The Battle of the Lys 1918: South: Objective Hazebrouck (Battleground Books: WWI) 9781526716965, 1526716968

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Book-Battle Lys.1918.south_Battleground 11/03/2018 20:43 Page i

Battleground Europe

The Battle of the Lys 1918 South

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Battleground series: B

Stamford Bridge & Hastings by Peter Marren Wars of the Roses - Wakefield/ Towton by Philip A. Haigh Wars of the Roses - Barnet by David Clark Wars of the Roses - Tewkesbury by Steven Goodchild Wars of the Roses - The Battles of St Albans by Peter Burley, Michael Elliott & Harvey Wilson English Civil War - Naseby by Martin Marix Evans, Peter Burton and Michael Westaway English Civil War - Marston Moor by David Clark War of the Spanish Succession - Blenheim 1704 by James Falkner War of the Spanish Succession - Ramillies 1706 by James Falkner Napoleonic - Hougoumont by Julian Paget and Derek Saunders Napoleonic - Waterloo by Andrew Uffindell and Michael Corum Zulu War - Isandlwana by Ian Knight and Ian Castle Zulu War - Rorkes Drift by Ian Knight and Ian Castle Boer War - The Relief of Ladysmith by Lewis Childs Boer War - The Siege of Ladysmith by Lewis Childs Boer War - Kimberley by Lewis Childs Mons by Jack Horsfall and Nigel Cave Néry by Patrick Tackle Retreat of I Corps 1914 by Jerry Murland Aisne 1914 by Jerry Murland Aisne 1918 by David Blanchard Le Cateau by Nigel Cave and Jack Shelden Walking the Salient by Paul Reed Ypres - 1914 Messines by Nigel Cave and Jack Sheldon Ypres - 1914 Menin Road by Nigel Cave and Jack Sheldon Ypres - 1914 Langemarck by Jack Sheldonand Nigel Cave Ypres - Sanctuary Wood and Hooge by Nigel Cave Ypres - Hill 60 by Nigel Cave Ypres - Messines Ridge by Peter Oldham Ypres - Polygon Wood by Nigel Cave Ypres - Passchendaele by Nigel Cave Ypres - Airfields and Airmen by Mike O’Connor Ypres - St Julien by Graham Keech Ypres - Boesinghe by Stephen McGreal Walking the Somme by Paul Reed Somme - Gommecourt by Nigel Cave Somme - Serre by Jack Horsfall & Nigel Cave Somme - Beaumont Hamel by Nigel Cave Somme - Thiepval by Michael Stedman Somme - La Boisselle by Michael Stedman Somme - Fricourt by Michael Stedman Somme - Carnoy-Montauban by Graham Maddocks Somme - Pozières by Graham Keech Somme - Courcelette by Paul Reed Somme - Boom Ravine by Trevor Pidgeon Somme - Mametz Wood by Michael Renshaw Somme - Delville Wood by Nigel Cave Somme - Advance to Victory (North) 1918 by Michael Stedman Somme - Flers by Trevor Pidgeon Somme - Bazentin Ridge by Edward Hancock Somme - Combles by Paul Reed Somme - Beaucourt by Michael Renshaw Somme - Redan Ridge by Michael Renshaw Somme - Hamel by Peter Pedersen Somme - Villers-Bretonneux by Peter Pedersen Somme - Airfields and Airmen by Mike O’Connor Airfields and Airmen of the Channel Coast by Mike O’Connor In the Footsteps of the Red Baron by Mike O’Connor Arras - Airfields and Airmen by Mike O’Connor Arras - The Battle for Vimy Ridge by Jack Sheldon & Nigel Cave Arras - Vimy Ridge by Nigel Cave Arras - Gavrelle by Trevor Tasker and Kyle Tallett Arras - Oppy Wood by David Bilton Arras - Bullecourt by Graham Keech Arras - Monchy le Preux by Colin Fox Walking Arras by Paul Reed Hindenburg Line by Peter Oldham Hindenburg Line - Epehy by Bill Mitchinson Hindenburg Line - Riqueval by Bill Mitchinson Hindenburg Line - Villers-Plouich by Bill Mitchinson Hindenburg Line - Cambrai Right Hook by Jack Horsfall & Nigel Cave Hindenburg Line - Cambrai Flesquières by Jack Horsfall & Nigel Cave Hindenburg Line - Saint Quentin by Helen McPhail and Philip Guest Hindenburg Line - Bourlon Wood by Jack Horsfall & Nigel Cave

Cambrai - Airfields and Airmen by Mike O’Connor Aubers Ridge by Edward Hancock La Bassée - Neuve Chapelle by Geoffrey Bridger Loos - Hohenzollern Redoubt by Andrew Rawson Loos - Hill 70 by Andrew Rawson Fromelles by Peter Pedersen The Battle of the Lys 1918 by Phil Tomaselli Accrington Pals Trail by William Turner Poets at War: Wilfred Owen by Helen McPhail and Philip Guest Poets at War: Edmund Blunden by Helen McPhail and Philip Guest Poets at War: Graves & Sassoon by Helen McPhail and Philip Guest Gallipoli by Nigel Steel Gallipoli - Gully Ravine by Stephen Chambers Gallipoli - Anzac Landing by Stephen Chambers Gallipoli - Suvla August Offensive by Stephen Chambers Gallipoli - Landings at Helles by Huw & Jill Rodge Walking the Gallipoli by Stephen Chambers Walking the Italian Front by Francis Mackay Italy - Asiago by Francis Mackay Verdun: Fort Douamont by Christina Holstein Verdun: Fort Vaux by Christina Holstein Walking Verdun by Christina Holstein Verdun: The Left Bank by Christina Holstein Zeebrugge & Ostend Raids 1918 by Stephen McGreal

Germans at Beaumont Hamel by Jack Sheldon Germans at Thiepval by Jack Sheldon

SECOND WORLD WAR Dunkirk by Patrick Wilson Calais by Jon Cooksey Boulogne by Jon Cooksey Saint-Nazaire by James Dorrian Walking D-Day by Paul Reed Atlantic Wall - Pas de Calais by Paul Williams Atlantic Wall - Normandy by Paul Williams Normandy - Pegasus Bridge by Carl Shilleto Normandy - Merville Battery by Carl Shilleto Normandy - Utah Beach by Carl Shilleto Normandy - Omaha Beach by Tim Kilvert-Jones Normandy - Gold Beach by Christopher Dunphie & Garry Johnson Normandy - Gold Beach Jig by Tim Saunders Normandy - Juno Beach by Tim Saunders Normandy - Sword Beach by Tim Kilvert-Jones Normandy - Operation Bluecoat by Ian Daglish Normandy - Operation Goodwood by Ian Daglish Normandy - Epsom by Tim Saunders Normandy - Hill 112 by Tim Saunders Normandy - Mont Pinçon by Eric Hunt Normandy - Cherbourg by Andrew Rawson Normandy - Commandos & Rangers on D-Day by Tim Saunders Das Reich – Drive to Normandy by Philip Vickers Oradour by Philip Beck Market Garden - Nijmegen by Tim Saunders Market Garden - Hell’s Highway by Tim Saunders Market Garden - Arnhem, Oosterbeek by Frank Steer Market Garden - Arnhem, The Bridge by Frank Steer Market Garden - The Island by Tim Saunders Rhine Crossing – US 9th Army & 17th US Airborne by Andrew Rawson British Rhine Crossing – Operation Varsity by Tim Saunders British Rhine Crossing – Operation Plunder by Tim Saunders Battle of the Bulge – St Vith by Michael Tolhurst Battle of the Bulge – Bastogne by Michael Tolhurst Channel Islands by George Forty Walcheren by Andrew Rawson Remagen Bridge by Andrew Rawson Cassino by Ian Blackwell Anzio by Ian Blackwell Dieppe by Tim Saunders Fort Eben Emael by Tim Saunders Crete – The Airborne Invasion by Tim Saunders Malta by Paul Williams Bruneval Raid by Paul Oldfield Cockleshell Raid by Paul Oldfield

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Battleground Europe

The Battle of the Lys 1918 South Objective Hazebrouck

Chris Baker

Series Editor

Nigel Cave

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First published in Great Britain in 2018 by Pen & Sword Military an imprint of Pen & Sword Books Ltd 47 Church Street, Barnsley South Yorkshire, S70 2AS Copyright © Chris Baker, 2018 ISBN 978 152671 696 5 The right of Chris Baker to be identified as Author of this work has been asserted by him in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. A CIP catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical including photocopying, recording or by any information storage and retrieval system, without permission from the Publisher in writing. Typeset in Times New Roman by Chic Graphics Printed and bound in England by CPI Group (UK) Ltd., Croydon, CR0 4YY Pen & Sword Books Ltd incorporates the imprints of Pen & Sword Archaeology, Atlas, Aviation, Battleground, Discovery, Family History, History, Maritime, Military, Naval, Politics, Railways, Select, Social History, Transport, True Crime, Claymore Press, Frontline Books, Leo Cooper, Praetorian Press, Remember When, Seaforth Publishing and Wharncliffe. For a complete list of Pen & Sword titles please contact PEN & SWORD BOOKS LIMITED 47 Church Street, Barnsley, South Yorkshire, S70 2AS, England E-mail: [email protected] Website: www.pen-and-sword.co.uk

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Contents

Dedication ............................................................................... vi Introduction............................................................ vii Introduction by the Series Editor .......................... viii List of Maps ............................................................ xi Chapter One Chapter Two Chapter Three Chapter Four Chapter Five Tours

The Background to the Battle .............................. 1 The Battles of the Lys .......................................... 18 The First Phase: Breakthrough and Bridgehead ............................................................ 21 The Second Phase: Into the Mixer...................... 67 The Third Phase: The Hardening Crust ............ 97

Introduction ...................................................................... 146 Tour A An Introductory Circuit .................................... 148 Tour B In the Footsteps of the 1st Australian and 5th Divisions........................................................ 163 Tour C In the Footsteps of the 61st, 4th and 3rd Divisions .............................................................. 172 Tour D The Left Flank and the River Line. In the Footsteps of the 40th, 34th and 50th Divisions .............................................................. 178 Tour E La Couronne and 4 (Guards) Brigade.............. 189

Appendix I Haig’s Special Order of the Day, 12 April 1918 .. 191 Appendix II Selected Citations .................................................. 192 Appendix III The Phases of the Battles of the Lys 1918 ............ 198 Acknowledgements ................................................199 Selective Bibliography ..........................................200 Index .................................................................... 202

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Dedication

This book is dedicated to the memory of my wife’s grandfather, Acting Sergeant 955/470459 Thomas Park McSloy, 527th (2nd Durham) Field Company, Royal Engineers, 5th Division. He saw action in the Forest of Nieppe during the Battle of the Lys and went on to some quiet fame as one of the ‘Pitmen Painters’.

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Introduction

April 1918: a most critical month for the British Armies in France and Flanders, when they fought against the third major German offensive that they had faced within a matter of weeks. I find it curious that the month appears to attract little public and academic attention, despite the fact that the action took place within a short distance of Ypres and that the British force there was greatly endangered. The fighting was of a very large scale and accounted for British and Commonwealth casualties of around 82,000 dead, wounded and missing (a large proportion of which were men taken prisoner in the rapid German advance). It may be because this period of fighting goes by a variety of names. For the British, the fighting in Flanders was eventually given the official name of the ‘Battles of the Lys’. The title comes from the river which flows through the battlefield, and it is ‘battles’ because the committee that agreed such things defined it as a number of phases. The French call it La Bataille de la Lys; the Portuguese have it as the Batalha de la Lys. The Germans take a wider view. They called their attack Operation ‘Georgette’, but the fighting is often referred to as the Vierte Flandernschlacht (Fourth Battle of Flanders), part of the Grosse Schlacht in Frankreich (Great Battle in France). I have even seen it called the Fourth Battle of Ypres, although I find that misleading. For ease, I call it the Battle of the Lys. The battlefield stretches from the La Bassée Canal near Givenchylez-la-Bassée, northwards past Armentières, almost to the very gates of Ypres – a front line of some thirty-seven kilometres before the German attack began. It can be considered as two distinct and different geographic regions, in which the topography played an important part in the way that the fighting developed. It is a matter of convenience for the historian that the two regions align with the German command structure. This volume, Objective Hazebrouck, covers the southern region of the battlefield, which was attacked by the German Sixth Army from 9 April 1918 onwards, with the exception of the area which is already covered by Phil Tomaselli’s excellent book in the Battleground Europe series, The Lys 1918 – Givenchy and the River Lawe. The approximate dividing line between Objective Hazebrouck and the northern volume, Objective Ypres, is the Armentières – Bailleul railway.

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Introduction by Series Editor It is now several years since Phil Tomaselli’s The Battle of the Lys 1918: Givenchy and the River Lawe was published in the Battleground Europe series. As Chris Baker notes, Phil was the only other person he knew who shared his great interest and enthusiasm for this battlefield: in the same year as Phil’s book, Pen & Sword published his own The Battle for Flanders: German Defeat on the Lys 1918. With the publication of this book and its fellow, on the fighting to the north, the Battleground Europe series now completes its coverage of this huge battle fought over the contrasting battlefield of the flat land of Flanders and the dramatically different adjacent area of the Flemish Hills in the centenary year of the offensive. Both of them rightly express some surprise that this important offensive, lasting some three weeks, the outcome of which could have had an enormous impact on the war, is both so little known and so very little written about, except as part of wider works. It seems to have got lost in the almost ceaseless run of major offensives that occurred on the Western Front from 21 March 1918 until the Armistice that November. The context of this rush of activity in 1918 needs to be understood. As things stood at the end of 1917, the British offensive (with the significant involvement of the French, often little recognised) around Ypres had come to a not particularly glorious end in the rain and mud of Passchendaele Ridge. The glimmers of hope offered by the opening of the Battle of Cambrai in late November were soon dimmed and then almost extinguished by a German counter offensive, although that, too, did not live up to expectations. But even though the Third Battle of Ypres, commencing on 31 July 1917 and lasting until the bitter, wet November, proved to be a terribly costly failure, achieving little except to wear down German resources and push the line a few kilometres further from the city, it did have a long term impact. One thing it did achieve, coupled with other factors, such as the US entry into the war in April 1917, was that the Germans realised that a war conducted largely on the basis of strong defence lines (as had largely been the case of the Western Front) was no longer viable – something that was underlined by the initial successes at Cambrai. The huge growth in artillery, amongst other developments, meant that no line, no matter how strong, could withstand a determined offensive. Nowhere is this more clearly shown in practical terms than in the effective viii

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abandonment by the Germans of constructing new, robust defence lines at the conclusion of Third Ypres. If a decisive military result was to be obtained before a skilled (as opposed to a large) American army emerged on the scene, probably by mid 1919, decisive action had to be taken as soon as practicable in 1918. The favourable ending of the war with Russia on the Eastern Front provided the essential resources for such action. It would be a mistake to think that the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk, signed on 3 March 1918 (and whose harsh terms on the new Soviet Union should be considered when criticising the Treaty of Versailles) meant that the large numbers of German troop there could be transferred en bloc to the West. The newly acquired territories needed securing and the whole needed safeguarding from the nascent Bolshevik republic. But it did mean that good quality troops could be moved, even if they were substituted to a substantial extent by lower grade manpower: indeed this process began as soon as the new Bolshevik government signed an armistice in November 1917. It also meant a fillip in war materiél of all types. The stalling of the first Spring German offensive, on the Somme, Operation Michael, which had failed to achieve a decisive, strategic result, despite very considerable gains in ground; and the very limited success achieved further north, against Third Army around Arras, in Operation Mars, were a considerable disappointment. The territory gained was strategically not particularly important, much of which had been devastated in any case in the fighting in 1916 and 1917. Substantial losses in materiél were soon replaced by British industry that was operating at peak levels of production. Replacing manpower for the allies was a bigger problem; but even in this case at least partial solutions were found and there was the welcome prospect of masses of American troops – by June 300,000 of them, admittedly very raw indeed at this stage, were pouring into France every month. All this should not mean that the German offensives were a matter of battering on firmly locked doors. The Lys offensives had clear strategic objectives (indicated by Chris’s two sub titles, Hazebrouck and Ypres), success in which would have severely impeded the ability of the allies to fight on. If they had not resulted in absolute victory for the Germans, they might well have led to a compromise peace treaty that would have preserved German gains in the east and (for them) a satisfactory resolution on the west. The stakes were very high. The battles of 1918 are strikingly different from the trench warfare that is so closely associated with the First World War. It marks a return to open warfare, but of a type that was very different from that of the opening stages of the war. Indeed, the fighting of 1918 marked the beginning of ix

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the way that major conflicts by industrialised powers have been waged ever since, involving a combination of well-equipped and well-armed infantry, armour, artillery and air support. The transformation in fighting methods, developed over a period of less than four years, is quite striking and almost unknown to the popular mind. Very rapid developments in technology were harnessed, adapted and put into action in a remarkably short space of time – for example, the first cross Channel flight was only made in 1909 and yet by 1918 there were night bombers flying considerable distances. This trilogy of books, it is hoped, will draw people to Flanders to revisit the scenes of such fierce, often heroic, fighting, which often involved large numbers of very young, 18-year-old conscripts. The casualties suffered were on an almost incomprehensible scale, considerably greater on a daily rate than, for example, Verdun, the Somme and Third Ypres. With the combination of a detailed narrative and extensive tours, Chris has opened up the fast moving action on the ground to this generation of battlefield tourers. As with all of the books in the series, it is hoped that this one will enhance the understanding and appreciation of the achievements of the men of 1914-1918, in particular those who fought and all too often became casualties during the course of the fighting before Hazebrouck. Nigel Cave Ratcliffe College, March 2018.

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List of Maps A contemporary map of the area ............................................................1 The general situation on the Western Front after Operation ‘Michael’ ............................................................................................4 The objectives set for Operation ‘Georgette’ ........................................6 Sketch map of the Lys valley ..............................................................13 The railway network around Hazebrouck ............................................14 The German break-in on 9 April 1918 ................................................19 The German forces deployed on first day ............................................22 119 Brigade on the first day ................................................................29 The 40th Division front line facing Fromelles ......................................31 The 18/Welsh and 13/East Surreys’ front line ......................................33 The 40th Division’s communication trenches ......................................35 The advance of Infanterie-Regiment 22 of 11th Reserve-Division ......46 Counter attack at Croix du Bac ............................................................50 The 50th (Northumbrian) Division deploys on the north bank of the Lys ..............................................................................................54 The Northumberland Fusiliers’ counter attack at Estaires ..................65 The 29th Division’s initial deployment ................................................72 The 29th Division’s deployed near Doulieu ..........................................74 The 1/Lancashire Fusiliers’ advance to contact....................................77 The 29th Division’s withdrawal line ....................................................80 The 31st Division’s counter attack from Rau de Leet ..........................84 The 31st Division’s withdrawal line......................................................87 4 (Guards) Brigade’s last stand at La Couronne ..................................88 Timeline of German progress towards the Merris–Strazeele–Méteren ridge ..................................................................................................95 Timeline of German progress towards the La Bassée Canal................98 The 61st (2nd South Midland) Division’s initial deployment ..............100 The 61st (2nd South Midland) Division’s attempts to assist the defence of Merville ........................................................................101 The Bacquerolles Farm area ..............................................................106 The German Order of Battle facing the 61st (2nd South Midland) Division ..........................................................................................109 The 3rd Division’s deployment and advance ......................................113 1/Somerset Light Infantry’s counter attack at Riez du Vinage ..........117 The 5th Division’s deployment............................................................123 The 7th and 8th Battalions AIF deploy at the Forest of Nieppe ........127 xi

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The 1st Australian Division’s defensive line ......................................130 Deployment of the French reserves....................................................142 The 33rd Division’s deployment ........................................................144 Tour Maps Tour A (1) ..........................................................................................148 Tour A (2) ..........................................................................................154 Tour A (3) ..........................................................................................158 Tour B ................................................................................................163 Tour D ................................................................................................178 Note: There are no accompanying maps for the short tours C and E.

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Chapter One

The Background to the Battle The Great War in French Flanders. The area in which the Battle of the Lys took place is in the ancient region of Flanders, spanning areas on both sides of the Franco-Belgian border that was established when Belgium became an independent state in 1830. The region had, and in many ways retains to this day, a common cultural tradition despite the influence of two national characteristics, political and economic structures. Flemish was spoken in French Flanders to a greater extent than it is today. It is said, for example, that more than half of the children in the French town of Hazebrouck were Flemish speakers in 1914. The place names are revealing in this regard: Hazebrouck stems from the old Flemish for ‘hare’s marsh’, and many of the names of towns and villages on the French side of the border have clear Flemish roots.

A present-day map of the area. Fundamentally, it is little changed from 1918 but for post-1945 economic growth.

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War came to French and Belgian West Flanders in October 1914. German forces advanced across Belgium seeking to outflank the French and British Entente allies on their northern side, and encountered the allies as they too advanced with the same intention. With the remnant of the Belgian army also coming into the area having evacuated besieged Antwerp, fighting developed and took place all the way along the line from the North Sea, down past Ypres and Armentières and into the industrial coalfield area of Béthune and Lens. It was in effect one, single, climactic battle; but is officially recognised as, north to south, the Battle of the Yser, the First Battle of Ypres, and the Battles of Messines, Armentières and La Bassée. By mid-November 1914 the German gambit of attacking France with the intention of rapid victory had been defeated, and the two sides had dug in. In French Flanders, the line created at this time would scarcely move until the start of the Battle of the Lys on 9 April 1918. During December 1914 the allies went on to the offensive. In Flanders, urged by French Commander-in-Chief, Joffre, the British carried out a series of small-scale, piecemeal attacks that achieved nothing but long casualty lists. I have described them in The Truce (Amberley, 2014). Sadly, they set a pattern for years to come. Much larger attacks, at Neuve Chapelle (March 1915), Aubers and Festubert (April and May 1915); diversions for the Battle of Loos (September 1915) and at Fromelles (July 1916), all came to nothing. Between these sporadic periods of fighting, the day to day grind of static trench warfare continued. In places - notoriously at Givenchy but also at Neuve Chapelle and Mauquissart - underground mine warfare added a particular form of tension and horror. The German command in French Flanders was generally content to strengthen its defences and to sit and wait while the British, Indian and Dominion forces spilled blood in tragically large quantities. The static nature of the war in French Flanders up to April 1918 confined the concentrated destructive effect of fighting to a narrow ribbon of land – perhaps two miles deep on either side of the entrenched front. Long range shell fire and aerial bombardment certainly took a toll in deeper areas, but in comparison with Ypres, Somme and other battlefields the rear was comparatively unscathed. Villages and towns remained largely intact; roads, bridges and railways were still in place, or repaired by the army. On the allied side many of the local people, the population swelled by refugees from Belgium, decided to stay rather than flee to the west. The whole panoply of war built up behind the fighting front, in and around the villages: bivouac and hutted camps; stores and dumps; headquarters and billets; water supply facilities; airfields; motor transport parks; medical units; artillery battery positions and ammunition stores. 2

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German plans and intentions. After the decisive defeat of their attack on France in 1914, continuous fighting on Germany’s Western Front had achieved nothing of strategic significance. The years of trench warfare and the epic battles at Ypres, Artois, the Somme, the Chemin des Dames, in the Champagne, the Argonne and at Verdun had greatly worn down both sides in manpower and economically. The war had gone on much longer and on a much greater scale than any pre-war military planner, politician or financier could have predicted, yet such was the depth and ingenuity of the ‘Great Powers’ that there was still much in reserve. It would be events elsewhere that provided fresh impetus. On 7 November 1917 the Bolshevik Military Revolutionary Committee directed the commencement of armed revolution in Russia, overthrowing the Provisional Government. Next day, the new leadership passed the ‘Decree of Peace’, calling for the end of war with Germany and AustriaHungary and for a just and democratic peace. Russia was in effect withdrawing from the war, although it would take some months of bitter wrangling before Germany imposed the crushing terms of the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk on the new Russian Government. Four days later – and ironically exactly a year before the Armistice of 11 November 1918 - Germany’s Crown Prince Rupprecht commanded the Group of de facto military commander General Erich Armies that conceived and Ludendorff met with Generals von Kuhl and carried out ‘Georgette’. von der Schulenberg (chiefs of staff to the (Author) Crown Princes Rupprecht and Wilhelm’s Groups of Armies respectively) in a pre-planned meeting at Mons to consider their strategy. Ludendorff was already inclined to take the offensive: ‘The Army had come victoriously through 1917; but it had become apparent that the holding of the Western Front purely by a defensive could no longer be counted on, in view of the enormous quantity of material of all kinds which the Entente had now at their disposal. Even where tactical conditions had been absolutely normal, and by no means so unfavourable as in the struggle for the Wytschaete salient or Laffaux Corner, we had 3

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lost ground and suffered heavily. These losses had indeed been greater than we had incurred in well-conducted attacks. The enormous material resources of the enemy had given his attack a considerable preponderance over our defence, and this condition would become more and more apparent as our best men became casualties, our infantry approximated more nearly in character to a militia, and discipline declined.’ Ludendorff, My War Memories. Developments in Russia added a new dimension as revolution led to the end of fighting on what had been Germany’s Eastern Front. The possibility, soon to become certainty, of being able to move large forces from there to the Western Front gave the Germans a potentially decisive advantage in terms of manpower and artillery. Opinions were divided on the best approach for exploiting this advantage, and the planners were sent away to devise options and alternatives. The Mons meeting was the genesis of what would become the Battle of the Lys, for von Kuhl proposed a strike against the British in Flanders. The United States of America had entered the war on the allied side on 6 April 1917 but its military presence in Europe was taking time to

The general situation on the Western Front after Operation ‘Michael’. The Lys offensive would be undertaken by the German Sixth and Fourth Armies.

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build. Drawing upon vast resources, however, it was only a matter of when the continued arrival of the ‘Doughboys’ in France would tip the scale back in the allies favour. The German General Staff at the Oberste Heeres Leitung (OHL: General Headquarters) recognised this and concluded that their offensive operations were urgent: there was an opportunity of a few months in the spring of 1918, no more. The approach that emerged was that the German Armies in France and Flanders would seize the initiative and launch a series of offensives aimed squarely at the defeat of the British. The first, Operation ‘Michael’, was launched on 21 March 1918. It had an important effect on planning for future operations in Flanders in that it consumed much greater military resources than had initially been foreseen. In consequence the Flanders operation was scaled down and orders to this effect given on 23 March. Five days later, the Germans launched Operation ‘Mars’ in the Arras area; a costly failure. Had Flanders been given precedence and resources, the whole pattern of events described in this book might have been very much different to the way things worked out – and it remains one of the intriguing ‘what ifs’ of the Great War. Ludendorff met with the staffs of the Fourth and Sixth Armies of Rupprecht’s Group on 3 April, finalising the scale and objectives of the offensive now known as Operation ‘Georgette’. That the attack began just six days later is a reflection of the prodigious logistical effort of assembling the huge forces involved. Objectives. The ‘Georgette’ attack was to be carried out by the Sixth Army (von Quast) and part of the Fourth (Sixt von Arnim), employing a total of nineteen divisions on a frontage of some twenty-three miles (thirty-seven kilometres). Its primary objective was to reach Hazebrouck and to seize Hazebrouck was a railway bottleneck, with lines coming in from the Channel ports and going out to Ypres and Armentières, and an obvious choice as a German objective. (Author).

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The objectives set for Operation ‘Georgette’ included: the railways at Hazebrouck; the high ground of the Flemish hills; and the La Bassée Canal, allowing a sweep behind Béthune.

the complex of railways by which the British Second Army in Flanders was supplied. A little further east, it would also reach the main supply road that ran from Steenvoorde to Poperinge and which fed the same army in the Ypres area. The advance would also seize the summits of the chain of low hills, the most important of which was Kemmelberg, from which the rear of the Second Army area could be dominated. In other words, success in these objectives would strangle supply into the Ypres sector and begin to force the Second Army into a pocket. If all went well, further advances could isolate that Army and destroy it in detail. The Channel ports of Dunkirk, Calais and Boulogne – only a hundred kilometres at most from the present front might also be reached, with devastating consequences for the rest of the British Expeditionary Force and for the allies in total. On the left of the Sixth Army’s attack, a wheeling movement would bring German forces in behind Béthune and the British First Army. Possibilities might then develop for further offensive operations to destroy that Army as well. That the German offensive failed to achieve its objectives is explained in detail in this book, but how 6

General Ferdinand von Quast commanded Sixth Army. He was he was awarded the oak leaves to his Pour le Mérite in recognition of his breakthrough on the Lys; but by mid-month he was suggesting that the offensive be abandoned. (Library of Congress)

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Pont Rommel bridge carried one of the supply railways coming into Hazebrouck. The bridge, reconstructed, is still there today. (Author).

geographically close it came may be judged by the forced British abandonment of the key railway depots near Borre (just outside Hazebrouck) and at Verquigneul (near Béthune). It also led to a reluctant but absolutely necessary withdrawal from the Passchendaele line, won at such human cost and effort in 1917. The Lys was a single battle but the nature of the terrain and the fact that the attack frontage straddled two German Armies placed it in two quite contrasting regions with characteristically different fighting and outcomes. In this volume, we will focus on the Sixth Army and its strike on Hazebrouck. Tactics. Although the German army in France had, broadly speaking, not been on the general offensive in France since 1916, they had been developing tactics for it. Even by the German attack at Verdun in early 1916, the army increasingly practiced the separation of specialist assault and trench-holding formations. Small unit command and control, mobile firepower and battlefield tactics that promoted the concept of infiltration all developed rapidly. Perhaps the most important aspect of the approach to the 1918 offensive was that to the use of artillery. Developed through practice in Operation ‘Strandfest’ at Nieuport and at Riga in 1917, it provided a way for the enemy’s response to a German attack to be 7

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Jovial Sturmtruppen, pictured in 1918, lounge around a shell crater, exchanging stories and cigarettes. They were well-trained and well-equipped troops who specialised in the small formation assault tactics that proved highly successful in the spring offensives. (Brett Butterworth)

neutralised or rendered ineffective for long enough for the attack to succeed. By ‘Georgette’ the offensive capability of the Germans was at a peak. But it had a serious weakness: it had no genuine means of exploitation. The Germans had developed no armoured capability to speak of; it had relatively little and largely untested cavalry; and it relied greatly on horse transport, of which by April 1918 it was suffering an acute shortage. Its advance would be only as far and as fast as man could go on foot. This flaw would prove to be its undoing on the Lys.

The German forces were already suffering from a shortage of transport, particularly horses, and could ill afford further losses. (Brett Butterworth)

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The British on the defensive. Just at the very moment that OHL was seizing the initiative and planning how to use the resources released from Russia, the British were at a low point. Their major offensive efforts on the Somme (1916), at Arras (April 1917), Ypres (July to November) and Cambrai (November) were perceived by many to have achieved little other than the squandering of men’s lives. It was certainly not an adequate return for enormous national effort. Disappointment gave added voice to those who believed that the war could not be won on the Western Front at all, and that the vast resources of Empire would be more effectively used in Salonika, Palestine and Mesopotamia. With the British General Headquarters in France (GHQ) under Field Marshal Sir Douglas Haig already complaining of a lack of manpower, Prime Minister David Lloyd George rather perversely agreed with the French that the British should take over another twenty-six kilometres of the front line. First mooted at the Anglo-French Conference in Boulogne in September 1917, Haig was asked to consider it. He reported back on 8 October, insisting that, in view of the currently doubtful ability of the French Army to resist a German attack, all other British fronts should be placed on the defensive; the sixty-two British divisions now in France should be brought up to full strength, and that the occupied line should not be extended. Political will was not running in Haig’s favour and the French Commander-in-Chief, Philippe Pétain, asked the British to relieve his Sixth Army down as far as Barisis, which meant an extra front requiring six more divisions in the front line. Haig said he would do his best, but knew that this move was the end of any aspirations for the continuation of the offensive. On 3 December, Haig ordered all of his Army commanders to organise their zones for defensive purposes. Later that month, new French Prime Minister Georges Clemenceau began to press for the British to take on an extra and wholly impractical sixty kilometres of line. The German offensives intervened before any agreement had been reached. A new approach to defence. The British had not been on the defensive since 1914 but, on the other hand, had much hard experience of facing effective German defence in action. GHQ issued new guidelines on 14 December 1917, entitled ‘Memorandum on defensive measures’. It outlined the British adoption of defensive principles that had been applied so successfully by the Germans in 1917. The front would no longer be protected by a number of continuous trench lines, but would consist of deep defensive zones, ‘with the main resistance being made on ground favourable to us’. The enemy 9

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In a crater near Neuve Chapelle, German troops pose for a photograph. The extensive use of hand grenades was a feature of the Lys fighting. (Brett Butterworth)

would have to negotiate intensive cross fire from well sited, sheltered and barbed-wire protected strong points, held by tenacious troops. Should the enemy penetrate the first zones and beat off local counter attacks, strong reserves would strike at them with a major counter attack and, ideally, go on not only to recover the ground but inflict defeat. The concept of such ‘elastic’ defence in depth was unfamiliar to the British way of thinking: up to now the general instruction if attacked had been: hold to the line; close any gaps; give not an inch of ground. The new approach demanded a great deal of consideration of the battlefield terrain and re-training of officers and men alike. It also required the physical construction of an entirely new system of defences – but as it was not yet understood where the Germans would attack, this meant that the entire British front had to be reconsidered and rebuilt, at the same time that the existing trenches needed to be manned and the men on the alert. In retrospect the British were in a race against time; but intelligence did not indicate an early attack in French Flanders and little work was done in this area on modifying the defensive position for the new doctrine. The British interpretation of the German method tended to place far more men into the ‘Forward Zone’ and consequently fewer in reserve ready for fighting in the ‘Battle Zone’ or for moving up from the ‘Rear Zone’. There was a lack of clarity with regard to who could authorise withdrawal from the forward positions, and when this should be done. For instance, on 1 April 1918, Lieutenant General John du Cane, 10

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commanding XV Corps in the Lys area, made it clear that there would be ‘no retirement of any sort without an order from higher authority. Posts would be defended to the last regardless of consequences.’ The combination of these factors would have baleful effects for the front line troops of the British Army during the German offensive. Reorganisation in progress. During the first three months of 1918 the British Army in France and Flanders underwent considerable organisational change, and was still in the process of coming to terms with new ways when the German attacks began. Shortage of infantry manpower was addressed by the drastic measure of cutting the number of battalions in each brigade from four to three. Many battalions were disbanded, a disruptive move guaranteed to affect esprit de corps. It also meant that in future the battalions had to be rotated between front line, support and reserve positions more frequently than before. In addition to this, the brigades lost their machine gun company as they were merged into a single machine gun battalion within each division. GHQ itself underwent considerable turmoil, as political pressure led to the replacement of some of Haig’s senior staff advisers and the Lloyd George-inspired installation of a wholly separate advisory body in the form of the Supreme War Council. At the War Office, the Chief of the Imperial General Staff, General Sir William Robertson, for much of the war a staunch supporter of GHQ and Haig, was forced out and replaced in February 1918 by the wily military politician, General Sir Henry Wilson. A ‘cushy’ sector. When the German attack in Flanders began on 9 April 1918 and was extended next day, it faced seven allied divisions: six British and one Portuguese. Of the British, five of those divisions had just arrived in the area, having been very recently heavily engaged in the fighting against Operation ‘Michael’ further south. Major General (temporary Lieutenant General) Richard Haking, commanding British XI Corps, with Portuguese Generals Tamagnini (left) and da Costa before the battle. Haking’s quick reactions in deploying his reserves played a key part in the early defence of the Lys and the Lawe. (Author)

11

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When opportunity had come to relieve these shattered formations, they were sent to French Flanders to rebuild. It had built a reputation since mid-1916 of being a ‘cushy’ sector, certainly when compared to Ypres, Arras or the Somme. The last to arrive was the 9th (Scottish) Division, which only reached the area on 1 April, although its artillery was still pulling in two days later. The newly-arrived divisions, knowing all too well the kind of defence that would be needed against the new German methods, were unimpressed with what they found, reporting the existing defences to be poor and neglected. They also considered that there was too little room between the front line and the River Lys to form the proposed layout for defence in depth. During the battle more divisions arrived, eight British and one Australian. Three of them had also been through the mill in Operation ‘Michael’. Only one, the 1st Australian Division, could reasonably be described as fresh, for its last major action had been back in September 1917. Most of the infantry units of the newly-arrived divisions received large new drafts of men to take the place of recent casualties. In the main they were ‘A4 men’: soldiers aged 18 and a half who had been in training but were now suddenly rushed to France as reinforcements. Many units were still assimilating these green arrivals and sorting out their interior organisation when ‘Georgette’ struck. Battlefield topography. The German Sixth Army’s plan of attack took it in a broadly north westerly direction, across the flat Lys valley. There is no vestige of genuinely high Lille, the major city in French Flanders, had been in German hands since 1914. It had suffered considerable damage by 1918 and was the target of RAF bombing during the battle. (Europeana)

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ground in the thirty kilometres between the front line and the hilly ridge that runs through Cassel and Godewaersvelde, although there is gentler rise around Strazeele and Merris (sometimes called the Outtersteene Ridge). Mainly in agricultural use and under the plough before war came, the ground had a high water table, tending to flood in winter and to be the muddy ‘wet Flanders plain’ of legend. The wide River Lys, fed by the much smaller rivers Bourre, Noc, Clarence and Lawe, was the only waterway of significance within the direction of attack. The ground on both sides of it was, however, cut by innumerable streams, small canals and ditches: a physical challenge and a brake on mobility for both sides. The La Bassée Canal ran along the western side of the area of attack and would need to be tackled by the proposed leftward wheel that would bring Sixth Army in behind Béthune. The large Forest of Nieppe would also present difficulties for the German advance; for it held no roads of substance, being cut through only by grassy rides. A string of small, light industrial towns dotted the banks of the Lys: Armentières, Erquinghem-Lys, Bac St. Maur, Sailly-sur-la-Lys, Estaires, Merville and St. Venant. They would all play a part in the early days of the battle and suffer severely for it. Factories, saw mills, breweries, railway stations and churches with prominent spires or towers - characteristic 13

The railway junctions at Hazebrouck were key to the continued supply of the Ypres Sector.

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landmarks of this area as they are to this day – were located at each of them and sprinkled along the river line. The key objective of Hazebrouck was a somewhat larger town. Aside from its importance as a railway centre since 1848, it had a history in the weaving and spinning industries. We will examine the many villages and hamlets as the battle unfolds. Operational matters. By 9 April 1918, the German Sixth Army’s own artillery had been supplemented by the arrival of more resources released from ‘Michael’. In total, it could marshal 1686 guns against the British and Portuguese total of 511, of which 794 were classified as heavy or super heavy. In terms of guns per kilometre of front to be attacked, this was almost at parity with the force employed at the start of ‘Michael’ (‘Michael’ 6608 guns for 103 kilometres; ‘Georgette’ 1686 for twenty-seven kilometres). As the attack progressed and broadened over 9-12 April, however, the frontage increased to forty-four kilometres and inevitably the density of the German artillery was considerably diluted. Having guns in place is one thing; supplying and moving them forwards quite another. The rush to move forces and materiel into the ‘Georgette’ battle zone placed much strain onto the German railway and transport system. As late as 7 April, Rupprecht was complaining that his Group of Armies was receiving only half of the eight-ten ammunition trains that it needed per day. On average, the divisions being moved into place for the attack were each short of 600 horses. The German infantry force deployed for the first day of ‘Georgette’ amounted to a total of fifteen divisions in the assault and immediate support roles. Over the attack frontage, this equated to an average of 1.8 kilometres per division – about the same as used in ‘Michael’ (fifty-three divisions spread over 103 kilometres). They were disposed as follows, south to north: Sixth Army [von Quast] IV Corps [von Kraevel] Faced the 55th (West Lancashire) Division at Givenchy and Festubert. Deployed five divisions. In front, 4th Ersatz, 43rd Reserve, 18th Reserve. In support, 44th Reserve and 16th. LV Corps [von Bernhardi] Faced 2nd Portuguese Division up to Neuve Chapelle. Deployed three divisions. In front, 1st Bavarian Reserve and 8th Bavarian Reserve. In support, 8th Division. 15

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XIX (II Royal Saxon) Corps [von Carlowitz] Faced the 2nd Portuguese Division at and north of Neuve Chapelle. Deployed four divisions. In front, 35th and 42nd Divisions. In support, 10th Ersatz and 81st Reserve. II Bavarian Corps [von Stetten to 18 April 1918] Faced the 40th Division. Deployed three divisions. In front, 32nd Division and two brigades of 38th Division. In support, 11th Reserve Division and the other brigade of 38th. It is noteworthy that only eight of the divisions were considered to be trained and equipped as assault formations; the other seven were ‘trench-holding divisions’. The main weight of the initial attack was aimed squarely at the terribly weak Portuguese, but once it had broken through in that area, part of LV Corps would then wheel left towards Béthune. It could be argued that this was a dilution of the force available to advance on the key objective of Hazebrouck, and this movement contributed to the ultimate failure to achieve success. Facing this onslaught, the British First Army (Horne) included three divisions in the front line (plus the 34th Division, which was not directly attacked on the first day) and another two in reserve (although part of the 1st Portuguese Division was also close enough that it could be counted as such).

General Friedrich von Bernhardi, photographed here in 1910, commanded LV Corps in its assault on the Portuguese. (Author)

XI Corps [Haking] The 55th (West Lancashire) Division [Jeudwine], the 2nd Portuguese Division [da Costa]. The 51st (Highland) Division in reserve [Carter-Campbell]. XV Corps [du Cane] The 40th Division [Ponsonby], the 34th Division [Nicholson]. The 50th (Northumbrian) Division in reserve [Jackson]. 16

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During the great crisis of Operation ‘Michael’, Ferdinand Foch had been appointed as a co-ordinating Generalissimo, effectively in operational command of the French and British armies, although it was not until a further agreement, made at Beauvais on 3 April, that he was placed in overall strategic command. Even then the extent of his powers were far from clear; it was to his credit that it was he who, in effect, made the job. It was a new and politically sensitive arrangement. Haig began badgering him for French reserves and, despite this falling on deaf ears, stepped up his demands once ‘Georgette’ began. It was, for some time, a stand-off. Haig, whose personal relationships with Foch were generally amicable, ran into the Frenchman’s three-part dictum for the conduct of a battle: ‘“Never withdraw”, “Never relieve tired troops while the battle lasts” and “One does what one can.” Foch never tired of stressing these maxims and his assistant, Weygand, faithfully represented them. They became an unchallengeable dictum and lay behind all of Foch’s advice and orders to the British. It took a while for the fundamental logic to sink in to the men in khaki, and at times of greatest stress during the remainder of the German offensives they often perplexed and frustrated the British staff. These three simple phrases dictated the course of Allied defence on the Somme and on the Lys.’ In practice, Foch’s response to Haig caused the latter to take every possible step to fight the battle with his own resources. Eventually, Foch recognised that a dangerous tipping point was being reached, and he deployed French forces to what proved to be the final phases of battle.

