The Archaeology and History of the Flower of Ugie, Wrecked 1852 in the Eastern Solent 9781407308890, 9781407322278

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BAR 551 2011 WHITEWRIGHT & SATCHELL (Eds) THE ARCHAEOLOGY AND HISTORY OF THE FLOWER OF UGIE

B A R Whitewright 551 cover.indd 1

The Hampshire and Wight Trust for Maritime Archaeology   HWTMA Monograph Series No. 1

The Archaeology and History of the Flower of Ugie, Wrecked 1852 in the Eastern Solent Edited by

Julian Whitewright Julie Satchell with contributions by Virginia Dellino-Musgrave, Amanda Bowens, Nigel Nayling, Peter Northover, Duncan Brown, David Dungeworth and Isabel Wilkinson

BAR British Series 551 2011 14/11/2011 18:13:45

The Hampshire and Wight Trust for Maritime Archaeology   HWTMA Monograph Series No. 1

The Archaeology and History of the Flower of Ugie, Wrecked 1852 in the Eastern Solent Edited by

Julian Whitewright Julie Satchell with contributions by Virginia Dellino-Musgrave, Amanda Bowens, Nigel Nayling, Peter Northover, Duncan Brown, David Dungeworth and Isabel Wilkinson

BAR British Series 551 2011

Published in 2016 by BAR Publishing, Oxford BAR British Series 551 HWTMA Monograph Series No. 1 The Archaeology and History of the Flower of Ugie, Wrecked 1852 in the Eastern Solent © The editors and contributors severally and the Publisher 2011 The authors' moral rights under the 1988 UK Copyright, Designs and Patents Act are hereby expressly asserted. All rights reserved. No part of this work may be copied, reproduced, stored, sold, distributed, scanned, saved in any form of digital format or transmitted in any form digitally, without the written permission of the Publisher.

ISBN 9781407308890 paperback ISBN 9781407322278 e-format DOI https://doi.org/10.30861/9781407308890 A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library BAR Publishing is the trading name of British Archaeological Reports (Oxford) Ltd. British Archaeological Reports was first incorporated in 1974 to publish the BAR Series, International and British. In 1992 Hadrian Books Ltd became part of the BAR group. This volume was originally published by Archaeopress in conjunction with British Archaeological Reports (Oxford) Ltd / Hadrian Books Ltd, the Series principal publisher, in 2011. This present volume is published by BAR Publishing, 2016.

BAR PUBLISHING BAR titles are available from: BAR Publishing 122 Banbury Rd, Oxford, OX2 7BP, UK E MAIL [email protected] P HONE +44 (0)1865 310431 F AX +44 (0)1865 316916 www.barpublishing.com

The Hampshire and Wight Trust for Maritime Archaeology would like to acknowledge and thank the following major sponsors and funding bodies who have facilitated our work on the Flower of Ugie between 2004 and 2011.

www.atlas2seas.eu

Supported by the DEFRA Aggregates Levy Sustainability Fund

The Hampshire and Wight Trust for Maritime Archaeology

The Hampshire and Wight Trust for Maritime Archaeology promotes interest, research and knowledge of maritime archaeology and heritage in Great Britain. Its core activities are concentrated in the counties of Hampshire and the Isle of Wight and the adjacent South Coast Areas. HWTMA will: • • • • • • • • • •

Promote maritime archaeological study in accordance with professional and museum codes of conduct and practice. Promote the in situ preservation and management of important archaeological sites in its area of interest. Support local, regional and national initiatives for improvements to the legislation regarding the preservation and management of the maritime archaeological heritage. Promote public awareness, enjoyment and participation in the maritime archaeological heritage. Ensure that maritime archaeology plays an important role in coastal planning, management and policies in the Solent and Wight areas. Carry out maritime archaeological surveys and investigations for incorporation into environmental assessments and similar studies. Compile and maintain a database, and base chart, of all known maritime archaeological sites in the Solent and Wight areas and exchange information with local HER holders and the National Archaeological Record (Maritime Sites). Promote archaeological awareness and competence amongst divers. Support and, where possible, assist in the publication of the results of maritime archaeological investigations, surveys and research undertaken in the Solent, Wight and adjacent South Coast areas. Liaise with other local, regional and national organisations involved in maritime archaeology and related disciplines.

HWTMA Monograph Series

The submerged and inter tidal archaeology of the Solent region reflects human endeavour from Palaeolithic and Mesolithic communities, through millennia of maritime trade, transport and defence. These archaeological remains have been recognised as some of the richest in England, and the need to enhance understanding of them was one of the key drivers behind the formation of the Hampshire & Wight Trust for Maritime Archaeology (HWTMA) in 1991. Since then the HWTMA has delivered a wide range of maritime cultural heritage investigations within the Solent, Wight and South Coast area of the UK, in addition to using expertise gained from work further afield. The HWTMA Monograph Series has been developed to publish the results of a number of Trust projects in addition to being available for the publication of work by other organisations or individuals carried out within the region. This Monograph Series helps to fulfil one of the key objectives of the HWTMA, to ‘Support the publication of the results of maritime archaeological investigations, surveys and research undertaken in the Solent, Wight and adjacent South Coast areas’. The Series will include the results of a broad range of research subjects and projects including underwater or inter tidal sites of any type and period, ship or boat remains related to the area, catalogues of maritime artefacts, research on maritime themes, industries or infrastructure. We are pleased to launch the Monograph Series with the The Archaeology and History of the Flower of Ugie, Wrecked 1852 in the Eastern Solent, a vessel which had a truly international career before ending its sailing days in the Solent. Future planned volumes will feature HWTMA research projects such as intertidal surveys and excavation of an early Medieval logboat from in Langstone Harbour, the shipwreck archaeology of Alum Bay and investigations of the maritime landscape of the Hamble River. Julie Satchell

Contents Acknowledgements

ii



List of Tables

iii



List of Figures

iii



Summary: English, French and Spanish

v-vii



1.

Introduction

1



2.

Project Background and Site Context

3



3.

Archaeological Remains

21



4.

Identification and History of the Flower of Ugie

43



5.

Contextualisation and Interpretation

63



6.

Management and Dissemination

79

7. Conclusion

97



99



Appendix One: Metal compositional analysis

Bibliography

107

Index

111

i

Acknowledgements

During the ALSF funded assessment, analysis and research the HWTMA have received the help and support of a number of individuals and organisations. Particular thanks go to Dr Andrew Bellamy and Nicolas Corne (United Marine Dredging), Ian Whitehead (Keeper of Maritime History, Tyne and Wear Archives and Museums), Graham Thompson (Caird Library, National Maritime Museum) and Dr Maria Luz Endere (Universidad Nacional Olavarria, Argentina).

The Hampshire & Wight Trust for Maritime Archaeology (HWTMA) is a charity which exists to ‘Promote interest, research and knowledge of maritime archaeology and heritage in Great Britain with core activities concentrated in the counties of Hampshire, the Isle of Wight and the adjacent South Coast areas’. The HWTMA runs a programme of research led fieldwork the results of which (such as the subject of this volume) are widely disseminated through innovative education and outreach activities and resources.

The development of a teaching pack based on the ‘Mystery Wreck’ and the identification process has been undertaken through ALSF funding provided through the Marine Environment Protection Fund.

Work on the Flower of Ugie has been made possible due to the generous support of sponsors and volunteers. Assessment, analysis and publication have been funded through DEFRA’s Aggregate Levy Sustainability Fund (ALSF) administered through English Heritage. Prior to the ALSF funding, work on the site between 2004-2008 had been undertaken as part of the HWTMA’s Eastern Solent Marine Archaeological Project (SolMAP). Funding specifically for SolMAP had been provided in some seasons by the BSAC Jubilee Trust and PADI Project AWARE International. Research and monitoring work on the site in 2010 and 2011 has been supported through the HWTMA’s Interreg IVA fund ‘Archaeological Atlas of the 2 Seas’ project. Additional support was provided by HWTMA funders Hampshire County Council, the Heritage Lottery Fund, the Gosling Foundation, Aiken Foundation, D’Oyley Carte Trust, Roger Brookes Charitable Trust, John Coates Charitable Trust and the Charlotte-Bonham Carter Charitable Trust. Further invaluable support has been provided by volunteers and organisations who have provided their time and assistance in kind, without this help the work on the site would not have been possible.

The HWTMA would also like to thank the numerous staff and volunteers who have worked on the site and given up their time over the course of the project. Aggregates Levy Sustainability Fund (ALSF) The UK marine aggregates industry provides 20 per cent of the sand and gravel used in construction projects in the UK and 50 per cent of that used in London. In many cases, the use of marine aggregates is seen as preferable to aggregates extracted from terrestrial sources because of the reduced costs (economic and environmental) associated with transport by sea. Where aggregates are used in coastal defence-works or beach replenishment, they can be delivered directly to where they are required. Dredging activity is controlled by licenses that are administered by The Crown Estate. The majority of licenses are for areas off the southern and eastern coasts of England, with other areas in the Bristol Channel, northern Irish Sea and an inactive area in the Firth of Forth. Licensing conditions are upheld through the GPS based, electronic monitoring of aggregate extraction.

Thanks must be extended to Arthur Mack who initially informed the HWTMA of the discovery of the site, aided its location by coming out on the boat during fieldwork and has continued to support the investigations with his enthusiasm. Support from the Hampshire and Isle of Wight Wildlife Trust, particularly Jolyon Chesworth, Vicky Swales and Angela Gall, has provided information on the ecology of the wreck site.

The Aggregates Levy Sustainability Fund (ALSF) was introduced in April 2002 to provide funds to address a range of problems in areas affected by the extraction of aggregates. These funds include a ring-fenced allocation for marine initiatives within England that is distributed by English Heritage and the Centre for Environment, Fisheries and Aquaculture Science (CEFAS). The latter distribute funding for non-heritage projects through the Marine Environment Protection Fund (MEPF).

Work on the Flower of Ugie has been directed by Julie Satchell who also undertook research and planning prior to the ALSF funding in 2008 and has since acted as a project specialist. Virginia Dellino-Musgrave has provided project management during the ALSF funded work, with Julian Whitewright being the Project Officer who has carried out extensive research and analysis leading to the delivery of this volume. Project specialists have included Brandon Mason (HWTMA), Nigel Nayling (University of Wales), Peter Northover (Department of Materials Science, Oxford University), Justin Dix (University of Southampton), David Dungworth and Duncan Brown (English Heritage) and Victoria Cooper.

The main aim of the English Heritage ALSF programme within England is to reduce the impact of aggregate extraction on the historic environment through the commissioning of research and communication projects. Since its inception, the ALSF has provided funding for a wide range of projects concerned with the protection, management and investigation of maritime cultural heritage. These projects have included; • Wide-ranging investigation into the characterisation of sites likely to be affected by aggregate extraction; • Development of a joint protocol for reporting finds of archaeological interest by employees of the aggregates industry; ii

•

Implementing access and education workshops relating to maritime archaeology and marine aggregates; • Archaeological investigation and monitoring of a specific, threatened shipwreck lying within a licensed aggregate extraction area. Since the initial two year phase (Round One) that began in 2002, the ALSF was extended to a second round lasting

for three further years with a further one year extension. During round three, EH continued to receive £1.5m per annum until 2010/11. The ALSF research programme ceased on 31st March 2011. For more information visit www.english-heritage.org.uk/alsf www.alsf-mepf.org.uk

List of Tables

Table 2.1. Artefacts recovered from the wreck site. Table 2.2. Samples recovered during the survey of the wreck site. Table 2.3. Wave height data in the vicinity of the wreck site. Table 2.4. Storm events in the vicinity of the wreck site. Table 2.5. Species identified during ecological survey of the wreck site. Table 3.1. Dimensions of framing timbers recorded across the western and eastern sections of the wreck site. Table 3.2. Summary of materials submitted for examination (weight in grams). Table 3.3. Summary of vessels of comparative date to the likely building and use period of the wreck. Table 3.4. Comparison of measurements surveyed on the wreck with those given in the 1834 Lloyds Register as being those desired for vessels of 150 and 500 tons. Table 4.1. Summary of known shipwrecks and seabed obstructions located within the 1km study area. Table 4.2. NMR Named Locations and associated number of reported losses lying within the 10km and 1km study areas. Table 4.3. Lloyds Register details of vessels identified as possible candidates for the Mystery Wreck. Table 4.4. The Flower of Ugie as recorded in the Lloyds Register 1838-1852. Table 5.1. Selected passage times between ports for the Flower of Ugie, 1838-1852. Table 6.1. Summary of monitoring point measurements taken between 2009 and 2011. Table 6.2. Site risk assessment for the Flower of Ugie.

List of Figures

Figure 1.1. The location of the wreck of the Flower of Ugie in the Eastern Solent, England. Figure 1.2. HWTMA diver investigating the timbers of the Flower of Ugie. Figure 2.1. The location of the Mystery Wreck/ Flower of Ugie in the Eastern Solent and its relationship to nearby areas licensed for aggregate extraction. Figure 2.2. Archaeological diver undertaking survey and recording work on the western section of the Flower of Ugie. Figure 2.3. Graph illustrating the total dive time spent working on the site during each season of fieldwork. Figure 2.4. Location of timber sampling and monitoring points on the western section of the site. Figure 2.5. Location of timber sampling and monitoring points on the eastern section of the site. Figure 2.6. The underlying geology of the wider Solent Region. Figure 2.7. Seabed bathymetry of the Eastern Solent and Horse and Dean Sand. Figure 2.8. Seismic image illustrating that the present study area is characterised by intersecting cuts and fills. Figure 2.9. The changing shape and movement of Horse Tail Sands based on historical mapping between 1783 and 1974. Figure 2.10. Low resolution side-scan sonar data from the area of the wreck site. Figure 2.11. Bathymetric detail of Aggregate Area 122/2. Figure 2.12. Severe infestation of Teredo, visible on the western section of the wreck site during 2005. Figure 2.13. Gribble infestation on a frame timber in the western section of the wreck. Figure 3.1. Overall site plan of the wreck remains as recorded across six seasons of survey, 20042010. iii

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2 2 5 5 6 10 11 12 13 13 15 16 17 19 19 22

Figure 3.2. Detail of the western section of wooden hull remains. Figure 3.3. Detail of the eastern section of wooden hull remains. Figure 3.4. Planking elements on the western section of the wreck. Figure 3.5. Example of framing elements on the north side of the western section of the wreck. Figure 3.6. Sectional view of frames E3 and E23 in the eastern section of the site. Figure 3.7. Copper/copper-alloy fastening in-situ, on the western section of the wreck, scale increments = 10 cm. Figure 3.8. Sample of metal fastenings, F13= brass, F15= gunmetal, F27=copper, F41= brass. Figure 3.9. Results of timber sampling for wood identification on the western section of the wreck. Figure 3.10. Results of timber sampling for wood identification on the eastern section of the wreck. Figure 3.11. Fragment of hull sheathing F22, scale = 10 cm. Figure 3.12. Samples of partially burnt coal (left) and flowed slag (right) from the western section of the wreck. Figure 3.13. Sugar sifter lid recovered from the eastern section of the wreck. Figure 3.14. Fragment of hand-bell. Figure 3.15. The carronade, now concreted, located on the northern side of the western section of hull remains, scale = 50 cm. Figure 3.16. Diagram of the carronade’s basic dimensions, based on in-situ measurements. Figure 4.1. 1km and 10km study areas defined around the site of the wreck. Figure 4.2. Known shipwrecks and seabed obstruction locations lying within the 10km and 1km study areas. Figure 4.3. Distribution of NMR Named Locations within the 10km study area, the eighteen sites illustrated contain 303 reported losses. Figure 4.4. Distribution of recorded ship losses within the 10km study area. Figure 4.5. Reproduction of the Lloyds Survey Report for the Flower of Ugie, first page. Figure 4.6. Reproduction of Lloyds Survey Report for the Flower of Ugie, reverse page. Figure 4.7. Diagram illustrating the nomenclature used in the Lloyds Survey Report for the Flower of Ugie. Figure 4.8. Sailing routes of the Flower of Ugie during 1838 and 1839. Figure 4.9. Sailing routes of the Flower of Ugie between 1841 and 1844. Figure 4.10. Sailing routes of the Flower of Ugie between 1844 and 1846. Figure 4.11. Sailing routes and destinations of the Flower of Ugie between 1847 and 1850. Figure 4.12. Sailing routes of the Flower of Ugie during 1851 and 1852. Figure 5.1. Description of a barque sailing rig, published by Young in 1846. Figure 5.2. Page from the Lloyds Register for 1840, containing the entry for the Flower of Ugie for that year. Figure 5.3. Diagram illustrating the probable structural location of the seabed remains of the Flower of Ugie. Figure 6.1. Observed progression of changes to hull structure on the western section of the Flower of Ugie. Figure 6.2. Observed progression of changes to hull structure on the eastern section of the Flower of Ugie. Figure 6.3. Monitoring point measurements, 2009-2011 across the western section. Figure 6.4. Comparison of monitoring point measurements across the western section. Figure 6.5. Monitoring point measurements, 2009-2011 across the eastern section. Figure 6.6. Comparison of monitoring point measurements across the eastern section. Figure 6.7. Natural processes degrading the timber remains visible on the wreck site. Figure 6.8. The MEPF funded ‘Mystery Wreck’ teaching pack.

iv

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Summary

Historical records for one of these closely matched the characteristics of the seabed remains in terms of materials, date of construction and sinking, vessel size and general location. That vessel was the Flower of Ugie, a 350 ton sailing barque built in Sunderland in 1838. The identification of the shipwreck allowed further historical investigation to be undertaken to establish the career of the vessel and to provide a broader context for the archaeological remains.

This monograph presents an account of the archaeological and historical investigation of the seabed remains of the Flower of Ugie, a wooden sailing vessel built in Sunderland in 1838 and wrecked in the Eastern Solent, England in 1852. The vessel was discovered in 2003 when a fisherman snagged his nets on the wreck, following initial investigation by the Hampshire and Wight Trust for Maritime Archaeology (HWTMA), on-going survey was conducted on the site between 2004 and 2008. The shipwreck lies within an area that is licensed for aggregate extraction, placing the remains under potential threat from such activity. Liaison with the dredging company (Tarmac Marine Dredging Limited) led to the establishment of a voluntary dredging exclusion zone around the site. At that time the identification of the wreck was unknown and the vessel was referred to as the ‘Mystery Wreck’.

The Flower of Ugie spent the period between 1838 and 1846 engaged in trade with the Indian Ocean. This included a voyage to China at the time (1842) of the First Opium War between Britain and China. A period of return voyages between Madras and Mauritius coincides with a sustained period of transport of indentured labour from India to Mauritius in 1843/4. The vessel was sold to new owners in 1846 and was then used on a variety of northern hemisphere routes including the Mediterranean, Baltic and North Atlantic. The final voyage of the Flower of Ugie ended on 27th December 1852 while carrying a cargo of coal to Cartagena in Spain. The history of the vessel provides a relatively unique insight into the part played by such vessels in the expansion of British colonial activity in the 19th century. Additionally the vessel also allows detailed analysis of the shipbuilding technology utilised in Britain at this time. Both of these themes are given further strength through comparison with contemporary documented archaeological remains of other surviving wooden sailing vessels from the same period.

The location of the site within an aggregate extraction area also facilitated opportunities for further, detailed study of the site. In 2008, funding was received through the Aggregate Levy Sustainability Fund (ALSF), distributed through English Heritage (EH), to conduct additional archaeological work on the site. The aim of this work was to complete the archaeological survey of the site and to establish the identification of the vessel through detailed research into its material characteristics. Survey work was completed between 2009 and 2010 and samples of the wooden structure and metal fastenings were recovered to enable material/compositional analysis. Further monitoring survey in 2011 was made possible through the Interreg IVA funded Archaeological Atlas of the 2 Seas Project.

Since the completion of the survey and analysis of the vessel, HWTMA has continued to monitor the site. This has been done through repeat diver observation in conjunction with the installation of monitoring points to provide an indication of alterations to the seabed sediment across the site. Reduction in sediment levels leads to the exposure of more timbers, these are subsequently degraded by the combined effects of physical erosion and attack by marine organisms, most notably Shipworm (Teredo navalis) and Gribble (Limnoria).

The shipwreck lies in three main parts comprising two large sections of hull remains, with a dispersed area of broken, mainly concreted iron elements in between. The vessel is primarily constructed from oak, ebony and elm. It is carvel built, with iron reinforcement in many areas of the hull being used instead of wooden knees. The ship was fastened with a mixture of wooden treenails, copper bolts and yellow-metal (brass) bolts. At the time of sinking, the exterior of the hull was sheathed in yellowmetal. It was not possible to date the vessel through dendrochronology, but comparative analysis of the metal fastenings allowed a provisional date of c. 1820-1850 to be assigned. A provisional tonnage of 350 old tons was suggested. There are few artefacts from either the vessel’s cargo or on-board items surviving.

Finally, the monograph describes the ways in which HWTMA have disseminated the archaeological information contained in the wreck site to the general public through non-academic means. The main element of this has been a teaching pack that enables secondary school teachers to use the archaeological and historical investigation of the shipwreck to enhance their teaching programs. This has the added effect of raising the awareness of the important, yet fragile nature of the UK’s underwater cultural heritage with future generations.

Comparison with the historical record of shipwreck remains in the area identified five vessels (out of 303 potential wrecking incidents) as possible candidates.

v

Résumé

historiques d’un de ces vaisseaux correspondaient aux caractéristiques des vestiges trouvés en termes de matériaux, de date de construction et de la façon dont le vaisseau avait coulé, de sa taille et de son emplacement global. Ce vaisseau était le Flower of Ugie, une barque à voile de 350 tonnes construite à Sunderland en 1838. L’identification de l’épave a permis de faire des recherches historiques supplémentaires afin d’établir la carrière du vaisseau et d’avoir un contexte plus vaste pour les vestiges archéologiques.

Cette monographie présente un compte rendu des fouilles archéologiques et des recherches historiques effectuées sur l’épave submergée du Flower of Ugie, un voilier en bois construit à Sunderland en 1838 et naufragé dans la partie est du Solent, en Angleterre en 1852.Le vaisseau a été découvert en 2003 lorsqu’un pêcheur a pris ses filets dans l’épave, suite à une première investigation par le Hampshire and Wight Trust for Maritime Archeology (HWTMA), des études constantes ont été effectuées sur le site entre 2004 et 2008. L’épave est située dans une zone patentée pour l’extraction de granulats, ces activités représentent une menace potentielle pour cette dernière. Des discussions avec l’entreprise de dragage (Tarmac Marine dredging Limited) ont mené à l’établissement d’une zone d’exclusion volontaire de dragage tout autour du site. A ce stade, l’identité de l’épave demeurait inconnue et le vaisseau était appelé « l’Epave Mystère ».

Le Flower of Ugie a passé la période entre 1838 et 1846 à faire du commerce dans l’Océan Indien. Y compris un voyage en Chine (1842) à l’époque de la Première Guerre de l’Opium qui opposa la Grande Bretagne et la Chine. Une période d’aller-retour entre Madras et l’Ile Maurice coïncide avec une période soutenue de transport de main d’œuvre d’apprentissage des Indes à l’Ile Maurice en 1843/4. Le navire a été vendu à de nouveaux propriétaires en 1846 puis a été utilisé sur diverses lignes de l’hémisphère nord y compris en Méditerranée, en Mer Baltique et en Atlantique Nord. Le dernier voyage du Flower of Ugie s’est terminé le 27 décembre 1852 alors qu’il transportait une cargaison de charbon à destination de Carthagène en Espagne. L’histoire du vaisseau offre un aperçu unique du rôle joué par ces navires dans l’expansion de l’activité coloniale britannique au cours au 19e siècle. De plus, le vaisseau permet également une analyse détaillée de la technologie de la construction navale utilisée en Grande Bretagne à cette époque. Ces deux thèmes sont d’autant plus renforcés par la comparaison des vestiges archéologiques des autres vaisseaux de bois de la même période qui ont survécu.

L’emplacement du site dans une zone d’extraction des agrégats à également facilité les opportunités d’étudier de manière plus détaillée le site. En 2008, un financement a été obtenu par le biais de l’Aggragate Levy Sustainability Fund (ALSF), distribué par le biais de English Heritage (EH), afin de mener un travail archéologique sur le site. L’objectif de ce travail était d’effectuer une étude archéologique du site et d’établir l’identité du vaisseau grâce à des recherches détaillées sur ses caractéristiques matérielles. Le travail d’étude a été effectué entre 2009 et 2010 et des échantillons de la charpente en bois et des attaches métalliques ont été récupérés afin de permettre une analyse des matériaux et des composants. En 2011, une étude de monitoring supplémentaire a été rendue possible grâce au Projet d’Atlas Archéologique des 2 Mers du Programme Interreg IVA des 2 Mers du Fond de Développement Régional Européen.

Depuis que l’étude et l’analyse du vaisseau ont été terminées, le HWTMA a continué à surveiller le site. Ceci à été fait par des plongées d’observation répétées en conjonction avec la mise en place de points de surveillance qui permettent de donner des indications sur les changements des sédiments des fonds marins sur tout le site. La réduction des niveaux des sédiments entraîne une exposition d’une plus grande partie du bois, qui est à son tour dégradé par les effets combinés de l’érosion physique et par l’attaque des organismes marins, et notamment les vers à bois (Teredo navalis) et les crustacées xylophages marins (Limnoria).

L’épave est composée de trois parties principales dont deux grandes sections des restes de la coque, et une zone d’éléments de fer bétonné cassés et dispersés entre les deux. Le vaisseau est essentiellement en chêne, en ébène et en orme. Sa coque a été construite comme une coque de caravelle, renforcée dans de nombreux endroits par des arcs en fer plutôt qu’en bois. Les armatures du bateau sont un mélange de chevilles de bois, de boulons de cuivre et de boulons de métal jaune (laiton). A l’époque où le bateau a coulé, l’extérieur de la coque était gainé de métal jaune. Il n’a pas été possible de faire la datation du vaisseau par dendrochronologie, mais des analyses comparatives des attaches de métal ont permis d’attribuer une date provisoire aux alentours de 1820-1850. Un tonnage provisionnel de 350 tonnes anciennes a été suggéré. Seules quelques reliques de la cargaison du vaisseau ou d’objets se trouvant à bord ont survécu.

Finalement, cette monographie décrit la façon dont le HWTMA a disséminé les informations archéologiques contenues dans le site de l’épave au grand public par le biais de moyens non-académiques. L’élément principal est un « pack éducatif » qui permet aux enseignants du secondaire d’utiliser les recherches archéologiques et historiques de l’épave pour améliorer leurs programmes d’enseignement. Ceci a la valeur ajoutée de faire prendre conscience de la nature importante, et au demeurant fragile du patrimoine culturel sous-marin du Royaume Uni pour les générations futures.

La comparaison des témoignages historiques des vestiges de naufrages dans la région a permis d’identifier cinq vaisseaux (parmi les 303 incidents de naufrages potentiels) comme étant des candidats possibles. Les témoignages vi

Resumen

total de 303 eventos de naufragios). Los registros históricos de uno de estos pecios posee características muy similares a los restos del naufragio en cuestión, en términos de materiales utilizados, fecha de construcción y naufragio, tamaño del pecio y ubicación general. Este pecio era el Flower of Ugie, una barca de navegación de 350 toneladas, construida en Sunderland en 1838. La identificación del naufragio permitió una detallada investigación histórica que contribuyó a establecer la trayectoria del pecio durante su carrera y proporcionó un contexto histórico más amplio para la interpretación de los restos arqueológicos.

Este libro presenta una reseña de la investigación arqueológica e histórica de los restos del naufragio Flower of Ugie, un barco de madera, construido en Sunderland en 1838, que naufragó en el estrecho este del Solent (Inglaterra) en 1852. El naufragio fue descubierto en 2003, cuando las redes de un pescador quedaron atrapadas en el pecio. El Hampshire and Wight Trust for Maritime Archaeology (HWTMA) realizó la investigación inicial y los subsecuentes relevamientos del sitio durante los años 2004 y 2008. El naufragio se encuentra dentro de un área que está autorizada para la extracción de agregados y, por consiguiente, los restos del pecio se encuentran bajo la amenaza potencial que pueda originar dicha actividad. Gracias a gestiones efectuadas con la empresa de dragado (Tarmac Marine Dredging Limited), se creó una zona de exclusión voluntaria de dragado en todo el sitio. En ese momento, la identificación de los restos del naufragio era desconocida, refiriéndose al pecio como el ‘Mystery Wreck’.

Entre 1838 y 1846, la Flower of Ugie estuvo dedicada al comercio a través del Océano Indico, incluyendo un viaje a China (1842) durante la Primera Guerra del Opio, entre Gran Bretaña y China. Además, un período de viajes regulares entre Madrás y Mauritius coincide con el período de transporte de mano de obra contratada desde India a Mauritius entre 1843 y 1844. El pecio fue vendido a nuevos propietarios en 1846 y utilizado en una variedad de rutas a través del hemisferio norte incluyendo el Mediterráneo, el Báltico, y el Atlántico del Norte. El último viaje de la Flower of Ugie concluyó en 27 de diciembre de 1852, mientras transportaba un cargamento de carbón hacia Cartagena, en España. La historia del pecio ofrece una visión relativamente única acerca del papel desempeñado por pecios similares en la expansión de la actividad colonial británica en el siglo XIX. Además, este pecio permitió efectuar un análisis detallado de la tecnología empleada en la construcción naval en Gran Bretaña en esa época. Este conocimiento se enriqueció a través de la comparación con restos arqueológicos de otros pecios de madera contemporáneos que han sobrevivido y que corresponden al mismo período.

La ubicación del sitio dentro de un área de extracción de agregados ofreció más oportunidades para el estudio detallado del naufragio. En 2008, la financiación recibida a través del Aggregate Levy Sustainability Fund (ALSF) y distribuida a través de English Heritage (EH), facilitó la realización de trabajos arqueológicos adicionales en el sitio. Los objetivos principales de este estudio se centraron en completar el relevamiento arqueológico y establecer la identidad del naufragio a través de una investigación detallada de sus características materiales. El trabajo de relevamiento se realizó entre 2009 y 2010. Durante el mismo, fueron extraídas muestras de la estructura de madera y pernos de metal para permitir el análisis del material recuperado y su composición. En el año 2011, otro relevamiento del sitio fue posible a través del proyecto arqueológico European Regional Development Fund Interreg IVA 2 Seas Program Archaeological Atlas of the 2 Seas.

Desde la finalización del relevamiento y el análisis del pecio, el HWTMA ha continuado el monitoreo del sitio a través de la observación efectuada por buceos continuos y con la instalación de puntos de control en el lecho marino. Ello permite proporcionar información acerca de las alteraciones del sedimento producidas. La reducción de los niveles de sedimentos en el sitio lleva a la exposición de las cuadernas, que posteriormente son degradadas por los efectos combinados de la erosión física y el ataque de organismos marinos, sobre todo de teredos (Teredo navalis) y otros moluscos perforantes (Limnoria).

El naufragio se encuentra dividido en tres partes principales: la dos grandes secciones del casco y, entre medio de estas, un área de dispersión de elementos fragmentados que está compuesta, principalmente, por concreciones de hierro. El pecio está construido principalmente en roble, ébano y madera de olmo. Se trata una construcción de tipo carabela (caravel built) con refuerzos de hierro -en vez de madera- en varias zonas del casco. El casco de madera estaba unido con una mezcla de cabillas de madera, pernos de cobre y pernos de metal amarillo (bronce). Al momento de su naufragio, el exterior del casco estaba forrado con metal amarillo. No fue posible datar la embarcación a través de la dendrocronología, pero el análisis comparativo de los pernos de metal ofreció una fecha provisional de c. 1820-1850. También se sugirió un tonelaje aproximado de 350 toneladas. Los artefactos referidos a la carga del pecio u otros elementos a bordo del mismo son muy escasos.

Por último, en ese volumen se describen las distintas formas en que el HWTMA ha difundido la información arqueológica extraída del sitio al público en general, a través de medios no académicos. El elemento principal de esta actividad ha sido el desarrollo de un paquete educativo para los educadores. Este paquete educativo les ha ofrecido herramientas que permiten utilizar la investigación arqueológica e histórica del naufragio para enriquecer los programas de enseñanza secundaria. A su vez, el impacto positivo de estas actividades ha contribuido a incrementar la conciencia en las generaciones presentes y futuras acerca de la importancia, así como de la naturaleza finita y frágil del patrimonio cultural subacuático del Reino Unido.

La comparación con los registros históricos de restos de naufragios en la zona permitió la identificación de cinco pecios susceptibles de corresponderse con el hallado (de un vii

viii

1 Introduction

The identification of the Flower of Ugie allows this account to begin in earnest. Flower was launched in July 1838 by a father and son, Luke and John Crown, from the banks of the River Wear in Sunderland. The vessel then spent fourteen years sailing thousands of miles, to destinations as far flung as Calcutta, Alexandria, Singapore and New York. Flower eventually came to rest on the bottom of the Solent in December 1852, following a dramatic twentyfour hour battle to save the ship after it was caught in the severest winter storm for a generation. The full process of identifying the vessel and its accompanying biography are included in Chapter Four.

This monograph presents an account of the archaeological and historical investigation of a wooden shipwreck located in the Eastern Solent, England (Figure 1.1). Like comparative work, undertaken in the waters of the United Kingdom and around the world, such an account does not begin with the design, construction, use or even the sinking of the vessel in question. Instead, it begins with the discovery of the vessel. For it is here that the present volume really begins; with an unexpected snagging of nets by a Solent fisherman in 2003. The nature of that incident, in an area of seabed without a known underwater obstruction led to the involvement of the Hampshire and Wight Trust for Maritime Archaeology. Investigation of the seafloor by archaeological divers (Figure 1.2) revealed a previously unknown wooden shipwreck. As archaeological survey and investigation got underway, the unidentified shipwreck became known as the ‘Mystery Wreck’.

While such a story might seem exotic and interesting enough by itself, the story of the Flower of Ugie is far more than just the biography of a mid-19th century British sailing ship. Although Luke Crown probably did not realise as much in 1838, he was launching a design of ship that would soon be viewed as old-fashioned. In the decades that followed, approaches to building large sailing ships were fundamentally altered. Iron replaced wood, vessels were built to an increasingly large size and achieved speeds and passage times previously undreamt of. This development took place against a backdrop of rapid expansion in trade routes and levels of connectivity that soon encircled the globe.

Further complication and potential threat to the vessel arose from its location within a licensed aggregate extraction area. However, liaison with United Marine Dredging1 allowed the establishment of a dredging exclusion zone around the wreck in order to safeguard it. Ironically, the precarious location of the vessel provided the key to funding for further investigation, monitoring and research. The environmental context of the shipwreck and the development of the project, the most recent phases being facilitated by the Aggregate Levy Sustainability Fund (ALSF), are set out in Chapter Two. Funding through the ALSF allowed the characterisation of the shipwreck via detailed seabed investigation of the site by diving archaeologists, in conjunction with specialist analysis of raised material. The results of this process and discussion concerning comparable archaeological material are provided in Chapter Three. This archaeological characterisation of the shipwreck in turn allowed historical research to be utilised to establish an identification, leading to the Mystery Wreck receiving its original name; the Flower of Ugie.

It is easy, with the benefit of hindsight and the historical record, to trace these changes over the long-term. What is far harder, is to place the Flower of Ugie into its fuller context; not simply as another statistical element in the astonishingly detailed historical record of 19th century British shipping. Nor even as part of the developmental sequence that culminated in the last great age of sail epitomised by the famous clipper ships of the late 19th century and trans-oceanic grain-races of the early 20th century. It must also be considered that when the Flower of Ugie was launched, its builders would likely have considered the vessel to epitomise their technological art. To the town of Sunderland, which by the late 1830s had become one of the biggest shipbuilding centres in the world, the Flower of Ugie would have provided further, on-going confirmation, of its newfound importance in Britain’s maritime affairs. All of these issues are

1. In 2008, United Marine Holdings (UMH), the company which included United Marine Aggregates (UMA) and United Marine Dredging (UMD) became wholly owned by Tarmac Limited. UMA was integrated into the Tarmac business during 2008 and from 1st January 2010 UMD changed its name to Tarmac Marine Dredging Limited, completing the transition.

1

The Flower of Ugie Figure 1.1. The location of the wreck of the Flower of Ugie in the Eastern Solent, England.

Figure 1.2. HWTMA diver investigating the timbers of the Flower of Ugie.

discussed in Chapter Five. Finally, the contextualisation of the vessel can be taken full-circle and viewed as representative of our modern concerns relating to the future provision for Britain’s Underwater Cultural Heritage and its relationship to the continued, economic exploitation of the seas around Britain. Consequently, Chapter Six provides an account of the vessel aimed at understanding the on-going site formation processes

and threats as well as its archaeological significance and methods of disseminating the project to the public. The following monograph attempts to outline and explore all of the themes highlighted above, while maintaining a narrative that continually revolves around and returns to, the archaeological and historical investigation of the Flower of Ugie, wrecked 1852, in the Eastern Solent. 2

2 Project Background and Site Context

Chapter Two provides the background contextualisation to the site of the Flower of Ugie, much of which is the result of the Desk-Based Assessment that comprised the initial phase of ALSF funding. This chapter outlines the history of investigation into the site, the approaches and methodology undertaken by the current project and the environmental context in which the wreck is located.

the Mystery Wreck could be undertaken on slack water with other less tidal sites located further into Hayling Bay being dived at other times. The 2004 diving season established the presence of two substantial sections of wooden wreckage lying around 23 m apart, with other scattered remains in the area between them. Divers sketched the site, took photographs and video footage and recovered a number of artefacts for dating and identification. A network of survey datums was established on the western section of wreckage which were used to create a survey of the wooden remains and associated carronade. Following that season’s work a review of the position of the site revealed it was located within licensed dredging area 122/2 operated by UMD, a division of Tarmac Limited. Contact with the company lead to an exclusion zone being placed around the site. Although the site is in a licensed dredging area (Figure 2.1), it is not in an area that is actively dredged.

2.1. History of investigations (Julie Satchell) Work on the wreck of the Flower of Ugie, referred to until identification as the Mystery Wreck, began as part of the HWTMA’s Eastern Solent Marine Archaeology Project (SolMAP) in 2004. The previous season in 2003 had been the first time SolMAP had concentrated in the Eastern Solent, with work that year focused on HMS Impregnable (sunk in 1799) which lies in Hayling Bay, and searches for other sites and anomalies. The rich wreck resource in the Eastern Solent provides many potential sites to be investigated, these include known wrecks that are yet to be recorded archaeologically, as well as identified anomalies that may prove to represent further sites. Within this context it is not surprising that new sites are still being discovered. One such discovery was the Flower site.

Diving in 2005 was limited due to poor weather, however, survey was able to continue on the western section of wreckage and datum points were established on the eastern section. Survey of the eastern section advanced significantly in 2006, along with photography and videography of the full site and survey of the features lying between the two sections of wreckage. Further artefacts were raised during both 2005 and 2006 if they were at risk of immediate loss or could add to dating evidence.

Late in 2003, archaeological enthusiast and HWTMA Member Arthur Mack, reported that a fisherman had snagged his nets on a previously unidentified obstruction lying just off Horse Tail Sands. This report lead to the site becoming the main focus during SolMAP 2004. Working via positional information from transits, an exploratory dive that had been undertaken by John Bingeman and having Arthur Mack on the dive boat, the team located a substantial area of wooden wreckage that later work would demonstrate to be the western section of the site.

Particularly unseasonal weather in 2007 lead to SolMAP being cancelled. Work on the Mystery Wreck site continued in 2008 with the survey of the eastern section and scattered central remains. The dive team was joined by Nigel Nayling who undertook an assessment of the structure to prioritise the initial collection of timber samples for identification and dendrochronological analysis. During both 2006 and 2008 divers from the Hampshire and Isle of Wight Wildlife Trust joined the archaeological team to review the ecology of the site, which has provided information on the habitat provided by the wreck and the species present.

Lying in 12 m of water, the site is subject to tidal conditions, meaning most productive work had to be planned around slack water which provided working windows of around three hours on a neap tide. This situation worked well within the SolMAP project as it meant that diving on 3

The Flower of Ugie

2.2. Project Approach

Following the 2008 season, outline plans of the ship structure visible on the seabed had been produced, although there was some further work required to complete the eastern section. The work undertaken during the four diving seasons, over five years, had demonstrated that changes were occurring with some structure being lost between seasons and further areas becoming uncovered due to sediment changes. Recognition that the site may be under threat from human and natural agency and the need for further analysis and research to identify the vessel and determine its significance lead to the formulation of an application for funding from the ALSF distributed via English Heritage.

