The Acts of the Apostles: A Hypertextual Commentary (European Studies in Theology, Philosophy and History of Reli) 9783631904091, 9783631904855, 9783631904862, 3631904096

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Bartosz Adamczewski is Associate Professor of New Testament exegesis at Cardinal Stefan Wyszyński University in Warsaw, Poland. He published numerous books exploring the relationships between biblical writings, as well as between these writings and historical facts.

Bartosz Adamczewski · The Acts of the Apostles: A Hypertextual Commentary

In this monograph, the author demonstrates that the Acts of the Apostles is a highly creative hypertextual reworking of the Letter to the Galatians, with over 500 strictly sequentially organized conceptual and linguistic correspondences between Acts and Galatians. This hypertextual dependence on Galatians explains numerous surprising features of Acts. Critical explanations of these features, which are offered in this monograph, ensure the reliability of the new solution to the problem of the relationship between Acts and the Pauline and post-Pauline letters.

31

Bartosz Adamczewski

The Acts of the Apostles A Hypertextual Commentary

European Studies in T heolog y, Philosophy and Histor y of Relig ions Edited by Bartosz Adamczewski

ISBN 978-3-631-90409-1

EST_031_290409_Adamczewski_EV_A5HC 152x214 globalL.indd Alle Seiten

11.07.23 10:13

Bartosz Adamczewski is Associate Professor of New Testament exegesis at Cardinal Stefan Wyszyński University in Warsaw, Poland. He published numerous books exploring the relationships between biblical writings, as well as between these writings and historical facts.

Bartosz Adamczewski · The Acts of the Apostles: A Hypertextual Commentary

In this monograph, the author demonstrates that the Acts of the Apostles is a highly creative hypertextual reworking of the Letter to the Galatians, with over 500 strictly sequentially organized conceptual and linguistic correspondences between Acts and Galatians. This hypertextual dependence on Galatians explains numerous surprising features of Acts. Critical explanations of these features, which are offered in this monograph, ensure the reliability of the new solution to the problem of the relationship between Acts and the Pauline and post-Pauline letters.

31

Bartosz Adamczewski

The Acts of the Apostles A Hypertextual Commentary

European Studies in T heolog y, Philosophy and Histor y of Relig ions Edited by Bartosz Adamczewski

ISBN 978-3-631-90409-1

EST_031_290409_Adamczewski_EV_A5HC 152x214 globalL.indd Alle Seiten

11.07.23 10:13

The Acts of the Apostles

EUROPEAN STUDIES IN THEOLOGY, PHILOSOPHY AND HISTORY OF RELIGIONS Edited by Bartosz Adamczewski

VOL. 31

Bartosz Adamczewski

The Acts of the Apostles A Hypertextual Commentary

Lausanne - Berlin - Bruxelles - Chennai - New York – Oxford

Bibliographic Information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data is available online at http://dnb.d-nb.de. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A CIP catalog record for this book has been applied for at the Library of Congress.

ISSN 2192-1857 ISBN 978-3-631-90409-1 (Print) E-ISBN 978-3-631-90485-5 (E-PDF) E-ISBN 978-3-631-90486-2 (E-PUB) DOI 10.3726/b20991 © 2023 Peter Lang Group AG, Lausanne Published by Peter Lang GmbH, Berlin, Deutschland [email protected] - www.peterlang.com All rights reserved. All parts of this publication are protected by copyright. Any utilisation outside the strict limits of the copyright law, without the permission of the publisher, is forbidden and liable to prosecution. This applies in particular to reproductions, translations, microfilming, and storage and processing in electronic retrieval systems. This publication has been peer reviewed.

Acknowledgements I thank my dear Mother, Jolanta Adamczewska, MSc; my relatives and friends; my Diocese of Warszawa-​Praga; and the community of the Catholic Parish of St  Mark in Warsaw for their encouragement, prayers, and spiritual support during my writing of this book. My thanks also go to the staff of the Tübingen University Library for their help during my summer bibliographical research. Last but not least, I want to thank Mr Łukasz Gałecki and the members of the staff of the Publisher who helped turn the electronic version of the text into a book.