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Chapter Two

The Battles of the Lys Overview When it defined the geographic extent, dates and which units had taken part in the fighting, the British Battles Nomenclature Committee broke the Lys fighting down into eight phases. For ease of understanding, these are not used in this book but are given in an Appendix. Instead, we shall consider it in three. Phase 1: On 9 April 1918 Sixth Army’s attack broke the allied front in the area held by the 2nd Portuguese and the 40th Divisions, and by day’s end had forced a significant crossing of the Lys at Bac St. Maur and a more tenuous one across the Lawe at the Rault Lock. Next day, progress was made in both areas. On the northern bank of the Lys, the towns of Merville and Estaires fell into enemy hands. The attack was also broadened to include Fourth Army and significant progress was made by that Army in the Ploegsteert and Messines area against the 19th (Western) and 25th Divisions. With the Germans advancing on both sides of it, Armentières, which had been subjected to heavy gas bombardment but not frontally attacked, was now threatened with encirclement and a decision was taken to evacuate it. All of the divisions of the British XI, XV and IX Corps were now fully committed to the battle; many of the units that had been in the Forward and Battle Zones were already reduced to remnants. In the areas behind the fighting front, mass withdrawal of the facilities and units of the lines of communication began, whilst the roads were also full of civilian refugees fleeing the area. On the extremities of the front that was attacked, the British held their ground: in the south at Givenchy, the Territorials of the well-drilled 55th (West Lancashire) Division recaptured the village after initial German penetration; in the north, at Wytschaete and only just outside Ypres, the 9th (Scottish) Division gave little ground. Phase 2: As early as 9 April, other divisions – mainly from the Ypres area – were rushed to the Lys Sector to stem the German attack. The 29th, 31st and 18

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On the first day of the Battle German forces broke through the 2nd Portuguese and 40th British Divisions and gained a crossing of the Lys at Bac St Maur.

61st (2nd South Midland) Divisions all arrived. In such an urgent and increasingly critical situation, they were deployed piecemeal, with battalions being sent into action as individual units. They met with the difficult problem of not knowing exactly where the enemy was, often knowing only that parts of British units were fighting somewhere ahead of them. Most of them encountered broken units and men streaming back from the battle before they came under fire. There was now no ‘line’ as such. The battle became fragmented, with actions taking place at the same time on different parts of the field as units and parts of units were desperately deployed. Almost inevitably, as German pressure continued and British units found themselves outnumbered and out-gunned, many of the newly arrived units suffered the same fate as those originally attacked. There were numerous examples of localised heroic last stand actions that bought precious time. The Germans made much slower 19

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progress as they pressed on north of Armentières into the more defensible Flemish hills. After hard fights for Neuve Église and Ravelsberg Hill, the town of Bailleul – since 1914 a key British headquarters, medical and airfield centre – was largely destroyed and occupied by the Germans. Pleas from the British high command for French reinforcements fell, at least at first, largely on deaf ears, for it was generally believed that the Germans were also about to attack elsewhere. Field Marshal Sir Douglas Haig issued his well-known ‘backs to the wall’ order during this phase, and serious contingency plans were considered for flooding the area in front of Dunkirk as a final back-stop should the Germans continue to make progress. Phase 3: While the first reinforcement divisions were being fed into the battle, others were being ordered to the area. With the BEF now at full stretch, it was found necessary to shorten the front line around Ypres in order to reduce the number of men required to hold it. This was a bitter moment indeed, for the ground won at such hideous cost in 1917 – and more was evacuated without a fight in order for this to take place. In addition to this move, the 1st Australian Division was moved by train from the Somme; it advanced through the Forest of Nieppe determined to hold a line. On the Australians’ left, French divisions arrived and formed a line north of Bailleul. On the Australians’ right, the British 5th, 1st and 4th Divisions arrived and held the line of the Forest and down along the La Bassée Canal. By mid-April, the Sixth Army had been brought to a halt, well short of its battle objectives. It was, not yet known to the British, reaching the end of its capabilities. A tactical pause slowed the fighting for some time and no further progress of any significance was made in that Army’s area. Late in April, fresh German divisions in Fourth Army’s area assaulted and captured Kemmel Hill in one of the finest feats of arms of the war, bringing fresh concern to the allies. A further effort to press on to the next hill, the Scherpenberg, was halted mainly by French forces and attacks closer to Ypres were blunted by stubborn British resistance. The decision was taken by OHL to abandon Operation ‘Georgette’.

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Chapter Three

The First Phase: Breakthrough and Bridgehead The German attack in Flanders came as something of a surprise, not least because of the received opinion that Flanders was generally too wet for a large-scale action that early in the year. There had been signs of a German build-up: trains and columns of men had been seen from the air, and there was much noise of movement heard at night; but no intelligence from trench raids or prisoners gave a clear indication of an offensive intent. Even once the attack began with such violence, the British high command at GHQ was still not convinced that it was anything but a largescale diversion to an attack that was expected at Arras. GHQ initially hesitated to commit too much of its reserves, and it was only when the German attack extended north on the second day that reality began to dawn. At 4.15am on 9 April, the massed German guns opened up as one, commencing a four and half hour long bombardment programme. For the first two hours it aimed in depth at the British artillery, headquarters and communications. A large proportion of the shells fired were Buntkreuz, containing a mixture of chemicals, including phosgene. Men fought much of this day wearing respirators. Soon enough many of the British batteries were reporting that all telephone wires were cut, whilst in the dark, smoke and fog, visual signalling was almost out of the question. In some areas, a complex, deep-buried, cable network and wireless systems kept the British command system in communication. Some fifty minutes after the bombardment began, German guns turned onto the British front line trenches and posts, employing high explosive and ‘Blue Cross’ – a chemical weapon consisting mainly of Diphenylchloroarsine, a particulate designed to irritate to such an extent that it would force men to remove their respirators. The next two and a half hours were aimed at the continued destruction and neutralisation of the British ability to respond to attack, with especial concentration on reserve trenches and places where infantry might assemble ready to counter-attack. Finally, after five minutes of concentrated fire on the British front line, the field guns switched to producing a creeping barrage behind which the German assault infantry would advance. This was just 21

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This map from the British Official History well illustrates the overwhelming German force that made the breakthrough to the Lys.

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the start of the total of the 1.4 million shells that Sixth Army would fire on the first day of battle alone. At 8.45am, the main infantry attack began, although it appears that in the area held by 2nd Portuguese Division the Germans had already infiltrated into the front lines. With the fog continuing well into the day; with continued difficulties of communication; and with many units being simply overwhelmed by numbers, it is perhaps little wonder that one British brigade commander recalled 9 April 1918 a day of ‘mystery and gas’. The air battle. There was relatively little hostile air activity in the week preceding the attack, but the observer squadrons of the Royal Air Force assisted the heavy artillery in registering (that is, firing aiming shots) on the approach routes behind the German front. The fog of 9 April meant that flying was impractical until around 2pm, by which time the fronts of the 40th and 2nd Portuguese Divisions had been broken and the German infantry was approaching the Lys and the Lawe. 208 Squadron, situated in the forward position at La Gorgue, took the decision about mid-day to burn its eighteen Sopwith Camel fighters rather than stay too long and risk their capture. Already under long-range artillery fire, the fog was such that one could not see fully across the airfield. The squadron’s personnel moved westwards to Sercy. It is instructive that they were fully re-equipped within forty-eight hours, such was the material might of the British forces at this time. Eight other squadrons were also forced to relocate as the early battle developed. As flying became possible during the afternoon, contact patrols reported the position of the Germans and that their progress appeared to be slowing. Low-flying bombing and strafing attacks commenced by Camel and SE5a squadrons against German ground forces advancing in the area of Festubert, Estaires and Bac St. Maur: this would become a central feature of the air battle and would do much to blunt the offensive. Flying conditions were poor again on 10 April, with fog in the morning only clearing to a patchy mist in the afternoon. Even so, attempts were made to observe activity and to carry out bombing and strafing. It was a dangerous game, with contact patrols being forced to operate no higher than 400 feet. Both sides lost aircraft to intensive ground fire on this and later dates. The defence of Givenchy and the annihilation of the Portuguese. As the area of the German attack on their left flank has already been covered by Phil Tomaselli’s Battleground Europe volume Battle of the 23

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Lys 1918 – Givenchy and the River Lawe, it will not be examined in detail. The effects of the attack in this area are, however, so important to the development of the battle that they cannot be ignored completely in this volume. The 55th (West Lancashire) Division. The West Lancashire Territorials had been moved into this area after the Battle of Cambrai in late 1917 and had held the line at General Adolph von Carlowitz Givenchy and Festubert ever since. They had commanded XIX Corps, north of Neuve Chapelle. His forces come in for some unwarranted criticism for harried the 40th Division from their performance at Cambrai and the the south and west. (Library of divisional commanding officer, Major Congress) General Hugh Jeudwine, had taken steps to ensure it would not happen again. The division worked out a defensive scheme and all units were well-drilled into what to do in the event of attack. Jeudwine decided he had too little room and too few reserves to adopt the elastic defence scheme. Instead, a line of resistance some way behind the front posts would be held at all costs. The German plan included a pincer attack on Givenchy, avoiding the large and difficult mine-cratered area in No Man’s Land east of the village. Once the north-south road behind the village was reached at Windy Corner, part of the force would turn northward to penetrate behind the Festubert defences. Heavy shellfire fell on the divisional area from 4.15am and about an hour later the code word ‘Bustle’ set the defensive plan in motion. Units that had been in reserve began to move forwards, through the fog and the immense dangers of the German fire. The experience of 355093 Sergeant James Briggs of Z Company, 10/King’s (Liverpool Scottish), was typical. His company was in reserve at Mesplaux Farm when they received the word to move: ‘The CO gave the word to get to his Bustle position toute suite so off we go … The gunfire was at this point awful – the whole front was ablaze with the flashes of the Hun’s artillery. We hadn’t got more than 200 yards along the road before the two scouts that the OC Company had pushed forward reported that to get along that road was suicide. “About turn” was given, so back we go past the farm again to go on out towards Le Hamel. Getting across there was bad going owing to the mist, the Loisne stream and several 24

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successive belts of wire which ran across towards Locon. To make things worse the whiff of gas was getting stronger each pace so of course we had to don our masks which do not tend to make marching go all clover. On we pushed, great HE shells and gas as well dropping all around us up to Loisne Chateau. Here we picked up spades and picks and then plodded on. How we platoons (we split up here and marched at 100 yards interval) missed getting wiped out between Loisne Chateau and the Tuning Fork Line goodness only knows.’ First reports that German infantry was attacking the isolated forward posts came in at around 7am. They were fragmentary and confusing, but suggested that the posts were quickly being reduced or eliminated. Many of the men at the posts were never heard of again and it took months before the true picture emerged, of quick-moving Germany infantry getting in and behind them. The garrisons were killed or captured, some after desperate attempts to hold out that went on for several hours. Only remnants escaped and fell back to the old British front line trenches. The main weight of the German attack appears to have fallen on the line of resistance at Givenchy and Festubert at about 8.45am. Sustained pressure and weight of numbers soon told. Fighting broke into many localised actions in the ruined warren that was Givenchy, which penetrated as deep as Windy Corner. At this point, the defensive plan began to yield dividends. The companies and platoons that had been held in readiness for counter attack, including those moved up from the rear since the bombardment began, now went into action. The division’s German infantry go into the attack. (Brett Butterworth)

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artillery, assisted by fire coming across the La Bassée Canal from the 1st Division, fired on the German support lines and reserve trenches, cutting off any possibility of reinforcement and causing severe casualties to reserve units moving up with that intention. By early afternoon the enemy had been driven back out of Givenchy: it remained in British hands for the rest of the war. North and north west of the village the situation was obscure and confusing for much of the day. At 7.30am, Captain Michael Meade, commanding B Company of the 5/Liverpools, on whose immediate left was the Portuguese 10th Battalion, signalled that their infantry were pouring back through his trenches and saying that the outpost line had gone. His second in command, Lieutenant Edmond Clark: ‘Suddenly the bombardment lifted and the Germans came at us in great numbers out of the mist. There was a cry all along the line, “They’re here! They’re here!” Every rifleman used his weapon to the best of his ability, the bombers put down a splendid barrage and the machine gunners supported out front with enfilade fire. We kept the enemy at bay, causing heavy casualties in his ranks, when suddenly Lieutenant Sanders came running up to report that the enemy had broken through on our left [that is, in the Portuguese area] and were working round behind us.’ It soon became horribly evident –there was an ominous absence of information from the Portuguese – that there was no meaningful defence on the division’s left. The Germans were quickly advancing and could potentially turn southward and cut off the division against the canal line. It was only gradually that Jeudwine could organise an improvised flank defence, bringing in whichever reserves, engineers, stray Portuguese and other details that he could find. By a miracle, the German attack was stayed: Festubert and Givenchy remained within the division’s grip and elements of it managed to link up with the 51st (Highland) Division, holding the line of the Lawe. During the rest of the battle, there was a continual localised struggle for position north of Givenchy. Some posts, notably the key ‘Route A Keep’, changed hands on several bloody occasions. The 2nd Portuguese Division. One of two divisions that made up the Corpo Expedicionário Portuguese (CEP), the 2nd Portuguese Division was holding the front and was in effect destroyed by noon on the first day of battle. This badly understrength formation held ten kilometres of the front line between La 26

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The 4th (do Minho) Brigade of the 2nd Portuguese Division put up determined resistance on the right of the British 40th Division. (Author)

Quinque Rue (north of Festubert) and Picantin – a much greater length of line than could reasonably be expected to be held by a single division. XI Corps was in the process of arranging its relief, but events overtook the plan and the Portuguese were still holding the line when the German attack struck. No fewer than four German divisions, with another three coming up close behind, broke through the Portuguese line and pressed on towards the Lys and Lawe. The myths and legends of the destruction of Portuguese resistance are many: British accounts often describe headlong flight and surrender. Brigadier General Arthur Beckwith, moving up to Le Cornet Malo, leading his brigade of the 51st (Highland) Division, ‘saw many episodes which did not redound to [the Portuguese] credit and could find no place in a sober and diplomatic account’. Reports of Portuguese fleeing on mules, on bicycles and without boots bear at least a degree of truth but are also mixed with much hearsay and bravado. The same can be said of British commanders ordering their men to open fire to discourage their allies from retreat. It is too crude to assign rapid German success to the Portuguese simply vanishing by running, for several of their units clearly mounted a dogged defence that held out as long as most of the British posts in the Forward Zone. On the division’s left, next to the British 40th Division, the 20th Battalion (Guimarăes) and 8th Battalion (Braga), both of 4 (do Minho) Brigade, each suffered losses of more than 500 men in holding up the attack. By 7.30am the remnants were falling back on Picantin. The reserve, 3rd Battalion (Viano do Castelo) and 29th Battalion 27

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(Braga), came into action as the Germans advanced toward Laventie, but suffered the loss of sixty percent or more of their effectives in doing so. A large proportion of them were captured as a result of the sheer rapidity of the German advance and infiltration: the same experienced by British units in this battle and in ‘Michael’ a few weeks before. In all, 6585 Portuguese officers and men fell into enemy captivity during the day. They included large numbers of gunners: they were generally reported to have stayed in action with their batteries and to have fought to the last as German infantry advanced upon them. On both flanks of the Portuguese, British posts experienced doubt as unfamiliar figures loomed from the mist. The uniforms and helmets of the Portuguese were not dissimilar to the British but were not the same: we can only imagine the confusion and potential for ‘friendly fire’ losses to both sides. Things were not helped by an almost total breakdown in communications. The Portuguese divisional HQ in the chateau at Lestrem was hit by a heavy shell in the first minutes of the German bombardment; after that, signals had to be carried by hand across the shell-torn battlefield. The British divisions on either side received virtually no hard information until well after the Portuguese had been crushed. The distance from the Portuguese front line at Fauquissart to the vital Lys bridges at Estaires was just six kilometres. Behind the Portuguese, XI Corps was quick to order its reserves forward, and during the first two days the line of the River Lawe was held all the way north to Fosse. It is outside the area covered in this volume, but mention should be made of the extraordinary feats of those tiny units, the King Edward’s Horse and XI Corps Cyclist Battalion, that performed heroics in the defence of Vieille Chapelle and Lacouture respectively. ‘Mystery and gas’: The 40th Division in the Forward and Battle Zones. After being mauled in Operation ‘Michael’, the 40th Division had only just arrived on the Lys front. Its battalions were tired and under-strength – in some cases seriously so – and were in the process of receiving drafts straight out from England. Its own artillery was not yet on the move from the Somme and so the division took over the unfamiliar artillery brigades of the 57th (2nd West Lancashire) Division, which it relieved. Most of the infantry of the original division had been raised in ‘bantam battalions’, for men who were fit but below the normal 5 feet 3 inches minimum height requirement for service. Those bantams still with the division had survived the inferno of Bourlon Wood during the Battle of Cambrai in late 1917, as well as the recent fighting on the Somme. Orders and reports contained within the war diaries of the division 28

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The 40th Division’s 119 Brigade faced heavy attack and was the first formation to be broken.

reveal as many worries about the Portuguese as of the enemy. They included many instructions on what to do in the event of Portuguese collapse: essentially these were to re-align to form a defensive flank on the division’s right. XV Corps’ orders to the division were that its job was to implement elastic defence, with the rear of the Battle Zone being just a few hundred yards south of the river line. The Corps’ reserves would be behind it and responsible for the defence of the river crossings. The division placed its 119 Brigade into the Fleurbaix sector (the right hand part of the division’s front and next to the Portuguese). 121 Brigade took over the Bois-Grenier sector on the left, while 120 (Scottish) Brigade was held in reserve at the river and under orders to move across it in the event of an enemy attack. On taking over the front line and forward posts, the division found the situation quiet and there were no obvious signs of a major enemy build-up for an attack. German artillery batteries were registering on British targets for several days, but this was not unusual. Despite the apparent normality, the atmosphere was tense: men would later recall a ‘trench sense’ that something was about to happen. The war diary of 64th Army Field Artillery Brigade, a unit of the Royal Field Artillery temporarily assigned to the division, even noted on 7 April that, ‘The Huns were expected to attack the Portuguese the following morning’. In other words, the division was alert, ‘on the qui vive’, as the 29

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expression went at the time. During the night of 8-9 April, men from 20/Middlesex (121 Brigade) went out into No Man’s Land ready to carry out a local trench raid: not the act of a division expecting to be imminently engulfed by a huge German offensive. There were concerns about the state of the line and how to implement elastic defence. Brigadier General Clarence Hobkirk, commanding 120 (Scottish) Brigade, said: ‘The method of holding the line on [this] front was by a chain of small posts at wide Brigadier General Clarence intervals in the continuous line of a strong and Hobkirk, now commanding well-built parapet, whereas in 1916, when I 120 (Scottish) Brigade, had been in this area before and was commanding the 14th Australian Brigade was concerned at the in the Fleurbaix defences, the whole line was deterioration in the strongly held in front and support lines … I defences. (Author) was visited on 3 April … by Sir John du Cane who asked me how I proposed to hold the line in case of attack. I answered that in the event of a really big attack the front line posts would be wiped out and the barrage and lack of numbers would prevent an adequate force being sent forward and that my main defence would be in the support [that is, ‘B’] line.’ 119 Brigade. 119 Brigade held its front line with two battalions, but with only two companies of each in the most forward posts and trenches and the rest in support positions not far behind. On the right, 18/Welsh were next to Portuguese. On their left came the 13/East Surreys. Behind them, in brigade reserve, 21/Middlesex was in the area between Laventie and Fleurbaix. At about 3am a patrol of ten men of 18/Welsh under Second Lieutenants James Hill and Arthur Bartlett went out and penetrated the German Necklace and Nephew Trenches. They found No Man’s Land waterlogged and no enemy troops in the trenches: they in fact had been withdrawn from the front in full expectation that the impending attack would be discovered and to avoid any consequent British ‘counter preparation’ shellfire. The German artillery bombardment began at 4.15am and appeared to the division to be all along the Portuguese front and on that of 119 Brigade. The rear areas were deluged with high explosive and gas. 30

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The 40th Division was holding the same line from which the 5th Australian Division had attacked towards Fromelles back in July 1916.

Officers who survived the battle would later report that they very quickly lost communication, except in a few areas where the telephone cables were buried deep. In an effort to report and to find out what was going on, many of them sent out runners: soldiers who would be used to carry messages. Few of them made it to their destinations; even fewer returned. The headquarters of the East Surreys managed to stay in telephone communication longer than most but lost it entirely when a shell destroyed the switchboard at battalion headquarters at 9.30am. With no communications and in the fog, the garrisons of the front line and posts simply had no idea of the situation beyond twenty yards of their positions. Heavy shellfire swept the Forward Zone but then switched back to the front line before commencing to creep forward. It was initially not clear to the division whether the German shell fire was the herald of a major attack, but the realisation soon began to dawn. At around the same time that the sturmtruppen began to advance towards the British trenches, a few miles away the Royal Engineers of 224, 229 and 556 Field Companies received orders to ‘mobilise the bridges’ across the Lys. Plank and cork pontoon structures were strung across and the swing bridges turned across the river. This was to facilitate the crossing of reserves from the north bank and into the Battle Zone. Demolition charges already 31

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in place on the permanent bridges were fixed and checked. Each crossing was covered by a detachment of sappers and patrols watched all approaches. Much of the river line came under the German bombardment: how the sappers at the cork, swing and lifting bridges must have cursed when they were twice called upon to open them up to allow barges to pass that morning. Germans loomed out of the gas-drenched fog and smoke, difficult at first to see through the eyepieces of a respirator but soon enough very large and real. Although it appears that the widely-spaced front line posts offered initial resistance, the British defence was soon pierced. The first break-in came on the left of the sector being held by the 18/Welsh. An old adversary of the British Enemy troops quickly gained a foothold in Expeditionary Force in the front line and the support posts close Flanders, General Otto von Stetten, commanding II behind, infiltrated into gaps and branched off Bavarian Corps. His forces to left and right. Soon afterwards, Germans broke through the 40th Division were also reported coming in behind the and crossed the Lys at Bac St. battalion from the Portuguese area on the Maur. right. Many of the Welsh platoons found themselves surrounded by much larger numbers of enemy troops: they faced rapid decisions to surrender or die fighting. It was an experience that would be shared by many others over the next days of the battle. The detachments in the support posts also stood to fight - it was reported that forty enemy dead lay in front of one Lewis gun detachment alone – but, soon enough, large numbers of Germans were advancing down VC Avenue and Impertinence Trench towards battalion headquarters. The battalion’s commanding officer, Lieutenant Colonel William Brown, prudently ordered his headquarters staff to withdraw in the direction of Winter’s Night Post, but not until German troops were just a hundred yards away. Most were lost in the attempt. By day’s end, of the officers and men of the battalion who had been in the line when the Germans attacked, just Brown, three other officers and twenty men had escaped the inferno. Records of the Commonwealth War Graves Commission (CWGC) show that just twenty-three of the battalion lost their lives: the rest were either wounded or lucky to get away, or – the majority – were captured, overtaken by the rapidity and enveloping nature of the German tactics. 32

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The Germans first penetrated the British line in the area held by the 18/Welsh and then swung around to envelop the 13/East Surreys.

Among the men who became casualties in the first hours of the fight was Second Lieutenant Arthur Bartlett, who had found the German trenches empty during the night. Severely wounded in the abdomen, he was taken by his captors to a field hospital that was soon set up near Laventie, where he died three days later and was buried nearby. He now lies not far away, in Royal Irish Rifles Graveyard. His identity disc and pay book were returned via the Red Cross in early August. The break into the 18/Welsh defences soon had a disastrous effect on the 13/East Surreys on their left. Not yet under strong frontal attack, they were soon reporting that enemy troops were behind them in their support line. Brigade and division heard little more of this battalion, for the Surreys also went quickly ‘into the bag’. When a roll call was finally taken, eighteen officers and 437 men were reported missing. Of these, some 400 were now prisoners of war. When the officers who went into captivity were later asked to explain what had happened, there was a repeated story of a loss of communication; dwindling numbers of men; sudden appearance of the enemy; having been ordered to hold on to the last; and finally running out of ammunition. There is an additional factor, too, in that many of the posts attempted to form a flank defence against attack from the right by holding what had been communication trenches. Sadly, they were not built for defence. William Parker, a subaltern of C Company, recalled that once the enemy had discovered that his garrison 33

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was holding such a trench a heavy machine gun fire was poured onto it – and the bullets simply ripped through the thin sandbag breastwork, killing and wounding men sheltering behind it. For most of the battalion, it was a fight to the finish: but not for all. The battalion’s Intelligence Officer, Henry Allason, having already lost all of his snipers to enemy shellfire, had a narrow escape when battalion headquarters was hit. With considerable sang froid he took the tatters that were left of the report he had been writing into a small elephant iron shelter nearby. It was packed, with the Medical Officer, a stretcher case and other elements of headquarters, including the battalion’s commanding officer, Major West. Rumours and snatched reports came in but it was still not clear what was happening outside. The sound of firing gradually approached – and then the inevitable call of Heraus. West, Allason, battalion adjutant Frank Ainger and others were taken prisoner. Allason remembered, ‘Before going out, Battalion Sergeant Major Lee turned to me and said, “Well sir, we have held out to the last”. I was thoroughly disgusted at not having had a fight for it and replied, “Yes, and never fired a shot”.’

Thousands of British and Portuguese troops fell into captivity, overwhelmed by fast-moving German infantry. (Author).

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The 40th Division was forced to try to hold a succession of communication trenches, which had not been constructed as front line defences.

The destruction of the two front line battalions soon meant that the brigade’s Forward Zone was entirely in enemy hands. The Germans pressed on into the Battle Zone at around 11am. They found little to confront them. The brigade’s reserve unit, 21/Middlesex, came under fire when the German bombardment began and ‘stood to’ when it received the SOS indicating that the 18/Welsh needed help. Around 9.30am it heard that the front line had been penetrated. Two companies were ordered to move to support the machine gun line at 10.15am. Ronald Sheen’s A Company was just a hundred men strong: thirty of them were boys of 18 who had arrived just the previous evening. Heavy casualties were sustained even before the battalion had had the chance to come to grips with the enemy and, as Sheen recalled, every time a runner was sent the garrison was reduced. Detachments of the battalion appear to have reached Two Tree Farm near Pétillon, where they came into action; another detachment garrisoned Winter’s Night Post, where they were joined by the remnant of the 18/Welsh. At 11am battalion headquarters was moved rearwards to Sailly station and a line taken up along Rue du Quesnoy. With few other reserves coming into play and the front of the 40th Division generally being turned from its right, the battalion generally held its ground until the remnants were ordered to begin to withdraw across the Lys around 4pm. Reginald Sears and Arthur Heard, officers of D 35

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Company, would both report that they found themselves in a grenade fight and had no alternative but to surrender when their own supply ran out. Half an hour later, the quartermaster blew up the stores left at Sailly and also escaped northwards. The divisional pioneers of 12/Yorkshire were spread in the area of Sailly-sur-la-Lys and Bac St. Maur when the bombardment began. They stood to, Brigadier General and at 11.15am W and Y Companies of the battalion Frank Crozier were ordered to occupy a line of trenches in front of commanded 119 and protecting the Lys bridges at Bac St. Maur. Brigade, whose front Fifteen minutes later, X Company was sent forward was the first to be to reinforce the detachments of other units still penetrated. He holding on at Fleurbaix. On reaching Barlette Farm described the day as ‘all they came into contact with advancing Germans and mystery and gas’. came under heavy pressure, fighting a gradual (Author) withdrawal. At the time that this company was moving forwards, the others came under attack by large numbers of enemy with light machine guns. With nothing on either side of them, these companies had little choice but to withdraw across the river. The fact that many got away was largely down to Second Lieutenant Harold Champney, who commanded a Lewis gun detachment that remained to cover the withdrawal. It is said

Fog and battlefield smoke concealed advancing troops until the last moment. (Bundesarchiv)

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that he fired the gun himself until the Germans were but twenty yards away and that he was then killed: in fact, he was captured and died of multiple wounds at Ingoldstadt on 29 April. 121 Brigade. This brigade was also holding its front with two battalions: on the right was the 20/Middlesex, whose B Company was out in No Man’s Land preparing to carry out a trench raid. Next to them on the left came the 13/Yorkshire, holding the Bois-Grenier sector. In reserve, the 12/Suffolk was widely spaced and holding Second Lieutenant Harold Champney of posts surrounding Fleurbaix. The German bombardment did not fall as heavily 12th Yorkshires fired a on this brigade’s front as it did on the Portuguese and Lewis gun until the 119 Brigade, and it does not appear that an infantry Germans were close by, enabling others to attack was carried out against it in any great frontal escape to Sailly and strength. Enemy penetration into 119 Brigade’s area Bac St. Maur. He was soon became its primary problem, with 20/Middlesex captured and died of being especially exposed on its right as the Germans multiple wounds mopped up the 13/East Surrey. It became urgently before the end of the necessary to improvise and create a flank defence. The month. (Author) forward companies of the Middlesex, now rejoined by the raiding party, had manned Tin Barn Avenue by about 10.20am, and were then ordered to fall back successively to City Road and then Shaftesbury Avenue. These were long-established communication trenches, at ninety degrees to the front line and without the barbed wire defences, fire-steps and parapets of a defensive trench. They were there joined by officers and men from battalion headquarters, which had almost been surrounded, and remnants from posts which had been attacked from their rear. The companies that had been in support moved into place along the next such trench, Tramline Avenue and up to La Vesée Post. By 11am the 13/Yorkshire heard that Germans had reached Chapel Farm, a post that had been well behind the 20/Middlesex’s original front line and from which the Yorkshires’ rear and the Middlesex garrisons in Shaftesbury and Tramline Avenues were under severe and immediate threat. The battalion’s reserve, C Company, was ordered forward through Bois-Grenier to meet the enemy. Just before noon, the battalion was under such pressure that it tried to call upon artillery support: ‘.. the SOS was sent out by pigeon, runner, two rockets [and through the 9/Northumberland Fusiliers on the battalion’s left], but no artillery replied’. Minutes later, Lieutenant Colonel Collen Melville Richards, 37

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commanding officer of 20/Middlesex, arrived, saying that his battalion had been practically annihilated. The Middlesex had indeed suffered severely. Second Lieutenant Alfred Hulls of the same battalion, having got back from No Man’s Land with his raiding party, was one who organised his company in Tin Barn Avenue. He would recall that ‘About 11am he made an attack from front and rear; at the same time parties commenced to bomb down both ends of my trench. We beat off this attack but I ascertained afterwards however that we had practically no ammunition left – about 15 rounds per man. I managed to scrounge another five rounds per man from the MGC. About 12.30 the enemy made another attack which was beaten off – had about four casualties. … About 1pm he was about to attack again when Captain Samuel … said it was no use … so we smashed all Lewis and Vickers guns and surrendered. Personally, I never expected to be taken alive, as we must have inflicted tremendous casualties on the enemy.’ Major Francis Hill had been at battalion headquarters at Wye Farm: ‘At 10.15am CSM Kenny of the Surreys, followed by a wounded officer and a few men, ran into the farm, saying that the enemy were on their heels and had overpowered the Surreys. I immediately rushed out with a few men … and saw through fog that an aid post, 120 yards to our right rear, had been captured. It was evident that our ‘B’ and ‘D’ Companies had been accounted for without any information reaching us.’ Hill fought on with whatever help he could find from headquarters and any men nearby, and even got a line through to brigade at 11.15am. By then, British artillery had been firing on his own men for some time and he begged brigade to ask them to lift from his position. The shelling, however, continued until 12.30pm, causing further losses. With the men he could muster dwindling down, eventually to reach just nine, Hill considered attempting to rush back towards the Lys; but eventually he and his small garrison surrendered, their position hopeless, at about 1.30pm. Two detachments of what little was left of 20/Middlesex were attached next day to the 29th Division. One of them, of thirty-two men under Second Lieutenant ECP Williams, reported back thirteen days later – fully eight days after their battalion had been withdrawn from the battle. 38

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By mid-day the Portuguese Division had been destroyed and the 40th Division was open to attack from its flank. (Author)

They had managed to fend for themselves, first attached to the 29th and then to another division when they got separated, and remained in action with their three Lewis guns throughout the period. As early as 11.20am enemy troops were reported to be in Bac St. Maur – despite the fact that Fleurbaix was still holding out. This was infiltration tactics applied on the grand scale, with the German spearhead ignoring resistance on its right flank. The 12/Suffolks adjusted its positions during the bombardment and formed a defensive position in the area of Canteen Farm and Limit Post, north east of Fleurbaix. Messages were received reporting large numbers of enemy moving northwards across the battalion’s position and soon enough – certainly by 11am – the Suffolks’ line came under heavy machine gun fire. The battalion responded in kind and a heavy and continuous firefight ensued for several hours. At 4.30pm it withdrew to link up with the 11/Suffolks and 16/Royal Scots of 34th Division, forming an improvised or more or less continuous defence from Fort Rompu down to Gris Pot and La Vesée and then carrying on the line around Armentières. This was essentially the inter-divisional boundary before the attack and at about ninety degrees to the front line of that morning. 39

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120 (Scottish) Brigade. This under-strength brigade was initially in reserve on the river line. The 10/11th and 14th battalions of the Highland Light Infantry were at Nouveau Monde and the 2/Royal Scots Fusiliers was at Sailly. The latter was a regular army unit with a reputation as a hard fighting battalion: it had only arrived to join the brigade on 7 April. At 6.15am the battalions were ordered to pre-arranged defensive positions, a line of some 3000 yards covered by only about 1500 men in all. The Royal Scots Fusiliers were also ordered to give up 120 men for bridge traffic control: one wonders whether such work could not have been given to, for example, 68 Labour Company, which was not far away. The available fighting strength of the battalion was now down to about 300 men; the others some 600 each. This pitifully weak force was the only one immediately available to reinforce the 40th Division’s Battle Zone: the inadequacy of resources to fight elastic defence could not be more stark.

A German photograph of a farm near Sailly, after its capture. The farmland and farms of the battlefield were not completely devastated in the way they had been at Ypres and on the Somme. (Europeana)

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The fates of the two battalions of Highland Light Infantry were essentially the same. On the brigade’s right, D Company and half of B of the 10/11 HLI were ordered to take up a line between Cockshy House (where it would link up with 151st Brigade of 50th (Northumbrian Division) and Laventie East Post. Nothing more was heard of this portion of the battalion: it is quite clear that they had advanced into the very maw of the enemy. Behind this, the rest of the battalion would hold a support line between Muddy Lane Post and Laventie North. On reaching this position it came into immediate contact with the enemy and under increasingly heavy machine gun fire. By 12.50pm they reported ‘thick waves’ of Germans advancing on Laventie North. Attempts to reinforce came to nothing and the dwindling garrison did its best to extract itself and crossed the river at Nouveau Monde late in the afternoon. In the centre, 14/HLI sent three companies to the line from Laventie East Post to Charred Post: they were similarly never heard of again. C Company’s Captain Robert Blackledge walked straight into enemy hands. Having moved his men forward, he left them while he went to examine a nearby communication trench to see if it would a safe place to deploy his 9 Platoon.

A bustling small town, Laventie had been an important billeting and headquarters location since 1914. (Author)

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‘I followed this trench, turned a traverse and marched straight into a large party in grey uniforms. Taking them for some of the Portuguese troops, I addressed them twice in French. They did not reply but gathered round me. I then recognised their helmets and turned to escape to my men, but several rifles were pointed at me at 2 or 3 yards range. My men saw my difficulty and advanced to save me, but the enemy in the trench plied them in the open with a machine gun, and others worked past them and took them in the rear.’ The one company of the battalion that had been left in support also eventually withdrew across the Lys. On the left and in brigade reserve, 2/Royal Scots Fusiliers took up a position covering Sailly. At about 11.30am parties of 121 Brigade fell back into the area and took up the line on battalion’s left, prolonging it as far as the Rouge de Bout road. The situation was now most obscure: visibility remained very poor and the brigade reported difficulty in distinguishing between Portuguese and German troops; gas meant that men continued to wear respirators; and shell fire continued to rain down. It was becoming increasingly clear that there had been a break-in on the Portuguese front and that the two battalions of Highland Light Infantry were in serious trouble. With the exception of stragglers and a few parties falling back, it was far from clear what had happened to 119 and 121 Brigades. The Royal Scots Fusiliers and the few remaining men of the Highland Light Infantry, together with separated detachments of the division’s Machine Gun Battalion, mounted as a much of a defence as they could: they did so for some four hours before withdrawal across the river line was completed at around 4pm. By that time, the fighting portion of the Fusiliers was down to some 200 men – less than a full strength company. The divisional artillery, medical and engineer units. As early as 8am the field artillery had ordered its horse teams forwards in readiness to withdraw the guns across the Lys bridges at Fort Rompu and Bac St. Maur, should this prove necessary. Within the hour, all telephone communication to the brigades had been cut and the artillery found themselves having to improvise: all was indeed ‘mystery and gas’. The fortunes of the two brigades of the 57th (2nd West Lancashire) Division were mixed. It was later reported that B, C Batteries and one gun of D Battery of 286th Brigade RFA (near Fleurbaix) were captured by enemy infantry suddenly coming up on them from their right. At 10am 285th Brigade RFA received orders to withdraw and cross the Lys. Two 42

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batteries did so. B and D Batteries lost a total of seven guns but disabled them in the last moments before the gunners got away. Lieutenant Cecil Lyne found himself having to go the wrong way. His battery of 64th Brigade RFA had been moved into an exposed forward position near Barlette Farm to support the trench raid. ‘Brigade HQ was in a house near the bridge at Bac St. Maur just where the road was marked “dangerous corner”. It has never been so dangerous as it was that day. When I got there, all was confusion; they had had a direct hit on the mess. There was blood everywhere; the Adjutant had been badly hit; the Colonel had only just taken over command of the brigade and was also wounded for the fourth time. When I got up to HQ the Colonel was waiting for me on the bridge. He said “I’ve had no communication with the front line for the last twenty minutes and for all I know they have already been over-run by the German attack, so I can’t give you any orders about trying to go up and collect the guns. However, if you feel like going, I won’t try to stop you but must leave it entirely to you.”’ Lyne decided to do his best, and took five gun limbers forward, supervised by Major John Halliday DSO. He was surprised to find no British infantry either retreating or holding on in front, although around him there was much rifle fire crackling amid the sound of the continuing bombardment. He found his men preparing to destroy and abandon the guns as they were now under German fire from just a few hundred yards away. In an act of great bravery by gunners and horses alike, all six guns were hauled away to safety. Battery Sergeant Major John Carswell (an old soldier and veteran of the Punjab) managed to fix two guns to one limber with the enemy less than 500 yards away, enabling the whole battery to escape and for which he was awarded the Distinguished Conduct Medal. Lyne’s guns had been positioned a little way behind the hamlet of Le Croix Lescornex, which was situated on the Fleurbaix road not far from Winter’s Night Post. It had been the location of the division’s Advanced Dressing Station (ADS) and operated by 136th Field Ambulance. The entire station was over-run by the German advance and not a word more was heard of its staff or patients until information came some months later from prisoner of war camps via the Red Cross. Most of the rest of the 40th Division’s medical units managed to withdraw in time. When the bombardment began the main body of 136th Field Ambulance had been on the river road half way between Sailly and 43

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Bac St. Maur; 137th was further along the road at Fort Rompu, with its ADS at Aux Trois Toulettes (east of Fleurbaix, not far from Canteen Farm). The established casualty evacuation routes were disrupted as early as 8am when lateral movement along the river road began untenable. For some time these dressing stations continued to work but during the afternoon they were gradually withdrawn to join 135th Field Ambulance which was operating XV Corps’ Main Dressing Station across the river at Doulieu. During the morning much of the transport of units deployed south of the river was withdrawn across the Lys. By 1.30pm the enemy had approached near enough to it that 224th Field Company Royal Engineers was reporting enemy machine gun fire sweeping the river line. This matches reports that say that Germans had entered the buildings on the south bank at Bac St. Maur and were enfilading from the higher floors. Gradually, as the situation became clearer, decisions were taken to blow up the many bridges once British units had safely withdrawn. It was easier said than done: continuous shell fire kept breaking the exploder cables. At 2.15pm 224th Field Company blew a swing bridge at Bac St. Maur but had to replace the cables three times in order to do so. Second Lieutenant John Voce of 229th Field Company tried at one of the bridges at Sailly: he made several efforts to destroy it with improvised charges made from guncotton but failed to completely knock it out as the primers proved to be defective. Further west, 231st Field Company had the same problem with the main Pont Levis bridge at Estaires. Most of the pontoon and cork bridges were destroyed while under machine gun and shell fire, as soon as the infantry was judged to have crossed. The last cork bridge, near the brewery at Fort Rompu, was destroyed at 2.30pm. Bridges further west remained open, in some cases as late at 6pm, when 229th Field Company blew up the swing bridge at Sailly. A German photograph of Sailly shows the church tower still standing and comparatively undamaged, even after it had been captured. (Europeana)

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Bac St. Maur (Author)

Around 3.45pm German troops crossed the Lys at Bac St. Maur by an undestroyed emergency bridge and began to advance down the road towards Croix du Bac. Lieutenant Colonel William Brown, with a mixed remnant of his own 18/Welsh and other units, had managed to cut the ropes of two of the floating bridges but could not reach the third due to enemy fire. The first to cross the remaining bridge was said to be Lieutenant of Reserve Imiolcryk of Infanterie-Regiment Keith (1. Oberschlesisches) 22 of 11th Reserve-Division, with a party of Infanterie-Regiment 371 of 43rd Ersatz-Infanterie-Brigade, 10th Ersatz-Division, commanded by Oberstleutnant Felix Schelle. The latter would soon be awarded Germany’s highest military honour, the Pour le Mérite, for his achievements on this and the next few days. The 34th Division and the Armentières flank. The town of Armentières technically falls outside the geographic scope of this volume, but its part in the fighting of 9-10 April needs to be understood. It lay just behind the British front and was held by the 34th Division. The town had been subjected to shellfire ever since the line stabilised here in October 1914; but, as no major battle had taken place in this sector, it had not been subjected to the pulverising bombardments that had turned Ypres to dust. It was still recognisably a town by mid45

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The advance of Infanterie-Regiment Keith (1. Oberschlesisches) 22, 11 ReserveDivision. The regiment made the first crossing at Bac St Maur and continued in action for several more days as it progressed to Steenwerck.