(Julie Satchell) The work undertaken on the wreck site over seven years of investigation has been summarised above. This program of work began with the chance discovery of the site and was added to, incrementally, between 2004 and 2008 subject to available funding. The additional input of ALSF funding has enabled work on the site to be rapidly enhanced and extended. Work has focused on the following key objectives: • Determine extent of site • Characterise remains • Assess site stability • Understand nature of vessel remains

The site clearly fitted with the funding priorities for the ALSF, lying directly within an aggregates licence area, hence at threat from the impact of dredging activity. The site also falls outside of normal mineral operators obligations through planning conditions as the licence predates the establishment of Environmental Impact Assessment Regulations. In terms of more specific priorities for cultural heritage a key objective was the ‘identification and characterisation of the historic environment within existing areas of aggregate extraction’, which further work on the wreck would directly contribute to. Added value was provided through the work that had already been undertaken by HWTMA and the availability of geophysical survey data from Tarmac Marine Dredging (formerly United Marine Aggregates, see Chapter 1, footnote 1). Identification, characterisation and monitoring of the wreck site would enable a review of its significance and development of future mitigation measures.

These were designed to gather data to enable the significance of the site to be determined and enable the most appropriate management responses. The research focused nature of this work has enabled a range of other objectives to be embedded within the program, particularly education and outreach. Since its formation in 1991 the HWTMA has included volunteers, students and work placements within diving projects in addition to utilising results within a range of activities and resources designed at dissemination to a wide audience. Section 6.6 presents a review of the dissemination elements specifically related to the Flower. The inclusion of students and volunteers during the diving fieldwork provided opportunities to work alongside the professional team. This enabled participants to gain ‘hands-on’ experience of a range of survey techniques in addition to developing understanding of ship technology and construction.

ALSF funded work began in late 2008 when a desk based assessment was undertaken, utilising the current site archive in addition to gathering a wide range of historic and environmental data related to the site and the surrounding area. This work was further enhanced through specialist assessment of wood samples and metal artefacts. The results were used to prioritise work for the 2009 diving season, which included survey to complete work on the eastern section and central area, further timber and artefact sampling, and the establishment of monitoring points on site. Training, education and outreach were also included through student involvement in the diving fieldwork, project leaflets and attendance at variety of public events to present information on the site, archaeological work and the aggregate industry.

2.3 Methodology (Julie Satchell) This section provides detail of the project methods related to survey and sampling. Where work undertaken followed familiar maritime archaeological diving survey techniques, a summary has been provided with reference to where further details can be found in available sources. If elements of work on the Flower site were very specific to the wreck or innovative in approach then further detail is provided. Methods relating to research and analysis are included within the relevant sections. 2.3.1. Diving All diving was undertaken using Self Contained Underwater Breathing Apparatus (SCUBA). The diving teams consisted of a core professional team working within the Health and Safety Executive (HSE) Scientific and Archaeological Approved Code of Practice. Operating alongside the HSE divers, but not forming part of the core team were volunteer divers.

Research and analysis work in 2010 has involved further specialist review of artefacts and documentary research at a range of archives. Diving was also undertaken on the site in 2010 and 2011 to measure monitoring points and take additional photographs and measurements. This publication is the culmination of work over the past seven years. 4

Background and Site Context Figure 2.1 The location of the Mystery Wreck/ Flower of Ugie in the Eastern Solent and its relationship to nearby areas licensed for aggregate extraction.

Figure 2.2 Archaeological diver undertaking survey and recording work on the western section of the Flower of Ugie. 5

The Flower of Ugie Figure 2.3. Graph illustrating the total dive time spent working on the site during each season of fieldwork.

Dive time on site (hours) 70.00 60.00 50.00 40.00 30.00 20.00 10.00 0.00 2004

2005

2006

2007

2008

As the site is subject to tidal influence diving took place during slack water, which provided a working window of around three hours depending on the proximity to neap tides. The maximum depth of the site is 12 metres at high tide. Visibility encountered on the site varied between 0.5m and 3m (Figure 2.2).

2009

2010

2011

On the western section the linear nature of the remains, with a maximum width of only 5 m meant that a single baseline was established down the centre of the wreckage. Datum points were established every 5 m along this line which allowed sections of baseline to be re-established by diver pairs who often worked either side of the line recording the remains. The eastern section was slightly wider than the western section which meant installing additional datum points, based on a longitudinal lay out.

Between 2004 and 2011, 233 hours of dive time were spent on site (Figure 2.3). Each of the diving seasons were based around a five day planned project. The difference in time on site between each season often depended on the priorities for a particular SolMAP project and the weather encountered. 2004 and 2009 represented particularly intensive periods of work, with 2010/11 acting as monitoring years as well as gathering limited data for research requirements.

The central area required a different survey approach due to the scattered nature of the material and the relatively large area over which it stretched; approximately 30 x 30m. Diver searches established datum tags on structure, fixtures and fittings. These were then measured in to established datum points on both the eastern and western sections of structure. Trilateration was used both between the individual features and the wreckage to enable the individual pieces to be fixed within the plan (Bowens 2009: 127-132). Further recording of the structure was undertaken each season using both photography and video.

2.3.2. Survey and Recording Once the extent of the Flower site had been established as comprising a western section of hull remains, a second (eastern) section and a central area of scattered remains of concreted iron elements and some wooden remains, a recording strategy was formulated to most effectively survey these substantial areas. To aid diver’s movement between the two main structural areas a rope line was established at the start of the diving week which remained in place until the final dive.

The establishment of plans for both sections of wreckage allowed comparison of the remains between seasons. Any changes either through loss of elements or additional structure visible, were recorded directly onto the plans. Additional survey could be continued through the established datum network (some of which required replacement tags between seasons).

Both the western and eastern sections represented coherent parts of the ships hull. This meant that the most effective recording was by establishing longitudinal base lines in addition to a range of datum points. All datum points were formed of a copper nail driven directly into the structure. This was identified by a bright yellow plastic tag with a unique identifier. The baselines were then used for both offset measurements and planning frame survey of the remains at a scale of 1:20 (further details of basic survey can be found in Bowens 2009: Chapter 14).

The level of detail recorded of each timber element was influenced by the conditions on site; some years experiencing large amounts of weed, others low visibility. With the outline of timbers recorded, later seasons concentrated on gathering detail of the position and type of fastenings on each section. To aid the resolution of site plans from previous seasons in 2009, a more extensive program of timber tagging was undertaken with many of 6

Background and Site Context Year

#

Material

Dimensions (mm) (Lx B x W)

Description/Notes

2004

1

Copper

205, Ø=18

Copper pin/bolt, rounded tip, beaten head.

2004

2

Copper

72, Ø=6; 50, Ø=9

Two copper nails

2004

3

Ceramic

32x18x3

Rim sherd, very flat, white fabric, glazed

2004

4

Copper

110, Ø=15

Copper bolt, heavily eroded

2004

5

Ceramic

74x44x19

Base sherd, dark grey/light grey patina.

2004

6

Copper

80x25

Small strip of copper sheathing

2004

7

Copper

275, Ø=17

Copper pin/bolt, rounded tip, beaten head.

2004

8

Copper

317, Ø=30

Copper pin/bolt, possibly muntz-metal.

2004

9

Copper

500x80

Copper sheet, folded over & thin, possible rim for an item.

2004

10

Copper

93x8x8

Copper nail, square shaft, blunt end, flat head.

2004

11

Copper

92x8x8

Bent copper nail, square shaft, head broken off, tapered.

2005

12

Copper

95x35x0.5

Copper sheathing.

2005

13

Copper

300, Ø=25-12

Copper bolt.

2005

14

Bronze

260, Ø=22

Bronze clench bolt.

2005

15

Copper

74x10x10

Bronze nail.

2005

16

Copper

26x4x4

Small nail.

2006

17

Copper

72x10x9

Copper nail with eroded head.

2006

18

Copper

29, Ø=10

Straight copper nail, square head, broken shaft.

2006

19

Coal

60x55

Large block of coal.

2006

20

Copper

697, Ø=30

Keel bolt, broken.

2006

21

Copper

118, Ø=20

Keel bolt, broken.

2006

22

Copper

90x50x0.5

Thin section of copper sheathing.

2006

23

Copper

80x45x15

Gas Ring? Twisted copper, screwbolt in centre.

2006

24

Copper

95x35

Copper sheathing.

2006

25

Copper

75x5x45

Rim of handBell.

2009

26

Ballast

 

Possible ballast.

2009

27

Copper

140, Ø = 10

Copper pin.

2009

28

Copper

50, Ø = 10

Fragment of copper pin.

2009

29

Slag/Coke

 

Six pieces of slag/coke.

2009

30

Ceramic

 

Rim sherd, pale red fabric and black surface.

2009

31

Ceramic

 

Small piece of body sherd, white fabric, c.f. F35.

2009

32

Slag/Coke

 

Large piece of black/grey coke/slap + 3 smaller pieces.

2009

33

Silver/Pewter

height 45, Ø=38

Possible Sugar shaker top.

2009

34

Ceramic

55x50x18

Tile/body sherd, glazed surface.

2009

35

Ceramic

35x21x2

Body-sherd, thin-walled, fine white fabric, clear glaze.

2009

36

Iron

80x60x35

Iron concretion, ovoid in section, concave sides.

2009

37

Stone

60x60x43

Fragment of dressed stone.

2009

38

Brick

60x40x30

Heavily degraded fragment of brick.

2009

39

Wood

280x25x20

Fragment, pierced with copper nails (35-40mm).

2009

40

Copper

265, Ø=13

Copper bolt, sharp end. Snapped off.

2009

41

Copper

200, Ø=15-20, Head Ø=36

Copper bolt, head end, snapped off.

Table 2.1. Artefacts recovered from the wreck site, descriptions given in the table correspond to those descriptions given at the time of recovery. In some cases this has subsequently changed following labratory inspection. 7

The Flower of Ugie the frames receiving individual numbers. The additional tags also aided the location of samples and artefacts.

number of rings appeared to be present. No absolute dendrochronological dates were produced from the ring-width series derived from oak tree-ring samples. Smaller samples were also recovered from selected timbers which appeared to be derived from non-oak tree species. The locations of samples were marked on interim site plans and sample record sheets completed for each sample. Non-oak timbers were identified as elm, larch/spruce and ebony.

The hull remains are relatively flat to the seabed, with the eastern end having a greater curve than the western end. To gain information on the curve of the structure, transverse profiles were recorded using offsets from a horizontal baseline established above the structure. 2.3.3. Sampling and Artefact Recovery During the course of the survey seasons a number of artefacts were raised from the site to aid identification and/or if they were loose and at imminent risk of loss. The position of artefacts was recorded prior to recovery. Over the course of the diving seasons forty-one artefacts were recovered (Table 2.1). These were predominantly copper and copper-alloy fixtures and fittings, with a number of other shipboard items and coal/coke thought to be cargo. This latter material was discovered in both larger blocks (which were recovered as artefacts) and areas of smaller pieces (recovered as samples), much of which was lodged between timber elements of the vessel and had to be disturbed to enable timber sampling.

Prior to measurement, the dendrochronology samples were cleaned with razor blades to expose the fullest ring sequence. Those samples which retained sufficient rings for analysis (i.e. a minimum of 50 rings) were then measured. In the case of slice samples which comprised half or more of the complete cross-section of the parent tree, two radii were usually measured. The complete sequences of growth rings in the samples that were selected for dating purposes were measured to an accuracy of 0.01mm using a micro-computer based travelling stage (Tyers 2004). Cross-correlation algorithms (Baillie and Pilcher 1973; Munro 1984) were employed to search for positions where the ring sequences were highly correlated. The ring sequences were plotted electronically and exported to a computer graphics software package (Adobe Illustrator CS3) to enable visual comparisons to be made between sequences.

Metal Compositional Analysis Methodology (Peter Northover) Samples from each artefact were hot-mounted in a carbon-filled thermosetting resin before being ground and polished to a 1 mm diamond finish. Analysis was by electron probe microanalysis with wavelength dispersive spectrometry; operating conditions were an accelerating voltage of 20kV, a beam current of 30nA, and an X-ray take-off angle of 40°. Seventeen elements were analysed, count times were 20s per element and pure element and mineral standards were used. Detection limits are typically 100-200ppm.

Thin sections of the transverse, radial, and tangential faces of non-oak wood samples were mounted on glass slides and examined microscopically. Anatomical features were compared with wood anatomy atlases (Schweingruber, 1978), reference collections and electronic databases (Brazier and Franklin 1961, IAWA Committee 1989, Richter and Dallwitz 2000). A substantial proportion of the wood samples taken exhibited common anatomical features suggestive of a single non-native hardwood. Two samples from this group were sent to Peter Gasson at the Jodrell Laboratory, Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew for comparison with the extensive reference collection held at Kew.

Between five and ten areas, each 30 x 50 mm were analysed on each sample. After analysis the samples were examined metallographically in both ‘as-polished’ and ‘etched’ states. The etch used was an acidified aqueous solution of ferric chloride, further diluted with ethanol for the copper and copper alloys. A 2% solution of nitric acid in ethanol was used for the pewter lid of the sugar sifter.

2.3.4. Project Archiving The project archive will be deposited with Hampshire Museums Service. Selected suitable artefacts will be used as part of a dissemination handling collection, the remaining artefact will also be deposited with Hampshire Museums Service. Digital records and archives have been deposited with the Archaeological Data Service.

Timber Analysis and Dendrochronology Methodology (Nigel Nayling) The timber assessment and sampling of the vessel took place during 2008 and 2009 by Nigel Nayling. Fifty-seven samples were taken from around both sections of the hull remains (Table 2.2) and the position of each timber sample is shown in Figure 2.4 and 2.5. Each sample was selected, tagged and surveyed prior to being removed using a hand saw. In a number of instances, loose or displaced parts of framing timbers were recovered entire for subsequent sub sampling. In all cases samples for dendrochronological analysis were only taken where the timber appeared to be oak and a sufficient

2.3.5. Monitoring Between 2004 and 2008 the continual degradation of the timber remains and ongoing exposure of new timbers was recorded. In order to gain a more precise understanding of the sediment levels and movement around the remains monitoring points were installed in 2009. A ‘low-tech’ approach, which has been demonstrated to work on other sites in the Eastern Solent (HMS Impregnable and 8

Background and Site Context Year

Sample #

Material

Structure Type

Desc/Notes

Area

Timber No.

2008

S001

Wood

Outer Planking

 

East

Displaced

2008

S002

Wood

Ceiling Plank

 Ebony

East

Displaced

2008

S003

Wood

Frame

 Oak

East

E16

2008

S004

Wood

Frame

 Oak

East

E13

2008

S005

Wood

Frame

Oak 

East

E7

2008

S006

Wood

Frame

Oak 

East

E20

2008

S007

Wood

Outer Planking

 Ebony

East

N/A

2008

S008

Wood

Outer Planking

 Ebony

East

A214

2008

S009

Copper

Copper Sheathing

 

East

N/A

2008

S010

Wood

Frame

Oak

East

E10

2008

S011

Wood

Frame

Oak

East

Displaced

2008

S012

Wood

Frame

Oak

East

E11

2008

S013

Wood

Frame

Oak

East

E30

2008

S014

Wood

Frame

Oak

East

E26

2008

S015

Wood

Frame

Oak

East

E34

2008

S016

Wood

Frame

Oak

East

E7

2008

S017

Wood

Frame

Oak

West

Displaced

2008

S018

Wood

Outer Planking

Elm

West

A249

2008

S019

Wood

Frame

 Oak

West

W16

2008

S020

Wood

Stringer

Elm

West

A228

2008

S021

Wood

Frame

 Oak

West

N/A

2008

S022

Wood

Roundwood Post

Larch/Spruce

East

N/A

2009

S023

Wood

Ceiling Plank

 Ebony

East

A264

2009

S024

Wood

Ceiling Plank

 Larch/Spruce

East

A263

2009

S025

Wood

Hull Plank

 Ebony

East

A210

2009

S026

Wood

Hull Plank

 Ebony

East

A213

2009

S027

Wood

Ceiling Plank

 Ebony

East

A216

2009

S028

Wood

Hull Plank

 Ebony

East

A265

2009

S029

Wood

Hull Plank

 Ebony

East

A211

2009

S030

Wood

Frame

 Oak

East

E13

2009

S031

Wood

Frame

 Oak

East

E29

2009

S032

Wood

Frame

 Oak

East

E27

2009

S033

Wood

Frame

 Oak

East

N/A

2009

S034

Wood

Hull Plank

 Elm

West

A267

2009

S035

Wood

Hull Plank

 Ebony

West

A225

2009

S036

Wood

Hull Plank

 Elm

West

A223

2009

S037

Wood

Hull Plank

 Elm

West

A228

2009

S038

Wood

Hull Plank

 Elm

West

A269

2009

S039

Wood

Hull Plank

 Elm

West

A249

2009

S040

Wood

Hull Plank/Frame

 Ebony

West

A226

2009

S041

Wood

Stringer

 Ebony

West

A229

2009

S042

Wood

Hull Plank

 Elm

West

A227

2009

S043

Wood

Hull Plank

 Elm

West

A224

2009

S044

Wood

Frame

 Oak

East

E23

2009

S045

Wood

Frame

 Oak

East

E22

2009

S046

Wood

Hull Plank

 N/A

West

A227

2009

S047

Wood

Hull Plank/Stringer

 Elm

West

A229

2009

S048

Wood

Frame

 Oak

West

W50

2009

S049

Coke/Slag

 

East

N/A

9

The Flower of Ugie 2009

S050

Coke/Slag

 

West

N/A

2009

S051

Wood

Frame

 Oak

West

W25

2009

S052

Wood

Hull Plank

 Ebony

West

A268

2009

S053

Wood

Frame

 Ebony

West

W47

2009

S054

Wood

Frame

 Ebony

West

W24

2009

S055

Wood

Frame

 Oak

West

W41

2009

S056

Wood

Frame

 Oak

West

W49

2009

S057

Wood

Frame

 Ebony

West

W47

Table 2.2. Samples recovered during the survey of the wreck site.

Figure 2.4. Location of timber sampling (S) and monitoring points (M) on the eastern section of the site. 10

Background and Site Context

Figure 2.5. Location of timber sampling (S) and monitoring points (M) on the western section of the site. 11

The Flower of Ugie Warship Hazardous), was adopted. A similar system has also been successfully implemented on the site of HMS Colossus in the Isles of Scilly (Camidge 2009: 180-1). This involved installing large copper nails at a range of points around the edge of the sections of hull structure from where a measurement could be taken from the head of the nail directly to the seabed. The position of each of the points is shown on Figure 2.4 and 2.5. A total of eight points were installed on the western section of the wreck, with eight on the eastern section, making a total of sixteen monitoring points. However, this was reduced to fifteen when the timber was selected for sampling (M290) and was removed. The depth of the seabed below each of these points was recorded in 2009, 2010 and 2011 which has provided data on seabed changes over two years. The results of this work are discussed in Section 6.1.

wreck, which has been gathered over the past twelve years and kindly been made available by United Marine Dredging (a division of Tarmac Ltd). 2.4.1. Geology and Sediments The geology and complex sediments of the Eastern Solent (Figure 2.6) reflect a legacy of submerged prehistoric landscapes which have been drowned and subsequently in-filled during Holocene sea level rise. The impact of these changes led to the development of the Solent when the valley that once existed between the Isle of Wight and the mainland became a fully marine channel. The formation of the Solent waterway and associated tidal regime have created topographic features through a range of hydrodynamic processes and sedimentation, one of the results of which is Horse Tail Sands onto which the Flower of Ugie was driven.

2.4. Environmental Context

The Solent and Spithead region contains extensive Holocene deposits of shingle and sand with most marine shingle lying below sea level at the borders of the deep channel (West, 1980: 12). Much of the surface sediment in the Eastern Solent is characterised by mud or sand which extends down the main channel between Horse Sand and No-Mans-Land into St Helen’s Road (Dyer, 1980: 22). The underlying bedrock in the area is argillaceous rock, a sedimentary rock formed of clay deposits (SeaZone Hydrospatial). The seabed sediments of Horse and Dean Sand show as sandy gravel, the Horse Tail as gravelly sand

(Julie Satchell and Julian Whitewright) The review of the environment of the Eastern Solent and the locality of the wreck provides data relating to the survival of the archaeological remains and their stability. The area benefits from having been subject to a variety of environmental, survey and monitoring programs resulting in a good understanding of the general characteristics and processes of the area. More locally the presence of the aggregates licence area has provided geophysical survey data from the area of the

Figure 2.6. The underlying geology of the wider Solent Region (after Velegrakis 2000: figure 2). 12

Background and Site Context Figure 2.7. Seabed bathymetry of the Eastern Solent and Horse and Dean Sand (Bathymetry © British Crown and SeaZone Solutions Limited. All rights reserved. Product Licence No. 102006.006).

Figure 2.8. Seismic image illustrating that the present study area is characterised by intersecting cuts and fills.

while the area in which the Flower lies as slightly gravelly sand. The bathymetry of the area (Figure 2.7) shows a depth contour of 5 m delineating the area of the Horse Tail with isolated areas reaching 10 to 15 m in depth.

of the former Solent River and the fine to medium sands, or sandy gravels that constitute major stable banks (SCOPAC, 2004b: 4). Evidence from a seismic sub-bottom survey demonstrates that the general area in which the wreck is situated is characterised by intersecting cuts and fills within an area to the south of the site of disturbed and lowered seabed (Figure 2.8), which is primarily the result of dredging activity. Although no survey lines passed within 50 m of the wreck, the Horse Tail Sand bank is itself apparent as a thin veneer over deep gravel layers further to the north.

In general, sediments become progressively coarser in an eastwards direction with sandy gravels, gravelly sands and finally, gravels successively taking over dominance as the outer Solent approaches become co-adjacent with English Channel sediments (SCOPAC, 2004b: 4). This general pattern is, however, complicated by large patches of coarse gravels associated with former terraces 13

The Flower of Ugie 2003 Month

2004

2005

2006

2007

Hs

Hmax

Hs

Hmax

Hs

Hmax

Hs

Hmax

Hs

Hmax

(m)

(m)

(m)

(m)

(m)

(m)

(m)

(m)

(m)

(m)

January

-

-

0.967

1.471

0.893

1.433

0.72

-

0.72

-

February

-

-

0.687

1.039

0.485

0.736

0.69

-

0.69

-

March

-

-

0.689

1.048

0.57

0.863

0.83

-

0.83

-

April

-

-

0.532

0.814

0.488

0.761

0.48

-

0.48

-

May

-

-

0.403

0.621

0.562

0.86

0.66

-

0.66

-

June

-

-

0.505

0.779

0.445

0.688

0.36

-

0.36

-

July

0.575

0.894

0.474

0.731

0.472

-

0.38

-

0.38

-

August

0.4

0.627

0.611

0.945

0.405

0.62

0.48

-

0.48

-

September

0.416

0.638

0.705

1.101

0.51

0.775

0.63

-

0.63

-

October

0.653

1.015

1.02

1.587

0.785

1.2

0.88

-

0.88

-

November

0.901

1.384

0.491

0.746

0.748

1.142

0.97

-

0.97

-

December

0.798

1.228

0.635

0.982

0.702

1.076

1.15

-

1.15

-

Table 2.3. Wave height data in the vicinity of the wreck site between 2003 and 2007. 2003

2004

2005

Date

Hs(m)

Date

Hs(m)

29/11 10:00

2.68

08/01 10:30

3.64

26/11 07:30

2.66

31/01 11:00

3.19

14/11 01:30

2.64

23/06 15:30

20/12 13:00

2.53

02/11 09:30

2.47

Date

2006

2007

Hs(m)

Date

Hs(m)

3.53

03/12 08:00

3.42

03/11 13:00

3.33

29/12 22:00

2.96

2.99

-

-

07/12 05:00

2.96

-

-

-

-

30/12 02:00

2.93

-

-

-

-

17/11 17:00

2.78

02/12 17:00

Date 18/01 13.00 06/03 05.00 09/12 14.00 12/02 15.30 11/01 14.00

Hs(m) 3.58

3.34

2.86

2.84

2.74

Table 2.4. Storm events in the vicinity of the wreck site between 2003 and 2007. 2.4.2. Hydrology and Sediment Movement The Eastern Solent is a dynamic environment which is affected by tides, wave action and storm events. Wave data collected off Hayling Island (2 km from the wreck site) between 2003 and 2007 is shown in Table 2.3 and storm events for the corresponding years are shown in Table 2.4 (Channel Coastal Observatory http:// www.channelcoast.org/). This demonstrates that, not surprisingly, the winter months have the highest wave heights and the majority of storm events are clustered between November – January, with both February and March witnessing storms in 2007.

The strength of the tides across the wreck site meant that archaeological work was timed around slack water on neap tides. Information available from the UKHO chart for the Eastern Solent demonstrates that a tidal speed of 0.9 knots should be expected at the peak of flow on neap tides. However, the surface currents change during each tidal cycle. The tidal range experienced on the site on neap tides is around 1.8 m (minimum), and on Spring tides 3.6 m (maximum). The seabed deposits in the Eastern Solent are highly mobile. There is a complicated regime with a combination of wave action and time-asymmetry of tidal currents causing a westerly net sediment transport under low energy conditions and an easterly direction when high energy waves operate (SCOPAC 2004b: 8). However, across the study area around Horse Tail Sands the net bedload transport appears to be seawards (south). Where cobbles and gravel are

In addition to the effects of the wave climate, the tidal cycle impacts the site. The Solent tides are among the most complex in the world with a double high water, the flood being longer than the ebb and with a notable flood stand (Tubbs, 1999: 14-17). Net tidal flux is from the east to west at approximately 38km³ per tidal cycle (SCOPAC, 2004b:2). 14

Background and Site Context

Figure 2.9. The changing shape and movement of the Horse Tail Sands based on historical mapping, 1783-1974. The Horse Tail Sand is delineated on the original chart in relation to the 3 fathom or 5m line of soundings and the modern bathymetry is shown in all cases (Bathymetry © British Crown and SeaZone Solutions Limited. All rights reserved. Product Licence No. 102006.006). 15

The Flower of Ugie the wreck site and more widely in relation to Horse Tail Sands has been aided by geophysical survey data made available by United Marine Dredging (UMD). The relatively low resolution of some data meant that it was relevant to the general environment of the wreck, while higher resolution data allowed the site to be visualised, although still at a coarse scale.

exposed on the seabed the evidence suggests that they are ‘swept’ clean of sand and finer grade sediments by tidal streams or by a combination of tides and waves. Moreover, surveys of wreck structure demonstrate newly exposed timbers from one season to the next, again indicating fairly high mobility of sediments. The position of the site just off the southeast edge of Horse Tail Sands means that the burial environment is impacted by this significant topographic feature. Since deposition of the wreck in the mid-19th century the size and shape of Horse Tail Sands has changed. Geo-referenced cartographic data spanning the period from 1848 to 1974 (Figure 2.9) illustrates the movement of the eastern arm of the sandbank, relative to the recorded location of the wreck site. In the period 1848-1869 the three fathom line was 172 m north of the recorded wreck position, this reduces to 75 m based on the 1894 soundings and 16 m in 1935. The Horse Tail Sand then moves to the north in the following period and in 1974 is 47 m to the north of the recorded wreck position. It can be assumed that this northward trend has continued, leading to the subsequent exposure and discovery of the site.

Limited archaeological assessment was possible using low resolution side-scan sonar data. This showed two discrete reflectors visible, one a large point cluster and the other a linear oriented ‘L’ shaped feature perpendicular to the general bedform which broadly correlated with the recorded positions of the wreck sections (Figure 2.10). There is a potential area of scour with some reflectors situated approximately 2030 m south west of the western portion of the site, however, this interpretation based on low resolution data from a site with little seabed relief is tentative at best. Figure 2.10 does provide information on the proximity of nearby dredging scars which lie to the south of the wreck. Swath-bathymetric survey data collected between 1993 and 2003 for purposes of planning aggregate extraction proved to be of too low a resolution for identifying archaeological sites or material but was

2.4.3. Wreck Environment Understanding the environment immediately around

Figure 2.10. Low resolution side-scan sonar data from the area of the wreck site. 16

Background and Site Context

Figure 2.11. Bathymetric detail of Aggregate Area 122/2 (see Fig. 2.1 for location). Left: Overview showing the relationship between the Horse Tail Sand, wreck site, historic dredging and working dredging zones. Right: Difference plot showing overall change in sediment distribution in the area between 1993 and 2005. In both cases the dashed line references the 1974 Admiralty delineation of the Horse Tail Sand along the three fathom/five metre line (cf. Fig. 2.9). Swath-bathymetry and difference plot data courtesy of United Marine Dredging.

useful for providing bathymetric interpretation of the area. Using this data a difference plot analysis was conducted by UMD to demonstrate the annual changes in the depth of deposits.

low profile of the exposed wreckage, this simply may not be visible at this resolution. Four difference plots were produced to compare various years of bathymetric survey. Due to the limited lines run with a single point, single frequency system, these results are highly interpreted and should only be viewed as indicative of the area under study. The difference plot indicates that between 1993 and 2005 there is a general loss of sediment around the wreck site of between 1-1.5 m depth. This was probably caused by draw-down into the inactive dredge footprint c. 350 m to the south-east where there is a +3 m accretion (Figure 2.11). Given the low profile of the exposed timber of the wreck, this loss of sediment may have contributed to the initial exposure of the structure which caused timbers to be caught in a fisherman’s net in 2003. Review of the difference plots individually shows a steady rate of sediment loss rather than any single high impact event.

The processed results of a 2005 multi-beam survey were provided by UMD (Figure 2.11), the observed extent of the site is also indicated. The results show the wreck lying between the higher topography of Horse Tail Sands and the depressions in the seabed caused by past dredging activity. The wreck site is visible in the 2005 multi-beam data which shows a clearly defined raised feature with pronounced scour to a depth of 0.25m on the north side. It measures c. 25 m in length and c. 12.5 m across. This correlates very well with the western section of wreck. However, there is no clearly identifiable material in the area of the eastern section. Given the 17

Molluscs

Crustaceans

Sea Squirts

Fish

The Flower of Ugie Common name

Scientific name

Abundance

Sand goby

Pomatoschistus minutus

Common

Bib (juvenile and adult)

Trisopterus luscus

Common

Rock cook

Centrolabrus exoletus

Rare

Dragonet

Callionymus lyra

Occasional

Lesser spotted catshark egg

Scyliorhinus canicula

Egg present

Corkwing wrasse

Crenilabrus melops

Occasional

Tompot blenny and eggs

Parablennius gattorugine

Common

Short snouted seahorse

Hippocampus hippocampus

Rare

Star ascidian

Botryllus schlosseri

Rare

Lightbulb seasquirts

Clavelina lepadiformis

Frequent

Leathery seasquirt

Styela clava

Frequent

Velvet swimming crab

Necora puber

Occasional

Hermit crab

Pagarus bernhadus

Rare

Common prawn

Palaemon serratus

Rare

Harbour crab

Leocarcinus depurator

Rare

Common lobster

Hommarus gammarus

Rare

Squat lobster

Galathea squamifera

Rare

Spider crab

Macropodia sp.

Rare

Spiny spider crab

Maja squinado

Occasional

Barnacles

Cirripedia

Frequent

Cuttlefish, Cuttlefish eggs

Sepia officinalis

Rare

Tingles / oyster drill

Ocenebra erinacea

Rare

Grey topshell

Gibbula cineraria

Occasional

Squid eggs

Loligo sp.

Occasional

Common whelk eggs

Buccinum undatum

Common

Common cockle

Cerastoderma edule

Rare

Slipper limpet

Crepidula fornicata

Common

Netted dogwhelk and eggs

Hinia reticulata

Occasional

Cowrie

Trivia arctica

Occasional

Shipworm

Teredo navalis

Occasional

Necklace shell eggs

Euspira catena

Occasional

Cnidaria

Bryozoa

Nudibranch

Rare

Dogger bank bryozoan

Alcyonidium diaphanum

Common

Hornwrack

Flustra foliacea

Abundant

Anemone

Actinothoe spyrodeta

Occasional

Hydroid

Aglaophenia sp.

Occasional

Dead man’s fingers

Alcyonium digitatum

Occasional

Phoronis sp.

Occasional

Keel worm

Pomatoceros triqueter

Occasional

Sandmason worm

Lanice conchilega

Occasional

Suberites

Rare

Sea lettuce

Ulva lactuca

Occasional

Seabelt

Laminaria saccharina

Rare

Furbelows

Sacchoriza polyschides

Rare

Worms

Horseshoe worms

Algae

Sponge

Table 2.5. Species identified during ecological survey of the wreck site. 18

Background and Site Context Figure 2.12. Shipworm ŝŶĨĞƐƚĂƟŽŶ͕ǀŝƐŝďůĞ on the western ƐĞĐƟŽŶŽĨƚŚĞ wreck site during 2005 (Photo: D. Johnston)

Figure 2.13. Gribble ŝŶĨĞƐƚĂƟŽŶŽŶĂ ĨƌĂŵĞƟŵďĞƌŝŶƚŚĞ ǁĞƐƚĞƌŶƐĞĐƟŽŶ of the wreck. The exposed end of the ƟŵďĞƌŝƐǀŝƐŝďůĞ on the right of the picture and some of the surviving surface wood grain in the centre. The surface damaged by gribble is on the right handside (Photo: D. Johnston).

2.4.4. Wreck Ecology (Julie Satchell & Jolyon. Chesworth) &ƵƌƚŚĞƌŝŶĨŽƌŵĂƟŽŶŽŶƚŚĞĞĐŽůŽŐLJŽĨƚŚĞƐŝƚĞŚĂƐďĞĞŶ ƉƌŽǀŝĚĞĚ ďLJ ŵĂƌŝŶĞ ďŝŽůŽŐŝƐƚƐ ĨƌŽŵ ƚŚĞ ,ĂŵƉƐŚŝƌĞ ĂŶĚ /ƐůĞ ŽĨ tŝŐŚƚ tŝůĚůŝĨĞ dƌƵƐƚ ;,/ttdͿ ǁŚŽ ƌĞĐŽƌĚĞĚ ƚŚĞ ĐŽŵŵƵŶŝƟĞƐ ĞŶĐŽƵŶƚĞƌĞĚ ĚƵƌŝŶŐ ϮϬϬϲ ĂŶĚ ϮϬϬϴ͘ dŚĞ ĚĂƚĂĨƌŽŵƚŚĞůĂƩĞƌƐƵƌǀĞLJŝƐŝŶĐůƵĚĞĚĂƐdĂďůĞϮ͘ϱ͘dŚĞ previous survey had shown similar species and had not ďĞĞŶĂƐĚĞƚĂŝůĞĚĂƐƚŚĞůĂƚĞƌǁŽƌŬ͘

The results of the survey indicate the general habitat of the wreck and surrounding sediments as classed as ‘mixed seaweeds on wreckage, animal turf on ǁƌĞĐŬĂŐĞ͕ ƐĂŶĚLJ ƐĞĚŝŵĞŶƚ ǁŝƚŚ ůŝĨĞ ĂƉƉĂƌĞŶƚ͛͘ dŚĞ ƐŝƚĞ is dominated by algae and animal turf, surrounded by coarse sand and gravel with burrowing and mobile ĨĂƵŶĂ͘  ƐŚŽƌƚͲƐŶŽƵƚĞĚ ƐĞĂŚŽƌƐĞ ǁĂƐ ƌĞĐŽƌĚĞĚ ŽŶ ƚŚĞ ƐĂŶĚ ďĞƚǁĞĞŶ ƚŚĞ ƚǁŽ ƐĞĐƟŽŶƐ ŽĨ ƚŚĞ ǁƌĞĐŬ͘ dŚĞ ƐŝƚĞ is bio-diverse with species making use of the variety of ŵŝĐƌŽŚĂďŝƚĂƚƐ ƉƌĞƐĞŶƚĞĚ ďLJ ƚŚĞ ǁŽŽĚĞŶ ǁƌĞĐŬ͘ >ĞƐƐĞƌ ϭϵ

The Flower of Ugie navalis were recorded during the ecological survey indicating recent activity. Shipworm was noted within newly uncovered timbers in 2005, although the extent to which the surface of the timber had been ‘pitted’ by gribble worm (Limnoria) suggests they may have been uncovered previously, but had just not been visible during the initial season of diving in 2004.

spotted catshark, tompot blenny, cuttlefish, squid, common whelk, netted dogwhelk and necklace shells all use the area for breeding as evidenced by the presence of their eggs on the site. The water temperature recorded on the site during the 2008 survey was 16°C. This appears to correlate with available literature on eastern Solent temperatures as ranging from 7.8°C in February to March to a peak of about 16.7°C in August (Clark & Gurnell, 1987: 10).

Inevitably the wood that is exposed is also being attacked by gribble. This is visible on most exposed timber, although timber previously buried has yet to be affected. Figure 2.13 demonstrates the significant impact of gribble, with the newly exposed area of planking still showing clear detail of wood grain while the adjacent area has been degraded with the associated loss of all surface detail. The implications of this biological activity on the wreck site is discussed further in Section 6.2 and 6.3.

During archaeological survey the presence of the calcareous tubes left by shipworm (Teredo navalis) was noted. These ran with the grain along the timber elements and were particularly evident on the western section. Figure 2.12 shows a dense concentration of shipworm tubes visible on the surface of the timber. The age of these tubes, and hence the shipworm activity is unclear. However, it is interesting to note that Teredo

20

3 Archaeological Remains

The following section describes the physical structures that comprise the seabed remains of the Flower of Ugie. These fall into three elements; remains of the hull of the vessel, possible remains of the cargo and remains of shipboard items. In addition to diver survey of the site and recovery and recording or artefacts, a program of specialist analysis was implemented in order to extract further information from the archaeological record. This program encompassed dendrochronology of timber remains, material analysis of metal remains and expert analysis of ceramics and possible cargo remains. In each case, the survey results of each element are discussed, along with the findings of specialist analysis. Overall interpretation of the seabed remains, in conjunction with the wider historical documentation of the vessel, following its identification is presented in Section 5.3.4.

the remains. The on-going degradation of the site on a year-by-year basis (see Section 6.1) has hampered survey in some areas, with many elements of the hull often being too degraded for complete measurements to be taken. 3.1.1. Planking The hull of the vessel is constructed from wood. On the whole, detail of the outer planking is difficult to discern due to its continued burial under sediment. Where it has been possible to access the vessel’s outer planking (Figure 3.4) it can be observed as carvel-laid, it survives in both areas of the site with widths of 220-320 mm. No in-situ scarf joints were visible, however, on the basis of freshly exposed plank ends it seems likely that simple butt-ended scarfs were utilised. Ceiling plank survival in the western section is very poor and provides little information, better evidence for the ceiling planking survives in the eastern section. Ceiling planks there are 200-240 mm in width, with a maximum thickness of c. 80 mm. No scarf joints were observed, but again, it seems most likely that butt-ended scarfs were used.

3.1. Hull Remains (Julian Whitewright) The disposition of the seabed remains requires some further explanation at this point. The remains of the wreck can be divided into three coherent areas; • • •

Outer and ceiling planking were sampled for timber species analysis on both western and eastern areas of hull structure (Section 3.1.4). The outer hull planking on the western section of the site primarily utilises elm, with limited use of ebony. The remaining ceiling planking on the western section was too fragmentary to be sampled. The eastern section of hull remains exhibited outer planking comprised entirely of ebony, this pattern was repeated in the ceiling planking of the eastern section which was formed from ebony, with a single piece of larch/spruce.

A western section of hull remains, 20 m in length and 5 m wide, lying in a WSW/ENE orientation. An eastern section of hull remains, some 23 m to the east, c. 16 m in length and 5 m wide, lying in a SSW/NNE orientation. A central area of scattered remains mainly comprising concreted elements and some wooden remains, covering an area roughly 15 m east-west and 13 m north-south (c. 195 m2).

The relative location of these three areas is shown in Figure 3.1 with more detailed plans of the western and eastern areas of wooden material shown in Figure 3.2 and 3.3 respectively. Diving and recording on the wreck has taken place over seven seasons. During this time there has been continual degradation of the site in addition to on-going exposure of new timbers. As a consequence of this, there is no single definitive plan for the site. Figure 3.1 illustrates the site as it has been recorded over all seasons of fieldwork, in effect the maximum extent of

3.1.2. Framing and Internal Structure The vessel’s frames (Figure 3.5) are constructed from wood, iron knees were utilised to reinforce the junction between the vessels framing and other structural elements, notably hold beams. Fifty-five frames were recorded on the western section of the site (Table 3.1). The precise measurement of frames is inhibited because of the continuing surface/edge degradation of exposed timbers, but average frame dimension on the western 21

The Flower of Ugie

Figure 3.1 Overall site plan of the wreck remains as recorded across six seasons of survey, 2004-2010. 22

Archaeological Remains

Figure 3.2 Detail of the western section of wooden hull remains. 23

The Flower of Ugie Figure 3.3 Detail of the eastern section of wooden hull remains.

24

Archaeological Remains

Timber

Table 3.1. Dimensions of framing timbers recorded across the western and eastern section of the wreck site.

