capability, as we related in our account of the reign of King Afonso IV.66 The said Gil Fernandes, who took after his grandfather in both character and valour, accomplished many most noble deeds and for these he later earned great repute in the wars that were to follow, as you will hear in due course. His first feat took place at the very outset of the war, even before Gonçalo Mendes de Vasconcelos came to Elvas as officer of the marches. Gil Fernandes had worked hard at assembling from his relatives and friends [a company of] seventy men-at-arms and 400 foot soldiers. Passing through Badajoz, he attacked the area around Medellín and in a mounted raid captured a vast number of cattle, mules and prisoners. The plunder was so immense that everyone had difficulty in believing it could be brought back into Portugal, especially as they had to defend it against anyone who sought to wrest it away from them. They were of the opinion that it could scarcely be done, so 66 Fernão Lopes wrote the chronicles of the first seven Portuguese kings who preceded King Pedro, father of King Fernando. See CKP, Prologue, note 2.



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much so that many told Gil Fernandes that because of his youth and lack of experience in war he had been wrong to expose them to such danger by taking them so deep into enemy territory. Gil Fernandes, whom nature had endowed with great courage and valour, began his reply by saying: ‘My friends, take courage and have no fear. If any forces attack us, let us fight against them daringly and fearlessly.’ He then put into effect the following wise and cunning scheme: as Prince João was the chief officer of the marches of that region, he told an uncle of his, Martim Eanes by name, that he, Martim Eanes, should be addressed as ‘Prince João’ and that in consequence they would treat him as such. Gil Fernandes at once ordered the prisoners to kiss his uncle’s hand as they would that of their own lord, and he behaved towards him in the same way, commanding that some should be set free, so that they would spread the word throughout that region that his uncle was in fact Prince João. Indeed, it so happened that the prisoners whom they set free swore to any other troops that it had been Prince João who had led the raid and that they had kissed his hand. On hearing this, the Castilians, fearing his power and repute, did not dare go forth to attack them, and in that way the plunder was brought back into Portugal without anyone causing it any damage. The captured booty was so vast that it stretched back more than a league in length.

Chapter 38

How a number of Portuguese officers of the marches fought against the Castilians and what happened to each one of them

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hortly afterwards, Gonçalo Mendes de Vasconcelos arrived at Elvas as officer of the marches and requested Gil Fernandes to join him in an attack on Badajoz, to which the latter agreed. He added, however, that he understood that there were so many troops in the town that it would be impossible to avoid conflict with them. He should, therefore, ensure that all those whom he took with him from Elvas were well disciplined. He would attack Badajoz with forty horsemen at a place known as Torre de las Palomas [Pigeon Tower]; the noblemen who were inside would sally forth against him, and he would draw them away to the point where battle was to be joined. Having planned it in this way, Gil Fernandes made his attack, and from that place many troops emerged, both horsemen and foot soldiers; he duly challenged them in order to draw them away to the spot where they were to join in battle. On reaching Gonçalo Mendes, he began to call out in a loud voice that they should all strive mightily, as this was their great day. Indeed,

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Gil Fernandes’s horse already bore in its forehead the iron tip of a lance, along with a length of its shaft, yet it continued in this fashion throughout the battle. The Castilians came up, and both sides joined in battle. Such was the misfortune of a knight from Badajoz, Fernán Sánchez by name, who was the nobleman of greatest standing in that town, that a foot soldier, who was a Lisbon butcher and known as Lourencinho, struck his horse on the foreleg with his cleaver, with the result that it at once toppled to the ground with him, Fernán Sánchez, and another knight from Toledo, causing the same to happen to other valiant knights, who met their deaths there. The remaining troops fled back to Badajoz, which lay close by, and they were pursued as far as it was possible to do so. The Portuguese then made their way back to Elvas, greatly pleased at their victory. Likewise, after the incident involving Fernán Sánchez, Prince João, who was the chief officer of the marches of that region, accompanied by Brother Álvaro Gonçalves, who was Prior of the Hospitallers, joined their men to others who could be spared from the castles round about, left Estremoz, where they had been staying, and headed for Badajoz, in order to attack and capture it. Accordingly, they assaulted the town, and in the very first onslaught they broke through the outer wall; the town’s defenders then took refuge inside the old ramparts and put up stout resistance there to prevent a further breakthrough. The Portuguese set fire to the houses inside the outer wall, many of which were destroyed by the fire; they also demolished part of the wall. The prince with his forces and the other troops then made their way back to where they had come from.

Chapter 39

Concerning the towns which Gomes Lourenço captured, and how João Rodrigues fought against the forces from Ledesma

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ing Fernando, as you have heard, on his return from his journey to Guimarães, dispatched his officers of the marches to the places which had declared for him. Among these officers, he ordered that Gomes Lourenço do Avelar be sent to Ciudad Rodrigo and that Afonso Gomes da Silva should come back after being there till then. Gomes Lourenço was accompanied by Afonso Furtado, Estêvão Vasques Filipe, João Rodrigues Portocarreiro and other valiant men, as we have already said,67 with up to 200 lances. The 67

See Chapter 36 above.



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king commanded him to fashion a most beautiful banner displaying his arms, and this they took with them when they left Lisbon in the month of April. Gomes Lourenço arrived in Ciudad Rodrigo and, after settling in, he journeyed all over the surrounding territory and captured a number of villages, namely San Felices de los Gallegos, Barruecopardo, Hinojosa and Serralvo; moreover, he dispatched João Rodrigues Portocarreiro, along with twentyfour horsemen, to act as officer of the marches in San Felices. While João Rodrigues was there, he was attacked by a troop of some eighty horsemen from the village of Ledesma. He [and his men] rode out from the village and did battle with them. The troop from Ledesma was defeated, and many of them were killed and taken prisoner, including foot soldiers who were still approaching at some distance. News of this engagement spread far and wide, since it was one in which the many were vanquished by the few. These achievements by the Portuguese lead us to ponder whether the Castilians too might have carried out similar actions, but owing to the fact that we can find no written report of what they did, we were unable to record it. You should be aware, however, that at this time, on a Tuesday evening in Lisbon, a fire broke out in the ironworks on the waterfront, and all the houses in that street were consumed by fire, as well as much of the Rua Nova. It was a mighty conflagration, with much property being destroyed and looted, and it lasted for many hours. Likewise, in the following year, 1370, on 23 February, from midnight until the end of Mass, there raged a very great storm. The king had a number of naos in the port of Lisbon which he was equipping for his war against the King of Castile, but the storm was so powerful that most of them were smashed as they were driven against the shore; many of the crewmen were also lost, both from these naos and from other ships which were in port. The wind blew with such force that the tiles broke away from the mortar on the roofs and were borne away as if they were feathers; the wicket gate of the cathedral door was wrenched away, the latch of the door was shattered, the bolt along with it, and many olive trees were torn up, all of which greatly upset King Fernando, who was in the city at the time.

Chapter 40

How King Enrique surrounded Ciudad Rodrigo and why he abandoned the siege

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he year 1369 came to an end, and 1370 began. In the latter year, while King Enrique was in Toro, he learned that Gomes Lourenço do Avelar and the forces which were with him in Ciudad Rodrigo were making great forays into the surrounding districts and inflicting immense losses and damage

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throughout the area, a region which had not declared for Portugal. The king was much aggrieved at this news and decided to go and surround Ciudad Rodrigo. He left Toro and pitched his camp outside the town, vigorously attacking it with siege engines. Gomes Lourenço and the troops who were with him, as well as Martín López de Ciudad, who was the most noble knight of all, along with Pedro Merchán and others from the town who had declared for King Fernando, all defended so stoutly that the forces in the encampment were faced with a mighty task. When King Enrique realized that, even with siege engines, cannons and the power of his crossbowmen, his attacks could not defeat them, he ordered a mine to be dug. His men began to excavate close to the Monastery of Sampayo, which lies some distance from the town. Gomes Lourenço discovered this from spies whom he had deployed beyond the walls. Thus, at the spot where he imagined that the mine would come, he demolished houses inside the town and ordered casks to be filled with earth and rocks, as well as a vast wooden tower with the lintels of the house doors heaped inside it, preparing himself for the damage that they [the walls] could undergo. The troops outside completed their mine, placing wooden piles under a large section of the rampart. Once the day of their attack had been determined, they set fire to the mine and began to attack the town on four sides, in order to prevent those inside from knowing the location of the mine, as the assailants believed that in no way could the town’s defenders withstand the force of their attack. The onslaught lasted for quite some time, with great displays of strength, one side defending and the other side seeking to force their way in; meanwhile, the wooden piles which held up the rampart burnt away, causing some eighteen fathoms68 of it to come crashing down, all in huge chunks falling upon each another. Those attacking were greatly pleased at this, whilst among those defending the town were many who, on seeing what had happened, thought that their opponents would force their way in. Their assailants strove at once to scramble over the rampart that had collapsed. On setting about this, they caught sight of the defenders, who had fortified themselves on the collapsed masonry and who killed and wounded many of their number. Surprised at their strength and determination, they retreated outside, where a knight known as Monsieur Limousin was killed; he was brother to the lord of Leberth. King Enrique realized that despite all his efforts he was unable to capture the town and, owing also to the heavy rains which were hampering the delivery

68 Literally, ‘eighteen braças’: a braça is a former linear measure nearly equivalent to a fathom (six feet), i.e. 1.84 metres. Therefore, some 108 feet of wall had collapsed.



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of provisions which his encampment sorely lacked, he took the decision to leave Ciudad Rodrigo, after a siege lasting two and a half months, and in the middle of March made his way to Medina del Campo. There he commanded that payment be made to Sir Bertrand and to the other foreigners in the sum of 120,000 doblas owed to them as wages and that they should then return to their own countries. Moreover, he dispatched Pedro Manrique and Pedro Ruiz Sarmiento with troops to Galicia, having learnt that Don Fernando de Castro was at large in that region with a vast force, wreaking havoc on those who were on King Enrique’s side. King Enrique left for Toledo and then moved on to Seville to organize the defence throughout the land, which was undergoing great damage from the inhabitants of Carmona, as well as from the Moors, who were making incursions daily, and, worst of all, from the fleet of galleys and naos from Portugal anchored in the River Guadalquivir, with the result that Seville’s route to the sea was blocked and thus could gain no profit from it, as you will hear after the next chapter.

Chapter 41

How Zamora was surrounded by Queen Juana, and how the sons of Alfonso López de Tejada were killed

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ince King Enrique was striving to capture those townships and villages which had not declared for him and because he realized that, whatever attempts he made, whatever deals he offered to their governors, none availed him anything in his efforts to win them over, he therefore laid siege to them and attacked them, resorting to every ruse and applying all the force needed for such an objective. Those in charge of such fortresses strove just as hard to defend themselves against him, as though the king and his forces were infidel Moors bent on conquering them and subjecting them to their power. It was not just the king with his forces who was active, but also the queen his wife, for she had ample courage for the undertaking and likewise strove to lay siege to some of these townships. Among them she laid siege to Zamora, which was defended by Alfonso López de Tejada, along with his brothers, other noblemen and many troops, and who had declared for King Fernando. For several days, the town was under such pressure that Alfonso López entered negotiations with the queen, according to which, if help did not reach the town within a period of days, he would surrender it without further conflict. The queen accepted the arrangement, on condition that Alfonso López should hand over to

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her, as hostages, in order to guarantee the deal, his two sons, who were there with him and who, indeed, the father handed over to her of his own accord. The deadline which they had agreed came and went, and no help reached the town, not even from Master Gregorio Campomorto, who forced his way into the town with sixty men-at-arms, despite its being under siege, but this was of no avail in respect of the town’s defence. Alfonso López was urged to surrender the town, as the deadline had passed, but he temporized and vehemently declared that he had little inclination to do so. The queen was so furious at this that she declared on oath that if Alfonso López did not surrender the town to her as he had agreed, then she would have his sons beheaded before his very eyes, should he deign to behold their fate. She then ordered this message to be delivered to him. On hearing this, Alfonso López took a most extraordinary step, which, far from being praiseworthy as a virtue, was bootless as a gesture, as well as being prompted by sheer cruelty: he informed those who told him of this that, if the queen ordered the beheading of his sons for that reason, then he still possessed the forge and the hammer with which he had sired them and thus would sire others. Those who heard this answer, for all that Alfonso López had uttered it with great bravado, could not believe that he would actually allow two sons of his, who were so deserving of his love, to die in that way. That is because on the death of a son no one can feel greater anguish than a father, and particularly in those circumstances. Accordingly, the queen’s men brought them within sight of the town’s ramparts and urged and required of Alfonso López that he should surrender the town as he had agreed, or else they would immediately kill them in his very presence. He answered that they should go ahead and kill them if that was what they wanted. In tears, his sons called out to their father, begging him to take pity on them and not to let them be killed, crying out: ‘Father, in God’s name and for pity’s sake, don’t let us be killed like this! Lord and father, surrender the town, since no help has reached you; don’t let us die for no reason!’ These and other distressful arguments (for among those present there was no shortage of people who told them what to say) were shouted across by his sons to their father, pleading with him to help them. Nor did the shouts just come from them, as everyone who stood nearby also cried out that he should take pity on them. This situation lasted for quite some time, with those charged with killing them holding back. But in the end no words, nor the cries from his sons, nor the shouts of many who approached the scene, could budge him from his intent, so that his sons were then put to death because he had failed to stand by what he had promised. Yet he did not succeed in holding the town, for King Enrique later took it after negotiation.



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Chapter 42

Concerning the fleet of ships and galleys which King Fernando sent to Barrameda, and what his troops suffered while they were there

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t the beginning of this war, King Fernando commanded that a great fleet of galleys and naos be fitted out, to wit, twenty-eight of his own galleys, along with four contracted from Master Reinel de Guirimaldo, plus thirty naos from the kingdom’s resources and from those which sailed round the sea coast to join him. The admiral of the galleys was Master Lançarote Pessanha, and their captain was Juan Fozín, one of those knights who had arrived from Castile to serve King Fernando. Juan Fozín was the first to put to sea with six galleys and two galliots on 15 June, whereas the admiral left afterwards with the whole fleet. The king’s intention was that this fleet should take up a position at the mouth of the Seville River69 to prevent any ship from arriving at or sailing away from the said city, either with merchandise or other provisions. With that port duly blockaded for a lengthy period, Castile would consequently suffer such losses and such detriment as to bring King Fernando great advantages in the pursuit of his objectives. Furthermore, some of the galleys and ships would patrol the coast, seize from his enemies whatever they could and always return to the river mouth, where they would come to rest alongside the other ships whenever they saw it to be necessary. From all of this, there could come nothing but a very successful outcome. In the month of May,70 the naos and galleys all set sail together from their stations off the port of Lisbon, carrying many people from the kingdom, which was a wondrous sight to behold. The galleys were led by Master Baldassare di Spinola, and Brancaleone, [both] Genoese, and by João de Mendonça, Gonçalo Durais de Lisboa, Gomes Lourenço de Carnide and others whose names will not be missed if they are not recorded here. They reached a place named Barrameda,71 which lies at the mouth of the Seville River, and there they all came to anchor. On seeing them, the Castilians were very displeased at how near they had managed to come and, scornfully, told them that they 69

The River Guadalquivir. There seems to be a discrepancy with the June departure date stated above. This blockade lasted from the early summer of 1369 to October 1370, during which time King Fernando would recall some of his ships for other missions and then send them back to their post at the blockade. 71 That is, Sanlúcar de Barrameda. 70

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did not go to the help of King Pedro while he was alive and now they would be going to help his bones after his death. The fleet was stationed there for some time, laid waste the island of Calles and caused considerable damage throughout the whole area, both on land and at sea, so that we cannot trace any record of anything else they seized, right after they first arrived, other than a vessel laden with olive oils and 6 quintais72 of sealing-wax, and a galley to which they gave the name ‘the Goodly Capture’. Moreover, the city of Seville was in dire straits owing to its great dependence on the river and to the fact that it was blockaded in this way. The summer passed and winter came: the crews began to be taken ill and provisions to dwindle. Numbers of them died and were buried on land, but wolves dug up their remains and ate them. Even though King Fernando sent them ships laden with biscuit baked in the Algarve and in Lisbon, as well as other much needed supplies and provisions, their quantities were insufficient to meet their needs, with the result that, owing to the cold and hunger, and to eating food to which they were unaccustomed, many men died or grew weak and suffered continual pains. If the fleet’s crews were depleted by death or desertion, the loss was readily made up by similar numbers who were sent out to join it. Similarly, the ships’ masters who had served for a period were replaced, just as others were sent out to serve aboard the galleys. The king dispatched great quantities of coarse cotton cloth, linen and coloured cloth, and garments for those who were poorly dressed, of which a corresponding amount was deducted from their wages whenever they were sent the monies which were owed to them in payment. If the king, for the purpose of embassies or any other matters, had need of these naos and galleys, in order to send them elsewhere, he requisitioned those that he chose and had them refitted and their wages paid. When once they returned from their missions, they went back to join the fleet which they had previously left. Some of the naos and galleys came back to the Algarve and Lisbon, where they were sometimes paid their wages, took on water and loaded up provisions before returning straightway to the fleet. But despite this, the long period of a year and eleven months during which they continuously remained there, enduring hunger, cold and other maladies, caused large numbers of their crews to be lost; their teeth dropped out, they lost their fingers and toes and they suffered other troubles which would take too long to mention.

72 Six quintais are the rough equivalent of 720 pounds, considering that one quintal was approximately 120 pounds.



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Chapter 43

Debates about the truce which some have said that the Emir of Granada made with the Castilians

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ertain authors who have written historical accounts before us state therein that King Enrique, when he left Medina del Campo for Seville (as you have already heard),73 learned on the way to that city and before his arrival there, that the Master of Santiago, Don Gonzalo Mejía, and the Master of Alcántara,74 Don Pedro Muñiz, had reached a truce with the Emir of Granada. They report that he was greatly pleased at this, but do not tell us for how long the truce was due to last, nor what its conditions were. Our view is that this runs very much counter to the truth and for a number of reasons. Leaving aside the first one, which they ought to have mentioned, namely the grounds for reaching the truce, the nature of the negotiations and the intended duration, let us pass to the second one, according to which the Moorish Emir, pressed by King Enrique at the very beginning of this war to reach a truce with him, vehemently refused to do so for the reason that the king was unworthily occupying the realms of Castile, which by rightful descent belonged to the daughters of King Pedro his brother, namely Princess Beatriz, who had passed away in Bayonne in Gascony, and Princess Constanza, who was married to the Duke of Lancaster; that was the reason why he had then gone on to sign a truce with King Fernando and not with King Enrique. One of the clauses in that truce, as you have already heard,75 required that the Emir of Granada should not enter into any peace agreement or truce with King Enrique but, rather, that he should carry on waging war against him. If anybody claims that, nevertheless, the Moor was in a position to renounce the truce and break the oath which he had taken in accordance with his religious beliefs and become an ally of King Enrique, the answer is that this does not seem plausible, for, if it were, the truce was not something which could be kept secret, owing to the frequent incursions which the Moors were making into Castile. Nor would the Emir of Granada have sent a message to King Fernando at this time, requesting him to send from his country a number of things which would give him pleasure and which in fact he did 73

At the end of Chapter 40 above. This is a mistake. Ayala, the author referred to at the beginning of this chapter, states in the corresponding passage (1370, Year 5, Chapter 4) that he is the Master of Calatrava, as indeed does Fernão Lopes in Chapters 5 and 169. 75 In Chapter 26 above. 74

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send. At that juncture, at the emir’s request, King Fernando sent him as a gift six alaunts and six running-hounds, all with embroidered collars, silver-gilt muzzles and leashes of twisted gold thread, as well as thirty hunting spears, all fitted with silver-gilt tips and shafts with adornments valued at forty-six silver marks. This gift, valued at 600 dobras, was brought to the emir by seven youths from King Fernando’s hunting team. Though it was a small gift, it would not have been sent if the Emir of Granada had broken the truce which he had reached with him. Nor do we find any record of King Enrique having summoned back from the border with the Moors those troops which he had sent there to guard that area. Besides, when Carmona later fell under siege, this town being where King Pedro’s children were, the Emir of Granada came to their aid with a large army, as you will hear in due course. That was something which he would not have done if he had signed a truce with King Enrique. For these reasons, we do not believe those who have asserted that this truce [with King Fernando] had been broken by the Emir of Granada.

Chapter 44

How the Castilian galleys sought to do battle with those from Portugal yet did not succeed, and the reason why the Portuguese fleet left the Seville River

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hen King Enrique reached Seville, he saw how stricken and confined the city was, owing to the Portuguese fleet which had blockaded the river mouth. Some claim that at that time, of the entire fleet, no more than sixteen galleys and twenty-four naos were stationed there, but they do not indicate which had stayed and which had not, nor who the masters were. At once, the king ordered twenty galleys to be launched, but there were insufficient oars to fit them out, because King Pedro had ordered many oars to be taken from Seville to Carmona when he was equipping that town, with the result that the galleys could not be completely fitted out. For that reason, 100 oars were distributed to each galley, which remained still eighty short, and it was assumed that these 100 oars were just adequate for reaching the Portuguese fleet and doing battle with it. Many of the seamen, however, were much opposed to this, declaring that, equipped in that fashion, the galleys were courting very great danger, because the outgoing tide would hurtle them into the embrace of the Portuguese fleet, which had the assistance of armed naos, and that their galleys could be sent into disarray and be defeated. Nevertheless, King Enrique sent many knights, men-at-arms, crossbowmen and other troops aboard the galleys, and they sailed off down river, whilst the



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king departed by land with many companies. When the galleys reached Coria76 on the River Guadalquivir, the Portuguese learned that they were approaching and bearing many valiant troops bent on doing battle with them, and that the king too was approaching by land with great companies, ready to help them if they were needed. Realizing that the approaching forces were fresh and relaxed and that they were in the presence and full view of the king, who would double their eagerness to fight, in addition to the great support which stood in readiness to help them, and recognizing that, on the other hand, they, the Portuguese, were weary, frail and very ill, they took the decision to put out into the open sea. There, if they sought to do battle with them, they would have an advantage over the Castilian galleys, as they could not be helped at sea as effectively as they could while still in the river. Accordingly, all the naos and galleys put out to sea. The next day, the Castilian galleys reached Horcadas and learned that the Portuguese fleet had taken to the open sea. Then the Castilian galleys arrived at Sanlúcar de Barrameda but dared not proceed further owing to their low numbers of oars, nor would they venture out to sea, especially as they could not count on any support. The king arrived there that day with his companies and, when he saw that the Portuguese fleet was on the high seas and that his own fleet could not put out to sea in safety, he decided that of his twenty galleys he would equip seven to send to Vizcaya in pursuit of oars and would likewise equip naos to go and do battle with the Portuguese fleet. Seven galleys were at once fitted out with all that they needed, Master Ambrogio Boccanegra was appointed as their admiral and they set sail at night in order not to be seen by the Portuguese fleet. The king returned to Seville, along with his thirteen remaining galleys. The Portuguese naos and galleys went back to dropping anchor off the river mouth, where they had been previously. The king could do nothing about this, other than await the seven galleys which he had sent to be fitted out in Santander, in Castro Urdiales and in other places along the coast. Once they were equipped, they immediately headed back to Seville. It so happened that one of King Fernando’s naos, the master of which was Nicolau Eanes Estorninho, was heading for Sanlúcar de Barrameda and carrying 100,000 libras to pay the wages of the Portuguese fleet. Off the Cape of Santa Maria de Faro, the Castilian galleys converged on the ship and killed the master and other members of his crew, while taking the rest prisoner, setting fire to the ship and confiscating all the money. The Portuguese galleys were at that time all up river, though the historical accounts make no mention of the naos. When the galleys put about and went back to where they had been before, they caught sight of the Castilian naos and galleys drawn up in such a way as to control entry to the rivermouth,

76

That is, Coria del Río.

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so that no ship could pass through without first entering into conflict. Not daring to do battle with them, the Portuguese were deeply concerned as to how to effect their exit. Then they set fire to two ships which they had seized and which were laden with olive oil, and let them drift down river. The huge blaze grew and grew. As the two burning ships reached the Castilian naos and galleys, the latter were forced to make way for them and were scattered from their moorings as they sought to avoid damage. One after another, as best they could, the Portuguese galleys then made their way out along the route taken by the fire-ships and before the Castilian naos and galleys could return to their earlier positions. In this way, they made their exit without either side coming into conflict with the other. A number of those who narrate this event in their historical accounts say that three Portuguese galleys which did not manage to emerge so swiftly were left behind in the river and were captured by the Castilian galleys. Other writers differ, claiming that not a single one was left behind and demonstrate this by a powerful argument, saying that, if it were true that a number of Portuguese naos and galleys were captured at that time, as those first writers were pleased to report, the event would have been mentioned in the peace treaty drawn up the following year between King Enrique and King Fernando. That is because one of the clauses contained in it states that both kings could extract from those places which they were due to hand over any provisions which either of them had installed there and likewise any unransomed prisoners. There was all the more reason, therefore, to speak of the handing over of such naos and galleys, not to mention the large numbers of crew members, weaponry and other objects on board that would have been seized, for that is more significant than the provisioning of a small village such as San Felices [de los Gallegos] and Hinojosa and other similar places. Consequently, since the peace treaty makes no reference to this matter, such accounts should not be given credence. Let us go back to speak about the Portuguese naos and galleys, whose presence had wrought great damage not only to Seville but also to the entire area. After the other vessels arrived from Castile, they all left the area in the way you have heard about, except for one galley which was lost in Santa María del Puerto.77 King Fernando ordered the naos and galleys to be unrigged, many of whose crew members had perished, as we have mentioned, having spent two winters on board. The saying goes that there were some who were sent aboard before their beards could grow and who came back with white hair. Thus the king went on wasting his financial resources and losing his men, without adding much to his honour or repute.

77

Nowadays El Puerto de Santa María.



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Chapter 45

How the inhabitants of Carmona sent a message to King Fernando entreating him to go to their aid, and the answer which he gave to the messenger

A

fter this war had lasted for a year and nine months and at the beginning of the year 1371, the inhabitants of Carmona were grimly determined neither to surrender the town to King Enrique, nor to declare for him, owing to the great encouragement they had received from King Fernando, who had promised them that if they fell victim to a siege he would come and have it raised. Indeed, the situation was that, after the death of King Pedro, as we have mentioned, Martín López de Córdoba, the Master of Calatrava,78 was stationed in Carmona, accompanied by a large number of troops. When the other places declared for King Fernando, the town of Carmona was one of them, as you have already heard.79 The inhabitants wrote at once to King Fernando to declare that they were all ready to serve him and that, if King Enrique were to lay siege to their town, they begged that King Fernando would deign to go to their aid, as they wholeheartedly wished to be his subjects. The king was delighted at this news and said that he was very grateful to them for it, informing them that they should be assured that, if indeed they fell victim to a siege, he would by all means go to their aid. To corroborate this assurance, he dispatched to them a royal decree bearing his signature. They were greatly pleased at this reply and worked hard to supply and equip the town even better, so that, if such a situation were to arise, they could defend the town well. While they were entertaining these expectations, they learned that King Enrique was preparing to lay siege to the town, and so they swiftly sent a knight to King Fernando to inform him that the King of Castile was massing his troops in order to attack them. The knight came to King Fernando, addressing him thus: ‘Sire, Don Martín López and those other noble lords who are stationed in your town of Carmona have sent me to say that they most humbly kiss your hand and fervently commend themselves to your favour. They wish to inform you that they are certain that King Enrique has assembled 78 Like Ayala (1369, Year 4, Chapter 1, and 1371, Year 6, Chapter 1), Fernão Lopes says that Martín López ‘called himself the Master of Calatrava’ (Chapter 24), meaning that the title was invalid because he had received it from King Pedro (see Chapter 21), who had ceased to be king by then. In other parts of the chronicle, as here, the title is added to his name without comment. However, as pointed out in Chapter 43, note 74 above, Fernão Lopes asserts in Chapters 5 and 169 that Pedro Muñiz, who served King Enrique, was the true Master of Calatrava. 79 In Chapter 25 above.

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his troops in order to lay siege to the town. Indeed, sire,’ he said, ‘it is my belief that by now they will already be under siege. They therefore beseech Your Majesty to deign to go to their aid, to prevent them from perishing for want of your help, for you must be aware, sire, that, if they become the victims of a forced entry or fall by any other means, such an occurrence could bring them great misfortune and dishonour.’ The king received him very well and declared that he would consult his Royal Council on the matter. After doing so, he sent an answer to the knight through one of his privy counsellors, who addressed him as follows: ‘Sir knight, please tell those lords who are stationed in the town of Carmona that they should strive like the valiant men they are to defend the town to the utmost, both as befits their honour and in order to carry out a great and noble deed. Let them be assured that the king, my liege lord, has at present so many other pressing matters to attend to that the members of his Royal Council have advised him that in no way can he contemplate going to their aid for the time being. Accordingly, he begs them to forgive him for not being able to help them at the present time, but that, as soon as he has time and opportunity to do so, he will happily go to their aid.’ The knight was greatly saddened at this but said nothing to the man who had brought him this reply. He waited for a day when the king was leaving Mass and, kneeling before him, he held out the royal decree containing the promise which the king had sent to the inhabitants of Carmona and declared in a loud voice which all could hear: ‘Sire, you are well aware of your promise to the noble lords who are stationed in Carmona and have declared for you that you would go to their aid if the town was besieged as soon as they informed you of the fact, in accord with what is contained in this your royal decree. They have now dispatched me to inform you that this is the case, and you have sent me an answer according to which the members of your Royal Council state that you are unable to do so at the present time. Sire, I say nothing unto you who are a king, for it behoves me not to say anything on this matter to so noble a lord as you. However, I declare to any member of your Royal Council who gives you this advice that he is false and a traitor; that he is failing to tell the truth and is giving you bad advice to allow a town like that to be lost, with so many noble gentlemen stationed there and ready to serve you; and that he is advising you to break the promise which you made to them, which should be more valued than any other thing that you may have to do. I am therefore ready to inform anyone that what I say is the truth and that your Royal Council has given you bad and false advice. For if those noble gentlemen had known that you would not be going to their aid, they would have found different means for ensuring their survival and would not be facing the danger of death and dishonour as they now are. Rather, believing that they would be protected by you, as they had a right to expect, they ceded the town to you and offered to die in your service, paying no heed to the agreements and accords which King Enrique, much to their honour and advantage, had promised them, and



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which he would now be most reluctant to propose to them, owing to the anger which he now feels towards them.’ The king answered that, as it had been determined in his Royal Council to give him such advice, he could not do anything more at that time. The knight got to his feet and left the king’s presence, calling out and complaining about the matter to everybody within hearing distance. He decided against returning to Carmona with this message, but he hastily sent word as secretly as possible for his wife and children to be withdrawn from the town before it could be besieged. Then he sent the king’s reply to Carmona but too late to be of any avail, because King Enrique was already laying siege to the town.

Chapter 46

How King Enrique laid siege to Carmona, and how Don Martín López negotiated the surrender of the town to him

W

e have already mentioned on a number of occasions how King Pedro, before he died, strove greatly to send supplies to Carmona and fortify it as much as possible, through fear of finding himself in danger and having to seek refuge there, but we have not explained why he sent supplies to the town and fortified it more than any other place in his kingdom. Therefore, lest it be considered a gap in our account, we shall narrate it in the manner in which some authors have set it down, stating that King Pedro made great efforts to seek certainty from his astrologers about what the future held for him. This certainty he sought not only from the scholars of his own country, but he also sent a message to Granada to ask the Moor Ibn al-Khatib, the great sage and philosopher,80 to write down the truth about what could befall him. It is said that from these men he learned that he would be besieged in a town which possessed a tower called ‘Estrella’. As there is a tower of this name in Carmona, he concluded that this was indeed the town in question. Even though it is a strong tower, he consequently made every effort to send it supplies and to fortify it as much as possible. There he installed his treasure and his children, as we have already mentioned.81 When King Enrique laid siege to Montiel, King Pedro learned that there was also a tower in that town called ‘Estrella’ and was greatly annoyed at

80 Ibn-al-Khatib (1313–1374) was a native of the Emirate of Granada, where some of his poems decorate the walls of the Alhambra. 81 In Chapter 20 above.

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this. For this and other reasons of which you have heard, he took steps to leave Montiel, as we have already described.82 King Enrique went to attack the town of Carmona with many companies and, having pitched his camp outside it, laid siege to part of it, for it could not be completely surrounded. He had a siege tower built, and at night the town ramparts were scaled by forty armed men who had been chosen for this purpose. On hearing the noise, the town’s defenders rushed in strength to the spot and fought with them to the point where numbers of them were forced to jump back down from the ramparts much against their will; others, having seized a tower, could make no further progress, and were forcibly captured. Martín López arrived and had them all killed: there were no survivors. King Enrique was filled with immense sorrow at their deaths and was furious with Martín López for killing them in this way, after taking them prisoner and being in a position to spare their lives. Furthermore, after the siege had lasted for some time, with the town’s inhabitants suffering from a dwindling food supply, and when he realized that no help was coming either from Portugal, or from Granada, or from England, despite knowledge in those quarters that Carmona was under siege, Martín López was forced to negotiate with the king. In the agreement reached, Martín López was to surrender to the king the town and all that remained of King Pedro’s treasure, as well as delivering to him as captive Mateos Fernández de Cáceres, who had been King Pedro’s chancellor [of the great seal] and who was with him in the town. Martín López himself was to be given safe conduct to another country, or, if he wished to remain with him, the king would receive him well. These agreements were negotiated by the Master of Santiago, Don Fernando Osórez, who swore solemn oaths that the king would guarantee Martín López’s safety. Don Martín surrendered the town to the king and carried out everything which he had agreed to do. But the king immediately ordered him to be taken prisoner, and both he and Mateos Fernández were taken to Seville, where the king had them put to death. Everyone said that the king had committed a great wrong in breaking his promise that he would protect him, be it out of anger at Martín López for killing men in his royal service or for any other reason. Even though the Master of Santiago complained bitterly to the king on this account, declaring that at the king’s command he had guaranteed Don Martín against death and had sworn promises and oaths in this regard, his arguments were of no avail in saving Martín López’s life. That was how King Enrique took possession both of Carmona and of many jewels left behind by King Pedro. Having dispatched King Pedro’s children, as captives, to Toledo, he then returned to Seville. Some say that, when the Emir of Granada found out that the children of King Pedro were under siege, he approached with many foot soldiers and horsemen in order to go to their 82

In Chapter 23 above.



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aid, but that on reaching the border he was told that Carmona had already been taken and that the children of King Pedro had been taken prisoner; at that, he headed back to Granada, and no further action was taken. The lateness of his approach, they explained, was due to certain messages which he had sent on this matter to King Fernando, the replies to which took such a long time to arrive and which bore such arguments that the emir concluded that King Fernando had no inclination to set his hand to any such undertaking. Consequently, the emir had made ready and advanced in the manner we have described.

Chapter 47

Concerning the narratives which some have offered, when speaking of the betrothal of King Fernando to the Princess of Aragon

I

n their urge to write historical accounts, a number of authors have fallen far short in the way they have set about writing history. That is because they have totally omitted, without even mentioning them, matters which it is essential to know and because they have only lightly touched on other matters which remained laden with doubt. If their accounts were both accurate and short, then they would have merited a degree of praise, but when they write little while greatly deviating from the truth, it would be preferable by far for them to eschew saying such things, especially when what they write damages certain people’s good name. Lest you should conclude that we are saying this solely to enhance our own work and denigrate that of others, let us first examine the senseless way they write, for anyone believing in it or relying on it would be out of his mind. Let us begin by looking at Martim Afonso de Melo, in the chronicle which he set down about these events: writing in a certain passage about the marriage of King Fernando to Princess Leonor of Aragon, he says that the king dispatched Count João Afonso Telo to Aragon, that he took with him 18 quintais83 of smelted gold to donate to the King of Aragon for the marriage, that he returned without ratifying this marriage, leaving the gold on the sea shore at Valencia, and that there it remained for a long time; he maintains that the count did this because King Fernando later married the count’s niece, the wife of João Lourenço da Cunha, as in fact he did. Another great historian, whose narrative involved a broader coverage than that of Martim Afonso, says in a certain book that King Fernando, after being 83

Eighteen quintais are the rough equivalent of 2,160 pounds or 980 kilograms.

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betrothed to the Princess of Aragon, sent two galleys there, one of which was very well equipped and in which she was due to travel to Portugal along with other naos and galleys which the king, her father, was due to send to accompany her. He states that aboard one of the galleys, King Fernando sent 18 quintais of gold and some 70 quintais of silver and that this treasure was taken by Count João Afonso Telo, who was the principal confidant that the king had at that time. He adds that, while King Fernando was preparing to dispatch this embassy, he fell in love with Dona Leonor Teles, the niece of the said count and daughter of his brother, Martim Afonso Telo, who had been married to João Lourenço da Cunha but was already separated from him, and that she was living in the house of the count, who was well aware of the love which the king had for her. The count, he writes, arrived in Aragon with the treasure, and there it was unloaded and well protected by those who had charge of it. When the princess had been seen by the count and all those who accompanied him, they all said that they had never beheld anything uglier; moreover, some of them announced that they would rather abandon all that treasure, and even treasure seven times as great, than marry such a woman as that. He then adds that the count boarded the galley one night without telling the King of Aragon and that by dawn on the following day he was so far out to sea that he had lost sight of land; when he returned to King Fernando, he told him that the King of Aragon had sought to arrest him, saying that he had given King Fernando a niece of his as a concubine and that he, the count, should remain there as a prisoner and hostage until his niece were either brought to Aragon or handed over to her husband; that King Fernando then said that, since this was the position, it would be more pleasing to him that the King of Aragon should receive the treasure than that he, King Fernando, should receive his daughter together with all that he had promised him; such, he says, is what took place. About these and other narratives that are enemies of the truth we shall write nothing more lest we prolong matters. Indeed, it would have been far better for them not to have been written than to leave everybody with such empty opinions to believe and to confer everlasting ill repute upon the dead.

Chapter 48

What led King Fernando to amass the gold which he sent to Aragon and what was its total value

T

hough we have already had something to say about the betrothal of King Fernando to Princess Leonor of Aragon, it now behoves us to relate the remainder of this occurrence as it later ensued, so that the existing confused



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account might be brought out into the open and subjected to greater clarity, and so that we might relieve it of all the stifling uncertainties that arise from the wretched narratives produced by a number of authors. The first uncertainty is about what led the king to send so much gold and silver to Aragon and about what its total value was; the second one is about who in Aragon was the recipient of this treasure and what was done with it, once there; the third one concerns the failure to bring the princess to Portugal and the abandonment of the marriage; the fourth one concerns whether the count’s departure from the court of the King of Aragon met with his favour, and why he returned to Portugal and by what means; and the fifth one is about why the count did not go back to Aragon, and whether the King of Aragon kept the treasure against the wishes of King Fernando. Our answer to these uncertainties has been achieved after a great deal of hard work and investigation as to where the truth lay in each case, so that the accurate account in respect of all of them now follows. King Fernando, as we have already said, entered negotiations with a view to marrying Princess Leonor of Aragon in order to win her father’s assistance against King Enrique, with whom he, King Fernando, was at war. He was betrothed to her through Don Juan de Villaragut, who came as proctor for the princess, as you have already heard.84 If we leave aside the other clauses of the agreements drawn up between them, then one of them was that the King of Aragon should make war on King Enrique for two consecutive years and that in this war King Fernando would undertake to pay for 1,500 lances at his own expense. Since it was appropriate that these men-at-arms should receive payment in currency that was customary in the kingdom of Aragon, it was agreed in these negotiations that King Fernando should send to Aragon quantities of gold and silver from which coinage could be minted with which to pay the soldiers what was due to them. That was the reason why the king amassed the gold that was sent there; it was not to send it as a gift to his bride, nor as a gift to her father for marrying her to King Fernando, as some authors have crudely stated. The gold which the king sent to Aragon was not delivered as smelted gold but all in coins taken from those which he had commanded to be minted when he first began his reign, namely high-value gold coins, dobras of the highest value known as pé-terra, and gentis85 in a range of three values; as for Castilian and Moorish doblas and other coins, minted in France, these did not amount to a value of more than 100 marks. Everything was assembled in Lisbon in the following way: the treasurers of the Mint and of the Royal Treasure released about 100,000 pieces, whilst the king ordered that a further 100,000 dobras be taken from the treasure which was kept in 84

In Chapter 29 above. As an example of a ‘dobra pé-terra’ see the frontispiece of the present volume. ‘Gentis’ were lesser gold coins. 85

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the tower of Lisbon’s castle, which were of the high-value variety which we have mentioned and which were of the same weight as a crossed dobra. As a result, the total value of the treasure amassed at that time came to some 4,000 marks or little less than 18 quintais. No silver was delivered, unlike what is claimed by some, because the silver needed for the coins which were later minted was all bought in Aragon. On King Fernando’s orders, all the gold was placed in the care of an honest Lisbon merchant, Afonso Domingues Barateiro by name. The king commanded that every expenditure which the count ordered he should make should be noted down by a clerk, deputed to the said merchant for that purpose, and so that no doubts should arise. The gold was delivered to him in the month of March in the year 1370.

Chapter 49

How the count left Lisbon for Aragon, and how he arrived there with all the treasure which he was taking along

C

ount João Afonso [Telo], as we have mentioned, was at that time King Fernando’s principal privy counsellor, the one on whom he relied the most in respect of important matters, owing to his wisdom and discretion. He was then some sixty years of age. The king ordered him to proceed to Aragon in order to give momentum to his plans for the impending war and to bring back the princess. That is how we understand the situation, because, though some authors claim that the king sent only two galleys to Aragon, the truth is that seven galleys made the journey, for he ordered the galley Donzela and another five to be sent from Sanlúcar de Barrameda, as well as the Royal Galley, a large and beautiful vessel with vast and spacious staterooms. The king commanded that the Royal Galley be very honourably decorated with his standard, many pennants, a pavilion and silken rigging, all in readiness for the journey the princess was due to make. To enhance their noble appearance, he also ordered the inlay of boars’ tusks along both sides of the walkway of the galley and required that all the oars and other parts of the vessel be splendidly painted. The oarsmen in the galleys were all uniformly decked out, whilst aboard the Royal Galley there travelled forty crossbowmen, who were quite young and men of recognized valour, all dressed in distinctive livery and wearing belts covered in black velvet with the king’s coat of arms embroidered on them. It certainly seems to be correct that the count had orders to bring back the princess at once, for the king ordered the withdrawal from the Treasury



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Tower, located in Lisbon’s castle, of a crown of hinged gold plates, adorned with gems of immense value, several large seed-pearls in many places and a huge ruby set in claws of gold, surrounded by further large seed-pearls, not to mention the withdrawal of reliquaries, gold rings, cameos and other jewels of great price, as well as gowns, cote-hardies, kirtles and other items of ladies’ apparel, all of which were taken by the count aboard the galley on which he was to travel. The king possessed other counsellors who were heavily involved in these arrangements and on whom he greatly relied, to wit, a Genoese named Master Baldassare di Spinola and Alfonso Fernández de Burgos. The king sent all the gold by land as far as the Algarve, and it was accompanied by fifty crossbowmen, as well as other soldiers employed to guard it. The count was ready to depart with a goodly retinue of stalwart noblemen and squires. He left Lisbon on the fifteenth day of that same March and reached the Algarve, where all the gold was placed aboard the galley on which he was travelling. The count also had a second galley fitted out and took it along with him. From the Algarve, he set out on his journey and arrived at Barcelona, an Aragonese city, where the King of Aragon was lodging at that time. The king gave him and all his companions a fine welcome and commanded that the count be given comfortable lodging, but the count declared that no other lodging than the galley on which he had arrived was truly appropriate for him at that time, owing to the treasure which it had on board and until such time as it were all taken ashore. At that point, boats went out to the galley and unloaded all the chests containing the gold, which was then taken to the king’s palace, placed in a firmly locked chamber and guarded by the treasurer who was in charge of it and by those accompanying him, as well as other soldiers who were constantly with him. Accordingly, the gold was effectively guarded and not abandoned on the beach, as some ill-informed authors have claimed.

Chapter 50

What the count ordered should be done with the gold which he had brought, and how the soldiers began to receive pay for the service they were intended to give

O

nce the count was in Aragon, he entered into negotiations with the king of that country on a new settlement which contained further clauses about the planning for war and the payment which was to be made by King Fernando, namely instead of 1,500 lances for six months, he was to pay 3,000

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lances for three months.86 That change was made on condition that, if King Enrique, at the time when the war actually began, were present on the frontiers of Aragon, the King of Aragon would be required to go there in person or send the duke, his eldest son, as captain of the aforesaid 3,000 lances, along with the other forces under his command. Agreement was also reached on other similar matters which are not wanting in our line of argument, even though they are not recounted here. Moreover, the count also immediately strove, in concert with the nobles, to set in train the means by which they would prosecute the war, at what cost each would be rewarded and in what way coinage should be struck to enable them to pay their men. Documents were drawn up indicating the agreements and obligations accepted by each of them as to how they would fight in the war and with what number of lances, and how much the monthly pay would be, namely thirty florins per lance from the day he entered service. Likewise, he obtained from the king a licence and charter authorizing the minting of gold and silver coins there in Barcelona, that is to say, florins of the kind that the king was in the habit of issuing, as well as silver reales bearing the insignia and impress of King Pedro of Castile, where each real was worth four maravedís. Work began in the Royal Mint, and at once up to 200,000 silver reales were struck, as well as 90,000 florins. Immediate payment for six weeks’ service was made to the captains, as, for instance, to Master Rodrigo de Navarra and Master Juan de San Martín, who were to serve with 400 lances, and to Don Gil García de Navarra with 200, and likewise to other Aragonese and Castilian noblemen, in accordance with the number of lances that each one had at his disposal. Moreover, in respect of those who were not present, payment was dispatched to those townships wherever they were to be found, as, for instance, to Garcí Fernández de Villodre, who lived in the kingdom of Murcia and who was due to serve with 400 lances, and to Diego López de Montoyo and other noblemen, so that the total number of those receiving their pay at that point amounted to 2,200 lances. Payment was also made to 1,500 lances who were to join with the King of Aragon in this war, in respect of a period of six weeks similar to that applicable to those mentioned above, because in the negotiations it was stipulated that King Fernando would lend to the King of Aragon a year’s pay for these lances, and that this loan would take effect from the day on which war broke out. Moreover, payment was made for supplies for those who were due to receive them, as, for example, to the Count of Barcelos, Dom João Afonso

86 On the meaning of ‘lance’ as a military unit and how many men it consisted of, see Chapter 12, note 31.



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[Telo], in the sum of eleven florins per day and similarly to each of the other noblemen in accordance with the individual amount laid down. Likewise, payment was made to twenty of the galleys which were stationed in [Sanlúcar de] Barrameda, in respect of what was owing to them for several months’ service. Furthermore, orders were issued for pennants to be made which bore the king’s insignia and which were to be taken by the troops. Messages were sent to Medinaceli via Lope López de Gamboa, a Castilian squire, and to Almazán and other townships, instructing their recipients to talk with numbers of knights and to find out how matters stood in that country, where King Enrique was to be found, or who was occupying the region of Castile through which it was planned that the army would pass. Again payment was made for a further six weeks to the aforesaid captains and their companies, as well as to all the troops, including the king’s 1,500 lances which we mentioned earlier, so that each and every man received three months’ pay. In doing this, time was wasted without anything being done to advance King Fernando’s cause, and money was disbursed on plans and preparations which never even began to be carried into effect.

Chapter 51

How Count João Afonso [Telo] left for Portugal, and why the princess was not brought there

A

s we have already mentioned, the King of Aragon needed to receive assurances from King Fernando, by reason of the war which he, the King of Aragon, was about to begin to wage against King Enrique, in such a form that, after the outset of the war and throughout the two years following, King Fernando should not fail to pay wages to the lances whom he was expected to pay, and who were to be paid every two months. Likewise, the King of Aragon needed to guarantee to King Fernando that he would indeed prosecute the war and would not cease to do so until the deadline which they had laid down. The assurances to be given by King Fernando were that the aforesaid count, Master Baldassare and Martín García were to remain throughout as hostages in Aragon until such time as the war were over and due payment had been made in full to all those who had served therein. Owing to the novelty of the clauses which the Count of Barcelos had freshly drawn up with the King of Aragon, that is to say both in respect of the change from 1,500 to 3,000 lances and of other changes which had been made to the original negotiations, all of which King Fernando now needed to approve, the count decided to return to Portugal to discuss the matter with the king and did so with the permission of the King of Aragon. Accordingly, he did

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not take his leave of the King of Aragon as the result of any disagreement or discord, but with his approval and payment and without any scandal arising. Indeed, if the count had left Aragon disgruntled in some way, abandoning the entire negotiations as a lost cause, he would not have left instructions with Afonso Domingues Barateiro, the guardian of the treasure, such as he left in his letter to him, nor would further negotiations have taken place concerning preparations for the war, as in fact they later did do. As it is, in his instructions left with Afonso Domingues he commanded that, from the treasure which at that stage remained under his control and from any further treasure that he might receive while he was in the kingdom of Aragon on King Fernando’s orders, he should effect all the expenditure that Master Baldassare might authorize, as indeed he later did after the count’s departure. After the count had been in Barcelona for some three months, he left for Portugal at the end of the month of June, taking back with him the golden crown and all the other jewels which he had taken to give to the princess and which King Fernando ordered to be returned to the tower from which they had been removed. That was because when he spoke to the King of Aragon about the marriage of his daughter to King Fernando, the King of Aragon had replied that he could not send her to Portugal at that juncture because he had not received a dispensation from the Pope enabling them to marry, but that he would make every effort to acquire it as soon as he could and that then he would send her to him at once, as honour required. That was the reason why the princess had not made the journey to Portugal at that stage and not because the count had acted in any way out of malice, nor because of the ugly portrayal of her which some authors have provided in their accounts, for nature had in fact endowed her so well, both facially and physically, that no great lord would have been unhappy to have her as his spouse. Indeed, if she had not been like that, King Enrique would not have striven so hard afterwards to arrange the marriage between her and his son Prince Juan, he who later became King of Castile with her as his queen beside him. Frequently King Enrique wrote to her father requesting her hand in marriage to the prince his son, as had been negotiated earlier when they were still children, to the point of entreating that she be given to him with no other conditions, indicating that he no longer wished the King of Aragon to hand over, with the princess, anything which he had originally promised to give. It is inconceivable that he would have acted like that if she had been as ugly as portrayed in the defamatory accounts of certain writers. Furthermore, neither at this point nor yet for a long time afterwards had King Fernando evinced any feelings for Dona Leonor Teles, with whom he later fell in love, nor did he even imagine or suspect what was to follow, as you will clearly see in due course.



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Chapter 52

How the clauses relating to the war were changed yet again, and how the King of Aragon sent his message to King Fernando

T

he count departed, as we have indicated, and then in the following month, on 24 July, in the city of Barcelona, where the king was to be found at that time, Master Baldassare di Spinola and Alfonso Fernández de Burgos went to consult with the king in his palace. They were the proctors of King Fernando and were both accompanied by Princess Maria, the widow of the Marquess [of Tortosa] and sister of King Fernando, whose opinions and advice were of great significance in many aspects of these negotiations. They reminded the king of the clauses and agreements that had been signed in respect of the prosecution of the war and of the payment that was required to be paid to the troops. They urged him to arrange that sums be released from the funds controlled by Afonso Domingues [Barateiro], the guardian of the treasure held there in Barcelona. Those sums would be used to pay 1,500 lances who were greatly needed in order to effect an immediate invasion of the kingdom of Castile. In any case, at that stage he, the King of Aragon, was in no position to start the war, owing to his lack of assurances and firm undertakings from King Fernando, which he had not yet received, concerning the payment of soldiers’ wages, which needed to be made later on, as well as other engagements which were to be put into effect. After a great deal of discussion on these matters, it was agreed that the clauses which the King of Aragon had revised in order to prosecute the war with the 3,000 lances to which we have already referred should be altered to restore the number to 1,500 as originally planned. Other conditions were added which we have no wish to mention here. The King of Aragon at once dispatched as his envoy to Portugal Don Umberto de Fenoyal, with authority to sign with King Fernando those agreements that had been reached as we have described. He was especially to undertake and promise in the name of the King of Aragon that as soon as he received a dispensation from the Pope to enable his daughter Princess Leonor to marry King Fernando, which would come very soon, he would immediately send her to Portugal, as honour demanded. To strengthen this assurance, should King Fernando harbour any doubts about the matter, he would solemnly pledge to him as a forfeit the castle of Alicante, as had formerly been discussed. The King of Aragon’s envoy reached Santarém in October and went to the Palace of Valada, where the king was then lodging and where at that time he was attended by Álvaro Gonçalves Pereira, the Prior of the Hospitallers, by

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Aires Gomes da Silva and by other great lords and noblemen of his Royal Council. On 24 October [1370], King Fernando approved and welcomed everything that his proctors had achieved and arranged. Documents were drawn up, sworn to and signed as firmly as possible and were subject to a penalty of 20,000 gold marks payable to the other party by the one who should fail to keep what had been agreed between them. When this had been done, the King of Aragon’s envoy duly departed, taking with him firm messages pertaining to everything for which he had come.

Chapter 53

How peace was negotiated between King Enrique and King Fernando, and what were the conditions

W

ith the war between Portugal and Castile stretching out in the way in which you have already heard and with negotiations continuing between the King of Aragon and King Fernando, some time had passed since Pope Gregory XI had sent envoys to the Kings of Portugal and Castile in order to establish peace between them, namely Bertrand de Cosnac, the Bishop of Comminges, and Don Agapito Colonna,87 the Bishop of Brescia. Although we have not mentioned the arrival of these prelates till now, it is, however, important that you should know that in the preceding year, before Carmona was taken, they reached Seville, where King Enrique was to be found at that time. When once they had spoken to him about peace and how it was so necessary between kings, showing him the havoc and dire results that would befall them and their kingdoms and how in that way the overweening confidence of the enemies of their Holy Faith would be enhanced, King Enrique for his part agreed that he would consent to making peace, giving good and sensible reasons for his decision. Next, the two bishops made their way to Portugal and addressed King Fernando on this matter, offering and proposing to him no fewer arguments than those which they had expressed to King Enrique but also as many examples of good advice and learned authority as could be uttered to persuade him to establish peace and friendship with King Enrique. Having consulted his counsellors about all this, King Fernando, without first abandoning the agreements and negotiations which he had established with the King of Aragon, decided to make peace with King Enrique for reasons of which we are unaware. 87

Became Bishop of Lisbon shortly after (1371–1380).



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After King Enrique had been informed of this by the two bishops, the kings agreed to send their proctors to negotiate these agreements in their name, so that King Enrique sent Don Alfonso Pérez de Guzmán, who was the chief-justice of Seville and a member of his Royal Council, whilst King Fernando sent Dom João Afonso [Telo], the Count of Barcelos, who was already prepared to travel to Aragon again and had received 4,000 florins for the journey. Nevertheless, King Fernando ordered him to abandon that journey and to go and negotiate the peace treaty between him and King Enrique. When both parties had arrived at firm and satisfactory proxy arrangements to enable them to draw up a treaty of perpetual peace and friendship between the two kings, they planned a meeting of not only the proctors but also the Pope’s envoys in a township by the name of Alcoutim, in the diocese of Silves, in the kingdom of the Algarve. Apart from the Bishop of Comminges, who was in Aragon at that time, they met in person and signed a treaty of peace and friendship in the name of their kings, which we may summarize as follows: that the kings were mutually to become true and steadfast allies in perpetuity, and that this was to apply also to their sons and heirs and to all peoples who were subject to them; that neither king was obliged to assist the other against anyone, even though the other king might have a disagreement with that person, but that the King of Portugal should become an ally of King Charles of France, just as the King of France was an ally of King Enrique; and that the King of France would send his envoys within six months to confirm this with King Fernando, as indeed he later did. In order that this peace treaty should be more firmly grounded and that the close links between the two kings should be constantly increased, it was agreed in these negotiations that King Fernando should marry Princess Leonor, the daughter of King Enrique; he would also receive as her dowry the towns of Ciudad Rodrigo and Valencia de Alcántara, together with their outlying territory, as well as Monterrey and Allariz, plus their neighbouring areas and castle; moreover, these places should belong forever to the crown of Portugal. Some authors state that King Fernando was to receive in cash three contos88 in the coinage of Castile, and that he was to grant to the aforesaid princess all the townships bequeathed by his grandfather, King Afonso, to Queen Beatriz in recognition of their marriage. The princess was to be entrusted to King Fernando, who would welcome her as his bride on the frontier between the two kingdoms, namely between Taliga and Higuera [de Vargas] five months after the day on which the treaty was signed. The agreement was made on condition that, subject to King Fernando’s promise and solemn oath thereto, as well as to each one of the clauses, for seven months with effect from the handover he would not have

88

On the value of a conto, see Chapter 17, note 40.

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carnal knowledge of her. The king [of Castile] her father made this stipulation because she was still very young, declaring that in the meantime he wished to arrange in the most honourable way everything that was fitting for the wedding celebrations. King Fernando was very loath to grant this condition, yet in the end he was obliged to do so. Indeed, some told him that ‘oaths about fucking were not to be believed’: he should boldly swear to this clause, for there was no shortage of men who on his behalf would take upon themselves the sin of breaking such an oath. A dispensation was made in this matter, on the grounds of the relationship between the kings, and published in the city of Seville by the aforementioned Don Agapito, the papal envoy. It was also agreed by the two kings that King Fernando would release and abandon all the townships and lands which he and those who had declared for him had seized from Castilian suzerainty, except for those which he was due to receive through the marriage arrangement. Similarly, King Enrique undertook to give back all those he had seized from the kingdom of Portugal, once they had recovered the supplies and gold and silver which each of them had deposited in them. Pardons were issued by both parties, from the gravest cases to the very minor ones, to all those who in the service of their lords had risen up in their townships and castles and declared against their kings. The kings agreed to hand back to them all their properties, except in the case of Carmona, which even at that point still declared for Portugal, though we have described the town’s capture.89 King Fernando strove hard to include the people of Carmona in the treaty, but the King of Castile would never consent to that, claiming in his defence that to pardon the people of Carmona was a matter which could lead to great discord between him and King Fernando. He added, however, that the wife of Count Fernando de Castro, along with her son, retinue and belongings, could leave for Portugal and go back to her husband or wherever she pleased. It was further agreed that all prisoners captured in this war should be returned to their respective sides without any payment of ransom, regardless of any agreement they might have reached with those who held them in their power. Further clauses were inserted in the treaty which we shall not prolong our account by describing, by which both kings made sure that they would prevent any possible dispute which might arise between them. On all these clauses, the aforementioned proctors swore by the Holy Gospel in respect of the souls of both kings and pledged to the papal envoy that they would fully maintain this peace agreement and would personally swear other such oaths, thus subjecting their kings and their kingdoms to ecclesiastical jurisdiction if they were to contravene these matters in any way at all. Until the first day in May, certain castles were set up as pledges, so that King Fernando pledged Olivença, Campo Maior, Noudar and Marvão, for 89

In Chapter 46 above.



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which Dom Álvaro Gonçalves Pereira, the Prior of the Hospitallers, would take the responsibility; in his turn, King Enrique pledged Alburquerque, Jerez de los Caballeros, Badajoz, Alconchel and La Codosera, for which Don Alfonso Pérez de Guzmán would be responsible. This peace treaty was negotiated and duly sworn, along with many other commitments and conditions in the aforesaid township of Alcoutim on 31 March 1371. King Fernando swore to the treaty two days later in the town of Évora, solemnly pledging in the presence of the papal envoy that he would fully keep and adhere to it, though in fact he later fulfilled its conditions very badly, as you will hear in due course. From Évora, he sent Doctor Gil do Sém and Afonso Gomes da Silva to Castile in order that they should obtain a similar firm and sworn undertaking from King Enrique. Afterwards, Diogo Lopes Pacheco journeyed to Castile to receive confirmation of the aforesaid treaty from Queen Juana, Prince Juan and a number of counts, prelates and great lords who had not yet taken the oath. In the town of Toro, where King Enrique was lodging, and in the Monastery of San Francisco, they all swore the oath in the presence of the papal envoy on 10 August of that same year.