1917; a sad, battered depiction of its pre-war state but nonetheless a town. Many civilians were still present, despite the proximity to the enemy and the evident dangers of life under fire. The martyrdom of Armentières really began on 21 July 1917 when, in Operation Totendanz (Dance of Death), it was heavily shelled with mustard gas. Some 6,400 civilians and soldiers were affected by it. The exercise was repeated a week later. But there was worse to come. On 7 April 1918, the town was subjected to a gas bombardment that went on for more than ten hours, soaking it with the contents of between 25 and 40,000 mustard gas shells to such an extent that it rendered the town uninhabitable for at least a fortnight. The 34th Division sustained some 46

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900 gas casualties. The reason for this bombardment was the forthcoming ‘Georgette’ operation. Mustard gas was a ground-denial weapon; it rendered the gassed area dangerous or lethal for troops. Retreat from the town would be no easy matter, for the looping Lys passed across its northern outskirts, with relatively few bridges. The gas shelling of Armentières aimed to deny it to the British: and the reason for that was that it would form the protected right flank of the Sixth Army’s attack.

Precious statues of saints being removed from a church in Armentières. (National Library of France)

The 34th Division had been withdrawn from the Somme fighting and arrived on the Lys on 28 March, with the exception of its own artillery. It took temporary ownership of the artillery of the 38th (Welsh) Division. By 9 April the division was holding a stretch of the front line, but only its right half was in the geographic area of this book. This was held by 103 Brigade, supplemented during the first day by the reserve, 101 Brigade. It was not frontally attacked on 9 April, but was forced to pivot its right in a clockwise direction, forming a defensive flank as the 40th Division fell back into its area. By the day’s end this flank soon stretched up to Erquinghem-Lys. 47

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Fort Rompu, despite its name, was a hamlet on the Sailly to Erquinghem road. (Author)

The infantry of the division was first engaged at around 11am, when enemy infantry advanced from the Fleurbaix-Canteen Farm road. They were kept at a distance by artillery and machine gun fire, but they forced the division to begin to deploy its reserve. The 16/Royal Scots from 101 Brigade was sent westwards from Erquinghem towards Bac St. Maur at 11.20am, but found the Germans already there. All that could be done was to form a long, thinly-held defence position across the open country from Fort Rompu to Canteen Farm. This was not seriously threatened during the rest of the day (although there were localised reports of incursions into the British line), as the Germans quite rightly pursued the goal of getting across the Lys. While the 38th, 10th (Ersatz) and 11th Reserve Divisions made for Fleurbaix and on to Bac St. Maur, the 32nd Division (a Saxon formation) made towards Erquinghem-Lys and thereby became the most serious threat to the 34th Division’s right flank. At 9.30pm, the division was informed that 147 Brigade, coming from the 49th (West Riding) Division, would arrive by bus at La Crèche at 4am on 10 April and would be at its disposal. The brigade was moved from the Ypres area, one of the first to be stripped from that sector as GHQ became increasingly desperate for reserve for the fighting on the Lys. The defensive flank formed by the 34th Division – strengthened here and there by elements of the 40th Division, which had been pushed back into its area - was harassed and attacked throughout the morning of 10 April, but largely held its ground. Orders were given during mid48

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afternoon that the division was to withdraw north across the river; for the units on the right flank this meant at Erquinghem-Lys. In the most distant cases this required a difficult sideways move of several miles, under sustained shell fire and under attack during the march.

A perhaps somewhat dramatised view of the defence of Erquinghem-Lys; but it captures the atmosphere. (Author)

During the night, 147 Brigade had arrived and sent a battalion, 4/Duke of Wellington’s, forward to Erquinghem-Lys. It encountered large numbers of British troops coming the other way before it reached the village. Battalion headquarters was set up in Wigan Post, on the north bank of the Lys, and it sent its companies across the river to assist the hard-pressed 103 and 101 brigades. They met no enemy directly but the battalion suffered casualties from heavy shell and machine-gun fire as it deployed along the Rue du Moulin, facing towards Fort Rompu. A German attack was beaten off; large numbers of battlefield stragglers were coming in from the south, and the scene was one of utmost danger and uncertainty. In the midst of this, Arthur Poulter earned his Victoria Cross for many acts of great personal bravery and endeavour carrying wounded men emerged, but none more so than those of the out of the inferno at battalion’s Private 24066 Arthur Poulter. Seriously Erquinghem. (Author) wounded during the hours at Erquinghem-Lys before 49

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the battalion was withdrawn, he was deservedly awarded the Victoria Cross (the citation is given in full in Appendix II). A stretcher bearer, Poulter carried at least eleven wounded men to safety, many on his back. During the afternoon, the battalion and rest of the brigade were ordered to withdraw across the river in the direction of Nieppe, and at this point they pass beyond the geographic scope of this volume. Counter-attack at the Lys bridgehead: 74 Brigade. During the morning, 74 Brigade had been sent to come into a counterattack position at Steenwerck. It had recently arrived in Flanders, along with the rest of the 25th Division, from the Somme and, while this division’s other brigades were now holding the front line north of Armentières, the battalions of 74 Brigade were in reserve near Neuve Église. Men who were enjoying a bath, practising on the firing ranges and generally being at rest and in training that morning began to move off at 1.30pm and were arriving just as Schelle’s men were crossing the river. The brigade was now placed under the orders of the 40th Division. Its job was to confirm where the enemy actually was and then to drive them south. All three of its battalions deployed: on the right, 9/Loyal North Lancs was to go via La Boudrelle along a major communication trench known as the Steenwerck Switch to reach the river; in the centre the 11/Lancashire Fusiliers would approach Croix du Bac via the road 74 Infantry Brigade counter-attacked from Croix du Bac, trying to crush the German bridgehead at Bac St Maur.

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through Sequenteau; and on their left came 3/Worcesters, which was to reach the river bank via Hallobeau. While the Worcesters reached their destination without serious difficulty, this was not the case for the other battalions. The Loyals met with machine gun fire from houses along the road between Croix du Bac and Pont de la Boudrelle and dug in parallel to that road. On its right, it came into touch with the 12/Yorkshire, which had now been withdrawn across the river from Sailly. In what was still a confused situation, the Loyals’ commanding officer, Lieutenant Colonel William Wienholt, rode into Croix du Bac, only to have his horse shot from Lieutenant Colonel William under him. Wienholt, commanding 9th Reinforced by some 150 men of various Loyal North Lancashires, units of 119 Brigade, the Lancashire Fusiliers, rode into Croix du Bac, but which had been ordered to approach the river, had his horse shot from found it strongly held by the enemy. The under him and was battalion was also shortly joined by four teams wounded. (Lancashire from D Company of 25th Machine Gun Infantry Museum) Battalion. At 8.30pm, with a company of the Worcesters also taking part, the battalion counter attacked towards Croix du Bac but could not penetrate beyond the west-east road running through the village. The crossroads village of Croix du Bac, where 74 Infantry Brigade went into the counter attack. (Author)

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Brigade HQ, under considerable pressure from above, at 10.15pm ordered another attack, with an imperative to drive the enemy back across the Lys before the Germans could build up a strong force in the bridgehead. By now it had become an exceptionally dark, moonless and cloudy night and intelligence on German manpower and dispositions was patchy to say the last. All three battalions were to attack in concert and were to reach, as a minimum, the chain of wired-in but barely constructed posts on the northern bank, from Brickfield Post in front of the 9/Loyals to Sussex Post on the front of the Worcesters. By 2am on 10 April the battalions had approached the posts but had not managed to remove the enemy from the northern bank – far from it. By 6.15am, enemy troops were firing on the backs of the battalions of 74 Brigade from Croix du Bac and La Boudrelle. It was not clear to them whether this was from Germans that they had missed or not mopped up in the dark of the night counter-attack, or whether there had been a fresh breakthrough. The situation appears to have been managed for a while, and a fresh counter-attack by the Loyals made some further progress towards Brickfield and Norfolk Posts. Soon enough, though, a strong enemy attack infiltrated between the Loyals and the Lancashire Fusiliers and casualties in those units were heavy. At 10.30am brigade accepted its fate and now ordered a more northerly line, from Pont Vanuxeem to Sequenteau to Hallobeau, to be ‘held at all costs’ and that ‘no retirement [from there] was to take place unless it was unavoidable’. With the German force north of the river growing by the minute, and with news of its attack spreading to the north, it was indeed unavoidable. By The Germans soon constructed new bridges to allow traffic forwards across the Lys. (Author)

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mid-afternoon, German forces were forging ahead on both sides of Steenwerck. There was a short period of fighting in the streets of that town, during which Lieutenant Colonel Edward Cuthbert de Renzy Martin, commanding 11/Lancashire Fusiliers, was captured by the enemy. With the Lys now behind them, German troops could see a vista of flat, indefensible ground ahead, with Hazebrouck now less than twenty miles away: but first they had to deal with the Durham, Northumberland and Yorkshire territorials holding on to Estaires. The defence of Estaires and the Lawe crossings. The principal reserve available to XV Corps, the 50th (Northumbrian) Division, had only completed its arrival on the Lys front on 8 April. Like the 40th Division, it too had sustained serious losses during Operation ‘Michael’ and was in the process of reorganising and receiving drafts. Several battalions had come out of the Somme fighting at about the strength of a single company and even with the drafts they were still only at about half size. The division was ordered to prepare to relieve the Portuguese; it was proposed to begin late on 9 April but was overtaken by events. In the meantime, the division was made responsible for a defensive scheme in which it would man a line of posts west of Laventie - from Bout Deville to Cockshy House – and the crossings of the Lawe and Lys between Fosse and the Pont Levis bridge, east of Estaires. Arrangements were made for 151 Brigade to proceed to the defensive line should it be required, while 149 and 150 Brigades would remain north of the Lys in the area from Chapelle Duvelle, through Estaires to Trou Bayard. The German bombardment rained down on Merville, La Gorgue and Estaires. These towns, hitherto largely unscathed, were soon on their way to being reduced to rubble, whilst the smoke from large fires thickened the fog. The residents and refugees in the area had grown used to living within what was in effect a militarised zone; to long-range shell fire and aerial bombing. But they had never experienced anything like this. They took their lives into their hands and fled down the roads heading north and west. The old, young, infirm and ill alike plodded on, many having loaded their few portable possessions onto carts, prams and bicycles. It is not known how many perished under the bombardment but it is evident that large numbers got away to safety. This was due in part to the effort of Company Sergeant Major G/96809 Frederick Edwin Dann, formerly of the Durham Light Infantry but now employed as an interpreter by the Intelligence Corps. A graduate, who pre war earned his living as a French teacher, he had already been decorated for providing this service to no less a figure than King George V on a royal battlefield trip in the spring 53

The 50th (Northumbrian) Division moved through the Merville area to hold the northern bank of the Lys.

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of 1917. Dann wrote home at the time, ‘I have done some mad, queer, kind, cruel, soft and dangerous deeds since Easter Monday’. He surely did the same over the first day or two of the battle, when he organised more than 1100 people fleeing Estaires into convoys that got away through a gas bombardment and down the Neuf Berquin road. For the next three weeks, with two other men, he made sure none were left behind in the farms and villages from which the British were forced to withdraw. Dann was awarded the French Croix de Guerre for his work. His action was humanitarian in nature but also one of military necessity, for many units that were ordered into the battle area reported delays due to the roads and tracks being jammed with refugees fleeing the area.

Refugees fleeing the area. (British Library) Rubble and burning buildings in Estaires proved to be a hazard and delaying factor for both sides, with streets soon impassable. (Author)

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The bulletin for local people of Estaires, La Voix de l’exil, would sadly report later, as the first evacuees returned in October 1918, ‘The situation of our commune is summed up: total destruction, absolute destruction. It looks like a vast chaotic work of demolition. The eye is hardly accustomed to this distressing aspect: the distances are shortened and without a few remaining landmarks, such as the town pump, or a piece of inscription, it would be impossible to find the very location of our homes.’ The town hall, the magnificent church, the presbytery, schools, factories and houses all went. In the midst of this chaos, at 5.15am, divisional headquarters ordered 151 Brigade to leave its billets in the town and proceed south across the river to man the defensive line.

Estaires was completely razed by the fighting in April 1918. (Author)

Disaster soon befell 6/Durham Light Infantry, which was billeted overnight in buildings in Estaires. Its job in the defence scheme was to move across the river to the posts between Clifton Post and Cockshy House. The battalion’s war diary is short of detail, principally as so few survived the battle. A published battalion history (Capt. R. B. Ainsworth MC) explains, ‘One of the first shells burst in the convent [where the officers had slept the night], and all the occupants with two exceptions became casualties. The men, however, got out of their billets in safety, and 56

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the highest praise is due to the NCOs, who gave valuable assistance to the three surviving company officers in getting the battalion into its battle positions in Cockshy, Marais East and West, and Le Drumez posts. Amongst the officers killed in the convent were Capt. G. Kirkhouse, Capt. J. F. G. Aubin DSO MC and Lieut. C.L. Tyerman, all of whom had seen much service with the battalion.’ Of these officers, only Kirkhouse has a known grave today. He was found after the war and reinterred at Merville Communal Cemetery Extension, II E 15. Before examining the part played by the remnant of the battalion in the defence of the Lys at Estaires, we need to consider their comrades of the 8/Durham Light Infantry. It soon became all too apparent that the Portuguese front had been broken. By 11am there were no more of their troops retiring through the Clifton Post - Cockshy House area and the DLI realised that they were now holding what amounted to a front line of sorts. Patrols probed out cautiously into the fog and by noon were reporting enemy troops within 600 yards. Laventie appeared to be in the process of being evacuated and there was no apparent British defence on the battalion’s left: we already know the fate of 120 (Scottish) Brigade, which should have been holding this line. At 1.30pm brigade headquarters committed its only reserve, the Trench Mortar Battery, to hold Le Drumez Post. It was too late: enemy troops advancing in force from Laventie captured Carter’s and Le Drumez before the mortar teams reached the area. They instead took up a position near the railway, just south of Pont Levis. Although the situation was still unclear it seemed to brigade headquarters that the Germans were advancing in two directions. They were not only moving directly onto the Lys in the area of Pont Levis and Nouveau Monde, but also turning westwards from Le Drumez and heading towards the loop in the River Lawe between Pont Riqueul and Fosse. By 3pm reports came in that enemy troops had reached the river at Nouveau Monde: 5/DLI was now ordered to deploy to hold Pont Levis at all costs and to employ its reserve company to make a counter attack towards Laventie. By 4.30pm, part of the 6/DLI, amounting to four officers and sixty men, fell back from Clifton Post and withdrew northwards to the railway near La Gorgue. The divisional pioneers, 7/DLI, were ordered to reinforce them there. To their left, a problem was developing: at 5pm patrols from the Corps Cyclist Battalion reported that enemy fire had forced the garrison at Pont 57

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Levis back over the bridge. Brigade ordered the Trench Mortar Battery to counter attack at once, and requested help from 149 Brigade. By 6.30am the mortar teams had regained control of the bridge, but it was only a matter of time before it fell again. Attempts to destroy the bridge failed. The 4/Northumberland Fusiliers of 149 Brigade was ordered to counter attack should the enemy cross in force, but it was now clear that this meant at best holding on to the northern bank. This battalion had been moved up from reserve at Arrewage during the morning and was now dug in near Faggot Farm, north of Estaires. It had also sent a company to hold the railway at Beaupré, west of La Gorgue. During the late afternoon and evening it gradually took up the line of the northern river bank between the two Estaires bridges. Wilfred Callin, the battalion’s chaplain, would later write in his history, When the lantern of hope burned low, that ‘… fierce fighting took place for the possession of these important points, fighting in which the youths from home, conquering inexperience and the first fright of battle, vied with our veterans in tenacity, resolution, and faithfulness. The machine-gun fire was deadly, the flat open country being fatally adapted to this modern weapon. Nevertheless, the spirit of our men was seen in the desperate efforts they made to reach their positions, the grip they kept of them, and the effective check they imposed on the enemy’s advance.’ German pressure was also closing in on Estaires from the west. By 6.15pm British detachments were surrounded at La Gorgue and withdrew across the river; the Pont de la Meuse was blown up. The 8/DLI was to move from billets in Neuf Berquin to hold the defences in front of the Lawe crossings at Lestrem. It managed to negotiate the route via La Gorgue despite the shell fire and took up its position at 9.30am, relieving the XV Corps Cyclist Battalion. Detachments went forward to man the three Le Marais posts, while the rest of the battalion was held in reserve on the west side of the Lawe, near Pont Riqueul. For some hours battalion headquarters received little useful information except for signs that the enemy was making progress against the Portuguese: some of the latter passed through the posts being held by the Durhams. Second Lieutenant Robinson, commanding the detachment out at Le Marais South Post, sent in a message at 1.40pm, saying that the Germans had captured Le Marais East. He had organised a machine gun defence that was inflicting losses on the attackers, and had rallied some Portuguese with Luisinhas (Lewis guns) to stay in his post. But he also 58

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reported that enemy troops were in his rear near the Lawe bank. This was of great and worrying significance, for close behind Robinson’s post was the Rault Lock – a narrow crossing point in this canalised stretch of the river. By 3pm he reported that Le Marais West had also fallen. With pressure mounting, two platoons of D Company, which were then in reserve, were ordered to move closer to the lock. Their orders were to counter attack to regain it should it be lost and then to hold it at all costs. Later in the afternoon they were joined by a platoon from C Company. Behind the Durhams, units of 153 Brigade of the 51st (Highland) Division were belatedly on the way to take up a defensive line along the Lawe. This division was XI Corps’ reserve and had been held up in its approach by a frustrating march against the tide of ‘refugees and Portuguese who blocked all roads with the carts and transport’. The brigade was under orders to hold the river line from the Fosse bridge northwards to the drawbridge at Lestrem (maps show it as Pont Levis: this is not to be confused with the bridge of the same name at Estaires). At 4.10pm the brigade ordered 7/Gordon Highlanders to advance to hold a position from Fosse bridge to Le Marais West and 6/Black Watch to extend the line from that post to the drawbridge. But Le Marais West was by now a forlorn hope. By 4.30pm Robinson’s men were surrounded on three sides and forced to carry out a fighting withdrawal towards Fosse. At about the same time, battalion headquarters (which had lost several orderlies as a result of shellfire) relocated to a house in Lestrem. By 5.30pm small numbers of German troops had forced their way across the lock. Six platoons of the 7/Gordon Highlanders arrived just in time to support the DLI’s counter attack. This met with heavy machine gun fire coming from the east bank but managed to close up to the river line on its west bank and any Germans still able to do so withdrew back across the lock. By 9.45pm neither side was holding the lock and there appeared to be no Germans on the west bank at this location. During the evening the two Scots battalions were withdrawn, leaving the depleted men of the DLI to hold the line. By the early hours of 10 April, German field guns had been brought up to close range and opened fire on the few troops of the 8/DLI who were holding the remaining bridgehead at Pont Riqueul. Most of the garrison were killed or wounded, and German infantry gained a footing within the bridgehead area. It was decided to withdraw across the bridge and then blow it up but, although an explosive charge was fired, it failed to completely destroy it. At 8.30am an attack in force carried the Germans across the Lawe. During the morning a small German party also crossed 59

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Once Estaires had fallen, the German attack pressed along the northern bank of the Lys to the next town, Merville. It, too, was completely destroyed in the fighting and the artillery bombardments which continued through the summer. (Author)

the river at a footbridge north of Lestrem, where there was perfect wooded cover on the east bank and an open field of fire to the west. The few remaining elements of the 8/DLI still fighting in the river loop were now in extreme danger of being surrounded. They were withdrawn through the 6/Black Watch, who were holding the ‘chord’ of the loop, along the road south of Lestrem. The diary of the 51st (Highland) Division reports that about a hundred men of the DLI managed to escape and take up positions in the line with the Black Watch. Fighting for Lestrem continued throughout the day, including a counter attack mounted from north of the town by part of the 6/DLI; but by nightfall the town and the whole line of the Lawe had fallen. The way was now open for a German advance on Merville and a turn to the south, aiming to roll up the British line. The Casualty Clearing Stations. There were sixteen Casualty Clearing Stations (CCS) located within First Army’s area, of which four were located within nine miles of the original front line, the others further to the rear. One of the latter was the Portuguese CCS at St. Venant. The German advance soon threatened these units. Moving a CCS was not a matter to be undertaken lightly, for it usually comprised a mixture of huts and tents for wards, surgical units and accommodation, and all the equipment of a hospital of considerable 60

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size. Inevitably, if it became necessary to move, then a speedy return to work was desirable. The Merville-based 51 CCS was the first to have to move, when it came under German shellfire on 9 April. It began an immediate relocation to Aire-sur-la-Lys. Others soon went the same way: 22 CCS, based at Bruay, moved to Lozinghem on 12 April; 1 CCS, at Chocques, moved to Arques next day; 6 CCS moved from Ruitz to Pernes on 17 April. Despite the evident disruption and effort, the medical service was maintained throughout and no stations reported any significant problems in terms of processing the casualties. Loss of equipment during the withdrawal goes largely unmentioned in war diaries and official accounts make it all seem a smooth operation; but this was not always the case. Private 68405 Joe Yarwood was with 94th Field Ambulance, one of the medical units of the 31st Division. ‘We went into action that night, but so far as our action was concerned we didn’t know where to go, it was sort of wandering around aimlessly. We went into a casualty clearing station which was lying vacant. A lovely big hospital with wards, proper beds. There was a piano in one of the nurses’ quarters. All luxury. All this lot was going to fall into the hands of [the Germans]. We spent a night there and didn’t do anything at all. Next morning one of our chaps was round scrounging and he found a quartermaster’s stores intact. There was whisky, all sorts of luxuries lying there.’ From his location, Joe is talking about 2 CCS, which left Outtersteene on 9 April, bound for the area known as Ana Jana Siding, at Le Kreule, on the outskirts of Hazebrouck. Later in the day, ‘We were sending off the wounded. They would go off to a Casualty Clearing Station they know of. When they got there the CCS had hopped it. The whole thing was disorganised. Our chaps were throwing away their rifles at this time, making for Calais in large numbers, with the idea of getting back to Blighty. They were rounding them up there, equipping them with more stuff and sending them back into the firing line.’ Pte J E Stevens later wrote of his experience as an operator of a military cinema, billeted at Bac St. Maur when the battle began. ‘Awakened suddenly at 4.30am, we felt that something unusual was amiss. How wonderful it was that, situated as we were, about 61

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two and a half miles behind the lines and shells dropping everywhere for over nine hours, we were stuck at the crossroads there, which the Huns plastered for all they were worth – we eventually escaped over the river on a floating bridge, just as the Huns entered the village behind us. All our splendid outfit, cinema, considered the finest in France, concert party, professionals, costumes and everything all lost!’ (The Grantham Journal, 1 February 1919) The defence of Estaires. While the DLI of 151 Brigade were advancing across the rivers to man the chain of posts early on 9 April, the battalions of 149 and 150 Brigades were also on the move. Their progress was slow: starting off from scattered billets and going across wholly unfamiliar ground (at least one officer had no maps to guide him), the battalions were delayed by shell fire and for hours endured much uncertainty about what was happening. Events in some of these muddled hours can be summarised: by midafternoon, 150 Brigade was manning the north bank of the Lys east of Estaires and 149th was echeloned behind it in reserve. They had scarcely reached their positions by the time the Germans were assembled on the south bank at Nouveau Monde and crossing the Lys further east at Bac St. Maur. The whole area, as far back at brigade headquarters, which had been set up at Pont de Poivre, near Trou Bayard, now came under German machine guns firing across this flat ground from the upper storeys of houses along the Nouveau Monde – Sailly road along the river bank. Two battalions of 149 Brigade arrived at their places at Trou Bayard and were ordered to be ready to ‘counter-attack any portion of the front Estaires and nearby La Gorgue were towns with light industries and important river bridging points. (Author)

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line which may be pierced … the line of the Lys and Lawe to be held at all costs’. This was not an easy order to interpret. Where was the front line, exactly? Germans were evidently near and on the Lys, but there were messages reporting that the 40th Division was still fighting on in Fleurbaix. By late afternoon things had clarified: the enemy was across at Bac St. Maur and pushing on towards Croix du Bac. Division ordered the brigade to move two of its two battalions (5/ and 6/Northumberland Fusiliers) to form and protect a flank on the left, the latter patrolling out as far as Boudrelle stream. Between them and the river, 4/East Yorkshire and 4/Yorkshire of 150 Brigade were digging in. These battalions came under heavy shellfire and sustained serious casualties but held the enemy off from any river crossing. German efforts at Nouveau Monde Bridge, covered by Captain James Ruthven’s B Company of the East Yorks, appear to have been repulsed by concentrated rifle fire. The third battalion of 149 Brigade, 4/Northumberland Fusiliers, had been halted just east of Merville and the men were fed there at 2pm once the battalion’s mobile cookers had negotiated the battered streets of the town. At this point it came under the orders of 151 Brigade and shook out into artillery formation to march in the direction of the water tower on the edge of Estaires. It could ill-afford to lose its D Company, which had been sent off to hold the railway south of the Lys at Beaupré. At The Pont de la Meuse in central Estaires, a typical lifting bridge to enable the passing of barge traffic. British troops withdrew across this bridge on 9 April 1918. (Author)

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5.30pm the battalion sent out small patrols probing toward the Ponts de la Meuse and Levis, to reconnoitre the situation and link up with 5/DLI, holding the bridges. The night was, thankfully, quiet and this allowed the division to supply the battalions with rations and ammunition; some of the men got some rest. It was already light when, at 5.40am on 10 April, the 4/Northumberland Fusiliers received an order to send two platoons to Pont Levis and for the rest to complete a move to Quennelle Farm by dawn. Almost as soon as they began to move the bridge party was hit by heavy German machine gun fire. The main body also came under fire; but headquarters and B Company managed to reach Harlech Post at Point de Poivre, where they made contact with 5/Northumberland Fusiliers. At 8.40am, 6/Northumberland Fusiliers began a counter-attack with the intention of recapturing Estaires. Events are obscure: there is no battalion war diary and the reports from others are scanty and conflicting. In retrospect, it was little more than a brave pinprick attack that stood no real chance of success. It appears that, moving from Trou Bayard and passing through the 4th Battalion at 9.30am, the 6th succeeded in clearing Germans out of the northern part of the burning town and reached within perhaps 300 yards of Pont Levis. For once in this battle, the counter-attack appears to have had some degree of co-ordinated artillery support. But it could advance no further, for great volumes of machine gun fire from in front and the Pont Levis area brought it to a standstill and the town was also under shell fire. Casualties were severe. The battalion had, however, made contact by 10.30am with elements of the 5/DLI, still holding out at Pont de la Meuse. The divisional history suggests that the battalion mounted a number of machine guns in the upper floors of buildings near the river, but it is not certain whether this was actually so. Two platoons of B Company of 4/Northumberland Fusiliers, under Second Lieutenant Bull, were ordered to reinforce the 6th Battalion in the Pont Levis area, but they also came under heavy fire, which held them back and caused severe loss. At much the same time, 5/Northumberland Fusiliers began to report that it was now out of contact with its right-hand company, positioned towards Pont Levis. East of the bridge the situation quickly deteriorated, with heavy losses on the British side. Two companies of the 5/Northumberland Fusiliers were sent to relieve companies of the 4/East Yorks, which had sustained casualties the previous day: their fate is uncertain. By 10.30am the Germans were crossing in force at Pont Levis and moving north east towards Quennelle Farm. This took them behind the river line held by the East Yorks and 4/Yorkshire. Despite brave localised attempts at 64

The Northumberland Fusiliers counterattack ultimately met with the failure to regain Estaires and the Lys bridges.

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counter attacks, their advance went unabated - although all of the British units in the area reported inflicting serious losses on their enemy. The detachments holding the river line fought on to the last; but in effect the East Yorks were destroyed as a fighting unit. The platoons were mopped up one by one; even battalion headquarters, which had been situated in a shell hole, was surrounded and all there taken prisoner: Major Harold Jackson (commanding), Captain Cecil Slack (adjutant), Second Lieutenant Thompson (intelligence), the Regimental Sergeant Major and an orderly room corporal all fell into German hands. The 5/Northumberland Fusiliers fared little better, although elements fought on in the area of Point de la Poivre and Trou Bayard for some hours before they were eliminated or managed to get away. The first phase of battle was reaching an end. The front line divisions and the reserves of XI and XV Corps had been fully committed to battle and were reaching the point of utter exhaustion. The Germans were across the Lys and Lawe, and pushing on fast. Topographically, there was little to hinder them reaching Hazebrouck now; but a new phase of the battle now began as the 29th, 31st and 61st (2nd South Midland) Divisions arrived from elsewhere.

Refugees fleeing Estaires were organised and assisted by the British Army. (Author)

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Chapter Four

The Second Phase: Into the Mixer During the first day of the German offensive, the British First Army began to move any reserves that it had at hand into the area behind the front that was under attack. They were few. Urgent requests went up to GHQ and it in turn asked Second Army to assist. This Army had the 29th Division holding the line in the horrific swampland of Passchendaele, but it was already under orders to move south to relieve one of the shattered divisions on the Somme. These orders were cancelled during the afternoon of 9 April and the division was now instructed Major General to move urgently to the Neuf Berquin area. The units of Douglas Cayley 86 and 87 brigades proceeded by bus, arriving early next commanded the 29th Division but day. soon found his Just as these brigades were reaching their command split up destinations, the German attack extended northwards into as it was urgently their Fourth Army area, north of Armentières. It made deployed. (Author) brisk progress. The 29th Division’s 88 Brigade was the last to leave the Passchendaele trenches and had reached St Jan ter Biezen, where it camped overnight. Due to the changed situation and concerns at the pace at which the German attack was developing, the brigade was diverted and arrived during 10 April in the hilly area south east of Bailleul. It reported ‘a scene of utter confusion, the road being full of retiring troops and refugees’; but it soon became evident that the enemy was now not too far away, at Steenwerck. The brigade deployed to the line of the Bailleul-Armentières railway between Steenwerck station and Trois Arbres, bringing it into the area behind elements of the 40th and 34th Divisions that were holding the river line north and north-west of Erquinghem-Lys. Impatient to achieve the objectives set on 10 April, von Quast ordered Sixth Army to continue to press on for the Strazeele - Bailleul high ground and to reach the La Bassée Canal. But over the next few days progress would prove repeatedly disappointing and cause Sixth Army to take a pause from 14 April. It would not attack with any serious force until three days later. 67

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Armentières, which had been subjected to shell fire since 1914, was a wilderness of gas and rubble by the time it was evacuated in April 1918. (National Library of France)

The flat Lys valley landscape is little changed today. (Olivier Bayart)

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The air battle. Although the morning was once again misty, conditions for flying improved during the afternoon of 11 April. Aerial activity on both sides was intense, indeed relentless, through most of the day. Observation proved to be much easier due to the clear air, providing an improved fix on German locations and movements. British fighters were once again mainly deployed on low-level ground attack work, whilst newly arrived DH4 bombing squadrons attacked German railways and communications in the rear at Haubourdin and Don. It was becoming clearer that the Germans, having now exploited their Lys bridgehead, were advancing in the Merville area and were likely to be aiming for Hazebrouck. Special instructions were given to the air resources to concentrate on the roads leading from Estaires to Merville and Neuf Berquin. 12 April was a finer day; it saw sustained air attacks on German ground forces, including the supporting observation balloons that had been brought up close to the fighting lines and which feature in so many British war diary accounts. British balloons had been withdrawn from the immediate battle area, but good work was done by balloon observers south of the La Bassée Canal, in particular in directing the fire of 12-inch howitzers onto a German troop assembly near Lorgies.

Many British units reported being observed from German balloons brought close to the front. (Europeana)

Along the whole British front on this day, eighty-nine observerdirected calls for heavy artillery fire on important fleeting targets (such as troop concentrations) were made, the majority of them from over the Lys battlefield. The sustained intensity of air action on 12 April was noted 69

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A German photograph of the ruins of Estaires after the battle. (Author)

by the official historian, H. A. Jones: ‘… more hours were flown, more bombs dropped, and more photographs taken than on any day since the war began’. The day also marked a record-breaking feat by a Sopwith Camel fighter pilot, Captain Henry Winslow Woollett, of 43 Squadron RAF, who shot down six enemy aircraft of the thirty-five ‘kills’ that he would eventually amass. The defence of Doulieu. The two brigades of 29th Division stepping off their buses at Neuf Berquin were amongst the most battle-experienced of the entire army. With the exception of the unusual 1/Royal Guernsey Light Infantry, they were all battalions of the pre-war regular army and had seen service at Gallipoli and in the ill-fated attack at Beaumont-Hamel on 1 July 1916. Since then, they had been through the trials of Arras, Third Ypres and Cambrai. Despite their numbers now being mainly made up of a mixture of war time volunteers and conscripts, the battalions included a dwindling core of regular officers and men and managed to maintain a certain air of ‘swank’ and superiority. These units and the men leading them knew their business – but, even so, the next few days would prove to be a severe test. It did not help that they arrived fatigued and unfed, or that most of the officers and men did not know the area and were given no maps. Crucially, the division’s artillery did not accompany it to the Lys. With so little by way of British reserves and defensible natural features north of the Lys, it was imperative that the Germans be pushed 70

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Doulieu had already suffered much damage from a brief period of fighting here in 1914. (Author)

back across the river before they could build up enough strength – particularly artillery resources and transport – on the northern bank. Time was of the essence. In retrospect, the British reaction was just too slow and by the time that the 29th Division began to deploy the race against the clock had been lost. Reliance was unreasonably placed on the 71

The first large-scale reserve formation to arrive, 29th Division, began to deploy towards Estaires.

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.

scattered units of the 40th and 50th Divisions, and the 29th Division was in effect held as a reserve behind them when a more urgent and vigorous corps and divisional command might have had important effects on the battle. The three battalions of 86 Brigade initially moved out to the right and camped around Robermetz: they were the 1/Lancashire Fusiliers, 2/Royal Fusiliers and the Guernseymen. The 2/South Wales Borderers, 1/King’s Own Scottish Borderers and 1/Border making up 87 Brigade remained around Neuf Berquin. They all arranged outposts and began to find their bearings. This was no easy task, for the area of several miles between Neuf Berquin and the river line was billiard-table flat and devoid of useful landmarks except for the Estaires road, some church towers and a few chimney stacks in Estaires and Merville. A picture was gradually built up through information from patrols, battlefield stragglers and intelligence sent from other units. It did not amount to much: tired elements of the 40th and 50th Divisions were somewhere ahead and the Germans were across the river in force. A company of 2/Royal Fusiliers was detached to cover the Lys bridge at Beaupré and 1/Border moved out almost to Estaires to hold a line stretching from the Neuf Berquin road to the Meterenbecque stream, but the situation was relatively quiet. The 50th (Northumbrian) Division decided that it did not need their support and after 6.30pm they returned to Neuf Berquin. During the afternoon the brigades received orders to advance and deploy to create a defensive line running in a more or less north-easterly line from the northern outskirts of Estaires. The three battalions of 87 Brigade formed a continuous line, with, from right to left, 1/Border, 1/King’s Own Scottish Borderers [KOSB] and 2/South Wales Borderers. On the extreme right, 1/Lancashire Fusiliers was echeloned behind 1/ Border and 2/Royal Fusiliers were beyond them on the far side of the Estaires - Neuf Berquin road. The very dark night passed quietly. At 4am on 11 April, the Royal Fusiliers began to hand over their position to a unit of the 50th Division and proceeded to move to Doulieu to act as reserve: they were there by noon. This move had the unfortunate consequence of leaving the Lancashire Fusiliers out of touch with any unit on their right. At 6.15am the Lancashire Fusiliers began to push out patrols towards Trou Bayard. Second Lieutenant Eric Ford’s 15 Platoon from D Company met some men of the East Yorks who were in the process of withdrawing and rallied them to hold their position. Ford was a Gallipoli veteran who was commissioned after serving with the Hawke Battalion, Royal Naval Division, and re-training as a Stokes mortar gunner. It is reported that he and his men fought on for several hours but nothing was heard of them 73

Contemporary records are a little vague in defining exactly where the battalions deployed.

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again. Ford was taken prisoner of war and later held at Karlsruhe. After repatriation he gave a detailed account of what had happened. ‘Having proceeded for about half a mile, I came to a large farm on the left of the road. There were four people in the farm – civilians – who refused to leave, although during the few minutes I was there a shell dropped on the barn and wounded one of my men.’ After going on another 500 yards, a runner reported to Ford that there were some British troops ahead of the next farm. He cautiously took his men forward and placed them in some empty posts he found to the right of these troops, unsure whether this was the front line or not. As there was no enemy rifle fire at this point he then decided to go on alone to see if there was any other British presence ahead. On leaving his post he immediately came under fire. He had done what had been asked and now ordered his men to go back in twos and threes, intending to report the situation to his CO. Ford was horrified to find all the men of the other regiment – presumably the East Yorks - were now retiring across open ground. ‘With the aid of threats that I would shoot any man who did not stop, I managed to rally the men of the other regiment. I took charge of them, ordered them to turn about and fire five rounds towards the Boche position. This they did. I could not leave these men so I sent back a runner with my sketch [map].’ At this time another patrol of his own battalion came up on the other side of the East Yorks. ‘As we had a very poor field of fire (owing to buildings being in the way), we thought the best thing was to regain the posts, some 200 yards ahead. The enemy MG and rifle fire was terrific, over 60% of my men being casualties.’ Orders now arrived for him to dig in and hold on. By 2pm, after several hours of resistance to a growing enemy threat that included Germans passing by his left flank, no help had arrived. The exchange of fire was murderous and, inevitably, Ford’s men were eventually overwhelmed. At about 4pm, he found himself covered by the guns of a section of eight or ten German soldiers. 75

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‘If I had touched my revolver I would have been a dead man. During the second in which I had to think, I thought that as my few remaining and unwounded men (about 6) had no ammunition we were at the mercy of the Boche. We were taken prisoners.’ In his report, Ford also made a plea for official recognition of one of his Lewis gunners, who had fired to the last and been killed in doing so. He was informed that the only applicable award was the Victoria Cross but that it needed reliable evidence from two witnesses. What a pity that this man is not named in Ford’s record. It leaves us to think of the many such brave men who went unrecognised because witnesses of their gallantry were themselves killed or scattered. At around 1pm, the battalion began to report numbers of men of the Northumberland Fusiliers and Durham Light Infantry streaming rearwards along the road from Estaires. With the few forces that had been ahead of them apparently crumbling, the Lancashire Fusiliers were ordered forward to take up a line across the road and west of Trou Bayard. It met with disaster: nine of the eleven officers and 300 men of the three companies that advanced (B, C and D) fell to a hail of machine gun fire as they covered just some 200 yards. The weakened and disorganised companies were counter-attacked, fighting off an identifiable three waves of enemy, as the day wore on. They had attempted to advance into a greatly numerically superior force that was now pushing past them in large numbers through a wide open gap on their right – and Neuf Berquin was soon in German hands. The battalion’s last reserve, Gallipoli veteran Captain Percy Conran and his fifty men of A Company, was pushed out to harass the German advance along the road to the town, but it proved to be of little hope or effect. No more was heard of this party: Conran’s body was found after the war in a German burial plot near the Neuf Berquin road. By 5.30pm the survivors of the battalion had been assembled to form a thin defensive flank south west of Doulieu. So much for the right of the 29th Division’s line. On their extreme left, past Doulieu and halfway to Steenwerck, the 1/Royal Guernsey Light Infantry had been ordered at 11am to advance further east from the village to fill a gap between the 2/South Wales Borderers (just west of Petit Mortier) and up towards the railway, where there were some remnants of 119 Brigade. This battalion also found itself moving towards a greater enemy force: the casualties were such that its B and C companies virtually ceased to exist. The remainder of the battalion fell back towards Doulieu and dug in on a shortened line. By the time that the Guernseymen were withdrawn from the battle on 12 April, the battalion had lost more than half of the officers and men who had arrived from Ypres just days before. 76

The attempt by 1/Lancashire Fusiliers to counter-attack towards Estaires met with heavy casualties.

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For such a unit the effect was particularly hard hitting, for it was still largely a unit of ‘pals’ from the island; almost impossible to replace adequately and with such a tragic, concentrated effect at home. The Germans were now advancing deep beyond Doulieu on both its west and east sides, heading in a north-westerly direction, straight for Hazebrouck. For those other battalions of 86 and 87 brigades still holding their original line it spelt impending disaster. The war diary of the 29th Division falls ominously silent. Examining the situation from left to right, the South Wales Borderers reported that the elements of 40th and 50th Divisions in front of them were attacked at dawn after a trench mortar bombardment. Soon enough their men were falling back in large numbers on the battalion’s left, leaving it exposed (a gap which might have been filled had the Guernseymen not been slaughtered). The Germans began to work around the battalion’s flank: ‘Casualties were very heavy and men became disorganised, small parties fighting on with different units during the remainder of the day.’ When a roll call could eventually be taken, the battalion was down to just three officers and 140 men – half a Major Desmond Somerville of the South company. Records reveal that the losses include a Wales Borderers was hundred dead. Among those captured was taken prisoner during commanding officer Major Desmond Somerville, the defence of Doulieu. who personally supervised the organisation of the (Author) flank and front while under the heaviest close range fire, and his adjutant, Captain William Page, who carried on to the end, despite being wounded by a machine gun bullet in his side. The battalion’s HQ had been set up in a large, rambling farmhouse just 150 yards behind the front. Captain Frederick Nattrass was the battalion’s Medical Officer: ‘My aid post was soon full of wounded and their evacuation was extremely difficult and gradually became almost impossible as the enemy closed around the farm. When we attempted to evacuate them the enemy fired on the stretcher parties. About 3pm the enemy dropped half a dozen shells into the farm and then made a general advance. I remained with my wounded and the enemy came in with bayonets pointed. I had a German soldier in wounded, who had crept in, and he yelled to his comrades who, seeing it was an aid post, took us prisoners and conducted us back.’ 78

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Second Lieutenant Stanley Hearder was captured in another part of the farm, at much the same time. He was the battalion’s Signals Officer. Later he would recall that at daybreak the troops of the 50th Division in front fell back in disorder through his battalion’s line. They were halted and formed up into a defensive flank on the left. Attempts to close up what he remembered as a thousand-yard gap on the right to the KOSB met with failure, ‘one platoon being annihilated. … Ammunition was becoming exhausted rapidly and every available man at Battalion HQ had been sent to brigade for a supply. [When the Germans worked around on the left,] they proceeded so far that numerous casualties were caused in the front line by fire from the rear. Numerous requests for ammunition were repeatedly received from the companies but only that collected from the wounded and from HQ men could be sent. Hearder was just one of many who reported the terrific and unrelenting volumes of machine gun fire on that day. Next to the South Wales Borderers, the KOSB were ‘attacked in overwhelming force’ and lost seventeen officers and men killed, 207 wounded and 243 missing. ‘B, C and D Companies were practically surrounded’ when ‘the unit on the right fell back’. That unit was 1/Border: it reported that at 3pm the ‘line on our left was driven in’. In other words, these two reports blame other battalions for their fate and therefore must be considered somewhat unreliable; although they agree that the enemy drove in between them. What appears to be clear is that the disaster that befell the Lancashire Fusiliers on the Border’s right did affect the latter’s ability to defend along and across the Meterenbecque. It is at this point that the Lieutenant-Colonel James Border’s commanding officer, Lieutenant Forbes-Robertson Colonel James Forbes-Robertson, entered the commanded the 1st Border fray. He was awarded the Victoria Cross for his in the fighting near Doulieu work for this day and 12 April, but it is part of and was awarded the his citation that is of particular interest so far as Victoria Cross for his work. (Author) the defence of Doulieu is concerned: 79

The division was soon little more than scattered remnants of battalions.