Contents Acknowledgements .............................................................................................. 5 Introduction .........................................................................................................  11 Acts and Paul ....................................................................................  11 Date of composition ........................................................................  20 Sequential hypertextuality ..............................................................  24

Chapter 1. The church in Jerusalem (Acts 1–​5; cf. Gal 1:1–​10) ...  31

1.1. Acts 1 (cf. Gal 1:1–​2) ..............................................................  31



1.2. Acts 2 (cf. Gal 1:3–​4) ..............................................................  38



1.3. Acts 3 (cf. Gal 1:5) ..................................................................  44



1.4. Acts 4:1–​31 (cf. Gal 1:6–​8a) ...................................................  48



1.5. Acts 4:32–​5:11 (cf. Gal 1:8b–​9b) ...........................................  52



1.6. Acts 5:12–​28 (cf. Gal 1:9c–​e) .................................................  54



1.7. Acts 5:29–​42 (cf. Gal 1:10) .....................................................  56

Chapter 2. The Hellenists (Acts 6–​8; cf. Gal 1:11–​15) ......................  59

2.1. Acts 6 (cf. Gal 1:11–​12) ..........................................................  59



2.2. Acts 7:1–​8:4 (cf. Gal 1:13) ......................................................  62



2.3. Acts 8:5–​25 (cf. Gal 1:14–​15a) ..............................................  66



2.4. Acts 8:26–​40 (cf. Gal 1:15bc) ................................................  69

Chapter 3. The early Paul (Acts 9–​12; cf. Gal 1:16–​23b) ................  71

3.1. Acts 9:1–​22 (cf. Gal 1:16–​17) ................................................  71



3.2. Acts 9:23–​42 (cf. Gal 1:18ab) .................................................  75

8

Contents



3.3. Acts 9:43–​10:48 (cf. Gal 1:18c) ..............................................  77



3.4. Acts 11:1–​18 (cf. Gal 1:19–​20) ..............................................  82



3.5. Acts 11:19–​26 (cf. Gal 1:21–​22) ............................................  84



3.6. Acts 11:27–​12:25 (cf. Gal 1:23ab) .........................................  85

Chapter 4. The first missionary journey (Acts 13–​14; cf. Gal 1:23c–​2:1) ......................................................................................  91

4.1. Antioch in Syria (Acts 13:1–​3; cf. Gal 1:23c) ......................  91



4.2. Cyprus (Acts 13:4–​13; cf. Gal 1:23cd) ..................................  93



4.3. Antioch of Pisidia, Iconium, and beyond (Acts 13:14–​14:7; cf. Gal 1:24) .........................................................  98



4.4. Lystra (Acts 14:8–​20; cf. Gal 1:24) ......................................  104



4.5. Derbe and back to Antioch (Acts 14:21–​28; cf. Gal 2:1) .  108

Chapter 5. The second missionary journey (Acts 15:1–​ 18:23a; cf. Gal 2:2–​5:7) ..........................................................  111

5.1. Jerusalem meeting (Acts 15:1–​29; cf. Gal 2:2–​10) ............  111



5.2. Antioch and Barnabas (Acts 15:30–​41; cf. Gal 2:11–​ 14c) .........................................................................................  118



5.3. Galatia again (Acts 16:1–​8; cf. Gal 2:14c–​3:5) ..................  119



5.4. Philippi (Acts 16:9–​40; cf. Gal 3:6–​28) ..............................  122



5.5. Thessalonica (Acts 17:1–​10a; cf. Gal 3:29–​4:6b) ...............  131



5.6. Beroea (Acts 17:10b–​15; cf. Gal 4:6b–​7) ............................  133



5.7. Athens (Acts 17:16–​34; cf. Gal 4:8–​13) ..............................  134



5.8. Corinth (Acts 18:1–​17; cf. Gal 4:14–​31) ............................  138



5.9. To Jerusalem and Antioch (Acts 18:18–​23a; cf. Gal 5:1–​7) ......................................................................................  142

Contents

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Chapter 6. The third missionary journey (Acts 18:23b–​ 21:38; cf. Gal 5:8–​6:12) ..........................................................  145

6.1. Ephesus without Paul (Acts 18:23b–​28; cf. Gal 5:8–​21) ..  145



6.2. Ephesus (Acts 19; cf. Gal 5:22–​6:3) ....................................  147



6.3. To Miletus (Acts 20:1–​15; cf. Gal 6:4–​6a) ..........................  152



6.4. Miletus (Acts 20:16–​38; cf. Gal 6:6b–​10c) .........................  155



6.5. To Jerusalem (Acts 21:1–​38; cf. Gal 6:10c–​12) .................  158

Chapter 7. The final apology of Paul (Acts 21:39–​28:31; cf. Gal 6:13–​18) ...............................................................................  163

7.1. Apology in Jerusalem (Acts 21:39–​23:35; cf. Gal 6:13–​16a) ........................................................................  163