Chapter 54

How the King of Aragon ordered the seizure from Afonso Domingues Barateiro of all the gold that he had under his control

W

hen the King of Aragon learned of the treaty of perpetual alliance which King Fernando had negotiated with the King of Castile and heard that he was engaged to be married to the King of Castile’s daughter, one can well imagine how irked he must have been by such a treaty of peace and friendship signed with his very own enemy, whom he greatly detested. He gave immediate orders to seize from Afonso Domingues Barateiro whatever treasure he could be found to have. 2,024 gold marks were confiscated from him, not counting the sum of 107 marks which had been lent to him right at the outset when he and the other delegates from Portugal first arrived. Consequently, of all the gold which had been sent to Aragon, the only profit enjoyed by King Fernando consisted of 2,000 logs of hardwood from Romania which had been bought for him there for his storehouse in Lisbon. That timber had cost little more than 260 gentis, and everything else had been spent in such a way that no profit ever came to him from it. The King of Aragon took possession of the aforementioned 2,130 marks much against King Fernando’s will, and he never recovered them, although

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he tried to do so, as we shall go on to explain. The King of Aragon ordered the arrest of both the treasurer and his clerk, who had joint responsibility for the treasure, and seized the ledger of income and expenditure. He then ordered their release and a copy of the ledger to be given to them but without inserting any acknowledgement or message indicating that he had seized the treasure from them, and that is how they made their way back to Portugal. Not only did the king order the seizure of the treasure but also of a chest full of weapons, which Princess Maria was going to send to King Fernando, her brother. Everything was confiscated from them, so that they were not permitted to take away anything at all. Master Baldassare and Alfonso Fernández wrote a letter to King Fernando, explaining how the gold had been seized from Afonso Domingues, including the manner of its seizure, and urging him not to be too troubled about the failure to supply him with any acknowledgement of the confiscation, for if King Fernando wished to have it back, he was as likely to do it without any letter of acknowledgement as with one; moreover, a time was approaching when he would be able to regain the entire amount and more besides. Yet everything in their letter consisted of empty words, for King Fernando never regained anything. Such is an accurate account of all the events about which we raised doubts at the beginning of this narrative. Master Baldassare never again returned to the kingdom of Portugal, and the long-standing affection which he shared with Princess Maria, which always produces such outcomes, caused her to sell whatever sources of income she possessed in Aragon and to leave with him for Genoa. Later he abandoned her, with the result that she lived in great poverty and died far removed from what in honour was her due.

Chapter 55

Concerning the coins which King Fernando changed, and of the different values which he placed on each

P

ortugal suffered two great setbacks from the war which King Fernando had started to wage against King Enrique, setbacks which his people felt very deeply. The first was the waste of vast quantities of gold and silver formerly stored up by previous monarchs and from which treasure, because of the war, a very considerable quantity of gold was taken to Aragon, as you have already heard. The second setback, similarly, was the waste of huge amounts of silver caused by the change in the coinage which the king brought about in order to defray the immense expenditure involved in paying the troops and in other disbursements on things which were needed for the war. Consequently, prices



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rose afterwards to such a high and unreasonable level as to require, indeed force, the king to fix the prices of everything and to alter the value which he had originally allotted to such coins. Accordingly, it is important that you should know that in the time of King Dinis, the great-grandfather of King Fernando, coins circulated in general in Portugal which were known as ‘old dinheiros’,90 a dozen of which made one soldo, and 20 soldos 1 libra, while 27 soldos made 1 ‘old maravedí’, which was current north of the Douro. Fifteen of these soldos were the equivalent of a different maravedí, which was used in Estremadura and the other parts of the kingdom. 100 maravedís of the variety equivalent to 15 soldos constituted the life income of any squire who was the vassal of the king. These 100 maravedís were worth 75 libras, which were approximately equivalent to five and a half silver marks. That was because for 14 libras of these ‘old dinheiros’ one could obtain in legal tender one silver mark of 11 dinheiros,91 and that was the rate at which it was purchased. In that coinage, one French gold écu was worth 3 libras, yet that écu is worth less than a crossed dobra but more than a crown. Moreover, one French gold franc was worth 2 1/2 libras, for at that time in France neither crowns nor dobras existed. As for these ‘old dinheiros’, anyone wanting to create a coin of lesser value simply cut a coin in half with scissors or broke it with his teeth, and that half was called a mealha or pojeia and was used to buy a pinch of mustard or of sugar or some lupin seeds or similar things. Consequently, the mealhas were not minted coins per se but were dinheiros that were broken down the middle. These dinheiros are the ones used in marriage blessings, though this can be done with other coins, but the mealhas are not rejected if they are available, for this is the custom of the Church in honour of times past. Afterwards, in the reign of King Afonso, the son of King Dinis, the king requested his people and the clergy to allow him to alter the coinage, namely to strike coins so that nine of them would be worth twelve of the previous ones. Having received their consent, he ordered the coins to be minted, and this coinage was called ‘new dinheiros’, in contrast with the old ones, while some people called them ‘Afonso’s dinheiros’ on the grounds that King Afonso had had them struck. Nine of these coins constituted one soldo, 20 soldos made 1 libra, 27 soldos were worth 1 maravedí north of the Douro, whereas 15 soldos were valued at one maravedí in Estremadura, just as in the case of the ‘old dinheiros’. For 18 libras and 14 soldos in this coinage, one could obtain in legal tender 90 A

dinheiro was a copper coin of low value. A mark of eleven dinheiros was minted from an alloy composed of eleven parts of pure silver and one part of some other metal. 91

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one silver mark of 11 dinheiros, and thus it rose at once in the value at which it was purchased. Likewise, the old French gold écu was worth 3 1/2 libras, and the gold franc 3 libras. By means of this mintage, for each silver mark the king gained 4 libras and 14 soldos, and in that way his costs were met. It is said that at that time an agreement was made between the king, the prelates and the people of Portugal, whereby the king would never again alter the coinage, but that it should be left as it was, under certain conditions and penalties which were described in legal documents drawn up for the purpose and safely stored away in Braga, Alcobaça and other townships. Some relate that King Afonso declared that, if his people had consented to his altering the coinage once more, he would have become one of the wealthy kings of the world. Next came King Pedro, the son of King Afonso, who made no change in the coinage either out of greed or for any other profitable purpose, but who, as we have said,92 made it very strong in gold and silver, though in small quantities. When King Fernando began to reign and to wage war against King Enrique, then, without seeking the goodwill of his people, nor informing the prelates, nor obtaining any other form of consent, he not only changed all the coins, both those in gold and in silver, but also minted whatsoever other new coins he pleased, namely gold dobras known as pé-terra, which he commanded to be worth 6 libras, as well as other gold coins, which he named ‘one-point’ gentis, ordering that they be worth 4 1/2 libras. Then he made other gentis of two points which weighed less and ordered that they be valued at 4 libras a piece. Next he made ‘three-point’ gentis worth 3 1/2 libras and finally minted ‘four-point’ gentis which were worth 3 libras and 5 soldos. He also ordered the minting of coins known as barbudas, producing them at a cost of 20 soldos and issuing them with a rating of 3 dinheiros. There were fifty-three of them in one mark. The silver mark of 11 dinheiros in legal tender cost 27 libras to produce and was valued at 195 libras. In this way, the king gained 168 libras for each mark and thus met his costs. The simplicity of people was surprising and not just that of ordinary folk but even of the king’s counsellors and members of his Royal Council, for they sent silver to the Mint, requesting that it be purchased from them, imagining that they were making a great profit, because they bought it at 18 libras in the coinage of King Afonso and received in exchange 27 libras, that is to say 27 barbudas, without stopping to consider the weakness of the coinage, but thinking only of the increase in the number of libras. Many traders with plans to journey to the Algarve or other parts of the kingdom went to the Mint and

92 In

CKP, Chapters 11 and 12.



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handed over 21 soldos in small coins to buy the barbuda, so as to carry their money in less bulky form, without knowing about or giving any thought to the considerable loss which ensued from their transactions. The king ordered the minting of other coins known as graves, which were of 3 dinheiros, as legal tender and were valued at 120 to the mark. Their value in King Afonso’s coinage stood at 15 soldos each. The silver mark of 11 dinheiros in legal tender cost 27 libras to produce, but was valued at 307 libras, and so the king made a profit thereon of 280 libras. He also ordered the minting of other coins known as pilartes, which were of 2 dinheiros as legal tender, and were valued at 198 to the mark, with each pilarte being worth 5 soldos. A silver mark of 11 dinheiros in legal tender, which cost 27 libras to produce, had a minted value of 203 libras, with the result that the king made a profit on each mark of 176 libras and met his costs out of that profit. As for other coins which King Fernando minted, for example the silver fortes, some of which were worth 10 soldos and others 20, the ‘first’ torneses of 8 soldos, then the ‘little’ torneses, then the new dinheiros valued at 8 grãos, not forgetting other laws and differing prices, we shall not trouble to make any further mention of them, lest we prolong our account, and also because few of these coins were ever struck. Notwithstanding the huge profits which King Fernando made from these coins, as you have heard at some length, nevertheless, owing to the vast expense involved in beginning a war both by sea and land, everything came to be used up, with the result that there was nothing left on deposit, not even the gold and silver which the king had found stored up. In this way, he wrought great damage on his kingdom with his changes to the coinage, as well as wasting the profit which he had earned thereby. The townships he had gained returned to Castile, whose property they were, and the king lost all honour.

Chapter 56

How King Fernando changed the value of certain coins and fixed the prices of all things

W

ith the aforesaid coins circulating in the way that you have heard and with the king now at peace as we have described, his people became irritated with him, saying that, owing to the many coins of a differing standard and varying value that he had issued throughout the kingdom as he saw fit, goods were being charged for at huge and unreasonable prices and for much more than in common sense they were worth. Furthermore, simple folk

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were easily led astray by these coins, confusing some coins with others, and many people were daring to forge them outside the country and were then bringing them into Portugal, where all these coins were mixed in together with the others. The king declared that, because of the great and increasing necessities and charges which had befallen him as a result of the war which he had waged with King Enrique, it had behoved him to mint coins of a differing standard and value, in order to enable him, in the best way possible, to pay the contias,93 wages and other expenses which were applicable in such a war. However, as he recognized in these matters the need to serve God, as well as to unburden his conscience and to bring benefit to his people, since it had pleased God to bring about peaceful relations with his adversaries, he would now seek a means by which the value of the currency would be rectified and by which goods would return to sensible price levels. The king then gave orders that the coins which had been minted in Lisbon, Valença do Minho and Oporto should have the following values: the coins known as graves, which were worth 15 soldos in the coinage of King Afonso, should not be worth more than seven; the barbudas, which were worth 20 soldos, should go back to being valued at 14; the pilartes, which were worth 5 soldos, should be valued at 3 1/2; and silver reais94 should be worth 8 soldos. Notwithstanding such a change in value as this, in view of the great losses which the people continued to undergo, the king then ordered a further major devaluation, namely that the barbuda, which from 20 soldos had gone back to fourteen, should not be worth more than 2 soldos and 4 dinheiros; the grave 14 dinheiros; the pilarte 7 dinheiros; and the forte 10 soldos. Likewise, he rectified the value of other coins from Zamora, Tuy, La Coruña and Miranda do Douro, which bore the same names as the above but which were of a lower standard, even ordering that the new coinage which he had commanded to be struck during the war should merely be worth so many mealhas. However, the king realized that people would only lower their prices later or never, despite the lowering of the value of the coins, owing to the habit that people had of selling their wares at unreasonable prices, since such people had much more of an eye for their own profit than for the public good, which everyone ought to wish for. He therefore commanded that the prices of all wares should be fixed. The king gave orders that in the kingdom of the Algarve an alqueire95 of wheat should not be valued at more than 5 libras and an alqueire of barley 93

Life allowances. In Portuguese, reais is the plural of real. 95 A dry measure that could vary regionally, but roughly equivalent to ¼ bushel or two gallons (about 8.8 litres). For further information on dry measures, see Chapter 31, note 59 above. 94



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at no more than 50 soldos; in the Alentejo, an alqueire of wheat was to be valued at no more than 3 libras and that of barley or rye at 30 soldos; in Estremadura, the limit was set at 40 soldos for wheat and 20 for barley or rye; in the province of Beira and in the Minho, the limit for an alqueire of wheat was set at 20 soldos; in Oporto, it was set at 30 soldos, and those for barley, rye or millet at 10 soldos; in the province of Trás-os-Montes, an alqueire of wheat was limited to a value of 30 soldos and an alqueire of barley, rye or millet to 15 soldos. Similarly, the king imposed price limits on wines, meats, olive oils, varieties of cloth and all other wares and fixed the rates payable to clerks, notaries and other officials. Throughout all towns of his realm, large and small, he commanded that judges and town councillors should immediately fix prices, as they saw best and most appropriate, on things on which he had not imposed them, including the remuneration due to wage-earners. They were to send him a documented account of everything, to enable him to see whether they had arranged matters to general benefit, and so that he could penalize them if they had done otherwise. The king declared that, as it was statutory in times of need that everyone should be obliged to sell such wares as were for the use and upkeep of his fellow men at prices that were appropriate, he was therefore giving orders that all the grain held by tenants and any others who kept it stored away in their barns or buried should be sold off first. After this grain had run out, compulsion was then to be applied, if need be, to those who harvested grain. If such a need were to arise as to require its distribution, two men were then to be chosen, notable for their integrity and lack of greed. One of them was to be drawn from the noblest in the area and the other from ordinary common folk, a man of good sense and good standing. They were to distribute the grain even-handedly and were not to give any part thereof to those who already had their own. To this end, there was no exemption for the grain store of any count or nobleman or archbishop or abbot or any other person. Anybody about whom it was declared on oath to be in possession of grain and who refused to release all or part thereof was to lose it, and all his property was to be forfeit to the Crown. These and many other decrees were issued at that time by King Fernando for the well-being and benefit of his people, requiring the judges and magistrates of the kingdom to enact them without malice, under pain of it costing them their heads.

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Chapter 57

How King Fernando fell in love with Dona Leonor Teles and secretly married her

D

uring the reigns of King Afonso IV and of his son King Pedro, there existed in Portugal only one count, namely the Count of Barcelos. The rank of count was given by the aforesaid King Pedro to Dom João Afonso Telo, whom we have already mentioned.96 Dom João Afonso had a son, who was the Count of Viana and was married to a daughter of João Rodrigues Portocarreiro, and had by her a son, Count Pedro by name, who became governor of the city of Ceuta during the reign of the most noble King João, as you will hear in due course.97 Count João Afonso Telo had a brother, Martim Afonso Telo by name, who in turn had two sons and three daughters. His sons were Dom João Afonso Telo, who was the Count of Barcelos, and Count Gonçalo, who was the Count of Neiva and Faria. As for his daughters, a bastard daughter by the name of Dona Joana was the Commander of the Monastery of Santos but abandoned that position, as she was able to do within the rules of her Order,98 and married João Afonso Pimentel; the next was Dona Maria Teles, married to Lopo Dias de Sousa,99 and the last, known as Dona Leonor Teles, was the wife of João Lourenço da Cunha, the son of Martim Lourenço da Cunha, the great lord of the estate of Pombeiro. At that time, King Fernando being then, as we have said, a young, lighthearted and valiant man, his half-sister Princess Beatriz, the daughter of Dona Inês de Castro and of his father King Pedro, kept a great household of ladies and maidens of grand and noble lineage, because there was no queen or princess at that time whose favour they could seek. It so happened that, owing to the long-standing affection which existed between them, there arose in the king such a desire to have her as his wife that he decided that he wanted to marry her, something which before then was quite unheard of. What more is there to be said about this? Once it had been proposed that they should seek a dispensation to marry, the frequent play and conversations between them, mingled with kisses and hugs and other amusements of

96 See

CKP, Chapter 14. In fact, Fernão Lopes did not reach that point in his Chronicle of King João, Part 2. 98 The Order of Santiago, which then also had a female community. 99 Fernão Lopes gives the wrong name here. He was Álvaro Dias de Sousa. Lopo Dias de Sousa was their son, who later became Master of the Order of Christ. 97



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a similar nature, led numbers of people to harbour the unworthy suspicion that she had already lost her honour to him. At this point, negotiations were begun about a marriage between King Fernando and the Princess of Aragon, which did not come about, as we have already recounted. Then King Enrique signed a peace treaty with King Fernando, and it was established that King Fernando would marry King Enrique’s daughter, Princess Leonor, who was to be delivered to him after an interval of five months, as you have already heard at some length.100 Having made this pact with King Enrique about an act that was intended to take place, it came about that, while King Fernando was in Lisbon, there came to his Court from the province of Beira, where she then dwelt, Dona Leonor Teles, the wife of João Lourenço da Cunha, as we mentioned above. Her plan was to spend a few days with her sister Dona Maria, who was a member of the household of Princess Beatriz and resided with her. King Fernando had a regular habit of paying frequent visits to the house of his half-sister Princess Beatriz. There he saw Dona Leonor, observed how attractive and elegant she was and noticed her good figure. Despite the fact that he was previously well acquainted with her, only then did he begin to pay close attention to her gracefulness and fine features. Setting aside any affection or enjoyment which any other woman might have caused him, he fell wondrously in love with her. So smitten with love for her was he, having set his heart on her, that the wound within him grew daily, yet without his disclosing to anybody the immense affection that burgeoned in his heart. At this juncture, it was not long before João Lourenço sent a message to his wife, recalling her to him. He already had one son by her, Álvaro da Cunha by name. King Fernando, on hearing that João Lourenço had sent for Dona Leonor, was greatly troubled by this message, reacting as one who could never abandon the urge to carry out his intent. Being forced now to reveal it, he spoke in great secret to her sister Dona Maria, telling her to ensure that Dona Leonor did not leave, on the pretext that she was very ill, and to give that message to those who had come for her, for them to take back to her husband. Making his desire clear to Dona Maria, he declared to her that his wish to have her [sister] as his wife was greater than for however many kings’ daughters there were throughout the world. Dona Maria was a wise and sensible woman and was deeply disturbed when she heard the king say this, realizing that on that account he now wished to turn aside from the marriage which he had arranged with the Princess of Castile. Considering, particularly, that her sister was a married woman and wife of so distinguished a nobleman and vassal of the king, she began to argue vigorously against him. The king, however, had answers for everything

100 With

effect from Chapter 47 above.

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that she said and, as for her marriage, he would make arrangements for her to be separated from her husband. Dona Maria replied that, even if Dona Leonor’s marriage were annulled, he should not think that she would become his concubine. Captivated by his love for Dona Leonor, the king swore to Dona Maria that after the annulment and before he slept with her he would first marry her. They argued at great length, yet, however much Dona Maria strove to deter him from his love for her sister and to dislodge him from the pursuit of his objective, all was to no avail; rather, it seemed to her that his love grew all the more. Dona Maria then told her sister all about what had happened with the king, and they both agreed that they should discuss the matter with their uncle, the Count of Barcelos. After they had both talked to him, he spoke to the king about the situation. No good advice that he could offer on this matter could dissuade the king from what he had set his mind on doing. Princess Beatriz learned all about the matter when all three told her about it in great secrecy. In order to fulfil the king’s wishes, they all advised that a way should be sought to annul Dona Leonor’s marriage on the grounds of close family affinity, which is easy to find among the nobility, although many asserted that João Lourenço himself had obtained a dispensation from the Pope to enable him to marry her. However, realizing that it was bootless for him to make much of a stand on that issue, he took steps to bring about an early resolution to any lawsuit and, to save his life, took refuge in Castile. One thing is certain: before the king slept with Dona Leonor, he first married her in the presence of her sister and of others who kept silent about the matter.

Chapter 58

How King Fernando informed the King of Castile that he could not marry his daughter

A

fter the marriage took place in secret, even though the annulment was made public, the king realized that he was still bound by the promise which he had made to King Enrique in respect of marrying his daughter and had to disengage himself from it. At that time, the King of Castile was in Toro, where he was holding Cortes with a view to lowering the values of coins which he had previously set very high because of the war and the payment of wages, which was ruinous to the country, and also in order to command the Jews and Moors of his kingdom to wear emblems whereby they would be recognized as such. There then arrived messengers from King



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Fernando. Through them, he asked King Enrique not to take amiss the fact that he was unable now to marry his daughter, because he was married to a Portuguese lady by the name of Dona Leonor Teles de Meneses. In spite of this, however, it was his wish to continue to be his ally and give orders to restore to him the towns and villages which he held in Castile, as had been arranged in their treaty. King Enrique was angered and greatly distressed at this news, because King Fernando had abandoned the marriage to his daughter, which had been negotiated between them, and had married such a woman, to the great detriment of his honour and good standing. Even though, because of this breach of the treaty, he could have reacted to it by resorting to a just war or by other means, nevertheless he was so anxious to maintain peace and stability that he gave way on this matter, in order that King Fernando should remain his ally and give back to him the towns and villages which had declared for him. His answer to the messengers was that, since King Fernando was disinclined to marry his daughter, he would not make an issue out of it, for she could not fail to achieve an equally noble marriage elsewhere, and he urged him to stand by all the other items which were contained in their treaty. Having received this reply, the messengers took their leave of him and returned to Portugal.

Chapter 59

How King Fernando and King Enrique revised certain clauses of the Treaty of Alcoutim

T

he King of Castile left Toro after the Cortes were over and journeyed through his kingdom till he reached the town of Tuy. At that time, King Fernando was in his city of Oporto, from where he dispatched as his envoys to King Enrique a great nobleman101 from his household, who was a trusted counsellor and a man of great standing, and Afonso Domingues, who was a knight of his Royal Council. They were to deal with a number of recurrent doubts and matters of contention between him and the King of Castile, not only in respect of the [intended] marriage to Princess Leonor, the daughter of the King of Castile, whom King Fernando had undertaken to marry, but also with regard to the townships which were to be transferred between them,

101 Oddly,

this nobleman is not named, contrary to Lopes’s normal practice.

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not to mention the hostages who were to be handed over as guarantees of the treaty, as had been extensively set down in the peace agreement which we have described and which was drawn up in the township of Alcoutim. After the envoys had come before the King of Castile and had declared the purpose of their embassy, they signed a further pact and agreement concerning a number of doubts and matters of contention which because of that treaty had arisen once more. The first matter, on which they agreed at once, was that King Fernando be dispensed from marriage to Princess Leonor and that he should totally renounce the donation which the King of Castile had made, on the grounds of the marriage to his daughter, of Ciudad Rodrigo, Valencia de Alcántara, Monterrey and Allariz; moreover, any rights, possessions or property which he held already therein he should hand over to the King of Castile by a given date, together with other castles which also belonged to King Enrique and still sided with King Fernando, such as Arahujo, Cabrera, Alba de Aliste and others. King Enrique should cede to the King of Portugal the city of Bragança, which was held by García Álvarez de Osorio, as well as the castle on the hill at Miranda do Douro and any others which had been placed under his command after war had broken out between them. As for the great nobleman, he was to take responsibility for all the relevant townships of both realms and to make contractual arrangements for them to be handed over to the respective monarchs. He was to yield as hostages to the King of Castile two very honourable squires, who were his sons. To guarantee these agreements, King Fernando was also to yield as hostages Dom João, who was the Count of Viana and son of Dom João Afonso the Count of [Barcelos and] Ourém, and either João Afonso Telo or Gonçalo Teles, who were the nephews of the said count and brothers of Dona Leonor Teles. Similarly, with regard to a number of instances of seizure of possessions and ships, which after the Treaty of Alcoutim had been taken from one realm to the other, orders were given as to how they were to be handed back to their owners. Once the King of Castile had sworn an oath to guarantee these arrangements, supported by further oaths taken by Count Sancho his brother, by Count Pedro his nephew, and by other noblemen and bishops whom we do not care to mention here, the envoys left for Portugal. A week later, in the month of May [1371], King Enrique dispatched to the city of Oporto the Bishop of Orense Don Juan García Manrique and the knight Juan González de Bazón. There, in the episcopal palace, where King Fernando was lodging, they requested further similar oaths and promises such as King Enrique, their liege lord, had made in respect of these agreements. Thereupon, first of all King Fernando, followed by Prince Dinis his brother, Dom João Afonso the Count of [Barcelos and] Ourém, Dom Afonso the Bishop of Oporto and others whose names are not necessary to mention here, swore the oaths and gave the



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pledges requested by the envoys. After documents had been extensively drawn up, the envoys took their leave of the king and went their way.

Chapter 60

How the people of Lisbon spoke to the king about his marriage, and about the answer that he gave them

F

ame of the affection and love which possessed King Fernando in Lisbon for Dona Leonor Teles, as we have already related, spread at once throughout his kingdom: it was asserted that she was his wife, that he had slept with her, and that he had married her in secret. The way in which the king had done this greatly displeased everyone in the country: not just the grandees and noblemen who loved the honour of serving him, but also the common folk, who much resented it. The arguments of those in his Royal Council were of no avail when they said that it was inappropriate for him to marry such a woman as that, who was the wife of his vassal, just as it was for him to abandon marriages to such princesses, the daughters of kings, as he came across, specifically the daughters of the King of Aragon and the King of Castile, which would have been so honourable to him and profitable to the realm. Realizing that their counsel had no effect, they abandoned any further debate with him on the matter. As for the people of the kingdom, they discussed this news severally in their townships and villages, gathering together in groups, as is their custom, casting blame on the king’s counsellors and on the grandees of the land for allowing him to do what he had done, and adding that, as they had not told him what was the right thing to do, then it was best for the people to come together to go and tell him. Among those who led the way in this undertaking were the people of Lisbon, where the king then was. Their discussions took their aims so far forward that after taking counsel together they agreed to tell him what they thought. They immediately elected as their leader and spokesman a tailor called Fernão Vasques, who was a sensible man and very suitable for the task. On a given day, there assembled some 3,000 of them, including artisans of all trades, as well as crossbowmen and foot soldiers. Bearing arms, they all headed for the palace where the king was staying and made a great hubbub as they debated the matter. When the king found out that these folk were there and why they had come, he sent one of his confidants to ask them what it was that they wanted and what their purpose was in coming forward in the way they had. Fernão Vasques

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replied in the name of all of them, saying that they had come because they had been told that the king, their liege lord, had taken for his wife Leonor Teles, who was the wife of his vassal João Lourenço da Cunha. As this brought him no honour, but rather was displeasing to God, to his noble lords and to all the people, they, like true Portuguese, had come to tell him that he should marry the daughter of a king, as befitted his rank. Furthermore, if he did not wish to marry the daughter of a king, then he should marry the daughter of a noble lord from his own kingdom, as he so chose, by whom he might have lawful issue to reign after him. He should not take another man’s wife, because that was a thing that they would not allow him to do. Nor should he have grounds for taking their words amiss, for they had no wish to lose such a noble king as he was, just because of some evil woman who had bewitched him. There were many folk who were saying this in various ways, though Fernão Vasques put the case on behalf of all of them. The king had the answer delivered that he thanked them greatly for coming and for the arguments which they had advanced in his service; in this matter, he believed that they had acted as good and loyal Portuguese, duly concerned about his honour. Dona Leonor, however, was not his wife, and God forfend that she should be. But, as for the time being he could not reply to them in a fitting manner, because such an answer must be made after taking sound advice, which they would see to be reasonable, they should all go the following day to the Monastery of São Domingos in Lisbon, and there he would speak to them about the matter and would come to an agreement with them. Fernão Vasques declared to everyone that this was very well said and that they should go along next day. They all then went away contented with the king’s answer, swearing that, if the king refused to put her away, then they would take Dona Leonor from him by force and would contrive to do so in such a way that the king would never see her again. Moreover, they declared that whereas many of them had come that day, many more would come the next day, all of them bearing arms.

Chapter 61

How King Fernando refused to address his people as he had promised, and secretly left Lisbon

H

ave no doubt that all the nobility and advisers of the king were greatly pleased at this gathering which the people were organizing, because they realized that they were doing it out of their love for the king’s service and to preserve his honour. Besides, as the king cared not one bit for the advice



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they had to give him, they concluded that in this way he would be obliged to abandon Dona Leonor. The following day, many people made their way to the great portico of the Monastery of São Domingos, where the king had undertaken to come and listen to the reasons which they were planning to present to him as to why this marriage was inappropriate. Among the many people who came were all the members of the royal judiciary. Before the king was due to arrive, Fernão Vasques, whose task it was to present the people’s case, began to address those magistrates as follows. ‘Sirs, the good folk gathered here have charged me with declaring to the king, our liege lord, what they consider to be in his best service and to his greater honour. Since statute requires that, when the principal parties are present, the task of any spokesman should cease in matters which those parties are able to express well, and since you are the principal parties in this affair, which is of greater relevance to you than to us, then you should be making this case, not I. However, though that is so, I shall state what I have been charged to say, because you have no wish to get involved in the matter, revealing thereby that you care little about the honour and service of the king, our liege lord.’ While they were all there waiting and advancing many and various arguments about the matter, the king learned about it while still in his palace. Realizing that they were all becoming very excited and that in general their arguments were against the marriage, he refused to go to the monastery and left the city with Dona Leonor in the utmost secrecy. On the way, he spoke out: ‘Just look at those treacherous villains, all of them gathered there! One thing is certain: they would want to capture me, if I’d gone there.’ Those waiting at the monastery considered themselves to have been snubbed, when they discovered that the king had left in this way. Angrily, each and every one headed homewards uttering ugly words against the marriage. Not just in Lisbon, but also in Santarém, Alenquer, Tomar, Abrantes and other towns and villages throughout the country, people spoke about how they considered such a marriage to be indecent and unacceptable. It is said that, consequently, Dona Leonor, who was greatly troubled by these events and who feared that because of these gatherings and discussions the king could perhaps abandon her, had enquiries made as to who were those who spoke against her most and argued more vehemently against such a marriage. She urged the king to have them arrested and brought to justice. Accordingly, in Lisbon the aforementioned tailor Fernão Vasques was arrested, along with others. They had their hands cut off, and their belongings seized. Some of them took flight, as they did in other parts of the country. Many of those who went on the run for this reason were subsequently pardoned by the king and suffered no penalty.

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Chapter 62

How King Fernando publicly married Dona Leonor, and how she came to be called the Queen of Portugal

T

he king travelled freely through his kingdom, taking with him Dona Leonor, until they arrived in the province of Minho at a monastery called Leça, which belongs to the Order of the Hospitallers. There the king decided to marry her in public, and on the day chosen for the ceremony a declaration on his behalf was proclaimed to everyone in the following words: My friends, you know well that the estate of marriage is one of the noble sacraments instituted by God in this world so that not only kings, but also other men, might live in a state of salvation, and that kings might have rightful successors to the throne and to the royal governance which God has vouchsafed to them. Accordingly, the king, our liege lord, who desires to live in this estate, as is his duty, has considered how the very noble Dona Leonor, the daughter of Dom Afonso Telo and Dona Aldonça de Vasconcelos, is of royal descent, and also how all the grandees and greatest noblemen of this realm share with her strong family ties whereby, in receiving this honour from the king, they will feel all the more bound to help him to defend this country. He has also considered how for him the said Dona Leonor is a very suitable wife, for the said reasons, and has proposed marriage to her, wherefore he now wishes to marry her in public and by verba de praesenti,102 as commanded by Holy Church, and intends to present to her such towns and villages within his realm as will enable her to uphold honourably the rank of queen, as befits her.

The king then married her in the presence of everybody, and it was proclaimed throughout his kingdom that she was his wife, which was a source of great sorrow to great and lowly alike. Moreover, the king immediately presented her with Vila Viçosa, Abrantes, Almada, Sintra, Torres Vedras, Alenquer, Atouguia, Óbidos, Aveiro and the Crown lands of Sacavém, Frielas and Unhos, as well as the land of Melres in Ribadouro. Thereafter she was called the Queen of Portugal, and by the king’s command her hand was kissed by all those of noble rank throughout the kingdom, both men and women, just as she was received as their liege lady by all the towns, large and small, in his kingdom. The exception was Prince Dinis: despite his being younger than Prince João, he refused ever to kiss her hand. King Fernando reacted by seeking to attack him with a dagger, were it not for Gil Vasques de Resende, the prince’s 102 In

person.



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companion, and Aires Gomes da Silva, the king’s companion, who prevented the king from doing so. In fury, the king told him that no shame in kissing her hand had been shown by Prince João, who was older than him, nor by the Master of Avis, his brother, nor by all the other noblemen of his realm; yet here was he, the only one refusing to kiss it and insisting that she should kiss his hand instead. Thus Prince Dinis became an outcast from the Court, whereas Prince João was greatly loved and cherished by both king and queen, because, being the highest-ranking in the land, he had willingly deigned to kiss the queen’s hand, thus opening the way for many others of high rank to do so as well. Nevertheless, everybody throughout the country, whatever their status, was unhappy with the situation.

Chapter 63

Various arguments advanced by certain people concerning King Fernando’s marriage

W

hen it became known throughout the realm that the king had publicly married Dona Leonor and that everyone had kissed her hand as their queen, the people were very surprised at what had happened, much more than at the outset. That was because, previously, though some suspected it, owing to the great and dignified manner which the king adopted towards her, they were uncertain whether she was his wife or not. In their doubts, many thought that he would weary of her and would later get married in a manner that befitted his royal estate. In different groups, they all advanced a variety of arguments on the subject, greatly surprised as they were that the king failed to grasp how much damage he was doing to himself by wanting such a marriage. Some declared that the king would have done better to have kept her with him for a period and then to have married another woman; yet they realized that this was a situation in which very few men, or none, though realizing that such love was harmful to them, later abandoned or renounced it, especially in the years of their early manhood. Leaving aside the utterances of a number of simpletons who argued in his favour, saying that what the king had done was no surprise, and that a similar mistake had already been made by many others in the great love they had shown for certain women, let us outline what was said by intelligent people who used their common sense. Their stated views on the matter were that such fond feelings were greatly to be rejected, especially in the case of kings and great lords, who lost stature more than any others by tangling themselves in such love affairs. As the

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Ancients taught that a king, in respect of a woman whom he was due to marry, should consider in the main the nobility of her lineage, and should consider this more than any other matter, then whosoever did the opposite acted not out of common sense but out of folly (unless the customary practice of men concerning such matters would confer on him the title of ‘wise’). Since King Fernando had set aside the daughters of such great sovereigns, who had made available to him illustrious and honourable marriages, and since he had chosen Dona Leonor, who had so many traits that ran counter to a marriage of that kind, then he was bound to be numbered among those men that were foolish. Others said that it was like a pain that gave a man both pleasure and displeasure, claiming that all wise men agreed that every man in love suffers from a form of folly, and that there were two reasons for this. The first was that, what in certain men is the intrinsic cause of other forms of folly, in these it is the cause of such affections. The second was that the quality for evaluation, which is the empress of the soul’s other capabilities in matters of sensitivity, is so ailing in such men that they fail to see the nature of a thing for what it is but see instead what it appears to them to be; such a man considers an ugly thing to be beautiful and a thing that can bring him harm to be to his advantage. Therefore, any rational judgement is subverted in respect of the nature of such a thing, so that he is perfectly capable of accepting whatever other advice he may be given, but in the case of the woman to whom he is attracted he refuses to accept sound advice, if the advice is that he should leave her and no more concern himself about her; rather, such advice increases the pain that lies beyond the scope of sound judgement. Accordingly, if the advice comes from a person on whom he can wreak vengeance, then he wreaks it, as was the case with King Fernando, who ordered that justice be meted out to a number of his subjects who gave him good advice in this matter, as you have heard.

Chapter 64

Concerning the discussion which the king had with a member of his Royal Council about his marriage to Queen Leonor

W

hile King Fernando was accompanied by Dona Leonor before he publicly married her, he spoke on a number of occasions with certain members of his Royal Council, indicating that he was minded to marry her



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and asking them to tell him what their views were, so as to see whether some of them would advise him to proceed with the marriage. One day, he talked to two of them, explaining that his wish was to marry her and make her his queen; however, before he went ahead, he wanted to consult them. ‘Sire,’ they said, ‘it is not our place to speak about this matter, because we see that you are now so closely attached to Dona Leonor that we understand that you are bound never to have any other wife but her; indeed, certain people inform us that you have already taken her to wife. As for our advice or that of anyone who wishes to serve you and uphold your honour, nobody will advise you to undertake such a marriage and for many reasons. But, if you are nevertheless determined to marry her, good advice is of no avail.’ A few days later, the king married Dona Leonor, as we have said, and soon afterwards he told a member of his Royal Council that he regretted having married her. The other man answered: ‘My liege, you are to blame, because you were determined to do it, and not for want of many people who advised you not to do so.’ ‘That’s true,’ said the king, ‘because many people sought to dissuade me. But I would have preferred them to act towards me, despite my clear intention, as the counsellors of my grandfather King Afonso acted towards him.’ ‘And how was that, sire?’ ‘I shall tell you,’ said the king. ‘At the start of his reign, my grandfather, being a young man, was more interested in pleasurable pursuits than in the governance of the realm. When all the members of his Royal Council had assembled in Lisbon to discuss matters pertaining to the government of the kingdom and to the public good, he walked out of the Council and went off hunting in the Sintra area, staying there for the best part of a month. The members of the Council deemed that the king had begun badly, when they realized that at the very beginning of his reign he paid so little attention to matters which he needed to resolve, both in his own interests and in those of his subjects. ‘When the king returned to the Council and after they had discussed his hunting expedition, one of them spoke up, having been prompted by the others: ‘Sire, can it be right for you to have acted as you have, leaving your Council for so many days, where your presence is so necessary, and going off hunting for a good month, while we continue here without you, unable to do anything of profit or service to you? We beseech you, Sire, to adopt a different approach from now on, or otherwise …’ ‘What do you mean, “or otherwise?”’ demanded the king. ‘By our word,’ they said, ‘otherwise we shall look for someone else to reign over us, who will take good care to govern the people by justly upholding the law and who will not abandon matters which he has the duty to attend to in order to go hunting, both large and small game, for a month.’

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The king was very angry at this and shouted back, ‘What’s that? Members of my Council saying “or otherwise” to me? Members of my Council treating me like that?’103 ‘Your Council, indeed,’ they answered, ‘when you do what you should not do.’ The king walked out of the Council, much aggrieved with them, and went away. Later, however, he gave some thought to the matter and concluded that they had spoken to him like that in order to be of service to him. He lost his feelings of grievance and decided that they had served him well. I too would have preferred it if you, the members of my Council, had acted in the same way towards me. Since you saw that it was dishonourable for me to enter into such a marriage, you should not have allowed me to do so. The counsellor, realizing that the king had told him this more to see what answer he would give than truly to wish for what he had said, replied as follows: ‘Sire, you now express the matter very well. But it could have come about that, if the members of your Council had opposed you in the way that you describe, then they might well have received a worse reply, both in words and in deeds, than that received by the members of the Council of King Afonso, your grandfather.’ The king denied it, saying that he would have approved of it. They then abandoned the matter and talked about something else.

Chapter 65

How Queen Leonor promoted the marriages of certain noblemen of the realm, and how she extended great privileges to other members of her family

A

t the time when the king married Queen Leonor, she was a young woman in her prime, as well as being physically well-endowed. She had a graceful and attractive countenance, and every feature of her face corresponded to the rule of beauty, so that no other woman at that time was her equal either in good looks or in the sweetness of her voice. However, we refrain from censuring her for a number of matters about which there was unbecoming and very idle chatter. 103 The Royal Council was duty-bound to give the king good counsel. If he refused to heed it, this brought their constitutional relationship into question. Afonso IV, on reflection, took the point (and recognized that his Council had acted in his service). Fernando shows that he expected his Council to anticipate his behaviour and express their opposition to his marriage before it took place.



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She possessed a great and lively intelligence, which she applied to strengthening her position, fostering love and fondness for her among people of both greater and lesser importance, and drawing them all into cheerful conversation, showing great generosity and doing them many favours. She was well aware that common folk were displeased that she was queen, as had become evident in Lisbon and other towns, and she was even very suspicious of certain grandees. For those reasons, she worked hard to win over to her side all the major figures in the realm through marriages, great offices and fortresses which she arranged to give them, as you will hear in due course. She also extended great privileges, especially to members of her family. She arranged the promotion of two of her brothers: Dom João Afonso Telo was made Admiral, and Gonçalo Teles became the Count of Neiva and Faria, which lies in the Minho. As for the two sons of her uncle Dom João Afonso, she made one of them, Dom João, the Count of Viana, and the other one, Dom Afonso, the Count of Barcelos. As the latter was very young, she gave him as tutor a knight named Vasco Peres de Camões. She made her brotherin-law Don Enrique Manuel104 the Count of Seia and made Dom Álvaro Pérez de Castro the Count of Arraiolos. She gave the Mastership of the Order of Santiago to Dom Fernando Afonso de Albuquerque, who was the brother of the wives of her brothers, and gave the Mastership of the Order of Christ to a nephew of hers, one Dom Lopo Dias, who was the son of her sister Dona Maria. She bestowed all the castles and best fortresses of the realm to members of her family. As Lisbon is the capital of the country, and as anyone who regards it as his considers that he owns the country, she arranged for the castle of that city to be presented to her brother Count João Afonso Telo. She contrived that all the great and valiant knights in the city should become his vassals, such as Martim Afonso Valente, who held the castle on his behalf, as well as Estêvão Vasques Filipe, Afonso Eanes Nogueira, Afonso Furtado, [Sea] Captain, Afonso Esteves de Azambuja and Antão Vasques. These knights, together with many stalwart and valiant squires who dwelled in the city, such as Pero Vasques de Pedra Alçada, Pedro Eanes Lobato and others whom we do not care to mention, were all vassals of the count. She also oversaw many noble marriages, for she arranged the marriage of her sister Dona Joana, who was a bastard and the Commander of the Monastery of Santos, with João Afonso Pimentel, and ordered that he be given Bragança by right of inheritance. She also set up the marriage of a 104 This is the half-brother of Constanza Manuel who, at the tender age of three, came in her retinue when she married Prince, later King, Pedro of Portugal in 1340. He stayed on after her death (1345) and married Brites de Sousa, half-sister of João Lourenço da Cunha, Queen Leonor Teles’s first husband.

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young woman and relative of her household, Inês Dias Botelha by name, with Pero Rodrigues da Fonseca, and ordered that he be given the castle of Olivença. She married Martim Gonçalves de Ataíde to Mécia Vasques Coutinha and ordered that he be given the castle of Chaves. Fernão Gonçalves de Sousa was married by her to Dona Teresa de Meira and was ordered to receive the castle of Portel. She married Gonçalo Viegas de Ataíde to Beatriz Nunes, the daughter of Nuno Martins de Góis and Branca do Avelar. She married Fernão Gonçalves de Meira to a daughter of Dom …, the Archbishop of Braga, known as …,105 and Payo Rodríguez Mariño to the widow of João Fernandes Cogominho. Likewise she married Gonçalo Vasques Coutinho to a daughter of Gonçalo Vasques de Azevedo, as well as marrying one Álvaro Gonçalves, a son of the latter Gonçalo Vasques, to a daughter of Juan Fernández Andeiro, the Count of Ourém, who through her was raised to a position of great standing. Queen Leonor arranged many other marriages and conferred many privileges on many nobles and grandees throughout the realm, so that they would be well-disposed towards her and would not fall foul of her. In this way, there was nobody who did not benefit from her liberality and bestowal of privileges. She was very generous and bountiful to all those who sought such favours from her, to the point where nobody who did so ever left her presence with their hopes dashed. She also readily gave alms and was very charitable to all, but everything that she did proved harmful, when once people realized that she was a handmaid of Venus and had been reared in her court. Tongues wagged and censured her, declaring that all the handmaids of that lady always feign to be very loving, for all that the mantle of charity which they display is a cover for their indecent deeds.

Chapter 66

How King Enrique sent Diogo Lopes Pacheco to King Fernando to find out whether he still wished to be his friend, and the answer that Diogo Lopes brought back

I

n 1372, when King Fernando married Dona Leonor, King Enrique was in Burgos. There he learned that a number of knights and squires from Castile, who were living in Portugal, namely Fernando de Zamora and others, had 105 These words are missing from the Portuguese text, but the archbishop in question was possibly Valascus Rodrigues de Meneses Fernandes, briefly Bishop of Lisbon, transferred by Pope Gregory XI to the See of Braga in August 1371.



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captured Viana, a Galician town located in his kingdom, and were waging war against him from there. Similarly, sailors from the coasts of Vizcaya and Asturias informed him that King Fernando had ordered the capture of a number of his naos, both at sea and in the port of Lisbon, but they did not know why. He was also informed that King Fernando was forming an alliance with the English, with a view to their jointly invading his kingdom and waging war on him. King Enrique was greatly aggrieved at this news, because he had a peace treaty with King Fernando, yet King Fernando by these actions was giving the impression that he had no intention whatever of keeping that treaty, both by permitting the Castilian knights who were based in his kingdom to wage war on him and by ordering the capture of his naos for no reason. In order to ascertain whether the King of Portugal intended to maintain the friendly relations and alliance which King Enrique had with him, he sent to him Diogo Lopes Pacheco, who at this time was living in Castile and had constantly been with King Enrique ever since he had fled Portugal because of the death of Dona Inês.106 Diogo Lopes arrived in Portugal, told King Fernando everything that King Enrique had commanded him to say and received a reply from him. When he went to speak with Prince Dinis, the prince told him of the marriage of the king, his brother, adding how troubled he was at the way in which the king had gone about it and how at odds he was with the king owing to his refusal to kiss the queen’s hand. Diogo Lopes replied that he had spoken to the king and was concerned at how he had appeared to him, because it seemed to him that the king was wholly in the power of Queen Leonor and that it was as though she had bewitched him, since he did only what she wanted. The prince asked him for his opinion on these circumstances. ‘The impression I have is a very bad one, my lord,’ he said, ‘because I gather that the queen’s brothers have gained an ascendancy in this realm that is greater than yours and that of your brother. God forbid that it should become any worse, because, if he has children by her, it could come about that you would die by poisoning, in order to remove any doubts as to the royal succession. Even if it is not the case, all confidential matters and all issues of rank and status are bound to pass into the hands of her family. For that reason, I consider it to be sound advice that you should make your way to Castile. I shall now speak to King Enrique when I leave here, and it is my understanding that he will be pleased if you do. Whatever answer I get from him, I will immediately pass it on to you.’ That is exactly what Diogo Lopes did, because, when he returned to King Enrique, he certified to him that King Fernando was not a sincere friend of his and that he had not understood from King Fernando that he wished to keep the agreements which had been signed between them. He also told him that King Fernando was at odds with both the nobility and the common people of 106 See

CKP, Chapters 30, 31 and 44.

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his country, owing to his marriage to Dona Leonor. He added that they were so disinclined to serve him and, in his opinion, differed so much in what they wanted that, if King Enrique were to invade the kingdom of Portugal, then he would easily conquer it. He went on to say that Prince Dinis and other knights who supported him were disposed to leave Portugal and to go and seek King Enrique’s favour. Similarly, there arrived in Zamora, where King Enrique then was, a squire whom he had dispatched to Portugal with a message pertaining to these matters and who now clearly assured him that King Fernando was not his ally, nor had he been willing to release the Castilian naos which had been captured in the port of Lisbon. King Enrique also received news that his son Count Alfonso, whom he had dispatched to Galicia, had recaptured the town of Viana and had arrested a number of those who were there.

Chapter 67

How King Fernando and the Duke of Lancaster formed an alliance against the King of Castile and the King of Aragon

I

t was certain, as indeed the King of Castile was informed, that King Fernando was making an alliance against him with the English, despite the agreements and treaties which existed between them, as you have already heard.107 In fact, the Duke of Lancaster had sent his emissaries shortly beforehand to King Fernando; the duke was the second son of the King of England and called himself the King of Castile on the grounds that his wife, Princess Constanza, was the daughter of King Pedro, as we have said.108 The emissaries were the knight Juan Fernández Andeiro and Roger Hore, who was the duke’s squire. They arrived in July near Braga, where the King of Portugal then was, and having shown their authorization to carry out the task, they drew up the following agreement: The king and the duke were henceforth always to be true friends and would help each other on land and sea against King Enrique, who called himself King of Castile, and against King Pedro of Aragon, so that, if the duke arrived to make war on King Enrique or on the King of Aragon, and, having entered the kingdom of Navarre, were to begin to make war on either of them by deploying the troops which he brought with him, then King Fernando would be bound to wage war on them at once. If the duke were to enter either of the aforesaid 107 In 108 In

Chapters 53 and 59 above. Chapter 43 above.



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kingdoms with his forces, then the King of Portugal would be bound to enter with his forces from the opposite direction. This assistance and the warfare involved would be at the expense of each of them. Anything that King Fernando were to capture in the kingdom of Castile, except for towns or castles or land, he could regard as his own without further contention. Anything captured from the kingdom of Aragon would belong to whosoever seized it. These clauses about the war and the assistance they undertook to give each other (and other clauses, which for brevity’s sake we shall omit) were then signed by the king and the Duke of Lancaster. The title of the duke (as he then was called) was set out as follows: ‘Don Juan, by the grace of God King of Castile, León, Toledo, Galicia, Seville, Córdoba, Murcia,109 Jaén, the Algarve110 and Algeciras, Duke of Lancaster and Lord of Molina.’ In a number of documents, the following was added: ‘reigning in the aforesaid kingdoms together with Queen Constanza, our wife and the first daughter and heiress of King Pedro, whom God forgive’. After these treaties had been signed in this way, King Fernando sent Vasco Domingues, who was the Precentor of Braga, to England for the duke to sign and swear on them. Indeed, he signed them in the Savoy Palace, in London, with the result that from this time the king and the duke became great friends.

Chapter 68

How King Enrique sent a message to King Fernando to propose peace to him, and concerning the arguments used by his envoy

D

espite what Diogo Lopes had told him and the other news which he had received from Portugal, as we have said, King Enrique was, however, disinclined to wage war on King Fernando. Rather, he was greatly troubled that King Fernando was breaking the treaties and good relations which he had 109 Erroneously,

the text of Fernão Lopes reads ‘Molina’ at this point, as well as at the end of the citation (where it is correct). See P. E. Russell, ‘Fernão Lopes and the Text of the Treaty of Santarém’, in Portugal, Spain and the African Atlantic, 1343–1490 (Aldershot: Variorum, 1995), pp. 557–61, and Lomax and Oakley, The English in Portugal, p. 341. 110 Traditionally listed among the domains of the Kings of Castile, this was distinct from, though adjacent to the Algarve, which was a part of Portugal. Presumably the Portuguese were untroubled by any problems of demarcation, more especially as John of Gaunt did not have (and was most unlikely to acquire) any military control in that area.

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established with him. In addition, before making any move to invade Portugal, he dispatched as an envoy to King Fernando a bishop, who some say was Don Juan Manrique, the Bishop of Sigüenza.111 He travelled to Portugal and met the king in a township 4 leagues away from Santarém, named Salvaterra de Magos. The bishop was an experienced and eloquent man, and, after presenting his credentials to the king, in the presence of Count João Afonso Telo and others who were with him, he addressed him as follows: Sire, King Enrique, my liege lord, recognizing the strong relationship which exists between you and him and desiring to have peace and friendship with you, both for the good of the peoples that you and he have to govern and for the especial love and goodwill which he feels towards you, has expressed the wish that there should exist such an accord between you and him that no contention could ever arise afterwards. It was this that moved him to make a peace treaty with you, which was signed subject to certain conditions and the swearing of oaths, as is well known to all here present. In order to strengthen those conditions and oaths and to bolster even more your good relationship, it was laid down that his daughter would be given to you in marriage, along with a number of towns and villages in his kingdom. Yet within just a few days, for what reason I know not, you broke the one clause which you ought most to have kept, which was to marry his legitimate daughter, since it was a marriage which would have brought to you much honour and would have added unto your kingdom the places which, along with her, he was giving to you. But you failed to marry her and married another, sending your excuses to my liege lord the king, just as you saw fit. Even though he could have hit back with good reason and with right on his side, he refrained from doing so, in order to make way for the peaceful relations that he wishes to maintain with you. Yet now, after this, you ordered the capture of certain naos belonging to his subjects, both off the sea coast and in the port of Lisbon. Though he sent a message, requesting you to give orders that everything should be handed back, you declined to do so. Instead, you answered his emissaries in such a way as to reveal that you little wish to keep the peace treaty which had been signed between you and him. In addition to this, a number of reports have led him to believe that you are making an alliance with the English with a view to their entering your kingdom and helping you against him. Since all these events clearly show that you have no wish to maintain the peace treaty signed by you both, he has sent me to request you, in God’s name, to honour fully the said peace treaty and to give orders that his subjects be compensated for all the harm that they have suffered. If you do so, you will be doing what is both reasonable and right, as you are bound to do. King Enrique will be most

111 In 1373, he was still Bishop of Orense. He became Bishop of Sigüenza only in October 1375.



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grateful to you and will deem it to be an act of great friendship. Otherwise, if you break the treaties established between you, he will be forced to defend himself against you and then he will show to God and the world that he is no longer bound to request anything of you, and that God, who is a just judge, will have just reason for helping him against you.

Chapter 69

Concerning the reply which King Fernando gave to the bishop, and how the bishop took his leave and departed

K

ing Fernando, who had clearly foreseen the arguments which the bishop would inevitably raise with him and the accusations which he was bound to bring against him, since he was only too well aware of them, had already prepared an answer to excuse himself. Accordingly, he did not ask for an interval in which to take advice but replied at once as follows: ‘I had good reason for doing everything which I have done. Had I done more, nobody could begrudge me for doing so, because it was not I who broke the treaties, but King Enrique who broke them against me first. Such were the contents of the message which I sent to him through Martín Pérez, a doctor in canon law and chancellor of his son Prince Juan, when he came to see me on his behalf about this matter. That is because, some six months after the treaties were signed, that doctor came to see me at Tentúgal,112 where I was at the time, and where he told me and urged me to acknowledge that I knew well the treaties and agreements which in the name of peace had been signed between King Enrique and me and how they had been prolonged beyond due time because of certain issues which were in both our interests, namely the mutual handover of certain places and prisoners and my marriage to Princess Leonor. ‘I answered that the King of Castile was well aware that I had already fulfilled what I had undertaken to carry out, abandoning all the towns and villages which I held and handing over all the prisoners that were still held captive in my kingdom. Yet he had shown no wish to surrender to me the town of Bragança, nor the castle of Miranda, nor other places. For that reason, it was first incumbent upon him to hand over all these places, just as I had done for him. Then I would have been content to marry his daughter and to fulfil any other requirement, if I were bound to do so. Thus, I have done everything that I should have done, whereas he has not done for me what he undertook to 112 Tentúgal is a village located on the north bank of the River Mondego, some thirty miles to the west of Coimbra.

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do. That being the case, I have married the woman whom I wanted to marry and have done what I thought was in my best interests.’ ‘Sire,’ said the bishop, ‘I spoke to you about the marriage only in order to relate it to my main purpose. If my liege lord the king still has to fulfil a number of commitments among those which you both duly signed to uphold, it is only right that he should be required to carry them out. Indeed, I am quite sure that he will willingly do so. On the other hand, it does not seem right to me for you to be taking decisions in such a way as to create war and discord between you and him. I say that on the grounds that, if his men seized the castle of Miranda in your kingdom, it was because men from your country had previously sallied forth into his territory to rob and make war on him, taking by force the town of Viana in Galicia. From there, they waged war throughout the whole of that region, doing so with your consent and without your reacting against it, to the point where he was driven to send his son Count Alfonso with troops to put an end to the matter. ‘Nevertheless, such trivial matters are easily resolved between you and him, for the sake of peace and friendly relations. For that reason, Sire, I implore you, first consider well what you want to do and recognize that a noble and blessed peace is the one which is based on the will to act and not on mere words, and that one of the best objectives that you can have is to be at peace with your neighbours. There can be no sweeter thing between kings and between peoples than to live in peace and tranquillity in such a way that, where there is one single gift of faith, there should also be one single harmony in living.’ King Fernando had sent Vasco Domingues, who was the Precentor of Braga, to England to sign the treaty between the king and the Duke of Lancaster, as you have already heard,113 and, once this was done, to arrange for troops to be brought to Portugal. He had already received a message from Vasco Domingues, stating that 800 lances and the same number of archers were ready to come. When the bishop had advanced to him the above arguments (along with many others), urging that he should want peace at all costs, the king answered in such words and in such a manner that he made it obvious that he was not interested in peace. Count João Afonso Telo spoke in a similar vein, with the result that the bishop approached him, declaring, ‘Sir count, you may advise the king in whatsoever way you see fit, but if your advice is for war rather than for peace, then you can say whatever you like, but I know, nevertheless, that you will not be the first to thrust your lance ahead of him. If I were a member of his Royal Council, as you are, I would rather advise him to opt for a sure peace with my liege lord the king than to hope for an uncertain victory.

113 In

Chapter 67 above.



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Many more arguments were put forward concerning this subject, from which the bishop concluded that the king was not interested in peace, and so he took his leave and went his way.’

Chapter 70

How the bishop arrived in Castile, and how King Enrique decided to wage war on Portugal

T

he bishop returned to Castile and found King Enrique in Zamora. After the king had withdrawn with his Royal Council to listen to the reply brought by the bishop, the first piece of news which he gave him was that he should prepare for war. The bishop reported on everything which he had experienced from King Fernando, adding that he understood that King Fernando had no wish to be a friend of King Enrique, or to honour the peace treaty he had made with him. He had also formed the view that a number of the lords who were with him had given him exactly that advice. On hearing this, King Enrique spoke out in the presence of them all: ‘God knows well, for He knows all things, that I have no wish to have a war with King Fernando and that I would much rather have peace and friendly relations with him. Since, however, I am compelled to go to war, I have no wish to hold back any longer but wish to begin at once. Therefore, let each and every one of you state what is your opinion and how things can best be done.’ Having listened to the answer brought back by the bishop and to the wishes expressed by the king, all the members of the Royal Council agreed that they should go to war and that the king should invade Portugal with all his might. Nevertheless, this should not be carried out immediately and for the following reasons: first of all, the king’s forces were not yet ready, nor had he the money needed to pay their wages and provide them with the necessary supplies; secondly, winter was coming on. For these and other reasons which each counsellor advanced for delaying matters, they were all agreed that the king should postpone this war till the following summer and that meanwhile he should make all necessary preparations with a view to concluding the war with his honour and best interests more enhanced. When he saw that they were all of one mind, and that nobody dissented, the king answered as follows: ‘Either you’re all drunk, or fools, or traitors!’ ‘Not I, sire,’ said the bishop, ‘I’m not red-haired.’114

114 Red

hair was traditionally identified with Jewish ancestry, and particularly

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‘My lord bishop,’ said the king, ‘do you say that on my account?’ For the king was light of skin and red-haired. ‘No, sire,’ replied the bishop, ‘I say it because of this man here’, indicating Pedro Fernández de Velasco, who was next to him and had reddish hair. Laughing at these and other things which people said to amuse themselves, the king spoke out to them once more: ‘At this stage, there should be no further delays or advice about when to begin. Before King Fernando gets prepared, and before any assistance can reach him from the English or from any others outside the kingdom, I want him to find me at close quarters with him. Either I shall lay waste his entire country, or we shall reach such an agreement as to remain forever in harmony. I am of the view that this is a very just war, because I am waging it in order to have peace. I intend to head at once from here to Portugal without turning back. Anyone wishing to serve me will follow me wherever I go.’ It is said that Diogo Lopes Pacheco very much supported this line of action, saying that King Enrique should invade Portugal suddenly and at once, not bothering about any other place but heading straight for Lisbon, which he could take with ease. Once he had captured that city, he would realize that he had captured the entire country and brought the war to an end. The king at once commanded that letters be sent to all his vassals, ordering them to assemble swiftly, wherever he himself happened to be, as it was his intention to leave without any further delay and invade Portugal; he would wait for them at the frontier. Likewise, he wrote to Master Ambrogio Boccanegra, his admiral, telling him to equip twelve galleys in Seville and, as soon as they were fitted out, to leave in them immediately for the city of Lisbon.

Chapter 71

How King Enrique entered Portugal, and the message he received from the papal legate

K

ing Enrique departed from Zamora and journeyed without a pause, with such men as could follow him, until he entered Portugal. He hastened in this way, without waiting longer for anyone, in order to hasten his men’s preparations to join him. His departure took place in mid-September, in the aforementioned year of 1372. When he arrived at the frontier between the kingdoms, he waited there for his men and seized the following towns: associated with the figure of Judas Iscariot (the archetypal traitor). Thus, jokes about ‘red hair’ had risky connotations.



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Almeida, Pinhel, Linhares, Celorico, and the city of Viseu, which was quite easy for him to take, as it was a town without a wall. While the king was in that area, Prince Dinis, the brother of King Fernando, went to meet him, as he had agreed with Diogo Lopes when he came to Portugal. King Enrique welcomed him and entertained him lavishly. Before the king left there, he learned that Guy de Boulogne, cardinal and papal legate, had arrived in Castile to discuss an accord and peace treaty between him and the King of Portugal. Moreover, the king received a letter from the cardinal, in which he was informed of the reason for his coming to his country. He also asked the king if he wanted him to come and see him where the king was staying, or what he would prefer him to do. The king sent his reply, in which he asked him to go to the town of Guadalajara, where the queen and his sons the princes were staying, and that he, God willing, would very quickly complete what was to be done in Portugal, and would then return to Castile and speak with him. The cardinal, having read his letter, realized that the king wished to continue his war, and therefore had sent him this message to put off seeing him until later. Thinking about this, he concluded that since the Pope had sent him to establish peace and good terms between the two kings, it was not fitting for him to delay in this matter; instead, he should make every effort to meet the King of Castile, before the war could become more intense. Thus, he decided to leave Ciudad Rodrigo to go and speak with the king wherever he might be.