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‘Through his quick judgment, resource, untiring energy and magnificent example, Lt.-Col. Forbes-Robertson on four separate occasions saved the line from breaking and averted a situation which might have had the most serious and far-reaching results. On the first occasion, when troops in front were falling back, he made a rapid reconnaissance on horse-back, in full view of the enemy, under heavy machine-gun and close range shell fire. He then organised and, still mounted, led a counter-attack which was completely successful in re-establishing our line. When his horse was shot under him he continued on foot. Later on the same day, when troops to the left of his line were giving way, he went to that flank and checked and steadied the line, inspiring confidence by his splendid coolness and disregard of personal danger. His horse was wounded three times and he was thrown five times.’ The war diary of 1/Border describes a complex and chaotic fighting withdrawal. During the afternoon and evening of 11 April Doulieu was evacuated by the 29th Division and shortly afterwards was occupied by the enemy. The remnants of the battalions regrouped further in the rear, around Bleu. The defence of Outtersteene and Merris. Ordered up from the rear of the Arras area after it had been engaged in intensive action around Ayette in the latter stages of ‘Michael’, the 31st Division arrived in the Lys area late on 10 April after encountering delays on the jammed roads. Its 92 and 93 brigades arrived by bus north of Vieux Berquin; like the 29th Division before them, they came onto unfamiliar ground and faced an uncertain situation. At this stage, the latter division had deployed south and east of Doulieu and was yet to face the onslaught that saw the town abandoned to the enemy. The division is best remembered for the terrible mauling of its northern ‘pals’ battalions at Serre on the first day of the Battle of the Somme, 1 July 1916. The Hull, Leeds, Bradford, Sheffield and Barnsley units never quite recovered, although there was still a sprinkling of Yorkshiremen within the division even by April 1918. In further fighting on the Somme and at Arras in 1917 the division had managed to acquire something of an undeservedly poor reputation. During February 1918, its 94 Brigade was broken up and its place take by the notably different 4 (Guards) Brigade. The Accrington pals moved from the broken-up brigade to join the 92nd. As luck would have it, the Guards were already supposed to be the last of the division to begin to move north but had been further delayed. 81

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Vieux-Berquin became the epicentre of fighting once Doulieu had fallen and suffered for it. (Author)

Having been inspected by the division’s GOC, Major General Robert Bridgeford, at Chelers that morning and complimented on their smartness, they received orders to board buses at around midnight. No transport arrived for them, and a cold night was spent by the side of the Arras – St Pol road. It was not until 1.30pm on 11 April that they finally got moving and they eventually arrived at Strazeele at about 9pm. This temporarily left the division with just its two original brigades, none of its own artillery and no reserve. By the early hours of 11 April the brigades had deployed and the division had come under the command of XV Corps. The various battalions’ ammunition carts and tools were also stuck on the chaotic roads behind the front and, to make matters worse, the division’s machine gun battalion was also delayed by traffic. They would just have to make do. On the division’s right, 92 Brigade established its headquarters at Lynde Farm, north east of Vieux Berquin and south of Merris. To the left, the 93rd was now headquartered in Merris itself. Outposts were pushed out to the south and east of Outtersteene. Matters had become a little clearer for the division by 9.30am. It seemed that the enemy was in Trou Bayard, with parts of the 40th and 50th divisions in that area. The division was instructed to move to a position from which it would make a counter-attack at 7pm, with the objective of gaining touch with the 40th Division in the area of Le Verrier, north east of Doulieu. But, as has already been established, the enemy had taken Doulieu when it was abandoned by the 29th Division during 82

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the afternoon and evening. Parts of that division were falling back on Bleu, taking them through the line of deployment of 92 Brigade. This brigade was also reporting that there was a continual retirement of elements of the 50th (Northumbrian) Division on the right. Once again, the situation involved a newlyarrived division, only partly in place and without its own artillery or much else, finding itself in the new front line as the broken remnants of British units ahead of it were falling back. To make ready for the proposed counter-attack, 93 Brigade deployed along the line of the little Ruisseau de Leet (often shortened to Rau de Leet) drainage channel. On its left, 18/DLI (the old Durham Pals); on the right, the 13/York & Lancs (1st Second Lieutenant John Barnsley Pals); and, just behind, in reserve came the Lott, born in South Africa and a student at 15/West Yorks (1st Leeds Pals). This brigade was Sherborne School and ordered to make the attack, advancing in a south Trinity College, Oxford. easterly direction with the Durhams. driving the Already twice wounded, enemy out of La Becque, and the York & Lancs he was killed near moving on Le Verrier to join up there with small Ferme Labis on 13 numbers of the 40th Division. On the right, 92 April 1918 while Brigade would stand fast on a line running south to serving with the 11th Acton Cross, west of Doulieu. It placed 11/East East Lancashire. He is Yorks (the Hull Tradesmen’s) on the left, 10/East buried in Outtersteene Communal Cemetery Yorks (Hull Commercials) on the right; whilst Extension. (Sherborne 11/East Lancs (Accrington Pals) were in reserve. School) The counter-attack was completely successful, despite disconcerting news that arrived five minutes before zero that there were British troops in La Becque. Supported by the hard-worked 285th and 286th Brigades RFA, which fired a protective barrage that lifted onto a more distant line after thirty minutes, together with a company of the just-arrived 31st Machine Gun Battalion, the former Durham and Barnsley pals advanced. They gained all their objectives, although sustaining casualties to machine gun and rifle fire coming from the scattered farms of the area. By 8.15pm they had captured La Becque, La Rose Farm and Ferme du Bois. The Durhams had come into contact with part of 74 Brigade, and the York & Lancs with the 40th Division. Total casualties were about a hundred. The brigade also brought in about twenty German prisoners, reporting that they had captured twice the number but the rest had been killed by hostile machine gun fire while on their way back to the British lines. 83

The counter-attack from the Rau de Leet came as a shock to the Germans.

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While the counter-attack was in progress, information came in that the Germans had broken the British lines down in the area of Robermetz and Neuf Berquin: any deep advance from there would threaten the 31st Division’s left rear. This was where the remnants of the 50th and 29th Divisions had been holding on and there was precious little behind them at this time. As a precaution, the divisional pioneers, 12/KOYLI, were ordered to take up a position in front of La Couronne, across the Vieux Berquin road. The battalion was in place by 9.30pm and, like the rest of the division, enjoyed a relatively peaceful night. 12 April 1918. During the early hours of 12 April, 93 Brigade was ordered to stretch its left flank to reach the little Stil Becque stream at Pont de Pierre, north of Steenwerck. Even though 92 Brigade would take over from them the recently re-captured Ferme du Bois on the right, this still meant that the brigade would have to hold some 3000 yards of front. It could not feasibly do so with just two of its battalions, so the 15/West Yorks was brought forward from reserve to take a position on the left of this frontage. At around 8am, the 13/York & Lancs reported that men of the 40th Division that had been holding posts on their right were quietly slipping away and leaving the battalion’s flank exposed. The support platoons of the battalion were ordered to move to create a defensible flank, but they suffered heavy casualties from machine gun fire in the attempt. Thoughts of pulling the battalion’s line rearward to Ferme du Bois were quickly dropped. It was becoming evident that the enemy was massing for a renewed attack, and the guns of 285th and 286th Brigades RFA were turned onto the area east of La Becque where most movement had been seen. It had little effect. A German attack, just before 9am, recaptured the ground won by 93 Brigade the previous day and forcing that brigade back to the Rau de Leet. The enemy came on through the gap at Le Verrier, enabling it to bring heavy machine gun fire onto the flank of 13/York & Lancs. On reaching the Rau de Leet, no contact could be made with 92 Brigade on the left. The 10th and part of 11/East Yorks from that brigade were in fact also on that line but enemy fire prevented them from reaching far enough to connect up with the 93rd: it appears that German troops were across the Rau de Leet in the area between the two brigades. Between noon and 1pm, 93 Brigade made further withdrawals, to the railway line in front of Outtersteene, but the ability to provide a coordinated defence was disappearing. Phone lines to battalions, to 92 Brigade and to Divisional HQ were all down by 1.30pm. By 2.15pm the division had formed something of an improvised defence line to the east of Merris: it included a party of 10/East Yorks, 85

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Merris sits on the ridge of high ground that stretches away eastwards to Strazeele and Méteren. (Author)

235th Field Company RE, assorted machine guns and details from brigade headquarters. This line came under heavy fire but there were few casualties. A patrol from 233rd Field Company went to ascertain the position in Outtersteene and reported that its northern part was in enemy hands. It could not make contact with the battalions across towards Outtersteene. By 3.30pm the improvised defence had withdrawn to the west side of Merris. Colonel Gurney’s group, consisting of 211st and 223rd Field Companies, the two brigade Light Trench Mortar Batteries, composite battalions of details from both brigades and some 800 assorted men from the 29th, 40th and 50th Divisions were also now assembled in the same area. Brigade HQ remained in Merris until last possible moment, not evacuating until 4.15pm, when it then went on to Pradelles. The defence of Outtersteene seems to have held until about 3.30pm. Under continuous heavy attack, supported by machine gun fire, by six identified German divisions on a front of some 8,300 metres, the dwindling force of mixed units of the 31st and some from the 29th Division was overwhelmed. Outtersteene and Merris both fell. In withdrawing westwards, the remnants of the 31st Division now faced east, leaving a most worrying gap and a potential German breakthrough northwards towards Méteren. But there were signs that this gap was already being closed off: during the withdrawal, units of the 31st Division encountered outposts of the newly-arriving 33rd Division. 86

The 31st Division suffered a similar fate to the 29th Division, soon being reduced to scattered, tired remnants.

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Private 68676 John Brooks, 95th Field Ambulance of the Royal Medical Corps, was awarded the Military Medal for his work in 1917. A stretcher bearer, he was ‘always first to volunteer for the exposed positions’. His unit was at Vieux Berquin and supporting the Guards when he died of wounds on 12 April 1918. He is amongst nine casualties buried in Hondeghem Churchyard. (Jonathan Ali)

The fight for La Couronne. At 9pm on 11 April, the battalions of 4 (Guards) Brigade arrived at Strazeele and marched out southward to billet in sheds and fields nearby and around the road-bend hamlet of Le Paradis. After a ten-hour journey on buses that were hardly the acme of comfort, the Guards were in sore need of rest. Information about the enemy was sketchy but there were reports that they were advancing, coming towards the Guards along the road from Neuf Berquin. XV Corps ordered the 31st Division to employ the Guards to restore situation between Merville and the right of the 29th Division (which was One of the most famous actions within the Battle of the Lys was 4 (Guards) Brigade’s last stand near La Couronne.

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where? This was not clear at the time, but it was known to have been falling back on Bleu.). One battalion of the division was already in that gap: by 9.30pm the divisional pioneers, 12/KOYLI, had taken up a position at the La Couronne crossroads without encountering opposition. Brigadier General Lesley Butler pushed his men to a position beyond the larger town of Vieux Berquin, notable for its impressively large church and town hall. No reconnaissance was made (Field Service Regulations appear to have been abandoned by this point) and the Guards stepped out into the unknown. Holding 2/Irish Guards in reserve along the lane west of La Couronne, he sent 3/Coldstream Guards forward to the line l’Epinette to Le Cornet Perdu, with the 4/Grenadier Guards on the Coldstream’s left, taking up the line from there to the main road. Ahead of them, the little Plate Becque stream ran across the chosen front. The battalions were in position just before dawn, the men having had little sleep and next to no rations for the last twenty-four hours. Ominously, stragglers from the 50th Division were falling back and passing through the Guards’ position. 12 April. As soon as it was light, heavy German artillery and mortar fire opened up along the whole brigade front, with intense rifle and machine gun fire flaying the Guards’ line. At 8am an infantry attack followed but was beaten off: men said that the Germans were from 12th Reserve and 35th Divisions, both of which were fresh to the battle. Despite the presence of enemy troops, thus all too evident to the Guards that they were only a short way ahead, the brigade now received orders to advance its line. The objective given was to reach a position between the college north-east of Merville and up past Robermetz almost to Neuf Berquin; and from there prevent any northwards movement of the enemy along the main road. This meant advancing in broad daylight across the flattest of fields, on a narrow front and with no British support on either side. It was a recipe for disaster. Assurances were given by division that Les Pures Becques was unoccupied by the enemy and that part of the 50th Division was in the area of Vierhouck and Pont Rondin; but this proved to be wishful thinking. Patrols were to probe down the lanes towards Vierhouck and any success was to be exploited at once. Two companies of the Irish Guards were also to advance in echelon behind the leading right flank of the brigade. The advance began at 11am, unsupported by British artillery or machine guns, a desperate act that would have been considered foolhardy if not suicidal. On the right, a withering cross fire from houses at Les Pures Becques and the large orchard south west of Vierhouck caused 89

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German 21cm Mörser 16 at Prince Farm, near Doulieu. (Europeana)

severe casualties to the Coldstream, who nonetheless managed to move forward some 400 yards. The German fire also halted any prospect of progress by the Grenadiers beyond the Plate Becque except on that battalion’s left, where 2 Company, led by Captain Thomas Pryce, worked its way down the Neuf Berquin road, house by house, forcing its way into Pont Rondin, where a number of Germans were taken prisoner. They might consider themselves lucky men, for little quarter had been given to others as Pryce’s men advanced. Several reports say that he accounted for seven enemy soldiers himself. At the same time that the Guards were beginning their attempted advance, 12/KOYLI were ordered to stretch along the lane from La Couronne and link up with the 29th Division at Bleu. They collected stragglers, the remnants of 149 Brigade of the 50th Division, as they did so. By day’s end this additional force amounted to just 200 men - less than a company. Contact between the KOYLI and the 4/Grenadier Guards was never established. It left Pryce and his men terribly exposed, with no immediate support on either side. At about 3.30pm the Germans made a determined attack on the front 90

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held by the Coldstream and 1 and 4 Companies of the Grenadiers, after a short bombardment by trench mortars and light artillery. They endeavoured to outflank the Coldstream and penetrate between the two companies of the Grenadiers. Despite significant losses, especially in officers, an immediate counter attack was launched by the reserve company of the Coldstream and one of the Irish Guards: it succeeded in restoring the line. The Germans renewed the attack at about 4.20pm, which was beaten off with severe losses. The Plate Becque line had been held, and around 5.30pm a link was established on the right with 1/Duke of Cornwall’s Light Infantry [DCLI], newly arrived with the 5th Division. For now the line was secure in this area and the night proved quiet; but it had been a hard day. Numbers 1 and 3 Companies of the Grenadiers had lost over sixty percent of their effectives; the Coldstream about the same. To add to the misery, the rations brought up for the famished 1 Company were all destroyed by shellfire. That the Guards were largely unfed at this point was a breakdown in staff work. The poor Grenadiers managed to get a quarter of a loaf of bread each, but only thanks to their commanding officer, who managed to buy this stock in Strazeele. During the day the brigade had the benefit of fire support from 152nd Brigade RFA, in particular its Forward Observation Officer, Lieutenant Lewis. His observation post at Gars Brugghe was shelled frequently and his line through to the batteries (which were south east of the forest) broken on numerous occasions. Even so, he and his linesmen managed to keep fire going, and the Guards recorded that he was responsible for inflicting many German casualties. He also directed fire onto two enemy field guns brought well forward to just east of Pont Rondin and which proved to be a considerable nuisance to his brigade’s headquarters (among others, Captain Michael Chapman MC and Lieutenant Noel Abbey were killed when the farm occupied by its headquarters was set on fire). In all, 152nd Brigade RFA fired more than 3200 shells on this day. At 8pm, a strong attack developed on the left of the front being held by 12/KOYLI: the remnants of the 29th Division were now falling back on and through Bleu. With their flank exposed, the Yorkshiremen drew back their flank on that side, so that they now faced south eastwards and the position stretched up from La Couronne to a point just to the east of Vieux Berquin. During the night the Guards made some adjustments to its position down towards Arrewage, bringing the 2/Irish Guards into the line and lengthening the front by about 1000 yards to Pont Tournant. The Grenadiers alone were now holding 1800 yards, and even after bringing its fourth company into the line – leaving it with no reserve – was doing 91

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The scene of 4 (Guards) Brigade’s famous rearguard fight in April 1918. German forces attempted to advance left to right. (Author) ”

so with only some 250 officers and men. Already exhausted, they dug during a notably pitch-black night a series of small slit trenches to hold four or five men each. There were too few shovels and little barbed wire that could be used to erect a rudimentary defence; and the Guards would come to rue the absence of any Stokes mortars. 210th Field Company RE came up to assist, but even so the Guards had too few men to be able to send patrols out into No Man’s Land. The battalion’s temper was not improved when poor staff communications led to ammunition being dumped at La Couronne rather than being brought forward to the line. Behind the scenes, arrangements were made for the newly-arriving 5th Division to take over the line as far as L’Epinette: but this was some hours off as yet. There was no doubting the enormity of the task facing the brigade. They were to hold the position at all costs: a phrase often said but in this case really meant. From XV Corps came the order that no retirement should be made, ‘except by order of a responsible officer prepared to justify his decision before Court-Martial’. As the Grenadiers’ war diary commented, ‘The fate of the British Army seemed to hang on being able to carry out these orders’. The Guards waited for the grim battle that they knew would consume them as soon as it was daylight. Things were not helped by the battalion headquarters being placed so far forward as to be almost in the front line, whilst brigade was too far back to be reached quickly by runners. 13 April. Dawn broke with another thick fog shrouding the country, and in the gloom the Germans worked closer to the Guards’ position, bringing 92

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machine guns with them. At 6.30am, an attempt was made to penetrate between the centre and left companies of the Coldstream, who then had the unusual sight of a German armoured car driving towards them from the direction of Les Pures Becques. Despite much machine gun fire being poured into the Coldstream post – said to be from as close a range as ten yards – this attack was soon beaten off. At 9.15am strong and sustained attacks developed all along the line, including that held by the KOYLI, and at one point a shout came through the fog that the advancing men were of the King’s Company of the Grenadier Guards. That old ruse was ignored. Although these efforts were also repelled and the Guards held on tenaciously, casualties were considerable. One of the 3/Coldstream centre posts was reported to have been held for twenty minutes by its last man, Private 17800 Harold Jacotine. He was killed by a hand grenade; sadly, he has no known grave today. Jacotine was born in Harold Jacotine of the 3rd Colombo in Ceylon. His brother Eric had Coldstream Guards, killed by a also served with the regiment but later hand grenade. Born in Colombo transferred to the Royal Air Force. Both were in Ceylon (now Sri Lanka), his brother Eric also served in the wounded earlier in the war. Gradually the 12/KOYLI were ejected regiment before transferring to from their line by trench mortars and an the Royal Air Force. Jacotine overwhelmingly larger German force. It left has no known grave and, like so many others of the battle, is the Guards exposed from the direction of commemorated at the Vieux Berquin and isolated Pryce’s Ploegsteert Memorial. (Nurse detachment at Pont Rondin. He had received Catherine Maclean’s album, orders that his position must be held at all thanks to Alan Livingstone costs. The Germans were now in the houses Maclean) in La Couronne and had brought up two field guns to within very short range. At 10.30am, the Brigade Major, Oliver Lyttelton, came to the Grenadiers’ headquarters with news that the enemy had penetrated the line between them and the Coldstream. He went forward with the Grenadiers’ commanding officer, Lieutenant Colonel WS Pilcher, to within fifty metres of La Couronne, where they met a runner, Private 13825 John Bagshaw, who reported that the centre was in fact still intact. (Bagshaw was killed in action later this day.) But pressure told: by 2pm the enemy had advanced west of the main road and were reported to have got as far as Lug Farm. Battalion HQ received a 93

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message from Pryce at 3pm. His position was now surrounded and his men shooting both ways, standing back to back in their trenches. On hearing of their predicament, brigade ordered a counter-attack to be made by the Irish Guards; on advancing, they too found themselves cut off by enemy coming from all sides and hit by machine guns firing from Vieux Berquin. Just one NCO and six men made it through to Pryce. A final message was received from a runner, who had crept along in a ditch, to say that what was left of 2 Company was practically surrounded. The rest of the story was only revealed by a corporal who managed to escape and came into Australian lines at Aval Wood the following night. He was one of only fourteen men of this company of over 120 strong who were heard of again, these being mostly wounded prisoners eventually held in Germany. It appears that Pryce’s men were reduced to just thirty by the afternoon and were down to some eighteen by 6.15pm, by which time the Germans were in Verte Rue and could be seen advancing towards Aval Wood. A short time later the Germans determined to mop up the remainder of the detachment and advanced from the road; but Pryce and his men charged with the bayonet, as his ammunition was exhausted. It was an heroic but suicidal act. Incredibly, the Germans initially retired – but this appears to be due in part to the fact that German troops were also behind Pryce’s position, which hindered their use of machine guns. Shortly afterwards they came on again and the survivors were overwhelmed, fighting to the last. Captain Thomas Tannant Pryce, aged 32, was awarded a posthumous Victoria Cross. The citation concludes by saying: ‘With some forty men he had held back at least one enemy battalion for over ten hours. His company undoubtedly stopped the advance through the British line, and thus had great influence on the battle.’ The brave Pryce, who had already won a Military Cross and Bar, has no known grave and is commemorated on the Ploegsteert Memorial. The author discovered that one of the few men to survive this action was Private 24294 Allan Thornton. He was severely wounded by a bomb dropped by an RAF aeroplane shortly after being Lieutenant (Acting Captain) Thomas Pryce MC led his men of the Grenadier Guards, fighting house to house from La Couronne to Pont-Rondin, and then held on to his position under heavy and sustained attack. (Author)

94

Timeline of the battle’s progression towards the high ground of the Merris – Strazeele – Méteren ridge.

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captured; one is left to wonder whether Pryce was a victim of this same incident. The Grenadiers’ centre company was now down to just six unwounded men and the right company had twenty. Every officer had become a casualty. This brave band was reported to be fighting on at 6.15pm. Little more is known of the details of their last fight. Just a few wounded men who managed to escape found their way into Australian lines the next night. The enemy attack had been relentless and, as the brigade’s diary says, ‘only the larger attempts have been described, as it is difficult to disentangle these [smaller] incidents from the confusion which envelops them’. Total casualties to the brigade amounted to thirty-nine officers and 1244 men over two days of fighting. Of these, no fewer than 767 could only be reported as missing: there were so few survivors who could truthfully report what had happened to them. The intensity of the defence can be measured by the fact that the 4/Grenadiers fired some 110,000 rounds of ammunition, and the 3/Coldstream a similar number. Much has been written of the Guards action and quite rightly so, for it stands out as a defence of the most stubborn, tenacious and ultimately sacrificial type. It had bought precious time: the 5th Division was now forming to its left and rear; the 1st Australian Division was lining the edge of the forest. As things turned out, the Germans made no further progress of any significance in this area. Pont Rondin, a nondescript main road location but one of great importance to the battle, for it was here that Pryce’s men fought a gallant rearguard action. (Author)

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Chapter Five

The Third Phase: The Hardening Crust The arrival of fresh British, Australian and French divisions came just at a time when Sixth Army’s attack was already slowing, and their staunch defence caused von Quast to abandon the northwards strike and to turn attention to a major westwards attack on 18 April. Although this made some initial progress it was soon brought to a halt. It was a bitter disappointment to the Germans; and soon enough Ludendorff brought Sixth Army’s offensive to a halt. On 12 April, Foch authorised the move of the French II Cavalry Corps and 28th and 133rd Divisions d’Infanterie to the area. They would take time to arrive, and the British remained under extreme pressure for some time, forcing Plumer’s Second Army to evacuate the hard-won Passchendaele salient in order to shorten the Ypres line and thereby released some divisions. It was a bitter and emotional pill for the British to swallow. German successes in the Flemish hills and at Bailleul caused them to devote more resources and energy to that area: in retrospect it was an error of utmost significance, for it increasingly diverted focus from the original objective of the Hazebrouck junctions. The defence of Robecq and the River Clarence. The 61st (2nd South Midland) Division was reorganising west of Amiens when it was ordered on 9 April to move to the Lys, although this was planned in the normal course of events and before news of the German attack had reached the Somme. The Lys was familiar ground to many men of the division, for it had spent many months in the area after its arrival in France in1916. It was originally wholly made up from units that recruited largely in the rural Midlands, but a major upheaval took place in February 1918 when three battalions of the Gloucestershire and Worcestershire regiments were disbanded and their places in 183 Brigade taken by the 9/Royal Scots, 5/Gordon Highlanders and 8/Argyll & Sutherland Highlanders. The division had been withdrawn for reorganisation when the move order came in, for it had sustained serious losses in Operation ‘Michael’, amounting on average to more than half of each battalion. Equally large 97

Timeline as the battle progresses towards the La Bassée Canal.

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drafts arrived. The 528 men who arrived for the Royal Scots had three days to organise and train before the move to Flanders. There was no such luck for the Argylls. They were so short in numbers that on arriving in Flanders the battalion was reorganised into just two companies, one under the command of a lieutenant. There were delays, changes of orders, rumours. The atmosphere was one of considerable tension, and urgency was pressed upon the division. XI Corps said it would give orders directly to individual battalions as needed, and told the division to do the same. This was a breakdown of the normal chain of command, full of potential confusion. Initial orders were received for the division to entrench on the line Robecq-Merville, but during the day this was modified: it was to safeguard the junction of the 50th and 51st divisions, but also be sure to strengthen the division’s own left flank. A Lewis gun detachment (forty-two guns) from 11th Tank Battalion eventually arrived to join the division at 1am on 11 April. Over the next few days of fighting, the division identified five German divisions fighting against it: 1st and 6th Bavarian Reserve, 16th, 235th and 239th Infanterie-Divisions. 10-11 April 1918 The 2/6/Royal Warwickshires of 182nd Brigade were first to arrive in the area, leaving their train at Berguette at 5.30pm on 10 April. After being moved by bus to Mont-Bernanchon, they reported to the 51st Division’s headquarters and were ordered to move to Le Cornet Malo and come under the tactical command of 153 Brigade. By 2.30am on 11 April they were deployed at Pacaut, facing east towards the Lawe at Fosse. Ahead of them, the 51st Division was heavily engaged with the enemy. Later that morning the Warwicks extended its line northwards up the Hinges road to La Bouzateux Farm. Ominously, patrols sent out by the battalion were never heard of again. Having arrived at Robecq by now, the 2/7th Warwicks were held until 5pm, when ordered to move up to the line of the River Clarence from near Bacquerolles Farm up to Calonne-sur-la-Lys: its name is misleading, for it is not on the Lys but the Clarence. The battalion was in position by 8.50pm. The last unit of 182 Brigade to arrive was 2/8th Worcesters, badly delayed by railway traffic. They took up a position south of Cornet Malo, behind the 2/7th Warwicks. At 6.55pm on 11 April, enemy troops were reported to be in Robermetz and Neuf Berquin. Having arrived by bus, by 8.10pm 5/Gordons held a line north east of Calonne, up towards Merville; 9/Royal Scots arrived to continue the line to their right. 99

One brigade of the 61st (2nd South Midland) Division went to assist the defence of Merville, but was forced to withdraw when it came under heavy fire from across the Lys.

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On its arrival, the 61st (2nd South Midland) Division advanced to occupy the line of the Rivers Clarence and Noc.

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Merville had been a key crossing point across the Lys, but most of the bridges were destroyed and then rebuilt. (Author)

At midnight, the division now discovered there was only one field artillery unit (12 Australian Brigade RFA) available to cover the its front. 12 April. This was another day that began with thick fog (although the 2/8th Worcesters reported it as fine and frosty!). Merville had been lost, and the Germans were now moving over the River Bourre by the bridge in the town. What was left of the 50th Division was holding the river line north west of Merville. At 4.25am, the 61st Division was ordered to hold a position south of the Lys, secure a flank along the river, and use the tank battalion detachment and anything else it could find to support the right flank of the 50th Division. During the morning, the tank gunners were transferred to that division. There was a heavy and sustained attack south of the Lys, during which the tired remnants of the 51st Division were withdrawn and the 61st Division now formed the British front. The 2/8th Worcesters’ diary reports phlegmatically that ‘enemy shelling and minenwerfer somewhat severe’. While it was going on, the battalion received a draft of 168 men, almost certainly ‘A4’ soldiers straight from England: we can only imagine their thoughts. At 5.20am the 2/6th Warwicks (in the forward position at Pacaut) were being pressed back – infiltrated on both sides, Germans reached battalion 102

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HQ. The battalion’s commanding officer is said to have been captured but managed to kill his captors and escaped to continue his work. It was clear that the position could not be held, and efforts were made to organise an orderly withdrawal along the Courant de Hennebecq stream towards the narrow-gauge railway line that ran parallel to the RobecqCalonne road and the cluster of farms on the nearby Noc and Clarence. Remnants had withdrawn through the outposts of the 2/7th Warwicks by 10.30am. A damaged report attached to the 2/6th Warwicks’ war diary throws light onto what was clearly a fast-moving, confusing and chaotic morning. It is typical of the experience of many battalion and company commanders in the first few days of the Lys, and was written by the battalion’s commanding officer, Major W E Phillips: ‘At about 5am artillery fire notably increased in the south. 5.155.20: Capt B.K. Parsons reported our troops retiring past battalion headquarters. I went to investigate and found a large number going backwards, did my best to stem the retreat, and succeeded in throwing a few into trenches with some men of C Company. Enemy Very lights were falling between [battalion] headquarters and the nearer buildings of Pacaut and were some 500 yards distant on the left. Machine gun fire opened from the general direction of Pacaut – well in enfilade and sweeping our men retiring. I went into headquarters, burned my maps and papers and attempted to send a warning to 153 Brigade but found the [telephone] lines gone.’ Out of touch with headquarters, artillery and other units, with his front giving way, Phillips had little choice but to withdraw. ‘An attempt was made to effect an orderly withdrawal to the railway line. A party under Second Lieutenant C.C. Harper and Second Lieutenant F.B. Gore was sent to hold [buildings at Deserted Farm] and a party under Second Lieutenant F.G. Lee to the railway embankment, to cover the withdrawal of the main body. [They amounted to] some 50 men in all. Here were found some forward posts of 2/7th Warwicks, some stragglers of the Royal Scots and a machine gun. At this time quite an accurate MG fire was being brought to bear on the area between the railway and road from Les Rues des Vaches southwards … [we] lost two officers and several men. Party under Second Lieutenant F.G. Lee also withdrew. With my 103

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adjutant I went to find 2/7th Warwicks, going by road towards Bacquerolles Farm. Enemy patrol with light MG opened fire at short range from Bacquerolles Farm buildings. We withdrew, runner being killed en route. At this time this [northern] flank was entirely exposed. I withdrew the remnant of the 2/6th Warwicks and formed a line from Corner Cottage across the Clarence towards a platoon of 2/7th which was dug in. I left [them] under command of Second Lieutenant H.A. Tetley and placed him under orders of a company commander of the 2/7th Warwicks. He was subsequently killed with 15 or 20 men in this position.’ 23 year-old Halifax born Harold Arthur Tetley had originally served in the ranks of the Duke of Wellington’s (West Riding Regiment). ‘With my adjutant I went towards 2/7th Warwicks’ headquarters and from there to 182 Brigade and reported the situation.’ Phillips was now ordered to organise a mixed party of sixty-three men and dig in with the 2/8th Worcesters east of St. Venant. Next day, what was left of the 2/6th Warwicks temporarily merged with 24th Entrenching Battalion to form 182nd Composite Battalion. This, too, was typical of events of the next few days, as remnants of units and parties of stragglers were organised into improvised units. By 7.10am the 51st Division was reporting an enemy breakthrough near Le Cornet Malo, south of the 61st Division’s area, threatening its right flank. As Phillips had found, the division was also in trouble on its left. Heavy fire from the north caused casualties to 5/Gordons, who began to withdraw at about 7.30am. The fighting fragmented into detached parties firing on the advancing enemy from the cover of buildings, then slipping away as best they could. The battalion reformed west of Le Sart, where once again it came under heavy machine gun fire, but had become so badly scattered that for the while it could muster only five officers and sixty men. The much-depleted 8/Argyll & Sutherland Highlanders only arrived by train at 6am and were ordered to move urgently via St. Venant to a position south of St. Floris. At 11am, its improvised A Company, under Lieutenant Victor Fishley (a former ranker from the Isle of Man, twice wounded before), was ordered to advance to the railway south of Le Cornet Malo, where they came under heavy fire. A platoon of Captain Purves Kirsop’s B Company was sent at 2.30pm to reinforce the beleaguered 9/Royal Scots but at that very time that battalion was 104

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disintegrating. The situation on the division’s left, along the south bank of the Lys, was thus becoming very obscure. Two more platoons, led by the battalion’s CO, Major R. G. Moir, also advanced, and established a line just west of Le Cornet Malo. The battalions of 184 Brigade arrived early on 12 April. They were unrecognisable from those that had faced the enemy attack near Saint Quentin on 21 March. Their losses had been so great that it had required drafts of hundreds of men to bring them back to anywhere near their establishment. Brigade noted that the drafts were mostly ‘A4’ recruits and that there were very few NCOs with them. The 2/4th Oxfordshire & Buckinghamshire Light Infantry [Ox&Bucks] alone had received reinforcements of no fewer than fourteen officers and 804 men: virtually a complete battalion. That it went on to perform well on the Lys is a matter of considerable interest, saying much about the state of training of drafts and the operational doctrines that had been drilled into them. The huge value of experienced and steady men was ably demonstrated by CSM 201098 James Cairns of the Ox & Bucks. He had already been awarded the DCM for his work during the Ypres offensive and would go on to win another during the next days on the Lys. His citation reads, During a withdrawal he collected a mixed force when the situation was most critical, and held the enemy in check while the remainder of the battalion reorganised. In ten days of heavy fighting he showed the utmost courage and resource in rallying and organising men, and his quickness to grasp the situation was of the highest value. Given the urgency of plugging the gap that was opening between the 50th and 51st Divisions, the brigade was ordered immediately to proceed to the line of the south banks of the Rivers Clarence and Noc. By noon, the Ox & Bucks and 2/4th Royal Berkshire had reached their appointed positions after overcoming some opposition and were digging in. They made contact with the 2/7th Warwicks at Bacquerolles Farm on the left and with 76 Brigade of the 3rd Division, across the canal near Robecq, on the right. The 2/5th Gloucestershire Regiment, the last of the brigade to arrive by train, went to St. Venant to act as reserve and was there joined by a draft of 190 new men. Within hours it was ordered to the north east of St. Floris to support 183 Brigade. With the infantry brigades deployed, the rest of the division began to arrive. Lieutenant Colonel Cyril Howkins was the Assistant Director of Medical Services, the senior medical officer of the division. He had a 105

A complex landscape of rivers, streams and isolated farms that saw much to and fro fighting.

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quite unforeseen problem to deal with. One of his Field Ambulances had taken over St. Venant’s asylum. It ‘… appeared, when taken over, to be empty but about two days after we had settled down I had a message which ran, “what are you going to do with the lunatics?” I found that there were nearly 1000 lunatics who had taken refuge in the cellars because the place was, and had been, shelled. The matter was reported to the French authorities, who evacuated them by motor lorries.’ By 12.15pm, I Corps was ordered to hold the line from Givenchy up to the drawbridge just south of Robecq; XI Corps took it up from there through St. Venant and Haverskerque to La Motte au Bois. The 61st Division was now to command all troops of the 51st and 61st Divisions, as far north as La Maladrerie (between St. Venant and Haverskerque); and the 5th Division all troops of the 5th and 50th Divisions from there up to La Motte. The 61st Division learned that orders for any retirement would come from XI Corps. At 5pm, the 8/Argylls near Le Cornet Malo were heavily attacked on their right, where there was a gap between the Worcesters and 2/7th Warwicks. Some forward posts were driven in, and Lieutenant Fishley was himself wounded when trying to bring in some of his men who were lying wounded out in what was now No Man’s Land. During the night, the 9/Royal Scots were withdrawn to billets in St. Venant and reorganised into two companies, which then joined a Composite Battalion. 13 April. It was a foggy morning again, but soon clearing. There were several strong German attacks against the division’s line, largely held off by a heavy and sustained British artillery response on the front south of the Lys. It was a day of much more aerial activity, with notable losses on both side. The Royal Air Force dropped 469 bombs on Merville, Estaires, Wingles and on German troops and transport in the battlefield area, causing much disruption to the German’s ability to move and supply the front line. The real problem was the progress the Germans made against the 50th Division on the north bank of the Lys. The units of the 61st Division frequently found themselves under fire from their left and left-rear, and on numerous occasions were obliged to withdraw men from an eastwards facing front in order to form a north facing flank. Behind them, improvised composite units took up positions ready to defend St. Venant. 107

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British artillery in action in the latter stages of the battle. (National Library of France)

7.30am: the first attack was made on 183 Brigade. It drove part of 5/Gordons across to the north side of the Lys and made progress against 9/Royal Scots. Under relentless pressure, the battalions were ordered to withdraw to a line just west of Le Cornet Malo. The Germans pressed forward. Field guns were brought up to close range, and although two German gun teams were knocked out by fire from the brigade (the guns were still on the St. Floris road near the brickfield chimney when dusk fell), the German artillery could now enfilade the Robecq-Calonne road. At 8am, B Company of 2/5th Gloucesters was threatened by advancing parties of enemy, who were seen bringing two field guns and a trench mortar to within 300 yards of the battalion’s posts. Artillery support was called for but it fired short, a number of 4.5-inch howitzer shells falling on the battalion’s position even as its Lewis gun teams were pinning the Germans down. This continued to cause problems and casualties to the battalion, while enemy shelling also accounted for losses. All communication was lost with C Company and nothing heard from them for most of the day: they had their hands full, beating off three distinct attacks. An intensive fire-fight continued all morning, until at about noon a renewed general and heavy German artillery bombardment fell on all 108

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of the British front in this area. It proved quite impossible to move above ground until around 9.30pm in the evening, when the battalion was relieved by a mixed party of Gordons and Argylls, whilst things were not helped by a British 60-pounder heavy battery firing short for more than an hour. There was heavy fighting all day in the area of Bacquerolles Farm and the Germans made progress to the north of 2/4th Ox & Bucks. The battalion’s war diary admits that ‘in spite of the control and example shown by Second Lieutenant Lodge, who twice went up to their position, [some troops on the left] eventually withdrew’. It caused the battalion to withdraw from Boaze’s Farm on the south side of the Noc and Clarence. Much localised fighting for control of houses and buildings in the vicinity took place: it comes as a surprise that on 14 April the Ox & Bucks reported that there were civilians present in them. On the right, the 4th Division attacked and recaptured Riez du Vinage. The right of the Ox & Bucks joined up with that division’s 1/Hampshires. By 14 April, the 61st (2nd South Midland) division was facing two Bavarian and one German division.

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During the night of 13/14 April, the 2/4th Berks were withdrawn to St. Venant and their place in line taken by 153 Brigade. The units of 183 Brigade were reorganised, with 8/Argylls moving up from reserve to take over the line between the Lys and the St. Floris road, and the 9/Royal Scots relieved the Gloucesters. 14 April. At 8am on a cold, windy day (at times reaching gale force), four separate attacks began against the 8/Argylls in their line east of St. Floris, the Germans dribbling forward in small parties, covered by fire from houses in Le Cornet Malo. The first three attacks were held, but in the last the Germans made an advance on the northern bank of the Lys and mounted a machine gun from which they could fire across the backs of the battalion. The trouble from this gun ceased during the night when the position was recaptured by the 5th Division. Early in the day, 2/4th Ox & Bucks recaptured Boaze’s Farm. They held on to it all day, despite heavy and sustained German attack. 15 April. The night and morning of 15 April were unusually quiet on the fronts of 183 and 184 brigades, but fighting flared up again during the late afternoon. The Ox & Bucks beat off an enemy attack in the direction of Bacquerolles Farm; Corps heavy artillery broke up Germans seen massing to attack in the area of the road leading from Corner Cottage. At 7.30pm the Ox & Bucks carried out an attack in conjunction with the 1/Hampshires (11 Brigade, 4th Division). They advanced and occupied houses west of Courant de Hennebecq, the stream that runs up to meet the Noc at Boaze’s Farm. Touch was lost, however, with the Hampshires. During the night, German troops re-crossed the stream, forcing the battalion back to where they had started. During the night the 5/Gordons relieved the 8/Argylls in the front line after a few days of rest and reorganisation while in brigade reserve at La Haye. They immediately sent out a patrol, consisting of Second Lieutenant Emerson, Sergeant Annand and three men, which endeavoured to set fire to a house that was now in No Man’s Land on their left front: but it was to no avail, for the enemy was alert and drove off the patrol with machine gun fire. 16 April During the night the 2/5th Gloucesters came into the line to relieve the tired Ox & Bucks. The latter went to cellars in St. Venant, which was shelled throughout the next day. 110

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17 April At 8.30pm the Germans recaptured Boaze’s Farm. A counter-attack by D Company of the 2/5th Gloucesters failed to dislodge the enemy from the farm. 18 April On this day, IV Corps carried out a large scale attack in the direction of the La Bassée Canal. At 1.15am heavy shellfire began to fall on the British front and rear areas, with especial concentration on the St. Venant asylum, where 184 Brigade was now headquartered. The infantry attack followed. A strong German patrol entered White’s Farm but an NCO and twenty men of the Gloucesters counter-attacked, killing twenty of the enemy and taking seventeen prisoners, who were identified as being from 239th Infanterie-Division. The Germans made some progress in the vicinity of Haystack Farm, establishing a machine gun post just south of the Noc. It all quietened down by 8.30am; the situation flared up again twelve hours later, but this proved to be short lived. In the fighting on this day, Captain Leonard Dudbridge of the Gloucesters (a Wycliffe College old boy and well-known local rugby player) earned the Military Cross (his second): ‘Although outflanked by the enemy on both sides, and heavily attacked by superior numbers, he maintained his position with the greatest courage and determination, and when ordered to retire, he personally supervised the withdrawal, though exposed to shortrange rifle and machine-gun fire.’ Things remained quiet on the 61st Division’s front until 4.30am on 23 April, when the Gloucesters carried out an attack along both banks of the Courant de Hennebecq, advancing south behind mortar fire and a creeping artillery and machine gun barrage across the flat and completely open ground from Bacquerolles Farm. Sappers of 479th Field Company accompanied them, taking six portable bridges for crossing the complex network of minor waterways, whilst aircraft of 42 Squadron RAF provided observation for the guns. 10 Brigade (4th Division) also attacked. Within forty-five minutes the attack had succeeded in achieving all of its objectives: heavy German casualties were reported and two officers and 119 men brought in as prisoners. They were identified as being of 16th and 235th Infanterie-Divisions. The Gloucesters dug in about from yards away from, and parallel to, the lane that led up to Corner Cottage. They came under heavy shell fire all afternoon and evening. A determined counter-attack at 5.30am on 24 April was beaten off: before 111

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they had reached 1000 yards from the British line, the two attacking German battalions suffered heavy casualties from shell fire. Those who did approach were cut down by the Gloucesters and abandoned the attempt, leaving another five officers and seventy-four German prisoners in the battalion’s hands. Retaliatory shell fire fell on the rear of the Gloucesters’ position from noon until 5am next day, causing serious casualties. By 30 April the units of 184 Brigade had suffered the loss of five officers and ninety-two men killed; an officer and thirty-six men were missing; and a further ten officers and 359 men wounded. Their places had been taken during the fighting by the arrival of drafts amounting to twenty-eight officers and 931 men: in other words, the brigade marched out of action at a greater strength than when it had arrived. The 3rd and 4th divisions and the canal bridgehead. The units of the 3rd Division, which was headquartered at Labeuvrière and acting as I Corps’ reserve, were working on rear area defences west of Béthune when ‘Georgette’ began. During the night of 9-10 April its 9 Brigade was urgently moved by bus to go to the support of the 55th (West Lancashire) Division, taking it outside the geographical scope of this book. The division was also temporarily stripped of its two field artillery brigades. At 9.30am on 11 April, the remaining two brigades (8 and 76) were ordered to proceed towards the battle and by the evening they had concentrated in the area of Oblinghem, Hinges and Mont-Bernanchon, west of the La Bassée Canal. The division’s long-time commanding officer, Major General Cyril Deverell, visited the 55th and 51st Division’s headquarters at Hinges and Robecq respectively, and found them both optimistic with regard to their situations. I Corps gave orders to Deverell to secure with machine guns the canal crossings from Avelette north to past Hinges bridge; to support the junction between the 55th and 51st Divisions by occupying a line known as Le Hamel Switch between the Lawe south of Locon and the La Bassée Canal near Avelette; and to be ready to relieve the tired and over-extended 154 Brigade of the 51st Division. The first task was accomplished by moving the 1/Gordons of 76 Brigade to line the canal bank between the two points, and the 2/Royal Scots and 1/Royal Scots Fusiliers of 8 Brigade were deployed to the Switch. All were in place without incident by 10.45pm. Some artillery support also arrived for the division, in the shape of 42nd Brigade RFA. The area that the division took over has as its main feature the La Bassée Canal. The ground on both sides of the canal is billiard-table flat for many miles but for a ridge on its western side, on which are situated 112

By 12 April, the 3rd Division had secured the line of the canal and was advancing to assist the 51st (Highland) Division.