W1 W2 W3 W4 W5 W6 W7 W8 W9 W10 W11 W12 W13 W14 W15 W16 W17 W18 W19 W20 W21 W22 W23 W24 W25 W26 W27 W28 W29 W30 W31 W32 W33 W34 W35 W36 W37 W38 W39 W40 W41 W42 W43 W44 W45 W46 W47 W48 W49 W50 W51 W52 W53 W54 W55 Average

Western Section Sided Moulded mm Inches mm Inches 269 258 246 294 226 285 275 308 214 327 256 298 292 306 237 277 262 294 309 338 269 301 261 283 314 191 311 216 273 258 236 268 209 252 196 374 284 296 290 257 241 284 284 319 262 273 260 268 251 262 300 226 306 262 259 272

10.8 10.3 9.8 11.8 9.1 11.4 11.0 12.3 8.5 13.1 10.2 11.9 11.7 12.2 9.5 11.1 10.5 11.8 12.4 13.5 10.8 12.0 10.4 11.3 12.6 7.7 12.4 8.6 10.9 10.3 9.4 10.7 8.4 10.1 7.9 14.9 11.4 11.8 11.6 10.3 9.6 11.4 11.4 12.8 10.5 10.9 10.4 10.7 10.1 10.5 12.0 9.0 12.2 10.5 10.4 10.9

N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A

N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A

25

Timber E1 E2 E3 E4 E5 E6 E7 E8 E9 E10 E11 E12 E13 E14 E15 E16 E17 E18 E19 E20 E21 E22 E23 E24 E25 E26 E27 E28 E29 E30 E31 E32 E33 E34 E35 Average

Eastern Section Sided Moulded mm Inches mm inches 265 244 221 200 169 233 295 250 269 322 272 328 243 232 201 230 239 243 273 240 306 244 245 283 307 242 235 220 246 229 185 218 243 219 216 246

10.6 9.8 8.8 8.0 6.8 9.3 11.8 10.0 10.8 12.9 10.9 13.1 9.7 9.3 8.0 9.2 9.5 9.7 10.9 9.6 12.2 9.8 9.8 11.3 12.3 9.7 9.4 8.8 9.9 9.2 7.4 8.7 9.7 8.7 8.6 9.8

N/A N/A 204 N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A 144 N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A

N/A N/A 8.2 N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A 5.8 N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A

The Flower of Ugie Figure 3.4 Planking elements from the western ƐĞĐƟŽŶŽĨƚŚĞ wreck (D. Johnson).

Figure 3.5 Example of framing elements from the north side of the ǁĞƐƚĞƌŶƐĞĐƟŽŶ of the wreck (D. McElvogue).

ƐĞĐƟŽŶǁĂƐϮϳϮŵŵ;ϭϬ͘ϵŝŶĐŚĞƐͿƐŝĚĞĚǁŝƚŚĐĞŶƚƌĞƚŽ ĐĞŶƚƌĞĨƌĂŵĞƐƉĂĐŝŶŐŽĨĐ͘ϯϮϬŵŵ͘/ƚǁĂƐŶŽƚƉŽƐƐŝďůĞ ƚŽ ƌĞĐŽƌĚ ƚŚĞ ŵŽƵůĚĞĚ ĚŝŵĞŶƐŝŽŶ ŽĨ ĨƌĂŵĞƐ ŝŶ ƚŚŝƐ ĂƌĞĂ ďĞĐĂƵƐĞ ŽĨ ƚŚĞ ůĞǀĞů ŽĨ ƐĞĚŝŵĞŶƚ ĂĐƌŽƐƐ ƚŚĞ ƐŝƚĞ͘ ^ŝŵŝůĂƌůLJ͕ŶŽĐůĞĂƌƐĐĂƌĨũŽŝŶƚƐǁĞƌĞŽďƐĞƌǀĞĚ͕ƉŽƐƐŝďůLJĂ ƉƌŽĚƵĐƚŽĨƚŚĞďƌŽŬĞŶƵƉŶĂƚƵƌĞŽĨƚŚĞǀĞƐƐĞů͛ƐƐƵƌǀŝǀŝŶŐ ŚƵůů͘&ƌĂŵĞƐƐĂŵƉůĞĚŽŶƚŚĞǁĞƐƚĞƌŶƐĞĐƟŽŶǁĞƌĞŵĂĚĞ ƉƌŝŵĂƌŝůLJĨƌŽŵŽĂŬĂŶĚĞďŽŶLJ͘

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Archaeological Remains Figure 3.6. Sectional view of frames E3 and E23 in the eastern section of the site.

frames as 144 mm and 180 mm respectively. Although the ends of these frames are badly degraded, enough survives of E23 to be able to discern the curvature of the frame of the vessel in this area. The location of framing scarf joints were visible in the eastern section (eg. E9 in Fig. 3.3) but the level of sediment prevented the exact nature of these joints from being discerned. The disjointed nature of the remains again means that it is not possible to discern the framing pattern on the eastern section. Oak was the only material utilised in the construction of the frames on the eastern section that were sampled for species analysis.

the vessel with the heavily concreted iron reinforcement knee still in-situ at one end. The alignment of the iron concretion indicates that the recorded dimension of 260 mm corresponds to the moulded dimension of this element. 3.1.3. Fastenings and Sheathing The fastenings recorded on the wreck are a combination of treenails and metal bolts (both copper and brass). The distribution of these, where they could be observed is shown in Figure 3.2 and 3.3. Treenails seem to have formed the primary means for fastening the carvel laid planking to the pre-erected wooden frames in both the western and eastern areas. The visible heads of these were 30-35 mm (1½ inches) in diameter, all observed treenails had plain ends, no wedged treenails were noted. Where it was possible to observe and record significant numbers of treenails, such as on the southern end of the eastern section (Figure 3.3), it seems clear that two treenails were used to fasten each strake to each frame. In most cases these pairs of treenails are vertically aligned, although there are instances of diagonal or even horizontal alignment. Where sampled, treenails were made from oak.

The survey and recording of the vessel revealed the presence of iron knees as reinforcing elements, integrated into the framing system. Right-angled hanging or lodging knees were identified during the survey, predominantly in the eastern section of the wreck. The concreted nature of these meant that accurate measurement was difficult, however a range of 480-520 mm along one arm by 360-440 mm along the other was observed as a spread across a number of different pieces. No such items were observed in the western section. In addition, a number of iron concretions in the central area of the site probably relate to further iron reinforcement elements. The most prominent of these seem to be large horizontal ‘staple’ knees (Figure 3.1, central area). The span of the two complete staple knees from the wreck is 1.15 m and 1.25 m. Other partial remains of similar dimensions indicate that at least four such elements survive on the seafloor.

Brass and copper bolts (Figure 3.7 and Figure 3.8) were also used for fastening throughout the vessel, although these were less numerous than the treenails. In the examples where the bolt-head survived, cinch rings to facilitate clenching were visible. Definitive comparative measurement of the metal fastening was made difficult because of the varying states of preservation and completeness (see Figure 3.8). However, it is possible to discern three groups of metal fastenings in the recorded examples, based on their size. One group (F14, F27, F28) has a shaft diameter of 17-18 mm. F40 may also be included in this group with a shaft diameter of 14 mm, but from much lower down the tapering shaft. In one example (F14) the bolt head also survived, which measured 27-

Additionally, a substantial timber was recorded off the south-western end of the eastern section. This measured 7.2 m in length and the visible side was 260 mm in width, this timber has a piece of heavily concreted iron work at one end, set roughly at a right-angle to the length of the timber and which runs for c. 1 m. It seems likely that this timber is a beam from either the deck or the hold of 27

The Flower of Ugie Figure 3.7. Copper/copperalloy fastening ŝŶͲƐŝƚƵ, from the ǁĞƐƚĞƌŶƐĞĐƟŽŶŽĨ the wreck, scale increments = 10 cm (D. Johnson).

ϯϬ ŵŵ ŝŶ ĚŝĂŵĞƚĞƌ͘ dŚŝƐ ŐƌŽƵƉ ǁĂƐ ŵĂĚĞ ĨƌŽŵ ďŽƚŚ ĐŽƉƉĞƌ ĂŶĚ ďƌĂƐƐ ;ďĞůŽǁͿ͘ dŚĞ ƐĞĐŽŶĚ ŐƌŽƵƉ ;&ϭϯ͕ &Ϯϭ ĂŶĚ &ϰϭͿ ŚĂĚ Ă ƐŚĂĨƚ ĚŝĂŵĞƚĞƌ ŽĨ ϮϮͲϮϯ ŵŵ ĂŶĚ Ă ďŽůƚ ŚĞĂĚ ĚŝĂŵĞƚĞƌ͕ ǁŚĞƌĞ ƐƵƌǀŝǀŝŶŐ͕ ŽĨ ϯϱͲϯϳ ŵŵ͕ ĂůůǁĞƌĞŵĂĚĞĨƌŽŵďƌĂƐƐ͘ĨŝŶĂůŐƌŽƵƉ;&ϴĂŶĚ&ϮϬͿ͕ ǁŚŝĐŚ ǁĞƌĞ ŶŽƚ ĂŶĂůLJƐĞĚ͕ ŚĂĚ Ă ƐŚĂĨƚ ĚŝĂŵĞƚĞƌ ŽĨ ϯϬ ŵŵ͘ dŚĞ ůĂƌŐĞƌ ƐŝnjĞ ŽĨ ƚŚĞƐĞ ďŽůƚƐ ŵĂLJ ƐƵŐŐĞƐƚ ƚŚĂƚ ƚŚĞLJĐŽŵĞĨƌŽŵĂŶĂƌĞĂŽĨƚŚĞǀĞƐƐĞůƐƵĐŚĂƐƚŚĞŬĞĞůͬ ŬĞĞůƐŽŶ͘ dŚĞLJ ĂƌĞ ĞdžĐůƵƐŝǀĞůLJ ĨŽƵŶĚ ŽŶ ƚŚĞ ǁĞƐƚĞƌŶ ƐĞĐƚŝŽŶ ŽĨ ƚŚĞ ǁƌĞĐŬ ĂŶĚ ŵĂLJ ŝŶĚŝĐĂƚĞ ƚŚĂƚ ƚŚŝƐ ĂƌĞĂ ƌĞƉƌĞƐĞŶƚƐĂůŽǁĞƌĂƌĞĂŽĨƚŚĞǀĞƐƐĞůƚŚĂŶƚŚĞĞĂƐƚĞƌŶ ƐĞĐƚŝŽŶ͕ ǁŚĞƌĞ ŶŽ ĐŽŵƉĂƌĂďůLJ ƐŝnjĞĚ ŵĞƚĂů ĨĂƐƚĞŶŝŶŐƐ ǁĞƌĞŽďƐĞƌǀĞĚ͘

ƐƉŝŬĞƐƚŽƐĞĐƵƌĞƚŚĞƉůĂŶŬŝŶŐƚŽƚŚĞĨƌĂŵĞƐ;ƵŵŵŝŶŐ ĂŶĚ ĂƌƚĞƌ ϭϵϵϬ͗ ϯϯͿ͘ dŚĞ ƉƌĞƐĞŶĐĞ ŽĨ ƐŝŶŐůĞ ŵĞƚĂů ďŽůƚƐ ŝŶ ďŽƚŚ ƐĞĐƚŝŽŶƐ ĨƵƌƚŚĞƌ ƐƵŐŐĞƐƚƐ ƚŚĂƚ ƚŚĞLJ ŵĂLJ ŚĂǀĞďĞĞŶƵƐĞĚŝŶůŝĞƵŽĨƚƌĞĞŶĂŝůƐƚŽƐĞĐƵƌĞƉůĂŶŬƐƚŽ ĨƌĂŵĞƐ͘ dǁŽ ƚLJƉĞƐ ŽĨ ƐŵĂůůĞƌ ŵĞƚĂů ĨĂƐƚĞŶŝŶŐƐ ǁĞƌĞ ĂůƐŽ ƌĞĐŽƌĚĞĚ ŽŶ ƚŚĞ ǀĞƐƐĞů͘ dŚĞ ůĂƌŐĞƌ ŽĨ ƚŚĞƐĞ ĐŽŵƉƌŝƐĞ ƐƋƵĂƌĞͲƐŚĂŌĞĚ͕ƐƋƵĂƌĞͲŚĞĂĚĞĚŶĂŝůƐŵĂŶƵĨĂĐƚƵƌĞĚĨƌŽŵ ŐƵŶŵĞƚĂů ;ĞŐ͘ &ϭϱ ŝŶ &ŝŐƵƌĞ ϯ͘ϴͿ͘ dŚĞ ŝĚĞŶƟĮĐĂƟŽŶ ŽĨ ƚŚŝƐŵĂƚĞƌŝĂůǁĂƐĂƌƌŝǀĞĚĂƚĨŽůůŽǁŝŶŐƐƉĞĐŝĂůŝƐƚŵĂƚĞƌŝĂů ĂŶĂůLJƐŝƐ ĂŶĚ ƚŚŝƐ ƉƌŽĐĞƐƐ ŝƐ ĚĞƐĐƌŝďĞĚ ŝŶ ^ĞĐƟŽŶ ϯ͘ϭ͘ϱ͘ dŚĞƐĞŶĂŝůƐŚĂĚĂƚĂƉĞƌŝŶŐƐŚĂŌƚŚŝĐŬŶĞƐƐƌĂŶŐŝŶŐĨƌŽŵ ϭϬ ŵŵ Ăƚ ƚŚĞ ŚĞĂĚ ƚŽ ϲ ŵŵ Ăƚ ƚŚĞ ƐŶĂƉƉĞĚ Žī ƉŽŝŶƚ͘ dŚĞ ƐƋƵĂƌĞ ŚĞĂĚ ŽĨ ƚŚĞƐĞ ŶĂŝůƐ ŵĞĂƐƵƌĞĚ ϭϱͲϭϲ ŵŵ͘ ŽŵƉĂƌŝƐŽŶǁŝƚŚĐŽŶƚĞŵƉŽƌĂƌLJǀĞƐƐĞůƌĞŵĂŝŶƐ;^ĞĐƟŽŶ ϯ͘ϰͿƐƵŐŐĞƐƚƐƚŚĂƚƚŚĞƐĞŶĂŝůƐǁĞƌĞƉƌŽďĂďůLJĂůƐŽƵƐĞĚĨŽƌ ƐĞĐƵƌŝŶŐƚŚĞďƵƩͲĞŶĚƐŽĨƉůĂŶŬƐĐĂƌĨƐĂƐĂŶĂůƚĞƌŶĂƟǀĞ ƚŽƚŚĞůĂƌŐĞƌďŽůƚƐĚĞƐĐƌŝďĞĚĂďŽǀĞ͘dŚĞƐŵĂůůĞƐƚŵĞƚĂů ĨĂƐƚĞŶŝŶŐƐ ƚĂŬĞ ƚŚĞ ĨŽƌŵ ŽĨ ƐƋƵĂƌĞͲƐŚĂŌĞĚ ŶĂŝůƐ͕ ŵĂĚĞ ĨƌŽŵ ďƌĂƐƐ͕ ǁŝƚŚ Ă ƐŚĂŌ ƚŚŝĐŬŶĞƐƐ ŽĨ Ϯ͘ϱ ŵŵ ;ĞŐ͘ &Ϯϯ ŝŶ &ŝŐƵƌĞ ϯ͘ϴͿ͘ dŚĞƐĞ ƐĞĞŵ ůŝŬĞůLJ ƚŽ ŚĂǀĞ ďĞĞŶ ƵƐĞĚ ĂƐ ƐŚĞĂƚŚŝŶŐŶĂŝůƐƚŽƐĞĐƵƌĞƚŚĞŚƵůůƐŚĞĂƚŚŝŶŐƚŽƚŚĞŽƵƚĞƌ ƉůĂŶŬŝŶŐ ;ĐĨ͘ DĐĂƌƚŚLJ ϭϵϵϲ͗ ϭϴϰͲϱ Θ ĮŐƵƌĞ ϯͿ͘ sĞƌLJ ƐŝŵŝůĂƌƐŚĞĂƚŚŝŶŐŶĂŝůƐǁĞƌĞĞdžĐĂǀĂƚĞĚĨƌŽŵƚŚĞEglinton ;ďĞůŽǁͿ͕ǁƌĞĐŬĞĚŝŶtĞƐƚĞƌŶƵƐƚƌĂůŝĂŝŶϭϴϱϮ;DĐĂƌƚŚLJ ĂŶĚ^ƚĂŶďƵƌLJϮϬϬϯ͗ϱϴͿ͘

dŚĞƌĞŝƐůŝƚƚůĞŝĚĞŶƚŝĨŝĂďůĞƉĂƚƚĞƌŶŝŶŐƚŽƚŚĞĚŝƐƚƌŝďƵƚŝŽŶ ŽĨ ŽďƐĞƌǀĞĚ ŵĞƚĂů ĨĂƐƚĞŶŝŶŐƐ ĂĐƌŽƐƐ ƚŚĞ ƐŝƚĞ͘ /Ŷ ƚǁŽ ƉůĂĐĞƐďŽůƚƐŚĂǀĞƐƵƌǀŝǀĞĚin-situ ŝŶĂĐŽŚĞƌĞŶƚƐƋƵĂƌĞ ŐƌŽƵƉ ŽĨ ĨŽƵƌ͕ ŝŶ ƚŚĞ ƐĂŵĞ ĨƌĂŵŝŶŐ ƚŝŵďĞƌ͖ ŽŶ ƚŚĞ ǁĞƐƚĞƌŶƐĞĐƚŝŽŶŝŶƚŚĞĨƌĂŵĞĂĚũĂĐĞŶƚƚŽĨƌĂŵĞϮϭϵ ĂŶĚ ŽŶ ƚŚĞ ĞĂƐƚĞƌŶ ƐĞĐƚŝŽŶ ŝŶ ƚŚĞ ĨƌĂŵĞ ĂĚũĂĐĞŶƚ ƚŽ ĨƌĂŵĞ ϮϬϬ͘ ƚ Ă ĨƵƌƚŚĞƌ ůŽĐĂƚŝŽŶ ŽŶ ƚŚĞ ĞĂƐƚĞƌŶ ƐĞĐƚŝŽŶ͕ ƚŚĞ ŶŽǁ ŵŝƐƐŝŶŐ ĞŶĚ ŽĨ ŽƵƚĞƌ ƉůĂŶŬ Ϯϲϲ͕ ƚǁŽ ŵĞƚĂů ďŽůƚƐ ƐƵƌǀŝǀĞĚ Ăƚ ƚŚĞ ĞŶĚ ŽĨ ƚŚĞ ƉůĂŶŬ͘ dŚĞƐĞƚŚƌĞĞůŽĐĂƚŝŽŶƐƐƵŐŐĞƐƚƚŚĂƚŵĞƚĂůďŽůƚƐ;ĞŝƚŚĞƌ ĐŽƉƉĞƌ Žƌ ďƌĂƐƐͿ ǁĞƌĞ ƵƚŝůŝƐĞĚ ŝŶ ĨĂƐƚĞŶŝŶŐ ƚŚĞ ƉůĂŶŬ ďƵƚƚͲĞŶĚ ƐĐĂƌĨƐ ƚŽ ƚŚĞ ĨƌĂŵĞƐ͕ ǁŝƚŚ ƚǁŽ ďŽůƚƐ ŝŶ ƚŚĞ ĞŶĚ ŽĨ ĞĂĐŚ ƉůĂŶŬ͘ EŽ ƐŝŵŝůĂƌ ƉĂƚƚĞƌŶŝŶŐ ŽĨ ƚƌĞĞŶĂŝůƐ ǁĂƐ ŽďƐĞƌǀĞĚ͘ dŚĞ ƐŵĂůůĞƐƚ ŐƌŽƵƉ ŽĨ ďŽůƚƐ ĚĞƐĐƌŝďĞĚ ĂďŽǀĞ ƐĞĞŵƐ ŵŽƐƚ ůŝŬĞůLJ ƚŽ ĐŽƌƌĞůĂƚĞ ƚŽ ƚŚŝƐ ĨƵŶĐƚŝŽŶ ǁŚŝůĞƚŚĞůĂƌŐĞƌďŽůƚƐǁĞƌĞƵƐĞĚƚŽƐĞĐƵƌĞƚŚĞĨƌĂŵŝŶŐ ƚŽŐĞƚŚĞƌ͘ƉĂƌĂůůĞůŵĂLJďĞĚƌĂǁŶǁŝƚŚƚŚĞƌĞŵĂŝŶƐŽĨ ƚŚĞEarl of Abergavenny͕ǁŚŝĐŚƵƚŝůŝƐĞĚϯϮŵŵĐŽƉƉĞƌ ďŽůƚƐĨŽƌƚŚĞĨƌĂŵĞƐĂŶĚŵƵĐŚƐŵĂůůĞƌϭϵŵŵďƌŽŶnjĞ

^ŵĂůů ĨƌĂŐŵĞŶƚƐ ŽĨ ŚƵůů ƐŚĞĂƚŚŝŶŐ ǁĞƌĞ ƌĞĐŽǀĞƌĞĚ ĨƌŽŵĂĐƌŽƐƐƚŚĞƐŝƚĞ͘ŶĂůLJƐŝƐŽĨƚŚŝƐŵĂƚĞƌŝĂůŝŶĚŝĐĂƚĞĚ ƚŚĂƚ ƚŚĞ ǀĞƐƐĞů ǁĂƐ ƐŚĞĂƚŚĞĚ ŝŶ ďƌĂƐƐ ;DƵŶƚnjͲŵĞƚĂů Žƌ LJĞůůŽǁͲŵĞƚĂůͿĂƚƚŚĞƟŵĞŽĨƐŝŶŬŝŶŐ͘EŽƐƚĂŵƉƐŽƌůŝŶŝŶŐ ŵĂƚĞƌŝĂůǁĞƌĞŽďƐĞƌǀĞĚŽŶĂŶLJŽĨƚŚĞƐŚĞĂƚŚŝŶŐƌĞŵĂŝŶƐ͘ Ϯϴ

Archaeological Remains Figure 3.8. Sample of metal fastenings. F13= brass, F15= gunmetal, F27=copper, F41= brass (J. Whitewright).

3.1.4. Dendrochronology and Timber Analysis (Nigel Nayling)

their thin sections exhibited numerous common wood anatomical features with the two samples examined at Kew. Timbers identified as ebony include a ceiling plank and some frames, although the majority were hull planks. Identified softwood elements comprised one of two posts observed protruding through stringers on the eastern section of the ship (UNID08_S22), and ceiling plank A263 (UNID09_S024), again from the eastern section. Thirteen samples were identified as elm, Ulmus spp., including stringers and hull planks from the western section.

Results The position of samples taken from the two main sections of the wreck and the results of this sampling are shown in Figures 3.9 and 3.10 (c.f. Nayling 2011). Thirteen of the oak (Quercus spp.) samples had sufficient rings for measurement and tree-ring width series were measured for these. Two samples (UNID08_S04 and UNID09_S30), taken from opposing ends of the same framing timber cross-matched with a high computer correlation (t=12.9). Two further samples (UNID08_S14 and UNID08_S17) cross-matched with a significant computer correlation (t=5.9). This is consistent with parent trees growing at the same time in the same climatic zone. Individual sequences were compared with oak ring-width means from Britain and Ireland without success. They were then compared with tree-ring chronologies available through the International Tree Ring Data Bank, again without success.

Discussion A range of complementary studies including materials analysis and historical research suggests the vessel may be the Flower of Ugie, a ship constructed in the North-East of England (Section 4). A Lloyds Survey Report for this ship states that the floors and futtocks were made from English, African and ‘a little’ French oak; that the bulk of the outer planking was African Oak, with some English and ‘foreign white oak’, except for the outer planking between the keel and 1st futtock heads which was American elm. The ceilings are listed as African Oak and a little French Oak. If usage of the term ‘African Oak’ can be equated with ebony, then this description is consistent with the results of wood identification.

Non-oak timbers were identified as larch/spruce, elm and ebony (see Table 2.2). Differential shading of individual timbers in Figures 3.9 and 3.10 show identifications made either during dendrochronological analysis of oak samples, or following microscopic wood identification of non-oak species. Samples from two non-native hardwood timbers, outer hull plank A265 (UNID09_028) and frame A238 (UNID09_S054) were identified by Peter Gasson at the Jodrell Laboratory, Kew as matching reference collection material of Diospyros sp., ebony. A further fourteen samples are identified as ebony as

Given the implied diversity of sources for the oaks employed in the ship’s construction, it is unsurprising that it proved impossible to construct a site tree-ring master, and that no absolute dating was achieved. During fieldwork, all exposed oak timbers (which 29

The Flower of Ugie Figure 3.9. Results of timber sampling for wood identification on the western section of the wreck.

30

Archaeological Remains Figure 3.10. Results of timber sampling for wood identification on the eastern section of the wreck.

comprised the majority of the framing timbers) were assessed on the seabed and all those which appeared to have sufficient rings were sampled. The vast majority of frames however were derived from fast-grown oaks with insufficient rings for tree-ring analysis.

compositional analysis are provided in Appendix One. Copper Three copper bolts were identified (F27, F28 and F40). Their compositions are characterised in particular by arsenic, silver, bismuth and lead impurities, together with small traces of iron, nickel, antimony, sulphur and possibly cadmium. As the metallography will show (below), the bismuth and possibly some of the lead and arsenic are present as oxide inclusions.

3.1.5. Metal Analysis of Hull Fastening and Sheathing (Peter Northover) For ease of comparative analysis the following section is structured by material type, rather than into separate sections on hull fastening and sheathing. Full results of 31

The Flower of Ugie Comparative analysis For comparison with these analyses and to assist in the dating of the bolts, there are detailed analyses of copper bolts and sheathing from British ships from the Napoleonic War era. In addition, are analyses of copper coins and blanks produced in Britain from the 1780’s, some of the earliest of which were counterfeit, to 1835; the point at which the Soho works ceased to supply the United States mint in Philadelphia with copper blanks for Liberty Head cents (Northover 2007; Wilcox 2009). A second source is the analysis of copper ingots from shipwrecks, especially East Indiamen, from the mid18th century onwards.1 An endpoint is provided by the analysis of a copper steam tube fabricated in 1857 for a new locomotive that was lost at sea during delivery to Nova Scotia in that year, parts of which have been recovered and are now in the National Railway Museum (Hudson and Adkins 2007). Finally, data was made available from shipwrecks elsewhere in the world, in particular Australia (Ian MacLeod, pers.comm.), for example the Sirius, Pandora and the Bounty.

rolling with grooved rolls followed by a final cold rolling to harden the copper. The exception to this is Collins’ patent of 1783 (Harris 1966) which used the grooved rolls to grip the bar and pull in through a die as the final hardening stage. It has recently been recognised that it is very difficult to etch up clear signs of the final cold work in the form of slip traces or deformation twins and it is only, as here, when the grains are visibly deformed that the effects of the final cold work are fully visible. Current research (Northover and Northover 2010 uses the technique of electron backscatter diffraction (EBSD) to quantify deformation in structures such as these. The same data also make it possible to determine the texture, that is the preferred orientation of the grains after deformation, this has identified the distinctive texture produced by Collins’ patent. As noted above in the discussion of the composition of the distribution of oxide inclusions, general cuprite (Cu2O) surrounded by the softer arsenious oxide, are less numerous than in bolts from the end of the 18th and the very early 19th century. One peculiarity is the very large grain size in F27, where prolonged heating before the final cold rolling has permitted excessive secondary growth to the detriment of the strength of the bolt.

Taken together, these data show that the arsenic/silver/ bismuth impurity pattern of the bolts from the wreck is characteristic of copper smelted in Britain in the later 18th and earlier 19th centuries from Welsh and Cornish ores, together with a minor amount of imported ore (for imported ore, see Symons 2003). Recent analyses have suggested that Welsh copper might be separated from Cornish copper by a generally lower level of lead in the latter, while it has also been suggested that Cornish copper can contain traces of tin (Craddock and Hook 1990). Compared to the majority of the datasets outlined above, the arsenic contents of the bolts from the wreck are much lower. This may be explained by the marked drop in arsenic content that takes place by about 1830, identifiable in the coin evidence and even more so in the 1857 steam pipe (Wilcox 2009) and also in the volume of oxide inclusions. On this basis, it may be concluded that these bolts were made at some time after the mid1820’s and probably before the 1850’s, when brass bolts had become the norm (see McCarthy 2005 for discussion and bibliography). One caveat that should be made here is that the concentrations of arsenic, bismuth and lead could also be reduced by recycling. However, while copper sheathing was recycled, especially in Naval dockyards, with such a reductive result. It is much more likely that copper bolts, being an original part of the ship structure, were rolled from newly smelted and refined copper that was supplied directly to the rolling mill.

Brass Two pieces of hull sheathing (F22 and F24), four bolts (F13, F14, F21 and F41) and a nail (F16) were identified as brass. A problem common to all of the analysed brass components from the wreck is the effect of the dezincification of the β phase in αβ brasses and its replacement by re-deposited copper. This means that the measured zinc content will always be below the original zinc content of the item. An estimate can be made by equating the volume fraction of copper with that of the β phase and adjusting the zinc content accordingly. Hull sheathing The two pieces of sheathing analysed were similar to each other and can be regarded as belonging to the same episode of sheathing. The samples are both reasonably homogenous, F24 with a mean zinc content of 36.6% and F22 (Fig 3.11) with a mean zinc content of 35.5%, but with a maximum value of 37.2%. Allowing for the presence of some re-deposited copper, the original zinc content of the sheet was probably of the order of 38-39%, just within the α+β two-phase region of the copper-zinc system in non-equilibrium conditions. It is also within the range of zinc contents in G.F. Muntz’s 1832 patent for hot-rolled brass sheathing of 37-50%, although Muntz himself preferred a 40% zinc alloy.2 It took some considerable time for Muntz to establish a market for his sheathing, but in 1840 around 200 ships were sheathed in Muntz Metal. By 1843, Muntz’s company was rolling 30004000 tons of sheet a year. When his patent expired in 1846, other companies came into the market, producing ‘yellow-metal’ sheathing. Although it is possible that the sheathing analysed from the wreck dates before 1840, it

Metallography All of the copper samples discussed above have the same type of microstructure, that is a deformed, recrystallized grain structure, with annealing twins with scattered lines of oxide particles. These structures are consistent with the standard methods of forming bolts which is hot 1 For data from ingots see www.weymouthdiving.co.uk/research. htm#Section3

2 G.F. Muntz, Patent No. 6325, October 22nd 1832.

32

Archaeological Remains Figure 3.11. Fragment of hull sheathing F22, scale = 10 cm.

is much more likely that it dates to the 1840’s or later. As yet there are insufficient comparative analyses available to find a context for the very low level of impurities, other than lead, in the sheathing. The brass from the Islay shipwreck locomotives,3 rolled in Birmingham in 1857 has an impurity pattern with more nickel and arsenic than here, but, except for the arsenic, not greatly so. Taking all the information into account, a date for the sheathing from the wreck in the middle decades of the 19th century would be entirely plausible.

process for producing brass bolts from the same alloy.4 Like the patent for brass sheathing (Muntz metal or yellow-metal), this expired in 1846. The use of brass in the bolts and nails of the wreck that seems to be of a slightly standard type suggests a manufacturing date after the expiry of Muntz’s original patent. The trace elements in the bolts and nail are the same as in the sheathing, perhaps indicating a common origin. A further interesting point is the detection of a high cadmium content in analysis SH4/7, almost certainly associated with a zinc/cadmium oxide inclusion, the cadmium coming into the alloy with the zinc.

In terms of metallography the two pieces of sheathing have similar microstructures with fully recrystallized equiaxed grain structures with annealing twins. There is extensive intergranular corrosion at the surface. Within the samples, the β phase has been replaced by redeposited copper and cuprite. Both samples show some traces of cold work, presumably incurred during the fitting of the sheathing or after the ship was wrecked and started to break up.

From a metallographical perspective, the brass bolts all have similar microstructures with fully recrystallised grain structures with annealing twins and an intergranular network of β phase which has been replaced by re-deposited copper and cuprite. There is also intergranular corrosion in the α phase and possibly some secondary corrosion of the re-deposited copper. The samples on the whole exhibit very little in the way of traces of cold work; such deformation would have been near the surface and this has probably been removed by corrosion and abrasion. However, F41 definitely has deformed structure with elongated grains.

Bolts and nails The four bolts and a nail were made from brass and exhibited a measured zinc content ranging from 30.5% to 33.6%. The metallography (below) shows that the volume of β phase replaced by re-deposited copper is greater than that in the sheathing. All but one of the individual analyses does not exceed 35% so, even with the greater volume of β phase the original zinc content might not have been much greater than 37%.

The nail has an unaltered, as-cast, cored dendritic structure. The cast structure has an interdendritic distribution of β phase and this has been penetrated by corrosion and de-zincified. It has generally been reported that sheathing nails are cast.

After solving the problems of economically hot-rolling brass sheet for sheathing, Muntz went on to patent a 3 Northover, unpublished data.

4 G. F. Muntz, Patent No. 6347, December 17th 1832.

33

The Flower of Ugie Gunmetal Two items, a nail (F15) and a bolt (F17), were formed from a leaded gunmetal; a quarternary alloy of copper, zinc, tin and lead. The two alloys are very similar with 7.3-9.1% zinc, 6.2-6.4% tin and 5.9-8.7% lead. The impurity patterns are also closely comparable; 0.570.64% iron, 0.12-0.15% nickel, 0.62-0.66% arsenic, 0.230.47% antimony, 0.08-0.10% silver 0.12-0.23% bismuth and 0.43-0.46% sulphur.

of the period, for example with the use of cast nails and with the copper in the gunmetal having a different history from that in the brass. While the origin of the brass cannot be determined, the original copper bolts are typical of those produced in the UK at the likely time of construction. Since copper was exported, this cannot be sufficient evidence that the ship was British built, although there is a good chance that it was.

3.2. Cargo Remains

The impurity pattern is important because it shows that the copper in these alloys has an origin very different from those of the copper and brass described above. The presence of so much antimony means that the copper is almost certainly not Cornish or Welsh. The complete pattern of arsenic/antimony/nickel/silver has been linked with continental Europe since the Bronze Age. Among material from shipwrecks there is little to match it, save a gudgeon and a keel strap from the Lively, an English whaler sunk on the Mermaid Reef, part of the Rowley shoals in Western Australia (Ian MacLeod, pers.comm.). The vessel sank in 1810 but was originally built in France, c. 1790. The possibilities for the material from the wreck are that the parts were made and fitted outside the UK (eg. as repairs carried out during a voyage), that the alloys were supplied from the continent and processed in the UK, or that imported copper was used with British tin, zinc and lead. It is instructive that gunmetal parts in the Islay shipwreck locomotive also have similar antimony content although nickel and silver are lower. The production and distribution of these mixed alloys, therefore, was separate from the supply of copper and brass

(David Dungworth and Isabel Wilkinson) No large corpus of material that could be identified with certainty as the cargo of the vessel was observed during the survey. Given the broken-up nature of the wreck site, this is unsurprising. However, material provisionally identified as coal or slag was consistently noted across the site, lying between the frames of the vessel. Samples of this material were recovered for analysis with the aim of providing a positive identification of the material in question. The material examined (Figure 3.12, Table 3.2) comprised a light, vesicular material with a yellow powdery surface which is coal or partially burnt coal, a dense slag with distinct flowed texture and flint pebbles. 3.2.1. Coal/Partially Burnt Coal The material identified as partially burnt coal comprises amorphous lumps which are substantially lighter than most metalworking slags. Fresh fracture surfaces show the material to be black, vitreous and somewhat porous. Qualitative EDXRF analysis showed that the material contains minor amounts of iron and sulphur. The EDXRF spectrum from this sample displayed a significant Compton scattering peak suggesting that it was primarily an organic material (Hunter et al 1993). SEM-EDS analysis confirmed that the material is carbon rich.

In terms of their metallography, the analysed gunmetals have unaltered, as-cast, cored dendritic structures, with interdendritic αδ eutectoid and lead particles. The structure of the nail is sound but that for the bolt shows significant shrinkage porosity. The cast structure for a sheathing nail or similar nail is expected, but for a bolt is less so, although since the alloy is not suitable for hotrolling the cast structure is plausible. Possibly the bolt had a specialist purpose.

3.2.2. Flowed Slag The material identified as slag consists of black lumps, all of which exhibit a flow texture characteristic of many metalworking slags (Bayley et al 2001). The surface of the slag is variable from black to orange (probably due to the formation of hydrated iron oxides in a marine environment). Fresh fracture surfaces showed the material to have a black colour. This material is significantly denser than that identified as coal/partially burnt coal, in part due to the absence of porosity. Qualitative EDXRF analysis of the sample confirmed the presence of iron and also indicated the presence of magnesium, silicon, calcium. Moreover, the spectrum contained no peaks for copper, zinc, tin or lead which would have been indicative of a non-ferrous slag (eg. Dungworth et al 2010). SEM examination indicated that the material was mainly glassy with fine calcium silicate crystals, however, it was also clear that the material had undergone significant alteration in the burial environment.

Summary Hull sheathing and fastening components utilised in the construction of the wreck were manufactured from copper, brass and in two cases gunmetal. Analysis of these materials suggests that the copper components probably originate between the mid-1820’s and the mid-1840’s. It is likely that these fastenings would have been used in conjunction with copper sheathing, although none has been recorded on the site. At a subsequent stage the vessel was over-hauled and resheathed in brass, at the same time, some of the copper bolts were replaced with brass bolts. Both the brass bolts and sheathing probably date from after the expiry of Muntz’s patent, in 1846. The results show that the analysed components conform with the British practice 34

Archaeological Remains Figure 3.12. Samples of partially burnt coal (left) and flowed slag (right) from the western section of the wreck.

Table 3.2. Summary of materials submitted for examination (weight in grams).

Location

Coal/partially burnt coal

Western (A262)

534.1

Eastern (A294)

142.7

Eastern (A260)

366.8

Flowed slag

Flint pebbles

217.3 13.4 225.3

AR6 F26

3.2.3. Discussion Any definitive identification of the slag recovered from the wreck is limited by its relatively poor condition. The relatively low aluminium content of this material suggests that it is not clinker (vitrified fuel ash). The high carbon content of the coal/partially burnt coal is consistent with the initial identification of this material. The abundant porosity clearly indicates that the coal has undergone incomplete combustion which has been hot enough to soften the coal but has not consumed all of the carbon. It is unclear whether the partial combustion of the coal took place deliberately on the wreck (eg. for a steam-powered windlass) or represents an accidental fire of the ship’s cargo.

3.3.1. Pottery Analysis (Duncan Brown) Three sherds of pottery and a fragment of tile were recovered from the wreck in 2009. These are described below. Two of the pottery fragments are very worn, to the extent that the original glazed surface has disappeared, while the third has no distinguishing features. The tile fragment is more distinctive and comparative analysis could indicate its origin and likely date. These finds lend little to the interpretation of the site or the wreck apart from indicating a 19th century or later date. F30. One sherd of white refined earthenware weighing one gram; slightly discoloured, perhaps from burning; worn to the point that no glaze is present. F31. One sherd of white refined earthenware; all traces of glaze worn away; seven grams in weight. F35. One fragment of plain, white refined earthenware; four grams in weight. The glaze is present on both sides and the flatness of this piece suggests the base of an open form such as a plate. This is unlikely to be earlier than the 19th century and may be later. F34. One fragment of tile weighing 61 grams. The fabric is very coarse, comprising a highly fired yellow clay

3.3. Shipboard Items (Julian Whitewright) A range of shipboard items were recorded and in some cases collected during the course of work on the wreck. These range from fragments of pottery and small metal artefacts to a carronade and a signal gun.

35

The Flower of Ugie 3.3.2. Sugar Sifter Lid and Handbell Two small metal artefacts were recovered during the survey of the wreck. A fragment of a handbell from the central area of the site and the lid of a sugar sifter from the eastern end of the site. Both these artefacts were subjected to material analysis and the results of this are included below. Sugar sifter lid The pewter lid of a sugar sifter (Figure 3.13) was recovered from the eastern end of the eastern section of the site. It is 42 mm in height, with an external base diameter of 38 mm, 1 mm thick walls and pierced by eighteen holes each 2 mm in diameter. The top of the sugar sifter is mounted by a small finial that is 7 mm in diameter at its widest point. The lower portion of the interior wall is threaded to allow attachment to the main body of the sugar sifter. The survival of the lid of the vessel in such good condition, may suggest that the body was made of glass, subsequently smashed during the wrecking process. An item such as the sugar sifter may have formed part of the tableware of the vessel, possibly that used by the vessel’s master. Its location may give some indication of the vicinity of the stern of the vessel. Metal analysis (Peter Northover) The sugar sifter lid is cast in a pewter comprised of 68.7% tin, 27.9% lead, 2.6% antimony and 0.7% copper. The use of as much as 28% lead means that this pewter is not of the highest grade. Antimony had been added to pewter from at least the 17th century, also to Brittania metal, an alloy of tin with 5% antimony and 2% copper, but with lead excluded because of its toxicity. Britannia metal was already standard for flatware by the 1850’s, but for an application such as the sugar sifter lid, the risks from lead were obviously deemed small enough for the element to remain in the alloy.

Figure 3.13. Sugar sifter lid recovered from the eastern section of the wreck (J. Whitewright). matrix with abundant iron inclusions. There are also moderately abundant inclusions of very coarse, hard, yellow clay pellets or grog and a single very coarse fragment of a sandy conglomerate that contains a large lump of ironstone or other iron-rich material. The upper side of this flat tile is covered in a clear lead glaze. The tile is two centimetres thick. This is of an uncertain source but it is likely to be post-medieval or later in date.

