The Annals of Tacitus: Volume 2, Annals 1.55-81 and Annals 2 [2] 0521202132, 9780521202138

Citation preview

THE ANNALS

OF

TACITUS BOOKS 1-6 EDITED

WITH

A COMMENTARY

BY

F. R. D. GOODYEAR VOLUME II: ANNALS 1.55-81 AND ANNALS 2

CAMBRIDGE

UNIVERSITY

PRESS

CAMBRIDGE LONDON

NEW YORK MELBOURNE

NEW ROCHELLE SYDNEY

Published by the Press Syndicate of the Univenity of Cambridge The Pitt Building, Trumpington Street, Cambridge CB2 1R.P 32 East 57th Street, New York, NY 10022, USA 296 Bcaconsfield Parade, Middle Park, Melbourne 32o6, Australia (C)Cambridge Univenity Press 1g81

First published I g81

British LibraryCataloguingin PublicationData Tacitus, Cornelius [Annalcs]. The annals of Tacitus, books 1-6. (Cambridge classical texts and commentaries; 23). Vol. 2: Annals 1.55-81 and Annals 2 1. Rome - Politics and government - 30 B.C.-68 A.O. I. Title II. The annals of Tacitus, books 1-6 III. Goodyear, Francis Richard David IV. Series 937' .07 DG282 8o-40720 ISBN O

521 20213

2

Set, printed and bound in Great Britain by Fakenham Press Limited, Fakenham, Norfolk

CONTENTS Preface

page vii

TEXT AND CRITICAL

APPARATUS

I

COMMENTARY APPENDIXES Adnotationis criticae additamenta 2 A fragment of Albinovanus Pedo 3 Germanicus, speech and edicts I

LIST OF WORKS CITED INDEXES Lexical 2 Pcmages discussed 3 General

473 478 479

1

ADDENDA

V

PREFACE Seven years have elapsed since volume I was completed. Its successor must no longer be delayed. As this volume leaves my hands I am tempted to excuse its deficiencies and plead that to write a full commentary on Tacitus is well nigh impossible. But qui s'excuses'accuse:I offer only one apology, the tritest, that life is short. There is an important difference between this volume and the first. More attention is here accorded to historical matters, and I suppose the commentary could now be called historical, as well as textual, linguistic, and literary. But I have not had these categories consciously in mind. My method, as far as I have one, is to comment on anything which seems to invite remark or require explanation. The volumes also differ in minor particulars, mainly because, to save precious space, I now make greater use of short titles and other forms of abbreviation. The List of Works Cited should explain these abbreviated references. Though loth to cite publications I have not had time fully to appraise, I include certain large papers of very recent date, not yet digested, since they directly concern matters on which the commentary touches. Most of these papers appear in ANRW, and even a Didymus might flinch before the monster of Tiibingen. If much recent work on Tacitus passes unrecorded, it is not from any intention to damn by silence: I prefer to damn in plain words, and sometimes shall. But limits had to be set, to prevent the commentary from becoming interminable. The preceding volume prompted perceptive and useful observations from those few reviewers who took the trouble to read it and from several of my friends. Where and when I shall be able to disc,ussor utilize their remarks I do not know, but assure them they have not been forgotten. I could gladly

..

Vil

PREFACE

rewrite much of that volume, but at present it seems more important to press on. The next volume will, I hope, be ready after an appreciably shorter interval. Bedford College, rus in urbe, is an enviable place for research, to work in it an advantage for which I am profoundly grateful. My warmest thanks are due to the Librarian and his assistants for their helpfulness and patience, and the staff of the Latin Department, particularly Barrie Hall, for more than once shouldering extra burdens and leaving me free to devote myself to Tacitus. The kindness of a number of scholars who have advised me over particular passages will be acknowledged in those places. But by far my greatest debt is to John Crook and Ronald Martin, who have both read virtually the whole of the commentary, corrected not a few errors, raised many questions which had escaped me, and offered an abundance of illuminating ideas. This book must be the better for their most generous efforts to improve it, but the faults which remain are entirely mine. I should not be writing these words in 1979 had I not enjoyed the great benefit of Susan French's resourcefulness and skill in producing the final typescript. F.R.D.G.

BetlfordCollege,London September1979

I append most cordial thanks to Tony Woodman for invaluable help in the correction of proofs, given at a time when he was exceptionally busy, and again to Barrie Hall for sharing this laborious task. Finally, I acknowledge my deep gratitude to all those who have been involved in the work of printing and publication. To have a book published by the Cambridge University Press is always a privilege and a pleasure.

November1980 Vlll

TEXT

P. CORNELi! TACIT! LIBER I AB EXCESSV DIVI A VGVSTI 55. Druso Caesare C. Norbano consulibus decernitur 1 Germanico triumphus manente hello; quod quamquam in aestatem summa ope parabat, initio ueris et repentino in Chattos excursu praecepit. nam spes incesserat dissidere 5 hostem in Arminium ac Segestem, insignem utrumque perfidia in nos aut fide. Arminius turbator Germaniae, Segestes 2 parari rebellionem saepe alias et supremo conuiuio, post quod in arma itum, aperuit suasitque Varo ut se et Arminium et ceteros proceres uinciret: nihil ausuram plebem princi10 pibus amotis, atque ipsi tempus fore quo crimina et innoxios discerneret. sed Varus fato et ui Armini cecidit: Segestes, 3 quamquam consensu gentis in bellum tractus, discors manebat, auctis priuatim odiis, quod Arminius filiam eius alii pactam rapuerat, gener inuisus inimici soceri, quaeque 15 apud concordes uincula caritatis, incitamenta irarum apud infensos erant. 56. lgitur Germanicus quattuor legiones, quinque auxili- 1 arium milia et tumultuarias cateruas Germanorum cis Rhenum colentium Caecinae tradit; totidem legiones, 20 duplicem sociorum numerum ipse ducit, positoque castello super uestigia paterni praesidii in monte Tauno expeditum exercitum in Chattos rapit, L. Apronio ad munitiones uiarum et fluminum relicto. nam (rarum illi caelo) siccitate 2 et amnibus modicis inoffensum iter properauerat, imbresque 25 et fluminum auctus regredienti metuebatur. sed Chattis adeo 3 inprouisus aduenit, ut quod imbecillum aetate ac sexu I I Armini] armcni recte

25 metucbatur]

3

metuebantur

Rhenanus, fort.

CORNELi!

TACITI

statim captum aut trucidatum sit. iuuentus ftumen Adranam nando tramiserat, Romanosque pontem coeptantis arcebant; dein tormentis sagittisque pulsi, temptatis frustra condicionibus pacis, cum quidam ad Germanicum perfugissent, reliqui 4 omissis pagis uicisque in siluas disperguntur. Caesar incenso 5 Mattio (id genti caput) aperta populatus uertit ad Rhenum, non auso hoste terga abeuntium lacessere, quod illi moris, 5 quotiens astu magis quam per formidinem cessit. fuerat animus Cheruscis iuuare Chattos, sed exterruit Caecina hue illuc ferens arma; et Marsos congredi ausos prospero proelio 1o cohibuit. 1 57. Neque multo post legati a Segeste uenerunt auxilium orantes aduersus uim popularium a quis circumsedebatur, ualidiore apud eos Arminio quoniam helium suadebat: nam barbaris, quanto quis audacia promptus, tanto magis fidus 15 2 rebusque motis potior habetur. addiderat Segestes legatis filium nomine Segimundum: sed iuuenis conscientia cunctabatur. quippe anno quo Germaniae desciuere sacerdos apud aram Vbiorum creatus ruperat uittas, profugus ad rebelles. adductus tamen in spem clementiae Romanae pertulit patris 20 mandata benigneque exceptus cum praesidio Gallicam in 3 ripam missus est. Germanico pretium fuit conuertere agmen, pugnatumque in obsidentis, et ereptus Segestes magna 4 cum propinquorum et clientium manu. inerant feminae nobiles, inter quas uxor Arminii eademque filia Segestis, 25 mariti magis quam parentis animo, neque uicta in lacrimas neque uoce supplex, compressis intra sinum manibus graui5 dum uterum intuens. ferebantur et spolia Varianae cladis, plerisque eorum qui tum in deditionem ueniebant praedae data; simul Segestes ipse, ingens uisu et memoria bonae 30 societatis inpauidus. 1 58. Verba eius in hunc modum fuere: 'non hie mihi primus erga populum Romanum fidei et constantiae dies. ex quo a tramiscrat Acidaliw: tramiscrit M 16 rcbusque motis Lipsius: rebus commotis M 26 uicta] cuicta RuptTli, Spengel 2

4

AB EXCESSV

DIVI AVGVSTI

1.56-59

diuo Augusto ciuitate donatus sum, amicos inimicosque ex uestris utilitatibus delegi, neque odio patriae (quippe proditores etiam iis quos anteponunt inuisi sunt), uerum quia Romanis Germanisque idem conducere et pacem quam 5 bellum probabam. ergo raptorem filiae meae, uiolatorem 2 foederis uestri Arminium apud Varum, qui tum exercitui praesidebat, reum feci. dilatus segnitia duds, quia parum praesidii in legibus erat, ut me et Arminium et conscios uinciret flagitaui: testis ilia nox, mihi utinam potius nouiss10 ima ! quae secuta sunt defleri magis quam defendi possunt. 3 ceterum et inieci catenas Arminio et a factione eius iniectas perpessus sum. atque ubi primum tui copia, uetera nouis et quieta turbidis antehabeo, neque oh praemium, sed ut me perfidia exsoluam, simul genti Germanorum idoneus con15 ciliator, si paenitentiam quam perniciem maluerit. pro iuu- 4 enta et errore filii ueniam precor; filiam necessitate hue adductam fateor. tuum erit consultare utrum praeualeat quod ex Arminio concepit an quod ex me genita est.' Caesars clementi responso liberis propinquisque eius incolumitatem, 20 ipsi sedem uetere in prouincia pollicetur. exercitum reduxit nomenque imperatoris auctore Tiberio accepit. Arminii uxor 6 uirilis sexus stirpem edidit: educatus Rauennae puer quo mox ludibrio conflictatus sit, in tempore memorabo. 59. Fama dediti benigneque excepti Segestis uulgata, ut 1 25 quibusque helium inuitis aut cupientibus erat, spe uel dolore accipitur. Arminium super insitam uiolentiam rapta uxor, subiectus seruitio uxoris uterus uaecordem agebant, uolitabatq ue per Cheruscos, arma in Segestem, arma in Caesarem poscens. neque probris temperabat: egregium patrem, mag- 2 30 num imperatorem, fortem exercitum, quorum tot manus unam mulierculam auexerint. sibi tres legiones, totidem 3 legatos procubuisse; non enim se proditione neque aduersus feminas grauidas, sed palam aduersus armatos helium tractare. cerni adhuc Germanorum in lucis signa Romana 20

uetere M al. m. co"., Lipsiw: uctera

5

M

CORNELII

TACITI

quae dis patriis suspenderit. coleret Segestes uictam ripam, redderet filio sacerdotium thominumt: Germanos numquam satis excusaturos quod inter Albim et Rhenum uirgas et 5 secures et togam uiderint. aliis gentibus ignorantia imperi Romani inexperta esse supplicia, nescia tributa: quae 5 quoniam exuerint inritusque discesserit ille inter numina dicatus Augustus, ille delectus Tiberius, ne imperitum 6 adulescentulum, ne seditiosum exercitum pauescerent. si patriam parentes antiqua mallent quam dominos et colonias nouas, Arminium potius gloriae ac libertatis quam Segestem 10 ftagitiosae seruitutis ducem sequerentur. 1 60. Conciti per haec non modo Cherusci, sed conterminae gentes, tractusque in partis lnguiomerus Arminii patruus, uetere apud Romanos auctoritate. unde maior Caesari 2 metus. et ne bellum mole una ingrueret, Caecinam cum 15 quadraginta cohortibus Romanis distrahendo hosti per Bructeros ad ftumen Amisiam mittit, equitem Pedo praefectus finibus Frisiorum ducit. ipse inpositas nauibus quattuor legiones per lacus uexit; simulque pedes eques classis apud praedictum amnem conuenere. Chauci cum auxilia pollice- 20 3 rentur, in commilitium adsciti sunt. Bructeros sua urentis expedita cum manu L. Stertinius missu Germanici fudit interque caedem et praedam repperit undeuicesimae legionis aquilam cum Varo amissam. ductum inde agmen ad ultimos Bructerorum, quantumque Amisiam et Lupiam amnes inter 25 uastatum, haud procul Teutoburgiensi saltu, in quo reliquiae Vari legionumque insepultae dicebantur. 1 61. Igitur cupido Caesarem inuadit soluendi suprema militibus ducique, permoto ad miserationem omni qui aderat 4

hominum tadtm fort. m. in hominem co". M: hostium Halm: Romanum F. A. Wolf: omissum Sey.ffert: ignominiam Heinsius, hoe unum Horktl, dist. mutata: de/. Novdk: a/ii alia Germanos ... cxcusaturos] Germanis ... excusaturum Acidalius, excusaturus Sey.ffert: Germanos . . . exsecraturos Wurm 4 uiderint] fort. siuerint 14 ueterc Wtstnberg: ueteri Af imperil imperii tdd. nonnulli 19 classis Lipsi us: classes M

2

6

AB EXCESSV

DIVI AVGVSTI

1.59--63

exercitu oh propinquos, amicos, denique oh casus bellorum et sortem hominum. praemisso Caecina ut occulta saltuum scrutaretur pontesque et aggeres umido paludum et fallacibus campis imponeret, incedunt maestos locos uisuque ac memoria 5 deformes. prima Vari castra lato ambitu et dimensis princi- 2 piis trium legion um man us ostentabant; dein semiruto uallo, humili fossa accisae iam reliquiae consedisse intellegebantur. medio campi albentia ossa, ut fugerant, ut restiterant, disiecta uel aggerata. adiacebant fragmina telorum equor- 3 10 umque artus, simul truncis arborum antefixa ora. lucis propinquis barbarae arae, apud quas tribunos ac primorum Qrdinum centuriones mactauerant. et cladis eius superstites, 4 pugnam aut uincula elapsi, referebant hie cecidisse legatos, illic raptas aquilas; prim um ubi uulnus Varo adactum, ubi 15 infelici dextera et suo ictu mortem inuenerit; quo tribunali contionatus Arminius, quot patibula captiuis, quae scrobes, utque signis et aquilis per superbiam inluserit. 62. Igitur omnis qui aderat exercitus sextum post cladis 1 annum trium legionum ossa, nullo noscente alienas reliquias 20 an suorum humo tegeret, omnes ut coniunctos, ut consanguineos aucta in hostem ira maesti simul et infensi condebant. primum extruendo tumulo caespitem Caesar posuit, gratissimo munere in defunctos et praesentibus doloris socius. quod Tiberio haud probatum, seu cuncta Germanici in 2 25 deterius trahenti, siue exercitum imagine caesorum insepultorumque tardatum ad proelia et formidolosiorem hostium credebat; neque imperatorem auguratu et uetustissimis caerimoniis praeditum adtrectare feralia debuisse. 63. Sed Germanicus cedentem in auia Arminium secutus, 1 30 ubi primum copia fuit, euehi equites campumque quern hostis insederat eripi iubet. Arminius colligi suos et propinquare siluis monitos uertit repente; mox sign um prorumpendi 5 deformes Beroaldw: deformides M: deformi. scd G. C. Herrmann 14 primum ubi traiectiunis signis notata hahet M, incert. q. m. additis 18 omnis Andresen: romanis M: Roman us Beroaldw

7

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TACITI

dedit iis quos per saltus occultauerat. tune noua acie turbatus eques, missaeque subsidiariae cohortes et fugientium agmine impulsae auxerant consternationem; trudebanturque in paludem gnaram uincentibus, iniquam nesciis, ni Caesar productas legiones instruxisset. inde hostibus terror, fiducia 5 militi; et manibus aequis abscessum. 3 Mox reducto ad Amisiam exercitu legiones classe, ut aduexerat, reportat; pars equitum litore Oceani petere Rhen um iussa; Caecina, qui suum militem ducebat, monitus, quamquam notis itineribus regrederetur, pontes longos quam 10 4 maturrime superarc. angustus is trames uastas inter paludes et quondam a L. Domitio aggeratus; cetera limosa, tenacia graui caeno aut riuis incerta erant; circum siluae paulatim adcliues, quas tum Arminius impleuit, compendiis uiarum et cito agmine onustum sarcinis armisque militem cum anteuen- 15 5 isset. .... Caecina~-ubitanti quonam modo ruptos uetustate pontes reponeret simulque propulsaret hostem castra metari in loco 1 placuit, ut opus et alii proelium inciperent. 64. barbari, perfringere stationes segue inferre munitoribus nisi, lacessunt circumgrediuntur occursant: miscetur operantium bellan- 20 2 tiumque clamor. et cuncta pariter Romanis aduersa, locus uligine profunda, idem ad gradum instabilis, procedentibus lubricus, corpora grauia loricis; neque librare pila inter undas poterant. contra Cheruscis sueta apud paludes proelia, procera membra, hastae ingentes ad uulnera facienda 25 3 quamuis procul. nox demum inclinantis iam legiones aduersae pugnae exemit. Germani oh prospera indefessi, ne tum quidem sumpta quiete, quantum aquarum circum surgentibus iugis oritur uertere in subiecta; mersaque humo et obruto quod effectum operis duplicatus militi labor. 30 4 quadragesimum id stipendium Caecina parendi aut imperitandi habebat, secundarum ambiguarumque rerum sciens eoque interritus. igitur futura uoluens non aliud repperit 2

23 librare Beroaldu.s(M•'·): liberare M 26 nox ed. Frobeniana1519: mox M iam M•'·, Freinsluim:tarn M: tum Beroaldu.s

8

AB EXCESSV

DIVI

AVGVSTI

1.63-65

quam ut hostem siluis coerceret, donec saucii quantumque grauioris agminis anteirent; nam medio montium et paludum porrigebatur planities, quae tenuem aciem pateretur. deliguntur legiones quinta dextro lateri, unetuicesima in 5 5 laeuum, primani ducendum ad agmen, uicensimanus aduersum secuturos. 65. Nox per diuersa inquies, cum barbari festis epulis, 1 laeto cantu aut truci sonore subiecta uallium ac resultantis saltus complerent, apud Romanos inualidi ignes, interruptae 10 uoces, atque ipsi passim adiacerent uallo, oberrarent tentoriis, insomnes magis quam peruigiles. ducemque terruit dira 2 quies: nam Quintilium Varum sanguine oblitum et paludibus emersum cernere et audire uisus est uelut uocantem, non tamen obsecutus et manum intendentis reppulisse. 15 Coepta luce missae in latera legiones, metu an contumacia, 3 locum deseruere, capto propere campo umentia ultra. neque 4 tamen Arminius quamquam libero incursu statim prorupit; sed ut haesere caeno fossisque impedimenta, turbati circum milites, incertus signorum ordo, utque tali in tempore sibi 20 quisque properus et lentae aduersum imperia aures, inrumpere Germanos iubet, clamitans 'en Varus eodemque iterum fato uinctae legiones !' simul haec et cum delectis scindit agmen equisque maxime uulnera ingerit. illi sanguine suo et 5 lubrico paludum lapsantes excussis rectoribus disiccre obuios, 25 proterere iacentes. plurimus circa aquilas labor, quae neque ferri aduersum ingruentia tela neque figi limosa humo poterant. Caecina dum sustentat aciem, suffosso equo delap- 6 sus circumueniebatur, ni prima legio sese opposuisset. iuuit hostium auiditas, omissa caede praedam sectantium, enisae30 que legiones uesperascente die in aperta et solida. neque is 7 miseriar~m finis. struendum uallum, petendus agger, amissa

Quintilium Rhenanw: quintillium M 14 intendentis M al. m. co".: intendcntcs M: tcndcntis Haase 21 eodcmquc Ritter: et codcm22 uinctae] uictac M.-r·, Beroaldus 26 quc M: et codcm Lipsius fcrri aducrsum] aducrsum ferri traiectionis signis incerl. q. m. additis M 12

9

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magna ex parte per quae egeritur humus aut exciditur caespes; non tentoria manipulis, non fomenta sauciis; infectos caeno aut cruore cibos diuidentes funestas tenebras et tot hominum milibus unum iam reliquum diem lamenta5 bantur. 1 66. Forte equus abruptis uinculis uagus et clamore territus quosdam occurrentium obturbauit. tanta inde consternatio inrupisse Germanos credentium ut cuncti ruerent ad portas, quarum decumana maxime petebatur, auersa hosti et fugien2 tibus tutior. Caecina comperto uanam esse formidinem, cum 10 tamen neque auctoritate neque precibus, ne manu quidem obsistere aut retinere militem quiret, proiectus in limine portae miseratione demum, quia per corpus legati eundum erat, clausit uiam. simul tribuni et centuriones falsum 1 pauorem esse docuerunt. 67. tune contractos in principia 15 iussosque dicta cum silentio accipere temporis ac necessitatis monet. unam in armis salutem, sed ea consilio temperanda 111anendumque intra uallum, donec expugnandi hostes spe propius succederent, mox undique erumpendum: ilia 2 eruptione ad Rhenum perueniri. quod si fugerent, pluris 20 siluas, profundas magis paludes, saeuitiam hostium superesse; at uictoribus decus gloriam. quae domi cara, quae in castris 3 honesta, memorat; reticuit de aduersis. equos dehinc, orsus a suis, legatorum tribunorumque nulla ambitione fortissimo cuique bellatori tradit, ut hi, mox pedes hostem inuaderent. 25 1 68. haud minus inquies Germanus spe cupidine et diuersis ducum sententiis agebat, Arminio sinerent egredi egressosque rursum per umida et impedita circumuenirent suadente, atrociora lnguiomero et laeta barbaris, ut uallum armis ambirent: promptam expugnationem, plures captiuos, incor- 30 ruptam praedam fore. 2 Igitur orta die proruunt fossas, iniciunt crates, summa ualli 3 prensant, raro super milite et quasi oh metum defixo. post1 per quae egcritur Rhenanus: pcrquc geritur M: per quac gcritur Beroaldus 28 umida Baiter: humida M

10

AB EXCESSV

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AVGVSTI

1.65-69

quam haesere munimentis, datur cohortibus signum cornuaque ac tubae concinuere. exin clamore et impetu tergis Germanorum circumfunduntur, exprobrantes non hie siluas nee paludes, sed aequis locis aequos deos. hosti facile excidium 4 5 et paucos ac semermos cogitanti sonus tubarum, fulgor armorum, quanto inopina, tanto maiora offunduntur, cadebantque, ut rebus secundis auidi,, ita aduersis incauti. Arminius integer, lnguiomerus post graue uulnus pugnam 5 deseruere: uulgus trucidatum est, donec ira et dies perman10 sit. nocte demum reuersae legiones, quamuis plus uulnerum, eadem ciborum egestas fatigaret, uim sanitatem copias cuncta in uictoria habuere. 69. Peruaserat interim circumuenti exercitus fama et 1 infesto Germanorum agmine Gallias peti, ac ni Agrippina 15 inpositum Rheno pontem solui prohibuisset, erant qui id ftagitium formidine auderent. sed femina ingens animi munia duds per eos dies induit militibusque, ut quis inops aut saucius, uestem et fomenta dilargita est. tradit C. Plinius, 2 Germanicorum bellorum scriptor, stetisse apud principium 20 pontis laudes et grates reuersis legionibus habentem. id 3 Tiberii animum altius penetrauit: non enim simplices eas curas, nee aduersus externos (studia) militum quaeri. nihil 4 relictum imperatoribus, ubi femina manipulos interuisat, signa adeat, largitionem temptet, tamquam parum ambitiose 25 filium ducis gregali habitu circumferat Caesaremque Caligulam appellari uelit. potiorem iam apud exercitus Agrippinam quam legatos, quam duces; conpressam a muliere seditionem, cui nomen principis obsistere non quiuerit. accendebat haec onerabatque Seianus, peritia morum 5 30 Tiberii odia in longum iaciens, quae reconderet auctaque promeret. 6 offunduntur Rhenanus:offcnduntur M 20 pontis M..,·: poti M: ponti Btroaldus (et ut uid. M al. m. co".) laudcs M al. m. co".: 22 (studia) militum C. laudis M: laud.is ( ... gratis) C. Heraeus Htraeus (iam militum (studia) Doederlein):militum M: militem Beroaldw (et M al. m. co".): (fauorcm) militum Ritter: (animos) militum Weidner: militum (mcntcs) Koesttrmann II

CORNELi! 1

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70. At Germanicus legionum, quas nauihus uexerat, secun-

dam et quartam decimam itinere terrestri P. Vitellio ducendas tradit, quo leuior classis uadoso mari innaret uel 2 reciproco sideret. Vitellius primum iter sicca humo aut modice adlahente aestu quietum hahuit; mox inpulsu 5 aquilonis, simul sidere aequinoctii, quo maxime tumescit Ocean us, rapi agique agmen. et opplehantur terrae: eadem freto litori campis fades, neque discerni poterant incerta ah 3 solidis, hrcuia a profundis. sternuntur fluctihus, hauriuntur gurgitihus; iumenta, sarcinae, corpora exanima interfluunt 10 occursant. permiscentur inter se manipuli, modo pectore, modo ore tcnus extantes, aliquando suhtracto solo disiecti aut ohruti. non uox et mutui hortatus iuuabant aduersante unda; nihil strenuus ah ignauo, sapiens ah inprudenti, consilia a casu differre: cuncta pari uiolentia inuoluebantur. 15 4 tandem Vitellius in editiora enisus eodem agmen subduxit. pernoctauere sine utensilibus, sine igni, magna pars nudo aut mulcato corpore, haud minus miserabiles quam quos hostis circumsidet: quippe illic etiam honestae mortis usus, his 5 inglorium exitium. lux reddidit terram, penetratumque ad 20 amnem quo Caesar classe contenderat. impositae dein legiones, uagante fama suhmersas; nee fides salutis antequam Caesarem cxercitumque reducem uidere. 1 71. lam Stertinius, ad accipiendum in deditionem Segimerum fratrem Segestis praemissus, ipsum et filium eius in 25 ciuitatem Vbiorum perduxerat. data utrique uenia, facile Segimero, cunctantius filio, quia Quintilii Vari corpus inlu2 sisse dicehatur. ceterum ad supplenda exercitus damna certauere Galliae Hispaniae Italia, quod cuique promptum, arma equos aurum offerentes. quorum laudato studio Ger- 30 manicus, armis modo et equis ad helium sumptis, propria 3 pecunia militem iuuit. utque cladis memoriam etiam comi14 ah inprudcnti Lipsius: a prudcnti M: a/ii alia 19 illic] illis M al. 21 amncm anon. apud Lipsium: amnem Visurgin M 27 m. corr. Quintilii] quinctilii M 12

AB EXCESSV

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1.70-73

tate leniret, circumire saucios, facta singulorum extollere; uulnera intuens alium spe, alium gloria, cunctos adloquio et cura sibique et proelio firmabat. 72. Decreta eo anno triumphalia insignia A. Caecinae, L. 1 5 Apronio, C. Silio ob res cum Germanico gestas. nomen patris patriae Tiberius a populo saepius ingestum repudiauit; neque in acta sua iurari quamquam censente senatu permisit, cuncta mortalium incerta, quantoque plus adeptus foret, tanto se magis in lubrico dictitans. non tamen ideo faciebat fidem 2 10 ciuilis animi: nam legem maiestatis reduxerat. cui nomen apud ueteres idem, sed alia in iudicium ueniebant: si quis proditione exercitum aut plebem seditionibus, denique male gesta re publica maiestatem populi Romani minuisset. facta arguebantur, dicta inpune erant. primus Augustus cogni- 3 15 tionem de famosis libellis specie legis eius tractauit, commotus Cassii Seueri libidine, qua uiros feminasque inlustres procacibus scriptis diffamauerat; mox Tiberius, consultante Pompeio Macro praetore an iudicia maiestatis redderentur, exercendas leges esse respondit. hunc quoque asperauere 4 20 carmina incertis auctoribus uulgata in saeuitiam superbiamque eius et discordem cum matre animum. 73. Haud pigebit referre in Faianio et Rubrio, modicis 1 equitibus Romanis, praetemptata crimina, ut quibus initiis, quanta Tiberii arte grauissimum exitium inrepserit, dein 25 repressum sit, postremo arserit cunctaque corripuerit, noscatur. Faianio obiciebat accusator quod inter cultores 2 Augusti, qui per omnes domos in modum collegiorum habebantur, Cassium quendam mimum corpore infamem adsciumet, quodque uenditis hortis statuam Augusti simul 30 mancipasset. Rubrio crimini dabatur uiolatum periurio numen Augusti. quae ubi Tiberio notuere, scripsit consulibus 3 non ideo decretum patri suo caelum ut in perniciem ciuium is honor uerteretur. Cassium histrionem solitum inter alios 9 dictitans Murttw: dictan in dictans al. m. co". M 12 aut Bnoaldw (M.,·): ut M 22 faianio in falanio eadem m. corr. M, quod uix minus p,obabile uid. 31 numcn Chij/let,Freinsheim: nomcn A-f

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eiusdem artis interesse ludis quos mater sua in memoriam Augusti sacrasset; nee contra religiones fieri quod effigies eius, ut alia numinum simulacra, uenditionibus hortorum et 4 domuum accedant. ius iurandum perinde aestimandum 5 quam si Iouem fefellisset: deorum iniurias dis curae. 1 74. Nee multo post Granium Marcellum praetorem Bithyniae quaestor ipsius Caepio Crispinus maiestatis postulauit subscribente Romania Hispone; qui formam uitae iniit quam postea celebrem miseriae temporum et audaciae 2 hominum fecerunt. nam egens ignotus inquies, dum occultis 10 libellis saeuitiae principis adrepit, mox clarissimo cuique periculum facessit, potentiam apud unum, odium apud omnis adeptus dedit exemplum quod secuti ex pauperibus diuites, ex contemptis metuendi perniciem aliis ac postremum sibi 3 inuenere. sed Marcellum insimulabat sinistros de Tiberio 15 sermones habuisse, ineuitabile crimen, cum ex moribus principis foedissima quaeque deligeret accusator obiectaretque reo; nam quia uera erant, etiam dicta credebantur. addidit Hispo statuam Marcelli altius quam Caesarum sitam, et alia in statua amputato capite Augusti effigiem Tiberii inditam. 20 4 ad quod exarsit adeo ut rupta taciturnitate proclamaret se quoque in ea causa laturum sententiam palam et iuratum, 5 quo ceteris eadem necessitas fieret. manebant etiam tum uestigia morientis libertatis. igitur Cn. Piso 'quo' inquit 'loco censebis, Caesar? si primus, habebo quod sequar; si post 25 6 omnes, uereor ne imprudens dissentiam.' permotus his, quantoque incautius efferuerat, paenitentia patiens tulit absolui reum criminibus maiestatis. de pecuniis repetundis ad reciperatores itum est. 1 75. Nee patrum cognitionibus satiatus iudiciis adsidebat 30 in cornu tribunalis, ne praetorem curuli depelleret; multaque eo coram aduersus ambitum et potentium preces constituta. sed dum ueritati consulitur, libertas corrumpebatur. 8 Romanio nescioquis:romano M mulabat] insimulabant Nipperdey Htinsiw, fort. recte

14 ac] ad Woljflin

27 pacnitentia]

15 ms1-

paenitcntiae

AB EXCESSV

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1.73-77

Inter quae Pius Aurelius senator, questus mole publicae 2 uiae ductuque aquarum labefactas aedis suas, auxilium patrum inuocabat. resistentibus aerarii praetoribus subuenit Caesar pretiumque aedium Aurelio tribuit, erogandae per 5 honesta pecuniae cupiens, quam uirtutem diu retinuit, cum ceteras exueret. Pro.pertio Celeri praetorio ueniam ordinis oh 3 paupertatem petenti decies sestertium largitus est, satis comperto patemas ei angustias esse. temptantis eadem alios 4 probare causas senatui iussit, cupidine seueritatis in iis etiam 10 quae rite faceret acerbus. unde ceteri silentium et paupertatem confessioni et beneficio praeposuere. 76. Eodem anno continuis imbribus auctus Tiberis plana 1 urbis stagnauerat; relabentem secuta est aedificiorum et hominum strages. igitur censuit Asinius Gallus ut libri 15 Sibyllini adirentur. renuit Tiberius, perinde diuina humanaque obtegens; sed remedium coercendi flu minis Ateio Capitoni et L. Arruntio mandatum. Achaiam ac Macedoniam 2 onera deprecantis leuari in praesens proconsulari imperio tradique Caesari placuit. edendis gladiatoribus, quos Ger- 3 20 manici fratris ac suo nomine obtulerat, Drusus praesedit, quamquam uili sanguine nimis gaudens; quod (in) uulgus formidolosum et pater arguisse dicebatur. cur abstinuerit 4 spectaculo ipse, uarie trahebant: alii taedio coetus, quidam tristitia ingenii et metu conparationis, quia Augustus comiter 25 interfuisset. non crediderim ad ostentandam saeu1t1am mouendasque populi offensiones concessam filio materiem, quamquam id quoque dictum est. 77. At theatri licentia proximo priore anno coepta grauius 1 tum erupit, occisis non modo e plebe sed militibus et cen30 turione, uulnerato tribuno praetoriae cohortis, dum probra in magistratus et dissensionem uulgi prohibent. actum de ea 2 seditione apud patres, dicebanturque sententiae, ut prac9 causas Sir/cer: causa M: causam Beroaldus (M..,·), haud minus probabiliter 20 praescdit Beroaldus (et M al. m. corr.): pracsidit M 21 in add. al. m. in marg. M: uulgo /. F. Gronouius 27 quoquc Lipsius: quod M 29 scd al. m. in marg. M: et M: ctiam Nipperdey

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toribus ius uirgarum in histriones esset. intercessit Haterius Agrippa tribunus plebei increpitusque est Asinii Galli oratione, silente Tiberio, qui ea simulacra libertatis senatui praebebat. ualuit tamen intercessio, quia diuus Augustus immunes uerberum histriones quondam responderat, neque 5 4 fas Tiberio infringere dicta eius. de modo lucaris et aduersus lasciuiam fautorum multa decernuntur; ex quis maxime insignia, ne domos pantomimorum senator introiret, ne egredientes in publicum equites Romani cingerent, aut alibi quam in theatro spectarentur, et spectantium immodestiam 10 exilio multandi potestas praetoribus fieret. 1 78. Templum ut in colonia Tarraconensi strueretur Augusto petentibus Hispanis permissum, datumque in omnes 2 prouincias exemplum. centesimam rerum uenalium post bella ciuilia institutam deprecante populo edixit Tiberius militare 15 aerarium eo subsidio niti; simul imparem oneri rem publicam, nisi uicesimo militiae anno ueterani dimitterentur. ita proximae seditionis male consulta, quibus sedecim stipendiorum finem expresserant, abolita in posterum. 1 79. Actum deinde in senatu ab Arruntio et Ateio an oh 20 moderandas Tiberis exundationes uerterentur flumina et lacus per quos augescit; auditaeque municipiorum et coloniarum legationes, orantibus Florentinis, ne Clanis solito alueo demotus in amnem Arnum transferretur idque ipsis 2 perniciem adferret. congruentia his lnteramnates disseruere: 25 pessum ituros fecundissimos ltaliae campos, si amnis N ar 3 (id enim parabatur) in riuos diductus superstagnauisset. nee Reatini silebant, Velinum lacum, qua in Narem effunditur, obstrui recusantes: quippe in adiacentia erupturum. optume rebus mortalium consuluisse naturam, quae sua ora ftumini- 30 bus, suos cursus, utque originem, ita fines dederit; spectandas etiam religiones sociorum, qui sacra et lucos et aras patriis 3

6 dicta] cdicta Wurm I o spcctarcntur] scctarcntur Heinsiw 11 cxilio Btroaldw (M.,·): cxitio M 21 ucrtcrentur] auerterentur Heinsiw 25 lnteramnates Btroaldw (M.,·): ante manatcs Af: Antcmnates Pichena 27 diductus Btroaldw: deductus M

16

AB EXCESSV

DIVI AVGVSTI

1.77-81

amnibus dicauerint; quin ipsum Tiberim nolle prorsus accolis fluuiis orbatum minore gloria fluere. seu preces coloniarum 4 seu difficultas operum siue superstitio ualuit, ut in sententiam Pisonis concederetur, qui nil mutandum censuerat. 5 80. Prorogatur Poppaeo Sabino prouincia Moesia additis 1 Achaia ac Macedonia. id quoque morum Tiberii fuit, continuare imperia ac plerosque ad finem uitae in isdem exercitibus aut iurisdictionibus habere. causae uariae traduntur: 2 alii taedio nouae curae semel placita pro aeternis seruauisse; 10 quidam inuidia, ne plures fruerentur; sunt qui existiment, ut callidum eius ingenium, ita anxium iudicium. neque enim eminentis uirtutes sectabatur, et rursum uitia oderat: ex optimis periculum sibi, a pessimis dedecus publicum metuebat. qua haesitatione postremo eo prouectus est ut man- 3 15 dauerit quibusdam prouincias quos egredi urbe non erat passurus. 81. De comitiis consularibus, quae tum primum illo prin- 1 cipe ac deinceps fuere, uix quicquam firmare ausim: adeo diuersa non modo apud auctores, sed in ipsius orationibus 20 reperiuntur. modo subtractis candidatorum nominibus 2 originem cuiusque et uitam et stipendia descripsit, ut qui forent intellegeretur; aliquando ea quoque significatione subtracta candidatos hortatus, ne ambitu comitia turbarent, suam ad id curam pollicitus est; plerumque eos tantum apud 25 se professos disseruit quorum nomina consulibus edidisset, posse et alios profiteri, si gratiae aut meritis confiderent: speciosa uerbis, re inania aut subdola, quantoque maiore libertatis imagine tegebantur, tanto eruptura ad infensius seruitium. 4 Cn. ante Pisonis add. .Nippe,dey,fort. recte conccdcrct M: conccdcrcnt Doederlein 13 sibi Vittoriw: sibi sibi M fort. recte alque ceteram. FINIT p CORNELi LIB I

conccdcretur Rhenanus: 8 uariae] uaric Acidaliw, 29 post scruitium eadem

P. CORNELi! TACIT! LIBER II AB EXCESSV DIVI A VGVSTI Sisenna Statilio Tauro L. Libone consulibus mota Orientis regna prouinciaeque Romanae, initio apud Parthos orto, qui petitum Roma acceptumque regem, quamuis gentis Arsaci2 darum, ut externum aspernabantur. is fuit Vonones, obses Augusto datus a Prahate. nam Prahates, quamquam depulis- 5 set exercitus ducesque Romanos, cuncta uenerantium officia ad Augustum uerterat partemque prolis firmandae amicitiae miserat, haud perinde nostri metu quam fidei popularium diffisus. 1 2. Post finem Prahatis et sequentium regum oh internas 10 caedes uenere in urbem legati a primoribus Parthis, qui Vononen, uetustissimum liberorum eius, accirent. magnificum id sibi credidit Caesar auxitque opibus. et accepere 2 barbari laetantes, ut ferme ad noua imperia. mox subiit pudor degenerauisse Parthos: petitum alio ex orbe regem, 15 hostium artibus infect um; iam inter prouincias Romanas solium Arsacidarum haberi darique. ubi illam gloriam trucidantium Crassum, exturbantium Antonium, si mancipium Caesaris, tot per annos seruitutem perpessum, Parthis 3 imperitet? accendebat dedignantes et ipse diuersus a maio- 20 rum institutis, raro uenatu, segni equorum cura; quotiens per urbes incederet, lecticae gestamine fastuque erga patrias epulas. inridebantur et Graeci comites ac uilissima uten4 silium anulo clausa. sed prompti aditus, obuia comitas, ignotae Parthis uirtutes, noua uitia; et quia ipsorum moribus aliena, 25 1 perinde odium prauis et honestis. 3. igitur Artabanus, 1

1.

n Ah exccssu diui augusti Sisenna t.q.s. M 5 Phraate 12 Vononen Fuchs: • • . Phraates . . . 1o Phraatis tdd. pleriqut uononem M 25 moribus Murttus: maioribus M lNCIPlT

LIBER

18

AB EXCESSV

DIVI A VGVSTI 2.1-5

Arsacidarum e sanguine apud Dahas adultus, excitur, primoque congressu fusus reparat uires regnoque potitur. Victo Vononi perfugium Armenia fuit, uacua tune interque Parthorum et Romanas opes infida ob scelus Antonii, qui 5 Artauasden regem Armeniorum specie amicitiae inlectum, dein catenis oneratum, postremo interfecerat. eius filius 2 Artaxias, memoria patris nobis infensus, Arsacidarum ui segue regnumque tutatus est. occiso Artaxia per dolum propinquorum datus a Caesare Armeniis Tigranes deduc10 tusque in regnum a Tiberio Nerone. nee Tigrani diuturnum imperium fuit neque liberis eius, quamquam sociatis more externo in matrimonium regnumque. 4. Dein iussu Augusti inpositus Artauasdes et non sine 1 clade nostra deiectus. tum C. Caesar componendae Armeniae 15 deligitur. is Ariobarzanen, origine Medum, ob insignem corporis formam et praeclarum animum uolentibus Armeniis praefecit. Ariobarzane morte fortuita absumpto stirpem eius 2 baud tolerauere; temptatoque feminae imperio, cui nomen Erato, eaque breui pulsa, incerti solutique et magis sine 20 domino quam in Iibertate profugum Vononen in regnum accipiunt. sed ubi minitari Artabanus et parum subsidii in 3 Armeniis, uel, si nostra ui defenderetur, bellum aduersus Parthos sumendum erat, rector Syriae Creticus Silanus excitum custodia circumdat, manente luxu et regio nomine. 25 quod ludibrium ut effugere agitauerit Vonones in loco reddemus. 5. Ceterum Tiberio haud ingratum accidit turbari res 1 Orientis, ut ea specie Germanicum suetis Iegionibus abstraheret nouisque prouinciis impositum dolo simul et casibus 30 obiectaret. at ille, quanto acriora in eum studia militum et 2 auersa patrui uoluntas, celerandae uictoriae intentior, tractare proeliorum uias et quae sibi tertium iam annum belligeranti saeua uel prospera euenissent. fundi Germanos acie et 3 iustis locis, iuuari siluis paludibus, breui aestate et praematura 33 prospcrac in prospcra incnt. q. m. corr.M:Jort. prospere

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hieme; suum militem haud perinde uulnerihus quam spatiis itinerum, damno armorum adfici; fessas Gallias ministrandis equis; longum impedimentorum agmen opportunum ad 4 insidias, defensantihus iniquum. at si mare intretur, promptam ipsis possessionem et hostihus ignotam; simul helium 5 maturius incipi legionesque et commeatus pariter uehi; integrum equitem equosque per ora et alueos fluminum media in Germania fore. 1 6. Igitur hue intendit, missis ad census Galliarum P. Vitellio et C. Antio. Silius et Anteius et Caecina fahricandae 10 2 classi praeponuntur. mille naues sufficere uisae properataeque, aliae hreues, angusta puppi proraque et lato utero, quo facilius fluctus tolerarent, quaedam planae carinis, ut sine noxa siderent; plures adpositis utrimque guhernaculis, conuerso ut repente remigio hinc uel illinc adpellerent; 15 multae pontihus stratae, super quas tormenta ueherentur, simul aptae ferendis equis aut commeatui: uelis hahiles, citae remis augehantur alacritate militum in speciem ac terrorem. 3 insula Batauorum in quam conuenirent praedicta, oh faciles adpulsus accipiendisque copiis et transmittendum ad helium 20 4 opportuna. nam Rhenus uno alueo continuus aut modicas insulas circumueniens apud principium agri Bataui uelut in duos amnes diuiditur, seruatque nomen et uiolentiam cursus, qua Germaniam praeuehitur, donec Oceano misceatur; ad Gallicam ripam latior et placidior adfluens uerso cognomento 25 (Vahalem accolae dicunt) mox id quoque uocahulum mutat Mosa flumine eiusque inmenso ore eundem in Oceanum effunditur. 1 7. Sed Caesar, dum adiguntur naues, Silium legatum cum expedita manu inruptionem in Chattos facere iuhet: ipse, 30 audito castellum Lupiae flumini adpositum ohsideri, sex 2 legiones eo duxit. neque Silio oh suhitos imhres aliud actum quam ut modicam praedam et Arpi principis Chattorum 10 C. Antio Ursinw: cantio M (A.) iul (T.) Anteius Ritter: et Anteius del. Urluhs 16 quas] quos Emuti

20

AB EXCESSV

DIV I AVGVSTI

2.5-9

coniugem filiamq.ue raperet, neque Caesari copiam pugnae obsessores fecere, ad famam aduentus eius dilapsi. tumulum tamen nuper Varianis legionibus structum et ueterem aram Druso sitam disiecerant. restituit aram honorique patris 3 5 princeps ipse cum legionibus decucurrit: tumulum iterare baud uisum, et cuncta inter castellum Alisonem ac Rhenum nouis limitibus aggeribusque permunita. 8. lamque classis aduenerat, cum praemisso commeatu et 1 distributis in legiones ac socios nauibus fossam, cui Drusianae 10 nomen, ingressus precatusque Drusum patrem ut se eadem ausum libens placatusque exemplo ac memoria consiliorum atque operum iuuaret, lacus inde et Oceanum usque ad Amisiam flumen secunda nauigatione peruehitur. classis 2 Amisiae relicta laeuo amne, erratumque in eo quod non 15 subuexit transposuitque militem dextras in terras iturum: ita plures dies efficiendis pontibus absumpti. et eques quidem ac 3 legiones prima aestuaria, nondum adcrescente unda, intrepidi transiere: postremum auxiliorum agmen Batauique in parte ea, dum insultant aquis artemque nandi ostentant, turbati et 20 quidam hausti sunt. metanti castra Caesari Angriuariorum 4 defectio a tergo nuntiatur. missus ilico Stertinius cum equite et armatura leui igne et caedibus perfidiam ultus est. g. Flumen Visurgis Romanos Cheruscosque interfluebat. 1 eius in ripa cum ceteris primoribus Arminius adstitit, quaesi25 toque an Caesar uenisset, postquam adesse responsum est, ut liceret cum fratre conloqui orauit. erat is in exercitu cognomento Flauus, insignis fide et amisso per uulnus oculo paucis ante annis duce Tiberio. tum permissu progressus 2 2 fcccrc M al. m. corr.:faccrc M 14 Amisiac relicta] Amisiac (ore) 15 rclicta &yjfert: rclicta Amisiac lenchantin: Amisiae de/. Nipperdey subucxit transposuitquc Nipperdey-Andresen: subucxit transposuit M: s. (et) t. Seyjfert: s. (aut) t. Wurm: transposuit de/. Ernesti: subucxit de/. Nippndey 20 Angriuariorum Beroaldus: angriuoriorum M; Ampsiuariorum Ritter 28 progrcssus Wuilltumier: progrcssusque M; progrcssus con- Wtidner: progrcssus ( Cacsaris) Brakman: lac. ante progrcssusquc pos.Nipp,,dey

21

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salutatur ah Arminio; qui, amotis stipatoribus, ut sagittarii nostra pro ripa dispositi abscederent postulat, et postquam 3 digressi, unde ea deformitas oris interrogat fratrem. illo locum et proelium referente, quodnam praemium recepisset exquirit. Flauus aucta stipendia, torquem et coronam 5 aliaque militaria dona memorat, inridente Arminio uilia seruitii pretia. 1 10. Exin diuersi ordiuntur, hie magnitudinem Romanam, opes Caesaris et uictis graues poenas, in deditionem uenienti paratam clementiam; neque coniugem et filium eius hostiliter 10 haberi: ille fas patriae, libertatem auitam, penetralis Germaniae deos, matrem precum sociam; ne propinquorum et adfinium, denique gentis suae desertor et proditor quam 2 imperator esse mallet. paulatim inde ad iurgia prolapsi quo minus pugnam consererent ne flumine quidem interiecto 15 cohibebantur, ni Stertinius adcurrens plenum irae armaque 3 et equum poscentem Flauum attinuisset. cernebatur contra minitabundus Arminius proeliumque denuntians; nam pleraque Latino sermone interiaciebat, ut qui Romanis in castris ductor popularium meruisset. 20 1 1 1. Postero die Germanorum acies trans Visurgim stetit. Caesar nisi pontibus praesidiisque inpositis dare in discrimen legiones haud imperatorium ratus, equitem uado tramittit. praefuere Stertinius et e numero primipilarium Aemilius, distantibus locis inuecti ut hostem diducerent. qua celerrimus 25 2 amnis, Charioualda dux Batauorum erupit. eum Cherusci fugam simulantes in planitiem saltibus circumiectam traxere; dein coorti et undique effusi trudunt aduersos, instant cedentibus collectosque in orbem pars congressi, quidam eminus 3 proturbant. Charioualda diu sustentata hostium saeuitia, 30 hortatus suos ut ingruentes cateruas globo perfringerent atque ipse densissimos inrumpens, congestis telis et suffosso equo 24 primipilarium Beroaldus(Mfflf•): primilliarium M 25 diduccrcnt Rhenanus: dcduccrcnt M 31 pcrfringcrcnt Bezz.mbergtr: fringcrcnt 32 ipsc Weissenborn: M: frangcrcnt Lipsiw: scindcrcnt Koesttrmann ipsis M: ipsc in Beroa/dw (et ul uid. Mm,·) 22

AB EXCESSV

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2.9-14

labitur, ac multi nobilium circa: ceteros uis sua aut equites cum Stertinio Aemilioque subuenientes periculo exemere. 12. Caesar transgressus Visurgim indicio perfugae cog- 1 noscit delectum ah Arminio locum pugnae; conuenisse et s alias nationes in siluam Herculi sacram, ausurosque nocturnam castrorum oppugnationem. habita indici fides, et cernebantur ignes, suggressique propius speculatores audiri fremitum equorum inmensique et inconditi agminis murmur attulere. igitur propinquo summae rei discrimine explorandos 2 10 militum animos ratus, quonam id modo incorruptum foret secum agitabat. tribunos et centuriones laeta saepius quam 3 comperta nuntiare, libertorum seruilia ingenia, amicis inesse adulationem; si contio uocetur, illic quoque quae pauci incipiant reliquos adstrepere. penitus noscendas mentes, cum 15 secreti et incustocliti inter militaris cibos spem aut metum proferrent. 13. Nocte coepta egressus augurali per occulta et uigilibus 1 ignara, comite uno, contectus umeros ferina pelle, adit castrorum uias, adsistit tabernaculis fruiturque fama sui, cum hie 20 nobilitatem ducis, decorem alius, plurimi patientiam comitatem, per seria per iocos eundem animum laudibus ferrent reddendamque gratiam in acie faterentur, simul perfidos et ruptores pacis ultioni et gloriae mactandos. inter quae unus 2 hostium, Latinae linguae sciens, acto ad uallum equo uoce 25 magna coniuges et agros et stipendii in dies, donec bellaretur, sestertios centenos, si quis transfugisset, Arminii nomine pollicetur. intendit ea contumelia legion um iras: ueniret dies, 3 daretur pugna; sumpturum militem Germanorum agros, tracturum coniuges; accipere omen et matrimonia ac pecun30 ias hostium praedae destinare. tertia ferme uigilia adsultatum 4 est castris sine coniectu teli, postquam crebras pro munimentis cohortes et nihil remissum sensere. 14. Nox eadem laetam Germanico quietem tulit, uiditque 1 se operatum et sanguine sacro respersa praetexta pulchriorem 34 sacro Btf'oaldw (M.,·): sacri M

23

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aliam manibus auiae Augustae accepisse. auctus om1ne, addicentibus auspiciis uocat contionem et quae sapientia 2 prouisa aptaque imminenti pugnae disserit. non campos modo militi Romano ad proelium bonos, sed, si ratio adsit, siluas et salt us; nee enim inmensa barbarorum scuta, enormis 5 hastas inter truncos arborum et enata humo uirgulta perinde haberi quam pila et gladios et haerentia corpori tegmina. 3 denserent ictus, ora mucronibus quaererent. non loricam Germano, non . galeam, ne scuta quidem ferro neruoue firmata, sed uiminum textus uel tenuis et fucatas colore 10 tabulas; primam utcumque aciem hastatam, ceteris praeusta aut breuia tela. iam corpus ut uisu toruum et ad breuem impetum ualidum, sic nulla uulnerum patientia: sine pudore flagitii, sine cura ducum abire fugere, pauidos aduersis, inter 4 secunda non diuini, non humani iuris memores. si taedio 15 uiarum ac maris finem cupiant, hac acie parari: propiorem iam Albim quam Rhenum neque helium ultra, modo se patris patruique uestigia prementem isdem in terris uictorem sisterent. 1 15. Orationem ducis secutus militum ardor, signumque 20 pugnae datum. nee Arminius aut ceteri Germanorum proceres omittebant suos quisque testari, hos esse Romanos Variani exercitus fugacissimos, qui ne helium tolerarent seditionem induerint, quorum pars onusta uulneribus terga, pars fluctibus et procellis fractos artus infensis rursum hosti- 25 2 bus, aduersis dis obiciant, nulla boni spe. classem quippe et auia Oceani quaesita ne quis uenientibus occurreret, ne pulsos premeret: sed ubi miscuerint manus, inane uictis uen3 torum remorumue subsidium. meminissent modo auaritiae crudelitatis superbiae: aliud sibi reliquum quam tenere liber- 30 tatem aut mori ante seruitium? 1 16. Sic accensos et proelium poscentes in campum, cui Idistauiso nomen, deducunt. is medius inter Visurgim et 3 prouisa /. F. Gronouius: praeuisa M