Chapter 72

How King Fernando began to prepare for war, how King Enrique invaded the kingdom, and what happened as a result

W

hen news of the war was heard in Portugal, and King Fernando was sure that King Enrique intended to invade his kingdom, he had cause for much thought, because he had not expected him to try to carry out such an invasion so quickly, nor that he would be the first to start the war. He posted his officers of the marches and respective garrisons throughout the border regions of the kingdom, and also certain lords and nobles in the places through which he judged that the King of Castile might advance. King Fernando was in Coimbra at the time, with Queen Leonor and several nobles of the realm. He summoned many men from the banks of the Guadiana and likewise from Estremadura, to come to join him in a large and spacious field, 6 leagues

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from Coimbra in the direction of Lisbon, which is called the Chão de Couce, which all agreed would be a good place to wait for King Enrique. Later they agreed that it would be better to wait for him in Santarém, and fight against him there; moreover, that the further he entered into the kingdom, running short of supplies, the more scattered and easily defeated his troops would be. With this plan in mind, the king departed from Coimbra, leaving behind there his wife and several noblemen with her, went to Santarém and there began to organize his troops. He sent to Lisbon and other towns ordering that they should make ready their allocation of a certain number of men-at-arms, foot soldiers and crossbowmen, and that they all should join him at Santarém. At this point, King Enrique departed from Viseu, after the arrival of those companies which he had summoned, his intention being that King Fernando would do battle with him. He marched straight towards Coimbra, where he joined the Master of Santiago and the Master of Alcántara and the companies from Andalusia that had entered the country through that border. The queen [Leonor Teles] being in Coimbra, King Enrique arrived and established himself in Tentúgal. Count Sancho his brother lodged in the Palace of Santa Clara, Prince Dinis, Diogo Lopes Pacheco and [Monsieur] Limousin in the Monastery of São Francisco, Juan Rodríguez de Castañeda in Santa Ana, Pedro Fernández de Velasco in Cernache, and likewise the other lords and captains throughout the surrounding towns. They showed no signs of settling in for a siege of the city, only stopping as if in transit, although there was a skirmish on the bridge in which several Portuguese were taken prisoner. During the time when the King of Castile was in the area, Queen Leonor gave birth to a daughter called Princess Beatriz, who later became Queen of Castile, as you will hear in due course. From there, the king marched on, without turning aside from his course, as he had done since entering Portugal, and headed towards Torres Novas. There he learned that King Fernando was in Santarém, and that in that town the high nobility and nobles and the municipality of Lisbon and of other towns were to muster for battle. He remained where he was for two days organizing his plan of battle, which he believed was impossible to avoid. It was in fact the case that King Fernando had ordered all his nobles and vassals to be ready, and that as soon as they saw his summons they should come to him. Many of them wrote to him to ask if they should come immediately, as they had learned that the King of Castile had left Coimbra, and if he was going to meet him on the way. He responded by letter that they should stay where they were and not come until he ordered them to do so. There were some, such as Martim Afonso de Melo and Gomes Lourenço do Avelar and others, who travelled overnight from the towns where they were stationed as officers of the marches and came one night to speak to the king. When he saw them, he welcomed them and asked what they had come for. They replied that he had told them he would await the King of Castile there



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to fight with him, that they had heard news that he was now quite close by, and that it was not fitting to wait any longer for such a battle. Rather, they said, he should go forth and take the field, and that it should be far from the town rather than nearby. They asked him to defend his [royal] perch115 and not to wait for more men, for he would have plenty of them. The king said that he thanked them very much and that they had spoken well, like the good noblemen that they were. He told them, however, to return whence they had come and make themselves ready with the men that they had and could get. He added that, as soon as they saw his summons, they should set out immediately; otherwise, they should not go forth without his command. Just as he told these men, so also he sent word to certain others who had sent to enquire about the same matter, such as the Master of Avis, his brother, who was in Torres Novas. Every day the Master of Avis sent to find out what the king was doing, and whether he was gathering men, fearful that if there were to be a battle, the king might give no thought to him because he was young. Therefore, he urgently requested of a good knight, his guardian and tutor, that for the love of God he should arrange that he might not fail to be in the battle. The latter assured him that he need not fear being left out, but that he saw the king handling matters so badly that he doubted very much that he would take the field against the King of Castile. Thus it turned out, for he ordered the municipal troops of Lisbon, which were already in Azambuja, 5 leagues116 from Santarém, to go home and come no further forward; moreover, he did not summon any of the others. The King of Castile, when he learned of this, moved with his men towards Santarém and came to a palace before the town called Alcanhões, and there it became obvious to him that King Fernando did not wish to fight with him. Then the King of Castile departed for Lisbon on a Saturday, 19 February [1373], and he passed by Santarém towards Feijoais and through Abitureiras, without being troubled by anyone. However, some do say that King Fernando wished to go forth to meet him with the men he had, seeing that to do otherwise would be very disgraceful for him; and that, when he was already armed and mounted on his horse, with many of his men who were there at the time, Count João Afonso Telo and the Prior of the Knights Hospitaller came and made him dismount and disarm, saying that they would not consent to his going out to fight, since he could not do so, as befitted his honour, without having three or 4,000 horsemen with him, and in no other way. The prior and the count and likewise the king were blamed for this; it was said that cowardice had made them do it, for they should never have given him such advice; they said that if he had the goodwill to fight and had 115 Noteworthy 116 About

here is the use of familiar language. fifteen miles.

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spurred his horse, all his men would have followed him to whatever fortune God might have granted. Among those who later reviled this at greatest length was Juan Sánchez, a knight of Santa Catalina, who was one of those who came to King Fernando after the death of King Pedro; he said that the king had behaved very disgracefully in not going out to fight with King Enrique. He spoke of this so many times and so publicly that the king ended up learning of it. The king declared to those who were there with him that they should pay no attention to what he said, for he was a low-born grumbler, the son of one of his father’s muleteers. However, Juan Sánchez was a man with a fine physique, great strength and courage, and when he was told that the king had said this, he felt great displeasure. One day, the king being in a public place, he said to him in front of everyone: ‘Sire, I have been told that you said that I am the son of a muleteer of your father’s; in truth, if he was at one time, I do not know it; and if he was, he was a muleteer for a very noble king. Nonetheless, I know this much: if you had 1,000 muleteers like me and of a similar will, King Enrique would not pass in front of your doors, as he did, nor win so much honour at your expense.’ The king kept silent and did not reply to this, and the others told Juan Sánchez not to be concerned about what had been said and laughed at the words of scorn he had uttered to the king.

Chapter 73

How King Enrique arrived at Lisbon, and the way the residents of the city went about protecting themselves

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o one could have imagined that King Enrique would invade the kingdom in the way he did, especially in going from Coimbra to Lisbon, where King Fernando was when he departed from Viseu, nor that King Fernando would not go forth right away to confront him and block his progress. He could very well have done so, as he had plenty of men of his own country to put in the field, and also the aid of the nobles and lords who had come to him from Castile because of the death of King Pedro, as you have heard.117 Thus no one could believe that King Fernando would tolerate King Enrique’s penetrating so far into the kingdom, so much so that in the cities and towns through which he was marching the people were consequently so unaware of danger that none of them took any trouble to protect themselves nor to store 117 In

Chapter 25 above.



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their goods in safety, so that men were caught relaxing and dining, without having secured any of their property. The enemy was already on the outskirts of the town, and they still did not believe it. As a result, the enemy robbed and apprehended many of them, without encountering anyone who could in any way hinder them. When the people of Lisbon learned that King Enrique had passed through Santarém and that King Fernando had not come out to confront him nor sent anyone to hinder his progress, they were thrown into consternation on account of the vast losses that they could expect to suffer, because the city was quite unprotected and without a wall where most of the people were. It had no protection or defence except the old city wall, which extends from the Iron Gate to the Alfama Gate, and from the King’s Fountain to Martim Moniz Gate. All the rest of the city was unprotected, in which area lived many people of great wealth and property, and they fully realized that they and those who lived on the outskirts had perforce to take refuge there, and they would not be able to fit inside with all their belongings without great trouble and anguish. Thus some said that it would be wise to gather together and head off to fight with the King of Castile at the Loures Bridge and die there in the open rather than wait to endure such hardships as they expected from his approach. Others said that it would be advisable to barricade all the streets that led to the central square of the city, and prevent the Castilians from entering it, and that all the friars and priests who were in the city should take up arms and help to defend it. It was so hard for them to believe that King Enrique could reach Lisbon that his men were already in Lumiar, a league from the city, and were moving through the olive groves and vineyards round about, and still some doubted that he would come to lay siege to the city. With this commotion and fear, priests and friars began to go to the armoury of the king and arm themselves with the weapons that they found there; others laboured to find wood to barricade the streets. Moreover, there were some who, abandoning all care for the defence of the city, had no thought except to hide the belongings that they could move to safety. With everyone preoccupied with these diverse activities, King Enrique arrived quite unhindered with his entire host going around Santo Antão, and from there through Valverde, to settle into the Monastery of São Francisco, and Prince Dinis with him. Some have written, however, that he had a mind to stay in the Monastery of Santos, which is about a quarter of a league distant from the city, but his men headed straight for the city from various directions. He then decided to stay in São Francisco, which has an elevated position from which he could have a very good view of the whole city. The people of the city, seeing his great power, did not dare to fight with him. Leaving off any thought they had of taking up arms, all strove to put themselves in safety. They all took refuge in the walled part of the city as

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quickly as they could, with their wives and children and the belongings they could carry. Those taking refuge within the walls were in such great hurry, both Christians and Jews alike, that the mass of people, which was considerable, blocked access to the gates. Some eased their weary shoulders of the great bundles they were carrying, finding quite swiftly those who were bent on receiving them. Others, when they arrived at the gates, threw inside the loads they were carrying and left them entirely unguarded, in their haste to go back for more. Many things lay unprotected beyond the walls, so that afterwards disputes broke out about them, as each person laid claim to his own. The sense of security that made them delay and not set about the task earlier caused them to lose great riches: they told each other, after they had taken refuge, how it had gone with them when they were putting their property in safety, and how their ultimate fear had made them abandon and forget about many things. The free Moors of the suburbs all went with their belongings to Curral dos Coelhos, next to the fortifications of the king’s palace, which is on a high hill, and remained there sheltered in tents grouped together for their defence. King Enrique’s advance, when he drew near to Lisbon, took place on a Wednesday at the hour of tierce,118 on 23 February in the year 1373.

Chapter 74

How the admiral refused to allow the galleys of Portugal to fight against those of Castile, and how some Portuguese naos were captured because of him

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hen King Fernando saw that the King of Castile was bypassing Santarém and going on to attack Lisbon, he decided to send men there to aid in its defence. Since Count Álvaro Pérez de Castro was the governor of the city, the king commanded him to go to the castle, for the safety and protection of the city, and ordered all houses adjoining the city wall to be destroyed, so that the Castilians might not find shelter in them and cause harm in that way. Moreover, he sent the Admiral Master Lançarote and Vasco Martins de Melo and Juan Fozín, who was the captain of the fleet, and several other knights, both from among those who were with him and those who had come in the retinue of the queen when she left Coimbra and came to Santarém. They came

118 The

canonical hour of tierce corresponds to 9 a.m.



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in barges and entered the city, because the fleet of the King of Castile had not come yet to prevent them from entering. Having had news that the galleys of Castile were coming from Seville well armed, they agreed that it was a good idea to arm four galleys that lay at anchor before the city, along with several naos, and to sail out to confront the Castilian galleys and fight with them. Thus it was that they made ready and set out from the port. Not having gone far, they caught sight of several galleys that were coming ahead. Captain Juan Fozín, who was in one of the naos, wanted the Portuguese to attack them, giving his assurance that they would defeat them, since their [own] naos and galleys were well armed, and the Castilian vessels were not. The admiral, with great cowardice and lack of initiative, though he had the advantage over his adversaries, refused to agree to the attack. Instead, he said that they should taunt them and fight with them in front of the city, so that everyone could enjoy watching the victory. The Castilian galleys that were ahead, with the great apprehension and fear they were feeling, when they got close to the city tried hard to get across the river. Juan Fozín, when he saw the galleys rowing towards the shore and realized that the admiral did not intend to close with them, wishing to accomplish something of merit, went so far inshore to try to catch a galley before it got to dry land that he was nearly wrecked, and could do it no harm. The Castilian galleys beached their prows119 in front of the dockyards of the city, whilst the naos and galleys of Portugal reached the shore a short distance further on, at the place they call the Furadouro [the Hidden Inlet]. When both sets of galleys landed, all the men began to act according to differing impulses. The Castilians quickly set about getting into their galleys and supplying them with men-at-arms, in order to go and fight the Portuguese galleys; meanwhile, the admiral disembarked at once, and many with him, and he went to the city hall to seek advice regarding what to do about the Castilian fleet. Although some who had seen them told him how the Castilian galleys were filling up with men, and that he should look into what he ought to be doing in such a case, he gave no thought to any means of protecting his galleys. 119 Contrary

to what Fernão Lopes describes here, it was common practice to beach galleys stern-first for ease of relaunching and for defensive purposes. One would assume that was not the case in this instance because the Castilian galleys were rushed ashore to escape the attack by Juan Fozín and to take men on board. Once the Portuguese galleys were beached too, the Castilians had an opportunity to push their galleys out and manoeuvre them back into action, as they did. See Charles D. Stanton, Medieval Maritime Warfare (Barnsley: Pen & Sword Maritime, 2015), pp. 155–56.

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Meanwhile, the Castilian galleys were so full of men as to be more overburdened than they were swift, and they began to row towards the naos and galleys of the Portuguese. The naos and galleys were without men-at-arms, because they had all left with the admiral and later with the captain, little thinking what the Castilian galleys meant to do. When they saw them approaching so powerfully armed, they did not dare to await their onslaught, and rowed off to the opposite bank in the direction of Ribatejo and slipped into certain inlets that are thereabouts, where they could not be harmed at all even if the galleys of their enemies tried to follow them. The Castilian galleys, seeing how they were heading that way, where they could not hinder them, closed immediately with the naos. As there were few men on board, they captured several of those naos in battle, and the sea was theirs for the time being. The admiral was very much blamed and criticized because of this, and the king took away his command and gave it to Dom João Afonso Telo, the queen’s brother, because the admiral had been at fault in not capturing the Castilian galleys and moreover had lost some of his naos, although they were among the ones that the king had [earlier] taken away from the Castilians.

Chapter 75

How the citizens of Lisbon fixed their suspicions on certain people resident in the city, how some were imprisoned, and two men killed

I

t was generally known, and all confirmed it, that Diogo Lopes Pacheco had been the primary instigator in inducing King Enrique to come and lay siege to Lisbon, making him aware that there were people in the city who, to protect their own property, would give him such aid that he could capture it very quickly. There was great commotion in the city because of this suspicion, with the people accusing some residents of being on the side of the King of Castile, through the medium of Diogo Lopes, whose servants and allies they were, and claiming that the city had been betrayed for money by them. Among these were Lourenço Martins da Praça, who had brought up Dom João, the Master of Avis, and also Martim Taveira, Afonso Colaço, Afonso Peres and other honourable men who were in the city. Since some of them had the keys to certain gates, these were taken from them at once, and all of them made prisoner. As often happens in such cases, which cause much fear, and where no excuse is accepted nor any time allowed to ascertain the truth, without further delay they were all subjected to torture. Although they did not confess to



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anything, some said that one of Lourenço Martins’s men deserved to be dragged. Without troubling to find a beast to pull him, the people dragged him with their own hands through the city, tearing him to pieces, and thus he died. They took another man and put him in the pouch of a catapult that had been set up in front of the door of the cathedral. When it was fired, it hurled him over the church between the two bell towers. When he landed, they found him still alive, they seized him again and put him in the pouch of the catapult. It launched him towards the sea, as they wished, and thus ended his life. The others named, who were taken prisoner and wounded, were released without further punishment, but they were no longer trusted. From that time forward, the city was put under close watch and guard, and patrolled night and day, with great care and caution devoted to all actions and measures of defence. At this point, King Enrique found out that the friars of the Monastery of São Francisco where he was staying had taken up arms to go and fight against him, when it had become known in the city that he was coming. He said that, since they had armed themselves against him, it was not right for him to lodge among his enemies. Then he ordered two barges to be made ready and all the friars to be put into them without boatmen, and commanded that they should cross to the other side of the river. The friars rowed across to the other side of the river in safety, for it is not more than a league. When his men saw that he had ordered this to be done to the friars, they decided to rob the sacristy, but the king found out and forbade them to do it. Thus it was kept under the control of a friar, a good man who was the sacristan of the said monastery.

Chapter 76

How Vasco Martins de Melo and his son Gonçalo Vasques were taken captive in a skirmish

T

he men of the King of Castile were lodging in the monasteries and throughout the city as they pleased, having found all the houses120 unprotected, with many goods and tools in them, because their owners had not had time, when they took refuge behind the old city wall, to keep everything and take it all along, but rather only those things that they could most easily gather up, as we have said. Many Christians and Jews hid those of their belongings 120 In the edition used in this translation, the Portuguese word is ‘cousas’ (things), which is an obvious mistake. Therefore we have assumed the right word to be ‘casas’ and translated it accordingly.

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that they could not take with them in wells; when the Castilians found out about this, they fished for the goods with grappling hooks, and collected all they could, along with many other things that they later took with them when they departed. Since all the men were lodging very close to the city wall, there were frequent skirmishes, and men were wounded and taken prisoner on both sides. Thus was made captive Vasco Martins de Melo, whose responsibility was to guard the Sea Gate. He went forth one day to skirmish with Juan Duque, who was guarding the slaughterhouses nearby. Vasco Martins believed that all the men he had with him were going out with him, but some failed him at that moment. Juan Duque went forth against him with a strong company, and Vasco Martins was wounded and knocked to the ground while defending himself. At this point, his son Gonçalo Vasques came up to prevent them from killing him, and they went on defending themselves until both were wounded and taken captive, and Juan Duque took them both away as prisoners to his lodging. The next day, Diogo Lopes Pacheco came to see Vasco Martins, and they exchanged very harsh words. Vasco Martins told him that it was because of his plotting and manoeuvring that King Enrique had started this war and come to attack Lisbon. Moreover, other unpleasant words were exchanged between them at that time. King Fernando, learning of the way in which Vasco Martins and his son were taken prisoner, sent to Sines for Pedro Fernández Cabeza de Vaca, who had been captured in that town in one of the Castilian galleys that had run ashore on the coast there in a storm when they were passing that way. They exchanged him for Vasco Martins and his son, and thus they were released and were at liberty.

Chapter 77

How Count Alfonso attacked Cascais, and García Rodríguez [Taborda] was taken prisoner in a skirmish

C

ustomary as it was for those in the city to skirmish with those outside, both at the Iron Gate and at the Sea Gate that we have mentioned, one day several Portuguese went forth from within the city wall to skirmish with their enemies. As they were charging them, their strength and daring grew so much that they drove them back along the Rua Nova, fully halfway down the street. King Enrique was watching from the belvedere of São Francisco, where he was lodging, and saw, in complete safety, everything that was happening. While he was praising in the presence of his men the boldness



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of those Portuguese who were behaving in that way, so many of his men rallied to provide aid in that skirmish that they forced those from the city to take refuge within its walls, and not without having to escape grave danger. García Rodríguez, the chief bailiff of King Fernando, was taken captive there, without anyone else being captured nor any death on either side. Those who were captured in that way were exchanged for one another, and in some cases for an agreed ransom. At this point, Count Alfonso, son of King Enrique, went with 400 lances to attack a walled town called Cascais, which is very close to the sea, 5 leagues from Lisbon.121 The few townspeople, who could not defend it, surrendered to him at once without a battle, and the Castilians took prisoner whomsoever they wished, looted the town of much wealth and returned with it to the city [of Lisbon]. In this manner, the captains who had come with King Enrique spread out around the outskirts of the city to forage, without being hindered by anyone. They carried off great booty of many and varied things and cut down vines and olives and other trees, setting fire to many farmhouses, which they totally destroyed.122 Thus with the Castilians on one side and the men of King Fernando on the other, there was a double flame that consumed and destroyed the land. Since it was from the houses that were closest to the wall that those in the city suffered harm, with arrows being fired at them, at times from inside the houses, they decided to burn them all down, so that their enemies might not hide in them. When the Castilians saw this, they began to plunder the entire city, and afterwards they said that, since their opponents had started burning it down, they would help them burn it in earnest. Then they set fires in many places, and all the Rua Nova burned, and the parishes of Madalena and São Julião, and the whole Jewish quarter, the best part of the city. The Castilians said later that if the Portuguese had not started first by setting the fire on their part, they would never have started it on theirs. They took along as trophies when they left some very beautiful doors from the customs house of the city. Likewise, they sought to carry off the bronze horses through which the water cascades in the Horse Fountain, but these were previously hidden away, before they could get ready to take them.

121 About

sixteen miles to the west of Lisbon. down olive trees (barely replaceable in a couple of generations) was an especially severe sanction for an invading army to apply and indicates the severe punitive action adopted by Castilians. 122 Cutting

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Chapter 78

How Enrique Manuel fought with Pedro Sarmiento, and the Portuguese were defeated

W

ith Lisbon under siege in this way, Pedro Ruiz Sarmiento, governor of Galicia, and Juan Rodríguez de Biedma and other nobles from that land entered Portugal across the north-west border123 and reached as far as Barcelos. Many men of Portugal from that district gathered to fight against them, including Don Enrique Manuel, who was the uncle of King Fernando and the brother of Doña Constanza, who had been the wife of King Pedro of Portugal,124 along with the knight João Lourenço Bubal and Fernão Gonçalves de Meira and Nuno Viegas the Elder, as well as other nobles and the town councils of Oporto and Guimarães. When the Castilians learned of this, they decided to await them and stationed a strong force of many men in ambush in a hidden place, of which the Portuguese knew nothing. After the battle began, the men of Portugal were getting the better of their opponents. At this point, Juan Rodríguez de Biedma came out of the ambush, making a great noise as if there were a great many men, and at once a squire who was carrying the banner of Enrique Manuel turned to flee on horseback. His men began to cry out at him: ‘The banner is fleeing, the banner is fleeing!’ ‘My friends,’ said Enrique, ‘pay no attention to the banner, which is but a small piece of cloth that is blowing away; rather, pay heed to my body, which is here, and in which you should find greater encouragement than in the banner. Therefore let us go on fighting for victory, and pay no attention to the banner.’ Then they fought on until they were defeated and totally routed. When Nuno Gonçalves, who held the castle of Faria, saw the Portuguese going into battle, he went forth from the town with some of his men, thinking to attack the enemy by surprise, and hoping that some of the Portuguese from one side and some from the other might catch the Castilians in the middle. The Castilians, who had already beaten the first force, turned on him, and he was defeated and captured. João Lourenço Bubal was killed there, and Nuno Viegas and Fernão Gonçalves de Meira were taken prisoner; Enrique Manuel fled towards Ponte de Lima. Among the men-at-arms and foot soldiers, as many as 100 were taken prisoner, as well as certain other citizens of Oporto, among whom was captured Domingos Peres das Eiras, who was one of the notable men of the town. He ransomed himself for 10,000 123 The border with the north-western province of ‘Entre Douro e Minho’ (Between the Rivers Douro and Minho), presently called ‘the Minho’. 124 In fact, when he became king in 1357, she had already passed away.



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golden francs. In the week when he was set free, one of his naos arrived from Flanders, which in freight and merchandise brought back 10,000 francs for its owner. In the same fashion, the Castilians won many ransoms from others who had been taken prisoner there.

Chapter 79

How Nuno Gonçalves de Faria was killed because he refused to give up the castle to Pedro Ruiz Sarmiento

T

he good squire Nuno Gonçalves, who was taken prisoner in this battle of which you have just heard, was very worried about the castle of Faria, which he had left in the charge of his son. He believed what was reasonably to be assumed, namely that those who had captured him would take him before the town, and, if they inflicted tortures on him or the threat thereof, his son, seeing this, would take pity on him and would be moved to give up the castle. Since he had no way to warn him about this, he told Pedro Ruiz Sarmiento that he should have him taken to the castle, and he would tell his son to agree to hand it over to him. Pedro Ruiz was very glad about this and ordered that he be taken there at once. When Nuno Gonçalves arrived at the base of the wall, he called for his son, who swiftly appeared; instead of telling him to give up the castle to those who held him captive, he addressed his son as follows: ‘My son, you know well that this castle was given to me by King Fernando, my liege lord, to hold it for him, and I did him homage for it. To my misfortune, I went forth from it, believing that I was serving him, and now I am a prisoner in the power of his enemies, who have brought me here to order you to surrender it to them. Since this is something that out of loyalty I ought not to do, I therefore command you, on pain of losing my blessing, that you do not do so, nor give it up to any person except to my liege lord the king, who gave it to me. It was to make you aware of this that I had myself brought here. No matter what torments or death you see me suffer, do not give it up to anyone else except to my liege lord the king, or to someone to whom, in a trustworthy message, the king might order you to hand it over.’ Those who were holding him prisoner, when they heard this, were startled by his words and asked him if he was saying this in jest or if he meant it. He responded that he had had himself brought there to say these things to his son, and he commanded him to obey on pain of losing his blessing. Thinking themselves mocked, in their resentment at this they killed him then and there with cruel wounds and in the presence of his son. Thus they did not gain control of the castle.

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That land is thickly populated, and so not all the people could fit inside the castle, and some of them took refuge between the wall and the barbican125 in thatched huts that they built there. A hot east wind was blowing at the time, and one of those who were outside took a bundle of flaming thatch on his lance and cast it inside on top of the huts, so that they began to burn. Those in the castle, enraged at the killing of Nuno Gonçalves, which they had witnessed, paid no attention to the fires that had been started, shocked as they were by the words he had said to his son. The fire was strong because of the wind, so that there was no remedy for it, and all those huts burned down with everything in them and many people inside. The son of Nuno Gonçalves kept the castle as his father commanded him, and afterwards the king gave him a very honourable benefice, since it pleased him to choose a clerical life.

Chapter 80

Concerning the conversation that King Enrique had with Diogo Lopes Pacheco about the siege of Lisbon

W

ith Lisbon under siege, as you have heard, they say that King Enrique started to feel annoyed, because he could not take the city in as short a time as some had told him, and as he himself believed he might take it. Of these [advisers], some authors write that the principal one was Diogo Lopes Pacheco. They relate that as the king was reproaching him, he spoke to him in this way: ‘Diogo Lopes, you told me several times that if I were to come and lay siege to this city, I could take it in a few short days, because there were no men in it who could defend it and even if it were defended, there was not enough strength to hold it for long; also, once this city was taken, all the rest of the kingdom would be easy for me to seize. Only because of this did I set forth to lay siege to it. Now it seems to me, according to the beginning that I have witnessed, that it will not be so easy to take as you say, even though it is not entirely walled about. For we have done no damage so far, except to what we have found unprotected outside the city wall; besides, it seems to me that those inside do have the will to defend it well, and it is strong in its walls and towers, so that our stay here will be much longer than I believed; during that time, I do not think that we shall be able to inflict much damage on it.’ They say that Diogo Lopes responded: ‘Sire, I advised you in this matter as soundly as I could, and I still advise you in the same way now. I am astonished that you have become annoyed at not seizing it in a few days, for 125 The

outer rampart.



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you see very well that you have them penned in like sheep in a sheepfold; moreover, you are safe from King Fernando coming to break the siege or do battle with you, for he is not up to it, nor does he have the men with whom he could do it. Even if he had them, he would not be capable of it. Since you have abundant supplies, which will not run short, and they, by contrast, are using theirs up day by day, it is inevitable, whether they like it or not, that they must come to kiss your hand and yield the city to you before they die of hunger. Thus, in one way or another, you may be assured that you will win the city soon; and once Lisbon is won, you will have won the whole kingdom. Therefore, you ought to concentrate your efforts principally on this place; otherwise, they would say of you that you came merely to cause fear and then you returned home too soon. Consequently, in both winter and summer you should continue at this, for thus did the famous warriors in their sieges of the places they wished to capture. Perseverance delivered them into their hands, for in any other manner they never could have taken them.’ King Enrique, hearing these and other arguments that Diogo Lopes made to him, considered the advice good, and decided to persist in the siege; he ordered that four siege engines be set up to hurl rubble into the city. Since there were many people within, he was convinced that they could kill so many of them that by this means and by the shortage of supplies it was inevitable that they would take the city soon. No doubt it would have turned out that way, if God had not more quickly put an end to this war in another fashion, for there were so many people within, from both the city and surrounding area, that it looked like a multitude of livestock in a small enclosure. They drank dry the King’s Fountain, which is a very large and beautiful spring, supplied with a great abundance of water that runs continuously. They even ventured out, when they saw an opportune moment, to seek water from other springs, although it was very dangerous for them.

Chapter 81

Who this Diogo Lopes Pacheco was, and the occasion of his leaving for Castile

N

ot foolishly, but rather with good reason, any sensible man who reads this book may ask, inasmuch as Diogo Lopes Pacheco was Portuguese and such a favourite of King Fernando, as some historians relate, what it was that moved him to leave for Castile and induce King Enrique to invade the kingdom of which he was a native, an invasion which caused so much evil and harm. Not only might a prudent person muse on this, but also wonder what kind of man he was and of what lineage, and also what sort of dignity

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and status he held, considering that his advice in matters of such moment was so readily accepted and had so much weight. Touching very briefly on these points, his descent was from Dom Fernão Jeremias, who was married to Dona Mor Soares, the daughter of Soeiro Viegas, who built the Monastery of Ferreira, and from Dom Rui Peres de Ferreira, who was the great-grandson of Dom Jeremias. From Dona Teresa Peres de Cambar was born the most excellent knight Fernão Rodrigues Pacheco, who held the castle of Celorico, when the Count of Boulogne came in as regent of this kingdom, as we have told in its place.126 He was the first to be called by this surname. From Diogo Lopes Pacheco, the great-grandson of this Fernão Rodrigues and his wife Dona Joana Vasques, the daughter of Dom Vasco Pereira, was born Lopo Fernandes Pacheco, who was a high noble of great honour in the time of King Afonso IV. To this Lopo Fernandes and his wife Dona Maria de Villalobos was born this Diogo Lopes, of whom we are now speaking. His honour and status were great, both in the time of the aforesaid King Afonso, to whose Royal Council he belonged, and also later in the household of other kings under whose protection and in whose lands he lived. He went to Castile on account of the death of Dona Inês, as you have already heard,127 and lived there with King Enrique, with whom he shared great mutual affection on account of the wars in which he had accompanied him, both in the armies of France and in the war between Aragon and Castile. Although he received many favours and much honour from King Enrique, as soon as King Pedro died, longing for the land of his birth, and moreover believing he would be well received by King Fernando, he decided to go to him. When King Fernando had been ruling for a little more than two months, Diogo Lopes arrived in Santarém; when he spoke with the king, he was very courteously received, and the king gave him a generous welcome. A few days later, Diogo Lopes spoke to the king regarding his affairs, speaking as follows: ‘Sire, you well know the reason why I went out of this kingdom in the time of King Afonso, your grandfather, you being at the time just a little boy; you know likewise the harsh attitude that King Pedro, your father, took towards me, and how he commanded that all my possessions be taken away, with no cause or reason, and even ordered that I be killed, if I could be caught. Therefore I have been in exile until now, without daring to enter this kingdom. Now that it has pleased God to take him from this world, I beseech you, sire, by your grace, that you be mindful of the services that I and my father performed for your grandfather King Afonso and for the kings who came before you, and 126 Fernão Lopes is referring to his chronicle of the first seven kings of Portugal and to the future Afonso III, Count of Boulogne by virtue of having espoused Matilda, the heiress of Boulogne. Afonso III became regent when his brother, Sancho II, was removed from the throne owing to continuous disputes with the Church (1247). 127 In CKP, Chapter 31.



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likewise the deep and close bonds between Your Highness and my ancestors. For you must know that your father the king, at the time of his passing, to unburden his conscience, set aside all the rancour and resentment he had felt towards me, though I had not deserved it. He commanded that all my possessions should be given back to me, as fully as before. Moreover, you must know, by the trustworthy testimony of those who were there present and have good reason to know it, that when he realized how I was not guilty in that matter for which he previously blamed me so much, his wish was, if God had allowed him to live, to take me into his service and have me come back to his land, rescinding his sentence against me and restoring to me all my honour and good name. Inasmuch as he had it in mind to do this, if God had not taken him away so soon, I beseech you by your grace that you carry out his intent, in order to grant me favour and unburden his soul.’ The king, hearing these and other words that he spoke to him at great length regarding his affairs, said that he was well informed about it all, and that it pleased him to do what he asked. Then the king had all his possessions handed over to him, wherever they were, and his good name and honour entirely restored to him, as fully as could be done, giving him for all this his written pledge. He made him a high noble and a member of his Royal Council, trusting in him greatly and sending him to Castile on missions, to see to his interests there, when needed. He was called in the king’s decree Dom Diogo Lopes, high noble, Lord of Ferreira. Now, about this there are two divergent opinions, between which the reader may choose whichever one he likes. Some say that when he went on occasions to Castile as an envoy, instead of attending to what had been entrusted to him, he told King Enrique of the great discord between King Fernando and the townspeople and certain others in the kingdom because of the marriage he had entered into with Dona Leonor. They say that with these and other arguments he urged and counselled him to invade the kingdom. However, we can see no advantage that would come to him from this; rather, it seems to us to lack any reasonable foundation. The other viewpoint, with which more people agree, is this: that he was one of those who spoke out most against King Fernando’s marrying Dona Leonor. Since she was very vengeful and felt mortal hatred for those who wanted to prevent that marriage, he, dreading what might happen to him afterwards, as a wise and cautious man, left for Castile with his sons, to live in safety with King Enrique, in whose favour he had been before. Now, since he was living with the King of Castile and was his confidential adviser, and since King Fernando had broken the terms of peace to which he had sworn, as you have already heard at length,128 you may decide as you like, according to your own judgement, whether he did

128 See

Chapters 64 and 66 above.

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well or the contrary in advising King Enrique to invade the kingdom, having an opportune moment and the strategic advantage.

Chapter 82

How peace was made between King Enrique and King Fernando, and on what terms

G

uy de Boulogne, the Cardinal-Bishop of Porto129 [e Santa Rufina] and legate of the Holy See, whom the Pope had sent to Spain130 to make peace between these two kings, as we have related earlier,131 departed from Ciudad Rodrigo to come and speak to King Enrique. Given that the latter was already besieging Lisbon, the bishop could not enter that area without first meeting the King of Portugal. He arrived in Santarém on Shrove Tuesday, 1 March, not more than nine days after King Enrique had passed that way. He spoke with King Fernando, saying that the Holy Father was deeply perturbed by the war and conflict that the enemy of the human race so often strove to foment between kings who were sons of the Church, principally between those who, being adjacent to the barbarous nations of the infidels might, on account of this hatred and ill will, give the latter an opportunity to destroy the Christian religion. Thus, watching over this with great care, he decided that it was necessary to make peace between those in whom the evil spirit sowed such discord. Since he and King Enrique were two loyal defenders of the faith in Spain, they should not flare up so frequently in war, following unjust impulses, but rather establish friendship and peace between themselves, for the love of that One who so fervently commanded it before He left this world. Another reason for this was that their kingdoms and people should not be weakened by bloodletting. Once the cardinal had delivered these and other admonitions, which he wisely set forth in his presence, the king replied that he would summon his Royal Council. Agreement on this was reached, since the king had lost hope of the men who were supposed to come from England, on whose account Vasco Domingues had gone there, as you have heard,132 for these men had been ready for five months, yet because of the bad weather they had not come. 129 Fernão

Lopes writes ‘Porto’, but this should not be confused with the Portuguese city of Oporto. Guy de Boulogne was appointed Cardinal-Bishop of the suburbicarian see of Porto e Santa Rufina in 1350. 130 See Chapter 27, note 53 above. 131 In Chapter 71 above. 132 In Chapters 67 and 69 above.



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Moreover, with his kingdom unfit to carry on the war, he consented for his part to agree to peace, as the cardinal would judge reasonable, without any diminution of his honour. The cardinal was highly pleased with this reply and left the next day for Lisbon, where he put his arguments to King Enrique in terms similar to those he had put to King Fernando. He discovered in him a wish to have peace, having reached agreement to certain conditions that the king declared to him in detail. The cardinal then returned to Santarém and told King Fernando the response he had received from King Enrique. Then the king chose as his envoys Dom Afonso, the Bishop of Guarda, and the knight Aires Gomes da Silva, who left for Lisbon with the cardinal. The cardinal so led the negotiations between the two kings that it pleased God on high, the lover and author of peace, that on 19 March, in the castle of Santarém, King Fernando being present, with the approval of his Royal Council, a peace treaty was agreed between himself and the King of Castile, with the following terms: First, that between them and their children and descendants there should be full and true peace, untainted by any malice, and likewise with the King of France and his successors. Also, that King Fernando and all his heirs should be always in alliance with the Kings of France and Castile against the King of England and the Duke of Lancaster and their people. Furthermore, that King Fernando should be bound to assist King Enrique for three years with two armed galleys, though at the expense of the King of Castile; this would happen whenever the latter should equip six galleys or more against the English. After the three years had elapsed, which were to begin the following May, King Fernando would no longer be obliged to provide them to him. Anyone who writes that this assistance was to consist of five galleys at the expense of King Fernando is very much mistaken, for no such provision was included in their treaties.133 If it should happen that Englishmen should come to the ports of the kingdom of Portugal, neither King Fernando nor his people were to supply them with provisions or arms, nor give them favour or counsel; rather, they should expel them from the kingdom and lands as their mortal enemies. If they could not do so by their own power, then the King of Castile would be required to come in person or send his forces to drive them out. Likewise, within thirty days of the signing of this peace treaty, King Fernando was to expel from his kingdom, from among the people who had come to him from Castile, these here listed, namely Don Fernando de Castro; Suero Yáñez de Parada; Fernando Alfonso de Zamora; the sons of Álvaro Rodríguez de Aza, namely Fernán Rodríguez, Álvaro Rodríguez, and Lopo 133 This is a reference to Pero López de Ayala, who records the treaty terms in the Crónica del rey don Enrique, Year 8, Chapter 6. For a discussion of the divergences between Lopes and Ayala, see Russell, ‘Fernão Lopes and the Text of the Treaty of Santarém’.

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Rodríguez; Fernán Gutiérrez Tello; Diego Alfonso de Carvajal; Diego Sánchez de Torres; Pedro Alfonso Girón; Juan Alfonso de Baeza; Gonzalo Martínez; Álvaro Menéndez de Cáceres; García Pérez del Campo; García Malfeito; Gregory and Philpot, Englishmen; Pelayo de Meira, the Dean of Córdoba; Martín García de Algeciras; Martín López de Ciudad; his brother Nuño García; Gómez de Hoyos; Juan del Campo; his brother Bernardo Yáñez; Juan Fernández Andeiro; Juan Fozín; Fernán Pérez and Alfonso Gómez Churichán. These twenty-eight people, and no more, were named by the King of Castile to be expelled from Portugal, under guard by sea and by land, until they were brought to safety. If certain authors give a different account of this in their books, put no trust in such writings. It was also stipulated that King Fernando should pardon Prince Dinis, his brother, and Diogo Lopes Pacheco, and any others who enjoyed the grace and favour of King Enrique, setting aside any anger, punishment or penalty of any kind, and he should give them back their possessions and patrimonies; likewise, he should pardon all the towns and villages that had acknowledged King Enrique as their liege lord. They agreed on these further provisions: that Princess Beatriz, who was the sister of King Fernando and the daughter of King Pedro and Dona Inês de Castro, should marry Don Sancho de Alburquerque, the brother of King Enrique and son of King Alfonso and Doña Leonor Núñez de Guzmán. Anyone who claims that more marriages were included in these treaties is mistaken in his history.134 Other terms that we do not care to write down were devised between the two kings, which they swore to and were signed by them and by all the lords and nobles and prelates, and by twenty cities and towns that the kings wished to name. It was agreed that if either king broke this peace, he should pay 30,000 gold marks, and also that he and all his knights and squires should be subject to punishments both ecclesiastical and secular, the greatest that could be put in writing being legally valid in the eyes of learned authorities. They laid down and agreed that anyone who might be required to swear and pay the homage that was devised for this purpose and who refused to do so should lose the favour of the king whose vassal he was, and should be exiled from the kingdom by him as his mortal enemy. Since King Enrique, despite the oaths and promises that King Fernando and his men had made as part of this peace agreement, still doubted that they would fully keep to them as actually signed, because of what had happened to him with King Fernando in the earlier Treaty of Alcoutim, he asked for certain people and towns as hostages for three years, namely Viseu, Miranda, Pinhel, Almeida, Celorico, Linhares and Segura; the people were João Afonso Telo, the queen’s brother; Dom João, who was the Count of Viana and the son of Dom João Afonso, the Count of Ourém; Nuno Freire; Rodrigo Álvares, the son of the Prior of

134 See

note 133 above.



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Crato; and the admiral, Master Lançarote. But the latter, they say, asked as a favour of King Enrique that he request him as a hostage with the others, on account of the great grievance that King Fernando had against him because of his shortcomings in the battle with the Castilian galleys, as we said earlier.135 The King of Castile demanded that these and other people be given up to him, as well as six sons of citizens of Lisbon, whom he himself requested and selected, four from Oporto, and another four from Santarém, whom he took with him. João Afonso Telo, however, remained in Portugal with his consent and was left out of the reckoning of the hostages. The aforementioned towns were turned over to the charge of the papal legate, and the people delivered up to the king with certain conditions that we do not care to write down, before he departed from the siege of Lisbon. He remained in the siege for thirty full days and no longer, counting from the day when he arrived until the peace was proclaimed in Santarém, on Thursday, 24 March.

Chapter 83

How the kings spoke together on the River Tagus and confirmed their agreement once again

O

nce the peace was signed, as you have heard, it was decided that the kings should meet on the River Tagus in barges, to discuss a few matters and to confirm once again their agreement according to what each of them had conceded. Then King Enrique departed from Lisbon with all his army, heading for Santarém, although many of his men went off in the galleys, in which they took along many goods from the looting of the city and the customs house doors that we have spoken of.136 When King Enrique arrived in Santarém, he lodged in a palace called Valada, in a spacious field next to the river, half a league from the town.137 The cardinal had three small barges made ready: two for the kings, along with certain men whom they were to take with them, without any arms; and another for himself, as the arbitrator between them, and for the notaries to keep a record of all that would happen there. Before the King of Castile came to board the barge in which he was to go out on the water, he sought advice as to whether he should speak first to King Fernando, when they encountered each other in the barges, or wait for King Fernando to speak to him first. The members of his Royal Council said 135 In

Chapter 74 above. Chapter 77. 137 About two miles. 136 In

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that he should wait for King Fernando to speak to him first, because he was a king of greater status than King Fernando, inasmuch as he was the King of Castile and the other king was the King of Portugal, in addition to his being in the other’s land with his forces; therefore, he should not speak to King Fernando first. King Enrique was of a very even disposition and courteous, and he asked the members of his Royal Council whether, by speaking first to the King of Portugal, he would diminish his honour, or maintain it. They told him that he would not diminish it, but that he should not speak first for the reasons given. To this, the king replied, ‘Since I lose nothing of my honour, I will not act wrongly if I speak first out of courtesy.’ Then the king left the palace of Valada, taking many men-at-arms with him, so that a great part of the field was taken up, both for the defence and protection of the king, and so that they could watch the kings speaking. Likewise, King Fernando left the palace of Santarém, located in the citadel, accompanied by many men-at-arms, and he came to the place on the riverbank called Alfanje. Among those who were to go with him in the barge, one was to be: Prince João his brother, along with the Master of Santiago; Dom João Afonso, the Count of Ourém; Aires Gomes da Silva; and a few more. The cardinal, who had the responsibility of searching those who were to go with the kings, to ensure that they were not carrying arms, found that Prince João was carrying a dagger, and told him not to take it along, for he knew well that such was the agreement between the kings. The prince put it aside then and did not take it with him. The cardinal searched those who were going with the King of Castile and found no arms on them. They rowed the barges with the kings in the direction of the square tower that stands in the water at Alfanje. When they were close to each other, King Enrique said to King Fernando, ‘May God keep you, my lord; I am most pleased to see you, for this is one of the things I desired very much, to see you as I am seeing you now.’ King Fernando answered the King of Castile with similar and well-measured words. The cardinal’s barge was in the middle, between those of the kings, and he was very pleased at the good accord he was witnessing between them. When the kings had sworn to the terms, which you have already heard, and when they had spoken of all the matters that needed to be discussed, they took leave of each other, and each barge was rowed back whence it had come. When King Fernando reached land among his men, he declared to them with a cheerful face, ‘How very enricated I am!’ He said this because all those who took the side of King Enrique were deemed to be ‘enricated’. Moreover, he had met with such good words and manners in him that he wished to make clear that he was now on his side. This meeting and conversation between the two kings took place on 7 April of the aforesaid year of 1373.



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Chapter 84

How Count Sancho married Princess Beatriz, and King Enrique departed for his own kingdom

W

ith all this accomplished, and the kings very much in harmony, they decided to celebrate the wedding of Princess Beatriz, the [half-]sister of King Fernando, with Don Sancho, the brother of King Enrique, as had been stipulated in the treaty. Over the next two days, grand feasts and jousts were held, and she was handed over to her husband. In these, the said Count Sancho jousted with Martim Afonso de Melo, and the latter struck him in such a way that he knocked him and his horse to the ground. There were other notable encounters of good knights in these jousts, in which, however, thanks be to God, no one was injured. There another marriage was negotiated, namely that of Dona Isabel, the bastard daughter of King Fernando, whom he had fathered before he married, with Count Alfonso, the son of King Enrique, she being at the time eight years of age, nearly nine, and he probably about eighteen. They were espoused by verba de praesenti at the hands of the aforesaid papal legate, and a very great celebration was held, as befitted such personages. This betrothal that the count made with her, however, was not according to his wish, but rather under pressure and compulsion from his father the king, who insistently ordered him to accept her, according to what the count secretly revealed to certain people before they were betrothed, and which he later said openly, once they were at a distance from Santarém. When King Enrique departed from Portugal for his own kingdom, he took with him this Dona Isabel, and with her several honourable knights whom the king sent in her company. The King of Castile arrived at a city of his called Santo Domingo de la Calzada. When he had been there for some three months, he held a Royal Council with: Don Gómez Manrique, the Archbishop of Toledo; Don Alfonso, the Bishop of Salamanca; Pedro Fernández de Velasco and Fernán Sánchez de Tovar, as well as with other prelates and knights we do not care to name. When all were present, King Enrique said that they knew well how on the twenty-second day of the previous March a treaty of peace and good friendship had been signed between him and King Fernando of Portugal. Among the items sworn to in the treaty of alliance, there had been devised a clause by which King Fernando was obliged to exile from his kingdom, within thirty days of the signing of the treaty, Don Fernando de Castro as well as other Castilians and other persons who had been named. [King Enrique continued,]

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At the end of this period, however, neither the said Don Fernando nor the others left the kingdom of Portugal; on the contrary, they remained in the castle of Ourém for many more days. Even after another period of twenty days that was granted to them on our behalf by the Bishop of Coimbra, they refused to leave. Although in the said treaty it is stated that if King Fernando does not expel the aforementioned men before the end of thirty days, his kingdom should be placed under interdict and excommunication, suffer the penalty of 30,000 golden marks, and lose the hostages and the city of Viseu, along with the other seven castles given as pledges, and also that he must give up the son of Gomes Lourenço do Avelar within twenty days, and if not suffer the aforementioned penalties; since I know that King Fernando did everything in his power to expel them by the deadline, and could not do so, because they took refuge in the castle of Ourém against his will, supplying themselves with provisions as best they could to defend themselves there, and the son of Gomes Lourenço was hidden from him; therefore, we hold and believe, and it is true, that he has not incurred the said penalties, neither all nor any one of them.

The king went on to declare, of his own free will, speaking for himself and all his successors, that even if King Fernando had incurred them, he excused him from all the said penalties with an oath that he then swore regarding this, renouncing all rights to which he might lay claim. He asked the cardinal by letter to absolve King Fernando and his kingdom from any kind of excommunication or interdict, if such had been incurred, maintaining unchanged all the points contained in the treaty. The cardinal complied. Since Gomes Lourenço do Avelar refused to give up his son to be a hostage, according to what King Fernando had promised the King of Castile in addition to the treaty, and since he also refused to swear to the peace like the rest, he was exiled from the kingdom and held to be an enemy of both kings, as stipulated in the treaty. Before the thirty days had passed, the King of Castile gave permission for Suero Yáñez de Parada, Gonzalo Martínez, Álvaro Menéndez de Cáceres, Nuño García de Ciudad, Martín García de Algeciras, Gregorio Lombardo138 and García Pérez del Campo to remain in Portugal in the service of King Fernando, who received written pledges regarding all this for his protection and security.

138 This

may be the same person as the Englishman named Gregory in Chapter 82, in view of the fact that the other names in the present list coincide with those to be expelled from Portugal listed in that chapter.



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Chapter 85

How the King of Navarre spoke with King Enrique regarding some matters on which they could not agree

W

hile King Enrique was in that township [of Santo Domingo de la Calzada], he sent word to the King of Navarre,139 telling him to give up the towns of Vitoria and Logroño, which belonged to him; if not, he would make war on him. The King of Navarre said that he would put the matter in the hands of Cardinal Guy of Boulogne, who was in Castile at the time. When it was submitted for his judgement, it was decided that the towns should be returned to King Enrique, and that Prince Carlos, the first-born son of the King of Navarre, should marry Princess Leonor, the daughter of King Enrique, who was at one time to be the wife of King Fernando, as had been agreed between the kings in the Treaty of Alcoutim.140 The King of Castile met with the King of Navarre in a town called Briones, and they became good friends. The King of Navarre told King Enrique that the King of England and the Prince of Wales141 wanted to be his friends, provided that he left his alliance with France, and also provided that he gave the prince a certain sum of money in partial payment of the debt owed to the prince by his brother King Pedro [of Castile] for the expenses and salary incurred when he had gone to war with him along with other lords at his own expense. In this way, the king and the prince would give up their other claims on Castile, as would the Duke of Lancaster, who was married to Princess Constanza, the daughter of King Pedro. King Enrique told the King of Navarre that he thanked him for his good intentions, but that there was no way that he would abandon his alliance with France; however, if peace was made between the King of France142 and the King of England, he would satisfy the prince and the duke with a certain sum, so that they would drop the claim which they were trying to make concerning King Pedro. The King of Navarre said that the peace between France and England was still to be negotiated, but that there were in this matter many doubts and debatable points, and that he did not know if they could be resolved. Then King Enrique departed for Andalusia, and the King of Navarre for his own kingdom, without any further agreement on all of this. Rather, King Enrique immediately proceeded to arm fifteen galleys in aid of the King of

139 Carlos

II, the Bad, of Navarre. Chapter 53 above. 141 Edward III of England and his son Edward of Woodstock, Prince of Wales, known as the Black Prince. 142 Charles V, the Wise. 140 See

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France against the King of England. In that year, he sent them to him, together with his admiral Fernán Sánchez de Tovar, along with the two that were to be supplied by Portugal, as was stipulated in the treaty.

Chapter 86

How King Fernando spoke with the nobles whom he was supposed to send forth from his kingdom, and how they departed from Portugal

A

fter King Enrique had left the town of Santarém, as we said, King Fernando remained under the obligation to send forth from his kingdom, within a certain number of days, all the nobles whom the King of Castile had named in the treaties. While he was in that town, he summoned Count Fernando de Castro and many of the others who were supposed to go with him. The king explained that in the peace agreements which had been signed between himself and King Enrique, it was stipulated that he and certain nobles should be exiled from the kingdom. ‘Although,’ said the king, ‘you intended to defend yourselves in the castle of Ourém, in which you all took refuge for your protection, this was an action taken without good judgement, and which you would not be able to maintain. Moreover, you would be causing me and my kingdom to incur great penalties, both through excommunication and the loss of a certain quantity of gold, because your departure is taking place so late, even though it was not at all what I wished. Therefore, instead, I had to write to King Enrique regarding the matter. As he was sure that it was not happening with my consent, he behaved in this as it was reasonable for him to do in such a case. Moreover, I must tell you that I was not well advised in such an undertaking, nor likewise were those in my Royal Council, in venturing into a war like the one I began. For if I had first considered how the Duke of Lancaster called himself King of Castile, and his wife Queen, I would have told you all that you should go and join him, and that he should have come to demand the kingdom, if by right it belonged to him. In so doing, I would have behaved more wisely than by squandering my property and men as I did, and purchasing an enmity from which I gained no advantage, but rather suffered very great loss.’ To these and other statements made by the king, the count and some of the others responded according to how each deemed that his honour required. At the end of the conversation, all of them recognizing that there was nothing else to be done, they agreed to depart. The king said that he would send them



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forth honourably as befitted their status and would show them many favours. So, indeed, he did, for he ordered two galleys and several naos to be fitted out, and, when they were ready in Lisbon, they all went to board them. Many of the others who were not named [in the treaty] departed at that time in their company, believing this to be more to their advantage than remaining in the kingdom. These men were called the forsworn, because they took the side of King Pedro.143 After the naos and galleys had left Lisbon with these men, they arrived in Gibraltar, which was at that time besieged by Emir Mohammed of Granada,144 who had been a vassal of King Pedro. The town belonged to the Emir of Bellamarim, and fourteen of his galleys lay in the harbour there. Six galleys of the Emir of Granada were drawn up on dry land, for fear of those of Bellamarim. They learned of the naos from Portugal through some pinnaces that were sailing ahead of the fleet. They all joined forces and attacked the galleys of Bellamarim and drove them so far up on to dry land that the Moors on top of the wall were defending them. Thereupon they [Count Fernando de Castro and his companions] left their vessels and lodged in the Emir of Granada’s encampment, receiving from him much honour and welcome. There they stayed for about two weeks. Afterwards, they departed and disembarked in Valencia, a city of Aragon, and the naos and galleys returned to Portugal and brought back Don Martín, a Castilian, who was the Bishop of the Algarve.

Chapter 87

Of the policies that King Fernando set for the ordering and benefit of his kingdom, and the arms he commanded to be borne

K

ing Fernando, after he had signed this perpetual peace agreement, did not follow the saying of the prophet Isaiah in that passage where he said that they would beat their swords into ploughshares and their lances into pruning-hooks, and that no man would raise a sword against another anymore, nor quarrel with one another.145 Rather, like one who expects to have a great war once again, as soon as those matters of which you have heard had been 143 Pedro

I of Castile, killed by Enrique II at Montiel, in 1369. V. 145 Isaiah 2:4. 144 Mohammed

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dealt with, being in the town of Évora, he commanded that throughout his kingdom new censuses be taken of all its inhabitants, and also that the arms be changed from what they had borne before to a new fashion that began at that time to be customary. First, he ordered that no noble who was obliged to serve him with a certain number of lances should claim as his own any vassal from among the residents and inhabitants of the town, for if such men were taken as his own by the noble, few would be left to serve the municipality, and they would be obliged to serve along with others who were not vassals. He also ordered it to be written that as many healthy and able-bodied young men as there might be in each town and village, although away serving another lord from whom they received their wages, should fight on foot, armed with the weapons of the retired vassals. If some vassals were capable of fighting with arms and horses, but could not arm and horse themselves adequately without great damage to their estates, these the king ordered should be given aid, after it was determined how much each needed to have added to what he had to complete his proper arming and horsing. The king had this levy collected from all the inhabitants of the towns and villages where such vassals were to be found, including from widows, orphans, friars of the third order, apprentices, day-labourers, prostitutes, Moors, Jews, crossbowmen and all other persons with legal privileges, each paying what he ought to pay, except for clergy, noblemen and women, as well as Genoese and other foreign residents. In this way, no matter how little these paid, the others were well armed and well horsed, without damage to their estates. To those noblemen who could not be armed and mounted adequately, the king showed favour, giving them the means to acquire them, and likewise to those who through no fault of their own had suffered the loss of the fiefs that they held. He said that, since all those who possessed property in his land should by rights help to defend it, the guardians of orphans should have arms on their behalf according to the property of each, but not horses; the sons to whom property was left by their mothers and who were entrusted to their fathers’ custody were under no obligation whatsoever. He decreed that, whenever he might command his people to prepare for a service, if such a need were to occur, no one should depart from the lord with whom he lived and go to another, but rather remain living with him and serve him in that war; for it would be unjust for the lord to maintain and support him in times of peace and then be abandoned by him later in wartime. Thus, if one who did so was a peasant, he should be whipped, and go on living with his master; if a nobleman, he should give back what had been given to him by the one with whom he lived, and then he could go away



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to live with whomsoever he liked, but he was not allowed to leave until he had made restitution. The king ordered arms to be changed in this fashion: the gambeson146 should be exchanged for a jack,147 the hauberk148 for a haubergeon149, and the war hat150 for a barbuta with aventail.151 Those who were fully armed should wear a barbuta with aventail and arming cap,152 haubergeon, jack, cuisses,153 French greaves,154 gauntlets, an estoc,155 dagger and glaive.156 Foot soldiers above twenty years of age were to carry a sling, a lance and two darts. However, palace squires were excused from carrying darts, since they carried a hunting spear or a lance. There were other foot soldiers called slingers, each of whom was to carry two staff-slings, which are called manguelas, and two other hand-slings.157 The king also commanded that the tithe from the fifth of every raid that was due to him, plus one day’s pay from all those who were engaged in any craft, should be taken to pay for the horses of the vassals that might be lamed or die. The king issued many other decrees in this year for the defence and preparation of his kingdom, as if it were soon to enter into war, which we do not mention here so as not to write too lengthily about such things.

146 A

padded torso garment. torso garment reinforced with metal plates of varying size. This and the next changes in military equipment represent a significant and systematic effort to improve and modernize King Fernando’s armies. 148 Mail tunic with sleeves, covering the thighs. 149 Shorter version of the hauberk. 150 Metal hat or helmet with a brim, also known as a ‘kettle-hat’. 151 A mantle, usually of mail but sometimes of padded textile only, or composed of small scales or plates of iron or steel, attached to the bascinet or barbuta to protect the neck and shoulders. 152 Padded coif used under a mail coif, bascinet or barbuta. 153 Thigh armour. 154 Plate armour for the shins, each made in one piece if worn only on the front, or in two enclosing pieces if for the whole lower leg. 155 Narrow straight sword with a very stiff blade and a sharp point used exclusively for thrusting. The stiffer blade gave greater accuracy when thrusting. 156 Polearm consisting of a long wooden pole topped by a long single-edged blade. 157 According to Tobias Capwell, Medieval Arms and Armour Curator at the Wallace Collection Museum, London, this is probably the earliest medieval attempt at modernizing an army at a national level. Note how heavier defensive and offensive equipment is replaced by lighter equivalents, thus improving mobility. 147 Padded

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Chapter 88

How King Fernando ordered that the city of Lisbon be surrounded with a wall

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nce he had arranged these things of which you have heard, the king departed from Évora and came to Lisbon and began to think about the loss and damage that the people of the city had twice suffered from the Castilians. Especially great losses were suffered by the inhabitants who lived outside the city wall in large and beautiful houses with many furnishings and other riches that they could not take with them when the King of Castile attacked the city. This was because many of the richest people lived outside, in large and spacious suburbs around the city, from the Iron Gate to Santa Catarina Gate and from the Alfama Tower to the Cross Gate. Since this city was the best and most powerful in his land, and since the loss or defence of his kingdom lay principally therein, and likewise seeing that it had been damaged by his enemies through fire and other harm that it had suffered, which disturbed him greatly, the king resolved to wall it all around with a sound and defensible rampart, so that no king could inflict damage on it except by using a great multitude of men and powerful siege engines. When he spoke of this matter with some members of his Royal Council, it was evident that it pleased few of them, as they found many hindrances to prevent it from being done, as the work was of such magnitude and the people so exhausted and impoverished by the recent war. Consequently, to undertake this at such a time seemed to them to be an inappropriate subject for discussion. Therefore, even though they greatly desired to have such a rampart, there formed in the will of everyone a reaction so contrary to it that they all thought it could not be accomplished, even if it were started, and considered the project to be almost impossible. However, there is nothing, no matter how great and lofty it may be, that the will of a powerful man cannot bring to pass if he devotes a vigorous effort to it. For that reason, King Fernando considered the project to be capable of very early completion with the help of God and his own good direction. It greatly pleased the inhabitants of the city that it should be walled, because of the damage they had suffered. Consequently, they were not troubled, but rather apprehensive, because all new undertakings seem very challenging and difficult before they are begun. Then the king, being present, setting aside all the contrary arguments that each of them could make, determined where it was to be walled, devising the manner in which it should be done and the method that should be followed in all the work. For the wall to be built quickly, he ordered that the following communities should serve in the works with their labour or with money: on the



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side nearest the river, Almada, Sesimbra, Palmela, Setúbal, Coina, Benavente, Samora Correia and the whole of Ribatejo; on the landward side, Sintra, Cascais, Torres Vedras, Alenquer, Arruda, Atouguia, Lourinhã, Cheleiros, Mafra, Povos, Cornaga and Aldeia Galega, not just the inhabitants of the townships, but also of the outlying areas. Some of them served as part of their duty to participate in the construction of public works; others were to bring a number of batches of lime, which they were to bring to the city in barges at their own expense. To defray the expenses, the king offered all the surplus revenues of the city and the outskirts. It was soon agreed that they would begin to build the wall first from Martim Moniz Gate towards Santo André Gate, from there to Santo Agostinho and [the monastery of] São Vicente de Fora, and so on along the riverbank up to São Pedro Tower. The reason they agreed to wall that part first was that it was said the people of that part were poorer than those who lived in the area around Rua Nova; thus, while there was an abundance of the things that were necessary for the work there, and while the people at the beginning were serving gladly and willingly, that was when they should build the wall around that part. Once it had been walled, if the people should grow weary, those who lived in the area around Rua Nova, who were richer people, would make a huge effort to get the wall finished, so that they would not suffer losses like those they had previously for lack of a wall. They began to build the wall on the last day of September in the aforementioned year of 1373, and the king gave responsibility for getting it built to Gomes Martins, the chief justice of the city. Near the place where they were working, stalls were set out with bread and wine and other provisions. Lawsuits involving any of those who were hard at work there, if accusations were raised against them, were heard on the spot, so that they would not be interrupted in their labours. In this fashion, with the help of God, the city was very soon fully walled, for it was begun in 1373 and finished in 1375, so that it took less than three years to wall the city. Oh, how many ears and minds of men were troubled on first hearing that Lisbon was to be walled! Later on, giving profuse thanks to God, such men came to say that in the following war, because of its walls, as was indeed true, the whole of Portugal had been won back! Many at first cursed the king who ordered such a project to be carried out, but later, marvelling at how it had been done so quickly, praised him highly, thanking him deeply for it. This King Fernando was a great benefactor in thus repairing towns and castles, from which great benefit ensued for the kingdom, as well as in ordering others to be walled for the first time; for after Lisbon was walled, the king soon afterwards ordered that the citadel of Santarém should be strengthened with a sound and handsome wall with which the city became very defensible, and likewise other towns throughout the kingdom that we do not care to mention.