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113

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the hamlet of Mont-Bernanchon and the village of Hinges. The ridge is only forty metres high at most, but was important ground to defend: once on top of it, an occupier has excellent observation across to Béthune. On the eastern bank lies Pacaut Wood, coming down almost to the canal towpath. Scattered hamlets and farm buildings, notably at Riez du Vinage, lay ahead; and beyond that came Locon and the Lawe, where the 51st Division was holding the front. The arriving battalions found the Le Hamel Switch to be nothing more than a belt of barbed wire, with no trenches or posts to hold. At 6.35pm on the same day the headquarters of the 4th Division at Fosseux, west of Arras, received orders to be ready to move to the Bruay area at four hours’ notice. 12 April. During the early hours, orders came from XI Corps for Deverell’s 8 Brigade to relieve 154 Brigade along a line from the Lawe south of Locon up to La Tombe Willot. It was asking quite something for this to be achieved before daylight: the area was entirely unfamiliar to the brigade and the scattered situation of the units to be relieved was not fully known. To make matters worse and add to the delay, just one despatch rider was sent to carry the order and he suffered an accident en route by riding into a shell hole in the dark. Even so, the 2/Royal Scots and 1/Royal Scots Fusiliers were more or less in position by 6am, even if the latter found it necessary to greatly extend to their left after being given confusing information by the outgoing 4/Gordons. The result was that the Royal Scots Fusiliers, by some margin under strength, were now trying to hold a 2,300 yards long front, which under normal trench circumstances would have been enough to stretch an entire brigade. More troubling was that the situation on the brigade’s left was completely obscure, at least six German observation balloons were up just ahead, and the enemy was seen massing for an attack. At 10am, another heavy and sustained German artillery bombardment began, paralysing the whole area from Locon to Hinges. Reports of the infantry attack that followed are at best fragmentary as so many officers of 8 Brigade became casualties, but it appears that from about noon German troops broke through into the 51st Division’s ground past the north of Locon and wheeled to advance down the road towards Béthune. The Royal Scots Fusiliers were especially exposed to the attack. With no apparent British resistance on their left and with all evidence that the enemy was getting past and behind them on that flank, the left company kept trying to form a flank but were forced into a withdrawal. On the battalion’s right, B Company was enveloped and cut off between Le Vert 114

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Lannot and Locon. Two companies of 2/Royal Scots, across near the Lawe, were similarly surrounded and little more was heard of them. By 1.45pm both battalions had become fragmented and a few men were fighting their way out of Locon: signals throughout the afternoon make it quite clear that the two Scots battalions fought hard, with very few of their men straggling back to the canal, and gave at least as good as they got. Shelling continued unabated and casualties amongst both units were heavy. The remnants of these battalions gradually withdrew through to the area of Les Chocquaux and Avelette bridge. Although the situation on the division’s left remained obscure it also became evident that there was a dangerous gap in the British front around Le Vert Bois Farm; the 8/King’s Own and other details were sent to hold the area. Among them, a second lieutenant of the 4/Seaforths arrived with a motley assortment of about a hundred men straight from the Divisional Reinforcement Camp. Further east, 7/King’s Shropshire Light Infantry [KSLI], initially left as 8 Brigade’s reserve, moved up to reinforce the right of the 2/Royal Scots. They came into touch with the 55th Division at Pont Tournant. A final German effort against the Shropshires at 7.20pm was beaten off, but forced the left of the battalion back to Le Chocquaux. It left the battalion holding a poor line, with no forward visibility, through a wood south of Locon. During the night a further withdrawal was made to give the battalion a field of fire; a German move against the left company during this move was beaten away. The German attack had gained much ground but in retrospect had only extended its front and pushed it deeper into a salient of largely exposed, open ground. They gained possession of Locon, Riez du Vinage and Le Cornet Malo, obtained a footing in strength in Pacaut Wood, and even managed at one point to get a patrol across the canal by MontBernanchon. It was reported that they spent their time looting houses on the canal bank and were driven out by artillery at just 600 yards’ range. The Hamel Switch was held and no further German progress made that would threaten the left of the 55th Division. With the situation of his division’s left completely obscure throughout the afternoon and hearing rumours that the Germans had reached Robecq, Deverell ordered 76 Brigade to extend northwards along the canal and to gain contact with the 61st Division. They were to deny the Germans a passage of the canal at all costs, and to push patrols and establish a position on the eastern bank. He was informed that 40th and 158th Brigades RFA were on their way to support him but could not arrive before evening. Gathering in stragglers from the 51st Division, who were withdrawing from the area of Locon, 76 Brigade gritted its teeth and held on. As many British machine guns were now lining the canal bank, the 115

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Germans made no further effort to attack from the exposed area north of Pacaut Wood. Early in the morning, instructions came for the 4th Division to proceed, mostly by bus, beyond Bruay and to the area around Lillers. The move was completed with remarkable efficiency and by the evening the 4th Division had come into I Corps’ area and was deployed in reserve around Lillers, Busnes and Gonnehem. 13 April. During 13 April, the three brigades of the 4th Division (10, 11 and 12) moved forward. To summarise the situation that they faced: on the division’s left front, the 61st (2nd South Midland) Division was grappling with heavy enemy attacks in the vicinity of Calonne-sur-la-Lys and St. Floris, and beyond the river lay the Forest of Nieppe; ahead, Lestrem and Locon were in German hands after they had gradually overcome resistance from the 50th (Northumbrian) and 51st (Highland) Divisions; 3rd Division, only recently arrived ahead of them, was already battered and fragmented after countering the enemy attack on 12 April; to the right front, was the improvised and stoutly held line of the 3rd and 55th (West Lancashire) Divisions, which stretched down to Givenchy. To a clear head, on looking at a map of the progress of the battle, it was increasingly obvious that the German advance into the area now held by the division was taking them deeper into a salient. By the early hours of 14 April, the battalions of 10 and 11 Brigades had occupied the length of the canal from the drawbridge at Avelette up to beyond the aqueduct that carries the canal over the Clarence and Noc near Robecq. Strong patrols from the 1/Rifle Brigade and 1/Somerset Light Infantry [SLI] of 11 Brigade crossed to the far side of the canal with a view to establishing a line along the lane from La Pannerie to Riez du Vinage. A small number of German prisoners were captured, but a counter-attack from the direction of Pacaut Wood soon sent the Rifle Brigade back across the canal. The Somersets dug in along the lane. Orders were given to 11 Brigade at 1.15pm to carry out an attack with the objective of recapturing Riez du Vinage. This was no easy task. Time was short, there were few crossings of the canal for the force to deploy, and little cover on the far side. The brigade placed the 1/Hampshires on the left and 1/SLI on the right: the latter faced the village, and began to dribble its men across the canal – undisturbed - as early as 3pm. Starting at 6.30pm, after a heavy thirty-minute artillery bombardment and behind a creeping barrage, the attack achieved all the objectives except for a group of houses beyond the village. The Hampshires experienced virtually no opposition and joined up with elements of the 61st (2nd South 116

The 1/Somerset Light Infantry counter attack at Riez du Vinage was successful; but German presence in Pacaut Wood continued to harass British forces holding the canal line.

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Midland) Division along the road to Carvin, having sustained only three casualties. The Somersets had a much harder time: having had some casualties to artillery fire, they entered the village and encountered the enemy at close quarters. There was hand to hand fighting as a result of which some hundred Germans were captured and the rest fled towards Le Cornet Malo. The right hand company was hit by machine-gun fire from the wood and was later obliged to beat off a small counter-attack from that direction. The Somersets lost two officers and ninety men in all, but between them the two battalions captured five German officers, 132 men and twenty machine guns, as well as recovering a recently lost British howitzer battery and five 18-pounder field guns in the southern part of Riez du Vinage. Among the officer casualties to the Somersets was Second Lieutenant Clive Staples Lewis. He was struck by shell fragments that caused three wounds: to the left chest, which also broke a rib; a superficial wound to the left wrist; and damage to his left leg. Lewis had joined the battalion in November 1917 after training with 4 Officer Cadet Battalion. He remained in hospital until 24 December 1918 and went on to become famous as the author C. S. Lewis. Encouraged, division now ordered 10 Brigade to make another attack the next day, 15 April. Pacaut Wood was to be cleared of the enemy and a new line established near to le Cornet Malo. A pontoon bridge was constructed across the canal during the night to facilitate the crossing of the brigade’s 1/Warwicks. (The bridge connected to a small track leading towards and through Pacaut Wood, soon to be named Antelope Alley in honour of the regiment’s badge.) Arrangements went badly awry from the start. The Warwicks were fired upon by a British 18-pounder battery while they were assembling on their own side of the canal, and a shot also managed to damage the bridge. Although repairs were eventually effected, the battalion’s left company was delayed by it, had lost the protection of the creeping barrage when it began to move and in consequence failed to make any headway into the wood. On the right, a company crossed the canal at Hinges bridge but suffered heavy casualties in the attempt to advance past the wood’s eastern face. The other battalion deployed for the attack was the 2/Duke of Wellington’s. It had a better time in crossing at Pont Levis (north of Les Harisoirs, not to be confused with several other bridges of the same name) but immediately came under heavy fire from machine guns on the western face of the wood that had somehow survived the bombardment and creeping barrage. Its casualties were very considerable, amounting to nine officers and 218 men killed, wounded or missing. The battalion did, however, manage to link up with the Somersets holding the eastern side of Riez du Vinage. 118

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Other than for frequent shelling by both sides, the situation in the divisional area remained quiet until the dull and cold day of 18 April. By this time, the Dukes had been relieved and their line taken over by the 2/Seaforth Highlanders. At 1.15am the German artillery began a heavy, sustained, four hour high explosive and gas bombardment of the British batteries, crossroads and communications in the rear area. It also incorporated the division’s front line from about 2am. As now experienced many times before, the relentless shelling had the effect of cutting telephone lines and many a runner became a casualty as the shells swept the various headquarters’ locations. British guns replied. Between 3am and 4.30am, according to the Seaforths’ diary, the bombardment on their front line became ‘intense and annihilating’ but, significantly, their signals lines from battalion headquarters to the front remained intact. As this bombardment ceased, parties of Germans debouched from the south west corner of Pacaut Wood and approached the canal. This was virtually at the very moment that the battalion’s commanding officer also got a signal through to brigade, saying with confidence or bravado, ‘You can rely on my battalion to stand fast on its front’. The battalion also maintained visual communication with division. On trying to lay a pontoon bridge, the German attack was met with such fire from the battalion’s machine guns and by grenades that it almost immediately broke down. The Seaforths reported killing many enemy and taking 130 prisoners (saying that they swam or were ferried across the canal, having emerged from the shelter of its northern bank), but at a cost of men who had been engaged in making defensible posts on the far side of the canal. Their fate was reported by two or three men who managed to escape by swimming to the safe side. In all, four officers and 115 men became casualties: relatively light losses, considering the intensity of the bombardment. The garrisons of some other posts near La Pannerie were withdrawn across the canal without coming to harm, despite being fired at by enemy troops who had reached the canal bank. At 5.40am an attempt was made by the Royal Engineers to blow up the Hinges bridge as a precaution: it failed the first time but the bridge was successfully demolished later that morning. The 4th Division had indeed stood fast. With the exception of minor operations and sporadic shelling by both sides, the canal position was not the subject of serious fighting in what remained of the battle. German hopes of a sweeping movement on Béthune had been defeated. The 5th Division and the defence of the Forest of Nieppe. While many of the British divisions deployed in the battle were already weakened by recent fighting against Operation ‘Michael’, the (nominally) 119

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regular 5th Division was fresh and raring to go. It had been sent to Italy in November 1917 and spent a relatively quiet and in many ways refreshing period there; it had only received orders to return to France on 1 April. The main body of the division arrived in the area of Aire-sur-laLys during the night of 11-12 April. What it learned on arrival was not encouraging; the enemy had broken through at Merville and there were no British troops between there and Haverskerque able to stop a further advance, except for some Lewis gun teams from a tank unit at Le Sart. However, the 61st Division was holding the line south of the Lys. 12 April. The division, now under XI Corps, was ordered at 9.40am to recapture Merville but, with events moving quickly, this was cancelled just after noon. It would now advance and hold a line between La Maladrerie and La Motte au Bois; this was a poor choice that was modified after discussion to a line some 3000m further east and skirting the Forest of Nieppe on its eastern side. Its 13 Brigade moved through St. Venant, intending to take up a position on the division’s right front, from the Lys bank just south of Le Corbie, past Le Vert Bois Farm. On the left, 95 Brigade moved into position as far as Les Lauriers and the little River The splendid Chateau de la Motte au Bois, seen before it was badly damaged in April 1918. The chateau is surrounded by the woods of the Forest of Nieppe. (Author)

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Bourre, which flows to meet the Lys at Merville. The division was complete in most respects but very short of the picks and tools that would be needed to dig in a new line. A search revealed large quantities of these things at the Inland Waterways Engineers depot at Aire-sur-la-Lys and, no doubt, suitable chits were exchanged before the division marched off with them. What the division did not know was that they had already won a race for time. Charles Bean, the brilliant Australian Official Historian, captures the moment: It is now known, from the diary of Crown Prince Rupprecht, that patrols of the 8th German Division reported the Nieppe Forest to be unoccupied by the British. Presumably these patrols had entered it. The Sixth German Army this day issued an order, “It is important that the high ground Bailleul-Méteren-Strazeele. the northern and eastern exits of the Forest of Nieppe, and the La Bassée Canal between Guarbecque and Mont-Bernanchon be reached before enemy reinforcements can become effective. All troops must be informed of the importance with regard to further success of a speedy advance on the 12th.” Yet, according to Prince Rupprecht, the commander of the 8th Division held back his infantry and allowed the British reinforcements to reach the forest before him.’ The division’s position, although it had no vestige of prepared defences, was a strong one. In front, the ground is uniformly flat, with a perfect field of fire towards Merville. Crossing the front was the Bourre and a light railway, which ran from the Merville up towards Hazebrouck. Behind the division’s front, the very large forest was dense, cut only by a number of rides and paths. It was sprinkled with huts and dugouts from previous occupation. The forest would be ideal for concealing troops, guns and supplies and presented an obstacle to any German advance, although if they occupied it in strength it would also provide a valuable covered approach to within striking distance of Hazebrouck. On the other hand, it was an obvious target for German artillery and aerial bombardment, whilst the few rides were not suitable for heavy wheeled transport. Over the next month the forest would suffer terribly and become a horrible, poisonous trap for the unwary. So drenched was it with mustard gas from a German bombardment over the night of 21-22 April, that men found it condensed and dripping from the trees. Further into the forest (and technically behind the area into which the 1st Australian Division would eventually move) was the village of La Motte121

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A village grew up around Chateau de la Motte au Bois and the small canal that passes it, becoming a busy headquarters location for the British Army until the German advance rendered it too dangerous for the purpose. (Author)

au-Bois, alongside the large and impressive Chateau de la Motte, home of Célestine, Baroness Ernest de la Grange, and long-since used at her invitation as a key British headquarters. Second Lieutenant Frank Glover of 1/East Surrey would later recall his battalion’s arrival: ‘About 3pm we had orders to take up positions immediately in the Forest of Nieppe. We arrived in rear (we were reserve) about 6pm and found the enemy had not penetrated the forest as had been expected and in consequence moved to a large clearing in the centre, south of La Motte. Everything was absolutely peaceful, no shelling and the houses left exactly as the inhabitants had hastily vacated them. All kinds of food had been left behind, while an empty Chinese Labour Company’s camp opposite the houses we were in was filled with ordnance stores of all kinds and officers’ huts with books and furniture.’ Intelligence from prisoners was beginning to reveal that the Germans were having difficulties of their own. Merville was so ruined that it was almost impassable to vehicles, whilst the road from Estaires was described as a death trap due to its exposure to British shell fire. Very little German artillery had been able to deploy west of Merville, and even 122

The 5th Division secured the line from the Lys and across the south east face of the Forest of Nieppe.

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if it had it was not clear quite where the British were. The front line was so vague and fragmented that a considerable number of Germans – even gunners – on moving forward to their own front saw no trace of it or of any friendly troops, and found themselves walking into British positions. Conversely, the 5th Division had got its own artillery into place and taken over two brigades of field artillery from the 34th Division by 9.30pm on 12 April. This would soon prove to provide a significant advantage for the division and prove to be the end of German hopes in this area. On the 5th Division’s extreme right, the 15/Warwicks – the old ‘pals’ of the 2nd Birmingham City Battalion – advanced, having been ordered to take up a position east of a small brickfield on the northern bank of the Lys. It found, at 5.15pm, that the enemy had already captured the brickfield and was beyond it, on the battalion’s left, at Le Corbie. With much rifle and machine gun fire coming directly at them and in great volume from the other side of the river, the Warwicks halted to consider what to do. A decision was taken to attack, and the advance began again at 5.45pm. Losses to enemy fire were considerable: an officer and seven men killed and another four officers and eighty-four men wounded; but the Germans (Infanterie-Regiment 93) were ejected from the brickfield. The objective was gained and the battalion dug in. During the night an adjustment to the line was made so that it faced north east. On the left of the 2nd Birmingham City Battalion came the 14th Warwicks (1st Birmingham City Battalion). Their battalion headquarters had spent the night of 11-12 April in a barn at Thiennes, which village they found full of many refugees from the Merville area when they arrived. This battalion also advanced during the afternoon and eventually dug in on the edge of the Forest of Nieppe near Le Corbie; but it had the misfortune of losing its commanding officer and American medical officer, wounded by shrapnel, while on the move. 13 April. Taking its place on the extreme left of the divisional front, 1/Duke of Cornwall’s Light Infantry (DCLI), the regimental history recalled an eventful journey up through France, particularly as it passed by the Somme. The men had observed considerable movement of French forces on their way to that area (sent by Foch), and spotted a trainload of refugees going the other way, which featured mattresses, beds and chairs tied to the engine. The train carrying the battalion had been at a standstill just outside Amiens when a long range shell fell within five yards of it, wounding four men, whilst another exploded some thirty yards away whilst the train was in motion. On receiving its orders to take up its position, the battalion knew that 124

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the 1/Devons would be on its right; but the situation on the left was obscure, except that 4 (Guards) Brigade were there somewhere. Its move was eventually completed, the left-most company (D) had made contact with the Guards and by dawn the battalion had encountered German posts just across the Bourre, near Dene Farm. From 11am onwards, the left half of the 5th Division’s front came under the same wave after wave of enemy assaults that had ground down the Guards Brigade. Casualties were serious but little ground was given except to conform with the Guards’ retirement; indeed, some of the division’s units reported inflicting very heavy casualties. The divisional machine guns were said to have caused serious damage to a mass of enemy infantry assembling north west of Pures Becques. The field artillery fired almost continuously during the day, responding to SOS calls and keeping up a steady barrage fire at other times. In the case of 80 Battery of 15th Brigade RFA, this was in spite of itself being accurately engaged by German 8-inch and 9.2-inch fire. A heavy attack against 14/Warwicks late in the afternoon was mostly beaten off except for the German capture of Le Vert Bois Farm. On the left, the hard-pressed DCLI, reinforced by B Company of 12/Gloucesters, managed to dig in on a northsouth line some 200 yards east of the ArrewageCaudescure lane. Under Major St. John Shandon Quarry, of the Royal Berkshire but who had taken command of the battalion at 10pm, B Company of the Warwicks Major St. John Quarry carried out a night attack to recapture the farm. They was killed when reported eliminating the enemy garrison but suffered commanding the 14th a total of eighty-one casualties themselves. The dead Royal Warwickshires in included Quarry, who was buried nearby: he now its counter attack at le lies in Merville Communal Cemetery Extension, III Vert Bois Farm. D 29. The company’s losses were such that it was impossible to hold the farm. 14 April. The German attack in this area continued with great ferocity and determination throughout the day, but made no gain against an equally determined defence. Five distinct attacks were reported by 95 Brigade that were met with such a volume of British artillery and machine gun fire that none succeeded: one company alone reported inflicting ‘at least 1000 casualties’. Over the next few days the battle largely died down in the 5th Division’s 125

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area, except for the occasional exchanges of artillery fire and the gas bombardment of the Forest of Nieppe each night from 21-22 April. Attention now turned to offensive action. During the night of 18-19 April, B Company of 1/Cheshires (15 Brigade) carried out a successful raid on a troublesome machine gun post near Arrewage. After killing five members of the garrison of a post, the Cheshires reported that the rest ran away. A week later, 25 April, the 12/Gloucesters and 1/Bedfords carried out a larger scale attack, advancing behind a creeping barrage to capture a position near Les Lauriers, capturing fifty prisoners and four machine guns. The 1st Australian Division. At 7.30pm on 10 April, the headquarters of the 1st Australian Division received a warning order to prepare for a move, less its artillery, to Flanders. One can only imagine men’s thoughts at this news, for the division had only left there a couple of days before and had just begun to arrive in a rear area near Amiens on the Somme. With the move confirmed during the morning of 11 April, the units moved to Amiens St. Roch railway station to entrain. The station was under heavy German artillery fire at this time, delaying the departure of the division and causing some sixty casualties. Some of the trains were also harassed by German aircraft en route, notably in the area of St. Pol, and consequently many ran ten to twelve hours later than scheduled. 13 April. By the morning of 13 April, 2 (Victoria) Australian Brigade had detrained at Hazebrouck and deployed through the forest, with 7th and then 8th Battalions AIF in front and probing forward in strict silence, taking up, from right to left, a position east of the Bois d’Aval part of the Forest of Nieppe. The war diaries are rather matter of fact about the deployment, but it was a considerable feat. It was a dark night and there was palpable tension in the air. Moving into position meant a seven mile night march through the forest, through a disheartening stream of refugees and British stragglers, to an uncertain situation ahead. After some adjustments to the line to be held, 7th Battalion AIF strung itself over an extraordinary four miles of front, although British units were supposed to be in front somewhere; evidence on the ground of this was as yet absent and the battalion bore a heavy responsibility for holding the line until the rest of the division could deploy. Lieutenant William Joynt led his men from the 8th Battalion, eventually coming up on the left of the 7th Battalion, to form outposts whose fire would cover the roads coming out from Vieux Berquin. His company of some 120 men were stretched out over 1000 yards, having been told to ‘pick your own line of defence and wait for 126

The 7th and 8th Battalions AIF crept quietly through the Forest of Nieppe and established a chain of platoon posts facing Vieux Berquin.

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Lieutenant William Joynt, 8th Australian Infantry. Led his men through the Forest of Nieppe to establish a strong defensive line facing Vieux Berquin. On 23 August 1918, he earned the Victoria Cross: ‘Lieutenant Joynt took charge when his company commander had been killed. When the leading battalion had been demoralized by heavy casualties, he rushed forward and reorganized the remnants of the battalion. Having discovered that heavy fire on the flanks was causing delay and casualties, he led a frontal bayonet attack on the wood, capturing it and over eighty prisoners, thus saving a critical situation. Later, at Plateau Wood, after severe hand-to-hand fighting, he turned a stubborn defence into an abject surrender.’ The irrepressible Joynt was wounded three days later. (Australian War Memorial)

the Fritzies’. His platoon commanders, all men of Victoria and formerly a farmer, baker and two teachers but typical of the experienced and hardened Australian junior officer of 1918, quietly went about their business. As it became light the posts could see the stump of the church directly ahead: all was quiet, and Joynt had a chance to walk out in front of his posts to check that they were well positioned. It is even said that he walked down to the deserted Vieux Berquin before returning to his temporary HQ at Elk Farm. The 7th Battalion did the same from the position in front of that part of the forest known as Aval Wood. On the left, 1 (New South Wales) Australian Brigade moved out from Hondeghem station to take up a position on the higher ground east of Strazeele and facing Merris. A company of the 3rd Battalion AIF, together with four guns of 1 Australian Machine Gun Company, probed forward to take up a position on high ground at Strazeele – where, to their surprise they found a force of some 2000 men of the 40th Division being reassembled and organising a defence of Strazeele. The battalions of 3 Australian Brigade was still en route, but the division was joined by the railway pioneers of the 17/Northumberland Fusiliers and placed them in the rear of the 8th Battalion. By daylight, from south to north, the 7th, 8th, 3rd and 4th Battalions AIF held a line of six miles from Aval Wood to Strazeele; gradually a support line was formed within cover of the forest. 128

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Another ridge-top village, Strazeele was held by the 33rd and 1st Australian Divisions. (Author)

All through the day the Australians witnessed the fighting ahead and the gradual progress made by the Germans to the north of Vieux Berquin. By 8pm, their outposts had become the front line, as elements of the 29th and 31st Division were withdrawn or straggled westwards. ‘Platoon commanders were now sending in messages that the 31st, 29th, 40th and 50th Divisions were falling back in disorder. At 4pm … [it was] reported from the left that the 29th Division was falling back through his sector thoroughly demoralised, and that he found he could not rally them. Joynt went out and found the plain to be alive with ‘Tommies’ all over the place digging in for their lives on instructions from a major of the 31st Division “a very gallant chap who would insist in digging in in front of Joynt’s line, as he said the Australians were there for support. Another major was riding up and down on horseback, till his horse was shot, stopping the stampede.’ The Australians also witnessed the terrific fight of 4 (Guards) Brigade and the brave stand of 12/KOYLI at La Couronne: of the latter, 2 Australian Brigade reported: ‘The Germans had probably got through and were enfilading them with machine guns as they retired. A tremendous number were scuppered.’ By dusk it was evident that there was not much by way of British 129

Within days, the 1st Australian Division had established an impenetrable defence east of the Forest of Nieppe and up onto the high ground at Strazeele.

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defence still going on out in front: in the morning the 1st Australian Division’s position would be considered the front line. 14 April. Just after midnight, the Kulmer Infanterie-Regiment 141, 87 InfanterieBrigade of 35th Division began to advance down the lane that runs from Verte Rue towards the cottages at la Rue du Bois. They clearly had no idea that they were moving directly towards 8th Battalion’s posts and in particular that commanded by Lieutenant Ivon George Murdoch. Ivon was the younger brother of Keith Murdoch, the journalist who had played a central part in the eventual abandonment of the Gallipoli campaign: he was the uncle of global media tycoon Rupert Murdoch. Ivon quietly ordered his men to hold their fire until the last possible moment. When the Germans were just twenty metres distant every gun opened up. Soon afterwards, the bodies of an officer and twenty men were found. The rest of the attackers fled. The published history of Kulmer Infanterie-Regiment 141 reports that its I and II Battalions were held up after taking Verte Rue from 4 Guards Brigade on 13 April, so only the reserve III Battalion was ordered to advance to la Rue du Bois. No advance screen or patrols went out ahead, so it happened that, when the road at la Rue du Bois had nearly been reached, machine-gun fire struck against the leading company. ‘Many pressed back. Lieutenant Frey, who on that same day had taken command of the [lead] company for the first time, fell with many others into captivity with the English (sic).’ The rest of the battalion apparently fell back 700 yards to the south of the road, and its commander gave the order to dig in there, with I Battalion on its left and II Battalion behind the centre, in reserve. They had met the Australians. Ivon Murdoch was wounded in the eye on 16 April 1918 but returned to the line in July. He ended the war with the Military Cross and Bar. All of that windy morning heavy German shellfire rained down on the farms and villages from Méteren down towards Merville. The response from the RFA Lieutenant Ivon guns supporting the Australians (a total of seven Murdoch’s machine gun brigades: 28th, 64th, 119th, 152nd, 155th, 285th and teams caught a German 286th) responded in kind, playing a key part in detachment unaware keeping the all too-evident masses of German and in the open, near infantry largely at bay. Even so, considerable the Forest of Nieppe. numbers of Germans continued to move forward (Author) 131

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from Celery Copse and the railway near Mont de Merris, held by 3rd Battalion AIF. They were held off by machine gun and rifle fire at long range, but at some points came into closer contact and by 10.30am the German attack had largely broken down. The same battalion also broke up a German column of 12 Reserve-Division, including field guns of its Foot Artillery Regiment, attempting to advance northwards on the road from Vieux Berquin (although during the day these guns came into highly effective point-blank range against some of 8 Battalion’s posts). At one point near Gutzer Farm, Lieutenant Christopher Champion’s company launched a local counter-attack that reportedly had a 25 year-old Lieutenant remarkable effect: the enemy ran. It was a welcome Christopher sign of increasing German weariness and Champion, 3rd unwillingness amongst the infantry to continue Australian Infantry, led a counter attack pushing. near Gutzer Farm. He For the first time on the southern front of the lies in Outtersteene offensive no significant ground had been gained. It Communal Cemetery seemed that the German High Command remained Extension (VI.A.3) more optimistic than the men on the ground. Crown (Author) Prince Rupprecht wrote that. ‘in the course of the afternoon there came an order, this time personally signed by Hindenburg, which … urged the Sixth Army to push on against the heights.’ The Kaiser, calling in at von Quast’s Sixth Army HQ, said much the same. ‘But’, commented Rupprecht, ‘of what use are any number of orders to attack if the troops have no longer the power to do so?’ Sixth Army decided to regroup and prepare its artillery for a renewal of the offensive, but in effect this postponed operations until 17 April. It gave the 1st Australian Division breathing space to reorganise, and for its own artillery to arrive. 17-18 April. For the next two days, 15 and 16 April, the Australians were left largely undisturbed. Steps were taken to concentrate more of its force on the left flank, where Méteren was tottering (and was ultimately lost by the 33rd Division) and to bolster the mixed force of rear area and composite units that had been holding the line there. Arrangements were made for the 1st Australian Division to co-operate with the newly-arrived French 133rd Division d’Infanterie to restore the situation in that area, but it became something of a non-event when the orders reached the French units too late for any counter-attack to take place. 17 April would prove to be a trying day; but it was one during which 132

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‘Georgette’ was ultimately defeated in this area. For many of those German units involved, it turned out to be the worst day of their war. The failure of the renewal of the German attack, which was carried out by 12th Division, 12th Reserve-Division and 35th divisions of XIX Corps, can largely be blamed on the wholly inadequate artillery preparation, despite the delay in the attack of two days for that very purpose. The Corps’ supply organisation only delivered some two-thirds of the ammunition required – some of it literally minutes before the guns were to open fire. 12th Division’s batteries arrived so late in position that they did not register and had no clear idea of where the Australians were; but the Australians could see them, for many batteries had been so poorly sited that they could be clearly seen from the Strazeele heights. Even so, from 9am the fifty-six field gun and thirteen heavy batteries that had been assembled for this attack opened up. The pattern was familiar: the shelling mainly avoided the front line and concentrated on the roads, farms, villages and communications. Hazebrouck itself and the higher ground villages of Borre, Pradelles and Strazeele came under heavy fire that caused numerous casualties to the supply, transport, engineers and reserve units in the area. At 10am, the German infantry began to advance behind a creeping artillery barrage. The mission of 12th Division was to attack from Merris The occupier of Strazeele had an unhindered view down towards Vieux Berquin and the Forest of Nieppe beyond. Germans attacking from Vieux Berquin faced an uphill advance. (Author)

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towards Nord-Helf, which lies east of Strazeele on ground that is sloping away eastwards to the Meterenbecque stream and from which there is a clear view across Méteren to the Mont des Cats beyond and on to the north of Strazeele. This took the attack directly towards the 4th and 1st Battalions AIF and the depleted 5/Scottish Rifles of the 33rd Division. In the centre, 12th Reserve-Division would advance at 10.15am up the slope to capture Strazeele, held by 3rd Battalion AIF. On the left, 35th Division would form a flank by seizing Sec Bois, taking them towards 8th Battalion AIF. Three other divisions were not far away, in close support. The attack by 12th Division was soundly beaten off by intense artillery and machine-gun fire. It was not helped by the creeping barrage being too far ahead of the assault infantry (it actually began behind the Australian outposts), completely exposing the attacking infantry. The hapless German soldiers watched in frustration as the barrage continued to move further and further from them. 12th Reserve-Division did no better. The 3rd Battalion AIF reported seeing German officers encouraging men to go over the top; but the men were evidently reluctant to go. One can hardly blame them, for at least three attempts to attack were cut down: 3rd Battalion AIF alone reported counting 700 German dead on its front. After this initial fury, the attack died down but this may be due to the fact that German spotter aircraft mistakenly reported that Strazeele and Nord-Helf had been captured, causing orders to be given for an optimistic forward movement of the German artillery. The observers had in fact only seen the position of the creeping barrage. The 5/Scottish Rifles reported 17 April as a ‘splendid day with the Australians’ and that a famished Lewis gun team, having disposed of the members of a German ration party, enjoyed the German supplies. After a pause to regroup, the attack began again at 6.30pm after another hour of bombardment. It met with the same result, although some detachments did reach as far as Nord-Helf. The history of 12th Division lamented, ‘The field was sown with dead and wounded. Enemy machineguns from the flank had mown down whole ranks.’ Reports confirm that British artillery from the south west (that is, of 1st Australian Division) could not be suppressed as its positions were unknown: an admission of British air superiority. Plans were made for a further German attempt on Strazeele during the night but it came to nothing. XIX Corps and III Bavarian Corps north of it confessed that a renewal on 18 April was simply not practical. And in this area, vital to the achievement of the original strategic objectives of the offensive, ‘Georgette’ died, not least due to a thoroughly professional defensive action by the Australians and the mixed bag of British composite and reserve units that had fought with them. 134

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Official German sources give casualties for 17 April as: 12th Division, forty-eight officers and 1550 other ranks; 12th ReserveDivision, eighty-nine officers and 2958 other ranks (which includes casualties from the quiet period of 15-16 April); 4th Division, an officer and 102 other ranks – total 4748. By comparison, during the whole of April 1918, 1st Australian Division lost thirty officers and 316 other ranks killed; sixty-eight officers and 1329 other ranks wounded; and one officer and twenty-three men missing – a total of 1767 men. The 33rd Division and the defence of Méteren. Like the Australians, the 33rd Division had not long left Flanders when it was suddenly recalled. It had been in the Ypres sector early in April 1918 and had already begun a move to the Third Army area, west of Arras, when ‘Georgette’ struck. The division was relatively fresh, having last taken part in a major operation back in September 1917. The move orders were cancelled on 10 April and the division was ordered to turnabout and move to Caestre and Strazeele, mainly by train. It is a credit to the division and the lines of communication that this was achieved remarkably quickly and smoothly. The only serious incident of note was when a party of the 4/King’s (Liverpool Regiment), attached to 212th Field Company Royal Engineers, suffered the death of twenty-nine men when its train was hit by a shell en route at Chocques. This threat to the railway had the effect of delaying the arrival of the division’s 19 Brigade until 7pm on 11 April, by which time its 98 and 100 brigades had already detrained and been ordered to move eastwards to the Ravelsberg Hill, east of Bailleul. The divisional Machine Gun Battalion’s B Company went with them. They therefore pass out of the geographic coverage of this book. The exact situation, as discovered by the division, was obscure. There were reports of enemy troops being as near as Le Crèche, which lies south east of Bailleul, and the all too clear evidence of refugees and army stragglers fleeing northwards. Orders were given to 19 Brigade to guard the approaches south and south east of Méteren, while the divisional pioneers, the 18/Middlesex, and 222nd Field Company RE did the same east of the village. If one thing was obvious, it was that Méteren must be held. The ground over which the division would be engaged over the next few days comprised flat, open ground south of a gentle, forty metres high, ridge that runs from the south side of Strazeele and through Méteren. This ridge, almost indiscernible until one stands on it and realises what an advantage of observation it gives to the south, dips slightly between the two villages, where it is cut through by the little Meterenbecque stream. 135

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Méteren, scene of much fighting involving French and an extraordinary mixture of British troops. (Author)

On its gentle downward slope directly south of Méteren is Hogenacker Windmill, shown at Hill 4 on maps, and halfway from there to the outskirts of Bailleul was a prominent steam mill on the even smaller stream, the Becque de la Blanche Maison. Outtersteene, Merris and the railway that have featured in chapters describing the fight of the 29th and 31st divisions all lie in the flat ground south of the ridge. North of the ridge, the ground undulates but rises steadily to the 150m-high and dominating Mont des Cats. The whole area is dotted with farmhouses, small hamlets and a few orchards; but with no large woods or other features of significance except the Bailleul – Flêtre – Caestre road. This had been, and remained, a key British supply route, which was now under dire threat. During the night of 11-12 April, Méteren and many of the villages of the area came under German shell fire, although the newlyarrived 1/Queen’s of 19 Brigade reported their billets in Méteren to be comfortable and quiet. They had a good rest and were well fed. Battalion headquarters was set up in a house on the western side of the village, and some old stagers recalled it as the source of German machine gun fire that had halted a British attack in 1914. 12 April During the morning the Queen’s moved out to take up a defensive position south of Méteren, while reconnaissance was made of the 136

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position. Brigadier General Charles Mayne and his Brigade Major, Captain Cedric Turner-Jones RE, rode out to a crossroads south west of Méteren, where they found such a jam of stragglers, refugees and farm carts that it would make defence problematic. Large numbers of wounded and unwounded men were retiring from the Outtersteene area and it seemed that the divisions ahead of them were in precipitate retreat. They rode on to Hogenacker Mill and, with the field of view and fire that it presented, decided to hold the ridge there. The Queen’s were ordered forward to a position on either side of the mill: within ten minutes of their arrival came the first enemy fire. It had been a close-run In less stressful times, the larger than thing, but one battalion could not do life character of Graham Seton Hutchison, who commanded 33rd much against what was assumed to be Machine Gun Battalion. (Author) a very large German force coming towards them. Fortunate, then, that at about the same time, LieutenantColonel Graham Seton Hutchison, commanding 33rd Machine Gun Battalion, sent out cycle patrols to determine where he might place his guns. Hutchison writes vividly in his memoirs of commandeering a truck to take eight guns forward as quickly as possible; he also writes of forcing stragglers to take up a defensive position and even doing so at gunpoint. That he was of a character to do so appears undoubted. It is certainly true that several groups of stragglers were formed up, both in the quickly solidifying front line and in the rear area. A feature of the defence of Méteren was its largely improvised nature, for alongside the units of 19 Brigade and Hutchison’s machine-gunners, others, some quite unexpected and unusual, arrived: IX and XXII Corps Cyclist Battalions; XXII Corps Reinforcement Battalion and the Corps School; 2nd New Zealand Entrenching Battalion; and a variety of hastily organised Composite Battalions. 147 Brigade arrived from the 49th (West Riding) Division and took up a position on the 33rd Division’s extreme left. They were all placed under tactical command of the 33rd Division and, at 2.45pm, received orders to stop the enemy’s advance at all costs. It would be a tall order, yet history shows that this odd mixture of units achieved 137

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all that was asked of it. The Queen’s alone were strung out over 2,100 yards of front, and as yet had no artillery support except for some twenty anti-aircraft guns. The arrival on their right of the 1/Cameronians, linking up with the first Australian units deploying near Strazeele, and the positioning of 5/Scottish Rifles just behind, allowed the division’s diarist to report that by 11pm they were holding a strong line. This was optimistic to say the least: it may have been geographically strong but the rather ad-hoc British force was very thinly strung out. 13-14 April. On these days the division’s line came under heavy, sustained attack. It was focused on 19 Brigade at the key windmill point held by the Queen’s: the line, by and large, held fast until at around 5pm on 13 April the Germans made a further incursion up the valley of the Meterenbecque, where they were ejected by counter-attack. During that afternoon units of the 1st Australian Division began to arrive at Merris and Strazeele, and 4/King’s arrived from Bailleul to a position north of Méteren: it came under heavy shell fire and sustained its first of many casualties of this fighting. By nightfall 19 Brigade’s main line ran broadly along the line of what is now the N42 road. The night was quiet, although there were many signs, including information from prisoners, of an imminent attack in strength next day between Méteren and Neuve-Église (to the east, and out of the geographic scope of this volume). The story of 14 April was similar, with attack and, where necessary and possible, counter-attack (in which even the 2nd New Zealand Entrenching Battalion appears to have participated, although details of its precise achievements are few). From the ‘uttermost ends of the Earth’, this unusual unit comprised reinforcements for the Otago and Canterbury Regiments and was established, along with 1st and 3rd Entrenching Battalions, under the command of the New Zealand Divisional Wing, which in turn was incorporated in the organisation of Second Army under the name of Second Army Entrenching Group. Based at Abeele, the other two battalions were ordered to the Somme to reinforce the area attacked during Operation ‘Michael’. At 5pm on 11 April, 2 Entrenching Battalion moved out of camp and headed for Méteren with orders to report to the 33rd Division. It was at first used for digging a defensive line north of the village, but it was not long before several of its platoons were drawn upon to reinforce the defensive line held by British troops to the south and east. Late in the day, 4/King’s moved into the front line south of Méteren to relieve the exhausted 1/Queen’s, linking up with 5/Scottish Rifles on their right and gunners of 5th Tank Battalion on their left. 138

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15 April. The situation remained broadly the same on 15 April, with much fighting taking place to the east around Neuve Église and some on the 33rd Division’s left at Strazeele, but with the centre of the division’s line not being too hard pressed. During the day news came that the French were preparing a defensive line north of Méteren (it would run from Flêtre, through Quatre-Fils-Aymon to St. Jans Capelle), which would be held by dismounted cavalry and detachments of motorised machine guns. German progress in the Neuve Église and Bailleul area forced the withdrawal of the British 59th (2nd North Midland) Division past the left of the 33rd Division, which in consequence was obliged to swing its left flank around so that it faced east. 16 April A much stronger frontal attack fell upon British units south and east of Méteren, breaking through the line and entering the eastern outskirts of the village by 9.40am. Early in the day, 4/King’s reported that they were no longer in contact with the detachment of 5th Tank Battalion, which had been on their left. They sent two companies to fill the gap but they had not yet reached position when, at around 5.30am, the German attack also fell upon the battalion. For several hours, there was street fighting in the ruins of the village, with a mixture of units, including 1/Middlesex and 2nd New Zealand Entrenching Battalion taking part; it was not until about 4pm that German troops were reported to be at the church. Even a company of the divisional pioneers, 18/Middlesex, which had also been employed in digging a ‘switch line’ reserve trench, became involved and lost heavily as it did so: according to its war diary, two officers and six men were killed; another thirty-five men were wounded. Records today suggest that, in total, fourteen died: four are buried near where they fell, in Méteren Military Cemetery, while the rest have no known graves. The New Zealanders had been split into two detachments: the Canterbury Company and half of 1 Otago Company were disposed to the right of the village; 2 Otago Company and the remainder of 1 Otago to the left – and it was to be in this area that the heaviest German blows would fall. During the night orders had been received pointing out that an attack was probable; that British units on their left would if necessary withdraw; and that the New Zealanders would do the same. The situation very quickly deteriorated once the German infantry attack, preceded by heavy machine gun fire, developed at about daybreak, particularly on the left, and the New Zealanders soon found themselves fighting on three sides. With ‘their ammunition practically expended, and all avenues of escape closed, [they] decided that in the circumstances their only 139

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alternative was to comply with the demand for surrender.’ The three platoons making up this detachment, a total of 210 other ranks, fell to the enemy as prisoners. Only two men had succeeded in escaping the inferno, one a lance corporal runner who was despatched with a message indicating the position and asking for assistance, and the other a private of 2 Otago Company. According to the history of the Otago Regiment, ‘This was the single instance in the whole of the campaign where any considerable numbers of New Zealanders were taken prisoners. Had timely warning been received of the withdrawal of the supporting British troops [on the left], this loss must have been averted. … On the other hand, it must be admitted that a large number of the troops concerned in this unfortunate affair were entirely new to action; the formation suffered from a shortage of experienced leaders, and ammunition supply had in many instances been seriously reduced on the journey from Abeele to Méteren because of an impression that the battalion was going to construct trenches, not occupy them. But even allowing for these considerations, it is doubtful if experienced and better prepared troops would have fared differently in the same situation. The disaster might have been delayed, though not wholly averted.’ In all, in addition to those captured, the battalion suffered the loss of two officers and forty other ranks killed, and nine officers and 139 other ranks wounded. Four of the men lie in Méteren Military Cemetery but almost all the others have no known graves and are commemorated at the New Zealand Memorial at Messines. German attempts to advance north from the village met with intense fire from British and French reserves, now deployed in some strength north of the village; but even so, by day’s end the village was in German hands. The local balance was however beginning to swing in the Allies’ favour, for a counter-attack was to be made by the French 32nd Chasseurs d’Alpin at 6pm. This battalion, which was under the command of 133rd Division d’Infanterie, had arrived at Caestre on 12 April. As they moved toward the battle area, without much by way of direct information, an uneasy feeling developed: ‘We already had a very clear feeling that the situation was serious. On the way we saw individual, unarmed British soldiers in somewhat tattered uniform, while on both sides of the road were barracks and camps, all open, deserted and completely abandoned! The rumour grew that the Germans had once again broken the 140

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French troops begin to arrive at Caestre in Flanders. (National Library of France)

front in the Bailleul area. On the outskirts of the abandoned village of Flêtre, some Tommies were there, some slumped, dead drunk: we were fixated. As night had fallen, our company settled under cover on the western edge of Flêtre. The whole countryside around the village was deserted. The animals released from their ties circulated freely in the pastures. In the houses, everything had been abandoned. One entered intact interiors, with their furniture, clothes, lingerie, provisions, household utensils, even the pets: cats, poultry, rabbits, etc ... Obviously, the inhabitants had been caught suddenly by panic and had fled in disorder, backward, in a state of terror. At dawn, Captain Laferre gathered the section commanders of the company and informed us of the situation as it was.’ The battalion was ordered to move late on 15 April to La Besace, north of Méteren, still not knowing in any detail what was in front of it. Next day, the battalion moved closer to Méteren to avoid heavy shellfire: 141

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By 17 April, French reserves were beginning to arrive and deploy near Méteren.