Figure 3.14. Fragment of hand-bell (J. Whitewright). 36

Archaeological Remains Figure 3.15. The carronade, now concreted, is located on the northern side of ƚŚĞǁĞƐƚĞƌŶƐĞĐƟŽŶ of hull remains, scale = 50 cm.

Figure 3.16. Diagram of the carronade’s basic dimensions, based on ŝŶͲƐŝƚƵ measurements.

ƚŚĂŶƚŚŽƐĞŽďƐĞƌǀĞĚŝŶƚŚĞŐƵŶŵĞƚĂůƐ;ĂďŽǀĞͿ͘tŚŝůĞ ŚŝŐŚ ƚŝŶ ďƌŽŶnjĞƐ ĂƌĞ ĚĞƐŝƌĂďůĞ ĨŽƌ ďĞůůƐ ďĞĐĂƵƐĞ ŽĨ ƚŚĞŝƌ ĂĐŽƵƐƚŝĐ ƉƌŽƉĞƌƚŝĞƐ͕ ƚŚĞ ĂĚĚŝƚŝŽŶ ŽĨ ϰ͘ϰй ůĞĂĚ ǁŽƵůĚĚĂŵƉĞŶƚŚĞƌŝŶŐŽĨƚŚĞďĞůů͘dŚĞŵŽƌĞƵƐƵĂůƚŝŶ ĐŽŶƚĞŶƚ ĨŽƌ ďĞůůƐ ŝƐ ŝŶ ĞdžĐĞƐƐ ŽĨ ϮϬй͕ ƐŽ ƚŚĞ ůŽǁĞƌĞĚ ƚŝŶĐŽŶƚĞŶƚĂŶĚƚŚĞĂĚĚŝƚŝŽŶŽĨůĞĂĚŵŝŐŚƚŚĂǀĞďĞĞŶ ĨŽƌ ĐŚĞĂƉŶĞƐƐ͘ dŚĞƌĞ ĂƌĞ ŶŽ ĐŽŶƚĞŵƉŽƌĂƌLJ ďƌŽŶnjĞ ĂŶĂůLJƐĞƐ ŽĨ ƚŚŝƐ ĐŚĂƌĂĐƚĞƌ ĂǀĂŝůĂďůĞ ĨŽƌ ĐŽŵƉĂƌŝƐŽŶ͘ dŚĞ ŚŝŐŚ ƚŝŶ ůĞĂĚĞĚ ďƌŽŶnjĞ ŚĂƐ ĂŶ ƵŶĂůƚĞƌĞĚ͕ ĂƐͲĐĂƐƚ͕ ĐŽƌĞĚĚĞŶĚƌŝƚŝĐƐƚƌƵĐƚƵƌĞ͘dŚĞůĞĂĚŝŶƚŚĞĂůůŽLJĂƉƉĞĂƌƐ ĂƐĂĚŝƐƉĞƌƐŝŽŶŽĨĚĂƌŬƉĂƌƚŝĐůĞƐ͘

Hand-bell fragment dŚĞ ůŽǁĞƌ ƉĂƌƚ ĂŶĚ ƌŝŵ ŽĨ Ă ŚĂŶĚͲďĞůů ;&ŝŐƵƌĞ ϯ͘ϭϰͿ ǁĂƐƌĞĐŽǀĞƌĞĚĨƌŽŵƚŚĞĐĞŶƚƌĂůĂƌĞĂŽĨƚŚĞǁƌĞĐŬ͘dŚĞ ŵĂƚĞƌŝĂůƵƐĞĚŝŶƚŚĞŵĂŶƵĨĂĐƚƵƌĞŽĨƚŚĞďĞůůŝƐĚĞƐĐƌŝďĞĚ ďĞůŽǁ͘dŚĞďĞůůŝƐϵϱŵŵŝŶĚŝĂŵĞƚĞƌǁŝƚŚĂƌŝŵƚŚŝĐŬŶĞƐƐ ŽĨ ϲ ŵŵ ĂŶĚ Ă ŐĞŶĞƌĂů ǁĂůů ƚŚŝĐŬŶĞƐƐ ŽĨ ϭ͘ϱ ŵŵ͘ dŚĞ ůŽǁĞƌ ďŽĚLJ ŝƐ ĚĞĐŽƌĂƚĞĚ ǁŝƚŚ ƚǁŽ ůŝŶĞƐ ŽĨ ƉĂƩĞƌŶĞĚ ďĂŶĚŝŶŐ͕ ĞŝƚŚĞƌ ƐŝĚĞ ŽĨ ĂŶ ĂďƐƚƌĂĐƚ ƉĂƩĞƌŶ ƚŚĂƚ ŇŽǁƐ ĂƌŽƵŶĚƚŚĞďŽĚLJŽĨƚŚĞďĞůů͘dŚĞƐŝnjĞŽĨƚŚĞďĞůůŝƐĂůŵŽƐƚ ĐĞƌƚĂŝŶůLJƚŽŽƐŵĂůůĨŽƌŝƚƚŽŚĂǀĞĨƵŶĐƟŽŶĞĚĂƐƚŚĞƐŚŝƉ͛Ɛ ďĞůů͘ /ƚ ŵĂLJ ƚŚĞƌĞĨŽƌĞ ďĞ ĂƐƐƵŵĞĚ ƚŽ ďĞ ƉĂƌƚ ŽĨ ƚŚĞ ƉĞƌƐŽŶĂůƉŽƐƐĞƐƐŝŽŶƐŽĨŽŶĞŽĨƚŚĞĐƌĞǁ͕ŽƌƉĂƐƐĞŶŐĞƌƐ͘

3.3.3. Carronade and Signal Cannon dǁŽŐƵŶƐǁĞƌĞĨŽƵŶĚŽŶƚŚĞǁƌĞĐŬ͕ďŽƚŚŽŶƚŚĞǁĞƐƚĞƌŶ ƐĞĐƟŽŶ͘ƐŵĂůůĐĂŶŶŽŶ͕ůŽĐĂƚĞĚϳ͘ϱŵĨƌŽŵƚŚĞƐŽƵƚŚͲ ǁĞƐƚĞƌŶĞdžƚƌĞŵŝƚLJŽĨƚŚĞǁĞƐƚĞƌŶƐĞĐƟŽŶŽĨŚƵůůƌĞŵĂŝŶƐ ĂŶĚ Ă ĐĂƌƌŽŶĂĚĞ͕ ůŽĐĂƚĞĚ ŽŶ ƚŚĞ ŶŽƌƚŚĞƌŶ ƐŝĚĞ ŽĨ ƚŚĞ ǁĞƐƚĞƌŶ ŚƵůů ƐĞĐƟŽŶ ;&ŝŐƵƌĞ ϯ͘ϭͿ͘ dŚĞ ĂďƐĞŶĐĞ ŽĨ ĂŶLJ

Metal analysis (Peter Northover) dŚĞ ĨƌĂŐŵĞŶƚ ŽĨ ŚĂŶĚͲďĞůů ŝƐ ŵĂĚĞ ĨƌŽŵ Ă ŚŝŐŚ ƚŝŶ ůĞĂĚĞĚ ďƌŽŶnjĞ ĐŽŶƚĂŝŶŝŶŐ ϭϳ͘ϭй ƚŝŶ͕ ϰ͘ϰй ůĞĂĚ ĂŶĚ Ϭ͘ϰй njŝŶĐ͘ dŚŝƐ ŚĂƐ ĂŶ ĂƌƐĞŶŝĐͬĂŶƚŝŵŽŶLJͬŶŝĐŬĞůͬƐŝůǀĞƌ ŝŵƉƵƌŝƚLJƉĂƚƚĞƌŶ͕ĂůƚŚŽƵŐŚǁŝƚŚůŽǁĞƌĐŽŶĐĞŶƚƌĂƚŝŽŶƐ ϯϳ

The Flower of Ugie Sir Robert Seppings, chief surveyor between 1813 and 1832 (Stammers 2001: 115). The increasingly common use of iron as a strengthening material is also reflected in the shipbuilding treatises of the first half of the 19th century. Hedderwick (1830: pl. x) illustrates a range of different knees, while Crueze (1841: 77-88) treats the use of ironwork as a perfectly natural part of the process, indicating its widespread acceptance by this date. He indicates ten different forms of iron reinforcement that had been adopted for securing beam ends as an alternative to wooden knees (Crueze 1841: pl. cccclv). By 1863, Murray’s follow-up treatise to Crueze’s work expressly notes that iron has ‘now become common in the construction of ships instead of timber’ (Murray 1863: 79). The inclusion of iron knees in the structure of the wreck is indicative of a date no earlier than the mid18th century, with a more probable date from the early 19th century onwards when the use of such material became more commonplace.

other armament indicates that the vessel was probably a merchant ship. The carronade is heavily concreted (Figure 3.15) but retains its overall integrity and allows the measurement of basic characteristics. The carronade is c. 1.16 m in total length, with a muzzle bore of 130 mm, these are illustrated in Figure 3.16. The muzzle bore gives the biggest indication of the type of gun represented by the remains; 130 mm equates to a calibre of 5.2 inches, which correlates to the measurement given by Douglas (1829: 91) for an eighteen pounder gun of 5.16 inches. The small cannon measures 0.54 m long with a bore of 10mm. The short length of the cannon in combination with the size of the bore indicates that it most probably served as a signal cannon.

3.4. Discussion (Julian Whitewright) The survey and analysis of the hull remains, fixtures and fittings recorded on the Flower of Ugie provide a number of areas for further discussion. Primarily this involves providing a broader context for the wreck by offering archaeological and historical comparisons for vessels and shipbuilding practices identified as contemporary to the wreck. In order to achieve this the likely date of the wreck must be established and this is outlined in Section 3.4.1. Contemporary archaeological comparisons are then examined, alongside relevant historical sources, in section 3.4.2. Finally, an attempt is made to estimate the likely size of the original vessel (Section 3.4.3), based on the surveyed seabed remains and the comparative sources. Further analysis of the vessel’s structure, based on the archaeological remains and in conjunction with historical documentation resulting from identification of the vessel is returned to in Section 5.3.4.

Hull fastening and sheathing The hull of the wreck is fastened using treenails and metal bolts. Mixed fastenings were not unusual in wooden shipbuilding during the late 18th and 19th century although by the early 19th century copper fastenings were theoretically preferred (Blackburn 1817: 179-80). Analysis of the metal bolts from the wreck has indicated that they were made of copper and brass. Furthermore, the composition of these two metals allows their production dates to be relatively wellrefined (see Section 3.1.5). This suggests that the copper bolts probably originated between the mid-1820’s and the mid-1840’s, while the brass bolts were probably manufactured after 1846. It is therefore possible that the vessel was built after 1846 with a mixture of copper and brass bolts, or that it was built after the mid-1820’s using copper bolts, before being repaired sometime after 1846 using brass bolts.

3.4.1 The Date of the Wreck The survival and analysis of a number of constructional features allow a date range for the use of the wreck to be formulated with some certainty. In particular; • • •

A similar chronological picture is painted by the fragments of brass hull sheathing recovered from the wreck. Such material was often termed ‘yellow-metal’ in the treatises and shipping lists of the period. The sheathing of vessels in copper was pioneered in the second half of the 18th century, following the Royal Navy’s experimental coppering of the 32-gun HMS Alarm in 1761 (Bingeman et al. 2000: 221). However, the use of yellow-metal for hull sheathing was not developed until 1832 when a method for its manufacture was patented by George Muntz, originally called ‘Muntz metal’, after which it became a popular sheathing material for merchant ships (Bingeman et al. 2000: 224). The presence of yellow-metal sheathing therefore indicates a date post-1832. Further analysis of the composition of this sheathing provides a likely date for the application of the sheathing after 1846. The vessel could obviously have been constructed prior to this date as ships were regularly re-sheathed during their operational life.

The presence of iron knees to reinforce the vessel’s framing. The type and nature of the materials used in fastening and sheathing the vessel. The presence of a carronade on the vessel.

Iron knees The use of iron knees as reinforcement for the framing of wooden ships was first introduced by the French Navy in the mid-18th century as a substitute for ‘grown’ wooden knees, which were becoming increasingly scarce (Stammers 2001: 115). The use of iron knees spread in British shipbuilding and they had become adopted by the British East India Company by 1810 (Stammers 2001: 115). The beginning of the systematic installation of iron knees on all ships was overseen by 38

Archaeological Remains The carronade The presence of a carronade as indication of the only armament (apart from the signal cannon) of the vessel also provides a broad indication of the date of use of the ship. The carronade was developed by the Carron Company in collaboration with General Robert Melville and was first manufactured in 1778 (Hogg & Batchelor 1978: 21; Lavery 1987: 105). It was initially used on the ships of the Carron Company and later sold to merchant ships, privateers and the Royal Navy. Carronades began to disappear from Naval use by the 1850’s, the date at which they ceased to be carried by merchant ships is more unclear. The presence of a carronade on board the wreck therefore serves to confirm the date of the vessel, in broad terms, as being from the 1780’s onwards.

3.4.2. Archaeological and Historical Parallels The composition of the metal fastenings (Section 3.1.5) in conjunction with the results of dendrochronological analyses (Section 3.1.4) suggests that the wreck is most likely to be of British origin and construction. The dating of the vessel to the early/mid-19th century allows comparison to be made with a number of published archaeological investigations into the remains of contemporary vessels, these are summarised in Table 3.3. Fastenings The combination of wooden and metal fastenings used in the construction of the wreck may seem, to a modern viewer, fairly non-standard. This combination of fastening materials bears comparison with contemporary archaeological examples. The SL4 vessel utilised a mixture of treenails, copper bolts, copper-alloy bolts and also iron bolts. The latter were used to fasten the keel, keelson and floors of the vessel together (Adams et al. 1990: 78). In contrast, the remains of the Ahrenshoop shipwreck is more reminiscent of the fastening materials found on the wreck. The Newcastle built Water Nymph was fastened primarily with treenails and copper-alloy bolts, the former serving to attach the planking to the frames and the latter being utilised in the plank scarfs. The pattern of treenails, combined with copper bolts is also visible on the Earl of Abergavenny, dating to the very start of 19th century (Cumming and Carter 1990: 32-3) and the Jhelum (Bound 1990) dating to the middle of the 19th century. An even more direct comparison is seen on the Eglinton, which uses treenails, copper and brass bolts (McCarthy and Stanbury 2003: 49). A contrast is provided by the Seaton Carew shipwreck; fastened almost entirely with treenails, with evidence of a small

Summary of the dating evidence The evidence presented above provides a good indication of the likely date of use of the ship. Construction using wooden planking and framing with iron knees for reinforcement places the vessel in a period from the mid/late-18th century onwards. Similarily, the presence of a carronade confirms this, placing the vessel from the 1780’s onwards. Dating is narrowed down considerably by the presence of brass sheathing, which can only have been manufactured after 1832. Furthermore, the composition of the sheathing from the wreck indicates a likely date of application after 1846. This is corroborated by the brass bolts used to fasten the vessel, which could not have been made prior to 1832 and which also probably date from after 1846. Further detail is added by the copper bolts which were probably not manufactured prior to the 1820’s and probably not after the late 1840’s. Final interpretation of these dating criteria is discussed further in Section 3.5. Vessel

Location

Built

Lost

Dimensions

Tonnage

Fastening

Sheathing

Earl of Abergavenny, East Indiaman

Weymouth

1796, Northfleet, Kent

02/1805

53.9 x 13.3 m

1400 Old

Trn, Cu

Softwood + Cu

Water Nymph, Brig

Ahrenshoop, Germany

08/1840, Newcastle

29/08/1875

26.6 x 7 m

225 New

Trn, CuA

Cu/YM

Unknown, two-masted

Seaton Carew, Hartlepool

19th Century

19th Century

25.1 x 7.07 m

N/A

Trn

Wood

SL4

Slufter, Rotterdam

c. 1838

c. 1840’s

Beam= 7.9 m

200-300 New

Trn, Cu, CuA, Fe

None

Snow Squall, Clipper

Falklands & Maine

1851, Maine, USA

1864

742

YM

1847, Tasmania

1853

195

YM

Petrel, Barque Eglinton, Barque

Western Australia

1848, Quebec

09/1852

36 x 8.2 m (119’ x 27’)

403 Old 462 New

Trn, Cu, CuA

YM

Jhelum East Indiaman

Port Stanley Falklands

1849, Liverpool

1870 (hulked)

35.9 x 8.4 m (118’5” x 27’10”)

428 New

Trn, Cu

YM

Vicar of Bray Barque

Port Stanley Falklands

1841, Sunderland

1880 (hulked)

36.8 x 7.3 m (121’5” x 24’1”)

374 New

Lengthened in 1859

Trn = Treenail, Cu = Copper (Bolt), CuA = Copper-Alloy (Bolt), Fe = Iron (Bolt) YM = Yellow Metal

Table 3.3. Summary of vessels of comparative date to the likely building and use period of the wreck. 39

The Flower of Ugie Also identified were a number of large staple knees, designed to span horizontally between deck beams or to be fitted vertically between decks (Stammers 2001: 115, 119-120). 19th century shipbuilding treatises illustrate them in the former position (eg. Hedderwick 1830: Plate X, Fig. 28). The mid-19th century vessels Jhelum and Vicar of Bray both hulked on the Falkland Islands were built with staple knees orientated in a horizontal plane, between neighbouring deck beams (Stammers and Baker 1994: 475). No such elements were observed on either the SL4 vessel or the Water Nymph.

number of square-section iron nails used in the ceiling planking (Green and Pritchard 2007: 5). Two square-shafted, square-headed nails, made from gun-metal were noted in Section 3.1.3 as having a likely use in the fastening of the butt-ends of plank scarfs. Similar sized and shaped fastenings were found on the SL4 shipwreck serving the same purpose (Adams et al. 1990: 79). The SL4 vessel, along with the Water Nymph also utilised 16 mm copper-alloy through bolts to secure the plank scarf butt-ends (Adams et al. 1990: 89; Auer and Belasus 2008: 133). The use of such a size of bolt for this purpose may provide an explanation for the different sizes of copper and brass bolts noted on the wreck, with the smaller size (17-18 mm) being used in the plank scarfs. The practice of using such fastenings for this purpose is also described by Fincham (1852: 40-42).

Sheathing The material composition of the hull sheathing was detailed in Section 3.1.5, where it was identified as comprising Muntz metal, or ‘yellow-metal’. The dating implications of the use of this material were outlined in Section 3.4.1. The advantages of sheathing a sailing ship in copper or yellow-metal may seem obvious; the wooden hull was protected from marine borers and exterior growth, the latter of which helped to preserve a vessel’s sailing qualities while the former preserved its structural integrity. However, it is still instructive to assess the presence of yellow-metal sheathing on the remains of the wreck against its known archaeological contemporaries. The type of sheathing, if any, on the investigated contemporary vessels is outlined in Table 3.3.

Fastening materials and techniques attested to in the archaeological record of mid-19th century British shipbuilding are therefore far from uniform. Within the narrow corpus of available comparative material, the closest parallels can be drawn with the Water Nymph. Both of these vessels exhibit widespread use of treenails, in conjunction with copper and copperalloy fastenings. In the case of the wreck, the copperalloy has been positively identified as brass. The fastening materials identified on the wreck contrasts with the range of materials, including iron, used on the SL4 shipwreck. The mixing of wooden and metal fastenings in these three vessels provides a further, notable contrast to the mainly all-treenail fastening of the Seaton Carew shipwreck. In their analysis of the Eglinton’s fastenings, McCarthy and Stanbury (2003: 53) cite Desmond (1919: 59), as noting that the combination of treenails and metal fastenings entailed the former resisting the transverse strains better than the metal, while the latter resisted direct separation strains.

A revealing general comparison can be made between the Water Nymph and the SL4 remains, both of these were similarly sized colliers that probably shared a building location in the north-east of England. The SL4 vessel carried no hull sheathing of any sort, this has been explained by the fact that sheathing was only applied to vessels engaged in trade to warm-water locations, such as the Mediterranean or Caribbean (Adams et al. 1990: 123). This view is corroborated by the records of the Water Nymph which is recorded as being coppered in 1842 prior to voyages to the Mediterranean (Auer and Belasus 2008: 137). The presence of copper/yellowmetal sheathing may give some indication as to whether or not a vessel was to engage in coasting trade in northern European waters or to sail to warmer waters, further afield. The use of yellow-metal to sheathe the hull of the Flower corroborates the historical sources relating to the vessel (see Chapter 4).

Framing and reinforcement A number of parallels for the iron reinforcements to the framing of the wreck can be noted and these are worthy of further discussion. It should however be noted that the extremely incoherent nature of the central area of the vessel, where the majority of the iron framing is located makes identifying individual types of iron elements very difficult. However, a number of right-angled knees, probably hanging knees with a longer lower arm, were identified. Similar reinforcement elements were recorded on the Water Nymph (Auer and Belasus 2008: 135), SL4 (Adams et al. 1990: 85) and Jhelum (Bound 1990: 44; McGregor 1988: fig. 184), indicating their widespread use in wooden shipbuilding of this period. The builders of the SL4 vessel also utilised wooden knees in its construction, although no such elements were observed on the remains of the Flower wreck.

Further comparison comes in the form of technical analysis of the Muntz Metal sheathing of the American clipper Snow Squall, the Tasmanian barque Petrel and the Quebec barque Eglinton (Carlson et al. 2010). This has illustrated a change in the late 1840’s from Muntz’s original patent. This had a favoured composition of 60% copper to 40% zinc and corresponds to the sheathing of the Eglinton (Carlson 2010: 75, table 5; cf. McCarthy and Stanbury 2003). The sheathing of that vessel is stamped with the mark of Pascoe Grenfell, one of Muntz’s original competitors (Carlson 2010: 79). In contrast, the 40

Archaeological Remains Structural Feature

Lloyds Register: 150 tons

Lloyds Register: 500 tons

Alicia, 1845 Sunderland 349 tons

Mystery Wreck Western section

Timber and Space

10 inches (250 mm)

15 inches (375 mm)

13 inches (327 mm)

Ø 12.8 inches Ø 320 mm

Floors, sided, to be not less than;

8 inches (200 mm

13 inches (325 mm)

12 inches (300 mm)

Ø 10.9 inches Ø 272 mm

Ceiling Plank Thickness: Below the hold beam

2 inches (50 mm)

3 inches (75 mm)

4 inches (bilge) (80 mm)

c. 4 inches c. 80 mm

Table 3.4. Comparison of measurements surveyed on the wreck with those given in the 1834 Lloyds Register as being the desired amount for vessels of 150 and 500 tons. The tonnage used in the 1834 register is the old tonnage measurement system. Also listed are the Lloyds Survey Report measurements taken of the barque Alicia, 349 old tons. contemporary Petrel has copper-alloy sheathing with an average composition of c. 63% copper and 37% zinc (Carlson 2010: 79, table 5). This composition pattern is repeated in the sheathing of the Snow Squall (ibid.) and more significantly in the analysed sheathing of the Flower of Ugie (Section 3.1.5). The sheathing on Petrel and the Snow Squall is stamped with the manufacturing label of the Muntz family. Carlson (2010: 80) suggests that the sheathing composition of the Snow Squall and the Petrel represents a change in the composition of sheathing produced by the Muntz family between 1847 and 1863. The mirroring of this composition in the sheathing of the Flower wreck serves to confirm the conclusion of Northover (Section 3.1.5, this volume) that the last sheathing of the vessel took place after the late 1840’s.

separately to the main hull remains. This notion is reinforced by the presence of elm in the outer planking of the western westion of the Flower wreck, but not the eastern (Section 3.1.1 and 3.1.4); the Lloyds Register for 1834 (pp 17) notes that elm should not be used above the first futtock head. The western section of the Solent wreck measures 20 m in length by 5 m wide. There is no obvious trend at either end of this section towards the location of the stem or the stern post. A minimum overall length, based on these remains, could therefore be postulated of at least 30m. Tonnage Initial indication of the possible tonnage of the wreck comes from comparison between the archaeological remains and the dimensions given in historical sources for different tonnage values. The first combined Lloyds Register, published in 1834 gives the expected sizes of various structural or fastening elements of a 150 ton and 500 ton vessel, some of these elements have survived in an identifiable form on the Solent wreck. A comparison of these, with the 1834 Lloyds Register dimensions are given in Table 3.4, it is instructive that the Lloyds Register (pp 19) notes that ‘The scantlings and dimensions of all intermediate sized vessels to be proportionately regulated’. Parallels between the wreck and contemporary vessels built in Sunderland were noted above, with this in mind, a 350 ton Sunderland built vessel from 1845 is included in Table 3.3 to provide an intermediary comparison between the Lloyds Register and an actual vessel.5 It is clear from this comparison that the Solent wreck trends towards the middle or upper end of the two sizes of vessel given by the Lloyds Register. From comparison with the Lloyds Register recommended measurements it might be suggested that the wreck represents the remains of a 300-350 ton vessel (old measure). The difficulty in using such limited comparative information to discern a tonnage figure is illustrated by the fact

3.4.3. The Dimensions and Tonnage of the Wreck Calculation of the possible overall dimensions and tonnage from the wreck remains is problematic. This is primarily because of the broken up nature of the wreck site which makes the estimation of the total length of the hull and by extension the length of the original vessel very difficult. Despite this, some idea of a minimum length of the vessel can be arrived at. Additionally, it is possible to gain some insight into the likely tonnage, and by implication dimensions, of the original vessel on the basis of comparison of the frame sizes against those listed in shipbuilding treatises from the mid-19th century. Dimensions As previously noted, the overall dimensions of the wreck are difficult to estimate because the remains are separated into two sections. Furthermore, the two sections of substantial hull remains do not necessarily represent just the bottom of the vessel. The presence of iron knees in the eastern section suggests that this may come from a higher area of the hull. The absence of such elements on the western section suggests that this area may come from the bottom of the ship. A parallel to this type of deposition can be seen in the wreck of HMS Pomone, where a section of the side of the vessel (including iron knees) has been deposited

5 The vessel chosen for comparison is the barque Alicia (349 tons old measure and 410 tons new measure), built in Sunderland by William Wilkinson and surveyed in March 1845. The date of the vessel is roughly contemporary with the date indicated by the analysis of the copper-alloy elements recovered from the wreck. The Lloyds Register Survey of the Alicia is recorded in number 2675 of the Sunderland series.

41

The Flower of Ugie that the largest dimensions given for the floors of the Water Nymph (225 tons) in the 1840 survey (Auer and Belasus 2008: 139) of that vessel are the same as the Lloyds Register provides for a 500 ton vessel. However, the similarity between the remains of the wreck and the dimensions of the barque Alicia are very similar and further suggest that the wreck was originally a vessel of about 350 old tons.

survey, in addition to post-survey analysis. On the basis of this work it is possible to briefly summarise the main features of the vessel that would become identified as the Flower of Ugie. The vessel was a wooden sailing ship, constructed within the frame-first carvel shipbuilding tradition common to north-west Europe in the post-medieval period. The frames of this vessel were reinforced with iron, rather than wooden knees. The hull of the ship was fastened together with a mixture of treenails and copper/yellowmetal bolts, before being sheathed in yellow metal. The composition of these elements suggests that the vessel may have originally been constructed between 1820 and 1850. If the vessel was built prior to the late 1840’s then it underwent a refit during, or shortly after the late 1840’s.

Relating the seabed remains and the possible tonnage to wider historical resource can provide a further illustration of the likely overall dimensions of the original vessel. Crueze (1841: 41) gives a load waterline length for a merchant ship of 400 tons (new) as 108’5” (32.7 m), the overall length of such a vessel would of course be longer. By way of further comparison with a documented vessel, the Alicia has a surveyed length ‘aloft’ of 108’. McGregor (1984a: 25) cites the treatise of Hedderwick, who in 1830 lists a 500 ton vessel as 117’2” (35.5 m) in length. McGregor (1984a: 20) also includes a 375 ton vessel, for which he gives a length of 109’ (33 m). At the lower end of the range is a vessel such as the Water Nymph (Auer and Belasus 2008), which has a known tonnage (225 old) and a surveyed overall length of 86’5” (26.2 m). Taking this into account, it therefore seems likely that the wreck represents the remains of a vessel that was probably more than 100’ (30.3 m) long and less than 120’ (36.4 m). Estimating the length with any more certainty is impossible, in part because of the trend for vessels to be built longer, for the same tonnage, as the century progressed (Section 5.2.1).

Archaeological parallels can be drawn between the wreck and vessels of this period built in the north-east of England, although this parallel should be treated with some caution due to the relatively low numbers of comparative archaeological examples. The dimensions and tonnage of the vessel are difficult to ascertain, but a length of around 30m (100 feet) and a tonnage of around 350 tons (old measure) are conservative estimates. The absence of a significant armament indicates that the vessel was probably a merchant ship. The presence of coal between the frames may point to its employment as a collier on its final voyage, possibly en-route to a warm-water destination where a yellow-metal sheathing would protect the wooden hull from destructive marine organisms. These basic characteristics will serve to underpin the process of identification of the wreck set out in the following chapter.

3.5. Summary: Archaeological Evidence The preceding chapter sets out the characteristics of the seabed remains of the Solent wreck as observed and recorded across seven seasons of archaeological

42

4 Identification and History of the Flower of Ugie

4.1. Identification of the Solent Wreck

The following section provides a synthesis of the deskbased research into the likely identification of the Solent wreck. The process entailed analysis of the recorded historical losses in the area when compared to the location and physical characteristics of the wreck as described by the archaeological record (Chapter 3). This process allows the most likely candidates to be established, these are then investigated more fully to firmly establish the identification of the wreck. Once the identity of the vessel was known it was possible to undertake further historical analysis into the history of the vessel, from its building to its sinking. This biography is provided in Section 4.2.

(Julian Whitewright) 4.1.1. Study Area A one kilometre area was defined around the site as representing the immediate environs of the shipwreck remains (Figure 4.1). This was used as a search area for the various data sources relating to the historical documentation of shipwreck losses. In addition, a larger, ten kilometre area was defined around the site (Figure 4.1). The use of the larger study area allowed for vessels simply recorded as being lost within the general area of the Eastern Solent to be accounted for. It also made allowance for vessels that may have been recorded as

Figure 4.1. 1km and 10km study area defined around the site of the wreck and utilised for deskbased assessment purposes. 43

The Flower of Ugie •

foundering in one location, but which subsequently drift, prior to sinking and become deposited in another area. An example of this is the wrecking process of the Fenna, a Dutch schooner that sank in 1881 off the Isle of Wight while on passage between Amsterdam and the Mediterranean. The vessel is recorded as foundering between twenty and twenty-four miles off the Dorset coast where the crew abandoned ship. In contrast, the final location of the vessel is only three and a half miles from the Needles and some five miles from the nearest point on the mainland. A combination of poor reporting knowledge of the position of abandonment and the long period in which the vessel drifted, between its abandonment and sinking accounts for this difference (see Whitewright and Satchell 2010).

• • •

Known Wrecks and Obstructions There were very few known wrecks and obstructions recorded within the one kilometre study area. These are illustrated in Figure 4.2 and summarised in Table 4.1. These comprise two identified wrecks, four seabed obstructions, an unidentified possible landing craft and scattered pontoon remains. None of these wrecks or obstructions correlate to the location of the unidentified wooden wreck remains or fall within the characteristics outlined above, so need not be considered further.

Vessel Characteristics When it was discovered, the remains of the wreck represented a seabed obstruction that had not been previously noted. Although it was possible to accurately record and characterise this structure through archaeological recording, this process did not directly reveal the identity of the vessel. However, on the basis of the description and specialist analysis of the archaeological remains set out above (Chapter 3), the following characteristics were determined; • • • • •

• •

Hampshire Sites and Monuments Record (HSMR). Isle of Wight Sites and Monuments Record (IoWSMR). United Kingdom Hydrographic Office (UKHO), via Seazone Hydrospatial. Maritime and Coastguard Agency, Receiver of Wreck.

The Receiver of Wreck has six records of reports from the one kilometre study area. Four of these relate to artefacts raised from the wreck during survey and recording by HWTMA. Both of the other reports include collections of items found in various locations in the Solent area, rather than to a specific wreck site. Therefore it is impossible to confirm if any of the items in these two reports relate to the remains of the same wreck. Furthermore, they are not comparable in nature to the artefacts raised during fieldwork on the wreck site. As a result of this, the records held by the Receiver of Wreck will not be considered further.

The vessel is built of wood, reinforced with iron framing elements. The hull is fastened using treenails as well as copper and brass bolts. The copper bolts are likely to have been manufactured within the UK between the mid-1820’s and before 1850. The brass bolts are likely to have been produced during, or after the late 1840’s. The outside of the hull is sheathed in Muntz Metal, this can only have been applied to the hull after 1832, when this material was first patented. Analysis of recovered sheathing suggests that it dates to the late 1840’s, or later. The vessel was probably at least 30m in length. No substantial armament or indication of mechanical propulsion was observed, indicating that the vessel was a sailing merchant ship.

Historical Shipwreck Losses Known Shipwreck Sites The potential for a high number of shipwrecks to be located in the Solent is not surprising, given the high levels of use of the region for naval and mercantile activity in the past and today. Many of these shipwreck sites are still undiscovered, while many others, like the wreck under investigation, have been located but had remained unidentified. A further group of shipwrecks is represented by sites that have been both located and identified. Such sites lying within the ten kilometre study area are shown in Figure 4.2. Of these seventy-seven sites, only one lies within the one kilometre study area. This is the remains of UB-21, also recorded by the UKHO as a known wreck or obstruction (above). As none of the other known sites lie in the immediate vicinity of the wreck, they do not need to be considered further when seeking to identify the site.

These characteristics provide the means to refine the large numbers of ships lost in the vicinity of the study area down to a manageable level. This process is set out below.

Reported Losses The National Monuments Record holds records of reported losses for which no exact grid location can be confirmed. Such losses are assigned to certain geographical locations that are considered to be in the vicinity of the actual loss, based on the available documentary evidence. These points are called Named

4.2.2. Sources The two study areas defined around the vessel remains were used to conduct searches for historical shipwreck remains and historic environment data from the following sources; • National Monuments Record (NMR). 44

Identification and History Figure 4.2. Known shipwreck and seabed obstruction locations lying within the 10km and 1km study area (Wrecks and Obstruction data © British Crown and SeaZone Solutions Limited. All rights reserved. Product Licence No. 102006.006).

NMR UID

UKHO UID

805579

UKHOWO19128/5408442166211877

676384

UKHOWO-58199

767379

UKHOWO-19119

IOW SMR UID

Hants SMR UID

Name

Period

Description

Easting

Northing

28188/ 55549

UB21

Remains of German UBIII Patrol Submarine. Modern Foundered under tow, 1916-1920 wreckage strewn over a wide area of seabed.

20191

28235

HMS Undine

British Destroyer, went Modern aground in 1928 after 1917-1928 sale to ship-breakers, extensively salvaged

468710

93390

20185

28233

Unknown

Possible landing craft, located in 1993

468600

92540

Modern Post 1901

Scattered pontoon structure

468250

93050

20199

767365

468780

93620

766440

22042

28210

Unknown

Seabed obstruction reported by fishermen

468820

92340

766437

22039

28207

Unknown

Seabed obstruction reported by fishermen

469270

92270

766442

22044

28212

Unknown

Seabed obstruction reported by fishermen

469610

92420

Unknown

Seabed obstruction reported by fishermen

469705

92312

22040

Table 4.1. Summary of known shipwrecks and seabed obstructions located within the 1km study area. 45

The Flower of Ugie Named Location

Easting

Northing

Reported Losses

Bembridge Ledge, Isle of Wight

467100

87760

37

Bracklesham Bay, West Sussex

478770

95150

1

Chichester Bar, West Sussex

475220

96950

4

Chichester, West Sussex

475170

100190

34

Coastal Waters

460310

97990

1

Eastney, Hampshire

468370

99080

9

Gilkicker Point, Hampshire

460630

97500

8

Gosport Beach, Hampshire

461680

98440

6

Hayling Bay, Hampshire

471670

98200

15

Horse and Dean Sand, Hampshire

467610

94060

13

Langstone Harbour, Hampshire

468690

101120

4

Offshore Chichester, West Sussex

476550

85850

1

Pole Sands, West Sussex

477000

95680

3

Portsmouth, Hampshire

463790

98830

80

Ryde, Isle of Wight

460210

93420

33

Seaview, Isle of Wight

463230

91790

6

Spithead, Hampshire

462300

95760

40

St Helens, Isle of Wight

464840

89950

8

Table 4.2. NMR Named Locations and associated number of reported losses lying within the 10km and 1km study area.

Figure 4.3. Distribution of NMR Named Locations (NLOs) within the 10km study area. The eighteen sites illustrated contain 303 reported losses.

46

Identification and History Locations (NLOs) and do not, except by chance, relate to actual seabed remains. Within the ten kilometre study area there are 303 reported losses. These range in date from AD 1238 to 1944 and are distributed across eighteen NLOs (Table 4.2, Figure 4.3). The nearest NLO to the site under investigation is that of the Horse and Dean Sands, it may be considered likely, but not certain, that the wreck was recorded as being lost at this NLO at the time of sinking.

•

•

The date range of these reported losses is worth considering further. Although distributed across a 700 year period, the highest concentration of recorded losses occurs during the mid-to-late 19th century (Figure 4.4). The characteristics of the archaeological remains of the wreck (Section 3.4) strongly indicate that the vessel is likely to have been built during this period. Although a probable function of improvements in loss reporting, the statistics still illustrate the dramatic increase in shipping (and subsequent shipwreck) during this period. It is also notable that later periods, when reporting technology was further improved and high levels of shipping were also commonplace, witness lower numbers of recorded losses. This is probably the product of an increase in the seaworthiness of shipping following the introduction of iron and steel in construction and mechanical propulsion. Both factors may have led to a decrease in the incidence of ships being wrecked within the Solent.

•

•

material (eg. zinc) at the time of their sinking were also discarded. The surveyed archaeological remains (Chapter 3) indicate a vessel of significant size. As such, it is not considered to represent the remains of a yacht or pleasure craft and such vessels were removed as candidates. Cargo vessels listed as under 150 tons were also considered unlikely to fit the physical dimensions of the archaeological remains and were removed. The survey of the vessel in conjunction with the metal analysis of the fastening has indicated that the wreck was fastened with a combination of treenails and copper/ brass bolts. The latter were probably made between the late 1820’s and the late 1840’s. Accordingly, any vessels that are recorded in the Lloyds Register as being constructed with iron bolts were not considered further. Some historical records of wreck events contain specific locational information relating to the event, eg. ‘vessel wrecked on Southsea Castle beach’. In such cases, where the location explicitly does not relate to the Horse and Dean Sand, it was possible to remove the entry.

This process allowed the elimination of the majority of historical losses. Leaving five vessels within the 10km study area as the primary candidates and worthy of further discussion.1 These vessels are; • Colonist, sank 1837, Spithead. • Hopewell, sank 1838, Horse and Dean Sands. • Flower of Ugie, sank 1852, Horse and Dean Sands. • Eastern Monarch, sank 1859, Spithead. • Egbert, sank 1867, Bembridge Ledge.

4.2.3. Analysis of Historical Losses The list of 303 shipwrecks was refined based on the characteristics of the archaeological remains described in Chapter 3. Where information was not contained within the NMR, it was possible to gain missing information by consulting the Lloyds Register, either for the year of sinking, or in some cases the year before. The rigorous programme of survey that British merchant vessels, in particular those over 100 tons, were subjected to includes summary information relating to fastenings and hull sheathing and the dates that any changes may have been carried out. Reported losses meeting the following criteria were not considered further; • Classification as an aeroplane. • The vessel being investigated can be classified as a wooden sailing merchant vessel, therefore any vessels that do not fit this criteria (eg. those with an engine, or constructed from iron/steel or composite construction, or carrying a significant armament) should not be considered. • The sheathing of the wreck in Muntz Metal (known as yellow-metal after 1846) is of particular significance as this could only have taken place after 1832. Consequently it was possible to remove all the vessels lost prior to 1832. • Any vessels that sank after 1832, but which were recorded as being sheathed in another

4.2.4. Identification of the Mystery Wreck The five vessels identified as the primary candidates are summarised in Table 4.3, according to their entries in the Lloyds Register of Shipping, their individual cases may now be considered further. Specifically, they can be compared on the grounds of dating, materials, vessel size and sinking location. Colonist Colonist was a 443 ton (old measure) full-rigged ship, classed as a West Indiaman, built in London in 1811. The vessel was sheathed in felt and copper in 1834. Colonist sank in 1837 under the command of master Smith at the named location (NLO) of Spithead. Three factors strongly suggest that Colonist does not correlate to the archaeological remains. Firstly, the only record 1. Previous interim reports into the identification of the Mystery Wreck also included the Sunderland built snow Arrow as a likely candidate. However, the Arrow is recorded as being fastened with iron bolts, which does not correspond to the known characteristics of the Mystery Wreck. The Arrow has therefore been omitted from the list of candidate vessels.