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Chapter 89

How King Fernando ordered that the lands of his kingdom should be cultivated and improved

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lthough the king saw at this time that there was sufficient cause for the kingdom to be lacking in provisions and other necessities because of what we have related, nonetheless the shortages seemed strange to him, in view of the abundance that was usual in the land. With a keen determination, he began to concern himself with how such a shortage of provisions could be made up, so that no such dearth should ever come about again. Although such a thing seemed to him very fitting, and he resolved firmly to carry it out, nonetheless he realized that it behoved him to seek counsel regarding how to bring the project to a good conclusion. Since it was a matter that pertained to the whole kingdom, he summoned counts, prelates, masters and other nobles and citizens of his country. One day, when a gathering was convened for them to hear why they had been called, a man spoke in the name of the king, saying that, among all the works involved in ruling and governing over the world, no better or more beneficial art had ever been discovered for the support and sustenance of men than agriculture. ‘Not only for men and for the animals that the Lord God created for their service,’ he said, ‘but also in order to gain some wealth and good reputation without sin, this is the safest way. Now it happens that the king our liege lord, who is here present, is aware that throughout the whole of his kingdom there is a great shortage of wheat, barley and other provisions, whereas out of all the countries in the world this one was customarily the best supplied. The small amount of available provisions has become so expensive that items cannot be obtained by those who must maintain a household and estate without greatly disbursing what they possess. ‘The king has seen and taken into consideration that, among the reasons for this shortage, the one of special importance is the lack of tilled fields, which men abandon and leave without a care, moving on to other jobs that are not so beneficial for the common good; in this way, the lands that are suitable for growing crops are left to become untilled common and unproductive wasteland. Therefore, believing that if this were remedied, the land would once again produce in abundance as it used to, which is one of the greatest blessings that the kingdom could have, he has decided to call all of you here to inform you of what he intends to do in this matter and, with your agreement and advice, to arrange how best and most profitably it might be brought to pass.’ When this had been proposed in this way, they all praised the king’s good intentions; after many words had been spoken on the subject, with their advice



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and agreement the king decreed that things should be done in the following way: he commanded that all those who possessed estates, whether of their own or under any other title, should be compelled to till and sow them. If the owner of the lands could not till them, because they were too large or in scattered places, he should till for himself those he preferred and arrange to have the others tilled by someone else, or give them to another farmer for his own use, so that of the farmlands that were suitable for the production of grain, all should be planted with wheat, barley and millet. Moreover, all of them should be compelled to keep as many oxen as were appropriate for the estates they possessed, along with the implements that pertain to farming. If those who were supposed to keep these oxen could not obtain them except at very high prices, he commanded that the officials should require that they be given the oxen at reasonable prices, as conditions in the region allowed. The king also ruled that a fixed time be assigned to those who had to till the land in order to begin to make the fields profitable, with certain penalties for failing to comply. If the owners of the estates did not make them profitable or assign them for such a purpose, the officials should give them, for a set sum, to someone who would till them suitably on his own account, which sum the owner would not receive, but rather would be spent for the common good in the region where the estates were located. Regarding all those who were farmworkers or were accustomed to such work, and likewise the children and grandchildren of farmworkers, and any others who lived in towns and cities or outside of them, if they were plying a trade that was not as advantageous for the common good as the occupation of agriculture, he [the king] commanded that all of them should be compelled to till the soil, unless they possessed property of the value of 500 libras, which would be about 100 dobras. If they did not have lands of their own, other lands should be given to them to be cultivated, or they should live from wages with those who had to till the soil, at reasonable rates. Inasmuch as there is a great need of young men for agricultural work such as looking after livestock as well as for other necessary tasks in farm work, those labourers might be hard to find because many had gone out to beg, not wishing to go into service but rather to find a way to live in idleness without toil. If so, no alms were owing to them, except to those who could not earn a living or who were unable to sustain themselves by manual labour, because, according to the saints, it is more just to punish the beggar who begs without needing to do so than to give him alms, which are owed to the wretched and poor who cannot work. For that reason, the king decreed, regarding any men or women who went about crying for alms and begging and not plying a trade, that all such should be examined and investigated by the magistrates of the town. If they found that the beggars were of sufficient fitness in body and age to serve in some trade or employment, even those with a physical incapacity but one which did not preclude them doing some kind of work,

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they should be compelled to serve in such tasks as they could perform, for wages and provisions according to the price that was established, whether in the occupation of agriculture or in some other job. The king likewise ordered, regarding any people who were discovered wandering about, calling themselves squires and pages of the king, the queen, the princes, or any other lords, and who were not definitely known to belong to them, or did not show proof that they were travelling in the service of those to whom they claimed to belong, that they should be immediately arrested and imprisoned by the officials of the places where they were travelling, and compelled to serve in tillage or some other work. Moreover, he commanded, regarding all those who travelled about dressed as hermits, begging up and down the land, without working with their own hands for their livelihood, that they should be compelled to take on farm work, or to offer service to a farmer. If these or the beggars who received those orders did not wish to do this, or likewise those who claimed to be retainers of the king or queen, and were not, they should be whipped the first time, and nevertheless be compelled to undertake farming or work for others. If afterwards they refused, they should be whipped again publicly, with a proclamation, and exiled from the kingdom. The king said that he did not want there to be anyone in his realm who was living without an occupation or some form of work. Regarding the weak, the elderly, and the sick who could do nothing, the king commanded that they be given permits with which they could beg in security, and that anyone who was not carrying a permit would suffer the aforementioned punishment. Thus, all those who were in the country, as well as those who might come from outside the kingdom, should have their identity and means of livelihood made known via the marine recruiters. This information should be communicated at once and in writing to the officials and to all ports. Any person, no matter how powerful he might be, who should attempt to defend any of those who were thus compelled, if he were a noble, should pay 500 libras and be banished from the place where he lived and from where the king was, to a distance of 6 leagues. If he were not a noble, he should pay 300, and suffer a similar banishment, the officials being particularly urged to carry this out at once. In those places where day-labourers are commonly to be found, who cannot be done without, the king commanded that a certain number be allowed to stay who could not be dispensed with, and the others be compelled to till the land. In each city or town or village, there were to be two respectable men who should inspect the grain-producing estates and ensure that they be made reasonably productive, freely or by compulsion, fixing a reasonable price between the owner and the farmer. If the owner of the estate refused to comply with what was reasonable, he should lose it forever, and the income from it should go to the community where it was located.



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As for the raising and care of livestock, he ordered that no one should breed livestock, his own or another’s, unless he were a farmer or a farmer’s apprentice living on the farm. If any other should wish to breed such livestock, he would have to accept the obligation to cultivate a certain tract of land; otherwise he would lose the livestock, and it would go towards the common good of the places where it was bred. The king ordered that these and other regulations be enforced so strictly that no one dared to defy his commands. By these means, the land began to be much more productive and to bring forth an abundance of provisions.

Chapter 90

Of the privileges that King Fernando awarded to all those who bought or built ships

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he most noble King Fernando saw how great profit ensued from the blessed and advantageous ordinances he had thus established, both for himself and for all the people of the kingdom. Similarly, from the many wares that were imported and exported he gained many and very large duties. He also perceived that the profit that the foreign ships were earning from the freight would be better for his own people, and would bring much more honour to the country, provided there were in the land many ships which the king could have more quickly at his disposal, when they were needed for his service, than those from distant provinces. Therefore, so that men would have stronger motives to build them new or purchase them already built, whichever they found more to their advantage, he decreed that all those who built naos of over 100 tonéis158 burden could cut and bring to the city, from any forest belonging to the king, all the timber and masts that might be needed for these ships, without paying anything for this. Moreover, they should not pay duty on iron, sailcloth or other things that might be brought in from outside the kingdom for these ships. He waived all the dues that he was to receive from those who bought and sold such ships already built. Likewise, for the owners of the said ships, for the first voyage in which they departed with cargo from his kingdom, he waived all taxes on the merchandise they were carrying, whether on salt or any other goods, both cargo tax, land transport tax and all other duties, both on the merchandise belonging to the owners of the ships and that belonging 158 A tonel (pl. tonéis) was roughly equivalent to just under half a tun, i.e. 104 imperial gallons or 475 litres.

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to other merchants. In addition, he gave the owners of the naos half of the one-tenth duty on all cloth and any other merchandise that they might bring on the first voyage from Flanders or other places, on their own goods as well as on those of others that they were transporting. The king also commanded that those owners should neither keep horses nor serve in the war on sea or land, whether with the town community or not, except with their own persons, and that they should not pay property taxes, duties or land transfer taxes that might be imposed for the benefit of the king or the community, nor pay any other levy except towards the works on the walls where they were residents and the estates that they owned there, and no others. If it happened that any ships thus built or purchased should be lost on the first voyage, he ordered that these privileges should continue for those who had lost the ships for the following three years, provided that they built or purchased others, and likewise for as many times as they made or bought them. If two in partnership built or purchased any nao, they would both receive these same concessions.

Chapter 91

How King Fernando organized a maritime company,159 and the plan he ordered to be followed in this

W

ith many labouring to build naos and others to buy them, on account of such privileges, the king saw how by this means his country was better governed and more honourable, and its inhabitants richer and better supplied, on account of the many cargoes that were shipped. He wished to provide some way to ensure that the number of such ships would grow larger and larger, so that the various mishaps at sea might not ruin those who lost their naos in such a way, and therefore he decreed, after listening to his counsellors, that all shipowners be combined into a single company, through which all misfortunes might be remedied, and through which the shipowners would not fall into harsh poverty. He proclaimed publicly to all that it should be done in this way. He commanded that all the decked ships in the kingdom of fifty tonéis burden160 and greater should be recorded in writing, by competent and reliable men, both those ships that already existed and the others that there might be later 159 This

is one of earliest forms of insurance company created to compensate owners for ships lost at sea, and as a source of funding for new ships. 160 See Chapter 90, note 158 above.



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on. This was to be done in Lisbon and Oporto and in all other places where they might be. Once the day and price for which they were purchased or newly built, their value and when they were launched were recorded in books, all that these ships might earn should belong to their owners and the sailors, as had always been the custom. Of all the profits that those ships might earn from voyages back and forth, both in freight charges and from anything else, they should pay two percent161 into the common fund of that company. There were to be two funds, one in Lisbon and one in Oporto, and those whom the king would put in charge of these funds would be responsible for all estimates and appraisals, so that the money kept in them should be used to buy other ships in place of those that might be lost, and for all other expenditures that might be appropriate for the good of all. If it should happen that one or several ships were lost because of a storm or some other misfortune, whether they were in port or pursuing their voyages or taken by enemies while going back or forth in commerce, the loss of the said ships should be shared among all the owners of the other vessels as follows: the value of all the ships that were in service at that time would be assessed, and likewise the value of the ship or ships that had been lost or captured, and what this came to, accounting for every last soldo162 in the hundreds and thousands of libras that each ship might be worth; and if there was not enough in the common fund to pay for the loss, the owner of each ship should make a payment in proportion [to his assets]. All this should be investigated and assessed by those worthy men who were appointed as executors of this ordinance by the king, or by the kings who would come after him. The king decreed that no one could appeal or protest against the arbitration and judgement that these men made; rather, the goods of all those who refused to pay their assigned share should be seized and given to the people who had lost the ships, so that they could build or buy others. If by chance any ships, by ill fortune in storm or from any misfortune, while engaged in commerce, should develop a leak or deteriorate, once they arrived at a place where they could be repaired for a half or a third of what the ship would be worth after it was repaired, the owner of the ship should be obliged to repair it at his own expense; if he refused to do so, the other shipowners would not be obliged to repair it or pay for another. If it happened that so much damage had been done to the ship that it could not be repaired, except for more than it would be worth after it was repaired, or for the same amount, and if this situation occurred through neither fault on the part of the crew nor any act of fraudulence, then the shipowners should collect from it and its gear whatever could be salvaged 161 In

literal terms according to the original text: two crowns per every hundred in profit. 162 There were twenty soldos in each Portuguese libra at the time.

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in good faith and without fraudulence. Investigation should then take place into what that ship was worth at the time when that misfortune happened to it, and that amount should be paid at once to the owner to purchase or build another, deducting what he had obtained from the ship and the gear that he had salvaged. The repairs, if they had to be made, should be overseen by masters who were well-acquainted with such things. If any masters or shipowners took cargo to the lands of enemies without first obtaining safe conduct, and were captured by them or destroyed during such voyages, the other shipowners should not be obliged to pay them for such losses. The king commanded also that if any masters or shipowners caused any deliberate or accidental damage to other vessels, towns or villages, or were held liable for this, and if for such a reason the ships were subjected to judicial seizure, the others should not be obliged to pay for it or redeem the ship from being impounded, nor from anything else that might be done to them, unless it should be proven with certainty that what they were accused of had been brought about during a commercial voyage, in self-defence or in the service of the king and for the benefit of his country. Since some masters and shipowners, in the hope that they would be paid for the ships even if they were lost, would not take care to furnish them with anchors, cables and spare sails, and likewise with the arms, men and other things necessary to defend them from the sea as well as from enemies, the king ordered that the inspectors and their clerk should visit the ships and make a list of all the equipment and men they were carrying, so that it would be possible to see if they were lost for lack of the things that it was appropriate for them to have to pursue their voyage; accordingly, they would either be paid or not. If so many naos were lost that the other shipowners could not pay at once for everything without ruining themselves, they would pay half at once, and would be given a certain time in which to pay the rest. If it happened that the king was at war with a neighbouring king or with other people, and some of those ships, armed for his aid and defence, were lost while in such actions, which were carried out for the common good, they should be paid for from the royal exchequer; moreover, they should be paid for immediately out of his treasury, so that their owners could immediately build others, or buy them. If the ships were laden with merchandise and won any profits, whether from enemies or in any other way, such profits should be handed over to the owners and crews of the ships that had won them, and they should have their due as was customary. From what was allotted to the owners of the ships, they should keep half, and the other half should be put into the common fund for the benefit of all, with the royal share being reserved for the king. The king ordered that his own naos, of which there were twelve, should become part of this company, and should not be of greater status than the other vessels of his kingdom, but rather in their freight, crews, gear and in everything else they should be judged as if they all belonged to a person



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of the same status as everyone else. If the king did not wish to comply, and went against this rule, then the company should assign no value to the vessels of the king, but the company of all the other ships should remain intact for ever. The king also decreed that all those who owned vessels and joined this company, along with those who subsequently acquired them and joined it, should all enjoy the same privileges and concessions that he had granted to those who bought vessels or built new ones, as you have already heard. Those who obtained a copy of this ordinance were exempted from payment for the official seal. The king commanded that the executors of this decree should assign crews to the ships as appropriate, and that whoever was master of a vessel could not abandon it unless it was in such a condition as not to be serviceable. He named as executives of this company, in Lisbon, Lopo Martins and Gonçalo Peres Canelas, and he gave them a clerk to record the revenue, expenditure and all the other things pertaining to this; they were to keep the common fund in a chest with three keys which each one of them retained. Each year, they rendered an account, with two men present, honourable and above suspicion, of all the revenue and expenditure associated with the said money. The clerk was to receive 30 libras per year, and each of the executives fifty, from the money in this fund. The king ordered all the judiciary officials to swiftly carry out everything they might order, establishing serious penalties for those who did the contrary. Such was the custom from that point onward in his kingdom.

Chapter 92

Concerning the treaty that King Enrique and King Fernando drew up against the King of Aragon and the conditions in it

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et us say no more about this and return to the deeds of the kings. You heard earlier, when reading the chapter on the flight of King Enrique after he lost the battle of Nájera, how King Pedro and the Prince of Wales made an agreement of friendship with the King of Aragon to prevent King Enrique from finding shelter in his lands.163 For this reason, when King Enrique later prepared to return to Castile, the King of Aragon sent a message to tell him that he could not pass through his kingdom and that if he tried he would forcibly block his way. King Enrique was very unhappy about this, but he got 163 In

Chapter 14 above.

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through to Castile as we have described.164 From that time to this, we have not found any peace treaties signed by them; rather, it seems to us that they were always at odds. In the year 1374, the Prince of Mallorca, who was the nephew of the King of Aragon, being the son of his sister, was then King of Naples by right of Queen Giovanna whom he had married. He fought Aragon over the kingdom of Mallorca which belonged to him after the death of King Jaume, its former king, who was removed from the throne by King Pere, then King of Aragon. King Enrique’s grievance against the King of Aragon meant that he knew some of his men had entered parts of Aragon in order to help the King of Naples, but he did not blame them, saying that they did it through their own choice, not on his orders; from which it appears that he did not mean well towards the King of Aragon. King Fernando, on the other hand, accused the King of Aragon of unreasonable behaviour and of doing him harm till then, in spite of the fact that we have only found records of when the King of Aragon seized the gold, about which you have heard.165 Therefore, while King Enrique was in Seville he ordered Fernán Fernández Escobar to go to Portugal to sign a new treaty with King Fernando over and above the agreements contained in the peace treaties we have previously described. The treaty took this form: both kings would help each other against the King of Aragon and his heirs and allies; the King of Castile would start to wage war against the King of Aragon by land and sea from the day that the four galleys sent by the King of Portugal to help the King of Castile entered the River Guadalquivir till the end of the following first thirty days, unless King Enrique first made peace or a truce with the King of Aragon; moreover, the King of Castile would not cease to prosecute the war unless he were forced to install his guards at the border between the two kingdoms. King Fernando should send his captain general of the fleet in charge of the aforementioned galleys. If, before these galleys arrived, the King of Castile had not made peace with the King of Aragon, he could not do so afterwards without the consent of King Fernando, nor could King Fernando do so without his consent. In the first year of this war begun by the King of Castile, King Fernando would help him with ten well-armed galleys, paid for at his expense for three months from the day that they arrived in the River Guadalquivir. If the war lasted beyond that first year, King Fernando would help each year with six well-armed galleys at his expense for three months; and after three months if the King of Castile still needed them, he would thenceforth pay the wages of each galley at the rate of 1,000 crossed dobras per month, paying them at the start of the month. During the time that the King of Portugal paid his galleys, anything they won without the help of others was all his; and when in the company of others, it 164 In 165 In

Chapter 16 above. Chapter 54 above.



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would be shared equally. While they were paid by the King of Castile, what they won was his. If King Enrique only wanted to wage war against the King of Aragon on land and King Fernando wanted to do so by sea, the King of Castile would help him with galleys under similar conditions. If the King of Aragon armed such a great fleet that the galleys of Castile and Portugal did not dare fight it, then both kings should help each other to equip as vast a fleet as truly could fight it. These and other conditions that we will not bother to describe were drawn up in this new treaty which King Enrique sent as a proposal to King Fernando.

Chapter 93

Concerning the message King Enrique sent to King Fernando and how he promised him the help of five galleys

I

t seems that, despite the treaty which we told you about, King Enrique changed his mind about attacking Aragon. We understand that there were two reasons for this: first, there was the great fleet that he had ordered to be built that year to help the King of France against the English; secondly, he had decided to ask the King of Aragon to give him his daughter Princess Leonor, whom King Fernando had intended to marry, to be the wife of his eldest son Prince Juan who had already been betrothed to her when they were children. He therefore sent a message to beg King Fernando that, if he (the King of Castile) were to make peace or a truce with the King of Aragon before the Portuguese galleys arrived in the River Guadalquivir, he should not hold it against him. He explained that his aim was to ensure that the King of Aragon rectified any harm he might have done to King Fernando, and he asked the latter to send him his proctors with the capacity to sign whatever was necessary, for it was the wish of the King of Castile to act in this as if it were in his own interests. Finally, he asked if King Fernando would help him against the English with ten galleys or at least six. When King Fernando saw this message, he said to those who had brought it, ‘King Enrique, my brother and friend, knows well that the Emir of Granada has taken ships, goods and prisoners from my land, for which reason I am at war with him. During this conflict we are involved in, it would be very dangerous to my kingdom to send my galleys so far away, leaving my coastline unprotected. But to show our desire for goodwill, tell him that it pleases us to help him with five armed galleys for three months at our cost, for we need the others for the defence of our land and the war

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with the Moors. Our captain general of the fleet will go in these galleys and will do all that King Enrique’s admiral commands, according to what he requires from us. He has requested me to pay the wages of our five galleys out of what we have to give to Princess Beatriz, our sister, in dowry, during the time when he is bound to pay them (namely 8,750 crossed dobras or 52,500 libras of our own coin at the current exchange rate of 6 libras per dobra); tell him, accordingly, that it pleases us to do this out of honour for him and ask him to send us a receipt.’ The messengers departed with this answer, and King Fernando immediately sent his counsellors Gonçalo Vasques de Azevedo and Lourenço Eanes Fogaça to Castile to negotiate these matters concerning Aragon. He ordered the five galleys to be made ready to leave with the very large fleet of naos and galleys from Castile, commanded by Admiral Fernán Sánchez de Tovar. The fleet went as far as the Isle of Wight in England and wrought great havoc along the whole of that coast. The aid given to the King of Castile, the arming of these five galleys and the other ships that you have heard about were settled by King Fernando in the manner that is described here, not as some authors, ignorant of the truth, have put in their books, saying that King Fernando was obliged to give the ships by the treaty made after the siege of Lisbon.

Chapter 94

How King Enrique sent to ask the King of Aragon for his daughter, and how she married his son Prince Juan

A

s we said in the last chapter, there was discord between King Enrique and the King of Aragon in such a way that, although King Enrique sometimes sent to ask him to be his friend, those he sent could never get a good answer from him. Instead, the King of Aragon took the town of Molina and besieged the castle of Requena. Despite all this, King Enrique sent a message to tell him that the King of Aragon knew well that, while he was in Aragon, when Sir Bertrand and the other knights came to help him return to Castile, there were certain treaties signed between them. Amongst these was an agreement that his son Prince Juan would marry the King of Aragon’s daughter Princess Leonor, who had come to live in his house for a period of time. After the battle of Nájera had been lost, the King of Aragon had taken his daughter back, declaring that it was not his wish that the marriage should take place. Afterwards, although King Enrique had sent several times to request it, the King of Aragon refused to consent. Now King Enrique was again asking him to deign to do so. The King of Aragon answered this with several reasons



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why he should not do it, and there were many debates and arguments about the matter between the two kings. Eventually, the King of Aragon agreed to give King Enrique his daughter despite his wife the queen, the daughter of the King of Sicily, being displeased at his doing this and despite her attempts to hinder matters as much as she could.166 Then one day the King of Aragon sent his ambassadors to Almazán where Prince Juan was, and they agreed with him the conditions of his marriage to the princess. They arranged that the King of Aragon would leave the castles of Molina and Requena and accept all the other things that King Enrique demanded, and that King Enrique would pay the expenses incurred in sending his daughter to Castile as well as for some repair work that he had done on the aforementioned castles, 80,000 gold francs in all. In this way, the kings became good friends and were at peace and in agreement. Once the ambassadors had returned, the King of Aragon prepared to send the princess to her wedding, as he had arranged. In the following year, 1375, her father sent her very honourably to the city of Soria where King Enrique and all the great lords of his kingdom were present at the wedding. Also celebrated at that time was the marriage of Prince Carlos, the son of the King of Navarre, to Princess Leonor, the daughter of King Enrique, who was meant to become the wife of King Fernando of Portugal. King Enrique gave Prince Carlos 100,000 doblas as her dowry. These weddings took place with great festivities and gaiety which lasted the whole month of May.

Chapter 95

How Count Alfonso, son of King Enrique, married Dona Isabel, daughter of King Fernando

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ometimes power that is wielded dishonestly and violently, in order to accomplish its objective, makes certain people marry very much against their conscience. It forces them to agree to something against their wishes, so that, taking each other as husband and wife in this way, neither of them ever freely consents to it. Thus, as far as God is concerned, they are never married even if they both live a long time. This kind of thing happened to Count Alfonso, the son of King Enrique, who was married to Dona Isabel, daughter of King Fernando, in Santarém, as you have heard.167 166 Pere 167 In

III’s agreement was given only after the death of Queen Leonor in 1374. Chapter 84 above.

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At the beginning of the betrothal and immediately afterwards, the count was not pleased about it, always showing through words and gestures that it was against his will. On the journey and afterwards in Castile, he never spoke to her, nor named her his wife, nor gave her a single jewel. She lived like this in the king’s household until she was old enough to marry. Then the king told the count to receive her publicly and go through a marriage as he ought to do, but the count opposed him and did not want to do it. For this reason, there arose such bitter words between the king and the count his son that the latter, fearing prison or dishonour, fled the kingdom and travelled to France and Avignon, complaining to the King of France and Pope Gregory about how his father the king was forcing him to marry that daughter of the King of Portugal whom he had never wanted as a wife. Seeing the wilfulness that his son displayed in this act, the king ordered the seizure of his son’s income and lands, giving some of them to his brother the duke. He also ordered the lands to be seized from some of those who had left the kingdom with the count. The countess saw what was happening, and one afternoon in February, while the king was in Valladolid, she came to him in a place called the Paraíso [Paradise] and, in the presence of Queen Juana and others, she rejected the betrothal as well as the marriage that she had entered into with the count, saying that if he was not happy to be married to her, then neither was she pleased to be married to him, and she had documents drawn up stating this. The king was bitterly angry about this, and after the weddings that we spoke about, he sent a message to tell the count to come nevertheless to receive his wife or he would disinherit him completely and curse his son the prince in his will if he ever pardoned the count or returned any of the things that he [the king] had taken from him. So then the count came to where his father was in Burgos in November, more out of fear of him and apprehension than from any desire to marry her. Thus it was that on the day they had to get married in the castle of that city, in the presence of the king and queen, of their son the prince, and of many other lords and nobles, the Archbishop of Santiago, who was to marry them, asked the count if he wished to take Dona Isabel for his wife who was present, but he would not say anything until the king angrily ordered him to say ‘yes’. Then, out of fear and dread for his father, he said ‘yes’, but he did it in such a way that many who were there knew well that he was little content with such a marriage. Nevertheless, the wedding was performed very honourably as was that of Don Pedro, the son of the Marquess of Villena, to Doña Juana, also a child of King Enrique. Now, it is important for you to know, beyond all doubt, however strange it may seem to you, that the count went to the countess that night, because he feared his father if he did anything else. They both lay together in the same bed, and he did everything contrary to what the countess could reasonably



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expect at that time, restraining his senses so that not one of them was allowed to perform the task that they are expected to perform. Instead, his senses were made so numb that he never embraced her, nor kissed her, nor came anywhere near her, nor touched her with either hand or foot, nor spoke a single word to her either that night or in the morning, nor she to him in the same way. Nor did he ever call her countess, either in jest or in earnest, nor did he eat with her at the same table. But every evening he went to sleep with her, behaving every night as he had on the first night. He continued to live this life with her without the king being aware of it for as long as the latter was in Burgos and Palencia, which was about two months. But after the king left, the count no longer concerned himself with her but went to other places where he could not see her. He lived like this until the king his father died and he got rid of her through an annulment, as we shall describe later.

Chapter 96

How Princess Beatriz of Portugal married Don Fadrique, the son of the King of Castile, and under what conditions

O

nce these weddings were thus concluded as we have described, there was in the year immediately following, 1376, another marriage arranged by King Enrique and the King of Portugal, namely that Don Fadrique, the Duke of Benavente and son of King Enrique and of a lady called Doña Beatriz Ponce, would marry Princess Beatriz, the first-born child of King Fernando and Queen Leonor. Once all necessary documents had been signed, King Fernando called a meeting of the Cortes to enact the betrothal. It was held in the town of Leiria in the month of November in the presence of his brothers Prince João and Dom João, the Master of the knightly Order of Avis, and the counts, noblemen, prelates, knights and squires and many other people, representatives of the town communities. All had been especially summoned for the princess’s betrothal and in order to acknowledge her as queen and lady of the kingdoms of Portugal and the Algarve and to do homage to her. When all the people were thus brought together, the king ordained that on the twentyfourth of the same month they should perform the betrothal ceremony. Thus it was indeed that Fernán Pérez de Andrade, as proctor for King Enrique and Don Fadrique his son, received Princess Beatriz who was present in person, as Holy Church ordains, as the wife of Don Fadrique, and she received him as her husband at the hands of his proctor.

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The next day, all the lords and people who were there, whom it befitted to do this, promised fealty and did homage at the hands of the princess’s proctors, Dom Álvaro Gonçalves, the Prior of the Hospitallers, and Enrique Manuel de Villena, the Lord of Cascais, and at the hands of the aforementioned Fernán Pérez, swearing that if the king died and did not leave a legitimate heir they would take the princess as their queen and her husband as their king, as long as they had truly consummated their marriage, and unless King Fernando died leaving Queen Leonor pregnant, and she gave birth to a son. If King Fernando died before the couple were of the right age to consummate their relationship, then Queen Leonor would rule the kingdom in the meantime, or whosoever King Fernando might name in his will would do so. From the next feast of Saint John the Baptist, the princess would be given her own household in Portugal. Whichever of the kings failed to comply with this, he would pay the other 1,000 gold marks. The betrothals were completed with these and other conditions that we have left out, and then King Fernando dispatched to Castile Don Pedro Tenorio,168 the Bishop of Coimbra, and Aires Gomes da Silva, a member of his council and his chief standard-bearer. They arrived at where King Enrique was, in the city of Córdoba, and repeated all the clauses that were contained in the betrothal agreements, and on 19 January 1377 he swore to fulfil and maintain them. There was moreover to be a papal dispensation, as they were related in the fourth degree, and King Fernando was to have the income of the places granted to his daughter for the benefit of such a marriage until she was married and handed over to her husband.

Chapter 97

Concerning the treaty King Fernando made with the Duke of Anjou to wage war on Aragon

W

e have found no evidence that Gonçalo Vasques de Azevedo or Lourenço Eanes Fogaça, who had been dispatched to Castile to negotiate the matters concerning Aragon, as you have heard,169 arranged anything in relation thereto that pleased King Fernando. Rather, it seems to us to have been the 168 Don Pedro Tenorio was Castilian (although his family origins were GalicianPortuguese), and a Trastámaran supporter. He escaped death after Nájera and went into exile in Portugal, like so many other supporters of the deceased Pedro of Castile. He was elected Bishop of Coimbra in 1371, and by August 1377 he was elected Archbishop of Toledo. 169 In Chapter 93 above.



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opposite. For as soon as these betrothal agreements which we have described were completed, feeling strongly about the gold that the King of Aragon had taken from him and recalling his unsuitable behaviour in that incident, very much the opposite to what he had expected, and wishing to put all to rights, King Fernando made a treaty of friendship with Prince Louis, Duke of Anjou, the son of the King of France, in which they would both be of one accord in waging war against the King of Aragon. Thus it was that the duke sent him his ambassadors, namely Robert de Noyers, Bachelor of Law, and Yves de Gernal, of his council. They arrived where the king then was at Tentúgal in April and agreed to many things, although they left aside certain points that could not be decided before the duke knew about them first. The king prepared to send his ambassadors to France with the duke’s envoys, sending there Lourenço Eanes Fogaça, his chancellor of the great seal, and João Gonçalves of his Royal Council, who was his secretary. The following June, in palace buildings near Paris belonging to the King of France, they signed their alliance as follows: the duke would wage war against the King of Aragon by land and sea; the land war would be at the duke’s expense; and in the war waged at sea King Fernando would contribute one third of the foists170 as long as they amounted to no more than the cost of fifteen galleys. Depending on the expenses they each accrued, they would be provided with a share of the goods and lands taken from the kingdom of Aragon, setting apart the captains’ portion, however, as is their military custom. All the cities, castles and fortified places taken in the kingdom of Mallorca, the islands of Minorca and Ibiza, the county of Roussillon and the surrounding lands would be handed over to the duke. If the King of Castile wanted to join this alliance, waging war against the kingdom of Aragon as much by sea as by land, according to what had already been granted to the duke, he would receive the strongholds taken in Murcia and the land of Molina, to which the King of Castile said he had rightful claim. If any other places were taken, beyond these stated here, King Fernando would receive the 250,000 dobras which he said the King of Aragon owed him in the first place without any other cost. After he was paid, all the other places would be shared between them according to the expenses they had each disbursed. These and other provisions which we shall not bother to relate were put in the treaty King Fernando negotiated with the duke, but whether this war ever began or whether anything came of this agreement, we could find nothing in either books or documents that might allow us to write more about it; for that reason, we think nothing happened.

170 A

foist, or fuste, was a fast, light galley.

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Chapter 98

Concerning the abilities and character of Prince João of Portugal

A

s we have ended the story of King Fernando’s negotiations with King Enrique and also with the King of Aragon, and since we cannot find anything else necessary to chronicle, it is fitting to say something about other subjects related to our tale, as promised in the chronicle of the reign of King Pedro, where we said that we would speak of Princes João and Dinis when it was appropriate to analyse their deeds. In order to be brief, we will leave out Prince Dinis completely, as he is already in Castile, and speak of the reason why Prince João afterwards left Portugal and also went to Castile. Before we refer to this, may your ears not be annoyed by hearing a brief account of a few of his habits and abilities, if only to honour his person. This Prince João was a very well-proportioned man in both body and looks, well-made in appearance and features and possessing very good abilities, very measured and courtly. He was hospitable towards many nobles of the kingdom and foreigners, and very generous in offering wealth to whosoever came asking, giving them horses and mules, weapons and clothing, cash, birds for hunting, alaunts171 and whatever else it was in his power to give. He was a very great friend of his brother Dom João, the Master of the Order of Avis: as King Pedro had ordered them always to accompany each other when they were at Court, thus they were never apart when hunting, eating and sleeping, and in all the conversations held by those who love one another well. They were so close that, one time, when Prince João had been appointed with his brother the Master of Avis to be in charge of the távola172 at a great joust held by King Fernando, during a feast organized by the Count of Viana, the son of the old count, the prince came to his assistance even though he lay very ill in Évora after a great accident that he had had. A fight broke out at the jousting between Vasco Porcalho, the grand commander of the Order of Avis, and Fernando Álvares de Queirós, who was on the counts’ side. When they told the prince that his brother had gone off on a horse with a bit of a stick in his hand to save Vasco Porcalho from disaster, there was nothing that Afonso 171 A

large-game hunting dog, originally from Central Asia which, through crossbreeding, had evolved into three categories in medieval Europe: a fast greyhound type, of fearless yet kind temperament, a stockier hound suitable for pulling down its prey, and a heavy mastiff type. 172 Lançar a távola or tavolado was a jousting game or hastilude in which the competitor targeted lances or darts at a wooden board while riding a horse. It seems to be similar to the game for knights known as quintain in English.



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Gomes da Silva and other nobles could do to stop the prince from getting out of bed to go and help him from being harmed by the others. God be praised that the fight calmed down without the loss of any of them. In all of Spain, Prince João was the man who trained horses the best and most elegantly; neither their vices nor their wildness could prevent him from taming them. He was a great jouster and competitor in tourneys, and he frequently played tavolado. He was very given to jumping, running and throwing spears on horseback and on foot, and able to endure great labours in hunting and similar pastimes. For days and nights, he never lost energy, getting up two and three hours before dawn, marking game at night through the cold of winter and summer’s heat; he also enjoyed riding and running through steep rocks and dense mountains, jumping streams and ravines of great danger, falling into them and with the horses on top of him. He liked hunting so much that he never feared a boar or a bear that he encountered on foot or on horseback. God willed it that he was saved from many perils in similar situations, which described in detail would be quite interesting to listen to; but fearing that it would bore you, we do not dare to tell you about more than one or two of these episodes.

Chapter 99

Concerning what happened to Prince João with a bear and a boar while he was out hunting

K

ing Fernando was very eager to hunt both large and small game whenever he knew good hunting was to be had, deriving great pleasure and enjoyment from it. As he was assured that the lands of Beira and along the banks of the River Coa had good hunting for bears and a great abundance of boars, he made himself ready with all his household and that of the queen and many large game huntsmen with running hounds and alaunts and made their way to that region. There, a great number of animals were killed, and one day it so happened that Prince João encountered a huge bear. He got so near it in order to strike at close range that the bear reared up on its hind legs, raising its front legs to snatch him from the saddle. When the prince saw this, he hoisted himself up so high above the saddle that he was right over the pommel. Reaching out his paws to seize him, the bear wrenched off the cantle of the tavarenha saddle173 which they then used, along with a great quiver hanging 173 The Portuguese text here describes the saddle as being tavarenha, an unknown adjective which may indicate that the saddler who fashioned it bore the surname

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by the horse’s hindquarters. Despite all this, the prince did not leave the bear and thus, without cantle and on an injured horse, he twisted round to strike it and did not desist until others arrived and helped him to take it with javelins. Another time it happened that he put up a very large boar, following its scent with great difficulty, over a long distance, day and night, until it was tired out. After he had cornered it, he ordered his page, who was carrying his javelin, to hurry and call up those on horseback, the huntsmen and the beaters,174 and to bring him his two alaunts. He loved these dogs so much that they slept in his bed at night on either side of him. One was called Bravor, which his brother the Master of Avis had given him, and the other was called Rabez, sent to him by Fernán Pérez de Andrade, the uncle of Ruy Freire of Galicia. By the time the company was all assembled, it was very late because they had come from far away. After the prince had allocated the armadas,175 he stayed by one of them and set the hounds to finding, but they found nothing because, meanwhile, the boar had got up and was no longer there. This lasted such a long time that the prince, weary and fatigued, could not help falling asleep. His page, who handled the alaunts, was similarly overcome by drowsiness and, keeping the prince company, went to sleep. Before he did so, since he could not hear the voices of the huntsmen or the barking of the hounds on the mountain, he decided to sleep at his leisure, securing the alaunts’ leashes by tying one to his leg and the other around his waist. In the meantime, the great boar came along, sweating because of the intense heat, and untroubled by running-hounds and alaunts. It emerged at the spur of a mountain by the armada where the prince and his page lay sleeping. Now, it is important for you to know that the good alaunt Bravor, courageous and kind, had such a temperament that he was accustomed to keeping his muzzle glued to the stirrup, off the leash, accompanying the pace of the horse; he did not engage with boar or bear or any other animal that he came across unless ordered to do so. When the boar emerged in that way, the other alaunt, Rabez, gave a big jolt forward, but Bravor stayed quiet. When Rabez saw that the boar was getting away and that he had not been unleashed, he charged towards the dark forest, dragging the page and the other alaunt after him. At the sound of this, the prince woke up. When he saw the boy and the alaunts hurtling Tavares. The saddle is clearly akin to the type known as ‘Brabante’, with a high pommel and cantle and long stirrups. According to Mário J. S. Meleiro, this is the only known occurrence of the term, but he does not indicate its meaning; see his ‘“Novidade de Palavras” no Português do Século XV’ (Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Universidade de Lisboa, Faculdade de Letras, 2011), p. 160. 174 The Portuguese term is vozarias (literally ‘shoutings’), which meant the lines of beaters who drove the quarry towards the stationary huntsmen. 175 Armadas were the lines of stationary hunters, with their hounds, waiting for the quarry to come their way.



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along in this manner and the boar escaping to safety, he grew extremely angry. Wresting a hunting knife from its scabbard, he dashed up and cut the leashes that were tied to the page. With their leashes cut, the alaunts went to catch the boar in a thick wood and, when the prince arrived, the boar was seeking to throw off the alaunts which were entangled in some oak saplings. As the boar got away, not wanting to wait for a fight, the prince threw a javelin at him. Then his arm performed the most beautiful javelin throw that had ever been seen or heard of amongst huntsmen. The javelin point penetrated the flesh of the boar’s hindquarters and severed the bones and joints so that the blade and the whole shaft came out on the other side between the nape and the shoulder. Many other fine adventures and some less fortunate ones happened to the prince when out hunting; these would be too long to relate, so we shall not bother to mention them. Just as he was a great huntsman of large game, in the same way he could hunt with all kinds of birds, goshawks as well as falcons and sparrow hawks, with greyhounds for hares and foxes and with podengos.176 He himself worked with them to train them, so much so that everybody praised highly all the work and effort that he put into such activities.

Chapter 100

How Prince João fell in love with Dona Maria, the sister of the queen, and married her secretly

L

iving a happy life of pleasure in this way, the prince came to desire a lady called Dona Maria, the sister of Queen Leonor. This Dona Maria had been the wife of Álvaro Dias de Sousa, a great nobleman of the lineage of kings, a virtuous and very honourable knight. According to what some state in their writings, King Pedro of Portugal had a mistress with whom Álvaro Dias was accused of sleeping. Fearing that the king’s great anger at this would lead to some dishonourable and dangerous action against him, he left the kingdom and having been away for a while died of natural causes. Dona Maria, left a widow quite early in her youth, was beautiful, elegant and very gracious. She enjoyed the company of many of her noble relatives and any others who were worthy, and she honoured them very much as each deserved, showing them her great hospitality. She had a large household of ladies, maidens, maids-inwaiting and other middling sorts, as well as squires and many office-holders; 176 Portuguese hound with many purposes, but particularly suitable for hunting. In this case, its function is probably to set or point.

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she was generous and kind to all. She had the resolve and resources to do this because the office of Master of the Order of Christ had been given to her for her son, Dom Lopo Dias, and its income had been placed in her power, as well as a considerable inheritance of property and goods and many favours from her sister the queen. The prince, who saw her often, observing her beauty and status and how it was much enhanced by her grace in the judgement of all, began to love her very deeply. Pondering often on this thought, he sent secretly to her to make his love known, but there were many obstacles to prevent him from fulfilling his desire because the lady was very prudent, wise, discreet and well-guarded, and she sent him her refusal in well-chosen and courteous words. The prince, whose mind was troubled by constantly fancying such affection, could not help following her frequently, to the point where, in reaction to his close attentions, she decided to ask of him something that she otherwise would not dare to do. Through the prince’s chambermaid, Margarida Lourenço, she sent to tell him that, since he said he loved her so much, she would send him such an ambassador as would be a suitable go-between for them; she told him to believe what this man would say on her behalf and that in that way the prince would be able to fulfil his desire but otherwise not. She then spoke to a worthy nobleman called Álvaro Pereira of whom the prince was very fond and who was also close to Dona Maria. She told him the contents of the messages which the prince had often sent to her and everything that had happened up to then; then she told him to tell him on her behalf that, since the prince loved her so much in words, he should put them into action: if he should marry and receive her as his wife, she would be happy to do all that he commanded, for he knew well that it made more sense for him to marry her than it had done for King Fernando to marry her sister. If the prince wanted anything different from her, he should try his luck elsewhere; nor would she listen to anyone else that he might send to speak about this matter or give him an answer thereto, however good it might be. Some say that without further delay, as soon as the prince heard this, they were secretly married in a very clandestine manner. Yet another author, whose account is not to be rejected, added to this saying that Dona Maria, being very wise and knowing that it is a common rule that men falter in similar circumstances, thought that Prince João would slip away, and that to travel the same road that King Fernando had travelled with her sister would be very appropriate and a small miracle to achieve. She made arrangements for the prince to come and see her one night in secret, accompanied only by one squire. Not only was she very beautiful and desirable, but she presented herself and her chamber on that occasion so nobly that no man could have easily persuaded himself to leave there early. At the hour when the prince came, he was met by a woman of the household and taken in secret to Dona Maria. When he entered and saw her and her arrangements



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all ready to receive him as a guest, it seemed to him that each arrangement was urging him to stay the night; this gave him at that moment an extra reason for tenderness and love. After the first words, as he arrived, she then spoke, saying, ‘Sir, I marvel greatly that you command me to grant your affection and love in the way that you do. This must be with the intention to marry me and in no other way. Indeed, as you can perfectly well see, I am the queen’s sister by the same parents, and you know very well how noble we are on both our father’s and our mother’s side, that of the Teles as well as that of the Meneses, who are of the lineage of kings. You also know that I was married to Álvaro Dias de Sousa, who was a very honourable knight and of the lineage of kings, by whom I have a son who is Master of the Order of Christ, as you can see, and one of the honoured lords of Portugal. So, sir, by what right did it seem to you that you could dishonour a lady such as me in this way, as if I were a common woman? In truth, sir, it appears to me that solely the relationship I have to the princess your niece should have prevented you from doing this. I want you to know that I am greatly offended by this. That is why I had you brought here so I could tell you this in my own way. For it seems to me that, had I sent another to say it to you, that would not be enough to ease my mind; you should be ashamed, sending me demands as if I were a lady of ill repute.’ In putting forward this argument, she sounded plaintive and showed signs of wanting to cry, which women are wont to do easily, saying that he should leave the same way in which he had come for, although it might seem to him that she was alone, she was much more closely accompanied than he thought. The prince, who was beset by his deep yearning, which was of the kind that sets aside all reason and decorum, granted as much as she asked, although he justified himself in that he had not meant to ask her to do anything dishonourable. When he wanted to go on to other talk better suited to his purpose, she said that she would not listen to any more words and only asked him if he would do her the favour of leaving in good faith. When this conversation had finished, the woman who had brought him in then said to the prince, ‘Sir, my lady speaks well: receive her as your wife since you are here, for you cannot be censured for it. You know that the king your brother took her sister to wife and made her queen, and has issue by her who will inherit the kingdom. So who will blame you for marrying someone who is so young and fortunate and comes from such a lineage as everyone acknowledges? Moreover, the queen her sister will benefit you by increasing your lands and estate so that you can live very honourably. Your father King Pedro took Dona Inês your mother and married her secretly in this way, after her death swearing that she had been his wife so that you and your brother could be legitimate. So I see no reason why you should not do it, unless you do not have the will.’

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The prince was imprisoned by his fancy and firmly placed under the yoke of love. Through the things he could see, he valued greatly and very much desired the things that were not visible, so much so that the fire of affection was doubly lit and made that short time they spoke seem as if they had talked the whole night through. So then, wanting to bring to pass what had begun by desire, their pleasurable wishes were put in accord: he granted that he would receive her and have her as his wife. Thus it was in fact that he received her straight away in the presence of Álvaro de Antas and others whom they greatly trusted. The latter left straightaway, and the prince remained there, each satisfying the desire of the other. He left happy without leaving her sad, very early before dawn, as far removed from public rumour as possible.

Chapter 101

How the queen spoke of the matter to Count João Afonso and concerning the conversations that the count had with Prince João

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his event remained highly confidential, but as is often the case over time when a secret goes beyond two people, it was inevitable that gossip and rumour would rise up about the prince sleeping with Dona Maria and about her being his acknowledged wife. Rumours spread so much from person to person that the king and queen came to learn of it. It displeased both of them very much, especially the queen who said that she would rather see her sister marry a simple knight than the prince. The king said that since they were both happy it should not trouble her as it weighed little on him. The reason why the queen was very displeased by this was the extent to which she saw her sister admired by all and Prince João as much loved by the people and the nobles as the king. She thought that it could so happen that Prince João would come to reign and her sister would be queen, she herself losing her power and throne, particularly as the king was not well and more likely to last a short time than live a long life. For these and other reasons, seeing her sister’s status likely to rise high, the queen could not avoid the poison of envy. She started to show her sister less favour than usual, nor was the king as generous to the prince as had been his previous custom. Not only did this affect them, but the king and queen also showed a less fair countenance to the Master of Avis, the prince’s brother, owing to the great love and affection they saw he had for Prince João.



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This situation lasted for some time, and the queen did not forget the matter of her sister and the prince, always thinking about how such a marriage could lead to the undoing of her honour and estate. In order to avoid this at all costs, the queen planned to make the prince understand that it would please her to see him married to her daughter, Princess Beatriz. She spoke of her concern to her brother Dom João Afonso Telo, who was very obedient to her because of the great favours he often received from her, so that he would ensure that the prince had some awareness of this. Thus prompted by the queen, the count started to converse more with the prince than was usual and showed himself to be much more of a friend to the prince than before. One day, when they were both speaking of private matters, the count told him how he was certain that the queen, desiring his advancement and honour, was very eager for him to marry her daughter Princess Beatriz. Moreover, she said that since it was God’s will that she did not have a son to inherit the throne after the death of the king her liege lord, she would rather see her daughter marry the prince than the Duke of Benavente, who was a Castilian. For it was more right for his and her daughter’s sons to inherit the throne that had been their father’s and grandfathers’ than it was for those of the lineage of King Enrique who had done so much harm and damage to Portugal. What weighed on her mind was the obstacle that she saw to this, namely that some people whispered that her sister Dona Maria was married to him, and therefore the outcome she so much desired could not be fulfilled. Having listened at length to the count’s sweet talk, planted as it was to ripen, the prince easily and immediately believed what was so pleasurable to him, summoning up images of all the honours and great advantages that would follow from such an event. Since, as you can see, desire to reign is something that does not hesitate to commit acts against right and reason, the prince could think of nothing else than how he would marry the princess and get rid of Dona Maria through her death. While he was pondering this thought, before he had told anyone else, the queen and the count also spoke to Diogo Afonso de Figueiredo, the prince’s comptroller, and Garcia Afonso do Sobrado, grand commander of Elvas,177 who was then one of his counsellors. Amongst them, there grew up a very false lie [about something] that had never even crossed Dona Maria’s mind (it is not known who started it, whether it was the prince or the others): they said it would be fine to kill Dona Maria without censure because it was rumoured that she was sleeping with somebody else while being the prince’s acknowledged wife. As a result of such counsels, the prince never stopped thinking about marrying his niece and getting out of the marriage with Dona Maria through 177 That is to say, he belonged to the Order of Avis, which held the Church of Santa Maria in Elvas.

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her death. This was a good example of the saying, ‘If you want to kill your dog, first give out that it is mad.’ For as soon as his advisers brought up such a tale among them, the prince made up his mind straightaway that he would soon deprive her of her life.

Chapter 102

How the prince arrived at Alcanhões where the king was and concerning the message that Dona Maria received that he was coming

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he prince left with this decision imprinted in his heart and took the road to Alcanhões, where the king and queen then were with their whole household. The Count of Barcelos and other great lords and nobles present at Court came to greet the prince, and that day the count invited him to dinner. The next day, the prince’s first cousin Dona Isabel, the daughter of Count Álvaro Pérez de Castro, invited him to the houses near the palace where she was staying as a member of the queen’s household, and caused him to spend a very pleasant time during dinner and an afternoon’s entertainment. To that entertainment came the Count of Barcelos, a high-spirited and joyful man who was in love, so rumour said, with Dona Isabel de Castro. Many people from the Court and a few foreigners joined them there, as much to admire her beauty as to accompany the prince. That day in the late afternoon, after they had danced and had wine and fruit, the count sent for a very elegant coat of mail, a well-furnished dagger, in baselard style,178 and a very beautiful knife that had been brought to him from England, and gave them all to the prince. Then the prince and Dona Isabel left for the palace with many knights, squires and many of her ladies and maidens. On arriving at the palace where the king and queen were, they were very well received by them. On that occasion, the prince and the count stood aside with the queen, and they talked separately from the others for a very long time. Then they took leave of her and also of the king and his Court. The prince stayed with the count that night in order to leave the next day. As soon as it was day, the prince left, taking the road for Tomar. Although the Master of Christ, Dona Maria’s son, was not there, he sent a request to the prince that if he would do him the honour of being his guest he would come to him straight away. The prince, who had little intention of owing him 178 A baselard or basalart seems to be a short sword with a H-shaped hilt, a style that may have originated from Basel in Switzerland.



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a dinner, did not want to accept his invitation. When the Master of Christ, who had for some days already been wondering about some of the conversations which had been made known to him from the prince’s house, saw that the prince did not want to accept his invitation, he immediately feared what would come from the prince’s departure. In great haste, he sent a message to his mother to let her know that the prince had passed through Tomar and was going to the lands where she was, and that it seemed to him the prince was not travelling with the best of intentions, as he had invited him to stay while passing through Tomar and he had declined his invitation; therefore the Master of Christ warned her to take suitable precautions about it.179 Before this, Dona Maria had already received news from certain people in the king’s household, both relatives and criados,180 some as witnesses, others making presumptions about the trouble that had started to brew between her and the prince and warning her to be prepared. She had been disturbed by these accounts but was then much more upset by the message she got from her son. However, she did not lose courage, being a lady of high lineage, great prudence and sense, and replied to this that she heard that all things were in the power of God and whatever pleased Him and lay in His mercy would be done and nothing else. As for the deeds of this world, she trusted equally in her lord the prince’s favour that he would not consent in any way to her dishonour or undoing. With this decision, she went on as before without making any move.

Chapter 103

How the prince arrived in Coimbra to kill Dona Maria, and concerning the words he had with her before he killed her

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he day that the prince left Tomar, he went to sleep at a place called Espinhal. At midnight, he rode with his men to Foz de Arouce and from there to Almalaguês in the district of Coimbra; arriving in the olive groves of the city, he descended to the River Mondego a little before the Monastery of Santa Ana, which is beside the great bridge. At that place, the prince called all those whom he found with him and made them keep still. He drew apart 179 These precautions could mean seeking refuge in the castle of Coimbra, the governor of which was her uncle Gonçalo Mendes de Vasconcelos. 180 Someone, usually from a distinguished background, brought up (‘criado’ in Portuguese) in the house of a great lord and, therefore, a faithful vassal.

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from them to talk to Diogo Afonso and Garcia Afonso do Sobrado, and having done so he called the others to his side and began to speak: ‘All of you who are thus here together are my vassals and criados, as you were of my father. I have great trust in you because you are of good breeding and lineage, and I should not do anything that you do not know about first. Although until now I concealed some things from you concerning my affairs, you should not blame me because it was necessary for me to do so. Now I make it known to you that I have been told that Dona Maria, the queen’s sister, continues to say in public that she is my wife and I her husband, and that she has documents and noble witnesses to prove it. Either this thing is true or it is not. If it were true, it should have been kept in great secrecy for her honour and mine. Now that, from her side, something has been brought up and discovered, which could bring great danger and harm to me, and likewise to her, I am going to go where she is, to talk to her and deal with her as befits my honour and estate.’ To this, one and all replied that they were ready and prepared, not only for this which was nothing, but also for the greatest thing that could happen to him. He thanked them very much. They then started to move on, crossed the bridge, and on reaching the city’s fortifications the prince called to one of his men saying, ‘You know this city’s entrances and exits better than anyone present because you were once a student here. Dona Maria is staying in the houses of Álvaro Fernandes de Carvalho. Take us through this place to those houses as quickly as we can, avoiding public spaces as much as possible.’ The man answered that he would do so and took them to the Church of São Bartolomeu from where a narrow street leads directly to the doors of those houses. When they got there, the guide halted, saying to the prince, ‘These are the houses you are seeking.’ At this point, dawn began to break, and the day made haste to appear. Now it so happened, as Dona Maria’s sad fates decreed, that while the prince and his men were at the door, a woman who needed to do the laundry unbarred the doors and threw them wide open. As soon as they were opened, the prince’s men ran up to a hall where some women lay sleeping. At the entrance of the hall where there was an orchard of oranges and other trees, Diogo Afonso and Garcia Afonso drew the prince aside and spoke with him, delaying him for a while. After they had spoken, they came to where all the others were, and the prince asked for Dona Maria. She was sleeping in an enclosed chamber, as indicated by the women who had been sleeping outside, and in another chamber behind that one lay a nurse and ladies-in-waiting, with a child of hers.181 The prince then asked whether the chambers in that tower had any 181 Presumably,

this child is the infant Dom Fernando de Eça, the son of Dona Maria and Prince João, which would explain the presence of a nurse, an ama, in the chamber behind Dona Maria’s room. As a rule, amas looked after the children of



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other entrance, and they answered that they had not. The doors were very strong and well barred, and the prince immediately ordered that they should try to break them down as vigorously as they could. Each one worked with sticks and stones with the result that they were quickly broken down. Dona Maria, having suddenly awoken, when she saw how they were entering, got out of bed so shocked and fearful that she almost fainted. When she got up, she had neither the presence of mind nor the time to put on some clothing or a cloak. Nobody could give them to her because those who were inside the room with her were under the bed trembling, incapable of controlling their fear. Feeling concerned about covering her shameful parts, she only had recourse to a white bedcover in which she wrapped her whole body and pressed herself up against the wall next to the bed. As soon as the prince entered, she recognized his face and speech. When she saw him, she gathered enough strength and courage to say: ‘Oh sir, what is the meaning of this unwonted entry?’ ‘Good lady,’ he said, ‘you will now know. You have been going about saying that I am your husband and you my wife and you proclaimed it to the whole kingdom until it became known to the king and queen and the whole Court, which was reason enough for them to kill me or put me in prison forever. You should have kept such a matter concealed from the whole world. And if you are my wife, you therefore deserve death all the more because you cuckold me by sleeping with another.’ Saying this he took hold of her. Hearing such a speech, Dona Maria answered the prince, saying, ‘Oh sir, I well understand that you come here ill informed. May God pardon those who put such an idea into your head. If it would please Your Grace to draw apart with me a moment into this chamber or to have the others leave, I mean to give you more useful advice than they gave you against me. Have pity and hear me, and you will have time to do as you please.’ He did not want to hear her side of the story nor give her time to excuse herself for a mistake she did not commit, and said, ‘I did not come here to bandy words with you.’ He then pulled hard at the corner of the bedcover, thus throwing her to the floor, uncovering part of her pure white body in full view of those present, to the point that those of them possessed of decorum and a sense of shame drew away from such a sight, too painful to see. They could not hold back their tears and sobs as if she had been the mother of each one of them. As he cast her to the floor, the prince struck her with the dagger, given him royal or noble families. The secret marriage will have taken place some time between 1373 and 1376; Dom Fernando de Eça was born c. 1378 and Dona Maria was killed in 1379. In this and the last two chapters, Fernão Lopes has condensed between five and six years of the protagonists’ lives for dramatic effect and to highlight Prince João’s departure for Castile, which led to significant outcomes during the 1383–1385 dynastic crisis depicted by Lopes in the Chronicle of King João of Portugal, Part 1.

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by her brother, between her shoulder and her breasts, near the heart. She cried out in a loud and painful voice, saying, ‘Mother of God, help me and have mercy on my soul!’ Drawing the dagger out of her, he wounded her this time in the groin. She cried out again, saying, ‘Jesus, son of the Virgin, save me!’ Those were her last words as she gave up her spirit with her blood freely spurting forth. Oh merciful God on High! If only You had shown your mercy then by pushing away that cruel knife so that it would not harm her white body, innocent of such sordid blame! The house was immediately filled with the shouts and cries of men and women bewailing her, uttering loud laments in their distress. The sound of their cries was heard across the whole city, disturbing many who did not know what it was all about. The great noise and tumult brought forth Gonçalo Mendes de Vasconcelos, a relative of Dona Maria. When he realized what had been done to her, he and his men mourned her so intensely and with such painful words that the bystanders who saw this could not hold back their tears. When the prince had finished what he had come to do, he rode with his men back to the bridge and did not stop riding, taking no rest, until he came to São Paio, which was quite a few leagues away. As the journey was long and their mounts were weak, only six men arrived there with him, so he waited until they were all there together. From that place, they then took the road for Beira, each man trading down their weapons as best he could, and so they continued while still needing them for hunting game both large and small. They went on for some time like this wherever they happened to go.

Chapter 104

How Prince João was pardoned and how he came to see the king and queen

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his occurrence became known across the kingdom, and the death [of Dona Maria] caused grief to many people, especially when it became known how it happened without any fault on her part. When the queen heard about it, she made out that it pained her greatly, putting on mourning. However, she told the king that he should not concern himself with it or suffer grief from it as such things happen in this world. After things had cooled down, while the prince was wandering in Beira along the River Coa near the borders, he made it known to the king and queen that it did not suit him to live in their land without their favour and against their will. If it did not please them to pardon him and his men, he would make arrangements to go and seek his fortune in another kingdom where he could live without fear of anyone.