‘Captain Laferre was ordered to advance and make contact with the enemy at any cost, and even to take Méteren if possible. To our great surprise, we come into contact with elements from the [1st Australian Division] installed at Hill 62 in front of the Moulin de Méteren [this may refer to what the British maps called Axe Mill]. It immediately makes us perplexed about our mission. It is hard to see how to quickly advance on an opposing line that is already held by our allies.’ In this confusing and dangerous situation, the proposed 6pm counterattack never really happened. ‘The night goes on without any shot, it is absolute silence everywhere. The men were told to keep their eyes open and calmly 142

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wait for events. At dawn, we realize that if we are on the outskirts of Méteren, but lost in a kind of no-man’s land and, more importantly, without any connection on our flanks, we are, as we say, ‘in the air’.’ The Chasseurs Alpin’s experience was one shared by many French units as they arrived and were urged into the area. Frequent British pleas for French reserves had finally began to bear more serious fruit with the arrival of 13th Division d’Infanterie (13.DI) west of Méteren during the evening of 16 April 1918. It formed part of the recently constituted Detachment d’Armée du Nord (DAN) under General de Mitry, which would by the end of April comprise II Cavalry Corps (Robillot, under whose command came at times 2nd Cavalry, 3rd Cavalry, 6th Cavalry divisions; and 28th, 31st, 34th, 39th, 133rd and 154th infantry divisions); XXXVI Corps (under whose command came 17th and 66th divisions; and 2nd Cavalry Division, 34th and 133rd infantry Divisions from 21 April onwards). 32nd Division General Antoine de Mitry, commanded the French d’Infanterie of XVI Corps also arrived on 27 Detachment d’Armée du April. On paper this was a substantial force, but Nord, which formed in its arrival was spread over most of the second half Flanders. (Author) of April and much of the DAN was committed to the defence of the Flemish Hills: its effect on blunting the German strike on Hazebrouck was limited. 17 April. During this cold day, the 33rd Division took the opportunity to carry out some moves and reliefs of tired units, and to figure out exactly where the French (now in the shape of 116.RI as well as the 32nd Chasseurs) were and to make sure the line had no serious gaps. The German attack was renewed from mid-morning, especially on the east of Méteren, but failed to make any significant gains against the increasingly well-positioned and numerous French and British defence. It was said that 11,000 German shells fell on and around the small, martyred village during the day. Around 6pm, an attack in the area of Fry Farm completed the virtual destruction of 4/King’s, which lost a total of twenty officers and 469 men in its few days of fighting. A post-action report (which appears not to have been based on personal observation by its author) noted that at one 143

The 33rd Division arrived just in time to plug the gap south of Méteren, and held it throughout the final attacks made by Sixth Army.

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point five officers were holding a conference when their location was surrounded. The precise events are not clear, but two officers were killed and the others almost certainly captured. The published history of the 33rd Division reports that one of them, 22 year-old Captain George Warburton MC, ‘was treacherously murdered by prisoners who had already surrendered at Battalion Headquarters’. Whether this is so must remain unknown, but it is evident that Warburton’s body was taken well to the British rear and buried at the churchyard at Boeschepe. It was exhumed after the war; one of twenty-five taken from this location for reburial at Abeele Aerodrome Cemetery. The other officer to die in the incident was Lieutenant George Gibb, a former ranker who now has no known grave and is commemorated on the Ploegsteert Memorial. 18 April and later Sixth Army effectively closed down its offensive on this day, it being agreed that it was exhausted and that more of the available resources should be concentrated in Fourth Army’s area. While there would be much more fighting for British and French units in the Flemish hills, ‘Georgette’ had been defeated in its original, primary ambition to seize Hazebrouck. The line from the La Bassée Canal, up past the Forest of Nieppe, along the Strazeele ridge and snaking around the north of Méteren held fast until it was the Allied turn for offensive action later in the year. The fighting from 18 April 1918 re-assumed the characteristics of entrenched, positional warfare, with all of the attendant dangers of shell fire, sniping and raids; and men of both sides continued to lose their lives for many months to come. But this battle was over.

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Touring the Battlefield

When men of 32nd Chasseurs Alpin returned in January 1919 to see the ground over which they had fought in April 1918, they saw only that ‘C’était la solitude la plus complète: le silence des morts qui reposaient enfin, sans les bruits de la guerre.’ (It was the most complete solitude: the silence of the dead who at last rested, without the sounds of war.) By and large, the battlefield remains a quiet, rural one today. In comparison with the areas of the major British battles of Ypres, Arras and the Somme, the Lys is rather threadbare when it comes to cemeteries and memorials. There is, however, much to see and especially on a day of good visibility it makes for a very pleasant area to tour. General touring advice. Some general words of advice for the would-be tourist: first, the area is dotted with villages and small towns, many of which have good bakeries, small supermarkets and places where you may acquire refreshment. The larger towns all have petrol stations, too. There are few public toilets and you may wish to avail yourself of the facilities of a convenient café. In my experience, English is not widely spoken outside the towns. Many of the places that are of interest are accessible via narrow, single-carriageway roads that often have drainage channels on both sides. These are not always obvious when the grass is high, so take great care if you find you need to pass an oncoming tractor. Especially in the area around Vieux Berquin, maize is a popular crop. Visitors in late summer and the first month or two of autumn may find the cross-field views very restricted and I would advise you to go in the spring or early summer. Visitors will find good information regarding accommodation and refreshment at well known websites such as Tripadvisor; but they should also be aware that there are several French tourist association websites and the very good ‘Destination Coeur de Flandres’ site that covers this area. There are concentrations of hotels and restaurants in the larger towns of the area, and many bed and breakfast and self-catering possibilities across the region. Even if the tourist is equipped with the latest satellite navigation and GPS devices, they would be well advised to take some maps along for the trip. The best are those produced by the French Institut Géographique National (IGN). Their 1:25000 Série Bleue (Blue Series) maps are 146

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excellent for driving and walking. These maps can be obtained at many bookshops and even locals stores and tabacs in France, and can be obtained from specialist travel stores in the United Kingdom. The Hazebrouck, Armentières and Béthune maps cover all of the area of this book. There is generally less battlefield debris to be seen in the Lys area than, for example, on the Somme or at Ypres, but tourists should be aware that Great War ammunition remains dangerous and it should not be touched. The use of metal detectors is prohibited.

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Tour A An Introductory Circuit This tour is intended to provide an overview of the battle and to highlight the key points and topographical features that influenced it. It is planned to be a full day tour by car or motorcycle, but it would be possible to break off or miss out stopping at some points if time is short.

The starting point is Pheasant Wood Cemetery at Fromelles, simply for convenience. It has a large car park and, should you return from the tour before closing time, a good visitors centre with toilets. The village of Fromelles had been close behind the German front line since October 1914, and was in the area in which 42nd InfanterieDivision assembled ready for the assault on 9 April 1918. Leave Fromelles in a northward direction by turning left out of the car park, and 148

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The photographer is standing on the German front line at Fromelles. The 18/Welsh held the trenches just in front of VC Corner. Fog obliterated this view on 9 April 1918. (Author)

turn left at the first bend, following signs for Sailly, Laventie and VC Corner CWGC. After about 1.8 kilometres, stop at the Australian Memorial Park. Although this park commemorates the 1916 attack on Fromelles, it is on ground of great significance to Operation ‘Georgette’. The park lies directly on the German front line, which stretches away on both sides of the road. The British-named Necklace Trench lay across the road and we are standing on Nephew Trench. Some 200m further down the road in front you will see VC Corner Australian Cemetery. This lies on the British front line and is in the sector held by the 18/Welsh. During the night before the attack, a British patrol came across No Man’s Land (between the cemetery and the park) and found these trenches deserted, as the Germans had temporarily withdrawn their assault troops to avoid shellfire. On the left of the Welsh (to the right as you look from the park) came the 13/East Surreys. Both battalions were virtually destroyed within the first hours of the attack, the Germans first piercing the line held by the 18/Welsh in part of the ground now occupied by VC Corner Cemetery. The Germans quickly fanned out on either side, killing or capturing men holding the front line posts. Beyond the Welsh, further across to the left front, came the 2nd Portuguese Division, which had a 149

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similar experience. The flat, open nature of the ground here is all too evident: imagine it with fog so dense that you could not see more than twenty yards, and wreathed with smoke. Little wonder that so many men first encountered the enemy when they were already behind them. A short way beyond VC Corner Cemetery is the pretty Le Trou Aid Post Cemetery, off to your right and surrounded by willows and a moat. One of the 18/Welsh’s company headquarters was located here. Continue down the road to the Pétillon crossroads and turn left (westwards) onto the D171. Follow it for 1.9 kilometres. The road ran parallel to and close behind the British front line (which was on your left), and the stretch along which we are travelling was held by the Portuguese 4 (do Minho) Brigade. The road fell into German hands very quickly during the morning of 9 April, and their advance moved quickly away to our right. Turn right onto Rue Masselot, signposted for the German Laventie Military Cemetery. Rue Masselot is one of many single track lanes you will drive on this tour. It had been an important supply route for British, and later Portuguese, units holding the Fauquissart sector of the front line. The cemetery is 600m from the D171 junction, on the right. There are three German cemeteries within the area of the tour. They were all begun during April 1918, with men being buried in ground newly-won from the British. All were greatly expanded after the war when the battlefields were cleared and many smaller plots concentrated Laventie German Cemetery. (Author)

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into them. Laventie contains the graves of just under 2000 men, almost all identified and named, but it was not until 1971 that the original wooden markers were replaced by the metal crosses you see today. The graves of eight Jewish soldiers are each marked by stone stele, with the Hebrew inscription meaning ‘Here lies buried … May his soul be interwoven in the circle of the living’. Continue on Rue Masselot until you reach a crossroads. On your left was a strong point known as Masselot Post and the start of one of the many communication trenches which led to the front lines. When the Germans began to penetrate into the British area, these trenches became a flank defence but were insufficiently strong to afford much protection to the defenders. Across the crossroads, the road becomes Rue du Moulin. Follow it until you reach a more significant junction and turn right, to follow the D173 road into the middle of the large village of Laventie. German troops of 35th, 42nd and 10th Ersatz divisions, having broken through the fronts held by the 40th and 2nd Portuguese divisions, quickly pushed on along the route you have followed, and others parallel to it, reaching Laventie through the fog within a few hours of zero. Laventie was rebuilt after the destruction of 1918 and is a pleasant town with shops, fuel, banks, cafés and good parking. On the wall of the architecturally Flemish-influenced Mairie (Town Hall), facing the large Church of St-Vaast, is a plaque memorial to the 61st (2nd South Midland) Division. This formation had been here for a considerable time

The memorial to the 61st (2nd South Midland) Division at Laventie. The division spent time here in 1916 and returned to the Lys in April 1918. (Author)

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earlier in the war, including taking part in the 1916 attack at Fromelles, and would return for the Battle of the Lys – but not in the Laventie area. Leave Laventie northwards on the D166, signposted for Sailly-surla-Lys. You will soon pass a large flower nursery on your right, after which is a lane signposted on the right for Laventie Military Cemetery. This takes you eastwards and returning to what had been the 40th Division’s rear area. Across in the corner of the field on the left front was Laventie North Post, one of the many strongpoints that had been built in the ‘Village Line’ of defence in depth. A house now stands upon it. One of the 40th Division’s reserve battalions, 10/11th Highland Light Infantry, ordered forward from Sailly-sur-la-Lys, never reached this position. They reported seeing ‘thick waves’ of Germans advancing on it at 12.50pm on 9 April. The garrison was entirely killed or captured. Continue on the D166. There are more houses and farms along this road than there had been in 1914, when it was much more open to both sides. Turn left when you reach a roundabout and 350m further on come to a railway crossing. This was the site of Sailly Station, a small halt on a line between Merville and Armentières. The 2/Royal Scots Fusiliers advanced from Sailly and held this location for four hours from late morning on 9 April. Stragglers from other units were organised on either side. Their defence helped many men, guns and units withdraw across the Lys bridges at Sailly and Nouveau Monde (which are some 1.8 kilometres ahead of us in the direction of travel). The rebuilt Sailly Station. (Author)

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Sailly-sur-la-Lys is soon reached. Go over the crossroads (we will return to them shortly) and park near the impressive Church of St-Vaast (in front of which is the town’s war memorial) on your right. Walk forward to the Lys river bridge: take care. You will appreciate that the Lys is a considerable waterway. It is canalised in some areas, but is generally too wide and deep to be easily forded or bridged. Imagine the many plank and cork bridges that had been laid or swung across here to allow reserves to go forward into the battlefield; and then their gradual destruction or dismantling during the day. You will recall from the battle narrative the problems that the sappers had in blowing up the bridges. Where you are standing was under constant shell fire on 9 April 1918, as were the factories, mills, wharves and houses along the river. Return to the crossroads within Sailly and turn left onto the D945. Sailly German Cemetery is about 750m on your right and contains almost 5500 graves. It is easily missed from the road as the entrance path is situated between buildings; there is a sign and a small parking area. Continue along the D945 for 1.6 kilometres. It is built up on both sides, with barely a glimpse of the river that lies on your left. This was not the case when war came here in 1914, except for the area as we approach our next turn, which is left onto the D10. This comes just after you pass a large factory on the left, and is signposted for Croix du Bac British Cemetery. As soon as you turn, you approach the Bac St. Maur bridge. Go over the bridge and park, then walk on to the bridge: take care. It was at this spot that German troops first forced a crossing of the Lys on 9 April 1918. There were several temporary bridges alongside the more permanent structure. The crossroads from which you have just come and the buildings alongside the river were subjected to heavy and sustained German shellfire. The bridge was crammed during the morning with traffic withdrawing from the battlefield. By 11.20am German infantry had reached the Bac St. Maur crossroads, despite Fleurbaix and many of the posts still holding out behind them. German machine gunners established themselves in the upper floors of riverside buildings. Standing on the bridge above the northern bank of the river and looking back in the direction we have come, there were more buildings on the left (no longer there) and on the right was a large Royal Engineers’ materials dump. Beyond it, the land is flat and largely featureless for several miles. German troops considerably expanded their bridgehead here by nightfall, but only after they fought off a counter-attack made by 74 Brigade. The latter was ordered to reach and occupy a series of entrenched posts on the river bank, but found nothing there and was badly exposed to enemy fire. Continue 400m down the road to Croix du Bac British Cemetery. A burial plot was already here when the ground was captured by the 153

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Germans in April 1918 and the cemetery was much expanded when the surrounding battlefield was cleared after the war. Of the identified graves, many are of men who fell within the first two days of the battle, from the 40th, 50th and 29th Divisions and from the units of 74 Brigade that counter attacked over this ground with the intention of ejecting the Germans from the Bac St. Maur bridgehead. One of the ‘special memorials’ in the cemetery records 23 year-old Birmingham man Captain Edward Grafton Herbert, who commanded C Company of 40th Battalion Croix du Bac British Cemetery. Near the Bac St. Maur bridge, it is very much a ‘Battle of the Lys’ cemetery. (Author)

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Machine Gun Corps and is noted in the battalion’s diary as being ordered to cover the bridgehead. He had recently been awarded the Military Cross for good work during the ‘Michael’ offensive, when he was one of the few officers of his unit to come though that action unscathed. Carry on down the D10 to Croix du Bac village and turn left onto the D122, signposted to an industrial zone, but actually going towards Estaires and Merville. This step of the journey takes us into the area defended by the 50th (Northumbrian) Division during the next two days of battle. As you clear Croix du Bac, begin to appreciate the nature of the ground that they were trying to hold: it is absolutely flat and devoid of cover; without a map or compass it is very difficult to get your bearings. The Germans were, of course, advancing from the left and intending to move to the right. During 11 April the units of the newly arrived 29th Division began to deploy on the right. After 1.6 kilometres or so you will cross the little Boudrelle river. Ahead is the area known as Le Trou Bayard. Just 230m after crossing the Boudrelle, turn right onto the Rue des Haies Basses. This is easily missed as it is not signposted from the direction of travel, but if you miss it and come back you will find it is signposted as the C5 for Steenwerck! The turn is on a slight bend in the road, with trees on your right. You will also see a bus stop just inside the turn, with a house next to it. This has the sign Estaminet du Bon Coin above the door. A light railway ran parallel to the road in the field behind the house, which was also to become entrenched as part of the rear area defensive line known as the Steenwerck Switch. After 500m is a cottage on the left hand side. Take the lane that turns off to the left, the smaller Rue Basse. There were huts of a camp on all sides around this junction, all abandoned as the remnants of the 40th and 50th Divisions withdrew northwards through this area. Continue to go across a junction with the D77, into the equally narrow Rue Haute. Some 600m from the last junction you will reach a large and attractively renovated set of farm buildings, in use as the Salon de la Prairie at the time of writing. This, and another building 100m or so further down the lane, is marked on trench maps as Tipton Farm. You have now arrived at the line of deployment of the 2/South Wales Borderers. They were, of course, facing the way you have come; this location is on the extreme left of that battalion’s line. Across the road on the right came the Royal Guernsey Light Infantry. Beyond the South Wales Borderers, out of sight behind Salon de la Prairie, came the 1/King’s Own Scottish Borderers. All three battalions reached this position during the afternoon of 11 April and held it during the very dark night. Carry on and the road soon bends sharply left, becoming Rue des 155

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Clinques. Take the immediate right turn off the bend, Rue de la Haie d’Épines. Stop as soon as you have cleared the trees and bushes on your left and you have a view across to your left and right. On a clear day, on the horizon ahead of you are the Flemish Hills, from Mont des Cats on the left stretching to Kemmelberg on the right. During the morning of 12 April, the Guernseymen were ordered to adjust their position and moved back a short way from Tipton Farm into the field on your right, instructed to extend a considerable distance past Froid Nid Farm towards Steenwerck. Froid Nid is out of your sight beyond the farm buildings that you can see across on your right front; to confuse matters, the large farm on your left is now called Froid Nid! In extending their line, the Guernseymen advanced into far greater numbers of the enemy, who were now at Steenwerck and outflanking the 29th Division on its left. Their casualties were inevitably heavy and the remnants fell back across this lane and through towards Doulieu beyond ‘new’ Froid Nid. Make a U-turn (there is an entrance to a farm drive about 150m ahead where this can be done) and come back to the junction and turn right onto Rue des Clinques. As the remnants of the Royal Guernsey Light Infantry fell back, the 2/South Wales Borders on their right did the same. That battalion kept its left flank approximately on this road as they withdrew (in other words, they withdrew in the direction of travel and were in the fields on the left). They fought an increasingly fragmented rearguard action as they did so, suffering heavy casualties. Follow Rue des Clinques until you reach a T-junction. It was in this vicinity that the few men that were left of the South Wales Borderers made contact with 1/Border. The battalion’s CO, Lieutenant Colonel James Forbes-Robertson, bravely rallied his men, for which he was awarded the Victoria Cross. Turn right onto Rue du Crusobeau. Follow it until you meet the next T-junction and turn left onto the D38, signposted for Le Doulieu. Just before you enter the edge of the village, a sad memorial stands on your right. It commemorates eight French and three Belgian civilians who were executed by the German Army here on 11 October 1914. They were said to have been forced to dig their own graves before being murdered and the memorial stands on the grave site. Doulieu is now considerably larger than it was at the time, when it amounted to little more than some buildings around the church and central crossroads. The village fell into German hands on 11 April as the 29th Division fell back westwards through it. There are a few shops, including a boulangerie and a café, Au Doux Lieu, with good car parking. Leave the village by turning right onto the D18 Rue Louf, signposted for Merris, Bailleul and Méteren. You are now moving into the area where 156

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the units of the 31st Division deployed behind those of the 29th Division early on 11 April. On exiting the village, another wide, flat vista opens up. A kilometre or so across on the left came 92 Brigade; two kilometres in front and in the area to which you are now travelling, 93 Brigade. Continue on the D18, which becomes Rue Grimbet, until you come to a sharp right-hand bend. Make a note as you go of a road that goes across your path, just after some houses and a bus stop on the left: it is called Rue des Long Champs. When you reach the bend there is a safety barrier ahead to stop vehicles driving into the Risseau (shortened to Rau) de Leet drainage stream. Follow the road as it bends sharply to the right. This is not the easiest place to stop but if you drive on another 100-200m there are some private driveways and grassed verges: ask permission to park, if you can. The battalions of 93 Brigade deployed along the Rau de Leet. The 13/York & Lancs – the old 1st Brigadier General Stuart Barnsley Pals – had their right at the bend in the Taylor commanded 93 road, and further along in the direction of travel Brigade in its determined came the 18/DLI. The brigade was ordered into a counter attack from the counter attack towards Doulieu at 7pm on 11 Rau de Leet. (Author) April. It proved to be very successful, with the battalions reaching farms and buildings along the Rue des Long Champs that you passed earlier. There is a good southwards view from the road bend across the fields over which the brigade advanced – and northwards over those it would soon cross in retreat. Continue to follow the D18, which very soon bends sharply left to cross the Rau du Leet and is signposted for Merris. After a kilometre you will cross the TGV railway line at Nooteboom: a modern addition to the battlefield. While on the bridge you will get a good forward view towards the Flemish Hills. Go on another kilometre to a barrier-controlled railway crossing (a tall radio mast stands on the left and is quite a good landmark). This was known as Verity Crossing. It is possible to pull off the road and park here, although the views are usually not particularly good near the railway line due to trees and bushes. They are better from the far side of the railway. The line runs up from Armentières and goes to Hazebrouck and was used to supply the front line sector around Armentières. Down 157

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the track to the left were the halts for Outtersteene and Merris; to the right the line came via Bailleul. It afforded something of a defensible line, facing south to the flat land crossed since the Lys bridge at Bac St. Maur. The last major German attack in this area on 17 April saw massed columns of Germans moving along the railway, past Outtersteene and Celery Copse that lay beyond. British and Australian artillery ranged onto these columns and caused severe casualties. The more important battlefield aspect is the view to the north (that is, forward in the direction in which you are travelling). There is the beginning of an almost imperceptible rise. If you drive or walk on a short distance from the railway, the view opens up and this incline becomes clearer to see. You are facing the ‘high ground’ of the Merris – Outtersteene – Méteren ridge that the Allies finally held and where ‘Georgette’ came to an end in this area.

Continue on the D18 (now called the Route d’Estaires and then Route de Doulieu) for 1.6 kilometres, going across the D23 as you do so. The Flemish Hills are now very clear on the right front, and you will see the spires of Bailleul on the right. Turn left at the first houses you reach: this is the hamlet of Walestraete and the lane has the same name. You are now on the very crest of the ‘ridge’ and are heading to a key viewpoint: 158

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the site of the Hogenacker Mill. After 350m turn left again, onto Route d’Outtersteene. You are now facing the German advance, having been ‘retreating’ ever since we began the tour: historically correct! After 250m you will approach a house on the left, with a lane forking off to the left. It is signposted ‘Chaussée deformée’ (which perhaps leads one to wonder why they do not make the road ‘formée’ rather than putting up signs), although it is a metalled road, and is called Chemin Schootentenhof. Turn up this lane and drive to just past the house on your right, where the lane begins a very slight leftward curve. You are now at the site of the mill, which was near the road and in the field to your left. The first unit to deploy here was the 1/Queen’s, along with eight guns of 33rd Machine Gun Battalion, on the morning of 12 April. You will appreciate why Brigadier General Charles Mayne, having ridden the area on a horse to reconnoitre it, chose to hold this spot. It has an excellent view across the battlefield to the south and east, with a perfect field of field towards any German incursions. At this time, the 31st Division was beginning its trial back down on the Rau de Leet and would soon be retiring in some disorder towards this spot, through Verity Crossing and other places along the railway towards Outtersteene and Merris. If you look back north in the direction you have come, you can see the spire of Méteren church and the whaleback hill of Mont des Cats behind it. Turning to the south, an electricity power line is a useful landmark: it goes off towards Outtersteene, on the right. Continue down the lane until it meets a crossroads with the D23. Turn right. Within 600m you will cross the TGV line again. Stop at Outtersteene Communal Cemetery Extension on the right, just after the railway bridge. The cemetery grew when a number of Casualty An important burial site for casualties of the Lys, the extension to the communal cemetery at Outtersteene is always beautifully maintained. (Author)

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Clearing Stations were located here during the Third Battle of Ypres in 1917; once this area fell into German hands on 12 April 1918 no further burials took place. Over 900 graves were added during post-war battlefield clearance, coming from as far away as Vieux-Berquin and Caestre. The cemetery now contains 201 men who lost their lives during April 1918, with the 31st Division being the most represented. On leaving the cemetery continue on the D23 through Outtersteene and go on some three kilometres until you reach Vieux-Berquin. In doing so you will pass through the area of the 29th Division’s last stand, with Celery Copse away on the right and Labis and Lynde Farms nearer the road as you approach the village. Vieux Berquin is one of the larger settlements in the area, with a fine church (in front of which is a good sized car park and the village war memorial) and Mairie. There is a boulangerie-patisserie facing the church, and a café nearby on the main road. On a wall of the town hall is a plaque in remembrance of the Australian action here in April 1918.

The rebuilt church at Vieux-Berquin is one of the best landmarks for today’s battlefield tourist. (Author)

Turn left to go south on the D947, signposted to Neuf-Berquin and Merville. After 0.5 kilometres you will reach on your right the junction with the D23, Rue de Merville. You are now at La Couronne. The famous rearguard action of 4 (Guards) Brigade in this vicinity is 160

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described in Tour E, pp 189–190. Turn right onto the D23 and after just 275m cross La Plate Becque stream. You are now facing the mass of the Foret de Nieppe, and in particular that part of it known as Bois d’Aval. About a third of the way from the wood to this position and on the right of the road, the 1st Australian Division quietly deployed and established a line of defensive posts. The British 5th Division came up and established a line on the left of the road, at about the same distance. It was here that the offensive was ended for, despite numerous attempts, the Germans never penetrated that line. Drive on. After 500m the D23 takes a sharp bend to the left; however, take the smaller D69 Rue Verte, which carries directly on towards the forest and which is signposted for Caudescure. Take care, for visibility at the junction is not good. The German 35th Division captured this part of Rue Verte (which is also the name of the hamlet of cottages along it) once they had overcome 4 (Guards) Brigade and then attempted to move forward. Just 230m beyond the junction, turn right onto the little Rue de Coevoet. You should spot it with the aid of two red and white junction markers. You are now in the area where the 7th Battalion AIF lay out its posts. Further down the lane you cross into 8th Battalion AIF’s area. Keep Although not on the route, there are a string of German cemeteries on the east side of Aubers Ridge that contain the graves of many men who fell in the early stages of the battle. This is Wicres Churchyard, one of two in the vicinity of the village. (Author)

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going until you pass below an electricity power line and stop. The road is a narrow lane here but there are a few passing places and generally it is fairly quiet. It was here that the hapless Kulmer Infanterie-Regiment 141, advancing from Rue Verte, ran directly into Lieutenant Ivon Murdoch’s post. Holding fire until the last moment, the Australians poured bullets into the column, which fled back in the direction whence they had come, leaving their dead behind. It is as good and symbolic a place to end this introductory circuit as any, for it is only some seven kilometres from the Hazebrouck railway junctions and as close as German forces came to a success of potentially war-winning importance. There are several options for returning to the start point: the most straightforward is to continue to the end of Rue de Coevoet; turn right onto the D181 Rue du Bois for Vieux Berquin; turn right onto the D947 and follow it through Neuf Berquin and Estaires (where you will cross the Lys by the rebuilt Pont Levis). Just after the river there is a traffic roundabout: take the second right, signposted for Béthune: this is the D945. Continue until you reach another roundabout. Take the second exit (straight on), the D947 again, now signposted for La Bassée and Lens. Continue until you reach Neuve Chapelle and the roundabout junction with the D171 (at which are the Indian Army Memorial and nearby Portuguese Cemetery). Turn left onto the D171, pass through Neuve Chapelle and after 6.6 kilometres reach the Pétillon crossroads and its right turn for Fromelles.

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Tour B In the Footsteps of the 1st Australian and 5th Divisions The tour begins at La Kreule Military Cemetery, which is situated approximately two kilometres north of Hazebrouck, very close to where the D916 Hazebrouck to St-Sylvestre-Cappel road crosses the D642 bypass road. The cemetery is visible from the roundabout there, with access to it down a little lane, Cuype Straete, which is on the left, just 115m from the roundabout on the D916, signposted for Dunkerque, Ypres and Steenvoorde.

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The 1st and 2nd Australian and 17th British Casualty Clearing Stations had all just moved to this location in the two weeks before the battle began. As the fighting approached during April, they were forced to evacuate further westwards. With nothing but fields in the area selected, the location is usually known as Ana Jana Siding; this refers to a narrow gauge railway line that passed nearby (now on the far side of the by-pass) and casualties could be evacuated from the standard gauge line at nearby Hondeghem. The sites of two of the CCS are now buried beneath the retail and light industrial developments along the by-pass, but from the north of the cemetery there are excellent views across to the former site of 1st Australian CCS and in the distance it is usually possible to see the lone hill of Cassel. Most of the burials date to the period after the Battle of the Lys when the cemetery continued to be used by fighting units, but there are eightythree dead from April 1918. Among them are many of the casualties of the 29th Division from the fighting around Doulieu.

La Kreule Military Cemetery is near the site of casualty clearing stations working during the battle. (Author)

Leave the cemetery by the entrance lane, turn right and then immediately left at the roundabout onto the D642, signposted for Armentières, Lille and Bailleul. Follow it to the next roundabout and turn left onto the D2642. After just 110m, just past the first house on the left, you will see a 164

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straight path (or small lane) heading off from the road, to your left. It is opposite the junction with another lane on the right: it is usually possible to pull off the road here, but do take care. The humble and unremarked nature of the path belies its critical importance for the British Army in the Great War, for it is the line of the former standard gauge supply railway from Hazebrouck to Godewaersvelde and on to Poperinge: the very objective of the German strike on Hazebrouck. Capture this line and the British ability to supply its force at Ypres was crippled. This is Onward Crossing. Some 700m down the path was a major infrastructure point, Borre Sidings, evacuated during the battle. A light railway line also crossed the road here, going parallel with the main line before peeling off into the field on the left behind the house. It conveyed goods and casualties along the line to Ana Jana Siding.

Now a nondescript path, this former railway line at Onward Crossing, between Hazebrouck and Borre, was a key German objective. (Author)

Carrying on along the D2642, which gradually rises, you will pass through the villages of Borre, Pradelles and Strazeele. They had been used for billeting troops and were in comparative safety until the battle approached. All of the villages were destroyed in April 1918, particularly in the German bombardments of 17-18 April. Borre is of particular interest, not least for its extraordinary reconstructed church (St JeanBaptiste), which dates back in parts to the 9th Century. In the cemetery behind the church a small plot contains the grave of Kilkenny native Lieutenant Colonel Hugh Stewart DSO MC, commanding 94 Field Ambulance of the 31st Division when he was killed at Strazeele on 12 April 1918. The British Military Cemetery in the village dates to the 165

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Lys graves behind the wonderful, ancient church at Borre. (Author)

period May to September 1918 and contains the graves of many of the 1st Australian Division. Continue on the D2642 past Pradelles and into Strazeele. This village was the epicentre of the highly successful defensive action fought by the 1st Australian Division on 17 April, when it brought the Sixth Army’s attack to an end. It stands on the highest point of the gentle ridge that rises from Hazebrouck before falling away on the south and east of Strazeele down towards the Meterenbecque stream. For a village 166

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of its size it has surprisingly few facilities, although there is a bakery on the Route d’Hazebrouck, just opposite the church. On reaching a Tjunction, turn right onto the D947 and pass through the centre. As you begin to leave the buildings of Strazeele behind, the natural strength of its positon become more evident, for the ground falls away and you are presented with excellent observation over a large swathe of the Lys battlefield. Follow the D947 down the slope until you reach the centre of Vieux Berquin (which was visited in Tour A). The Germans pushed on up the slope on either side and up this road, after overcoming the 29th Division; on your left they forced the 31st Division into considerable disarray. In the village – but before reaching the church, turn right onto the D188, signposted for La Motte au Bois. This is the Rue du Bois. Ahead of you is the mass of the Forêt de Nieppe, through which the 1st Australian Division quietly deployed after arriving in the area. 600m after the turn you will cross the Plate Becque stream, next to a tall industrial building on the right: this is a rebuilt factory, referred to in the war diaries of the 7th and 8th Battalions AIF of the 1st Australian Division as a potentially problematic German observation post. Behind the factory is Ankle Farm, the location of the most advanced of the Australian posts, which came under fire from the factory. The rest of the initial Australian outpost line ran diagonally away from us to our left. Carry on down Rue du Bois and take the next turning on the left, Rue du Coevoet. Stop after 200m or so and look back towards the factory. On its left you will see Ankle Farm. Looking down the lane in front of you, notice the electricity power line that crosses the lane where Lieutenant Murdoch’s post did such damage to Kulmer Infanterie-Regiment 141. Drive to the end of Rue du Coevoet and turn right onto the D69, the Rue Verte. Just before you turn, take the opportunity to view the fields in front and to your left: this is where 4 (Guards) Brigade fought its stubborn defence and to which you will return in another tour. As you approach the face of the forest along Rue Verte, look out for a small green Commonwealth War Graves Commission sign to Aval Wood Military Cemetery on your right. Park nearby and walk the short grassed path to the cemetery. The view from the cemetery is excellent (unless the maize is high). Vieux-Berquin seems only a stone’s throw in front, with the Plate Becque stream invisible half way across the fields. As men of men of broken units of the 29th, 3st and 50th Divisions fell back towards the forest and the Guards were making their stand, the 1st Australian Division deployed through the forest on the left, and the 5th Division came up to continue the line to the right. This was where ‘Georgette’ came to a halt in this area. The 167

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cemetery was begun just behind the front line after the line stabilised here but was enlarged in the post-war clearance of the battlefields nearby, between Vieux-Berquin and Merville, even as far as Estaires. The graves include a number of men of the battalions of 4 (Guards) Brigade and three of 7th Australian Battalion, the first battalion of their division to arrive in position. A dozen soldiers identified as being 18 year-olds lie here: ‘A4’ men sent to France just before the battle. Privates John Mason and Edward Thompson (III.C. 6 and 7) had only joined 4/Northumberland Fusiliers five days before they were killed in the fighting for Estaires. They were brought to Aval Wood in September 1919 from an original burial place on the Neuf Berquin road, just outside the town, identified by their tags. Nearby is the grave of Jamaican-born Captain Percy Conran (III.C.13), brought to Aval Wood from Neuf Berquin after the war. He was killed while leading his company of 1/Lancashire Fusiliers in a last desperate attempt to halt the German advance from Estaires. On leaving the cemetery, go back along the road towards VieuxBerquin but take the first turn on the left, Rue de Seclin. Ahead of you, on a day of good visibility, you will see the higher ground of the MerrisMéteren ridge, and the church spire of Strazeele. Just to the left of that village was a key railway facility at Borre, deemed unsafe to use due to shell fire and abandoned by the British during the battle. At the T-junction turn left onto the D188, Rue du Bois. The main railway junctions at Hazebrouck are now just six kilometres away on your right: a reminder of how close to victory the Sixth Army came, despite its difficulties. Passing the small Nieppe-Bois British Cemetery on your left, you will soon arrive at the interesting village of La Motte au Bois. Park in the centre, where you meet the junction of the D946, the main road. There is a hotel-restaurant at this junction, but La Motte is not otherwise well provided with facilities for the battlefield tourist. The village is clustered around its impressive chateau, private property that now houses the Institut aéronautique Amaury de la Grange. This is approached on foot by a bridge over a moat (actually part of a small canal) next to the church, facing the hotel. Alongside the church is an interesting local war memorial. The Institut is named after the Great War aviator son of Baron Ernest de la Grange and his wife Clémentine, owners of the chateau at the time. The Baroness allowed the British Army to use the house as a headquarters location and describes the period eloquently and interestingly in her book Open House in Flanders. Forced to evacuate as the battle drew close in April 1918, she later heard of serious damage caused to it by shell fire. It is possible to get a good view of the house (which has origins dating back 168