M

24 terga Murttus: tergum

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2.14-17

colles, ut ripae ftuminis cedunt aut prominentia montium resistunt, inaequaliter sinuatur. pone tergum insurgebat silua, editis in altum ramis et pura humo inter arborum truncos. campum et prima siluarum barbara acies tenuit: 2 5 soli Cherusci iuga insedere, ut proeliantibus Romanis desuper incurrerent. noster exercitus sic incessit: auxiliares Galli 3 Germanique in fronte, post quos pedites sagittarii; dein quattuor legiones et cum duabus praetoriis cohortibus ac delecto equite Caesar; exim totidem aliae legiones et leuis 10 armatura cum equite sagittario ceteraeque sociorum cohortes. intentus paratusque miles, ut ordo agminis in aciem adsisteret. 1 7. Visis Cheruscorum cateruis, q uae per ferociam proru- 1 perant, ualidissimos equitum incurrere latus, Stertinium 15 cum ceteris turmis circumgredi tergaque inuadere iubet, ipse in tempore adfuturus. interea, pulcherrimum augurium, 2 octo aquilae petere siluas et intrare uisae imperatorem aduertere. exclamat irent, sequerentur Romanas aues, propria legionum numina. simul pedestris acies infertur et praemissus 3 20 eques postremos ac latera impulit. mirumque dictu, duo hostium agmina diuersa fuga, qui siluam tenuerant, in aperta, qui campis adstiterant, in siluam ruebant. medii inter hos 4 Cherusci collibus detrudebantur, inter quos insignis Arminius manu uoce uulnere sustentabat pugnam. incubueratque 25 sagittariis, illa rupturus, ni Raetorum Vindelicorumque et Gallicae cohortes signa obiecissent. nisu tamen corporis et 5 impetu equi peruasit, oblitus faciem suo cruore ne nosceretur. quidam adgnitum a Chaucis inter auxilia Romana agentibus emissumque tradiderunt. uirtus seu fraus eadem Inguiomero 30 effugium dedit: ceteri passim trucidati. et plerosque tranare 6 Visurgim conantes iniecta tela aut uis ftuminis, postremo moles ruentium et incidentes ripae operuere; quidam turpi fuga in summa arborum nisi ramisque se occultantes admotis 15 tcrgaquc Lipsiw: tcrgaue M

fort. r«u

22

campis] (in) campis Nippe,dey,

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sagittariis per ludibrium figebantur, alios prorutae arbores adftixere. 1 18. Magna ea uictoria neque cruenta nobis fuit. quinta ah hora diei ad noctem caesi hostes decem milia passuum cadaueribus atque armis oppleuere, repertis inter spolia 5 eorum catenis quas in Romanos ut non dubio euentu por2 tauerant. miles in loco proelii Tiberium imperatorem salutauit struxitque aggerem et in modum tropaeorum arma subscriptis uictarum gentium nominibus imposuit. 1 19. Haud perinde Germanos uulnera luctus excidia quam 10 ea species dolore et ira adfecit. qui modo abire sedibus, trans Albim concedere parabant, pugnam uolunt, arma rapiunt; plebes primores, iuuentus senes agmen Romanum repente 2 incursant turbant. postremo deligunt locum ftumine et siluis clausum, arta intus planitie et umida: siluas quoque pro- 15 funda palus ambibat, nisi quod latus unum Angriuarii lato aggere extulerant quo a Cheruscis dirimerentur. hie pedes adstitit: equitem propinquis lucis texere ut ingressis siluam legionibus a tergo foret. 1 20. Nihil ex his Caesari incognitum: consilia locos, prompta 20 occulta nouerat astusque hostium in perniciem ipsis uertebat. Seio Tuberoni legato tradit equitem campumque; peditum aciem ita instruxit ut pars aequo in siluam aditu incederet, pars obiectum aggerem eniteretur; quod arduum sibi, cetera 2 legatis permisit. quibus plana euenerant, facile inrupere; quis 25 inpugnandus agger, ut si murum succederent, grauibus superne ictibus conftictabantur. sensit dux inparem cornminus pugnam remotisque paulum legionibus funditores libritoresque excutere tela et proturbare hostem iubet. missae e tormentis hastae, quantoque conspicui magis propugna- 30 3 tores, tanto pluribus uulneribus deiecti. primus Caesar cum praetoriis cohortibus capto uallo dedit impetum in siluas: conlato illic gradu certatum. hostem a tergo palus, Romanos his Oberlin: iis M (M..,·) :fort. librilitorcsquc

20

29 libritoresquc]

libratorcsquc

Beroaldw

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2.17-23

ftumen aut montes claudebant: utrisque necessitas in loco, spes in uirtute, salus ex uictoria. 21. N ec minor Germanis animus, sed genere pugnae et 1 armorum superabantur, cum ingens multitudo artis locis prae5 longas hastas non protenderet, non colligeret, neque adsultibus et uelocitate corporum uteretur, coacta stabile ad proelium; contra miles, cui scutum pectori adpressum et insidens capulo manus, latos barbarorum artus, nuda ora foderet uiamque strage hostium aperiret, inprompto iam 10 (Arminio) oh continua pericula, siue ilium recens afceptum uulnus tardauerat. quin et lnguiomerum tota uolitantem acie fortuna magis quam uirtus deserebat. et Germanicus quo 2 magis adgnosceretur detraxerat tegimen capiti orabatque insisterent caedibus: nil opus captiuis, solam internicionem 15 gentis finem hello fore. iamque sero diei subducit ex acie legionem faciendis castris: ceterae ad noctem cruore hostium satiatae sunt. equites ambigue certauere. 22. Laudatis pro contione uictoribus Caesar congeriem 1 annorum struxit, superbo cum titulo: debellatis inter 20 Rhenum Albimque nationibus exercitum Tiberii Caesaris ea monimenta Marti et Ioui et Augusto sacrauisse. de se nihil addidit, metu inuidiae an ratus conscientiam facti satis esse. mox helium in Angriuarios Stertinio mandat, ni deditionem 2 properauissent. atque illi supplices nihil abnuendo ueniam 25 omn1um accepere. 23. Sed aestate iam adulta legionum aliae itinere terrestri 1 in hibernacula remissae; plures Caesar classi impositas per ftumen Amisiam Oceano inuexit. ac primo placidum aequor 2 mille nauium remis strepere aut uelis inpelli: mox atro 30 nubium globo effusa grando, simul uariis undique procellis 10 Arminio add. Beroaldus(M-'") 21 monimenta Lipsiw: munimenta M 21 Marti et Ioui et] Marti Vltori et uel Marti et diuo Hirschfeld: 22 Cacti Aldus: factis M 23 Angriuarios fort. Ioui et Marti et (agr- M)] Ampsiuarios Ritter 28 plene post aequor dist. Doederlein 29 aut uelis inpclli suspectum:fort. aut uelis inpleri uel uela auris

inpclli

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incerti ftuctus prospectum adimere, regimen inpedire; milesque pauidus et casuum maris ignarus dum turbat nautas uel 3 intempestiue iuuat, officia prudentium corrumpebat. omne dehinc caelum et mare omne in austrum cessit, qui, tumidis Germaniae terris, profundis amnibus, immenso nubium 5 tractu ualidus et rigore uicini septentrionis horridior rapuit disiecitque naues in aperta Oceani aut insulas saxis abruptis 4 uel per occulta uada infestas. quibus paulum aegreque uitatis, postquam mutabat aestus eodemque quo uentus ferebat, non adhaerere ancoris, non exhaurire inrumpentis 10 undas poterant: equi iumenta sarcinae, etiam arma praecipitantur, quo leuarentur aluei manantes per latera et ftuctu superurgente. 1 24. Quanto uiolentior cetero marl Oceanus et truculentia caeli praestat Germania, tantum ilia clades nouitate et 15 magnitudine excessit, hostilibus circum litoribus aut ita uasto 2 profundo ut ·credatur nouissimum ac sine terris mare. pars nauium haustae sunt, plures apud insulas longius sitas eiectae; milesque nullo illic hominum cultu fame absumptus, nisi quos corpora equorum eodem elisa tolerauerant. sola Ger- 20 manici triremis Chaucorum terram adpulit; quern per omnes illos dies noctesque apud scopulos et prominentis oras, cum se tanti exitii reum clamitaret, uix cohibuere amid quo 3 minus eodem mari oppeteret. tandem relabente aestu et secundante uento claudae naues raro remigio aut intentis 25 uestibus, et quaedam a ualidioribus tractae, reuertere; quas raptim refectas misit ut scrutarentur insulas. collecti ea cura plerique; multos Angriuarii nuper in fidem accepti redemptos ah interioribus reddidere; quidam in Britanniam rapti et 4 remissi a regulis. ut quis ex longinquo reuenerat, miracula 30 narrabant, uim turbinum et inauditas uolucres, monstra 4 tumidis] umidis Fairnus (humidis Rl,e,u,nus) 5/ort. post amnibus addendum ortus 16-17 uasto profundo Haase: uasto et profundo M 17 mare dtl., mari ante ita suppl. Fuchs: mari /. F. Gronouius:possis et profundo (freto) uel aut (freto) 28 Angriuarii] Ampsiuarii Nipperdty

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2.23-26

maris, ambiguas _hominum et beluarum formas, uisa siue ex metu credita. 25. Sed fama classis amissae ut Germanos ad spem belli, 1 ita Caesarem ad coercendum erexit. C. Silio cum triginta 5 peditum, tribus equitum milibus ire in Chattos imperat, ipse maioribus copiis Marsos inrumpit. quorum dux Mallouendus, nuper in deditionem acceptus, propinquo luco defossam Varianae Iegionis aquilam modico praesidio seruari indicat. missa extemplo manus quae hostem a fronte eliceret, alii qui 2 10 terga drcumgressi recluderent hum um; et utrisque adfuit fortuna. eo promptior Caesar pergit introrsus, populatur excindit non ausum congredi hostem aut, sicubi restiterat, statim pulsum nee umquam magis, ut ex captiuis cognitum est, pauentem. quippe inuictos et nullis casibus superabiles 3 · 15 Romanos praedicabant, qui perdita classe, amissis armis, post constrata equorum uirorumque corporibus litora eadem uirtute, pari ferocia et uelut aucti numero inrupissent. 26. Reductus inde in hiberna miles, laetus animi, quod 1 aduersa maris expeditione prospera pensauisset. addidit 20 munificentiam Caesar, quantum quis damni professus erat exsoluendo. nee dubium habebatur Iabare hostes petendaeque pads consilia sumere, et si proxima aestas adiceretur posse helium patrari. sed crebris epistulis Tiberius monebat 2 rediret ad decretum triumphum: satis iam euentuum, satis 25 casuum. prospera illi et magna proelia: eorum quoque meminisset quae uenti et fluctus, nulla duds culpa, grauia tamen et saeua damna, intulisset. se nouies a diuo Augusto in 3 Germaniam missum plura consilio quam ui perfecisse. sic Sugambros in deditionem acceptos, sic Suebos regemque 30 Maroboduum pace obstrictum. posse et Cheruscos ceterasque rebellium gentis, quoniam Romanae ultioni consultum esset, internis discordiis relinqui. precante Germanico annum 4 effidendis coeptis, acrius modestiam eius adgreditur alterum 7 luco ChijJltt,Lipsius: loco M hibema Beroaldus(M-'·): hiona M

8 indicat] indicarat Halm 18 31 cssct Murtlus: est M: sit Otto

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consulatum offerendo cuius munia praesens obiret. simul adnectebat, si foret adhuc bellandum, relinqueret materiem Drusi fratris gloriae, qui nullo tum alio hoste non nisi apud Germanias adsequi nomen imperatorium et deportare lau5 ream posset. haud cunctatus est ultra Germanicus, quamquam 5 fingi ea segue per inuidiam parto iam decori abstrahi intellegeret. 1 27. Sub idem tempus e familia Scriboniorum Libo Drusus defertur moliri res nouas. eius negotii initium ordinem finem curatius disseram, quia tum primum reperta sunt quae 10 2 per tot annos rem publicam exedere. Firmius Catus senator, ex intima Libonis amicitia, iuuenem inprouidum et facilem inani bus ad Chaldaeorum promissa, magorum sacra, somniorum etiam interpretes impulit, dum proauum Pompeium, amitam Scriboniam, quae quondam Augusti 15 coniunx fuerat, consobrinos Caesares, plenam imaginibus domum ostentat hortaturque ad luxum et aes alienum, socius libidinum et necessitatum, quo pluribus indiciis inligaret. 1 28. ut satis testium et qui serui eadem noscerent repperit, aditum ad principem postulat, demonstrato crimine et reo 20 per Flaccum Vescularium equitem Romanum, cui propior cum Tiberio usus erat. 2 Caesar indicium haud aspernatus congressus abnuit: posse enim eodem Fiacco internuntio sermones commeare. atque interim Libonem ornat praetura, conuictibus adhibet, non 25 uultu alienatus, non uerbis commotior (adeo iram condiderat); cunctaque eius dicta factaque, cum prohibere posset, scire malebat, donec lunius quidam, temptatus ut infernas umbras carminibus eliceret, ad Fulcinium Trionem indicium 3 detulit. celebre inter accusatores Trionis ingenium erat 30 auidumque famae malae. statim corripit reum, adit consules, cognitionem senatus poscit. et uocantur patres, addito consultandum super re magna et atroci. 16 consobrinos Caesarcs Rhtnanus: consobrinus cacsaris M mones Rhtnanus: scrmonc M: scrmoncm Ritter

24 scr-

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2.26-31

29. Libo interim ueste mutata cum primoribus feminis 1 circumire domos, orare adfines, uocem aduersum pericula poscere, abnuentibus cunctis, cum diuersa praetenderent, eadem formidine. die senatus metu et aegritudine fessus, siue, 2 5 ut tradidere quidam, simulato morbo, lectica delatus ad fares curiae innisusque fratri et manus ac supplices uoces ad Tiberium tendens immoto eius uultu excipitur. mox libellos et auctores recitat Caesar, ita moderans, ne lenire neue asperare crimina uideretur. 10 30. Accesserant praeter Trionem et Catum accusatores 1 Fonteius Agrippa et C. Vibius, certabantque cui ius perorandi in reum daretur, donec Vibius, quia nee ipsi inter se concederent et Libo sine patrono introisset, singillatim se crimina obiecturum professus, protulit libellos uaecordes adeo ut 15 consultauerit Libo an habiturus foret opes quis uiam Appiam Brundisium usque pecunia operiret. inerant et alia huiusce 2 modi stolida uana, si mollius acciperes, miseranda. uni tamen libello manu Libonis nominibus Caesarum aut senatorum additas atroces uel occultas notas accusator arguebat. 20 negante reo adgnoscentes seruos per tormenta interrogari 3 placuit. et quia uetere senatus consulto quaestio in caput domini prohibebatur, callidus et noui iuris repertor Tiberius mancipari singulos actori publico iubet, scilicet ut in Libonem ex seruis saluo senatus consulto quaereretur. ob quae pos- 4 25 terum diem reus petiuit domumque digressus extremas preces P. Quirinio propinquo suo ad principem mandauit. 3 I. Responsum est ut senatum rogaret. cingebatur interim 1 milite domus; strepebant etiam in uestibulo, ut audiri, ut aspici possent, cum Libo, ipsis quas in nouissimam uolup30 tatem adhibuerat epulis excruciatus, uocare percussorem, prensare seruorum dextras, inserere gladium. atque illis, 2 dum trepidant, dum refugiunt, euertentibus adpositum 6 innisusquc] fort. innixusquc 17 uni] uno Kriti:, fort. recle 29 posscnt Rhenanus:possint M

(et 12) Vibius Gruterw: liuius M intcrrogari Lipsius: intcrrogare M

11 20

31

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mensae lumen, feralibus iam sibi tenebris duos ictus in uiscera derexit. ad gemitum conlabentis adcurrere liberti, 3 et caede uisa miles abstitit. accusatio tamen apud patres adseueratione eadem peracta, iurauitque Tiberius petiturum se uitam quamuis nocenti, nisi uoluntariam mortem 5 properauisset. 1 32. Bona inter accusatores diuiduntur, et praeturae extra ordinem datae iis qui senatorii ordinis erant. tune Cotta Messalinus, ne imago Libonis exsequias posterorum comitaretur, censuit, Cn. Lentulus, ne quis Scribonius cognomen- 10 2 tum Drusi adsumeret; supplication um dies Pomponii Flacci sententia constituti; dona Ioui Marti Concordiae, utque iduum Septembrium dies, quo se Libo interfecerat, dies festus haberetur, L. P••• et Gallus Asinius et Papius Mutilus et L. Apronius decreuere: quorum auctoritates adulationesque 15 3 rettuli ut sciretur uetus id in re publica malum. facta et de mathematicis magisque Italia pellendis senatus consulta; quorum e numero L. Pituanius saxo deiectus est, in P. Marcium consules extra portam Esquilinam, cum classicum canere iussissent, more prisco aduertere. 20 1 33. Proximo senatus die multa in luxum ciuitatis dicta a Q. Haterio consulari, Octauio Fron tone praetura functo; decretumque ne uasa auro solida ministrandis cibis fierent, ne uestis Serica uiros foedaret. excessit Fronto ac postulauit mod um argento supellectili familiae: erat quippe adhuc 25 frequens senatoribus, si quid e re publica crederent, loco 2 sententiae promere. contra Gallus Asinius disseruit: auctu imperii adoleuisse etiam priuatas opes, idque non nouum, sed e uetustissimis moribus. aliam apud Fabricios, aliam apud Scipiones pecuniam; et cuncta ad rem publicam referri, qua 30 tenui angustas ciuium domos, postquam eo magnificentiae 3 uenerit, gliscere singulos. neque in familia et argento mcnsac Groslotiw: mcnsa M: (in) mcnsa quoqueGroslotiw 3 abstitit 'Lipsiw: adstitit M 8 iis Bekker: his M 12 dona Freins/uim: ut dona M: et dona Muretw 14 P•••] p. M: P(iso) I. F. Gronouiw:P(lancus) Freinsheim 24 Scrica Rhmanw: sirica M 1

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2.31-34

quaeque ad usum parentur nimium aliquid aut modicum nisi ex fortuna possidentis. distinctos senatus et equitum census, non quia diuersi natura, sed ut locis ordinibus dignationibus antistent, ita iis quae ad requiem animi aut salubritatem 5 corporum parentur; nisi forte clarissimo cuique plures curas, maiora pericula subeunda, delenimentis curarum et periculorum carendum esse. facilem adsensum Gallo sub nomini- 4 bus honestis confessio uitiorum et similitudo audientium dedit. adiecerat et Tiberius non id tempus censurae nee, si quid in 10 n1oribus labaret, defuturum corrigendi auctorem. 34. Inter quae L. Piso ambitum fori, corrupta iudicia, 1 saeuitiam oratorum accusationes minitantium incrcpans abire se et cedere urbe, uicturum in aliquo abdito et longinquo rure testabatur; simul curiam relinquebat. commotus est 15 Tiberius, et quamquam mitibus uerbis Pisonem perm_ulsisset, propinquos quoque eius impulit ut abeuntem auctoritate uel precibus tenerent. baud minus liberi doloris documentum !Z idem Piso mox dedit uocata in ius Vrgulania, quam supra leges amicitia Augustae extulerat. nee aut Vrgulania ohtem20 perauit, in domum Caesaris spreto Pisone uecta, aut- ille abscessit, quamquam Augusta se uiolari et imminui quereretur. Tiberius, hactenus indulgere matri ciuile ratus ut se 3 iturum ad praetoris tribunal, adfu!urum Vrgulaniae diceret, processit Palatio, procul sequi iussis militibus. spectabatur !Z5 occursante populo compositus ore et sermonibus uariis tempus atque iter ducens, donec propinquis Pisonem frustra coercentibus deferri Augusta pecuniam quae petebatur iuberet. isque finis rei, ex qua neque Piso inglorius et Caesar maiore 4 fama fuit. ceterum Vrgulaniae potentia adeo nimia ciuitati 30 erat ut testis in causa quadam, quae apud senatum tractabatur, uenire dedigl}aretur: missus est praetor qui domi interrogaret, cum uirgines V estales in foro et iudicio audiri, quotiens testimonium dicerent, uetus mos fuerit. 3 ut locis] ut (sicut) locis Urlichs:ut (qui) locis Nippe,de., 4 ita iis /wperli: talis M: et aliis Groliw: aliisquc Lipsiw !ZI abscessit /. Gronouuu: abscissit M: abstitit Aldw

33

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35. R_eseo anno prolatas baud referrem, ni pretium forct Cn. Pisonis et Asinii Galli super eo negotio diuersas sententias noscere. Piso, quamquam afuturum se dixerat Caesar, oh id magis agendas censebat, ut abscnte principe senatum et equites posse sua munia sustinere decorum rei publicae forct. 5 iz Gallus, quia speciem libertatis Piso praeceperat, nibil satis inlustre aut ex dignitate populi Romani nisi coram et sub oculis Caesaris, eoque conuentum Italiae et adfluentis pro. uincias praesentiaef ius seruanda dicebat. audiente bacc Tiberio ac silente magnis utrimque contentionibus acta, sed 10 res dilatae. 1 36. Et certamen Gallo aduersus Caesarem exortum est. nam censuit in quinquennium magistratuum comitia babenda, utque legionum legati qui ante praeturam ea militia fungebantur iam tum praetores destinarentur, 15 princeps duodecim candidatos in annos singulos nominaret. baud dubium erat earn sententiam altius penetrare et arcana iz imperii temptari. Tiberius tamen, quasi augeretur potestas eius, disseruit: graue moderationi suae tot eligere, tot differre. uix per singulos annos offensiones uitari, quamuis izo repulsam propinqua spes soletur: quantum odii fore ah iis qui 3 ultra quinquennium proiciantur ! undc prospici posse quac cuique tarn longo temporis spatio mens domus fortuna? superbire bomines etiam annua designatione: quid si bonorcm per quinquennium agitent? quinquiplicari prorsus magistra- iz5 tus, subuerti leges, q uae sua spatia exercendae candidatorum industriae quaerendisque aut potiundis bonoribus 4 statuerint. fauorabili in speciem oratione uim imperii tenuit. 1 37. Censusque quorundam senatorum iuuit. quo magis mirum fuit quod preces Marci Hortali, nobilis iuuenis, in 30 paupertate manifesta superbius accepisset. nepos crat oratoris Hortensii, inlectus a diuo Augusto liberalitate decies sestertii 1

4-5 ut ••• forct] et ••• fore I. Gronouius(iam fore Ar'·): quod ••• forct Weissenborn:possisel [ut] •.• fore 17 baud Beroaldus:hau M 18 augeretur Rlrm4nw: aurctur M iz4 honorem Rnmanus: honorum M izg quo Rnmamu: quod M

34

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ducere uxorcm, suscipere liberos, ne clarissima familia extingucretur. igitur quattuor filiis ante limen curiae adstan- 2 tibus, loco sententiac, cum in Palatio senatus haberetur, modo Hortcnsii inter oratores sitam imaginem, modo Augusti 5 intuens, ad hunc mod um coepit: 'patres conscripti, hos, quorum numerum et pucritiam uidetis, non sponte sustuli, sed quia princeps monebat; simul maiores mei meruerant ut posteros haberent. nam ego, qui non pecuniam, non studia 3 populi neque eloquentiam, gentile domus nostrae bonum, 10 uarietate temporum accipere uel parare potuissem, satis habebam, si tenues. res meae nee mihi pudori nee cuiquam oneri forent. iussus ah imperatore uxorem duxi. en stirps et progenies tot consulum, tot dictatorum. nee ad inuidiam ista 4 sed conciliandae misericordiae refero. adsequentur florente te, 15 Caesar, quos dederis honores; interim Q. Hortensii pronepotes, diui Augusti alumnos ah inopia defende.' 38. Inclinatio senatus incitamentum Tiberio fuit quo 1 promptius aduersaretur, his ferme uerbis usus: 'si quantum pauperum est uenire hue et liberis suis petere pecunias 20 coeperint, singuli numquam exsatiabuntur, res publica deficiet. nee sane ideo a maioribus concessum est egredi aliquando relationem et quod in commune conducat loco sententiae proferre, ut priuata negotia et res familiares nostras hie augeamus cum inuidia senatus et principum, siue indulse25 rint largitionem siue abnuerint. non enim preces sunt istud, 2 sed efflagitatio, intempestiua quidem et inprouisa, cum aliis de rebus conuenerint patres, consurgere et numero atque aetate liberum suorum urgere modestiam senatus, eandem uim in me transferre ac uelut perfringere aerarium. 30 quod si ambitione exhauserimus, per scelera supplendum erit. dedit tibi, Hortale, diuus Augustus pecuniam, sed non con- 3 pellatus nee ea lege ut semper daretur. languescet alioqui industria, intendetur socordia, si nullus ex se metus aut spes, 14 tc] actatc P. Voss 15 interim Q. Hortcnsii Beroaldw (M.,·): intcrimquc hortcnsquc M 29 transfcrrc Hiller: transmcrci M: transmittcrc Beroaldw (M1"'·)

35

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et securi omnes aliena subsidia exspectabunt, sibi ignaui, 4 nobis graues.' haec atque talia, quamquam cum adsensu audita ab iis quibus omnia principum, honesta atque inhonesta, laudare mos est, plures per silentium aut occultum murmur excepere. sensitque Tiberius; et cum paulum 5 reticuisset, Hortalo se respondisse ait: ceterum, si patribus uideretur, daturum liberis eius ducena sestertia singulis, qui 5 sexus uirilis essent. egere alii grates: siluit Hortalus, pauore an auitae nobilitatis etiam inter angustias fortunae retinens. neque miseratus est posthac Tiberius, quamuis domus Hor- 10 tensii pudendam ad inopiam delaberetur. 1 39. Eodem anno mancipii unius audacia, ni mature subuentum foret, discordiis armisque ciuilibus rem publicam perculisset. Postumi Agrippae seruus, nomine Clemens, conperto fine Augusti pergere in insulam Planasiam et 15 fraude aut ui raptum Agrippam ferre ad exercitus Ger2 manicos non seruili animo concepit. ausa eius inpediuit tarditas onerariae nauis; atque interim patrata caede ad maiora et magis praecipitia conuersus furatur cineres uectusque Cosam, Etruriae promunturium, ignotis locis sese abdit, 20 donec crinem barbamque promitteret: nam aetate et forma 3 baud dissimili in dominum erat. tum per idoneos et secreti eius socios crebrescit uiuere Agrippam, occultis primum sermonibus, ut uetita solent, mox uago rumore apud inperitissimi cuiusque promptas aures aut rursum apud turbidos eoque 25 4 noua cupientes. atque ipse adire municipia obscuro diei, neque propalam aspici neque diutius isdem locis, sed quia ueritas uisu et mora, falsa festinatione et incertis ualescunt, relinquebat famam aut praeueniebat. 1 40. Vulgabatur interim per Italiam seruatum munere 30 deum Agrippam, credebatur Romae; iamque Ostiam inuectum multitudo ingens, iam in urbe clandestini coetus cele5 cxccpcrc M al. m. corr.: cxcipcrc M 10 posthac] post hacc Wol.fflin 11 dclabcrctur Ernesti: dilabarctur in dilabcrctur al. m. corr. M 18 patrata Rhenanus:para ta M 20 Cosam Lipsius: coram wl fort. cosam M 32 coctus BtToaldus(M..,·): catus M

36

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brabant, cum Tiberium anceps cura distrahere, uine militum scruum suum coerceret an inanem credulitatem tempore ipso uanescere sineret: modo nihil spernendum, modo non omnia metuenda ambiguus pudoris ac metus reputabat. 5 postremo dat negotium Sallustio Crispo. ille e clientibus 2 duos (quidam milites fuisse tradunt) deligit atque hortatur simulata conscientia adeant, offerant pecuniam, fidem atque pericula polliceantur. cxsequuntur ut iussum erat. dein speculati noctem incustoditam, accepta idonea manu, 10 uinctum clauso ore in Palatium traxere. percunctanti Tiberio 3 quo modo Agrippa factus esset, respondisse fertur 'quo modo tu Caesar'. ut ederet socios subigi non potuit. nee Tiberius poenam eius palam ausus, in secreta Palatii parte interfici iussit corpusque clam auferri. et quamquam multi e domo 15 principis equitesque ac senatores sustentasse opibus, iuuisse consiliis dicerentur, haud quaesitum. 41. Fine anni arcus propter aedem Saturni ob recepta 1 signa cum Varo amissa ductu Germanici, auspiciis Tiberii, et aedes Fortis Fortunae Tiberim iuxta in hortis quos Caesar 20 dictator populo Romano legauerat, sacrarium genti I uliae effigiesque diuo Augusto apud Bouillas dicantur. C. Caelio L. Pomponio consulibus Germanicus Caesar 2 a.d. VII Kai. Iunias triumphauit de Cheruscis Chattisque et Angriuariis quaeque aliae nationes usque ad Albim 25 colunt. uecta spolia, captiui, simulacra montium fluminum proeliorum; bellumque, quia conficere prohibitus erat, pro confecto accipiebatur. augebat intuentium uisus eximia 3 ipsius species currusque quinque liberis onustus. sed suberat occulta formido, reputantibus haud prosperum in Druso patre 30 eius fauorem uulgi, auunculum eiusdem Marcellum flagrantibus plebis studiis intra iuuentam ereptum, breues et infaustos populi Romani amores. quo] quonam Wol.fflin,forl. rtclt 17 Saturni oh recepta Beroaldw (M.,·): saturnio praecepta M 22 Caelio] Caecilio Verlraniw 27 augcbat msJ>tdum 11

37

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42. Cetcrum Tiberius nomine Germanici trecenos plebi sestertios uiritim dedit seque collegam consulatui eius destinauit. nee ideo sincerae caritatis fidem adsecutus amoliri iuucnem specie honoris statuit struxitque causas aut forte oblatas 2 arripuit. rex Archelaus quinquagesimum annum Cappadocia 5 potiebatur, inuisus Tiberio quod eum Rhodi agentem nullo officio coluisset. nee id Archelaus per superbiam omiserat, sed ab intimis Augusti monitus, quia ftorente C. Caesare missoque 3 ad res Orientis intuta Tiberii amicitia credebatur. ut uersa Cacsarum subole imperium adeptus est, elicit Archelaum 10 matris litteris, quae non dissimulatis filii offensionibus clementiam offerebat, si ad precandum ueniret. ille ignarus doli uel, si intellegere crederetur, uim metuens in urbem propcrat; exceptusque immiti a principe et mox accusatus in scnatu, non ob crimina quae fingebantur, sed angore, simul fessus 15 senio et quia regibus aequa, nedum infima insolita sunt, finem 4 uitae sponte an fato impleuit. regnum in prouinciam redactum est, fructibusque eius leuari posse centesimae uectigal 5 professus Caesar ducentesimam in posterum statuit. per idem tempus Antiocho Commagenorum, Philopatore Cilicum 20 regibus defunctis turbabantur nationes, plerisque Romanum, aliis regium imperium cupientibus; et prouinciae Syria atque ludaea fessae oneribus deminutionem tributi orabant. 1 43. Igitur haec et de Armenia quae supra memoraui apud patres disseruit, nee posse motum Orientem nisi Germanici 25 sapientia conponi: nam suam actatem uergere, Drusi nondum satis adoleuisse. tune decreto patrum permissae Germanico prouinciae quae mari diuiduntur, maiusque imperium, quoquo adisset, quam iis qui sorte aut missu principis 2 obtinerent. sed Tiberius demouerat Syria Creticum Silanum, 30 per adfinitatem conexum Germanico, quia Silani filia Neroni uetustissimo liberorum eius pacta erat, praefeceratque Cn. Pisonem, ingenio uiolentum et obsequii ignarum, insita ferocia a patre Pisone qui ciuili hello resurgentes in Africa 1

J.2

igna11.15 Rhenanw: gna11.15 M

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2.42-45

partes acerrimo ministerio aduersus Caesarem iuuit, mox Brutum et Cassium secutus concesso reditu petitione honorum abstinuit, donec ultro ambiretur delatum ab Augusto consulatum accipere. sed praeter paternos spiritus uxoris 3 5 quoque Plancinae nobilitate et opibus accendebatur; uix Tiberio concedere, liberos eius ut multum infra despectare. nee dubium habebat se delectum qui Syriae imponeretur ad 4 spes Germanici coercendas. credidere quidam data ei a Tiberio occulta mandata; et Plancinam baud dubie Augusta 10 monuit aemulatione muliebri Agrippinam insectandi. diuisa 5 namque et discors aula erat tacitis in Drusum aut Germanicum studiis. Tiberius ut proprium et sui sanguinis Drusum fouebat: Germanico alienatio patrui amorem apud ceteros auxerat, et quia claritudine materni generis anteibat, auum 15 M. Antonium, auunculum Augustum ferens. contra Druso 6 proauus eques Romanus Pomponius Atticus dedecere Claudiorum imagines uidebatur. et coniunx Germanici Agrippina fecunditate ac fama Liuiam, uxorem Drusi, praecellebat. sed fratres egregie concordes et proximorum cer20 taminibus inconcussi. 44. Nee multo post Drusus in lllyricum missus est, ut 1 suesceret militiae studiaque exercitus pararet; simul iuuenem urbano luxu lasciuientem melius in castris haberi Tiberius seque tutiorem rebatur utroque filio legiones obtinente. sed 2 25 Suebi praetendebantur auxilium aduersus Cheruscos orantes. nam discessu Romanorum ac uacui externo metu gentis adsuetudine et tum aemulatione gloriae arma in se uerterant. uis nationum, uirtus ducum in aequo: sed Maroboduum regis nomen inuisum apud populares, Arminium pro libertate 30 bellantem fauor habebat. 45. Igitur non modo Cherusci sociique eorum, uetus 1 Arminii miles, sumpsere helium, sed e regno etiam Marobodui Suebae gentes, Semnones ac Langobardi, defecere ad 8 ei scripsi: et M Rhenanw:mater M

10 inscctandi] insectari Halm 26 ac del. Orelli

39

14 materni

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eum. quibus additis praepollebat, ni Inguiomerus cum manu clientium ad Maroboduum perfugi~et, non aliam oh causam quam quia fratris filio iuueni patruus senex parere dedigna2 batur. deriguntur acies pari utrimque spe, nee, ut olim apud Germanos, uagis incursibus aut disiectas per cateruas: quippe 5 longa aduersum nos militia insueuerant sequi signa, subsidiis 3 firmari, dicta imperatorum accipere. ac tune Arminius equo conlustrans cuncta, ut quosque aduectus erat, reciperatam libertatem, trucidatas legiones, spolia adhuc et tela Romanis derepta in manibus multorum ostentabat; contra fugacem 10 Maroboduun1 appellans, proeliorum expertem, Hercyniae latebris defensum, ac mox per dona et legationes petiui~e foedus, proditorem patriae, satellitem Caesaris, haud minus infensis animis exturbandum quam Varum Quintilium inter4 fecerint. meminissent modo tot proeliorum, quorum euentu 15 et ad postremum eiectis Romanis satis probatum penes utros summa belli fuerit. 1 46. Neque Maroboduus iactantia sui aut probris in hostem abstinebat, sed lnguiomerum tenens illo in corpore decus omne Cheruscorum, illius consiliis gesta quae prospere ceci- 20 derint testabatur. uaecordem Arminium et rerum nescium alienam gloriam in se trahere, q uoniam tres uagas legiones et ducem fraudis ignarum perfidia deceperit, magna cum clade Germaniae et ignominia sua, cum coniunx, cum filius 2 eius seruitium adhuc tolerent. at se duodecim legionibus 25 petitum duce Tiberio inlibatam Germanorum gloriam seruauisse, mox condicionibus aequis disce~um; neque paenitere quod ipsorum in manu sit integrum aduersum 3 Romanos bellum an pacem incruentam malint. his uocibus instinctos exercitus propriae quoque causae stimulabant, cum 30 a Cheruscis Langobardisque pro antiquo decore aut recenti 4 libertate et contra augendae dominationi certaretur. non alias maiore mole concursum neque ambiguo magis euentu, fusis uagas Draeger: uacuas M: fort. incautas uel inualidas Lipsius: recente M 22

31 rccenti

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2.45-48

utrimque dextris cornibus; sperabaturque rursum pugna, ni Maroboduus castra in colics subduxisset. id signum perculsi 5 fuit; et transfugiis paulatim nudatus in Marcomanos concessit misitque legatos ad Tiberium oraturos auxilia. respon5 sum est non iure eum aduersus Cheruscos arma Romana inuocare, qui pugnantis in eundem hostem Romanos nulla ope iuuisset. missus tamen Drusus, ut rettulimus, pad firmator. 4 7. Eodem anno duodecim celebres Asiae urbes conlapsae 1 10 nocturno motu terrae, quo inprouisior grauiorque pestis fuit. neque solitum in tali casu effugium subueniebat in aperta prorumpendi, quia diductis terris hauriebantur. sedisse inmensos montes, uisa in arduo quae plana fuerint, effulsisse inter ruinam ignes memorant. asperrima in Sardianos 2 15 lues plurimum in eosdem misericordiae traxit: nam centies sestertium pollicitus Caesar, et quantum aerario aut fisco pendebant in quinquennium remisit. Magnetes a Sipylo 3 proximi damno ac remedio habiti. Temnios, Philadelphenos, Aegeatas, Apollonidenses, quique Mosteni aut Macedones 20 Hyrcani uocantur, et Hierocaesariam, Myrinam, Cymen, Tmolum leuari idem in tempus tributis mittique ex senatu placuit qui praesentia spectaret refoueretque. delectus est M. 4 faletust e praetoriis, ne consulari obtinente Asiam aemulatio inter pares et ex eo impedimentum oreretur. 25 48. Magnificam in publicum largitionem auxit Caesar 1 baud minus grata liberalitate, quod bona Aemiliae Musae, locupletis intestatae, petita in fiscum, Aemilio Lepido, cuius e domo uidebatur, et Pantulei, diuitis equitis Romani, hereditatem, quamquam ipse heres in parte legeretur, tradidit M. 30 Seruilio, quern prioribus neque suspectis tabulis scriptum compererat, nobilitatem utriusque pecunia iuuandam praefatus. neque hereditatem cuiusquam adiit nisi cum amicitia 2 3 Marcomanos Fisher: marcomannos M 12 diductis Beroaldw: dcductis M 19 Apollonidcnscs Ernesti: apollonicnscs M: Apollo23 alctus] Atcius BMghesi: Alctius Orel/i: Aicnus nidicnscs Ore/Ii uel Aictius uel Alcius Syme

CORNELi!

TACITI

meruisset: ignotos et aliis infensos eoque principem nuncu3 pantes procul arcehat. ceterum ut honestam innocentium paupertatem leuauit, ita prodigos et oh ftagitia egentes, Vihidium Virronem, Marium Nepotem, Appium Appianum, Cornelium Sullam, Q. Vitellium, mouit senatu aut sponte 5 cedere passus est. 1 49. Isdem temporihus deum aedes uetustate aut igni aholitas coeptasque ab Augusto dedicauit, Libero Liberaeque et Cereri iuxta circum maximum, quam A. Postumius dictator uouerat, eodemque in loco aedem Florae ah Lucio et 10 Marco Publiciis aedilibus constitutam, et Iano templum, quod apud forum holitorium C. Duilius struxerat, qui primus rem Romanam prospere mari gessit triumphumquc naualem 2 de Poenis meruit. Spei aedes a Germanico sacratur: hanc A. Atilius uouerat eodem hello. 15 1 50. Adolescebat interea lex maiestatis. et Appuleiam Varillam, sororis Augusti neptem, quia probrosis sermonihus diuum Augustum ac Tiberium et matrem eius inlusisset Caesarique conexa adulterio teneretur, maiestatis delator 2 arcessehat. de adulterio satis caueri lege lulia uisum: maie- 20 statis crimen distingui Caesar postulauit damnarique, si qua de Augusto inreligiose dixisset; in se iacta nolle ad cognitionem uocari. interrogatus a consule quid de iis censeret quae de matre eius locuta secus argueretur, reticuit; dein proximo senatus die illius quoque nomine orauit ne cui 25 3 uerba in earn quoquo modo hahita crimini forent. liherauitque Appuleiam lege maiestatis: adulterii grauiorem poenam deprecatus, ut exemplo maiorum propinquis suis ultra ducentesimum lapidem remoueretur suasit. adultero Manlio Italia atque Africa interdictum est. 30 1 51. De praetore in locum Vipstani Galli, quern mors abstulerat, subrogando certamen incessit. Germanicus atque 4 Virroncm Nipperdey:uarroncm M 9 quam Lipsius: quas M 12 Duilius Murtlus: dullius M 14 a Beroaldw: in M: fort. J>oslin excidit loci menlio 14-15 A. Atilius Nipperdey(iam Atilius Beroaldw): iatillius M 17 Varillam Borghesi,Furlanttlo:uariliam M

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2.48-52

Drusus (nam ctiam tum Romae erant) Haterium Agrippam, propinquum Germanici, fouebant. contra plerique nitebantur ut numerus liberorum in candidatis praepolleret, quod lex iubcbat. lactabatur Tiberius, cum inter filios eius et 2 5 leges senatus disceptaret. uicta est sine dubio lex, sed neque statim et paucis suffragiis, quo modo etiam cum ualerent lcges uinccbantur. 52. Eodcm anno coeptum in Africa helium, duce hostium 1 Tacfarinate. is natione Numida, in castris Romanis auxiliaria 10 stipendia meritus, mox desertor, uagos primum et latrociniis suetos ad pracdam et raptus congregare, dein more militiac per uexilla et turmas componere, postremo non inconditae turbae, sed Musulamiorum dux haberi. ualida ea gens et 2 solitudinibus Africae propinqua, nullo etiam tum urbium 15 cultu, cepit arma Maurosque accolas in helium traxit: dux et his, Mazippa. diuisusque exercitus, ut Tacfarinas lectos uiros et Romanum in modum armatos castris attineret, disciplina et imperiis suesceret, Mazippa leui cum copia incendia et caedes et terrorem circumferret. conpulerantque Cinithios, haud 3 20 spcmcndam nationem, in eadem, cum Furius Camillus pro consule Africae legionem et quod sub signissociorum in unum conductos ad hostem duxit, modicam manum, si multitudinem Numidarum atque Maurorum spectares, sed nihil aeque cauebatur quam ne bellum metu eluderent: spe 25 uictoriae inducti sunt ut uincerentur. igitur legio medio, leues 4 cohortes duaeque alae in cornibus locantur. nee Tacfarinas pugnam detrectauit. fusi Numidae, multosque post annos Furio nomini partum decus militiae. nam post ilium reci- 5 peratorem urbis filiumque eius Camillum penes alias familias 30 imperatoria laus fuerat; atque hie, quern memoramus, bellorum cxpcrs habebatur. eo pronior Tiberius res gestas apud senatum celebrauit; et decreuere patres triumphalia insignia, quod Camillo oh modestiam uitae impune fuit. 13 Musulamiorum Bekker: musula maiorum Beroaldw 17 disciplina] di.sciplinac Piehena aldw: cnitios M

43

M: Musulamorum 19 Cinithios Bero-

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.53~' Sequens

annus Tiberium tertio Germanicum iterum consules habuit. sed eum honorem Germanicus iniit apud urbem Achaiae Nicopolim, quo uenerat per lllyricam oram uiso fratre Druso in Delmatia agente, Hadriatici ac mox 2 lonii marls aduersam nauigationem perpessus. igitur paucos 5 dies insumpsit reficiendae classi; simul sinus Actiaca uictoria inclutos et sacratas ah Augusto manubias castraque Antonii cum recordatione maiorum suorum adiit. namque ei, ut memoraui, auunculus Augustus, auus Antonius erant, mag3 naque illic imago tristium laetorumque. hinc uentum 10 Athenas, foederique sociae et uetustae urbis datum ut uno lictore uteretur. excepere Graeci quaesitissimis honoribus, uetera suorum facta dictaque praeferentes quo plus dignationis adulatio haberet. 1 54. Petita inde Euboea tramisit Lesbum, ubi Agrippina 15 nouissimo partu Iuliam edidit. tum extrema Asiae Perinthumque ac Byzantium, Thracias urbes, mox Propontidis angustias et os Ponticum intrat, cupidine ueteres locos et fama celebratos noscendi; pariterque prouincias internis certami2 nibus aut magistratuum iniuriis fessasrefouebat. atque ilium in 20 regressu sacra Samothracum uisere nitentem obuii aquilones depulere. igitur a(dito l)lio quaeque ibi uarietate fortunae et nostri origine ueneranda, relegit Asiam adpellitque Colo3 phona ut Clarii Apollinis oraculo uteretur. non femina illic, ut apud Delphos, sed certis e familiis et ferme Mileto accitus 25 sacerdos numerum modo consultantium et nomina audit; tum in specum degressus, hausta fontis arcani aqua, ignarus plerumque litterarum et carminum edit responsa uersibus 4 compositis super rebus quas quis mente concepit. et ferebatur Germanico per ambages, ut mos oraculis, maturum exitum 30 . cec1n1SSe. 1 55. At Cn. Piso, quo properantius destinata inciperet, ciuitatem Atheniensium turbido incessu exterritam oratione 1

.

1 tertio] tertium Nippe,dly 22 a(dito l)lio Vatn: alio M: uiso Ilio Piehena 30 cxitum C. Heraew: cxitium M

44

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2.53-56

saeua increpat, oblique Germanicun1 perstringens, quod contra decus Romani nominis non Athenienses tot cladibus extinctos, sed conluuiem illam nationum comitate nimia coluisset: hos enim esse Mithridatis aduersus Sullam, Antonii 5 aduersus diuum Augustum socios. etiam uetera obiectabat, 2 quae in Macedones inprospere, uiolenter in suos fecissent, offensus urbi propria quoque ira quia Theophilum quendam Areo iudicio falsi damnatum precibus suis non concederent. exim nauigatione celeri per Cycladas et compendia maris 3 10 adsequitur Germanicum apud insulam Rhodum, haud nescium quibus insectationibus petitus foret: sed tan ta mansuetudine agebat ut, cum orta tempestas raperet in abrupta pos.,etque interitus inimici ad casum referri, miserit triremis quarum subsidio discrimini eximeretur. neque tamen miti- 4 15 gatus Piso, et uix diei moram perpessus linquit Germanicum praeuenitque. et postquam Syriam ac legiones attigit, largi- 5 tione, ambitu, infimos manipularium iuuando, cum ueteres centuriones, seueros tribunos demoueret locaque eorum clientibus suis uel dcterrimo cuique attribueret, desidiam in castris, 20 licentiam in urbibus, uagum ac lasciuientem per agros militem sineret, eo usque corruptionis prouectus est ut sermone uulgi parens legionum haberetur. nee Plancina se intra decora 6 feminis tenebat, sed exercitio equitum, decursibus cohortium interesse, in Agrippinam, in Germanicum contumelias ~5 iacere, quibusdam etiam bonorum militum ad mala obsequia promptis, quod haud inuito imperatore ea fieri occultus rumor incedebat. nota haec Germanico, sed praeuerti ad Armenios instantior cura fuit. 56. Ambigua gens ea antiquitus hominum ingeniis et situ 1 30 terrarum, quoniam nostris prouinciis late praetenta penitus ad Medos porrigitur; maximisq ue imperiis interiecti et saepius discordes sunt, aduersus Romanos odio et in Parthum inuidia. regem ilia tempestate non habebant amoto Vonone, 2 sed fauor nationis inclinabat in Zenonem, Polemonis regis 27 inccdcbat Lipsius:incidcbat M

29 et Pichena:scd M

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Pontici filium, quod is prima ah infantia instituta et cultum Armeniorum aemulatus, uenatu epulis et quae alia barbari 3 celebrant proceres plebemque iuxta deuinxerat. igitur Germanicus in urbe Artaxata adprobantibus nobilibus, circumfusa multitudine insigne regium capiti eius imposuit. ceteri 5 uenerantes regem Artaxian consalutauere, quod illi uoca4 bulum indiderant ex nomine urbis. at Cappadoces, in formam prouinciae redacti, Q. Veranium legatum accepere; et quaedam ex regiis tributis deminuta, quo mitius Romanum imperium speraretur. Commagenis Q. Seruaeus praeponitur, 10 tum primum ad ius praetoris translatis. 1 57. Cunctaque socialia prospere composita non ideo laetum Germanicum habebant oh superbiam Pisonis, qui iussus partem legionum ipse aut per filium in Armeniam ducere 2 utrumque neglexerat. Cyrri demum apud hiberna decumae 15 legionis conuenere, firmato uultu, Piso aduersus metum, Germanicus, ne minari crederetur; et erat, ut rettuli, clementior. sed amid accendendis offensionibus callidi intendere uera, adgerere falsa ipsumque et Plancinam et filios uariis 3 modis criminari. postremo paucis familiarium adhibitis sermo 20 coeptus a Cacsare, qualem ira et dissimulatio gignit, responsum a Pisone precibus contumacibus; discesseruntque apertis odiis. post quae rarus in tribunali Cacsaris Piso, et si quando 4 adsideret, atrox ac dissentire manifestus. uox quoque eius audita est in conuiuio, cum apud regem Nabataeorum 25 coronae aureae magno pondere Caesari et Agrippinae, leues Pisani et ceteris offerrentur, principis Romani, non Parthi regis filio eas epulas dari; abiecitque simul coronam et multa in luxum addidit, quae Germanico quamquam acerba tolerabantur tamen. 30 1 58. Inter quae ah rege Parthorum Artabano legati uenere. miserat amicitiam ac foedus memoraturos, et cupere renouari Seruacus Rnenanus: scrua cius M 22 disccsscruntquc Puhena: disccsscrantquc M apcrtis Lipsius: opcrtis M 23 post quac Muretus: postquc M 32 cupcrc rcnouari Bnoaldus: cupcrcrc nouari M: cupcrc nouari Nippe,dly 1o

AB EXCESSV

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AVGVSTI

2.56-60

dextras, daturumque honori Germanici ut ripam Euphratis accederet; petere interim ne Vonones in Syria haberetur neu proceres gentium propinquis nuntiis ad discordias traheret. ad ea Germanicus de societate Romanorum Parthorumque 2 5 magnifice, de aduentu regis et cultu sui cum decore ac modestia respondit. Vonones Pompeiopolim, Ciliciae maritimam urbem, amotus est. datum id non moclo precibus Artabani, sed contumeliae Pisonis, cui gratissimus erat oh plurima officia et dona quibus Plancinam deuinxerat. 10 59. M. Silano L. Norbano consulibus Germanicus Aegyp- 1 tum proficiscitur cognoscendae antiquitatis. sed cura prouinciae praetendebatur, leuauitque apertis horreis pretia frugum multaque in uulgus grata usurpauit: sine milite incedere, pedibus intectis et pari cum Graecis amictu, P. Scipionis 15 aemulatione, quern eadem factitauisse apud Siciliam quamuis flagrante adhuc Poenorum hello accepimus. Tiberius cultu 2 habituque eius lenibus uerbis perstricto acerrime increpuit quod contra instituta Augusti non sponte principis Alexandriam introisset. nam Augustus inter alia dominationis 3 20 arcana, uetitis nisi permissu ingredi senatoribus aut equitibus Romanis inlustribus, seposuit Aegyptum, ne fame urgeret · Italiam quisquis earn prouinciam claustraque terrae ac maris quamuis leui praesidio aduersum ingentes exercitus insedisset. 25 60. Sed Germanicus, nondum comperto profectionem earn 1 incusari, Nilo subuehebatur, orsus oppido a Canopo. condidere id Spartani oh sepultum illic rectorem nauis Canopum, qua tempestate Menelaus Graeciam repetens diuersum ad mare terramque Libyam deiectus. inde proximum amnis 2 30 os dicatum Herculi, quern indigenae ortum apud se et antiquissimum perhibent eosque, qui postea pari uirtute fuerint, in cognomen tum eius adscitos; mox uisit ueterum Thebarum post 67 transposuitSteup 20 pcrmissu (sui) Becher,(suo) Wunn 23 aducnum ex aducnus ead.ut uid. m. corr.M 29 dcicctus I. Gronouiw:dclcctus M ibidemest add. Pichtna 10 5g-61

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magna uestigia. et manebant structis molibus litterae Aegyptiae, priorem opulentiam complcxae; iussusque e senioribus sacerdotum patrium sermonem interpretari, referebat habitasse quondam septingenta milia aetate militari, atque eo cum exercitu regem Rhamsen Libya Aethiopia Medisque et Persis5 et Bactriano ac Scytha potitum quasque terras Suri Armeniique et contigui Cappadoces colunt, inde Bithynum, hinc 4 Lycium ad mare imperio tenuisse. legebantur et indicta gentibus tributa, pondus argenti et auri, numerus armorum equorumque et dona templis ebur atque odores, quasque 10 copias frumenti et omnium utensilium quaeque natio penderet, haud minus magnifica quam nunc ui Parthorum aut potentia Romana iubentur. 1 61. Ceterum Germanicus aliis quoque miraculis intendit animum, quorum praecipua fuere Memnonis saxea effigies, 15 ubi radiis solis icta est, uocalem sonum reddens, disiectasque inter et uix peruias arenas instar montium eductae pyramides certamine et opibus regum, lacusque effossa humo, superftuentis Nili receptacula; atque alibi angustiae et profunda 2 altitudo, nullis inquiren(ti res)tium spatiis penetrabilis. exin 20 uentum Elephantinen ac Syenen, claustra olim Romani imperii, quod nunc rubrum ad mare patescit. 1 62. Dum ea aestas Germanico plures per prouincias transigitur, haud leue decus Drusus quaesiuit inliciens Germanos ad discordias utque fracto iam Maroboduo usque in exitium 25 2 insisteretur. erat inter Gotones nobilis iuuenis nomine Catualda, profugus olim ui Marobodui et tune dubiis rebus eius ultionem ausus. is ualida manu fines Marcomanorum ingreditur corruptisque primoribus ad societatem inrumpit 3 regiam castellumque iuxta situm. ueteres illic Sueborum 30 praedae et nostris e prouinciis lixae ac negotiatores reperti, 3