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There was no lack of ambassadors coming and going in these negotiations: sometimes they brought good news, sometimes sad news, saying that the Master of the Order of Christ, Count João Afonso, Dom Gonçalo and the Count of Viana, all cousins,182 were banding together to seek out him and his men. Thus the prince and his men feared everybody, whichever side they turned to, except Count Álvaro Pérez, the prince’s uncle, who negotiated with the old count for the prince’s pardon. Through them and through the Prior of the Hospitallers, Dom Álvaro Gonçalves, and Dom Aires Gomes da Silva, of whom the king was fond, and through the queen, whose voice counted most of all, the prince and all who were with him were pardoned. Having seen the letters of pardon sent to him by the king and queen, the prince left in safety for the Court and arrived in Santarém with 150 mounted men. From there, he sent to ask the king, who was 4 leagues away at Salvaterra de Magos, if he agreed that he should go and see him with all those who were accompanying him, or with no more than a few of his men. The king sent a message to tell him that it would please him, and that he should come with as many as he had with him and more if he wished to bring more. The prince then arrived, and he and all his men were well received by the king, the queen and her brothers, the counts, who were there with the king, and had gone as far as the outskirts of Santarém to receive him when he came. The prince stayed there with the king for some days, hunting large and small game with him and at times with his own men, after which he sent each one of them back to his own homeland. He chose some to remain with him, his position being that of a great favourite of the king and queen and of one who felt very much at his ease. The king ordered his delayed maintenance payments to be made as well as the current ones and favoured him by giving him a lot of money. Seeing the good manner in which the king and queen behaved towards him, the prince kept in mind what the count had told him concerning his marriage to his niece, hoping every day that it would be put into effect. The queen had very little wish for this to happen, notwithstanding that her sister was already dead, because it was a great obstacle to her to have the prince living in Portugal, seeing that the king was in more pain each day. She feared that, once he died, the prince would be acclaimed king and would make some woman or other his queen, causing her to lose her honour and estate. To avoid this eventuality at all costs, her wish was to get her daughter married in Castile, in pursuance of the princess’s betrothal or of a better one if it were possible, so that she the queen could be regent if King Fernando died, as was stated in the treaty with the Duke of Benavente.183 Thus she would freely be able to hold sway over the kingdom. The prince could only seek his fortune 182 See 183 In

genealogical tree for these relationships. Chapter 96 above.

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in Castile where she could later arrange his death or imprisonment in order to be safe [from him]. Well now, about this episode there are those who not only write arguments which cannot help us in any aspect but who also say things that displease us greatly and are to be rejected entirely. They say that the prince and Princess Beatriz were betrothed as he had been promised; some say that it was in Valada while the king was sick, others that it happened in Portalegre in very great secret, writing this in long narratives that we do not care to summarize. Although some words contradict others and all in sum contradict the truth, we nevertheless believe that their wrongful statements were not due to the authors’ malice but to their ignorance of the truth. It is important for you to know that the truth was as now follows.

Chapter 105

How the prince left Court feeling sorrowful and went to the Minho

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he king left the place where he was and went to the province of the Alentejo. Before his departure, and then afterwards, the prince spoke of his marriage in conversation with the queen and with those to whom it was convenient for him to speak of it. Both the queen, who had no desire for the marriage, and the others, knowing her wishes, made the prince understand that it could not happen as quickly as he wanted since the princess would first have to be disengaged from the Duke of Benavente, to whom she had been betrothed with great assurances, as he knew well. After this, it would be necessary to get a dispensation for their marriage so that it could be as strong and valid as it should be, and this could not be done immediately for the time being but required such preparation and time as was appropriate for such an act. With these and other arguments, they went on deluding him, anointing his lips with sweet words of good hope, in such a way that he gathered from their words and behaviour that this matter would much later or never come to fruition. Angry at such excuses and delays, the prince left the Court at a place called Vimieiro, took the road for Oporto and went up to the Minho where he wandered for a while. From there, he went to Beira, and while wandering in this way he eventually understood that he was being duped. He started to grow sad and become much aggrieved; so much so that in equal measure to how he had previously left feeling pleased after Dona Maria’s death, having taken revenge for a crime that had not been committed, he afterwards frequently drew aside to weep, mourning her death, blaming himself a great deal for



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the evil he had done. He thus lived a grievous life. His men also had a very bad time of it, for he got few and scanty maintenance payments and grants from the king with the result that they pawned their arms and clothing until they no longer had anything to pawn other than alaunts and running-hounds. In this state of poverty, the prince made his way to the banks of the River Coa, and there they lived their waste of a life. There it was that news reached him that Count Gonçalo and the Master of the Order of Christ were heading in his direction to avenge the death of their sister and mother, with the king and queen coming straight after, and the Count of Barcelos along with them. In fact, rumour had it that they were going to that region to attack him, whereas their intention was more to exile him than to kill him. So, even as they made their way towards him, he and his men withdrew until they brought him to a place called Vilar Maior. There the prince settled in the castle, believing that the others would not follow him further. His men left for various villages on the Castilian side of the border, whereas he stayed behind with Garcia Afonso and Diogo Afonso. At midnight, news reached the prince, as delivered by his guides, that the counts and the master would attack him before dawn in their determination to take him or kill him with the great force that they had brought. When the prince saw himself thus thwarted and alone, he sought advice from those who were with him, and they counselled him to leave. He therefore left unaccompanied at night and arrived at dawn at San Felices de los Gallegos, in the kingdom of Castile, 8 leagues away, having no more entourage than Garcia Afonso, Diogo Afonso and four boys riding mules. Thus without any other retinue he arrived at the house of his sister Princess Beatriz, the wife of Count Sancho, in the village of San Felices [de los Gallegos] where he was well received and given great assistance.

Chapter 106

How the prince left in fear for Castile and what happened after he left

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he prince’s unfortunate vassals were spread out in the surrounding villages of that place where he had stayed, so that they could be better lodged. When the next day dawned, they began to gather their few belongings in order to make their way to where they had left him. On their way, they came across one Fernão Gallego, the prince’s naperer,184 who told them that the prince had 184 Person

in charge of a king’s or lord’s table, especially the table linen.

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left and in what manner. The prince had ordered him to tell the men that if they loved him they should no longer look for him but should all return to wherever they chose for a short space of time. For it would not be very long before they had news of him, and then those who loved him might follow him to wherever he was to be found. This message was heard with great pain and regret, and the men’s response to it produced so many exclamations and laments that no one could hear them without having pity on them. There were many shouts and cries as they made their lament, striking their faces with great blows till they were covered in blood. This lasted for a long while, as there was nobody to hinder them, until weariness and hoarseness made them cease their painful cries. They were afflicted by two great causes which made them do this: first, the longing and affection that they had for their liege lord as he was a noble, generous and very pleasant companion; and secondly, if he fled with such fear of being taken or killed, what was one to suppose they should do and what hope did they have for their own lives? They then comforted each other and scattered their separate ways like a fleet of ships at sea when harried by a great storm. The prince stayed with his sister at San Felices for some time, until through good fortune and negotiations he received a message and assurances from the King of Castile that he would be pleased to offer him favours and safety. The prince went to him and was well received by him and the great lords at Court, and the king made him generous payments of money, gave him lands and castles and guided his life quite honourably. The prince then sent a message to Portugal requesting his men to join him. Some came when they saw his message, but others did not heed it, having already set themselves up in other ways of life.

Chapter 107

How Pope Gregory died, and Don Bartolommeo, the Archbishop of Bari, was elected in his place and named Urban VI

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s we have just related the circumstances of Prince João’s flight to Castile, it now behoves us to deal with the matter of the Great Schism which arose at that time in the Church. We are obliged to speak of it not only because it is necessary to this narrative, as you will see below, but also so that we do not have any flaws in our work, since famous historians mention it in their chronicles. Thus in a brief discourse, but more clearly than they have done, we shall tell you in good order what caused the beginning and end of the schism and how long it lasted.



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You should know that its ugly birth, very much to be abhorred, had its origins in the following manner. While Pope Gregory XI was in Avignon with his Curia, it came to his ears through certain reports that some towns and castles in Italy, subject to him in matters temporal and spiritual, had rebelled against him in every respect, in such a way that they did not want to obey either his orders or those of his messengers. The cause of this rebellion, according to what was said, was that the Pope and all his cardinals, the majority of whom were French, imposed such burdens and subjections on them that they could no longer bear it. For that reason, the aforesaid Pope left Avignon on 14 September 1377, went to Marseilles with his cardinals and from there embarked on Genoese galleys, heading for Rome to subdue those who had rebelled. On 27 March 1378, Pope Gregory died in Rome. When he died, there were sixteen cardinals remaining in Rome, twelve Ultramontanes from north of the Alps and the rest Italians, all of whom had the right to elect a successor. All these cardinals met in various places, sometimes separately and sometimes all together, speaking about which of them would succeed in Pope Gregory’s place. However, they could not agree regarding the election of an Ultramontane cardinal, that is, someone from France, England or Spain. The Ultramontane cardinals were themselves divided into two groups. One group was made up of the [two] cardinals from Limoges, which is in [southern] France, namely the Cardinal-Bishop of Palestrina [Jean de Cros] and the Cardinal of Aigrefeuille [Guillaume] and others; these wanted as Pope the Cardinal of Poitiers [Guy de Maillesec] or even the Cardinal of Viviers [Pierre de Sortenac], which is in France,185 who was on their side. On the other side were the rest of the French, amongst whom were the Cardinal of Geneva [Robert], plus Cardinal Pedro de Luna, the Lord of the Orsini and others. Some Italians were on their own without belonging to one side or the other. The French [from the north] argued that the Pope should be the Cardinal of Saint Eustache [Pierre Flandrin]. He had once said to the greatest lord of Limoges, ‘I say to you that this time it is declared that there will be no pope from your land of Limoges because people say the whole world is annoyed by its rule.’186 185 That

is, under the jurisdiction of the French king. was a split between the French cardinals who were from the south (such as Jean de Cros, Cardinal-Bishop of Palestrina, who was born near Limoges, brother of Pierre de Murat de Cros, Cardinal of Arles), and therefore more likely to be within the Avignon sphere of influence, and those mainly from the north, who were traditionally closer to the king and opposed to the Avignonese popes. The French king had relatively little influence in parts of southern France which were only incorporated in piecemeal fashion into the French state over time. Viviers in the Rhône valley had been forced to become a royal town only in the early fourteenth century, hence the reason why it is said to be in France but its cardinal opts for a southern Avignon allegiance. Limoges and the Limousin region were often seen as on the border between north and south. 186 There

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From then on, the discord was more in the open so that each side could negotiate with the Italians, and many words sprang up between them. Owing to the situation caused by the division, the French party made an offer to the Italians, saying that they would rather have an Italian pope than one from the land of Limoges. Knowing this, the Limoges cardinals immediately looked for a way to deceive the French, seeing that their voices were so few that they could not elect a French pope. They agreed amongst themselves to elect Don Bartolomeo [Prignano], the Archbishop of Bari, because they understood that the others would favour him too. This secret concerning whom the cardinals had determined amongst themselves to elect was nevertheless not so well guarded as to prevent the Cardinal of Aigrefeuille, some days before they went into conclave, from telling Don Bartolomeo that soon a very great load would be placed on his shoulders. It was also said in great secrecy by the cardinals who were proctors of the Queen of Puglia187 to Don Tommaso, another proctor of hers who was then at the Curia, that they wanted to elect Don Bartolomeo, the Archbishop of Bari. Don Tommaso wrote about it to his lady the queen before they went into conclave. It already being 8 April, the cardinals went into conclave that morning, according to proper procedure, to elect a pope as is their custom. After they went in, the Cardinals of Aigrefeuille and Poitiers inquired into the intentions and desires of the Cardinal of Saint Peter [Francesco Tebaldeschi, the prior of the Basilica of Saint Peter] and others and found that they intended and desired to elect the Archbishop of Bari. Counting the votes for him, they found that there were enough to confirm him as Pope. At this, the people of Rome began to rise up, some armed and some unarmed, as they were accustomed to do sometimes. They went to the palace where the cardinals were, crying out with great uproar that they were to give them a Roman pope or at least an Italian one. The Cardinal of Sabina said to the other cardinals, ‘Sirs, let us take our places immediately, because I believe that with the help and grace of God, we will quickly agree to elect a pope.’188 ‘Not so,’ said the Cardinal of the Orsini 187 Giovanna

I of Naples. is not clear to whom Lopes refers here as the Cardinal of Sabina. Tebaldeschi (whom Lopes otherwise names the Cardinal of St Peter) was the Cardinal-Priest of Sabina. Jean de Blauzac, the Cardinal-Bishop of Santa Sabina, was not present at the conclave. These cardinals are difficult to identify as Lopes refers to them by their personal name, their official title as cardinal or a more popular name (often relating to earlier offices or geographical origin). Other sources confirm that it was Tebaldeschi who was initially proclaimed Pope as a decoy; it is possible that Lopes refers to him by both his titles, the official and the popular, depending on the stage of the proceedings. A useful account of the conclave with sources can be found on the website of John Paul Adams at California State University Northridge: http://www.csun.edu/~hcfll004/ SV1378.html (accessed 1 February 2019). 188 It



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[Giacomo], ‘let us instead put off this election and deceive these Romans who ask for a pope native to Rome. Let us pretend that we have already elected a friar of San Francisco, whom I will nominate, and dress him up in the cape and mitre. Afterwards we can make the election when we want to do it.’ The Cardinal of Palestrina and others said that this was not good advice because such a path would bring Christians to follow the ways of idolatry. ‘Let us proceed with the election,’ he said ‘while nobody troubles us, and let us not concern ourselves with the noise of the crowd. It need not worry us for now.’ Once this had happened, they started to debate the election. They decided that the Cardinal of Florence [Pietro Corsini] should speak straight away as he had the first vote by right. His intention was to guide the cardinals into choosing the Cardinal of Saint Peter and therefore gave him his vote. The others said that the Cardinal of Saint Peter was inappropriate and not suitable for the work of the papacy for many reasons, and they spoke no more of him. After this was said, all those votes on that side [of the cardinals of Limoges], along with certain others from Italy, went to Don Bartolomeo, the Archbishop of Bari. They found that more than two-thirds of the votes agreed on him. At this point, the row and tumult of the crowd grew even louder, causing the cardinals to worry that the mob would come in and force them to make a pope against their will. They withdrew into the chapel of the conclave, and some said that they should pretend to elect the Cardinal of Saint Peter and should revere him and make obeisance to him as if he were elected. Many of them would not consent to this, amongst whom was Cardinal Pedro de Luna, who said that he would rather die than revere a fake pope, saying: ‘I will not make a calf for the people to worship nor bend my knees before the idol Baal. There must be one true Pope, not two.’189 Despite all this, the cardinals told the people that the Cardinal of Saint Peter had been elected but did not want to consent to being elected. The Romans therefore rushed to him and took him to seat him on the throne. Although he protested and cried out, ‘Leave me alone, I am not the Pope; you have the Archbishop of Bari as Pope,’ there was such a great commotion among the mob that they did not care about this, placing him on the throne as Pope, not, however, making any reverence to him or doing anything else. Those people then left there, and the cardinals remained in conclave. Having elected the Archbishop of Bari, the cardinals took counsel over whether it would be good to make it public, concluding that it would not be good because they did not think such an election of the archbishop would satisfy the people. Not making it public by sign or act, they sent for the archbishop and ordered that he be told to come with other prelates and to pretend that they had been summoned in order to take counsel with them. 189 This is a reference to the biblical episode of the Golden Calf, the idol that the Israelites sacrificed to before Moses came down from Mount Sinai in Exodus 32:1–10.

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He came with the others and on arriving there it was already time to eat. The cardinals said that they would eat, the cardinals on one side and the prelates on the other. After they ate, they returned again to the election and some put forward a proposal, saying, ‘Sirs, you know well how this morning we elected the Archbishop of Bari. Although some were doubtful about the election because of the Roman mob, nobody now can claim that there is noise or disturbance because at present things are at peace. Therefore, let us see what you want to do.’ Then more than two-thirds elected the Archbishop of Bari again, saying that he was the true Pope. After that pretence and their cover-up, four cardinals left the city for places that they trusted and six others entered the Castel Sant’Angelo because it was strong, and another six remained in their houses. After a week had passed since the election, this last group of six came to the palace where the Pope was hidden and the city officials informed the people that the Cardinal of Saint Peter had not been elected, as he was not one who could support the burden of the papacy, but that the Archbishop of Bari had been instead. They said that he was a man of good life, educated in theology, discreet and very prudent in the doings of the Curia and better suited to be Pope than any other man. They thus calmed the people. Knowing this, the six cardinals in the Castel Sant’Angelo came to the Pope, and the twelve of them thus came to the palace chapel and called him Pope. They received him as truly elected amongst themselves and showed him the results of the election, requiring him to consent to it. He accepted the election, and they put the archbishop on the throne, calling him Urban VI. They announced this to the people and carried out his coronation with great solemnity.

Chapter 108

How some cardinals left Pope Urban and elected another Pope whom they called Clement VII

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hile Pope Urban was in Rome at ease with his cardinals, he wrote to the Christian kings and princes and sent his ambassadors to some of them, making them know how after the death of Pope Gregory he had been elected as the pastor of the Church and that he was informing them as was appropriate. Moreover, he made it known that his wish was to negotiate as much as he could to make peace among all the Christian kings, even if he had to work at it personally. Furthermore, it was his desire to require that he and the cardinals should follow a good and honest life in the manner which canon law ordains and which they are obliged to follow. Beyond this, he wanted all the Christian kings, queens and their eldest sons to appear each year dressed



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in his livery, which was coloured red. To initiate this, he immediately sent to some of them certain pieces of scarlet,190 saying in his letters that he did not send such a thing as a great gift but as a sign of great love and that his wish was to grant dignities and benefices to the natives of each kingdom rather than to foreigners. Although these things that Pope Urban ordered were good and honest, they caused him great harm because he started to make them public and put them into motion so quickly. He started to be harsh and severe towards the cardinals, rebuking them at times for not living in the poor and honest way that they should. They feared, according to common rumour, that he would later act more strictly towards them than he had begun to do so far. Having been with him for more than four months, thirteen cardinals – whose names and dignities we do not care to tell – left him and went to a place called Anagni in the county of Fondi where they wrote a letter to him, the core of which was as follows:191 while in Rome, when Pope Gregory died they had entered into conclave in order to elect a successor, and an armed mob had come in on them, saying that they were to elect a Roman or Italian pope or they would be put to death at their hands. Owing to their anxiety and against their will, in order to escape the anger of such a multitude, they had elected him [Don Bartolomeo] publicly thinking that, according to what they knew of his life and conscience, he would not accept such an honour and dignity even if elected; when the uproar had stopped and he had not accepted such a lofty estate, they would then elect whoever they pleased. Yet in his old age and although he had previously shown distaste for the world, Don Bartolomeo accepted the election and was crowned and solemnly made Pope, which he should not have been, following his desire for the world’s vainglory without caring about the health of his soul nor that of the Christian people. Therefore they were warning him to give up the honour and dignity which he occupied as he should not, and they would show him mercy, but otherwise they would act against him, showing no pity even if he asked their forgiveness. When the Pope saw their flight and the letter they sent, he summoned them by letters, but not one of them came before him. For this reason, he excommunicated them at the highest level, deprived them of their office of cardinal and made new cardinals, calling the old ones schismatic and limbs cut off from the body of the Church. He granted to all those who made war against them the privileges and indulgences accorded to those who go against the 190 Scarlet

was a fine and expensive woollen cloth. is actually a town about twenty-seven miles distant from Anagni. In the late fourteenth century, the Count of Fondi, Onorato Caetani, controlled both towns. The dissident cardinals met in both towns to arrange for the annulment of Urban’s election. Cardinal Robert of Geneva was elected in Fondi in September 1378. Lopes’s sources may not have been very clear about these places. 191 Fondi

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enemies of the faith in order to help take the House of God.192 The dissident cardinals, in their turn, deprived him of any rights that he might have to the papacy, and as Pope they elected immediately Robert, Cardinal of Geneva, a relative of the King of France, calling him Clement VII. For this reason, a schism and great division in the Church of God was generated, a situation that caused many deaths, battles, wars and great discord among Christians, none of which worried the aforementioned people. The cardinals and the Pope they had elected, not being safe from the power of the Romans where they were in Anagni, left for the city of Naples after receiving a safe conduct from Donna Giovanna, then queen of that province. After they were there for a short time, Pere Bernaldes, a corsair from Aragon, arrived there with armed galleys and was given a certain sum to take them to the city of Avignon. There they were brought without being hindered by anybody and remained afterwards for some time.

Chapter 109

The cardinals’ excuse for electing a [different] Pope, and a response to the two stronger reasons they gave for it

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hoever heard of such a division and schism was very shocked. Speaking of it, they inquired, not without reason, who amongst those Christians who had faith, however lowly he might be, would not be shocked by such a deed as this, when such educated and discreet men perverted their good judgement in such a way as to give rise to such error in the Church of God? They left the other cardinals, their brothers, and on their own whim made another election, creating another Pope beyond the first, claiming to be without guilt for two reasons with weak foundations. First, they said that it was to escape death that they elected this Don Bartolomeo, the Archbishop of Bari. Secondly, they thought that he was of such a condition and so devout that he would be thinking more about his death than about becoming Pope and would not accept such an election when he was notified of it. Yet no man of sane counsel was content with these excuses, saying that if they were scared and had elected the Pope to escape death, as they said, they would have elected one in a hurry, a native of Rome or an Italian as was demanded of them, according to the will of the Romans. Instead, they elected him over a long period, not once but twice, investigating who would be the 192 This

appears to be a reference to formal crusading indulgences granted to those who took the Cross in order to help recapture the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem. An indulgence reduced the amount of time that the recipient had to spend in Purgatory.



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best person, the one most capable of handling the business of the Curia. They came to the conclusion that Don Bartolomeo was recognized as the one most likely to benefit the Church of God, when compared to any of the rest of them. Moreover, it is strictly not a cause for fear except when the act is such that it cannot be avoided in any way; for example, if they had been seized by their capes forcibly and violently and through great fear were brought to the certainty that if they did not do what was required of them they could not escape death. This was very much the opposite, for the crowd never said nor sent to say a threatening or frightening word. Rather, they paid them due reverence when they went into conclave, saying that they believed it would profit the Church at that time to have a pope who was Roman or Italian. They added, moreover, that they had been informed that the cardinals wanted to flee the city to have the election somewhere else, and that this was why they had come together as a crowd and gone in to tell them to hold an election come what might, and not to leave that place until they had given them a pope. If they had elected out of fear, then who forced them afterwards to come to him the next day, dress him in the papal vestments, make reverence to him and show him the obedience owed to his office of prelate? They wrote letters to the [Holy Roman] Emperor193 and Christian kings and princes to tell them they had elected this Don Bartolomeo and created him Pope canonically as the pastor of the Church. If it was out of fear that they had elected him and they had not held him to be the true Pope, who constrained them to win grants and benefices from him for themselves and their servants and friends, presenting to him letters and supplications and entreating favours from him in the customary form, calling him most holy in their petitions and the most high pastor of the Church? Who constrained them to offer their supplications with that ordained reverence which it is customary to make to one’s lord, obtaining from him the right to elect their own confessor, who would absolve them at length, holding on this issue papal bulls that they used in full conscience, going to the Consistory Court in his company and serving him in his offices when he said Mass, speaking to him as true Pope in the way that was always customary in all things? After four months of behaving like this, they left him, went to the place that you have heard about, and elected another Pope on their whim, leaving the consciences of Christians in infinite doubt and causing many anxieties. Although many doctors of law, great learned men such as Giovanni di Legnano and Bartolomeo da Saliceto and others who had long argued about this to determine the truth, have proved quite clearly with certain strong reasons in their treatises that Urban had been made true Pope and not another, our historical narrative does not permit these things to be told here.

193 Charles

IV of Bohemia, crowned Emperor in 1355.

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Chapter 110

Concerning the war that broke out between Castile and Navarre, and concerning the death of King Enrique

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ith nothing further to say about such matters, since that process would take too long, let us turn our attention to the story which we left aside about the kings. As nothing more happened between the King of Castile and the King of Portugal than what you have already heard, we now wish to relate the death of King Enrique to enable you to know how it occurred. It came to pass that the King of Navarre194 had wanted to make a treaty with the English to help them against the King of France,195 despite the family link he had with the latter, since the King of Navarre was married to his sister.196 The King of France found out and prepared for it. He sent word to King Enrique, who at the time was in Seville, asking him to show his displeasure at this, for the sake of their friendship. King Enrique’s complaint to the King of Navarre ensued, and he then went on to declare his intention to wage war against him. It so happened that before this the King of Navarre had suggested to Pero Manrique, the chief provincial governor of Castile, that he should be given the town of Logroño, of which he was also the local governor, and that he in turn would give Pero Manrique 20,000 doblas. King Enrique knew of this, and when he heard such news from France, he had Pero Manrique told that he should inform the King of Navarre that he wanted to give him the town, that he should accept his doblas and then make every effort to bring him in and hold him prisoner there. Pero Manrique informed the King of Navarre that he had thought about his suggestions and that he would be pleased to hand the town over to him when given some of the doblas that he had been promised. The king was very happy. He gathered 400 lances and approached Logroño with them, sending one of his men with some of the doblas that he had promised him. Pero Manrique had a considerable number of men in the town as well as a further 600 lances who were in Navarrete, 2 leagues away, with Pero González de Mendoza as their captain, and they pretended that they were against Pero Manrique. Although the King of Navarre greatly desired to conquer the town, being unsure whether this was a trick on their part, he went as far as the bridge of Logroño and sent his men in. Pero Manrique received them well, had quarters allocated to them and then rode out to the king to ask him to deign to enter. The King of Navarre, mistrusting this reception, thought that since his men 194 Charles

II. V. 196 Jeanne, daughter of Jean II of France. 195 Charles



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were already inside, it would soon become evident if there was some trick in this deed, and so he decided not to enter there and then. Instead, he moved away from the bridge, saying that they would return the following day to enter. Pero Manrique, on seeing that the king was in two minds whether to go in, rushed back to the town, and as he entered it he had all the King of Navarre’s men arrested and their possessions confiscated. This is how his intention was discovered and how the war started. King Enrique immediately ordered Prince Juan, his son, to invade Navarre with a large body of men. The prince took with him 4,000 lances as well as many foot soldiers and archers. The King of Navarre had 600 English paid lances who entered Castile with the Navarrese. After having taken some places in Navarre, Prince Juan returned because the winter was harsh – it was the month of December – and he reached Toledo, where King Enrique was staying. From there, the king left to go to Burgos, where he had his men regrouped once again so that the prince could invade Navarre. The King of Navarre found this out and sent word to King Enrique saying that he wanted to sue for peace with him. Ramiro Sánchez de Arellano and a prior from Roncesvalles came as ambassadors. King Enrique was pleased to see them, and they drew up a treaty of friendship, whereby the King of Navarre would expel the English captains from his land and King Enrique would lend him 20,000 doblas for the English soldiers’ pay he owed. There were also other conditions that we shall not go into. From there, King Enrique left for one of his townships, called Santo Domingo de la Calzada. The King of Navarre went there and was well received by King Enrique. They ratified their treaties and friendship, and he stayed there for six days, after which he returned to his kingdom. After the departure of the King of Navarre, King Enrique began to feel unwell. The pain was so agonizing that on Monday, 29 May, he asked for the Eucharist and the Sacrament of Extreme Unction. He then lay reclining on his bed, dressed in cloth of gold, and addressed those there present, saying, ‘Tell my son Prince Juan that with regard to the Church’s schism, he must seek good advice on how he should proceed, in view of the fact that it is a very dangerous case. Likewise, I do pray him that he be always a friend to the House of France, from which I have received much help. I further order him to release all the prisoners, English, Portuguese and those of any other nationality.’ Then came a moment when, his soul being anxious to depart from his body, he was dressed in the habit of the Dominican Order. When the day had already advanced two hours, his life ended, and he gave up his spirit. He was aged forty-six years and five months; it was thirteen years and two months since he had been made king in Calahorra, and he died in the year 1378.197 197 The

date generally accepted for Enrique’s death is 1379. Lopes may have made

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It happened that in the month he died, thirteen days before his life ended, on the sixteenth of the month, there was such a great eclipse after midday that it seemed to everyone as if it were night, so much so that people fled outside the walls of the places where they lived, and many said that it had taken place because of his death. However, those who had learned about such matters explained that eclipses occur as a work of nature at certain times and that the eclipse had not taken place because of his death but rather he happened to have died at the time when the eclipse was due to occur.

Chapter 111

How King Juan of Castile reigned and a son, given the name of Enrique, was born to him

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hen King Enrique passed away, Prince Juan, his first-born, was made king in the township of Santo Domingo de la Calzada on the very morning of the Monday his father had died. This King Juan was the first king with this name to reign in Castile. He began to reign at the age of twenty-seven years and two and a half months. In the following July, on Saint James’s feast day he was crowned near Burgos, in the convent of Las Huelgas. On that day, he also arranged the coronation of Queen Leonor, his wife, the daughter of King Pere of Aragon. He also dubbed 100 knights, who were the sons of noblemen and grandees in his kingdom, and on the same day there were great festivities within the city of Burgos. It should be known that around the time when King Enrique, his father, died, he had eight armed galleys as well as five others which King Fernando of Portugal had contributed to help him. All thirteen were in Santander to go to the aid of King Charles of France who, for reasons we shall not go into, had a difference at that time with the King of England.198 When those aboard the Portuguese galleys learned that King Enrique was dead, they left the company of the others and came to Lisbon. When the captain of the Castilian galleys realized this, he sent word to inform the king his master that the Portuguese galleys had gone back and to find out what he wished to be done. The king ordered him to take his eight galleys to the aid of the King of France. They sailed there and captured four English armed barques, besides causing other damage. The King of France thanked him greatly for a mistake, or his manuscript may have been misread by the copyist. Cf. the beginning of Chapter 112 below. 198 Richard II (r. 1377–1399).



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this assistance; they confirmed their pacts and agreements, remaining good friends and close allies. That year [1379], King Juan’s wife bore him a son, who was given the name Enrique. Nature brought him into this world in the city of Burgos on 4 October and he later became King of Castile, as you will hear in due course.

Chapter 112

How the treaty was arranged for the marriage of Princess Beatriz of Portugal and Prince Enrique, the son of the King of Castile

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he following year, 1380, when the King of Castile was in Seville, he ordered twenty galleys to be armed and sent to the aid of the King of France. Their captain was Fernán Sánchez de Tovar, and the King of France armed ten of these galleys at his own expense, in accordance with the treaties that existed between the two kings. Then, in the month of May, the King of Castile left the city. At the time when he was in the town of Cáceres, in the diocese of Coria, having travelled through his kingdom, there arrived João Afonso Telo the Count of Ourém, and Gonçalo Vasques de Azevedo, the Lord of Lourinhã. They were ambassadors from the King of Portugal and had gone to negotiate the marriage between Princess Beatriz, the daughter of King Fernando, and Prince Enrique, the King of Castile’s first-born son. The ambassadors explained that as a service to God and for the sake of peace and harmony, the betrothal of the princess to Fadrique, the Duke of Benavente, should be set aside. Don Fadrique was the King of Castile’s brother, to whom she was given in marriage, as you have previously heard.199 The princess should instead marry this son, since she was still under age,200 and that was easily possible. The King of Castile approved of this, and they made their agreements concerning the betrothal and other matters, upon which the King of Castile immediately sent three ambassadors to the King of Portugal. These were Juan García Manrique, Bishop of Sigüenza, the king’s chief chancellor; Pero González Mendoza, his lord chamberlain, and Íñigo Ortiz de Estúñiga, head of the guard. They reached the town of Portalegre, where King Fernando

199 In

Chapter 96 above. Beatriz was born in 1372 (see Chapter 72 above).

200 Princess

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was at the time, and they made and signed a treaty with him whereby when Prince Enrique reached the age of seven years201 the king his father would make arrangements for the prince to marry the princess, the King of Portugal’s daughter, by proxy; and when he reached the age of fourteen, the prince was to celebrate the wedding in public. The King of Castile would, in the month of September, convene the Cortes in his kingdom to have them approve that, after his death, his son and the princess were to be received as king and queen, and the Pope’s dispensation was to be obtained so that they could marry. The king would immediately give Lara and Vizcaya, with all its counties, to the prince his son. The princess, once she became queen, was to have all the towns and cities that were customarily owned by the queens of Castile. Should the prince happen to die, having already had union with her, she was to have Medina del Campo, Cuéllar, Madrigal, Olmedo and Arévalo to maintain her person in honour. Should the prince die without having had a son by her or if the marriage should not be consummated for no reason or fault of hers, and should King Fernando die without leaving a son and heir, the King of Castile was to help the princess take the kingdom and preserve her honourable status. The King of Castile and the King of Portugal were cousins, the sons of siblings. King Fernando was a son of Constanza, who had been the wife of King Pedro of Portugal, and King Juan was the son of Queen Juana, who had been the wife of King Enrique, his father. Both queens were sisters, the daughters of Don Juan Manuel, and therefore, seeing that one was the other’s closest relative, being third-degree cousins on their fathers’ side and first cousins on their mothers’ side, the two kings made an agreement between them. Should it turn out that neither had a legitimately born male or female descendant by direct lineage, in that case the King of Castile could inherit the kingdom of Portugal, or the King of Portugal could inherit the kingdom of Castile. In order that these and other matters that were planned by the kings should be more firm, although there were abundant documents written on all such matters, they agreed to meet each other personally before the following month of May so as to discuss and ratify all the particulars that were determined and set out by their proctors. As security for these plans, the King of Portugal put the castle of Portalegre and that of Olivença in pledge, to be held by Count João Afonso Telo and Gonçalo Vasques; and the King of Castile put Alburquerque and Valencia de Alcántara in pledge, to be held by Pero González de Mendoza and Íñigo Ortiz de Estúñiga. After this, in the following month of August, Afonso, the Bishop of Guarda, Enrique Manuel de Villena, the Lord of Cascais, Doctor Gil do Sém and Rui Lourenço, the Dean of Coimbra, went to the city of Soria where they told the

201 Prince

Enrique was then one year old.



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King of Castile that, according to the treaties that existed between him and King Fernando, he should convene the Cortes by the first day of September. There, all the great lords, noblemen, cities and towns of his kingdom were to swear obedience to keep those treaties the way they had been agreed upon, and his Royal Highness should agree to order this to be done. The king immediately declared that it would please him and, having already been advised of this, he had announced it throughout his kingdom and had appointed Pero González de Mendoza and Pero López de Ayala, his chief lieutenant, trustees for his son Prince Enrique, to receive those oaths in the latter’s name. Then the Cortes met there, attended by all the prelates, great lords and noblemen, either in person or through their proctors, and likewise the representatives of the towns and cities of the realm. They all made a solemn promise and swore an oath to observe every detail of all the clauses contained in the treaty. After suitable and solemn documents were written about those and other matters, the king ordered Gonzalo, the Bishop of Calahorra, Íñigo Ortiz de Estúñiga and Fernando Alfonso, a doctor of canon law, to be sent to Portugal, so as to receive the same oaths in similar Cortes. That year another son was born to King Juan of Castile. His name was Prince Fernando, and he became Lord of Lara and Duke of Peñafiel.

Chapter 113

How the King of Castile and the King of Portugal declared for Pope Clement and gave him their obedience

T

he rules of writing history well require that we turn to the conclusion of the events surrounding the Great Schism which we have started to describe, although it must be told concisely, since we have much to tell about the following stories. It is important that you should know then that, once those two Popes had been created, namely Urban and Clement, of whom you have previously heard,202 the kings in their realms were quite troubled by the event and had great doubts as to which party they should support. Among those, one was King Juan of Castile and another was King Fernando of Portugal. Although each in his own lands and domains strove by wise counsel to know which of them was the rightful pastor, certain alliances and affections, which lead the law to correspond to which of the parties they want to be right, created a great division in God’s Church. This was because the King of France, who had a strong link with the King of Castile, sent his ambassadors to him, saying 202 In

Chapters 107 and 108 above.

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that the elect named Clement was the true Pope. Some people claimed the latter was a relative of the King of France. They also said that King Juan, acting in a similar way, had sought from King Fernando his declaration in favour of Pope Clement. The King of Portugal, although he had at first agreed with the scholars of his realm, counter to the choice given by the soundest advice and against the desire of all his people, following more his own feelings rather than the wisdom of reason, declared, in the town of Évora, where he then was, that Clement and not Urban, the Sixth, as referred to above, was the true Pope. That declaration, as we said, most of his Royal Council understood to have been made as a result of the King of Castile’s entreaty and on the advice of Don Martín, a Castilian, at the time the Bishop of Silves, who was also a very close friend of his. Following this, the King of Castile, in the city of Salamanca, likewise declared that he backed that self-same Clement, who called himself Pope Clement VII, and wrote a very long letter which was dispatched throughout his kingdom and to other parts, and which gave the reasons that had led him to make that declaration. In spite of that, it was generally rumoured that the King of Castile had done this only on the advice of, and through his love for, the King of France, and that it was due to their amity and mutual opposition to the House of England, which sided with Urban VI. Although both the Kings of Portugal and of Castile had made such declarations, thus revealing their intentions to their people, there were many who would have been pleased if, when they gave those explanations, they had stated the reasons for their protestation, as the King of France did when he declared in favour of Pope Clement, explaining himself in this manner: We, Charles V, King of France, do affirm and are ever ready to show obedience to the declaration made by the General Council and have no wish to break away in any manner whatsoever from the unity of the Holy and Apostolic Church. Be that as it may, heeding the reports brought to us by some of the messengers we sent out to Italy, and to other more distant places, and the oath concerning this case given by three cardinals who came to us, and having confirmed the information given under oath on the words that they told us on behalf of each of the electors, always acting according to our conscience, we dare not break for the present our obedience to our lord Pope Clement, whom we deem thus far to be true. Indeed, we shall obey him as our true pastor and vicar of Jesus Christ, unless we are duly informed otherwise.

Some of those reading these words said that the King of France ought to have made the special pronouncement that he deigned to make, for that is what had been done by other kings and princes who had taken the side of either of the two parties. Others stated that it would have been much better had no king



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or prince ever declared for either of the two, for if all the lords had refrained from making any declaration, the schism within the Church would not have lasted as long as you will hear that it lasted. But with everyone making their choice, the [Holy Roman] Emperor203 and his allies, and likewise the King of England, as well as other kings and lords, were with Urban; and with Clement there were the King of France, the King of Castile, the King of Portugal and the King of Aragon. In this way, for our sins, did the mystical body of the Church become two-headed, just like the body of a monster, which was an ugly thing to behold.

Chapter 114

How King Fernando asked those who were privy to him for advice on how he could wage war against the King of Castile, and the reply they gave him on the matter

A

lthough exertion and the habitual use of arms give courage to noblemen and improve their capacity to bear the toil and the hardships that they may have to deal with, this was not the purpose of King Fernando in his next war when he decided to wage it, but rather to avenge the wrongs and great dominance that King Enrique had shown towards him, in the burning of Lisbon as well as in other things which are not fitting to be further described here, as they have each been written about in full in their own place. For that reason, he continued talking to the English, as covertly as possible, knowing that at some point in time he would need their help. Having conjectured that King Enrique had carried out such deeds, owing to good luck and the stars, rather than because of his courage and valour, even though he was a very good and courageous knight, King Fernando decided to wage war against the latter, despite the agreements he had made with King Enrique during his life and would later with King Juan his son. He believed that luck would not be on King Juan’s side and would not come to his aid as it had come to the king his father. Accordingly, he convened the members of his Royal Council, to speak to them about this matter, and, after they had assembled in the town of Santarém, where King Fernando was at that juncture, the king on a certain day outlined his proposition to them all and in the following words:

203 By

1378.

now, Wenceslas IV of Bohemia, who succeeded his father in November

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I had you all come here to talk to you about things I wish to do, so that you may advise me whether you think it appropriate. You know the grief and losses that King Enrique has made me endure and which have never escaped my mind, being ever desirous of avenging them whenever I have the opportunity to do so properly. Although I made peace and agreements with him, I did so more because I was driven by misfortune than because I wanted to do it, for it seemed to me that this man had been fated at birth to distinguish himself among all his peers, more due to the stars and good fortune than through any superior qualities of chivalric virtue. As I always had my heart set on avenging this as soon as I saw the time was ripe, now that it appears to me that I can do it better than at any other time, as he is dead, I wish to carry it out. In fact, although the king’s son inherits the kingdom on his death, he will not inherit his father’s good fortune of successful events, for very often it happens that the son of a fortunate father turns out to be very unfortunate; it would make me very happy if I could avenge in the son the grief and losses his father inflicted upon me. Consequently, casting aside all the hindrance of times past, I want to wage war against him now and beseech you to advise me on how you think this can best be done.

Upon hearing this, those present were much astonished that the king should want to undertake such a thing. This was because of the great vows and promises that were made in the treaties that he and King Enrique had signed, as you have heard and, in addition, because they could not see how the king could carry out such a thing and preserve his honour. They spoke as follows: ‘Sire, what you say is a very serious thing which affects your honour, your status and those of the entire kingdom. Therefore, advice must be given on the matter, just as when dealing with a common loss and the suffering felt by the entire body. Therefore, we beg you to favour us with time to think about it and to give you an answer in accordance with what we deem fit.’ The king replied that this would please him, telling them to take three days. They all then met in the Monastery of São Domingos, and having discussed it, they appointed the old count204 to convey to the king all that they had agreed upon. Their answer was as follows: ‘Sire, you know well how you have already on occasion been at war with Castile and you have seen the misfortunes and losses that befell both you and your kingdom after those wars. Castile is a big country, and she has ample supplies of people, arms and everything else she needs, whilst your kingdom is the opposite. Now, since God was pleased to set peace between you and King Enrique, and as he has died, and your land is free from strife, it seems 204 João Afonso Telo,

Count of Barcelos. See Chapter 14 of the CKP and Chapter 49 of the present chronicle. He was the uncle of Queen Leonor Teles and of her brother, who bore the same name and title.



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to us that there is no reason nor is it right for you to decide to wage such a war, especially in view of the vows and promises which you and we all have made in regard to it. As for the grief and losses you say his father has brought upon you, other great lords, more powerful than you, have in the past suffered greater wrongs from certain neighbouring kings and have sued for peace with them in much worse circumstances than yours. Therefore, we are of the opinion that you should be dissuaded from such an action, for you have no reasonable basis on which to embark on it.’ On hearing this, the king began to smile and said to the count, ‘Count, it seems to me that you did not quite understand what I said to you. I did not ask you for advice on whether or not I should go to war, because I want to have a war anyway, despite all you have said and other things you might say. Rather, I asked for your advice on the best way I could do it with least peril to me. But, since you put things in that fashion, I shall nevertheless go to war, and God will counsel me and show me the way I can wage it and end it to my honour.’

Chapter 115

How Juan Fernández Andeiro came to speak with the king about the coming of the English and how the king dealt with him

W

hen the king made up his mind to wage war against the King of Castile, long before he made the pretence of asking for advice you have heard about, he quickly realized that the best way that it could be done and to his greater honour and advantage was to have English troops help him. Well, as it happened, in the peace treaties that King Enrique, during his lifetime, made with King Fernando, when he came to lay siege to Lisbon, a clause was included whereby the King of Portugal was to expel from his kingdom, among the noblemen who came to join him after the death of King Pedro, twenty-eight persons, such as the King of Castile named, as we have described at length.205 From among these named men whom the king expelled was one Juan Fernández de Andeiro, a native of La Coruña, who had joined King Fernando when the king had gone into Galicia. As Juan Fernández left the kingdom, he went through La Coruña, which he plundered, boarded a ship and sailed to England. While he was there, King Fernando found out that he was a frequent visitor to the king’s house as well 205 In

Chapter 82 above.

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as that of his sons, the Duke of Lancaster and the Earl of Cambridge, and that he was well liked by them all. The king then secretly wrote letters to him, asking him to work out with the duke the agreements about which you have already heard,206 although we did not find anything that in fact came out of it. When King Fernando determined once again to go ahead with this war, he wrote advising him to speak with the duke and with his brother, to the effect that if the king needed their help, should he go to war with Castile, they would come to help him personally and with their men, on certain conditions to be agreed between them. Juan Fernández was very happy to be requested by the king to take up such a mission, both the first time and on this occasion. He spoke with the duke and the earl on this matter as best he could, with the result that he made certain agreements which pleased the king and the earl. Having arranged how they were to come and with which men, Juan Fernández left England and reached Oporto, where he disembarked as secretly as he could, in order not to risk being seen or recognized, and thereby have the treaties between Portugal and Castile broken. From there, he went on to Estremoz, where King Fernando was, arriving in such a way and so quietly that nobody at that time was aware of his arrival. The king was well pleased with him and even more so with the news that he brought. On account of the treaties that had been signed with Castile, the king did not risk having the arrival found out nor Juan Fernández seen. He had him hidden in the chamber of a large tower that exists in the castle of that town, where the king used to spend the early afternoon with the queen, so that whenever he went there during the day he could more secretly speak with Juan Fernández about whatever pleased him. After everyone had gone, Juan Fernández would come from another room in the tower and speak with him, in the presence of the queen, on any matters he considered necessary. Sometimes, if the king went out after he had taken his rest and the queen was left alone, Juan Fernández would come to her after the king had left and they would speak about what pleased them most. The king knew of this but was not at all suspicious, being a man of untroubled heart. Owing to these frequent conversations and meetings, there grew in Juan Fernández such affection for the queen that suspicions arose in the minds of some of those who knew about their meetings; but each kept his thoughts to himself, realizing that no one should talk about those people and about such matters. Their mutual affection was so strong that everything that followed later, as you will hear in due course, first started here. After the king had spoken with Juan Fernández about all that he had to discuss, fearing that it would become known that the latter had entered his kingdom in the manner in which we have described, he had him go back as 206 In

Chapter 67 above.



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secretly as he had come to a place near Leiria, telling him to make himself known there, pretending that he was on a through journey. On learning the news, the king would be furious and have him arrested, so that the secrecy would be maintained. This was what Juan Fernández did. As the king made it look as if he had just heard the news, he immediately sent Gonçalo Vasques de Azevedo, his great personal friend, to hurry and arrest Juan Fernández, telling him how he should take him. Gonçalo Vasques de Azevedo reached Leiria at an hour when he found Juan Fernández still abed. He arrested him and took him to the castle in that town, left him there and returned. When he was about to leave him, Juan Fernández gave him a crystal jug decorated with gold to give to the queen his lady and asked him to commend him to her favour. A few days later, the king pretended to have him released and ordered him to leave his kingdom under pain of death. Juan Fernández speedily departed, showing that he was going for that reason. Inasmuch as King Fernando had already agreed with the Earl of Cambridge that certain noblemen and English soldiers would come to his aid for the war he wanted to wage against King Juan, he spoke undauntedly to those of his Royal Council, rejecting all good reasons they might give him on this matter, for he had put his intentions before them not in order to seek their advice but so that they could not say afterwards that he had waged that war without informing them first.

Chapter 116

How the King of Castile found out that King Fernando wanted to wage war and on how he dealt with it

O

nce the meeting with the counsellors you have heard about in the chapter prior to the last one was over, word began to spread throughout the realm that King Fernando wanted to wage war against the Castilians. Many people spoke about it, but nothing was said with certainty. King Juan was in Medina del Campo when the matter began to be raised and he moved nearer to Portugal, going to Salamanca. There, his mother, Queen Juana, passed away at the age of forty-two. A short time afterwards, he received news that Edmund the Earl of Cambridge was preparing to cross over to Portugal to help King Fernando against him, accompanied by 1,000 soldiers and another 1,000 archers. Furthermore, the earl had a commission and a claim from his brother the Duke of Lancaster, saying that the duke was entitled to the kingdom of Castile through his wife, Doña Constanza, who was the daughter of King Pedro of Castile.

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Whilst this was being discussed in his Court, more news reached him, namely that King Fernando was arming himself fully to wage war against him, rushing to fit out galleys with weapons, pay and arm his soldiers, and establish officers of the marches in all [border] districts. It was in fact true that King Fernando was busy fitting out many galleys with weapons and had already placed officers of the marches in the Alentejo, namely his brother the Master of Avis in Olivença, Arronches and Campo Maior, Count Álvaro Pérez de Castro in Elvas, the Prior of Crato Pedro Álvares in Portalegre, the Master of Santiago Estêvão Gonçalves in Beja, and the Count of Viana and Fernão Gonçalves de Sousa in Vila Viçosa, as well as in other towns in that district, as required for the protection of the land. Once the King of Castile had ascertained this, he sent over to that area, to the town of Badajoz, Fernando Osórez, the [Castilian] Master of Santiago, with many troops. Likewise, he ordered as many galleys as possible in Seville to be fitted out for war. He left Salamanca immediately and went to Paredes de Nava, which belonged to his brother Count Alfonso, as he had been told that he was there and was arranging certain pacts with King Fernando. The count was first forewarned, and when the king arrived, he was not to be found in the place, as he had left for Asturias, and from there he settled his agreements with the king and came back to his service. The king left for Zamora, the war having already been made public to all and proclaimed by order of the kings in the month of May of the present year [1381].

Chapter 117

How the Master of Santiago of Castile entered Portugal, took a great quantity of plunder with him and returned safely

A

s the war was proclaimed and people knew for certain that they were not at peace, everyone in the towns and villages close to the border endeavoured to stow their things away safely and to gather their supplies within the enclosures, so that they would not be found by their enemies and provide them with food during a long siege. They took off the doors to their houses and threw their wine away so that the enemy could not make use of anything. When King Fernando came to Évora, Vasco Rodrigues Façanha and his brother Lopo Rodrigues told him that they thought it was best to have the old enclosure demolished, showing that all who lived within it supported Prince João, who was in Castile: should the enemy fall on the city, the old enclosure could be defended but not the new one. They gave him this advice because



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they lived outside the old enclosure. The king, believing them, ordered it to be demolished, and it took a good three years to demolish it. Everyone in the kingdom considered it a bad idea to demolish that enclosure because there was no other enclosure in all his land so fortified with walls and towers. Suddenly, the Master of Santiago of Castile, who was officer of the marches in Badajoz, as we have said, together with Men Suárez, the Master of Alcántara, and many soldiers in his army entered Portugal. There were many foot soldiers and horsemen, and they reached Elvas on a Thursday, setting up camp in the olive groves. From there, on the following day they left and went to Veiros, and assaulted that town, setting fire to the gates of the barbican. They slept there that night on the other side of the brook, leaving on Saturday morning and making their way through Sousel and through Cano. Whilst coursing through that land, they seized many cattle that were roaming in the district and then turned back, spending the night in Ribeira do Freixo. Resuming their expedition, after advancing through Portugal for a week already, they slept the night in Rio Torto, in the area of Elvas. The next day, a Wednesday, they sent all the cattle and prisoners they had seized to Badajoz. Then the two masters, together with their army, left for Brozas,207 to attack the Prior of Crato and his Cellarer as they had been told that they were besieging it. They burned the outskirts of Valencia de Alcántara but did not find them and turned back to Badajoz.

Chapter 118

How Count Álvaro Pérez made a raid on Badajoz and what happened to him and the city defenders

W

e have not found anything worthy of recounting about what the Portuguese officers of the marches might have done while the masters [of Santiago and Alcántara] entered Portugal except perhaps that Count Álvaro Pérez de Castro, who was in Elvas as officer of the marches, ordered a raid to be made on Badajoz. He spoke to Gil Fernandes, who lived in Elvas and whom we mentioned in our account of the war against King Enrique,208 beseeching him to accompany him and not to leave him, and Gil Fernandes so promised him. Then they made ready and rushed towards the town. The mounted raiders went ahead, and the count remained behind in ambush with Gil Fernandes 207 In

Castile. The Prior of Crato seems to have made a retaliatory incursion into Castile. 208 In Chapters 37 and 38 above.

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and some of the armed men. The city was well supplied with defenders, many of whom charged out at the Portuguese and put them in great danger. When Gil Fernandes saw them advancing like that, he at once addressed the count, ‘My lord, we must not allow the harm that our horsemen are suffering. Let’s rush to help them instead, before more harm is done.’ Slowly the count began to go about it, but Gil Fernandes mounted immediately with twenty horsemen who wanted to follow him, and told a squire called Gil Vasques Barbudo, with whom he had had rash words in the presence of the count, ‘Come here, Gil Vasques, for I now want to see how men are different from women.’ When the count saw this, he said to Gil Fernandes, ‘It looks as if you do not quite remember what you promised me. You did say you would not leave me.’ ‘My lord,’ he replied, ‘this is not the time to hold on to such a promise, for we can see that our men are having a rough time and we are just watching.’ Then he departed at all speed and reached the horsemen, urging them on as much as he could. They all fought in such a way that they made the Castilians turn back against their will, forcing them to ford the Guadiana. Quite a lot of them were wounded during the crossing; the Portuguese drove them back inside through the gates of the town and then returned to Elvas.

Chapter 119

How King Fernando ordered the officers of the marches in the Alentejo to go and fight the Castilian Master of Santiago

K

ing Fernando was in Santarém awaiting news when he was told that the Castilian Master of Santiago wanted to invade his kingdom, as you have heard,209 believing what everyone thought, namely that those great lords and soldiers who were along the frontiers would confront him. With regard to this, some say that, when Master Fernando Osórez, who was a very noble knight, was to make that incursion, he sent word to all those who were officers of the marches in that district to be prepared, because he wanted to enter the country on a certain day; and that they all gathered to discuss it, some saying they should challenge him in battle, whilst others agreed not to do so. At this point, he entered in the manner we have recounted. When the king heard that the Master of Santiago had made an incursion and that his men were charging through the land plundering it, he was greatly 209 See

Chapter 116 above.



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aggrieved that they had been allowed to enter in that way, but he was confident that on the way back the Portuguese would attack them. When he found out that the master had returned safely with so much booty from his land, he was greatly perturbed and ordered all the great lords and knights who were on that frontier to join forces and go to Badajoz to fight Master Fernando Osórez. He also sent Gonçalo Vasques de Azevedo, his trusted counsellor, to go and accompany them in that task. Rumour had it that he was sending him as captain over all of them and that they should follow his orders; but this was gossip and untrue, because it was neither right nor appropriate that a man such as he, however good and great he might be, should be charged with the captaincy of such great lords and noblemen as were there. However, those who believed the rumour circulating on this matter got very angry. Nonetheless, on Sunday, 7 July, all the officers of the marches gathered together in Vila Viçosa, and Gonçalo Vasques de Azevedo with them. In all, there were some 1,000 worthy lances and many archers and foot soldiers.

Chapter 120

How the officers of the marches in the Alentejo joined together to fight the Master [of Santiago], and why that did not ensue

B

efore this gathering, when the officers of the marches were each still in their own territory, King Fernando sent for Nuno Álvares, who was in the Minho and who was the brother of Pedro Álvares, the Prior of the Hospitallers. The king informed him in his letter that he had ordered officers of the marches to be placed in the Alentejo and had commanded Prior Pedro Álvares and his brothers to be in Portalegre: he therefore ordered him to go immediately to join them. As soon as he saw the king’s message, and without further delay, Nuno Álvares made all necessary preparations and took with him twenty-five men-at-arms and thirty foot soldiers bearing shields, all of them worthy and valiant. He reached Portalegre, where he was well received by his brothers and others who were pleased at his arrival. This Nuno Álvares was the son of Prior Álvaro Gonçalves Pereira, whose lineage and deeds we intend to deal with in due course,210 when it is appropriate for us to write about the great and noble deeds of the Master of Avis who later became King of Portugal and in which deeds this Nuno Álvares was a distinguished and wonderful companion to him. 210 See

the CKJ1, Chapters 31–39.

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When Nuno Álvares had joined these great lords, they ordered their advance as follows: they distributed certain captains to take the vanguard, Gonçalo Vasques de Azevedo going with them. As they believed they could still go as far as Elvas without hindrance from the enemy, they ordered all the foot soldiers and baggage train to follow the direct route ahead of the vanguard, so deployed and so organized as to face anything that might occur. Thus they left on the Monday. On their way, on reaching a grove of cork-oaks that stands between Vila Viçosa and Elvas, on this side of the tract of land where Vila Boim lies, Nuno Álvares left the path and headed through the cork-oaks to ponder his own thoughts. Going along, thinking, he looked ahead along the path towards some villages higher up near Vila Boim and saw the baggage train and the foot soldiers on the slopes, moving along in an orderly fashion, as befitted them. The sun was coming out then, for it was well into the morning, and it beat down on the foot soldiers’ lances so that the way these gleamed made them look as if they were soldiers set in squadrons, like many men drawn up ready for battle. Nuno Álvares, suddenly seeing this and not remembering the baggage train that was moving ahead, ceased pondering on what he was thinking about and, driven by his constant desire to do battle, which he greatly craved, believed in his heart of hearts that it was the Castilian Master of Santiago who was now advancing, with his men in readiness. Having formed that opinion, he returned in great haste, calling out to the vanguard: ‘Good news, my lords!’ They rushed up to him, saying, ‘And what is that news, Nuno Álvares?’ ‘My lords,’ he said, ‘I’m telling you that you have here the Castilian Master of Santiago, who has come ready to do battle with you. So you do not need to go on looking for him.’ They all happily replied that they were greatly pleased by this news and gave many thanks to God Who, they hoped, would help them against the master. Nuno Álvares, having said this to them, without further delay went rapidly to the rear, where Gonçalo Vasques de Azevedo was coming along, and gave him the same news. As soon as he heard it, Gonçalo Vasques was none too happy and uttered the following words, which most of those present also heard: ‘I knew full well it was an evil hour for us to come here, in spite of my having told him so before.’ He asked Nuno Álvares if what he was saying was true, and Nuno Álvares, believing it was just as he had thought, answered ‘yes’, but, as he could see that Gonçalo Vasques was not at all happy with such news, he regretted it and wished he had not told him. Just as he had arrived there rapidly, so he now returned to the vanguard, where he was meant to be. With everyone moving ahead in that order, they found out that it was nothing like what Nuno Álvares had said, which pleased many; and thus they reached Elvas.



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There, preparing to decide how to proceed, a message came to them that Prince João, who was in Castile, was approaching with many horsemen and foot soldiers to the aid of Fernando Osórez, whom the Portuguese were trying to find. Then they agreed not to keep moving ahead and to return to their border regions, which made Nuno Álvares very annoyed, and he made it quite clear that if it had been in his power, they would have arranged their movements differently. They left on the Thursday, and on the following Saturday, being the thirteenth day of the said month [July], Prince João arrived with the Master of Santiago and the Master of Alcántara, accompanied by many troops. They laid siege to the town of Elvas, staying there for twenty-five days, whereafter they broke camp and went away again.

Chapter 121

How Nuno Álvares ordered Juan de Osórez, the son of the Master of Santiago, to be challenged to a duel and the reason why he was moved to do this

W

hen Nuno Álvares saw that the assembled Portuguese force was disbanding and that each of the captains was returning to his own border region, he became very annoyed, as we have said. Being a young man of great courage who so desired to serve the king who had raised him, as well as to be known and have a good reputation, without speaking to anyone else, he thought about the outstanding quality of the upbringing that the king had given him and about the many favours his family had received from him. He also recalled the disservices that the Master [of Santiago] Fernando Osórez had done him in his kingdom and how the king did not hold so many men in his power that he could reply to them as his heart desired. He then thought of one son whom the master loved greatly; his name was Juan de Osórez. Nuno Álvares decided that he could challenge him to mortal combat, ten men against ten.211 He considered that if it should please God that he should kill him, he would cause great harm to the master, bearing in mind that he could not do otherwise. Should the opposite occur, he would regard as worthwhile any outcome God wished to give him, as it was in the service of his liege lord the king. Without further delay, he gave effect to his thoughts and challenged Juan de Osórez, who was in Badajoz with his father, summoning him to a duel, stating 211 A fight between two groups with an even number of men which only ended when all those on one side were dead.

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in his letter to him, in words that were fitting in such a case, that he wanted a fight to the death, ten men against ten. Juan de Osórez was an honourable knight and a very brave one, and he gladly accepted the challenge, showing that it greatly pleased him by immediately choosing those who would be with him. As soon as Nuno Álvares received his message that he was pleased they were to enter the field of battle, he was so happy that nothing else could have made him happier. He immediately set to work to select nine companions who with him would make up ten. He picked them from his intimates and friends, namely Martim Eanes de Barbuda, who at the time was Commander of Pedroso and later Master of Alcántara in Castile, Gonçalo Eanes de Abreu, who was then Governor of Castelo de Vide, Vasco Fernandes, Afonso Peres, Vasco Martins do Outeiro and others, nine in all. He was very generous towards them, so that they were happy and much more so because of the great affection they had for him. As soon as Nuno Álvares had them in readiness, wishing this action not to be prolonged, he immediately sent to Castile for a safe conduct, both from Prince João, who was in the district, and from the Master Fernando Osórez, in whose presence the challenge was duly signed. Safe conduct came from both lords, as befitted such an act.