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to 1065 and appears to have been renovated in its pre-1914 style) from the gatehouse and by walking around the moat that goes off to the left of the house. It is easy to imagine the comings and goings of despatch riders, the guards and sentries of an important headquarters, and signals and other units billeted in the village. Leave La Motte on the D946 in a southerly direction, signposted for Morbecque, Merville and Estaires. Continue for 3.8 kilometres, during which you will pass from the rear area behind the 1st Australian Division’s front and enter that of the British 5th Division. Approaching a sharp left hand bend, with several blue and white arrow markers to indicate its hazard, note a large farm and pond on the right. This is Les Lauriers, marking the extreme left hand flank of the 5th Division when it first deployed. The division probed forward to the little River Bourre, which is out of sight from the main road but can be visited with a brief detour. Take the second left after Les Lauriers, a small lane named Rue de l’Epinette. A cottage stands next to the junction. Continue until you reach the river bridge. On arrival, 1/Duke of Cornwall’s Light Infantry advanced to this spot and 1/Devons came up on their right, being echeloned back towards the main road. Both were in position during the evening of 12 April 1918, and held it under attacks in strength during the next few days. Beyond the Devons, the 14 and 15/Warwicks (the original 1st and 2nd Birmingham City Battalions) continued the line down towards the Lys. Return to the main road. It would be possible to reach the next stop by crossing straight over the D946 on to Rue du Laurier. It follows the 5th Division’s front line reasonably closely, but the lane is (at the time of writing) not in a good state and you might prefer – at the moment your vehicle certainly would – a less rutted route. Turn left onto the D946 and follow it for 1.8 kilometres, This has brought you to the outskirts of the expanded Merville, into the area where the 50th (Northumbrian) Division fought its final actions as the enemy pressed through the burning town, just as the 5th Division was coming into position in support. Turn right onto Rue de Fer. This is a rather unremarkable road turning off a strip of anonymous housing, so take care in finding it: it has a street name plaque on the wall of a house on the corner (but, almost needless to say, facing away from you!). Rue de Fer existed during the war but was well outside the built-up area of Merville, with only one or two cottages along its length. You will obtain a good view of the forest across to the right, and (although somewhat obscured by trees and buildings) of Merville over your left shoulder. The Lys now flows about a kilometre away on your left. After a dog-leg bend, you enter an area of housing: this is the much-enlarged 169

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village of Le Sart. On approaching a large house, with ‘1922’ in its brickwork on your right, you will see a zebra crossing. On either side of the road is a path. This is the old railway line running from Merville, though the forest and up to Hazebrouck. Lewis gunners of 11th Tank Battalion deployed nearby, a welcome reinforcement to hold the German advance from Merville before the 5th Division was fully in position. Continue to the end of Rue de Fer and turn left to enter the centre of Le Sart. At the central crossroads turn right onto the D122, Rue d’Aire. After 300m, on the left and just before Rue Dupond, is a most unusual town war memorial. You are now effectively on the northern bank of the River Lys, which is just 400m down Rue Dupond, and therefore on the right flank of the 5th Division. It did not deploy as far forward as Le Sart, and its front line was by 8pm on 12 April 1918 about 700m ahead of you. This position was reached when 15/Warwicks carried out a raid to capture a brickfield on the river bank. Access to the area of the raid is most difficult, being reached (and not too well even then, for there is little meaningful to see) by a lane (Rue Arnould, on the left) and then a footpath to the river. Continue 3.4 kilometres on the D122, through the hamlet of le Corbie (which does not appear to be signposted anywhere) until you see the green and white Commonwealth War Graves Commission signpost on your right for Haverskerque British Cemetery. You have now passed sufficiently far behind the 5th Division’s front line to be at a location of a Casualty Clearing Station. Number 33 CCS arrived here in February 1918 and set up on the left of the D122, just before the right-hand turn to the cemetery. The cemetery is not a large one and contains just eighty-five graves from the Great War and another twenty-seven from 1940. The lane leading down to it is named in honour of Lieutenant Colonel Herbert Harrison, commanding 1/Royal Welsh Fusiliers, who was killed in the defence of the Lys at St. Venant during the retreat to Dunkirk in 1940. The list of units represented by the dead of April 1918 is instructive: many are of the 50th Division; later of the 29th and 5th Divisions; artillery, transport and rear-area units. They include some noteworthy names: for example, 43 year-old Trooper Frank Harvey Leared of 1st King Edward’s Horse, wounded during his regiment’s extraordinary defence of Vieille Chapelle. He left a ranch in Argentina in 1914 in order to enlist. Torquay man Lieutenant Mark Christopher Ball MC, 231 Field Company RE, wounded as his unit tried to destroy the Lys bridges at Bac St. Maur and Estaires, died of wounds on 9 April 1918. The next day, 170

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Major Gordon Bluett Winch DSO MC, commanding A/285 Brigade RFA, died of wounds received at the very outset of the battle. A Kent man and educated at Charterhouse School, he had been in the army since 1905. Buried near to Winch is the Reverend John Edmund Malone Watson, a Dungannon man and graduate of Trinity College Dublin, ordained in 1910, who was acting as Chaplain to 21/Middlesex. It is said that he was mortally wounded while himself tending to a dying man. The award of the Military Cross was announced several weeks after his death. I would suggest that to conclude this tour you make the short drive forward to Haverskerque, a Major Gordon Winch pleasant village on the Lys, which has several cafes DSO, formerly of Trinity College, Cambridge, and other places of refreshment.

commanding A/285 Brigade RFA, lies in Haverskerque British Cemetery, having died of wounds on 10 April 1918 (E.16). The British Army could ill afford to lose such experienced and capable men. (Charterhouse School)

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Tour C In the Footsteps of the 61st, 4th and 3rd Divisions This short tour (hence no tour map) covers the area between the River Lys and the La Bassée Canal, defended (from north to south) by the 61st (2nd South Midland), 4th and 3rd Divisions. With the exception of the final leg of the tour, the ground over which the tour passes is uniformly flat. Not far from the Lys are the Rivers Clarence and Noc which, although not wide, have very few bridges and thus at one point force a short detour so that a crossing can be made by car. As with all of the tours of the area, there are relatively few cemeteries or memorials and the main interest is in the topography and views across the battlefield. The tour begins at the Church of St-Florent, in the centre of the village of Saint-Floris. This lies on the D186, Rue de Calonne, east of Saint-Venant. Park in front of the church (there is a large car park attached to the estaminet opposite) and visit the unusual memorial to the 74th (Yeomanry) Division. The division did not arrive until after the Battle of the Lys, but held this front for a considerable period afterwards. This point is just south of the Lys and approximately two kilometres behind the line on which the German advance was halted in April 1918, in the area of the deployment of the 61st (2nd South Midland) Division. Drive eastwards on the D186 and go for 540m, coming to Rue Duriez on your right. Just beyond, on the left of the main road, is a demarcation stone. This is something of a curiosity. It is believed that in total some 119 such stones were erected in the 1920s, marking the furthest incursion of the Germans into France and Flanders. Note that although this one has a French helmet design on top, it actually One of the 119 demarcation stones originally erected to mark the deepest point of penetration by the enemy into France and Belgium. (Olivier Bayart)

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commemorates the Portuguese Corps and is one of an additional seven others so to do. This position was well behind the Portuguese-held front before the battle (illustrated by the fact that the Corps Headquarters was at St. Venant); it is symbolic in nature and quite misleading. It is not at the spot where the ‘invader was brought to a standstill’, which is about another 1.8 kilometres ahead; nor were the Germans halted by the Portuguese. Turn around and go back to the church. Immediately next to the church, on the right, is the small Rue de la Lys, which is signposted as a dead end. Drive down it until the end, where the road meets the south bank of the river. There are good views across to the north bank, which in this area was held by the 5th Division. The river had already been canalised and straightened before the war; this stretch was a busy one that was used by barges in military use from 1914 onwards. Looking westwards along the river, it is possible to see the church spire of St. Venant. It is possible to walk or cycle along the river path to the next stopping point, and it makes a nice 900m stroll on a fine day. For those in a car, return to the D186 and turn right at the church and follow the road into St. Venant. As the road bends right (and just before you cross a small river bridge), take a very sharp right into a lane signposted for the communal cemetery (Cimetière). If you have walked or cycled the river path, you will enter at the far end of the cemetery. The graves of the plots at the near end of the cemetery reflect the military history of the area. Until October 1917, British and Indian Army Casualty Clearing Stations were located at the town. The British Plot I (on your left as you enter the cemetery) contains Indian graves. In the centre is a plot of French graves, and the British burials are on your right. The town became too close to enemy guns in April 1918 to be used for major medical facilities, but continued to be used by fighting units as a billet and for stores. Heavy fighting returned here in 1940 and as a consequence the cemetery contains 253 Commonwealth burials of the First and 177 of the Second World War. The centre of St. Venant does not form part of this tour but you may wish to see it. The town is pleasant, with an impressive church and Mairie, and several cafés and restaurants. Next to the town’s war memorial is the former Chateau la Peylouse, which housed the headquarters of the Portuguese Corps and is now a hotel. From the communal cemetery, return to the D186 and turn right. Take the next left onto the D916, signposted Béthune, Bruay, Robecq and Aire-sur-la-Lys. On reaching a roundabout, take the left turn onto the D937 signposted Robecq. The whole length of this road as far as Robecq was in the rear area of the 61st Division’s operations. They held 173

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the front line about 3.2 kilometres away on your left. After 1.4 kilometres you will reach St. Venant-Robecq Road Military Cemetery on your left. Adjacent to it is a small lane that goes off to Les Amusoires; there is a small house on the corner. Although it appears to be either rebuilt or a very good renovation of the one there in 1918, it was used as a battalion headquarters by whichever unit was being held in reserve at Les Amusoires at the time. The cemetery was begun on 12 April but was expanded from forty-seven to 479 graves after the war, by concentrating burials from St. Venant and Mont-Bernanchon. Many of the early burials are of men of 2/4th Ox & Bucks, which went into action at Bacquerolles Farm on 12 April 1918. Row F contains the graves of six men of 7th Battalion Tank Corps, who lost their lives on 14 April as part of a detachment sent to act as Lewis gunners in support of the 61st Division. Take the lane down to Les Amusoires and continue until you reach a T-junction. The group of cottages and farm buildings here was used as a place to station a reserve battalion, with the front line being about a kilometre ahead. Turn right down Rues des Amusoires and after 350m and a sharp left-hand bend, take the first right. This brings you out onto the D69, the Robecq-Calonne road. Turn left and after 150m notice another Portuguese demarcation stone on the left of the road (take care – it is not easy to park). Like the one at St. Floris, its position is not accurate. The route is now taking you towards the front line. The two rivers, Clarence and Noc, are in the fields on the right, although the view across to them is now rather interrupted by buildings – far more than were here in 1918. 182 Brigade of the 61st Division deployed along the rivers in the early hours of 12 April, with 2/5th Gloucesters holding the half nearer to Robecq and 2/4th Ox & Bucks taking the line from there up to Bacquerolles Farm. Advancing towards you on the right and front were the 1 Bavarian Reserve and 16 divisions. Note, as you drive further along the right, the completely open and flat nature of the ground held by the 61st Division; it is little wonder that every farm building attracted military attention. In another 930m, immediately before a sign on the right indicating entry to the Commune of Calonne-sur-la-Lys, is a track down to a large farm. This is Carvin Farm, the buildings of which are actually on the far side of the Clarence. Shortly afterwards, the view opens up on the right and the Clarence comes much closer to the road. The next farm complex that is approached (about 850m from the Carvin Farm track) is Bacquerolles Farm. There were several days of close – and even handto-hand – fighting for these locations. Unfortunately there is only a poor view of the area in which there was so much to and fro fighting here on 174

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12-15 April from this road, for it took place on the far side of the farm and across the river, around Boaze’s Farm. To see Bacquerolles Farm from the other side, it is necessary to make a lengthy detour as there are no near-by driveable bridges across the two rivers. Continue on the D69 until you reach Calonne-sur-la-Lys and follow the road around a right-hand bend, signposted for Merville and Béthune. Do not follow it around a subsequent left-hand bend, but carry straight on (it becomes D180), passing the village church on your left. Calonne fell into German hands on 12 April 1918 as the exhausted 50th and 51st Divisions fell back from the Lestrem and Locon areas. It remained within close proximity of the stabilised front line and was most seriously damaged in the bombardments during and after the battle. Virtually everything you see is a post-war reconstruction. Like many other such towns and villages, its sacrifice was recognised by the award of the Croix de Guerre. Pass the Mairie on your right and begin to exist the village. After a right-hand bend, drive 280m and follow the road straight on. The D180 bends round to the left; but take the smaller Haute Rue, signposted MontBernanchon. Follow this until you reach the first house and a turn on the right into Basse Rue. Do not worry that this looks at first as though you are driving into a housing estate: you will soon be clear of the houses and have a view across to the Clarence and Noc, which are now on your right hand side. You are now following in German footsteps, advancing towards the 61st Division. After driving 1.65 kilometres from the last junction, Basse Rue takes a sharp left bend. Stop here. It is not the easiest place to park; but you should be able to pull in next to the barns for a few minutes. The barns are on the location of Corner Cottage, one of the several farm buildings dotted about in this vicinity and which formed key features in this fighting. Walk on down Basse Rue for a few metres and turn to look back in the direction of the barns. Across the field on your left front is Boaze’s Farm and behind it, across the rivers, is Bacquerolles Farm, which we recently passed on its far side. Boaze’s, in particular, was the scene of much close fighting, with the farm changing hands on several occasions during the period 12-15 April. It seems extraordinary that there were civilians still present in these various buildings as the battle went on. Just behind Corner Cottage is White’s Farm, scene of a small but perfectly executed ‘all arms’ counter attack by 2/5th Gloucesters on 18 April. You may be able to gain access to the area of these farms by field walking, but this is private land and permission should be sought. Continuing on Basse Rue for another 1.1 kilometres, go left at a fork in the road, and in another 260m come to a T-junction. This drive has taken you out of the 61st Division’s sector and into that of the 4th 175

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Division. This is the eastern outskirts of Riez du Vinage, a ribbon of houses along the road rather than a recognisable village with a centre. Another major German attack through the tired units of the 51st (Highland) Division and stragglers from Locon and the River Lawe area (that is, coming from the left) captured this ground on 12 April 1918 and pushed on towards the La Bassée Canal, which is only 1.6 kilometres away from the village. A counter-attack two days later by the recently arrived and fresh 4th Division reached about 200m from this spot, 1/Somerset Light Infantry succeeding only after a hard fight in which the author C.S. Lewis was among the wounded. Turn right at the T-junction, onto the D184 and go through Riez du Vinage towards the canal bridge. As the road ramps up to the bridge, turn left before the canal onto the little Chemin de Halage and park. The canal is now considerably wider and deeper that it had been in 1918, and the bridges are inevitably changed, but in essence the view is not dissimilar to how it was at the time of the battle. On the far side of the canal, the ground rises very slightly to Hinges ridge, on which is the village of Mont-Bernanchon and beyond that comes Béthune. There was no bridge on this spot in 1918, but there were others a few hundred metres away on either side: Waterloo and Chelsea Bridges, with Blackfriars Bridge a little further away to the right. They were vital crossings for British reinforcement of the area, and obviously desirable targets for the Germans to capture. Directly ahead of you down Chemin de Halage, beyond where the canal bends a little to the right, is Pacaut Wood. Drive down to it, ignoring the dead end road signs, at least for now. You will be able to turn around at the end of the Chemin. Going on about 1.1 kilometres and, just before reaching the wood, you will come to locked gates across a track going off on your left. Carry on beyond some buildings and you will see a second similar gated track. This track is Antelope Alley, named after the 1/Warwicks, which made a botched and costly attack here on 15 April. This is where a pontoon bridge, hurriedly constructed to allow the battalion to attack across the canal to clear the enemy from the wood, was partially destroyed by friendly fire. Delay in crossing meant the battalion lost its protective creeping barrage and suffered many casualties on the ground on which you are now standing. The stabilised line ran through the middle of the wood, parallel to the canal. Further down the canal, you come into the area held by the indomitable 55th (West Lancashire) Division, covered in Phil Tomaselli’s Battleground Europe volume, Givenchy and the River Lawe. If you are brave, make a U-turn at the gate, otherwise continue to the end of the chemin, where there is space to turn around and come back again to the canal bridge. 176

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Turn left onto the D184 and cross the canal, entering the village of Mont-Bernanchon. Follow it through to the other side, where you will meet the D937 Hazebrouck-Béthune road. You have reached the highest land point for many miles around; there are particularly good views towards your left front, as far as the Lorette and Vimy ridges. MontBernanchon British Cemetery is directly ahead of you, down a grassed path. You may find it easier to park on the Mont-Bernanchon side of the main road and walk across, taking due care. The cemetery was begun by 2/Lancashire Fusiliers in April 1918 and continued in use by fighting units and the XIII Corps Burial Officer until August 1918. For the period of the battle, it is very much a burial plot for the infantry of the 4th Division. The cemetery also gives the visitor good views across towards Robecq, the Lys and Haverskerque. Those visitors seeking refreshment before continuing their journey may wish to go north on the D184, re-crossing the canal to visit the pleasant town of Robecq. You will also re-cross the Noc and Clarence just before you enter the town. It has a number of cafés and restaurants, and a memorial to the 1940 Dunkirk Veterans.

Robecq (seen here) and Haverskerque are both pleasant waterside towns and useful stops for refreshments during your tour. (Olivier Bayart)

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Tour D The Left Flank and the River Line. In the Footsteps of the 40th, 34th and 50th Divisions

A convenient starting point for this tour is Y Farm Military Cemetery, found to the south-west of Bois-Grenier. Leave the village by the D222, signposted Fleurbaix and Laventie. You will see signs to numerous military cemeteries in this area, some dating to 1914 and 1915, as this part of the line had been held by the British Expeditionary Force since October 1914 and had scarcely moved since then. By April 1918 the area was held by the 40th Division. Drive 1.2 kilometres from the crossroads in the middle of Bois-Grenier and turn left on to Rue de la Guennerie. This is a narrow lane with few passing places: beware that there are drainage ditches, some deep and not too visible, alongside. The cemetery (and good parking) is 900m down the road, on your right. You will note the completely flat, open nature of the area’s topography. ‘Wye Farm’, as the building alongside the cemetery was known in 1918, was an important spot. It was situated just one kilometre behind 178

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the front line trenches and posts that lay further ahead along the road. On each side of Rue de la Guennerie communication trenches ran down to the front. Behind the cemetery were Gunner’s Walk and Tin Barn Avenue; a trench tramway ran through the ground that is now the cemetery; and, on the other side of the road, came more communication trenches – City Road, Greatwood Avenue, Shaftesbury Avenue. When the German attack pierced the front held by the 18/Welsh near Fromelles and fanned out to the right (see battle narrative and the introductory circuit tour), these communication trenches – never constructed for the purpose, and facing the wrong way – became a succession of positions to be defended by the division. Wye Farm fell into enemy hands within the first hours of the attack. On 9 April 1918, 20/Middlesex (121 Brigade) was headquartered at the farm, with its companies holding the front. It had just received a draft of ninety-six young conscripts. Its B Company had taken up a position to carry out a trench raid just before hell broke loose at 4.15am. The cemetery was begun as far back as March 1915 but was much expanded by post-war clearance of the battlefields, some from as far away as Roubaix. It is certainly an interesting cemetery, with burials of men who died from October 1914 to October 1919, but is not one with much connection to April 1918 apart from its location. Only three burials date to that month, none of whom died anywhere near here. You might care to pause for a moment at the grave of Lieutenant George Moor VC MC and Bar, 2/Hants (C 86), who died of pneumonia – probably a product of the Spanish ’flu, on 3 November 1918 at Mouvaux (now a north eastern suburb of Lille). He won his VC when he was just eighteen during the Third Battle of Battle of Krithia (in the process of which he shot four British soldiers ‘from a neighbouring regiment’ to stop them fleeing the line). His epitaph, ‘Vincam et Vincam’, translates as Win and Conquer. The cemetery also contains the graves of three soldiers of the 1st Cape Coloured Labour Regiment, all executed for murder during 1919 in the moat before Vauban’s ramparts at Lille. Moor and these three men were all originally buried in Mouvaux Military Cemetery, in the grounds of a monastery near Lille, which was concentrated here. Continue to the end of the road, turn right onto the D22 and then immediately left onto Bas Chemin de Maisnil (at the red and white marker poles). You are now immediately behind the front line trenches of 20/Middlesex. Continue about 500m, past some small bends in the road, until just past a farm on your left. Again, this is a narrow lane and not easy to safely park (although there is very little traffic); there are two or three places where the drainage ditch on the right is bridged to allow 179

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access to the fields and you should be able to pull over. You have now reached No Man’s Land between the two opposing forces. The 40th Division was behind you, and the 38th Division ahead and ready to attack through the fog of 9 April. A short distance across the field on your left, Second Lieutenant Alfred Hulls of B Company, 20/Middlesex, led his men out ready for the trench raid. You may wonder how anyone of either side, in the smoke and fog of that morning, managed to know where they were and in which direction to go when under attack. Not far ahead, on either side of the road, you will see a number of concrete bunkers or blockhouses in the fields. They mark the position of the German front and reserve trenches and are vestiges of what are believed to be some 5-600 such structures that were constructed between Armentières and La Bassée in 1916 and 1917. Turn around wherever you can and come back down Bas Chemin de Maisnil to the D22. Turn right and follow the road into Bois-Grenier. Go across the central crossroads and follow the D22, now signposted Armentières. The road crosses a TGV railway line before entering the village of Le Gris Pot. Inevitably known as ‘Grease Pot’, this and the next hamlet, L’Armée, had been fortified with defensive posts as part of the ‘Village Line’. They proved to be orientated the wrong way when the battle developed; but they were temporarily valuable on 9-10 April as the 34th Division strung out a long defensive flank as the 40th Division fell back. During 9 April the Germans made rapid progress on your left and headed towards the Lys, but here were content to hold the 34th Division along this line. As you enter L’Armée, the D22 reaches the D22b at an angled Tjunction. Turn sharp left, signposted Fleurbaix and Laventie. 600m after the turn, on a slight right-hand bend, you pass a large farm complex on the right: this is Streaky Bacon Farm, another location on the ‘Village Line’ and also employed by the 34th Division. Continue until you can see ahead to the TGV line crossing the D22b by a bridge: just beyond it is Canteen Farm, from which the men of the 34th Division saw large numbers of Germans advancing towards them on 9 April. Turn right just before the bridge, on to the road signposted for Erquinghem-Lys (it is the Rue du Biez but there is no sign to inform you of this). Continue until you reach the first large farm on your left: this is La Rolanderie Farm. Park (sensibly) near the entrance gates and follow the track through the left of the farm buildings to Suffolk Cemetery. Fine in summer, this track can be very muddy in wet weather. It goes through private property, so please respect the fact that this is a working farm. The cemetery contains the graves of forty-three soldiers, of whom thirtysix belonged to 11 and 12/Suffolks of the 34th and 40th divisions 180

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respectively, and of whom eight are unidentified. The name, originally La Rolanderie Farm Military Cemetery, was changed in May 1925 at the request of the late commander of 11/Suffolks. Following the Rue du Biez into Erquinghem-Lys you will cross over the railway. This was in position in 1918 and formed part of the defences of the town. On reaching the T-Junction, turn left and then right on to Rue de l’Issue. Park behind the church. Situated in the old village fire station next to the church, the small Musée de la cité d’Ercan is well worth a visit. It tells the story of the village over the centuries but there is emphasis on the Great War. It is free to enter and open on Sunday afternoons, at other times only by appointment: phone 06 88 73 90 30. Opposite the museum is Erquinghem-Lys Churchyard Extension. Burials originally began in the churchyard in 1914 and the extension opened in April 1915. It continued in British use until the village fell into German hands on 10 April 1918. The churchyard burials were later moved into the extension, and in consequence the burials here date from October 1914. The Germans continued to use the extension, and 127 victims of the battle of April 1918 lie in Plot III. You may also be interested to see in Plot I, row E, the graves of early German aviators Josef Suwelack and his observer Oskar Tiechmann. Suwelack, the pilot, was of Feldfliegerabteilung 24. He was well-known at home, a very early aviation pioneer who achieved a passenger flying speed record in 1911. It is said that he had a premonition of his death, for he wrote a farewell letter to his parents the day before he died. It is also said that Major Hugh Dowding (then commanding 16 Squadron of the Royal Fling Corps, later to be an air chief marshal in the Second World War), sent a message to the Germans, explaining the circumstances of the death of the two airmen and sending the personal effects that had been recovered from their downed aeroplane. Behind the church is a small stone memorial to the Rev. David Railton MC. It marks no particular spot, but reminds us that Railton first had the idea for the commemoration of an unknown soldier while he was in Erquinghem-Lys. He wrote, ‘The idea came to me, I know not how, in the early part of 1916 after returning from the line after dusk to a billet at Erkingham (sic), near Armentières. At the back of the billet was a small garden and in the garden, only about six paces from the house, there was a grave. At the head of the grave stood a white cross of wood on which was written in deep pencilled letters, ‘An Unknown Soldier of The Black Watch’. How that grave caused me to think! How I 181

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longed to see his folk! But, who was he, and who were they? Was he just a laddie… There was no answer to those questions, nor has there ever been yet. So I thought and thought and wrestled in thought. What can I do to ease the pain of father, mother, brother, sister, sweetheart, wife and friend? Quietly and gradually there came out of the mist of thought this answer clear and strong, “Let this body – this symbol of him – be carried reverently over the sea to his native land”. And I was happy for about five or ten minutes.’ This happy thought eventually led to the burial of the unknown soldier in Westminster Abbey. It is worth noting that Erquinghem was a much smaller place in 1916 than it is now, and that Railton’s billet must have been within a stone’s throw of the church. There are no men of the Black Watch buried in the extension identified as such; the soldier may lie there still. A one-way sign indicates the exit from the parking area and eventually takes the driver out onto the main road through the village. Turn right onto the D945A, signposted Fleurbaix and Estaires. After 850m, reach a traffic roundabout. Very few of the buildings that you have passed since the village centre existed in 1918; on turning left at the roundabout, Rue du Moulin (the D422 for Fleurbaix) was completely devoid of them. There was practically nothing between this road and the German force which had broken through the 40th Division to reach Fort Rompu and Bac St. Maur. Stop anywhere you like, for there is not much to see, although you do get a slightly better view once you cross the railway. The modern development makes it harder to imagine the conditions when Pte Arthur Poulter earned his VC here. His battalion, 4/Duke of Wellington’s, crossed a bridge not far from the roundabout and deployed to hold this road, approximately between the roundabout and the railway. It was assailed by heavy artillery and machine-gun fire, but the battalion held on as ordered until word came to re-cross the river. Follow the D422, which becomes the Rue Delpierre, into the muchenlarged Fleurbaix. On reaching a T-junction, turn right and then follow the D187, signposted Laventie, round a left hand bend. Very close to this bend, on either side of the road, were the headquarters of 119 and 120 (Scottish) Brigades of the 40th Division. They came under tremendous artillery and gas bombardment for many hours during the foggy morning of 9 April. Fleurbaix was protected, mainly on its southern side (the other side of the village from this location), by a chain of posts and defended localities. When the German infantry advanced from the Fromelles – Bois-Grenier area, they reached these posts remarkably quickly. Many 182

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of the garrisons fought on, long after the Germans had moved past the village to advance towards the Lys, until every man was dead or captured. Keep driving 500m until you reach the very last house and barns on the left, before fields open up in front of you. This was the headquarters of 119 Brigade. Later in the morning the small staff here was forced to withdraw over the bridges at Bac St. Maur, away to the right, for strong enemy columns were now on both sides of Fleurbaix and advancing in force from the fields ahead, having broken through the 2nd Portuguese Division. Those leaving this spot to go to the river included controversial Brigadier General Frank Crozier. Another 785m brings you to Barlette Farm, readily identifiable on the right of the road by its large pool or moat. The guns of 64th Brigade RFA were here before they were withdrawn to Bac St. Maur, as German infantry closed in on them. Turn onto the next right, Rue des Lauwets, to follow in their footsteps (or nearly so because, as these lanes were under heavy German shellfire, the guns were prudently withdrawn across the field now on your right). After 1.2 kilometres along this pleasant lane, with good views to both sides, you will approach what appears to be a T-junction, but is actually a sharp left bend with another road going off to the right, the aptly named Rue Bataille. Turn right on to this road. You are now in another area that was dotted with defensive positions – the ‘Lys bridgehead line’ – with Fourteen Trees Post at this junction and York Post at the next. German forces reached this area from your right in such numbers and so quickly that these posts were very soon over-run. Take the next left, the D176, signposted Sailly-sur-la-Lys, and follow it across the railway into Bac St. Maur. Turn left on to the D945 and within 200m you will see a sign on the right to Croix du Bac British Cemetery. By turning right you will be on the Lys bridge, within yards of where troops of Infanterie-Regiment Keith (1. Oberschlesisches) 22 of 11th Reserve-Division, with a party of Infanterie-Regiment 371 of 43.Ersatz-Infanterie-Brigade, 10th Ersatz-Division, forced the first passage of the river line. The area of Bac St. Maur bridge, Croix du Bac, Sailly German Cemetery and Sailly-sur-la-Lys is described in detail in the introductory circuit, albeit in reverse order to that which you are now following. If you have not yet driven that circuit, all of those stops are well worth seeing. Continue on the D945 through Sailly and continue through Le Nouveau Monde. 3.2 kilometres after going through the central crossroads in Sailly, you will be approaching the southern bank of the Lys at Estaires. At the large roundabout, turn right onto the D947. The road immediately begins to climb to cross the river by the former Pont 183

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Levis. Find somewhere to park before you reach the bridge: this is usually straightforward. Walk to the bridge. Estaires was one of the larger settlements of this region and a key point for crossing the Lys. By 1914 it had three significant bridges: to the west, crossing to La Gorgue, the Pont de la Lys; in the town centre, the oldest, Pont de la Meuse; on the east side, this Pont Levis (which translates as lifting bridge) or Pont d’Estaires. The latter had been a scene of tragedy on 11 October 1914, when French civilians, many of them refugees from the Lille region, were used as human shields by German forces attempting to cross. It is said that as many as forty of the civilians were killed: the terrible event is remembered by a plaque in Place Louis Blanquart. The Place, which is across and not far from the bridge, is named after the town’s deputy mayor, who was among those who died. Many other civilians were transported to prison camps in Germany. After the British began to occupy Estaires later that month, the army also constructed many smaller bridges, usually small ones that could be swung across as needed – for the Lys remained a busy waterway until the river fell on 9-10 April 1918. Pont Levis defied the Royal Engineers’ efforts to blow it up and became the epicentre of severe to-and-fro fighting as the 50th (Northumbrian) Division committed itself to its defence. The 6/Durham Light Infantry, 4/Northumberland Fusiliers, 151st Trench Mortar Battery, elements of the divisional machine gun battalion and others all fought desperately to hold it. In the end the pressure told: Estaires was being turned into burning rubble by relentless shellfire, the Germans had crossed the Lys at Bac St. Maur; and the tenuous hold on the bridge was lost. There is little now to offer the passer-by any clues to the intensity of the struggle. The tour does not take us into the middle of Estaires; but for those seeking refreshment at this point, you will find it a pleasant, often bustling, town. The main facilities and shops lie in the vicinity of the Mairie and the large central Church of St Vaast, which was rebuilt from ruins in 1928-30. Cross the Pont Levis and follow the road around to the left: go straight on for the town centre. For the next stop, turn right at traffic lights before the centre, on to Rue de l’Egalité, signposted Estaires Communal Cemetery Extension. Despite being a very significant cemetery, with more than 800 British and Dominion burials of the Great War, this is not a ‘Battles of the Lys’ cemetery at all, other than for its location. Only 18 year-old Pte 66577 William Stubbs, A Company, 6/Northumberland Fusiliers, died during the battle. The war diary of his battalion offers no clues as to his fate, for there were no officers left who could truthfully write its story. He was reported missing in action; no information came back through neutral 184

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channels from Germany, and he was presumed to have been killed on 11 April 1918. By the time these enquiries were being made Estaires was in German hands and what became to many such men was unknown. Now buried in V.F.1, and with no documented evidence that he was moved here after the war, it appears that young Stubbs was buried here by the German forces. The cemetery includes burials throughout the war from November 1914 onwards and represent numerous regiments and ranks. There are many graves of men who died around the time of the Battle of Neuve Chapelle in March 1915 and of Australians, newly arrived in France, lost in the period of the attack on Fromelles on 19-20 July 1916 and later that year. Among the notable graves is that (II.A.7) of Brigadier General Sir John Gough VC, younger brother of (later) Lieutenant-General Sir Hubert Gough and chief of staff to (then) General Sir Douglas Haig, who at the time of Gough’s death in 1915 was in command of First Army. ‘Johnnie’ was mortally wounded by a sniper near the church when visiting his old battalion, 2 /Rifle Brigade, at Fauquissart on 22 February 1915, and died two days later in the care of 25 Field Ambulance at Estaires. He earned his Victoria Cross in the campaign in Somaliland in 1903 and is considered by many to have been a most serious loss to the army, having the potential to continue to rise to the highest levels of command. In April 1918 the cemetery was on the very edge of the built-up area of Estaires, edging onto fields that lay away to the north and east. The area saw much fighting as the 50th Division, soon joined by units of the 29th Division, tried to stem German efforts to expand the bridgehead and advance on Hazebrouck during 10-11 April 1918. The tour will now explore the farmland around the town where this fighting took place. Return to Pont Levis but take the D122, signposted Steenwerck, on the left and before crossing the bridge. After 530m pass Quennelle Farm; go on for another 220m and reach a point in the road with a drainage channel on the left and a short terrace of four houses on the right. Just beyond the houses is a small lane (Rue du Bas de Prés) going off to your right: it is usually possible to park just before it. Behind the water is Ferme de Bretagne. The battalions of 150 Brigade (4 and 5/Yorks and 4/East Yorks) arrived first. The 5/Yorks remained in reserve where you now stand, while the two others moved off towards the north bank of the Lys, down Rue du Bas de Prés and other tracks. The Northumberland Fusiliers of 149 Brigade arrived behind them, the 4th Battalion taking up position on the far side of Ferme de Bretagne and the 6th Battalion going further east. All were under orders to counter-attack and repel any German crossing of 185

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the Lys east of Pont Levis. All of these units were gradually pushed rearwards on 10 April, across the road at this position; German forces from the Bac St. Maur bridgehead launched a heavy attack in the area further ahead on the D122, outflanking the 50th Division. Continue and then take the second left, Rue des Couvreurs. This lane is an approximation of the left flank of the German attack, which caused the 50th Division into retreat from the river bank and ultimately led to the loss of Estaires. Carry on to the end of the lane and turn left at the junction (Rue de l’Épinette). After 85m, pass a lane on your right (with a bus stop next to it): it goes down to Cul de Sac Farm, soon captured and used thereafter as a German battalion or artillery billet. Go on another 470m, through a dog-leg bend, and turn right onto Rue du Quennelet. You are now in the rather ill-defined area of Trou Bayard.

Cul de Sac Farm, near Trou Bayard, after its capture by the Germans. (Europeana)

Early on 11 April the newly arrived units of the 29th Division were beginning to deploy in reserve to those elements of the 50th Division that were still fighting in this area. Uncertain of the position, patrols were sent forward: it was down this lane (towards you) and others parallel to it that 186

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junior officers, such as Second Lieutenant Eric Ford of 1/Lancashire Fusiliers, led their men in a tense ‘advance to contact’. Over on the right, 1/Border was doing much the same. Pass Quennelet Farm on the left, half-way down this lane, and note that the tour is moving into an area of closer country, with more hedges, copses and fewer of the vast open spaces seen down at Bois-Grenier. At the end, turn left into Rue du Houck, then go straight on across this road. Battalion headquarters of 1/Lancashire Fusiliers was established at this corner, before it, too, was forced into a northwards withdrawal, towards Doulieu. You soon reach the small Meterenbecque stream, at which turn right onto Rue du Courant. If you can, take a look behind you: the industrial sprawl of the chemical works near Merville is easily seen. A drive of 440m brings you to another junction: turn left on to Rue du Hameau. Gradually beaten out of Estaires, some parts of the 50th Division withdrew northwards (left to right) across this road, while others moved in the direction of Merville. Ahead is Neuf Berquin and the illfated road towards Vieux Berquin, but you shall turn to the left before you reach it. Take the second turning on the left, named Rue de la Chapelle but at the time of writing was not marked in any way; it is next to a house with a large lawn. You are now moving back towards Estaires: imagine the volumes of smoke rising from the bombarded and burning town, as well as from Merville, on the half-right. This lane came under heavy shellfire on 10 and 11 April, as men of the 50th Division withdrew towards you, along with large numbers of desperately frightened refugees. On reaching the main D947, turn left in the Estaires direction but, just at the edge of the built-up area, turn right on to the D946, signposted La Gorgue. After a large supermarket it becomes the D122D. This will take you across the river by the Pont de la Lys. A few metres away, to the right of the bridge, is the confluence with the little River Lawe. It is possible to view it by walking down into the grassy area on the right of the bridge; but in truth there is little to see. The military importance of the smaller river was, however, considerable. The final stop on this tour is to see where the Germans forced a crossing on 9-10 April 1918. Continue on the D122D. You briefly have the Lawe on your right as you pass through the middle of La Gorgue. On reaching a crossroads, with a bandstand ahead of you, turn right: this is still the D122D, now signposted for Béthune. Go through a rather sprawling built-up area until you cross the railway and approach a traffic roundabout. Go straight on, signposted Lestrem, but then take the immediate left, passing the signs that you are entering Le Pont Riqueult (war time maps give this as Pont Riquel). Drive on until you reach the village, where you follow the road around to the right and will soon cross a bridge over the Lawe. 187

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South of Pont Riquel (on your left), the canalised Lawe makes a pronounced bend, which for the defenders of the Durham Light Infantry of the 50th Division became a terrible salient when they came under attack here during the afternoon and evening of 9 April. The river, as can be seen, is not of the scale of the Lys but its nonetheless wide enough to be a serious military obstacle. After the bridge, take the first turn left on to the narrow Rue des Rivières. It follows the curve of the river, until you reach the narrowest point of crossing, wisely targeted by the German infantry: Rault Lock. It is accessible but not easily spotted: drive 970m from the last turning; you will approach a right-hand bend, in which there is a large house with barns. The lock is directly opposite the house, on the left hand side. You can pull safely off the road and walk the few metres of grassy track, often muddy, to the lock. Beware that this is deep water. The concrete base of the lock is largely intact. During the morning of 9 April, German forces that had broken through the Portuguese also gradually reduced British resistance in the defensive posts on the far side of the Lawe. By nightfall they had forced a crossing at the lock, which was disputed by the Durham Light Infantry and so through the night hours it was not always clear who possessed it. Heavy shell fire and shelling by German field guns brought up very close to the lock on 10 April inevitably forced the decision: the Germans crossed the Lawe and exploited the bridgehead, just as they had at Bac St. Maur, endangering Merville from the south and opening the way for a much deeper advance towards the La Bassée Canal. Readers who wish to know more detail of the fighting along the Lawe are referred to Phil Tomaselli’s ‘Battleground Europe’ volume. This tour is now concluded, but you may wish to visit the nearby and very pleasant town of Lestrem. It can be reached by continuing on the Rue des Rivières and then turn right on to the D945. The town has the usual facilities, a fine reconstructed church and a number of signboards explaining the Great War in the area.

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Tour E La Couronne and 4 (Guards) Brigade There is little to see in the area of the Guards’ staunch defence but you can at least visit the spot. The area can be approached from either Vieux or Neuf Berquin on the D947. It was driven through in the Introductory Circuit; this tour takes a more detailed look at the area. Assuming that you are approaching from Vieux Berquin, after 500m you will reach on your right the junction with the D23, Rue de Merville. You are now at La Couronne. A few metres beyond, on your left, is the D69, Rue de la Bleu Tour. There is space to pull off the main road just beyond the junction but due to buildings there is not much to see from this spot. The 4 (Guards Brigade) and 12/King’s Own Yorkshire Light Infantry arrived in this area on 11 April, and the latter took up the line of the Rue de la Blue Tour on your left. Beyond them, the broken units of the 29th Division were falling back from the Doulieu area, to reassemble at Bleu. Stragglers from the 50th Division were coming back along the D947 from Neuf Berquin and the whole situation was most precarious. Although the 5th Division was on the move towards the area, there were as yet no British troops across to your right, leaving a wide gap to the Forest of Nieppe. You will see the forest in the distance to your right as you continue to drive down the D947 and you finally clear the houses. Soon, in the midst of the next series of buildings, you will see the Rue du Cornet Perdu going off to the right. The 3/Coldstream and 4/Grenadiers advanced to hold this road against any incursion from the south (that is, the Neuf Berquin direction). The tour returns to this shortly. A total distance of 800m from La Couronne towards Neuf Berquin brings you to a small bridge across a stream. You are now entering Pont Rondin, a straggle of houses and farms along the main road. Once over the bridge, take an immediate right turn into an un-signposted road, the Rue des Cerisiers. A red and white bollard is the only clue that this is a road and not just a turn into a farmyard! Pull off the road by the barns that stand next to the junction. You will get a view of the area of the action from the junction; please take care, as the main road can be busy. On the other side of the main road from Rue des Cerisiers, two German field guns were brought up into field in front of you, causing problems for the Guards holding the Rue du Cornet Perdu. Captain 189

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Thomas Pryce led his 2 Company forward down the road from La Couronne, reaching this spot. His and his men’s extraordinary action here is described on pp 88–96; his small garrison was gradually ground down in the immediate area in a last stand action that held off much superior German forces for a considerable time. Go back on to the main D947 by turning left in the direction in which you came from Vieux-Berquin. Take the first left turning, the Rue du Cornet Perdu. Continue until you reach the bridge over the Plate Becque stream and stop. The main body of 4 (Guards) Brigade held this road under heavy bombardment and numerous infantry attacks coming from your left. It is hard to imagine a scene of such ferocity and violence, for this lane is once again little more than a track through gentle fields. It is, though, one of the key points of the battlefield, for the Guards played a vital part in buying time for the 1st Australian Division to arrive and man the defences of the forest and the higher ground beyond it. You can see the Forest of Nieppe (actually its component part, the Bois d’Aval) in front of you. Vieux Berquin is seen to your right. Carry on to the T-junction, at which spot the 5th Division linked up with the Guards. A right turn will take you in the direction of Vieux Berquin; going left takes you to Merville.

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Appendix I Field Marshal Sir Douglas Haig’s Special Order of the Day, 12 April 1918 ‘To all ranks of the British Army in France and Flanders. Three weeks ago to-day the enemy began his terrific attacks against us on a fifty-mile front. His objects are to separate us from the French, to take the Channel Ports, and destroy the British Army. In spite of throwing already 106 divisions into the battle, and enduring the most reckless sacrifice of human life, he has, as yet, made little progress towards his goals. We owe this to the determined fighting and self-sacrifice of our troops. Words fail me to express the admiration which I feel for the splendid resistance offered by all ranks of our Army under the most trying circumstances. Many amongst us now are tired. To those I would say that victory will belong to the side which holds out the longest. The French Army is moving rapidly and in great force to our support. There is no other course open to us but to fight it out. Every position must be held to the last man; there must be no retirement. With our backs to the wall, and believing in the justice of our cause, each one of us must fight on to the end. The safety of our homes and the freedom of mankind depend alike upon the conduct of each one of us at this critical moment.’ Haig had issued a shorter but not dissimilar Special Order during the third day of Operation “Michael”, 24 March 1918.