8 Lycium Rhnumw: Lycum M scripsi: inquircntium spatiis M: pcnctrabilis Lipsiw: pcnctrabilcs M

48

inquircn(ti inquircntium

20

rcs)tium spatiis spartis Muller

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2.60--64

quos ius commercii, dein cupido augendi pecuniam, postremum obliuio patriae suis quemque ah sedibus hostilem in agrum transtulerat. 63. Maroboduo undique deserto non 1 aliud subsidium quam misericordia Caesaris fuit. transgressus 5 Danuuium, qua Noricam prouinciam praeftuit, scripsit Tiberio non ut profugus aut supplex, sed ex memoria prioris fortunae: nam multis nationibus clarissimum quondam regem ad se uocantibus Romanam amicitiam praetulisse. responsum 2 a Caesare tutam ei honoratamque sedem in Italia fore, si 10 maneret; sin rebus eius aliud conduceret, abiturum fide qua uenisset. ceterum apud senatum disseruit non Philippum 3 Atheniensibus, non Pyrrhum aut Antiochum populo Romano perinde metuendos fuisse. extat oratio qua magnitudinem uiri, uiolentiam subiectarum ei gentium et quam propinquus 15 Italiae hostis, suaque in destruendo eo consilia extulit. et 4 Maroboduus quidem Rauennae habitus, si quando insolescerent Suebi, quasi rediturus in regnum ostentabatur: sed non excessit Italia per duodeuiginti annos consenuitque multum imminuta claritate oh nimiam uiuendi cupidinem. idem 5 20 Catualdae casus neque aliud perfugium: pulsus baud multo post Hermundurorum opibus et Vibilio duce receptusque, Forum lulium, Narbonensis Galliae coloniam, mittitur. barbari utrumque comitati, ne quietas prouincias immixti 6 turbarent, Danuuium ultra inter ftumina Marum et Cusum 25 locantur, dato rege Vannio gentis Quadorum. 64. Simul nuntiato regem Artaxian Armeniis a Germanico 1 datum decreuere patres ut Germanicus atque Drusus ouantes urbem introirent. structi et arcus circum latera templi Martis Vltoris cum effigie Caesarum, laetiore Tiberio quia pacem 30 sapientia firmauerat quam si helium per acies confecisset. igitur Rhescuporim quoque, Thraeciae regem, astu ad- 2 tx o corr. 2 ab Btroaldus(M .. ·): 1-2 postrcmum M, std u, ut fJukJ, ad M: a ntscioquis 3 transtulcrat Erntsti: transtulat in transtuli t al. m. corr. M 16 si RhnuJnw: nc si M: indc si Wtissmbom 17 rcditurus RhnuJnw:rcditus M

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greditur. omnem earn nationem Rhoemetalces tenuerat; quo defuncto Augustus partem Thraecum Rhescuporidi fratri eius, partem filio Cotyi permisit. in ea diuisionc arua et urbes et uicina Graecis Cotyi, quod incultum ferox adncxum hostibus, Rhescuporidi cessit; ipsorumque rcgum ingcnia, illi 5 mite et amoenum, huic atrox auidum et societatis inpaticns 3 erat. sed primo subdola concordia egerc: mox Rhescuporis egredi fines, uertere in se Cotyi data et resistenti uim faccre, cunctanter sub Augusto, quern auctorem utriusquc regni, si sperneretur, uindicem metuebat. enimuero audita mutatione 10 principis inmittere latronum globos, excindcre castella, causas hello. 1 65. Nihil aeque Tiberium anxium habcbat quam ne conposita turbarentur. deligit centurionem qui nuntiaret regibus ne armis disceptarent; statimque a Cotye dimma sunt quae 15 2 parauerat auxilia. Rhescuporis ficta modestia postulat eundem in locum coiretur: posse de controuersiis conloquio transigi. nee diu dubitatum de tempore, loco, dein condicionibus, cum alter facilitate, alter fraude cuncta inter se conce3 derent acciperentque. Rhescuporis sanciendo, ut dictitabat, 20 foederi conuiuium adicit, tractaque in multam noctcm laetitia per epulas ac uinolentiam incautum Cotyn et, postquam dolum intellexerat, sacra regni, eiusdem familiae deos 4 et hospitalis mensas obtestantem catenis onerat. Thraeciaque omni potitus scripsit ad Tiberium structas sibi insidias, prae- 25 uentum insidiatorem; simul bellum aduersus Bastarnas Scythasque praetendens nouis peditum et equitum copiis sese 5 firmabat. molliter rescriptum: si fraus abesset, posse cum innocentiae fidere; ceterum neque se neque senatum nisi cognita causa ius et iniuriam discreturos; proinde tradito 30 Cotye ueniret transferretque inuidiam criminis. 1 66. Eas litteras Latinius Pandusa pro praetore Moesiae cum militibus quis Cotys traderetur in Thraciam misit. 8 resistenti uim Rhmanus:resistentium M 26 Bastamu Rhmanus: bastemas M 32 Pandusa Nippe,uy:pandus M

AB EXCESSV

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2.64-69

Rhcscuporis inter metum et iram cunctatus maluit patrati quam incepti facinoris reus esse: occidi Cotyn iuhet mortemque sponte sumptam ementitur. nee tamen Caesar placi- 2 tas semel artes mutauit, sed defuncto Pandusa, quern sihi 5 infensum Rhescuporis arguehat, Pomponium Flaccum, ueterem stipendiis et arta cum rege amicitia eoque accommodatiorem ad fallendum, oh id maxime Moesiae praefecit. 67. Flaccus in Thraciam transgressus per ingentia pro- 1 mis.1aquamuis amhiguum et scelera sua reputantem perpulit 10 ut praesidia Romana intraret. circumdata hinc regi specie honoris ualida manus, trihunique et centuriones monendo suadendo, et quanto longius ahscedehatur apertiore custodia, postremo gnarum necessitatis in urhem traxere. accusatus 2 in senatu ah uxore Cotyis damnatur, ut procul regno tenere15 tur. Thraecia in Rhoemetalcen filium, quern paternis consiliis aduersatum constahat, inque liheros Cotyis diuiditur; iisque nondum adultis Trebellenus Rufus praetura functus datur qui regnum interim tractaret, exemplo quo maiores M. Lcpidum Ptolemaei liheris tutorem in Aegyptum miserant. fl RhcscuporisAlexandriam deuectus atque illic fugam temp- 3 tans an ficto crimine interficitur. 68. Per idem tempus Vonones, quern amotum in Ciliciam 1 memoraui, corruptis custodihus effugere ad Armenios, inde Alhanos Heniochosque et consanguineum sihi regem Scy25 tharum conatus est. specie uenandi omissis maritimis locis auia saltuum petiit, mox pemicitate equi ad amnem Pyramum contendit, cuius pontes accolae ruperant audita regis fuga; neque uado penetrari poterat. igitur in ripa fluminis a 2 Vihio Frontone praefecto equitum uincitur; mox Remmius 30 euocatus, priori custodiae regis adpositus, quasi per iram gladio eum transigit. unde maior fides conscientia sceleris et metu indicii mortem Vononi inlatam. 6g. At Germanicus Aegypto remeans cuncta quae apud 1 legiones aut urhes iusserat abolita uel in contrarium uersa 4 Pandusa Ni/>J>f'rdq: padusa M

23 inde Wopkms: inde in M

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cognoscit. hinc graues in Pisonem contumeliae, nee minus acerba quae ah illo in Caesarem temptabantur. dein Piso 2 abire Suria statuit. mox aduersa Germanici ualetudine detentus, ubi recreatum accepit uotaque pro incolumitate soluebantur, admotas hostias, sacrificalem apparatum, festam 5 Antiochensium plebem per lictores proturbat. tum Seleuciam degreditur, opperiens aegritudinem quae rursum Germanico 3 acciderat. saeuam uim morbi augebat persuasio ueneni a Pisone accepti; et reperiebantur solo ac parietibus erutae humanorum corporum reliquiae, carmina et deuotiones et 10 nomen Germanici plumbeis tabulis insculptum, semusti cineres ac tabe obliti aliaque malefica, quis creditur animas numinibus infernis sacrari. simul missi a Pisone incusabantur ut ualetudinis aduersa rimantes. 1 70. Ea Germanico haud minus ira quam per metum 15 accepta. si limen obsideretur, si effundendus spiritus sub oculis inimicorum foret, quid deinde miserrimae coniugi, quid infantibus liberis euenturum? lenta uideri ueneficia: festinare et urgere, ut prouinciam, ut legiones solus habeat. sed non usque eo defectum Germanicum, neque praemia 20 2 caedis apud interfectorem mansura. componit epistulas quis amicitiam ei renuntiabat; addunt plerique iussum prouincia decedere. nee Piso moratus ultra nauis soluit moderabaturque cursui quo propius regrederetur, si mors Germanici Suriam 25 aperuisset. 1 71. Caesar paulisper ad spem erectus, dein fesso corpore, ubi finis aderat, adsistentes amicos in hunc modum adloquitur: 'si fato concederem, iustus mihi dolor etiam aduersus deos esset, quod me parentibus liberis patriae intra iuuentam praematuro exitu raperent. nunc scelere Pisonis et Plancinae 30 interceptus ultimas preces pectoribus uestris relinquo: referatis patri ac fratri, quibus acerbitatibus dilaceratus, quibus insidiis circumuentus miserrimam uitam pessima 2

tcmptabantur]

intcntabantur

24 quo Lipsius:qui M

Wurm

12

tabc]

tabo

Lipsiw

AB EXCESSV

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2.69-73

morte finierim. si quos spes meae, si quos propinquus sanguis, 2 etiam quos inuidia erga uiuentem mouebat, inlacrimabunt quondam florentem et tot bellorum superstitem muliebri fraude cecidisse. erit uobis locus querendi apud senatum, 5 inuocandi leges. non hoe praecipuum amicorum munus est, 3 prosequi defunctum ignauo questu, sed quae uoluerit meminisse, quae mandauerit exsequi. flebunt Germanicum etiam ignoti: uindicabitis uos, si me potius quam fortunam meam fouebatis. ostendite populo Romano diui Augusti neptem 4 10 eandemque coniugem meam, numerate sex liberos. misericordia cum accusantibus erit, fingentibusque scelesta mandata aut non credent homines aut non ignoscent.' iurauere 5 amid, dextram morientis contingentes, spiritum ante quam ultionem amissuros. 15 72. Tum ad uxorem uersus per memoriam sui, per corn- 1 munes liberos orauit, exueret ferociam, saeuienti fortunae summitteret animum, neu regressa in urbem aemulatione potentiae ualidiores inritaret. haec palam et alia secreto per quae ostendere credebatur metum ex Tiberio. neque 2 20 multo post extinguitur, ingenti luctu prouinciae et circumiacentium populorum. indoluere exterae nationes regesque: tanta illi comitas in socios, mansuetudo in hastes; uisuque et auditu iuxta uenerabilis, cum magnitudinem et grauitatem summae fortunae retineret, inuidiam et adrogantiam effu25 gerat. 73. Funus, sine imaginibus et pompa, per laudes ac memo- 1 riam uirtutum eius celebre fuit. et erant qui formam aetatem genus mortis, oh propinquitatem etiam locorum in quibus interiit, Magni Alexandri fatis adaequarent. nam utrumque 2 30 corpore decoro, genere insigni, haud multum triginta annos egressum, suorum insidiis externas inter gentes occidisse: sed hunc mitem erga amicos, modicum uoluptatum, uno matrimonio, certis liberis egisse, neque minus proeliatorem, etiam 1g

ostendere Beroaldw: ostender fort. ex ostendiss corr. M: ostendisse Fumtawc 27 formam] formam (fortunam) /. Miiller:fort. fortunam

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si temeritas afuerit praepeditusque sit perculsas tot uictoriis 3 Germanias seruitio premere. quod si solus arbiter rerum, si iure et nomine regio fuisset, tanto promptius adsecuturum gloriam militiae quantum dementia temperantia, ceteris bonis 4 artibus praestitisset. corpus antequam cremaretur nudatum 5 in foro Antiochensium, qui locus sepulturae destinabatur, praetuleritne ueneficii signa parum constitit; nam ut quis misericordia in Germanicum et praesumpta suspicione aut fauore in Pisonem pronior, diuersi interpretabantur. 1 74. Consultatum inde inter legatos quique alii senatorum 10 aderant, quisnam Suriae praeficeretur. et ceteris modice nisis, inter Vibium Marsum et Cn. Senti um diu quaesitum; dein 2 Marsus seniori et acrius tendenti Sentio concessit. isque infamem ueneficiis ea in prouincia et Plancinae percaram nomine Martinam in urbem misit, postulantibus Vitellio ac 15 Veranio ceterisque, qui crimina et accusationem tamquam aduersus receptos iam reos instruebant. 1 75. At Agrippina, quamquam defessa luctu et corpore aegro, omnium tamen quae ultionem morarentur intolerans, ascendit classem cum cineribus Germanici et liberis, miseran- 20 tibus cunctis, quod femina nobilitate princeps, pulcherrimo modo _ matrimonio, inter uenerantes gratantisque aspici solita, tune feralis reliquias sinu ferret, incerta ultionis, anxia sui et infelici fecunditate fortunae totiens obnoxia. 2 Pisonem interim apud Coum insulam nuntius adsequitur 25 excessisse Germanicum. quo intemperanter accepto caedit uictimas, adit templa, neque ipse gaudium moderans et magis insolescente Plancina, quae luctum amissae sororis tum 1 primum laeto cultu mutauit. 76. adfluebant centuriones monebantque prompta illi legion um studia: repeteret prouin- 30 ciam non iure ablatam et uacuam. 2 lgitur quid agendum consultanti M. Piso filius properandum in urbem censebat: nihil adhuc inexpiabile admissum, neque suspiciones imbecillas aut inania famae pertimescenda. g interpretabantur Beroaldus:interpretantur M

54

AB EXCESSV

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2.73-79

discordiam erga Germanicum odio fortasse dignam, non poena; et ademptione prouinciae satisfactum inimicis. quod 3 si regrederetur, obsistente Sentio ciuile helium incipi; nee duraturos in partibus centuriones militesque, apud quos 5 recens imperatoris sui memoria et penitus infixus in Caesares amor praeualeret. 77. Contra Domitius Celer, ex intima eius amicitia, disse- 1 ruit utendum euentu: Pisonem, non Senti um Suriae praepositum; huic fasces et ius praetoris, huic legiones datas. si 10 quid hostile ingruat, quern iustius arma oppositurum, (quam) qui legati auctoritatem et propria mandata acceperit? relinquendum etiam rumoribus tempus quo senescant: 2 plerumque innocentes recenti inuidiae impares. at si teneat exercitum, augeat uires, multa quae prouideri non possint 15 fortuito in melius casura. 'an festinamus cum Germanici 3 cineribus adpellere, ut te inauditum et indefensum planctus Agrippinae ac uulgus imperitum primo rumore rapiant? est tibi Augustae conscientia, est Caesaris fauor, sed in occulto; et perisse Germanicum nulli iactantius maerent quam qui 20 maxime laetantur.' 78. Haud magna mole Piso, promptus ferocibus, in senten- 1 tiam trahitur missisque ad Tiberium epistulis incusat Germanicum luxus et superbiae; segue pulsum, ut locus rebus nouis patefieret, curam exercitus eadem fide qua tenuerit 25 repetiuisse. simul Domitium inpositum triremi uitare 2 litorum oram praeterque insulas lato marl pergere in Suriam iubet. concurrentes desertores per manipulos conponit, armat lixas traiectisque in continentem nauibus uexillum tironum in Suriam euntium intercipit, regulis Cilicum ut se auxiliis 30 iuuarent scribit, haud ignauo ad ministeria belli iuuene Pisone, quamquam suscipiendum bellum abnuisset. 79. Igitur oram Lyciae ac Pamphyliae praelegentes, obuiis 1 nauibus quae Agrippinam uehebant, utrimque infensi arma primo expediere; dein mutua formidine non ultra iurgium 10

quam add. Lipsius

26 Jato] alto Lipsiw,fort. recte

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CORNELi!

TACITI

processum est, Marsusque Vibius nuntiauit Pisoni Romam ad dicendam causam ueniret. ille eludens respondit adfuturum ubi praetor qui de ueneficiis quaereret reo atque accusatori2 bus diem prodixisset. interim Domitius Laodiciam urbem Syriae adpulsus, cum hiberna sextae legionis peteret, quod 5 earn maxime nouis consiliis idoneam rebatur, a Pacuuio legato praeuenitur. id Sentius Pisoni per litteras aperit monetque ne castra corruptoribus, ne prouinciam hello 3 temptet. quosque Germanici memores aut inimicis eius aduersos cognouerat, contrahit, magnitudinem imperatoris 10 identidem ingerens et rem publicam armis peti; ducitque ualidam manum et proelio paratam. 1 80. Nee Piso, quamquam coepta secus cadebant, omisit tutissima e praesentibus, sed castellum Ciliciae munitum admodum, cui nomen Celenderis, occupat; nam admixtis 15 desertoribus et tirone nuper intercepto suisque et Plancinae seruitiis auxilia Cilicum, quae reguli miserant, in numerum 2 legionis composuerat. Caesarisque se legatum testabatur prouincia quam is dedisset arceri, non a legionibus (earum quippe accitu uenire), sed a Sentio priuatum odium falsis 20 criminibus tegente. consisterent in acie, non pugnaturis militibus ubi Pisonem ah ipsis parentem quondam appellatum, si iure ageretur, potiorem, si armis, non inualidum 3 uidissent. tum pro munimentis castelli manipulos explicat, colle arduo et derupto; nam cetera mari cinguntur. contra 25 ueterani ordinibus ac subsidiis instructi: hinc militum, inde locorum asperitas, sed non animus, non spes, ne tela quidem 4 nisi agrestia aut subitum (in) usum properata. ut uenere in manus, non ultra dubitatum quam dum Romanae cohortes in aequum eniterentur: uertunt terga Cilices segue castello 30 claudunt. Vibius Rhmanw: uibimus M 4 prodixisset] prar.dixisset Beroaldw 15 Celenderis Beroaldw: celendris M 19 prouincia Rhenanw: pro26 militum] militum (uis) Murelw: (uirtus) militum uinciam M Riller 28 subitum (in) Doednlein:subitum M: (ad) subitum Weissenborn 1

AB EXCESSV

DIVI

AVGVSTI

2.79-82

81. Interim Piso classem haud procul opperientem ad- 1 pugnare frustra temptauit; regressusque et pro muris moclo semet adftictando, moclo singulos nomine dens, praemiis uocans seditionem coeptabat, adeoque commouerat ut sig5 nifer legionis sextae signum ad cum transtulerit. tum Sentius 2 occanere cornua tubasque et peti aggerem, erigi scalas iussit, ac promptissimum quemque succedere, alios tormentis hastas saxa et faces ingerere. tandem uicta pertinacia Piso 3 orauit ut traditis armis maneret in castello, dum Caesar cui 10 Syriam permitteret consulitur. non receptae condiciones, nee aliud quam naues et tutum in urbem iter concessum est. 82. At Romae, postquam Germanici ualetudo percrebruit 1 cunctaque ut ex longinquo aucta in deterius adferebantur, dolor ira, et erumpebant questus: ideo nimirum in extremas 15 terras relegatum, ideo Pisoni permissam prouinciam, hoe egisse secretos Augustae cum Plancina sermones. uera 2 prorsus de Druso seniores locutos: displicere regnantibus ciuilia filiorum ingenia, neque ob aliud interceptos quam quia populum Romanum aequo iure complecti reddita liber20 tate agitauerint. hos uulgi sermones audita mors adeo incendit 3 ut ante edictum magistratuum, ante senatus consultum sumpto iustitio desererentur fora, clauderentur domus. passim silentia et gemitus, nihil compositum in ostentationem; et quamquam neque insignibus lugentium abstinerent, altius 25 an1m1s maerebant. forte negotiatores, uiuente adhuc 4 Germanico Suria egressi, laetiora de ualetudine eius attulere. statim credita, statim uulgata sunt: ut quisque obuius, quamuis leuiter audita in alios atque illi in plures cumulata gaudio transferunt. cursant per urbem, moliuntur tem30 plorum fores; iuuat credulitatem nox et promptior inter tenebras adfirmatio. nee obstitit falsis Tiberius, donec tern- 5 pore ac spatio uanescerent. et populus quasi rursum ereptum acrius doluit. 9 ut traditis Nil>J>eTuy: uti raditis M: uti traditis M al. m. co"., Beroaldw 12 pcrcrcbruit Beroaldw:pcrcrcbuit M

57

CORNELi!

TACITI

83. Honores, ut quis amore in Germanicum aut ingenio ualidus, repcrti decretique: ut nomen eius Saliari carmine caneretur; sedes curules sacerdotum Augustalium locis superque eas querceae coronae statuerentur; ludos circenscs eburna effigies praeiret; neue quis flamen aut augur in locum 5 2 Germanici nisi gentis luliae crearetur. arcus additi Romae et apud ripam Rheni et in monte Suriae Amano cum inscriptione rerum gestarum ac mortem oh rem publicam obisse, sepulchrum Antiochiae, ubi crematus, tribunal Epidaphnae, quo in loco uitam finierat. statuarum locorumue 10 3 in quis coleretur haud facile quis numerum inierit. cum censeretur clipeus auro et magnitudine insignis inter auctorcs eloquentiae, adseuerauit Tiberius solitum paremque ccteris dicaturum: neque enim eloquentiam fortuna discerni, et satis 4 inlustre si ueteres inter scriptores haberetur. equester ordo 15 cuneum Germanici appellauit, qui iuniorum dicebatur, instituitque uti turmae idibus luliis imaginem eius sequerentur. pleraque manent: quaedam statim omissa sunt aut uetustas obliterauit. 1 84. Ceterum recenti adhuc maest1ua soror Germanici 20 Liuia, nupta Druso, duos uirilis sexus simul eni.xa est. quod rarum laetumque etiam modicis pcnatibus tanto gaudio principem adfecit ut non temperauerit quin iactarct apud patres nulli ante Romanorum eiusdem fastigii uiro geminam stirpem editam: nam cuncta, etiam fortuita, ad gloriam 25 2 uertebat. sed populo tali in tempore id quoque dolorem tulit, tamquam auctus liberis Drusus domum Germanici magis urgeret. 1 85. Eodem anno grauibus senatus decretis libido feminarum coercita cautumque ne quaestum corpore faceret cui 30 2 auus aut pater aut maritus eques Romanus fuisset. nam Vistilia, praetoria familia genita, licentiam stupri apud acdiles uulgauerat, more inter uctercs recepto, qui satis poen1

10

Epidaphnac Lipsius: cpidaphcnc M

13

adscucrauit /. Gronouius: 21 uirilis ,

adscrauit M: adscruit M inurl. q. m. ,orr., Beroaldus

uirilcs ,ad. ul uid. m. ,orr. M

AB EXCESSV

DIVI

A VGVSTI

2.83-88

arum aduersum inpudicas in ipsa professione flagitii credehant. exactum et a Titidio Laheone, Vistiliae marito, 3 cur in uxore delicti manifesta ultionem legis omisisset. atque illo praetendente sexaginta dies ad consultandum 5 datos necdum praeterisse, satis uisum de Vistilia statuere; eaque in insulam Seriphon ahdita est. Actum et de sacris Aegyptiis ludaicisque pellendis, factum- 4 que patrum consultum ut quattuor milia lihertini generis ea superstitione infecta, quis idonea aetas, in insulam Sar10 diniam ueherentur, coercendis illic latrociniis et, si oh grauitatem caeli interissent, uile damnum; ceteri cederent Italia, nisi certam ante diem profanos ritus exuissent. 86. Post quae rettulit Caesar capiendam uirginem in 1 locum Occiae, quae septem et quinquaginta per annos 15 summa sanctimonia Vestalihus sacris praesederat; egitque grates Fonteio Agrippae et Comicio Pollioni quod offerendo filias de officio in rem puhlicam certarent. praelata est Pollio- 2 nis filia, non oh aliud quam quod mater eius in eodem coniugio manehat: nam Agrippa discidio domum imminuerat. 20 et Caesar quamuis posthahitam decies sestertii dote solatus est. 87. Saeuitiam annonae incusante plehe statuit frumento 1 pretium quod emptor penderet, hinosque nummos se additurum negotiatoribus in singulos modios. neque tamen oh ea 25 parentis patriae delatum et antea uocabulum adsumpsit, acerheque increpuit eos qui diuinas occupationes ipsumque dominum dixerant. unde angusta et lubrica oratio sub principe qui libertatem metuebat, adulationem oderat. 88. Reperio apud scriptores senatoresque eorundem tern- 1 30 porum Adgandestrii principis Chattorum lectas in senatu litteras, quibus mortem Arminii promittebat si patrandae exactum Vertraniw: exacta M 16 Comicio] Domitio Lipsiw 29 senatorcsque ... adgandestrii M, sed aliud atque -esque primo scriber, uoluit: senatoriisque ... actis Gandestrii Mommsen: fort. senatoriaque ... acta Gandestrii 31 Arminii Beroaldw: armenii M 2

59

CORNELII

TACITI

neci uenenum mitteretur, responsumque esse non fraudc neque occultis, sed palam et armatum populum Romanum hostes suos ulcisci. qua gloria aequabat se Tiberius priscis imperatoribus, qui uenenum in Pyrrum regem uetuerant 2 prodiderantque. ceterum Arminius abscedentibus Romanis 5 et pulso Maroboduo regnum adfectans libertatem popularium aduersam habuit, petitusque armis cum uaria fortuna certaret, dolo propinquorum cecidit: liberator haud dubie Germaniae et qui non primordia populi Romani, sicut alii reges ducesque, sed ftorentissimum imperium lacessierit, 10 3 proeliis ambiguus, hello non uictus. septem et triginta annos uitae, duodecim potentiae expleuit, caniturque adhuc barbaras apud gentes, Graecorum annalibus ignotus, qui sua tantum mirantur, Romanis haud perinde celebris, dum uetera extollimus recentium incuriosi. 15

5 Arminius Bnoaldus: armcnius M FINIT LIBER II INCIPIT P, CORNELII

LIBER 111 FELICITER

6o

B baud Bnoaldus: hau M M: post LIBER II add. al. m.

COMMENTARY

ABBREVIATIONS In referring to the works of Tacitus I have used A. = Agricola, G. = Germania and D. = Dialogus. Books of the Histories are simply cited by small roman numerals, books of the Annals by arabic numerals. Editions and commentaries are usually cited by the names of the editon or commcntaton, except that Nippcrdey-Andrescn are abbreviated to N-A. Abbreviated references to periodicals arc in general the same as those used in L'AnnJ, Philologique. In addition the following abbreviations arc used: ANRW CAH CIG CIL CLE

EJ FIRA

G-G JG IGR ILS ILT IRT

LS OGIS OLD

-

Aufstug und Niedergang der romischenWelt, Berlin-New York 1972- CambridgeAncient History, Cambridge 1923- Bocckhius, A., Corpus inscriptionum Graecarum, Berlin 1828-77 - CorpusinscriptionumLatinarum, Berlin 1863Buecheler, F. and Lommatzsch, E., Carmina Latina epigraphica,Leipzig 1895-1926 - Ehrenberg, V. and Jones, A. H. M., Documentsillustrating the reignsof Augustus and Tiberius•, Oxford 1955 - Riccobono, S. and othen, Fontes iuris Romani antelustiniani, Florence 1940-3 - Gerber, A., Grecf, A. and John, C., Lexicon Taciteum, Leipzig 1877-1903 - lnscriptionesGraecae,Berlin 1873- Cagnat, R., lnscriptiones Graecae ad res Romanas pertinenus, Paris 1906-27 - Dcssau, H., lnscriptiones Latinae sekctae, Berlin 18921916 - Merlin, A., Inscriptionslatines tk la Tunisie, Paris 1944 - Rcynolds,J. M. and Ward Perkins,J. B., The inscriptions of Roman Tripolitania, Rome-London 1952 - Lewis, C. T. and Short, C., A Latin dictionary,Oxford 1879 - Dittenberger, W., Orientis Graeci inscriptionessekctae, Leipzig 1903-5 - O,iford Latin dictionary,Oxford 1968-

-

63

COMMENTARY PIR 1

PIR1 RE TLL

Klebs, E. and others, Prosopog,aphiaimperii Romani, Berlin 1897-8 Groag, E. and others, Prosopog,aphiaimperii Romani, Berlin-Leipzig 1933- Paulys Real-Encyclopaduder classischenAltertumswissenschafl, ed. Wissowa, G. and others, Stuttgart 1894- ThesauruslingruuLatinae,Leipzig 1goo-

COMMENTARY

l.5!>-71

1.55-71 On the German campaigns of A.D. 15. The artistry of these chaptcn is evident and admirable, but as historical narrative they arc hard to appraise, since no other detailed account exists against which to test them. Even so several weaknesses may be discerned: T. is heavily biased in Gcrmanicus' favour and against Tiberius, he has not thought nearly enough about the aims and strategy of the expeditions, and, perhaps most serious, while he treats certain episodes very elaborately, othcn, of apparently equal or greater importance, receive from him but cursory attention, so that the general picture which emerges is not a little confused. Everything he says has to be sifted closely, before we can hope to get to the truth. And often we simply cannot get to it. It is invariably easier to fault T.'s vcnion of events than to construct an alternative. There is little doubt about the objects Tiberius punued in A.D. 1012, after Varus' shattering defeat. He aimed to stabilize the Rhine frontier, to restore morale, to make limited attacks on the enemy, and to take no risks. Subjugation of Germany was shelved or abandoned, security the primary concern, with revenge a subsidiary goal, as far as security permitted. In A.D. 14, as T. tells us in rather loaded words (3.6), helium •.• nullum nisi aduersw Gmnanos suptTerat,abolmdaemagis infamiae ob amissumcum Quintilio Varo ,xercitum quam cupidinep,oferendi imperiiaut dignumob p,aemium. Painful experience had shown conquest from Rhine to Elbe demanded not only the crippling of the West German tribes, but also permanent occupation of their territory, a task which, Augustus and Tiberius had to admit, exceeded Rome's strained resources. The consiliumcoercendiintra terminosimperii ( 11.4) stemmed from that bitter disappointment: sec Brunt, JRS 53 (1963), 172. Expansion once dropped, Tiberius saw in diplomacy the most effective weapon against the quarrelsome and disorganized advcnarics confronting him: cf. 2.26.3 se nouiesa diuo Augwto in Germaniammissumplura consilio quam ui pe,feasse. And, after the frontier had been stabilized in A.D. 10-12, no military activity is definitely recorded, either for 13, when Germanicus assumed command of the Rhine armies, or for the early part of 14. In 13-14, it seems, he was scrupulously continuing Tiberius' policy. The punitive cxcunion he undertook late in 14 (49.3-51.4) entirely accords with the modest objectives punued in the preceding yean. It was an improvisation, for the sake of morale, not part of a grand design or any design. Hence it should be distinguished from the expeditions of the yean which follow. 1 There was intense preparation for the cam1

In one way perhaps the campaigns of A.D. 15 did arise from policy earlier punucd, if Roman diplomacy had fostered the German dis-

COMMENTARY

1.55-71

paigning of A.D. 15 (55.1 summaop, pa,abat) and a broad strategic plan, though its details remain obscure. Germanicus wanted to engage the main tribal armies, separately by preference, if that could be contrived.1 In this year he did not defeat them. In A.D. 16, according to T., he nearly succeeded: 2.26.1 nee dubiumhabebaturlabarehosusP,tmdaef/1# pacisconsiliasumereet, si p,oxima aestasadiuretur,possebellumpat,a,i. • Yet, and Manh, Reign of Tiberius 69ff, justly emphasizes the point, in both yean Germanicus withdraws to the Rhine. Can withdrawal be reconciled with any properly considered plan to conquer Germany, if conquest, the only dignum p,aemium, depended upon occupation? If occupation was not to follow success in battle, did these large-scale expeditions make sense at all? They bear the stamp of Germanicus' personality, not Tiberius', having involved appreciable loss and great risks, which he had most anxiously avoided. In A.D. 15 Caecina's legions only narrowly escaped the fate which befell Varus'. That so dangerous an enterprise, which (to judge by its execution) promised no enduring benefit, met with Tiberius' cordial agreement is very unlikely: if he sanctioned its inception, he soon desired its termination. The premature triumph bestowed on Germanicus (55.1) was an inducement to end his adventures, which continued for a time only because Tiberius could not compel him to relinquish them. His own position was at some risk if Germanicus, relying on a powerful army and exceptional popularity, were to challenge it. And so in A.D. 15-16 the spectre of military catastrophe must have haunted the emperor, as evidence accumulated to cast doubt on Germanicus' generalship. If we hold this view, envy and malice, imputed to Tiberius at 52. 1 and 2.26.5, will not seem appropriate motives for his disapproval of Germanicus' actions. In chs. 55-71, as elsewhere, T. favoun Germanicus by refraining from comment where comment was called for.• At 63, for instance, was it good tactics to walk into an ambush? Perhaps, if Germanicus could only thus grapple with an enemy who was forever slipping away. But the question seems not to occur to T. Again, were Caecina's difficulties sensions (55.1 ff) which were the occasion for the first expedition. But would Germanicus have deployed such large forces merely to support or exploit a pro-Roman faction? 1 So we may interpret 55.1 (with 56.5), also perhaps 6o.2. The fint campaign of 15 miscarried, for it helped to unite the Germans. 1 See ad loc. T. takes no explicit responsibility for this opinion, but his attitude generally suggests he shares it (cf. 2.18.1 magna ea uictoria). ContraShotter, Historia 17 ( 1968), 202-3, who may be right. • 2.8.2 nratumque in eo etc. is exceptional, and in the circumstances very mild.

66

COMMENTARY

1.5!>-71

really unavoidable? Why did Germanicus require him to return by the ponuslongi (63.3)? Since they were in ruin, they hardly provided a quick route. If Germanicus did not know their condition, his intelligence was at fault. Again, should not proper intelligence have foreseen the danger Vitelli us' column faced from the tide (70)? The Romans had long known the area and high tides cannot have been novelties. Koestcnnann's apologia, 'Fcldzilgc' 447-8, fails to convince. Many such minor questions arc left unopened. More importantly, it is sometimes a mystery what Gcrmanicus is trying to do. At 55. 1, for instance, why does he hasten to attack the Chatti when the dissension which prompted this haste principally affects the Chcrusci ?1 Again, while the summer campaign (6o.2) apparently involved a pincer-movement, T. does not explain whom the pinccn were to trap. Probably the Bructcri, 1 but most of them got away. Their territory, between the Ems and the Lippe, was indeed devastated, but that could have been effected without such complex planning. If Gcrmanicus hoped to trap Arminius, he hoped in vain. Arminius withdrew in auia (63.1) and was engaged only on ground he chose. It looks as if Gcrmanicus was outman~uvrcd and his strategy, whatever it was, frustrated. But that is not the impression T. gives on fint reading. Grave faults emerge when we examine the scale of treatment T. accords to various events. His procedure is cavalier and wilful. Thus the one major battle of A.D. 15, involving the principal forces of both sides, obtains half a chapter at 63.1-2. This engagement, for the Romans a dismal failure, was a decisive turning-point, since Gcrmanicus, being deep in enemy territory and with the year drawing on, had perforce to retreat. Yet T. describes it so sketchily that we can barely perceive what happened. Plainly he is loth to linger. In contrast over five chapten (63.4-68.5) are devoted to Caccina's sorely troubled return to the Rhine. The reason for this expansion is literary rather than historical. Since disaster was avoided, albeit narrowly, the episode possesses meagre historical interest: it serves only to demonstrate what we already know, that Germany could be singularly perilous for a Roman army. But from a literary point of view it affords T. ideal material. The memory ofVarus and his legions, ambushed, humiliated, and slaughtered, is seldom absent in 55-7 r. It colours the thoughts and actions of Romans and Germans alike. It is prominent in the words given to Segestes in 58 and Arminius in 59. And the disaster is almost relived in the emotional scene (61-2) when Gcrmanicus and his army 1 1

See on 55.1 nam • •• dissidert. Sec on 6o.2 el rw ••• uexit.

COMMENTARY

1.55.1

visit the battlefield and bury what is left of the Roman dead. But that is not enough for T., who, had he survived to write of Augustus' times as he planned (3.24.3), would doubtless have composed a memorable account of A.D. g. He finds here a substitute, a chance to describe in colourful and dramatic terms circumstances which closely resemble Varus': so rightly Kocstermann, 'Feldztigc' 444. Hence he spreads his canvas generously, adding much of his own (sec on 64-5) to the outline he inherited from his sources. The story's aptness for evocative elaboration best explains why elaboration is supplied.I 1.55-1 Draao ... trlumpba■ The five annalistic notices of books 1-2 which introduce consular years reflect T.'s preoccupation with Gcrmanicus. Four (55.1, 2.41.2, 53.1, 59.1) lead directly to his actions or fortunes. The fifth (2. 1. 1) marks the beginning of troubles in the Orient, which will involve him. Further, the new consuls who should have opened book 3 arc displaced and introduced incidentally (3.2.3), to leave initial prominence for Agrippina, returning with her husband's ashes. No such preoccupation appean in subsequent books, where consular years begin divcncly. Sec Borzsak, .Acta Debrec. 6 (1970), 59-00· 1.55-1 C. Norbano C. Norbanus Flaccus. PIR 1 N 137, RE 17.934-5 = Norbanus 10 (Groag). Conceivably the man killed by the German guard in A.D. 41 (Jos . .Anl. 19.123). 1 1.55.1 decendtur . . . trlumpba■ Augustus had at first been willing or obliged to allow full triumphs to be decreed quite liberally (Suet • .Aug.38.1 ), but from his latter ycan they arc reserved for members of his dynasty. Others had to be content with omamenlatriumphalia (.A.40.1, 1.72.1, 2.52.5, et al.: cf. Dio 54.24.7-8). When and for what was this triumph decreed? By placing the item here, at the start of the year's record, T. suggests the decree dates from early in A.D. 15 and (or so it might seem) the triumph was awarded for the autumn campaign of A.D. 14. This is Mommscn's view, Gesamm. Sehr. 7.262, and Gelzer's, RE 10.144: it is not to be questioned because the cxcunion of 14 merited no triumph. Nor, for that matter, did the 1

1

Kocstermann, 'Fcldztige' 446 n.36, suggests an ulterior motive, desire to display Caecina favourably. Noting that Velleius takes a poor view ofCaecina's conduct during the lllyrian revolt (2.112.4-6) he guesses Tiberius judged him adversely on the present occasion. If T. remembered Caecina was no favourite of Tiberius (duly echoed by Vellcius), he would be disposed to rehabilitate him. All very speculative. The text of Josephus is much in doubt here. Some restore the name of Flaccus' brother, L. Norbanus Bal bus, consul in A.D. 1 g.

68

COMMENTARY

1.55.1

campaigns of 15. There were excellent political reasons for flattering Gcrmanicus. But certain objections claim attention. Fint, Gcrmanicus' operations in 14 had already received honorific notice: 52.2 rettulit . .. ad snuatumde rebw gestis multaquede uirtute eiw memorauit.If these words refer to a motion for a triumph, they arc extremely vague, and one may ask why a proposal certain of acclaim was not immediately carried. Still, we know too little about senatorial procedure to be dogmatic on the point. Again, after the spring campaign of 15, Gcrmanicus nomenimpnatoris auctoreTiberio aceepit(58.5), and Timpe, Triumph 45, argues the lower distinction should precede, not follow, the higher. Doubtless so, and Gcrmanicus had probably received a salutation already :1 nothing prevented him gaining another shortly after the award of a triumph. Again, at 2.41.2 (of the triumph itself in A.D. 17) T. writes triumphauit de Chnustis Chattisque et Angriuariis quaequealiae nationes wque ad Albim eolunt. Yet neither Chcrusci nor Chatti nor Angrivarii arc mentioned at 4g--51 amongst those attacked in 14. This at fint sight seems very strange, and makes one suspect the decree really belongs late in 15, when the year's fighting was concluded. But the mention of the Angrivarii suggests another explanation. This tribe docs not enter T.'s narrative until A.D. 16 (2.8.4): no one thinks the decree as late as that. Later successes might not change the triumph's formal basis (the decree), but could be celebrated in the triumph itself, and at 2.41.2 T. may be giving us some of the tituli deuictarumgentium which figured in the triumphal procession rather than alluding to the terms of the motion passed in A.D. I 5. So I am not pcnuadcd he has this item in the wrong place, instead of with the award of o,namentatriumphalia to Gcrmanicus' lieutenants (72.1) where Timpe thinks it belongs. But his theory has its attractions. 1.55-1 manente hello Cf. 2.41.2 bellumque,quia eonfieereprohihitw 1st, pro eo,ifteto aceipubatur, 88.2 (of Arminius) hello non uittw, 15.18.1 deaeta ••. integroadhuc bello. At 2.26.4 Tiberius argues, a little oddly in the context, that Drusus should have the chance to get his laurels too from Germany. Gcrmanicus was not the fint to ascend the Capitol and leave his advcnaries unconquered. Under the republic, though certain requirements for a triumph were enforceable ( Mommscn, Staats,. 1.126ff), they were not always enforced. One aspirant privately confesses his work incomplete (Vat. apud Cic. Ad Fam. 5.1oa.3). But in those days people might object: Liv. 26.21.4 an [sc. conueniret]quem trader, exereitum sucussoriiwsissent - quodnisi manentein p,ouincia bellonon decerneretu, 1

Sec on 58.5.

69

eOMMENTAR

Y 1.55.1

- tum quasi dehellatotriumphare.And here T. objects, not because of Germanicus' inadequacies, but because he believes Tiberius used the promise of a triumph to stifle an enterprise which could successfully have been completed. 1.55.1 et er., e.g., 29.1 o,to die et uocata contione, 12.31.1 exercitu ignotoet coeptahieme, 13.21.1 ltnitoprineipis metuet Luceorta. This logically superfluous et, known earlier, but unusually frequent in T. (see N-A), is with him largely a mannerism, but may sometimes have a special motive, as Heubner on iv.22.3 suggests. 1.55-1 Chatto• See G. 30-2, 36, 38, iv.37.3, 2.7.1-2, 25.1, 41.2, 88.1, 12.27.8, 13.57, Strabo 7.1.3-4, Plin. N.H. 4.100, Flor. 2.30.23, Ptol.2.11.23, Dio 54.33, 36.3, 55.1.2, RE 3.219g-201 (Ihm). er. Frontin. St,. 2.3.22 inopinato 1.55.1 rependno ... escana excursu.Both excursusand excursioare classical. Typically T. eschews the latter, being inclined to reject nouns with the -tio suffix if acceptable alternatives offer. 1 Thus he employs incursus,never incursio,monitusand admonitus, never monitio and admonitio, ho,tatus, never hortatio,1 and, against auditus five times, has auditio only once. 1 His distaste for -tio . nouns seems progressively to intensify: positus appean in the Annals for positio (6.21.2 positus siderum,but A. 11.2 positiocaeli) and at 13.46.3 he ventures the extraordinary aemulatus,though hitherto happy with aemulatio. 1.55.1 praeceplt 'Anticipated' or perhaps' advanced, brought forward', the latter a rare sense, but cf. Luc. 2. 105-6 non senis ext,emum piguit uergentihusannis Ip,aecepissediem. 1.55.1 nam ... cllssldere Cf. 4.46.2 ac tum rumo, ineesseratforeand see on 5.1 rumo, ineesseral.The accusative and present infinitive, quite common with spero and spes, suggests the dissensions are believed already to have begun: Otto compares Liv. 33.5.1 spemnactus.•• prodi urhem. To what docs the nam clause relate? Naturally, if not inevitably, to initio •.. praecepit, immediately preceding, but, if so, the thought is obscure. How can quarrels amongst the eherusci, to whom Arminius and Segcstcs belong, explain an early attack on the Chatti, no friends

1 1

1

excursus(Cacs. Bell. Ciu. 3.92.2, Bell. Al. 19.2) is comparatively rare, and not Ciceronian. For these reasons too it wins T.'s preference. T. docs, however, employ cohortatioand exho,tatio: cohortatusand exho,taluswere not in use. He seldom resorts to coinage to indulge his whims. At 4.1 1.3 auditiones,'reports', a sense to which auditus had not been extended. T. docs not readily override existing usage.

COMMENTARY

1.55.1

of the Cherusci generally? Perhaps because Cheru.scan aid, if the Chatti deigned to ask it, could not then be afforded. Furneaux, however, relates the nam clause to quamquam ... pa,ohot: rumours of Cheruscan troubles, which offered an opportunity to seize the advantage, led the Romans to plan a major offensive. The thought is apt, but not easy to extract from T. against the order of clauses. Timpe compromises, Triumph 66-7, arguing the reference includes both preceding clauses: expectation of Cheruscan disunity prompted the general Roman plan, which, when expectation became certain knowledge (note the present dissidne), was modified to begin with an attack on the Chatti. But this is hardly more than paraphrase. Not that I can do better, for I believe the spring campaign's real motive obtains from T. only oblique expression: it was to settle with the Chatti first, while the Cherusci were at loggerheads, so as to be the more free to deal with them next. T. has, I suspect, blurred or truncated what was explicit in his sources. 1.55-1. dl■■idere ... ba 'Be split between', after the analogy of distrihuerein, diuidne in, simm. Cf. 2.8.1 distrihutis in kgiones QCsocios nauihw, 67.2 Thraecio in Rhoemetolcenfilium ... inque liheros Cotyis diuiditur, and see Hand, Tursellinw 3.328-g. 1.55-1 Armhdam ... fide The phraseology has been elucidated by Rattenbury, CR 57 (1943), 67-9 and Brink, CR 58 (1944), 43-5. 1 T. employs a figure, familiar to at least one ancient rhetorician, which Brink calls 'double zeugma' or 'double syllepsis ', 1 whereby in related pairs of terms each member of the succeeding pair corresponds only to one member of the pair preceding, though at first sight the pain may seem wholly to correspond. Thus here we have the pattern (1a) Arminium QC(1b) Segestem,insignemutrumque(2a) perfidio in nos out (2b) fitk. T. shows no little liking for this device: e.g. 59.1 ul quihusquehelium ( 1a) inuitis out ( 1b) cupientihw erat, (2a) spe uel (2b) dolore QCCipitur, 3.63.3 P,oprio,a (1a) Sardianos[sc. referre] ... nequeminw (1b) Miksios .•• niti; sed cultus numinum utrisque (2a) Dianam aut (2b) Apollinem uenerandiand, with three pairs, ii.41.3 ut cuique ( 1a) audacia uel ( 1b) formido, in (2a) p,imam (2b) postremomueQCie,n(3a) prorumpehantaut (3b) relahehantur.Brink supplies further instances from T. and from poetry,

1

1

It cannot fully be explained by reference to aul's distributive use (see on 8.2 oul, 16.2 oh iwtitium aut gaudium), pace Furneaux here and N-A on 2.30.2. He follows Herodian, Rhtt. Gr. 3 p. 100 S, who includes a comparable example (Pind.ft. 243 Sn.) under syllepsis.

COMMENTARY

1.55.1

including Prop. 2.22.33, where Hertzberg figure.

correctly explained the

1. 55.1 Arminlam I discuss T.'s treatment of Arminius at 2.88.2. Some words now on the spelling of his name. Sfirbom 15 n.2, having noted apparent inconsistencies in T.'s spelling of Treuni, Suria, and Thraecia, is tempted to preserve the discrepancy Arminius/Armeniuswhich his manuscripts present. But, for T. at least, the evidence permits little confidence in the latter form. In thirty-three of the thirty-six places where Arminius appears in Ann. 1-2 M has the form A,minius. Armenius confronts us only at 55.3 Armeni, 2.88.1 A,menii, 88.2 A,menius. As to 2.88, Arminius has not been mentioned since 2.46, but between 2.55 and 64 the Armenians (Armenii) occur several times. Again, in the first of three references to Arminius at 1 1.16-1 7 we find A,menii, but in the others A,minium and Arminio. When Arminius last appeared is unknown, but at 11.8-10 come four mentions of the Armenii. It looks as if at 11. 16, as at 2 .88, the scribe set down a familiar form, thinking he saw it before him. Only at 55.3 can the spelling Armenius not be explained by scribal recollection of the Armenians, one case out of five and one against thirty-five. And in M, as Fuchs notes, e and i are commonly confused, e.g. 39.4 relegione,43.1 siniret, 58.2 uineeretfor uinei,et.That T., having just used Arminius twice, should write A,meni by oversight is unlikely. That he should write it intentionally is preposterous; the variation would serve no conceivable purpose (see on 30.5 consederant).Editors ofT. may justifiably adopt the form Arminiuseverywhere. This is, I think, a fair assessment of the Tacitean evidence. But other evidence appears to indicate at least two spellings existed. We find arminius, it seems, at Vell. 2.118.2, Armenius (armenusH) at Frontin. St,. 2.9.4, Armenia (armenoB) at Flor. 2.30.32, •Ap~1os at Strabo 7. 1.4, •Ap~.11'1v1os at Dio 56. 19.2. The last probably represents Arminius: 'in der Kaiserzeit muss 11 = 1 nach und nach die herrschende Aussprache geworden sein ', Schwyzer 186. As to Arminius/Armenius,though other scribes as well as T!s will have known of the Armenians, the likelihood that the chieftain's name was current in both forms is increased by the undoubted existence of both as nominagmlilicia: see TLL 2.648.3off. Whatever its original form, it would tend variously to be assimilated to names otherwise familiar. The question of its origin is perplexed in the extreme: see e.g. Kossinna, IF 2 (1893), 174-84, Meissner, RhM 84 (1935), 17-18, Timpe, Arminius-Studien 14-19. Little can be said for certain, except that the supposition Armeniusis to be preferred as deriving from unattested service with the Roman army on the eastern front is on several

COMMENTARY

1.55.1

grounds very improbable. But as yet no convincing derivation of Arminiw from German has been worked out. 1 1.55-1 Segntem We catch only glimpses (e.g. 58.3 ceterum••• pnpusus sum) of the factional struggles between the various German leaders, each with his followers (57.3, 2.45.1), whose names and (more rarely) deeds our sources preserve.• Better not to supplement a tenuous tradition with conjecture, as some do. 1 But one or two important things are revealed by T. 's narrative. In particular that leadership of a German tribe was at this period precarious and transient, even more so that of any confederation of tribes. Scgcstes' pro-Roman views do not appeal to his countrymen. Otherwise, as Furneaux notes, he could be Arminius' political equal, as is Inguiomerus (6o.1, 68.1, 2.17.5, 21.1) when he turns against Rome. But national feeling, insofar as it was emerging, did not produce unity or strong organization. It is deemed worthy of note that the Cherusci had actually thought of helping the Chatti (56.5), with whom ( 12.28.2) tulmwm discordant.Hence Tiberius was soon vindicated in his conviction that the Germans could safely be left to fight amongst themselves (2.26.3). Christ, Historia 14 ( 1965), 65, believes T. in the Annals presents the Germans less favourably than in the Gmnania or even the Histories:they have become mere matnies gloritu Romantu (sec 2.26.4), they arc frequently described as barbari,their dissensions are much emphasized, and their brutal treatment at Roman hands evokes no adverse comment (51.1, 56.3, 2.21.2). There is much truth in all this, yet, on a critical reading of AM. 1-2, the Germans do not come off badly. They resist or elude a massive Roman army, they show resilience after despondency (2. 19. 1 ), and they possess an outstanding leader, but cherish him less highly than their freedom (2.88.2). 1.55.2 tarbator Germanta~ As the Romans and Germans of the opposing faction sec him. The thought takes up pnfidia in nos. Contrast 2.88.2 libnator haud dubu Gmnanitu, a more objective view. For turbator cf., e.g., Liv. 4.48.1, Sen. Contr. 7.2.13. 1.55-2 pararl . .. apendt Cf. 58.2, Veil. 2.118.4, Flor. 2.30.33. In briefly alluding to a supremumconuiuiumT. presumes acquaintance with

1

1

1

One illusion, long cherished, has been abandoned: 'aus dcr Kindheit der Etymologie stammt die Verbindung von Arminiw mit dem deutschen Namcn Hnmann ', Meissner. Strabo (7.1.4: cited on 2.41.2 uecta ... proeliorum) supplies several names, but not much else. A historical novelette about Arminius and Thusnelda recently masqueraded as a learned article.

73

COMMENTARY

1.55.2

the story of Varus, doubtless well known. According to Dio 56.19.2 the TE CXVT]ml ml German leaders were found CN\IOVTES CJW&OT1C.:,µw01 ,roMmus. T. docs not mean one of the feasts at which the Germans deliberated over their affairs (G. 22.2-3). 1.55.2 procern ... priadpiba• Some distinction appears in the Gmnania between nobles (p,oures) and leaders (principes),1 but here the terms arc probably used, for variety, without difference of meaning. 1.55.2 crlmfna et bmo:do• Not, pau G-G, crimina (sc./alsa), but crimina (sc. uera): hence 'guilty and innocent'. er. 11.26.2 insonlibw innoxia consilia,jlagitiis manifestis subsidium ab audaciapetendum,• ii. 74. 2 essepriuatis cogitationibwp,ogressum. . . imperiumcupienlibusnilailmedium, and, for further examples of this variation, sec Sorbom 75-6. As Furncaux observes, T. admits it the more readily since in general he uses abstract for concrete fairly freely: sec on 2.13.3 matrimonia. 1.55-3 fato Perhaps an echo of apologia early established in the tradition about an embarrassing disaster. Vcllcius too (2.118.4) gives fatum a role in blinding Varus. On 39.6/atalem . .. resurgereI questioned whether we can disentangle anything coherent from T.'s references to fate and the like. Sec, however, Kroymann, 'Fatum, fors, fortuna', who might disagree, and Prciswcrk, 'Fato et ui Armini', particularly 51-2. Fatum appean to be using uis Armini as a means to bring Varus down or to be delivering Varus into Arminius' hands (cf. 65.4). The thought is similarly framed at 12.43.2 magnaquedeumbenignitauet modestiahiemisrebusextremissubuentum. Sometimes T. offcn such ideas as alternatives, e.g. 5.4.1 fatali quodammotu . .. seup,aua sollertia. 1.55.3 al Arminl ui, which T. often thus uses, may variously denote armed force, strength, power, influence. An exact meaning is sometimes hard to fix. Here perhaps 'Arminius' onslaught'. er. iii.46.1 extema ui ..• propeadjlicta Romana res, iv.19.3 non inertia militis nequelwstium ui, sed fraude ducumeuenire,and sec further G-G 1783-4. At 2.62.2 p,ofugus olim ui Maroboduithe sense is similarly elusive.

1 1

Sec Wolfflin 1 164 ( = Ausg. Sehr. 86). Acidalius wrotejlagitii manifestis,a form of expression T. favours (c. g. 13.26.3 criminum manifestos). But the paradosis is secured by the present passage, and ii. 16.3 maioribusjlagitiis is not altogether dissimilar. er. Quint. 2.2. 15 qui jlagitia manifesto in eligendofilii p,aeceptorenon uitet, where a concrete sense is very near, and (as analogies) Sen. Dial. 4. 16.3 stultis luxuriosis nepotibusquehoe nomen inponimus et omnibus uitiis parum callidis, Quint. 2.17.32 qui malis moribus nomen oratorisindulgent,where such a sense is clearly present.