Chapter 122

How King Fernando was informed of Nuno Álvares’s challenge and ordered his brother not to consent to it

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hile Nuno Álvares was making ready to carry out his challenge, he felt that the day of its fulfilment would never arrive. Having already got his companions prepared for it and arranged everything that was necessary, he spoke to the prior his brother, as follows: ‘My lord and brother, you already know the engagement I have undertaken and how, thanks be to God, of the things I need nothing is lacking. Therefore, I beg you to favour me by granting me leave, with the help of God, to carry it through.’ The prior laughed and, beaming at him, gave this answer: ‘Brother, I can see yours is a noble intent, but I am right in telling you what is usually said in the proverb, namely that the bay horse has one intention, and whoever saddles it has another. So I say to you: be assured that the king my liege lord has been informed of the plan you were busy with and, as it appears from what he has written to me, he is not pleased that you should be involved in it and he has ordered me not to give you permission and, should you [still] wish to carry it out, not to allow you to do it. I therefore pray you not to bother further with



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this and to make yourself ready to go with me, because the king orders me to go and join him immediately, and we shall both go together.’ Nuno Álvares’s heart sank when he heard this and made the prior his brother understand clearly that he did not believe that the king had sent him such a message but that the prior was telling him this so as to divert him from what he wanted to do. The prior, to assure him, then showed him the letter that the king had sent him on the matter. When Nuno Álvares saw it, he believed what his brother had told him. Then he said that since it was so, he would not go against the king’s order, although it was much against his will, and that it would please him to go with the prior to the king’s residence. The prior then made himself ready, and both left together.

Chapter 123

What the king said to Nuno Álvares concerning his challenge and the reasons he gave him in reply

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he prior and Nuno Álvares reached Lisbon, where the king was, and as soon as the king saw Nuno Álvares, he asked him how the undertaking he had set in motion with Juan de Osórez, the son of the Castilian Master of Santiago of Castile, was progressing. ‘My liege,’ said Nuno Álvares, ‘Your Grace knows it as well if not better than I.’ Then the king spoke, saying, ‘Would you really do what you started out to do?’ ‘I swear to God, Sire,’ he answered, ‘I would do it, and that most willingly.’ The king inquired of him what the reason was which moved him to it. Nuno Álvares replied as follows: ‘Sire, Your Grace should be aware that I do have a great desire – after being raised by you, and having received, along with my father and family, so many favours from you (and hoping, indeed, for more to come) – to serve you in anything in which my service might please you. Furthermore, I have considered how the Castilian Master of Santiago has done you disservices in this war. Indeed, I am not in a position to call upon many men nor for the present moment can I thwart him in any other way, seeing how good a knight is Juan de Osórez his son, whom he loves greatly. For those reasons, I decided to challenge him, as in fact I did, to mortal combat, ten men against ten, as Your Grace well knows. There were two reasons for this. First, if it were to please God that I got the better of him, that would bring his father great sadness and displeasure, thus making amends for the damage he has caused you in your own land, since for the time being my power does not go beyond that. Second, if I were to die there, I know I would have died well,

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as it would have been both in my own honour and in your service. Therefore, Sire, I ask that in your mercy you be pleased by it anyway and that I may have your permission to carry out my earnest wishes in this affair.’ The king listened willingly to the words Nuno Álvares said to him, and, believing he meant well, when Nuno Álvares ended, he replied in this way: ‘Nuno Álvares, I can well understand your intent, that it was and is good, in what you wanted to do, for which I thank you greatly and value it as a noble service to me. Besides, I am quite certain that from such a good servant as I have made of you good deeds of this sort (and better) are only to be expected – and I always had, and still have, this faith in you. But I want you to know that it does not please me that you should be involved in such an act because I am keeping you for something better and greater for your honour than to enter into such a challenge, from which danger could follow you and no great honour, which is something I would not want. For you, and others like you, will have the time and the place, God willing, in a battle or in other great feats to prove to me your courage and determination, wherein I know you will not fail. Whenever this happens, I will have a greater reason and motive to grant you favours and preferment, as is my desire. For that reason, it does not please me that you should embark on such a challenge. Rather, I order you not to do it and even not to bother yourself any more with this matter.’ When Nuno Álvares heard the king’s decision, he was displeased with it and became very dejected. Thus his challenge came to an end because he could do no more.

Chapter 124

How the galleys of Portugal went out to seek those of Castile, and how they were found in the harbour of Saltes

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s we have mentioned above, at the beginning of this war each one of the kings set about building up a fleet of galleys, each one as many as it was then possible to arm. The King of Castile armed seventeen in Seville and the King of Portugal twenty-one in Lisbon, besides a galliot and a further four naos that went with them. As there were insufficient oarsmen for the galliots that King Fernando was arming, the king ordered many prisoners from other parts of the realm to be brought for that purpose. They were brought roped together and were handed over to the galley quartermasters. This way, they were soon equipped, although everyone thought it was quite wrong to take farmers and other poor people and put them in the galleys in this manner.



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However, it was done as ordered by the king, and they were prepared with all that was necessary. The admiral of this fleet was Count João Afonso Telo, the queen’s brother, and with him went fifty men-at-arms on the galley known as the Royal Galley. Gonçalo Tenreiro went as captain on another galley, very well fitted out, and as shipmasters, one for each galley, went Estêvão Vaz Filipe,212 Gonçalo Vasques de Melo, Aires Peres de Camões, Grand Commander João Álvares, who was Nuno Álvares’s brother, Afonso Esteves de Azambuja, Afonso Eanes das Leis, Gil Esteves Fariseu, Rui Freire de Andrade, Álvaro Soares, Fernão de Meira and others we shall not mention. Having been made ready with everything that was needed, the galleys and the naos departed from Restelo on 11 June.213 They reached the Algarve, on the Portuguese coast, where they searched for the Castilian galleys, which they knew full well had been at sea for some time. The captain in charge of the galleys that had been armed in Seville was Fernán Sánchez de Tovar, who made his way with them to the Algarve. However, news reached him that the Portuguese galleys were heading in that direction. Although he was a most honourable and courageous knight, he was nevertheless fearful, and rightly so, of the additional five galleys and four naos that the Portuguese had with them. Consequently, he did not wish to wait there and turned back. When the Portuguese arrived, some of their galleys were already in need of water, but when news reached them that only a short time before the Castilian galleys had departed out of fear for them, they decided not to waste time taking on water, deeming that the ships that had enough should share it with those that did not, and so they should pursue the Castilians without further delay. This was carried out so quickly that they did not take the trouble to discuss how they should proceed, nor to draw up a plan or an order of battle, because they thought the Castilians were within their grasp, without taking into account the defence that these would put up to protect themselves. This was the first cause of the disaster they were to suffer. While the galleys sailed on before a light wind, for they all were to follow what Fortune had destined for them, suddenly some of the men, who were fishermen, caught a clear sight of a number of floats attached to nets, that were floating on the sea in the far distance, 2 or 3 leagues away. Without saying a word or asking permission, they lowered their square sails and took 212 We assume that this is a variant of the name of Estêvão Vasques Filipe, previously mentioned in Chapters 39 and 65 above and who, in Chapter 127 below, is mentioned as one of the shipmasters captured at the defeat near Saltes. 213 Although Fernão Lopes gives the month as June, his main source, Pero López de Ayala (Crónica de Don Juan, 1379, Year 1, Chapter 4), states that it was July. The discrepancy may have arisen from a copyist’s error or a misreading of the manuscript.

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to the oars. Eight galleys left the flotilla and rowed towards the floats. The others carried on sailing with a weak following wind, and two of them, being ponderous and equipped with poor sails, namely the galleys of Gil Lourenço do Porto and Gonçalo Vasques de Melo, allowed themselves to fall back, with the result that the remaining twelve were sailing ahead alone, now without further company from either naos or galleys. Sailing along in this way, when it was already the midday hour, they sighted the masts of the Castilian galleys, with their sails unfurled, out at sea, off a place known as Saltes.214 Afonso Eanes das Leis, who was the first to sight them, said [to the count], ‘Good news, my lord, because here you have the Castilian fleet which we came to seek out.’ He immediately shortened sail and all the other galleys furled their sails. The men on the count’s galley grew excited, and each one set about arming himself and getting ready. ‘My lord,’ said Afonso Eanes, ‘do not be in a hurry to fight. Have that galliot call up those galleys which have been left behind, and give the men water to drink, for you will have time to arm yourself and gain honour as you desire.’ The admiral paid no heed to this, and every man in his galley went on arming himself as quickly as he could. On seeing that, Afonso Eanes and the others set about arming themselves as the admiral was doing, although the manner in which he wanted to achieve such a deed displeased them deeply.

Chapter 125

How the galleys of Portugal fought with those of Castile, and how those of Portugal were defeated

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hen the Castilian galleys saw that the leading twelve Portuguese vessels gave signs of wanting to fight with them, they were quite happy to go and confront them, as they saw that the advantages the Portuguese previously held over them for such a conflict were now theirs because, whilst at first Portugal had five galleys more than them, there were now an extra five for the Castilians. But who could fail to be surprised at such an unusually foolhardy action which any sensible person would heavily condemn? There was the count with an advantage and the help of other galleys so much at the ready: yet with deranged courage, in his eagerness to gain honour, he gave away his advantage and helped his enemies! It cannot be denied that both sides would face an 214 Island

in the estuary of Huelva, Andalucía.



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enormous task to defend their honour by fighting on equal terms, let alone by letting the others gain such an advantage over them. This was certainly no act of courage but rather a show of the count’s foolish arrogance, like that of a man who had never been in such a situation before, and who paid no heed to anyone’s warning or advice. So it was that, without further attempt at order or any other proper arrangement, the count had his galley row against the Castilian galleys and told the others to do as he did. The admiral of Castile, Fernán Sánchez, a more knowledgeable and wiser man in such matters, having been in similar exploits, brought all his galleys into an even line of battle, with his galley in the middle. When the galleys came closer to those of the enemy, each Castilian galley grappled with a Portuguese counterpart, and two galleys from each side moved away by falling back and giving their help wherever necessary. The two sides attacked each other resolutely as best they could but, at the rate of two against one, Portugal’s galleys began to be overcome. However, some were boarded three times, and three times they ousted their enemies; but when one galley was overcome, the Castilians left it anchored and rowed stoutly against another. That is how they defeated them all. When the other galleys that were lifting the nets saw how they were fighting, they rowed towards them to offer help, but when they reached them they were already nearly all defeated. Moreover, these eight were more easily overcome than the other twelve against which the Castilians had already fought. This battle began at the time of vespers and lasted until almost nightfall. There were many wounded and a few dead on both sides. All the Portuguese galleys were defeated, save for the galley of Gil Lourenço do Porto. He did not wish to draw near when he saw what was happening and fled to Lisbon, giving the news to the naos, which knew nothing of this, so that they would turn back and not go there. This battle took place on Tuesday, 17 July,215 the feast of Saint Justa. The Castilian fleet let Seville know that it was bringing in the Portuguese galleys that had been defeated. Prominent ladies and all those who could get barges and skiffs went out to see how the Portuguese galleys were being brought in, their pennants dragging through the water, as is the custom. The men were handed over at Seville’s arsenal enclosure where, despite their numbers, they were all clapped in irons – all except the count and Gonçalo Tenreiro, who were taken to the king’s residence.

215 See Chapter 124, note 213 above. The Portuguese text gives the month as June, but since the feast of Saint Justa is actually in July, we have corrected the date.

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Chapter 126

How King Fernando received news that his fleet was lost

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he galley that had fled reached Lisbon and did not go directly to the city; rather, it stopped very near Almada, dropping anchor without the men aboard leaving it. Those who saw it arrive as it did immediately suspected it had not been successful, but they waited to see what galley it could be, for they were not quite sure whether it belonged to Portugal or to Castile. When the men aboard the galley anchored, they all began to tear at their hair, grieving out loud. On seeing this, the townspeople immediately realized full well that it was true the fleet had been entirely destroyed; both men and women began to bewail the loss of their loved ones. They then got into barges and skiffs and went to find out what news the galley brought; they were told of the sad episode in minute detail. The sorrow was immense, not only in the city but also in all the places from which men had been sent to the fleet, with people thinking that all who sailed in it had died, even though the men from the galley told them that they had merely been made captives. King Fernando was in Santarém when, on the next day, the message was brought to him. Whereas he had quite happily expected his fleet would bring him captured Castilian galleys, he found out through news, now confirmed, how all his galleys with their respective crews had been taken, save for the one that had fled and had not been in the battle. The king was thereby as greatly saddened as you would expect him to feel in such circumstances. He was quite right in being extremely depressed by such an adverse event, first, for the great dishonour he had earned in that action, as he was the one who had started the war, hoping to avenge past reversals; in addition, there was the loss of so many men that he needed for the war he had started, as they numbered a good 6,000 troops, among them knights, squires and sailors as well as other men. Then there was the loss of 70,000 dobras, which was the value of the galleys with their equipment. Consequently, weighing these and other things together, his sadness steadily increased. The queen noticed how downhearted he was and, being bold and outspoken, addressed him one day as follows: ‘Why do you grieve so, my lord, for the loss of your fleet? How is this? Did you expect any other news of it than what has reached you? I must say, my lord, that in my heart of hearts I never expected any other news of it than what I now hear. That is because, as I saw you ordered farmers and craftsmen to be roped together and put aboard the galleys, together with other wrongs you did to the people, I always felt deep down that news about the fleet would come to you as it did.’ The king kept quiet, without replying to this, and many people spoke among themselves, saying that the queen had spoken very well.



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Chapter 127

How Prince João asked some Portuguese to hand Lisbon over to him, and how it was not done as he had wanted

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he King of Castile had in the meantime entered Portugal and laid siege to a castle called Almeida.216 While still besieging it, news came to him of how his fleet had routed Portugal’s vessels, and how the galleys and all the men in them had been taken to Seville as prisoners. The king was greatly pleased with that message, both for the honour and victory he had gained and because he understood that the sea was now his. He was also pleased that the English would not dare to come to the aid of King Fernando, since Portugal’s fleet was lost. As soon as Prince João, who was then doing battle in the district alongside the banks of the Guadiana, found out about the loss of the Portuguese fleet, he went in haste to the King of Castile, asking him to be allowed to go to Seville so he could speak with some of the Portuguese who had been taken. He was convinced that among them there were some who would hand Lisbon over to him if he spoke to them about this matter, as they were from that city and were among the highest ranking and most prominent people who lived there. The king was very pleased with this and gave him the letters he asked for. A few days later, the prince arrived in Seville and showed the letters so that the galleys he wanted should be armed and the [Portuguese] shipmasters he named should be handed over to him. Six galleys were armed at his request. Of the shipmasters of Portugal’s galleys who had been captured, the following were handed over to him, and a few others that he picked: Estêvão Vasques Filipe, Gonçalo Vasques de Melo, Afonso Eanes das Leis, Giral Martins, Afonso Esteves de Azambuja, Gil Esteves Fariseu, among others. The prince spoke with these men, telling them that he was sure, if they wished, that he could take Lisbon with the help of their criados and friends. Once this was achieved, each one of them would then gain great power and profit, which he described to them by putting forward many advantageous reasons, making many solemn promises on the matter; these included freeing them from the prison in which they were, without any ransom having to be paid, together with many other benefits, explaining to each one of them that these things would inevitably result from that achievement. They replied that they were not men to do such a thing, nor would they be able to put it into action, excusing themselves with many reasons which the prince refuted with other reasons. Finally, however, at his insistence, they boarded the galleys and went with him. 216 About

six miles (c. 9 km) from the Castilian-Portuguese frontier.

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When the prince and the galleys came to lie at anchor off Lisbon, the people in the city, recognizing them as belonging to Castile, began to fire at them with cannons and crossbow bolts and sought to arm galleys to attack them. When the prince saw this, he turned back to Seville and took the shipmasters with him, except for Afonso Eanes das Leis, who had fled from him in Almada, having asked to be put ashore for a while because he suffered badly from seasickness. Afonso Eanes promised a squire, who was keeping him under guard, that he would marry him to a sister of his and that he would give her such dowry as would allow him to live honourably. Once the squire had consented to this, both he and the squire fled, and in that way he escaped imprisonment.

Chapter 128

Concerning the message that the king received about the English fleet, and how it arrived in Lisbon

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fter the departure of Juan Fernández Andeiro, who had come to Estremoz with a message from the English, as we have described in its proper place,217 King Fernando sent Lourenço Eanes Fogaça, a wise and much respected man, his chancellor of the great seal and a member of his Royal Council, to England. He sent him there so he would direct and sign the king’s treaties in accordance with the agreement that he had made through Juan Fernández, which was that the earl should come to his aid with as many men as he could gather and that he should bring a son that he had by his wife. This was a grandson of King Pedro of Castile (who was killed at Montiel), so that King Fernando could marry his daughter Beatriz to him, for these two to be heirs to, and rulers of, the realm after his own death. The king was [still] feeling very saddened at suffering the great loss of his fleet, when a squire called Rui Cravo, who had accompanied Lourenço Eanes to England, arrived in Buarcos218 on a barque and landed to take the news to the king of how the English were coming to his aid. So great was the pleasure that people understood the king would feel at their coming that they could not wait to let him know about it, in order to be greatly rewarded for giving him good tidings. This in fact was the case when Rui Cravo arrived in Santarém and gave the king the news of how the fleet of the English had left Plymouth, was now on the high seas and would soon be in Lisbon. Rui 217 In 218 A

Chapter 115 above. small port to the north of Figueira da Foz in central Portugal.



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Cravo told him how many men and which great lords were coming, in what manner and how they were armed, and how they felt about the enterprise. The king was greatly pleased with this news, despite the sadness he felt at that moment for the loss of his fleet. Indeed, the pleasure he felt then was greater than the sadness he had felt before, when news of the loss had first been brought to him. Moreover, not only the king and his household, but everyone in the realm was glad at the coming of the English, despite the sadness they felt, hoping to make amends with them for the damage they had suffered at the hands of the Castilians. The king was in a joyful mood when, on the next day, the message came to him from Buarcos that the fleet could already be seen out at sea, and this made him even happier. Then he decided to leave for Lisbon. Before he left, he received a message from the city dwellers that the English had stopped in front of the city, and so he immediately took a boat and hastily came to Lisbon. After making the necessary arrangements, he went to the earl’s nao, which was very nobly appointed, and both discussed the matters that they deemed appropriate, with the king showing good grace to him and also to the countess as well as to the great lords and noblemen who came with the earl. They were the following: first of all, let us name Sir Edmund, Earl of Cambridge, the legitimate son of old Edward III of England, who brought his wife Princess Isabel, the daughter of King Pedro, formerly the King of Castile, well accompanied by ladies and damsels, and a young son of hers whose name was Edward, like his grandfather, a boy aged six years.219 There also came a bastard son of the King of England220 and Sir William Beauchamp, the constable of all the fleet; the Lord of Botareos221 and Sir Matthew Gournay, who was the marshal; ‘the Soudan’ of La Trau222 and Sir Thomas FitzSimond, who was the Duke of Lancaster’s standard-bearer; the Bishop of Dax;223 ‘the Canon’,224 the organizer of the battle-lines; Sir Thomas Fichet; Garro;225 Sir

219 The 220 Sir

future Earl of Rutland and Duke of Aumale. John Southeray, illegitimate son of Edward III from his liaison with Alice

Perrers. 221 Probably Sir Wiliam Botrieaux, First Baron of Botrieaux. 222 ‘The Sultan’, or Soudan de la Trau, was Bermond Arnaud de Preissac, a Gascon. ‘Soudan’ is a Gascon title. 223 Juan Gutiérrez, faithful member of King Pedro of Castile’s Court and then of John of Gaunt, who married Pedro’s daughter, Constanza. He often served John of Gaunt in military and diplomatic missions. 224 Thierry de Robersart, known as ‘the Canon’. 225 Possibly Amieus de Garo, an esquire who participated in the 1383 expedition to Flanders under Bishop Despenser.

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John Hastings; Chico Novell;226 Sir John Mauburney [de Linières]; the Lord of Castelnau, who was a Gascon;227 and other captains we do not wish to mention. They brought with them up to 3,000 men-at-arms and archers, all ready to fight, being handsome and well-prepared troops. There also came several more knights, of those who had left Portugal when King Fernando made the peace treaty with King Enrique, such as Juan Fernández Andeiro, Juan Alfonso de Baeza, Fernán Rodriguez de Aza, Martin-Paul, Basquin [de Sola] and Juan Sánchez, a Knight of Santa Catalina, and others. All these people arrived in Lisbon aboard forty-eight vessels, which included naos and barges, on 19 July in the aforementioned year, 1381.

Chapter 129

How the earl and the other captains were lodged in the city, and the manner in which the king treated them

A

fter the king had spoken with the earl, he suggested they should go ashore. The earl and his wife, together with those great lords and noblemen, ladies and damsels, as well as many other people who came with them, boarded the boats. When they reached the shore, the people in the city received them with many honours, in accordance with what the king had ordered. The king took the countess’ arm, and they all made their way on foot as far as the cathedral church, where the body of Saint Vincent lies. After they had made their prayers and came out of the cathedral, ready and waiting for them were finely caparisoned mounts, appropriate for the earl and his wife and the other high-ranking persons. Leading the countess’ horse, the king conducted her as far as the Monastery of São Domingos, where he had arranged they should lodge. The constable and the marshal were to stay in São Francisco, the Lord of Botareos in Santo Agostinho, and the other great lords and noblemen throughout the city, except within the old wall, as befitted each one. It is said that when the king spoke to the earl about the loss of his fleet and of how it had come about, the earl replied, telling him in Heaven’s name not to be distressed by that loss, because whoever possessed the land would hold the galleys and the sea. 226 Remains

unidentified. Froissart in his Chroniques identifies him as Jean de Castelnau, brother of Raymond-Bernard, Lord of Castelnau-Tursan, near Saint-Sever; see ‘The Online Froissart’, translation of Book II, Folio 69 r, 2–211, http://www.dhi.ac.uk/onlinefroissart (accessed 9 March 2023). 227 Jean



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Just a few days later, Queen Leonor left Santarém with her daughter the princess, and the king’s men and everyone from the city [of Lisbon] went out to receive her. Before going to the palace, she went to make her prayers to Santa Maria da Escada,228 in the monastery where the earl was lodged. The Countess of Cambridge came to speak to her, and they embraced each other. After taking her leave of the countess, who remained in her lodgings at the monastery, the queen went to her palace. At this point, the king extended an invitation to the earl and all the captains who came with him, and the queen invited the countess, and the ladies and damsels in her retinue. This was an invitation to the king’s apartments in the castle, where everyone was most honourably entertained. At the end of the banquet, the earl and the other great lords were presented with an array of samite229 of many varieties, just as the king had arranged. Likewise, the queen gave the countess and the women of her household fabrics and jewels, which greatly pleased them. On other occasions, the king entertained the earl and the other captains, or he would go with the queen to see the earl at his lodgings. Then, they would take leave of the earl very pleasantly, and also of the others according to their rank. Since one of the contract clauses agreed between the king and the earl was that the king should provide everyone with mounts, with the price of the animal being deducted from the payment each one was to receive, the king had the noblemen and town councils of his realm summoned to a meeting of the Cortes. After the meeting, the king ordered that all the horses and any other mounts that were found, mules as well as horses, which belonged to the acontiados230 in his realm, be given to the English. Thus it was that everyone was provided with a mount. Having had the best available taken from them, the owners were expecting to be paid for them, but they never did receive such payment. One day, the king sent twelve mules for the countess, the best that could have been picked, very nobly saddled and bridled, and likewise twelve horses for the earl. Among these was a mighty, handsome horse which King Enrique, in his lifetime, had presented to King Fernando and which at that time was said to be the best horse in Spain.231 228 Our Lady of the Stairway to Heaven chapel, a popular place of pilgrimage, possibly inspired by the church of Santa Maria Scala Coeli, Rome, built on the site where the Apostle St Paul was imprisoned. Legend has it that while celebrating a requiem Mass at this church, St Bernard had a vision of the souls ascending to heaven, hence the name Scala Coeli. 229 A rich silk fabric woven with gold thread. 230 Those who in times of war were obliged to contribute arms and horses. 231 That is, the Iberian Peninsula.

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Many of those animals selected for the English were so intractable that it was barely possible to lead even one to water. However, after the English took them over, they handled them in such a way that in due course one man could drive twenty or thirty of them before him, like a herd of gentle cattle.

Chapter 130

How the king declared for the Pope of Rome and betrothed his daughter to the Earl of Cambridge

A

s you heard in its appropriate place,232 King Fernando had declared himself in favour of the man who called himself Clement VII, whose party was backed by the King of France and the King of Castile, as well as by certain other great lords. When the English came, as they sided with the Pope of Rome, Urban VI, they did not hear Mass said by any Portuguese friar or cleric. Then the earl told the king that he had come to serve and help him in his war against the King of Castile, who was schismatic, backing a pope who was in Avignon; and that if he wanted God to help him in his war, he should yield his obedience to the Holy Father in Rome. The earl’s king, his liege lord and all the Privy Council of England advised him to tell the King of Portugal this, as they were sure that Urban VI was the real Pope and none other. King Fernando answered that it pleased him and agreed to do so. On 19 August, the Feast of the Decapitation of Saint John the Baptist,233 having debated the matter at length with the Archbishop of Braga and other learned men of his realm who swore on the Sacred Host in the cathedral of that same city [of Lisbon], publicly and in the presence of all the people, the king declared Urban VI and none other to be the true Pope. This was done in the presence of the English and many other people. On that same day, at the third hour,234 the king betrothed his daughter Princess Beatriz to Edward, son of the Earl of Cambridge, both of them very young children, per verba de praesenti.235 They were then placed in a great and well-appointed bed, in the new chamber in the king’s palace. The Bishops of Dax and of Lisbon, as well as other prelates, prayed over them, as is the custom in England, and blessed them. The bed was finely adorned, 232 In

Chapter 113 above. feast is celebrated on 29 August. The mistake may have been Fernão Lopes’s or some copyist’s. 234 Nine o’clock in the morning. 235 In person, that is, by the king in person, on behalf of the children. 233 This



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its cover being a black tapestry with two large figures of a king and queen in the centre worked in seed-pearls, large- and medium-sized according to their place in the pattern. The border was done all in hoops of seed-pearls, within which were heraldic devices, all the same size, embroidered in seed-pearl, representing the lineages of all of Portugal’s noblemen, with their coats of arms alongside. This bed furnishing was afterwards given to King Juan of Castile when he married this Princess Beatriz, as you will hear in due course. In Castile, it was considered to be a very sumptuous work, and there was no other like it there. This betrothal was made on the following condition: should King Fernando die without having a son by his wife, this Edward and his wife would succeed to the throne after his death. This received the assent of all the noblemen, and all the towns, cities and forts in the realm paid homage to him. After this, on 8 September, in the presence of the king, the earl and many great lords and prelates, a letter written by Pope Urban was published wherein he stripped of all property and ecclesiastical honours not only Robert, who called himself Clement VII, but also all the cardinals and lay people who rendered him counsel, favour and help, both publicly and in secret. Furthermore, he excommunicated them, decreeing that they could not be released except by the Pope, unless they were on the point of death. Moreover, he allowed those who might wish to capture them to have their property and the right to make them their serfs. They were also granted the same privileges that are given to those who go to fight for the Holy Land.

Chapter 131

How the King of Castile had news of the arrival of the English, and the way he acted upon this

C

ount Álvaro Pérez de Castro was in Elvas as officer of the marches, as you have already heard.236 Prince João, his nephew,237 who was in Castile, together with the Master of Santiago Fernando Osórez and the Master of Alcántara, with many infantrymen, had been laying siege to him for some days. When the English arrived in Lisbon, King Fernando immediately wrote to Count Álvaro Pérez de Castro about their arrival and about the manner of people they were. The count, delighted with the news, sent word to the prince, 236 In

Chapter 118 above. João was the son of Inês de Castro, the sister of Count Álvaro Pérez de

237 Prince

Castro.

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who was laying siege to him, telling him that if he needed any merchandise or anything else from England, he should send for them from Lisbon, where a few English ships had just arrived, and there he would be able to find anything he needed. When the prince was secretly told about this, the news began to spread quietly throughout the encampment. Some knights, on hearing it, asked Pedro Fernández de Velasco, who was a member of the company, what the news that was being rumoured was about. ‘What could the news be about?’ he said. ‘It’s the news that for over nine months King Fernando was pregnant with the English, and has now given birth to them in Lisbon and they are with him.’ They then decided not to stay there any longer and left Elvas on a Tuesday, in the month of August, having laid siege to the place for twenty-five days. The departure, it is said, was carried out at the order of the King of Castile, who had laid siege to Almeida, as we have said.238 When he was sure the English had arrived [in Portugal], he ordered these men to come to him. Prince João came, as did the Count of Mayorga Pedro Núñez de Lara (the bastard son of Juan Núñez de Lara, the Lord of Vizcaya) and other knights, who found the king to be in poor health at that time. Now, some writers say that the King of Castile ascertained that the English had come and what manner of people and captains they were, and that even though they were coming to the aid of King Fernando against his kingdom, they also came on behalf and by the authority of the Duke of Lancaster because of Princess Constanza, his wife, who was the daughter of King Pedro [of Castile]. Consequently, he sent letters to the Earl of Cambridge saying that he was informed by trustworthy sources that the earl and many good knights and men-at-arms had arrived in Lisbon to make war and cause havoc in his kingdom, in support of King Fernando; and that, if they assured him they would meet him in battle, he would leave the place where he was,239 which had already surrendered to him, would make an incursion of two or three days further into the kingdom and would wait for them at an appropriate place to fight him in open country. They also wrote that, as at this time the English did not yet have horses, they did not reply to this and instead ill-treated the bearer of the letters. The King of Castile then ordered his men to approach the border with Portugal and sent for all his forces to make ready for battle, for he saw that this could not be avoided, since the English wished to invade his kingdom.

238 In

Chapter 127 above.

239 Almeida.



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Chapter 132

Concerning the bad behaviour of the English towards the inhabitants of the realm, and how the king did not put a stop to it because he needed them

W

hen the English troops we mentioned billeted in Lisbon, they behaved not as men who had come to help defend the land but rather as if they had been called to destroy it and cause all manner of evil and dishonour to the people who lived in it; they began to stray further afield in the city and beyond, killing, robbing and raping women, showing such arrogance and contempt for everyone, as if they were their mortal enemies whom it was necessary to subjugate. At first, no one dared to face up to it, for the great fear they had of the king, who had ordered that nobody should offend them, owing to the great need he had of them, little thinking at first that men who came to help him and on whom he intended to bestow great favours would behave like that in his own realm. Therefore, when certain people complained to him about the outrageous deeds they suffered at their hands, the king spoke about it to the earl, but all in all, little was done to make amends. What else is to be said? People from the city and beyond were put through such suffering and subjection, being as afraid of the English as of their great enemies, that the earl, to keep the farms and estates safe, ordered that each one of them should display a banner with his device, which was a white falcon on a red field. Any farm or estate that the English found without such a banner was immediately robbed of all its contents. Every pack-animal that came into the city, from the farms, estates and surrounding hills, with wares to sell, had to carry one of those banners, which cost a certain price, so that no harm should befall them. Just see how clever the Englishmen’s game was: when the king’s animals were being taken to water, they seized them, and took them by force, saying that the king owed them payment and that they wanted him to forfeit the animals. These were in fact seized but later given back by order of the earl. On one occasion, some of the Englishmen arrived at the house of a man called João Vicente, who was in bed at night with his wife and little son, who was still being breastfed. They knocked for him to open the door, but out of fear he did not dare open it. They knocked the door down, went in and began to beat the man. The mother, fearing them, hugged the child to her so they would not hurt it. With the child still in its mother’s arms, they cut it in two with a sword, which was a cruel sight for all to see. The slaughtered child was taken on a plank to the king in his palace, to show him the act of cruelty that had been committed. The king dared not retaliate and had the child shown

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to the earl so that he should bring those who had committed such a deed to justice. The earl ordered that to be done. Similarly, owing to the great complaints people took to him, the king often sent word to the earl asking him to punish his men and stop them destroying his country. The earl replied that he would, but his men went on to commit ever worse deeds. Others went to the Loures area to loot a village close by. Whilst robbing it, they killed three men. They robbed, killed and destroyed provisions in such a way that often they caused damage far in excess of what they needed for their sustenance, for there were men who, wishing to eat cow’s tongue, killed the cow, cut out its tongue and left the rest of the cow to waste. They did the same with wine and other things. That is the reason why, as soon as the king supplied them with horses, he sent them to the frontier along the banks of the Guadiana. But, instead of entering Castile to forage, they turned back to the Ribatejo to steal everything they could find. People did not want to receive them in their towns but shut their gates on them because of the great damage they caused, as they did in Vila Viçosa. When [Sir John] Mauburney arrived there with other English troops, they started an affray against the townspeople and killed Gonçalo Eanes Santos and wounded others from the town. Likewise, the townsfolk killed and wounded some of the Englishmen. The English attacked Borba and Monsaraz, climbed the walls of Redondo, attacked Avis and tried to climb the walls of Evoramonte but were unable to. From the places where they lodged, they went foraging outside the area, causing great damage to crops, vineyards and cattle. They tortured men until they told them where they kept their provisions, stealing whatever they found. Indeed, if those men tried to protect their property, they were killed. The Portuguese began to take revenge as covertly as they could. By setting trapfalls and in other ways, they secretly killed many of them, with the result that, owing to their lack of discipline, so many Englishmen were killed that two-thirds of them never returned to their homeland.

Chapter 133

How the galleys from Castile arrived in Lisbon and, being unable to harm the ships of the English, they returned to Seville

W

hile the fleet of naos and barges on which the English came were all lying at anchor off the city, news reached King Fernando that the fleet of Castilian galleys were coming to cause harm and damage to the city and particularly to the English naos. The king agreed that it would be better if the



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English fleet and all the other ships lying there went to Sacavém, which is 2 leagues from the city, and all came to anchor there to be safe. The largest naos lay at the front, their aftcastles to seaward, armed and fitted with a pavisade, and equipped with cannons and other devices with which to defend themselves. In addition, two thick chains were hung in front of them, stretching from one side to the other, so that no enemy ship could do them any damage. On land, there were cannons and trebuchets to help in their defence, with a great number of men, should there be need for that. The fleet was lying in this fashion when Fernán Sánchez de Tovar, the Admiral of Castile, came with the fleet of galleys with which he had routed those of Portugal at the battle of Saltes, hoping to find the barges and naos of the English before Lisbon, ready to cause them as much damage as he could. When, however, the Castilians arrived in front of the city, they found the river clear of ships and discovered that they were all at Sacavém. When they went there and saw that the river and the naos were protected in that manner, they turned about and, finding no way in which to cause damage, as had been their intent, they sailed back to Seville. The English naos, having received trustworthy information that the Castilian galleys would not return for a while, and that they could do them no harm, made ready and left the city, both the naos and other ships, some of them loaded with merchandise, setting off on their voyages on 13 December 1381.

Chapter 134

How the king and the English left Lisbon and arrived at the city of Évora

I

n Lisbon, the king was providing mounts to the English and arranging things that were necessary for the war during the whole of that winter until the following summer. As soon as the English fleet left Lisbon, the king immediately made his way to Santarém with his men. With him went the Earl of Cambridge together with many of his troops, having caused much damage and committed many robberies in the city and its surrounding areas, so much so that some people said that the king very much regretted having asked them to come, in view of the great devastation they were causing to his country. Do not think that the king delayed or left Lisbon so late because of the English fleet. It was rather a coincidence that, in that week, the naos left Lisbon, and the king left with the queen and all their retinue. They arrived at Santarém, where the king ordered the construction of a bridge of barges across the river so that they could cross more quickly. There he remained until Christmas and a few days afterwards. Before he left, the Count of Ourém,

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João Afonso Telo,240 died. At the request of the queen, the county was given to Juan Fernández de Andeiro and thenceforth he was known as Don Juan Fernández, Count of Ourém. At this point, leaving aside the story that we have been following, let us look at certain facts concerning the count because you have not yet learned elsewhere what we wish to say. You should know that when Juan Fernández lived in La Coruña, Fernán Becerra, a very honourable knight from Galicia, died. His wife, who was left with a son called Juan Becerra, married this Juan Fernández, who was known by the name of ‘de’ Andeiro, although he was her social inferior. Juan Fernández had four daughters and a son by her. One of the daughters, after he became count, was titled Doña Sancha de Andeiro, and she later married Álvaro Gonçalves, the son of Gonçalo Vasques de Azevedo. Another daughter was Doña Teresa, who was wife to Dom Pedro da Guerra, the son of Prince João of Portugal, who married her out of love, much against the will of the prince. The third daughter, Doña Isabel, was later married off by King Juan of Castile to one of Álvaro Pérez de Osorio’s sons, who was called Fernando Álvarez de Osorio. Another, who was called Inés, died in Galicia without ever marrying. The son was given the name of Ruy de Andeiro, and he was the King of Castile’s principal page. The count’s wife was called Doña Mayor, a noble woman with an elegant figure. When the queen felt that the bad reputation resulting from her relationship with Juan Fernández was somehow being revealed, she made him send for his wife, thinking it would put a stop to what people were saying about her, seeing that he had his wife with him. He did so and sent for her, and he kept her most of the time at the castle of Ourém after he became count. Whenever she came to the Court, before she was countess and afterwards, the queen received her very well, giving her gold and silver jewellery and many gifts of money. The Galician lady, prudently, was very grateful to her, praising her highly in her presence. When she left there, she would still praise her, as a concubine is wont to do of another. The king left Santarém and made his way to Évora, at the beginning of 1382. There he commanded siege engines, carts, bombards and other war preparations to be made, and ordered that in the places where the English and certain knights were to stay they were to be given everything, but only in exchange for money. The earl [of Cambridge] lodged in Vila Viçosa, at the Monastery of Santo Agostinho, and the others in the outskirts of Borba, Estremoz and Evoramonte, as well as throughout the surrounding districts.

240 Fernão

Lopes often refers to him by his other title, Count of Barcelos.



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Chapter 135

How the Castilian fleet came to Lisbon, and of the harm and damage it inflicted on various places

W

hen King Fernando got news that a great fleet was being prepared in Castile to attack Lisbon, upon his departure from the city he left in command of its defence Gonçalo Mendes de Vasconcelos and his sons, together with a number of others. While he was thus acting as officer of the marches in Lisbon, there arrived on 7 March 1382 eighty sailships, including naos and barques, which had been fitted out in Vizcaya and in other seaports. Aboard them were many gallant knights, squires, men-at-arms and many foot soldiers bearing shields who were known as the bumpkins. They had that name because they came from the mountains of Vizcaya and were barefoot and ill equipped. When the fleet anchored before the city, they launched all the ships’ rowing boats,241 armed and fitted with protective shields, and all proceeded together to the Monastery of Santa Clara, about a crossbow shot’s distance beyond the city. The people inside the city wanted to come out, in order to prevent the ground there being taken, but Gonçalo Mendes, the governor, forbade anyone to go outside the city, because the king had given him the specific charge of defending it well. Nevertheless, a few people went out against his will, but some of them were wounded, and Gomes Lourenço Fariseu, at that time a judge in the city, was killed. The Castilians took the ground without encountering anyone else defending it. A few days later, the men in the fleet, noticing how those in the city did not come out to confront them, furnished all their rowing boats once again with armed men and crossbowmen. They all landed between the city and Santos, which is about two bowshots’ distance further down towards the mouth of the river. But Gonçalo Mendes continued to restrain those in the city, saying they should not go out, because the king had ordered him only to guard the city, and they were to follow orders. When the Vizcayans saw that nobody came out to challenge them, they returned to their boats and so to the fleet. From then on, they became bolder 241 It

is difficult to identify which kind of vessels these were. The text seems to intimate that these boats belonged to the larger ships in the fleet, in which case they might be skiffs or large rowing boats. These, however, would take too long to take ashore the men necessary to launch an attack on land against Lisbon, in which case, we might be in the presence of balingers. These were fast square-rigged single-masted boats with a crew of oarsmen.

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about sallying forth, both on the Lisbon side and on the Ribatejo side [of the Tagus], where they set fire to many farms and caused great damage. Moreover, inland from the foreshore, they burnt a fine palace known as Xabregas belonging to the king, which was close both to the city and the sea, at the head of a valley with many pleasant vegetable gardens. Also burnt down was another of the king’s palaces, near a delightful river, 2 leagues from the city, called Frielas. They even went up the River Tagus and set fire to yet another of the king’s palaces, at a place called Vila Nova da Rainha, 8 leagues from the city. Pushing up beyond the meadows of Albaçotim and Alcoelha, they killed much livestock and butchered it, taking it back to their fleet. Since they encountered no one to stop them, they became so daring that they went in their boats up the River Coina, some 3 leagues across the river [Tagus] from the city [of Lisbon]. From there, they went ashore another 2 leagues and set fire to the area surrounding Palmela. They also burned the outskirts of Almada, as well as many houses and farms in that district.

Chapter 136

Why Gonçalo Mendes de Vasconcelos was relieved of his post as governor, and was replaced by the Prior of Crato in Lisbon

W

hile so much damage was being inflicted on the countryside, with no one preventing it, King Fernando received news of the great harm that those of the fleet were inflicting quite freely around Lisbon, and how Gonçalo Mendes found no way of remedying the situation, nor did he allow the city people to go out, saying that they were charged with guarding the city and nowhere else. The king was very angry at this and said that it seemed that in this matter Gonçalo Mendes was like the servant in the Gospels, to whom his master gave a talent of gold to put at his service and benefit, but he hid it in the ground without doing anything profitable with it, for which reason his master deemed him to be a bad and lazy servant.242 ‘Gonçalo Mendes,’ said the king, ‘should be judged in the same way: he wished to guard the city, where he was safe from our enemies, and allowed them to destroy the immediate vicinity and the places surrounding it.’ The king then gave orders for him to be removed from command, and in his stead, to guard and defend the city [of Lisbon], and the surrounding countryside, should be sent the Prior of the Hospitallers, Dom Pedro Álvares, together 242 Matthew

25:14–30.



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with his brothers: Rodrigo Álvares, known as ‘Small-Eyes’, Nuno Álvares, Diogo Álvares, Fernão Pereira and João Álvares, as well as Rui Pereira and Álvaro Pereira, who were relatives of the prior and his brothers, not to mention Gonçalo Eanes of Castelo de Vide, and other worthy men who were coming with him, who comprised in all 200 mounted lances. Now it happened that on the day when the prior was to reach the city, coming from Santarém, there came news that some of those from the [enemy] fleet were within the neighbourhood of Sintra, plundering the area and seizing livestock to take back to the ships. The prior and all those with him were glad to receive this news and made their way to where they had reports that the Castilians were heading. Since there were many foot soldiers coming forth in all boldness, as a result of their previous experience, the prior marshalled his men for an ambush. The Castilians duly appeared, in high spirits with their spoils and devoid of fear, so that, when the prior and his men attacked them, they were unprepared and incapable of defending themselves adequately. Consequently, they began to flee, leaving behind what they were carrying. Their rapid flight, however, did not save many lives, for the ambushers fell on them: many were captured and killed, and relieved of the loot they bore. The prior then proceeded to the city of Lisbon, where he was received with great rejoicing, and where he lodged in the Monastery of São Francisco, with his brothers and others of his circle. When those aboard the [Castilian] fleet saw how those horsemen came to guard the city, they no longer dared to come out as freely as before; for the prior kept watch, so if any boat sallied forth, immediately his knights rode up and prevented them from landing, and if any of them did land and were spotted, those from the city were instantly right there ready for them. Thus, in retreating to their boats, in their great rush they threw themselves headlong down the ravines, and henceforth there was much ill feeling between those aboard the fleet and those in the city.

Chapter 137

How Nuno Álvares set an ambush for those of the fleet, and how he fared in the encounter

T

he fleet was a large one, with many troops aboard, hence those in the city were frequently unable to prevent their landing at will in places that were less visible or at some distance from the city. On account of this, there were many skirmishes between them, in which it pleased God to allow the Portuguese always to come out the better. Now it happened at this time that Nuno Álvares, who loved to serve the king and was desirous of a good

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reputation, settled on carrying out a skirmish on his own account, without informing the prior or any of his other brothers. When he saw how those in the naos came out frequently to pick grapes and fruit, because they were in season, he spoke to a noble knight, called Pedro Afonso do Casal, who was married to one of his sisters. He explained that it was his wish to set an ambush the following day for those of the fleet, should they come out as they usually did, and asked him whether he would like to form part of his company. The other man expressed his willingness. In this way, Nuno Álvares gathered his own men and others together, amounting to twenty-four horsemen and about thirty crossbowmen and foot soldiers. With this arranged, Nuno Álvares rode out early the next morning and set an ambush at the bridge of Alcântara, below the Monastery of Santos, by Restelo, hiding with his men as best they could among the vineyards and gullies, of which there were many, so as not to be seen from the fleet. As Nuno Álvares was discussing with his men the manner in which they were to encounter the Castilians if they came out, they saw a rowing boat leave the fleet, bearing about twenty men making for the vineyards to pick grapes. When Nuno Álvares and his men saw them, they took good note of where they landed and where they would regroup for their return. Immediately, his horsemen, accompanied by the crossbowmen and foot soldiers, went to the place where the Castilians were climbing up, which was a deep gully by the vineyards. When they got there, Nuno Álvares and a number of others dismounted and made their way stoutly towards the Castilians. When the latter saw them approaching, they rushed down to the beach, more precipitately than they had ascended, with Nuno Álvares and others bearing down on them. Feeling hard pressed and to avoid what seemed to them imminent death, the Castilians all threw themselves into the sea, some of them swimming without any weapons, and others submerged under the water. They regained their boat without further hindrance and went back to their ships.

Chapter 138

Concerning the arguments that Nuno Álvares put to his men to encourage them to fight, and what happened to him when alone fighting the Castilians

W

hen Nuno Álvares saw that at this point he could not inflict any more damage, he gathered before him those that came with him and went up on to a mound facing the door of the Monastery of Santos, a place that



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could easily be spotted by those in the [enemy] fleet, who could see how the followers of Nuno Álvares ran after their men and forced them to throw themselves into the water. In their anger, they recovered their courage, and out of the naos came some 250 men-at-arms with long lances and many crossbowmen and foot soldiers, eager to fight, as later events revealed. When Nuno Álvares saw the boats come out, he was very pleased at their approach, like one who had as much taste for the game as they, and he began to urge on his horse, and encouraged his men with the following words: ‘Friends and brothers, you well know the objective with which you came out of the city, which I need not repeat. I believe you have ready before you what you came to seek, for which you should be joyful, because that is the case with me. So I now ask all of you, since what we desire has been placed in our hands, to take pleasure in remembering your rank and honour, and to fight doggedly without turning your backs on the enemy, come what may. In this, with God’s help, I shall be the first to attack them, and you shall follow, doing as I do. You can be certain they’ll not resist you if they sense your strength but will immediately turn their backs, because they have no hope of support, and that way you’ll defeat them.’ These and other worthy arguments that Nuno Álvares put to his men to encourage them were of no avail at that moment, for they saw that already many men from the fleet had landed, and were advancing towards them, getting very close, with the result that their fear grew and grew as they awaited their onset. Recognizing their fear, Nuno Álvares tried to encourage them as much as he could, but his gentle words, mixed with harsh shouting, could not persuade them. Indeed, they demonstrated by moving off and refusing to wait so that they neither heard nor paid him any heed. Others fled altogether, unable to bear the sight of the Castilians. Now, it should be made known that, although praise from someone else might be heard with ready ears, it is a serious business to consent to what seems impossible. Since the following account appears to be more a miracle than a natural event, let us reply in advance that we are writing the truth, and that Almighty God, who at that time wished to deliver Nuno Álvares from so many adverse events, having kept him for greater things, did not allow his enemies to kill him in that fight. Observing that his men did not wheel about, and that the Castilians were approaching, he advanced towards them with great knightly virtue, impossible for some to credit; on his own, without any companion, he threw himself into the densest part of the enemy, where those 250 men-at-arms were. He hurled himself into their midst, dealing the first blow with his lance; losing that, he took up his sword. As none of his men were following him, he delivered such extraordinary blows on all sides that, although the Castilians were many, he gained sufficient space among them. In all this, he received such blows from lances, stones and arrows that it was a marvel he could bear it; yet it pleased

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God that no blow hit him in a place that could harm him, because his body was well protected by a very strong coat of plates.243 Despite the pounding his body received, no injury was caused to the flesh. But he thought he was mortally wounded, because of the many blows he could feel. His horse, pierced through with lance wounds, dropped its hindquarters and fell to the ground, along with Nuno Álvares. As both of them fell, the horse started to lash out fiercely with all four legs and kicked so strongly that the calkin244 of its fore horseshoe caught the buckle of his coat of plates, so that he could not disentangle himself from his horse and thought death was at hand. His men, who were watching from afar, saw the great danger Nuno Álvares was in: overcome by sorrow and shame, they rushed up intrepidly, regaining their courage, and helped him as fast as they could. One of the first to reach him was a cleric in whose house Nuno Álvares was lodging, a man riding in his company, who hastily cut the fabric by which he was caught. Released, Nuno Álvares jumped up, took hold of one of the many lances lying around and with the strength and help of those who were now with him, began to pursue the Castilians. At that point, his brothers Diogo Álvares and Fernão Pereira, having heard about it, arrived apace and gave him good support. All of them pursued the enemy, in such a way that they seized and killed many of them. At length, the Castilians could no longer sustain such damage, so they turned tail in order to retreat to their boats. There, many perished because they boarded them more hurriedly than usual. Nuno Álvares returned with his men to the city without having lost anyone on his side, though some were badly wounded and nine horses were dead. When the prior saw him coming, bringing prisoners, he was greatly pleased with him and the others, and all were warmly received by him.

Chapter 139

How the motive arose for the imprisonment of the Master of Avis and of Gonçalo Vasques de Azevedo

L

eaving Lisbon besieged, and returning to speak of King Fernando, who was in Évora preparing himself for war against Castile, it behoves us to say how, before he left, he ordered the arrest of Dom João his brother, who was the Master of Avis, and of Gonçalo Vasques de Azevedo, a fine 243 Torso 244 Heel

protection reinforced with leather and padded metal plates. of the horseshoe turned down to form a projection.



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nobleman and a trusted counsellor. Since we have to bring this story into the full light of day, and unlike some people who in booklets have made public how things have happened but without fully understanding them, we keep to the Philosopher’s rule, which states that we cannot know how things are if we lack every point in relation to their prime causes.245 Accordingly, we shall seek the remote cause and origin of their imprisonment. So it was, as you have heard,246 that, when Juan Fernández de Andeiro247 went to speak to King Fernando in Estremoz about the coming of the English, and the king kept him hidden in the tower there, rumours broke out about disreputable behaviour between him and the queen. Although at first the rumours were vague and unattributable to anyone in particular, it later became a firm opinion that was bruited abroad. For this reason, both were held in much hatred by the people, especially by the great and good who were pained at the king’s dishonour. Now it came about that while the king was in Évora, as we have said, one day in the early afternoon there came to the queen’s chamber her brother Count Gonçalo, and Juan Fernández de Andeiro with him; because of the great heat, they were both perspiring heavily. When she saw them arrive in that state, she asked if they had brought cloths in order to wipe away their sweat, but they said no. Then the queen took a veil and ripped it down the middle, giving each man a piece so they could wipe themselves dry. Walking about the chamber with the veil in his hand, Juan Fernández at one point knelt down before her, and said in a low voice, very softly, ‘My lady, I would rather have a piece of cloth that has been closer to your person and used more frequently, were you to give one to me, rather than this you give me,’ at which the queen began to laugh. Although he said these words very quietly, he did not, however, say them quietly enough not to be heard by a lady who was sitting near her, called Inês Afonso. She was the wife of Gonçalo Vasques de Azevedo, a man who was greatly trusted and had the full confidence of the king and was a member of his Royal Council. Since she thought the words ill spoken, she remained silent at that time, but later told her husband. A few days later, when the queen was speaking of amusing matters, praising highly the custom of the English and of those who did as they did, the king’s counsellor replied, ‘To be sure, my lady, in my opinion some of their customs do not seem so worthy of your praise.’ ‘Which ones?’ asked the queen. ‘My lady’ he answered, ‘it is not a good or praiseworthy custom that many of them practise, namely the one where, if some lady or damsel judges it fitting to give them a veil or a jewel, they approach and whisper in her ear 245 Aristotle,

Posterior Analytics, Book 2, Chapter 11. Chapter 115 above. 247 Before he became Count of Ourém. See Chapter 134 above. 246 In

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that they would prefer jewels from her worn more intimately and frequently than those that she gives them.’ When the queen heard this, she immediately suspected why he was saying it, but fell silent and did not say anything, giving the impression that she was paying no heed. Later, however, she called him to one side and said, ‘Gonçalo Vasques, I know for a fact that your wife told you what you said a little while ago; but be in no doubt that you and she have not dropped it into an empty well, for I promise that you will both pay me for it in full.’ With him making excuses that he knew nothing about it, and with her saying that it was so, they let the matter drop and spoke of something else. It is important for you to know that this Gonçalo Vasques was second cousin to Queen Leonor, and through her he had been made and placed in great estate. That was because Dona Aldonça de Vasconcelos, the wife of Martim Afonso Telo and mother of Queen Leonor, was first cousin to Teresa Vasques de Azevedo; Teresa Vasques was the daughter of Vasco Gomes de Azevedo, who was the brother of Gonçalo Gomes de Azevedo, the standard-bearer of King Afonso,248 who fought against the Moors. Therefore, Princess Beatriz, who later became the wife of the King of Castile, was niece to this Gonçalo Vasques and daughter of his second cousin. On account of this kinship with the queen, and her aggrandizement of him, she was much displeased at what he had said about her and worked to bring about his arrest.

Chapter 140

How Vasco Gomes de Abreu spoke to the queen, and concerning the discussion they had together

A

few days after this, a nobleman by the name of Vasco Gomes de Abreu, who called himself a relative of the queen, seeing it had been some time since she had shown the goodwill to him that she was wont to do, and furthermore because some people said that they thought the queen did not feel warmly towards him, went to her one day and said, ‘My lady, you have done me much good and raised me to an honourable estate, so that I am no more than what Your Grace has made of me. For that reason, I am bound to serve and love you as long as I live, and so I intend to do always. Now, and I do not know why, for some days past you have showed your hatred of me, as if I had gravely wronged you or served you badly. Therefore, I beg of your mercy that you tell me why this is, or if people have said that I have done something 248 Afonso

IV, the father of Pedro I of Portugal.



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contrary to your service. If what you have been told about me is true, I will pledge in fealty and homage that I shall not depart this place until I die.’ The queen answered him, saying, ‘I have good reason to complain about you, and I really do not see the point of all those words and such a grand speech, because you well know that you have done me a wrong great enough to merit my ordering your head to be cut off, or to suffer an even worse death.’ ‘My lady,’ he said, ‘you can say what pleases you, but no one else can tell me in truth that I have ever wronged you to the extent of deserving that fate. If anyone has told you anything about me, I beg you, kindly tell me.’ ‘What greater wrong could you do me,’ said she, ‘than to tell my uncle, Count João Afonso, that I was sleeping with Juan Fernández de Andeiro.’ ‘My lady,’ he replied, ‘Heaven forfend that I should ever say such a thing. Whoever told you that was lying, and there is nobody who, if he says it, I would not challenge even though he may be of higher rank than I.’ ‘Why are you denying and contradicting this?’ retorted the queen, ‘I’ll produce the person to whom you said it.’ ‘My lady,’ he said, ‘I do not contradict it because, as I did not say it, I cannot contradict it; but I deny it and declare that there was never anyone who heard such a thing from me.’ ‘To be sure,’ she said, ‘you did say it, for Gonçalo Vasques de Azevedo said that you said it to him.’ ‘He is not speaking the truth,’ he replied ‘nor would it ever be God’s wish that I should say such a thing of you. But since you say that he did say it to you, the truth is that I heard him say it when Count João Afonso, your uncle, and others were present. You may send for him, and I shall say so in your presence, and if he denies it, I shall challenge him or prove it with those who were there, whichever is your pleasure.’ When the queen heard this, she told him not to think any more about it, nor to mention it to anyone, adding that she would send a letter to her uncle asking him to tell the truth about what had happened.

Chapter 141

How the king decided to order the arrest of both the Master of Avis, his brother, and of Gonçalo Vasques de Azevedo, and for what reason

F

ollowing these words with Vasco Gomes, the queen thought about what he told her and what she had previously heard from Gonçalo Vasques; her heart was troubled, for she understood that through that counsellor of the king

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her ill repute would be made public and all her doings would be revealed. Once this was known, it would bring her great shame and danger, as well as to that knight who shared her guilt, whose death she did not wish to see. She thought that there was no one in the kingdom of the king’s lineage more likely to seek revenge for this than his bastard brother, the Master of Avis, as we have already said, and she judged that, if that king’s counsellor and this brother of his were dead, she would be entirely safe, because all the other notables of the kingdom were her relatives or had received honours from her. The queen then pondered how to blame them for something that would give the king a motive for ordering their death. Some say that she had false letters drawn up in the name of the king’s brother and of his counsellor, which appeared to have been sent by them to Castile contrary to the interests of the king and those of the entire kingdom. The plan was that these letters should be presented as having been sent already and seized at the border secretly. Some say that they were brought to the king; yet others relate it was to the queen, who showed them to him, and that when the king saw them, he was quite amazed, because he never suspected them of anything like that, nor did he know anything that would lead them to do that. As for us, we do not have absolute knowledge of how she arranged things in order to satisfy her wish, except that the king, the queen, and presumably the one who shared her guilt, had sight of the letters in question. In speaking of what ought to be done about this, it was agreed between them that it would be good if the two men were arrested, and not to let such a wicked thing as that pass without taking revenge, to act as a warning to everyone that no one should dare to do anything similar. They agreed that they should be imprisoned immediately, and that afterwards the king would decide on their punishment. This counsel seemed wise to the king, and he decided to carry it out. He pondered on how to order their arrest so that they could not flee nor be snatched from the man to whom they were delivered.

Chapter 142

How the king ordered the arrest of his brother, the Master of Avis, and of Gonçalo Vasques de Azevedo

T

he following day, the king was in a courtyard of his palace, and his brother, the Master of Avis, and Gonçalo Vasques de Azevedo with him, together with other great lords and knights, when a squire named Gonçalo Vasques Coutinho arrived at the palace gate with his men and others, numbering up to 200 lances, all armed and fully equipped. The king and the others were in



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a place that allowed them to see the newcomers, but although the Master and Gonçalo Vasques saw how they were drawn up there, they thought nothing of it, being men who did not take fright, especially the Master. Also, because it was a time of war, they did not think it out of the ordinary. When the king saw those troops there, he told everybody who was with him that they should go to their lodgings; he went immediately to his chamber, and the others started to leave. While the Master and Gonçalo Vasques still remained there, Vasco Martins de Melo, who had gone with the king, came back to them and said to the Master, ‘My lord, and you, Gonçalo Vasques, I bring you news that makes me very sad. My lord the king orders you to be arrested.’ ‘Why?’ they said. ‘I know nothing else,’ he answered, ‘other than he ordered me to guard you closely and account for you well to him.’ ‘Are we going to see the king?’ asked the Master. ‘No,’ he replied, ‘but come with me, and we shall go to the lodgings.’ Then they went down and mounted mules, each one accompanied by one of Vasco Martins’s squires riding behind, and all those troops along with them. On their way, Gonçalo Vasques Coutinho, who was the son-in-law of the king’s counsellor, came up to him and said very softly, so that the squire in attendance could not hear, ‘It seems that you and the Master are being arrested; why is this?’ ‘I know no more than what you see,’ he said. The other said, ‘There must be a strong reason for it; that being the case, I think it a good idea that I do everything I can to prevent your going to prison, since I greatly fear that this will end badly.’ ‘And how will you do that?’ asked Gonçalo Vasques de Azevedo. ‘I shall create a diversion with all the people I have here,’ said his son-inlaw, ‘and with God’s help I will save you, and afterwards the king will forgive me. Even if he does not forgive me, I don’t mind losing everything in order to have you free from this danger.’ ‘My dear son,’ answered his father-in-law, ‘you speak well, and I am very thankful for it. However, do not think of attempting to carry this out for there are many people here, as you see. It would be a very difficult undertaking, especially inside the city, and if you did not succeed you would be arrested and put to death and I also with you. I would be even more sad and distressed to see you killed for trying to free me than to see myself condemned to death, even if I do not deserve it; so do not set about this, because God, Who knows that I have done nothing to deserve this, of His great mercy will set me free.’ Although his son-in-law said that he should not be concerned about that, for he would at all costs free him, he would not consent to it in any way, fearing the great danger that would befall both of them. So they arrived at the

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city castle, where they were to be held prisoner. After they went inside and dismounted, while the people were going within and without, the gates being still open, the Master was approached by a squire called Afonso Furtado, who was commander-in-chief of the crossbowmen, and asked him if he knew why he was a prisoner, and he said he did not. ‘My lord,’ he said, ‘the great and the good are only taken prisoner for something important; and although you do not know why you are prisoners and think that it is without reason, it seems to me that it is not good for you to await the outcome of this deed. You well know how King Pedro your father brought me up, granted me preferment and gave me everything that I have. So, although I have received many favours from King Fernando your brother, I am much more bound to hold dear the matters pertaining to your father the king, and to risk my person and everything I have for his sake, and especially for yours as his son. So, while these people here are moving about and the gate is open, let us both go out, and when we are outside, I intend to get you to safety, even if I lose everything I have.’ The Master said that he was pleased and very grateful. Then, they took each other by the hand, speaking as they went, but as they reached the gate the gatekeeper had just closed it, so they turned around then, giving no sign of what they wanted to do. At this, all those who were there thought about going to their lodgings, and Vasco Martins of placing a close guard on them. The Master and Gonçalo Vasques were both shackled with a great ball and chain on their legs and put in a house which they could not escape from. Owing to their great fear that they would be put to death the following day, they sent a squire in great haste to the Earl of Cambridge, who was in Vila Viçosa, 8 leagues away, to tell him how the king had ordered their arrest without their knowing why, and that they were sending word to him to ask his favour in begging their release from the king or, if he did not consent to it, to ask him why they were prisoners. When the earl heard this, he replied that it was nothing to do with him, and that if they had done something against the king’s service, it was well that they paid for it, and that he did not intend to do anything about it. When the squire returned with this message, they were very grieved and did not know what else to do. As soon as they were arrested, the king immediately ordered the arrest of the Master’s steward, by name Lourenço Martins, who was 8 leagues away in a town called Veiros, and the seizure of everything he had, because he understood that it had been on his advice that the Master had sent the letters he was held to have sent.