7.2. Apology in Caesarea (Acts 24–​26; cf. Gal 6:16b) .............  168



7.3. To Rome (Acts 27–​28; cf. Gal 6:17–​18) .............................  172

General conclusions ........................................................................................  181 Bibliography .......................................................................................................  191 Primary sources .............................................................................  191 Israelite-​Jewish ......................................................................  191 Graeco-​Roman ......................................................................  191 Early Christian (I–​II cent. ad) ............................................  192 Secondary literature ......................................................................  193

Index of ancient sources ...............................................................................  221

Introduction This monograph presents a comprehensive solution to the problem of the literary relationship between the Acts of the Apostles and the Pauline and post-​Pauline letters. This problem, which is evidently one of the most difficult questions in New Testament scholarship, has not yet found an adequate solution. In my earlier monograph, which was mainly devoted to the issue of the chronology of Paul’s life and the history of his evangelistic activity, I proposed a new solution to the problem of the literary relationship between the Acts of the Apostles and the Pauline and post-​Pauline letters. I suggested that Acts is a result of sixfold, sequentially organized, hypertextual reworking of Gal 1:17–​2:14; Rom 15:25–​32, which explains the phenomenon of the Lucan multiplication of the main characters’ journeys to Jerusalem. I also argued for additional use of other Pauline and post-​Pauline texts in Luke’s depiction of Paul’s missionary activity.1 The present monograph presupposes and develops the results of my earlier study. It demonstrates that not only the Lucan accounts of the main characters’ journeys to Jerusalem, but the whole Acts of the Apostles is a result of sequential hypertextual reworking of the whole Letter to the Galatians. Following my earlier monograph, I assume that the Acts of the Apostles is a work of pseudo-​Titus (a narrator adopting Titus’ persona), which means that the ‘we’ sections of Acts illustrate the movements of Titus, who is surprisingly never mentioned directly in Acts.2

Acts and Paul Since the publication of my earlier monograph concerning, among others, the relationship between the Acts of the Apostles and the Pauline and post-​Pauline letters,3 numerous scholars expressed their opinions concerning the existence and the nature of this relationship.

B. Adamczewski, Heirs of the Reunited Church: The History of the Pauline Mission in Paul’s Letters, in the So-​Called Pastoral Letters, and in the Pseudo-​Titus Narrative of Acts (Peter Lang: Frankfurt am Main, 2010), 83–​132. 2 Cf. ibid., 121–​124; C. K. Rothschild, Paul in Athens: The Popular Religious Context of Acts 17 (WUNT 341; Mohr Siebeck: Tübingen, 2014), 135–​136. 3 B. Adamczewski, Heirs, 92–​132. 1

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The Acts of the Apostles: A Hypertextual Commentary

Simon David Butticaz has applied to the relationship between the Acts of the Apostles and the letters of Paul, especially Rom 9–​11, the literary category of hypertextuality. For example, in his opinion the Lucan use of the adverb πρῶτον, placed in the mouth of both Peter and Paul as referring to the soteriological priority of the Jews over the Gentiles (Acts 3:26; 13:46), reflects its usage in Rom 1:16; 2:9–​10. Likewise, the universalistic phrase ἕως ἐσχάτου τῆς γῆς in Acts 1:8 is not unlike the phrase εἰς τὰ πέρατα τῆς οἰκουμένης in Rom 10:38. Accordingly, in the opinion of the Swiss scholar, Luke narratively translated the major axes of Paul’s argumentation in Rom 9–​11. Although discreet in his lexicographical borrowings, Luke proved to be very faithful to the Pauline legacy in terms of rephrasing it for a new historical situation. On the other hand, this faithfulness did not prevent Luke from thinking differently on certain aspects.4 Andreas Lindemann expressed the opinion, rather typical of mainstream German scholarship of that time, that the parallels between the Miletus speech (Acts 20:17–​38) and the Pauline letters are not close enough to imply a direct literary relationship between these texts.5 Richard I. Pervo described his scholarly change of mind in this matter and strongly argued that Luke made use of a number, probably a collection, of Pauline letters.6 Jens Schröter tentatively suggested Luke’s partial knowledge of Paul’s letters, but in some cases (e.g., in the Miletus speech) rather of some traditions influenced by Paul’s ideas.7 Joseph H. Hellerman has noted the conceptual (humiliation and exaltation) and linguistic (δοῦλος, κύριος, also ξύλον) similarities between Luke’s description of Paul’s activity in Philippi (Acts 16:11–​40) and the christological hymn in the Letter to the Philippians (Phlp 2:6–​11). However, due to the lack of more