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Appendix II Selected Citations Captain (A./Lt.-Col.) James Forbes-Robertson, D.S.O., M.C., Border. R. Victoria Cross. London Gazette, 21 May 1918. For most conspicuous bravery whilst commanding his battalion during the heavy fighting. Through his quick judgment, resource, untiring energy and magnificent example, Lt.-Col. Forbes-Robertson on four separate occasions saved the line from breaking and averted a situation which might have had the most serious and far-reaching results. On the first occasion, when troops in front were falling back, he made a rapid reconnaissance on horse-back, in full view of the enemy, under heavy machine-gun and close range shell fire. He then organised and, still mounted, led a counter-attack which was completely successful in re-establishing our line. When his horse was shot under him he continued on foot. Later on the same day, when troops to the left of his line were giving way, he went to that flank and checked and steadied the line, inspiring confidence by his splendid coolness and disregard of personal danger. His horse was wounded three times and he was thrown five times. The following day, when the troops on both his flanks were forced to retire, he formed a post at battalion headquarters and with his battalion still held his ground, thereby covering the retreat of troops on his flanks. Under the heaviest fire this gallant officer fearlessly exposed himself when collecting parties, organising and encouraging. On a subsequent occasion, when troops were retiring on his left and the condition of things on his right were obscure, he again saved the situation by his magnificent example and cool judgment. Losing a second horse, he continued alone on foot until he had established a line to which his own troops could withdraw and so conform to the general situation. Pte 24066 Arthur Poulter, 1/4 Duke of Wellington’s (West Riding Regiment). Victoria Cross. London Gazette, 28 June 1918. For most conspicuous bravery when acting as a stretcher-bearer. On ten occasions Pte. Poulter carried badly wounded men on his back to a safer locality, through a particularly heavy artillery and machine-gun barrage. Two of these were hit a second time whilst on his back. Again, after a withdrawal over the river had been ordered, Pte. Poulter returned in full view of the enemy who were advancing, and carried back another man who had been left behind wounded. He bandaged up over forty men 192

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under fire, and his conduct throughout the whole day was a magnificent example to all ranks. This very gallant soldier was subsequently seriously wounded when attempting another rescue in the face of the enemy. Lt. (A./Capt.) Thomas Tannatt Pryce, M.C., Grenadier Guards. Victoria Cross. London Gazette, 21 May 1918. For most conspicuous bravery, devotion to duty, and self-sacrifice when in command of a flank on the left of the Grenadier Guards. Having been ordered to attack a village, he personally led forward two platoons, working from house to house, killing some thirty of the enemy, seven of whom he killed himself. The next day he was occupying a position with some thirty to forty men, the remainder of his company having become casualties. As early as 8.15am his left flank was surrounded and the enemy was enfilading him. He was attacked no less than four times during the day, and each time beat off the hostile attack, killing many of the enemy. Meanwhile, the enemy brought up three field guns to within 300 yards of his line, and were firing over open sights and knocking his trench in. At 6.15pm the enemy had worked to within sixty yards of his trench. He then called on his men, telling them to cheer and charge the enemy and fight to the last. Led by Captain Pryce, they left their trench and drove back the enemy, with the bayonet, some 100 yards. Half an hour later the enemy had again approached in stronger force. By this time Captain Pryce had only 17 men left, and every round of his ammunition had been fired. Determined that there should be no surrender, he once again led his men forward in a bayonet charge, and was last seen engaged in a fierce handto-hand struggle with overwhelming numbers of the enemy. With some forty men he had held back at least one enemy battalion for over ten hours. His company undoubtedly stopped the advance through the British line, and thus had great influence on the battle. The following short selection of citations for the Military Cross and Distinguished Conduct Medal represents only a small proportion of the gallantry and bravery awards made during and after the battle. They have been chosen to illustrate a sample of the breadth of admirable actions carried out. Omission is simply due to restrictions of space in such a book. There were, of course, a great many other similar actions that were never observed, recorded or officially recognised. CSM 275 Richard Abbott, 11 Lancashire Fusiliers (Preston). Croix du Bac, 9-10 April 1918. Distinguished Conduct Medal. During a counter attack he set a magnificent example by penetrating further into [the] village than anyone else and bringing back valuable 193

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information as to the location of the enemy. Hearing that an enemy officer had entered a house 300 yards in front of the line, he crossed ‘No Man’s Land’ in daylight and cleverly captured him, thus securing an important identification. Pte 2327 George Abraham, 3 Battalion Australian Infantry (Sydney NSW). Mont de Merris, 14 April 1918. Distinguished Conduct Medal. During a powerful attack, though temporarily shell-shocked and with a dislocated shoulder, he remained at duty under heavy fire and later took part in a counter-attack. Later he made six trips with messages under heavy rifle and machine gun fire. His courage was most conspicuous and devotion to duty exemplary. [Abraham, who was born at St Neots in England, joined his battalion at Gallipoli in September 1915]. Pte 38896 John Atkinson, 18 Durham Light Infantry (Newcastle). Near La Becque Farm, 12 April 1918. Distinguished Conduct Medal. He volunteered to take an important message to the front line over open country and a light railway embankment in full view of the enemy. He was wounded but reached the front line. He was again wounded, this time seriously, but managed to deliver his message. His loyal devotion to duty and resolute determination could not be surpassed. Lt John W. Baker, Royal Garrison Artillery and 4 Squadron, Royal Air Force. Vicinity of Aubers, 9-12 April 1918. Military Cross. For conspicuous gallantry and devotion to duty in carrying our low-flying reconnaissances and contact patrols under heavy machine-gun, rifle and anti-aircraft fire, when he remained in the air for long hours, often under abnormally bad weather conditions and often in darkness or thick mist. On one occasion he fired into enemy troops and transport, causing great confusion, and remained over their lines taking notes until quite dark, when he returned with his machine riddled with bullets. On every flight he obtained most important information, which was dropped at headquarters, and throughout the period his work has been magnificent. [Baker went on to a most distinguished life of service with the Royal Air Force. His final rank was Air Chief Marshal and appointments included Vice-Chief of the Air Staff (1952) and Controller of Aircraft at the Ministry of Supply, before he retired in 1956.] L/Cpl 16106 Joseph Barratt, 4 Bn Machine Gun Corps (Nuneaton). Pacaut Wood, 18 April 1918. Distinguished Conduct Medal. After a three-hour hostile bombardment, during which he was badly wounded, he mounted his gun and was the first to open fire on the 194

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advancing enemy. He would not leave his position until ordered to do so after the enemy attack had been definitely repulsed. Pte 45722 George Bartlett, 1 Devonshire Regiment (Camelford). Near Arrewage, 14 April 1918. Distinguished Conduct Medal. In defence of [the Bourre] bridgehead, when an enemy armoured car advanced, killing two men alongside him, he kept his Lewis gun in action, and forced it to retire, saving a critical situation. T/Sub-Conductor 04755 Henry S. J. Beckett, 81 Army Depot Ordnance Ammunition Section, Army Ordnance Corps (Great Yarmouth). Bailleul, 9 April 1918. Distinguished Conduct Medal. For conspicuous gallantry and devotion to duty when heavy enemy shelling set several ammunition dumps on fire. This Warrant Officer assisted in moving burning tarpaulins and in removing loaded trucks of ammunition which were in immediate danger of catching fire. He also assisted in putting out a burning cartridge store and in stopping the fire spreading to other dumps. Though injured in the knee he carried on, issuing ammunition during three subsequent days until the approach of the enemy’s infantry necessitated the evacuation of the depot. All this time he had been under continuous shell fire, and his gallant conduct and the example he set the men were of the highest order. Pte 34016 David Campbell, 16 Royal Scots, attached 101 Light Trench Mortar Battery (Glasgow). Erquinghem-Lys, 10 April 1918. Distinguished Conduct Medal. When the bridges across the river had been blown up and the wounded could not cross, he constructed a raft, placed the wounded on it, and swam the river pushing the raft before him. He was under heavy artillery and machine-gun fire the whole time. It was entirely due to his courage and resource that the men were saved. A/Sgt 20100 Albert Dorrington, 11 Field Company, Royal Engineers. Méteren, 16 April 1918. Distinguished Conduct Medal. With his section he attacked and captured a farm, killing many of the enemy and capturing three machine-guns and 18 prisoners. He himself accounted for several of the enemy with the bayonet, and set a fine example to his men. [Dorrington, born in 1896, followed his father into the Royal Engineers and had enlisted for boy service in 1910. He served for the rest of his life, later transferring to the Royal Corps of Signals; was commissioned in 1937; and died after a period of ill-health on 30 December 1942. He is buried in Headley (All Saints) Churchyard in Hampshire.] 195

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T/Major James Fiddes MC, 89 (1/1 Highland) Field Ambulance, Royal Army Medical Corps, 29th Division. Vieux-Berquin, 12 April 1918. Bar to Military Cross. In charge of an advanced field dressing station which was heavily shelled, he successfully evacuated all the wounded to a safer place. He also went up to the front when the officer in charge there was exhausted and gassed, and superintended the evacuation of all of the wounded. Cpl 55699 Arthur Harper, 296 Railway Company, Royal Engineers (Cheltenham). Merville, 11-12 April 1918. Distinguished Conduct Medal. For conspicuous gallantry and devotion in assisting in the demolition of railway bridges under heavy fire. When one bridge was fired by electric exploder, only one charge went off. Accompanied by his officer, he went to the bridge, under heavy fire, and helped him to light the safety fuze again when the enemy were close to the bridge. He had been under fire at other bridges for fourteen hours. [Harper’s gallant act was at the railway bridge over the Lys on the south western edge of Merville.] Bdr 41425 John Horth, 12 Siege Battery, Royal Garrison Artillery (Caister-on-Sea). Riez Bailleul, 9 April 1918. Distinguished Conduct Medal. Under very heavy bombardment he fought his gun until all ammunition was expended, and then put it out of action. Later, in making a gallant effort to go forward and get information of the enemy’s movements, he was seriously wounded [in the left shoulder]. L/Cpl S/13475 Charles McQueen, 2 Seaforth Highlanders (Nairn). Pacaut Wood, 18 April 1918. Distinguished Conduct Medal. His Lewis gun was buried by a shell. He dug out his gun and managed to bring it into action against the enemy in spite of his serious wounds, a piece of shrapnel having entered his back and passed clean through his body. Pte 25586 Percy Pearce, 2/5 Gloucestershire Regiment (East Cowes). La-Pierre-au-Beurre (near Riez du Vinage), 24 April 1918. Distinguished Conduct Medal. During an enemy counter-attack he worked out by himself in front of his position and forced two enemy posts to surrender. Others of the enemy, seeing these posts surrender, did the same, with the result that about 80 prisoners were thus captured. He did splendid work. 196

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Pte 204636 Arthur Scurrah, 4 Yorkshire Regiment (Middlesbrough). Precise date and location unknown, but in vicinity of Sailly-sur-la-Lys to Trou Bayard, 9-11 April 1918. Distinguished Conduct Medal. For conspicuous gallantry and devotion to duty as a stretcher bearer during a heavy enemy attack. Two out of four carriers with him were wounded. He, unaided, after upwards of one hour manoeuvring with the stretcher, succeeded in bringing in his wounded man to the dressing station. This was carried out under intense shrapnel and machine-gun fire, with the enemy advancing in force in close proximity. [Arthur Scurragh was taken prisoner on the River Aisne on 27 May 1918. He died of dysentery in the military hospital at Worms in Germany on 23 September 1918.]

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Appendix III The Phases of the Battles of the Lys 9th April – 29th April 1918 As defined by the British Battles Nomenclature Committee. Note that the battles shown in italics took place wholly within the geographic area of the Objective Ypres volume:

• • • • • • • •

The Battle of Estaires, 9 – 11 April 1918 The Battle of Messines, 10 – 11 April 1918 The Battle of Hazebrouck, 12 – 15 April 1918 The Battle of Bailleul, 13 – 15 April 1918 The First Battle of Kemmel, 17 – 19 April 1918 The Battle of Béthune, 18 April 1918 The Second Battle of Kemmel, 25 – 26 April 1918 The Battle of the Scherpenberg, 29 April 1918.

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Acknowledgements I have been most fortunate to receive support and advice from a wide range of organisations and individuals when carrying out the research for this book. Most of the narrative detail is drawn from operational records held in the WO95 (war diaries) series at the National Archives in Kew, London, and from their equivalents at the Australian War Memorial; from the records of officers held in the WO339 and WO374 collections; from the service records of “other ranks” which are held by the National Archives but now accessible online via Ancestry and Findmypast; from the prisoner of war records held by the International Committee of the Red Cross; and from private memoirs and papers held at the Imperial War Museum. The latter’s library has also been an excellent source of published German regimental and unit histories. My own library of books and collections of various documents gathered over the years has also been plundered. All reasonable efforts have been made in order to identify copyright owners where this was initially unknown, particularly of photographs. Wherever possible, photographs that are stated to be in the public domain have been used. Readers attention is drawn to the superb collections of photographs of the battle at the Imperial War Museum and Australian War Museums, freely available to see at their websites but unfortunately priced too high to be viable for inclusion in a publication such as this. I have been helped in a hundred small ways in the production of this book, not least by series editor Nigel Cave, but I also wish to mention the only other person who has ever seemed particularly interested in this battle, my friend Phil Tomaselli, who wrote the “Battleground Europe” volume covering the southern part of the action. I seem to follow him around the area, always seeing his signature in the cemetery registers. I should also specifically like to thank William Spencer at the National Archives; Jack Sheldon, historian of the German Army, whose knowledge and access to histories is surely unsurpassed; Brett Butterworth for his wonderful collection of photographs of German soldiers; Dominique Bascour for his local help in making sure I got the names of the Lys bridges right; Olivier Bayart for his superb local photography; Nina Bell; Dominic Butler at the Lancashire Infantry Museum; Mary Cowie; Rachel Hassall and Sherborne School; Alan Livingstone MacLeod; Rod Mason; Andrew Pittaway; Catherine Smith and Charterhouse School; Jim Smithson; and finally my son Lawrence for spending hours photographing officers’ records and my wife Geraldine for her endless patience! Responsibility for any errors found within the text of the book is wholly mine. 199

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Selected Bibliography There are very few works that cover the whole battle. The British Official History, “History of the Great War based on official documents – Military Operations France and Belgium 1918, March-April: continuation of the German offensive” by Sir James Edmonds (London: Macmillan, 1937) is the most comprehensive and a remarkably readable volume. My own “The Battle for Flanders: German defeat on the Lys, 1918” (Barnsley: Pen & Sword Military, 2011) is the only modern study that I have ever been able to find. I understand that a new study by Andrew Rawson, part of a series of works covering the phases of the Great War, is to be published by Pen & Sword Military around the same time as this book. There are some other very good works that provide information on particular aspects of the battle. The published histories of the various divisions and regiments vary in depth and quality, but provide useful background and are always worth consulting. In addition to those, I would recommend the following as a “starting list”: Australian Bean, C. E. W. Official History of Australia in the War of 1914–1918, Volume V: The Australian Imperial Force during the main German offensive, 1918 (Sydney: Angus and Robertson, 1937) Joynt VC, W. D. Saving the Channel ports: 1918. After the breach of 5th Army (North Blackburn: Wren, 1995) British Griffith, Paddy (ed) British fighting methods in the Great War (London: Frank Cass, 1996) Griffith, Paddy Battle tactics of the Western Front (London: Yale University Press, 1994) Hankey, Lord The Supreme Command 1914-1918, Volume 2 (London: George Allen and Unwin, 1961) Jones, H. A. History of the Great War based on official documents by direction of the Historical Section of the Committee of Imperial Defence. The War in the Air: being the story of the part played in the Great War by the Royal Air Force. Vol. IV (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1934) 200

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Lyttelton, Oliver, Viscount Chandos. The memoirs of Lord Chandos (London: The Bodley Head, 1962) Rorie, David. A medico’s luck in the war (Aberdeen: Milne & Hutchison, 1929) Seton Hutchinson, Graham. Warrior (London: Hutchinson & Co) Sheffield, Gary and Bourne, John (ed) Douglas Haig: war diaries and letters 1914-1918 (London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 2005) Zabecki, David T. The German offensives 1918: a case study on the operational level of war (Abingdon: Routledge, 2006) French Grange, Baroness Ernest de la. Open house in Flanders 1914-1918 Chateau de la Motte au Bois (London; John Murray, 1929) Mott, Colonel T. Bentley (transl.) The memoirs of Marshal Foch (London; William Heinemann, 1931) German Kabish, Ernest. Um Lys und Kemmel (Berlin: Vorhut-Verlag, 1936) Kuhl, Hermann von. Der deutsche Generalstab in Vorbereitung und Durchfuhrung des Weltkrieges (Berlin: Deutsche Verlag, 1920) Ludendorff, Erich. My war memories 1914-1918, Volume 2 (London: Hutchinson & Co, 1919) Ludendorff, Erich. The nation at war (London: Hutchinson & Co, 1936) Reichsarchiv Der Weltkrieg 1914–1918: Die militarischen Operationen zu Lande: Vierzehnter Band: Die Kriegführung an der Westfront im Jahre 1918 (Berlin: E. S. Mittler und Sohn, 1944).

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Index

Abbey, N, 91 Abbott, CSM, 193–4 Abraham, Pte G, 194 Ainger, F, 34 Ainsworth, Capt RB, 56 Allason, H, 34 Annand, Sgt, 110 Arnim, Gen F Sixt von, 5 Atkinson, Pte J, 194 Aubin, Capt J, 57 Baker, Lt J, 194 Bagshaw, Pte J, 93 Barratt, L.Cpl J, 194–5 Bartlett, Lt A, 30, 33 Bartlett, Pte G, 195 Beckett, T/Sub-Conductor H, 195 Beckwith, Brig Gen A, 27 Bernhardi, Gen von F, 15–16 Blackledge, Capt R, 41 Bridgeford, Maj Gen R, 82 Briggs, Sgt J, 24 British Expeditionary Force: Armies: Second, 97 Corps: I, 107 IX, 18 XI, 11, 16, 27, 59, 66, 99, 107, 114, 120 XV, 16, 29, 53, 66, 82, 88, 92 Divisions: 1st, 20 1st Australian, 12, 20, 96, 121, 126, 131–2, 135, 138, 161, 166–7, 169, 190 3rd, 105, 112, 116, 172

4th, 20, 109–11, 116, 119, 172 5th, 20, 91–2, 96, 107, 119, 124–5, 161, 169–70, 173, 190 9th (Scottish), 12, 18 19th Western), 18 25th, 18, 50 29th, 18, 38, 66–7, 70–1, 73, 76, 78, 81–2, 85–6, 88, 90–1, 129, 156, 160, 164, 167 31st, 18, 66, 81, 85–6, 88, 129, 157, 159, 165, 167 33rd, 86, 132, 134–5, 137, 139, 143–4 34th, 16, 39, 47–8, 67, 124, 180 38th (Welsh), 47 40th, 16, 18, 23, 27–8, 35, 40, 47–8, 50, 53, 67, 73, 78, 82– 3, 85–6, 129, 151, 180 49th (West Riding), 48, 137 50th (Northumbrian), 16, 41, 73, 78–9, 82–3, 85–6, 89–90, 99, 102, 105, 107, 116, 129, 155, 169 51st (Highland), 16, 26–7, 59– 60, 99, 102, 104–105, 107, 112, 114–16, 176 55th (West Lancashire), 15–16, 18, 24, 112, 115–16, 176 57th (West Lancashire), 28, 42 59th (North Midland), 139 61st (South Midland), 19, 66, 97, 102, 104, 107, 111, 115– 16, 119, 151, 172–3 74th (Yeomanry), 172 Brigades: 1 (New South Wales) AEF, 128 202

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2 (Victoria) AEF, 126, 129 3 Australian, 126 14 Australian, 30 4 (Guards), 81, 88, 125, 129, 131, 160–1, 167–8, 189–90 8, 112, 114 10, 111, 116, 118 11, 110, 116 12, 116 13, 120 19, 135–6, 138 74, 50, 52, 83, 153–4 76, 105, 112, 115 86, 78 87, 73, 78 88, 67 92, 81–3, 85, 157 93, 81–3, 85, 157 95, 120, 125 101, 47, 49 103, 47, 49 119, 29–30, 37, 42, 51, 76, 182 120 (Scottish), 29–30, 40, 57, 182 121, 29, 37, 42, 179 147, 48–9, 137 149, 53, 58, 62–3, 90, 185 150, 53, 62–3, 185 151, 41, 53, 56, 62–3 153, 59, 99, 110 154, 112, 114 182, 99 183, 97, 108, 110 184, 105, 111–12 Battalions: 8/Argyll & Sutherland, 97, 104, 107, 110 1/Australian, 134 3/Australian, 128, 132, 134 4/Australian, 128, 134 7/Australian, 126–7, 161, 168 203

8/Australian, 126–7, 131–2, 134, 161 1/Bedfordshire, 126 6/Black Watch, 59–60 2/4 Royal Berkshire, 105, 110 1/Border, 73, 79–80, 156, 187 1/Cameronians, 138 1/Cheshire, 126 3/Coldstream Guards, 89–91, 93–6, 189 182 Composite Bn, 104 1/Devonshire, 125, 169 1/DCLI, 91, 124, 169 2/Duke of Wellington’s, 118– 19 4/Duke of Wellington’s, 49 5/Durham LI, 57, 64 6/Durham LI, 56–7, 60, 184 7/Durham LI, 57 8/Durham LI, 58–60 18/Durham LI, 83, 157 11/East Lancashire, 83 1/East Surrey, 122 13/East Surrey, 30–4, 149 4/East Yorkshire, 63–4, 185 10/East Yorkshire, 83, 85 11/East Yorkshire, 83, 85 24 Entrenching Bn, 104 2/Royal Fusiliers, 73 2/5 Gloucestershire, 105, 108, 110–11, 174–5 12/Gloucestershire, 125–6 1/Gordon Highlanders, 112 4/Gordon Highlanders, 114 5/Gordon Highlanders, 97, 99, 104, 108, 110 7/Gordon Highlanders, 59 Green Howards see Yorkshire 4/Grenadier Guards, 89–91, 93–6, 189 1/Royal Guernsey LI, 70, 73, 76, 155–6

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1/Hampshire, 109–10, 116 2/Hampshire, 179 Hawke Bn, 73 10th/11th Highland LI, 40–1, 152 14/Highland LI, 40–1 2/Irish Guards, 89, 91 4/King’s (Liverpool), 135, 138–9, 143 5/King’s (Liverpool), 26 10/King’s (Liverpool), 24 8/King’s Own, 115 12/KOYLI, 85, 89–91, 93, 129, 189 7/King’s Shropshire LI, 114 1/KOSB, 73, 79, 155 1/Lancashire Fusiliers, 73, 79, 168, 187 2/Lancashire Fusiliers, 177 11/Lancashire Fusiliers, 50, 53 9/Loyal N Lancashire, 50, 52 1/Middlesex, 139 18/Middlesex, 135, 139 20/Middlesex, 30, 37–8, 179– 80 21/Middlesex, 30, 35, 171 4/Northumberland Fusiliers, 58, 63–4, 168, 184–5 5/Northumberland Fusiliers, 63–4 6/Northumberland Fusiliers, 63–4, 184–5 17/Northumberland Fusiliers, 126 2/4 Ox & Bucks LI, 105, 109– 10, 174 1/Queen’s, 136, 138, 159 1/Rifle Brigade, 116 2/Royal Scots, 112, 114–15 9/Royal Scots, 97, 99, 104, 107–108, 110 16/Royal Scots, 39, 48

1/Royal Scots Fusiliers, 112, 114 2/Royal Scots Fusiliers, 40, 42, 152 5/Scottish Rifles, 134, 138 2/Seaforth Highlanders, 119 4/Seaforth Highlanders, 115 1/Somerset LI, 116–18, 176 2/South Wales Border, 73, 76, 79, 155–6 11/Suffolk, 39, 180 12/Suffolk, 37, 39, 180 1/Royal Warwickshire, 118, 176 2/6 Royal Warwickshire, 99, 102–103 2/7 Royal Warwickshire, 99, 103, 105, 107 14/Royal Warwickshire, 125, 169 15/Royal Warwickshire, 124, 169–70 18/Welsh, 30–4, 149–50, 179 1/Royal Welsh Fusiliers, 170 13/West Yorkshire, 83 15/West Yorkshire, 83, 85 2/8 Worcestershire, 99, 102– 103, 107 3/Worcestershire, 51–2 4/Yorkshire, 63–4, 185 5/Yorkshire, 185 12/Yorkshire, 36, 51 13/Yorkshire, 37 13/York & Lancaster, 83, 85, 157 Trench Mortar Batteries: 151, 184 Machine Gun Battalions: 1 Australian (Company), 126 25th, 51 31st,83 33rd, 137, 159

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40th, 42, 154–5 Field Artillery Brigades: 12 Australian, 102 15, 125 28, 131 40, 115 42, 112 64, 29, 43, 131, 183 119, 131 152, 91, 131 155, 131 158, 115 285, 42, 83, 85, 131, 171 286, 42, 83, 85, 131 Engineer Field Companies: 210, 92 211, 86 212, 135 222, 135 223, 86 224, 31, 44 229, 31, 44 231, 44, 170 233, 86 235, 86 479, 111 556, 31 Field Ambulances: 94, 60, 165 95, 88 135, 44 136, 43 137, 44 Casualty Clearing Stations: Portuguese, 60 1, 60, 164 2, 60, 164 6, 60 17, 164 22, 60 33, 170 51, 60

Royal Air Force: 42 Squadron, 111 208 Squadron, 23 Corps Troops: 1st Cape Labour, 179 1st King Edwards Horse, 28, 170 2 NZ Entrenching Bn, 137–9 5th Tank Bn, 138–9 7th Tank Bn, 174 11th Tank Bn, 99, 170 IX Corps Cyclist Bn, 137 XI Corps Cyclist Bn, 28 XV Corps Cyclist Bn, 58 XXII Corps Cyclist Bn, 137 XXII Corps Reinforce’t, 137 XXII Corps School, 137 Brooks, Pte J, 88 Brown, Lt Col W, 45 Bull, 2nd Lt, 64 Butler, Brig Gen L 89 Cairns, CSM J, 105 Callin, Rev W, 58 Campbell, Pte D, 195 Cane, Lt Gen J du, 10, 16, 30 Carlowitz, Gen A von, 16, 24 Carswell, BSM J, 43 Carter-Campbell, Maj Gen G, 16 Cayley, Maj Gen D, 67 Cemeteries and Memorials: 74th Division Memorial, 172 Abeele Aerodrome, 145 Australian Memorial Park, 148 Aval Wood Military, 167 Boeschepe Churchyard, 145 Croix du Bac British, 153, 183 Demarcation stone (Portuguese, Les Amusoires), 174 Demarcation stone (Portuguese, St Floris), 172 205

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Doulieu executed civilians memorial, 156 Erquinghem-Lys Churchyard Extension, 181 Estaires Communal Extension, 184 Haverskerque British, 170 Hondeghem Churchyard, 88 La Kreule Military, 163 Laventie German, 150 Merville Communal Extension, 57, 125 Messines New Zealand memorial, 140 Meteren Military, 139 Outtersteene Communal Extension, 132, 159 Mont-Bernanchon British, 177 Pheasant Wood, 148 Ploegsteert Memorial, 94, 145 Royal Irish Rifles Graveyard, 33 Sailly German, 153 St Venant Communal, 173 St Venant – Robecq Road Military, 174 Suffolk, 180 Le Trou Aid Post, 150 VC Corner Australian, 149–50 Y Farm, 178 Champion, Lt C, 132 Champney, 2nd Lt H, 36 Chapman, Capt M, 91 Chateau de la Motte, 122, 168 Chateau les Peylouse, 173 Clark, Lt E, 26, Conran, Capt P, 76 Costa, Gen G da, 11, 16 Crozier, Brig Gen F, 36, 183 Dann, CSM F, 53, 55 Deverell, Maj Gen C, 112, 114, 115

Dorrington, A/Sgt A, 195 Dudbridge, Capt L, 111 Emerson, 2nd Lt, 110 Farms: Ankle, 167 Bacquerolles, 99, 104–105, 109–11, 174–5 Barlette, 36, 183 Boaze’s, 109–11, 175 du Bois, 83, 85 Bouzateux, 99 de Bretagne, 185 Canteen, 39, 44, 48, 180 Carvin, 174 Chapel, 37 Cul de Sac, 186 Dene, 125 Deserted, 103 Elk, 128 Faggot, 58 Fry, 143 Gutzer, 132 Haystack, 111 Lug, 93 Lynde, 82 Quennelet, 187 Quennelle, 64, 185 Prince, 90 Streaky Bacon, 180 La Rolanderie, 180 La Rose, 83 Tipton, 155 Two Tree, 35 Le Vert Bois, 115, 120, 125 White’s, 111, 175 Wye (Y), 38, 178–9 Fiddes, Maj J, 195 Fishley, Lt V, 104, 107 Foch, Gen Ferdinand, 17, 97, 124

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Forbes-Robertson, Lt Col J, VC, 79, 81, 156, 192 Ford, 2nd Lt E, 73, 75–6 French Army: DAN, 143 Corps: II Cavalry, 97, 143 XVI, 143 XXXVI, 143 Divisions: 2 Cavalry, 143 3 Cavalry, 143 6 Cavalry, 143 13 Infantry, 143 17 Infantry, 143 28 Infantry, 97, 143 31 Infantry, 143 32 Infantry, 143 34 Infantry, 143 39 Infantry, 143 66 Infantry, 143 133 Infantry, 97, 132, 140, 143 154 Infantry, 143 Regiments: 32 Chasseurs Alpin, 140, 146 116, 143 Frey, Lt, 131 German Armies: Groups: Rupprecht’s, 5 Armies: Fourth, 5, 18, 20, 145 Sixth, 5, 13, 15, 18, 20, 23, 97, 132, 145, 166 Corps: II Bavarian, 16, 134 IV, 15, 111 LV, 15 XIX (II Royal Saxon), 16, 133–4

Divisions: 1st Bavarian, 15, 174 1st Bavarian Reserve, 99 4th, 135 4th Ersatz, 15 6th Bavarian Reserve, 99 8th, 15 8th Bavarian Reserve, 15 10th Ersatz, 16, 45, 48, 151, 183 11th Reserve, 45, 48, 183 12th, 133–5 12th Reserve, 89, 132–5 16th, 15, 99, 111, 174 18th Reserve, 15 32nd, 48 35th, 16, 89, 131, 133–4, 151, 161 38th, 48, 180 42nd, 16, 148, 151 43rd Reserve, 15 44th Reserve, 15 81st Reserve, 16 235th, 99, 111 239th, 99, 111 Brigades: 43rd Ersatz, 45, 183 Regiments: 22, 45, 183 87, 131 93, 124 141, 131, 162, 167 371, 45, 183 Air Units: Feldfliegerabteilung, 24, 181 Gibb, Lt G, 145 Glover, 2nd Lt F, 122 Gore, 2nd Lt FB, 103 Grange, Baroness Ernest de la, 122, 168, 201 Gurney, Lt Col, 86 207

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Haig, FM Sir D, 9, 11, 17, 20, 185, 191 Haking, Lt Gen R, 11, 16 Halliday, Maj J, 43 Harper, Cpl A, 196 Harper, Lt CC, 103 Hill, Francis, 38 Hill, James, 30 Hills: Hill 62, 142 Kemmelberg, 20 Mont de Merris, 132 Mont des Cats, 134, 136 Ravelsberg, 20, 135 Scherpenberg, 20 Heard, Lt A, 35 Hearder, 2nd Lt S, 79 Herbert, Capt EG, 154–5 Hobkirk, Brig Gen C, 30 Horne, Gen H, 16 Horth, Bmdr J, 196 Howkins, Lt Col C, 105 Hulls, 2nd Lt A, 38, 180 Imiolcryk, Lt of Reserve, 45 Jackson, Maj Gen H, 16 Jackson, Maj H, 66 Jacotine, Pte H, 93 Jeudwine, Maj Gen H, 16, 24 Joynt. Lt W, VC, 126, 128–9, 200 Kenny, CSM, 38 Kirkhouse, Capt G, 57 Kirsop, Capt P, 104 Kraevel, Gen von, 15 Kuhl, Gen von H, 3–4 Laferre, Capt, 141–2 Lee, 2nd Lt FG, 103 Lewis, Lt, CS, 118, 176 Lewis, Lt, 91

Lodge, 2nd Lt, 109 Lott, 2nd Lt J, 83 Ludendorff, Gen E von, 3–5, 97 Lyne, Lt Col C, 43 Lyttelton, Oliver, 93 Mayne, Brig Gen C, 137, 159 McQueen, L/Cpl C, 196 Melville-Richards, Lt Col C, 37–8 Mitry, Gen A de, 143 Moir, Maj RG, 105 Murdoch, Lt I, 131, 162, 167 Nattrass, Capt F, 78 Nicholson, Maj Gen C, 16 Page, Capt W, 78 Parker, Lt W, 33 Parsons, Capt BK, 103 Pearce, Pte P, 196 Phillips, Maj WE, 103–104 Pilcher, Lt Col WS, 93 Plumer, Gen Sir H, 97 Ponsonby, Maj Gen J, 16 Pont de la Lys, 187 Pont de la Meuse, 58, 63–4 Pont Levis, Estaires, 44, 53, 57–8, 64, 183–4 Pont Levis, Harisoires, 118 Pont Rommel, 7 Portuguese Army: Divisions: 2nd, 15–16, 18, 23, 26, 149, 151, 183 Brigades: 4 (do Minho), 27 Battalions: 3rd, 27 8th, 27 10th, 26 20th, 27 29th, 27 208

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Poulter, Pte A, VC, 49–50, 182, 192–3 Pryce, Capt TT, VC, 90, 93–4, 96, 190, 193 Quarry, Maj St J, 125 Quast, Gen F von, 5–6, 15, 67, 97, 132 Railton, Rev D, 181–2 Robertson, Gen Sir W, 11 Robillot, Gen F, 143 Rivers, Streams and Canals: La Bassée Canal, 13, 20, 25, 67, 69, 111–12, 121, 145, 172, 176 Becque de la Blanche Maison, 136 Boudrelle, 63, 155 Bourre, 13, 102, 121, 125, 168 Clarence, 13, 97, 99, 103–105, 109, 116, 172 Courant de Hennebecq, 103, 110–11 Lawe, 13 Meterenbecque, 73, 79, 134–5, 138, 187 Noc, 13, 103, 105, 109–11, 116, 172 La Plate Becque, 89–91, 161, 166 Les Pures Becques, 89, 93, 125 Rau de Leet, 83, 85, 157 Rault Lock, 17, 59, 187 Stil Becque, 85 Renzy Martin, Col EC du, 53 Robinson, 2nd Lt, 58–9 Rupprecht, FM, Crown Prince of Bavaria, 3, 5, 15, 121, 132 Ruthven, Capt J, 63

Sailly Station, 35, 152 Schelle, Oberstleutnant F, 45, 50 Schulenberg, Gen F von der, 3 Scurrah, Pte A, 197 Sears, Lt R, 35 Seton Hutchison, Lt Col G, 137 Sheen, Capt R, 34 Slack, Capt C, 66 Somerville, Maj D, 78 Stetten, Gen von O, 16, 32 Stewart, Lt Col H, 165 Stevens, Pte JE, 61–2 Tamagnini, Gen F da Abreu e Silva, 11 Tetley, Lt HA, 104 Thompson, Lt, 66 Thornton, Pte A, 94 Turner-Jones, Capt C, 137 Towns and Villages: Abeele, 138, 140 Aire sur la Lys, 61, 120–1 Les Amusoires, 174 Ana Jana Siding, 61, 164–5 L’Armée, 180 Armentières, 13, 17, 20, 39, 45–7, 147 Arques, 61 Arrewage, 58, 91, 125–6 Aux Trois Toulettes, 44 Avelette, 112, 115–16 Bac St. Maur, 13, 17, 23, 26, 39, 42–5, 48, 62–3, 153 Bailleul, 20, 67, 97, 135–6, 138–9, 141 Beaupré, 58, 63, 73 Beauvais, 17 La Becque, 83, 85 La Besace, 141 Béthune, 13, 16, 112, 114, 119, 147 Bleu, 81, 83, 89–91

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Bois-Grenier, 29, 37 Borre, 7, 133, 165 La Boudrelle, 50–2 Bout Deville, 53 Bruay, 61, 114, 116 Busnes, 116 Caestre, 135–6, 140–1 Calonne sur la Lys, 99, 103, 116, 175 Carvin, 118 Cassel, 13, 164 Caudescure, 125 Chapelle Duvelle, 53 Les Chocquaux, 115 Chocques, 61, 135 Le Corbie, 120, 124 Le Cornet Malo, 99, 104–105, 107–108, 110, 115, 119 Le Cornet Perdu, 89 La Couronne, 85, 88–9, 91–3, 129, 160, 189 La Crèche, 48, 135 Croix du Bac, 45, 50–2, 63 La Croix Lescornex, 43 Don, 69 Doulieu, 44, 71, 73, 76, 78–9, 81–3, 90, 156, 164 L’Epinette, 89, 92 Erquinghem-Lys, 13, 47–9, 67, 181 Estaires, 13, 17, 23, 28, 44, 53, 55–6, 58, 62–4, 69, 73, 107, 122, 184 Fauquissart, 28 Festubert, 23–5 Flêtre, 136, 139, 141 Fleurbaix, 30, 36–7, 39, 42–4, 48, 63 Fort Rompu, 39, 42, 44, 48–9 Fosse, 28, 53, 57, 99 Fromelles, 148–9 Gars Brugghe, 91

Givenchy, 24–5, 116 Godewaersvelde, 13, 165 Gonnehem, 116 La Gorgue, 23, 53, 57–8, 62, 187 Guarbecque, 121 Gris Pot, 39, 180 Hallobeau, 51-52 Les Harisoirs, 118 Haubourdin, 69 Haverskerque, 107, 120, 171, 177 La Haye, 110 Hazebrouck, 1, 7, 15–16, 53, 61, 66, 69, 78, 97, 121, 126, 133, 143, 145, 147, 165 Hinges, 99, 112, 114, 118–19 Hondeghem, 164 La Kreule, 61 Lacouture, 28 Les Lauriers, 120, 169 Laventie, 28, 30, 33, 57, 151 Lestrem, 58–60, 116 Lillers, 116 Locon, 112, 114–16 Lorgies, 69 Lozinghem, 61 La Maladrerie, 107, 120 Merris, 13, 81–2, 85–6, 128, 133, 136, 138 Merville, 13, 17, 53, 60–1, 63, 69, 73, 88–9, 99, 102, 107, 120–2, 124, 131 Meteren, 86, 131–2, 134–7, 139–43, 145 Mont-Bernanchon, 99, 112, 114–15, 121, 177 La Motte au Bois, 107, 120, 122, 168 Neuf Berquin, 55, 58, 67, 69– 70, 73, 76, 85, 88–90, 99 Neuve Église, 20, 50, 138–9 210

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Nieppe, 50 Nord-Helf, 134 Nouveau Monde, 40–1, 57, 62–3 Oblinghem, 112 Outtersteene, 61, 81–2, 85–6, 136–7, 159–60 Pacaut, 99, 102–103 La Pannerie, 116, 119 Le Paradis, 88 Passchendaele, 7, 67, 97 Pernes, 61 Pétillon, 151 Petit Mortier, 76 Pont de Pierre, 85 Pont de Poivre, 62, 64, 66 Pont Riqueul, 57–9, 187 Pont Rondin, 89–91, 93, 96, 189 Pont Tournant, 91, 115 Pont Vanuxeem, 52 Poperinge, 165 Pradelles, 86, 133, 166 Quatre-Fils-Aymon, 139 Riez du Vinage, 109, 114–16, 118, 176 Robecq, 97, 99, 103, 105, 107, 112, 115–16 Robermetz, 73, 85, 89, 99 Rouge du Bout, 42 Rue des Vaches, 103 Rue du Bois, 131 Ruitz, 61 Sailly sur la Lys, 13, 36, 40, 42–3, 51, 62, 153 St. Floris, 104–105, 108, 110, 116, 172 St. Jans Capelle, 139 St. Jan ter Biezen, 67 St. Venant, 13, 60, 104–107, 110–11, 120 Le Sart, 104, 120, 170

Sec Bois, 134 Sequenteau, 51–2 Steenwerck, 50, 53, 67, 76, 85 Strazeele, 13, 67, 82, 88, 128, 133–5, 138–9, 145, 166 Thiennes, 124 La Tombe Willot, 114 Trois Arbres, 67 Trou Bayard, 53, 62, 64, 66, 76, 82, 155, 186 Le Verrier, 82, 85 Verte Rue, 94, 131 Le Vert Lannot, 115 Verquigneul, 7 La Vesée, 39 Vieille Chapelle, 28 Vierhouck, 89 Vieux Berquin, 81–2, 85, 88– 9, 91, 93–4, 126, 128–9, 132, 146, 160, 166 Walestraete, 158 Wicres, 161 Wingles, 107 Wytschaete, 17 Trenches, Posts and Battlefield Positions: Acton Cross, 83 Antelope Alley, 118, 176 Axe Mill, 142 Brickfield, 52 Carter’s, 57 Clifton, 56–7 Charred, 41 City Road, 37, 179 Cockshy House, 41, 53, 56–7 Corner Cottage, 104, 110–11, 175 Le Drumez, 57 Fourteen Trees, 183 Le Hamel Switch, 112, 114–15 Harlech, 64 Hogenacker Mill, 136–7, 159 211

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Impertinence, 32 Laventie East, 41 Laventie North, 41, 152 Limit, 39 Marais East, 57–8 Marais South, 58 Marais West, 57, 59 Masselot, 151 Muddy Lane, 41 Necklace, 30, 149 Nephew, 30, 149 Norfolk, 52 Onward Crossing, 165 Shaftesbury Avenue, 37, 179 Steenwerck Switch, 50 Sussex, 52 Tramline Avenue, 37 Tin Barn Avenue, 37, 179 Tuning Fork, 25 VC Avenue, 32 Verity Crossing, 157 La Vesée, 37 Wigan, 49 Windy Corner, 25

Winter’s Night, 32, 35, 43 York, 183 Tyerman, Lt CL, 57 Voce, Lt J, 44 Warburton, Capt G, 145 West, Maj, 34 Weygand, Gen de Division M, 17 Wienholt, Lt Col W, 51 Wilhelm, Crown Prince, 3 Williams, Lt E, 38 Winch, Maj G, 171 Woods: Aval, 94, 126, 161 Celery Copse, 132 Forest of Nieppe, 13, 20, 116, 119–22, 124, 126, 145, 161, 166 Pacaut Wood, 114–16, 118–19, 176 Woollett, Capt HW, 70 Yarwood, Pte J, 61

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