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Chapter 143

Concerning the message that Vasco Martins received, that he should kill the Master and Gonçalo Vasques, and how he did not wish to do so

A

s soon as it was known that the Master and Gonçalo Vasques de Azevedo were taken prisoner, everyone was amazed at this news. Rumours were soon current throughout the kingdom regarding the queen’s responsibility for their arrest, and the manner in which she had worked to bring it about, as well as her reason for doing so. Nobody could suspect anything bad of them; rather, everyone was very saddened by their arrest and surprised at the king for not understanding that they could not be guilty. They really thought that such things would end badly, and men’s minds were full of confused thoughts. At this point, various accounts have arisen, to the effect that immediately on the night when they were arrested, the queen had a false warrant drawn up; it appeared to have been signed by the king’s hand, ordering the knight who had them in his power, as soon as he saw it, to have them beheaded without delay. If the warrant was itself very urgent, there was a yet greater urgency in the manner of its delivery in the king’s name. When Vasco Martins saw the warrant, he was quite amazed that such a thing was happening. Whilst he perceived that they were arrested through the queen’s doing, he had his doubts about the warrant, because he knew that many such warrants went through in the king’s name in that fashion. However, he said to the man who brought it that he would carry out what was contained in it. Soon afterwards, another messenger came in the king’s name to find out if what he had ordered had been done, and he said it had not. The second messenger departed, and a further messenger arrived with another warrant which was even more urgent than the first, in which the king ordered Vasco Martins to have their heads cut off immediately, saying that he was very displeased that the deed had not yet been done. Since the man who brought it was so urgent, and Vasco Martins saw the whole thing as very dubious, he said to him, ‘My friend, you can see that it is already dead of night and an hour at which justice is not normally carried out. It seems that the king, in his great rage with these men, orders this to be done but it may be that later he might repent of it greatly, as has happened before with other great lords. If they were men of a different rank, there would not be so much to fear, but for me to kill the king’s brother and one of his great counsellors in this way, I tell you, by no means do I care to do it before morning, when I can speak to him and find out what his pleasure is. If he commands them to be put to death, they are well guarded, and his command

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will be obeyed. Moreover, I hold this to be serving him better than causing a loss that can never be repaired.’ The messenger departed with this message and did not come back again. The next day, Vasco Martins rose very early and went to the king and showed him the warrants and told him all that had passed the previous night. The king was alarmed, saying that he knew nothing about it, and thanked him very much for what he had done, telling him to keep quiet and not to tell anybody anything.

Chapter 144

Concerning the great fear suffered by the Master and Gonçalo Vasques de Azevedo, and how the queen sought an opportunity to kill Gonçalo Vasques

T

he Master and Gonçalo Vasques passed that night in a state of great fear and worry, thinking that the next day would be the last one of their lives. However, their fear would have been much greater if they had known what was then happening. When morning came and day began to break, they were so frightened that when someone knocked at the gate of the castle they immediately thought it was some messenger bringing a message to have them put to death. They discussed together the reason why they were imprisoned, and the Master said that he could find nothing to justify it. Gonçalo Vasques said that he knew well why it was, even though they were given to understand it was for something else that they had been arrested; also, that when they took him to be executed, he would be far more distressed for not daring to say why he was being killed, than for the death he might be dealt for no reason. That day, all the great lords of the Court went to see them, saying that they greatly regretted their arrest, the reason for which they knew nothing about, and that if there was anything they could do for them, they would gladly do it, if it were not contrary to the service of their liege lord the king. However, Juan Fernández Andeiro did not go. Vasco Martins put a heavy guard on them, not neglecting what the king had said to him, eating and sleeping with them all the time. They were guarded by day and watched over at night by twenty well-armed squires who slept at the door of the house where they were lodged. At this point, the king left the town of Évora, where he had been staying, and went to a place called Vimieiro, but the queen stayed in Évora.



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When the two captives realized that the king was leaving but the queen staying behind, they believed it would bring them no good, for they feared her very much and thought that their death was inevitable. In this fear they spent each day, with no hope of escaping or of being set free by any means, so that the Master made a vow and promised God that, if He freed him from that prison, he would go to Jerusalem to visit the Holy Sepulchre. When the queen saw that her wish regarding their death had not been fulfilled, as you have heard, she judged that it could be brought about by other means. Consequently, she wrote a letter to Count João Afonso, her uncle, who was in Santarém, telling him everything that had taken place between her and Vasco Gomes de Abreu, and how he had told her that he was present when Gonçalo Vasques de Azevedo had said of her the words that we have mentioned. She asked him to tell her the truth about that event in a letter. On seeing the letter, Count João Afonso, being a wise man, understood exactly what her intentions were, and sought to find arguments sufficient to show both men to be guiltless. Some say that he did not send her a reply but went to the city where she was, told her all that he knew about the matter, in such terms that excused both of them from any guilt, and then returned to Santarém. Others say that he wrote her a letter in those terms. In such circumstances, she considered that it would be best to seek their freedom, and to give everybody to understand that she was not to blame for their imprisonment. Consequently, she asked the Earl of Cambridge to persuade the king to release them. But we do not know for certain how this happened, other than that twenty days into their imprisonment, the queen sent for the knight who had them in his keep and commanded him to remove their irons, which he did. When the Master saw this, he asked Gonçalo Vasques what he thought of it. ‘My lord,’ said he, ‘I think it is a good sign, and the beginning of a good outcome for my case, and I believe, thanks be to God, that I am safe from death. As for you, I am greatly sorrowful, for when such a man as you is arrested, it is not for a small matter. But as they have removed your irons, you should take it as the beginning of a good outcome.’ To this, the Master replied, ‘For my part, I am very happy to see you freed; and may God, who knows that I am innocent, direct my affairs as pleases Him; and, after you are free and released and once again in your domains, I beg you to remember me.’

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Chapter 145

How the Master arranged to flee, and the manner in which it was to be

A

fter the Master and Gonçalo Vasques were released from the irons in which they lay, they were taken from that house where they had been kept imprisoned all that while and were permitted to move freely within the walls of the castle, accompanied by men who guarded them all the time. When the Master saw himself free of irons, although he took it as a good sign, he thought about what Gonçalo Vasques had said to him and pondered on how he could escape. One day, therefore, on a cold morning, the Master said to a son of that knight who had him in his keep, ‘Martinho, let’s go to the top of that wall and warm ourselves in the sun there.’ The youth went with him, as well as the squires who guarded him. As they were walking at ease on the castle wall, the Master looked very diligently to see if there was a suitable place through which he could later escape and saw one that seemed handy for him to go through to safety, lower down than any of the others. Consequently, he made up his mind to escape through it as soon as he had a chance to do so. After they were sufficiently warmed by the sunshine, they descended from the wall without anyone having the least suspicion about him. The next day, the Master went walking at the very same place as before and took with him one of his pages, to whom he had been given permission to speak privately. He showed him that place through which he intended to escape and said to him, ‘João, you’re to bring me my pellet bow249 with a good strong rope and two other ropes under your doublet. When you’ve brought them to me, you’ll saddle my horse and bring it to me promptly, pretending that you’re taking it to water. Have a stick in your hand, and a pair of spurs hidden under your clothes, but if you can’t manage to fasten those on me quickly enough, then I’ll manage with the stick. I shall walk around here, shooting pigeons, then I’ll come to that spot and tie the ropes to the crossbow, and will let myself down by them.’ Then he told him the day and time he should do this, and to keep it absolutely secret. His page said that he would do this, took his leave of him, and went away. Then the Master got down from the wall with those who were guarding him, not revealing his secret to anyone else. 249 Crossbow firing pellets of clay, lead or stone, also called a ‘stone crossbow’. As its firing power was limited, these crossbows were used mainly for shooting birds or small mammals, such as in this passage where the Master of Avis asks for his pellet bow to shoot pigeons. This may be one of the earliest records of a pellet-shooting crossbow.



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Chapter 146

How the Master was released and dined that day with the queen, and concerning the discussion he had with her

W

ith the Master having arranged to escape on a certain day in the manner that you have heard, Vasco Martins came to him before the day his escape was to take place, and said to him and Gonçalo Vasques, ‘My lord, I bring you good news.’ ‘What is it?’ they asked. To that, he replied, ‘My lady the queen is coming to attend Mass at the cathedral tomorrow morning, and commands you to be released and attend Mass with her.’ They were very joyful at this and said that they were greatly indebted to him. The next day, the queen arrived to attend Mass at the cathedral, and, while she was there, Vasco Martins came with both of them to the place where the queen was. There they kissed her hand and greeted the other great lords present, as well as Count Juan Fernández,250 who was with them. After Mass was over, Count Juan Fernández took the queen’s arm, and the Master that of Princess Beatriz, the queen’s daughter, and they proceeded thus to the door of the cathedral. Then the queen climbed into a litter, for she was pregnant at the time, and the count walked beside the litter speaking with her, whilst the Master led the princess’s horse. When they arrived at the palace gates, the Master and Gonçalo Vasques intended to take their leave of her, in order to go to their lodgings; but she told them not to go, but to come and dine with her. The Master was very suspicious of this invitation, thinking that she intended to poison them, and would rather have avoided it at that time, if he could have excused himself. Then they sat down to eat in the queen’s chamber, she sitting at her table, and the Master at the head of another table, with Count Juan Fernández next to him, and Gonçalo Vasques on the far side of them. The Master ate fearfully, afraid of what we have just mentioned. After dinner was over, fruit was brought, and the queen began to speak of the jewels she had, and how much they cost her, boasting about them. The count got up from the table while everyone was still sitting and went over to the couch where the queen was sitting at table. She took off a ring from her finger, a ruby that she said was of great price, held it out in her hand and said to the count, so that everyone could hear, ‘Juan, take this ring.’ ‘I shall not take it,’ he said. ‘Why not?’ she asked. 250 Juan

Fernández Andeiro, Count of Ourém. See Chapter 134.

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He answered, ‘My lady, because I am afraid that people will talk of us.’ ‘Take what I give you,’ she said, ‘and let people say what they like.’ So he took it from her and placed it on his finger. However, the Master and the others present did not think this a good thing, and thought this exchange was most unseemly. Then they got up from table, and the Master knelt before the queen, saying, ‘My lady, you have seen how my liege lord the king ordered my arrest, and the nature of his feelings against me when I was imprisoned. Although, while I lay in prison I often turned over in my mind what could move him to order my arrest, I could never find in myself any disservice that I might have done him, to deserve it. Despite this, however, I am greatly beholden to him and to you for ordering my release. Since, however, I realize that you must know why I was imprisoned, I beg you of your mercy to tell me, so that I can take heed another time not to do or say anything that might displease my liege lord the king or cause him to be enraged with me like this.’ The queen answered him as follows: ‘My dear brother, you know well that slanderers never lack things to say. Some knights of your Order, who normally accompany you, especially Grand Commander Vasco Porcalho, gave my lord the king to understand that you were desirous of going to Castile, to Prince João, in disservice to this kingdom, saying in all certainty that it was so, because of your taking cattle from two hospices in Avis, and ordering them to be sold.’ The Master replied, saying, ‘My lady, that was very wrongly thought on their part. Just for seventeen head of cattle that I took for some things that I needed, they ought not to have said such a wicked thing about me. But God will give them their reward and furnish me with help and grace to serve my liege lord the king, for it has always been my desire to serve him well.’ As he could find out nothing more from her, he got up from his kneeling position and asked her permission to go and see the king.

Chapter 147

How the Master went to see the king, and concerning the conversation that he had with him; and concerning the arguments that the Master put forward in the house of the Earl of Cambridge

W

hen the Master saw that he could learn nothing more from the queen about his imprisonment, he took his leave of her and went straight away to Vimieiro, where the king was. Coming up to the bed where he lay ill, he kissed the king’s hands and said:



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‘Sire, you ordered my arrest, and I am greatly beholden to you for having ordered my release if I did anything to deserve it, and even if I did not. My liege, you know well that you have protected me, and the honourable estate to which it pleased you to bring me. Among the many favours that I have received from you until now, I here ask you to be good enough to do another, which is this: that you tell me the reason why you ordered my arrest. For, although I served you willingly and intend to continue to do so, it could be that some of those things in which I believe I am serving you and doing what you desire displease you, and being unaware of this, I would serve you as I have done until now. In that way, though hoping for your goodness and favour as a reward for my service, the very opposite of that would ensue. Therefore, I beg of your goodness that you kindly inform me of whatever is your will.’ The king replied, saying, ‘You say well, and I understand your good intention; but be assured that I ordered your arrest only to show how much you were in my power and for no other reason.’ ‘Sire,’ said the Master, ‘ever since that time when God brought me to the age at which to acknowledge you as my king and liege lord, I have always known and do know the great power that you have over me and everyone in your kingdom. If there was no other reason than this, it seems to me that you could learn by other means whether I had that knowledge; and if there is any other reason why my service is not pleasing to you, as I have said, I beg you kindly to tell me.’ The king said that it had not been for any other reason. Then the Master kissed the king’s hands and took his leave. As the Master had been told that the Earl of Cambridge had helped to have him released, he went to the palace where the earl was lodging, bowed to him and said: ‘My lord, you well know how my liege lord the king ordered my arrest and has now been pleased to order my release. Although, during all my time in prison, I could never learn why I was arrested, nor do I know it now, I am greatly obliged for what you did in working for my release. Moreover, my lord, since I am told that some people said things about me which they should not have done, I say before you now that, if there is anyone who tells me that I did wrong or did anything contrary to my liege lord the king’s service, I shall make him acknowledge that he lied and still lies and that I have always tried to serve the king as best I could, doing him no wrong that would warrant this being done to me.’ The Master said this because present with the earl were many knights and squires who were wont to accompany the king; but none of them replied to him on this matter. Then Vasco Martins da Cunha, the youth who was accompanying the Master, addressed the earl as follows: ‘My lord, although the Master has said what he is beholden to say for the sake of his honour, yet no one wishes to respond, possibly because he is a man of such high degree. For this reason, I, who am a knight of lowlier estate to whom they might

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reply more readily, do now declare that I am ready to make it known that it is untrue, and to declare as much to anyone who says that the Master did or said anything contrary to the king’s service that would merit his imprisonment.’ The same point was made by various others who were there, and the earl added that he indeed believed it was so. Then the earl went to where the king was lodging, the Master accompanying him as far as the palace, where he took his leave of the earl and returned to Évora.

Chapter 148

How Lourenço Martins had desired to kill Vasco Porcalho and the Master told him that he should not do so

A

s soon as the Master reached Évora, he thereupon took his leave of the queen in order to go to the lands held by his Order and made a pilgrimage on foot to Santa Maria de Benavila, fulfilling the vow he had made while imprisoned. Leaving there, he went to Veiros where he found his steward Lourenço Martins, whom we have previously mentioned,251 now set free though he had not had restored what was taken from him. The Master told him everything that had happened to him during his imprisonment and the conversation he had had with the queen after his release and what she had said about Vasco Porcalho. To this, Lourenço Martins said: ‘My lord, you well know that I was arrested when you were, and that everything I was found to possess was seized. It appears that everything that was done to you and to me was caused by the things that this traitor went about saying. So, it is well that he be rewarded for his evil and not escape death for saying such a wicked thing as that which he said. Leave the responsibility for carrying out this deed to me and, without your getting involved, I intend to kill him in the near future.’ The Master said that he was very grateful for this and held it as a great service to him. That very night, the Master thought this matter over and the next day took him to one side, saying, ‘Lourenço Martins, I have considered what we spoke about yesterday, and I don’t think it a good idea for you to kill this man, for two reasons. First, you know well how this woman is skilled in wrongdoing and well versed in great trickery. Since she saw that she could not carry through her wicked intentions in respect of me while I was in prison, it is possible that she thought of telling me this so that I might be moved to 251 In

Chapter 142 above.



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kill this man, in an angry frame of mind and believing that the inexplicable thing that was done to me was caused by him. That way, he would die without good cause, thus bringing great sin upon my soul, and I would find myself forced to leave the kingdom and would have to go outside its bounds. By that means, she would be free of me. Secondly, even it if were the case that he did say it, no great honour accrues to me for killing such a man. Even if you kill him, giving to understand that I know nothing about it, the queen would immediately think that I had ordered you to kill him, on account of what she told me. It could be that the king would have so great a cause for complaint about me that I might end up in prison and in mortal danger, or lose my lands entirely, which would not befit me, especially in such time of war as we are now in. I believe, therefore, that, with all these uncertainties, we should choose the safest course and think no more of this. If Vasco Porcalho has said or done anything wrong, God will give him his just deserts.’ Lourenço Martins replied as follows: ‘My lord, these seem good arguments to me, and whatever is your wish, I shall follow it.’ The Master told him to think no more of it, and he did as bidden.

Chapter 149

How the English, and the Master with them, entered Castile and took the castles of Lobón and Cortijo

A

few days after the Master’s release, he being in Veiros as we have said, some of the English captains held a council of war about making an incursion into Castile. They then settled among themselves the day on which everyone should assemble with their troops, in a town called Arronches,252 which lies 2 leagues away from their enemies’ kingdom. These were the captains: a bastard son of the King of England, named [Sir John Southeray], ‘the Canon’ [Thierry de] Robersart, ‘the Soudan’ of La Trau,253 Sir John Falconer,254 and others. As they made their way to the agreed meeting place, an English knight called Sir Roger Othiquiniente255 came to where the Master was at the time,

252 Arronches

is located fifteen miles to the south-east of the city of Portalegre. Chapter 128 for the identity of these captains. 254 One of the Duke of Lancaster’s chief retainers. See P. E. Russell, The English Intervention in Spain and Portugal in the Time of Edward III and Richard II (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1955), p. 466. 255 Unidentified by Lomax and Oakley, The English in Portugal, p. 347, note 2. 253 See

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and asked the following, ‘My lord, do you know anything about what we are doing in this region where we are?’ ‘No,’ said the Master. ‘You should know,’ said the English knight, ‘that we intend to gather a group of knights and enter Castile. If you wish to take part, you can gain much honour.’ He then told him the day on which everyone was to assemble and when they were to set off. The Master answered as follows: ‘That pleases me very much. It gives me great joy, and I thank you warmly for what you have told me. I shall make ready immediately, so that I can be with those lords on the day you mentioned.’ The knight then bade him farewell. The Master did not delay and gathered his men together rapidly and as many from that area as he could, among them Vasco Peres de Camões, taking with him lances and jennets, in all 200 horsemen and 4,000 foot soldiers. He reached Arronches, where the English were, and was well received by them. They made themselves ready for the incursion, and in all they numbered 800 lances, 500 archers and 6,000 foot soldiers. Then they set out and took the road to Ouguela, arriving that night at a river where there is a hermitage called São Salvador da Matança. Some of them slept there in shelters that they made from branches, but most of them slept on the grass. For all of them, the sky was their roof because there were no other tents there to shelter them from inclement weather. The next day, they arrived at a castle called Lobón, in which there were up to sixty men. The bastard son of the King of England whom we mentioned was the first into combat, the others right behind. Those inside defended themselves as best they could and rained down upon him a great shower of stones, so that he dropped to the ground, and everyone thought he was dead. But he got up, regained his strength and, with no less heart than the first time, resumed fighting. Owing to the weak defences of the place, and to setting the gates on fire, they soon forced their way in, he being the first to enter. They killed a number of them; some fled, and others were taken prisoner; then they demolished the whole place. Then they departed and proceeded to a castle called Cortijo, where there were 200 foot soldiers and thirty squires. Among the latter were seven who were governors of their own castles, men of great valour who, in defending themselves, demonstrated the extent of their worth. When they got to the place, the raiders began to attack it very fiercely, setting fire to the gates and piercing the wall at another place. Those inside defended themselves with all their might and killed two squires, one Portuguese, the other English, a squire to Sir John Falconer. However, their defence was in vain, for the huge numbers outside made them lose all their courage, so that they despaired of being able to defend themselves. They pledged their lives in exchange for yielding the castle to



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them. The English were so enraged by the death of that English squire that they did not want to grant this, but instead made increasing efforts to gain entry. When those inside saw this, they were very fearful and realized that if their attackers entered by force, then none of them would escape death. So the priests put on their vestments and climbed on to the wall, showing them the Host and begging them for the sake of Our Lord to have mercy on them. In their increasing rage, the English took no notice of that and yelled to them to defend themselves. The great noise from one side and the other meant that their prayers could hardly be heard. There were so many arrows flying in the immediate vicinity of the Host and everywhere around it that their immense terror forced the priests to leave. The combat was so fierce that even though the wall was very strong, with a deep ditch and well defended, all this was of no advantage. The fighting lasted from dawn to the hour of tierce.256 With the wall breached, they entered within by force, pressed on through the gates that had been fired, and began to kill as many men as they found, so that no one’s life was spared except for those of women and small children. They razed the whole place as far as they could and looted it of everything they found, and then returned to Portugal.

Chapter 150

How King Fernando and the English arrived at Elvas, and how the queen gave birth to a son there

A

fter the queen brought about the release of the Master and Gonçalo Vasques in order to make it understood that she was not originally to blame, as you have heard, she arranged for a son of Gonçalo Vasques, called Álvaro Gonçalves, to be married to a daughter of Juan Fernández de Andeiro, called Doña Sancha de Andeiro. She thought that such a marriage would silence Gonçalo Vasques in respect of her actions and bind him to her party. At this point, the king gave orders for everyone to move further towards Castile. He wrote to the earl, requesting him to leave Vila Viçosa, which he did on the last day of June, a Monday, with his wife and people, and set up his camp by the River Guadiana, near Juromenha. The king and queen departed from Estremoz, where they already were, on the following Wednesday, with all their troops, and came to Borba. On the Friday, they reached Vila Boim. On Saturday, 6 July [1382], they proceeded to lodge at Elvas, where all of them later assembled. The king lodged higher up in the old town, and the earl 256 9

a.m.

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in São Domingos. The king’s host pitched camp in the orchards around the town, and the English in the olive groves on the Badajoz road, so that it was not long before they began to overrun each other’s ground. The queen, who was pregnant, gave birth to a son thirteen days after their arrival, at which the king showed much pleasure, as did those of the queen’s party, but after four days the child died. Out of respect for his death, all the nobles who accompanied the king put on capes of coarse woollen cloth in mourning, more to follow his wishes than because they believed it was his son, since many of them assumed that it was the child of Count Juan Fernández. They said that the ailing king had not slept with the queen for some time. Others, who gave greater rein to their tongues, said that for this reason the king had smothered the baby in its nurse’s lap. It is important that you should know that, at this time, and during this journey, two new offices were established in Portugal, which had not previously existed, those of constable and marshal. Following the custom of the English, who came to Portugal at that time, the king made constable the Count of Arraiolos, Don Álvaro Pérez de Castro, and marshal, Gonçalo Vasques de Azevedo. Should anyone ask who used to fulfil the duties pertaining to these knightly offices, tell him that the lord lieutenant did everything. The office that is now of lord chamberlain used to be that of keeper of the king’s wardrobe.

Chapter 151

How Nuno Álvares begged leave of the prior to take part in the battle with the king and, when he was denied it, what the manner of his departure was

W

ith King Fernando and all his people in Elvas, it was common knowledge from reliable accounts that the King of Castile was assembling his forces to come to Badajoz and challenge King Fernando, and that a battle between the kings could not be avoided. Nuno Álvares, who was with the prior defending Lisbon, as we have said,257 expected each day that the king would send for his brother and the rest to be with him in the fighting; instead, the prior received a letter from him saying that he should not seek to go there but should remain where he was in Lisbon with his men, as, indeed, he was doing, for such was the service he required. The prior was very sorrowful at such a message, for his desire was at all costs to be with the king in battle. But he was forced to do what he was commanded and not to leave his post in Lisbon. He told his brothers and the rest the terms in which the king had written. 257 In

Chapter 136 above.



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Nuno Álvares was very saddened at this but, owing to the many people who were there at that moment, made no reply to the prior. When the others left, the prior went to his chamber and Nuno Álvares with him; as soon as they were inside, Nuno Álvares spoke to his brother in this manner: ‘My lord brother, have you determined not to leave here to be with the king in the battle? Kindly state what your will is in this matter.’ When he heard this, the prior began to laugh and replied in this way: ‘My brother, you can surely see that I cannot do anything else than carry out what my liege lord the king commands. If I did the opposite, I would not be considered to be serving him. But I hope in God that he will be victorious in battle, and that God will lead us into confronting the men aboard this [Castilian] fleet so that we will serve him as well here as we could there. So, brother, do not take this as a setback, nor should you be annoyed at it.’ Nuno Álvares was still very keen to take part in the battle and thought the prior was excusing himself with tortuous arguments. When the latter finished speaking, he said in measured tones, ‘My lord brother, it seems to me that you should forget everything else in order to be in the battle with your liege lord the king, from whom your father, yourself, and all your lineage have received many favours. Nevertheless, because I have often heard certain people say that obedience is better than sacrifice,258 I think that you should be obedient to him and fulfil his orders. But, since I consider I will not be missed at all in defending this front line, where you have so many good men with you, and think I would be guilty of the greatest iniquity in the world if I were not to take part in this battle, so I beg you to give me permission to participate in it. I shall leave all my men here, for I only wish to take five or six armed companions.’ The prior, somewhat irate, then replied that he would give him no such permission. Rather, he requested and ordered him not to undertake any such thing. On hearing his brother’s reply, Nuno Álvares took his leave in a downcast manner and went to his lodgings. Immediately, and as secretly as he could, he began to organize his journey, but was not able to do it discreetly enough for the prior not to find out. As soon as the latter heard of it, because he knew his brother’s nature was to see through to the end anything he had started, he at once gave orders for the gates of the city to be watched and guards to be placed, to stop any men-at-arms going through them, especially at the gate of São Vicente, where he thought that he was bound to go. All that day and the following night until midnight, Nuno Álvares did not make a move. But at that hour he and five squires that he took with him began to equip themselves and their pages. Dispensing with any pack-animals, they mounted at first light and arrived at the aforesaid gate. The men who were 258 This

is a reference to 1 Samuel 15:22.

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there on guard were already opening the gates to the serving folk who were going outside. When Nuno Álvares and his men arrived, the guards tried to prevent them from going out, but they showed that they intended to force their way out, so they yielded to them and went on their way. When Nuno Álvares arrived at Elvas, the king received him very well, praising him in front of everybody. He praised him even more afterwards when he learned what had taken place between him and his brother, and how he had departed from the city without his permission and against his will.

Chapter 152

How the King of Castile gathered his people together and came to Badajoz with them

L

et us speak once more of the King of Castile: he was seeing to the affairs of his kingdom while all these things were happening. It should be known that after the king gained the castle of Almeida, by its surrendering to him, and sent the letter to the Earl of Cambridge, to which he received no reply as you have heard,259 he returned to Castile. Since he knew that, as soon as the English had mounts, they would all seek to enter his kingdom, he did not want his forces to drift away from him, so arranged to have them placed on the border with Portugal, where they would receive their pay. In the meantime, he gathered as many companies as he could, both while in the city of Ávila and from its surrounding district. From there, the king departed and went to Tordesillas, staying there for some days before leaving for Simancas, where he spent a month. As he knew that Count Alfonso was in Bragança drawing up his treaties with King Fernando, he wrote letters to him to hinder the process and to bring him over to his side. As soon as he saw that the count did not reply as he wished, he left Simancas and went to Zamora. There he assembled his people, because he had confirmation that the King of Portugal, together with the English, intended to enter Castile. He wrote further letters and sent messengers to the count and to all who were with him, that owing to their family ties with him they should come straight away to his side, for he wished to leave there shortly to go and fight King Fernando. The count replied in positive terms but demanded that certain people and castles should be given to him as hostages. The king did not want to consent to this, because he was demanding his own son, Prince Fernando, and six sons of knights that the count would have the right to name. Finally, 259 In

Chapter 131 above.



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as the count saw how all his people were leaving him and going over to the king, he pledged his allegiance and went over to his side. There in Zamora, the king made Don Alfonso, who was the Marquess of Villena and Count of Denia, the Constable of Castile, and made Fernán Álvarez de Toledo the Marshal of the army. These offices had never been bestowed in Castile until that time. Then the king left Zamora with all his people, who numbered 5,000 men-at-arms, 1,500 jennets, and many foot soldiers and crossbowmen, reaching Badajoz on a Thursday morning, on the last day of July 1382.

Chapter 153

How King Fernando prepared for battle and waited in the field, but the King of Castile did not want to fight

T

he day before the King of Castile arrived at Badajoz, that is, on 30 July [1382], the English went out of their camp and reached Caia, across the border from Badajoz, to see the field where the battle was to take place. While they were there in Caia, they told King Fernando that people from the Castilian side were fighting with the English. When he heard this, he immediately left Elvas with all his troops, but when he arrived he found it was nothing at all and returned to the town. The next day, when the King of Castile arrived at Badajoz, as we have said, his men pitched a tent there in Caia. People came to tell King Fernando how the Castilians were pitching their tents and organizing their formations in order to fight, but it was not so. The king and the earl immediately departed with all their men and went to Caia, and the Castilians, when they saw them coming, struck camp and returned to Badajoz. Then the Portuguese cut off the toes of their shoes, which at that time used to be worn very long, and laid them all together, so that it was comical to see such a pile of toes.260 At that time, those who did not wear long-toed shoes were taken for Jews or clergy. The king had a good 6,000 lances among his troops, along with the English forces, as well as many crossbowmen and foot soldiers, so that each king had sufficient men of his own in order to fight. They then drew up their battle order thus: the Earl of Cambridge was in the vanguard, and King Fernando in the rearguard, with their wings placed appropriately. With their formations in position and waiting for battle, the king began to create knights, English as well as Portuguese. Among those awarded the honour of knighthood from his 260 The

Portuguese cut off the long toes as they would be impracticable in battle.

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hand were ‘the Canon’ [Robersart] and other Englishmen. Of the Portuguese, there were Count Gonçalo, Fernão Gonçalves de Sousa, Fernão Gonçalves de Meira and Gonçalo Viegas de Ataíde, as well as some twenty-four squires of noble birth. The king had already created some knights when he was told that he could not do so, since he was not himself a knight. For, although a king, he could not dub knights since he was not one. Then the Earl of Cambridge dubbed him a knight, and with the king now of that status, he once more dubbed those he had already created, as well as a number of others. Among the English came the standard-bearer261 of the Duke of Lancaster, the duke who styled himself King of Castile by virtue of his wife, Doña Constanza, the daughter of King Pedro. When he held up his banner in battle, the English would shout, ‘Castile and León for King John of Castile, son of King Edward of England!’ They also carried another pennant indicating their crusade against the King of Castile, for the Castilians were schismatics and did not accept the Pope of Rome.262 Thus, in due battle formation and their banners unfurled, they remained a long while until after midday. Noticing that the King of Castile did not want to join battle, the English returned to their camp, and the King of Portugal to Elvas with all his company.

Chapter 154

How peace was negotiated between King Fernando and King Juan of Castile, and upon what conditions

S

ome histories, we do not know why, are silent about various things that many who read them wish to know. Others, although not exactly silent, do not speak as they ought to on matters about which men seek clarity. Thus it is at this point where, speaking of the agreement made between these kings, no author writes plainly about which of them was the first to broach it. Since we feel justified in speaking of the matter, even though we do not have certain knowledge of it, we shall give the opinions from various quarters. Some say that King Fernando, racked with the pain that he had been suffering for some time, was aware that his wars were dragging on, as well as of the fact that the English, being men of a violent nature, were inflicting much damage on his kingdom, as you have already heard,263 as they had 261 Identified

as Sir Thomas FitzSimond in Chapter 128 above. Chapters 107–9 and 130 above. 263 See especially Chapter 132 above. 262 See



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been there so long. Moreover, since the King of Castile had not immediately wished to join in combat, despite the choice of battlefield being so near to his camp, he might want the alternative of a prolonged war, something that he, King Fernando, greatly disliked. So he sent a message to King Juan very secretly with a proposal of peace. This was to avoid the English finding out, who certainly liked nothing better than war. Others argue quite the contrary, saying that, when the King of Castile learned that, the day before his arrival, King Fernando had reached the field with all his troops, he thought that his own forces would already be fighting the English. Then, on the day that he arrived, when immediately the Portuguese and the English all came to the field, and arranged their battle formation, demonstrating a strong desire to fight, he saw their boldness and remembered above all how his father had been defeated by the English at the battle of Nájera. Consequently, he greatly feared to join battle and was the first one to seek peace. Yet other authors put neither the first nor the second argument but say that there were certain people there who desired peace and love between these kings, seeing that they were first cousins, and that they worked for some measures of benefit and concord to be negotiated between them. Then, the King of Castile sent his ambassadors to King Fernando secretly, and King Fernando did the same in return. Nevertheless, however it was, the King of Castile at the time was much censured for not fighting King Fernando, especially considering the boldness that he and his people showed upon their arrival, saying to each other scornfully, ‘And where are you going, my friend?’ The other answered, ‘I’m off to defend my farm’ (here naming a place in Portugal) ‘so that the English don’t take it from me.’ ‘I too am going to defend mine,’ came the reply. Yet, once in the field, they defended neither the farm nor the smallest homesteads, but rather the King of Castile sent word to negotiate an agreement on Portuguese soil, once through Pedro [Ruiz] Sarmiento and once through Pedro Fernández de Velasco, his trusted counsellor. King Fernando sent to him the Count of Arraiolos, Don Álvaro Pérez de Castro and Gonçalo Vasques de Azevedo. They always went secretly at night to the King of Castile’s camp, which was between Elvas and Badajoz, with just their squires, to avoid giving the English the opportunity to find anything out. The envoys went many times from one side to the other, with the result that a treaty was agreed between the kings on the following terms: first, a clause was inserted, among other matters of which the English knew nothing, concerning Princess Beatriz, the daughter of King Fernando, who had been betrothed first to Don Enrique, the first-born son of the King of Castile, and then, after the English came, to Edward, the son of the Earl of Cambridge. That betrothal would be annulled so that Prince Fernando, the King of Castile’s

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second son, could marry her. This was more pleasing to King Fernando than the marriage with Prince Enrique, because Prince Fernando, as second son, by marrying his daughter, would become King of Portugal without joining the kingdom with that of Castile, which would perforce happen if she married Prince Enrique, who was heir to the kingdom. Likewise, the King of Castile should give and surrender to King Fernando the towns of Almeida and Miranda [do Douro], and all the galleys that were taken in the battle at Saltes,264 with all their arms and equipment. Also, Dom João Afonso Telo, the queen’s brother and Admiral of Portugal, should be released, together with all the others in the fleet who had been captured, without any ransom, apart from those that were already paid. Furthermore, the King of Castile should give as many ships of his fleet that lay at Lisbon as would enable the earl and all his men to go in peace and safety back to their country, without payment of any freight charges on their departure. As surety, a number of hostages from both sides would be exchanged.

Chapter 155

How Count Álvaro Pérez de Castro and Gonçalo Vasques conveyed the documents of the peace treaty, and concerning the discussions that took place before it was signed

W

ith this agreed, and the articles of the treaty written down, the count and Gonçalo Vasques departed very early at dawn, on Sunday, 10 August. When they reached the King of Castile’s camp, they showed him the treaty they brought, signed in the terms you have heard, and they were well received by him. The king, without reading the treaty before he was to sign it, commanded a trumpet to sound, to gather his forces together to hear the proclamation, according to custom when peace is proclaimed. When it began to be proclaimed, the troops in the camp were so joyful that many knelt and kissed the ground, and there were even those who ate bits of earth. That day, invitations to dine went out to Count Álvaro Pérez and Gonçalo Vasques from Don Fernando Osórez, the Master of the [Castilian] Order of Santiago, who entertained them with much honour and great pleasure, to the point that he did not wish to be seated, all the better to see them well served. He asked those squires who accompanied the count and Gonçalo Vasques 264 See

Chapters 124 and 125 above.



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what they thought about the work that had been done in relation to the peace between the two kings, whose dissension had been so great. They said that they thought it was the work of God. ‘Not just God,’ he said, ‘but of all the angels in Heaven.’ So they finished their dinner with much rejoicing. The meal ended, they rested there a while, and then left with other knights to go to where the king was, while the master remained in his tent. When the king saw them, he received them very well, and they took him to one side, asking him to be gracious enough to sign the treaty, whereupon the king said that he was pleased to do so. He called his private secretary and commanded him to read it. When he got to that place where it stated that he should deliver all his galleys with their equipage, he said that he had not granted such a thing, nor would he do it for anything in the world. He was pleased to hand back the admiral with all his people, whatever the conditions, but he would by no means give away the galleys. The count and Gonçalo Vasques were amazed when they heard this, saying, ‘As for us, sire, we are quite amazed at your ordering the peace to be proclaimed if you really did not wish to sign the treaty according to the terms you granted.’ The king told his secretary to read on and said that he wanted to take counsel on everything he was uncertain about. The secretary resumed reading, and, when he got to the clause stating that the king should give sufficient of his fleet to allow the English to go, and this without any freight charges, he said that he would not do this for anything in the world, for it was not sensible to place his naos in the power of his enemies so that they could do with them as they wished, and even if their safety were guaranteed, to let them depart without any payment being made. When the envoys heard this, they were even more amazed and begged him graciously to concede these terms in accord with what he had agreed, so that the peace already proclaimed would not come to nothing. The king said that he would rather have war at any price than concede such things. When Gonçalo Vasques heard that the king flatly refused to sign the treaty, however many good arguments were put to him, he begged the count to tell the King of Castile what his liege lord had sent him to say. The count replied that he would allow Gonçalo Vasques to say it and asked to be excused from that task for the moment. The count said this because he did not have a clear voice, as a consequence of a siege during which he had eaten rats and other such things. ‘Since you ask me to,’ said Gonçalo Vasques, ‘I shall say it in the manner that my liege lord the king said it.’ He then addressed the king thus: ‘Sire, since it is not your pleasure to grant these things, which accord with what you well know was arranged, my liege lord the king asks you to name a place,

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wherever you please, where he may come and challenge you. On that day to be set by you, he will happily engage in combat with you.’ The king laughed and said, ‘Is that so? And are you up to it?’ ‘To be sure,’ said Gonçalo Vasques, ‘I do not mean my liege lord the king, who is a powerful enough king to do this, for the Earl of Cambridge on his own, with the forces he brings with him, is sufficient to challenge you.’ As the king was having this discussion, the Master of Santiago, Don Fernando Osórez, arrived and, when he saw them in this dispute, turned to the king to ask, ‘My liege, what is the matter?’ ‘What is the matter?’ repeated Gonçalo Vasques, ‘It is the most shameful situation that ever I saw between two such noble kings as these, with peace already proclaimed, as you have heard, and now the king does not want to sign the treaty according to the terms in which it has been drawn up. For this reason, the peace will have to be broken and it will remain as a shameful memory for posterity.’ ‘Saint Mary help us,’ exclaimed the master. ‘What doubts does the king have about signing?’ He was told what they were and had them read again. When he saw that the king had doubts about those things and not others, he said, ‘How is it, sire, that you have doubts about signing the treaty over twenty-two rotten, worthless foists and lending four or five naos without payment? Certainly, such a thing should not be made public. If you have doubts on account of the cost and expense, I would like the Order of Santiago to pay this and all the expense involved.’ Then, laughing, he took the king’s hand as if by force and said, ‘Now, my liege, I want you to sign it, and may no dereliction be attached to you.’ Then the king, also laughing, took the pen and signed the treaty. Everyone was very happy then, and the count and Gonçalo Vasques returned to the town of Elvas, where King Fernando was.

Chapter 156

How the English found out that a peace had been negotiated, and how the hostages were exchanged

T

he count and Gonçalo Vasques reached Elvas and told the King of Portugal all that had taken place with the King of Castile. The king laughed and said that he thought all that had been pretence, to show that the King of Castile was conceding such things against his will, since they did not do him much honour. Straight away, that day, he ordered the peace to be proclaimed. When the English heard it proclaimed, they could not have



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been more angry, laid their bascinets on the ground and hacked at them with maces, saying that the king had betrayed and deceived them, causing them to come from their country to fight his enemies, and now he was making peace with them against their will. When the Earl of Cambridge heard peace proclaimed, he said in a rage that, if the king had negotiated peace with the Castilians, he, the earl, had not, and that, if he had his troops assembled, as when he had first arrived in Lisbon, notwithstanding the king ordering peace to be proclaimed, he would join battle with the King of Castile. At this, so many arguments flared up again that some people spoke out improperly against the king, to which Pero Lourenço de Távora responded as was befitting. The king told him that he should take no notice of their arguments nor should there be any brawling, telling them that he would make sure they were satisfied and send them back to their country as honourably as they came. He did so afterwards, but not for everybody, since a large number of them had died in this kingdom. Then it was arranged for the hostages to be delivered from one side to the other, as was set out in the treaty. On the part of Portugal, six hostages were delivered to Castile: a daughter of the Count of Barcelos; a daughter of Count Dom Gonçalo, called Dona Inês, who was later married to João Fernandes Pacheco; another daughter of Count Enrique [Manuel], called Dona Branca, who was later married to Rui Vasques Coutinho, the son of Beatriz Gonçalves de Moura and Vasco Fernandes Coutinho; Martinho, the son of Gonçalo Vasques de Azevedo; Vasco, the son of João Gonçalves Teixeira; and, lastly, a son of Álvaro Gonçalves de Moura, called Lopo. On the part of Castile, four hostages were delivered to Portugal, namely a son of Pedro Fernández de Velasco, called Diego Hurtado de Mendoza, who later became Admiral of Castile; a son of Pedro Ruiz Sarmiento; a son of Pero González de Mendoza; and a son of the Master of Santiago, Don Fernando Osórez, called Diego Fernández de Aguilar. As well as this, fealty and homage was pledged by certain counts, knights and noblemen of Portugal and Castile, for a number of towns and castles, in order to maintain and strengthen this peace. With this done, King Fernando returned into his kingdom, ordering his people to go back to their own lands, and took the Rio Maior road to go to Santarém. On the way, the Earl of Cambridge took his leave of him and arrived at Almada with his wife, son and forces, on the first day of September to embark on Castilian ships. The Castilians were very pained to take their enemies, the English, on their naos. However, it was necessary to obey the command of their king. The weather was favourable, and they soon departed. Of the other naos, which thanks to the peace were allowed to remain in safety before the city, some of them took on cargo and others did not, but all made their way to wherever they pleased.

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At this juncture, the king reached Rio Maior, and, when he had been there for a few days, there arrived Cardinal Don Pedro de Luna on behalf of the one they called [Pope] Clement, to request his obedience and come over to his side, as he did before the English came. The king sent to Lisbon for some scholars, such as Doctor Gil do Sém and Rui Lourenço, the Dean of Coimbra and others, not to mention Doctor João das Regras, who shortly before had arrived from studying in Bologna. A few days after the king held his Royal Council, he returned to obedience to Pope Clement as before, but very much against the wishes of some and especially of Doctor João das Regras, who told the king that he would demonstrate how, in law, he was not the true Pope. Then Don Pedro de Luna left for Avignon, and the king sent João Gonçalves, his counsellor, and the Bishop of Lisbon, Don Martín, in two galleys to render obedience to Pope Clement. Meanwhile, the king had sent to Seville for his galleys and the troops who had been captured in the battle of Saltes, according to what had been granted in the treaty. Master Lançarote had gone there, with as many crewmen as necessary to bring them back. When the galleys were delivered, as well as all the people who had been imprisoned for eighteen months, there also came Count João Afonso Telo, who had been captured when he went with them as admiral. When he reached Lisbon, he learned that the ill reputation that his sister the queen had in connection with Count Juan Fernández was worsening, and public knowledge [thereof] was spreading among everyone. So much was this the case that he decided to kill him, as you will hear in due course, when we speak of the count’s death.

Chapter 157

How the Queen of Castile died, and it was arranged that the king should marry the Portuguese princess

W

hen peace had been negotiated, as you have heard, the King of Castile left Badajoz and went to the district of Toledo, where he was taken ill for several days. He then took to his bed in Madrid. While he was there, he received the news that his wife, Queen Leonor,265 who was in the town of Cuéllar, after giving birth to a baby girl, who only lived a few days, had died of grief herself soon afterwards, and that everyone was very sad at her tragic death and mourned her passing. The king was extremely upset by her death 265 Leonor

of Aragon, daughter of Pere III.



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as she was a noble and virtuous lady, and had borne him two sons, namely Prince Enrique and Prince Fernando. He ordered her body to be taken to the city of Toledo, where she was laid to rest with all due honours in the Church of Santa María, in the chapel which King Enrique had built. When King Fernando heard that the queen had died and the King of Castile was without a wife, he decided together with his counsellors to annul the marriage of his daughter, Princess Beatriz, who was betrothed to Prince Fernando, as had been agreed in the settlement of the Treaty of Elvas, and to marry her instead to King Juan, if such a marriage pleased him. He immediately made arrangements to send Juan Fernández, the Count of Ourém, to him to act as his ambassador. The count left, suitably equipped, and accompanied by many nobles, both squires and knights, so that he had with him a good hundred men mounted on mules. Amongst these were Martim Gonçalves de Ataíde, Gonçalo Rodrigues de Sousa, Pero Rodrigues da Fonseca, Álvaro Gonçalves de Azevedo, Vasco Peres de Camões and others. The worthiest of these served him as naperers, butlers and carvers. The Castilians said that, if the cost involved was high for the King of Castile, it was bound to be even more so for the King of Portugal. The count arrived in Castile at a township called Pinto, near the district of Toledo, where the king was staying. After being made welcome by the king, he delivered his message, saying how much King Fernando wanted him to marry his daughter, so that there would be more friendship, peace and goodwill between them. Furthermore, by marrying the princess, who was her father’s heiress, this marriage would be a great advantage in helping him to secure the kingdom and become its ruler. The king was very pleased by the message and said that he would give it his consideration and let him know his decision. In spite of the fact that the princess was betrothed to his son, King Juan responded by saying that he was very happy with the idea, believing that by this union the kingdom of Portugal would be his. When all the matters connected with the marriage had been discussed in detail, the Count of Ourém left for Portugal and the king remained in Tordesillas.266 While he was there, he arranged for Don Juan, the Archbishop of Santiago, his chancellor of the great seal, to act as his ambassador. In addition, so that the marriage which had previously been arranged between his son Prince Fernando and Princess Beatriz should be completely annulled, the king appointed him as the agent and procurator of the prince, in order to annul any vows of allegiance or pledges to which the king and queen, and any other nobles, were bound, owing to those espousals and matters pertaining to them.

266 This

reference to Tordesillas is rather confusing, because there is no previous mention of it in this chapter. Presumably, Fernão Lopes has telescoped the time taken for the negotiations, which may have ended in Tordesillas.

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Chapter 158

How the marriage between the King of Castile and the Portuguese princess was arranged, and with what conditions

W

hile King Fernando was in Salvaterra [de Magos], one of his townships near the River Tagus, he started to feel unwell and was quite poorly. When he heard the news that the Archbishop of Santiago was travelling to see him as ambassador acting on behalf of the King of Castile, with regard to the matter of his daughter’s marriage to the King of Castile, he arranged for him to be met at the border by the Bishop of Lisbon, Don Martín. They both arrived there in March 1383. After the warm welcome which the king gave to the bishop and his ambassador, they spoke for several days about all the matters connected with the arrangement, discussing the marriage as well as the accession to the throne, should King Fernando happen to die without a son. One day everyone was informed, in the presence of the king, that the conditions of the marriage were as follows: the archbishop should take charge of the aforesaid princess in the name of the king his liege lord, when the time came for her to be taken to her husband; the King of Castile should arrive between Elvas and Badajoz to receive her as his wife; before she was handed over to him, there should be displayed the dispensation of the Pope that freed them from the obstacle caused by the family ties between them. In addition, as the princess was not yet twelve years old, it should be announced by whoever had the authority that she was entitled to marry; furthermore, the King of Castile was to take her to Badajoz, where their wedding and the celebrations connected therewith would take place with all due honour, and the king would welcome her again with a formal promise of marriage. Besides that, King Fernando was to give the King of Castile twice the amount of money that had been given as dowry to King Alfonso [XI], the grandfather of the present King Juan, when he married Dona Maria, the aunt of King Fernando, and this was to be paid within three years. Also, the King of Castile was to give his wife all the towns and villages which belonged to his mother, Queen Juana, at the time of her death. Certain conditions concerning this matter were also declared, stating what should happen when one of them died, with certain clauses which we have decided to omit for the sake of brevity. Concerning the succession to the kingdom with which the laws and the prophets are concerned, regardless of the opinions and comments of historians who contest this, only the following, taken from an authentic written source, is to be trusted beyond any doubt. First of all, it was written down that, when King Fernando died, having a son, born or yet to be born to Queen Leonor or any other lawful wife, then the direct line of inheritance should go to this



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son, absolutely and without question. Also, if King Fernando were to die without a son and heir, or if he did have a son but the latter died without any legitimate children or grandchildren, so that the direct line of inheritance became completely discontinued, then the kingdom would pass directly to Princess Beatriz, and the citizens of the realm would all pay homage and accept her as their queen and liege lady. If she were to die before her husband, and there were no son or grandson of King Fernando left in Portugal, so that there would be no heir of the king or of this princess, the people of the kingdom would then receive the King of Castile as their liege lord, and he could be called King of Portugal after the death of King Fernando, if the latter died without an heir. Furthermore, if it happened that Princess Beatriz died without having a son or daughter by the king, and there were no other legitimate direct descendants, then the kingdoms of Portugal would pass to some other daughter, if King Fernando had a second daughter by Queen Leonor or another lawful wedded wife. If there were no such daughter or any other rightful heir born in the circumstances we have mentioned, and King Fernando and Princess Beatriz were to die without heirs, then the kingdoms of Portugal would pass to her husband, King Juan. In the same way, King Fernando would inherit the kingdoms of Castile if King Juan and his sister, the princess,267 were to die without legitimate heirs. If Fernando happened to have another daughter and Princess Beatriz came to reign in Portugal, or if the latter had a son or daughter born to her and her husband, then the King of Castile would be obliged to give back all that he had received as his wife’s dowry to this second daughter [of King Fernando’s], for her wedding. In addition, it was King Fernando’s wish that, as far as possible, the kingdoms of Portugal should never be part of the kingdom of Castile, but always remain independent, just as they had been when his forefathers ruled them. This was very doubtful in such circumstances where King Juan and Princess Beatriz were to rule them, especially as to govern it was necessary to be familiar with the way of life of the people. Therefore, it was agreed that, while the King of Castile was alive, until the princess had a son who reached the age of fourteen, the ruling of these aforesaid kingdoms with regard to justice and in all other aspects pertaining to the governance of a kingdom, from the most important down to the most insignificant, was to be carried out by Queen Leonor, the mother of the princess, and those she chose as her counsellors, as ruler of these kingdoms. If it happened that the queen died in the meantime, during all that time the governance would be in the hands of the people King Fernando and Queen

267 Juan’s

sister, Leonor, was married to Prince Carlos of Navarre.

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Leonor had nominated in their wills. As long as the aforementioned princess were Queen of Castile and remained married to her husband, they should receive all the revenue and benefits from the aforesaid kingdoms, once the maintenance grants to the castles and the allowances to the nobles had been paid, and all the other payments that used to be made during the reign of King Fernando. It was also agreed that if the princess were to inherit the aforesaid kingdoms, all the children she had by her husband must be taken to the kingdom of Portugal before they were three months old, to be brought up under the supervision of their grandfather, the king, and their grandmother, Queen Leonor, or of whoever had been appointed to this task in their wills. Furthermore, the first-born son or daughter of King Juan and the princess, his wife, or any other legitimate heir, should the princess, having become queen, die, would be known immediately as the King or Queen of Portugal, even if the King of Castile were still alive. From that time onwards, the King of Castile was no longer to bear the title of King of Portugal, otherwise he would lose all rights that he had in these kingdoms, whatever their nature. Certain Castilian noblemen said in jest that they should rather castrate the king, their liege lord, to prevent him from ever having a son or daughter, and thus being in a position to unite the kingdom of Portugal with that of Castile and rule over it, than have a son or daughter of his ruling over it, but as an independent realm. All justice, civil and criminal, all competences and claims, down to the very last case, should be decided in this kingdom, even if Princess Beatriz were already on the throne. All this was to be carried out only by Portuguese officials appointed by Queen Leonor, and not by people who had fought against the kingdom during the time of the war, who should be forbidden to enter Portugal or hold any position of honour, office or land rights. Likewise, challenges between people of any kind should be addressed in the presence of Queen Leonor and her Court. In addition, the King of Castile was not permitted to mint money in Portugal, except when the queen, together with her Royal Council, decided to do so, and it was essential that the coins should bear the undifferenced arms of Portugal, and no other. No Portuguese men were to be summoned by the King of Castile to his Cortes. If it did prove necessary for any Portuguese to be present, the Cortes should be held in Portugal under the jurisdiction of Queen Leonor and her Royal Council. These and other clauses which we do not wish to mention were signed at the settlement of this marriage between the King of Castile and Princess Beatriz, and were then proclaimed far and wide.



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Chapter 159

Concerning the vows that were sworn between the kings to safeguard the matters contained in the agreements

A

s you have already heard some of the conditions which were placed upon this marriage, it is fitting that you should hear about the terms of the pledge that was agreed upon by the kings. You should know that these things were announced in the king’s chamber in the palace, in the presence of Don Martín, Bishop of Lisbon; Don Juan, Bishop of Coimbra;268 Dom Afonso, Bishop of Guarda; Fernán Pérez Calvillo, Dean of Tarazona; Gonzalo Rodríguez, Archdeacon of Toro; Don Juan Fernández, Count of Ourém; Gonçalo Vasques de Azevedo and other noblemen and squires, both Portuguese and Castilian. Once all these clauses and others that are not laid down here were made known to everybody, the Archbishop of Santiago, who was the envoy of the King of Castile, as his ambassador and having been granted sufficient power by him, said that he promised by proxy, as he did at once, on the very faith of the said lord and king, swearing on his own soul on the Gospels as he touched them, that he, the King of Castile, would keep and fulfil all these conditions, each and every one, and he would never act against them, partially or completely, on his own behalf or that of anyone else, in public or in private, by word or by deed, or in any way whatsoever. If he went against all or each of them separately, reasoning or speaking, partially or completely, rightfully or not rightfully, in public or in private, even if he were to leave it written in his will and final request, it would be worthless, and he, the Archbishop of Santiago, would be guilty of perjury, in addition to having to pay 100,000 gold marks as a penalty. Moreover, if his lord, the king, were to be guilty of such a thing, then he, in his name, would give King Fernando and Queen Leonor, as well as those people who had been appointed by them in their wills, the power to rule over the kingdom of Castile. Furthermore, by the [Castilian] king’s authority, everyone in his realm should surrender themselves in the towns and cities and yield their property 268 The

Castilian Juan Cabeza de Vaca was appointed Bishop of Coimbra in February 1377, but with Castile’s official recognition of Clement VII, the invasion of Portugal in 1381, and Urbanist hostility, his episcopate was early on challenged and within four years was invalid. The see was declared vacant from August 1381, and in 1382 Clement VII transferred the Bishop of Pesaro there, but the appointment was not confirmed. After King Fernando’s death, Cabeza de Vaca declared for Queen Beatriz, taking refuge in Castile in 1384.

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in his kingdoms, and King Fernando would wage war on him and all his subjects until those 100,000 gold marks were paid. In such a war, for the same reason, the King of Castile would not be able to seize the lands and wealth of the Portuguese. Instead, however many times he acted against the aforesaid pacts, whether in part or completely, he would have to pay the agreed penalty every time. The archbishop also promised in the king’s name never to allege any exception to this rule, on his own account or anyone else’s, or any other legitimate reason, privilege, canon law, civil law, practice, deed or any other right, submitting to the penalty of excommunication and interdict imposed on him and his kingdoms, if he failed to abide by any one of the aforesaid agreements. Moreover, he exempted King Fernando and Queen Leonor, as well as everyone in their kingdoms, from all the oaths, promises, penalties and acts of homage which they had made to the King of Castile and his son, Prince Fernando, in keeping with what was stated in the peace agreements which had been drawn up between Elvas and Badajoz. After these and other vows had been made by the archbishop at much greater length, King Fernando and Queen Leonor then made similar promises in the same way and under the same conditions, and nothing else was done that day.

Chapter 160

How the Portuguese princess broke off the betrothal she had made and accepted the King of Castile as her husband, through his proctor

O

n the following day, Friday, 3 April [1383], the king was in his chamber after attending Mass, and Dom Afonso, the Bishop of Guarda, was there, dressed in his pontifical robes, holding in his hands a paten with the Holy Body of Christ on it. Princess Beatriz, who was present, asked permission of the king and queen to reject and disavow all the betrothals and marriages, of which there were four, as you have heard,269 since legally until then they did not involve any kind of obligation on her part. When her wish was granted, she said that she considered them all invalid, although they had been carried out by her or by others acting on her behalf, and she renounced any pledges and obligations that she had made to other people, or which others had made to her on account of these betrothal arrangements. 269 In

Chapters 96, 112, 130 and 154 above.



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Princess Beatriz then repeated to her father and mother that, as it was her wish that she should marry King Juan of Castile, she asked them to give her their permission and blessing to take her vows and to promise to be betrothed to him and become his wife. They said that they were happy to do so and gave her their permission. Then Princess Beatriz touched the Holy Body of Christ, which the Bishop of Guarda was holding, and solemnly promised that she would marry the King of Castile and accept him as her husband. Then the king and queen, all the great lords and nobles present and the Archbishop of Santiago himself, representing his liege lord, the King of Castile, gave their solemn word. When the Feast of the Assumption of the Lord arrived, which was on a Thursday, the thirtieth day of that month, there were present the great lords and nobles mentioned previously, and in addition, Don Pedro, the Cardinal of Aragon; Don Alfonso, the Bishop of Coria; Dom João Afonso Telo, the Count of Barcelos; Count Gonçalo; Don Enrique Manuel de Villena, the Count of Seia; João Afonso Pimentel; João Rodrigues Portocarreiro; Gonçalo Gomes da Silva; Lourenço Eanes Fogaça; Aires Gonçalves de Figueiredo and Álvaro Gonçalves, the comptroller of the king, as well as many others whom we have decided not to mention. In their presence, the aforesaid Archbishop of Santiago spoke on behalf of his liege lord, the King of Castile, confirming the agreement that had been made to bring about this marriage. He addressed the following words to the princess, who was present: ‘I, Don Juan, Archbishop of Santiago, and proctor to His Grace Don Juan, King of Castile and León, in his name and by the special power he has bestowed on me for this purpose, do receive you, Princess Beatriz of Portugal, legitimate daughter and heir to His Grace Dom Fernando, King of Portugal and the Algarve, and Her Noble Majesty Dona Leonor, Queen of the aforesaid kingdoms, as the lawful wedded wife of the said King Juan of Castile, as the Holy Church of Rome ordains.’ Then her ladyship the princess, with the permission of her father, the king, and her mother, spoke the following words: ‘I, Dona Beatriz, Princess of Portugal, daughter and rightful heir to His Grace Dom Fernando, King of Portugal and the Algarve, and Her Noble Majesty Dona Leonor, Queen of these realms, with the consent of my father and mother, the king and queen here present, do accept the said King Juan of Castile as my lawful husband, represented by you, Don Juan, Archbishop of Santiago, as ordained by the Holy Church of Rome.’ After these words had been spoken, all the things that you have heard were written down, as firmly as could be, and from that day onward, Princess Beatriz bore the title of Queen of Castile.