74

COMMENTARY

1.55.3

1.55-3 pactam paeta = 'betrothed• (similarly 2.43.2) is hardly a poeticism, though fairly rare in prose. Otto fancies the lady's rank influences the choice of word, paeta rather than desponsa.As it happens thcpaeku ofCic. Ad Att. 5.21.2, Liv. 1.2.1, Veil. 1.1.3 arc all princesses. 1.55-3 geaer ... ■oceri Cf. iv.70.2 utfmne actrrimaproximorumodia sunt. Pcnonal hatred (inuisw) seems, as Furneaux says, to be distinguished from political hostility (inimici). T. has taken up the thought already expressed in discorsmanebat,tWClispriuatim odiis and so phrased it as to prepare for the 'sentcntia • which follows. But his expression is far from happy, for he has been led into redundancy by seeking a balanced, chiastic structure. Walther cites as analogies 2.45.1 quiafratris filio iuu,ni patruus serux parere dedignaretur,3. 16.3 utinam ego potiw .filio iuueni guam ille patri smi ussisset.1 1.55-3 qaaeqae ... eraat T. uses chiasmus quite often, 1 but seldom affectedly or obtrusively. Most examples stand within fairly brief compass, and in few is the chiastic pattern complete. Here is a representative selection: i.44.2 munimentumad praesens,in posterumultionem,iii.32. I magni.fiuuictores,uictosclementer,I .2. I tuta et P,aesentiaquam uetna et j,trindosa, 25.2 murmurincertum,atroxclamor,49.3 pectoribwimpiis lu,,ustauulnera,63.2 hostibustnror,.fiduciamiliti, 72.2 proditioneexercitumaut pltbem seditionibus, 2.23.3 (see ad loc.), 55.2 in Macedones improspere, uiolenlerin suos, 3.34.5 suo luxu, cupidinibw alienis, 53.3 neque honestum silne nequeproloquiexpeditum. 1.55-3 alacala caritati■ Cf. Cic. Ad Att. 6.2.1 uincla ... amoris, Fin. 2. 1 I 7 uina.daconcordiae. 1.56.1 lptar The narrative resumes from 55.1. 1.56.1 qaattaor ... dadt On the forces deployed sec Saddington, Acta classica13 (1970), go-1. Policy, as much as need, explains the use of catnuae Germanorum:thus they would further be estranged from the other Germans. 1.56.1 Germanoram ... colendam These would include some or all of the Ubii (31.3, G. 28.4), Batavi (2.8.3, G. 29. 1), Sugambri (2.26.3), Triboci (G. 28.4), Vangiones and Nemetcs (12.27.2, G. 28.4).

1

1

Attempts to explain inimici socerias nominative are misguided: see 2. 10. I where Arminius' mother is mentioned, but not his father, who was probably dead. That T. should allude so indirectly to the father here seems incredible. Nippcrdey once proposed gener inuisw, inimicw soctri, comparing iv.70.2 inuisusauunculoinfenswque.That makes the redundancy wone, for T. could perfectly well have written inimicw inuisusquesocero. I thus modify my remark on 1.2. 1.

75

COMMENTARY

1.56.1

1.56.1 Caeclaae tradlt ... ip■e dadt Caecina was legate of the Lower Army. 'The four legions of the Upper Army arc under the special command of Gcrmanicus in this campaign; hence their lcgatus, Silius, is unmentioned', Furncaux. Silius shares with Caccina and Apronius in the honoun awarded oh res cum Gennanico gestas ( 72. 1). 1.56.1 po■itoque ... Taano The Taunus (12.28.1, Mela 3.30) keeps its name today. Dio 54.33.4 mentions two forts built by Drusus. T4°> 'Pfiv locate it have been inconclusive (Wells, German policy 224-6). 1.56.1 rapit I.e. raptim ducit. Pact Furneaux here and Heubncr on iii.6.1, I question whether T. took the usage from Vcrgil's Aeneid (e.g. 10.3o8-g, 12.450), and deny Vcrgil there initiated it, in view of Liv. 2.20. 7 manipulos aliquot in primam acitm secum rapit (similarly 6.8.1 ), 3.23.3 citatum agmm T usculum rapit (similarly 25.35.1). 1 Cf. also Plin. Pan. 14.3 cum legiones ducnes stu potius (tanta uelocitas nat) rape,es. 1.56.1 L Apronio PIR 1 A 971, RE 2.273-4 = Apronius 4 (v. Rohden). Su.ffectus in A.D. 8. He was already seasoned in campaigns (Veil.2.116.3), and destined to fight several more, with varied fortune (3.21, 4.73, 6.30.2, 11.19.1). 1.56.1 ad manitione■ ••• 8uminam Probably 'to embank rivers and build roads'. Few commcntaton find anything to explain here, N-A laudably excepted. The next sentence shows Gcrmanicus, who has enjoyed unusually dry weather on the outward march, fears rain will swell the riven and impede his return. Apronius is therefore to take appropriate precautions. What arc they? In part building or restoring roads. No doubt about that, for the expression is standard: cf., e.g., Suet. Gaius 27.3, Traj. apud Plin. Ep. 10.32.2 ad . .. munitiones uiarum et uicorum. Butfluminum forms a stumbling-block. N-A believe the notion 'bridging' should be elicited by zeugma from munitiones,• but do not explain how this alleged zeugma works. It is quite unlike any other zeugma I have found in T., and I doubt whether the device can properly obtain with a verbal noun like munitio. 1 Its difficulty here is undeniable, and, if an easier way out can be found, it deserves preference. I think one can be found. 'An Eindammen . . . ist nicht zu

1 1

1

Hor. Sat. 1.5.86 offers a sense somewhat akin. A. 31.1 siluis ac paludihus emuniendis (cf. Caes. Bell. Gall. 7.58.1), at most a distant analogy, in no way shows munireflumina could itself= 'bridge riven,. Building causeways across marshes is an appreciably different matter. A perusal of the examples collected by Clcmm, Breviloqutntia 124ff, will reveal how unusual it would be.

COMMENTARY

1.56.2

denken ', say N-A. Why not? Roads will be of little use if they are under water, and reinforcement of river-banks at places of high risk could prevent that eventuality. munire/munitio are properly used of embanking: cf. Hyg. Agr. p.87 T ripae munimdae, Ulp. Dig. 43.13.6 and 7 si forte aggerts uel quam aliam munitionemad/ribuit.Hence it is a simple step to munitiojluminum, used pregnantly for munitio riparumjluminum: 68.2 proruuntfossas (see ad Loe.)is very comparable. No doubt Apronius will also be concerned with bridges, but they can be subsumed under work on the roads which they carry. 1.56.2 nam ... sicdtate er.iv.26. I Rlrtnus incognitoilli caelosiccitau uix nauium patims and, for the parenthesis, see on 39.4 rarum ... hosus. Strangely difficult to parallel, and not 1.56.2 ammbas moclids comparable with Mela 2.go modicusamnis (see context), Plin. N.H. 3.9 jluuius ... modicusprimo, nor, pace Heubner on ii.25.2, with Sall. Hist. 3.12, Plin. N.H. 5.68. We get a little nearer with Curt. 7.5.2 ne modicus quidemhumorexistit, 8.9. 18jlumina ... quaeleni modicoqutlapsu segnesaquas dueunt, for modicis must = modicaealtitudinis. The whole phrase siccitate ... modicis can be taken as an abbreviated ablative absolute. Alternatively siccitau might be causal and only amnibus modicisabsolute: for that variation see Sorbom 79. 1.56.2 inofl'ensam Cf. Mart. 14.209.2 inojfensacurret harundo uia. The adjective first appears in verse (Varro, Men. 288 currum ... uw.ffensum,then Augustans), but has spread to prose by the first century A.D. (e.g. Sen. Dial. 1.1.2, Quint. 1.1.31), a sort of pattern which study of T.'s vocabulary frequently reveals. 1.56.2 iter properaaerat In using propero as a transitive T. follows Sallust, e.g. lug. 105.2 itineris properandi causa, 112.2 properato itinere. Otherwise this use is largely poetical. Festino transitive (see on 6.2 caeum festinauisse, Lebek, Verbaprisca 301) has taken a little more root in imperial prose. Celero transitive is much rarer: see on 2.5.2 celerandaeuictoriae.T. also employs maturo transitive, which is classical. The frequency· of his transitive use of the four verbs is as follows: maturo: D. 1; Hist. 3; Ann. 1-6 2; Ann. 11-16 4;festino: A. 1; G. 1; Hist. 9; Ann. 1-6 7; Ann. 11- 16 3; propero: Hist. 3; Ann. 1-6 7; Ann. 11-16 4; celero:Ann. 1-6 1; Ann. 11-16 r. Thus maturo andfestino are distributed fairly evenly, but the somewhat choicer alternatives appear largely or only in the Annals. Within that work there is no striking change of preference. 1.56.2 imbresqae ... metaebatar mttuebanturproduces slightly easier expression, with minimal change. It may be right: see on 42. 1 facial. But there is no cogent objection to the paradosis, since T. quite

77

COMMENTARY

1.56.3

often allows a singular verb to attach to the latter or last of a number of preceding subjects (sec N-A's appendix to 12.12.2), and docs so now perhaps 'quia non tarn imbrcs quam quod indc conscquitur mctucbatur; cui cum mcntis acies praccipuc in ten ta sit, ad idem pracdicati numcrus accommodatur' (Ritter). And he admits both the singular and plural of auctus. For his expression here cf. i.86.2 (of the Tiber) immenso auctu, Sen. N.Q. 44.2.7 auctumjluminis. 1 1.56.3 qaocl ..• •e:sa Cf. 4.50.2 Mtate aut sexu imbecilli, 13.54. 1 imbtlkm aetatem.

1.56.3 AdNlnam The Eder. 1.56.3 dein ... dl•pergantur The sentence begins as if the iuumtus arc all to be the subject, but they arc then subdivided and the concluding verb relates only to one of the divisions. Such transition is not uncommon in earlier prose, particularly Livy: sec N-A on 6.48.4. For a harsh example cf. 2.64.2. 1.56.4 Matdo Unidentified, not, it now seems, the Altenburg at Nicdcnstcin (Wells, Germanpolicy 20-1, 312-13). 1.56.4 qaoden• ... ces•lt Cf. G. 6.4 cedne loco, dummodo rursus instes, consilii quamformidinis arbitrantur. Veil. 2. 118. 1 calls the Germans in summa feritate uersutissimi natumqw mtndacio genus. 1.56.5 faerat ... laaare Cf. 5. 7. 1 ut cuiqw adsisttTe adloqui animus erat, Curt. 9.3.5 idem est animus tuis ... ire quo iwseris, Suet. Jui. 82.4 fwrat animus ... trahere, Caius 56. 1 non dtfuit ... animus adoriri. A con-

struction more common in the poets. 1.56.5 Chera•d• Sec G. 36, 2.9ff, 26.3, 41.2, 44-6, 1 J. 16, 12.28.2, Liv. Per. 140, Strabo 7.1.3-4, Veil. 2.105.1, Plin. N.H. 4.100, Flor. 2.30.24-5, Ptol. 2.11.19, Dio 54.33.1, 55.1.2, 56.18.5, RE 3.2270-2 (Ihm), Thompson, The early Germans 72-8. 1.57.1 qaanto ... promptu• In comparative sentences T. diverges often and variously from classical practice: sec W t>lffiin1 1 18-19 ( = Ausg. Sehr. 38-9), id., Lat. und Rom. Komparation 71-2 ( = Ausg. Sehr. 18o-1), Furneaux, lntr. v.64. For this type, where quanto stands with a positive in the relative clause,• cf. ii.99. 1 quantumqut lubes ... tanto ... p,omptior, 1.68.4 quanto inopina, tanto maiora, 12. 11.2 quanto ignota ... tanto gratiora. Limited precedents arc found at least as early as

1

1

Wolf supposed jluminum requires auctus to be plural: Sen. Ben. 4.5.3 mirabile incrtmentum trahunt (sc. jlumina) dispels that inanity. Again, granted nominative forms of auctus are avoided, can we prove the plural is avoided less than the singular? At 2.5.2 (cf. 3.43. 1) the relative clause contains positive and comparative.

COMMENTARY

1.57.1

Livy, 1 but T. shows much independence in their extension. Ever seeking abbreviation and imbalance, he will quite often dispense with the connective tanto or eo (magi.s): so, e.g., 4.69.2 quanto maesta ... difficiliw reticentur. 1.57.1 aadacia promptu• Similarly 14.40.2. Cf. i.48.4 audax callidw promptw, Liv. 2.33.5 et consilioet manupromptw, Veil. 2.118.2 (of Arminius) ultra harbarumpromptw ingenio.On German attitudes to their leaden see G. 7. 1 duets exemplopotiw quam imperio.si prompti, si conspicui, si ante aciem agant, admirationepraesunt. 1.57.1 rebaaqae mods A palmary correction: cf. 14.61.3 ducem tantum dtfui.sse,qui moti.srebwfacile reperiretur. 1.57.2 Germ•ni•e Cf. A. 15.3 sic Germanias excwsisse iugum, 2.26.4, 73.2, 3.46. 1, 11. 19.3 adto nouam in Germanias uim· prohibuit ut rtferri praesidia cis Rlunum iuberet. These plurals suggest Germany was thought of as a group of tribal areas, not a unified country, and such indeed it was. 1 1.57.2 aacerdo■ • •• creata• See on 39.1 aram Vbiorum.T. leaves it unclear whether Segimundus' appointment dated from A.D. 9 or earlier. 1.57.2 ruperat aittaa Cf. St. Th. 3.566-7. Some such detail was presumably in the tradition, but a historian less imaginative might have written, e.g., insigniaahiecerat.1 1.57.2 benlgneque exceptua 'He was evidently yet treated as a prisoner, and, according to Strabo [7.1.4], was exhibited as such in the triumph', Furneaux. 1.57.3 predum. fait Cf. 2.35.1 haud rtferrem, ni pretium foret ... noscere.This use of pretium = operaepretium is especially Tacitean, but has analogy at St. Ach. 2.92 sit pretium . .. quaesisse. 1.57.3 coaaertere agmea Germanicus interrupts his return to the Rhine (56.4 until ad Rlunum). 1.57.3 obaldenda = obsessores(e.g. iii.73.1). T. will sometimes thus prefer a substantival present participle to its corresponding noun, which is usually indistinguishable in meaning: cf. ii.6o.2 criminantes,

1

1

1

N-A on 68.4 cite Liv. 1.25.13 eo maiorecum gaudio quo prope metum res funat. Heubner on i.14.2 (q.v.) cites Liv. 2.19.10, 21.31.2. Here T. just might be thinking of administrative areas which the Romans had planned before A.D. 9. But that notion would not fit later passages. Can the proximity of circumtemporauittae to uincula rupi at Verg. Aen. 2.133-4 have escaped those who hunt T.'s Vergilian echoes?

79

COMMENTARY

1.57.3

111.30.1 obpugnantibus, 3.10.3 accusanJium, 40.3 P,aesidentium, 12.54.2 regentium, 56.2 gubernantium. In this he is representative of his age, in which such participles proliferate: sec Onncrfors, Pliniana 124-6, Adams, Glotta 51 (1973), 116-36. 1.57.3 mapaa ... mana On a German chieftain's followers sec G. 13-14. The empire was a regular refuge for ousted barbarian princes and their retinues: witness Maroboduus and Catualda (2.63), Vannius (12.30). 1.57.4 11Sor A,.mlnH Thusnelda (Strabo 7.1.4). 1.57.4 meta In lacrima• The conjecture euicta, commonly accepted, is at first sight extremely plausible, having close parallel at ii.64.2 in gaudium euicta, 11.37.3 ad miserationemeuicta. Again, with nequt preceding, the change is minimal. But is it necessary at all, given T.'s readiness to use simple verbs for compound? 1 See on 5.1 grauescere, 7.3 posuit, 14.3 solarentur,81.1 uix ... firmare ausim, 2.17.4 ilia rupturus, 41.2 uecta,42.3 utrsa, and Draeger§ 25, Gudeman, lntr. p.101, Hcubner on i.1.1 memorabantur,Hofmann-Szantyr 2g8-300. Once we admit T. is prepared so to employ simple verbs, and we cannot refuse to do so, it seems very difficult to set any clear limit to the usage, to say' thus far he will go, but no further'. Precisely the same applies to other imperial prose-writers, e.g. Seneca. 1 And, this being so, any argument that a particular use of the simple verb has no parallel will be weakened, if not invalidated, since we arc entitled to adduce parallel from the use of that compound which on any occasion the simple verb represents, a proposition some critics find hard to grasp. Thus here ii.64.2 and 11.37.3 can serve just as well to defend uicta as to commend euicta. If we had no Tacitcan example of uinco used for euinco, excellent analogies would suffice to show it could thus be employed, e.g. iv.8o.3 uocare for p,ouocare (similarly v.25.1, Curt. 6.1.14), 1 2.42.3 utrsa for euersa, l 1.31.3 lapsa for elapsa (cf. Curt. 3.13.4), 12.32.2 ueniret for pro-/eueniret,' 14.54.3 uexisse for euexisse. But uictus is plainly used for euictus at 3.3.2 uictus luctu animus, 12.68.2 uelut do/ore uicta (cf. 12.25.2 his tuictus, 15.64.2 blandimentis uitae euictam, Verg. Aen. 4.474 euicta dolore, St. Th. 9.840 euicta pudore).1 So I retain uicta here, being certain it is possible, though far from certain it is right. I should urge

1

And not verbs alone: see, e.g., on 13.6 curatissimis. Sec Reynolds, Medieval tradition 126. 1 Also used by Seneca for auocare/euocare (Reynolds I.e.). ' Cf. 14.43.2 utnit for euenitand see N-A ad loc. 5 And uincereis also used for peruiru:tre/perpellere (G-G 1776). 1

80

COMMENTARY

1.57.5

the same caution in several other places where simple verbs can easily be emended away. 1 For in expressing result or effect sec on 11.2 in incertum..• implieabantur. 1.57.5 ■imal Segestes ip■e We undcntand, e.g., aderatfrom the preceding ferehantur. Similarly, e.g., uisehanturfrom adiacehantat 61.3. Sec Clcmm, B,eviloquentia105. 1.57.5 ingen■ ui■a Cf. G. 31.3, 2.14.3 (of the Germans) corpw ... uisu toruum.Hcubncr on iv.22.2 regards uisu thus used with adjectives as an ablative of respect as predominantly poetical. Still cf. Liv. 7. 10.6 nequaquamuisu ac specieaestimantihwpares, 21.32. 7 cettra uisu quam dietu foediora, Sen. Dial. 3. 1.4/oeda uisu et ho"endafacies, 4. 1.2 minimespeciosa

uisu. 1.58.1-4 Scgestes' speech is largely an apologiapro uita sua, skilfully contrived to mix dignified self-justification (1-2), excuse of 'force majcurc' (3), and measured deference (4). It also expresses a political view (Romanis Gmnanisque idem conducere)which T. for one did not share. And it additionally provides points of reference for Arminius' outbunt at 59.2-6, though the speeches arc not formally opposed. Note, for instance, how 58.3 uettra nouis et quieta turhidis antehabeois implicitly contradicted by 59.6 si ... antiqua mallent quam dominoset coloniasnouas. While the speech's general structure is straightforward, it is otherwise with its phraseology: witness the variations in I and 3. The vocabulary too displays several artificial features (Adams, BICS 20 (1973), 125), most conspicuously antehaheo.As is his wont, T. makes no concession to verisimilitude: the speech is not differentiated from othcn because it is given to a barbarian. 1.s9.1 ciaitate donata■ ■am Cf. 13.54.4 Nero ciuitate Romana amhosdonauit(two Frisian leaden) and sec Mommscn, Staats,. 2.8go-2. 1.s9.1 amico■ ... delegi Segestes talks as if he had entered into a treaty of alliance with Rome: cf. 2 below foederis uest,i uiolatorem. 1.s9.1 delegi A favourite verb with T.: it was becoming archaic. He increasingly prefers it in the Annals, dropping the standard eligo after isolated occurrences in 2 and 6, Legotoo after 12: sec Wolfflin 1 108 (= Awg. Sehr. 32-3), Adams, CQ22 (1972), 362. As Adams observes, in the ousting of Legoby deligoone rccherchc term replaces another and 'Tacitus' taste has undergone an idiosyncratic modification'.

1

Sometimes indeed one may suspect compounds have displaced simple verbs. But one can only prove it when the intrusive compound gives a false sense, as at 14.52.3 where M has postquamNeroni amoreorumeuenissetand Lipsius restores uenisset.

81

COMMENTARY

1.58.1

1.5B.1 e:s antru ... neqae ocUo ... aeram qala A complex variation: cf. 2.42.3 non oh crimina ... sed angore,simulfessw ... et quia. Very similar phraseology rccun below, 1 and has been used, e.g., at i.go.3 nee metu aut amore,sed ex lihidine, v.20. 1 nee ... fiducia, sed ... fo,tunam adfore. Sec Sorbom 115-16, Martin, Eranos51 (1953), 93-4. 1.58.1 qalppe ... •ant Gronovius compares Thuc. 3.9. 1. 1.58.1 idem condacere . . . probabam Probably zcugmatic: p,ohaham permits a more general notion, e.g. a,hit,aha,, to be supplied with idem conducere.T. is rather partial to such zcugmata (Clemm, Breviloquentia134-6). Conceivably, however, p,ohare is used with accusative and infinitive, as Clemm later argues ( 148-g): cf. Cic. Ad Alt. 3.20.1 quod quidem ita esse ... uehementi.rsime p,oho, T. himself at G.13.1 a,ma sumerenon ante cuiquam mori.rquam ciuitas sujfecturump,obauerit, and, somewhat differently, 15.20.2 wu p,ohatum est ... legesegregias... gigni. None of these examples is exactly comparable, and here the construction would be strained. 1.58.1 pacem qaam bellam For ellipse of potiw or magi.rsec on 4.4 aliud, Butler-Owen on Apul. Ap. 28. 1.58.2 raptorem . . . . alolatorem 'These poetical words arc suited to a rhetorical passage', Furneaux. They possess some colour, but they arc no poeticisms, at least by T.'s time. For the former cf. Sen. Dial. 7.26.6 ,aptorem ingenuorum,Ben. 1.10.4 homicidae,ty,aMi,fures, adulteri,,aptores,for the latter Liv. 4.19.3 rupto,foederis humani uiolatorque gentiumiuris, 29. 18. 18, Vell. 2. 100.4 uiolato, eiw domw. 1.5B.2 aiolatorem foecleri• antri Strabo 7. 1 .4 speaks of Tij npos Ovapov Kov1VTfM1ovnapaO"'l'Tov6f1aE1, Man. 1.898-9 of the time foedere rupto I cumfera ductorem,apuit Germania Varum. The nature and terms of the treaty arc unknown. Perhaps various tribes became ciuitatesfoederatae.Sec Timpe, Arminiw-Studien 74-6. 1.58.2 •egmda dad• V ell. 2. 118.2 uses the same phrase of Varus, amongst other reproaches. Similar disapproval rccun at Sen. Cont,. 1.3.10, Suet. Tih. 18.1, Flor. 2.30.33-4, Dio 56.19.1-3. 1.58.2 qala ... erat These words, which might have come from the mouth of a disgruntled Roman politician, sound slightly odd from Scgestcs. Butjust before the uprising Varus was attempting to pcnuadc the Germans of the benefits of Roman laws (V ell. 2. 118.1).

1

Note also the repeated antithesis with quam: 1 pacem quam helium, 3 dejleri magis quam defmdi and pa.enitentiamquam pe,niciem. This seems too much of a good thing, and, since no obvious purpose is served, due to oversight.

COMMENTARY

1.58.2

1.,S.satnd• ... noul•nma ilia nox is explained by 55.2 supremo eonuiuio. Haasc's punctuation testis ilia nox mihi, utinam ... has no tangible advantage.

1.58.3 qaae ... po•■ant Segestcs, eonsensugentis in helium traelw (55.3), glides over this sensitive episode of his history. Cf. Liv. 30.30. 7 sedp,aeterita magis rep,ehmdipossunt quam eorrigi. 1.5'.3 defterl ... defeacll Opposing terms joined by quam lend themselves to alliteration, as N-A observe: A. 5.3 ex magnafama quamex mala, i.48.1 Jama meliorequamfortuna, iii.6o.1 praedae quam periculorum soeias,6.8.1 adgnosureerimenquamahnuere.So do terms otherwise opposed, e.g. 12.67.2 ineipi eumpe,iculo,pe,agi cump,aemio. 1.58.3 ceteram ... perpe■•a• ■um We know no more of the matter, but cf. 13.55.1 aderalque . . • Boiocalw, uinctum se rehellione Cheruscaiwsu Arminii rif erens. According to G. 7. 1 neque animaduertere nequeuincire••• nisi saeerdotihwpe,missum. 1.58.3 aatehabeo Again at 4.1 1.3 and apparently nowhere else.I This coinage, after analogy of antefero,antepono,recalls another great rarity, P,aeumhroat 14.47. 1, probably after P,aestringo.Unlike p,aeumbro, antehaheohaJSno graphic quality to explain its creation. Mere whim fathered it.

1.58.f pro ..• precor Cf. Liv. 3. 12.8 ueniamerroriatque adukscmtiaepttendo, where Ogilvie compares Cic. Cael. 30. 1.5'.5 aetere No real problem here. Both Beroaldus' ueteremand J. Gronovius' Vetera give faulty expression and questionable sense. Hence uetere,which is unobjectionable, remains. It implies the Romans still lay claim to a new province beyond the Rhine.

1.5'.5 poWcetar

Used only twice in the Histories,the verb gains favour in AM. 1-3 (nine examples), then reappean but once (in AM. 15), while its synonym p,omitto has ten examples in the Histories, only three in AM. 1-6, two in 11- 12, but ten in 13-16: see Burnet, BICS 16 ( 1969), 63-6. The virtual disappearance of polliteorafter Ann. 3 shows how T.'s preferences may change at any point. 1.5'.5 nomeaqae ... acceplt Some time intervened before this happened, since a report of operations had to reach Rome. The senate conferred the honour on Tiberius' proposal (Mommsen, Staats,. 1.Hz3-5, 2.1155-6). At his death Germanicus is imp. II on coins and inscriptions. Which

1

In OLD s.v., Arrius Menander, Dig. 49.16.4.8, is alleged to use anuhaheoto = 'have previously'. Why not write antehahuerunt?

COMMENTARY

1.58.6

salutation is this? Most scholars suppose it the second, since our sources give him no other in A.D. 15-19 and since his activities in the East offer no obvious occasion for him to be acclaimed imperator:see Timpe, Triumph 36-7. This view rests on two somewhat insecure assumptions, (i) that, had there been another salutation in the period he narrates, T. would necessarily have known of it, (ii) that Gcrmanicus did not share the salutation reported at 2. 18.2, since T. says only milts • . • Tiberium imperatoremsalutauit. Such confidence in his knowledge and completeness may well be unwarranted. But a recently published Augustan inscription (AE 1973, 501), concerning an officer who was hasta pura et coronaaurta donatw a GermanicoCaesare imp(eratort)btllo Germanico,virtually settles the matter, though imperalort may conceivably be incorrect (such flattering inexactitude could be paralleled) or merely = 'general' (very improbable): sec Brunt, ZPE 13 (1974), 176. Certainly it now looks very likely Gcrmanicus' first salutation was Augustan. If so, we can only speculate on its date. It may, but need not, coincide with Augustus' problematic twentyfirst and last salutation and Tiberius' seventh. Germanicus was on the Rhine in A.D. 11 and 13-14, at Rome as consul in 12. Dio 56.25.2 records an expedition into Germany in 11, but says nothing of moment was achieved: one could say much the same of 15. For 13 no German campaign at all is reliably recorded, 1 though it docs not follow none was conducted. In the summer of 14 Gcrmanicus was busy in Gaul (31.2). Gelzer, RE 10.439, decided on 13 or early 14, Timpe favours 1 1.1 Since we know that in 11 the Romans at least crossed the Rhine, that year may be prcfcrred. 1 1.58.6 alrWe ... eclicUt A rather high-flown periphrasis.' Cf. Liv. 1. 1. 11 stirpis quoqueuirilis ex nouo matrimoniofuit, 3. 11, 40.3. In T. stirps = 'offspring' is confined to the Annals.

Admittedly Dio's text breaks off in the coune of the year. But the testimony of Anth. Pal. 9.283 is quite inconclusive, and Veil. 2.121. 1 need only relate to 11-12. 1 Timpe rightly rejects Kocstermann's notion, 'Feldztige' 429, that the salutation dates from the Dalmatian campaign of A.D. 9. 1 Pact Barnes, JRS 64 (1974), 25-6, Syme, History in Ovid 54-g, who has not shown Dio 56.25.2 ern in thinking Germanicus had imptrium proconsulartin 11. On his possession of it before 14 see Brunt o.c. 178-80. ' Cf. 15.34.2 sutrinat tabtrnat alumnus,similarly periphrastic, but hardly high-flown. The components of T.'s expression recur at 2.84.1 duos uirilis sexw ••• tnixa tsl and gtminam stirpnn tditam. 1

COMMENTARY

1.58.6

1.5'.6 eclucatu■ Raaemaae paer Thumelicus (Strabo 7.1.4). Bato the Pannonian (Suet. Tih. 20) and Maroboduus too ended up at Ravenna (2.63.4). There, Orelli notes, they would be under the eyes of officers of the fleet. 1.58.6 qao mos ... memorabo Cf. 2.4.3 where T. makes a similar promise and keeps it (2.68). He may have kept this promise somewhere in book 5 or books 7-11. 1 On the ludihriumit is vain to inquire. Thumelicus was dead by A.D. 4 7 ( 11.16. 1, 3). 1.59.1 lama ... aalgata Cf. Liv. 3.40.13 cuius si falso famam uulgatam... putent, 35.31.11, 42.42.9. 1.59-1 qaibueqae ... erat Extension of a usage hitherto restricted to uo/nu: 1 cf. A. 18.2 quihus helium uolentihus erat, iii.43.2 in uerha. .. adigi uolentihusfuit, Sall. lug. 84.3 nequeplebi militia uolentiputahatur, 100.4 uti ... Laboruolentibwesstt, Liv. 21.50.10 quibwdam uoltntibus nouas resfore. It is plausibly regarded as a Graecism, after ~ov>.oµiv~/ simm. µo{ lcrnv/y{yvncn, a construction Thucydides likes (e.g. 2.3.2, 4.8o.2), but not peculiar to him (cf. Plat. Gorg. 448d, Dern. 18.11): see Perrochat, Modilts 24, Brenous, Hellinismes 189-91. And it was probably a Sallustian innovation, 1 under Thucydides' direct influence. But, according to Brenous, it is hardly alien to Latin: Greek influence, consciously recognized or not, has developed latent possibilities, not imported an incongruity. Perhaps so, but this dative with esst is appreciably different from what is found, e.g., at Cic. De Or. 1.96 inspe,anli ... mini et Cottae,sed ualdeoptanti utriquenostrumcecidit, ut ... , Sen. Ben. 3.36.1 ipsis patribus id uoltntibw laetisquecontigerit. 1.59-1 rapta ... uterus Cf. ii. 76.3 an excidit trucidatw Corbulo, 1. 16. 1 mutatw prineeps lieentiam turbarum ... ostendehat,3.50.3 qui neque serualw in pe,iculum rei publieaenequeinte,fectw in exemplumibit, and sec on 8.6 occiswdictatorCaesar. 1.59-1 eenddo But seruitutis below in or. ohl. seruiiw, the normal term, is almost entirely confined to T.'s speeches, the choicer alternative• regular in his narrative: sec Adams, BICS 20 (1973), 128-9.

1

Paet Keddie, Antiehtlwn9 (1975), 52 n.7. • Later writers extend it further: cf. Front. p. 216 VDH si tihifabulam breuem libmti est audire, Jui. Val. 2.15 ul •.• parert ti libmtibw sit Aeoptiis, 34 ut illis officiumtale non dedignantihwfintt. • Earlier use cannot be excluded, or for uolmtia = optata, g,ata (Hist. 4.42, adopted by T. at iii.52.3, 15.36.4). • But occasional occurrence in Columella and Seneca the Younger suggests it is not very elevated.

COMMENTARY

1.59.1

1.59-1 aaecordem. agebant Cf. Cat. 63.93 alios age ineitatos, alios furenum I in somnisferus Aeneas, ag, rabidos, V erg. Aen. 4.465-6 agitq&11 Curt. 4.13.13 lymphatosJerriagique, Plin. N.H. 31.9 in potando necessarius modus,ne lymphatosagat. 1.59-1 arm.a ... poaceDa Superficially similar to Vcrg. Aen. 7.46o arma amens/remit, arma toro uctisque requirit and, in posure a,ma = 'demand war', to Aen. 7.340 arma uelit poscatque,583-4 bellum ... poscunt, but,pace Baxter, CPh 67 (1972), 253, not 'certainly reminiscent' of Vcrgil. 1.59-11egregium. patrem. Cf. Cic. Cluent. 14 ilia egregiaac praeclara mater, Cat. 67.29 egregium ... parenum, and sec on 42.3 egregiam ... rifntis. Ironical use of egregius is commonplace, yet scholars talk of V crgilian reminiscence, comparing Aen. 4.93-4. 1.59-11m.allerculam. Sec on 40.2 panuJum. 1.59-3 albl ... procubaiaae Cf. iv.17.3 esse secum ueteranas cohortes, quibus nupn Othonis ugiones procubunint. Furncaux regards sibi as a dative of advantage. The context here (as, I think, at iv.17.3) suggests agency. Arminius contrasts his actions, not his advantages, with those of Scgcstcs and Germanic us (quorum tot manus . . . auexerint / sibi procubuisse).p,ocubuisseis thus equivalent to a passive such as caesosesse. 1.59.3 toddem. legatos The three legati legionum. At 61.4 hie cecidisselegatosthe} arc spoken ofscparatcly from Varus. He, of course, was legatusCaesaris,but Arminius need not therefore mean him and two others (so N-A). 1 1.59.3 DODealm. ... tractare Echoed in Tiberius' proud assertion when offered Arminius' assassination: 2.88.1 nonfraude nequeoccullis,sed palam et armatumpopulum Romanum hastes suos ukisci. Cf. Curt. 4.1 1. 17. Romans would not agree that, when Arminius tricked Varus, palam helium tractauit: in their eyes it was perfidy (55.1, Veil.2.119.2). 1.59.3 helium. tractare Cf. Liv. 5.12.7, 23.28.4. Similarly iv.73.2, but probably differently 6.44.2 distrahi consiliis, iret contra an helium cunctationetractaret.1

1

1

To argue he personally commanded one legion (its ugatus being absent) makes heavy weather. Where, I think, it = 'protract', by association with helium trahnt, quite common in that sense, e.g. Cic. Ad Att. 10.8.2, Sall. lug. 23.2. Most commentators (not Otto) neglect this possibility, established by Coel. 16 illis facilius est helium tractare,if we credit the fragment's source (Macr. Exe. Bob. 5.651.33-4 K) who explains tractare as diu trahne. Lcbek, Verbaprisca 220, claims the meaning docs not recur, overlooking T.

86

COMMENTARY

1.59.4

1.59-4••cerdoda.m thomlnamt

The paradosisis unacceptable in sense and expression. G-G 5!28b allege sacndotiumhominummight denote 'sacerdotium Caesaris et Augusti, non ucrorum deorum •. Though the exact nature of the cult at Ara Ubiorum is uncertain, Rome and Augustus arc likelier dedicatces than Caesar and Augustus or gens Julia.• And plainly, asjohn notes, Hennes 91 (1g63), 381, hominumis no apt paraphrase for Romaeet Augusti. Miller takes hominumas a rhetorical plural for Augusti alone, but (a) the speech is not all that rhetorical, (b) homines( = homo) might well suggest a living, not a dead man, and, decisively, (c) there is no way of telling this is a rhetorical plural rather than a true one, and its import would thus remain utterly obscure. The allusion a little later to ilk intn numina dicatus Augustus cannot retrospectively explain what is not at all obvious here. Further, as to the alleged opposition between hominesand uni mput& yw6µ.wov, where Ta )'E npc;rra can hardly mean anything else than 'at least at fint '. Further, when Dio 59.9.1 tells us Gaius in A.D. 38 did not administer an oath in acta Tiherii, but had permanent success in excluding it, his words (ol 6pteo1 mpl Twv v,roTov T•~Ep(ov 1rpcxx8wrwvoVKhn'ix6T}aav)can be in terpretcd as suggesting this oath was being taken in preceding years. If Tiberius accepted the oath, 1 it may have been in A.D. 32, in the aftermath of Scjanus' fall. This is what Dio seems to be talking about in a rather obscure passage under that year (58. 17.2-3), where he indicates Tiberius admitted an oath he had hitherto declined: ,rp6-npov ..• teal ml ,roAAc hT} ov6· 6µVWTa TIVCTC ,rpos T'l'iv&f>x-i\vavTOV cpipoVTa, WCTn'Ef> dnov, l\viaxno.The vague npos T'l'iv&f>x-i\v ... cpipoVTacancer-

1

The strongest argument against so supposing is T.'s silence, here and in book 6. Refusal at first, then acceptance, could have served as evidence for Tiberius' hypocrisy. 139

COMMENTARY

1.72.1

tainly be taken to include the oath in acta. But there are further complexities, which cannot be punued here: see Herrmann, Kaisereid 107-10. Whether he changed his mind or not, Tiberius acted eiuiliter in rejecting the oath, 1 for its import was monarchic, as the conspiraton of 44 B.c. perceived (App. Bell. Ciu. 2.573). Comprising past and (later) future• acts it was tantamount in effect, as Weinstock 223 notes, to that sweeping clause of the kx de imperio Vespasiani(EJ 364) which enabled the prineeps to do whatsoever he considered ex usu reipublicu maiestatediuinarumhumanarumpublicarumpriuatarumquererum.Nero, in his fint flush of liberalism ( 13. 11.1), also rejected it, and won the senate's effusive applause. 1.7a.1 permlait For pe,mitta with acc. + inf. cf., e.g., i.47.2, 14. 12.4, Petr. 130.6, Suet. Aug. 65.3, Dom. 13.2, and sec on 79.3 laeum ••• obstrui recusanus,Hofmann-Szantyr 356. 1.7a.1 cancta •.. labrlco Painful experience supported his opinion: 6.51.2 maximein lubrieoegit aeceptain matrimoniumJulia. For the not uncommon in lubricocf. Cic. Or. 98 minimequein lubrieouersabitur, Curt. 6.4.10 in p,ueipiti et lubricostantem, Sen. Ep. 84.12 non in p,urupta tantum istic stabis, sed in lubnco. The thought too is hackneyed: cf., e.g., Sen. Ag. 58-9, Dial. 11.9.5, Ben. 6.30.6,Juv. 10.104-7. 1.7sa.1 cUcdtana Constans, RPI, 18 (1894), 220, defended M's dictans, citing from Gellius two apparent occurrences of dicto = 'say repeatedly, be wont to say'. The question he raises should be faced squarely (being awkward it is ignored): if dicta = dictita exists in early imperial Latin, why change the paradosis? It is not quite sufficient reason that T. nowhere else uses dicta, that he likes dictitanswith acc. + inf. (G-G 288-g), and that Mis prone to omit syllables. But how strong is the evidence for the alleged use of dicta? Only Graeber, at TLL 5.1013.51ff, faintly voices doubt. It is transmitted at Sen. N.Q_.5.18.4, Gell. 4.2.1, 4.11.14, and SHA Gord. 20.2.• In the last passage the sense strongly supports correction to recitasse.At Gell. 4.1 1.4 the manuscripts are at variance, VPR offering dictitasse.'Thus two out of five examples in respectable Latin (if charity may grant SHA respectable) are shaky,

Tiberius might have claimed his acta did not require retrospective protection, as did those of Caesar and Augustus. 1 See Herrmann 108 n.57. Tiberius (apud Suet. Tib. 67.3) seems to undentand future acts as included. 1 Then we descend to Cassiodorus and Arator, hardly to be considered relevant. ' Graeber finds dictitassentcorrupted in C to dictassentat Nep. Lys. 1.4. 1

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because of sense or transmission. Three remain, flatly against regular and frequent usage, while the normal verb, readily available, happens to be one very easily corrupted into the highly abnormal one. And against one of these three examples (the present case) the author's usage raises substantial objection. We arc left to balance probabilities. They incline heavily to the conclusion dicto = dictito is a ghost, which should long ago have been exorcized from our texts and dictionaries. 1.72.2-74-6 This passage, the first in which T. deals with the treason-trials which will bulk so large in later books, requires extensive introductory comment. I shall outline some of the main problems concerning the Tibcrian trials, then say something about the way he presents them. First a select bibliography: B. Ktiblcr, RE 14.542-59 ( 1928), E. Levy, Die romische Kapitalstrafe, SHAW, phil.-hist. Kl., 1930-1, Abh. 5, Marsh, Reign of Tiberius 106-15, 284-95, R. S. Rogers, Criminal trials and criminal legislation under Tiberius, Middletown 1935, Walker 83-110, A. H. M. Jones, 'Imperial and senatorial jurisdiction in the early principate', Historia 3 (1954-5), 464-88, C. W. Chilton, 'The Roman law of treason under the early principate ', JRS 45 ( 1955), 73-81, E. Kocstcrmann, 'Die Majestatsprozcsse unter Tiberius', Historia 4 (1955), 72-106,J. E. Allison andj. D. Cloud, 'The lex Iulia maicstatis', Latomus 21 (1962), 711-31, R. A. Bauman, The crimen maiestatis in the Roman republic and Augustan principate, Johannesburg 1967, P. Garnsey, Social status and legal privilege in the Roman empire, Oxford 1970, 17-42, R. A. Bauman, Impietas in principem, Munich 1974, B. Levick, Tiberius the politician, London 1976, 18o-200. Our evidence concerning the law of trcason 1 of the early empire is very patchy and in part insecure, 1 while the problems which arise from it intertwine inextricably. Some basic questions have received diverse, indeed contradictory answers. Republican laws covered various categories of maiestas, such as sedition (Lex Appuleia) and misconduct of provincial governors (Lex Cornelia). It is not certain that any of them dealt with mai.estasgenerally, including and/or superseding the provisions of earlier legislation, but 1

1

Maiestas minuta involves lowering/diminution of the standing/dignity of the populus Romanus and by extension its representatives. The concept is thus much wider and more comprehensive than our treason. The historians arc selective and liable to bias. The rhetoricians concerned themselves with plausible interpretation, not legal accuracy. With the juristic sources, mainly late (3rd century A.D. onwards), there is the risk of interpolation, adjustment, and rephrasing to conform with contemporary practice and modes of thought.

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some evidence (Ki.ibler, 547-8) suggests Sulla's law did so.1 As to the empire, consistent reference to a single law, a Lex (Julia) maiestatis,1 shows no other remained operative. T. alludes unequivocally to one entity: 72.2, 2.50.1 adolescebat... Lex maiestatis, 3.50.4, 4.34.2, 14.48.2 tum primum reuocataea lex.1 If this law was not comprehensive, but merely the last of a series limited in scope, he and other writers, literary and juristic, conspire to adopt a curious and misleading shorthand. Was the LexJulia Caesarian or Augustan? We know Caesar carried a Lexmaiestatis (Cic. Phil. 1.21-3), but have little contemporary information about it.' Is there any testimony for another, introduced by Augustus, or, in default of such testimony, a discernible reason for his introducing one? Allison and Cloud, after effectively demolishing evidence alleged from literary and legal sources, conclude Augustus' law must fall victim to Occam's razor. Their scepticism is salutary. Bauman, to be sure, o.c. 266ff, finds some similarities between legislation mentioned by Dio 53.15.6 under 27 e.c. and provisions Marcian ascribes, Dig. 48.4.3, to LexJulia maiestatis, but these links are tenuous and readily disputed. No clear and direct attestation exists for an Augustan law.• To what extent, then, was legislation needed, to safe1

Bauman believes the successive laws added new categories, but did not subsume or replace the old ones. 1 The subject of Dig. 48.4, entitled 'Ad legem luliam maiestatis '. Bauman, Cr. maiest. 279ff, observes that much material in this section is not explicitly attributed to the Lex Julia. But exactly the same applies in other sections of the Digest where only one law is involved. • The plural leges at 72.3 signifies nothing, for a general remark exerctndas leges esst forms an entirely appropriate reply to Macer's question. ' Pace Bauman o.c. 155ff, while Caesar's law made some special provision for uis (Cic. Phil. 1.21), it is not clear it provided for maiestasper uim alone. • Except perhaps (but only on one view) 3.24.2 culpam inter uiros ac feminas uulgatam graui nomint laesarum religionum ac uiolatae maiestatis appellandoclementiammaiorum suasque ipse leges tgrediebatur (of the way Augustus punished the lovers of the two Julias). As Allison and Cloud 720-1 suggest, leges may be rhetorical: Augustus exceeded the penalties laid down by his Lexdt adulttriis. Calling adultery treasonable did. not make it treason, but made for stiffer, indeed illegal punishment. Alternatively legesrefers to laws on adultery and treason, the latter of which Augustus misused by applying it to adultery which it did not cover. If so, this is concrete evidence for an Augustan Lexmaiestatis.

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guard Augustus' position or otherwise? Without doubt he enjoyed ample protection under existing law: Cic. /nu. 2.53 maiestatemminune est de dignitate aut amplitudine aut potestate populi aut eorum quibus populus potestatem dedit aliquid derogare1 ( cf. Dig. 48.4. 1. 1) . And maiestas gave more than the usual opportunities for extension by interpretation. But, if legal recognition was needed for a new concept, the pcnonal maiestas of Augustus and his family, as distinct from that which fell upon him as a representative of the populus (Koestermann 77 n.13), could extension and interpretation adequately provide it? Some have doubted whether they could, and certainly lullus Antonius' adultery with Julia fits no republican category of maiestas.1 Yet, if a law was introduced specifically to embrace a new concept of maiestas,the silence of our sources, patchy though they arc, is astonishing. 3 Again, much debate has centred on defamation, which, says T., Augustus was the fint to deal with under (or as if under) the lex maiestatis.Some suppose new legislation was required to cover it. Others, more plausibly, that earlier treason-laws were sufficiently wide. Thus Allison and Cloud 719 take Cic. /nu. 2.53 (cited above) as showing that at least from the lex Cornelia treason could include 'insults of any kind to penons of importance in the state'. Similarly the lex Corneliade iniuriis was held to include verbal injuries: sec Hennig, Chiron3 ( 1973), 246 n. 7, 24 7 n. 11. And the crucial passage primus ... cognitionemdefamosis libellis specielegis eius traetauit (72.3) is naturally understood to refer to a long-standing law, not a recent one. famosi libelli hardly provided Augustus with grounds for enacting a new and substantive law, though he perhaps made some adjustment in the Lexde iniuriis in order to deal with anonymous and pseudonymous pamphlets (Bauman, o.c. 252ff). The issue turns largely upon penalties. If there was no Augustan treason-law, are the penalties inflicted for maiestasunder Augustus and Tiberius consistent with those earlier prescribed, in particular by Caesar, and, if not, how should they be explained? As Levy showed, the legal penalty for treason remained death under the leges Appuleia and Cornelia,though never in the late republic enforced on a Roman citizen. The accused could go into exile before or after conviction;

1 1

1

How far this passage reflects the terms of the ltx Corneliaor another law may be debated. Quite closely, perhaps. Suppose then a law passed before 2 B.c. made any injury to Augustus' family a capital offence. T. 's comments at 3.24.2 will become inexplicable. 4.34.2 neque hate in principem aut principis parentem, quos ltx maiestatis amplectiturseems to me inconclusive. 143

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aqruu et ignis intndictio followed. Caesar acknowledged realities by making the defacto penalty, banishment, the legal one. This emerges ugibw Caesaris, quae iubent ei from Cic. Phil. 1.23 quid, quod obrogatur_. qui de ui itemqw ei qui maiestatis damnatw sit aqua et igni intndici. That banishment was still a (or the) legal penalty for treason under the early empire emerges equally clearly from 3.50.4 cedat tamen urbe et bonis amissisaqua et igni arceatur; quodpninde censeoac si Legemaiestatisteneretur.1 It would be convenient to disregard the passage of Cicero, as Jones 481 n.3 would have us do, and argue that at 3.50 and 14.48 the 'attempts to justify the milder penalty ... as being that of the laws were probably based rather on the invariable Republican interpretation of the laws than on their text•. But is it legitimate to go flatly against the plain sense of these passages ?1 If not, how is it many persons convicted of maiestassuffer death? Either (i) an Augustan ux maiestatispermitted that penalty, without making it mandatory, or (ii) the penalty under Caesar's law was arbitrarily and variously exceeded, by banishment being sharpened to deportatio,by total confiscation, by damnatio memoriae,and by execution or enforced suicide. 1 (i) would explain the evidence of the trials economically, but against this advantage one must set the lack of explicit attestation of the death penalty being legally prescribed for maiestasat this period.' (ii) became a real possibility once the courts of senate and princepsbegan in Augustus' time to function alongside the quaestiones(Jones 478ff, Bauman, o.c., 176 n.22). To some extent at least both these courts varied and intensified statutory penalties: Plin. Ep. 4.9. 17 cum putaret liceresenatui (ut licet) et mitigare uges et intendere,Suet. Claud. 14 ugitimam poenam supergresswest.• Cf. 14.48.4 carnificemet laqueumpridem abolita, et esst poe,,aslegibw constitutas quibw sine iudicum saeuitia et temporum i,ifamia supplicia decernerentur.Further confirmation comes from Paul. Sent. 5.29.1 his [sc. maiestatis damnatis] antea in perpetuum aqua et igni interdicebatur:sec Allison and Cloud 730. 1 We have to suppose Cicero meant his audience to undentand iubtnl aqua et igni interdici (si legitimampoenam tjfugerit). A lot to ask. 1 I do not admit as a third possibility Rogen' theory that the LexJulia distinguished two grades of treason, perdwllio and maiestas, death being mandatory for the former. It rests on no evidence which bears examination, as Chilton showed: Rogers replied, JRS 49 (1959), go-4, but ineffectually. Still, some gradation, less sharp than he supposes, cannot be ruled out. ' As Allison and Cloud 727 observe, iure is ambiguous at Veil. 2.91.2 quod uifacere uoluerant,iurt passi sunt. • As late as Pliny's time, in a trial de repetundis,doubts could be raised whether such proceedings were proper: Ep. 2. t 1.4 aliis cognitiontm

1

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One can well undcntand that in cases of maitstas involving the prineeps (most did), a loyal or subservient senate would be cager or obligcd 1 to inflict penalties beyond what the law laid down. 1 But, if so, one cannot undcntand at all why T., who at 3.24.2 emphasizes very strongly that legal penalties or the scope of the law were exceeded in a case of aggravated adultery, says nothing whatever about the matter on any of the convictions for treason, even those he considcn most outrageous, and though not at all avcnc from remarking on the senate's servility and abasement. Further, Tiberius, if anyone, was a stickler for legal proprieties, and the senate took its lead from him. T.'s penistcnt silence on the imposition of death penalties might seem our best proof both that they were legal and that there was an Augustan lex maiutatis. 1 Yet T. himself twice attests banishment as a (or the) legal penalty. This is almost an impasse, from which we shall not fully extricate ounclves even if we suppose the /ex Julia admitted alternative penalties. Further, the particulan of the trials T. reports only intermittently suggest penalties might have been graded according to the offcncc's gravity. And so, I fear, both questions, whether there was an Augustan law of treason and what punishment was in his time legally prescribed for it, must remain open. They arc not easily separated. Seneca, who had lived through the principatc of Tiberius, writes of it (Ben. 3.26. J): sub Tiberio fuit accusandifrequens tt pun, publica rabies, quae omni ciuili hello g,auiw togatam ciuitattm confecit,· txcipitbatu, tbriorum

1

senatus ltgt conclwam, aliis liberam solutamque dicmtibw, quantumqut admisisut reus, tantum uindicandum. Sherwin-White ad loc. says 'the implication that the Senate could increase penalties beyond the /)«na legis docs not seem to be true of the past'. That it could do so earlier is implied by a passage he cites ( 14.45.2), as Bauman notes, lmpittas 49. 14.48.3 non quicquid noctns rew pati mererttu,, id egrtgio sub p,incipe tt nulla necessitateobstricto smatui statuendum.