47

The Flower of Ugie Figure 4.4. Chronological distribution of recorded shipwreck losses within the 10km study area.

Year (Lloyds No.)

Master

Tons

1837-8 (588) F.S.&C.34

Smith

443

London

Hopewell

1837-8 (568)

Dixon

153

-

Flower of Ugie Bk

1852-3 (213) F&Y.M.51

Mather

350 402

1858-9 (68) Y.M.&ptF.56c.f.

Morris

1844 1631

Vessel Colonist

S

Eastern Monarch

S

Build Where When

Sld. Srprs47 Dundee

Owners

Home Port

Survey Port

Dest.

1811

Daniels &

Lon.

Lon.

Barb.

-

-

Sld.

-

-

-

1838 &49

Watson Drp.50

Sld.

Sld.

Aden

10 C. 3

AE1/51

1856

Somes Brothers

Lon.

Dundee

India

14

A1/56

8 C. 3

58

Bushell 286 Sld. 1849 Shields Sld. Medit. F&Y.M.58 98’x26’6”x16’6” Drp.55 nTSds55 Srps55&57 Abbreviations: S = Ship; Sw = Snow; Bk = Barque; F.S.&C = Felt sheathed and coppered; F&Y.M. = sheathed with felt & yellow metal; c.f. = copper fastened; Srprs = some repairs, followed by year; Drp = Damage repaired, followed by year; nTSds = New topsides Sld.= Sunderland; Lon. = London; Barb. = Barbados; Medit. = Mediterranean Egbert

Bk

1865-6 (185)

Ass.

Rating AE1/36

Table 4.3. Lloyds Register details of vessels identified as possible candidates for the Mystery Wreck. of the sheathing of the vessel is for coppering in 1834. This is directly at odds with the yellow-metal sheathing found on the seabed remains. Secondly, the brass bolts found on the wreck, that probably date from the late 1840’s, do not correlate with the sinking date of Colonist in 1837. Finally, the NLO of Spithead, in the vicinity of Spithead fort, is three nautical miles from the Horse Sand Fort which provides the location for that NLO. It seems unlikely that within the relatively confined waters of the Solent and with such obvious landmarks, that such an error in locational observation would be made. Colonist therefore seems an unlikely candidate.

1838 does not correlate with the probable date of the brass bolts found on the seabed. Secondly, the recorded tonnage of the vessel is probably too small for the seabed remains. The latter is likely to have been in excess of 100ft in length, while a 150 ton vessel of c. 1830 may only have been around 72ft (MacGregor 1984a: 22 & 56). Hopewell therefore seems an unlikely candidate. Flower of Ugie Flower of Ugie was a sailing barque of 350 tons (old measure, 402 tons new measure) built in Sunderland in 1838. The vessel was sheathed with felt and yellowmetal in 1851. Some repairs were made in 1847 and 1849 and repairs to damage were carried out in 1850. The vessel sank in 1852 while outbound from Sunderland to Cartagena with a cargo of coal, under the command of master Mather. The Lloyds Register entry for 1852 records Aden as the destination for that year. The Flower of Ugie is recorded as sinking at the named location of the Horse and Dean Sands. Several features of the vessel correlate strongly with the seabed remains. Firstly, the life of the vessel, from a build date of 1838 to sinking

Hopewell Little is known of Hopewell, a 153 ton (old measure) vessel lost at the NLO of the Horse and Dean Sand while under the command of master Dixon in 1838. The vessel was built in Sunderland and outbound from that port. It is simply recorded as striking the Horseshoe during a violent gale from the ESE. Two factors indicate that the Hopewell should not be associated with the unidentified remains. Firstly, like Colonist, the loss of Hopewell in 48

Identification and History fitted, further repairs were undertaken in 1857. Egbert sank in 1867 after being driven onto the outer edge of Bembridge Ledges during a snowstorm while under the command of master Bushell. Although a plausible candidate in some regards, several other factors probably discount any association between Egbert and the seabed remains. The building date of the Egbert and the recorded sheathing material do correlate, albeit at the very end of the likely date range for the copper fastening from the site. By 1865 the physical dimensions of vessels were given in the Lloyds Register and those of Egbert are recorded as 98ft x 26’6” x 16’6”. These would seem to be slightly too small for the seabed remains of the Mystery Wreck which indicate a vessel in excess of 100ft. Finally, the sinking location of Egbert is given as Bembridge Ledges, over three nautical miles to the south of the Horse and Dean Sands. The vessel is recorded as breaking up before it could be reached by tugs (Isle of Wight Observer, 23rd March 1867), indicating a rapid sinking. In these circumstances it seems unlikely that the wreckage of the Egbert could have drifted north to become deposited on the Horse and Dean Sand. Although a plausible candidate, the Egbert is unlikely to correlate fully with the archaeological remains.

in 1852 fit closely to the likely dating of the copper and brass bolts recovered. The repairs to the vessel between 1847 and 1850 may be the point at which brass bolts were utilised and provide a possible explanation for the mixture of fastening materials observed within the archaeological remains. Secondly, the Flower of Ugie is recorded as being re-sheathed in felt and yellow-metal in 1851. This obviously fits with the presence of yellowmetal sheathing recovered from the site. The dimensions of a 350 ton merchant vessel in the 1840’s are likely to have been around 110ft (see MacGregor 1984a: fig. 14),2 this is similar to the likely size of the vessel remains. The cargo of Flower of Ugie on its final voyage was coal, which may correspond to the coal remains observed on site. Finally, Flower of Ugie is recorded as being wrecked on the Horse and Dean Sands, where the archaeological remains lie. Flower of Ugie is therefore a strong candidate. Eastern Monarch Eastern Monarch was a full-rigged ship of 1844 tons (old measure, 1631 tons new measure) built in Dundee in 1856. It was sheathed in yellow-metal with partial felt and fastened with copper bolts. The vessel sank in 1859 while en-route from Karachi to London. After anchoring at Spithead, the vessel caught fire and the 470 passengers and crew had to abandon the ship. The cargo of saltpetre seems to have caused the loss of the vessel by spontaneously combusting. Three factors indicate that the Eastern Monarch should not be associated with the seabed remains. Firstly, although Eastern Monarch is recorded as being copper-fastened the date of build of the vessel is later than the most likely date of the copper bolts recovered from the site. The absence of any mention of brass fastenings (as observed on the seabed) could simply be because such material was not explicitly mentioned for fastening in the Lloyds Register until 1865-6. Secondly, the tonnage of the Eastern Monarch is probably far too large to correlate with the likely dimensions of the remains. Eastern Monarch was built as a passenger frigate with recorded dimensions of 239ft x 40’3” x 24’9” and was the second largest wooden sailing ship to be built in Britain during the 1850’s (MacGregor 1984b: 21). Finally, the location of the sinking of the Eastern Monarch is likely to be very accurate, due to the fact that the vessel was anchored at the time and because the evacuation of passengers and crew was undertaken by a number of other local vessels whose masters would have been well aware of their surroundings. Eastern Monarch therefore seems an unlikely candidate for the Mystery Wreck.

Conclusion Analysis of the historical resource, when set against the physical remains, serves to provide a plausible, probable identification for the wreck. Of the five vessels considered worthy of further discussion (above), only the Flower of Ugie can be strongly associated with the wreck under investigation on the grounds of dating, materials, vessel size and sinking location. As such, the seabed remains described in Chapter 3 can be considered to be the remains of the Flower of Ugie.

4.2. History of the Flower of Ugie (Julian Whitewright) The previous section was able to correlate the seabed remains with the recorded loss of the Flower of Ugie. The following section sets out the biography of this vessel on the basis of the information available through historical research. This is drawn from several source types that provide a range of technical, commercial and social information. 4.2.1. Sources Lloyds Register of Shipping.3 The first Lloyds Register of Shipping was published in 1764 and was intended to provide insurance underwriters and merchants with an idea of the condition of the vessels that they insured and chartered. Hulls were graded on a system of letters, with ‘A’ being the top, while a vessel’s fittings and rig were graded on numbers, with

Egbert The 286 ton (new measure) sailing barque Egbert was built at Sunderland in 1849. The vessel was re-sheathed with felt and yellow-metal in 1858. Repairs to damage were made in 1855 with new top-sides also being

3. Background information on the Lloyds Register of Shipping is taken from Research Guide H5, published by the National Maritime Museum, Greenwich. It can be accessed at; http://www.nmm.ac.uk/researchers/library/research-guides/lloyds/ lloyds-registers-held-by-the-nmm

2. The 349(old) ton barque Alicia was highlighted in Section 3.4.3 which had a length aloft of 108ft.

49

The Flower of Ugie

No. 1045 Survey held at Sunderland Date 6 July On the BK Flower of Ugie Master A... Annand Tonnage old 350 new 402 Built at Sunderland When built 1838 By whom built Luke Crown Owners J Bruce & Co. Port belonging to Peterhead Destined Voyage Cape of Good Hope If surveyed Afloat or in Dry Dock building Feet inches 102 6

Length aloft

Extreme Breadth

SCANTLINGS OF TIMBER Inches

Timber & Space Floors 1st Foothooks 2nd Ditto 3rd Ditto Top Timbers Deck Beams Hold Beams Keel Kelsons

each Sided

No. of Do.Do.

23 16

COPPER Heel-Knee, and Dead Wood Abaft Scarphs of Keel No. 8 Floor Timber Bolts Kelson ditto Transoms and throats of hooks Arms of hooks

12½ 12-13 11 10 9 8 9-9½ 12 12 14

Inches C.1¼ 1⅛ C.¾ C.1 C.1⅛ C.1⅛ C. 1⅞

Moulded

Inches middle 13 9½ 9½ 8½ 7¼ 5 9-9½ 12 10 15

Inches Ends 10½

6 8½

Feet inches 27

1838

Depth of Hold

Feet inches 19

THICKNESS OF PLANK

OUTSIDE

Inches

INSIDE

Inches

Keel to Bilge Bilge Planks Bilge to Wales Wales Topsides Sheer Strakes Plank Sheers Water-ways Upper Deck

3 5 3½ -3 5 2¾ 3½ 3½ 4-4½ 3¼

Foot waling Bilge Planks Ceiling in flat Ditto Bilge to Clamp Hold Beam Clamps Deck Beam Ditto Ceiling Twixt Decks Hold Beam Shelfs Deck Beam Ditto

4 4 3 3 -2½ 4 3½ 2¼ 10½ 16 4

SIZE OF BOLTS IN FASTENINGS COPPER

Inches

IRON

Inches

Bolts thro’ the Bilge and foot waling Butt End Bolts Lower Pintle of the Rudder

C.¾ C.¾ 3¼

Hold Beam Deck Beam

1 ⅞

Same in Iron above the copper

TIMBERING. – The space between the Floor Timbers and Lower Foothooks in this Vessel is 1 to 2 Inches. The Space

between the Top-Timbers is 3.4 Inches. The Stem, Stern Post, Transoms, Aprons, Knight Heads, Hawse Timbers, are composed of African. English Oak and are amply free from all defects. Her Floors and first Foothooks are composed of are Afr. Eng. Except a few Floor Timber of French Oak Her other Foothooks and Top Timbers of English Oak Her Shifts of the first and second Foothooks are not less than 4 to 4/6 N.B. When reported by you uless than the prescribed Rule, then state how many. The rest of the Shifts of the Frame are Good Throughout The Frame is well squared from the first Foothook Heads upwards and well free from sap, and thence downwards, the frame is well squared The alternate Frames are all bolted together. The Butts of the Timbers are all close together; their thickness not less than ¼ of the enture moulding at that place. The Frame is Also chocked with a Butt at each end of the chock. The Main Kelson is composed of Afr. Oak and the False Kelson of Amerc. Oak in ??????? The Scarphs of the Kelsons are not less that 9 feet inches ?????? The Deck and Hold Beams are composed of Afr. and Eng. Oak well squared throughout PLANKING OUTSIDE. – This vessel’s Plank from the Keel to the first Foothook Heads is composed of Amerc. Elm From the first Foothook Heads to the Light Water Mark of Afr. and Foreign White Oak The Wales and Black-strakes are of Afr. and Eng. Oak The Topsides of Afr. Oak The Sheer-strakes of Afr. Oak Decks, and state of, Yellow Pine The Gunwales of Afr. Oak Waterways of Afr. Oak. The Shifts of the Planking are not less than 5 feet Inches. N.B. If reported less than the prescribed Rule, state whether general or partial, and if partial, in what part of the Ship. The Planking is wrought 3 between PLANKING INSIDE. – The Clamps are composed of Afr, Oak the stringers of Afr. Oak The Bilge Planks of Afr. Eng. & French Oak and the remainder of the Ceiling of Afr. Oak to bilges; part flat of French Oak FASTENINGS.- To Hold Beams Iron Staple Lodging Knees; Stringer on top (dowelled) and 15 Iron Hanging Knees each side Deck Beams One Wooden Lodging Knee and Iron Hng. Knee; Also 2 waterway dowelled in Number of Breashooks Five ?????? Pointers ?????? One. Crutches Mark abaft and 2 ???? each side Butt End Bolts are of Copper in the Bottom, and one Bolt in each Butt End through and clenched Bilge and Footwaling is bolted through and clenched General Quality of Workmanship Sound and Good Throughout

We certify that the preceding is a correct description of the above-named Vessel Builders Name Luke Crown Surveyor’s Name John Brunton

Figure 4.5. Reproduction of Lloyds Survey Report for the Flower of Ugie, first page. 50

Identification and History

Her Masts, Yards, &c, are in good condition, and sufficient in size and length She has SAILS No. 2 Fore Sails 2 Fore Top Sails 2 Fore Topmast Stay Sails 1 Main Sails 2 Main Top Sails And ??????? sails

CABLES, &c Fathoms 270 Chain 80 Hempen Stream Cable 65 Hawser 80 Towlines 2 Warp 80 for 2 100 All of Good Quality

Inches 1 5/16. 1⅜ 9½ 15/16 6 5. 4 ¼

Her Standing and Running Rigging is well fitted sufficient in size and Good in quality. She has One Long Boat and 2 other boats The present state of the Windlass is Good Capstan Winch Good and Rudder

ANCHORS No. 3 Bower, 17½, 16½, 16 1 Stream, 6 2 Kedge, 3. 1¾ All of proper weight

Braces all Good

GENERAL REMARKS – STATEMENT AND DATE OF REPAIRS Frame of large Scantlings; Generally of well grown and healthy Quality very well wrought and shifted throughout;

????? timber ????? scarphs on Knight Head.

Part of Transom ????? but all of large scantling Quality of planking both outside and inside all sound & good, very well wrought and shifted and free from sap; Treenails of Eng Oak and Blue Elm Wood Beams, Knees &c are firmly fitted and securely fastened. The planking and fastening are as good as it is possible to make them.

Commenced building in August 1837, Launched July 1838, was surveyed as follows 17/11, 18/12, 31/3, 12/4, 14/6, 6/7 In this case “All the requisite for 10Yr Ship are complied with” as most Of them for 12 Yr Class (apart the few French Floors). Is she not therefore 11 A1. The same as No. 975.

If sheathed, Double, or Felted, Coppered up to 12 ft aft, 11 ft forward And date when last done July 1838 And I am of the opinion this Vessel should be Classed 11 A1 John Brunton The amount of the Fee £5 5s is received by me Jhn Brntn 13/8/38

Committee Minute Character Assigned

16th Aug 1838 A1 for 10 years

Figure 4.6. Reproduction of Lloyds Survey Report for the Flower of Ugie, reverse page. 51

The Flower of Ugie ‘1’ being the top. As a result of this, the top classification was A1. From 1834 an attempt was made to include all British vessels of 50 tons or more, although entries for vessels that had not undergone a corresponding survey (below) often included little information. Between 1838 and 1875 vessels were only included if they had been surveyed, after 1875 the Register was extended to include all vessels over 100 tons.

combined sources enables an impression to be gained of the ports, destinations and timings of a specific vessel’s voyages, during its career. 4.2.2. The Construction of the Flower of Ugie The Flower of Ugie was a barque-rigged sailing vessel built in Sunderland by Luke Crown. The origins of the Crown’s business can be found in 1807 when Luke Crown set up a shipbuilding concern on Wearside. In 1827 Crown was responsible for launching the highest tonnage of vessels on the river Wear (Clarke 1997: 77), but was not one of the eleven Sunderland shipbuilders that took out a subscription to Hedderwick’s Treatise on Naval Architecture when it was published in 1830 (Clarke 1997: 56, n. 25). His son John joined him in the business prior to the building of the Flower and in 1847 the pair moved to a new yard at The Strand, Monkwearmouth. Crowns launched ninety-seven ships between 1816 and 1849 (Clarke 1997: 77). No more information is available on Crowns from the period of the building of the Flower of Ugie. John Crown and Sons went on to become one of the more notable of the many Sunderland shipbuilders from the 19 th century and one of the few to successfully negotiate the transition from wooden to iron building.

The register contains a wealth of useful information that can provide a basic history of a vessel. Data on the vessel’s rig, master, tonnage, build location and year of build, the owners, home port, the port of survey and the destination for that year. Information is also often included on the materials used for fastening and sheathing the vessel as well as whether/when any repairs had been conducted. From 1834 the register was published in the middle of the year and covered a period from July 1st until 30th June the following year. For simplicity, in the following section the Lloyds Register is often simply referred to as the Register. Lloyds Register Survey Reports.4 Complementing and underpinning the Lloyds Register of Shipping were the official vessel surveys that were conducted by Lloyds surveyors at the time of building and at subsequent intervals throughout the life of the ship. Survey Reports are preserved from 1834 onwards and contain a wealth of more detailed information into the characteristics of the vessel such as the materials and dimensions of building materials. Those from the building of the Flower of Ugie are reproduced in Figures 4.5 and 4.6.

Building The keel of the Flower of Ugie was laid in August 1837 and the vessel was launched in July 1838. The listed dimensions of the Flower of Ugie were 102’6” in length, 27’ extreme breadth and a depth of hold of 19’. The exact launch date is unclear, but the final survey of the vessel by Surveyor John Brunton was completed on 6th July 1838 (Figure 4.5 and 4.6). This was one of six surveys of the vessel undertaken during its building process. As was customary, Brunton makes some observations in his survey report on the building methods and techniques employed by the shipbuilder. He notes throughout that the timber used for the building of the vessel was ‘wellsquared’ where applicable and ‘free from sap’ throughout indicating that wood of good quality had been selected and well-shaped. In the section on the ‘General Quality of Workmanship’ Brunton reports that this is ‘Sound and Good Throughout’, he then goes onto record that ‘The planking and fastening are as good as it is possible to make them.’ Similarly, the masts, yards and sails are in good condition, well-fitted and of good quality. The windlass, winch and rudder are also listed as good. All of the above must be considered as complimentary to the shipbuilding abilities of Luke Crown, which amounted to some thirty years of experience at the time.

Lloyds List5 and Newspaper Shipping Reports The Lloyds List is a newspaper, reporting shipping movements, casualties/losses, maritime news and other commercial information. It was published as a weekly journal from 1734, before publication increased to twice-weekly in 1737. From 1837 the Lloyds List was published on a daily basis between Monday and Saturday. The departures and arrivals of vessels to and from a range of ports in Britain and abroad are given along with the dates of these events. Additionally, instances where vessels have ‘spoken with’ one another are noted, along with the date and the general latitude and longitude of this event. Similar information, derived from the Lloyds List is also included in a range of local and national newspapers during the mid-19th century.6 Drawing upon these 4. Background information on the Lloyds Register Survey Reports is taken from Research Guide H6, published by the National Maritime Museum, Greenwich. It can be accessed at; http://www.nmm.ac.uk/ researchers/library/research-guides/lloyds/research-guide-h6-lloyd-slloyd-s-register-survey-reports 5. Background information on the Lloyds List is taken from Research Guide H1, published by the National Maritime Museum, Greenwich. It can be accessed at; http://www.nmm.ac.uk/researchers/library/research-guides/lloyds/ lloyds-list-brief-history 6. Newspapers consulted in the case of the Flower of Ugie were; The

Brunton considers that were it not for the presence of some French Oak in the floors of the vessel, then the Flower of Ugie should receive the highest classification of 12 A1. Such a classification indicated that the vessel did not need to be resurveyed for twelve years and was

Aberdeen Journal, The Caledonian Mercury, The Daily News, The Examiner, The Hampshire Telegraph & Sussex Chronicle, The Liverpool Mercury, The Morning Chronicle, The Newcastle Courant and The Times.

52

Identification and History

Figure 4.7. Diagram illustrating the nomenclature used in the Lloyds Survey Report (Figure 4.5 and 4.6) for the Flower of Ugie. 53

The Flower of Ugie of first class in both hull (A) and stores/rig (1). Brunton proposes a classification of 11 A1, an approach that he notes was also taken with survey number 975. The chief surveyor at the port obviously disagreed with such compromise, as on the 16th August the Survey Report was finally signed off and the Flower of Ugie assigned a classification of 10 A1.

beam, further reinforced with fifteen iron hanging knees on each side. In contrast wooden lodging knees were used to secure the deck beams rather than iron staple knees. The fastenings of the vessel are also recorded and a range of copper-bolts are listed in addition to treenails, the latter are made from English Oak. Iron bolts are mentioned in relation to the hold and deck beams. Finally, the vessel was sheathed in copper up to a level of twelve feet at the aft end and eleven feet at the forward end.

Materials The Lloyds Survey Report also contains a wealth of other information about the constructional elements of the vessel, the materials used and their dimensions. It is also of note that despite extensive study of both the seabed remains and the survey report, correlation of the two is not entirely straightforward. This is mainly due to the broken up nature of the seabed remains and the difficulty in identifying specific elements of the vessel in the seabed remains. This theme is discussed further in Section 5.2.3. The nomenclature utilised in the survey report is illustrated in Figure 4.7.

4.2.3. The Career of the Flower of Ugie The Lloyds Register of Shipping The Lloyds Register contains an entry for the Flower of Ugie that represents each year of the vessel’s use, from its building in 1838 to its sinking in 1852. In the case of the Flower, some of this information does not change on a yearly basis (eg. tonnage, year of building). Other information alters according to changes to the ship’s circumstances (eg. master, ownership and destination). Instances of repair or refit are also evidenced. Taken as a whole, the information in the Lloyds Register provides a means to reconstruct the basic history of the Flower of Ugie over the course of its fourteen years of operation. This information is presented in Table 4.4 and summarised below.

The main framing elements of the vessel were all made from African and English Oak, apart from the few floor timbers constructed from French Oak and the false keelson which was made from American Oak. The outer planking from the keel to the heads of the first futtocks are of American Elm. The remaining outer planking is all made from African Oak, with some English Oak and a little ‘foreign’ White Oak. The decks of the vessel were made using Yellow Pine. The inner planking of the vessel was made from African, English and French Oak. The iron reinforcement of the vessel is also recorded; iron staple lodging knees were placed between each hold Year

Master

1848

Lloyds No. 205 C.38 220 C.41 224 C.41 218 C.41 219 C.41 215 C.44 197 C.44 222 F&Y.M.47 228 F&Y.M.47 225

1849

221

Stabb

1839 1840 1841 1842 1843 1844 1845 1846 1847

Annand Annand Annand Annand Annand Annand Annand Annand Stabb Stabb Stabb

To ns 350 402 350 402 350 402 350 402 350 402 350 402 350 402 350 402 350 402 350 402

The first mention of the vessel is in the Lloyds Register published in 1839. It is noted that Flower was 350 tons via the old measure and 402 via the new measure. It is also recorded that the vessel was copper sheathed in 1838, presumably at the time of building. Flower was owned by Bruce & Company with a home port of Peterhead.

Build When 1838 7mo Sndrld 1838 7mo Sndrld 1838 7mo Sndrld 1838

Owners

Survey Port Sndrld

Destinat ion C.G.H.

Ass.

Bruce&C.

Home Port Peterhd

Bruce&C.

Peterhd Peterhd

C.G.H. Calcutta Calcutta

10

Bruce&C.

Sndrld Liverpool Liverpool

Bruce&C.

Peterhd

Liverpool

Calcutta

10

1838

Bruce&C.

Peterhd

Liverpool

Calcutta

10

Sndrld

1838

Bruce&C.

Peterhd

1838

Bruce&C.

Peterhd

Calcutta Maurits Maurits

10

Sndrld

Liverpool Liverpool Liverpool

Sndrld Srprs47 Sndrld Srprs47 Sndrld Srprs47

1838

Bruce&C. Watson Watson

Peterhd Sndrlnd Sndrlnd

Liverpool London London

Maurits Odessa Odessa

10

Watson

Sndrlnd

London Gloucs

Odessa Quebec Cont.48Quebec Cont.48Quebec Cont.48Aden Quebec Aden

10 3

Hull A1 38 A1 38 A1 38 A1 41 A1 5 A1 11 A1 44 A1 44 A1 1 A1 47

Sndrld

10 3 10 3 10 3 10 C. 3

A1 3 A1 49 AE1 1 AE1 51

Where Sndrld

1838 1838 Srprs49

350 Sndrld 1838 Watson Sndrlnd Gloucs 402 Srprs47 &49 1850 217 Stabb 350 Sndrld 1838 Watson Sndrlnd Gloucs 402 Srprs47 &49 1851 208 Mather 350 Sndrld 1838 Watson Sndrlnd Sndrlnd F&Y.M.51 402 Srprs47 &49 Drp.50 1852 213 Mather 350 Sndrld 1838 Watson Sndrlnd Sndrlnd F&Y.M.51 402 Srprs47 &49 Drp.50 Sndrlnd=Sunderland, Peterhd=Peterhead, Gloucs=Gloucester, Maurits=Mauritius Column 2: C.= Copper sheathed followed by the year, F&Y.M.= Sheathed in felt and yellow metal followed by the year. Column 5-7: Srprs= Some repairs followed by the year, Drp = Damage repaired followed by the year. Ass. Denotes the number of years a rating was assigned to the vessel following survey.

Table 4.4. The Flower of Ugie as recorded in the Lloyds Register 1838-1852. 54

10

10

10

10

Rating Stores A1 2, 41

A1 1, 47 A1 3, 49

AE1 5,52

Identification and History Peterhead is the point at which the River Ugie enters the North Sea and it seems likely that name Flower of Ugie, is linked to this river in the town in which the vessel’s owners were based. The first survey of the vessel took place at Sunderland and a rating of A1 for 10 years was given. In 1839 the destination of Flower was given as C.G.H (Cape of Good Hope) and the master of the ship was Annand. The following year saw a change in survey port and destination to Liverpool and Calcutta respectively. 1841 witnessed the re-coppering of the hull, the ships stores were surveyed in February and given a rating of A1, the hull was also surveyed and given an A1 rating. The ship’s hull was surveyed once more in May 1843 and again given an A1 rating. In 1844 the hull was re-coppered and given an A1 rating after a survey in November. The destination of the Flower shifted from Calcutta to Mauritius.

and repair which serve to ‘book-end’ the years at sea and the thousands of miles travelled. August 1838 - January 1841 The Flower of Ugie cleared customs in Sunderland on the 30th August 1838, bound for the Cape of Good Hope, under the command of Master Annand. It may be assumed that the vessel continued onwards into the Indian Ocean, as its arrival in Calcutta from Madras on the 19th March 1839 is recorded. The Flower subsequently departs from Calcutta/Saugor on the 24th April 1839, either directly for Liverpool, or via Penang as indicated in some sources. The pattern of later inbound voyages from South Asia suggests a stopover at St Helena. The exact arrival date in Liverpool is unclear, although it must have occurred in mid/late September as the cargo is listed in the import section of the Liverpool Mercury on the 27th September 1839, the voyage is shown in Figure 4.8. It is of interest that the types of goods listed in the manifest bear a broad similarity to the goods carried by the barque Eglinton on a voyage from Calcutta to London in 1851 (Henderson 2003: 3). In particular, saltpetre, sugar, horn tips and shell-lacquer are common to both manifests.

In 1846, Flower changed owner to Watson and its home port shifted to Sunderland. Master Stabb replaced Annand and the destination of the vessel shifted to Odessa. In 1847 the copper sheathing was replaced with a sheathing of felt and yellow-metal (muntz metal) and some repairs (assumed to be minor) were carried out. The ship’s hull and stores were surveyed in January 1847 and both were given an A1 rating. In 1848/9 Quebec replaced Odessa as the vessel’s destination. Further repairs (again presumably minor) were carried out in 1849. Hull and stores were surveyed in March of that year and both were rated A1. In 1850 the register notes that damage to the vessel was repaired. The sheathing of felt and yellow metal was replaced in 1851 and Master Mather replaced Stabb. The hull was resurveyed in January 1851 and downgraded to AE1 (second-class), a similar rating followed for the vessel’s stores in May of 1852. By this time the given destination of the vessel had changed from Quebec to Aden.

Flower of Ugie, Capt. Annand, from Calcutta 1166 bags of Saltpetre, 800 bags of Rice, 6 chests of Indigo, 38 bales of Hides, 453 bags of Sugar, 169 bags of Horn-tips, 2650 pieces of Deer-horns, 1 bale of Deer-skins, 18 packages of Cutch. Bates, Sons &c. – 74 bags of Saltpetre, 7 chests of Indigo, 27 bales of Hides, 90 chests of Shell-lacquer, 117 bales of Hemp, 1 chest of Seed, 324 pieces of Redwood. Order – 1906 bags of Rice, 21 chests of Indigo, 126 bags of Sugar, 160 chests of Shell-lacquer, 10 chests of Lacquered-dye. Sands, Turner &c. – 119 bags of Rice, 320 sacks of Flour. Hayworth &c. – 100 bags of Sugar. Rawson &c. – 3 chests of Choppas. W. Jence – 15 rubbins of Coffee. G Malcolm &c. – P.Dk.

Shipping Reports The information contained in the Lloyd’s Register represents a record of the Flower from the perspective of the organisation tasked with surveying and insuring the ship. Although destinations and home ports are given, no information is provided that illustrates the actual voyages undertaken by the Flower. This information is instead provided by daily reports of shipping movements in newspapers and the Lloyds List. This can be compared to the information contained in the Lloyd’s Register relating to home ports and the destinations of voyages. More detailed information on routes, times and speeds of sailing can also be extracted. Although it has not been possible to find references to every voyage made by the Flower, over the course of fourteen years, the majority of the period in which the vessel was in use is covered below. As the picture of the movements and voyages of the Flower of Ugie began to emerge in the course of this research, it became clear that the easiest way to break up the different voyages and routes was to address them from the perspective of the subsequent repairs and refit to the vessel. As such, it is the episodes of re-sheathing

This early voyage provides an immediate contrast to the Lloyds Register entry for that year (above) which lists the destination of the vessel as the Cape of Good Hope alone, no mention of Calcutta and Madras is made. It is not until 1840 that Flower is listed in the Lloyds Register as sailing to Calcutta, which indicates that this element of the Lloyds Register may be somewhat retrospective in nature. It is also of interest that Flower potentially sails onwards from Calcutta to Penang, a destination that is not listed at all in the Lloyds Register entries for the vessel. The Flower of Ugie is then recorded as arriving in Calcutta, from Liverpool on 15 th March 1840. To achieve 55

The Flower of Ugie such an arrival date, the Flower must have departed from Liverpool sometime in the early autumn of 1839. The return voyage from Calcutta/Saugor to Liverpool does not get underway until 8th September 1840,

which the raises the possibility that further voyaging took place in the Indian Ocean between March and September 1840. On this inbound voyage from India to Liverpool a stopover occurs for an unknown period

Figure 4.8. Sailing routes and destinations of the Flower of Ugie, 1838-1839.

Figure 4.9. Sailing routes and destinations of the Flower of Ugie, 1841-1844. 56

Identification and History of time at St Helena, from where the Flower sailed on 17th November 1840. Arrival in Liverpool took place on 21st January 1841. The Lloyds Register records the recoppering of the vessel in 1841 and it seems likely that this took place at the end of the second round-trip to South Asia in January 1841. Particularly as it is at this point in the vessel’s career that there is a ‘window’ for this refitting to take place.

outbound leg to Mauritius and the return to Madras just listed. The Flower then completes another round-trip between Madras and Mauritius between 6th November 1843 and 31st March 1844, including a six-week stopover in Mauritius. After another six-week stop-over, Flower departs Madras, bound for Liverpool on 14 th May 1844. The voyage back to Liverpool is well documented through a number of ‘spoken with’ locations/dates between 31st May 1844 and 9th September 1844. These chart the progress of Flower from the northern Indian Ocean to the North Atlantic, via the Cape of Good Hope and passing St Helena, where the vessel also stops for a short period. Flower departs St Helena on the 15th August 1844 and arrives off Liverpool on the 3rd October. The progress of this voyage is illustrated in Figure 4.9. The Lloyds Register records that the Flower was re-coppered again in 1844, unsurprising after nearly three and a half years in the Indian Ocean. The only time that this could have happened was during the eight week period between the return to Liverpool on 3rd October 1844 and the next departure on 30th November 1844.

Spring 1841 - October 1844 On the 6th April 1841 the Flower of Ugie is again at sea and is recorded as having spoken with the vessel Hindu at 44°N, 12°W, while en-route to Calcutta (Figure 4.9). The departure date for this voyage is not known, but it must have been sometime in March 1841. Flower arrives in Kedgeree in India on the 2nd August 1841 from where it must have sailed onwards to Calcutta/Saugor as a departure date from the latter is listed for 2nd October 1841. The vessel subsequently arrives at Mauritius, from Bengal, on 19th November 1841. Instead of returning to Britain, Flower then sailed from Mauritius to Madras, where the vessel arrives (from Mauritus) on 31st January 1842. The Flower then sets course for new waters and departs for Singapore on 6th March 1842, arriving on the 4th April. The stop-over in Singapore must have been short, because the Flower is listed as arriving in China prior to 31st May 1842. The port of arrival is unknown, but Canton seems the most likely. A gap in the records then ensues before an arrival in Madras, from Mauritius on 2nd June 1843. The most likely itinerary would seem to be a return voyage from China to Madras before the

November 1844 - September 1846 On the 30th November 1844, the Flower of Ugie departed Liverpool, bound for Mauritius, after the short eight week return to Britain discussed above. Annand, master of the Flower since its launch, was replaced by Master Fawcett for this voyage. The vessel

Figure 4.10. Sailing routes and destinations of the Flower of Ugie, 1844-1846. 57

The Flower of Ugie arrived in Mauritius on 21st March 1845 and departs again for Liverpool on the 25th April 1845. Arrival at Liverpool, with a recorded cargo of Rum and Sugar occurred on 21st July 1845.

is from the latter port that the vessel departs on 18 th February, bound for Malta. Flower arrives at Malta on the 22nd March and then departs for Alexandria on the 7th April, where it arrives on 15th April. Flower does not leave Alexandria, for Falmouth, until the 9 th October, there are no listed records, so it is possible to speculate that the summer was spent trading in the Mediterranean. Flower arrives at Falmouth on 4th December 1848. Flower left Falmouth on 17th January 1849 and arrived in Gloucester on 26th January.

Flower of Ugie departed Liverpool again, this time bound for Calcutta, on 7th September 1845 with Master Annand again in command of the ship. The Huddersfield is ‘spoken with’ off Arklow, Ireland on the 10th September and Flower arrives in Calcutta/Saugor on 13th February 1846. Departure from India took place on 24th March 1846 and is followed one month later by a ‘spoken with’ report, to the east of Sri Lanka on 25 th April. A stop-over in St Helena occurred in July, from where the vessel sailed for London on 17 th July 1846. In accordance with the switch of home port to London noted in the Lloyds Register (above), Flower arrives off Gravesend on 27th September 1846 (Figure 4.10).

The Flower of Ugie is then switched to a new set of trade routes, signalled by the vessel’s departure from Gloucester for Quebec on 13th April 1849. The arrival and departure in Quebec are not known but both voyages must have been reasonably prompt for the vessel is listed as arriving in Sunderland, from Quebec on 5th August 1849. A further shift of destination then occurs with Flower sailing for the Baltic and St Petersburg. The departure date of this voyage is unknown but Kronstadt, the port of St Petersberg, is reached on the 23rd September 1849. On the return journey the Flower of Ugie runs aground at the entrance to Drogden, at the southern end of the Sound, the narrow stretch of water between Denmark and Sweden, on 20th November 1849. The report from Elsinore (Helsingør) notes that ‘Flower of Ugie has received assistance and is expected to be got off.’ This was obviously successful as the vessel appears in the Sound List for the 23rd November. Flower arrives off Gravesend on 2nd December 1849. Given the grounding incident in the Baltic, this seems the most likely period for the vessel to have undergone ‘some repairs’ as listed in the Lloyds Register for 1849.

The Lloyds Register records that the vessel was resheathed in 1847, this time with ‘Felt and YellowMetal’ rather than copper as in 1841 and 1844. The Register also records that some repairs were also made to the vessel. Given the change of ownership of the Flower, plus the shift in home port as well as stated destination, all listed in the Register, it seems likely that this refit took place at the end of the above voyages to the Indian Ocean and South Asia and prior to the next phase of the Flower’s career. February 1847 – August 1850 The next phase of the history of the Flower of Ugie is very different from the previous phase (Figure 4.11). As indicated by the overview given by the Register, the focus of the vessel’s sailing activity switches to the northern Hemisphere. On 4th February 1847, Flower is recorded as passing Deal while en-route to Constantinople, under the command of Master Stabb. The vessel is at anchor in the Dardanelles on the 25 th March, described by the Lloyds List; ‘Flower of Ugie... and about 100 other sail of all nations, are at anchor in Gallipoli Bay.’ In accordance with the stated destination in the Register, Odessa is then reached on 6th April 1847. Flower clears customs in Odessa, destination Marseille on 2nd May and arrives at Constantinople on the 11th May where the destination is recorded as Leghorn (Livorno) in Italy. The next record of the vessel notes the Flower as passing the Dardanelles on 19th July 1847 and arriving at Odessa on 24th August, presumably having sailed to Italy and back. Flower then departs Odessa on 23rd September 1847 with a stated destination of Falmouth or Cork, Constantinople is arrived at on 29th September and Falmouth reached on 8th November 1847. In accordance with the Lloyds Register, Flower arrives at Gloucester on 8th December 1847.

The first voyage of 1850 was from Sunderland to Cuxhaven, at the mouth of the River Elbe and serving the port of Hamburg, where the vessel arrived on 5th March 1850. On 31st March, Flower is listed at Bremen, having sailed from Hamburg. The vessel is then observed at Deal, sailing from the north and heading westward, on 23rd April. The westward destination turns out to be New York, where Flower arrived on the 24th May 1850, listed as having sailed from Bremen. The vessel then sails onwards to Quebec where it arrives on 26th June 1850. The departure date from Quebec is unknown, but Flower arrives back in Sunderland on 29th August 1850. The Lloyds Register also notes that the Flower underwent repairs to damage in 1850 and was resheathed with ‘Felt and Yellow-Metal’ in 1851. There is a strong case for suggesting that both of these were done following the return of the vessel from Quebec in August 1850. The 1850 damage repairs do not appear in the 1850 Register, published in June 1850, suggesting that they were done after that date, which must also have been after Flower returned from Quebec. Likewise, 1851 re-sheathing is listed in the

The Flower of Ugie must have sailed the short distance from Gloucester to Cardiff early in 1848, because it 58

Identification and History January/February 1851 – December 1852 Having been repaired and re-sheathed the Flower of Ugie departs Sunderland, bound for Ceylon, on 3 rd March 1851, marking a return to trading in the Indian Ocean and South Asia. A subsequent ‘spoken with’ report with the Fair Kathleen on the 16th March 1851

Register for that year and so must have taken place prior to June 1851. The subsequent voyage of the vessel indicates that this must have taken place at the beginning of 1851. This is further corroborated by the absence of any other voyages between August 1850 and March 1851.

Figure 4.11. Sailing routes and destinations of the Flower of Ugie, 1847-1850.

Figure 4.12. Sailing routes and destinations of the Flower of Ugie, 1851-1852. 59

The Flower of Ugie allows the Flower to be placed at 39°30’N, 13°10’W. Arrival in Galle, Sri-Lanka, is made on 24th June 1851, from where the vessel departs again on 28 th July, with a listed destination of Moulmein in Burma. Flower arrives there on the 12th August and departs for Britain on the 2nd October 1851. The return voyage can be observed through two ‘spoken with’ reports before the vessel arrives in Sunderland on 16 th April 1852 (Figure 4.12). The departure of the next voyage is not recorded, however the Flower arrives in Quebec on 13th July 1852, this suggests a likely departure from Sunderland at some point in May. The return passage from Quebec to Sunderland is made between 21 st August and 24th October 1852.