4 S. D. Butticaz, ‘«Dieu a-​t-​il rejeté son peuple?» (Rm 11,1): Le destin d’Israël de Paul aux Actes des apôtres: Gestion narrative d’un héritage théologique’, in D. Marguerat (ed.), Reception of Paulinism in Acts /​Réception du paulinisme dans les Actes des apôtres (BETL 229; Peeters: Leuven, Paris, Walpole, MA, 2009), 207–​225 (esp. 220–​221, 223, 225). 5 A. Lindemann, ‘Paulus und die Rede in Milet (Apg 20,17–​38)’, in D. Marguerat (ed.), Reception of Paulinism in Acts, 175–​205 (esp. 182–​199). 6 R. I. Pervo, ‘The Paul of Acts and the Paul of the Letters: Aspects of Luke as an Interpreter of the Corpus Paulinum’, in D. Marguerat (ed.), Reception of Paulinism in Acts, 141–​155 (esp. 143–​144). 7 J. Schröter, ‘Paulus als Modell christlicher Zeugenschaft: Apg 9,15f. und 28,30f. als Rahmen der lukanischen Paulusdarstellung und Rezeption des „historischen“ Paulus’, in D. Marguerat (ed.), Reception of Paulinism in Acts, 53–​80 (esp. 58, n. 23).

Introduction

13

substantial verbal parallels and due to his confidence in Luke’s reliability as a historian, he attributed these parallels to Paul’s reminiscences of his past activity in Philippi while writing his Letter to the Philippians.8 Alas, he did not adequately consider the number and the sequence of the parallels between these texts, which suggest a direct literary relationship rather than Luke’s and Paul’s use of some merely mental recollections. Lars Aejmelaeus has strongly argued that Luke knew and made use of Paul’s letters. His arguments are based on the comparison of Acts 9:23–​25 with 1 Cor 11:32–​33, as well as Acts 20:18–​35 with 1 Thessalonians. Moreover, he compared Luke’s use of Paul’s letters with his use of the Septuagint, which often consists of loose reminiscences of its contents.9 Niels Hyldahl was of the opinion that the author of the Acts of the Apostles both knew and used the letters of Paul, but he did not want to use them openly because they had already earlier been used and misused by Gnostics.10 Heikki Leppä demonstrates that Luke knew Paul’s Letter to the Galatians because he used rare words and phrases which can be found in both Galatians and Acts:  συμπαραλαμβάνω (Gal 2:1; Acts 12:25; 15:37–​38), οἱ ἐκ περιτομῆς (Gal 2:12; Acts 10:45; 11:2), ἀκροβυστία referring to an uncircumcised person (Gal 2:7; Acts 11:3), συνεσθίω referring to Peter (Gal 2:12; Acts 10:41; 11:3), and πορθέω referring to Paul (Gal 1:13.23; Acts 9:21). Moreover, the Finnish scholar notes that the thematic structure of Acts 8:1–​3; 9:1–​11:30; 12:25; 13:2–​3; 15:1–​ 2a sequentially corresponds to the thematic structure of Gal 1:13–​2:14, which points to Luke’s use of Galatians as a source.11 Craig S. Keener is of the opinion that since Luke did not cite Paul’s letters and he appears to contradict them on some points of detail, their possible echoes in Acts may reflect the influence of Pauline preaching rather than his letters per se.

8 J. H. Hellerman, ‘Vindicating God’s Servants in Philippi and in Philippians: The Influence of Paul’s Ministry in Philippi upon the Composition of Philippians 2:6–​11’, BBR 20 (2010), 85–​102 (esp. 99). 9 L. Aejmelaeus, ‘The Pauline Letters as Source Material in Luke–​Acts’, in K. Liljeström (ed.), The Early Reception of Paul (PFES 99; Finnish Exegetical Society: Helsinki, 2011), 54–​75 (esp. 65–​72). 10 N. Hyldahl, ‘Über die Abfassungszeit des lukanischen Doppelwerks’, in M. Janßen, F. S. Jones, and J. Wehnert (eds.), Frühes Christentum und Religionsgeschichtliche Schule, Festschrift G. Lüdemann (NTOA 95; Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht: Göttingen, 2011), 75–​82 (esp. 78, 82). 11 H. Leppä, ‘Luke’s Selective Use of Gal 1 and 2: A Critical Proposal’, in K. Liljeström (ed.), The Early Reception of Paul, 91–​124 (esp. 92–​101).