1

1

The Elizabethan House of Commons excelled them in this respect. Convinced that hanging, drawing, and quartering were inadequate for the traitor Parry, they endeavoured to devise something worse. Allison and Cloud 726 arc not very convincing when they say 'Roman public opinion was less concerned about the exact nature of the penalties inflicted than we are.' The difference between a tolerable banishment and death must have impinged even on a Roman. And why docs T. talk so much about penalties, if they arc matters of comparative indifference? Again, is his comment at 3.24.2 clementiam . .. egreditbatur really 'morally neutral', as Allison and Cloud 727 claim? 145

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smno, simplicitasiocantium;nihil erat tutum; omnissuuiendi plaubat ouasio, n,c iam reorumexpectabantureuentus,cum essetunus.1 He may have in mind only Tiberius' latter years (he does not say so, but cf. Clem. 1.1.6), and he is wont to exaggerate, but on any reckoning these are strong words, consonant with the tone of unmitigated horror T. imparts to his narration of the treason-trials and with his view that the I.exmaitstatis acted like a fatal disease, blighting the body politic. Suetonius and Dio tell much the same story. Support for a more tempered view may perhaps be elicited from T. himself, by close and critical reading. But, however his evidence be re-interpreted, his own interpretation cannot be set aside, as if he retrojects quite anachronistically a state of affairs which first obtained under Domitian. The passage of Seneca alone refutes that supposition. Yet T.'s attitude to events under Tiberius, in particular his reluctance to admit any explanations except the worst and most damaging to the p,inceps, may still be profoundly influenced by his own experiences. The indictment of T.'s treatment of the treason-trials which Marsh, Walker, and others draw up rests heavily upon alleged discrepancy between 'fact' and 'impression'. T., they claim, conveys an impression of the trials far worse than the facts he reports can, objectively considered, warrant. He does this by various reprehensible devices of style, which he uses to reconcile the facts with his preconceived opinions. He is predisposed to impute prosecutions for treason to a calculated plan of Tiberius' (ars Tihtrii) and to view Tiberius, contrary to the evidence, as a cunning and bloodthirsty tyrant; he lacks the objectivity to appraise each case on its merits, and will, if he can, presume or imply innocence, when innocence is not proved; and he not infrequently makes comments so heavily biased as to be inept, indeed self-defeating, if it was really his purpose to mislead. Given we can sec how T. works and separate 'fact' from 'impression', his critics believe we can then employ the facts, once separated out, to recover the truth. I fear they arc unduly optimistic. In attempting to extract purely factual material we face two difficulties: (a) the facts may be blurred by colourful, emotional, and imprecise expression, and (b) often such facts as can be extracted arc sadly incomplete. As to (a), loaded language and tricks of style will mislead only the gullible or those who do not know their T.: obscurity is more serious. There is an excellent example here at 73.1 quibusinitiis ... corripu,rit. Heated expression, couched in a series of metaphors,

1

T. says rather similarly periculumpro exitio habebatur(4.28.2).

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echoes at the start the strength of T. 's fcclings: we register immediately the tone and approach he will adopt. But what does he actually say? The stages which the four metaphon indicate arc so obscure that some relate them to the whole of century I A.D., others to the principate of Tiberius only. The latter arc almost certainly right, but beyond that we cannot go. It is impouiblc to tell whether repressumsit relates to (say) 15 or 17-19, a,stril to (say) 23-37 or 30-37, and whether cuneta implies charges were brought which hitherto had not been admitted. Passages like this simply crumble if we attempt to squeeze any substance from them. As to (h), while information extracted from T. sometimes suggests his view, stated or implied, is wrong, it does not necessarily suffice to sustain a different view. And all too frequently the search for facts itself proves vain. Let us take an example. At 2.27-32 T. narrates the trial and suicide of Libo Drusus, presenting him as a pathetic and contemptible figure and perhaps implying he was innocent. Can we tell whether he was innocent or guilty? As Levick 288 notes, the charges against him were serious enough: 2. 2 7. 1 moliri res nouas, Suet. Tih. 25.1 res nouasclam moliehatur,Dio 57.15.4 ~avTa T1 VEc...ntpf~Elv, Fasti Amit. Sept. 13 nefaria consilia ... de salult Ti. Caes. libnorumque tiw tl aliorum principum ciuilalis. But the evidence T. mentions as brought forward in support (2.30.1-2) may seem flimsy in the extreme, its weightiest item being that Libo kept a list of names and placed sinister or secret marks against members of the imperial family and senate. Tiberius' dcfendcn (Marsh 59-6o, Rogcn 13ff) maintain T. is astray in treating Libo as a harmless fool: there was, they believe, a real plot, details of which he has not presented. On the other hand Syme 400 is prepared to accept his account as valid 1 and depreciate the other sources, while Koestcrmann go believes he gives us all essentials of the accusation. The other sources (in particular Fasti Amit. and Veil. 2.129.2, 130.3) may up to a point be discounted, but indisputably the affair was regarded as very serious at the time. Now it is plain, from T. himself amongst others, that Tiberius, at least at this stage of his life, had no time at all for frivolous and trumped-up prosecutions, yet such Libo's prosecution appears on the evidence T. reports: it was to be some centuries before treasonable thoughts would count as treason. Hence plausible guesses that there was more to the matter than he knows or discloses. But guesses they remain: Libo may

1

Seneca's remarks on Libo (Ep. 70.10 lam stolidi quam nohilis, maiora speranlisquam illo saeculoquisquamsperarepoteral aul ipse ullo) are used by Manh to support his view, by Syme to support his. They may be turned either way, but the latter has the advantage. 147

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have been only a case for a psychiatrist. 1 We simply do not know, since even the closest dissection of T.'s narrative cannot produce enough material for us to turn to independent ~, either for or against his interpretation. This leads on to a matter Manh and Walker consider rather important. They are at pains to collect and analyse the results of all the treason-trials reported for Tiberius' principate and to show an appreciable number of cases were dismissed without hearing or resulted in acquittal.• Hence, they conclude, the gap in T. between fact and impression is tellingly revealed. Certainly T. paints an exceptionally black picture, if it was his task to award points for acquittals and penalties for condemnations. And Seneca's claim that the trials had only one outcome is nonsense. Totting up the results of the trials will not, however, tell us whether the kx maiestatis was justifiably used or not. If we leave aside the cases dismissed, T. reports some eighty cases of treason for Tiberius' twenty-three years as prineeps. As has been remarked, an average of over three treason-trials a year might itself indicate the state of affairs was unhealthy, 1 but in fact the majority cluster fairly thick in the second half of his reign. That is one of the main foundations for the generally and rightly held view that things changed for the worse, though T. makes the treason-law a specific exception to qualified approval of the earlier period: 4.6.2 kgesque, si maiestatis quaestio eximnetur, bono in wu. What we most need to know, before passing judgement on T. or on Tiberius, is whether many of the convictions for treason were demonstrably unjust. It may well be so, though, since T. 's evidence is itself at question, it is very hard to prove. Some no doubt were politically motivated, but those who play a dangerous political game accept its risks. The murder of Sejanus' children (5.9) would alone damn Tiberius, if the blame could be pinned on him directly. But events may for a time have slipped out of control after Sejanus' fall. Not for long, however, since acquittals soon became possible again (6.8-g). If Tiberius remained compos mmtis until the end, he must take all, or most, of the responsibility for whatever happened. Of that, at least, there is no doubt. In narrating the treason-trials T. sometimes implies more instances

1

2

1

Which is not to say he was no danger at all. According to Sen. Clem. 1.9.2 L. Cinna, stolidi ingenii uir, planned to kill Augustus: but that story may be apocryphal (Syme, Roman revolulion 414). Walker 263-70 conveniently sets out the information. Still, we will remember maiestas was more comprehensive than treason as we understand it.

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than those he mentions could be given (e.g. 2.50.1 et Appultiam Varillam, 6.10.1 ne Jtminae quidtm txsortts pmculi). His critics doubt this, and argue that, being determined to blacken Tiberius, he scrapes together every case he can find. For A.D. 34-5 (6.28-39), it is alleged, he is running short of material. Hence the picturesque digression on the phoenix (6.28), hence too, had there been more treason-trials to record, he would have seized upon them avidly. So, they argue, he has told us all there is to tell. I question this, for several reasons. Though anxious to denigrate Tiberius, T. would hardly lose all sense of artistic proportion or the need to avoid tedium (cf. 6.38. 1). He was not recounting the treason-trials alone. Again, though he doubtless includes all causes cllebrts and such as specially interested him, many other cases may have occurred, less interesting or concerning persons oflittle note. 1 Trials for treason continued in the quaestio as well as in the senate: that is implied by the praetor's question at 73.3 an iudicia maitstati.s rtddertntur (Garnsey 19, Seager, Tiberius 152). Pact Garnsey, it is not certain only' the barest trickle of cases went to the quaestio ', and matters not recorded in the acta stnatus might escape T. 's notice. Here, then, an assumption tending in Tiberius' favour should be viewed sceptically. T. says of Tiberius ltgtm maitstatis rtdwcerat. Since the law was probably in operation as recently as A.D. 12 (Dio 56.27.1), rtdwctrat has seemed to some scholars loaded and unfair. What objection, they argue, can there be to Tiberius' reply to the praetor txtrctndas ltgts tsst? This, as Koestermann 76 observes, is to take too strictly juristic a view: in fact a weighty question of political policy was involved. The Roman law of treason, as I have said, admitted wide interpretation, the more so perhaps as the idea of the ruler's personal maitstas grew up alongside that of maitstas populi Romani. And, as Cuff remarks, in an eminently sensible paper,• 'not only did the Roman system of prosecution lend itself to abuse unless the bringing of cases was strictly controlled, but also the assumption, inherent in Tiberius' reply, that the laws were sufficient guardians of the state was itself a dangerous one'. Tiberius alone possessed the authority to curb an evident danger of malicious prosecutions, extremely damaging to the harmony of the state, but from misguided adherence to Augustan precedent, or lack of foresight, or a sense of insecurity he chose not to do so. 3 Instead, to quote Cuff again, 1

Persons of all ranks had been liable to prosecution for maiestas at least since Caesar's law. • CR 14 (1964), 136-7. 1 Note his refusal to inhibit the informers' rewards (4.30.2) subutrtertnt potius iura quam custodts torum amouertnt and Domitian's remark (Suet. Dom. 9.3) P,inttps qui delatorts non castigat, i"itat. 149

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1.72.2

'what Tiberius gave the praetor, and the tklatores, was carte blanche and, in doing so, as Tacitus appreciated, he opened the floodgates'. The preceding pages have, I hope, explained why, when I come to the individual treason-trials, I shall often suspend judgement on the merits or defects of T.'s narration. Some years ago (vol. 1, p.29) I said his indignation and shame at the later abuse of the Lexmaiestatiscause him first to misjudge and then to misrepresent its use under Tiberius. I could not with the same conviction defend that view today. 1.72.2 cbdll■ animl Definable as animus Legumet libertatis aequae patiens (Liv. 45.32.5), and a trait much praised in the elder Drusus (Suet. Claud. 1.4) amongst others. Suetonius ( Tih. 26. 1), unlike T., takes the evidence of Tiberius' demeanour at face-value: ciuilem admodum inter initia ac paulo minus quam priuatum egit. Similarly Dio 57.8.3. 1.72.2 ■i qui■ ••• minui■■et Cf. Cic. De Or. 2.164, Part. 105. But, since the examples might readily come to mind, not 'cited from Cicero' (Furneaux). We have a zeugma here, for, pace Otto, Ps.-Ascon. ad Verr. 2. I .84, p.243 S imminuti magistratusueluti maiestatislaesaereus is insufficient support for exercitum/plehemminuere:see Clcmm, Breviloquentia135. 1.72.2 facta ... erant These famous words are broadly true: if punishment for defamation was available under the twelve tables, 1 it was not enforced; if redress could be had by an actio iniuriarum, it was not sought. The exceptions arc early, few, and debatable.• Thereafter a long silence reigns on any legal action against the spoken or written word. 3 In the late republic politicians commonly directed virulent invectives against their rivals, but we rarely find men of humble status defaming their betters.• ' Freedom of speech' was largely governed by

See Cic. Rep. 4.12, Tusc. 4.4, Hor. Sat. 2.1.82-3, Ep. 2.1.152-4. In 246 s.c. some rash words brought a multae inrogatioon Claudia at the comitia trihuta. Suetonius ( Tih. 2.3) says nouo more iudicium maiestatis apud populum mulier suhiit, an anachronistic reference to maiestas, pace Bauman, Cr. maiest. 28. In 206 B.C. Naevius was imprisoned for •abusing eminent persons, on what legal basis it is uncertain. Perhaps by magisterial coercitio(Gell. 3.3. 15, Bauman 246-7). 3 Cic. Ad Fam. 3. 11.2 has little bearing on defamation generally, if Lehmann correctly diagnoses the textual fault: see Shackleton Bailey ad Joe. • Lucilius had standing and powerful friends. Still, one recalls Suet. Gramm. p. 13 B ac nt principum quidtm uirorum insectationeahstinuit (sc. Orhilius). 1

1

COMMENTARY

1.72.2

social convention, with coercitioin reserve against anyone who did not know its rules. Cf. Sen. Ben. 3.27 .1 sub diuo Augusto nondumhominibusuerba sua periculosaeranl, iam moltsta. 1.72.2 bapane enuat Similarly, e.g., i.75.1, iii.5.1, 3.28.1. Predicative impuneis neither common nor particularly rare in earlier prose: cf. Cato, Or. 166, Ag,. 5.2, Cic. Mil. 31, Liv. 1.58.7, 33.49.3. 1.72.3 prbnus ... tractauit The general sense is plain enough, the exact meaning (if there is one) hard to pin down. cognitionem... tractauit might strictly interpreted refer to Augustus' own court, not the senate, but we are scarcely obliged to take it strictly. Again, T. docs not say Augustus on this occasion condemned Severus or anyone else. And again, specieeius ltgis is unclear. G-G 1531 offer 'unter dem Titel ', which docs not get us far. I detect a more derogatory nuance: what should have been handled as iniuriaewas dressed up as maitstas.1 Severus' condemnation, iudicio iurati senatus (4.21.3), falls in A.D. 8 according to Hieron. Chr. p.176 H, who says his death in A.D. 32 was in the twenty-fifth year of his exile. But it falls in A.D. 12 if he belongs amongst the persons mentioned at Dio 56.27.1 as being punished for their writings. Were Jerome reliable, one might prefer his explicit testimony. As it is, we must remain in doubt. There is doubt too about the truth of T.'s own suggestion that this was the first timefamosi libelli were handled under the Lex maiestatis. Sen. Cont,. 10 p,. 5-8 clearly states T. Labienus was the first whose books were burned, and a plausible case may be made for thinking this the result of condemnation ltge maiestatis, as with Severus and later Cord us: see Hennig, Chiron 3 (1973), 245-54. Ifso, we find evidence here that T. was not wholly familiar with the events of Augustus' principate. 1.72.3 famosl■ llbelll■ Cf. Suet. Aug. 55, Paul. Sent. 5.4.1, Dig. 48. 19. 16 p,. One might ask whether in such places famosus = 'scandalous' ('famae malae plenus', TLL 6.258.84) or 'defamatory', but the distinction seems rather academic. The expressionfamosi libelli is not frequently attested, but appears to be a semi-technical term for the jurists. Nor can I findfamosum carmen (16.29.2) earlier than Hor. Ep. 1.19.31 (cf.Sat.2.1.68). 1

Cf. 14.41 interim specieLegum,mox p,aeuaricandoultionemelusurus,where again specieis a little problematic. Hahn, Exkuru 22-3, fails to persuade me T. means 'auf Grund der lex maiestatis' by arguing that, while a cognitioinquired infacta, not Lege,it still normally proceeded on the basis of relevant laws. That is probably true, but no reason at all for revising the sense of specie.

COMMENTARY

1.72.3

1.72.3 Caeeil Seaeri PIR 1 C 522, RE 3.1744-9 = Cassius 89 (Brzoska). Convicted of maiestas Severus was treated leniently, receiving the mildest form of exile, relegatio.1 But his incorrigible tongue (or pen) brought upon him in A.D. 24 the full rigoun of interdiction, confiscation, and deportatio to Seriphus: see 4.21.3, where T. gives him a brief characterization. The senate proscribed his writings, but Gaius resurrected them (Suet. Caius 16.1). For his qualities as an orator and otherwise sec D. 19.1-2, 26.4, Sen. Cont,. 3 p,., Quint. 10.1.116-17. Some of his jibes and witticisms survive: Sen. Cont,. 2.4.11, 9.3.14, Quint. 6.3.78, Suet. Vit. 2. 1. 1.72.3 cllft"amauerat diffamo = 'defame• is first attested here ( then 15.49.4, Apul. Met. 1.12), = 'spread abroad' at Ov. Met. 4.236. It never becomes common. 1.72.3 Pompeio Macro PIR 1 P 471, RE 21.2278 = Pompcius 94 (Hanslik). Grandson or great-grandson of Theophanes of Mytilene. One of the first Greeks to gain political preferment at Rome. See 6. 18.2, Syme 748-9, History in Ovid 73-4, Bauman, Impietas 222 n.200. 1.72.3 an ... redderentur I.e. whether to admit cases of treason for trial by assigning jurors to them (iudicts dando). Cf. Ter. Phorm. 403-4 magistratus adi I iudicium dt eadtm causa iterum ut reddant tibi, Cic. Quinci. 71 ntqut magistratw adhuc aequus inuentus est ntqut iudicium redditum est usitatum.

1.72.3 esercendaa lege• eeee Suetonius ( Tib. 58) reports the same words: consu/ente p,aetore an iudicia maiestatis cogi iuberet, exercendas esse leges respondit et atrocissimt exercuit. Pace Koestermann, Tiberius' reply, while general, was not at all ambiguous. extrcert can be quite strong, 'enforce' rather than 'operate'; Liv. 4.51.4 /atam legem confestim exnceri et tantam uim habere, Suet. Jui. 43.2 legem p,aeciput sumptuariam exercuit.

1.72.4 hanc quoqae

asperauere

The thought

harks back to

commotus.

1.72.4 aaperauere 'Enraged': similarly iii.38.2, 82.1, 3.12.1. In this sense rare and choice ;1 T. is closely anticipated only at St. Th. 1. 137-8 indomitos p,aeceps discordia fratres I asperat, 9. 1-2 aspe,at .Aonios rabies audita cruenti I Tydeos. Cf. also Symm. Ep. 5.41. 1 tares omnium .. . animos creditu, asperasse,Jul. Val. 1.13 ,ex asperatus ad dictum ... saeuiebat.

1

1

To be noted as a case where a court mitigated the legal penalty for treason. As in the sense 'aggravate': sec on 2.29.2 aspnare crimina.

COMMENTARY

1.72.4

Has T. any grounds for the motive here imputed to Tibcrius? 1 At 2.50.2 he tells us Tiberius refused to have verbal insults to himself or Livia treated as maiestas,and Suetonius, talking at Tib. 28 of the early years of his principate, says he was aduersusconuiciamalosquerumoreset famosa d, se ac suis carminafirmus acpatiens. 1.72.4 carmfa• ... aulgata Suet. Tib. 59 preserves some specimens, which cannot accurately be dated. Such attacks were no novelty (cf. 4.34.5), and the decade from A.D. 4 had seen much pamphleteering (Suet . .Aug.55, Dio 55.27. 1, 56.27. 1), the froth of political discontent. 1.72.4 •aealdam ... anlmum Cf. 4.3-5. discorscum matre animus is arguably anachronistic, in view of 3.64.1 sincera adhue inter matrem filiumque concordiasiue occultisodiis, though doubtless by rejecting various honours for Livia ( 14.1-2) Tiberius prompted speculation, in ciuitate omnium gnara. T., I think, knew verses such as Suetonius cites, but, like us, could not date them. To mention them here suited him very well. 1.73. 1 Falaaio M's recoverable for certain. discussion, refrains from which, unlike Falanius, 11.838.

evidence is inconclusive, 1 the name not Syme, J RS 39 ( 1949), 12-13, after careful decision. I must choose, and opt for Faianius is attested by several inscriptions, e.g. C/L

1.73-1 modlci• eqaldba• Cf. 11.7.3 modicossenatores,opposed to ditium familiarum heredes. Contrast i.4.3 p,imores equitum, and those described as inlustres (commonly, e.g. 4.68.1, 6.18.2, 15.28.3), insignes (11.5.2), and noti (14.14.4). As Furneaux says on 2.59.3 uetitis .•. ingredi ... equitibus Romanis inlustribus, no constitutional difference separates the modiciand inlustres,yet that passage attests a fairly clear dividing-line. 1.73.1 praetemptata crimfa• Cf. Ov. Met. 9.588-9 ambiguis animi sententia dictis P,aetemptandamihi, Luc. 9.397-8 fatoque pericula uestra p,aetemptatemeo, Quint. 4.1.28 parcius et modestiusp,aetemptanda • . • iudicis mistricordia.The idea of preliminary testing prepares us for the explicit reference to ars Tibtrii which follows. In fact it was the d,latoreswho were feeling their way, not Tiberius. From their point of view Augustus' deification presented an area inviting exploration.

I

1

1

I

Kocstermann, 'Majestatsprozesse' 80-1, argues he may have, citing Suet. Aug. 51.3. But there Tiberius waxes indignant over disrespect to Augustus, not himself. It would hardly be less so if M had Faianiusor Falaniusin both places. 153

COMMENTARY

1.73.1

We can take arte either with 1.73.1 qalbua .•. corrlpaerit inrepseritonly or, by easy extension, with the following verbs too.1 The stages inrepseritto corripueritroughly fit Tiberius' principatc, and, pace Lipsius, should not be related to the frequency of treason-trials over the whole first century A.D. That period saw no such straightforward development: if the prosecutions for treason were plotted on a graph, it would show a series of peaks and troughs. arte Tiherii seems distinctly unfair when the charges were dismissed, but T. might claim that in itself indicated ars. Future events have thrown back a profound shadow on these early trials and precluded him from any objectivity. The strength of his feelings finds expression in metaphors which suggest a force both insidious and violent (Walker 89-90), like fire or disease. Seeing the growth of treason-trials thus, he is not unreasonably interested in tracing the spark or germ which set off the disaster. 1.73.1 lnrepserit A common metaphor, variously employed. It is used here as of a newly arrived ailment: cf. Colum. 7.5.6, Plin. N.H. 26.3 haeclues . .. inrepsit,9 inrepsitid malum. 1.73.1 repressum sit T. likes metaphors of suppression and breaking out, e.g. i.26.2, 1.4.3, 81.2, 6. 16.2, 15.44.3 rep,essaquein p,aesens exitiahilis superstitwrursumerumpehat.They well accord with his gloomy outlook. rep,imo and supprimoare used in medical contexts of inhibiting haemorrhage etc., e.g. Ccls. 5.26.23 sanguine... suhp,esso,si nimiw erumpit, 6.6.2, Plin. N.H. 20.142, 27.113, 35.182. 1.73.1 araerit ... corripuerit For arserit see on 22.1 .ftagrantwr intk uis. Here too there is latent medical imagery, for ardeoand ardorarc often used of fevers and inflammations, as is corripioof diseases seizing the whole body or parts of it. 1.73.2 inter . . . habebaatar The cpigraphic evidence for cultoresof the imperial family (e.g. GIL 6.307, 956, 958) probably relates to public groups of worshippers, colkgia proper. For some description of domestic cult see Ov. E.P. 4.9.105-12. The numerous dependants of Rome's larger houses lent themselves to organization in modum colkgwrum. 1.73.2 habebantar Cf., e.g., ii.2.2 Jormam deae(nequeenim alibi sic hahetur)paucisdisserere,12.66.2 Locwta . .. diu interinstrumentaregnihahita, and (perhaps different) 15.36.4 in incertoerant, p,ocul an coramatrocior haheretur. 1

'Since quihus initiis can go only with inrepserit,it is tempting to restrict quanta arte similarly. But in that case we must supply qua modo (uel sim.) with the following verbs', Mr Martin. 154

COMMENTARY

1.73.2

1.73.a corpore lnf•m•m Acton arc a category of people legally infames (Dig. 3.2. 1) and banned from municipal office (FIRA 1.13: cf. Tcrt. Spect. 22), 1 as is anyone qui corpo,equaestumfecit.This suggests the way the informer's mind was working. But, while generally infamis anyway, Cassius is more specifically branded, for corpo,einfamis denotes a pathic homosexual :1 cf. 13.30.2 ob libidinesmuliebritn infamis, 15.49.4 mollitia corporisinfamis, Sen. Ben. 2.21.1 homoprostituti corporiset infamis ore,Juv. 2.22. 1.73.2 aendld• . .. mandpa•■et In the Cyrcnc edicts (EJ 311.2) we find a man in trouble for removing statues from public places, including one of Augustus, but do not know whether he was accused of maiestas. Dio 57.24.7 (A.D. 25) reports a prosecution, presumably for maiestas,over sale of a statue of Tiberius, but cannot be trusted when he says Tiberius wanted to condemn, since in fact he acquitted. 1 Quite apart from any views he had on what was or was not contrartligiones(3 below), Tiberius may have foreseen the practical difficulties which counting such sales as treason would entail for vendors of property (Bauman, o.c. 71). But, practical difficulties notwithstanding, they in time became treasonable (Dig. 48.4.5.2). 1.73-a maadpa■■et mancipo,used for variety here, though more formal than unulo and though not frequent in literature (still, cf. 2.30.3, Ascon. ad Tog. cand. p.66 S, Plin. Ep. 7.18.2), is in no way choice. Inscriptions attest its use in the language of everyday business. 1.73.2 alolatam ... Aap■d Cf. ii.33.1, 3.66.1 uiolatum Augusti numen, Hor. Ep. 2.1.15-16 praesentitibi maturoslargimurhonorts, I iurandasqw tuum per numenponimus aras. We have plentiful, if stereotyped, cpigraphic evidence for numenAugusti and the like, e.g. EJ 100, 101, but often face uncertainty over the extent to which numenand geniusdiffer or correspond: sec Pippidi, Rtchtrchts 36ff, who argues for almost complete overlap, and Fishwick, Harv. Thtol. Rev. 62 ( 196g), 356-67, who, rightly I think, attempts to analyse essential differences. On the widespread use, in public and private life, of oaths per genium/saluttmprincipis sec Mommscn, Staatsr. 2.Sog-10. But Mommscn crn in thinking Tiberius' refusal to take action against perjury involving a diuus is out of line with imperial attitudes generally: sec on deorum... curat at 4 below. A distinction must be made: it was perjury involving the present

1 1 1

Sec Crook, Law and lift 85. Like Mysticus {Plin. N.H. 7.184), another pantomimus. Seager, Tiberius 152 n.5, reasonably surmises this item is 'a garbled and misplaced allusion to the case of Falanius'. 1 55

COMMENTARY

1.73.3

prineepswhich could be treated as a punishable offence, 1 and even (but not necessarily: Dig. 12.2.13.6) treasonable. Cf. Tert. Ap. 28 citiw apud uos peromnesrkos quamperunum gmium Caesarispeieratur (with Mayor's note). 1.73-3 11otuere Cf. e.g. J;J 357.2 (olim Laudatio Turuu) ut auctor ,ruon,m pnieulorum notescnet, Sen. N.Q. 7.25.3 nee initia ... fin1squt notescne.• 1.73.3 ■cripeit co11■ulibu■ As presiding officen in the senate, to which the charges had been brought. 1.73.3-4 11011ideo ... du curae T. may echo Tiberius' own arguments and expression: certainly the qualities evident here, moderation, realism, and irony, chime with his character as known or surmised. Some regard the extremely neat rkoruminiuriasdis curaeas his property. Perhaps it is, but we may remember how at 11.24 T. will reshape and sharpen Claudius' speech, ending it with a telling sententia. 1.73.3 11011ideo ... uerteretur Plin. Pan. 11. 1-2 asserts the contrary (dicauit caew Tihniw Augwtum, sed ut maiestatiscrimm inducnet), careless of lies if they point a contrast: tu [sc. Traiane] sidnihw patrem intulisti non ad metum ciuium ... sed quia rkum credis. 1.73.3 caebun = caelesteshonores.Cf. Sen. Suas. 1.1, 2.5, Plin. N.H. 7.150 (of Augustus) dew i/le caelumquenescioarkptw magisan mnitus, Plin. Pan. 89.3. Ovid plays ingeniously on two meanings at A.A. 2.218 qui mnuit caelumquadprior ipse tulit. 1.73.3 ld■trio11em This passage hardly shows histrio and mimus (2 above) were by T.'s time completely interchangeable, merely that the former could subsume the latter.• 1.73.3 allo■ eiu■dem ard■ Cf. Cic. Diu. 1.6 reliquiseiwrkm disciplinae, Plin. N.H. 7. 128 grammaticaeartis Daphnin, 3 7. 7 omnes musicae artis, 8 clarissimoartis eius. 1.73.3 lad!■ ••• ■acra■■et Presumed to be the ludi Palatini (Suet. Gaiw 56.2, 58.1), whose institution Dio 56.46.5 records under A.D. 14 and whose celebration Jos. Ant. 19.75 describes. Tiberius' remarks 1 1

1

Over this too Tiberius was tolerant, according to Dio 57.8.3. Fumeaux says T. introduced notescoto prose. Miller and Kocstermann concur. Cameron, Circwfactions223 n.7, asserts' hislriois (confusingly enough) the standard word in literary Latin for the avoided technical term pantomimw'. No doubt histrio was more often used in literature, but, since Seneca and his father, Pliny uncle and nephew, Quintilian and T. all admit pantomimus,that word was no scopulusfor stylists to avoid. It is unwise to assume, when T. writes histriones,e.g. 77.2, 4.14.3, he means only panhJmimi.

COMMENTARY

1.73.4

cause a problem, for solitum •.. intntsst can scarcely apply to games begun in A.O. 14. Their earlier existence may be implied, as Furneaux thinks, though in memoriammakes that implication contradictory. 1 If they existed in some form earlier, like the ludi Augustales,1 changes could well have been made on Augustus' death. 1 Alternatively T. has put the item under the wrong year or simply written very carelessly.

1.73.4 perbade ... qaam ■I This unusual variant for perinde ac si recurs at 13.49.3. T. likes perindt and employs it variously, linking it often with quam, sometimes too with at si, quasi, ac/atque,tt, and -que. 1.73.4 deorum . .. carae As far as we know, this ruling continued to be observed: Alexander Severus declared (Cod. lust. 4.1.2) iurisiurandi conttmpta rtligio satis dtum ultortm habet. Oaths per gtnium/saluttm principis were another matter, as we have seen. 1.74.1 Graaiam Marcellum M. Granius Marcellus. PIR 2 G211, RE 7.1822-3 = Granius 14 (Groag). 1.74.1 praetorem Blthyn.lae T. avoids official terminology: see Syme 343-4. The governor of Bithynia was a proconsul ( 16. 18.2), normally of praetorian rank. Republican writers commonly apply praetor to all provincial governors, even consular proconsuls (Shackleton Bailey on Cic. Ad Att. 4.15.2), and thus T. uses it of governors of Asia (4.15.2) and Syria (2.77.1). Cf. also 4.43.3 praetorem Achaiat, 45. 1 praetortmprouinciae (this man was an imperial legatus pro praetort), and 12.60.2 where praetoresapparently embraces governors of all kinds. 1.74.1 qaae■tor lpalaa Hence filii loco to Marcellus (Cic. Diu. in Cate. 61-2, Plin. Ep. 4.15.9), an aggravation of his conduct T. allows to speak for itself. 1.74.1 Caeplo Cri■plnll9 A. Caepio Crispinus or A. Crispinus Caepio.' PIR 1 C 149, RE 3.128o = Caepio 3 (and probably 4) (Groag)

1

One could argue in memoriamis prospective, comparing Cic. Arch. 30, Brut. 62. But they arc no real parallels. Better to suppose T. has somehow conflated different material. 1 About which T. is rather confused: see on 15.2 ludos ... uocartntur. • Perhaps we should give special weight to sacrasset:the games existed, but were not made sacri until Augustus died. This solves the problem, but strains T.'s words to the limit or beyond it. ' Crispinus could be his nomtn gtntilicium, such inversions being common with T. Some evidence points this way (CJL 6.9341): see PIR s.n. 157

COMMENTARY

1.74.l

1.74.1 male■tad■ po■tulauit A fairly common construction: so with p,oditionu Caes. Bell. Ciu. 3.83.2, with ineesti Sen. Contr.1.3.6, with repelundarumAscon. ad Scaur. p. 22 S, with impittatis Plin. Ep. 7.33.7. 1 1.74.1 ■ub■crlbente The verb is used both of a sole accuser subscribing his name on an accusation and, as here, of others adding their names to the principal accuser's: cf. Cic. Ad Q.F. 3.3.2 Gahinium de amhitu reumfecit P. Sulla suhscrihentep,iuigno Memmio,fratre Caecilio,Sulla filio.

1.74.1 Rom•nio Hl■pone PIR 1 R 57/58, RE IA.1063-4 = Romanius 1 (Gerth). Romaniw as a nomen gentilicium occurs on a fair number of inscriptions, particularly in Cisalpina, occasionally elsewhere: see Syme, JRS 39 (1949), 14-15. Romanus is attested perhaps only once. That would not alone justify changing M's Romano to Romanio.1 But this dtlator is known to us in another guise, as the declaimer Hispo Romanius who 1 There the MSS, figures some thirty times in Seneca's Controuersiae. though not unanimous, point decisively to the spelling Romaniw.'

1

Fumeaux confines it to T. and Suetonius. Koestermann and Miller err more vaguely. F. W. Otto's useful commentary (Mainz 1854) would have saved them from blundering, as it would often have saved Fletcher from the unrewarding labour of rediscovering information already available. 1 I cannot trace the correction's author. Credit for it belongs to Syme, and for trying to awaken T.'s editors, si pote stolidum repenteexcitare ueternum. 1 Seneca, in this case as quite commonly, inverts nomenand cognomen. ' Badian, RSA 3 (1973), 77-85, attempts to make a case for Romanus, drawing attention to Sex. Romanus T.f., who appears on an inscription of the late republic or early empire. That is interesting to note, but, as Badian realizes, the matter turns on the Senecan evidence. This he badly misjudges. He lists twenty-three places where the name occurs in cases other than the genitive, and here, according to MUiler, the position is as follows: of our three primary witnesses ABV (dating from the ninth and tenth centuries) AB have forms of Romanius in seventeen places, A or B in three others, while V has them in eight places. Badian also appeals to D, a fifteenth-century codex of doubtful credit, which has Romanw in all places but one. But against AB and sometimes V on a matter like this its evidence can hardly be counted. Still, since ABV arc not unanimous, we must ask utrum in alterum,to which there can be but one answer. We see the transition taking place in V's correction from Romaniw at 2.2.7. If Badian would have it otherwise and make Romanus the 'lcctio

COMMENTARY

1.74.1

1.74.1 qul Who is sketched, Crispinus or Romanius? The matter has been much debated. I summarize the case for each. First Crispinus. At 3 below, when the sketch is concluded, we read std Marcellum insimulabat. If the text is sound, this must refer to Crispinus, for the next sentence begins addidit Hispo. Accordingly, since, it is said, the subject of insimulabat ought not to be different from that of the passage preceding, qui relates to Crispinus, not its immediate antecedent. That may seem confusing, but, it is claimed, parallels arc available for similarly ambiguous use of the relative: N-A cite Caes. Bell. Gall. 7.59.2, Cic. Tusc. 1.3, Galba apud Cic. Ad Fam. 10.30.1. 1 I know ofno further arguments on Crispinus' sidc. 1 Now the case for Romanius. A relative should as a general rule be related to its immediate antecedent, unless it is unavoidable to take it otherwisc. 1 Again, egens and ignolw fit a declaimer more aptly than a quacstor.' Most importantly, as Miller emphasizes, reversion to Crispinus as subject of insimulabat is characteristically indicated by resumptivc sed: if a slightly harder example, this is in all essentials the same use of sed as found, e.g., at 2.43.2-3, 3.56.1-3, 11.2.1-3.2. Thus the whole of qui ... inuennt may be treated as a parenthesis. On balance the arguments seem to favour Romani us' claims, but not so clearly as to preclude doubt. Therefore insimulabant deserves considcration. 1 It would remove all dispute about qui, involve only minute change, and cause no problem, since two or more accusers

difficilior', he must needs suppose certain medieval scribes had an acquaintance with Roman nomenclature such as we painfully acquire from Schulze, PIR, and the like. 1 In the first passage perse excludes ambiguity. The second is probably an interpolation: sec Dougan ad loc. Otto adds some largely discountable examples, such as Cic. Arch. 25, and, somewhat more to the point, Liv. 21.26.2. Weisscnborn-Mi.illcr on that passage cite Liv. 31.38.10, 37.14.2, but there is no real ambiguity in either case. Sec further Laughton, CQ 10 (1960), 9. 1 Symc 326, 693-4 offers nothing of substance, but talks of T. being drawn by the name Caepio Crispin us and 'not oblivious of the contemporary consulars A. Cacpio Crispinus and Ti. Cacpio Hispo '. This is off the point or above my head. 1 And such evidence as is adduced for misleading use of qui is not adduced from T., 2.6.2 super quas being too slight an instance to make any odds. It is quite unnecessary to sec another case in ad quod at 4 below. ' Romanius won fame in the rhetorical schools, exactly when is uncertain. That would not stop a snob calling him ignolus. • Ritter's insimulabat (Caepio) is needlessly drastic. · 159

COMMENTARY

1.74.1

can speak to the same charges (cf. 3.13.2). But, though tempting, the correction is not inescapably required. 1.74.1-2 formam ... inaenere An interesting sketch, which begins with an individual and develops, somewhat artificially, into a stereotype. Dtlatores did not all conform to it and obligingly come to grief. But no doubt they were soon, if not already, a familiar group: cf. 2.28.3 (cited below). The /ex Papia Poppaea, as well as the /ex Julia maitstatis, proved a fertile breeding ground: see 3.25, 28.3-4, Koestermann, 'Majestatsprozesse' 84 n.30. The growth of delation owed much to the Romans' failure to develop a system of public prosecution. It owed something also to the pernicious influence of the schools of rhetoric, which turned out in profwion men whose most conspicuous talent was to turn black into white and white into black. 1.74.1 celebrem Either 'notoriow' or 'often punued '. The former sense is more readily paralleled, e.g. 2.28.3 celebrt intn accwatores Trionis ingenium erat, 13.47.2 pons Muluiw in to ttmpore cekbris nocturnis inkcebris ,rat. But the latter may be found at 12.61. 1 arttm r,udendi inlatam maxir,uque intn postnos eiw cekbrem fuisst and is quite apt here. Delation would be disreputable even if the times were not wretched and informen brazen, and nam ... dedit exemplum, quod stcuti suggests T. is concerned rather with the wide-spread growth of the practice. On the other hand audaciae (see next note) could support 'notorious.' 1.74.1 aacladae Perhaps 'outrageow deeds': cf. Cic. Cat. 2.10 non enim iam sunt r,udiocrts hominum libidines, non humanae ac tokrandae audaciae. T. has the plural only here, against thirty-two instances of the singular: sec Fischer, Substantiva 17. But that docs not prove the sense is

distinct. The plural may be due to attraction or mere idiosyncrasy, and mean no more than the singular, i.e. 'effrontery', which is a very apt sense: cf. 11.5. 1 continuw indt ac s(leuw ·accwandis reis Suilliw, multiqut audaciae eiw aemuli. 1.74.2 egene ignotae

The Vcrgilians are a little shy with this embarrassing echo of Vcrg. Aen. 1.384.1 1.74.2 llbellle 'Anschwarzungsschriften' say G-G, 'defamatory writings' says Miller, but why not, as commonly, 'informations, accusations'? Cf. e.g. 3.44.2 increpabantque Tibtrium, quod in tanto rerum motu libel/is accwatorum insumcrtt operam, Veil. 2.57.2 libelli coniurationnn nuntiantes dati. This sense goes well with occultis. In the case of Libo Drusus,

J

The words also recall Ter. Phom,. 751 anus deserta egens ignota, as ~fr Martin observes. 160

COMMENTARY

1.74.2

for instance, Tiberius is fint approached privately (2.28.1 demonstrato crimineet reo), before the charges are brought into the open. 1.74.a aclreplt er. 3.50.3, eic. Verr. 2.3.158, Quint. Deel. 291 p. 162 R obreptumest credulitatihuu. Pliny the Elder anticipates T. in using adrepowith the dative. For the idea cr. 16.18.3 mulelitattm p,incipis . .. adgreditur.T. harps on Tiberius' saeuitia (cr. 72.4 and see on 4.3 saeuitiae),but offers no evidence: Gocbbels would have recognized the technique. 1.74.a es contempd• metaencli Cf. Sall. Hist. 1.77.3 set conttmpto melutndumtjfecit. 1.74-a ac postremum For 'lastly, in the end' T. commonly and frequently employs postremo(G-G 1146-7), but has ad postremumseven times, and postremumfive times, thrice in the collocation ae postremum. Wolfflin 1 119 was inclined to standardize by writing postremoor, in the present passage, ad postremum.But five examples are a lot to remove when there is no specially compelling reason to enforce consistency on T.l 1.74.3 •eel ... b1slmalabat See on qui at I above. ••74-3 sbdatro• ... sermonn er. Plin. Ep. 1.9.5 nemo apud me quemquamsinistrissermonibuscarpit. 1.74.3 lneaitablle crimen Not 'fatal' since people who abused Tiberius were acquitted or not even prosecuted (2.50.2), but rather 'impossible to parry', for the reason T. will shortly allege, quia ••• credebantur. On the dactylic rhythm see vol. 1, p. go. ineuitabilisperhaps originates in verse (Ov. Met. 3.301), but is quite common in early imperial prose: cr. Curt. 4.6. 17 fatum, Sen. N. Q. 2.50.2 mala, Quint. Deel. 301 p. 187 R fraus, [Quint.] Deel. 13.6 p. 252 L pestis, Plin. Pan. 42.4 malum. ••74•3 obiectaretque Sc. ta exprobrasstuel sim., a neat piece of brachylogy for which a parallel eludes me. 1.74-3 adcliclit ... lnclitam The whole area of disrespect to or desecration of statues and other likenesses of the princepsor the diui was confused and treacherous, or so it seems, if we credit all our sources tell

1

Corruptions could easily have occurred in the passages concerned, at iv.46.3 by assimilation of endings, here and at 11.2. 1, 15.51. 1 through confusion of ac and ad or omission of ad after ae. At 2.62.3 the facsimile shows u written over something else, and perhaps a trace of o. But to demonstrate corruption was possible is to forestall an objection, not build a case. 161

COMMENTARY

1.74.3

us. 1 The same acts appear to be treasonable at one time, but not at another, unless the distinctions drawn are very fine or some of our sources wholly untrustworthy: see Bauman, Impietas 71ff. Suet. Tib. 58 records a case curiously like Marcellus', also involving the removal of Augustus' head and its replacement with another's, which resulted in condemnation, thus apparently revening the present decision. But we might with some reason impugn the credibility of this whole chapter of Suetonius (see Bauman, o.c. 7g-8o) 1 and argue such charges were not readily entertained in Tiberius' principate: cf. 3. 70.1 L. Ennium ... maustatispostulatum,quodtffigum prineipisp,omiscum ad wum argenti untisstt, recipi Caesarinter reos uetuit. According to Dig. 48.4.6 Ennius would have been liable, if the effigy was consecrated, but we do not know how early the jurists' distinction between consecrated and unconsecrated effigies may be, and usually cannot tell whether a particular effigy was consecrated or not. In A.D. 15 there must have been some uncertainty about the law's scope, for otherwise Hispo would not have tested these charges, 1 and, as 3. 70.1 shows, the question had not been entirely cleared up before A.D. 22. ••7f•3 amputato ..• incUtam Gaius contemplated such substitution on a grand scale (Suet. Gaiw 22.2). Nor was it generally unknown in the fint century (Plin. N.H. 35.4, 94). In the later empire it is sadly all too familiar.' ••7f•3 incUtam T. fonakes his usual construction with the dative, perhaps to avoid the much avoided dative feminine singular of aliw. Jndo in is attested with the ablative at GIL 11 .698,Vitr. 10. 11.5, but = insero,not, as here, impono. ••7f•f ad quod Koestermann, 'Majestatsprozesse • 85-6, thinks this may refer back to Crispinus' account of the sinistri sermones,and compares Tiberius' outbunt at 4.42.2, on a similar occasion. To take ad quod thus is 'logically indefensible, for it means ignoring Hispo's charges completely• (Bauman, lmputas 76 n.46). And why should T.

Pliny's caution in handling such problems when governor of Bithynia deserves note: see Ep. 10.8.1, 81 and Sherwin-White on the latter. 1 The items which follow do not inspire confidence. Yet they get some support from Seneca's anecdote at Ben. 3.26.2. 1 Presumably he considered Tiberius' ruling deorum iniurias dis curae excluded only verbal injuries. ' Lipsius cites Hieron. In Abacuc 2.3.14-16 p. 644 A si quando~annw obtnmcatur,imaginesquoqueeiw deponunlurtl staluae, et uultu tanlummodo commulatoablatoquecapitetiw qui uictritfacies supe,ponilur,ul manentecorpo,e capitibwquep,aecisiscaputaliud commultlur. 1

162

COMMENTARY

1.74.4

write in riddles here? Why not take ad quod normally, as applying to what immediately precedes? The statement that Tiberius lost his temper on hearing his head had been substituted for Augustus' is irreproachable, for no objection lies in our not knowing why this particular charge made him flare up. Perhaps contemporaries were equally puzzled: at least Piso feigned to be at a loss or was. 1 Some maintain Tiberius was moved by the chargc's gravity, and hence angered against Marcellus and determined to condemn. Others have him moved by its frivolity, and hence angered against Hispo and determined to acquit. For the former view, various evidence (mentioned in earlier notes) suggests offences involving certain statues could be taken seriously. And, as Lipsius perceived, removing a statue's head might seem to damn the subject's memory, to declare him a hostis. Tiberius then was enraged by the insult to Augustus, albeit tolerant of injuries to himself. But the main support for this view is found in pan,itenliaat 6 below. paenitentia,it is argued, shows Tiberius changed his mind about his vote, and he proceeded to propose or acquiesce in acquittal: accordingly he had first intended to condemn. On the other side, it is suggested Tiberius was angry because 'maliciously trivial charges were again being brought despite his stand over Falanius and Rubrius• (Seager, Tiberiw 154). His anger, Seager believes, was also building up because the accusers were insulting and embarrassing him in public. So it bursts out at last over the statue. He insists on a formal trial to get a firm ruling once and for all (Bauman 77), rather than dismissing the charges. This view accords extremely well with what we learn in the preceding chapter and elsewhere about Tiberius' attitudes, and I incline to prefer it. 1 But, if Tiberius considered the charges frivolous and was set on acquittal from the outset, we must explain pan,iuntia. Wolf and Seager contend Tiberius repented not a decision but his loss of composure, 'because it had impaired his dignity and put him in an awkward situation•. That is very plausible, and a legitimate interpretation of T.'s words at 5, where pan,itentiapatinasis 1

1

We should not assume his purpose was malicious. He may have intended to save Tiberius from putting himself and the senate in a very awkward position. So Shatter has argued, Historia 23 (1974), 233, with some plausibility. Katzoff, A]Ph 92 (1971), 683, advances a rather different view. He thinks substitution of Tiberius' head for Augustus' could be construed as flattery of Tiberius. That would annoy him. On this view the charge was doubly malicious: by condemning the senate would censure flattery of the princtps, by acquitting condone insult to a diuus. All very interesting, but over-subtle.

COMMENTARY

1.74.4

closely linked with ineautius ejfnunat. But there is another possible explanation. T!s source or sources (perhaps in part the aeta) recorded Tiberius' remark se •.• senttntiam, Piso's question, and the acquittal. T., as always, is convinced Tiberius was disposed to harshness, and, since Tiberius' words gave no guidance u to his intentions, simply assumes he intended to condemn. To make sense of the acquittal he hu then to postulate a change of attitude, and seizes on Piso's question u providing its spur. Thus he sorts out the facts to Tiberius' disadvantage. pmnotus his ••. paenitentiapatiens is the historian's erroneous gloss, not a part of the story u he received it. 1.74-4 paJam et luratam Cf. iv.6.3, 4.21.3 iudicio iurati senatus. palam may contrut with voting by tabellae (Furncaux) 1 or with a session in which only a few spoke and the rest voted pedihus (N-A). Similarly iuratum suggests formal trial, rather than debate on the admissibility of the charges (Bauman, o.c. 76-7). It is strange if the senate wu, u here implied, sworn in for some cues, but not others.• st quoqueindicates Tiberius sometimes refrained from expressing an opinion (cf. 2.29.2, 3.10.3), presumably in order to leave the senate greater freedom. One cannot tell whether qua . . . finet belongs to T. or Tiberius. ••74•5 uHdgla ... Ubertads Analogies may readily be found for the component parts of this personification, but their association is notable, indeed a little forced, for a notion such u 'disappearing, departing', rather than 'dying', is what we might expect with 'traces, vestiges'.• There is certainly some conflation of thought here, u Mr Martin points out. etiam tum virtually implies pauca uel sim. Hence T. combines the ideu (i) pauca adl,uc uestigia lihertatis manehant, and (ii) lihertasmoriehatur.For uestigia.•. libertatiscf. 13.28.1 manehatnihilo minus quaedam imago rti puhlicae, Cic. Ad Fam. 10. 1. 1 simulaerum aliquod ae uestigiumciuitatis, Nep. Timol. 3.3 ut quam minime multa uestigia seruitutis manerent.For morientislihertatis cf. Cic. Ad Fam. 4.4.3 speciem... quasi reuiuiscmtisreipuhlicae,Val. Max. 5.3.2h rempuhlicam . .. paeneiam exsanguem atqru morientem.Freedom, real or pretended, is very much in T.'s mind in these closing chapters of book 1: 75.1, 77.3 ea simulacralibertatis, 81.2 libertatisimagine.

1

er. EJ 311.5 ad fin.

1v b is TO8taTpoV TWV6pxT)C1TWV TIVOS µ-i\f&AriaCXVTOS fv Tots AvyoVC1TaAl01s fau.8Elv, maalaa£' Ka\ ov 1Tp6TEpovhravtrtor(30.3) that he considers him hostile to Libo, (iii) make it plain enough that his unbending impartiality was directly responsible for Libo's suicide (sec on 31.1 rtsponsum.•. tsstt). Tiberius was sadly mistaken if he supposed the senate was a proper body to decide about such a case or that, without a positive lead from him, it would be unprejudiced and merciful. And, though T. docs not state it here, we know he blamed Tiberius for the growth of dclation, which his authority alone could have curbed. Tiberius' attitude to Libo was 'neutral and exemplary' (Symc 399) merely in appearance, as T. perceives and shows, for its effect was damning. As to the charges, some discern two or two groups, conspiracy and dabbling in the occult: T. mentions the former initially, then, in narrating the trial, concentrates exclusively on the latter, thus obscuring the gravity of Libo's offences, which other sources clearly attest. But Bauman's arguments for a sharp distinction of charges seem extremely feeble, 1 and I hesitate to concede T. was so incompetent or ✓

1

See on 32.1 p,aeturat .•. datae against one of them. And I am not satisfied that, had charges of treason already been before the court at 30.3, sale of the slaves would have been unnecessary. It is not certain torture of slaves in dominumwas as yet so freely permitted in cases of maiestasas it was later.

COMMENTARY

2.27.1

biased as virtually to omit the more important of them. Others maintain he gives us the essentials: 'the charges concerning astrology are the political charges in this case', Shotter 92. And they fairly claim the Romans, conspicuously Tiberius, took astrology very seriously. But granted that and granted T.'s tamen at 30.2 shows the notae were a more serious matter than what precedes, he still makes the charges sound far less grave than they sound elsewhere, however untrustworthy such sources as Velleius may be. Hence, it is said, either he has been misled by a family tradition favourable to Libo (unlikely) 1 or, while he represents what came out in court, there was much more to the affair which did not come out. The latter view requires some discussion. Was there a conspiracy involving more than Libo and a few adepts in the occult? The nefaria consilia of F. Amit. accord well enough with T.'s atroces rul occultae notae (30.2): it may seem that, unless Libo put singular trust in the efficacy of magic, he had planned to assassinate Tiberius, Germanicus, Drusus, and other principes. Whether he proposed to do so alone (mad though it was) or, if not, with what assistance we cannot tell. Rogers, Trials 22, 1inks the affair of Clemens, recorded under this year, but not precisely dated, with Libo's machinations. And Clemens, T. tells us (40.3), was supposed to have had highly placed backen. Starting from this point Levick ( 150-2) embarks on a flight of fancy, suggesting that Libo was supported by a disaffected 'Julian' group, prominent amongst them Scribonia, that approaches had been made to the armies, and that popular acclaim was anticipated to induce the senate to confer power on Libo and the pseudo-Agrippa, the latter of whom could soon be discarded. Scarcely a shred of evidence sustains this fabric of conjecture: in particular no conspirators are known to our sources, in spite of their partiality for ill-founded anecdote. Again, the fabric has obvious flaws: if Libo was the best leader Levick's shadowy faction could find, they were desperate indeed. It is not improbable, I admit, that various groups seethed with hostility to Tiberius, but, since we have no idea of their composition and aspiral ions, we had best abandon this area to any historical novelists it may chance to attract. sM17.1 efamllia Scrlboniorum Similarly 12.1.2 efamilia Tuheronum. T. is perennially interested in the doings and misfortunes of the old nobility: cf. 3.24. 1 inlwtrium domuum adrursa ... solacio atlfecit D. Silanw Iuniaefamiliae redditw, 4.13.3, 14.14.3, 15.35.1, 48.2. 1

So Marsh argued. Contra Syme 400, who thinks the Scribonii would have preferred a 'genuine conspirator• to a 'fool and coward'. I share his scepticism, and feel T. was quite capable of forming his own opinion on Libo's character.