‘At a late hour on Sunday night a severe gale began to blow at Portsmouth from the S.S.W., and, as the night advanced it so increased in violence as to become a perfect hurricane. The wind was accompanied by deluges of rain, which flooded the streets and the moats of the fortifications. At an early hour this morning guns, evidently from some vessel in distress, were heard, but owing to the high wind it was almost impossible to ascertain from what direction they proceeded. They, however, doubtless proceeded from a trader named the Flower of Ugie, Captain Mather, bound from Sunderland to Carthagena, which, unfortunately, was driven on the Deans, a dangerous bank about five miles to the eastward of this port. The crew, in order to ease and lighten her, cut away her masts about 4 this morning, and used every effort in their power to save the vessel, cargo, and their own lives. They were, however, ultimately compelled to abandon her, taking refuge on board a pilot boat, by which they were safely brought into this port at noon to-day. The hull of the abandoned vessel was knocked about all day on the Deans till this afternoon, when all remnant of her disappeared.’ - The Times, Wednesday December 29 th 1852.

It is perhaps fitting that this voyage had ended in Sunderland, where the vessel was launched fourteen years previously, for the next voyage of the Flower of Ugie was to be the last. The vessel was commissioned to carry a cargo of coal to Carthagena in Spain and departed from Sunderland on 7th December 1852, before passing Deal on the 22 nd December. The voyage ended abruptly on 27th December 1852 when the Flower of Ugie broke apart having run aground in the Eastern Solent. The end of this voyage is discussed fully in Section 4.2.4 but it brought to a conclusion a fourteen year career during which the Flower of Ugie was at sea for a vast majority of the time and covered thousands of miles between four continents.

The final loss of the Flower of Ugie is described in the Lloyds List entry for the day after the sinking;

4.2.4. The Sinking of the Flower of Ugie The Flower of Ugie sank on Monday 27th December 1852, after running aground on the Horse and Dean Sands, in the Eastern Solent. The weather that accompanied this event was reported in The Times on December 29th 1852, the unusual severity of the storm and the associated widespread loss of shipping and lives adds a great deal of context to the loss of the Flower;

‘Portsmouth 27th Dec: It commenced blowing hard all last evening, from SSW to WSW, and soon increased to a hurricane, continuing all night and this morning...The FLOWER OF UGIE, Mather, from Sunderland to Carthagena was thrown on her beam ends, yesterday, off Portland, cut away mainmast, when the mizzenmast followed; she reached St. Helen’s this morning, anchored near the Horse Sand, with 13 feet water in the hold, and afterwards sank; crew saved.’  - Lloyd’s List, 28th December 1852, No.12094 Page(s)3

‘The hurricane which burst forth on Sunday night [the 26th December] has not been equalled in point of severity and for extent of havoc, since that which occasioned so much destruction to life and property in 1839. The large and early attendance at Lloyd’s yesterday too clearly indicated the forebodings as to the disastrous results of the storm on the coast. As the mails came in, most melancholy wrecks were announced, until at length the “books” communicated a frightful list of casualties.’ - The Times, Wednesday December 29th 1852.

These two reports can be combined to provide a single interpretation of the end of the vessel’s final voyage and its subsequent sinking. It is clear from the account of the storm published in The Times that it was of unusual severity. The Flower of Ugie was outbound to Carthagena and so would have been heading in a westerly direction down the English channel. Upon meeting the storm, Flower is likely to have continued sailing, close-hauled and with sails reefed, in an attempt to hold position until the conditions improved. A description given by Lundy (2002: 15) could easily have applied to the Flower of Ugie on Sunday 26th December 1852;

In discussion of the passage of the storm along the south coast of England, The Times goes onto to record the circumstance of the loss of the Flower of Ugie, the survival of the crew and the rapid disintegration of the vessel; 60

Identification and History ‘The ship is close-hauled, heading as close as possible to the direction of the wind; it must contend for every inch to the west, although in this gale, these seas, all it can manage is a stubborn retreat, a slow grudging slide to leeward, losing as little ground as it can until things improve.’

first, would not have been taken lightly. In the case of a vessel being knocked down or thrown on its beam ends, some guidance and comment is offered by 19th century seamanship manuals; ‘On Beam-Ends. – A vessel is usually thrown upon her beam-ends by a sudden squall taking her, when under press of sail, and shifting the ballast. She must be righted if possible, without cutting away the masts. For, besides sacrificing them, the object can seldom be accomplished in that way, if the ballast and cargo have shifted.’ - Dana 1863: 68-9.

The Lloyds List describes how the vessel was ‘thrown on its beam ends’ off Portland. For a sailing vessel such as Flower this entailed being knocked over sideways by the force of the wind until the end of the vessel’s beams on one side were all on, or under, the water. A vessel could recover from this precarious position, however, in many cases the force of the wind on the rigging, in conjunction with the weight of rigging (itself increased by the effects of partial submersion) and the inevitably shifted cargo, could keep a vessel ‘knocked-over’ and pinned on its side. Conrad (1897: 42-65) gives an emotive, extended account, based presumably on his own experience as a tall-ship sailor, of the twenty-four hour knock-down endured by the barque Narcissus in the southern Indian Ocean;

‘Up helm, let go the lee sheets, and try to get her off before the wind. If she does not right herself it may be advisable to cut away the mizzen mast.’ - Tait 1907: 100. Having made the choice to cut away the mizzen and main-mast of the Flower of Ugie, with the vessel upright but with only the foremast remaining, Master Mather would have had little choice but to run with the wind and seek shelter. Such shelter was provided by the lee of the Isle of Wight, around sixty nautical miles to the east. The vessel dropped anchor there, in the Eastern Solent during the early hours of Monday 27th December, with, as the Lloyds List records, thirteen feet of water in the hold. The severity of this situation can be highlighted by the fact that the depth of the vessel’s hold was nineteen feet! The Flower of Ugie then seems to have become stranded on the Horse and Dean Sand, where the remaining mast was cut away in order to ease the situation of the vessel. This measure seemingly failed and the crew were forced to abandon ship, taking refuge on board a pilot boat and leaving their ship to continue being battered on the sandbank before breaking up and sinking in the afternoon of Monday 27th December.

‘A big, foaming sea came out of the mist; it made for the ship, roaring wildly, and in its rush it looked as mischievous and discomposing as a madman with an axe. One or two [of the crew], shouting, scrambled up the rigging: most, with a convulsive catch of the breath, held on where they stood. Singleton dug his knees under the wheel box, and carefully eased the helm to the headlong pitch of the ship, but without taking his eyes off the coming wave. It towered closeto and high, like a wall of green glass topped with snow. The ship rose to it as though she had soared on wings, and for a moment rested poised upon the foaming crest, as if she had been a great seabird. Before we could draw another breath a heavy gust struck her, another roller took her unfairly under the weather bow, she gave a toppling lurch, and filled her deck... She gave another lurch to leeward; the lower deadeyes dipped heavily; the men’s feet flew from under them, and they hung kicking above the slanting poop... They all yelled unceasingly:‘The masts! Cut! Cut!...’ A black squall howled low over the ship, that lay on her side with the weather-arms pointing to the clouds; while the tall masts, inclined nearly to the horizon, seemed to be of an immeasurable length.’ - Conrad 1897: 42-43.

The fact that the Flower of Ugie is described as breaking up and the speed with which this happened is of significance to the present volume. The break-up of the vessel on the Horse and Dean Sand goes some way to explaining the fragmented nature of the vessel’s hull remains and of the site in general. The breakup of the Flower of Ugie forms an extreme contrast with that of HMS Invincible, which also broke apart on the Horse and Dean Sands after running aground in February 1758, but only after spending three weeks there (Bingeman 2010: 18-19), rather than a matter of hours. The relative speed of the break-up of Flower therefore gives some impression of the violent forces that the weather must have exerted on the hull of the vessel in order to achieve this.

In many cases the only recourse of the crew to save the ship and themselves, was to cut away the vessel’s masts to allow it to right itself. This process is recorded on the Flower of Ugie by the Lloyds List, with both mainmast and mizzen-mast being cut away. The decision to cut away the vessel’s masts, usually the mizzen-mast

While the rapid break-up and bad weather conditions probably prevented any on-site salvage, at least some 61

The Flower of Ugie of the remains of the vessel made it ashore. An advert in the Hampshire Chronicle and Sussex Telegraph for Saturday 5th February 1853 reads as follows;

Patent) of about 36 cwt, slipped from the American ship “Sir Robert Peel”, Robert Gordon, Commander. For catalogues, viewing &c. apply to the auctioneer; or to Messrs Garratt and Gibbon, Agents to Lloyds, Receivers of Droits of Admiralty, &c. Portsmouth.

PORTSMOUTH FOR SALE BY PUBLIC AUCTION. By Mr C. B. Smith, on Thursday February 10 th, 1853 at 11 for 12’o’clock precisely at the office of Messrs Garratt and Gibbon, Broad Street, for account of the concerned to pay salvage charges. – A quantity of Standing and Running RIGGING, Sails, Spars, Boats and other Stores belonging to the barque “Flower of Ugie” wrecked on the Dean Sand. Also about forty-five fathoms of 1¾ inch Chain, Cable and a Bower Anchor (Roger’s

The final, ultimate record of this dramatic series of events, so cursorily described by the Lloyds List, are the seabed remains of the Flower of Ugie. Having outlined the construction, career and sinking of this vessel, attention can now turn to the interpretation and analysis of the vessel against the wider picture of 19th century shipbuilding, trade and society.

62

5 Contextualisation and Interpretation

The preceding chapters have set out the archaeological (Chapter 3) and historical (Chapter 4) background to the Flower of Ugie, in addition to provding an account of the research leading to its identification (Chapter 4). This narrative encompassed its construction, use and eventual sinking in the Eastern Solent, spanning a period from July 1838 to December 1852. The following chapter attempts to address the wider context of the Flower of Ugie within the 19 th century. This focuses upon broader themes, such as colonial expansion (Section 5.1) as well as narrower maritime technological aspects relating to hull and sailing rig development (Section 5.2). Section 5.3 offers an interpretation of the Flower of Ugie in relation to technological themes and within its wider historic context.

slave trade or what is known as ‘Triangular Trade’ -i.e. molasses (sugar), slaves and gold- that comprised circulation of people, goods and ideas between the British slave-trading posts in Africa, the British West Indies and Britain (see Marshall 1998; Williams 1973). In the 18th century, one of the main scenes of European action was the sea. Control over maritime routes implied not only economic but also political power. This package was part of a continuous process that would become known as imperialism in the 19th century (see Hobsbawn 1972, 1999). Imperialism has been defined as; ‘the division of the world into formal colonies and ‘spheres of influence’ of the Great Powers, generally combined with the attempt to establish deliberately the sort of economic satellite which Britain had evolved spontaneously’ - Hobsbawn 1999: 128.

5.1. General Historical Context of the 19th Century (Virginia Dellino-Musgrave) During the 18th and 19th centuries, especially between the 1750s and 1850s, Europeans lived in a period of transformation where industrial developments, inventions and new scientific discoveries were taking place, within the context of a growing capitalist system. This period contained complex social dynamics and ‘revolutionary’ movements of ideas that had an important impact on a global scale. For example, the period of the ‘1st and 2nd Industrial Revolutions’ (1750-1850) that, according to Hobsbawn (1999: 12), was a product of acceleration in economic growth caused and illustrated by the economic and social transformations occurring at that time. The French Revolutionary Wars between 1789 and 1802 that saw the end of the French monarchy (Colley 2003: 296-297; Said 1994: 117-118, 303). The Napoleonic Wars (1803 to 1815) that saw the end of France as the dominant power in Europe (Colley 2002) and the growth of the British Empire as the world’s leading power (Cain and Hopkins 1993). Finally, the British settlements in the West Indies (e.g. Jamaica, Barbados, Trinidad and what became British Guiana as a result of the Napoleonic War), which played an important role in the British

In this sense, the possession of colonies played an important role because in many parts of the world, long-voyage shipping traffic was open to European competition. The principle of monopoly, where foreign shipping was excluded, could have been used to control this competition (Graham 1941: 5-6), the British East India Company being an example (see Chaudhuri 1978). Similarly, the 19th century experienced the Pax Britannica which was the period of relative peace in Europe (1815-1914). During this time, the British Empire controlled most of the key naval trade and enjoyed mostly unchallenged sea power. This period led to a time of overseas British expansionism with Britain dominating overseas markets (Chinese markets were dominated after the Opium Wars (1839-1842, 1856-1860)) (see Cain and Hopkins 1993; Colley 2002; Kemp 1985). During the late 18th century, British colonisation of Australia, South Africa and the former French colonies of North America (in Canada) occurred within a period of four decades (Cain and Hopkins 1993). The British colonisation of South Africa, Australia and the 63

The Flower of Ugie 5.2.1. Hull-form and Tonnage Laws At the beginning of the 19th century, the measurement and calculation of a vessel’s tonnage was set out by a rule adopted in 1773. Despite the obviously complicated three-dimensional shape formed by the hull of a sailing ship, only two measurements were required under the 1773 rule (MacGregor 1988: 23). These were the breadth of the vessel and the length of the vessel between the outer ends of the stem and stern post. The depth of a vessel’s hold was uniformly assumed to be half of the breadth. These three values were then multiplied together, before being divided by 94, the resulting quotient was the vessel’s tonnage. The most obvious problem with this system lies in the assumption of the vessel’s depth, in combination with the absence of enough measurements to satisfactorily describe hull dimension. A ship could be built with a much deeper hull than the assumed value, allowing far more cargo to be carried than the official rating of the vessel. The 1773 rule essentially encouraged the construction of short, deep vessels with excellent cargo carrying capacity, but relatively slow and requiring a tall sailing rig to propel them (MacGregor 1988: 24-5). This situation was encouraged by the convey system that was utilised for protection by British merchant ships during the Napoleonic Wars (MacGregor 1988: 13). Additionally, anti-smuggling legislation prohibited the building of vessels with a length:beam ratio greater than 3.5:1. The latter rule applied until 1833 when it was removed for vessels over 200 tons (MacGregor 1988: 14).

formerly French part of Canada saw the establishment of settlements dependent on external sources for their supply of material culture. Indeed, it could be argued that the capacity of countries like Great Britain to successfully invade and colonise other territories was largely dependent on international trade links maintained by shipping transport (Staniforth 2003). Within this context, the late 18th and early 19th centuries represent the formative stages of today’s global consumer society, which lies in the idea of ‘progress’. ‘Progress’ rests on the idea of successful outcomes of colonising behaviour, which was material prosperity, not only for the home country but also for the individual. As colonial settlements developed, changes occurred in trade patterns and in the level and nature of dependency as the means of production needed to produce, package, store and transport food, drink and other consumer goods became established in the colonies (Staniforth 1999; 2003). For example, in recent centuries objects have increasingly been manufactured in one culture and used in another (e.g. Chinese Export Porcelain). In many cases, the links characteristic of several societies where an artefact was made and used by the same person or was made by one person and used by another within a small community seemed to fade. Instead, these objects were developed with many stages between the producer of an artefact and the end user or consumer – a variety of processes including transportation, wholesale, and retail commercial transactions intervened. In this context, the Flower of Ugie can be considered as ‘mobile’ material culture transporting goods and people from varied places represented in the trips the ship made during its life (see Figures 4.8 to 4.12).

The problems inherent in the 1773 rule were acknowledged with the commission set up in 1821 to provide recommendations for introducing a revised system. These recommendations included the measurement of the actual depth of the vessel and an increase in the number of positions at which the dimensions of the vessel were recorded (MacGregor 1988: 24-5). The recommendations of the 1821 commission were not adopted due to their perceived ease of evasion and approximation (MacGregor 1984a: 18).

5.2. Contextualisation: Shipbuilding, Sailing Rigs and Routes of Trade (Julian Whitewright) The mid-19th century witnessed alterations to the tonnage laws and significant changes to primary shipbuilding materials, in particular on-going development in the use of iron and copper-alloys for shipbuilding, the former of these eventually superseding wood as the primary building material. Both of these factors were to have a profound effect on the shape, size, economics and performance of sailing vessels. There were also important changes to the nature of trade-routes and the type of trade that merchant ships could undertake during this period. It is against this long-term background, that Sunderland and its neighbouring ports in the north-east of England developed into major shipbuilding locations during the first half of the 19th century. In order to allow a fuller interpretation of the Flower of Ugie in Section 5.3, some of these themes are outlined and briefly discussed in the following section.

A second tonnage commission was appointed in 1833 to try and resolve the problems that were still clearly evident in the 1773 rule (MacGregor 1988: 97), the recommendations of this report became law from January 1836. With the intention of simplifying the related arithmetic measurements were to be taken in feet and tenths of a foot (MacGregor 1988: 97). In a development to the previous system, the crosssectional hull-form of the vessel was now measured in three places at the centre and towards either end. These measurements consisted of the depth of the hull and two widths, at each location (MacGregor 1988: 97). The introduction of the new system meant that for many years, ships were listed with two tonnage measurements; one for the old system and one for 64

Contextualisation and Interpretation the new system. The 1836 system failed to solve many of the problems of the old system, leading to a final revision in 1855. However, the 1836 system did have one outcome that can now be recognised as driving the subsequent design of hull-form during the rest of the 19th century. Builders soon realised that by adopting a hull design employing a longer, narrower hull, the same quantity of cargo could be carried, but that the registered tonnage of the vessel was actually reduced (MacGregor 1988: 98). This had obvious benefits when seeking to reduce costs associated with tonnage based port duties.

shipbuilders had altered their design approaches in the years immediately following the changes to the tonnage laws. The speed with which shipbuilders and designers reacted to the new system of measurement is unlikely to have been uniform across the various shipbuilding areas in the UK. 5.2.2. Shipbuilding Materials in the 19th Century. As observed in Chapter 3, the Flower of Ugie was constructed primarily of wood with some iron reinforcement elements and with the only additional metal comprising copper-alloy sheathing and fastenings. It may then seem strange to include a discussion of iron shipbuilding when discussing a vessel built in this way. However, iron as a material was increasingly being sought after or experimented within British industry and engineering during the 19 th century and shipbuilding was no exception to this. The earliest use of fully iron vessels was on the inland waterways of Britain during the late 18 th/early 19th century (Clarke 1986: 21; 1997: 61-2; MacGregor 1984a: 147-150). It is of use therefore, to set the 1838 construction of the Flower of Ugie into the wider context of iron as a shipbuilding material during this period.

The rounded cross-sectional form that had characterised approaches to the design and construction of sailing for centuries was beginning to be altered in the early 19th century (MacGregor 1988: 53). This was particularly the case in smaller vessels such as packet-ships, cutters, etc. Such vessel adopted a much steeper deadrise and long straight floors to produce a much ‘sharper’ hull-form (MacGregor 1988: 53). At the same time, larger merchant ships still exhibited the ‘cod’s-head, mackerel-tail’ approach to design and building (MacGregor 1988: 53) that retained the bluff bows and long-run in the stern of the vessel. The changes to the tonnage laws from 1836 gave a commercial motive for the adoption of a much longer, finer, shallower hull form (above). The improvements in performance resulting from the change to hull shape led to a continued focus on longer, faster sailing vessels during the second half of the 19th century, this came to be epitomised by the ‘clipper’ hull form. While such vessels are often focused upon as the pinnacle of the age of sail, it is worth observing the thoughts of MacGregor (1984a: 160) on the subject;

As a relative measure of the rate of adoption of iron as a primary building material, Clarke (1986; 1997: 61) addresses the total tonnage of a nation and the percentage of this which was constructed from iron. He notes that in Britain, iron built tonnage first exceeded wooden tonnage in 1862 and by contrast, in the USA, this figure was not reached until 1900 (Clarke 1986:1). In this respect, Britain was far ahead of any other shipbuilding nation in the speed in which it adopted iron and later steel, as a primary shipbuilding material.

‘clippers constituted but an infinitesimal part of the world’s merchant fleet, and carried a fraction of the cargoes shifted across the oceans. A booming freight market allowed uneconomic hull-forms to be built to engage in ocean races and although these ships hit the headlines, there was never a thought of replacing colliers with Aberdeen clipper brigs.’

On the face of it, the development of iron shipbuilding and the provision of iron elements in ships could have come about for a number of reasons. These ranged from the greater strength of iron elements, to the increase in hold capacity resulting from the removal of massive wooden trusses and knees. Both of these factors were further enhanced when a vessel was built completely of iron framing elements and the resulting vessel was likely to be cheaper to build, per ton, than a contemporary wooden vessel (see MacGregor 1988: 130-135 for discussion). Yet, despite all of these seemingly obvious advantages, iron did not displace wood as a shipbuilding material in the USA until 1900 (Clarke 1986:1), some forty years after it had done so in Britain.

The years immediately following the introduction of the new measurement system in 1836 are clearly of significance to understanding the long-term trajectory taken by British shipbuilding during the 19 th century. It should also be remembered that retrospectively sketching out the development of hull-form with the benefit of hindsight is relatively simple through the comparison of surviving plans, builder’s half-models and stated vessel dimensions, across the time period in question. However, the fundamental changes to the way in which the shape of sailing ships was conceived is unlikely to have been uniformly adopted overnight. The investigation of the Flower of Ugie provides an opportunity to assess the extent to which north-east

The range of British ports that built wooden ships of above average size illustrates that wooden shipbuilding in the 19th century was not concentrated in areas that were special, or possessed of features lacking in other areas (Clarke 1986: 11-12). The tools and materials required for wooden shipbuilding simply did not require such specialisation. The ease with which a 65

The Flower of Ugie 21). When highlighting the reasons behind the ready uptake of iron as a material within British shipbuilding, Clarke (1986: 26) cites the former Lloyds surveyor William White, who in 1877 wrote;

shipyard could be opened is illustrated at Sunderland by the increase from thirty-six to seventy-six shipyards along the River Wear during four years in the 1840s (Clarke 1997: 43). Providing that a supply of suitable timber could be procured, ships of a considerable size could be built almost anywhere. It is this last point that indicates why iron came to be so readily adopted within 19th century British shipbuilding.

‘Iron shipbuilding originated in this country... has been a source of great advantage. It has rendered us practically independent of foreign supplies in shipbuilding materials.’

There was continuing pressure on British timber resources, particularly hardwood elements, during the 19th century (Clarke 1997: 50-52; MacGregor 1988: 135). Such shortages lead to the import and accepted use within the Lloyds building regulations of foreign oak and teak, particularly from other areas of the British Empire. By 1870 around twenty types of suitable timber were listed in the Lloyds Rules (Clarke 1997: 50) and to gain the highest rating a builder had to use the correct type of timber, in the right dimensions in the right area of the vessel. Lloyds surveyors often criticised builders for the use of the wrong materials or downgraded the rating of a particular vessel. The Flower of Ugie provides an example of this with surveyor Brunton’s discrimination of the French Oak used in the building of the ship (Section 4.2.2).

Iron had many advantages as a material, when compared to wood. However, the biggest advantage of all was simply that Britain had an abundance of iron, in contrast to ever dwindling amounts of timber suited to shipbuilding. As the slow adoption of iron in the USA demonstrated, wooden shipbuilding had a perfectly viable future, providing the right timber resources were available. In Britain this was not the case and as a direct consequence, iron came to be readily adopted as a substitute, both for specific constructional elements and for the building of entire vessels. With regard to iron-shipbuilding at Sunderland; by 1852, Sunderland was the leading shipbuilding port in Britian (Clarke 1997: 61), but did not build a single iron-hulled sailing ship until February of that year (Clarke 1997: 61). In contrast to builders on the Tyne, who by 1854 were building 50% of their tonnage in iron, Sunderland did not reach the 50% mark until 1868 (Clarke 1997: 61). Iron may have been predominating as a material on a national scale by the 1850s and 60s, but the shipbuilders at Sunderland were firmly building in wood as the primary material for much of this time.

Further insight into some of the materials and building practices adopted at Sunderland and in the shipyards of the River Wear are noted by Clarke (1997: 85) who cites the observations of one Joshua Wilson, writing about the ability of Sunderland yards to build cheap ships. Wilson notes that Sunderland builders use the correct timber in the correct part of the vessel and that in the conversion of the timber there is little waste, because the ‘waste’ timber from a ship rated for twelve years can be used to build a ship of lower class, which is suitable for the coal trade. Wilson also highlights the extensive use of yellow-metal in preference for copper fastenings because it is cheaper and harder. He also notes that iron is cheap and readily available because it is mined locally and finished at an ironworks in Sunderland.

5.2.3. The Barque Rig The term ‘bark’ originally referred to a specific type of hull form, rather than a sailing rig (Bennett 2005: 24; MacGregor 1977: 40). Such vessels were the fullbodied, flat-bottomed vessels with rounded bows of the type made famous by Captain Cook’s Endeavour and illustrated by Chapman (1768: pl. XXI to XXVI) in his Architectura Navalis Mercatoria. Such vessels often dispensed with the square-sails on the aftermost mast (the mizzen mast) and made do with fore-andaft rigged sails alone on this mast. This variation on the full square-sail rig became known as the bark-rig, after the hull-form of the vessels which utilised the rig (MacGregor 1980: 42). The first literary reference to the rig comes in the 1769 edition of Falconer’s Universal Dictionary of the Marine (MacGregor 1980: 42), although it is of interest that the almost contemporary treatise by Chapman does not illustrate a bark-rig in his list of rig-types (Chapman 1768: pl. LXII). The spelling changed from ‘bark’ to ‘barque’ during the 19th century (MacGregor 1980: 42). Neither bark, nor barque is included in the list of rig-types given in the Lloyds Register of 1808. But by 1832 ‘barque’ is included, the abbreviation of ‘Bk’ offering a confusing hint at its linguistic origins.

The use of iron provided another solution to shortages in shipbuilding timber, especially in the provision of knees, breasthooks and many of the other constructional elements formed from curved ‘compass timber’ (Clarke 1997: 60; MacGregor 1988: 22). Problems in the requisition of timber suitable for these constructional elements had been evident since the 18th century and was partly responsible for the introduction of the systems of ‘chocks’ or ‘butt and cokes’ in the framing of wooden ships (Adams et al. 1990: 118-122). Likewise, as noted in Section 3.4, the provision of iron knees and reinforcement elements in place of wood was standard practice when the Flower of Ugie was built in 1838. This also originated in the 18th century as a response to shortages of suitable timber for creating those elements (MacGregor 1988: 66

Contextualisation and Interpretation

Figure 5.1. Description of a barque sailing rig, published by Young in 1846. The barque rig (Figure 5.1) increased in popularity during the 1820s and 1830s, with two possible reasons being cited by MacGregor (1984a: 29-30) as being behind the increase in use. Firstly, that changes to the tonnage laws (Section 5.2.1) had led to vessels generally having a longer hull and a reduced depth. Prior to this change, shorter deeper vessels could be

adequately powered using the two-masted brig-rig. On the newer hull-forms, the brig-rig was uneconomical in manpower for the size of the vessel. The addition of a third mast, rigged only with fore-and-aft sails allowed additional power to be added, without an increase in crew numbers. Alternatively, the redistribution of the sail area of a two-masted brig-rig, across the three 67

The Flower of Ugie to expand, with both the total tonnage of vessels launched and the numbers of shipbuilders employed, increasing year on year in the years to 1814 (Clarke 1997 :33-36). It was in this period of expansion that Luke Crown set up his yard, in 1807, that was later to construct the Flower of Ugie.

masts of a barque allowed individual sails to be made smaller and therefore more manageable. Crew size could then be reduced accordingly. In either case, a certain degree of economisation lay at the heart of the adoption of the barque-rig (cf. Bennett 2005: 24). Although the barque-rig was not as powerful as the full ship-rig, its economic advantages meant that it became popular with vessels on routes where speed was not the prime concern of ship owners and captains (Bennet 2005: 24). As steam power continued to compete with sail power during the 19 th century, the barque-rig gained increasing popularity on larger vessels, eventually developing into the four and occasionally five-masted variants seen in the second half of the 19th century. It should be noted that fullrigged ships continued to be used, alongside barques, throughout the 19th century. At the time of the building of the Flower of Ugie, the barque-rig had yet to undergo many of the variations in rig-plan seen in the latter half of the 19th century. Topsails and top-gallant sails were still single rather than doubled. Doubling of topsails first seems to have occurred in the mid-1850s (MacGregor 1984b: 38), probably as another means to economise by making sail-handling achievable by a relatively small crew. Figure 5.1 illustrates a generic example of a three-masted barque at the time of the building of Flower of Ugie.

Following the end of the Napoleonic Wars in 1815 there was a large expansion in both the total tonnage of the British merchant fleet and the number of ships built. It should also be noted that this increase was very cyclical in nature, with severe peaks and troughs within the overall trend (Clarke 1997: 73). Sunderland continued to expand and develop, primarily in the building of wooden merchant ships, by 1832 the Wear was responsible for constructing 27% of new tonnage in British merchant ships (Clarke 1997: 76). The amount of tonnage built nationally continued to rise during the 1830s, with an increase from 74,000t in 1830 to 105,000t in 1835 (Clarke 1997: 79). A dip in output in 1836 was followed by further increase to a peak of 201,000t, representing 1296 vessels, in 1840 (Clarke 1997: 79), an average of 155 tons. During the 1830s over 145 names are listed as shipbuilders on the River Wear customs register at various times and in 1840 the River Wear built 70,000 (34.8%) out of the 201,000 tons of ship launched nationally in that year (Clarke 1997: 81-2). The height of this boom came in 1839-40 when over eighty shipbuilders were active at the same time (Clarke 1997: 82). An idea of the potential output of the River Wear at this time comes from the fact that during six months of 1839, twenty of these builders launched a vessel a month (Clarke 1997: 83). During April and May 1840, fifty-seven ships were launched on the Wear, totalling 17,000 tons (Clarke 1997: 83) at an average of c. 298 tons per ship.

5.2.4. Shipbuilding in Sunderland and the North-East An excellent overview of the entire development of shipbuilding in the north-east of England is given by Clarke (1997), who provides an account covering the period from the 17th century to the present day. The development of shipbuilding in the region was led by Newcastle during the 17th century, in part because of the trade in supplying coal, in addition to a local supply of suitable shipbuilding timber (Clarke 1997: 5). Shipbuilding on the River Wear was more limited during the 17th century, mainly due to the absence of adequate harbour facilities. This was remedied during the 18th century and shipbuilding and repair on the Wear gradually increased in scale and output during that century, further helped by an increase in coal export resulting from the improved harbour facilities (Clarke 1997: 21-22).

Bust, inevitably, followed boom and the slump in building came in the depression of the 1840s. National tonnage output was reduced to 77,000t in 1843 (Clarke 1997: 83), only slightly higher than the total figure for 1830. This more than anything serves to illustrate the highly cyclical demand for ships at this time and by extension the unstable nature of shipbuilding itself. Yards could be established quickly during a boom, build a small amount of ships, before collapsing during the subsequent downturn. Shipbuilding on the Wear mirrored the general trend with at least forty builders closing down (Clarke 1997: 83). During the whole of 1844 Sunderland launched 100 ships, representing just over 27,000t (Clarke 1997: 83) at an average of c. 270 tons. Comparison with the fifty-seven ships launched during April and May of 1840 illustrates the slump, although the average tonnage of each ship remained nearly the same. By the end of the 1840s the situation was again improving (Clarke 1997: 83).

The American War of Independence played a major role in the development of British shipbuilding in the years after 1776. Vessels built in the North American colonies accounted for about 40% of tonnage in the British Fleet at this time (Clarke 1997: 25), the loss of this capacity provided both a stimulus and opportunity to British merchant shipbuilding. This seems to have been exploited most readily by the shipbuilders in the north-east of England; between 1786 and 1813, the north-east provided just over 30% of the merchant tonnage launched in England and Wales (Clarke 1997: 26). Sunderland and the River Wear continued

Throughout the growth and boom of the 1830s and 1840, during the slump of the 1840s and into the early 68

Contextualisation and Interpretation 1850s Sunderland and the River Wear was the selfproclaimed ‘greatest shipbuilding port in the world’ (Clarke 1997: 93). In terms of the sheer quantity and tonnage of wooden ships produced during this period this claim was undoubtedly true. As illustrated above, Sunderland was responsible for building around onethird of the total tonnage of ships that comprised the British merchant fleet at this time. The reasons behind the cyclical nature of the shipbuilding industry and its accompanying social upheavals lie outside the main thrust of the present study. Likewise the eventual adoption of iron for shipbuilding on the River Wear and the development of shipbuilding post-1850 are also beyond the scope of this work. The building of the Flower of Ugie in 1838 took place against a backdrop of almost limitless expansion and it is in this context that the construction of the vessel itself will be interpreted below.

At a local scale, the British and colonial merchants who controlled the trade were the ones who made the daily decisions about what consumer goods were consigned by sea to a particular colony at a particular time. In this sense, the choices that consumers were able to make were constrained by what goods were made available to them by merchants who were often on the other side of the world (Miller 1995). During the late 18th and early to mid-19th century, traditional commercial activity was conducted by British merchants, either between Britain and the colonies or between British colonies in places like India and Australia. In addition, various kinds of informal trading arrangements were also used sometimes in contravention of the Navigation Acts. Overseas trade was necessary to provide an adequate supply of familiar, appropriate or suitable consumer goods to the colonies. By the second half of the 19 th century the British mercantile-capitalist system had become firmly entrenched in the colonies which had grown to become consumers of material culture as well as significant producers (Butlin 1994). However, before the 1850s, the Industrial Revolution remained largely based in the mother country with industrial production continuing to flow from the centre to the periphery (Colley 2002). Between 1840 and 1847, trade with northern and southern Europe, the US, British North America (Canada), India, Africa, and Asia grew at fairly linear rates. Only commerce with the West Indies (British and foreign), Russia, the Netherlands and Belgium, France, and Australia and the Pacific showed scarce growth (Kennedy 1997: 62). This trade expansion reflected an increased industrial production and capital formation in Britain but also a continued conviction among mercantile and shipping interests that the government accepted in the nation’s continued economic development (Kennedy 1997).

5.3. Interpretation: The Flower of Ugie (Julian Whitewright and Virginia Dellino-Musgrave) The following section attempts to offer some interpretation specifically directed at the Flower of Ugie on the basis of the vessel biography and context offered in Section 4.2, 5.1 and 5.2. This interpretation first considers the building of the vessel against wider related trends visible at the time and in the longer term. The sailing seasons and passage times of the Flower of Ugie are then discussed followed by analysis of the correlation between the seabed remains of the vessel and its related historical documentation. 5.3.1. Colonial Trade The development of a consumer society and a successful colony, was reliant on a distribution or trade network allowing consumer goods to flow from the place of production to the place of consumption (Hall 2000). This network formed a significant part of the mercantile-capitalist system and involved the purchase, transportation, trans-shipment, sale and resale of goods. Trade patterns, and the goods that circulated as a result, can provide valuable insights into the cultural attitudes of people by revealing just what was considered to be ‘suitable’ consumer goods.

Flower of Ugie can illustrate extensive trade networks with other peripheral and semipheripheral societies which included India, South Africa, Asia, and North America. In this sense, it could be considered that the mercantile-capitalists resident in other British colonies probably had more knowledge of and a better understanding of the needs of colonists in other places than the merchants resident in the metropolis. This could explain the regular trips that the Flower of Ugie had within the Indian Ocean (Figure 4.8, 4.9, 4.10 and 4.12). In this sense, the Flower of Ugie could be interpreted as the means to an end for British merchants in British colonies such as India, i.e. to satisfy colonial needs.

At a global scale, British colonial ports and towns such as Montreal, Cape Town, Calcutta, and Sydney were part of a mercantile-capitalist system that encouraged the colonial production of raw materials and the consumption of manufactured goods from the ‘mother’ country. The mercantile-capitalist system made it more profitable for the colonists to devote themselves to acquiring British-made objects rather than developing their own consumer goods (Orser 1996). However, the demand for goods in the colonies would flow from a wide range of sources by a variety of means and not simply from the mother country (see Staniforth 2003).

Within this general theme, two periods are of particular interest. Firstly, in 1842, the Flower of Ugie sailed from India to China, via Singapore, arriving in China on 31 st May 1842. The arrival port is unknown. The voyage is of significance because it came only a few months before 69

The Flower of Ugie

Figure 5.2. Page from the Lloyds Register for 1840, containing the entry (No. 220) for the Flower of Ugie for that year. 70

Contextualisation and Interpretation the conclusion, on 29 th August 1842 of the First Opium War between Britain and China (Le Pichon 2006: 36-7). Given the Indian/Singapore origin of the majority of British troops engaged in the conflict, it seems highly likely that the Flower of Ugie was engaged in some form of activity such as a supply/troop ship during the voyage from the subcontinent to China. Following the China voyage, the Flower completes a series of round trips between Madras and Mauritius during 1843 and 1844. These voyages occur at exactly the time that the transport of indentured labour from Calcutta and Madras to work on the sugar plantations of Mauritius was resumed (Allen 1999: 56). It seems highly likely that the vessel was involved in this trade during these voyages. These two periods exemplify the ease with which an unremarkable sailing ship, such as the Flower of Ugie can serve to epitomise the colonial activity of the mid-19th century.

ton class of vessel (MacGregor 1988: 62). A similar spur to eastern trade occurred in the 1830s when the monopoly of the East India Company to trade with China was also revoked. The huge growth in the British shipbuilding industry noted above was itself one stimulus for overseas trade. This came primarily in the import of timber for the purpose of shipbuilding and to replace the increasingly scarce British supplies. This timber came from all over the world; particularly the Baltic and North America, but also West Africa, India and South America. The observations of Wilson (Clarke 1997:85), highlighted above, comment on the advantage held by the shipbuilders of the north-east who were able to trade coal directly for timber with the Baltic countries. The export of coal, both to other areas of Britain, but also to other countries was undoubtedly a large contributor to maritime trade during the 19 th century. Vessels engaged in the coal carrying trade tended to be of a lower Lloyds classification, rather than the top-rated 12A1 or 10A1. This is also commented on by Wilson, who considers it good economic practice to use the waste material from a highly classed ship to build a vessel of lower classification for the coal trade (above).