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The Acts of the Apostles: A Hypertextual Commentary

Nevertheless, he states that Luke presumably knew that Paul wrote letters, and may have known some of these letters, but they were less important to him than the living memory of Paul himself. He finds no answer to the question of Luke’s silence concerning key elements in Paul’s letters, like the collection for Jerusalem, conflict over spiritual gifts, struggling with Jewish–​Gentile issues, ‘Galatians’, etc.12 It is surprising that Keener fails to explain Luke’s omission of all these divisive issues in early Christianity while he admits that Luke’s personality was probably more conciliatory and integrative than some other early Christian voices.13 Joshua D. Garroway notes that the phrase ‘οἱ ἐκ περιτομῆς [Acts 10:45; 11:2] is not attested in the LXX or inter-​testamental literature or in Christian literature outside the Pauline corpus until Justin Martyr, an absence that renders all the more likely the prospect that Luke borrowed the term from Galatians [Gal 2:12]. Otherwise, one is left with the uncanny and unlikely coincidence that Luke and Paul coined the expression independently from one another.’14 Alan J. Bale, having analysed the rhetoric and phraseology of the Miletus speech (Acts 20:17–​38), came to the conclusion that Luke knew Paul’s letters but parodied, rather than copied, their style.15 Marc Rastoin opts for Luke’s use of the Pauline letters (including the Pastoral Letters) in a way which was not direct (citing), but narratively reworked. The French scholar argues that the great themes of Paul’s theology (for example, his image of the Church as the body of Christ) were creatively reworked by Luke in his apologetic story of Paul.16 Ryan S. Schellenberg notes that the basic geographical framework of Acts 15:36–​20:16 is easily explicable as Lucan deduction from Paul’s letters (Romans, 1–​2 Corinthians, Galatians, 1  Thessalonians, probably Philippians, as well as 2 Timothy). Moreover, the travel notices in Acts 19:21; 20:22 remarkably well correspond to those in Rom 15:23–​25.30–​31. Schellenberg argues that differences in detail are convincingly explained as Luke’s redaction, which can also be traced in his Gospel. In the scholar’s view, the hypothesis of Luke’s use of Paul’s 12 C. S. Keener, Acts: An Exegetical Commentary, vol. 1, Introduction and 1:1–​2:47 (Baker Academic: Grand Rapids, MI, 2012), 233–​237. 13 Cf. ibid., vol. 1, 160, n. 111. 14 J. D. Garroway, ‘The Pharisee Heresy: Circumcision for Gentiles in the Acts of the Apostles’, NTS 60 (2014), 20–​36 (here: 26). 15 A. J. Bale, Genre and Narrative Coherence in the Acts of the Apostles (LNTS 514; Bloomsbury T&T Clark: London and New York, 2015), 27, 206. 16 M. Rastoin, ‘«Je suis Jésus que tu persécutes» (Ac 9,4–​5; 22,7–​8; 26,14–​15): L’Église Corps du Christ dans les Actes des Apôtres’, RB 122 (2015), 290–​296 (esp. 293–​296).

Introduction

15

letters accounts for features of the narrative that other theories of the itinerary’s source do not, especially the remarkable correspondence between those cities named in the Pauline corpus and those which serve as Luke’s narrative settings for Paul’s activity.17 The Canadian scholar also points out to the use of the rare word ῥαβδίζω in both 2 Cor 11:25 and Acts 16:22, as well as the common terms φυλακή and πληγή in 2 Cor 11:23 and Acts 16:23. In his opinion, Luke dramatized the data of 1 Thes 2:1–​2 and of the Letter to the Philippians in his account of Paul’s imprisonment in Philippi.18 Andrew Gregory holds it for ‘very likely that Luke knew not only about, but also some of the content of, Paul’s letters.’19 Mogens Müller states that ‘Acts consists of the rewriting of the letters of Paul, to which its author evidently wholly or partially had access.’20 The Danish scholar notes that there is seemingly a growing tendency to acknowledge that the letters of Paul actually had functioned as sources of the story in Acts. Moreover, he interprets Luke’s understanding of the transmission from those who from the beginning were ministers of the word (Lk 1:2) as including the letters of Paul,21 although he does not mention the fact that in Luke’s terminology it is only Paul (and not, for example, Peter or Mark) who from the beginning (ἀπ᾽ ἀρχῆς) became (γενομεν*) both a witness and a minister (ὑπηρέτης) of the message concerning the risen Jesus (Acts 26:4.16; cf. Lk 1:2).22 Knut Backhaus argues that Luke (maybe) knew Paul’s letters, but because of his historiographic method he did not use them as literary sources for his narrative. In the opinion of the German scholar, most literary correspondences between Paul’s letters and the Acts of the Apostles can be regarded as non-​significant, general, expectable, and unrelated to their original Pauline contexts. Moreover,