COMMENTARY

2.27.1

Lfbo Draau■ M. Scribonius Libo Drusus. PIR 1 S 214, RE 2A.885-7 = Scribonius 23 (Fluss). His connexions (2 below) arc complex and in part problematic: sec Weinrib, HSCPh 72 (1967), 247-78. •••7•• defertur mollrl The nom. + inf. with deferor (again at 3.22.1, 6.19.1, 13.23.1) is peculiarly Tacitcan, 1 but follows the analogy of many other verbs, such as arguoand conuinco.Sec Draeger§ 152(a), Hofmann-Szantyr 364-5, also De Jongc on Amm. 15.3.1 for comparable use of arcesso. 2.27.1 mollrl re■ noua■ Cf. Cic. Rep. 1.31 aliquid • •• nouimolientibw (c conicct.), Vcll. 2.129.2 noua molientnnoppressit,and sec p. 147. •••7•• caradu■ Sec on 1.13.6 curatissimis. •••7•• tum prhnam 'Dclation has already appeared [ 1.73-41] ; but we here fint find persons entrapped by intimate friends', Furncaux. 2.27.1 rem publlcam esedere Perhaps T. is thinking of a consuming disease, like a cancer, cpayt6cxtva,for as diseases spread they arc conceived as eating: cf. Hipp. Aph. 5.22, Epid. 4.20, Galen 10.83 K, Ccls. 5.28.3B ulcw, quodphagedainamGraeciuocanl,quia ulmtn serpmdo penetrandoquewque ossa corpw uoral, 12E num plur,s sinw intw diunsa corporisgeneraperrosmnt, and, for exedo,ibid. 30 exesacanw, 120 uehnnmtiw os exesumest. But one cannot be sure, since various metaphorical use of edo and exedois attested in the poets, and sometimes it seems rather loose: cf. Verg. Atn. 5. 785-6 mediade geniePh,ygumexedissenefandis urbnn odiis, Ov. lb. 6o4 corporapestiferum sic tua uirw edat, Petr. 119.51-2 gemino deprensamgurgitt pkbem (Burman: praedam ).) faenoris illuuits (ingluuits Palmcrius) wwque exederataeris. •••7•• Flrmlu■ Cata■ PJR' F 158, RE 6.2380 = Firmius 2 (Goldfingcr). Nothing more is known of him, except what T. records at 4.31.4. As Professor Crook says, one wondcn whether Catus entrapped Libo because he knew him to have revolutionary plans or in order to drive him into them. s.27.s es badma ... amldtla For amicitia(e) = amici, a common 'abstract for concrete', cf. 77.1, Cic. Or. 89 parcelet amicitiiset dignitatibw, Colum. 11.1.23 hospitem,nisi ex amicitiadomini,quamrarissimerecipiat, Suet. Tib. 51 .2 omnisqutamicitiaset familiaritates ... ajflixit. •••7•• luuenem No stripling perhaps, since he was ready for a practonhip (28.2). iuuenisis a flexible term. But Sen. Ep. 70.10 calls him adukscens, Dio 57.15.4 wavf01.01 avµnapi;,afv ot, xpav (cf. Suet. Tib. 63. 1). The status and scope of this pronouncement arc uncertain. Its immediate context (Augustus goes on to publish his own gmitura) might suggest µavTEtSincluded astrologcn, but the measure could be interpreted as merely continuing the attack on suspect prophetic writings Augustus began in 13 e.c. (6.12.2, Suet. Aug. 31.1). Even if it did include astrologcn, it was probably intended to extend or interpret the /ex Corneliadesicariiset uenefais, not the treason-law, since innumerable questions astrologers might be asked could not fall under maiestas, however freely interpreted. Some inquiries, however, and most obviously those about the life of the prinups, could without doubt be regarded as treasonable, and it is of such we hear in certain later cases, e.g. 3.22.1 quaesitumqueperChaldaeosin domumCaesaris,12.52.1 quasifinem principis per Chaldaeosscrutaretur. Here it is hard to sec how Libo's questions, as distinct from his notae,could involve trcason. 1 Perhaps the issue was obscure at the time, and in this case, as earlier, the informers were feeling their way. One result of the case was a serious attempt to restrain astrologers' activities and determine the penalties for them: sec on 32.3/acta . .. consulta.Insofar as the practice of astrology became in itself a punishable offence, it would matter less whether in any instance it involved ueneficiumor maiestas. 2.27.2 magonam. ••era Cf., e.g., 6.29.4 magorumsacraobiectabantur, Cic. Vat. 14 cum inaudita ac nefaria sacra susceperis,cum infnorum animas elicne ... soleas, Verg. Eel. 8.66, Prop. 1.1.20, Ciris 374, Luc. 6.431-2 saeuorumarcana magorum noueratet tristis sacrisferalibus aras, Suet. Nero 34.4/acto permagos sacroeuocaremanes ... temptauit, and see Plin. N.H. 30.1-17, MacMullcn 95-127.

I

1

Gronovius believed the question about covering the Appian way (30.1) with money could be construed as treason, because only a princepswould have so much money. But would Tiberius or even the senate have taken such nonsense seriously? Sec further on 28.2 ut . .. eliceret.

COMMENTARY

2.27.2

The prevalence of magical practices in the Roman world is abundantly attested by literary evidence, by the discovery of tabulaedejixionum and the like, and by the existence since an early date of legal sanctions against ueneficium.But we hear little of prosecutions until the empire.> Then, it is clear, magicians were regarded as a danger to society and the rcgimc: 1 that is stated explicitly at Dio 5iz.36.3 (Macccnas addressiroMous ing Augustus) TOVS6t 6~ µaywras iravv oVKelven irpocrli1CE1· yap iroMaic,s ot TOlOUTOl... VEoxµow hra(poVO't. 1 Hence they are commonly linked with astrologers in accusations and coercive measures: so, e.g., 3iz.3, 1iz.iziz.1qui obiceretChaldaeosmagos,Dio 49.43.5. Granted a widespread belief in the power of magic, by no means all the charges of sorcery will have been trumped up. We need not doubt, for instance, that the maleficamentioned at 69.3 were discovered. !,a.i:17.2 •omnionun ... lnterprete• Or coniectores,as they were early known (Pl. Cure. iz49, Quint. 3.6.30). Cf. Cic. N.D. 1.39, 55, Diu. I. I 3iznon habeodeniquenauci Marsum augurem,non uicanosharuspices,non de circoastrologos,non lsiacos coniectores,non interp,etessomniorum.The popularity of dream-interpretation, as of astrology and magic, is multifariously attested, and in Artcmidorus' Oneirocriticawe see the ars at work. Often, no doubt, the same individuals practised in more than one arc not included by name in the field, which may explain why coniectores ban on astrologi and magi (3iz.3). But perhaps they counted as less dangerous or more respectable. 2.27.2 plenam ... domum Cf. Juv. 8.19-izo. 'The ius imaginum was now liberally interpreted', Furneaux, comparing 3.5. I, 76.iz. For plenus with an ablative see Quint. 9.3. 1, Hofmann-Szantyr 77, Heubner on i.6.iz plena urbs exercituinsolito. 2.27.2 nece•aitatum Financial constraints, needs, obligations: cf. Sall. Cat. ii 1.3 hominem ... omnibus necessitudinibuscircumuentum, Liv. 6. I 5.9 ex eo quod ajluil opibus uestrissustinendoneussitatesaliorum, Sen. Ben. 4. 13.iz dum aliorum necessitateset angustias laxent, Suet. Tib. 4 7 negauit se aliis subuenturumnisi senatui iustas necessitatiumcausasp,obassent. 2.27.2 lndicil• lnllgaret Sec on 6.3iz.izlento uenenoinligaret. 2.28.1 at ••d• te•dum Many editors begin a paragraph here, inappropriately, since Catus' schcmings continue unbroken. Better to 1

1

1

I am not sure whether the sacrilegiumalleged against Nigidius Figulus and Sallust ([Cic.] In Sall. 14, Dio 45.1.4) should be considered a precedent. For the very severe penalties which in later imperial times participation in magic attracted sec Mommscn, Strafr. 639ff. The speeches Dio in bk siz gives to Agrippa and Maeccnas, though no real evidence for Augustan views, arc not invariably to be ignored.

COMMENTARY

2.28.1

link this sentence with what precedes, and make Caesar indieium at 2 start a paragraph. Such division, where the thought switches to Tiberius' reactions, will be exactly comparable with that at 30.4-31.1 p,eces . .. ad prineipemmandat . .. (new paragraph) responsumest. 2.28.1 et qui ... repperlt A rather archaic structure, deriving, as Dr Adams kindly points out to me, from a sentence-type qui serui eadem noscermt, eos (seruos) repperit.1This enclosure of the antecedent in a relative clause is unusual for T., but not rare in republican Latin: sec Kuhner-Stegmann 2.310-11, Hofmann-Szantyr 564. 2.28.1 no■cerent 'Would acknowledge (as true)': equivalent to adgnoscermt(30.3 adgnoscenlesseruos). Cf. 15.6o.4 an dicta Natalis suaque responsanosceretpe,cunetari. 2.28.1 naccum Ve■calarlmn Vcscularius Flaccus. PIR 1 V 294, RE 8A 2. 1693-4 = V cscularius 2 (Reidinger). Sec 6. 10.2 and, on his name, Syme, JRS 39 (1949), 16. 2.28.2 ■ermone■ com.m.eare sermorum involves a marginally easier corruption and is unobjectionable, but the analogy of ii.99.2 ministro sermonumRubrio Gallo favours sermorus. For commearehere cf. 4.41.2, Cic. Ad Att. 8.9a. 1, Apul. Socr. 6. 2.28.2 interim. . . . ornat praetara Cf. 4. 2. 2 ambitu . . . clienus suos honoribw aut p,ouineiis omandi, Suet. Galba 15.2 Halotum p,ocuratione amplissimaornauit. To what year of office docs omat p,aetura relate? Was Libo, for instance, actually praetor when prosecuted in A.D. 16 or was he designate for A.D. 17? In itself ornatp,aetura, 'honours with a practonhip, bestows a practorship upon', is inconclusive: it could denote immediate or prospective appointment. The matter turns on the chronology of T.'s narrative, which Weinrib, Phoenix22 ( 1968), 32-56, has misjudged. He alleges (33) Libo was unlikely to have been praetordesignatw at his death on Sept. 13, A.D. 16 'since the praetorian elections arc probably the occasion of the dispute between Asinius Gallus and Tiberius which comes shortly after the Libo Drusus episode in Tacitus' narrative [2.36] '. This is pure assumption, for (i) no evidence attests the disputc's origin, (ii) eh. 36 is not firmly fixed in time, falling only under eo anno (35.1). Further, Weinrib should not have based any argument on the praetorian elections of A.D. 14, held later than Sept. 17. That year was untypical: Augustus' death delayed business and the senate was assum-

1

It is more difficult, I think, to take qui serui as et seruorumqui (G-G 1309) and not clearly helpful to compare attraction of adjectives belonging to antecedents (as at i.79.3, 6.31.1) or of an apposition into an intervening relative clause (as at 4.56.1).

COMMENTARY

2.28.2

ing a new role as an electoral body. In A.D. 16 the praetors could well have been elected before the charges against Libo came into the open :1 sec the judicious remarks of Levick 270 n.14. And Cotta Mcssalinus may precede various consulars at 32.1 because he was praetor designatus (Symc 749 n. 4). Though we cannot exactly date the early stages of Libo's entrapment, and though T. docs not fix these stages in A.D. 16 by treating them under this year, 1 omat praeturacomes at a fairly advanced point in the sequence of events, after Catus has got his witnesses and approached Tiberius. To be sure Suet. Tib. 25 extends Libo's machinations over quite a long period, but he is far from convincing, particularly in making suspicion of Libo a reason for Tiberius' hesitation in A.D. 14.3 If Libo was one of the regular praetors of A.D. 16, ornat praetura relates to A.D. 15, and it follows, because of interim, that Tiberius' communications with Catus go back well into that year and Catus' initial contacts with Libo appreciably earlier. That the affair could have been kept quiet so long is improbable. And, as Levick I.e. says, if Libo was praetor in A.D. 16, 'it is surprising that Tacitus docs not make more of his being charged while in office'. Since Weinrib produces no valid support for this date, t while something may fairly be said against it, I take T. to refer to designation for A.D. 17. There is, however, one way we can have Libo praetor in A.D. 16, without forcing T.'s expression or chronology, and that is if omat praeturaconcerns the filling of a casual vacancy which arose during the year. But this academic possibility is equally liable to Levick's objection.

conulcdba• For conuictus= conuiuiumcf. /LS 140 ( =EJ 69) co[nu]ictibw sese apstinert, Veil. 2.33.4, Cels. 1.1.2, Sen. Dial. 5.37.1, Juv. 11.4. 2.28.2

1

1 1

t

Further, as Weinrib is aware, Tiberius could have announced his favoured candidates even earlier. Strictly sub idem tempusrefers only to the indictment (defertur). Seager go, giving Suetonius too much credence, thinks Libo held office in A.D. 15. He must therefore believe the alleged plot goes back into Augustus' principatc. Apart from many other doubts, the earlier we put his practorship, the more puzzling becomes our sources' emphasis on Libo's youth. He docs show (46-8) tenure of a praetorship would not prevent arraignment. Libo could have been forced to resign or deprived of office before sentence. Lcntulus in 63 e.c. and Gallius in 43 e.c. provided precedents, and T. reports similar cases later, e.g. 14.48.2 unsuitque .•. adimendamrto praeturam.

COMMENTARY

a.sa8.a aalta

2.28.2

alleaataa

Cf. Sall. Jug. 66.2 neqw anua uoluntate alienali. I sec nothing wrong with the normal sense 'estranged' here, paeeOtto, who wants the abnormal one 'changed'. a.28.2 lram coacUderat Cf. 6.50.3 Tiberiw ••• iram premensand sec on r .24. r abslrusum ... occuJtantem.condois not commonly used of concealing emotions and the like, and our nearest analogies (apart from ii.30.3 condito odio) come from vcne: 1 Pl. Ps. 575 meo in pectore conditumslconsilium, Sil. 10.618-19 doloresI condere,St. Th. 7.232 metum condms. a.28.2 caactaqae . .. malebat T. implies disapproval of Tiberius' conduct, though it seems eminently sensible. If Libo wanted to hang himself, was Tibcriua to ref use him enough rope? a.al.a ut ... ellceret Cf. Cic. Val. 14 (cited above), Hor. Sat. r .8.28-g ul inde I maniseliuret, animas responsadaturas, Tib. r .2.45-6 h«c IsepuJcriseliat, Apul. Ap. 34, and, on necrocanlufindilqw solumma111sque mancy generally, sec Pease on Cic. Diu. r.132. In itself it might more readily justify a charge of ueneficiumthan of maieslas.But much would depend on the questions Libo proposed to ask the spirits. a.a8.a Falcbdam Trloaem L. Fulcinius Trio. Pl/l2 F 517, RE 7.212-13 = Fulcinius 8 (Kappclmacher). Sujfeetw in A.D. 31. A sycophant, but a tempestuous penonality withal: see 3.10.1, 19.1, 5.1 r, 6.4.2, 38.2, Dio 58.25.2. a.118.3Trloal• For repetition of a proper name where a pronoun might have sufficed cf., e.g., 4.3 r .4, r 2.64.2 and sec Muller, Beitrage 4. r 3 n.2. It is either a mannerism or a way to get clarity and emphasis. a.118.3 corriplt ream The verb lends a suggestion of savagery, and used thus of accusers seizing their victims (cf., e.g., ii.84. r, 3.28.3, 49. r) is peculiarly Tacitean, apart from some late examples cited at TLL 4. ro44.55ff, and these not closely comparable. adgredioras at 4. r 8.1, though more commonplace and milder, has some of the same colour. So perhaps has immillo,associated with corripioat 4. 19. r. Cf. also 6. 16. r magna uis accusalorumin eos inrupit. a.a8.3 •aper re mapaa In T. super + abl. always = de in its transferred sense (G-G r 596). Whether this usage is archaic or colloquial or both might be debated (sec Hofmann-Szantyr 281): T., like Gcllius, probably felt it to be an archaism. Its occurrences in the Annals greatly outnumber those earlier: minor works o; Hist. 5; Ann. r-6 11; Ann. r 1-16 12. a.a!J.I ue•te ... domo• For change into sorties,when in mourning, on trial, etc., cf. 4.52.2, Cic. Dom. 55, Sest. 32, ILS 140 ( = EJ 6g), 1

Cic. Verr. 2.2.181, which Kocstcrmann mentions, is not comparable.

COMMENTARY

2.29.1

Liv. 6.20.2 postquamscwdulatumrerunuidmmt ,vc cum ,o non modopat,um quemquams,d ru ,ognatosquidemout ad.fines,8.37.9. It is tempting, but idle, to speculate on the identity of the primor,sfnninae. They appear again, giving moral support and apparently untroubled by danger, when Lcpida is under accusation: 3.23. 1 theat,umcum cltlrisfeminis ingrwa. a.sag.1 aocem Virtually = patrocinium. a.sag.1 abaaeadbaa caacd■ As was often to happen when the charge was treason: cf. 3.11 .2, 67.3 ,t ne quis neussario,um iuuar,t p,rielitanum maiestaliscriminasubdebantur,uinclum,t neussitassilnuli. a.sag.a aepitadiae ... morbo According to Dio 57.15.4 he was mortally ill. Dio indeed suggests Tiberius awaited this illness before bringing him to trial. That is improbable in itself (unless the emperor's skill in astrology enabled him to foretell the future) and scarcely reconcilable with the part T. attributes to Fulcinius. Sholler go contends that, by admitting Libo may have simulated illness, T. destroys 'any sense of pathos that might otherwise have been part of the narrative'. For a man to be reduced to such pretences is itself not a little pathetic. And, as Mr Martin says, it would be unjust to blame T. for reporting alternative explanations. a.S19-aaegritacUae fe■■aa Cf. 42.3, 12.39.3, Liv. 8.24.11 f,ssus metuae la/Jore,Plin. N.H. 8.3f1ssi a,gritudine [sc. 1kphant1],quando,t illas molesinftstant morbi. a.S19-alecdca Memben of the senate and those appearing before it were customarily brought into the curia on a litter, if they were ill: see Val. Max. 8.13.5, Suet. Tib. 30, Dio 57.17.6 a.sag.a bud■a■qae fratrl Kuhner-Stegmann 1.328 and Heubner on i.27.2 term the construction with a dative poetical and Livian, perhaps rightly, though the verb happens to occur but rarely in republican Latin and at Caes. Bell. Gall. 2.27.1 the case is indeterminate. The form iMisw is somewhat suspect here. At i.27.2 we read iMixw libnto and that form recun at iii.28. Cf. Plin. N.H. 7.182 in P. fratrem innixw. But innisw is found at 15.51 .4 and Plin. Ep. 10.52, in both cases with a metaphorical sense. Whether sense can serve as a criterion between the forms I am uncertain. 1 However that may be, attestation for innisw is minimal, consisting, if we believe Neue-Wagener 3.563, only of the passages already mentioned, for Ampel. 14.2 rests on an insecure 1

iMixus is sometimes transmitted where the sense is metaphorical, e.g. Sen. Dial. 2.8.3. And nisw in genibw has been printed at Vitr. 9.4.4, though the corruption nessw points rather to nixw. On such matters one can trust neither scribes nor editors.

273

COMMENTARY

2.29.2

conjecture. But some other compounds of nitor too present both forms, without semantic distinction: this, and the analogy of 3.61. 1 oleae•.. adnisam,dissuades me from standardizing to iMixw. a.a9-a fratri Probably the consulordinariusof this year, L. Scribonius Libo (1.1), by now replaced by a suffect. His pracnomen L. may have dropped out beforc/ratri. a.a9-a manae ... teadeas Alleged to be an allusion to Vcrgil :1 cf. Aen. 2.687-8 oculosad sideralaetus I extulit et caelopalmas cum uou utendit and 3.176-7 undoqw supinasI ad caelumcum uocemanus.If at any point we compare T. with one other writer alone, ignoring the rest, and this is a recurrent fault of the V crgilians, the truth will inevitably be distorted. Of counc T. knew the passages of Vcrgil, and they along with othcn, may have influenced him, but allusion is unlikely because the ideas expressed, though somewhat enlivened by T_,s zeugma, arc entirely commonplace. Cf., e.g., Enn. AM. 49-50 quamquam multa manus •.. tendebam••• et blanda uoceuocabam,Cic. Font. 4Bundit ad uos ••• manussupplices,Caes. Bell. Gall. 2.13.2 manus ad Caesaremundere et uocesignificare,[Tib.] 3.4.64 tu modo cum multa bracchiatendeprece, Val. Max. 6.4.4 neesupplicesad genuaiudicummanusutendit, and sec Appel, D, Romanorumpreca;ionibw194ff. a.!19.a bnmoto ... escipitur Cf. 3.15.2 Tiberium sine misnatione, sine ira, obstinatumclausumqueuidit, ne quo adfectuperrumpnetur. a.!19.a aactorn Probably = subscriptores(cf. 13. 21.1 crimina et auctoresexposuit),but perhaps witnesses too (cf. 4.28.2 indexi'TTIS lv -rots µa).1a-ra &v lm1cm, CXVTovs, -r6 TI ~8os -rf\s n6>.Ewsm~•~v, Kai «CXVTOVS> hrf TI 'rij olKot no>.V'T'EMl.Ofpoo'\MJ hrai,x;:,v, KaT~l\l TI\VyvwµflV.

a.33-a aactu Cf. [Sall.] &p. 1.7.4 q,,uuqw r,s populos nationtsru magnisauetibusauxissmt and, for the singular, Sen. Ep. 109.15 amicorum auetu (Haase: actu w) ut suoproprioqrulutari. a.33.a Fabrldo■ I.e. Fabrieium, a favourite paradigm of virtuous poverty. For the rhetorical plural cf. 1.10.4, 11.7.2, 12.6o.4, 15.14.2, 16.22.4. a.33.a qaa team .•. po■tqaam •.. aeDerlt T.'s structures arc often lopsided (S~rbom 114ff) and abl. abs. is similarly varied with temporal clause at, e.g., 1.1.2 florentibus ipsis ... postquam oeeidnant, 6.51.3 ineolumimatre . .. dum .•• timuitue. a.33.a aaga■ta■ ••• domo■ angwtas = 'straitened, impoverished' (cf. Juv. 3. 165 res angwta domi), domw, as G-G perceive, 'households' rather than 'houses'. i.37.5 una illa domw suj/icitdonatiuomight count as analogous. a.33.a gll■cere ■lngalo■ See on 1. 1 .2 gliscente. ••33•3 qaaeque •.. pareatur I.e. utensilibw: cf. 3.52.2 rutitaqru utensiliumpretia augeri and sec on 1.70.4 utensilium.T. has comparable periphrases at 1.65.7, 15.54.3 ligammta quibwqrusistitur sanguis ( = perhaps medicamentareprimmtia). Use of aliw differentiates passages like 3.43.2 cum uenabuliset cultris quaequealia uenantibust1la sunt. The recurrence of quae ... parentur below is jarring indeed, but no cause for suspicion : sec on 1.81 .1-2 non modo... subtracta. a.33-3 po■■ldeDd■ Sec Adams, Ciotta 51 (1973), 130. ••33•3 dl■tlncto■ ••• ceD■a■ .A censuceterorum/plebis (and similarly diuersisc. a ceteris/plebe),according to most commentators, because, they claim, senators and equitesarc taken together in what follows. Their view has its strongest support in antistent, for it is very hard to understand hi illis vcl simm. there. Yet it is no less hard, at least initially, not to take distinetos... censusto denote the difference between the senatorial and equestrian census, when that is so familiar and the words preceding do not enjoin the other, less obvious interpretation. Perhaps one can escape from this impasse by supposing distinctosto = 'specified•: cf. 11.22.3 ne utas quidemdistinguebatur. •·33•3 DOD qula ... pareDtar Since talis is obviously corrupt, correction must start there. If it can also end there, so much the better. Debate has focused on the syntax: some want ut to be final, others correlative. A final clause may seem to fit easily, but can we satisfactor-

COMMENTARY

2.33.3

ily obtain one without correcting more than talis? To write, e.g., ut locis ..• antistent et aliis quae (Grotius), linking 'creature comforts' with public recognition as if things of the same kind, approaches absurdity.' And the basic thought is hardly in doubt: those in a high social position should have the means to sustain a style of life thereto appropriate. Luxuries arc the proper concomitants of high rank, not constituent parts of it. This distinction must be preserved. Accordingly Nippcrdcy proposed ut (qui) l«is ... dignationibus, antistmt et aliis, Urlichs ut (sicut) locis ••. antistmt, ita iis. These conjectures have some merit, though euphony argues against ut (sicut), 1 but correction in two places is necessarily less probable than in one. If then, with ut taken as correlative, a correction of talis alone will restore acceptable sense and syntax, it claims preference. Rupcrti's ita iis seems to meet our requirements: ut locis ... antistmt, ita iis quae ... parentur (sc. antistare).• ita iis could easily be corrupted to talis, and the switch from subordinate to primary clause (non quia .•. sed . .. (antistare)) is much in T.'s manner, as some analogies S()rbom 126-7 collects show, A. 46.3 formamque . •• compuctantur, non quia intercedtndum putem ... sed ... mortalia sunt, i. 15.2 (quaesiui), non quia ... non habeam, sed neque ipse •.. aecepi, i.29.2, 13.1. 1. The sole weakness of Ruperti's solution is the need to understand antistare. I know no exact parallel in T. and find only partial analogy in passages like A. 2.3 sicut uetus atlas uidit quid ultimum in libntate esset, ita nos quid in snuitutt (sc. uidimus), v.13.3 arma cunctis qui fnre possent, et plures quam pro numno audtbant (sc. ferre). Still T. is in general prone to admit ellipse in correlations with ut ••• ita et simm. (Clcmm, Breoiloquentia 103).' The conjecture, if not absolutely cogent, deserves acceptance. 2.33.3 loci■ orc:Unlbu■ cllgnadonibas 'The first refen to the theatre, the second to their position as orders of aristocracy, the third perhaps to their qualifications for offices, or to social consideration', Furncaux. dignationibw is hard to tic down, for the plural, in general rare, is differently used at Quint. 11.1.67 praestatur hoe aliquando dignationibus (dignitatibus b: 'non male' Winterbottom), ut libntatis 1

Pichena's painfully halting ut .•• antisttnt ,· ita aliis scarcely avoids this objection. 1 And cries out against Otto's ut (ut). In such circumstances T. seems to use quomodo or quemadmodum. • Sec Clemm, RhM 33 (1878), 318-20. ' If we still find this case too harsh, then, says Clemm, RhM 320, insertion of antistart after ita iis or parentur is no more objectionable than other supplements here attempted. True enough, but the best recommendation of the proposal, its economy, will be lost.

COMMENTARY

2.33.3

nostraeratio reddatur. I suspect T. means distinction gained by holding important office: cf. 3. 75. 1 ut Labtonem . . . dignationeeius magist,atus an.uiret,4.52.1 is rttens praetura,modicusdignationis. ••33-3 qaae • • • pareatar Diplomatically vague. These words, like delnrimenta.•• periculorum,could include almost anything, e.g. the benefits aliptae,comoedi,lectoresand other specialized slaves conferred on the owners of the large familiae to which Fron to objects. •·33-3 ■alabrltatem = sanitatem.1 This substitution, as of saluber for sanus, is known from earlier imperial prose: cf. Sall. lug. 17.6, Liv. 1.31.5, Colum. 6.4.2. ••33•3 al■I forte ... e■■e Here, we are told, the infinitive stands in a subordinate clause of or. obl. Is that true? On occasion the infinitive is unquestionably so used, in particular in correlative structures where the formal subordination is but faintly perceptible and the balanced ideas may be equally important, e.g. i.17.2 quorumfauoremut largitio,uet ambitu male adquiri, ita per bonasa,tes haud sptrnendum,1.12.1 st ut non toti rti publicaeparem, ita •.. tutelamsuscepturum,Cic. Cluent. 138, Liv. 2.13.8. It is also sometimes found where there is real subordination, as in the causal clauses at Bell. Hisp. 22.7, Liv. 26.27.1~. The examples in this category are too many to be imputed to textual corruption (though it cannot always be excluded), and have variously been explained, as Graccisms, 1 vulgarisms, 1 lapses, or resulting from particular circumstances in the or. r,cta reflected in the or. obl. But faulty punctuation can create serious confusion. Has it perhaps done so here, paceHofmannSzantyr, who include the passage amongst clear instances of subordination? Elliptical use of nisiforte (as of nisi alone, nisi quis, and the like), serving to introduce tentative and ironic suggestions or alternatives, often poses problems in syntactical analysis, betrayed by the divergent punctuation editors adopt, and often indeed by the inadequacy of conventional punctuation to mark the relationship or lack of it of nisi forte clauses to what precedes. They arc commonly tangential additions, whose logical connexion with the ideas which prompt them is loose or complex. Sometimes T., and not only he, will place such clauses in syntactical subordination, indifferent to the fact there is no

1

1

1

Everyone says salubritasalso = sanitas at 15.43.5 ea ... decortmquoque noruuurbi attuure. ,rant tamenqui credertntruteremillamformam salubritati magis conduxisse.But urbis or tius is easily understood and the sense 'wholesomeness• appreciably more apt, as what follows shows. So Brenous 347, amongst others. This view seems currently out of favour. 'Grundsatzlich vulgar', Hofmann-Szantyr 361 (q.v.).

COMMENTARY

2.33.3

logical subordination, but rather a mental jump. We have a good example at iii.66.3 non a Cusare Pompeium, non ah .Augusto Anlonium incolumes reli.ttos, nisiforu Vespasianw altiores spiritw gerat. But elsewhere, again with prccc8cnt, he makes nisi foru start largely or completely independent clauses, as at D. 2 r.6, iv.74.2, 3.55.5. Since he and others do this, we may take the infinitive here to indicatc 1 he is not treating the clause as subordinate at all and legitimately follow the older editors in placing a semi-colon or colon after pa,entu,. 1 a.33.3 delenlmead■ Similarly 'in bonam partcm' e.g. 15.63.2 uilu ... dtlenimenta monstraueram tibi, tu mortis dtcw mauis, Sen. Dial. 7. 1 7.4 dtlenimenta magis quam remedia podag,u meu. 1 a.33-4 ■ab aomhdba■ hoae■d• Cf. 14.21.1 honesta nomina pruundtbant, 39.3. Distant echoes of Sallust's famous words (Cat. 38.2, Hist. 1.12). a.33.4 ■imilltado aacUeadam Again the debate in 55 B.c. comes >.oywvTi;> f3( aq,wv x~µwos. to mind: Dio 39.37.3 awayCAMcrrij Tc'.:'>V a.33.4 acUecerat 'Had added (that)', a sense and construction already found in Varro and Livy. a.33.4 cea■arae 'Corrective scrutiny', not 'a censorship'. a.33-4 nee ... aactorem Suet. Tib. 42. i in ipsa publicorum morum co"ectione suggests Tiberius at a specific time assumed and exercised a ccwrectiomorum, as Augustus had in some way done, but we cannot trust a passage clearly unreliable in other respects (Furncaux, Intr. p. 33). Perhaps Tiberius restricted himself to sponsoring occasional and limited measures, like that recorded at 85.1. Proposals others initiated were liable to meet opposition, as Fron to found: cf. 3.34.1 neque Cucinam dignum tanlat rei censorem. a.33.4 ■i qaid ... labaret Reminiscent of Suet. Tib. 33 si qua in publicis mo,ibw dtsidia aut ma/a consuetudine labarent, corrigenda swcepit. This may be due to community of ultimate source (Tiberius' actual words), but such ideas arc commonplace, e.g. Liv. p,aef. 9, Val. Max. 5.6.6 labantis pnditasque uires urbis nostru co"exit, Curt. 8.5. 7. a.34.1 later qaae Perhaps in the same debate (cf. 3.33. 1), though inter quaeneed not be so precise (cf. 4. 5 7. 1). Kocstcrmann thinks Piso 's

1 1

1

I acknowledge a danger of circularity of argument here. A dash might at times serve equally well, or marks of parenthesis. Marvel at Koestermann and TLL, for it is wondrous discernment which finds a favourable nuance at Liv. 30. 13.12 illamfuriam pesumque omnibw delenimentis animum suum aue,tisst atque alunasse. I cannot find one even at Liv. 4.51.5 dtlenimentum animis Boiani agri diuisionem: 'as a sop' seems a fit rendering.

COMMENTARY

2.34.1

exploitation of relationisegressioforms a link between this chapter and the last. 2.34.1 L. Pl•o L. Calpurnius Piso augur. PIR 1 C 290, RE 3.1383 = Calpurnius 74 (Groag). Ordinarius in I B.c. nobilis acferox uir (4.21.1), and brother of Cn. Piso, whom he defended at his trial (3.11.2). In A.D. 24 he was himself admitted for trial on numerous charges (4.21.12), but died before the case was heard. Sec Marsh 172-3, Syme, JRS 46 (1956), 18-19. 2.34.1 ambltum . . . lacllda 'As there were no elections, fori must refer to the law-courts; and the words [ambitumfonl may be distinguished from corrupta iudicia as ambitus from pecunia in 1.2,2', Furneaux. ambitus certainly operated in the courts: cf. 1.75.1 multaque eo coram aduersus ambitum et potentium prects constituta. But it also still operated in the elections, which did not cease to invite strenuous activity from candidates and their supporters when they were transferred to the senate: sec 1. 15. 1 sine repulsa et ambitu dtsignandos, 81.2 candidatos hortatus ne ambitu comitia turbartnt, 4.2.2 nequesenatorioambitu abstinebat, Mommscn, Strafr. 867. However, tempting though it be to suppose with Mommsen that by fori T. means 'the elections', that would be contrary to his regular and not infrequent use of the word, of the courts, as at 4.6.4 si quandocum priuatis disceptaret,forumet ius, 11.6.2 ut ... fori tabespecuniam aduocatisferal. So I side with Furneaux. 2.34.2 liberi ... docamentum Cf. Val. Max. 5.3.3 ingratafacta liberiore indignatione proscindendasunt, Curt. 6.2.4 liberior inter mutuas querellasdolor, [Quint]. Deel. 11.1 p. 207 L ciuitas lam liberi doloris,Amm. 15.8.15 irae documentum... et doloris. 2.34-2 Vrgalanla PJR 1 V 684, RE Suppl. 9. 1868-9 (Hanslik). Sec below 4 on cum uirgines ... Juerit. 2.34.2 •apra ... eztalerat Cf. Liv. 4. 13.3 elatus ... supra modum hominis priuati, where Ogilvie compares Sen. Ben. 6.3.2 (add Dial. 7.10.2). 2.34.2 ab•ce■slt A correction diplomatically preferable to abstitil. But what exactly will the verb mean? Furncaux, comparing 6.36.1, says the 'full expression' is abscedereincepto, as at Liv. 26.7.2. abscessit might aptly thus be used here, and perhaps, as Mr Martin thinks, the contrast with obtemperauitshows it is. Yet why should it not = 'did not go away', i.e. from Urgulania and Livia's house? Piso proposed to drag his adversary to court, if she would not come willingly: 4. 2 1. 1 spreta potentia Augustae trahere in ius Vrgulaniam domoque principis excirt ausus erat. Further, Livia could hardly claim se uiolari et imminui because Piso persisted with a legal action against her friend, but she could if he tried to remove the lady from beneath her roof. I 2 93

COMMENTARY

2.34.2

deny that any semantic alchemy can blend the two meanings, pace Kocstermann. I append, with his permission, a summary of Professor Crook's illuminating observations on this whole passage. Piso was cultivating the role of an austere insister upon archaic ways. In that role Vrgulaniam in ius uocat.Now in iw uocatiowas the oldest formal legal act in Roman law, enshrined in the opening words of the Twelve Tables. It was not obsolete, but it was no longer usual: people usually met and exchanged uadimonia. In pressing the old formula, which carried severe penalties for disobedience, Piso showed his contempt for modern convention. And Urgulania showed her contempt for him (sp,etoPisone) by going in domumCaesaris,since, if she had stayed at home, she would have been safe from his threats: cf. Gaius Dig. 2.4.18 plnique putauerunt nullum th domo sua in ius uocarilicere. From the palace, however, Piso was technically entitled to remove her by main force. 2.34.2 lmmJ.nui imminuo = 'lower (in esteem)' is peculiarly Tacitcan. Cf. 14.57.1 perculso Seneca promptum fuit Rufum Faenium inminuere Agrippinae amicitiam in eo criminantibus, where inminune = 'lower (in Nero's esteem)•, not 'displace' (G-G), though that was the result. The same idea, or a similar one, 'impair (in standing)•, is found at 86.2 discidio domum imminuerat.1 But iv.52. 1 amicos temporefortuna cupidinibusaliquandoaut erroribusimminui transferri desinereseems different, though the exact sense there, as at i. 15.4, is debatable. Altogether T. shows variety as well as originality in the verb's use. · 2.34.3 proce••lt Palatlo The emergence of the princepsfrom his house was always an event, as Tamm notes, Auditorium 91: sec Plin. Pan. 76.7-g. People thronged to meet and escort him (occursante populo) and studied his demeanour attentively. 2.34.3 compo•ltu• ore Cf. perhaps 1.7. 1 uultuquecomposito,3.44.4, Plin. Ep. 2.20.3 componit uultum. But here compositusmay = 'calm, unruffled' (cf. ii.48. 1 placidus ore), without suggesting the appearance was assumed. 2.34.4 neque ... fult One might have expected melioreJama: by showing ciuilitas Tiberius won better opinions. Hence Doedcrlcin transposed the names to produce nequeCaesaringloriuset Piso maiorefama fuit. That would be perfect sense: Tiberius gained some glory from his conduct and Piso's reputation for independence, already considerable, was enhanced. But the danger of improving the author, rather than correcting the scribe, is here very apparent. 1

Remotely akin to Apul. Flor. 14 uirginemimminuisset,which shows T. is not alone in using imminuowith a personal object. 2 94

COMMENTARY

2.34.4

a.34.4 aeaire declignaretar For the construction with the infinitive, first attested in Ovid, cf. Col um. 1 pr. 12, Curt. 10.3. 1 1, 5.33, Sen. Dial. 2.13.2. a.34.4 mlssWI ••• baterrogaret By the time of the jurist Paulus (circ. A.D. 200) such concessions to persons of high standing had become more normal: Dig. 12.2.15 ad pnsonas egregias ... domum mitti oporttt ad iurandum.

a.34.4 cam airgbaes ... faerit A curiously elusive problem faces us. 1 Was Urgulania a Vestal virgin? T.'s words could properly so indicate, for we have no right to understand et or ttiam or quoque with uirgines Vestalts. Nor is it decisive that at 4.22.2, only eight years later, she appears as the grandmother of Plautius Silvanus. As Miss Beard points out, she could have retired from V csta's service, if she had completed thirty years, and then acquired a family by adoption. In default of firm evidence I am constrained to argue subjectively. Had Urgulania been a Vestal, I think T. would have mentioned the fact at her introduction, not brought it in so obliquely. Further, her haughtiness is here more forcefully illustrated if she was not a Vestal: a Vestal refusing to go to court would be stretching the privilege she enjoyed beyond precedent, while an ordinary Roman lady could not plausibly claim privilege at all. Still, these are at best tenuous arguments, and a nice decision remains, whether the idea that what satisfied the Vestals should 'a fortiori' also have satisfied Urgulania can fairly be elicited from the cum clause as it stands, given only we already know she was supra leges tlata and had potentiam nimiam ciuitati. I believe it can. Those who do not must admit she was a Vestal in A.D. 16 or at least that T. thought so. a.35-1 res ... prolata• 'Adjournment of business, vacation', of the senate, courts, etc.: cf. Pl. Capt. 78, Cic. Mu,. 28, Ad Att. i.12.2, 14.5.2, Ad Q.F. 3.6.4, Sen. Dial. 10.7.8, Law Pis. 86. This is the standard term, replaced below by res dilatae. Such adjournment was regular, hut not, T. implies, invariable or invariably at a fixed time. a.35.1 predam foret See on 1.57.3 pretiumfuit. a.35-1 qaamqaam . . . Caesar Bimnio continuo post adeptum impnium petkm porta non extulit, Suet. Tib. 38. Two years had elapsed or almost. Alternatively Suetonius is wrong or Tiberius changed his mind or he was pretending from the start, as notoriously wont to do about his travels (1.47.3, 4.4.2). 1

I should have overlooked it, had not Miss Mary Beard alerted me. I am most grateful for her comments. 2 95

COMMENTARY

2.35.1

ob ld ••• ageaclaa T. avoids non profernuias. And, as N-A say, the thought seems elliptical, i.e. tamn1 non solum non p,ofernuias, sed 2.35-1

ob id magis agnulas.

2.35-1 at ... f'oret At a pinch the paradosis can be retained: it gives a semblance of sense and, if we relate ul to oh id, the syntax is smooth enough. But the thought verges on incoherency. Piso's argument required something like ut senatw et equites dnnonst,a,mt se munia sua swtinere posse, to which the additional idea quod decorum rei publica esset could have been appended. If the text is sound, his quest for brevity involves T. in an imperfect conflation. But et ... fore, which restores clear and apt sense, is very plausible. Though two changes arc made, both arc slight andforet above renders one of them easier still. quod (for ut) .. . foret is also possible, as is [ut] .. . fore. 2.35.1 eqalto As iudices. 2.35.2 qala ... praeceperat A typically bitter comment. Not that T. would deny any real independence existed (the last chapter proves the contrary: cf. 3.75.2 incorrupta /ibertate), but he is deeply suspicious of its bastard varieties (cf. 1.8.4, 76.3, 3.70.1). He may, being so suspicious, here misjudge Cn. Piso, whose /ibertas he did not impugn at 1.74.5. 2.35.2 coaaentum ... proalada• Hearing of delegations from Italian towns and the provinces formed no negligible part of the senate's business: cf. 1.78. 1, 79. 1, 3.60.2-3, 4.14. 1, 43. 1, 13.48, and particularly 13.4.2 teneret antiqua munia senatw, consu/um tribunalibw Italia et puhlicae p,ouinciae ad.sisterent: i//i patrum aditum p,aebermt.

2.35.2 coaaeatum Itallae Conuenlw is not quite so specific here as when it designates an assize or provincial assembly (e.g. A. 9.3). Cf. perhaps Cic. Verr. 1.54 hate frequentia totiw Ita/iae, Liv. 45.33.3 in i/w conuenlu Europae .Asiaeque, Curt. 4.5.11 quod conuentu totiw Graeciae cekb,atur.

2.35.2 aclftaend• proalada• 'The throng of provinces/provincials'. For the participle cf. iii.49.2 nihi/ adumtantem Mucianum ueritw and sec Helm, Quaestiones 55. For adjluo = 'throng to, converge', a sense unattested in republican Latin, cf. Liv. 24.49.5, 37.16.10, Val. Max. 3.2.23, Sen. Cont,. exc. 3.8. p,ouincias, like lta/iae, seems near to 'abstract for concrete', but some personification, not unusual with p,ouinciae, may be present. 2.35.2 aaclleate . . . •lleate Koestcrmann says it is noteworthy that Tiberius did not intervene. It is more noteworthy that T. docs not comment on the fact: cf. 1.77.3 siknte Tiberio, which provokes acid remark. When the acta recorded Tiberius' presence, but no contribu-

COMMENTARY

2.36.1

tion from him, the historian was free to construe the emperor's silence as he pleased. 1 2.36.1 certamea ••• esortum eat The occasion of the dispute is unknown. Some relate it to the praetorian elections of this year: sec p. 270. 2.36.1 ba qaiaquemdum ... habenda Caesar had once adopted this course, hardly the happiest of precedents: Suet. Iul. 76.3 spreto patrio moremagistralw in pluris annosordinauit,App. Bell. Ciu. 2.535 ws... hrl xp6v10v crrpcrnfav •~1wv hrl ,mnanis '{ipflTO. And Vitcllius incurs criticism for so doing: Suet. Vil. 11.2 humanoqueiur, negkcto •.. comitia in dtctm annos ordinauit. Tiberius was not generally disposed to spurn tradition, but the transfer of elections to the senate had been a radical departure. That may have encouraged Asinius to propose another major change, which would saddle the p,inceps with an embarrassing responsibility, likely to worsen his relations with the senatorial class. Tiberius foresaw this danger (if Asinius expected him not to, he was naive) and other implications. What they were T. docs not spell out. Perhaps, by binding the princepsfor five years ahead and thus lessening the immediacy of his control of elections, Asinius hoped to inspire some independence in the men selected (Furneaux, Marsh 303). On this view the need of each year's candidates for imperial favour was an arcanum imperii, though what was secret about it is hard to see. While feigning modestly to decline addition to his power, Tiberius in fact kept its force intact (uim ttnuit). in quinquenniumsimply = 'for five years', I think: cf. Appian's hrl ,mnanis, 47.2 in quinqutnnium remisit, Cic. Ad Alt. 14.6.2 etiamnt consults et tribunospl. in biennium quos ilk uoluit. It can hardly = in aMum quintum, a sense which, even if possible at all, docs not fit the first election under Asinius' scheme, when the whole block of appointments for five years would be arranged. But Asinius may well have intended elections to be held in each succeeding year for office in the fifth year ahead, since, as Furneaux says, Tiberius implies the list would always be full. 2.36.1 11tq11e..• de■dnareatur For the indicative in a relative clause of or. obl., not infrequent in T., cf., e.g., iii.21. 1, 1. 10.2 (with N-A ad loc.), 4.56.2. Theoretically qui . . .Jungebanturcould be T.'s own comment, but that is unlikely, since it would be patently false. Men

1

I wonder whether an unfavourable view is not latent in audiente••• silenlt: Tiberius endured hearing such stuff and still kept silent. Cf. A. 43.2 et audiilP,tcts •.• tl ••. passus est, neenubuit. But this i'I probably fanciful. 2 97

COMMENTARY

2.36.1

regularly became legati legionum after holding praetonhips (Premerstein, RE 12.114,8), e.g. Agricola (A. 6.4, 7.3), T. Vinius (i.4,8.3), and Vespasian (Suet. Vesp. 2.3, 4.1). 1 Has the indicative then any special function here, such as it sometimes has elsewhere? Furneaux says it 'shows that the twenty-five actual legati legionum arc meant;• so that this part of the proposal would relate to the immediate election only'. I find it extremely odd that one part of the proposal should be general, the other 'ad hoe', since, if in A.D. 16 the legati legionum merited a special concession either because they could not be present as candidates or otherwise, future legati would presumably merit it equally. Further, if the whole proposal was 'ad hoe', a possibility T.'s words do not prohibit absolutely, what was so special about this period to prompt such a measure? Again, Furncaux has to take iam tum as referring to 'the date of this motion', though it more readily suggests cum legali essmt. In face of these difficulties we may prefer to admit the indicative lacks specific function and could as well have been a subjunctive. a.36.1 desdnarentur Cf., e.g., i.77.2 cetni consulatusex destinatione Neronis aut Galbae mansere, iii.55.2 festinare comitia, quibus consules in multos annos destinabat, 1 .3.2 necdumposita punili praeuxta ••. dutinari consuus ... cupiuerat. a.36.1 nomin•ret Sec on 1.14.4 candidatos... nominauit. a.36.1 arClllla imperil Cf. i.4.2 euolgato impnii ar&ano,1.6.3 ne arcanadomus uulgarentur,2.59.3 inur alia dominationisarcana, Liv. 41.24.3 regum arcanis (similarly Curt. 4.6.5), Plin. Pan. 23.5 ingensillud deonun arcanum, 83.1 prin&ipum... arcana. Since secrets commonly belong to persons, T.'s imperii and dominationisconvey a slightly sinister nuance, as if imperium/dominatiohad an existence independent of those who from time to time possessed it. 3 a.36.1 temptari 'Were being probed', I think: cf. perhaps G. 34.2 obstitit Oceanw in se ... inquiri. mox nemo umptauit, Sen. Oed. 577-8 umptari abditum I Achnon profundum menu non aequa tulit. Pace G-G, we should not compare ii.65.1. a.36.a quasi ... eius Cf. 4.19.3, 13.21.6, 15.53.2. The clause admits various interpretation: (i) that Tiberius speaks as he would were his power really being increased, or pretends to assume it was,

1

1 8

N-A, whose examples these arc, also mention some exceptions, e.g. 6.30.2, Suet. Tit. 4.3. I.e. such of them as had not held practonhips. Cass. Var. 8.12.8 nostri inperii ... arcanumis formally similar, but that genitive has hardly more weight than nostra. Claud. 26.103 arcanum tanti deprmdere.,regni is in reality a little closer .

COMMENTARY

2.36.2

(ii) that, objectively considered, the increase in power was merely apparent. tamen strongly favoun (i). (ii) might accord with T.'s concluding remark fauo,abili ... tenuit and is perhaps supported by the presence of eiw where a reflexive might be expected. This use of the demonstrative is supposed to impart a degree of objectivity (HofmannSzantyr 175), reflecting the viewpoint of the writer or of penons other than the subject. That it often docs so is undeniable, e.g. 3.50.2 saepe audiui principem nostrum conqunentem,si quis sumpta mo,te miserico,diam nw p,aeuenisset, but elsewhere such explanation cannot readily be adduced, e.g. ii.9.2 is in tn1Ustitiamcompositu.set fid,m suorum quondam mi/itum inuocans, ut tum in Syria ... sisterent, o,abat, 4.67.1 quamquam 1didomonuissetne quis quittemeiu.sinrumpnet. Instances like these last may be imputed to inattention. a.3'.11 graae ... •uae Cf. 6.26.1 g,aue conscitntiat,g,auefatn1Usuae. For moderationisec on 1.8.5 ,emisit ... mode,atione. a.36.a proldaatar An unusual alternative for reiciantu,,1 chosen, as Mr Martin argues, as a more vigorous word: Tiberius refuses to do anything so derogatory and rude. a.3'.3 doma• In particular number of children, which under the Lex Julia d, maritandiso,dinibu.sand the Lex Papia Poppaeaaccelerated eligibility for office (see 51. 1). a.36.3 •aperblre Similarly 1.19.5. The verb is not widespread in prose, but cf. Plin. N.H. 9.122 ne triumuiratusuo nimis supe,hiatAntoniu.s, 10.18o, Plin. Pan. 31.2, Suet. Aug. 16.4 supe,bientemuiginti l,gionum fidU&ia. 11.36.3hoaorem ... aglteat Commentaton tell us agitent stands for (animo) agitent or that ago/agito can equally denote exercising a function or pretending to (N-A on 13.14.1). They may be right, but perhaps import unneeded precision. When Tiberius says (or seems to say) 'what would happen if they exercised office for five years', he could, as speakers are wont, be exaggerating tendentiously,• exactly as he continues to do in quinquiplicari... magist,atu.s,where no one has suggested magist,atw = tos quibu.smagist,atu.sdesignatiessent. a.3'.3 qalaqalpllcarl Not confined to T.: Fletcher has unearthed an example at Hieron. In lob 1. Since quinquiplication is a notion our authors seldom require, this rarity, like, e.g., concaedes( 1.50. 1), lucar (1.77.4), has minimal stylistic interest. 1

1

Or dijferantur,but switch from one compound of iacio to another seems likelier. Cf. Cic. Ad Att. 1 .4. 1 abs te in mmsem Quintilem,eiecti sumus. 'Sermo ad inuidiam rem augens ', Gronovius, comparing 1.69.4 comp,usam a mulitrt stditionem. 2 99

COMMENTARY

2.36.3

a.3'.3 lesn ... •tataerbat If the candidates were legally eligible, the kges annaks would not directly be affected, though relative eligibility could certainly change in the coune of five yean, if, for instance, a hitherto childless man became a father of three children. Tiberius may be thinking of provisions concerning specified periods for canvassing. Exactly why they would be subverted remains unclear: 1 his words are sonorously vague (vol. 1, p. 345). a.36.4 faaorablli ... oradone Cf. 12.6. 1, Sen. Dial. 5.2.4 eloquiofauorabili (e coniect.), Quint. 6. 1. 11, Plin. Ep. 5. 13.3. a.3'-4 la •pedem ... aim ... teaalt Cf. 3.30.3 speciemmagis in amieiliaprincipis quam uim lenuil. a.37.1 cea•a•qae ... laalt I cannot parallel censusiuuare, but cf. iii.65. 1 credebaluratifeclameiusfidem parce iuuisse. It comes to much the same as censusexpkre, as at Veil. 2.129.3 senalonnnquecensum ... quam libenler expkuil, Suet. Vesp. 17 expkuit censumsenatorium. Subvention to impoverished senaton, particularly of the old nobility, is very much a feature of the early principate, now that there is a senatorial census,as there was not in the republic: see on 1.75.3 decits ... largilus est, 4 P,obare ... acerbus, also 2.48.1 nobilitattm ulriusque pecunia iuuandam p,aefatus, Sen. Ben. 2.27.2, Suet. Aug. 41.1, Dio 53.2.1-2, Macr. Sat. 2.4.23, Millar, Emperor297-9. Under Tiberius instances of such largesse seem quite frequent. That may reflect the financial difficulties of the period (see p. 286) and show that salvaging the fortunes of memben of his own class was a cause this princepsheld especially dear (Levick go). a.37.1 qao ... falt Cf. 4.31.2 quo magis mirum habebatur. This parallel and the gratuitous clumsiness of the repeated quod suggest Madvig, Adv. 2.543, erred in defending the paradosis, though, as he says, its syntax is unobjectionable. 2.37.1 Mard Hortali M. Hortcnsius Hortalus. PIR 1 H 210, RE 8.2470 = Hortcnsius 12 (Kadlec). Sec Geiger, CR 20 (1970), 132-4. 2.37.1 la paapertate m•nlf..._ta For in with concessivc force cf. G. 19.1, D. 6.3, 3.76.1 in magnis opibus, 15.57.2, Hor. Ep. 1.5.20 contracta ... in pauptrtate, Val. Max. 9.5.3. Sec further TLL 7.1.771.47ff, 782.33ff. The wealth and extravagance of the orator Hortensius were notorious.• His son Quintus, killed after Philippi (Vell. 2.71.2, Plut. Brut. 1

1

Perhaps because these candidates would not canvass even for the usilatumet quasi legilimumtempusad pttmdum (Cic. Ad Fam. 10.25.2: sec Shackleton Bailey's remarks). Those who seek subtle thematic links in T. will connect this chapter and 33, where Hortcnsius' speech on luxury is echoed.