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Chapter 161

How the queen left for Elvas with her daughter and with other people who accompanied them

I

t was stated in the marriage settlement that from the day of the marriage by proxy to the twelfth of the following month of May, the princess was to be taken to her husband, the King of Castile, between Elvas and Badajoz. Since King Fernando was not able to make the journey because he was too weak through illness, most of the nobles and prelates in Portugal assembled to travel with the princess and the queen, who was to accompany her. They asked the king which of his vassals he wished to remain with him, and he replied that the only person he wished to stay with him was Lourenço Eanes Fogaça, his chancellor of the great seal, who had the cross of Saint George inscribed on his heart, just as he himself did. The king said this because Lourenço Eanes had gone to England as his messenger when the English came, as you have heard.270 Then the king selected officers for his daughter. He appointed Count Juan Fernández Andeiro as her chief steward; Vasco Martins de Melo as her chief butler; Vasco Martins de Melo the Younger as her pantler; and Estêvão Leitão was appointed as her carver. He also appointed João Afonso as her secretary; gave her Violante Afonso, the wife of Diogo Gomes de Abreu, as her senior lady-in-waiting; Maria Afonso, the wife of Vasco Martins de Melo, as her mistress of the bedchamber; and Iria Gonçalves, the mother of Nuno Álvares, as her gentlewoman of the bedchamber. Furthermore, he arranged for the daughters of Count Álvaro Pérez, namely Dona Isabel and Dona Beatriz, to be her damsels, as well as a number of other ladies. Then the queen left that place271 one Monday, with the princess, and a number of important prelates of the kingdom travelled with her. Also accompanying her were Dom João, the Master of Avis and brother of King Fernando; Count Álvaro Pérez de Castro; Don Juan Fernández, the Count of Ourém; Dom Gonçalo, the Count of Neiva; Dom João, the Count of Viana; Dom Pedro Álvares Pereira, the Prior of the Hospitallers; Dom Fernando Afonso de Albuquerque, the Master of Santiago; Dom Lopo Dias, the Master of the Order of Christ; and the Admiral, Master Manuel [Pessanha].272 Likewise in attendance were Fernão Gonçalves de Sousa, Gonçalo Vasques de Azevedo, 270 In

Chapter 128 above. de Magos. 272 Sixth Admiral of Portugal, at least by May 1383, son of Admiral Lançarote Pessanha. His grandfather, the Genoese Emanuele Pezagno, had been appointed by King Dinis of Portugal in 1317, thus initiating a dynasty of admirals of Portugal. 271 Salvaterra



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Gonçalo Mendes, João Mendes de Vasconcelos, Álvaro Gonçalves de Moura, Álvaro Vasques de Góis, and many other noblemen, whose names would take too long to write down. The queen and the princess arrived in Estremoz and stayed there for several days.

Chapter 162

How the king sent his excuses to the King of England for the marriage of his daughter which he had arranged

A

fter the queen had departed in this way, King Fernando was worried about the marriage that he had arranged between his daughter and Edward, the son of the Earl of Cambridge, thinking that when it became known in England how he had given her in marriage to the King of Castile, the English would feel that they were being scorned, and would consider that he had broken the pacts and peace alliances that had been signed between the two kings. He decided that it would be advisable to send an apology before they sent him a message regarding this matter. So, when the queen and her retinue had barely travelled a league, the king ordered that a squire named Rui Cravo, who was travelling with the queen, should be called back immediately. As soon as he arrived in the king’s presence, the king took him to one side, saying, ‘I expect you will have already heard that I have made an agreement with the English, and now because of this marriage which I have arranged for my daughter, I should not like the King of England to think that I let him down or have any wish to do so in the agreement which has been made between the two of us. Therefore, prepare to leave for England immediately, and tell my cousin, the king, and the Duke of Lancaster, that I beg them with all my heart not to be angry about this arrangement that has been made, as I did this against my will, and I had no option; however, I consider the pacts and friendship that I made with them to be as strong and binding as ever. Furthermore, despite what has happened, whenever they wish to come to this kingdom and avail themselves of it, I shall be very happy to do whatever I can to be of service to their honour. They should rest assured that, even if they were to behead my own daughter before my eyes because of this matter, I would not be any more affected by this than if she were not my daughter. Nor shall I let them down in any matter which has been settled between them and me.’ Then the king ordered his credentials to be prepared, and the squire immediately left to board a ship bound for England. Having arrived there, he went to London and presented the letters he was carrying to the king and the Earl of Cambridge, and delivered his message. The king listened to what he said with a scornful smile on his face and did not say a word in reply to what he

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had to say. However, he ordered his letters of reply to be written and then dismissed the squire. The earl was greatly displeased by this, and while that squire remained in England, he did not wish to see or speak to him, particularly on account of his son, who had become betrothed to the princess when his father went to Portugal, although he was only seven years old at the time. The squire then took his leave, returned to Portugal and reported to the king and queen everything that had happened to him in England.

Chapter 163

How the King of Castile left his kingdom and went to Badajoz

W

hen this marriage had been arranged with the agreements which you have heard about, and the princess had been received by the archbishop as the King of Castile’s wife, the latter wrote to the king, saying that everything had been settled, including the day and the place where the wedding was to take place, but that King Fernando would be unable to attend the ceremony as he was ill; however, the princess’s mother, the queen, and all the prelates and nobles of the kingdom would be in Elvas, attending her on that day. The King of Castile was very pleased to hear this and ordered all the preparations necessary for the wedding to be carried out. He summoned the prelates and nobles who would be accompanying him, as well as many noble ladies to accompany Queen Beatriz, who was his future wife. The king left for Badajoz, a town near the border of his kingdom, accompanied by many prelates and noblemen. Among them were his son, Prince Fernando; Don Carlos, the Prince of Navarre, his brother-in-law; Don Pedro, the Archbishop of Seville; Don Diego, the Bishop of Ávila; Don Alfonso, the Bishop of Coria; Don Fernando, the Bishop of Badajoz; Don Juan, the Bishop of Calahorra; Don Pedro Fernández [Cabeza de Vaca], the Master of Santiago; Don Diego Martínez, the Master of Alcántara; Don Pedro [Enríquez de Castilla], the Count of Trastámara; Don Pedro Núñez, the Count of Mayorga; Don Juan Sánchez Manuel, the Count of Carrión; Don Juan, the son of Don Tello; Don Gonzalo Fernández, the Lord of Aguilar; Don Alfonso Fernández de Montemayor; Pero López de Ayala; Diego Gómez Sarmiento; Alfonso Fernández Portocarrero; Lope Fernández de Padilla; and many other noblemen. Queen Juana, the mother of the King of Castile,273 who 273 In Chapter 116 above, Fernão Lopes tells us about the death of Queen Juana, the mother of King Juan, at the age of forty-two, in 1381, according to information



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was amongst the party, was accompanied by her daughter, Princess Leonor, the wife of the Prince of Navarre, as well as countesses and many ladies and damsels. When the king and his entourage reached Badajoz, Queen [sic] Juana immediately left, accompanied by a considerable group of followers, and went to Estremoz, where Queen Leonor was staying with the princess. From there, they all journeyed to the town of Elvas, where the Portuguese nobles had already organized jousting and had set up boards for hastilude and other games customary at festivities such as these.

Chapter 164

How the King of Castile approved the pacts before he received his wife, the princess

W

ith the King of Castile being in Badajoz and Queen Leonor in Elvas, it was fitting that the agreements should first be signed by him before he received the princess as his wife, so the Master of Santiago and a number of Portuguese nobles set out for Badajoz, where the king was staying, so that they could see him give his approval to the arrangements which had been made by his proctor. Then, on Wednesday, 13 May, while the King of Castile was in the cathedral of that city, in the presence of many Castilian and Portuguese noblemen, and while Don Fernando, the Bishop of Badajoz, wearing his pontifical vestments, held aloft the Holy Body of Christ on a paten, all the matters concerning the marriage and the conditions pertaining to the inheritance of the kingdom, which had been signed by the archbishop as well as by King Fernando, were displayed and read out word by word. When everything had been read out, the King of Castile responded, declaring that everything that the archbishop had arranged had his approval and consent; moreover, that he had previously seen and given full consideration to each and every one of those matters, and had received lengthy advice on all of them. Then he approved them all, pledging to abide by them and not act against them in any way. Indeed, in order to lend greater validity and importance to his vows, he made a solemn promise on the Holy Body of Christ, which he touched, as the bishop held it in his hands, vowing that he would carry out all the things approved by his proctor, precisely as they were stated, without any trickery or deception, and that he would never act against them, either supplied by Ayala (Crónica de Don Juan, 1381, Year 3, Chapter 3). Here, there may have been some confusion with another Juana of high rank, the king’s half-sister.

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partially or completely, for his own benefit or that of any other person, in public or in private. Then, many nobles who were present swore on the Holy Body of Christ, which they touched, and vowed solemnly that their liege lord, the king, would abide honourably and faithfully by everything contained in the agreements. Everyone present, with the consent of their liege lord, the king, offered pledges and guarantees placing their hands in the hands274 of Gonçalo Mendes de Vasconcelos, a vassal of the King of Portugal, and swore on the Holy Body of Christ that, if the King of Castile did not abide by the pacts in the form and manner in which they had been agreed upon by the kings, or if he acted against anything contained in them, they would go against their own kingdom and side with the King of Portugal and make war against their own king. Otherwise, they would be committing a felony similar to that committed by those who betray the castle entrusted to them or kill their own overlord. In the same way, many nobles from Portugal later swore in the presence of the King of Portugal, and Queen Beatriz also made this vow, once she was under the authority of her husband, the king, with his approval and permission, promising to keep the agreements of which we have spoken.

Chapter 165

How the King of Castile left for Elvas and how he took the Portuguese princess to wife

W

hen the agreements had been signed in this way, the King of Castile left the following day and set out for Elvas, where a large number of tents were already pitched in the valley of fertile agricultural land known as the Chinches Riverside, very near to the tents of the Portuguese great lords and nobles. The queen was staying in the town with the princess, but before she left to take her daughter to a very large and handsome pavilion belonging to King Fernando, her father, Prince Fernando, a little boy not much more than two years old, was handed over into her keeping as a hostage because one of the agreements was that King Fernando should keep him until his daughter, the princess, was coming up to twelve years of age. At that time, the marriage

274 In a ceremony of homage and fidelity between a vassal and his lord, or of swearing a solemn oath, the vassal or the person making the oath offered his joined hands to the person receiving the pledge who would then hold them in his own as a sign that it has been accepted.



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could be sanctioned, and the prince would then be taken back to Castile, once the king had married the queen his wife again by verba de praesenti.275 Then the princess left the town and proceeded to the Portuguese encampment, well arrayed and attended by some of the masters [of the Military Orders], great lords of the highest rank, knights and many other people who were accompanying her on the journey. As they were calmly following their way, they happened to meet the King of Castile, who similarly came with a large company. When he drew level with the princess, he bent his head, bowed to her and went on his way. Further ahead, he went to receive his mother-in-law, Queen Leonor, by the gate of the old wall, which is close to the monastery, on the road to Badajoz. He lowered his head in a bow and took the rein of the mule she was riding, and they made their way towards the pavilion to which the princess was being taken. Queen Leonor was dressed in very beautiful cloth of gold; her demeanour, face and eyes were so pleasing that all the great Castilian lords and knights, who were approaching, praised her beauty and grace. As soon as the King of Castile reached the pavilion where he was to be married, a papal dispensation fully appropriate to this occasion was shown by Don Pedro, the Cardinal of Aragon, who was in attendance. Taking the hands of the king and the princess, he addressed them, saying, ‘Don Juan, King of Castile and León, here present, do you take Princess Beatriz, the first-born daughter and heiress of the King and Queen of Portugal, also here present, as your lawful, wedded wife, by verba de praesenti, as the Holy Church of Rome ordains, and do you declare yourself to be her husband?’ The King of Castile said that he took her as his lawful wedded wife and that he declared himself to be her husband. Then the cardinal said to the princess, ‘Dona Beatriz, Princess of Portugal, do you accept Don Juan, King of Castile and León, here present, as your lawful, wedded husband by verba de praesenti as the Holy Church of Rome ordains, and do you declare yourself to be his wife?’ In reply, she said that she accepted him as her lawful wedded husband, and that she declared herself to be his wife. When these vows had been exchanged, the King of Castile said that it had been God’s will that there should be such a close bond between himself and the King of Portugal; because of this marriage, owing to which the peace that had been settled between them would be better upheld in future, henceforth he considered null and void all the pledges, oaths and promises which had been made in connection with the marriage of his son, Prince Fernando. He ordered that all the hostages that we have mentioned,276 who were kept in Castile for this reason, should be allowed to return freely to Portugal. Similarly, Portugal carried out the same annulments regarding 275 In 276 In

person. Chapter 154 above.

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Castile, also that the hostages should be returned by those who had received from King Fernando full authority to do so.

Chapter 166

What happened to Nuno Álvares, as the King of Castile was sitting down to eat, and what the queen said to the king when she had to take leave of him

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n that same day, the hall was arranged in which the king and his wife were to eat, as well as a large number of nobles from Castile and Portugal. Many tables were very finely set out, three of them being the most important: the king’s, placed crosswise and raised, as was fitting, and one on the right and another on the left. Amongst those who were assigned to eat at those tables with other noblemen were Nuno Álvares and Fernão Pereira, his brother. When it was time for them to take their places, out of politeness they did not rush in; but the table where they were to sit was very quickly filled with both Portuguese and Castilians, leaving them without a place, and the others taking no notice of them, although they were quite well known and were dressed for a feast such as this. When Nuno Álvares saw that the table was full and there was nowhere for them to sit, he said quite angrily to his brother, ‘We are not accorded sufficient honour to stay here any longer. I think we’d better go to our lodgings, but before we go I want to show these fellows who have belittled us and made fun of us, that we’ll have the last laugh.’ Then, moving very sedately, he walked to the end of the table, while King Juan was watching him from where he was sitting; and with his knee, Nuno Álvares knocked down the leg of the table, sending it crashing to the floor. Those sitting at the table were astounded, but Nuno Álvares and his brother left the hall as calmly as if they had done nothing at all. The king, who saw perfectly well what had happened, asked who those men were, and was informed that they were guests and should have been eating at that table, but those who were there had not made room for them to sit down. ‘I can see that they certainly knew how to take their revenge,’ said the king, ‘and whoever in this dining-hall did this in anger at what happened to him, is bound to be capable of much greater things.’ However, the king did not take further action because they were Portuguese, but if they had been Castilian, things might well have turned out differently. When the king had finished his meal, he went back to the town with Queen Leonor, leading her mount by the rein, to the place from which he had brought her earlier. She remained in the pavilion with Queen Beatriz, with the Queen



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of Castile, Beatriz’s mother-in-law,277 and with the latter’s daughter, Princess Leonor, the wife of the Prince of Navarre, and with many ladies and damsels from the kingdom of Castile. When the king had to take his leave of Queen Leonor at the gate to the town, she said, ‘My lord and son, I commend my daughter to God and to you, and on behalf of my husband and liege lord, the king, her father, I beg you, because we have no other son or daughter and no hope of one, to honour her and to be by her side, as a husband should. I shall pray to God for you, your life and honour, that God may bless you with an heir who will inherit the kingdom of her father and his forebears.’ As the queen said these words, her lovely eyes were full of tears, showing the sadness she felt at parting from her daughter. The king said, ‘My lady and mother, I intend to be by her side, in God’s service, and in accordance with her honour and my own, as I promised, and as is your wish.’ Then the king took his leave of her and stayed in his encampment until late when they struck camp. The king went to spend the night in Badajoz with his entire entourage, and they all enjoyed themselves, with entertainments and tumblers along the way, and his son, Prince Fernando, remained in Elvas with the queen, as had been arranged. The queen’s uncle, Dom João, Master of Avis, and all the Portuguese prelates and nobles, with the exception of the Count of Ourém, who said that he felt ill and was unable to travel, accompanied Queen Beatriz on her journey.

Chapter 167

How King Juan celebrated his marriage in Badajoz and later returned to Elvas and bade farewell to his mother-in-law, Queen Leonor

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hen Sunday, the seventeenth of that month [May] arrived, the king made arrangements to marry the princess again, [this time] in the eyes of Holy Church, with the clergy solemnly carrying out their blessings and offices as had been agreed in the pact, and this is how it took place. In attendance were: Don Pedro, the Archbishop of Seville; Dom Afonso, the Bishop of Guarda; Don Martín, the Bishop of Lisbon; Don Juan, the Bishop of Coimbra;278 Don Diego, the Bishop of Ávila; Don Juan, the Bishop of Calahorra; Don Alfonso, the Bishop of Coria; and Don Fernando, the Bishop 277 See 278 See

Chapter 163, note 273 above. Chapter 159, note 268 above.

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of Badajoz. All of them wore their capes and mitres, held croziers and stood at the door of the cathedral. With these eight bishops, there were many other clerics, decked out in their finest robes. The altar was decorated with fine ornaments and relics, and the whole church looked magnificent, as was fitting. When all the clergy were assembled, the king, dressed with great splendour and wearing a crown of gold, adorned with precious stones, arrived on a grey horse. Four honourable gentlemen carried aloft a pallium of cloth of gold, supported by four poles, held over the king and his mount. Likewise, the queen came next, on an ornately caparisoned horse, as white as a dove, she too beneath a canopy of cloth of gold stretched above her. She was accompanied on one side by a king who had come from Armenia, Leon V by name,279 and Dom João, the Master of Avis in Portugal, who was the brother of King Fernando, and on the other by Don Carlos, the Prince of Navarre, who was the King of Castile’s brother-in-law, along with another illustrious Castilian nobleman. As you can imagine, many counts and great lords were gathered there at that time, along with masters [of the Orders], knights and many other noblemen, whose names it is not necessary to mention again. There were also noble ladies, countesses, ladies, damsels and many other people. Then the Archbishop of Seville gave the king and queen his blessing at the door, as they entered the church, and said Mass, with the king and queen both kneeling on an ornately decorated dais. When the service was over, the king and queen returned by the same route to their lodgings. After they had eaten, jousting, tourneys and bull-fighting took place. The king presented the Portuguese great lords and noblemen with horses, cloth of gold and woollen cloth, and other prized gifts, and the whole day was spent in festivities and the kinds of celebrations which take place at weddings in both countries. The following Tuesday, the King of Castile came to the market gardens near Elvas, where he had previously had his tents, to dine with all the counts, masters of Orders, men of the highest rank from both Portugal and Castile, and many other people. After the meal, they escorted Queen Leonor to the encampment on the outskirts of the town, as the King of Castile never entered it, and she spent a good part of the day speaking to the king. Then, when it was dark, the king returned to Badajoz with all his entourage, and the queen returned to the town. On the Thursday, the king left his lodgings and went to the cathedral, where the Archbishop of Seville was waiting for him, clothed in his pontifical robes, and holding the Holy Body of Christ in his hands. With the permission of the king, and at his command, the following were in attendance: Don Juan Alfonso, the Count of Niebla; Don Pedro Núñez, the Count of Mayorga; Don Juan, the Bishop of Córdoba; Álvaro González de Albornoz; Pedro Suárez, the Governor 279 Leo V, King of Armenia, surrendered to the Mameluks in 1375, and was detained in Cairo for several years, until he was ransomed in 1382 by Juan I, and came to Castile.



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of Toledo; Juan Rodríguez de Biedma and others. They all swore on the Holy Body of Christ and pledged their vows, at the hands of Gonçalo Mendes de Vasconcelos, a vassal of the King of Portugal, that the King of Castile, their liege lord, would keep the pacts and all the matters contained in them, in the manner and conditions that you have heard. A similar vow was made at the hands of Don Pedro Fernández, the Castilian Master of Santiago, by Don Álvaro Pérez de Castro, the Count of Arraiolos, Dom Gonçalo, the Count of Neiva, and all the other [Portuguese] counts, masters and nobles previously named,280 with the permission and by the command of King Fernando, according to a document, which was publicly displayed for this purpose. On the following Monday, the King of Castile returned to dine in the market gardens of Elvas, where he had done so previously, and after his meal he went to meet Queen Leonor near the town, taking her to the pavilion where he had eaten. Then, after they talked for a great part of that day, he returned her to the same place where he had met her, leading her mount by the rein, and there they bade each other farewell for the last time. Then Don Pedro, the Cardinal of Aragon, escorted the queen to her palace in the town. Prince Fernando, who had remained as a hostage, was handed over to him so that he could take him to his father, as had been agreed, over and above what was contained in the agreements. There all the Portuguese great lords and noblemen bade farewell to the King of Castile. He returned to Badajoz, and they remained in Elvas with Queen Leonor.

Chapter 168

How the king left Badajoz and went to besiege Count Don Alfonso, and concerning other things that happened afterwards

T

he king left Badajoz with his wife and proceeded through his kingdom to León, and in all the places through which they travelled, be they walled or not, they were given a warm welcome. The four worthiest men from each locality held poles bearing a cloth of gold over the queen from outside the town as far as the place where she was to stay. While the king was in León, he received word that his brother, Count Alfonso, was providing supplies to Gijón and all its forts. The king then ordered his lord chamberlain, Pedro Fernández de Velasco, and his chief provincial governor in Galicia, Pedro Ruiz Sarmiento, to go to Asturias with a detachment of men, and they reached a place near Gijón, where the count was staying. 280 In

Chapter 161 above.

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A few days later, the king went there and besieged the count in the castle. The count and the men who were with him went over to the king, and he pardoned him and his men; they signed an agreement, stating that the count would always serve him well and loyally, and the king vowed that he would grant him favours. The king received the Blessed Sacrament with him as a token of their pledges. Then the king departed and made his way to Valladolid, and then on to Segovia; in these cities, he held Cortes, as you will hear presently. Although on these occasions he ordered other things to be done and laid down laws, few of which were kept, this was not the case with the one in which he decreed that from this time onwards, the ‘Era of Caesar’, which until then it had been customary to use in Castile and León, was not to be written on documents, but from the following Christmas Day onwards, ‘the year of the birth of our Lord Jesus Christ’ was to be used instead, and that first year was 1384.

Chapter 169

How King Fernando ordered people to go to Castile to receive the vows of allegiance because of the treaties, and who were the men who made them

A

fter the Thursday when her daughter was received by King Juan and taken to Badajoz, as we have related, Queen Leonor remained in Elvas for eleven days. On the morning of 30 May, which was a Tuesday, she left the town with a large escort, as when she had arrived there, although she sent many nobles back to their own lands. She went to dine in Borba that day and stayed overnight. In the course of the journey, the Master of Avis led her mount by the rein. They spoke of a number of things, and she asked the Master, ‘Tell me, brother, what do you think of the King of Castile, and the way he has acted and behaved?’ ‘He seems to me to be a worthy knight,’ said the Master, ‘with good manners and prudent in his actions.’ ‘You are right, brother,’ she said, ‘but I have to admit that I wish he was more manly.’ The queen moved on and went to Almada, where she already knew that King Fernando was staying, and that his health had deteriorated since she had left him. Indeed, whilst she was taking her daughter to Elvas, the king, whose condition was becoming increasingly worse, had ordered that he be taken from Salvaterra to Almada; he did not go out any more or ride his horse. When the queen returned from the marriage ceremony, the people who had



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travelled with her left immediately and returned to their own lands, except for the Count of Ourém, Count Gonçalo, Gonçalo Vasques de Azevedo and a number of others who lived there. In the agreements signed by the kings when this marriage took place, it was decided that other oaths and pledges should be made by certain towns and cities, as well as by prelates and noblemen of Castile, before King Juan left for Elvas to receive his wife, in addition to the ones which were made in Badajoz when the king gave his approval to the treaties, which we have already mentioned.281 This was to be done in the Cortes that King Juan was going to summon. Therefore, King Fernando immediately decided to send his proctor to Castile, so that he could receive the oaths and pledges of allegiance in his own name and that of the queen, his wife. Count Juan Fernández Andeiro was sent there, well arrayed and with a large escort, as when he went there the first time. He arrived in Castile, in Valladolid, where the king was at that time, having assembled his Cortes especially for that purpose. When 8 August arrived, the king was in his palace where a chapel had been set up, in which these pledges were to be made. Afonso Eanes, the Canon of Lisbon, and principal chaplain of Queen Beatriz, donned his pontifical robes to celebrate Mass. While the canon bore the Holy Body of Christ on a paten held in his hands, Count Juan Fernández said to the King of Castile that he was well aware that, in line with the agreements between him and King Fernando and his spouse Queen Leonor on account of King Juan’s marriage, it had been stated that within a certain time he should hold Cortes in his kingdom, in which the noblemen and prelates of his kingdom and likewise the proctors of the towns and cities were to assemble. At his command and with his authority, they should make pledges and vows of allegiance to the King and Queen of Portugal, as a guarantee and surety of the treaties and the matters contained in them. For this reason, since a large number of the people who would be making these vows were [already] there, it would be a favour on His Grace’s part if he were to grant them permission and order this to be carried out in a fitting manner. The king said that he was quite willing to do this, and he gave his permission and order for every individual to make his vows. The following were the prelates who made them: Don Pedro, the Archbishop of Toledo; Don Gonzalo, the Bishop of Burgos; Don Hugo, the Bishop of Segovia; Don García, the Bishop of Oviedo; Don Juan, the Bishop of Palencia; Don Lope, the Bishop of Sigüenza; Don Pedro Muñiz, the Master of Calatrava; and Don Pedro Díaz, the Prior of San Juan. Similarly, the noblemen were the ones named here: Count Alfonso, the king’s brother; Don Fadrique, the Duke of Benavente; Don Fernán Sánchez de Tovar, the High Admiral of Castile; Don Pedro Ponce de León; Pedro Ruiz Sarmiento, Provincial Governor of Galicia; Pedro Fernández de Velasco, the 281 See Chapters 154 to 159 for the terms of the agreements, and 164 on swearing the oaths.

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king’s lord chamberlain; Pedro Suárez de Quiñones,282 the Provincial Governor of León; Juan Hurtado de Mendoza, the king’s chief standard-bearer;283 Pedro González de Mendoza, his chief steward; Juan Rodríguez de Castañeda; Álvaro Pérez de Osorio, the Lord of Villalobos; Diego Gómez Manrique, the Chief Provincial Governor of Castile; Juan Alfonso de Lacerda; Ramiro Núñez de Guzmán; Fernando Álvarez de Toledo; Gómez Méndez de Benavides; Fernán Pérez de Andrade; Pedro González de Bazán; Sancho Fernández de Tovar; Diego Hurtado, the son of Pedro González de Mendoza; Pedro Díaz de Sandoval; Juan Rodríguez de Villalobos; Juan Fernández de Tovar, the son of Fernán Sánchez; Juan Núñez de Toledo; Gonzalo Núñez de Guzmán; Fernán Díaz de Mendoza; Ruy Díaz Cabeza de Vaca; Pedro Núñez de Toledo; Pedro Álvarez de Osorio; and Juan Hurtado de Mendoza.284 These thirty noblemen and others who would make a list far too long to include made the vows which we shall describe in due course. Likewise, the cities [involved] were the following: Burgos, León, Toledo, Seville, Córdoba, Murcia, Jaén, Ciudad Rodrigo, Oviedo, Zamora, Ávila, Cuenca, Palencia, Plasencia, Segovia, Soria, Coria, Baeza, Salamanca, Cartagena, Lugo, Calahorra, Úbeda, Santo Domingo de la Calzada and Badajoz. These twenty-five cities, and also Toro, Madrid, Jerez and Cáceres and many other towns which would take too much time to mention, then, through their proctors, made vows and pledges of allegiance and oaths of loyalty, and of rebellion,285 as an ultimate guarantee of all the promises contained in the agreements made between the two kings, which you have already heard about.

Chapter 170

How the prelates and nobles of Castile made their oaths and pledges

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ow that we have seen the people and places which swore to uphold the treaties devised by the kings, those who would like to hear how it was

282 The Portuguese text supplies ‘Aviñone’. The mistake, in whatever source it originated, is corrected in CKJ2, Chapters 19 and 21, where the same man is called ‘Quiñones’, his real name. 283 Known as ‘El Limpio’, he also held high office under Enrique III and during the regency of Juan II. 284 Juan Hurtado de Mendoza y Castilla was the son of the above-mentioned Juan Hurtado de Mendoza, ‘El Limpio’. 285 This would occur in the case of the king’s failure to comply, as is explained in the following chapter.



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carried out need to know that it happened as follows: when the priest had put on his robes, he said Mass, holding the Holy Body of Christ on a paten. Then the prelates we have mentioned, lords, grandees, noblemen, knights and squires, and likewise, the proctors of towns and cities who were present, each and every one of them by order and permission of the said king [of Castile], swore on the Sacred Host that was held before them, each one touching it with his hands, promising to comply and endeavour to do everything in their power to abide by the pledges, oaths and promises made by the aforesaid king on account of his marriage to his wife, the queen, and the treaties and agreements that had been made and signed to seal it. These were to be upheld, made to last and kept firm both by him and by the queen, his wife. Furthermore, all those present promised that they would not participate, then or at any time, in word or deed, in advice given or in any other action that would aim to obstruct or undo the aforementioned marriage. The aforesaid King Juan, who was present, in order to give more credence to his promise that he would maintain, safeguard and fulfil all the clauses contained in the documents, gave permission to the aforesaid prelates, lords, grandees, knights, squires and nobles, and likewise, the proctors of the towns and cities, and certain people who were not present, that if for some reason he failed to uphold and abide by all the sections of the treaty which had been confirmed by oath between himself and the said King and Queen of Portugal, and each item contained in them, in the manner and with the conditions and times that were written in them, then his aforesaid subjects could and would rebel against the King of Castile and go over to the King and Queen of Portugal, to keep and fulfil the treaties and all the clauses of their chapters, and all the things which were stated in them. Then the said prelates and all the others we mentioned, each and every one of them, with that power that the King of Castile had vested in them, swore solemnly three times placing their hands in the hands of the Count of Ourém.286 They took their vows and promised on the Holy Body of Christ, which was in front of them, that they would do everything in their power to see that the King of Castile would uphold and abide by all the clauses of the treaties and everything contained in them regarding the King and Queen of Portugal and all the other people to whom this applied or might apply in any way whatsoever. The treaties were immediately read to them, and each chapter was mentioned separately, in the form and manner in which they were sworn and promised. Furthermore, each and every one of them should uphold and abide by all the clauses of the treaties and the matters contained in them, as it pertained to them to keep and fulfil with regard to the succession of the kingdoms and in all other matters.

286 See

Chapter 164, note 274.

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In addition, the proctors of the towns and cities, whose powers were sufficient for this, swore on the Holy Body of Christ that the town communities and the people whose proctors they were, along with each and every one of the inhabitants and local people in these places we have mentioned, would do everything in their power to see that the King of Castile would keep the said treaties and all matters contained in them with regard to the King and Queen of Portugal and all the other people to whom this might apply. Particular mention was made of the treaties and all the material contained in them, and of the way in which they had been sworn and under what conditions, and they vowed that those communities and each and every person living in them would uphold and abide by the clauses and matters set out in them, with regard to what pertained to them, both in the succession to the kingdom as in every other matter. If it happened that King Fernando and Queen Leonor kept to the agreements they had made with the King of Castile, and if he failed to uphold and abide by the clauses which we have mentioned, or acted against any of them, then each and every one of the aforesaid prelates, lords, nobles, knights, squires, and likewise, the proctors in the name of those town communities whose proctors they were, could and would rebel against the said king, and they would all wage war on him and his kingdoms, and support the King and Queen of Portugal. If they did not comply or abide by this, then they would be guilty of a crime similar to that of those people who kill a liege lord or betray a castle entrusted to them. When these oaths and promises had been made and the vows of allegiance accepted, as you have heard, the count bade farewell to the king and set out for Portugal.

Chapter 171

How Castilian representatives went to Portugal to receive similar pledges in respect of the agreements

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ow that we have dealt with the contents of these treaties, in order not to prolong this account too much, you should know that, just as the Count of Ourém set out for Castile to receive the oaths and pledges that we mentioned briefly earlier, so did the King of Castile send an archbishop and a knight to Portugal to receive similar pledges in his name. All the nobles, great lords and proctors from the towns and cities who were to take these oaths were assembled in Santarém. In the nunnery of São Domingos,287 with 287 The original name of this nunnery in the text is ‘Mosteiro de São Domingos das donas’.



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that archbishop wearing his robes and bearing the Holy Body of Christ on a paten in his hands, similar oaths and pledges were made in the same way as the others which you have just heard about. After everything had finished, and leaving aside the documents each of the proctors carried, the archbishop said to those who were with him, ‘Now I can tell you that this is very beneficial for Castile, for much harm used to befall us due to this little kingdom of Portugal.’ He said this out of arrogance, convinced that according to the treaties and because of the illness from which King Fernando was suffering, this time Portugal was sure to become part of Castile. What is more, if he knew how little his master, the king, wished to keep the treaties, he could have spoken about this matter even more fully. The Portuguese, nobles and common people alike, were greatly upset by these agreements concerning the succession of the kingdom, because of the king’s illness, and considered that Portugal was selling itself with such treaties. However, there was nothing they could do about it, as they were bound to obey their sovereign lord. The archbishop left for Castile, and the King of Castile heard that the condition of his father-in-law, King Fernando, had greatly deteriorated and that he had not long to live. As one who had little inclination to abide by the agreements that had been signed between them, a little while later the King of Castile spoke to certain men he trusted and sent them to Portugal, to see what state the kingdom was in, and also to speak to a number of Portuguese, whose names he gave them, asking them whether the kingdom would be prepared to accept his jurisdiction in the event of King Fernando’s death, were he to decide to go and take possession of it. King Juan left Segovia and went to the region of Toledo, to a place by the name of Torrijos, with the intention of continuing on to the city of Seville later.

Chapter 172

How the king and queen left Almada and went to Lisbon, where King Fernando died

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s King Fernando’s illness worsened, he gave the order that he was to be moved from the town of Almada, where he was staying, and taken to Lisbon; he would travel at night so as not to be seen. So it was that they took him in the evening, and no one opened the door or put a candle at the window, because such a prohibition had been announced, and thus, secretly, they took him to his palace. A few days after this, the queen bore a daughter,

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who was born on 27 September but died soon afterwards. The people suspected that the king was not the father, and not without reason, as he had not been sleeping with the queen for some time, according to the rumours; yet she did become pregnant and did give birth to a number of children, with everyone saying that the king was not the father. The king lay ill in Lisbon for some days, looking very different from how he had been when he came to the throne; for at that time he looked like a king among men, even if people were not aware that he was the king, and now he was so changed that he did not look like his former self. Sensing that death was very near, and having already made his confession, he asked to receive the Blessed Sacrament. When it was brought to him, the articles of faith were recited to him, as is customary, and he was asked if he believed all those things and had faith in the Blessed Sacrament that he was about to receive. He replied, ‘I believe all these things, as a faithful Christian, and furthermore, I believe that God gave me these kingdoms to govern with justice and in accordance with the law, and because of my sins I did this in such a way that I shall give Him a very bad account of them.’ The king was in great distress as he said this, weeping and asking God to forgive him; everyone present wept in pity. He received the Blessed Sacrament with great reverence and devotion, wearing the habit of Saint Francis as he lay there. On a Thursday night, 22 October 1383, he began to suffer great pain. His spirit struggled against the flesh in that bitter hour, fighting to be free from it, and soon it departed his body; he surrendered his soul to God, and may He, in His infinite mercy, grant that his soul may reign with His Saints. King Fernando lived for thirty-eight years, four months and twenty-two days, and reigned for sixteen years and nine months, during which time both he and his subjects endured great difficulties. The next day, he was placed on a litter covered with black cloth and carried by a group of friars to the Monastery of São Francisco; he was accompanied by few people and little grief was shown. Moreover, the queen did not go to his burial, saying that she did not feel well and was unable to go. Others say that she did not go because she was afraid of what people might say. Her failure to attend caused people to talk about it more than they might have done if she had been present. The king’s funeral rites and burial were carried out very simply and not in a manner befitting the rank of king.



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Chapter 173

How Queen Leonor became ruler of the kingdom, and what the people of Lisbon said to her

A

fter the death of King Fernando, the queen became ruler and governor of the kingdom, as agreed in the treaties, making full use of her jurisdiction and authority in dissolving oaths, giving benefits to churches, confirming the old customs and practices of towns and cities which requested her to do so, as monarchs are wont to do when they first come to the throne, and receiving the obeyance of the nobles and common folk as their queen and sovereign lady in every way. While King Fernando was alive, she was styled in her letters as follows: ‘Dona Leonor, Queen of Portugal and the Algarve, by the grace of Saint Mary.’ Then later, with the agreement of the great lords and learned authorities of her Royal Council, she was given the title ‘Dona Leonor, queen, governor and ruler of the kingdoms of Portugal and the Algarve.’ In some letters, if her daughter happened to be mentioned, she called her Queen of Portugal. The notaries wrote in their documents, ‘I, So-and-So, notary of such and such a town, by the authority of Queen Leonor, governor and ruler of the kingdoms of Portugal and the Algarve, have written this document and put my signature to it, which is such and such.’ After King Fernando died, the queen left the palace where she was living and moved to another one further into the city, close to the Church of São Martinho. She stayed there, in full mourning, in one room, which no one entered without first asking her permission. If people came a second time, the brave façade dropped and she would grieve with them, her many tears and great sobbing revealing how much she missed her dead husband. But when, sated with weeping, she made it understood that her heart would ache constantly, people could not help but recall the bad reputation that she had had while the king was alive. Then a group of worthies of the city went to her and said that they would be grateful if she would listen to certain matters they would like to discuss regarding her service and the successful ruling and defence of the realm. She agreed to listen to what they had to say, which was presented in the following manner: ‘Your Grace, being aware that you are in charge of attending to and amending the wrongs and unfortunate events that the people of this kingdom have been suffering recently, on whom may God in His wisdom see fit to have mercy, trusting in Him that He will grant you the necessary grace to remedy these matters as we would wish, we have decided to bring these matters to Your Grace’s notice. You must have been aware that, upon our king, our liege lord, God rest his soul, receiving the custody of these kingdoms and ever since, many injuries, deaths and privations among men

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have followed. Because large sums of money were spent which should not have been, the people are enduring severe poverty. All this has come about due to the lack of good advice, for the king acted without the approval of his countrymen and followed the counsel of foreigners, who offered him their advice simply for their own interest and gain, rather than the enhancement of his honour and status. For that reason, all the treasure and jewels which were left by other kings have been spent on the defence and protection of these realms. ‘As if that were not enough, worthless coins were minted and circulated in these kingdoms to such an extent that people lost most of the wealth they possessed. All this and other matters which would take a long time to go into are certainly well remembered by you. Therefore, if Your Grace wishes to be spared similar misfortune, we feel that it would be prudent to discuss what actions you plan to take with the worthy men native to your kingdom before setting them in train, as they are the people who will bear most of the burden when the time comes for these things to be done. Since God made you ruler of these kingdoms and granted you sovereignty over us, do not take it amiss if we mention everything we understand to be helpful to you, and beneficial for this land in which we live.’ The queen, who wished to have the love and the goodwill of the people, replied that she thought it was a good thing to do, and they were welcome to tell her what they thought best in these matters. To that they replied, ‘Your Grace, the wealth and strength with which these kingdoms have always been protected and defended from what might have befallen them, were the result of wise government and decision, according to God and human conscience. Yet, since these things have been lacking in the recent past, and precisely the opposite has happened, it is fitting that you should have a number of prelates native to these kingdoms, not Galicians or Castilians, in your Royal Council, along with a couple of trustworthy and knowledgeable citizens from the Alentejo, from Estremadura and the region of Beira, from Trás-os-Montes, Minho, and the Algarve, two from each province. They together with the members of your Royal Council, should be responsible for the governance of the kingdom and attend to everything that needs to be done. ‘In addition, you could reside in Santarém or Coimbra or spend half the year in each place, accompanied by the people we have mentioned, and you could spend one or two days each week holding audiences with them so that they could tell you what they had done and what decisions they had made on the other days, and together with these men you would attend to all the legal actions and lawsuits arising in the kingdom. By acting in this way, you will not be able to take any decision for which you might later be censured.



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‘Furthermore, Your Grace must be aware that canon and civil law and likewise the laws of the kingdom strictly forbid that Jews and Moors should hold more elevated offices than Christians; this is as it should be, because they have been, and indeed still are, particularly the Jews, brought up to hate and disbelieve in Jesus Christ, whose law and creed we follow. This was decreed by the kings who ruled these kingdoms in former times, but, for our sins, it pleased the king, God rest his soul, to give them public offices which relied on the greatest probity and the safeguard of his treasury, yet he put more trust in them than in Christians. Therefore, we humbly beseech you to safeguard the rights and laws which forbid this, by removing them from such posts, and by not allowing them to be tax farmers288 or duty collectors in your kingdom, or to act as officials in your household. ‘Apart from this, Your Grace, since we have been told that it is your intention to put a stop to the wrongs and ill-treatment that the people of the kingdom have suffered up to now, and that henceforth with you we shall have a new sort of life, we humbly beseech you not to allow the scandal we now wish to mention. ‘The fact is, Your Grace, that one of the great evils which these kingdoms suffer, which has been going on for so long that the people responsible for it no longer consider it an evil and are scarcely aware of it, is the right of noblemen and their servants to be lodged in other people’s houses. They make use of the owners’ possessions and clothing for so long that they often wear them out completely. Furthermore, those lodging inflict serious wrongs on the owners of the houses, things which are against the law and too shocking to mention. Although the king was told about this, the mild measures he took, God forgive him, made little or no difference. So we beg you to order a plentiful supply of inns to be built, in which these people can stay without taking anything against their owners’ wishes. If there is no one who wants to take on this task, then your receivers general need to build these and maintain them, so that you benefit from this and do not lose money. If you do not wish to do this, then you must order the communities of the towns and villages which can afford it to do so. If it happens that the noblemen find it a hardship to lodge in them because they are not accustomed to this, they should stay in monasteries and in the palaces of other noblemen, when these are empty, and their men should take lodging

288 People who held a contract with the state whereby they guaranteed the payment of fixed sums, or ‘rents’, taken from the taxes they were contracted to collect. Any amount in excess of the sum or sums agreed would revert to their own benefit. This system was used mainly in public finance with the objective of calculating revenues more accurately, guaranteeing their receipt, as well as relieving the state from tax-collecting administrative expenses.

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in the inns. If you think this great evil cannot be prevented in this way, [we beg you to] find some other way you approve of, so that such great wrongdoing does not continue.’

Chapter 174

Concerning the reply that the queen gave to the speeches made by the inhabitants of Lisbon

H

aving omitted other matters that were raised and the replies given to them on that occasion, we only wish to tell you what the queen said in reply to those you have just heard, and nothing more. The queen began by replying in this way: ‘I can see that your intentions are good and that you have been moved to speak in this way out of devotion to God, to me and to our kingdoms. Since God has given me the task of ruling over these realms, it is my intention to take for this purpose two prelates, who must be the most honourable and most worthy of all in character. They need to be people from our own country, and not foreigners. I also intend to choose the best men for what you recommend, and as many as deemed appropriate. This will be done with the agreement of the town communities. As for the matter of where I should stay, it is not fitting that I, as your queen, should roam round the countryside hunting, as kings are accustomed to do, but I should like to settle in the places you have mentioned and here in this city, and spend time with my officials, ruling and giving confidence to the kingdom with true and rightful justice. I shall endeavour to give audiences on the days that I deem necessary and shall ensure that all decisions taken will be seen and approved by all, or at least, by their majority. ‘With reference to what you said about Jewish officials, I assure you that I have always felt that Jews should not be permitted to hold office in this kingdom. During the time of my liege lord the king, I tried hard to prevent them having such positions. As I did not succeed in this while he was alive, when the king died, I immediately dismissed the treasurer and the customs receiver general in this city, and also all the Jewish tax-collectors and officials, as you are well aware. I have no intention of giving them back their jobs, or any other posts, or entrusting my revenues to them, because even if they do give me a greater return than the Christians, I would rather lose money than give my revenues to the Jews and go against justice and good practice. ‘What you have said to me on the subject of lodgings, about it being beneficial to have inns built where all noblemen and their men can stay, seems to me a very good thing and a service to God, provided that the town



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communities build inns in which gentlemen of rank and the people who accompany them can stay; but in places where they cannot be built, this could not be complied with.’ Then they spoke at length about this and other matters which we do not wish to speak of further at the moment. Finally they took their leave of the queen, well pleased with her reply and the queen happy at what they had said to her.

Chapter 175

How a banner in support of the Queen of Castile was raised in Lisbon, and what happened afterwards

W

hen the King of Castile learnt that King Fernando had died, he and his wife, the queen, wrote immediately to her mother, Queen Leonor, telling her to make people declare their loyalty to Queen Beatriz, as stated in the treaties. Thereupon Queen Leonor commanded all the counts, masters of the Orders and grandees who were present to do so when the news arrived, and they obeyed. Not only did the King and Queen of Castile write to Queen Leonor in those terms, but they also sent messages to the Archdeacon of Seia and many governors of towns in Portugal, asking them to declare for her as she was their queen and sovereign lady. Some of these obeyed straightaway, and others wrote to the queen [Leonor] before sending their reply. When the queen saw their letters, she ordered them to declare loyalty to her daughter, and that in each town they should fly a banner with the undifferenced arms of Portugal, which were those of Queen Beatriz, and that they should ride through the town with the said banner, shouting, ‘Long live our liege lady, Queen Beatriz of Portugal,’ as is customary for the heir to the throne to be acclaimed when a king dies.289 Moreover, Queen Leonor ordered the aforementioned governors to write to the King of Castile, saying that they were pleased to declare loyalty to their liege lady, Queen Beatriz, as it was their duty to do, but honouring the period of her regency, as decreed in the treaties. The superscription of the letter to the

289 There is more at stake here than a mere demonstration of popular loyalty: acclamation by the people was an essential element in the process through which a legitimate ruler established a right to rule. Fernão Lopes is unwilling to suggest that it was the only such element, even in the aftermath of the Avis revolution, where it had proved decisive; the lack of it, as the chapters which follow will show, was a fatal weakness, both theoretical and practical, in Castilian claims to rule over Portugal.

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king should read as follows, ‘To the King of Castile’, and that to the queen, ‘To our liege lady, Queen Beatriz of Portugal and Castile.’ It so happened that one of the principal places where the queen ordered Queen Beatriz’s banner to be raised and people to declare for her daughter was the city of Lisbon; and it was decreed by the queen and the nobles who were present that on a particular day they all should go on horseback carrying the banner throughout the city. When the people of Lisbon heard this, the realization that they ought to go and cheer in support of their sovereign, the Queen of Castile, felt no better than finding out they were being made captives of the Moors, and there was a great outcry and commotion among them, with people saying to each other, ‘Now, after the death of so many people and all the bloodshed it has cost to retake it from the Moors, Portugal is being sold for nothing.’ Everyone was greatly troubled and did not know what to do. At that point, one day a large number of men on horseback arrived and handed over the banner to Don Enrique Manuel de Villena, the Count of Seia, who held the castle of Sintra. This count, Don Enrique, was the [illegitimate] son of Don Juan Manuel and the uncle of King Fernando, as he was the brother of Doña Constanza, the mother of the latter, and the great uncle of Queen Beatriz, the wife of the King of Castile. With him, they moved off very slowly and reached the door of the cathedral. They remained in the cathedral square because they were afraid of the city dwellers, whom they had heard were in tumult because of this. While they sent to find out what the people in the Rua Nova were saying, Don Enrique Manuel shouted to the others, ‘Speak up, sirs, speak up!’ Then they all began to shout: ‘Long live our liege lady, Queen Beatriz of Portugal!’ However, there were some knights and squires saying this who had no wish to do so. When Count Álvaro Pérez de Castro heard the cheering, he gave a little cough and said, ‘Long live whomever the kingdom belongs to and shall take it up.’ He said this on account of his nephews, Prince João and Prince Dinis, who were in Castile, and whom he thought had the right to reign. Many people had the same idea, saying to each other that they wanted to have Prince João for their king and liege lord, so that the kingdom of Portugal should remain independent, whereas, if Queen Beatriz and her husband were to inherit it, it would perforce be joined to the kingdom of Castile in a single realm. Those who had gone to the Rua Nova to find out what the people in the city were saying about the raising of the banner said that they had seen so much commotion amongst the people that they advised them not to proceed any further, because it seemed to them that if they did go there, neither they themselves nor the banner might return. Then they all returned to wherever they had come from, and nothing more was done about the matter.



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Chapter 176

How Queen Beatriz’s banner was raised in Santarém, and what happened there on that day

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ust as the people of Lisbon caused a commotion when the Queen of Castile’s banner was raised there, so did another disturbance break out in Santarém. It happened as follows. One morning, a squire by the name of Vasco Rodrigues Leitão, who was the governor of the town of Santarém at the time, acting on behalf of Gonçalo Vasques de Azevedo, sent a message, asking all the most important men of the town to ride and assemble, after they had eaten, in the churchyard of Santa Maria de Marvila, to bear the banner through the town, and proclaim their loyalty to Queen Beatriz, the heiress to the throne, now that her father was dead. When his message was sent and made known throughout the town, everyone else immediately became agitated, saying that there was a plan to raise the town in favour of the King of Castile, and that it would be an evil hour if that were to happen and something they would never tolerate. They assembled in groups, talking of this matter, as they waited for the people carrying the banner to arrive. Evening came, and as many as sixty men on horseback gathered in the aforesaid churchyard, but there was no one on foot, except those people watching. Vasco Rodrigues was on a handsome, large horse, and when he saw that there was a sufficient number of people to accompany him, he took over the banner at the door of the church. As soon as he held it in his hand, he shouted: ‘Long live our sovereign lady, Queen Beatriz of Portugal.’ Everybody else, who ought to have responded loud and clear, repeating these same words, as is customary, all remained silent. Not a single person spoke. Vasco Rodrigues started to ride on slowly, with everyone following behind. After riding about a stone’s throw, he said to the people accompanying him, ‘Why aren’t you saying anything? Come on, say long live Queen Beatriz!’ He shouted again, ‘Long live the queen! Long live the queen!’ as he had done before, but they did not take kindly to his proclamation and did not respond to it any more than they had done the first time. However, as soon as he finished speaking, an old woman shouted, ‘That would be an evil hour indeed! But I say long live Prince João, who is the rightful heir to this kingdom, and not the Queen of Castile! In what cursed hour would we be subjected to the Castilians? Heaven forbid!’ As she said this, all the men and women in the street began to say the same, and they followed Vasco Rodrigues, uttering this and other rebellious words. On reaching the Rua dos Mercadores, which is close by, where there is a little square, he again shouted, ‘Long live the queen! Long live the queen!’ as he had done earlier, and there the people became more rowdy. Passing the

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Rua dos Mercadores, he reached the main square of the town, where many people were already waiting for him. He shouted out again, ‘Long live the queen! Long live the queen!’ and there was a great commotion, with everyone saying that it was an evil hour for such a proclamation to be made, and God forfend that anyone but Prince João should rule Portugal, and certainly not the Queen of Castile. There was such an outcry, and the noise, made by men and women alike, was so deafening that no one could hear the next person speak. Many of the townspeople, who were there in hordes, began to go up to Vasco Rodrigues, shouting that it was a dark day when such a proclamation was made, as now they would all become subject to the Castilians, and how did he dare to say this, and who was ordering him to do such a thing? Then a furrier by the name of Domingos Eanes, an insignificant man of little standing, shouted to the others, ‘What on earth are we doing? What a thing to shout!’ As he said this, he drew his sword and, when he did that, all the other men did the same, shouting that the governor should be killed. Those who were with the governor felt no sympathy for him and started to abandon him, each one making off as best he could. Frightened, Vasco Rodrigues spurred his horse and escaped from their midst. Bearing the banner aloft, he caught it on a projecting upper storey as he rode into the street. No longer able to hold the banner high, he dragged it behind him to the castle and entered with it via the postern gate, which was some distance away. The crowd followed him, with their swords drawn, shouting that they would kill him. The people who were inside their houses came out to see what the commotion was about and joined the crowd; thus they reached the castle gates, which were closed immediately. As they turned back, they kept shouting, ‘Long live Prince João! Long live the prince! Oh, if only he were here, we would soon see if anyone would be brave enough to cheer in support of the Queen of Castile and make Castilians of us all!’ There was great turmoil in the town that day, which went on well into the night, and no one spoke of anything else.

Chapter 177

Concerning what happened in Elvas when Álvaro Pereira raised the banner for Queen Beatriz

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ot only in these places, but also in others throughout the kingdom, the bearing of the banner and the acclamation of the queen caused great commotion, as you have heard. This was what happened in Elvas, where, immediately after the king died, Álvaro Pereira, the governor of the castle, raised the flag and rode through the town, to the gate of São Domingos,



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bearing it aloft, shouting, ‘Long live Queen Beatriz!’ Gil Fernandes, of whom we have already spoken,290 was not in the town when this was going on and, when he arrived and found out what had happened, he assembled most of the local men but raised a different flag in opposition to the previous one and carried it round all the squares in the town, with everyone shouting, ‘Long live Portugal!’ Álvaro Pereira was very displeased by this and invited Gil Fernandes to dine with him. When they had finished their meal, Álvaro Pereira said, ‘Gil Fernandes, I am arresting you and, since you’re my prisoner, I hold all Elvas.’ He replied, ‘You have no right to arrest me, but as that’s the case, let the ordinary folk leave the vineyards and come to my rescue.’ Indeed that was what happened, for as soon as it was known in the town that he had been taken prisoner, they began to ring the church bells, and the townspeople joined forces with those outside. They all went to attack the castle with such determination that even the women and children did what they could to help. When Álvaro Pereira saw this, he spoke to the people who were outside the castle and said that he would free Gil Fernandes in exchange for hostages. Then Vasco Lobeira, a knight, and Martim Vasques, a squire, remained in his stead, and he was freed. The following day, Gil Fernandes and Martim Rodrigues found out that the governor had sent to Castile for more men to better defend the castle; some say that there were 150 lances. Gil Fernandes, Martim Rodrigues and others began to attack them right away, with the outcome that the gate was quickly burned down and the wall breached in several places. Then Álvaro Pereira surrendered the castle, on condition that Gil Fernandes gave him safe conduct to leave Elvas with his wife and children, as well as his men. When reinforcements arrived from Castile that same evening, they were no help at all, so the men returned home. The following morning, Gil Fernandes set out with Álvaro Pereira to see him to safety. When they were a league from the town, Álvaro Pereira told him to go back, because he had gone far enough. Gil Fernandes replied that he was afraid Álvaro Pereira would encounter some Castilians who might harm him. The latter replied that as long as Gil Fernandes protected him from the Portuguese, he was not afraid of the Castilians. Gil Fernandes said, ‘So are you Castilian now? I guarantee your safety from the Portuguese, and may God be with you.’ Then he bade him farewell, and Álvaro Pereira took the road to Crato. In a similar fashion, other uprisings took place over the acclamation and the raising of the banner in several towns, which we do not wish to go into further.

290 In

Chapters 37, 38 and 118 above.

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Chapter 178

Concerning the message that the King of Castile sent to the Portuguese nobles when they attended the month’s mind of King Fernando

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ince King Fernando’s passing had been marked very simply, and he was not paid the funeral rites that were his due, Queen Leonor ordered all the great lords and noblemen of the realm to attend the month’s mind,291 so that it could be carried out in the most honourable manner possible. Indeed, it was performed with all due ceremony, as befitted the king’s rank, although some people, such as Count Gonçalo, Gonçalo Vasques de Azevedo and others, made excuses and did not go. The King of Castile, realizing that everyone would be gathered together in Lisbon for this occasion, had letters sent to Queen Leonor, his mother-in-law, and to all the counts, masters [of the military Orders] and knights in Portugal, as well as to certain towns and cities in the kingdom. He sent as his ambassador a knight of the Order of Santiago, a native of Salamanca, called Alfonso López de Tejada, to deliver the letters. He arrived in Lisbon and presented them to the queen and the other people to whom they were addressed. The letters stated that they were well aware that his wife, Queen Beatriz, daughter of King Fernando, was the heiress to the kingdom of Portugal, as her father had died without leaving another legitimate child who could inherit by right, and for that reason he, the King of Castile, would be king and liege lord of the realm, as he was her husband. Therefore, he asked them to kindly abide by what they ought to do in this matter, as good and loyal vassals, accepting Queen Beatriz as their queen and liege lady, and himself as their king and liege lord. Furthermore, if they did so, they would be doing what they were bound to do and faithfully fulfilling their duty. For this reason, he and his wife, the queen, would always be obliged to grant them many favours. In addition, he gave them many good reasons which he thought would persuade them to do what he said. The reply he received from them all was that they were happy to have his wife, Queen Beatriz, the daughter of King Fernando, as their queen and liege lady, and that they were willing to uphold and abide by the treaties which had been made between the King of Castile and King Fernando concerning this matter. With this reply, Alfonso López returned to the king.

291 The

commemorative Mass held to mark the passage of a month since his demise.

BIBLIOGRAPHY OF WORKS CITED For a comprehensive bibliography including all chronicles see volume 5. Ainsworth, Peter and Godfried Croenen (eds), The Online Froissart, version 1.5 (Sheffield: HRIOnline, 2013), http://www.hrionline.ac.uk/onlinefroissart (accessed 30 December 2013) Amado, Teresa, O passado e o presente: ler Fernão Lopes (Lisbon: Presença, 2007) Aristotle, Posterior Analytics, trans. Jonathan Barnes 2nd ed. Clarendon Aristotle Series. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1994) Blackmore, Josiah, ‘Afeiçom and History-Writing: The Prologue of the Crónica de D. João I’, Luso-Brazilian Review, 34:2 (1997), 15‒24 Calado, Adelino Almeida (ed.), Estoria de Dom Nuno Alvrez Pereyra (Coimbra: Imprensa da Universidade, 1991) Castro, Filipe, ‘In Search of Unique Iberian Ship Design Concepts’, Historical Archaeology, 42:2 (2008), 63–87. Diccionário biográfico español online < https://dbe.rah.es/> (accessed 16 February 2019) Dionísio, João, ‘A leitura como diálogo: Crónica de D. Fernando’, in Actas do 4º Congresso da Associação Hispânica de Literatura Medieval, 3 vols. (Lisbon: Cosmos, 1991‒1993), vol. 1, pp. 141‒45 Duarte, King of Portugal, Livro da Ensinança de Bem Cavalgar Toda Sela, ed. Joseph M. Piel, reprint (Lisbon: Imprensa Nacional-Casa da Moeda, 1986) ―― The Book of Horsemanship by Duarte I of Portugal, trans. Jeffrey L. Forgeng (Woodbridge: The Boydell Press, 2016) Freire, Anselmo Braamcamp, Brasões da Sala de Sintra (Lisbon: Imprensa Nacional-Casa da Moeda, 1973) Froissart, Jean, Croniques, The Online Froissart (accessed 18 May 2016) Hutchinson, Amélia P., ‘Leonor Teles and the Construction of Female Characters in Fernão Lopes’ (Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of London, King’s College, 2002) Lapa, Manuel Rodrigues, Froissart e Fernão Lopes (Lisbon: Imprensa Beleza, 1930) Lomax, Derek W. and R. J. Oakley (eds and trans), Fernão Lopes: The English in Portugal 1367‒1387 (Warminster: Aris & Phillips, 1988)

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Lopes, Luís Seabra, ‘Sistemas Legais de Medidas de Peso e Capacidade, do Condado Portucalense ao Século XVI’, Portugalia, New Series, 24 (2003), 113–65 López de Ayala, Pero, Crónicas, ed. José-Luis Martín (Barcelona: Planeta, 1991) López-Arias, Julio, Peculiaridades Estilísticas de Fernão Lopes (New York: Peter Lang, 1993) Marques, A. H. Oliveira and Nuno José Pizarro Pinto Dias (eds), Cortes Portuguesas: Reinado de D. Fernando I (1367‒1380) (Lisbon: Centro de Estudos Históricos da Universidade Nova de Lisboa, 1990), vol. 1 Marques, João Martins da Silva (ed.), Os Descobrimentos Portugueses: Documentos para a sua história (Lisbon: Instituto Nacional de Investigação Científica, 1988), vol. 1 Meleiro, Mário J., ‘Novidade de Palavras no Português do Século XV’ (Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of Lisbon, Faculdade de Letras, 2011) Momigliano, Arnaldo, ‘Tradition and the Classical Historian’, Essays in Ancient and Modern Historiography (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992) Moreira, Filipe Alves, ‘Fernão Lopes: escatologia e ironia’, in Samuel Dimas, Renato Epifânio and Luis Lóia (eds), Redenção e Escatologia: Estudos de Filosofia, Religião, Literatura e Cultura Portuguesa (Paris: Nota de Rodapé, 2015), vol. 1, T. 2, pp. 158–70 Pizarro, José Augusto P. de Sotto Mayor, Os patronos do Mosteiro de Grijó: evolução e estrutura da família nobre – séculos XI e XIV (Oporto: Author’s edition, 1987) Rebelo, Luís de Sousa, A Concepção do Poder em Fernão Lopes (Lisbon: Horizonte, 1983) Regoliosi, Mariangela, ‘Riflessioni umanistiche sullo “scrivere storia”’, Rinascimento, 30 (1991), 3–37 Russell, P. E., The English Intervention in Spain and Portugal in the Time of Edward III and Richard II (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1955) ――‘Fernão Lopes and the Text of the Treaty of Santarém’, in Portugal, Spain and the African Atlantic, 1343–1490: Chivalry and Crusade from John of Gaunt to Henry the Navigator (Aldershot: Variorum, 1995), III, pp. 1–19 Saraiva, António José, O Crepúsculo da Idade Média em Portugal (Lisbon: Gradiva, 1988) Stanton, Charles D., Medieval Maritime Warfare (Barnsley: Pen & Sword Maritime, 2015) Tate, Robert B., ‘The Official Chronicler in the Fifteenth Century: A Brief Survey of Western Europe’, Nottingham Medieval Studies, 41 (1997) Valdeón Baruque, Julio, Enrique II de Castilla: la guerra civil y la consolidación del regimen (1366–1371) (Valladolid: Universidad de Valladolid, Secretariado de Publicaciones, 1966) Veronese, Guarino, Epistolario, ed. Remigio Sabbadini (Turin: Bottega d’Erasmo, 1959), vol. 2