17 R. S. Schellenberg, ‘The First Pauline Chronologist? Paul’s Itinerary in the Letters and in Acts’, JBL 134 (2015), 193–​213. 18 R. S. Schellenberg, ‘The Rest of Paul’s Imprisonments’, JTS, ns 69 (2018), 533–​572 (esp. 549, n. 70). 19 A. Gregory, ‘Acts and Christian Beginnings: A Review Essay’, JSNT 39.1 (2016), 97–​115 (here: 109). 20 M. Müller, ‘Acts as Biblical Rewriting of the Gospels and Paul’s Letters’, in J. T. Nielsen and M.  Müller (eds.), Luke’s Literary Creativity (LNTS 550; Bloomsbury T&T Clark: London and New York, 2016), 96–​117 (here: 97). 21 Ibid., 97, n. 4. 22 Cf. B.  Adamczewski, Hypertextuality and Historicity in the Gospels (EST 3; Peter Lang: Frankfurt am Main, 2013), 105.

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The Acts of the Apostles: A Hypertextual Commentary

Paul’s and Luke’s depictions of the same events (Acts 9:25 //​2 Cor 11:32–​33; Acts 15:1–​35 //​Gal 2:1–​10) are so different that the hypothesis of Luke’s literary use of Paul’s letters as sources for his narrative is implausible. Likewise implausible is the hypothesis that Luke consciously rejected the ideas of Paul’s letters. Therefore, the German scholar argues that Luke probably knew Paul’s letters but disregarded them, just as he disregarded Paul’s particular formulation of the gospel, Paul’s death, etc.23 However, Backhaus’s hypothesis concerning Luke’s neglect of letters as literary sources for his historiographic narrative does not explain the fact that Luke was indeed interested in quoting or inventing letters (Acts 9:2; 15:23–​29; 18:27; 21:25; 23:27–​30; 25:26). Therefore, if he knew Paul’s letters but did not mention them, he must have had a reason for having such an attitude to them. Daniel Marguerat regards the idea of the literary dependence of Acts upon Paul’s letters as anachronistic, in view of his relatively early dating of Acts to ad 80–​90. In his opinion, the absence of any citations of the letters of the Apostle in Luke’s work additionally confirms his hypothesis.24 Alas, he does not consider the fact that the writings which are widely regarded in critical scholarship as post-​Pauline (Colossians, Ephesians, Pastorals, Hebrews, etc.) also do not cite any letters of the Apostle. Thomas E. Phillips sincerely admits that he earlier suspected that Luke did not use Paul’s letters. Later, however, in the wake of Richard Pervo’s game-​changing analysis, he became convinced that Luke used a collection of Paul’s letters.25 Stefano Romanello rejects the hypothesis of Luke’s knowledge of Paul’s letters by pointing to the facts that Luke nowhere (except Acts 14:4.14) calls Paul an apostle, nowhere presents him as writer of letters, his narrative contains many data that are absent in Paul’s letters, and some of his data contradict those of Paul’s letters.26 Alas, the Italian scholar fails to compare Luke in these issues with

23 K. Backhaus, ‘Zur Datierung der Apostelgeschichte: Ein Ordnungsversuch im chronologischen Chaos’, ZNW 108 (2017), 212–​258 (esp. 241–​245). 24 D. Marguerat, ‘Luc, l’historien de Dieu: Histoire et théologie dans les Actes des Apôtres’, RivB 65 (2017), 7–​37 (esp. 30–​32). 25 T. E. Phillips, ‘How Did Paul Become a Roman “Citizen?”: Reading Acts in Light of Pliny the Younger’, in J. Verheyden and J. S. Kloppenborg (eds.), Luke on Jesus, Paul and Christianity: What Did He Really Know? (BTS 29: Peeters: Leuven, Paris, Bristol, CT, 2017), 171–​189 (esp. 173). 26 S. Romanello, ‘Atti e la biografia paolina: La necessità di un ricorso critico ad Atti per la ricostruzione della cronologia paolina’, RivB 65 (2017), 457–​488 (esp. 470–​471).