COMMENTARY

2.37.1

28. 1), presumably lost his property through proscription. He was a worthless character, according to his father (Val. Max. 5.9.2) and Cicero (Ad Att. 6.3.9, 10.4.6). And another grandson, Hortensius Corbio, whose exact relationship to the Hortensius here is uncertain, was a particularly sordid pervert (Val. Max. 3.5.4). One sees why the family's position had become precarious. 11.37.1 inlectua ... ducere For illicio neutral or favourable in tone cf. 13.37.3, Cic. /nu. 2.157, Varro, R.R. 1.17.6, Liv. 10.17.6, Vell. 2.8g.4 adlwrtatuprincipisad ornandamurbeminlectisunt. Apart from 4. 12.4 other instances of its employment with an infinitive are hard to find, but the usage had grown increasingly common with causative verbs generally (Kuhner-Stegmann 1.681-3, Hofmann-Szantyr 345-6). 11.37.1liberalitate The concrete sense 'gift' is not always so distinct as here and, e.g., at 4.20. 1, Plin. Ep. 10.4.2 liberalitaum sesurtii quadragies,Suet. Claud. 29. 1, GIL 8. 2554, 6965. 1 Heubner on i.20. 1 claims it is not found before T. But, in view of the reference to an amount, it looks likely at Cic. Ad Att. 12.7.1 uelle Hispaniam, requirere liberalitatnn. de liberalitau dixi, quantum Publilius, quantumflamen Lentulus filio. 11.37.11-4 Sumner, Plwenix 20 (1966), 81, finds an 'underlying note of comedy' in this episode. One may share that impression, on encountering a man who marries and fathers children not because he wants to, but at the emperor's urgent behest. Still Hortalus was scarcely unusual: the Lex Julia and Lex Papia Poppaeahad much diminished the attractions of celibacy. a.37.11 cum in Palado ... haberetar In the library in the portico of Apollo's temple, which was part of Augustus' palace. That is clear from the allusion here to likenesses of orators, for such were commonly placed in libraries, 1 and from Suet. Aug. 29.3 addidit porticus cum bibliothecaLatina Graecaque,quo loco iam senior saepe etiam senatum habuit. This meeting-place is further attested by 13.5.1, EJ 940 in Palatio in po,ticu quaeest ad Apollinis in eo umplo in quo senatushabni solet, Dio 58.9.4, Serv. ad Aen. 11.235. Sec Mommsen, Staats,. 3.929, Tamm, Auditorium 56-7. We do not know how long it continued regularly in use. 1

1

Between 'generosity' and 'gift' one can squeeze a semi-concrete sense 'act of munificence': so perhaps Nep. Att. 2.6 auxit hoe officium alia quoqueliberalitale: nam uniunsosfrumento donauit, Plin. Ep. 5.1 1. 1 ut initium nouaeliberalitatisessetconsummatiop,ioris, AE 1975, 878 ob . .. Jwnestaseorummunificentiasliberalitates. Germanicus' medallion inur auctoreseloquentiae(83.3) was probably placed in the Palatine library. 301

COMMENTARY

2.37.2

anu limen curiaeshows the term curia, without specification, did not belong exclusively to the curia Julia, but could be transferred to any place where the senate mct. 1 Similarly, as Mommscn notes, Dio refers to TO ~vMV"rlip1ov shortly after talking of TO•AnoAAwv1ov. 2.37.2 •lmal ... haberent Comedy, if such T. intends, is blended with irony, for this assertion might prompt an acid rcjoindcr: hoeceru, sed se dignos. Why maiores.•. ut should be thought 'fcicrlich stilisicrtcr Ausdruck' (Koestcrmann) I fail to sec. 2.37.3 eloqaendam ... bonam Cf. 1 1.16.1 gentilethcus, Plin. Ep. 6.15.1 scribit elegos,gentilicium hoe illi, Sid. Ep. 8.3.3 perorandi ... celebtTrimumjlumen,quodnon solum gentilu:iumsed domestu:umtibi. Hortcnsius' daughter alone proved worthy of eloquentiaetanta hereditas,according to Val. Max. 8.3.3. a.37.3 aarietate temporum What other misfortunes may be meant, apart from loss of property in the proscriptions, remains obscure, for, if Hortalus had nothing to inherit (aecipere),it scarcely follows he could acquire (parare) neither money nor reputation. Since he appears himself to have lost the million sestcrces received from Augustus, Tiberius not unreasonably speaks of socordia(38.3). 2.37.3 la••a• ... dmd Written tongue in check, one suspects.• This matrimonial soldier has discharged his general's orders, with satisfactory results: en stirps etc. 2.37.3 •drp• et progenle• A pleonasm, pace N-A, who would distinguish the terms: cf. V erg. Aen. 4.622 stirpemet genusomnefuturum, Ov. Tr. 3.14.14 stirps haecprogeniesquemeaest. 2.37.3 tot ... dlctatorum Since only one dictator and two consuls (of whom one came to grief) arc attested for the Hortcnsii, Hortalus is either exaggerating extravagantly or, which is more probable, counting asccndants on the female side. The Marcii, who had a dictator in 365 e.c., fit well enough, if, as Geiger o.c. supposes, Hortalus is a grandson of Hortcnsius' second marriage, with Marcia. 2.37.4 nee ... refero As Frcinshcim says, inuidia might result not so much from his iactantia (cf. 1 1. 11. 1 quod non iaetantia rif ero, sed quia .•. ) as from the implied comparison between these nobles in distress and persons now flourishing. For the variation cf. 46.3 and sec Sorbom 82, 111-12, Martin~ Eranos 51 (1953), 94. 1 1

Sec perhaps AE 1972, 174 •ltzaria [A]po/[inis]iticonspectumf[uriae,but these supplements arc obviously uncertain. Anyone who thinks T. humourless should contemplate 12.6.1-2, which also concerns marriage. 302

COMMENTARY

2.37.4

2.37.4 i•ta Twenty of twenty-one examples of isle in T. 's historical writings occur in direct speech. See Adams, BICS 20 ( 1973), 131, who justly considers this 'one of the most remarkable illustrations of the stylistic difference between the speeches and the narrative'. 2.37-4 ftorente te P. Voss wrote jlorenle aelale, pinpointing a genuine difficulty. The problem lies in the sense, not the expression, since jlorente le, if somewhat artificial here, easily finds analogy, e.g. Hor. Carm. 1.2.51-2 neusinas Medosequitareinultos I te duct, Caesar,and the use of jlorms is highly Tacitcan: cf. 1. 1 .2 Jlorentibusipsis, 53. 1 Jlorentibus Gaw et Lucw Caesaribus, 2.42.2 jlorente C. Caesare. In these passages it approximates to 'alive', while in others it = 'prosperous, flourishing' etc., e.g. 71 .2 quondamjlorenlem ..• cecidisse,4.68.3 jlorenlis opposed to adjlictam, 71.4jlorenles opposed to adjlicws, 16.33.1 jlorenlem opposed to labantem. If the opposite of jlorens is mortuusor adjlictus, thenjlorente te by its nature contains an unhappy admission that death or disaster might befall Tiberius. Further, unless we regard as pure vacuity the statement that these young men will obtain such honours as he may grant them while or if Tiberius is alive and flourishing, there is another unhappy implication, that his disposition of honours could be rescinded. Hortalus may intend to be urbane and conciliatory, but, if the text is sound, blunders badly in the attempt. Perhaps we should leave it at that, assuming this another piece of the gaucherie with which T. marks the speech. If not, a tolerable case can be made for Voss' correction. 1 2.38.1 inclinado ... aduer•aretur N-A think Tiberius is moved by pure contrariness, and compare 6.23.2 mox, quia rumor incedebatfore ut nuru ac nepoti conciliareturCaesar, suuitiam quam paenitenliam maluit. Furneaux (following Walther) stresses promptius: 'he had made up his mind, and, seeing the sympathy of the senate, spoke before it had gone too far'. That makes sense in itself, but strains the meaning of promptius, 'more readily'. Anyway T. cannot know these were Tiberius' motives. He is simply offering an unfavourable gloss, as is his wont. In fact the explanation he makes Tiberius give is more than adequate in itself: Hortalus was not a deserving petitioner, his manner of petition was unbearably importunate, and to support him would be a bad precedent. Further, T. is scarcely consistent: if Tiberius was at this point determined to go against the senate's evident wishes why should he 1

The corruption is easy, given M's tendency to omit syllables: elate ➔ ele ➔ le (after -le). The expression is soon paralleled : Cic. Sen. 20 Jlorentis aetatis, Luer. 5.1074 jlorenti atlate, Liv. 30. 12. 17 jlorentissima utas. And jlortnle aetale would aptly be taken up by interim. Contra, though T. hasjlorms fairly often, he never uses it quite in this way, unless A. 44.4jlortn1efama be sufficient analogy.

COMMENTARY

2.38.1

perform a volte-face and accede to them only a little later (4 below)? More probably the senate's feeling was not yet evident. 2.38.1 iacllnado Pregnant, = fauor: cf. 11. 12. 1 inclinatio populi supnerat, 13.9.2 inclinationequadamttiam hostium. 2.38.1 hi• ... a■a• What follows is the first direct speech given to Tiberius. How closely docs it relate to the original, if, as is likely, T. had read it in the acta senatus or elscwhere? 1 Syme 701 affirms 'it looks highly authentic' and l\,liller, AJPh 8g (1968), 1-19, though properly cautious, inclines to think some of Tiberius' own words have filtered through. One cannot be sure, but on analysis the evidence lends little colour to their view. As Adams has shown, BICS 20 (1973), 137-8, the speech contains (a) usages such as T. admits in speeches generally and excludes or avoids in narrative, and (b) usages which may be paralleled in T. outside speeches, some of them much in favour with him, but nothing demonstrably peculiar to Tiberius. And the same applies to other discourses of the emperor. The appearance here of a few expressions rare elsewhere in T. or in Latin as a whole (Syme I.e., Miller 15, 16, 18) proves nothing: numerous chapters of narrative and discounc present a similar sprinkling of apparently unusual features. But, if Tiberian influence on T.'s language is doubtful or untraceable, what of the substance of his speeches? They are characterized by shrewd and realistic argument, sobriety of judgement, and dignity, and do much to counteract the unfavourable impression of him T. is at pains to impart. I believe, but cannot attempt to prove, that something at least derives from the originals, whose 'startling value' (Syme) T. recognized, even if they did not reinforce his own interpretations. 2.38.1 quantum paaperam ut T., like Livy, is partial to such genitives with the neut. sing. of pronouns and quantitative adjectives: cf. iv.33.4 quantumpeditum erat, 59.3 quantumquemilitum apud ... ripam, Cat. 9. 10 quantumest hominumbeatiorum,Liv. 22. 11.2 scriberet. .. quantum equitum ac peditum uideretur,45.24.11 quidquid Rhodiorumuirorumfeminarum est, and see Heubner on ii.6.2 quidquid castrorum, Ki.ihner-Stegmann 1.429-30. 2.38.1 de&clet 'Will fail', i.e. as a source of money. Cf. Hor. Ep. 1.4.11 non deficientecrumina,Juv. 5.94 et iam defecitnostrummare,where the local sea has failed as a source of fish. Some think the verb pregnant here, i.e. = decoquo,'become bankrupt': that is not easy to parallel. 2.38.1 ldeo ... at 'When picked up by a following ut or quia, ideo

1

It is well to remember we do not know whether the acta contained the complete text of speeches.

COMMENTARY

2.38.1

is almost invariably found in speeches in the historical works ( 12 times out of 13) ', Adams o.c. 133. 2.38.1 esrecU ... proferre Sec on 33.1 erat .•. promere. a.38.1 at priuata . . . aqeama• An easy zeugma (Clcmm, Breviloqumtia 135). 2.38.1 lndal•erint largidonem For transitive indulgeo,common in imperial Latin, cf. 1.52.3, 11.20.2, Liv. 40.17.5, Suet. Aug. 41.1, Vesp. 8.2, Calp. Deel. 17 p.17 L multa larguharis, indulgehasomnia, nilzil umquamnegahas. 2.38.2 l■tad Sec on 1.49.2 illud, 2.37.4 ista. 2.38.2 efflagltado A rare noun, only here m T. and earlier attested only at Cic. Ad Fam. 5.19.2, 10.24.6 (Plancus) insul.sacum eJ!lagitatioru,Ad Brut. 24 (1.16).11 (Brutus). Its appearance in Cicero's correspondence docs not prove it colloquial, pace Syme 701 : labels cannot so easily be affixed to the vocabulary of a dead language. 2.38.2 lntempe■daa ... lnproul■a For the phraseology cf. D. 9.3, 34.5, Cic. Ad Att. 9.1.3 multaquemihi et seuerein conuiuiis,tem/)estiuis quidem, disputari. 2.38.2 Uberam T. admits this form again at 3.25.1, 35.2, 12.44.5, but commonly employs liherorum. liherum, which is wide-spread in republican Latin, thereafter belongs mainly to historians and archaizen (Ncue-Wagcncr 1.177). er. 3.72.1 posterum,1 but 2.32.1, 4.38.2 posurorum. a.38.2 argere mocle■dam ■enata■ 'To embarrass and constrain the senate': cf. 26.4 modestiameius adgreditur. a.38.a eandem ... tran■ferre transmiltere,long the vulgate, owes its place to editorial inertia, not intrinsic cogency. Whether T. ventured uim transmitter, I do not know, but no shadow of an analogy supports that possibility. Those (not many) who try to defend the conjecture cite passages such as ii.17.1 aperueratiam ltaliam hellumquetransmiserat, Liv. 21.20.4 ne in ltaliam transmittantGalli helium. Despair, it seems, is the mother of irrelevancy. Better then to accept transferre,which is quite as near the ductus litterarumof M, and for which tolerable analogy exists, 65.5 uenirettransferretqueinuidiamcriminis, 13.45.3 untieutilitas ostenderetur, illuc lihidinem transferehat, 14.11.2 cuncta eius dominationisjlagitia in matremtranstulit, Cic. Sest. 82, Val. Max. 2.4.5, Sen. Dial. 5.8.1 auaritiain proximosuirus suum transtulit. 2.38.2 aelat perf ringere aerariam For perfringere = ' break into', an unusual sense, cf. iv. 1.2, St. Th. 7.434, Apul. Met. 4. 12, for its metaphorical use, that ofinrumpo (4.67.1) andper,umpo (3.15.2, 4.40.5). 1

Found at GIL 10.4775, as Neue-Wagener note.

COMMENTARY

2.38.3

a.3'-3 decUt ... •eel Placed as fint word a verb can have conccssivc force without the aid of a particle such as quidem. N-A aptly compare iv.86.1 intellegebanturarles, std pars obsequii in to ne thp,,hendrrtnlur. a.38.3 coapellatua ' Called upon', like app,llatus when app,llo is used of demanding payment due, e.g. 6.17.2. Augustus gave Hortalus money of his own volition: Tiberius resents being called upon to give more, as if obliged to do so. a.38.3 laapeacet . .. ladaatria Cf. Cic. Or. 6 non1st cur eorum... sp,s i,ifringatur aut languescatindwtria. a.38.3 lateadetar aocorclla Almost oxymoron. For intmdo sec on 13.3 intendit ... iras. a.38.3 aallaa . . . •pea metw relates to socordia,sp,s to indwtria: fear of the consequences of one's sloth, hope of benefit from one's industry. For the expression sec on 1.29.3 ex due, metw. a.38.3 aibi ipaai, aobia graaea T. brings a series of antitheses to a sharply pointed climax (sec Voss, Pointinle Stil 105-6), where nobis graues, with its normal dative, prompts and facilitates an abnormal counterpart, sibi ignaui, and thus produces the balance rhetoric demands. At such times syntax is liable to be sacrificed: cf. Val. Max. 2.6.6 nee adduci possum ut credam urbi utilem quem domui scelestum cerno. a.38.4 qaibaa ... mo• eat T.'s contempt for such timc-scrvcn finds apt expression in Sallustian terms: Cat. 30.4 quibw omnia honesta atque inlronestauenderemos erat, lug. 31.12 quibw fides thcus putas postr,mo honestaatque inhonestaomnia qua,stui sunt, 8o.5. He in turn may be echoed (inappositcly) at Pan. Lat. 7.1.1 quibw omniafacta wstra summarumque uirtutum merita laudantu,. a.38.4 ~mnia prladpam Sec on 1.62.2 cuncta Gmnanici. 2.38.4 excepere T. exercises considerable freedom with the historic infinitive (sec on 4.3 ubi minitari), and a few editors toy with retaining M's excip,,e here. Perhaps one might do so, but in several other places where the same or a similar infinitive is prescntcd 1 it would be extremely difficult, on grounds of clarity or, unless T. sets no bounds to his experiments, of usage. 2.38.4 daceaa aeaterda The census of Augustus' fourth and lowest decuria iudicuin (Suet. Aug. 32.3). This may be significant: certainly the gift is comparatively small (contrast, e.g., 86.2). a.38.5 later Conccssivc: cf. v.6.2, 15.54.1, Liv. 2.12.8, Veil. 2.97.1, Sen. Ep. 8o.6. 1

Namely 1.20.1 accip,,e (omitted at vol. 57.2, 58.1, 8o.4, 3.26.2, 4.68.4.

1,

p. 332), 2.2.1, 22.2, 53.3,

COMMENTARY

2.38.5

sa.38.5 po■thac

Transmitted eighteen times in the Annals,1 always in the second place in its clause, except here and at 12.52.2 nequetamen ext.di longa posthae uita fuit.• Hence Wijlfflin1 108 ( = Awg. Sehr. 32) thinks of writing post haec. He may be right, 1 but, as I said on 1.74.2 ae postremum, we cannot confidently impose consistency on T. sa.39-40 The affair of the pseudo-Agrippa, briefly touched on by Suctonius (Tib. 25.1, 3) and briefly narrated by Dio (57.16.3-4), strongly attracted T.'s interest, and so he provides much 'factual' detail,• probes the thoughts of Tiberius and Clemens, and offen various rcflcxions of his own, directly or obliquely. One cannot be sure whether he rightly treats the story as an entirely independent whole: some would link Clemens with Libo (sec p. 264). However that may be, he believes Clemens had to be taken seriously: had his plans not speedily been frustrated, discord and civil war would have ensued (39. 1). He enjoyed support not only from people at large, but also, it was alleged, amongst senators and equius, and even at court (40.3). 1 So T. saw Tiberius' position some two years after his accession as still far from secure,• and the proletariat, in Rome and Italy, as not yet politically negligible, even though he generally speaks of it with contempt. T., like Dio, simply places the affair under A.D. 16 (eodemanno), not indicating when exactly it came to a head. Suctonius makes Clemens one cause of Tiberius' hesitation to 'accept the principatc '. That can only be careless misundcrstanding, 7 but Clemens' activities may well have started when Augustus died, as T. tells us, and developed as he narrates them. He is our only source for their inception (39.1-2). For their later stages there is no essential discrepancy: T., Suctonius, and Dio agree Clemens amassed numerous followers and that guile was 1

Some consider 15.14.2 doubtful. Neither postha, nor antthac, thrice in the AnMls, is found in the other works. 1 6. 7.2 Q..Smuuru posthaeis marginal. 1 As he admits, the fact M has post hac is hardly material. It has the same at 3.24.4. • 40.2 ille • •• deligit, unless it be mere window-dressing, attests meticulous attention to minutiae. 1 dictrmtur hardly shows T. did not think such persons involved. He reports what was said at the time, though not proved, without expressing an opinion himself. • His failure to investigate Clemens' alleged backers might equaJly argue he was too insecure to risk doing so or so secure he could afford not to bother. 7 Perhaps, as Furneaux says, Suetonius has confused Clemens' original design (to rescue Agrippa) with his later one (to avenge him).

COMMENTARY

2.39.1

uaed to capture him. Again, T. and Dio show close verbal similarity in Tiberius' exchange of words with Clemens. 1 It looks as if they share a source, but, as he implies at 40.2, T. supplements it from another. Dio has one detail (Clemens going to Gaul and winning support there) which T. docs not know or ignores: conceivably it somehow relates to the abortive scheme of rushing Agrippa to the German armies. On the whole episode sec Mogcnct, AC 23 (1954), 321-30. a.39-1 rem pablicam percalia■et Cf. Cic. Flacc. 16, Marc. 23, Ncp. Dion 5.3 impnium ..• pnculil, Val. Max. 6.4.1, Flor. 2.14.5 pnculsum •.• impnii "',pus. a.39-1 per1ere ... conceplt W.e hear of a similar plot during Augustus' lifetime: Suet. Aug. 19.2 Audasius atque Epicadusluliamfiliam ,t Agrippam rupottm ex insulis quihus continehanturrapn, ad ,xncilus .•. dtstinarant. Mogcnct 328 guesses T. lackcd information about Clemens' original motives, and so transferred these particulan. One may doubt whether he would act so irresponsibly, and Clemens could have borrowed the idea himself or come on it independently. concipiois very rarely found with an infinitive (as distinct from acc. + inf.), but cf. Plin. N.H. 6.171 mensuramte"a, prod.ereindt coneepnit,Tert. Pud. 18 quid, si et hie respondtrtconcipias,SHA Maxim. 13.3 i,iferrt helium parans atqueanimoconcipiens.Thus used it tends to convey a suggestion of audacity. a.39-1 exerdta■ Ge•meni-co• They were the strongest armies of the time and conscious of it ( 1.31.5), they contained volatile elements nupn actoin urht dilectu( 1.31.4), and rumours of their discontent had no doubt reached Italy. a.39-a aa■a An innovation of Vcrgil's, 1 but by now edging into prose: cf. Val. Max. 5.7.2 humanoingeniomaius ausum,1 Plin. N.H. 2.247 inprohum ausum, Plin. Pan. 17.2 immanihus ausis harharorum.T. has it thrice elsewhere in the Annals (3. 66.3, 11.8.3, 13.47.3), but not earlier. a.39-a patrata caecle Sec on 26.1 patrari, Hcubner on iv.61.1 patrata ... caedt. He thinks this expression, first attested in T., arises from conflation of patrarefacinus and perpetrarecaedtm. a.39-a ad ... praedpfda conaer■a• Cf. Liv. 2.51.7, Veil. 2.112.7 (of Agrippa Postumus) in praecipitiaconuersus.

This exchange, as Questa says, Fonti 32, could well have been found in a collection of dicta memorabilia. 1 E.g. Atn. 2.535, 9.281, u.351. On 2.535 Scrvius auctus says some think ausa cannot be used in prose (T. knew better), on 12.351 that people ask what precedent Vcrgil had (none, we may presume). • ausumis sometimes mistaken for the verb here. 1

COMMENTARY

2.39.2

2.39.2 faratur daere■ Why? Not, unless he was naive, to prevent their use as proof of Agrippa's death, for one pile of ashes is much like another, as Frcinshcim says. Perhaps he simply wished to find them another and happier resting-place (Lipsius): cf. Suet. Gaiw 15.1. But I cannot really make sense of the story. sa.39-2 uectu■ que . . . abcllt Cosa was in complete decline and largely deserted by the first century A.D.: hence Clemens can hide himself ignotis l"'is. Sec Brown, Mem. Am. Ac. Rome 20 (1951), 19-20, who observes 'there is no reason to suppose, as some commentators have, that by Cosam, Etruriae JwomunturiumTacitus meant Argcntario rather than the promontory of Cosa itself,_ 2.39-2 donec . . . promitteret 'nam implies that this would increase the resemblance', Furncaux. If so, people had seen Agrippa with long hair and bearded before his exile. That is possible, although long hair and beards were quite out of fashion. Indeed flouting of convention, on which Augustus was touchy, may have been part of his rebelliousness and a sign of the ingenium sordidum ac fnox (Suet. Aug. 65. 1: cf. 65.4) which brought his downfall. 1 Alternatively (i) Clemens, while resembling his master in age and stature, wanted to conceal his face, which might give him away, or (ii) sought to evoke sympathy, by suggesting Agrippa had been ill treated or adopted sordes as a man in dire misfortune. Cf. Liv. 27.34.5 sed nat ueste obsoletacapilloqueet barba Jwomissa, Jwae se fnms in uoltu habituque insignem memoriam ignominiae acceptae. This remarkable use of in + 2.39-2 haud dl■■lmlli ha dominum acc., for genitive or dative, cannot satisfactorily be paralleled, though Cic. /nu. 1.82 similitudine eiw rei qua de agitur ad eam rem qua de iudicatum est, Apul. Met. 10.30 puella ... in deae lunonis specum similis arc commonly compared. 1 But T. is extremely flexible in his employment of in elsewhere, e.g. 47.2 aspnrima in Sardianos lues, 4.2.1 fiducia ipsis, in uteros metw, 12.6.3 in fratrum filias coniugia, 8.2 fidw in Agrippinam ... infmsw Claudio, 14.3 in nos dehonestamento,25.1 adoptio in Domitium.1 2.39-3-4 tum ..• praeuemebat The actions here recounted

1

1

1

Professor Crook thinks I am too much influenced here by the experiences of A.D. 1960-70. He could be right. Draeger § 8o(b) adds August. Ciu. 1 1. 1 o sed habent haec ad ilia ... quandamsimilitudinem. Propertius exercises something of the same licence, e.g. 3.17.24 Pentheosin trip/icesfunna grata greges, 4. 1 .84 et graue Satumi sidw in omne caput. And a little exploration in Plin. N.H. might disclose more cases like 7. 1 50 suspicioin Fabium arcanorumqueproditionem.

3°9

COMMENTARY

2.39.3

apparently extended from A.O. 14 to 16, but Clemens spent some time in Gaul, if we believe Dio. Furncaux says Dio offen 'a less probable vcnion': I take what he reports as complementary, not alternative. 2.39.3 aecred Possibly 'hiding-place', more probably 'secret'. 2.39-3 crebreadt . . . Agrippam The impenonal construction (similarly ii.67.1) seems peculiar to T. For the verb cf. Vcrg. Am. 12.222-3 quem simul ac . .. crehrescere uidit Isermonem,Ascon. ad Mil. 37 p. 33 S cum crebresceretrumor ... creari dictatoremoportne. T. may well be and percrehresco,more common in such contexts, influenced by increbresco e.g. Caes. Bell. Ciu. 3. 79.4, Cic. De Or. 1.82, Liv. 24.11.6 and (imperson• ally) Plin. Pan. 31.2.

2.39-3 aago namore Similarly i.34.2, iii.25.1, 1.70.5, Ov. Met. 11.667, Sen. Phom. 361, Sil. 10.6o6. 2.39-3 apud ... aurea Cf. iii.43.2 aucta rumoreapud uarios Vitellianorum animos increbruereand sec on 1.31.5 apud . .. aures. 2.39.4 obacuro cllei Early morning or late evening; cf. iv.50. 1 obscuroadhuccoeptaeLucisand sec on 21.2 sero diei. 2.39-4 lncerda T., who affects substantivized neuter plurals + genitive, is also partial to their independent use, as here and e.g. 82.5 nee obstititfalsis, 88. 1 nonfraude nequeoccultis,3.66. 1 ab indecorisad infesta transgrediebantur,4.3.4 ut pro honestis et p,aesentibusflagitiosa et inctrta txsp,ctaret, 58.3 mox patuit ... ueraquequam obscuristegerentUT,12.13.1 p,, occultaet magisfida. 2.39-4 aalescuat Cf. i.32.2 sceleraimp,tu, bonaconsiliamora uakscere. uaksco, nine times in T., always with a transferred sense, is generally rare and earlier attested perhaps only at Luer. 1.942, 4.17. I take him to use it as 'simplex pro composito' for conuaksco or inuaksco. The former is associated with mora at Ov. Rem. 92, Sen. Dial. 9.1.3, employed of rumoun and the like at Sen. Cont,. 1 p,. 20, Colum. 3.7.2, Curt. 9.6.1. 2.39-4 rellnquebat . . . praeueaiebat He left rumour behind, departing before word spread he had come, or forestalled it, arriving before word spread he was coming. Thus he avoided capture and created excitement. aut is distributive (he was always coming or going), but in truth et would have served as well. 2.40.1 lamqae ... celebrabant With benefit of hindsight we sec Clemens overreached himself by entering Rome. He obtained no effective support, from the plebs or the pcnons mentioned at 40.3. Nor could any support be effective, unless he won over the praetorians. Dio talks rather unconvincingly as if he led an expedition against the city and inspired general consternation. 310

COMMENTARY

2.40.1

ingen• Similarly Suet. Tib. 25.1 non contnnntndam manum .•. comparauit, Dio 57. 16.3-4 ,ro>.Aovs •.• ,rpoarnon'iucrro and CJVXVG'>v CXVT ,rpocrn8Eµa,CAW. 2.40.1 daade•dai ... celebrabaat Cf. 4.27.1 cottibw clandtstinis, 5. 10.2 (of the pseudo-Drusus) iam iuuentutis concursu, iam publicis studiis frtqutntabatur, and, for ctltbro, Cic. Ad Att. 1.4.5 similis tl frtqutntia tl plausus me wqut ad Capitolium ctkbrauit, Liv. 44.22. 17 maiort quam solita frequtntia prostqutntium consultm ctltbratum. These coetw, though surreptitious, may still have been large. 2.40.1 Tiberium ... diatrahere Fletcher, Annotations 18, compares Liv. 34. 12. 1 consultm ... anctps cura agitart. 2.40.1 •eruam aaam suum is emphatic: that Clemens was his own slave increased Tiberius' embarrassment. On his adoption Agrippa passed into Augustus' patria pottslas. On his exile Augustus handed over his property to the urarium militare, according to Dio 55.32.2. Being attached to the urarium militart Clemens probably counted as StntUS Caesaris. If not, Augustus must have retained some of Agrippa's property, and this portion, including Clemens, Tiberius inherited. 2.40.1 aaaeacere A simple verb again replaces a compound, the classical tuanesctrt (only at ii.32. 1). Cf. D. 10.5 (with Gudeman ad loc.), 2.82.5, Quint. 4.3.8, Plin. Ep. 1.8. 15. 2.40.1 ambipu• ... meta• See on 24.4 ambiguas . . . formas. 2.40.2 clat negodum Salluado When called upon Sallustius proved unscrupulous and trustworthy (1.6.3, 3.30.2-4), but Clemens' escapade glaringly exposes the lack of any regular provision for policing Italy. 2.40.2 aimulata con•cienda They pretended they were privy and sympathetic to his designs. As numerous people thronged to him ( 1 above) Clemens would be hard put to tell loyal adherents from false. For conscimtia = 'complicity' cf. 15.51. 1 lahtfactrt tl conscimtia 2-40.1

maldtudo

inligare.

Probably pregnant, st ptricula suscepturos or socitlaltm ptriculorum. Conceivably 'daring deeds', as Furneaux suggests, comparing iii.53. 1 cuiw criminationihw t11iluisstnt ptricula sua. 2.40.2 aoctem bacuatoditam Cf. Luc. 5.500 per incautas •.. tmelwas, Sil. 15.333 incwtodita •.. nocle. 2.40.3 percunctand . . . Caeaar Dio has virtually the same «irG'>s•Aypf,r,ras tywov;> 1.E1,.1ov alP16Tov'1ixP•&Kt'ipovs(Strabo l.c.). 1 The 1

Strabo mentions a report that they had been destroyed by fire. Perhaps it was false. Or perhaps the fire was later than Gcrmanicus' visit: if so, Strabo was still revising book 7 in A.D. 18 or thereafter.

353

COMMENTARY

2.53.2

dedication was set up at Antony's camp, on the Actian side of the gulf,l a.53-alma10 'Reminder' or 'recollection': cf. i.44.1, 1.62.2. a.53.3 foederiqae •.• datum Athens was certainly ciuitaslibna, i.e. internally autonomous. But was it also ,iuitas foednata? Jones, Greek city 118, accepts T.'s statement (it is nowhere corroborated); Sherwin-White, Lettersof Pliny 688, thinks he is in error. One can only argue the matter on probabilities, and they are against T. It is hard to see any relevant time at which the Athenians might have secured a /oedw. Even if they had one from the early days of Rome's contact with Greece, they abrogated it in siding with Mithridates. On the city's capture in 86 s.c. their whole position was necessarily subject to revision: they were fortunate to be spared total enslavement and to be allowed to retain libertas and the constitution Rome had earlier imposed (App. Mithr. 152). We hear nothing of a/oedw, and, as Mr Sherwin-White points out to me, 1 Athens was not likely to receive more from Sulla than the faithful allies whose libertashe confirmed. Again, one doubts whether Augustus, who was not particularly well disposed to the city, would have maintained any favoun Antony may have granted it. We may therefore suspect, with Mr Sherwin-White, that T. was not altogether clear about the distinction between ,iuitatesfoednatae and ciuitatesliberaesinef oedne: note the inaccuracy of his remarks about Rhodes, long a ciuitasfoederata, at 12.58.2 redditur ••• libertas, adnnpta saepeaut firmata. a.53.3 at . • . ateretar Germanicus had no right to take any licton into a free city, but Mommsen, Staatsr. 1.373 n.4, claims one lictor is really tantamount in law to none at all, much, I suppose, as at Oxford the master's dog may be deemed a cat. And doubtless the Athenians understood his intention to please. Othen were less considerate, for, as Mommsen notes, ibid. 378 n.2, Q. Mucius Scaevola apparently kept his lictors with him in Athens (Lucil. 92-5 K). In general, however,' humanius et ciuiliw cum Atheniensibus Romani magistratus egere' (Casaubon on Athen. 5.212c ov&vos ov6t 'Pooµafoovfv TOlavTTJ ~aafq: 1.16wVTos Ti\s •ATTt~S). Germanicus had the precedent of his grandfather Antony, whose modest affability when wintering in Athens App. Bell. Ciu. 5.322-3 records. Suet. Gaiw 3.2 says Germanicus Liberaacfoednata oppidasine lidoribw adibat. That could, as Questa thinks, Maia 9 ( 1957), 299, be generaliza1 1

So I undentand Strabo, but admit it is not altogether clear from him or other sources what was erected where (Schober 512-15). I am grateful to him for his guidance on this whole question.

354

COMMENTARY

2.53.3

tion from a single instance, a vice to which Suctonius is prone, but Gcrmanicus may have acted similarly on entering other free cities, e.g. Ilium. As to his having one lictor or none, I put more faith in T., who will hardly, pace Questa, have given Gcrmanicus a single lictor in order to take the. edge off Piso's reproach quod ... conluuiemillam ••• comitatenimia coluisset.He docs not trouble himself with such minutiae. ••53•3 aetera ... laaberet T. talks of the Greeks as laetum antiquitatibus •.. genus (ii.4.1), Valerius Maximus of uerbosacantu laudum suarum Graecia (3.2.22), Pliny calls them genus in gloriam suam ejfusissimum (N.H. 3.42), and Plutarch (Sulla 13.5) records an embassy which went from Athens to Sulla Tov 0ftcrla Ka\ Tov Ewo>.nov Ka\ Ta MT16ncaat1,Lvo>.oyovµw01. T. scorns Graeca adulatio (6.18.2), having nothing but scorn for adulatio wherever it appears, not least in the Roman senate. Some fancy he shares the violent feelings he makes Piso express in eh. 55, that he is embarrassed by his hero's graciousness to the despised Greeks, even (on an unwarranted assumption about the date of composition) that his experiences as proconsul of Asia had made him loathe them. In truth his views arc elusivc, 1 but, if he had a rooted antipathy towards all the races, conditions, and categories of men upon whom he comments acidly, he was a misanthrope such as the world has rarely seen. ••Sf•• traml•lt Le•bam PaceFumcaux, it is not all that unusual for transmittoto take a plain accusative with names of islands (cf. Curt. 4.1.27 Cyp,um transmisit) or with other place-names (cf. Liv. !25.31.12 Vticam ab Lilybaeo transmisit, 36.21 .1 Tenum primo tenuit, inde Ephesum transmisit): sec Hofmann-Szantyr 50. Leabam ... ediclit Both Gcrmanicus and Agrippina were accorded divine status there: sec JG I!l.!l.212-13, Eckhcl 6.!214, Wilamowitz, 'Ediktc' 81!l-13. Agrippina had indeed inherited a special connexion with the island from her father Agrippa (Dio 53.32.1), but similar honours were lavished on the couple by other Greek communities: sec Magic 497-8, 1356-7. lallam Sometimes known simply thus (cf. 6.15.1, CIL 6. 3998, 4352, 10563), sometimes as Livilla or Julia Livilla (Suet. Gaius 7, CIL 6.891). tam .•. arbe• A more general verb, such as adit, is understood here from intrat, by an easy zeugma (Clemm, Brevifuquentia135). e:strema A•lae Cf. iv.!28.1, 14.!26.1, Vcrg. Aen. 1.577, Liv. 31.27.2, Sen. Ep. 71.37.

••M-•

••M-• •·M-•

••Sf-•

1

Thus at iii.47.!l we hear of desidialicentiaqueGraecorum,but at v.8.2 of moresGraecorumas an improving influence.

355

COMMENTARY

2.54.1

sa.54-1 Periatbamqae Later (fourth century) to be called Hcraclca: sec RE 19.810 (Obcrhummcr). sa.54-1Tbrada■ Both Thraciaand Thraecia, Thraciusand ThrtUcius, Thrax and ThrtUx arc possible spellings. One cannot prove T. was consistent. But the MS evidence preponderantly favoun ThrtUcia etc.: eleven instances in all against five, on my calculation, and in M I ten against three. sa.54-1o■ Poadcam latrat Magic 497 thinks he may have gone as far as Sinopc: but the statue there erected to Agrippina (/GR 3.94) is not proof he did, and T. merely says he entered the mouth of the Black Sea. If he excuned far into it, T. 's silence is surprising. a.54-1 capldlae ..• ao■ceadJ I am not pcnuaded Gcrmanicus visited historical sites (cf. 53.2, 59. 1) in emulation of Alexander. Execrable though his translation of Aratus may bc, 1 he was a man of some culture, fired with a conventional interest in the past, as ,Anti,. Lat. 7o8 attests, 1 if it is his. The Romans were avid sight-seers: cf. ii.2.2 ilium [sc. Tilum] CMpidoineessitadeundi uismdique tnnplum Paphuu Venms, Aetna 568-72 ma1nifaas laudu operosaqueuisere tnnpla I diuitiis hominum aut t sacras memorarerulustas . • • CMrrimus. • • ,unctasque libel j>rftll"ertgmtts,• Sen. Dial. 8.5.1-2. a.54-1 proalada■ ••• fe■■a• I am not sure whether the magistrates arc local or Roman. Perhaps the juxtaposition with internis,ertaminibus favoun the former, and we hear elsewhere of the delinquencies of local officials in the Greek communities: cf. Cic. Ad Fam. 3.8.5 ul ltuartm miseriis perditas ciuitatts et perditas maxime per magistratus suos, Ad Alt. 6.2.5, Plin. Ep. 10.17A.3. But the latter is more probable. T. talks of p,ouineias, not ciuitatts, here.• And, as Mr Martin observes, he seems to contrast internis and magistratuum (i.e. externis). Again, whenever he uses magislralusof magistrates other than Roman, he makes the fact explicit or unequivocal: sec G-G 794.1 Further, corruption and injustice tainted the provincial government of the early empire, as Brunt has shown, Hisloria 10 (1961), 18g-227: cf. 3.40.3 saeuitia ac superbia

1

Gain pp. 16-20 attempts to challenge Gcrmanicus' authonhip, but sadly misrepresents the evidence: sec Hall, PAC.A 14 (1978), 45. 1 Sec Questa, Maia 9 (1957), 303-5. • However the passage should be emended, the general sense is not in doubt. • I labour this point because Magic I.e. virtually translates p,ouineiasas 'cities'. 6 13.48 is no exception, though it misled G-G, who put it in the wrong place.

COMMENTARY

2.54.1

/musidmtium, 4.6.4 ·neprouinciaenouis oneribusturbarenturutque ueterasine auaritia aut mul.elitau magistratuumtolerarentprouitkbat.1 2.54-1 refouebat See on 47.3 refoueretque. 2.54.2 ■acra Samothracam Germanicus perhaps sought initiation in the mysteries of the Cabiri, 1 on which see, e.g., Hdt. 2.51.3 (with Wiedemann ad Loe.),also Ar. Pax 277-8 and the scholia there, Lo beck, Aglaophamus 1202-95, RE 19. 1399-1450 (Kern). Elcusis numbered Augustus amongst its initiates (Suet. Aug. 93, Dio 54.9.10): the Samothracian rites too had long been esteemed at Rome. Marcellus sent an offering to the Cabiri (Plut. Marc. 30.6) and Voconius delayed his proper business in order to be initiated (Plut. Luc. 13.2). Republican inscriptions record Romans enrolled as mystaepiei (GIL 11 .662-7, 2505), and Varro, L.L. 5.58 knew some of the mystic teaching. The cult continued to thrive in imperial times (Juv. 3. 144-5, Galen 4.361 K). 2.54.2 depulere Cf. iii.42.2 segnitia maris aut aduersanteunito portum Htrculis Monoecidepellitur,Hor. Sat. 2.5. 78 (metaph.) rectodepellerecursu, Luc. 9.368-9 his igitur dtpulsa locis eiectaqueclassis I Syrtibus (hos .•. locos Housman, fort. rcctc). 2.54.2 adlto . . . quaeque . . . ueneranda Cf. ii.4. 1 spectata opulentia donisque regum quaequealia . . • Graecorumgenus inctrlae uelustati ad.fingit.Vatcr's emendation, to which Pichena's uiso Ilio led the way, needs only applause. 2.54-2 Dlo On the same site as ancient Troy. 3 The town was destroyed by Fimbria in 85 e.c., but soon rebuilt, and, though of minor importance, enjoyed lihtrtas and immunitas as the legendary cradle of Rome. Sec 12.58.1, Strabo 13.1.27, Plin. N.H. 5.124, Suet. Claud. 25.3, App. Mith,. 211-13, 250, Bruckner in Dt>rpfeld's Troja and /lion 586-92, Magic 903-4. 2.54.2 uarletate ... ueneranda The eclipse of Troy's power and its rebirth at Rome formed a Tcmoswearisomely familiar. There is no difficulty, though a few find one, in the association of uarietatefortunae with ueneranda:'some tribute of regret', as Wordsworth says, is aptly

1 1

1

Had there been no injustice, the emperor's prouidentiawas unneeded. Arguably uistre sacra implies initiation, if it = 'behold the ritual'. I am inclined to take it thus, since T. scarcely uses sacra to = 'holy places', unless we count D. 13.5 in ilia sacra illosquefontis ferant. But one cannot quite exclude that meaning here: if sacra is so used, it denotes the shrines of the Cabiri (Acc. Tr. 526-7 R 1 ) and other divinities on Samothrace. Demetrius of Scepsis, whom Strabo follows ( 13.1.25 et al.), believed it was not. Modern archaeology has dispelled those doubts.

357

COMMENTARY

2.54.2

paid to departed greatness. Suet. Gaius3.2 affirms sicubiclartmlmuirorum sepulcra cognosceret[sc. Germanicus], inferias manibus dabat, perhaps generalization from his visit to Hector's tomb, which, according to Anth. Lat. 708, caused him to reflect on fortune's change. Cf. Liv. 37.37.3 lliensibus in omni rerum uerborumquelwnoreab se oriundosRomanos praefermtibus et Romanis laetis origine sua, Aetna 589-90 miramur Trouu cineresetfiebile uictis I Pergamonextinctosquesuo Ph,ygas Hectore. SI.Sf.2 relegit 'Coasts along again', with A.siamby brachylogy for litora Asiae. Though /ego = 'coast along' has already entered prose (e.g. Liv. 21.51.7), rekgo as here or = 'retrace' is poetical: cf. Hor. Carm. 1.34.4-5 iterarecursusI cogor relectos(Hcinsius: relictoscodd.: sec Bentley ad loc.), Verg. Aen. 3.690-1 relegenserrata retrorsusI litora,1 Ov. Tr. 1.10.24. 2.54.2 Colophona On the form see TLL Onom. 2.536.8ff. 2.5,f.2 ut Claril ... uteretar The ancient oracle of Claros (Paus. 7.3. 1 ), near Colophon, was just emerging from a period of decline, indeed dereliction. It had been sacked by the pirates (Varro apud Am. 6.23, Plut. Pomp. 24.6) and for a time ceased to function at all, according to Strabo 14.1.27 Eha ... ti Ko~~v ... Kai TO ,rpo cxvri\s ~e10s TOOIO.ap(ou •A,r6~wvos, fv 4>Kal l,,ICXV'ntov ~v iro-ri ,r~a16v. 1 Its striking revival was concomitant with the renewed prosperity of Asia Minor under the early empire, and accelerated perhaps by Gennanicus' visit. Lollia Paulina allegedly resorted to it (12.22.1), 1 it gave support to Apollonius of Tyana (Philostr. V.A. 4.1 ), ' and Alexander of Abonuteichos paid it politic deference (Lucian, Alex. 29). In the second century the oracle flourished greatly, as numerous inscriptions set up by communities which had consulted it attest. Sec RE 11.548-52 (Adler), Nilsson, Gesch. gr. Rei. 2.475-8, Parke, Greek oracles 137-40. T.'s account of its operation is in some ways puzzling (see below) and hard to reconcile with other evidence: perhaps he is in the right, accurately recording arrangements which obtained in A.D. 18, but were substantially altered later, though he appean, one must admit, to be describing what was regular and still current. Cichorius,

1

Baxter, CPh 67 (1972), 265, thinks T.'s phrase may recall this passage and 'in fact ... probably docs, because each author uses relegereonly once'. People say study of Latin sharpens the logical faculties. 1 The passage has troubled a few critics, who call ~v iroTt into question. But Strabo, I think, wrote these words before A.D. 18, probably long before, and failed to revise them. 1 I incline to adopt oraculumhere, with Andresen. ' As Nilsson (below) notes, Claros moved with the times.

COMMENTARY

2.54.3

RomischeStudien 386, thinks he goes into detail because he felt a special interest in oracles as a quindecimuirsacrisfaciundis and made sure to see Claros for himself when proconsul of Asia. All pure speculation, and in part, since this book was probably written by A.D. 112, misguided. 2.54-3 cerd■ ••• ■acerdo■ Cf. Liv. 5.22.4 ctrtae gentis sactrdos. 2.54.3 et ferme Mlleto accitu■ Perhaps because of a connexion with the cult at Didyma. But, as Parke says, later evidence docs not confirm the dependence on Miletus here imp]ed. Nor, for that matter, docs earlier evidence: Nicander was a hereditary priest of Clarian Apollo, according to Dionysius of Phaselis, 1 and Nicander was undoubtedly a Colophonian, indeed from Claros itself ( Th. 959). 2.54.3in ■pecum degre■■u■ We also hear of a cave at Plin. N.H. 2.232 Coloplwnein Apollinis Clarii specu lacuna est cuiuspotu mira redduntur oracula,Val. FI. 3.299 Clarii ..• antra dei, Iambi. Myst.3.11, and receive the clear impression it was a natural formation. But now excavation suggests it was in fact an artificial adyton constructed beneath the temple: 1 for particulars see Robert, Fouilles de Claros 14-15, 'Oracle de Claros' 309-12. 2.54.3 ignaru■ ••• carm.inum An extremely odd statement, even if toned down a little by plerumque, since (i) such a man could hardly compose verses, 3 (ii) it is unlikely a member of the Greek upper class' would be ignaruslitttrarum et carminum,and (iii) at a later period inscriptions reveal several officials attached to the shrine, a prophet, a priest, a 8E.oµT)T0pOS Kal ~a,Mws TToMµwvos vtov 8vyaTp16i\ St Ti\S EVEpyh16os•AVTwv(as.Whether this Antonia was a daughter of the triumvir is still debated: if she was, then Zeno was Germanicus' (half) fint cousin, once removed. Pythodoris, the linchpin of a dynastic nexus, contracted a marriage with Archclaus of Cappadocia, but survived his downfall. Her daughter Antonia Tryphaena married the unfortunate Cotys of Thrace (64.2). Zeno, now Rome's nominee and the people's choice in Armenia, proved by that country's standards a highly successful monarch, since he retained

COMMENTARY

2.56.3

the throne until his death in about A.D. 34-5. Tiberius and Germanicus showed excellent judgement in backing him. See Strabo 12.3.29, Anderson, CAH 10.746-7, Magic 486, 4g8, 1130-1, Chaumont 85-8. 11.56.3In arbe Artasata The caput gentis ( 13.39.6). Normally a neuter plural, but the feminine collateral recurs at 6.33.1, Eutr. 6.13. 11.56.3 ln■lpe . . . lmpo■alt Some twenty years later Gaius commemorated the event on a coin issued from the mint at Caesarca in Cappadocia (Mattingly and Sydcnham 1, p. 104): obv. head of Germanicus, with leg. GERMAN/CVS CAESAR TI. AVG. F. COS. II, rev. Germanicus placing tiara on Artaxias' head, with leg. GERMAN/CVS. ARTAXIAS. Sec Sutherland, Coinage 107-8. 11.56.3 Artadan Scribal error seems likelier than that T. wrote A,taxiam here, but A,taxian at 64. J. See on 2. I Vononen. 11.56.3quod ... arbl• A blunder: T.'s etymology has a Varronian quality. Zeno was called Artaxias after the first Artaxias, from whom, as its founder, the city took its name (Strabo 11.14.6, Plut. Luc. 31.3-5).1 11.56.4at Cappadoce• ... reclactl See on 42 .4 regnum ... redactumest. 11.56.4 Q.. Veranlum PIR 1 V 265, RE 8A. 937-8 = Veranius 2 (Gordon). See also Syme, CQ 7 (1957), 123-5. A comes Germanici prominent amongst Piso's accusers (74.2, 3.10.1, 13.2, 17.2, 19.1). His homonymous son (sec AE 1953, 251) rose to be ordina,iw in A.D.49 and died while governor of Britain ( 14.29. 1). 11.56.4 quaeclam . . . demlnata Koestcrmann, ' Mission ' 342, finds needless difficulty in reconciling this with use of the Cappadocian revenues to halve the cmltsima ,erum uenalium (42.4). They could still be reduced because they were very substantial: see Anderson, CAH 10.745-6. 11.56.4 quo mldu■ ••• ■peraretar mitiw is predicative, fore understood : cf. 3 .8. 1 quem . • • uquiorem sibi sperabat, 6.4 J. 2 come Tiridatis ingmium .•. spe,abant, 1 also perhaps iv. 74.2 nisi forte Tutore tl Classico regnantibw modtratiw imptrium spe,atis. 1

1

The names Artaxias and Artaxata have attracted considerable discussion amongst students of Armenian: see particularly Markwart, Caucasica 7. 14ff. Strabo I.e. knows a longer form •Ap-ra~1aacrra, which may well be older than "ApTa~crra, and indeed have been reduced to it. Markwart cites •ApTa~1aaToovfrom a coin. The word !at, which ends several place-names in Armenian texts, means 'peaceful state, joy'. Hence 'Artaxias' joy' has been suggested as the meaning of •ApTa~1aacrra. I owe most of this information to the kindness of Sir Harold Bailey. Where N-A compare Luc. 7.349 cawa iubet mtlio, superos sperart stcundos (add Verg. Aen. 1.543 at sperate deos memores fandi atque nefandi), Suet. Aug. 10.2 quem uel p,ucipuum adiuto,em sperauerat.

COMMENTARY

2.56.4

a.56.4 Q.. Senaaeu■ PIR 1 S 3g8. See also Syme o.c. 124. Another eomesGmnanici. Like Veranius in Cappadocia, Servaeus may only have been deputed to make initial arrangements, for he too was soon back in Rome to share the prosecution of Piso (3.13.2, 19.1). He came to grief in A.D. 32 (6.7.2-4). a.56.4 tum primum . . . tran■lad■ Marquardt, Staatsverw. 1.399, supposes it annexed to Syria: that makes geographical and administrative sense. But it may, for a time at least, have been organized as a separate province, as Gelzer maintains, RE 10.453: that is what Strabo 16.2.3 vOv s• hrapxfa ytyow suggests. For praetorissee on 1.74.1 praetoremBithyniae. a.57.1 cunctaqae ... composlta In place of abstract noun + genitive, as commonly in T.: see on 1.59.1 ,apta ..• uterus. I cannot parallel socialia = res sociales. T.'s prosper, is justified by Zeno's success and loyalty to Rome, also by the comparative permanence of the re-organization of Cappadocia and Commagene. a.57.1 laetum ... habebant See on 44.2 Maroboduum ... habtbat. a.57.1 la•••• ... nesleserat 'when ordered to conduct part of the legions to Armenia himself or (send it} under his son, had neglected to do either'. Did he then send the detachment under some other commander (Furneaux) or fail to send it at all (Koestermann)? Flagrantly to neglect the substance, not just the letter, of an order emanating from a maius impe,ium was a foolhardy course, which few would contemplate.• That fact might support Furneaux, were not all Piso's conduct at this time provocative and insubordinate in the extreme. Again, if he did dispatch th~ troops, Germanicus' anger (2-3) appears unwarranted, as Koestermann observes, 'Mission' 343 n.32. So I reject Furneaux's view. 2.57.1 filium M. Piso (76.2). a.57.a Cyrri Cyrr(h)us lay northeast of Antioch, on the road to the crossing of the Euphrates at Zeugma. From it Cyrr(h)estica, the northern division of Syria, took its name. See Cic. Ad .Att. 5. 18. 1, Plin. N.H. 5.81, Frhouls, .ANRW 11.8, 164-97. a.57.2 firmato ... crecleretur T. is often likened to a painter. The aptness of that analogy is evident in numerous places where he 1

Piso had no right to disobey, pace Marsh go-1, who says he probably believed a military display would be unwise. His beliefs were irrelevant, since he was not exempt from Germanicus' imperium.Doubtless he also believed he should remain in Syria, but, when ordered to leave, has to go (70.2).

COMMENTARY

2.57.2

visualizes faces as seen at particular moments, sometimes betraying emotion, sometimes concealing it, happy and cheerful, angry and threatening, placid, impassive, resolute, and so on. He uses uultus with remarkable frequency, e.g. iii.56.2 uultu quoqueet incessutrepidus,iv.43.2 uultu diuerso, Marcellus minacibusoculis, Crispusrenidms, 2.29.2 immotoeius uultu excipitur, 3.9.2 uultu a/acres, 4.34.2 Caesar truci uultu difensionem accipiens,6o.2 Tiberius toruusautfalsum renidensuultu, 12.18.2 cultu uultuque ad p,aesmtem fortunam ... comparato, 16.29. 1 cum ... ut erat toruus, uoce 1 And the demeanour of groups, not just individuals, uultu oculisardesceret. attracts his attention, e.g. i.40.1 attoniti uultus et conuersaead omnia aures, I. 7. 1falsi acfestinantes uultuquecomposito,24.3 uultu, quamquammaestitiam imitarentur,contumaciaepropiores.1 Further, though not usually prompt to describe his characters' physical appearance, 3 he does show recurrent interest in their physiognomy, e.g. A. 45.2 saeuw ille uultus et rubor, i.14.2 uultu habituque moris antiqui, 1.33.2 mira comitaset diuersa a Tiberii sermoneuultu, adrogantibuset obscuris, 15.72.2 habitu p,ocerus et toruo uultu erat. 2.57.2 aduer•u• ... crecleretur For variation of prepositional phrase and final clause cf. 1.58.3, 3.63.4 and see Martin, Eranos 51 (1953), 93. 2.57.2 metum Of the consequences of his insubordination. 2.57.2 et erat . . . clemeador Germanicus' mildness clearly invited comment or apology. Some think he was inhibited by uncertainty about Tiberius' reactions if he took strong measures against Piso. 2.57.2 •eel amid ... criminari It is not wholly clear whether Germanicus' friends make their allegations in private or attack Piso and Plancina openly during the meeting at Cyrrus. However that may be, T. shows laudable objectivity here, as Koestermann says, 'Mission' 343-4, for he admits Germanicus was exposed to dishonest and unscrupulous influences. This is indeed a tangible piece of evidence 1

' 1

1

Mr Martin pertinently comments: 'T. cannot, generally, know how people felt; by saying how they looked he gives his statements about their feelings a semblance of objectivity. In actual fact the "objectivity" is probably spurious. He guesses what - to suit his own interpretation - a character felt, and describes a suitable look, as if he had actual evidence for it.' Examples can be added with os, e.g. 34.3 compositusore, 3. 16.2 jlexo in maestitiam ore. There are a few exceptions, like A. 44.2, where T. virtually apologizes for describing Agricola, and 4.57.2, where he has a particular reason for remarking on Tiberius' disfigurements.