Shipping routes The simplest way to gauge the scale and scope of trade and the potential destinations to which a British vessel could sail in the mid-19th century is to sample the Lloyds Register. It is obvious from almost any page from any Register from the mid-19th century that the type, size and destination of trade for wooden sailing vessels were virtually limitless. British vessels were carrying cargoes and passengers to most places in the world and certainly every continent. Figure 5.2 shows the page from the 1840-41 register that includes the entry for the Flower of Ugie, which in that year is listed as sailing from Sunderland to the Cape of Good Hope and from Liverpool to Calcutta. It is instructive to consider some of the other destinations listed on this tiny sample of the Register. A number of vessels are undertaking trade within British waters; to Shields, Swansea, Newcastle, Plymouth, London, Weymouth, Wick, Maldon or simply in the coasting trade. A further group of vessels are sailing to European destinations; Rotterdam, the Mediterranean, Lisbon, Madeira and Constantinople. Another group of vessels are sailing to other international destinations and to ports within the British Empire; Havana, Newfoundland, New York, Valpariso, Sydney, Christchurch and generally to India. Some routes remained or became, busier than others, particularly those to other parts of the British Empire such as India, or where high value cargoes could be procured. Some trade was undoubtedly stimulated by political actions, such as the removal in 1813 of the prohibition on British ships rounding the Cape of Good Hope without a license from the East India Company. The lifting of this regulation opened up the Indian Ocean as a destination for ship-owners and merchants in their own right, using vessels that had not been built by the East India Company. Vessels engaged in the India trade were generally above average in size. Those listed in the 1820 Lloyds Register averaged c. 485 tons (old) while the East India Company itself was using chartered ships which were often on the 1200-

The Flower of Ugie was therefore operating in an era of increasing globalisation, with goods and products being transferred across almost the entire globe. It is notable within this context that the vessel did not remain engaged in the same trade or upon the same routes for its entire life. As the vessel was sold to new owners, or economic opportunities arose, so the vessel would be shifted to different waters and different ports of trade. The suitability of the vessel to such a varied career serves to illustrate the flexibility of the hull and rig of the Flower of Ugie in the context of the economic conditions that the vessel operated within. 5.3.2. Tonnage and Hull-form At the time of building in 1838, the Flower of Ugie was a relatively large ship, albeit not of comparable size to a 1000+ ton East Indiaman. Instead, a better gauge of comparative size can be gained by addressing the tonnage of the Flower against the average tonnage of vessels being built at this time. Average tonnage of the British merchant fleet in 1839 was c. 120 tons (Clarke 1986: 20) and 155 tons during the peak year of 1840 (above). This figure had risen further to 191 tons by 1850 (Clarke 1986: 20). At Sunderland itself, the average size of vessels launched during the boom of 1840 was c. 298 tons, which had dropped slightly by 1844 to c. 270 tons (above). It is against these figures that the Flower of Ugie should be compared and such a comparison indicates that the vessel was above average in size, both in terms of the national average and the Sunderland average at the time of construction. Additionally, the 1844 Sunderland 71

The Flower of Ugie tonnage average of c. 270 tons was still much less than the tonnage of the Flower. Even in 1850, twelve years after the construction of the vessel, the Flower was still larger than the national average.

given in the vessel’s survey report at the time of building (Section 4.2.2). A similar trend can be observed in the tonnage of other Sunderland built vessels, constructed after the Flower of Ugie. The Alicia, built by William Wilkinson and surveyed in March 1845 had a tonnage of 349 (old) and 410 (new). Similarily, the Primula, built by J and J Rodham and also surveyed in March 1845 had a tonnage of 356 (old) and 406 (new). In both cases, these measurements are suggestive of vessels that are relatively deep for their length and breadth, this is confirmed by the actual lengths, breadths and depths given in their survey reports. Although cursory in nature, these observations suggest that not all shipbuilders were especially quick to react to the 1836 tonnage regulations. MacGregor notes (1984a: 94) that the combination of a short [deep] hull carrying a tall rig remained favoured until about 1850. In the case of Luke Crown, who had been building ships for thirty years by the time he launched Flower, this is probably unsurprising. In contrast to this is the example of Alexander Hall (see MacGregor 1988: 105115), building at Aberdeen throughout the 1840’s who designed a new form of bow (the Aberdeen bow) that was specifically intended to reduce the tonnage of a vessel, under the 1836 regulations. Between 1839 and 1849, Hall built vessels that had a higher ‘new’ tonnage than ‘old’, as well as vessels with the opposite trend. In

The implications for the design of large merchant sailing ships resulting from the 1836 changes to British tonnage laws were outlined in Section 5.2.1. It is of interest at this point to assess the speed at which shipbuilders such as Luke Crown reacted to these changes. It will have been obvious throughout this volume that after 1836, sailing vessels were usually described with two tonnage ratings; an old measure and a new measure, reflecting the differing systems of measurement in place at different times. Crucially, the old measure did not record the actual depth of a vessel, it simply assumed that depth was equal to half of the vessel’s width, whereas the new system did measure a vessel’s depth. Accordingly, a vessel with a lower tonnage under the new measure probably carries a shallower, sharper hull than the assumed ‘depth = half the breadth’ measure would produce (MacGregor 1988: 20). Likewise, a vessel displaying a large increase in tonnage rating under the new measure, is likely to have a much deeper hull than was previously accounted for under the assumed system. It is this latter trend that is visible in the Flower of Ugie; with tonnage values of 350 (old) and 402 (new). This observation is confirmed by the hull measurements Year

Departed

Arrived

Duration

Stopovers

1839

Calcutta

Liverpool

c. 150 days

Unknown

1840-41

Calcutta

Liverpool

134 days

St Helena

1840-41

St Helena

Liverpool

64 days

Assumed Not

1841

Calcutta

Mauritius

48 days

Assumed Not

1843

Madras

Mauritius

40 days

Assumed Not

1844

Mauritius

Madras

66 days

Assumed Not

1844

Madras

Liverpool

144 days

St Helena

1844

St Helena

Liverpool

51 days

Assumed Not

1844-45

Liverpool

Mauritius

111 days

Unknown

1845

Mauritius

Liverpool

97 days

Unknown

1845-46

Liverpool

Calcutta

159 days

Unknown

1846

Calcutta

Gravesend

187 days

St Helena

1846

St Helena

Gravesend

72 days

Assumed Not

1847

Deal (sighting)

Odessa

62 days

Unknown

1847

Odessa

Falmouth

46 days

Unknown

1849

Alexandria

Falmouth

56 days

Unknown

1850

Deal (sighting)

New York

31 days

Assumed Not

1851

Sunderland

Galle

113 days

Unknown

1851-52

Moulmein

Sunderland

197 days

Unknown

1852

Quebec

Sunderland

61 days

Unknown

Table 5.1. Selected passage times between ports for the Flower of Ugie, 1838-1852. 72

Contextualisation and Interpretation an explanatory diagram of 1845, putting forward Hall’s approach to the new tonnage measurement a note reads;

unknown, but obviously has an effect on the overall elapsed time. These corresponding passages from St Helena are also of interest, ranging from 51 days (1844), through 64 days (1840-41), to 72 days (1846).

‘It is evident from the above that the register tonnage is reduced actually by enlarging the capacity, as not only is the measurement reduced by 30 tons but all the additional lengths added to the contents, being almost the entire fore-castle forward and a considerable space aftward; and at the same time the symmetry, sailing qualities and dryness on deck are greatly increased, as has now been fully proved by the experience had from 20 to 30 vessels during the last six years’ (in MacGregor 1988: 106).

Some historical context can be added to these times. In 1838 the John of Gaunt, acknowledged as one of the fastest ships of the day achieved an inbound passage from Canton to London of 113 days between the 6 th January and the 29 th April (MacGregor 1988: 95-6). This was a vessel built for and with a reputation for flat-out speed. In 1855 the iron clipper Storm Cloud achieved the passage from Calcutta to London in 94 days (MacGregor 1988: 172). It is clear that the Flower of Ugie was not in the same league as the John of Gaunt when it came to speed and was obviously from a different generation of ship to the Storm Cloud. The Flower was simply a steady sailor. As such, the vessel was capable of making a trans-oceanic round-trip to India over the course of a year or was equally adept (and presumably still economically viable) on shorter northern hemisphere routes.

The last line of this is possibly the most significant, indicating that Hall had been experimenting with such approaches since the late 1830s. This discussion should serve to illustrate that the adoption or uptake of new approaches to design or technical innovation was not uniform, or in some areas even particularly rapid in nature. The Flower of Ugie was one such example of this and represents the continuation of a long-practiced and successful approach to ship design and construction that was clearly continued by a number of different builders in Sunderland at this time. In contrast to this were builders such as Hall, who were prepared to alter their approaches in order to maximise the advantage that could be gained from changes to the rules that regulated their trade.

More interesting comparison may be made with the barque Eglinton already drawn upon as an archaeological parallel (Section 3.4.2). In 1850 and 1851 the Eglinton completed return voyages from Calcutta to Gravesend, taking 144 days and 140 days respectively (McCarthy and Stanbury 2003: 50), presumably with a stop-over in St Helena in each case. These voyage times tally broadly with most of the sailing times of the Flower along routes between India and England. The exception is the 187 day voyage in 1846. A caveat must be added that in the cases of both vessels the stop-over times in St Helena remain unknown. Such comparison does serve to provide us with a general indication of the passage times that such long-distance cargo ships could achieve at this time.

5.3.3. Sailing Speeds and Seasons Passage speeds In some cases, where the available information allows, it is possible to determine how long the Flower of Ugie took to sail between specific points. Comparison with other recorded voyages can give some indication as to the relative speed of the vessel, at least in terms of total passage time, within the wider context of 19 th century British shipping. A summary of such voyages is given in Table 5.1. Because of the impossibility of knowing if the vessel made any stopovers en-route, average speeds have not been calculated.

Sailing seasons The return voyages of the Flower of Ugie to the Indian Ocean provide an insight into one of the considerations associated with long-distance sailing voyages between India and Europe. The monsoon system that dominates the Indian Ocean dictates that voyages from the subcontinent towards Africa or Arabia traditionally occur from September onwards, when the winds become more favourable (Villiers 1952: 6-7). This allows sailing vessels to avoid sailing against the tempestuous summer monsoon that blows predominantly from the south-west. This practice corresponds with the second voyage of the Flower noted above, in the latter half of 1840. However, departure from south Asia in September dictates that the final leg of the voyage, in the North Atlantic, must take place during the European winter when a higher proportion of bad weather might be expected. The only mitigation to this is that an inbound voyage from

It is obviously more instructive from an analytical perspective if a particular voyage is repeated on a number of occasions. This allows a certain amount of perspective to be added to the resulting passage times. The four voyages between India (from either Calcutta or Madras) and Britain in 1839, 1840-41, 1844 (Madras) and 1846 provide a good example of this. Despite the need to estimate small portions of the day-count for the 1839 voyage it is still obvious that the 1840-41 passage of 134 days represents a fast time, while the 1846 passage of 187 days is slow. All of the voyages from India have a recorded stop-over at St Helena, the length of stop-over is 73

The Flower of Ugie discussion. Additionally, Chapter 3 noted the dispersed nature of the seabed remains, broken into two sections and a central area of scattered remains. It is likely that this resulted from the very fast breaking-up of the vessel following its grounding on the Horse Tail Sand in December 1852 (Section 4.2.4). Correlation between the dimensions and materials given in the Lloyds Survey Report on the vessel and the characteristics of the seabed remains allows either section of the wreckage to be assigned a possible location in the structure of the original vessel.

India would at least be travelling in the same prevailing direction as any North Atlantic weather systems (from the south-west). In contrast to this, the 1839 return voyage of the Flower takes place between April and September 1840. Such a timetable would have ensured that the vessel is likely to have experienced unfavourable conditions in the Indian Ocean, in combination with having to navigate the Cape of Good Hope in the middle of the southern hemisphere winter. It could be speculated that the experience of the first voyage, led to the delay in South Asia in the second voyage to allow more favourable conditions for the return voyage. The counter argument to this is that the return voyages from India in 1844 and 1846 take place between MayOctober and April-September respectively. Despite the seemingly unfavourable situation of rounding the Cape of Good Hope in the winter, this schedule is the one that occurs for three of the four voyages that the Flower makes from India to Britain between 1838 and 1846.

Construction materials There are some clear differences between the materials noted in Chapter 3 and further identified through specialist analysis, such as metal or timber, and the materials recorded in the Lloyds Survey Report. The most striking of these is probably the extensive use of ebony as a material for outer and ceiling planking on the vessel. This contrasts with the recorded use of English, African Oak and limited foreign White Oak in the outer planking, with the addition of American Elm between the keel and the bilges. The most likely explanation for this is the scenario put forward by Nayling in Section 3.1.4, namely that ebony can be equated with the ‘African Oak’ listed by the Lloyds surveyor. Certainly the disposition of ebony throughout the ship matches the uses listed in the Lloyds survey report for African Oak. By implication, this would make the use of African Oak as a descriptive term by shipbuilders and surveyors a question of colloquial language, rather than specific taxonomy (Nayling pers.comm. Jan 2011). Other species identified in the survey report, such as elm or oak (English or French) are reflected in the remaining results of the wood species analysis.

It is also a feature of the northern hemisphere voyages of the Flower of Ugie between 1846 and 1852 that there is no really discernable sailing season. Voyage arrivals and departures are continual, including throughout the winter, with breaks only occurring during known instances of refit or repair, or when the vessel is sold to new owners. Sailing vessels were kept at sea throughout the year, seemingly regardless of the seasons and contrary to the traditional spring-summerautumn sailing seasons of previous centuries, as long as there was a cargo to ship. This in itself is indicative of the importance of economic considerations in directing 19th century maritime activity; that economics could supersede environmental consideration in an area of activity that for millennia had been strongly influenced by the nuances and seasonal variations of the marine environment. It is testament to the vessel’s builders, its masters and crews that the Flower was able to sustain such a program of almost continual sailing over the course of fourteen years.

Additionally, the use of copper, brass and gunmetal was noted in the material analysis of the metal fastenings and hull sheathing used in the vessel. The survey conducted at the time of the vessel’s launching records only the use of copper for hull fastenings and sheathing. The latter is the easiest to account for, with Lloyds Register records of the vessel being re-sheathed in yellow-metal, in place of copper, in 1847 and 1851 (Section 4.2.3). Explanation for the other differences in materials between the building of the vessel and its sinking, some fourteen years later, probably lies in the various repairs that it underwent in the late 1840s and early 1850s (Section 4.2.3). Most notable are the repairs following grounding in the Baltic in 1849 and repairs to damage sustained during 1850. The details of either of these repairs are not known, but they must have been significant enough to merit recording in the Lloyds Register. It seems plausible that various fastenings may have also been replaced at the same time.

5.3.4. The Seabed Remains of the Flower of Ugie Chapter 3 of this volume described the archaeological remains of the Flower of Ugie, located on the seabed of the Eastern Solent. Section 4.2 added a further dimension to this description by outlining the history of the vessel, as found in historical sources. The latter included a detailed record of the building of the Flower contained in the Lloyds Survey Report written at the time. It will be obvious that there are some differences between the constructional information recorded during the Lloyds Survey of the vessel and the archaeological remains found on the seabed. These differences lie mainly in some of the materials recorded in either case. The material changes to the vessel over the course of its life therefore bear further

Analysis of the metal fastenings recovered from the vessel indicates that the yellow-metal fastenings 74

Contextualisation and Interpretation

Figure 5.3. Diagram illustrating the probable structural location of the seabed remains of the Flower of Ugie. probably date from the late 1840s (Section 3.1.5). An 1848 account of Sunderland shipbuilding practices cited by Clarke (1997: 85), also refers to the extensive use of yellow-metal for fastenings in preference to copper. Historical parallels for the use of gunmetal as a material for plank fastenings can also be cited. The survey report of the barque Alicia, built in Sunderland by William Wilkinson in 1845 was utilised in Section 3.4.3. This records the use of gunmetal as the material for all of the fastenings on that vessel, indicating that a range of materials were available as an alternative to copper by the mid-1840s.

section was primarily of elm, while that on the eastern section was of ebony. The use of elm is recorded in the Lloyds survey report as applying only to the outer planking between the keel and the bilge. This strongly suggests that the western section of remains therefore correlates to the lower area of the vessel, while the eastern section belongs to the side. Further indication of this is provided by comparison of the sided timber dimensions with those listed in the survey report. The frame timbers on the western section have an average sided dimension of 10.9 inches with a maximum of 14.9 inches, the only area in the survey report that this corresponds with is the sided dimension of the floors (12-13 inches) and first futtocks (11 inches). Allowing for the effects of surface/edge degradation and averaging across this section of the wreck, this is a reasonable correlation. The maximum width of the western section is around 5 m, the recorded extreme breadth of the Flower of Ugie is 8.2 m. Consequently it is impossible for the western section to represent one

Vessel structure Analysis of the Lloyds Survey Report, in conjunction with characteristics of the seabed remains of the Flower of Ugie allows some indication of the likely areas of the original vessel that the main sections of surviving hull came from. Results of the timber species analysis indicate that the outer planking on the western 75

The Flower of Ugie The location and quantity of the surviving elements of the Flower of Ugie illustrates two things. Firstly, it reinforces the violent nature of the break-up of the vessel as originally indicated by the speed with which historical accounts describe the vessel as disintegrating. Secondly, the potential for other large sections of the vessel to be scattered in the vicinity must remain relatively high. The surviving sections only account for around two-thirds of the bottom of the vessel and possibly a third of one side. The ends of the vessel, one entire side and the remainder of the other side are still unaccounted for, as are the remaining beams and upper-works. Some of the rigging was obviously washed ashore as it was sold at auction some weeks later (Section 4.2.4). The area encompassed by the wreck remains that are currently known about and documented is relatively large, particularly in relation to the original size of the vessel. Allowing for the fact that at least the same amount of wreckage is possibly located in the vicinity, makes the potential total size of the site of the Flower of Ugie much larger than the currently identified extent.

entire side of the floor of the vessel and the remains must therefore span across the centreline (Figure 5.3). The framing on the eastern section of the wreck has average sided dimensions of 9.8 inches. This correlates most closely with the survey report dimensions for the 2nd and 3rd futtocks of 10 and 9 inches respectively. Where it was possible to record the moulded dimension of a frame on the eastern section, it was 6-8 inches. This again correlates closest to the listed dimension for the 2nd/3rd futtocks. The only timbers listed in the survey above the 3rd futtocks are the top timbers, suggesting that the framing of the vessel is comprised of relatively few elements. Two sections were recorded on the eastern section with a view to discerning any curvature in the timber. In both cases the ends of the timber were degraded which reduced the amount of recordable curve. However, the recorded sections did indicate that only a minimal curvature of the framing was occurring at this location and that this was primarily towards one end of the piece. This could indicate the end of the futtock that was towards the bilge of the vessel. It therefore seems very likely that the eastern section comes from an area of the Flower of Ugie that was originally located in the mid-to-upper sides of the vessel and probably above the turn of the bilge (Figure 5.3). It is not possible to conclude which side of the vessel this section is from.

Discussion The Flower of Ugie was designed to carry the maximum capacity of cargo for the minimum cost. Further evidence for this judgement is provided by the probable shape of its hull in light of wider developments in that area (Section 5.2.1). The economic nature of the vessel could be extended to its building on the banks of the River Wear, an area renowned for the production of cheaper ships than in other areas of the country. The approach of the Wearside shipbuilders included the use of recently developed materials such as yellowmetal fastenings and sheathing, cheaper than the copper alternative. Sunderland builders also adopted a wide range of timber sources and their manner of use of these materials often created quasi economies of scale. In a similar fashion, the Flower of Ugie carried a barque-rig; more economic, but less powerful than the fully-rigged alternative. The barque rig was becoming more widespread at the time of the construction and fitting-out of the Flower, but was by no means ubiquitous to vessels of that type.

Finally, a large timber, with an iron concretion at one end was recorded adjacent to the eastern section. This seems likely to be the remains of a hold or deck beam, with the remnants of an iron hanging knee located at one end. The absence of a similar concretion from the other end suggests that the timber is incomplete. The survey report notes that both deck and hold beams were supported with hanging knees. The deck beams were further reinforced with wooden lodging knees and the hold beams with iron staple lodging knees. Examples of the latter were also found in the central area of the site. The angle of the concreted iron remnants on the surviving beam indicate that it must be lying on its side, with its moulded face visible, this measured 10.5 inches. The recorded moulded dimensions of the deck beams are 9-9½ inches, tapering to 6 inches. While the moulded dimensions of the hold beams are given as 12 inches, tapering to 8½ inches. The in-situ beam is more likely to correspond to one of the vessel’s hold beams, of which there were originally sixteen. Further correlation is provided by consideration of the extreme breadth of the vessel, this is given as 27 feet (8.2 m). The beam in question has a length of 7.2 m (23½ feet) and is seemingly incomplete at one end. Allowing for the thickness of the vessel’s planking on both sides, the moulded dimension of the framing and the tumblehome of the sides it seems that the surviving beam fits better in the structure of the vessel as a hold beam (Figure 5.3). The relatively complete length of the beam further suggests that it came from the midships area of the vessel.

The builders of the Flower of Ugie utilised the most modern fastening and sheathing materials available, in conjunction with a recently developed form of sailing rig. Moreover, the transition from copper to yellow-metal, witnessed in the Flower of Ugie illustrates the openminded nature of these shipbuilders when new materials became available. Such a pattern in materials and rig provides an interesting counterpoint to the reluctant adoption of iron as a primary construction material within the Sunderland yards. A similar comment can be made with regard to the adherence to older methods of conceiving and designing hull-form. It should also be noted that the reasons for these technological choices are abundantly clear. The materials and sailing rig of the 76

Contextualisation and Interpretation Flower of Ugie provided a further means to economically build and use a sailing vessel that was itself designed to maximise its economic efficiency in the carriage of cargo.

such materials provides a clue to the motives of the builder and owner and offers another interpretation of the vessel. The Flower was built to a tried and tested design formula that offered the capacious, steady conveyance of cargo over potentially long-distances in an economic fashion. Further indication of the latter is given by the rig of the vessel, selected for economic performance, rather than out-and-out speed. The building materials tell the same story through the building and repair of the vessel during its career; materials selected because they represent the most cost-effective way of achieving a specific technological aim.

5.3.5. Summary: The Flower of Ugie, 1838-1852 The Flower of Ugie was built on the banks of the River Wear in 1838, fourteen years later the vessel was wrecked in the Eastern Solent. Between these two events the Flower spent the vast majority of its life at sea, sailing thousands of miles between a range of ports in South Asia, Southern Africa, Europe and North America. In this sense the vessel epitomised the age of global seafaring and developing capitalisation that was in full-swing by the mid-19th century.

Taking all of this into consideration, it is possible to view the Flower of Ugie as representing a state of the art approach to the procurement, use and deployment of materials in a manner in which economics was the primary driving force. Viewed in this way, the Flower of Ugie does not lie at the end of a technological line of development for large wooden shipbuilding, waiting to be displaced by bigger, faster iron and steel vessels. Although the fact that vessels such as the Flower of Ugie would cease to be built within a generation of its launch is beyond question. But Luke and John Crown could not foresee this in 1838, they were simply building within the accepted tradition of the day. Instead, the Flower of Ugie may be seen as representative of the pinnacle of British wooden merchant shipbuilding, developed over several centuries and epitomised in the approach of shipbuilders in the north-east of England and in Sunderland in particular.

Although a little unclear, it seems likely that the vessel was commissioned for use in the trade with British colonies in Southern Africa and South Asia; the Cape of Good Hope, Mauritius, Madras and Calcutta being primary destinations over a number of years. With this in mind, it may be possible to classify the Flower of Ugie as a late form of British East Indiaman, albeit one with no connection to the British East India Company itself. A similar status has been ascribed to the Jhelum (Bound 1990: 43), contemporary with the Flower and now hulked on the Falkland Islands. Ascribing such a status to the Flower of Ugie is perhaps over-simplistic. As the previous discussion has illustrated, the vessel was very much the continuation of a tradition of British merchant shipbuilding that could be traced back to the beginning of the 19th century. Assuming a vessel of the same size, if the initial destination of the vessel had been Quebec, rather than Calcutta, it is likely that Luke Crown would have built the same design of vessel with the same materials and carrying the same rig. The flexibility of the ships resulting from the building tradition in which the Flower was constructed is illustrated by the range of destinations and variance in passage distance that the vessel was capable of being employed on. The vessel was equally suited to trade with the Baltic or Mediterranean as to the conveyance of cargoes to the East Indies.

At a wider-scale, the Flower of Ugie also symbolises much more than simply a technological snap-shot of British shipbuilding in the mid-19 th century. The role played by the vessel throughout its life places it at the heart of the globally developing trading systems that were an on-going feature of the 19th century. Many of these routes and the goods, people and ideas that travelled along them, lay at the heart of British commercial activity at this time. This activity itself was linked irrevocably with the development of overseas colonies and the maintenance and expansion of the British Empire during the 19th century. In this sense, the Flower of Ugie is itself the result of this activity as well as a facilitator of its continuation. The technological features of the ship are simply the tangible manifestation of 19th century commercialisation, colonialism and economisation.

In the light of later developments to materials and hullform it is easy to view the Flower of Ugie as being at the end of a particular branch of shipbuilding evolution. While this may be true in part, this should not mean that the vessel is viewed as backwards looking, lowtech or less advanced. Consideration of why the Flower of Ugie was constructed in such a way, using

77

The Flower of Ugie

78

6 Management and Dissemination

A key element of the project was to facilitate the longerterm management of the site of the Flower of Ugie. The steps taken to achieve this are described in the following chapter and include a description of the monitoring process adopted on the site, the provision of a formal site risk-assessment and significance assessment and a description of one of the innovative methods of dissemination adopted by the HWTMA for the Flower of Ugie.

the shipwreck in its current state. Structural elements that have become uncovered due to sediment loss are noted, in addition to those that are no longer visible or have degraded away. 2. Via the installation of a series of monitoring points around the structure of the wreck in 2009. Measurements were taken between these points and the seabed following installation and the measurements were retaken during 2010 and 2011. Comparison over time should provide a picture of the relative accumulation/depreciation of sediment around the site.

6.1. Monitoring the Flower of Ugie

(Julian Whitewright) A feature of the survey of the Flower of Ugie has been the observation of the on-going site formation processes since the initial diving inspection in 2004. The following section highlights and discusses the primary visible changes to the structure of the shipwreck since archaeological investigation began in 2004. Survey of the site was still on-going during the fieldwork seasons between 2004 and 2008, with completion of the overall plan of the site in 2008. Consequently, observation of comparable, year-on-year changes across the whole site were not possible during this period. In 2009, funding through the Aggregate Levy Sustainability Fund included provision for the monitoring of any changes to sediment or structural remains across the site. From the 2009 season onwards it has therefore been possible to empirically monitor and observe changes across the entire site when compared to the measured survey of the site, completed in 2008. Such monitoring has been undertaken in 2010 and 2011 as a result of funding received through the HWTMA ‘Archaeological Atlas of the Two Seas’ Project.

6.1.1. Structural Remains The structural remains of the Flower of Ugie that are visible on the seabed are fully described in Section Three. These comprise a western and eastern section of coherent wooden hull remains, with a central area of concreted remains and dispersed wooden material (Figure 3.1). The western section is oriented WSW/ ENE and the eastern section SSW/NNE. The processes visible in each of these areas are now described in turn. Western section The western section of the Flower of Ugie is characterised by the large number of framing elements that are visible on the seafloor. To the north of these lies a carronade, orientated roughly north/south. At the eastern end of the western section, some outer hull planking is visible protruding from underneath the frames. A small amount of heavily degraded ceiling planking is visible in the centre of the western section. The observed, progressive changes to the western section of hull remains are detailed in Figure 6.1. This illustrates the total structure surveyed between 2004 and 2008 (Figure 6.1a). The wooden hull structure subsequently observed between 2009 and 2011 is then shown in Figure 6.1b to 6.1d.

Changes to the site have been monitored in two ways, these allow for the monitoring of changes to the surviving structure of the vessel and also to observe changes to the sediment levels across the site; 1. Through diver observation of the extant structural remains, in comparison to those observed in previous seasons. This allows the production of an updated site plan for

Changes: 2004-2008 to 2009 The survey of the western section of the site conducted 79

The Flower of Ugie Figure 6.1. Observed progression of changes to hull structure on the western section of the Flower of Ugie.

80

Management and Dissemination Figure 6.2. Observed progression of changes to hull structure on the eastern section of the Flower of Ugie.

81

The Flower of Ugie Changes: 2004-2008 to 2009 The survey of the eastern section of the site conducted in 2009 was able to inform upon a number of observations on changes to the structure of the site, when compared to the overall plan completed in 2008; • A large quantity of outer planking had become displaced at the south-western end of the section and was no longer part of the coherent hull section. This hull structure was originally lying proud of the seabed when initially observed. • Framing elements at the south-western end of the main section of hull framing had become increasingly degraded. • Additional outer planking had become exposed on the north-eastern edge of the section.

in 2009 was able to inform on changes to the structure of the site, when compared to the overall plan completed in 2008; • Further outer hull planking had become uncovered in the north-east area of the section. • The main ceiling planking visible in the centre of the section had partially degraded away. • An area of the outer planking that comprises the southern edge of the section had degraded away. • The orientation of the carronade had remained unchanged. Changes: 2009 to 2010 Further inspection of the site was conducted in 2010 and the following observations can be made, based on comparison between the 2009 and 2010 plans of the western section; • Outer hull planking had become exposed at the western extremity of the section. • Additional outer planking had become exposed underneath the frames along the south-eastern edge of the section. • The most easterly frame element of the section had disappeared. • The orientation of the carronade had remained unchanged.

Changes: 2009 to 2010 Further inspection of the site was conducted in 2010 and the following observations can be made, based on comparison between the 2009 and 2010 plans of the eastern section; • Outer planking at the south-western end of the section had continued to degrade. • An additional outer plank had become visible along the western/north-western edge of the section. • Frame ends along the eastern edge of the section had degraded slightly.

Changes: 2010 to 2011 Monitoring of the site continued in 2011 and the following observations can be made, based on comparison between the 2010 and 2011 plans of the western section; • Outer hull planking had become exposed along the northern edge, in the vicinity of M291 and the carronade at the western extremity of the section. • Frame ends had been further degraded along the northern edge in the vicinity of M291. • The orientation of the carronade had remained unchanged. • The southern edge of the section seems to be relatively unchanged.

Changes: 2010 to 2011 Monitoring of the site continued in 2011 and the following observations can be made, based on comparison between the 2010 and 2011 plans of the eastern section; • Further outer hull planking had become exposed along the eastern extremity of the section in the vicinity of M206. • Two new frames had become exposed in the northwest of the section along with existing ceiling planking becoming more exposed. • Two new frames had become exposed in the northeast of the section in the vicinity of M208.

Eastern Section The eastern section of coherent hull structure is characterised by a large number of visible framing elements, in addition to significant survival of both outer and ceiling planking. The presence of concreted iron knees may indicate that this section comes from a higher area of the vessel than the western section. The observed, progressive changes to the eastern section of the wreck site are detailed in Figure 6.2. This illustrates the total structure surveyed between 2004 and 2008 (Figure 6.2a). The wooden hull structure subsequently observed between 2009 and 2011 is then shown in Figure 6.2b to 6.2d.

6.1.2 Monitoring Points In 2009 a series of fixed monitoring points were attached to the western and eastern areas of hull structure (Figure 6.1b and 6.2b). The height of these points above the seabed was then recorded. The aim of the monitoring points was that future survey would be able to continue to record the relative height of the seafloor on an annual basis at a range of positions around the site. It was hoped that this would inform on any patterns of sediment loss/accumulation across the site. Monitoring points and recorded measurements from both sections are summarised in Table 6.1. 82

Management and Dissemination Western Section Eight monitoring points were installed on the western section of the site. One of these (M290) was subsequently sacrificed to the dendrochronology timber sampling program and no further measurements were taken at this point. In 2011 no measurements were taken at M291, M293 and M296 because the points could not be located. Measurements of monitoring points on the western section from both seasons (2009 and 2010) are summarised in Table 6.1 and illustrated in Figure 6.3. In all cases a negative number is given as the monitoring point is located above the seafloor. When assessing the change from year to year (Figure 6.4), a negative number indicates further loss of sediment, of that given amount. Accordingly, a positive value indicates an accumulation of sediment of that given amount.

was displaced in 2009 and no further monitoring has occured at that location. M206 was missing in 2011. M207 was missing in 2010 but was relocated in 2011. M208 was not measured in 2009 but was measured in 2010 to allow future comparison. Measurements from the eastern section are summarised in Table 6.1 and illustrated in Figure 6.5. Change from year to year and in overall terms in illustrated in Figure 6.6. The overall picture of sediment change at the eastern section of the site is mixed. There is a definate trend towards sediment loss along the eastern edge of the section, with overall loss at M204, M205, M207 and M208 of 50mm, 65mm, 263mm and 77mm respectively. The anomaly within this is M206, which witnessed sediment accumulation between 2009 and 2010. No measurement was taken at this point in 2011, however, the appearance of new structural material in this area suggests that their has been some sediment loss between 2010 and 2011. Similar levels of sediment loss (80mm) to the eastern edge have also occured at M202 on the eastern edge. The southwest area of the section at M200 and M201 seems more stable with only small losses of 5mm and 10mm respectively.

Analysis of these measurements indicates that between 2009 and 2010 there has been sediment loss across the whole western section, with a maximum loss of 110mm at M291. Loss of 40mm and 60mm occured at M209 and M296 respectively. All these areas of loss are located along the northern edge of the western section. Changes between 2010 and 2011 are harder to assess because less monitoring points were available to measure. However, there was a small sediement loss at M209, M292 and M295. There was a small sediment accumulation of 40mm at M294. Although it was not possible to measure at M291 in 2011, it is clear from the newly exposed outer planking in this area that there has been further, general sediment loss along the northern edge.

6.1.3 Discussion The process of observation, survey and recording that has been implemented since the completion of the initial survey of the extant remains of the Flower of Ugie in 2008 has highlighted two processes. This relates to changes to the physical arrangement of the hull structures and to the accumulation/loss of sediment in different areas of the site. The two factors are to an extent inter-related, as the exposure of new material due to a loss of sediment can lead to the subsequent degradation of the exposed

Eastern Section Nine monitoring points were installed around the eastern section of the site. One monitoring point, M203

2009

Monitoring Point

2010

2011

Western Section (all measurements are in mm)

Table 6.1. Summary of monitoring point measurements taken in 2009, 2010 and 2011. Measurements indicate the distance between the monitoring point and the seabed. In all cases the seabed is below the monitoring point and so a negative number is given.

M209

-20

-60

-30

M291

-10

-120

N/A

M292

-5

-30

-30

M293

flat with seabed

-5

N/A

M294

-90

-100

-60

M295

-25

-35

-35

M296

flat with seabed

-60

N/A

Eastern Section (all measurements are in mm) M200

-260

-210

-265

M201

-310

-300

-320

M202

-150

-210

-230

M203

-22

N/A

N/A

M204

-380

-430

-430

M205

-220

-245

-285

M206

-210

-100

N/A

M207

-17

N/A

-280

M208

N/A

-13

-90

83

The Flower of Ugie material as a result of biological and physical processes. The reasons for any change to the sediment regime across the site are unclear. However, it should be noted that the Horse and Dean Sands, where the wreck-site is located is an extremely dynamic environment. The overall position of the sandbank is itself not static, as witnessed by the initial appearance of the wreck in 2003 (Section 2.4.2).

The eastern section of the site is different, with more equal sediment loss and structural exposure across most of the section. Even the most stable area has witnessed some loss of sediment. New material has been exposed along the eastern, western and northern edge of the section, usually in the form of outer planking. There has also been some degradation of the exposed timbers, presumably as a result of biological and physical processes acting on the site. Additionally, changes to the disposition of hull structure at the southern end of the eastern section between 2004 and 2008 are strongly suggestive of interference by non-natural processes. The large quantity of outer planking displaced in this area, in a relatively confined area is suggestive of human interference, probably a fishing net snag. This area is currently the most elevated area of the entire site and this is the most likely reason for this area being subjected to such damage.

Changes to the disposition of wooden hull remains on the seafloor are still clearly on-going in both areas of the site. In the western section this is mainly related to loss of sediment leading to the exposure of new timbers, particularly along the northern edge of the section. There has also been degradation of the exposed timbers, presumably as a result of biological and physical processes acting on the site. There is no indication of any non-natural processes degrading the western section of the site although fishing net was attached to the western section in 2011.

Figure 6.3. Monitoring point measurements 2009-2011 across the western section.

Figure 6.4. Comparison of monitoring measurements, 2009-2011 across the western section. A negative number indicates sediment loss and a positive number sediment accumulation. 84

Management and Dissemination

6.2. Identified Threats to the Site

The tidal and wave action combined with storms affect the sedimentary regime, including the shape and size of the Horse Tail Sand bank. The historic migration of the Sands (Figure 2.9) demonstrates a movement-trend from north to south, with a reversal of this trend in the course of at least the last fifty years. This may be combined with the evidence from the difference plots produced by UMD based on swathbathymetric geophysical survey, which indicate a net loss of sediment around the wreck of between 1-1.5m, indicating that the site is becoming more exposed. The cause of the net sediment loss is likely to be due to both natural processes (such as the northward movement of the Horse Tail Sand) and the effect of the draw-down of sediments into the areas which have been dredged lying to the southwest of the site. The threat to the site posed by direct disturbance resulting from aggregate extraction has been mitigated by the establishment of a voluntary exclusion zone around the wreck. However, the continued exposure of elements of vessel structure has subsequent knock-on

(Julian Whitewright) The Flower site is subject to threats and impacts from a range of factors both due to natural process and human agency. This section provides a focused assessment of the threats, both natural and socio-economic that can be identified as having a potential impact on the site. The identified threats are derived from those listed by Dunkley (2008: list 12) in relation to the management of protected wreck sites. Accordingly, they are also listed in the appropriate section of the risk management assessment for the site included below. The assessment of threat provided here attempts to consider both the potential long-term and short-term threat to the site. Consideration is also given to the present condition of remains and the implications of this when assessing the threat levels 6.2.1 Aggregate Dredging and Physical Processes As outlined in Section 2.4 the physical processes on-going in the eastern Solent make it a dynamic environment.

Figure 6.5. Monitoring point measurements 2009-2011 across the eastern section.

Figure 6.6. Comparison of monitoring measurements, 2009-2011 across the eastern section. A negative number indicates sediment loss and a positive number sediment accumulation. 85

The Flower of Ugie effects via marine organisms (below). Consequently, the threat to the site from aggregate dredging and physical processes may be considered medium-to-high.

involves boring into and living in submerged wood. It forms calcareous tubes for protection within the burrows which are around 10mm in diameter and can be between 0.6 – 1m in length. While the loss of surface detail of timber may not initially be as great as that caused by gribble, the presence of many shipworm burrows within individual timbers can quickly cause loss of physical structure, this is evidenced in Figure 6.7.

6.2.2 Fishing Activity The wreck site was first discovered due to a fisherman snagging nets on the structure. There is a continued threat of further entanglement of nets and potential damage, particularly to elements of the structure which are raised above the seabed, which is the case for some of the timbers of the eastern section. The loss of some elements of timber during the course of survey could have been caused due to fishing nets snagging on the site, but this is conjecture as this loss could also have been due to entanglement of large quantities of seaweed around timbers which caused stress and eventual loss. Future damage to the site from fishing activity remains a potential threat, albeit a less likely one as fishermen learn the location of the site and avoid it, consequently the threat from such activity may be considered as medium.

These boring organisms are not the only fauna impacting the site, there are also a small number of crab species which have been noted in the biological survey (Section 2.4.4), and lobsters have been seen by divers during archaeological work. Although smaller crabs burrow under the wooden structure, the sandy nature of the seabed means burrows can only be excavated to a certain size as the sediments fall back into the holes created. At present the macro fauna does not appear to be causing as much damage as the micro fauna. The impact of organisms such as gribble and shipworm is inevitably destructive, accordingly, the threat from marine organisms must be considered HIGH.

6.2.3 Diving At present the Flower site is not well known within the sport diving community. The precise position of the site has not been made widely available while archaeological survey and assessment has been on-going. During the initial diving season in 2004 there was potential evidence of diving activity noted through a rope which appeared to have been deliberately secured on the site rather than something that had drifted in due to tidal movement. There has been no other visible evidence of the site having been affected by sport divers during the period of archaeological work. However, should sport diving become frequent on the site there may be potential for impact due to the presence of guns on the site (which are popular trophy artefacts for lifting) and also due to the very portable nature of the copper and copper alloy fastenings which can become loose on the site and are easily recovered. The threat from diving activity in the medium/long-term must be considered as high.

6.3. Site Stability

(Julian Whitewright) The preceding discussion (Section 6.1 and 6.2) of the visible processes impacting the wreck site illustrates the main future threats to the integrity and stability of the site. These threats come from both natural and socioeconomic processes, occasionally these processes are inter-related in their impact upon the wreck. Both forms of threat are discussed in the following section which discusses the likely future stability of the site. 6.3.1 Erosion and Exposure The most obvious naturally occurring threat to the stability of the wreck-site is the continuing exposure of new elements of the vessel’s wooden structural remains. Fresh remains have been exposed on an annual basis since the wreck was first investigated in 2004 (Figure 6.1 and 6.2). Damage to the vessel remains comes not from the exposure itself, but from the subsequent degradation that occurs to the exposed elements. This can result from the eroding effect of sediment movement across the site, caused for example by sediment suspended in the water column during the tidal cycle. Additionally, exposed timber is likely to be the target of marine organisms such as shipworm (Teredo navalis) that burrows into and consumes the wood, both destroying it and further increasing its susceptibility to erosion (above). This combined process can be seen in Figure 6.7, where shipworm is visible protruding from the exposed timber. Behind this, the potential for degradation from sediment erosion is demonstrated by the column of wood that represents the remains of a framing element, clinging to the metal fastening inside it. Degredation of wooden structural elements has also been observed continually during the period of work on the site

6.2.4 Marine Organisms One of the most significant causes of loss of archaeological integrity of the site is the damage caused by burrowing micro and macro fauna. Section 2.4.4 outlined the presence of both gribble (Limnoria) and shipworm (Teredo navalis) on the site and the extent to which it had impacted in individual areas is shown in Figure 2.12 and 2.13. The burrows created by individual gribble are only around 1-2mm in diameter, however, as they target any exposed wood their impact is significant. The effect of gribble attack is the degradation of the whole surface of any exposed organic materials leading to significant loss of surface detail. Even a fine covering of sand over timbers appears to impede infestation. The damage caused by shipworm, a bivalve mollusc, 86

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The Flower of Ugie Continuing changes to the sediment regime of the wreck site are to be expected, particularly due to the dynamic environment of the Horse and Dean/Horse Tail Sands that the shipwreck remains lie within. The changing shape and position of these sands was outlined in Section 2.4.2 and the very appearance of the wreck, due to sediment movement, first noted by fishermen in 2002 is itself evidence of this. It can therefore be postulated that future changes to the sediment regime of the site, either accumulation or loss, are to be expected. The latter trend is likely to lead to the further exposure of timber remains, resulting in their eventual destruction. Significant sediment gain across the whole site may serve to offer some level of protection against both marine organisms and erosion, thereby increasing the stability of the structural elements of the site. Systematic monitoring of the sediment regime undertaken thus far has indicated further sediment loss, as well as sediment gain in different areas of the site. In this regard the stability of the site on a micro-scale level is still unclear.

the environmental location of the site in conjunction with the dispersed and fragile nature of the remains dictates that the long-term stability of the site is poor and this is reflected in the risk-assessment presented in Table 6.2.

6.4. Significance

(Julian Whitewright) The following section details an assessment of the significance of the Flower of Ugie against the nonstatutory criteria set out by the Department for Culture Media and Sport (DCMS 2010) for assessing the importance of wrecks or the sites of wrecks. In each case, the criteria is defined before an assessment of the Flower against this criteria is made. This assessment of the archaeological significance against the non-statutory criteria utilised in the assessment of shipwrecks for designation under the Protection of Wrecks Act 1973 is also contained in the Management Report on the site prepared by HWTMA on behalf of English Heritage (HWTMA 2011: 23-27).