Introduction

17

the roughly contemporary Jewish historian Josephus and with his creative use of his sources. Clare K. Rothschild explains certain elements of Luke’s description of the stoning of Stephen (Stephen’s provocation of his own death by his offensive speech and the depiction of Jerusalem as a very dangerous place) by Luke’s desire to explain various data in Paul’s letters. In her opinion, Luke was familiar with the events of Paul’s life as portrayed in his letters, especially in the Letter to the Galatians: the so-​called Jerusalem council, the so-​called Antioch incident, as well as arguments concerning circumcision and dietary laws.27 Brad McAdon argues that Luke followed the practice of Graeco-​Roman rhetorical mimesis in his mimetic transformation of Gal 1–​2 in Acts 7:58–​15:30.28 In his opinion, his analysis of Luke’s transformation of the Pauline text satisfies the criteria of external plausibility (Acts post-​dating Paul), significant similarities (conception, narrative structure, themes, order, and linguistic details), evidence of intimate familiarity with the source (meticulously scrutinizing the source), intelligibility of differences (whitewashing the controversies among the church leaders), and weight of the combined criteria.29 Isaac W. Oliver, following Richard Pervo, tentatively suggests that in his literary work Luke critically used Paul’s letters: First Corinthians, Galatians, and especially Romans.30 Martin Hengel and Anna Maria Schwemer suggested that the presence of lexical Paulinisms in Acts can be explained by Luke’s personal acquaintance with Paul because, as they argued, if Luke had known Paul’s letters, Acts would have looked much differently.31 Alas, they did not explain what this ‘differently’ means in practice, for example in Luke’s description of the Jerusalem meeting.

27 C. K. Rothschild, ‘Perfect Martyr? Dangerous Material in the Stoning of Stephen’, in H. W. Attridge, D. R. MacDonald, and C. K. Rothschild (eds.), Delightful Acts: New Essays on Canonical and Non-​canonical Acts (WUNT 391; Mohr Siebeck: Tübingen, 2017), 177–​191 (esp. 190). 28 B. McAdon, Rhetorical Mimesis and the Mitigation of Early Christian Conflicts: Examining the Influence that Greco-​Roman Mimesis May Have in the Composition of Matthew, Luke, and Acts (Pickwick: Eugene, OR, 2018), 181–​246. 29 Ibid., 46, 246. 30 I. W. Oliver, ‘Are Luke and Acts Anti-​Marcionite?’, in J. H. Ellens et al. (eds.), Wisdom Poured Out Like Water, Festschrift G. Boccaccini (DCLS 38; Walter de Gruyter: Berlin and Boston, 2018), 499–​521 (esp. 500–​504). 31 M. Hengel and A. M. Schwemer, Die Urgemeinde und das Judenchristentum (GFC 2; Mohr Siebeck: Tübingen, 2019), 228, n. 128.

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Nathanael Lüke, in his PhD written under the supervision of Matthias Klinghardt, opts for Luke’s use of a pre-​NT corpus of ten Pauline letters (Galatians, 1–​2 Corinthians, Romans, 1–​2 Thessalonians, Ephesians, Colossians, Philippians, and Philemon), which was regarded as apostolos by Marcion (so without, e.g., Rom 4; 15–​16). However, in Lüke’s opinion the fact of the literary dependence of Acts on the Pauline letters does not mean that Acts was written as a self-​standing history of the apostolic period. Rather, it was written as a narrative reworking and complement to the Pauline letters, which was aimed at steering their interpretation through creating an interpretative horizon for them, a function that it has been performing until now.32 Of course, it may be asked whether the idea of the dependence of Acts on a pre-​Marcionite version of Paul’s letters does not unnecessarily complicate Lüke’s hypothesis and whether it is really necessary to view Acts as an anti-​Marcionite interpretation of Paul’s letters.33 In fact, it is possible to understand the Marcionite crisis in terms of Marcion’s reaction to Luke’s ‘Judaization’ of the ideas of Paul’s letters. Likewise problematic is the German scholar’s thesis that the author of Acts made no use of the Pastoral Letters.34 Nevertheless, his overall presentation of Acts as a consciously created, irenic interpretative horizon for the understanding of the Pauline letters is very insightful. Michael Kochenash espouses the view that ‘there is reason to affirm that Luke himself was familiar with a collection of Pauline letters’.35 Karl L. Armstrong, arguing for the historicity of Acts, holds the view that there is no clear evidence that Luke used a collection of Paul’s letters. He compares Acts 9:23–​25 with 2  Cor 11:32–​33 and argues that the strong linguistic connection between the accounts of letting Paul down (χαλάσ*) through the wall (διὰ τοῦ τείχους) in (ἐν) a basket in 2 Cor 11:33 and Acts 9:25 is not a valid argument because Paul faced dangers many times; moreover, since Luke did not mention the ethnarch or Aretas (cf. 2 Cor 11:32), he did not work with a copy of Paul’s letter but with an oral source.36 However, his reasoning in this matter is 32 N. Lüke, Über die narrative Kohärenz zwischen Apostelgeschichte und Paulusbriefen (TANZ 62; Narr Francke Attempto: Tübingen, 2019), 12–​14, 61–​62. 33 Cf. V. Niggemeier, Review of N. Lüke, Über die narrative Kohärenz zwischen Apostelgeschichte und Paulusbriefen, TRev 118 (2022) no. 3713, 1–​3 (esp. 3). 34 N. Lüke, Über die narrative Kohärenz, 12–​14, 259. 35 M. Kochenash, ‘Better Call Paul “Saul”: Literary Models and a Lukan Innovation’, JBL 138 (2019), 433–​449 (here: 438). 36 K. L. Armstrong, Dating Acts in Its Jewish and Greco-​Roman Contexts (LNTS 637; T&T Clark: London and New York, 2021), 78–​80.