COMMENTARY

2.57.2

that Tiberius had some cause to be worried, but we must not make too much of it. 2.57.a acceadeadl■ ••• callldl Cf., e.g., iv.1.3 accmdendo ciuili btllo ""s, 11. 1 rimandis ojfmsis sagax, 5.11. I f"ilis captsundis inimicitiis, 6.51.3 occultum et subdolum fingendis ui,tutibus. It is often difficult, sometimes impossible, to determine whether the case is dative or ablative. One can argue that, if aim or purpose are concerned, it is dative, if means or relationship, ablative (N-A on 4.36. 1, 6.24.3), but this criterion is not wholly reliable, and we must also be guided by the construction(s) each adjective may take in other circumstances. Sec Kuhner-Stegmann 1.746-7, 754. Livy shows much novelty in his use of the gerundive with adjectives, and T. is no less advcnturous. 1 2.57.2 bateadere uera 'Exaggerate the truth': similarly perhaps 4.11.2 cum omnia alia conquirermt intendermtqut. ,a.57.a adgerere fal•• Cf. 3.67.2 mu/ta adgerebantu, ttiam insontibus pt,iculosa, 13.14.3 intmdnt manus, aggerert p,ob,a. In this extended sense, 'heap on, heap up (against)', adgerert is virtually peculiar to T. 1 2.57.a &I.lo• Only M. Piso accompanied his father. But Germanicus had interests in Rome which Cn. Piso (3.16.3) could in some way have opposed. a.57.3 qualem ... sfsalt Anger and dissembling alternated or closely, if awkwardly, combined: either way the result would be very strained discourse. Cf. 13.44.3 in amore et ira. 2.57.3 predbu■ coatumadbu■ Cf. 1.8.5 ad,oganti moderation,. Such oxymoron is not frequent with T. 2.57.3 dl■ce■■enuatque disctsserantque is absurd, if related to what precedes, and, if to what follows, confusing or, in view of post qruu, otiose. One could defend it only by the bold claim that T. is prepared to use the pluperfect indifferently for the perfect. Draeger § 27(b) so suggests, but his examples arc false (ii.25.1, iii.51.1, 1.63.2, 14.51.2), based on mistaken conjecture (v.20.2), or at best arguable (ii.5.2, ii. 73, 14.37.1). S6rbom 165-8 adds nothing of substance. a.57.3 aperd• oclil■ Their mutual hatred was not hidden, but blazoned from Athens to Artaxata, and this unhappy meeting did

1

2

Hofmann-Szantyr 377, correct about Livy, do not take proper account of the Tacitean evidence. It is passing strange they should cite Cyprian for subdolus + gerundive, ignoring 6.51.3 (cited above). Sen. Ep. 36.6 shows it extended indeed, but differently.

COMMENTARY

2.57.3

nothing to repair the rift. Were there still any doubt ap,rtis is necessary, 1 the remainder of this chapter would remove it. 1 ••57•3 po9t qaae Tacitean usage commends a minimal change: sec W()lfflin1 107-8 ( = Awg. kl. Sehr. 32). ••57•S m•nlfutus er. D. 16.3 ips, salis manifutw ISI iam dudum in conlrarium accingi (with Gudcman ad loc.). This use of manifeslw + inf. is not paralleled earlier, for St. Th. 10.759 exempta manifeslw cassidenosciseems very different, and later largely confined to the jurists, e.g. Dig. 24.3.22.8, 30.33, 33.4.3. But there is abundant analogy, in T. as elsewhere, for the attachment of infinitives to adjectives: as often, the poets lead the way, quickly followed by imperial prosc-writen. On occasion, as here, Greek influence has been suspected. er., e.g., i.84.4 intercidereac reparari promisca srml, iv.39.3 com,mpifacilis, 4.52.1 prop,rus clarescere,57.1 certw procul urbe degere,and sec Draeger§ 152(b), Kuhner-Stegmann 1.683-6, Hofmann-Szantyr 350-i. a.57.4 apad regem Nabataeoram Arctas IV Philopatris. The Nabataci occupied the area of Arabia adjacent to Syria, sometimes known as Arabia Pctraca from their capital Petra. They were now Rome's clients, but perhaps not closely supervised. Sec Strabo 16.4.216, Jos. Ant. 1.221, 17.287, Bell. lud. 2.68, Ptol. 6.7.21 (c conicct.), Andenon, CAH 10.247ff, RE 16.1453-68 (Grohmann), Negev, 1 ANR W 11.8, 52o-86. Steup, RAM 24 (1869), 77, thinks Gcrmanicus made the long journey to visit Arctas in his kingdom: sec further Weingartner, A"g,ptmreise68-9. That, I suppose, is a natural interpretation of T.'s words, but would the disgruntled Piso have accompanied Gcrmanicus so far? It is perfectly possible Arctas came to Syria to pay his respects and entertained Gcrmanicus there. a.57-4 coro-• ... oft'errentar To present kings with gold wreaths had long been a custom in· the Greek world: cf. Pol. 15. 31.8 ~s lv f3ap~v d6os l,ltv KCXA).1crrosK.T.>..: sec Munzer, Hermes 48 (1913), 617-19. a.U.3 Graecoram ... miranmr No one has yet identified the Greek histories T. may intend: sec Symc 513 n.5. A loose aspersion, it seems, and certainly prejudiced, but, like 53.3, not wholly unfair: the

I

1

Norden thinks T.'s adhucis itself taken over from Pliny.

COMMENTARY

2.88.3

Greeks were too fond of singing their own praises, as were the Romans, whom T. proceeds to upbraid on other grounds. What he says here is in no way novel: cf. Val. Max. 3.2.22 unbosa cantu laudum suarum Graecia,Plin. N.H. 4.4 omniasua mirantibus,and sec Paratore 674. But, if novelty is lacking here and in what follows, the sequence of limpid sententiae,gliding one into another, is in itself memorable. 2.88.3 baud periade ' not as (he deserves) '. T. likes this clli ptical use of pninde: cf., e.g., A. 10.5, G. 5.2. ii.84.2, iv.62.2 haud pninde notabilis, also Suet. Aug. Bo, Tib. 52. 1. Different ideas need to be supplied according to the context: a rendering such as 'not particularly' docs not always suffice. Woodman blames T. for ignoring 'Vcllcius' graphic portrait' (2,118.2). If graphic, it is also superficial. er.A. 1. 1 incuriosasuorumaetas. 2.88.3 dam aetera ... iacario•I The truth of T.'s remark is only too evident from such compilations as Frontinus' Strategemata.That T. is no unqualified Laudato,temporisacti and ready to proclaim the fact (3.55.5) is one of his most signal distinctions. er. Plin. Ep. 8.20.1 ut p,oximorum sa.88.3 recendum iacario•I incuriosi longinqua sectemur. Pliny and T. seem the first thus to use incuriosuswith the genitive, which curiosusacquired somewhat earlier.

449

Appendix

1

AD NOT ATIONIS CRITICAE ADDITAMENTA (Lcctiones in M traditac lcmmata scquuntur. Plcrumquc M••· Bcroaldus)

=

55.2 57.1

58.1

59.1 6o.1 61.3 62.2 63.1 64.1

65.1 66.1 68.1

69.2 70.3

apud] uinccrct in uincirct al. m. co". 55.3 apud] aput aput apud] aput quoniam] quo 57.2 apud] aput 57.4 scgestes in scgestis al. ut uid. m. '°"· parcntes in parcntis inc,rt. q. m. co". inuisi aunt (M"'•·)] inuisunt 58.2 apud] aput uinccrct in uincirct al. m. 58.3 turpidis in turbidis incnt. q. m. '""· pcrnicicm] pcrmiticm 58.5 incolumitatcm] incolomitatcm 58.6 Raucnnac] rcucnnac Chcruscos] ccruscos 59.5 quoniam] quo cxuerint] cxsucrint apud] aput 6o.2 apud] aput adiaccbant] adiacicbant apud] aput 61.4 uincula clapsi] uinculac labsi (in lapsi incnt. q. m. co".) quot] quod haut in haud al. m. co". proclia] praclia 63.3 monitos in monitus inurl. q. hostes in hostis al. m. co". m. co". 63.5 proclium] praclium scquc (M"'•·)] scqui 64.2 apud] aput proclio in proclia ineert. q. m. 64.3 cffcctum] cfcctum 64.4 aliud] aliut cocrccrct] cohcrccrct apud] aput 65.3 contumacia] contumatia 65.5 proterere] protcrrcrc gredcntium in crcdcntium incnl. q. m. corr. 66.2 tamcn] tamcnt senhaud] haul gcmanus in germanus inurt. q. m. corr. tcntiis (M"'•·)] scntiis 68.2 fossos in fossas al. m. co". roro in raro al. m. co". 68.5 Inguiomcrus] ingoiomerus C.] g. apud] aput 6g.4 Caligulam] caliculam apud] aput non (M"'•·)] nox 70.5 classcm in classc incnl. q. m. co".

'°"·

'°"·

45°

APPENDIX

1

cunctantius] cuntantius inlussis in inlussise incert. q. m. co". rupudiauit in repudiauit inurt. q. m. '°"· lubico in lubrico inurt. q. m. c°". 72.2. apud] aput 72.3 procatibus in procacibus tadnnfort. m. co". legis in leges al. m. co". 73.2 hostis in hortis inurt. q. m. co". 73.3 perniciem] pernitiem alios eiusdem] alios eius eiusdem effegies in effigies al. m. c°". 73.4 dis in diis al. m. CMT. 74.1 bithiniae in bithyniae al. m. c°". audaciae] audatiae 74.2 apud (prio,t loco)] aput perniciem] pern1tlem 74.3 accuaator] accussator 74.4 ad quod] at quot 74.6 efferuerat in efferuuerat al. m. co". reciperatores in recuperatores al. m. c°". 75. 1 comtituta sed] comtitutas et 75.4 cupidine (M"''·)] cupidioe 76.1 Sibyllini] sybillini 76.4 ostentandam (M"''·)] hostentandam 77.1 tum (M••·)] dum 77.3 uerborum in uerberum al. m. co". 77.4 fieret (M"''·)] fteret 78.1 Tarraconemi] terra conemi 78.2 centesimam] centissimam pubplicam in publicam al. m. c°". 79.1 permitiem in pernitiem inurt. q. m. co". 79.3 obtume in optume al. m. co". 8o.1 prouincia] prouintia isdem] istem 8o.2 fuerentur in fruerentur al. m. c°". uirtutis in uirtutes incnt. q. m. co". 81.1 apud] aput auctores] autores reperiuntur] repperiuntur 81.2 apud] aput speciosa] spetiosa 71.1 72.1

LIBER II 1.2 prahatc in phrahate, prahates in phrahates incnl. q. m. co". partemquc] partem quac 2.1 prahatis in phrahatis incnt. q. m. co". accepcre (Mm'·)] acciperc 3.1 apud] aput Parthorum] pathorum 4.2 adsumpto in absumpto al. ut uid. m. corr. 4.3 nostra u1 (M•f•}] nos aui 5. 1 specie] spetiae 5. 2 cclerandae] caelerandae procliorum] praeliorum 5.4 oportunum in opportunum al. m. corr. 6.2 breuis in breues al. m. co". repente] rcpetente adspeciem] speticm bellcrent in adpellerent al. ul uid. m. 6.4 apud] aput 6.3 oportuna in opportuna al. m. co". uahalam (utlfort. uahalaem) in uahalem inetrl. q. m. corr. 7.1 Chattos] chatos ftumine in ftumini utl ftumini in ftumine

'°"·

45 1

ADNOTATIONIS

,tUhmut uid. m. ctm.

CRITICAE

ADDITAMENTA

7.'l aliud] aliut praedam] ohlessores] opsesaores

predam

Chattorum] chatorum 8. I Amisiam] amiuiam 9.'l permiau in permissum 9.1 diberio in Tiberio inurt. q. m. c,m. al. m. ctm. fratrum in fratrcm al. m. corr. 9.3 prctia] practia 10.3 inter10.'l gurgia (111uid.) in iurgia ,, 1adem 11 al. m. corr. iaccbat in intcriaciebat al. m. c,m. 11.3 inrumpens] in11.'l circumiectam (M"''·)] circumlectam rupens sacpiua] sepiua acruilia] seruilla cum aecrcti] consecreti pecunias] peccunias 13.4 conicctu ( M•1.)] conlectu respcna (M"''·)] res tcna 14.3 dcnscrcnt in dcnsarent al. m. ctm. mcmoria in mcmores al. m. corr. 14.4 isdcm in iisdcm al. m. corr. 15.3 aliud] aliut 16. I ldistauiao] idista uiso ripac] ripe ccdunt] cacdunt 16.3 cxim/orl. in cxin corr. (incnt. q. m.) numina (M•1.)] nuina 17.3 pedestris] pedestres 17.4 callicac in gallicac al. m. corr. 18.2 tropaeorum] tropheorum 18.1 ora in hora incnt. q. m. corr. 'JO, I pernicicm] perm1t1cm 20.2 plana cucncrant (M••·)] planac ucncrant 2 1. 1 agis in magis incnt. q. m. co". iu .2 intcrnicioncm] intcrnitioncm '22. 1 congcric marmorum in congeriem marmorum inurt. q. m. corr. marii in marti al. m. corr. 22.2 acciperc in acceperc inenl. q. m. corr. 23. I aestatc (M"''·)] aegestatc 23.2 prmo in primo al. m. corr. casuum] cassuum 23.4 ancoris] anchoris gcrmanicc in 24.1 truculentia] trunculcntia 24.2 apud] aput apud] aput 24.3 rcmissi a (M••·)] gcrmanici al. m. corr. remissa 25.2 cxtcmplo] cxcmplo cliccrct] cligcrct 25.3 casibus] cassibus sucbos in aucuos al. m. corr. consilia in consilio inurl. q. m. c,m. rcgcmquc Maroboduum (M"'•·)] rcgcm qucm aroboduurn quoniam] quo 26.4 apud] aput 26.5 Gcrmanicus] gcrmanicos scqui in sequc al. m. corr. tum (M"'•·)] dum crimini in criminc inurt. q. m. corr. proprior in propior

45 2

APPENDIX

29.2 30.1 31.2 32.1

ineert. q. m. _cOf'T. 28.2 malebat] mallebat 28.3 accusatores] accussatores triones in trionis eademfort. m. co". supplices] suplices asperare] asperari ipse in ipsi tadtmfort. m. corr. 30.3 prohibcbantur in prohibebatur i11Urt.q. derexit in direxit eademfort. m. co". 31.3 apud] aput accusatores] accussatores 32.2 Concordiae] cordiae septrium in septembrium al. m. co". galius in gallus incert. q. m. 32.3 deiectus (M"'•·)] delectus adoleu.isse (Mm,.)] adoleuissct apud (alt.)] a put scipionis in scipiones al. ut uid. m. corr. magnificentiae] mamficentiae 33.3 aliquid] aliquit Piso M 111•·)] ipso fori (M"'I•)] fore 34.3 praetoriis in praetoris inurt. q. m. corr. 34.4 apud] aput iudicii in iudicio eadnn ut uid. m. COf'T. dignitate] tignitate ltaliae et (M"''·)] italia et ei dum in tum al. m. co". 36.3 spatia] spacia imagine in imaginem al. ut uid. m. corr. 37.4 absequentur in adsequentur al. m. co". fuit] quod fuit, std quod incert. q. m. del. promcius in promptius al. m. corr. exsatiabuntur] exsaciabuntur egredi (M 111••)] egrendi 38.2 istud] istut ambitionem in ambitione inurt. q. m. corr. 38.4 adnesta in honesta al. m. co". 38.5 pauare in pauore incert. q. m. co". ne in ni inurt. q. m. co". fraude (M"'•·)] frude 39.2 promunturium in promontorium al. ut uid. m. co". baud] haut 39.3 sermonibus (M"'•·)] sermo nilius apud] aput promptas] promtas apud] aput 39.4 featinatione] festimatione uanesceret in uanescere inurt. q. m. corr. 40.2 clientibus (M••·)] cilentibus diligit in deligit al. m. co". aderant in adeant inurt. q. m. corr. finctum in uinctum al ut uid. m. corr. fortes in fortis inurt. q. m. corr. apud] aput 41.2 Chattisque] cattisque pociebatur in potiebatur al. ut uid. m. co". 42.3 sed] set nedum (M••·)] nudum apud] aput 43.2 Africa] affrica 43.4 coercendas] cohercendas 43.5 apud] aput 43.6 fama] famam sed (alt.)] set apud] aput pellantem in bcllantem ineerl.q. m. co". Cherusci] cheruscis 45.2 apud] aput per cateruas] perateruas (ut uid.) 45.4 eiectis (M"'•·)] electis

m.,o".

,o".

33.2

34.1

35.2 36.1 37.2 38.1

39.1

40.1

41.1 42.2 43.1 44.2 45.1

I

453

AD NOT ATIONIS

47• 1

53· 1

54· 1

55· I

56.1 57.2 58.1 59· 1 6o.2

68.1 69.1

CRITICAE

ADD IT AMENT A

omne (M••·)] omnes filius (M••·)] filios 46.2 sc (M••·)] si 46.4 ne in ni inurt. q. m. etm. effugium] effigium 47.3 Sipylo] sypilo habiti] habit 47.4 oriretur in oreretur inurt. q. m. co,r. nobilitatem utriusque] nobilitate utrisque pecunia] pec48.3 Sullam, Q. Vitellium] sullamque uitcllum cunia aedcm] acd d (Ill uid.) apud] aput Appulciam] pulciam Africa] affrica Africa] affrica 52.2 ualida ea gcns (M"'•·)] ualide agcns 52.3 si multitudincm] similitudincm 52.5 apud] aput insignia] insigna 53.3 cxccperc] cxciapud] aput Nicopolim] nicopolcm perc Byzantium] byiantium 54.2 Samothracum] samothacum uarictatc] uarictatatc adpellitquc] adbellitque 54.3 apud] aput turpido in turbido tad. Ill uid. m. co,r. conluuicm illam] conluuic miliam 55.2 suos) suo 55.3 apud] aput 55.6 impcratorc] inperatorc lactac in latac inurl. q. m. corr. 56.3 gcrmanicos in gcrmaniinsignc (M••·)] in scgnc cus al. Ill uid. m. corr. apud] aput 57.4 apud] aput offcrrcntur] offcrcntur uononis in uonones al. m. corr. ucnirc in ucncrc al. m. co,r. apud] aput 59.2 Alcxandriam] clcxandriam 59.3 alia] alio apud] aput 6o.3 Bactriano] pactriano Scytha] scitha Bithynum] bythinum 6o.4 cbur (M••·)] cpur socictatem] socictatatcm Maroboduo] Morobuduo in Moroboduo werl. q. m. corr. aliud] aliut 63.2 aliud) aliut 63.3 apud] aput ci) et 63.5 aliud] aliut rcgcm] rcgcm rcgcm omncm cam] omnc mea mpaticns] inpacicns 65.4 scripsit] scribsit Rhcscuporis] Rhcscupores Cotys] cotyis Cotyn] coty hinc rcgi (M"'•·)] in grcgi 67.2 accusatus] accussatus Cotyis] cotys inquc (M"'•·)] inqui Cotyis] cotys Ptolcmaci] ptolcmci ad amncm] cdam ncm apud] aput 69.2 ualctudinc] ualitudinc oppericns] opericns 69.3 rcpericbantur] rcppericbantur ualctudinis] ualitudinis

454

APPENDIX

I

haut in baud ,ad. m. co". apud) aput 70.2 Piso) ipso moratus] maratus 71. 1 acerbitatibus] acccrbitatibus 71.2 propinquus) propinquos supcntitcm] supentitcn quercndi] quacrcndi apud] aput 71.3 qucstu) quacstu 72.1 exuerct] cxsueret sacuicnti] saculenti summitteret] summitterit 72.2 circumiaccntium] cumia centium uenerabilis] uenerabilcs 73.2 praepeditusque (M"''· )] praepuditusque seruitio] scriuitio premerc] praemerc 73.4 suspicione] suspitione 74.1 modice nisis (M"''·)] modicensis 74.2 accusationem] accussationcm 75.2 apud] aput 76. 1 non iure] coniure 76.2 suspicioncs] suspitioncs 76.3 apud] aput 78.2 ignauo (M"''·)] ignouo mincsteria in ministeria al. m. c°". 79.2 adpulsus) apulsus legiones in legionis incert. q. m. c°". 8o.1 secus (M"''·)] setus 80.2 acic) aciae 8o.4 uenere] uenire cniterentur] enim terentur sciliccs in ciliccs incert. q. m. c°". 81. 1 opperientem] operientem legionis sextae] legionis uocans sextae pertinacia] pertinatia 81.3 aliud] aliut 82. 1 ualctudo] ualitudo cunctaque] cunctique adferebantur] adferaebantur in adferebant incert. q. m. co". quacstus in qucstus incnt. q. m. corr. 82.2 aliud] aliut 82.3 macrebant] merchant 82.4 ualetudinc] ualitudine cius 111 111 (M ••)] ius templorum (M •·)] templorcs 82.5 falsis] falsi 83.1 saltari in saliari al. m. c°". Augustalium (M"'•·)] austalium 83.2 apud] aput Amano (M"''·)] amono loco (M"''·)] locum colerentur in coleretur ineert. q. m. corr. 83.3 clipeus] clipeos 83.4 cuneum (M"''·)] cumeum 84.1 apud] aput 85.1 quacstum) qucstum 85.2 apud] aput 85.3 Vistiliae] uistilie omisisset] omw1sset sitis in satis al. m. co". 85.4 exuissent] exsuissent 86.2 Pollionis] polionis aliud] aliut 87.1 prctium] praetium adsumpsit] adsumsit 88.1 apud] aput 88.3 apud] aput

70.1

455

Appendix

2

A FRAGMENT OF ALBINOV ANUS PEDO Sen. Suas. 1.15 Latini declamatorcs in dcscriptione Oceani non nimis uiguerunt; nam aut minus dcscripserunt aut curiose. nemo illorum potuit tanto spiritu dicere quanto Pedo, qui nauigante Germanico dicit: iam pridem post terga diem solemque rclictum scque uident notis extorrcs finibus orbis per non conccssas audaccs ire tenebras ad rerum metas extremaque litora mundi; nunc ilium, pigris immania monstra sub undis qui ferat, Oceanum, qui saeuas undique pristis aequoreosque canes, ratibus consurgere prensis. accumulat fragor ipse metus. iam sidere limo nauigia et rapido dcsertam flamine classem ,o scque feris credunt per inertia fata marinis iam non fclici laniandos sorte rclinqui. atque aliquis prora caecum sublimis ab aha aera pugnaci luctatus rumpere uisu, ut nihil erepto ualuit dinoscere mundo, '!I obstructa in talis effundit pectora uoccs: quo ferimur? fugit ipse dies orbemque relictum ultima perpetuis claudit natura tenebris. anne alio positas ultra sub cardine gentcs atque alium tliberist intactum quaerimus orbem? di reuocant rerumque uetant cognoscere finem mortalcs oculos. aliena quid aequora remis et sacras uiolamus aquas diuumque quietas turbamus sedcs? in ante nauigante add. Thomas nimis ante curiose add. Haupt iam pridem] iamque uident Kent rclictum] relincunt Haupt 2 seque uident Goodyear: iam quidem BV: iam quidam A: iam pridem DT: iamque uident Withof: iam e u. prior, inrepsiss, uidetur notis] 4 ad rerum Haupt: asperum AB: hcsperii VD: noti se Baehrms

APPENDIX

2

Hesperii retipiunt noMulli 4-1 r plene post 4, leuitn post 8 accumulat ... mctus (,ccna napw8Eatv posita) distinguit Gertz;,ita ut 7 consurgcrc et 8 sidcrc et 11 rclinqui uno tenoreconiunctaa ro crcdunt regontur,fort. r,clt 6 fcrat] fcrt Gertz; 11 iam Schott: tarn 0: quam Heinsiw: ah Gertz; 12 caecum Haase: ccdunt AB: ccdat e ccdunt co". V: scdat D: scdcns T 13 uisu] nisu D, Scaliger 15 obstructa in ... pectora Bursian: obstructum AB V, obstructo D . . • pee tore O : obstructo . . . pee tore Haase 16 fugit Gronouiw:rugit ABD: ruit e rugit corr. V 19 libcris AB: libris VD: flabris Houpt: lcmbis Oudendorp:bcllis Tandoi: uitiis Pulbrook:a/ii alia

457

Appendix 3 GERMANICUS' SPEECH AND EDICTS 1.

THE SPEECH

[6] ~Y'lTIIS" cm&.·

(P Oxy 2435 recto)

CXVTCf> v.» 6 .>.oO [µlv ovv] 1ro111a~o1, 6v6pcs 'AM~av[6pEts], [6]tCWX8i'\Vaf 1,11 vµtv, .ovvKat 61a To ant.»6 (av]ToKp«Tc..>p· •~6116t tiY'la~s CXVTl)v dv[m] [).]aµirp6TCXTOV 8foµa, TOµlv 1TpwTOV 61a T[Ov) 20 [f\]pc,.,cx Kal KT[fa]TflV, irpos &, KOtvij Tf laTtV 6[t]Ef[).11µa] [TO]ts TWV CXVT[ wv] 4vTExoµh,01s, htttTa 61aTQSM[p-] [ya]alas Tov lµov ir6:mrov Il~a,-ov. KalirCXTpos lcntv [.••• ]cn,s, C:,suµtv irpos lµl 61Kmov.Kal a,c,.,,rwµlv ovv-» [ol 6x>.]01l~aav· clw, t'lSrnl ir>.Elov.»6MOKp«Tc..>p" 25 ca1016"fKa[a]TOS,l1,11µvfiµflV 6t Kal ws TCXVTa ,ro).v[ir>.]CXCJ(ova ne,,aavp,aµiva Iv Tats vlJITipms ['f'V]Xalstvpov. lypaf'l µlv yap'f"lf(O'µCXTa [fv]Ttµa O'\MIM)'µwWVKa\ 6>.fywvcw6pwv [

27 ['flU]XatsHenrichs: [ru]xats Turner

APPENDIX 2.

THE 'REQUISITIONS

3

EDICT'

(P Berol.: Wilamowitz and Zucker, SBA 1911, 796-7) crapµavtKOS Kataap :U~crroO] [vl6s, e.o0:u~o0 vleaw6s,1 [m,8vmrros My.1· Els -rl\vli.tiiv] [,rapova(av vwf\6T\mcovCA>V] 1 ~yya]p[1(as ....... n>.o(CA>V] KaiKTflv6>v ys(wa8cn Kal hrl C7KT\~1SICCXT~~wo8cn ~fas ,rpos ~(av Kai 5 KCXTan>.fiaata8cn TOVS l61w-ras, 4vavKcxtov tryr1aa1,&T\v 6TtM>acn6TI ow ,r).otov vrr6 TIVOS ft wotvyiov KCfflXECJ8cn fx>v>.0'1(11, El""' KCXTa -rl\vBcn~(ov I O To0 1'100 f f>.OVKal ypa&J'1(rriC.,S ,rpocrrayfiv, ow ~(as KCXT~ai.t~lMo8cn. lav yap 5413,CXVTos Ba(~1os 11< To0 taov Kal611v ft tN)'G'>V mro6(6oa8cnTOVS i11a8ovs KCXTa -rl\vli.tiiv61aypafiiv KWVc..>. TOVS ~ mm).fyOVTashrl Tov ypa~a

llO\I 6:vayw8cn

fx>v-

20 >.o'1CXI, t>sft CXVToS Kc..>>.uot, &61KEtaecnTovs l61w-ras(ft) li.tolm,avywt. Ta ~ 61aTf\S1T6Mc..>S 61crrpiXOVTa wotvyia TOVS mTavTWVTQS1Tp0S~(av 1Tlf)ICX1pETa8cn Kc..>).vc.., • 25 TOVTO yap f\6T\6i10>.oy0\lµM')S >.1JCTT1(as lcrrlv (pyov.

3. THE 'ACCLAMATIONS (P Berol. : ibid.) rapµavtKOSKataap :U~a[T]OV vl6s, &oO:U~oO vlc..>VoS, &,8v,rcrros My.,. -rl\v~ EWOIQV v'1G'>v 30 ftv ml hr1&hcvua&,6-rav '11tSf\TE, mro6txoi1cn,Tas 6l hnt8ovov[s]

459

EDICT'

GERMANICUS'

SPEECH

AND EDICTS

l11C>l tccrlICJOeiovs &x~,s ~ ~ [4]navros napcmo(iµcn· TI'pffl'OVCTI

yap ~Vac...nfjpl

35 WTWS tccrlM()Yffll TOVC7WffavToS TCAW 6v~WV yivovs, Tttingcr Milnzcn ', Germania32 ( 1954), 216-17 Katzoff, R., 'Tacitus, Annales, 1, 74: the case of Granius Marcellus', A]Ph 92 (1971), 68o-4

WORKS

CITED

Keddie, J. N., 'ltalicus and Claudius: Tacitus, Annales xi 16-17', Antit:hllwn9 ( 1975), 52-6o Kocstermann, E., 'Die Majestitsprozcuc unter Tiberius', Historia 4 (1955), 72-106 'Die Fcldzuge des Germanicus 14-16 n. Chr.', Historia 6 ( 1956), 429-79 'Die Mission des Germanic us im Orient', Historia 1 ( 1957), 331-7 5 Kossinna, G.,' Arminius deutsch?', IF2 (18g3), 174-84 Kroll, W., Studun zum Vnstiindnis dn romisclllnLitnatur, Stuttgart 1924 'Die Sprachc des Sallust ', Glotta 15 ( 1927), 28o-305 Kroymann, J., 'Fatum, fon, fortuna und Verwandtes im Gcschichtsdenken des Tacitus', in Satura, Friichu •.• 0. Weinreichdargehradil, Offenburg-Baden 1952, 71-102 ( = Tacitus, WdF 97, Darmstadt I 96g, 13o-6o) Kutera, E., Uebtr du taciteischeInconcinnittil,Olmutz 1882 Kuhner, R. and Stegmann, C., [Kuhner-Stegmann] Ausf,Jl,rlit:he 1 Grammatik dn lateinisclllnSprache , Leverkusen 1955 Kuntz, F., (Kuntz] Du Sprachedes T acitusund du Tradition dn lauinische11 Historilcersprache, Heidelberg 1962 Last, H., 'The social policy of Augustus', CAH 10.425-64 (1934) 'lmperium maius: a note', JRS 37 (1947), 157-64 Latte, K., RomischeReligionsgeschit:hte, Munich 196o Laughton, E., 'Observations on the style of Varro', CQ 10 (196o), 1-28 Lcbek, W. D., Vnba prisca: du A,ifiingt des Archaisierensin dn lauiniscllln Bn,dsamuit und Geschit:,\tsschreibung, Gottingen 1970 Le Gall,J., Lt Tibre,jlna,e de Rome, dansl'antiquitJ, Paris 1953 Rechnchessur u cultedu Tibre, Paris 1953 Leo, F., Analecta Plautina I, Gottingen 1896 ( = Ausgewihlte kJeiM Schriften, Rome 196o, 1.71-122) Levick, B., 'Drusus Caesar and the adoptions of A.D. 4 ', Latomus 25 (1966), 227-44 'Imperial control of the elections under the early principate: commcndatio, suffragatio, and "nominatio" ', Historia 16 ( 1967), 207-30 'The beginning of Tiberius' career', CQ21 (1971), 478-86 Tiberius the politician, London 1976 Levy, E., Du romische Kapitalstrafe, SHAW, phil.-hist. Kl., Ahh. 5, 1930-1 Lewis, M. W. Hoffman, The official prilsts of RorM under the JulioClaudians,Pap. and mon. Am. Ac. RorM 16, 1955 Lobeck, C. A., Aglaophamus,Regimontii Prussorum 1829 Lofstedt, E., (Lofstcdt] Syntactica,vol. 11 , Lund 1942, vol. 2, Lund 1933

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MacMullen, R., Ennniu of tlu Roman ordn, Cambridge, Mass., 1967 Madvig, J. N., .AdveTsariacritua ad scriptoresGraecoset Latinos, Hauniae 1871-84 Magic, D., [Magic] Roman rule in .AsiaMinor to tk, ,nd of tlu third century after Christ, Princeton 1950 Marquardt, J., Romische Staatswrwaltungen•, Leipzig 1881-5 Das Prwatlebendn RomeT', Leipzig 1886 Manh, F. B., 'Tacitus and aristocratic tradition t, CPh 21 (1926), 289310 [Manh] The reignof Tiberiw, Oxford 1931 Martin, R. H., 'Caecina'a meeting with Bassus', Eranos 49 (1951), 174-6 ' Variatio and the development of Tacitua' style', Eranos 51 (1953),

~6 Mattingly, H. and Sydenham, E. A., [Mattingly and Sydenham] The Roman imperialcoinage,London 1923McCrum, M. and Woodhead, A. G., (McCrum-Woodhead] Select documentsof theprin&ipausof the Flavian empnors, Cambridge 1961 Meissner, R., 'Der Name .Arminiw', RhM 84 (1935), 17-18 Meister, K., 'Zur Datierung der Annalen des Tacitus und zur Geschichte der Provinz Agypten ', Eranos 46 ( 1948), 94-122 'Der Bericht des Tacitus Uber die Landung des Germanicus in der EmsmUndung', HeTmes83 (1955), 92-106 Mensching, E., 'Zu den namentlichen Zitaten in Tacitus' Historien und Annalen', HeTmes95 ( 1967), 457-6g Merrill, E.T., 'The expulsion ofthejews from Rome under Tiberius', CPh 14 (1919), 365-72 Millar, F. G. B., 'The fiscus in the first two centuries', JRS 53 (1963), 29-42 'The aerarium and its officials under the empire', JRS 54 (1964), 33-4o The emperorin the Roman world, London 1977 Miller, N. P., 'Notes on Tacitus, .Annalsi-vi', CR 12 (1962), 11-13 'Tiberius speaks', .AJPh89 (1968), 1-19 Miltner, F.,• Der Tacitusbericht Uber Idistaviso ', RhM 95 ( 1952), 34356 Mogenet,J., 'La conjuration de Clemens', .AC 23 (1954), 321-30 Momigliano, A., Claudiw•, Cambridge 1961 Mommsen, T., RomischesStaatsrecht1 , Leipzig 1887 RomischesStrafreeht, Leipzig 1899 "Das Verhiltniss des Tacitus zu den Acten des Senats', SB.A 1904, 1146-55 ( = Guammelu Schriftna,7.253-63)

467

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z,;,

468

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CITED

Schwyzer, E., Grie,Jais,111 Grammatik, Munich 1939-53 Scott, K., Religion and philosop/ayin thl Histories of Taeitus, Pap. and mon. Am. A,. RorM22, 1g68 Seager, R., Tibmu.s, London 1972 Shaw-Smith, R., 'Three notes on Tacitus', CQ29 (1979), 224-5 Sherwin-White, A. N., ' Geographical facton in Roman Algeria', J RS 34 ( 1944), 1-10 Raeial p,tjudiee in imperial Rom1,Cambridge I g67 Shipp, G. P., 'Two notes on the Latin vocabulary•, Glotta 31 ( 1951),

244-6 Shotter, D. C. A., 'Elections under Tiberius', CQ 16 (1966), 321-32 'Three notes on Tacit us A Maus I and 2 ', CPh 62 ( 1967), 116-18 'Tacitus, Tiberius and Germanicus', Historia 17 (1968), 194-214 'The trial of M. Scribonius Libo Drusus •, Historia 21 ( 1972), 88-g8 • Cnaeus Calpurnius Piso, legate of Syria•, Historia 23 ( 1974), 229-45 Smallwood, E. M., • Some notes on the Jews under Tiberius•, Latomus 15 ( 1956), 314-29 Tiu ],ws uruln Roman nJe, Leiden 1976 Sorbom, G., [Srbom] Variatio strmonis Taeiui aliaequ,, apud eundem qiuustio,wsstleetae, Uppsala 1935 Soubiran,J., 'Themes et rythmes d'cpoptt dans Jes AMaks de Tacite', Pallas 12 (1964), 55-79 Speidel, M. P., 'Eagle-bearer and trumpeter', BJ 176 (1976), 123-

63 Spengcl, L., Utbtr das trsle Buth dn Annalen des Taeitu.s, Munich 1855 Starr, C. G., Tiu Roman imperial navy 31 B.C. -A.D. 324, Ithaca 1941 Stein, A., Dil ugaten von Mo,sun, Budapest 1940 Stein, E., Dil lcaistrliehlnBtamlen und Truppn,korpn im romis,hln Dt&llse/aland water dem Prini:.ipat,Vienna 1932 Steup, J., 'Eine Umstellung im zweiten Buche der Annalen des Tacitus', RJaM24 (186g), 72-8o Stuart, M., 'Tacitus and the portraits of Germanicus and Drusus', CPh 35 (1940), 64-7 Sullivan, R. D., 'The dynasty of Commagene', ANRW n.8, 732-g8 ( 1977) Sumner, G. V., review of vol. 1 of Kocstermann's commentary, Phomix 20 (1g66), 76-85 'Germanicus and Drusus Caesar', Latomw 26 (1967), 413-35 Sutherland, C. H. V., Coinagein Roman imperialpolity 31 B.C. - A.D. 68, London 1951 Sydenham, E. A., [Sydenham] Thi coinage of thl Roman repuhlie, London 1952

WORKS CITED Syme, R., 'Some notes on the legions under Augustus', J RS 23 ( 1933), 14-35 'The northern frontiers under Augustus', CAH 10.340-81 (1934) 'The northern frontier from Tiberius to Nero', ibid. 781-go, 8o3-7 'Lentulus and the origin of Mocsia', JRS 24 (1934), 113-37 (=, with addenda, Danubian papers, Bucharest 1971, 40-72) Tiu Roman revolution,Oxford 1939 review of A. Stein, Legatm von Moesien, JRS 35 (1945), 108-15 ( = Danubianpapers 16o-76) review of Fuchs' edition of Annals 1-6, JRS 38 (1948), 122-31 'Personal names in Annals i-vi ', JRS 39 ( 1949), 6-18 ( = Ten studies in T aeitus,Oxford 1970, 58-78) 'Tacfarinas, the Musulamii and Thubursicu ', in Studies in Roman economicand social history in honorof A. C. Johnson, Princeton 1951, 113-30 ( = Roman papers, Oxford 1979, 218-30) 'Some Pisoncs in Tacitus ', JRS 46 ( 1956), 17-21 ( = Ten studies 50-7) 'The origin of the Veranii', CQ 7 (1957), 123-5 (= Roman papers 333-5) Tacitu.s,Oxford 1958 [Syme] 'How Tacitus wrote Annals 1-111 ', in Historia antiqua, Commentationes Lovanimsesin honoremW. Peremans,Louvain 1977, 231-63 History in Ovid, Oxford 1978 Tamm, B., Auditorium and Palatium, Stockholm 1963 Tandoi, V., 'Albinovano Pedone e la retorica Giulio-Claudia delle conquiste', SIFC 36 (1964), 129-68, 39 (1967), 5-66 Thompson, E. A., 'Maroboduus', in npas: studies p,esenud to G. Thomson, Prague, 1963,203-10 The early Germans,Oxford 1965 Timpe, D., Der Triumph des Gmnanicu.s,Bonn 1968 Arminiu.s-Studien,Heidelberg 1970 Versnel, H. S., Triumphw, Leyden 1970 Violet, F., Der Gebrauchde, ,?,ahlwortn in ,?,eitbestimmungen bei Tacitus, Leipzig 1882 Vittinghoff, F., Der Staatsfeind in de, romischenKaiseruit, Berlin 1936 Voss, B.-R., Der pointieru Stil des Tacitus, Munster 1963 Walker, B., [Walker] The' Annals' of Tacitu.s,Manchester 1952 Walser, G., Rom, das Reich, und die fremden Volker in de, Geschichtsschreibung de, frul,m Kaiseruit: Studien zur Glaubwurdigluit des T ~itus, Baden-Baden 1951 Webster, G., The Roman imperialarmy of the.first and secondcmturies A.D., London 196g

47 1

WORKS CITED Weidner, A.,' Zu Tacitus ', JaJar.cl.Phil.149 ( 1894), 853-6.f. Wcinglrtner, D. G., Die Agyptmreist acla'betrothed',

75

pa,ms/pater/patronus exncitw et simm., 363

passim,235 pate.seer,,391-2 patims (with gen.), 165 patrart, 257-8 paulum, 249 pm,trare (of thoughts and the like), 127 p,nsare, 257

476

INDEXES pn-crebuure/pemebruureet aimm., 430- 1 perfringere'break into•, 305 p,riNu (elliptical), 449 pm,uu. . . quamsi et simm., 157 pmnissu (without gen.), 214-15 pmnittere (with acc. and inf.), 140 perpdrare,258 p,nulii (with acc.), 207-8 p,,vigil,

I

13

polliuri,83 />t41a, 436; impcratorial salutations, 83-4; ivory image, 435; journey to the East, 352-3; last speech, 412; merits and fault.s, 415- 16; monarchic leanings, 375; mourning for at Rome, 433; nature of imp,rivmin the East, 323-4; operations near the Rhine, 2o6; perhaps wavering in loyalty, 425; posthumOUI honours, 433ft"; priesthoods,

INDEXES

Germanicus--eonld. 10rincipis,139-40; pn gmiumprincipiset aimm., 155-6 obituaries, placing of, 3 Bt oralioobliqua:ind. in re). clauses, 297-8; ind. in sub. clauses, 26o-1 ; inf. in sub. clauses, 291-2; transition from into recto, 424 orthography, inconsistencies in, 383,404 Otto, F. W., commentary of, 158 OxfordLatin Dictionary,deficiencies of, 253-4 Palatine library, 436; as senate's meeting-place, 301 Papius Mutilus, M., 283 paragraphing, 105-6, 166, 26g70, 397, 422 Parthia: aristocracy of, 1go; culture of, 193; deficiency of aources about, 187; dissensions within, 190; history of (20 B.C. to A.D. 15), 187-8 participles: fut., with dependent ni clause, 234; pcrf. masc., substantivizcd, 411; prcs., substantivizcd, 7g-8o, taking

INDEXES participlcs--eontd. place of abstract noun or adj., 18g

paterpatriae, I 38 periphrasis, 28g; alleged, 118 personification, 16.t,, 220, 344 Phraatcs, spelling of name, 18g Phraatcs IV (of Parthia), •~ Pituanius, L., 285 pleonasm, 302 Pliny the Elder: affinity to T., 8g; as source of T., 227-8; Bella Gemumuu, T.'s usc of, 125-6, title of, 126 pluperfect, allegedly used for perfect, 368 poetical plural, 242, 431 pocticisms, clusters of, J08--g, 129 poisoning, hardly distinguished from sorcery, 410; no reliable tests for in antiquity, 420 pollution, ritual, by contact with dead bodies, 101 Pompeiopolis, 372 Pompei us Macer, 152 Pomponius Flaccus, L., 282, 403 ponttslongi, J03-4 Poppaeus Sabinus, C., 181 praetorian guard, involved in campaigns, 231 praetors, deprived of office, 2 7 1 pregnancy and the like, 121 , 179, 243, 37 1 , 409

prepositions: between nouns in apposition, 381 ; disyllabic, in anastrophe, 93-4; extending force over more than one phrase, 405; placed between gerundive and noun, 111 prinups, public appearances, 294 proper names: introduction of, 202; repeated, 272, 426; T.'s USC of, 188, 340 Propertius, flexible usc of in, 309 property, private, damaged by public works, 167

provinces: cost of administration, 172 ; discord and maladministration in, 356-7; tenure of governors, 181-3 Pyramids, disapproved of, 385 Pyramus, river, 406 Pythodoris, 36.t, Quinctilius Varus, P., 82; defeat of, 67-8, 74, 95-6, g8; legions lost with, 93 relative pronoun, ambiguous use of, 15g-6o Rhcscuporis (of Thrace}, 400 rhetorical plural, 28g Rhine, mouths of, 204 Rhocmetalces (of Thrace), 400 rivers, terms relating to, 2o8--g Romanus, as nomm gmtili&ium, 158-g

Rome, food supply of, 444 Sallust, influence on T., 85, 306, 43° Sallustius Crispus, C., 311 salutations, impcratorial, 235-6 Samothrace, mysteries of Cabiri, 357

Sardcs, disaster of A.D. 17, 337 Sardinia, brigandage in, 442 ; unhealthy climate of, 442 Scribonius Libo Drusus, M.: alleged backers of, 264; charges against, 263-4; date of praetonhip, 270-1; death of, 278-8o; T.'s presentation o,, 147-8, 275; trial of, 262ff Scythae, kingdom of, 405-6 Segestes, 73, 81 Seius Tubero, L., 237 Semnones, 331-2 senate: business of, 296; procedure (as court), 275, (digressions}, 288; servility of, 283

INDEXES scnaton, struck off the roll, 16g; subventions to, 300 Seneca, echoed by T., 414 sentence structure, 78, 98, 129, 24-1,270,421 Seriphos, 441 Seruaeus, Q., 366 Sesostris, legends about, 382-3 ships, parautrimqw pro,a, 203 sight-seeing, Roman, 356 silks, in male attire, 288 simple for compound, 8o- 1, 2 18, 286, 310-1 I, 317, 320, 328 simple verb, borrows constr. from compound, 310 aoldien, Roman, meals of, 219 sordu, wearing of, 272-3 speeches, language of, 81, 85, 303-5; of Germans, 227 Spcs, temples of, 343 statues: imperial, desecration of, 161-2, sale of, 155; substitution of heads, 162 Stertinius, L., 93 storms, descriptions of, 243-4 Strabo, terminal date of his Geography,337 substantivization, of neuter plurals, 31o Suebi, 26o Suetonius, possible knowledge of the Annals, 393 Sugambri, 26o Sulpicius Quirinius, P., 278 sumptuary legislation, 286-7 Suria/Syria, Surus/Syrus, 383 syntax, loose, 401 Tacfarinas, 348 Tacitus: Annals, date of, 387ff; astray on republican history, 351 ; attitude towards Greeks, 355; bitter over loss of free speech, 2g6; composition of works, 387-8; contrasts appearance and reality, 186;

criticism of Greek historians, 44,8--g;distribution of material, 34B; elaboration of particular scenes, 67-8; endings of books, 44 7; erron, 365, 436, in geography, 393; fictitious elements in narrative, 214,219,249, 252-3; geographical notions, 388-g; humour, 301-2 ; imprecision in topography, 393; impressionistic narrative, 113; inadvertent repetitions, 185; interest in the old nobility, 264; issues seen in moral terms, 286; liberties with chronology, 438, 446; loaded expression, 298; merits, 352 ; minor inaccuracies and the like, 102-3, 418; myth and history not distinguished, 381 ; naming of sources, 125-6; narrative compared with Dio's, 136, with Suetonius', 432; no laudatortnnporisaeti, 449; not interested in spectacle, 316-17; obscurities, 115, 212-14; omissions, 212, 426; partiality for certain types of words, 335; phraseology, disparate notions combined, 124; presentation of Germanicus, 367-8, 382; presentation of the Germans, 73; recurrence of ideas, go-1 ; reports contemporary opinion, 327, 430; scanty treatment of some episodes, 1o 1-2; selection of material, 14~, 314-15, 351-2, compared with Dio's, 172; self-imitation, 96-7, 1o68; sometimes keeps official terminology, 381 ; strains syntax for effect, 3o6; uninformed about Augustus' principate, 151, 277, 348;use of alternative explanations, 99;

INDEXES

Tacit~td. usc of sources, 164; views on astrology, 267; visualizes demeanour, 3~7; vocabulary, diverges from Cicero, 124, from Sallust, 122-3 theatre, allocation of seats in, 437; disturbances in, 173 Thebes (Egyptian), 382 Thrace, history of ( 11 B.c. to A.D. 46), 400; spelling of name, 356 Tiber, board of controllers, I 7 1-2 j floods, I 70-2 Tiberius: appointment of provincial governors, 181-3; arch of, 312 ; as correctormorum, 292; attitude to charges of maiesta.s,345; defence of Archaelaus, 320; eighth imperatorial salutation, 236; expeditions to Germany, 259; finances, 177; German policy, 65-6, 257; motives imputed to, 153, 303-4; policy towards Maroboduus, 330; popular verses about, 153; possible insecurity after accession, 307; provincial and frontier policy, 402; public expenditure, 1689, 300; refuses appellation dominw, 44,5, oath in acla 139-40, title pater patriae, 138; relations with Gcrmanicus, 25~, 322, 325, 36o-1, 379, 413-14, with senate, 325, 34 7; social tensions under, 286; speeches, 156, •85, 304, 397; T. 's presentation of, 136, 14550, IS4, 162-4, 166, I~, 181-3, 199, 262-4, 278, 318, 339, 347, 439 Tiberius Gemellus, date of birth, 438 Tigrancs II (of Armenia), 195; successors of, 195-6

Tigranes III (of Armenia), 195 Tigranes IV (of Armenia), 1g6-7 Titidius Labco, 44,0 topography, imprecise or obscure, 134, 229-30 torture, admissibility of evidence gained by, 27~7; of slaves, in dominum,263, 27~7 Trajan, Parthian conquests of, 388--go treason trials, presentation of, 14~50 Trebellenus Rufus, T., 404 tribunate, plebeian, under principate, 174 triumphaliaomamenta,origins of, 137 triumphs, 316; unmerited, 6970 Trogus, possible influence on T., 253 trophies, 236 Urgulania, 293-5 vacations, of senate, courts, etc., 295 Valerius Maximus, usc of abstract for concrete, 221 Vannius, kingdom of, 399 variation, 82, 194, 204, 217, 282, 28g-go, 343, 367 V elinus, lake, 1 79 Veranius, Q., 321, 365 Vergil, influence on T., real or alleged, 86, g6, 111-12, 11718, 132, 16o, 199-200, 205, 243-4, 249,274, 287-8, 364, 385, 413, 419, 425 Vestal virgins, selection of, 44,3 Vesta/is maxima, 44,3 Vibidius Virro, 342 Vibilius (king of Hermunduri), 399 Vibius Marsus, C., 420 Vibius Serenus, C., 274

INDEXES Vistilia, 439-40 Vitellius, P., 129 Vononcs I (of Parthia), 188; Jut escapades of, 395, 4o6

word-order, inverted,

120

zeugma,331,413,428--9; double, 71-2

ADDENDA p-46 I should have noted in the apparatus to 2.56.3 that I print Artaxian, though M has Arlaxiam. p.77 On properareand the like I should have distinguished between instances with a quasi-internal accusative and those which are fully transitive. p.&f W. Orth, ZPE 28 (1978), 57-6o, argues that AE 1973, 501 might be dated after A.D. 17. His arguments have some force. If he is right, the assertions I have made become insecure. P•M Add Just. 11.7.4 cupidoeum [sc. Alexandrum]upit. p.1o6 After 'perhaps no available source provided the kind of detail T. sought' the following footnote has been omitted: Pliny's Bella Gmnaniae, mentioned as a source at 6g.2, should have been very detailed, in view of the work's size (twenty books) and Pliny's known omnivorousness. But Pliny's interests and T.'s might diffcr widely. The same applies to Aufidius Bassus. p.110 On German stature add Vitr. 6.1.3 (quae) sub s,Ptmlrionibus nulriunturgmtes immanil,uscorporihus... sunt confonnati,Amm. 16.12.47 grandwimis ... mporibusfteti (sc. AbJmanni). p.112 My remarks on sonorarc inadequate. It is found sporadically in prose, e.g. Vitr. 6. 1.8, Fron to p. 116 VDH, Apul. Met. 11.4, Fl. 17, Am. 2.42, Pan. Lat. 4.30.4. But I stand by the view that it would seem precious to sensitive can. p.129 Dr Adams points out, correcting my note on 1.36.2, that most of T.'s examples of balanced antithesis (e.g. 1. 18.3, 3.16.3, 50.3) arc in speeches. pp.143-6 I record, but defer discussion of, B. Levick, 'Pocna lcgis maicstatis ', Historui28 ( 1979), 35~79• p.162 On re-use of statues sec Dio Chrys. Rhod. 1er 15, 95-1 oo. pp. 171~ I am not now so sure that Le Gall's solution is right. This is a matter which cpigraphic evidence should in the end settle or perhaps (unbeknown to me) has settled already. p.193 On prompti aditus Professor Woodman adds Hor. Sat. 1.9.56

di./fieilisaditusprimoshabet. p.225 B. Baldwin, WS 92 (1979), 144-50, assembles some thirty poaible Horatian echoes in T., but several of them, as he admits, arc very dubious. p.q8 Add, after G. 5. 1, Sen. N.Q. 3.6.2.

ADDENDA p.953

On s«:undartcf. also Lucil. 8.t,5-6 K, though the text seems

uncertain.

p.25' extnnplo at 2.25.2 merited a note, but I am content to refer to H. Trinkle, WS 81 (1g68), 114-15. p.959 On Tiberius' movements in A.D. g-10 I culpably failed to refer to Woodman on Veil. 2.120.1. p.333 After HercynilusiJ&uuthe following footnote has been omitted: Also called Hercyniussaltus. The noun Hercyniamight just conceivably denote a land enclosed in the forest, rather than the forest itself. p.339 For rtfount add /LS 5163.2. p..t16 Perhaps uenerabilisis not all that odd: see on 2.4.1 ob ••• /Dmlllm and cf. Just. 5.2.6 erat ••• ,t aetatis/lort tl fomuu uenerationenee mimu IUH[llffllia•.• insignis.

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