The position of the site within a licensed marine aggregate extraction area must be considered as potentially detrimental to the future stability of the site. This threat takes two forms, firstly from direct interference with the site during aggregate extraction and secondly through indirect interference resulting from sediment loss caused by aggregate extraction in the vicinity. The first of these threats has been mitigated through the establishment of an exclusion zone around the site where dredging is prohibited. It is hoped that the size of the exclusion zone will also successfully mitigate the second, indirect threat. It should also be noted that dredging in the vicinity of the site may potentially result in sediment accumulation across the site, leading to an increase in its protection. In reality, the relationship between aggregate extraction and the sediment regime on the site is unknown. The exclusion zone around the site should be considered to have mitigated the primary threat to the site posed by aggregate extraction.

6.4.1 Period The historic interest of all types of wreck which characterise a category or period should be considered, and the selection of sites for protection should include wrecks which illustrate important aspects of social, political, economic, cultural, military, maritime, and technological history. In identifying sites to be protected, regard will be had to the currency of any particular wreck type (the length of time over which any particular vessel type was constructed and used or any cargo type transported) and its representativeness (whether the vessel or cargo type was one of few or many types representative of that period). The Flower of Ugie was built in Sunderland in 1838 and wrecked in the Eastern Solent in December 1852. The wreck can be considered to fall into the Victorian Period (1837-1901). This period, in conjunction with the two decades before, was one of dramatic technological development and change in the building and use of Naval and merchant ships in Britain and overseas. Iron and materials such as copper and copper-alloys began to play an increasingly important role in the construction of sailing ships, while steam began to be more widely adopted in lieu of a reliance on wind powered sailing vessels. In addition to this, there were fundamental changes to the way in which large merchant ships were conceived and subsequently built, most famously manifested in the class of vessel we know as a clipper. Such vessels had a much higher length:beam ratio than their immediate predecessors and this trend can be seen in most large sailing ships built at this time. Flower of Ugie was built and used in the central phase of this period of change and represents an example of the old type of shorter, deeper hull-form at a time when

6.3.2 Future Stability On the balance of the evidence presented in the preceding sections and taking into consideration the range of likely threats, the site of the Flower of Ugie may be considered as unstable in the long-term. The primary reasons for this are the likely continued exposure of structural elements leading to their subsequent degradation and eventual destruction. This pattern has been observed throughout the period during which the site has been closely monitored and there is no reason to think that it will be reversed in the near future. The steady degradation of the site is also witnessed by the loosening of copper/copper alloy fastenings, following the destruction of the wood that encases them (Figure 6.7). The archaeological significance of the Flower of Ugie is discussed in the following section. Unfortunately, 88

Management and Dissemination longer, narrower vessels were becoming widespread. As a wooden sailing vessel the Flower of Ugie should therefore be considered of high significance as a physical indication of the adoption and trajectory of such developments within British shipbuilding.

schedule between Britain and the Indian Ocean. The 1840s witnessed the large-scale transport of indentured labour from India to destinations such as Mauritius, resulting in the displacement of large numbers of people on a level comparable with the Atlantic slave trade. It is highly likely that the Flower of Ugie acted as a transport vessel in this activity in the 1840s.

The mid-19th century also witnessed the on-going development of trade on a global scale. The abolition of the British East India Company’s monopoly on trade to the Indian Ocean opened up huge opportunities for British merchants. The Flower of Ugie was built to service this opportunity, fulfilling a continuous sailing

The increase in global trade also led to a corresponding increase in shipbuilding activity within Britain. A feature of this was the huge increase in the tonnage of ships launched from shipyards outside London, in particular the

Wreck/Site Name Flower of Ugie (Mystery Wreck) NMR / UKHO No. EH Region NMR898886 (NLO only) Latitude (WGS84) Longitude Class Listing Wooden Sailing Barque Licensee

South East 50°43.XX’N 1°1.XX’W

SI Number Restricted Area

Principal Use Coastland 1

Land

Period Victorian (used 1838-1852) Nominated Archaeologist

Status Non-Designated Wreck Site Principal Ownership Category E: No Known Owner Navigational Administrative Responsibility Nil

Seabed Owner The Crown Estate Environmental Designations G: None Seabed Sediment Energy Sand and Gravel Medium Survival Poor Overall Condition Condition Trend Principal Vulnerability B: Generally satisfactory but with minor C: FISH/TRAWL, BIO, S_ERO, localised issues Stable NAT, DIVE, LICE Amenity Value: visibility A: Substantial above bed structural remains that are highly visible. Amenity Value: physical accessibility Amenity Value: intellectual accessibility A: Full C: None Management Action D: Legal protection should be sought to preserve integrity of site A B C D E F G H I J K L M N Management Prescription X Notes

The shipwreck is broken into two substantial areas of hull remains, with a scattered area of structural remains between them. Remains lie generally flat to the seafloor with limited upstanding structure. One area of hull represents the floor of the vessel while the other is likely to represent the side of the vessel, either side of the hold beam level. Structural remains in the central area comprise concreted iron reinforcement and occasional timbers including one hold beam.

Degradation is on-going at a rate that may be considered ‘natural’. Increase/decrease in this rate is largely dependent on the site sediment regime. Loss of sediment, leading to exposure of remains, will lead to an increased amount of degradation. Accumulation of sediment is likely to impede further degradation. Overall sediment regime is at present unclear but is thought to trend toward sediment loss across the site as a whole. The site has been damaged in the past by fishing activity and this has the potential to happen again. The site also lies within an area of licensed aggregate extraction, although this is mitigated by the voluntary implementation of an exclusion zone around the site by the license holder. Risk should be considered as MEDIUM

Table 6.2. Site risk assessment for the Flower of Ugie, completed according to the criteria set out by English Heritage (Dunkley 2008). 89

The Flower of Ugie in the coal trade, while the positive identification of the Diamond is now considered as doubtful. The late-19th century Canadian barque, the Antoinette, wrecked off Padstow was recently assessed but found to be insufficiently complete to merit designation (see Camidge et al. 2011). There is only one barque listed in the National Register of Historic Ships; the Glenlee. Built in 1898, of 1613 tons and 75 m long, this vessel has little in common with the Flower of Ugie, other than a shared rig type. In summary, the Flower of Ugie is a rare archaeological example of a vessel type common during the mid-19th century. Overall rarity significance should be considered HIGH.

north-east of England. This was coupled with the boom in the coal carrying trade from the coal-fields of northeast England to the south of England and Europe. As a Sunderland built East Indiaman, that became a collier bound for Carthagena, the Flower of Ugie epitomises all of these developments and influences on British maritime activity during the period. Overall period significance should be considered HIGH. 6.4.2 Rarity There are some wreck categories which, in certain periods, are so scarce that all surviving examples that still retain some archaeological potential should be preserved. The age of a vessel is often closely linked to its rarity. The older a vessel is, for example, the fewer comparable vessels are likely to survive either in use or as wrecks, and the more likely it is to have historic interest. The loss of one example of a rare type of site is more significant than the loss of one example of a very numerous class of site. In general, however, a selection for protection must be made which portrays the typical and commonplace, as well as the rare. This process should take account of all aspects of the situation and distribution of a particular type of wreck in a regional, national or international context.

6.4.3 Documentation The significance of a wreck may be enhanced by close historic association with documented important historical events or people, or by the supporting evidence of contemporary records or representations. Historical records are generally only relevant to monuments of recent date, although it is important to recognise that some types of recent vessel may not be served by any historical records. The range of contemporary records that might be expected for a particular type of vessel needs to be considered so that the value of any known records which relate to it can be assessed. The importance of a wreck may also be enhanced by the existence of records of previous archaeological recording or survey work.

There is a large corpus of material concerning the historical sources that relate to the design, building and use of British merchant ships in the mid-19th century (eg. MacGregor 1980; 1984a; 1884b; 1988). However, archaeologically documented examples of such vessels are relatively rare. Even more so if the high overall number of ships in use is considered against the small number that have been investigated and published. The Flower of Ugie was a barque-rigged sailing vessel, built for the trade with the Indian Ocean. Of the contemporary archaeological examples, only the Jhelum (18491870, hulked in the Falkland Islands) and the Eglinton (1848-1852, wrecked off Western Australia) represent comparable vessels operating on broadly similar trade routes. Other vessels, such as the Water Nymph or SL4 remains, located in Germany and Rotterdam respectively, were probably built within the same tradition as the Flower of Ugie in the north-east of England. However, they seem to have been intended for a regional, rather than global trade. The location of all of these vessel remains outside the UK further enhances the rarity of the remains of the Flower of Ugie within the UK.

The Flower of Ugie dates to a period when documentary sources offer an increasingly large and important resource for conducting historical research that enhances the archaeological record. This is witnessed in the present volume by the use of the Lloyds List and Register, both of which contain considerable information regarding the Flower of Ugie. In addition to this, further documentary evidence exists in the form of the initial Lloyds Survey Report that was conducted on the vessel during its building. This allows further comparison to be carried out with the archaeological record and provides an interesting means to validate the accuracy of such historical records. Finally, a corpus of documentation exists in the form of newspaper reports and company records that provides further depth to our analysis of the archaeological remains of the Flower of Ugie. The Flower of Ugie is therefore associated with a wide range of documentation that serves to complement and enhance our understanding and analysis of the archaeological remains of the vessel. Additionally, this historical documentation serves to enhance our interpretation of the vessel within its local, regional, national and international context, increasing its significance still further. Overall documentation significance should be considered VERY HIGH.

A search of the National Monuments Record (NMR) indicates that 982 vessels listed as ‘Barques’ were lost in UK waters between 1800 and 1899, while 153 vessels listed as ‘Full-Rigged Ship’ were lost during the same period. Only two mid-19th century sailing vessels are represented in the current list of UK Designated Wreck Sites (ACHWS 2010: 34-44). Of these, the Seaton Carew vessel has been identified as a brig, probably engaged 90

Management and Dissemination 6.4.4 Group Value The value of a single wreck may be greatly enhanced by its co-location with other similar vessels (for example at the site of a battle) or by its association with other contemporary features such as port facilities or defensive sites. Association with vessels of other periods (for example on long-standing navigation hazards) may also enhance the value of a site. In some cases it is preferable to protect the complete group of archaeological remains, rather than to protect isolated features within the group.

dispersed by the wrecking/deposition process and do not represent a significant corpus of remains. Overall survival/condition significance of the Flower of Ugie should be considered MEDIUM/ HIGH. 6.4.6 Fragility/Vulnerability Highly important archaeological evidence from some wrecks can be destroyed by the selective or uncontrolled removal of material, by unsympathetic treatment, by works or development or by natural processes. Some vessel types are likely to be more fragile than others and the presence of commercially valuable objects within a wreck may make it particularly vulnerable. Vulnerable sites of this type would particularly benefit from protective designation.

The remains of the Flower of Ugie cannot be immediately located with any other vessel type. In broader terms, the Flower of Ugie is representative of what was a relatively common type of vessel (sailing barque) within mid-19th century British maritime activity. Vessels of this type, from this period are not currently represented within the UK’s list of designated shipwrecks. The Flower of Ugie provides an opportunity for this class of vessel to be represented with the UK’s protected shipwrecks. Overall group value significance should be considered MEDIUM.

The observation of the site of the Flower of Ugie over the course of the project, in conjunction with analysis of the available geophysical and historical map data allows comment to be made on the fragility/vulnerability of the site. This suggests that the site is currently in a relatively stable environmental condition. However, it is evident that natural degradation will occur to any wooden elements of the vessel that become exposed and that this degradation will lead to the loss of such exposed elements, over time. Structural elements that are currently exposed are therefore both fragile and vulnerable to decay/loss. New timbers have been exposed in every year that the site has been investigated as part of the present project.

6.4.5 Survival/ Condition The degree of survival of a wreck is a particularly important consideration. In general, early wrecks are less likely to survive well than later examples, and in assessing the survival of any site, it is important to consider the likely normal degree of survival of vessels of that date or type. Assessments of survival should consider the degree of intactness of a wreck, the likelihood of the preservation of constructional and technological detail and the current condition of the remains.

The future stability of the site is therefore reliant on the sediment regime across the site either remaining static or witnessing an accumulation in sediment. The latter would probably lead to a decrease in the number of exposed timbers and a consequent reduction in the rate of degradation and loss. The overall sediment regime in the area suggests that there is likely to be a gradual loss of sediment across the site as a result of sediment accumulation in the historic dredging areas to the south of the site. Likewise, analysis of historical mapping of the Horse Tail Sand suggests that the sandbank is currently undergoing northward mobility, also likely to lead to sediment loss on the site in the long-term. Thus far, this longer-term view of the expected dynamics of the site has not been witnessed in the monitoring of sediment on the site itself. This indicates localised sediment loss and gain in different areas of the site at different rates. However, it must be stated that this systematic monitoring has only been in place for two years.

The remains of the Flower of Ugie currently lie in a dispersed state on a relatively flat seafloor. As a result of this it is not possible to distinguish the original form of the vessel, despite its relatively recent date. Although the vessel remains are divided into three distinct areas, within these areas the remains have retained a certain degree of coherence. While identification of the specific areas of hull that are present on the site is difficult, it is possible to distinguish the various constructional elements of the vessel that are present on the site; planks, frames, fastenings, sheathing, etc. Such constructional elements that are present on the site are in good condition and this has allowed a significant amount of analysis of the ship to be conducted, including the identification of the vessel and associated increase in significance. These elements also have a high potential for further comparative study with other contemporary shipwrecks and to inform on the interpretation of those vessels. The cargo, rigging and shipboard items that were originally on board the vessel have largely been

In addition to threats from on-going natural processes it should be highlighted that there are two very visible guns present on the site – a carronade and a signal gun. Additionally a range of highly portable metal fastenings are present. Should the precise position of the Flower become widely available it is likely to increase diver 91

The Flower of Ugie 6.4.8 Potential On occasion, the nature of archaeological remains cannot be specified precisely but it still may be possible to document reasons anticipating their existence and importance and so to demonstrate the justification for identifying a site for protection. For example, each type of site may provide a slightly different range of contexts for the preservation of archaeological and palaeoenvironmental evidence, and the environment of a site may provide strong indications of its likely level of survival. Sites may also be significant in terms of their potential to provide information on site formation and decay processes and the examination of physical, chemical and biological processes on cultural remains or through its potential for public education.

activity, placing high value (guns) or trophy (metal fastening) artefacts at immediate and significant threat of loss. Such activity would cause attrition of the seabed archive, impacting this historic asset. Overall fragility/vulnerability significance should be considered MEDIUM/HIGH. 6.4.7 Diversity The importance of wrecked vessels can reflect the interest in their architectural design, decoration and craftsmanship, or their technological innovation or virtuosity, as well as their representativity. Consideration should be given both to the diversity of forms in which a particular vessel type may survive and to the diversity of surviving features. Some vessels types may be represented in the surviving record by a wide variety of building types and techniques which may be chronologically, regionally, or culturally conditioned. The sample of protected sites should reflect this wide variety of forms. In addition, some wrecks may be identified as being of importance because they possess a combination of high quality surviving features or, occasionally, because they preserve a single important attribute.

The investigation of the Mystery Wreck has established the identification of the remains as the Flower of Ugie. The project has also undertaken the characterisation of the site through material analysis of its remains. Both of these have allowed a basic biography of the use-life of the vessel, from building, through use, to sinking and re-discovery to be constructed. In addition, provision for the on-going monitoring of the site remains and the site formation processes impacting upon the site have been put in place.

The remains of the Flower of Ugie are representative of the final expression of British wooden shipbuilding intended for the long-distance carriage of bulk cargo. Although the structure of the vessel is dispersed, a range of constructional features are preserved that are indicative of the technological processes that were being undertaken by British shipbuilders during the mid-19th century and in particular those from the northeast of England. These included: the provision of iron reinforcement; fastening with yellow-metal (brass), rather than copper or iron; and sheathing in yellowmetal.

There is some future potential for further material characterisation of the site, based on the seabed remains alone. This may be reliant on any unusual or significant archaeological feature being uncovered as a result of future sediment loss on the site. The future potential of the historical resource associated with the site is much greater. As well as the opportunity to correlate additional historical documentation (eg. survey reports) with the material remains, there is clear potential for further investigation into cargo manifests and crew composition, likely to be contained within historical records in the UK. These have the potential to shed further light on the wider context of the vessel and the activity of seafaring and maritime trade within mid19th century British and colonial society. Additionally, further comparison with contemporary vessels and also those from the wider 19th century will allow a more comprehensive understanding of the national and international significance of the site. This holds true when viewed across the mid-19th century and also along the entire trajectory of shipbuilding development at this time. Finally, the investigation undertaken into the environmental context of the site, in conjunction with the provision for the on-going monitoring of the site has potential for providing an account of the site-formation processes likely to be witnessed on a site of this type. Overall potential significance should be considered HIGH.

British built vessels of this date, of a type comparable, in either form or function, to the Flower of Ugie are currently not present in the UK’s list of protected shipwrecks. At the time of the building and operation of the vessel, Sunderland was amongst the biggest wooden shipbuilding centres in the world (see Clark 1997: 76, 81-3). This building tradition, responsible for the construction of many of the vessels that underpinned Britain’s expanding global maritime trade in the mid-19th century is currently only tentatively represented in the country’s protected shipwrecks by the remains located at Seaton Carew. It is notable that these remains are very different in their material composition than those of the Flower of Ugie. The remains of the latter vessel therefore have the potential to greatly increase the overall diversity of the UK’s protected historic shipwrecks. Overall diversity significance should be considered HIGH.

6.4.9 Conclusion: Significance The Flower of Ugie was built in Sunderland, one of the biggest shipbuilding centres in the world at the time of 92

Management and Dissemination the vessel’s construction. In this regard it epitomises the enduring qualities of wooden British merchant shipbuilding at a time when alternative materials and design techniques were beginning to be adopted. As well as providing a means for the economic conveyance of bulk cargoes from South Asia to Britain, the Flower of Ugie also participated in trade with Europe and North America. Flower is therefore representative of many facets of British maritime activity in the middle years of the 19th century. This is likely to have included the transport of indentured labour from the Indian subcontinent to colonies such as Mauritius. The interpretation of the vessel is enhanced by its association with a range of surviving historical documentation, which in turn enhances the significance of the vessel. Consideration should also be given to the fact that the vessel is of almost unique rarity in the British archaeological record, comparative vessels do survive, but there are no direct parallels. When all of the above is taken in account, it may be concluded that the Flower of Ugie is an archaeological artefact of very high significance for our study and understanding of the maritime aspect of Britain during the 19th century.

level of material characterisation of the shipwreck, with a probable resultant increase in its correlation with the identified historical documentation. Further expansion of the existing program of wood-species analysis would allow additional interpretation of the timber sources utilised in the building of the ship, over and above that already undertaken. This is particularly valuable given the presence of further Lloyds Survey Reports relating to the vessel, other than the 1838 survey. These have not been accessed so far because of on-going archive refurbishment at the National Maritime Museum. The marriage of full analysis of the timber remains of the vessel with the Survey Reports documenting the repair and refit undergone by the vessel would provide the opportunity to create an extremely complete record of this aspect of mid-19th century shipbuilding. On a wider scale it would allow more substantial comment on the extent to which British shipyards became increasingly reliant on imported timber, the sources of such imports and the areas of vessels in which they were utilised. 6.5.3 Expansion of Historical Resource Following identification of the wreck remains, historical investigation proved extremely fruitful in outlining the basic career and use of the vessel. Likewise, a certain basic amount of information relating to the ownership and command of the vessel is also known. However, little is currently known about the specific cargoes carried by the vessel, with the exception of two return voyages from Calcutta and Mauritius. Outbound cargoes remain unknown, as do the majority of inbound cargoes from a wide range of ports. Such information is likely to be available through surviving port books or customs entries, both for outbound and inbound voyages in the UK and abroad. This element of the vessel’s activity has huge potential for informing on the wider trends and routes of 19th century maritime trade, through the focused, detailed case-study of a single vessel.

6.5 Gaps in Existing Knowledge (Julian Whitewright) The archaeological and historical investigation into the Flower of Ugie undertaken through the aegis of ALSF funding attempted to be as complete as possible. It is however inevitable that time constraints imposed by a finite level of funding have left gaps in the current knowledge relating to the site. These gaps in existing knowledge and possible solutions to them are now discussed. 6.5.1 Total Potential Extent of Site The extent of the currently identified site is well known and has been established over seven seasons of archaeological survey. However, it can be strongly argued that a significant quantity of the vessel remains could yet be discovered. The rapid and violent breakup of the vessel is witnessed in the disposition of the currently known ship structure, the potential for other similar pieces to be surviving in-situ must therefore remain high. The exposure of the present site, the noted sediment loss across this area and the seeming northward progression of the Horse Tail Sand all make the exposure of further elements of the vessel a likely scenario. A high resolution swath-bathymetry survey of the wider Horse Tail Sand around the present site may serve to identify any such elements and allow the subsequent investigation of identified anomalies by archaeological divers.

An area of particular interest in this regard may be the period that the vessel spent engaged in trade between Calcutta, Madras and Mauritius between 1841 and 1844. This period, in particular the 1843/44 element corresponds directly with the resumption of the transport of indentured Indian labour from Calcutta and Madras to Mauritius to work on the sugar plantations of the island (Allen 1999: 56). The circumstantial evidence suggests that the Flower of Ugie was probably part of this early phase of transportation and it should be seen as strongly desirable to establish the extent of the vessel’s involvement in this activity. Further historical investigation should serve to achieve this. Similarily, it is desireable to establish the extent of the involvement of the vessel in events at the end of the First Opium War in 1842.

6.5.2 Correlation of Archaeological Remains with Historical Documentation Despite the archaeological work undertaken thus far, there is still scope for further productive work to be undertaken on site. Principally, this involves increasing the

Finally, little is currently known about the owners, master and crew of the Flower of Ugie, other than the name of the owners and master recorded in the Lloyds Register/ 93

The Flower of Ugie The teaching pack (Figure 6.8) tells the story of the investigation of the Flower of Ugie as the ‘Mystery Wreck’, from its discovery and Desk Based Assessment, through survey, sampling and analysis to identification. It can be worked through, a section at a time, over a series of lessons or homework assignments. Alternatively, various sections can be used as stand-alone units, for example: Tools of the Trade: GIS, Tools of the Trade: Geophysical Survey, Virtual Dives etc.

List and newspaper reports. While such a knowledge gap is likely to be much harder to fill, its potential to add significant social depth to our understanding of the vessel and its wider context means that it should be considered a worthwhile exercise, at least as far as scoping the likely available historical resource. 6.5.4 England’s Maritime Research Framework Within the forthcoming Maritime Research Framework for England (Ransley et al. Forthcoming), chapter 8, covering the early-modern period (Dellino-Musgrave and Ransley Forthcoming: 279-313), can be identified as being of relevance to the Flower of Ugie. Both Section 6.5.2 and Section 6.5.3 (above) address areas of continuing study that have been identified as being of importance. With regard to these the statement that ‘most studies are technologically-focused and descriptive and still need to be understood within the economic, political and social transformations of the period’ (Dellino-Musgrave and Ransley Forthcoming: 297) can be highlighted with the Maritime Research Framework. Archaeological and historical study of the Flower of Ugie thus far has attempted to chart a holistic approach to understanding the vessel, not just from a technical perspective, but also with regard to its wider economic, political and social context. However, there is still potential to develop our knowledge of these elements of the vessel and its relationship to wider concerns, specifically the areas of Seafaring (Theme 3 (Dellino-Musgrave and Ransley Forthcoming: 291-300)) and Maritime Networks (Theme 4 (Dellino-Musgrave and Ransley Forthcoming: 301-309)).

Throughout the teaching pack, archaeological, historical and marine biological evidence is presented to the student and its significance explained. The student is encouraged to collate and assess the evidence and come to their own conclusions about the identity of the Mystery Wreck. On the way, historic, scientific and biological terminology and concepts are introduced and explained. Internet links and guidance-boxes promote independent research using free online resources, including online tutorials and heritage databases. National Curriculum Links The outer edge of each page of the teaching pack indicates relevant links to various subjects in the Secondary National Curriculum. The link between the investigation of a 19th century shipwreck and the history curriculum is generally recognised and the interactive format of the teaching pack provides many opportunities for students to cover nearly all the History Curriculum Key Concepts (Chronological Understanding, Change and Continuity, Cause and Consequence, Significance, Interpretation). Less well understood is the potential relevance of a shipwreck study to other curriculum subjects, for example Geography. The Mystery Wreck’s location in a licensed dredging zone enables the incorporation of Geography Key Concepts such as environmental interaction, interdependence and sustainability. Reflecting real life, the wreck is viewed holistically, with a section considering the site’s significance as a marine habitat. This section introduces students to the practicalities of marine habitat/species identification and associated terminology and covers the curriculum Key Concepts of Place and Fieldwork. The Tools of the Trade section introduces one of the Key Processes in Geography by looking at the application of GIS and providing links to a number of free online GIS resources.

6.6. Dissemination (Amanda Bowens) The original project design for the investigation of the shipwreck that would be identified as the Flower of Ugie included an aim to disseminate the findings of the project to the general public as well as to publish for the archaeological/historical community. The story of the investigation of the ‘Mystery Wreck’ and its subsequent identification as the Flower of Ugie provides an excellent cross-curricular case study for use in formal education. In recognition of this HWTMA were successful in securing a small amount of funding from the Marine Environment Protection Fund (MEPF) to develop a teaching resource aimed at Key Stage 3 (lower Secondary School).

Similarly, the relationship between the marine aggregate industry, archaeologists and marine biologists is relevant to the Citizenship Key Concepts of Rights and Responsibilities. The Science curriculum, meanwhile, is catered for throughout the pack through the demonstration of various scientific techniques employed during the course of the wreck’s investigation. A number of the suggested activities are relevant for Competence and Writing in the English curriculum and potential careers are highlighted in support of PSHE (Personal Social Health & Economic education).

Teachers from state and independent schools contributed to the development of the resulting teaching pack, called Identifying a Mystery Shipwreck, which comprises a forty-page spiral-bound booklet and supporting resources. The supporting resources are available as free downloads from HWTMA’s website and include teachers’ notes, worksheets, templates and answer sheets that can be easily downloaded and copied for use in the classroom. 94

Management and Dissemination

Figure 6.8. The MEPF funded ‘Mystery Wreck’ teaching pack is an effective means of disseminating the results of the Mystery Wreck project to secondary schools while linking maritime archaeology with various subjects within the National Curriculum. 95

The Flower of Ugie The ‘Identifying a Mystery Shipwreck’ resource was piloted in a secondary school through a half-day inschool session with approximately two hundred and forty 11 and 12 year old pupils and 8 teachers. Following an introductory assembly, the eight classes went to their individual classrooms and worked under the direction of their teachers, with support from HWTMA staff. Pupils were asked to work in pairs (one booklet between two) on specific sections of the Identifying a Mystery Shipwreck booklet. Most classes had access to the internet via laptop computers and these were used to follow links suggested in the booklet and to search for information.

The in-school pilot session was an opportunity to demonstrate to secondary school teachers how the booklet could be used to support cross-curricular work with KS3 pupils. The pilot session was evaluated through the use of online feedback surveys that were completed by pupils and staff on the day. The feedback from both pupils and teachers indicated that the resource was very well received, with the majority of pupils enjoying working with the booklet and the majority of teachers intending to use it again with pupils in the future and recommend it to colleagues. The positive responses to the ‘Identifying a Mystery Shipwreck’ resource suggest great potential for a followup teaching pack now that the identity of the Mystery Wreck has been confirmed. This would be a History Curriculum based resource focused on the career of the Flower of Ugie and what this can tell us about the social, political, economic and technological context in which the ship operated.

During the sessions, HWTMA staff took the handling collection of Mystery Wreck artefacts to each classroom so that pupils could see and feel real artefacts from the wreck site. Feedback from both pupils and teachers indicated that this was very much appreciated. The pupils particularly liked wearing protective gloves to handle the artefacts and were very impressed that they were ‘real’ and not ‘replicas’.

96

7 Conclusion

The remains of the Flower of Ugie represents an almost unique artefact within the maritime archaeological record of England and the United Kingdom. The vessel was built in Sunderland at the height of the wooden shipbuilding boom in the mid-19th century. In this regard the Flower of Ugie was a late example of British wooden merchant shipbuilding before the use of materials such as iron and steel became the primary building materials across the country. It is easy to see this vessel, and its contemporaries, as an outdated mode of shipbuilding; a last flourish of a tradition inevitably condemned by the advent of new, superior materials coupled with more efficient design practices. This volume has attempted to paint an alternative picture. The Flower of Ugie can instead be viewed as the pinnacle of the building tradition within which the vessel’s builders operated. Planking, framing, fastenings and rig were all chosen for their practical suitability, coupled with economic efficiency, either for the benefit of builder or owner. The ship itself was intended for the conveyance of bulk cargo, across thousands of miles of ocean in an efficient manner. The latter did not entail the glamorous, recordbreaking passages of the clippers of subsequent decades; it simply required that the ship reached its destination, intact and to a reasonably predictable schedule. There can be little doubt, looking at the voyages made by the Flower during its career that this objective was fulfilled. Furthermore, the fact that Sunderland shipbuilders continued to build similar ships for the next decade illustrates how satisfactorily these vessels met the requirements expected of them by the society that commissioned, built, owned, chartered, navigated and crewed them.

in the region. The cargo manifest for one such voyage contains products that are synonymous with trade with this region (coffee, indigo, sugar) as well as products that are not always thought of as bulk imports to Britain in the 1840s (saltpetre, rice, flour). In most cases the outbound and inbound cargoes remain unknown, but represent a potentially fruitful area of future research into the portbooks of Liverpool, London and Sunderland. Similarly, the period that the ship spent sailing between Madras and Mauritius in the mid-1840s is worthy of further investigation as a means to illuminate the detail of trade between colonies. This period corresponds directly with the resumption of the transport of indentured Indian labour from Calcutta and Mauritius to work on the sugar plantation of Mauritus (Allen 1999: 56). The Flower of Ugie was not however limited to a single sailing route or sphere of operation. In the second half of the vessel’s career it was shifted to European and North Atlantic routes. It is this shift in destination that emphasises the sheer flexibility of the design of the ship; it is difficult to imagine a tea clipper engaged in port-to-port trade in the Mediterranean or the Baltic. One of the most striking features of the routes and passages on which the Flower of Ugie sailed is the period of the year in which the vessel operated. In many cases voyages were undertaken during the spring, summer and autumn when weather conditions should have been most favourable. However, a considerable number of voyages occurred during the winter. In particular return voyages from India seemed to have involved regular roundings of the Cape of Good Hope, also called the Cape of Storms, in the southern hemisphere winter. This is perhaps indicative of at least one of the problems associated with the very long-distance trade in which the Flower of Ugie was engaged. Namely that seasonal conditions could not be favourable along the entire route, unless considerable stop-over periods, and their associated costs, were undertaken. Winter sailing was not restricted to the long-distance, eastern routes and the European element of the vessel’s career also witnessed passages undertaken during seasons that in previous eras would have been avoided. One such passage was of course, the final voyage of the ship in 1852.

The sailing routes of the Flower of Ugie are also significant in their own right. The vessel is representative of an age of global seafaring, whereby cargoes could be acquired and re-distributed from almost anywhere to nearly everywhere. The vessel started its life sailing between Britain and its overseas possessions in South Asia and the Indian Ocean. A result perhaps of its owners taking advantage of opportunities arising from the ending of the East India Company monopoly in conjunction with the expansion and consolidation of British colonial activity 97

The Flower of Ugie The historical investigation into the Flower of Ugie could not have been conducted without the resource afforded by the Lloyds Register, List and Survey Reports. Survival of such documents in such an accessible form, is of course an invaluable historical resource. However, it is often easy to overlook what such documentation itself symbolises; the methodical, standardised and on-going survey, rating and documentation of every vessel (above a certain size) in the British merchant fleet. This process was not done for philanthropic purposes, but to ease the process of insuring ships and the cargoes that they carried. When this is added to the relatively systematic reporting of shipping movements and sightings by other vessels it serves to provide some indication of the sophistication of British maritime mercantile activity in the 19th century. The Flower of Ugie represents the physical foreground remains used when creating an impression of this maritime activity. But it is the information and context afforded by Lloyds that fills in much of the background. Its importance should not be under rated.

outlined in Section 6.4. However, as Section 6 indicated, the seabed remains of the vessel are not stable and are likely to continue to degrade in the coming years. Any changes to the site, either sediment loss/accumulation or further exposure/burial of vessel remains will continue to be monitored and recorded by HWTMA. The work of the HWTMA on the site of the Flower of Ugie has engaged members of the public with their maritime heritage and continues to use this resource to disseminate maritime archaeology within secondary education. It must be hoped that further degradation of the site by human agency can be mitigated via current legislation intended to protect shipwreck remains in UK territorial waters. The current volume has illustrated the importance of the site through its archaeological and historical documentation and research. This has allowed the recreation of the biography of a mid-19th century merchant ship that sailed thousands of miles during the course of its career. The Flower of Ugie symbolises 19th century British maritime activity at a wide range of levels, from the shipbuilding traditions of the north-east of England, to the goods, people and trade-routes that were the fore-runners of much of our present economic system.

Finally, our attention must turn to the Flower of Ugie in the present day. The vessel itself is undoubtedly highly significant, for all of the reasons summarised above and

98

Results of metal analysis of F13, F14 and F15 (data courtesy of Peter Northover).

99

conducted by Dr Peter Northover (Oxford Materials Characterisation Service)

Appendix One: Results of Compositional Metal Analysis and Metallography

The Flower of Ugie

Results of metal analysis of F16, F17 and F21 (data courtesy of Peter Northover). 100

Appendix 1: Metallography

Results of metal analysis of F22, F24 and F25 (data courtesy of Peter Northover). 101

The Flower of Ugie

Results of metal analysis of F27, F28, F33, F40 and F41 (data courtesy of Peter Northover). 102

Appendix 1: Metallography

Combined summary of all analysed material, based on mean results (data courtesy of Peter Northover). 103

The Flower of Ugie

Selected Metallographic Images

F14 (SH5), brass bolt, etched, x100.

F14 (SH5), brass bolt, etched, x500.

F15 (SH6), gunmetal nail, etched, x100 (see also Figure 3.8).

F15 (SH6), gunmetal nail, etched, x500 (see also Figure 3.8).

F16 (SH7), brass sheathing nail, etched, x50 (for comparative example see F23 in Figure 3.8).

F16 (SH7), brass sheathing nail, etched, x200 (for comparative example see F23 in Figure 3.8). 104

Appendix 1: Metallography

F22 (SH10), brass sheathing, etched, x200 (see also Figure 3.11).

F24 (SH11), brass sheathing, etched, x200 (see also Figure 3.11).

F27 (R3713), copper bolt, etched, x100 (see also Figure 3.8).

F27 (R3713), copper bolt, etched, x200 (see also Figure 3.8).

F41 (R3714), brass bolt, etched, x200 (see also Figure 3.8).

F41 (R3714), brass bolt, etched, x500 (see also Figure 3.8). 105

The Flower of Ugie

106

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110

Index

Treenails

Ship’s names are given in Italics

Framing

Aberdeen Bow Aden Aggregate Levy Sustainability Fund (ALSF)

72 48, 54, 55 ii, 1, 3, 4, 79, 93 Ahrenshoop 39 Alexandria 1, 58, 72, Albert & Clemenza 56 Alicia 41-42, 49, 72, 75 Arklow 58

27-28, 38-40, 42, 44, 47, 51, 54

Floors Frames

29, 39, 41-42, 50-52, 54, 65, 75-76 8-10, 19, 21, 26-29, 31, 34, 39, 41-42, 50-51, 75-76, 79, 82, 87, 91 Futtocks 29, 41, 54, 75, 76

Galle 60, 72 Glenlee 90 Gloucester 54, 58 Gravesend 58, 72-73 Gribble (Limnoria) 19, 20, 86-87 Hall, Alexander 72 Hamburg 58 Hampshire and Isle of Wight Wildlife Trust 3, 19 Hayling Bay 3, 46 Hayling Island 14 Hindu 57 HMS Alarm 38 HMS Colossus 12 HMS Impregnable 3, 8 HMS Invincible 61 Hopewell 47-48 Horse and Dean/Horse Tail Sand 3, 12-17, 46-49, 60-61, 83, 85-86, 88, 91, 93 Huddersfield 58

Barque (Bark)

39-42, 48-49, 52, 55, 61-62, 66-68, 73, 75-76, 89-91 Bremen 58 Brig 39, 65, 67, 90 Bounty 32 Bruce and Company, Peterhead 50, 54 Brunton, John 50-52, 54, 66 Calcutta 1, 54-58, 69, 71-73, 77, 93, 97 Canton 57, 73 Cape of Good Hope 50, 55, 57, 71, 74, 77, 97 Cardiff 58 Carron Company 39 Cartagena (Carthagena) 48, 60, 90 China 57, 69, 71 Clipper 1, 39-40, 65, 73, 88, 97 Colonial trade 69 Colonist 47-48 Constantinople 58, 71 Cork 58 Crown, Luke 1, 50, 52, 68, 72, 77 Cuxhaven 58

Indenture Iron shipbuilding Isle of Wight Isles of Scilly

71, 89, 93, 97 65-66 12, 44, 46, 49, 61 12

Jhelum 39, 40, 77, 90 John McVicar 57 John of Gaunt 73

Dendrochronology 3, 8, 21, 29, 39, 83 Department for Culture Media and Sport (DCMS) 88 Diamond 90

Kedgeree 57 Keel 7, 28-29, 34, 50, 52, 54, 74-75 Keelson 28, 39, 50, 54 Knees Hanging 27, 40, 50, 54, 76 Iron 21, 27, 38-39, 41, 50, 66, 82 Lodging 27, 50, 54, 76 Staple 27, 40, 50, 54, 76 Wooden 38, 40, 42, 50

Earl of Abergavenny 28, 39 East India Company, British 38, 63, 71, 77, 89, 97 Eastern Monarch 47-49 Eastern Solent 1, 2-3, 5, 8, 12-14, 20, 43, 60-61, 63, 74, 77, 85, 88 Edward 56 Egbert 47-49 Eglinton 28, 39-40, 55, 73, 90 Endeavour 66 English Heritage ii, 4, 88-89

Labaun 59 Lively 34 Liverpool 39, 52, 54-58, 71-72, 97 Livorno (Leghorn) 58 London ii, 47-49, 54-55, 58, 71, 73, 89, 97

Fair Kathleen 59 Falmouth 58, 72 Fastenings Bolts 27-28, 31-34, 38-40, 42, 44, 47-50, 54 Cinch rings 27 Nails 7, 12, 28, 33-34, 40

Madras 55, 57, 71-73, 77, 93, 97 Malta 58 Marine Environment Protection Fund (MEPF) ii, 94 Marseille 58 Mauritius 54-55, 57-58, 71-72, 77, 89, 93, 97 111

The Flower of Ugie Metal Analysis 31, 36-37, 47, 99 Monitoring Points 4, 8, 10-12, 79, 82-85, 91-92 Montreal 69 Moulmein 60, 72 Muntz, G. F. 32-34, 38, 40, 41 Muntz metal 7, 28, 32-33, 38, 40, 44, 47, 55

Seahorse, short-snouted 18-19 Seaton Carew 39-40, 90, 92 Sheathing Copper 7, 9, 32, 34, 38, 40-41, 55, 74, 76 yellow-metal 28, 32-34, 38-42, 47-49, 55, 58, 65, 74, 76, 92, 105 Ship, full-rigged 47, 49, 90 Shipworm (Teredo navalis) 18-20, 86-87 Singapore 1, 57, 69, 71 Sirius 32 SL4 Shipwreck 39-40, 90 Snow Squall 39-41 St Helena 55-58, 72-73 St Petersburg 58 Storm Cloud 73 Sunderland 1, 39, 41, 47-50, 52, 54-55, 58-60, 64-66, 68-69, 71-73, 75-77, 88-90, 92, 97 Sydney 69, 71

Narcissus 61 National Curriculum 94-95 National Monuments Record (NMR) 44-47, 90 Newcastle 39, 52, 68, 71 New York 1, 58, 71-72 Odessa Opium Wars

54-55, 58, 72 63, 71, 93

Pandora 32 Penang 55 Peterhead 50, 54-55 Petrel 39-41 Planking Carvel 21, 27, 42 Ceiling 9, 21, 29, 40-41, 50, 74, 79, 82 Outer 9, 21, 28-29, 41, 54, 74-75, 82-84 Scarf joints 21, 26-28, 39-40 Portland 60-61 Primula 72 Quebec

Tarmac Marine Dredging Ltd Tonnage 1773 Rule 1836 Rule 1855 Rule

1, 3, 4, 12 64 64-65, 68, 72 65

United Kingdom Hydrographic Office (UKHO) United Marine Dredging

39, 40, 54-55, 58, 60, 72, 77

14, 44, 45, 89 ii, 1, 12, 16, 17

Vicar of Bray 39-40

Receiver of Wreck 44 Richmond 56 Royal George 57

Warship Hazardous 12 Water Nymph 39-40, 42, 90 Wear, river (Wearside) 1, 52, 66, 68-69, 76-77 Wilson, Joshua 66, 71

Salacia 56 Saugor 55-58

112