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unconvincing since the strong linguistic connection remains unexplained, and the argument concerning the absence of the ethnarch or Aretas in Luke’s account is an argument ex silentio. Armstrong also compares Acts 9:21; 22:3 with Gal 1:13–​14.23 and argues that the phrase ζηλωτὴς ὑπάρχων is not unique to Gal 1:14 and Acts 22:3 (cf. 21:20) because both elements of this phrase (especially ὑπάρχω) are not so rare in the New Testament.37 However, he fails to demonstrate that the particular phrase ζηλωτὴς ὑπάρχων, referring to Paul and used in the context of paternal (πατρ*) traditions, was used in places other than Gal 1:14 and Acts 22:3. Armstrong’s third argument is similar to the second one. He compares Acts 2:33 with Gal 3:14 and argues that the reference to receiving (λαμβάνω) the promise (ἐπαγγελία) of the Spirit (πνεῦμα) is not unique to Gal 3:14 and Acts 2:33 because all three terms occur many times in the New Testament.38 However, he fails to acknowledge the fact that a conjunction of three popular elements may be unique, as is the case with the reference to receiving (λαβ*) the promise of the Spirit (τήν… ἐπαγγελίαν τοῦ πνεύματος) in Gal 3:14 and Acts 2:33. John-​Christian Eurell has recently argued that it is highly unlikely that the author of Acts would not have known of a collection of Paul’s letters because Paul is a significant figure in Acts and because Acts was most probably written in the early second century. In Eurell’s opinion, the differences between Acts and the Pauline epistles should not be harmonised, but rather Acts should be interpreted in terms of reshaping the (probably more historically accurate) Pauline traditions and narratives.39 Daniel A. Gleich has analysed 169 parallels between the speeches of Paul in the Acts of the Apostles and the letters contained in the Corpus Paulinum. In his opinion, the parallels in the Acts of the Apostles do not thematically disagree with the Pauline letters. However, notwithstanding the great number of the parallels, Gleich argues that none of the Pauline letters (e.g., 1  Thessalonians) or groups of letters (e.g., the Pastorals) is close enough to the Lucan speeches of Paul to postulate literary dependence. Alas, he deals with this thorny issue only briefly, in passing,40 so that his analysis is in this respect unsatisfactory. 37 Ibid.,  81–​83. 38 Ibid.,  83–​84. 39 J.-​C. Eurell, Peter’s Legacy in Early Christianity: The Appropriation and Use of Peter’s Authority in the First Three Centuries (WUNT 2.561; Mohr Siebeck:  Tübingen, 2021),  43–​44. 40 D. A. Gleich, Die lukanischen Paulusreden: Ein sprachlicher und inhaltlicher Vergleich zwischen dem paulinischen Redestoff in Apg 9–​28 und dem Corpus Paulinum (ABIG

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According to this short presentation of scholarly opinions and arguments of various scholars, even without making detailed statistical analyses, it is clear that the majority of scholars (here: 19:9) nowadays espouse the view that Luke knew and creatively used the contents of at least some of Paul’s letters. Therefore, it has now become the task of the scholarly minority, who still reject the idea of Luke’s use of Paul’s letters, to develop compelling arguments against any kind of creative use of the Pauline (and post-​Pauline) letters in the Acts of the Apostles.

Date of composition The issue of the literary use of the Pauline (and post-​Pauline) letters in the Acts of the Apostles has always been related to the issue of the date of the composition of the latter work. The later Acts was written, the greater the probability that Luke had access to a collection of the letters of the Apostle, and possibly also of his followers. Several scholars nowadays try to demonstrate that Acts was written in the 60s of the first century. For example, David Seccombe argues ex silentio for a date in the early 60s because a date after the rise of anti-​Jewish sentiments in the Roman Empire (ad 66–​98), after the prevalence of Gentile communities over Jewish Christianity (after ad 70), and after the occurrence of extraordinary disruptions which befell both Jews and Christians (ad 62–​70) would be implausible.41 Likewise, Karl L. Armstrong argues ex silentio for a date before ad 64 because of the unexplainable absences of references to the death of Paul, the great fire of Rome, and the fall of Jerusalem in the Acts of the Apostles.42 A number of scholars more traditionally maintain that Acts was written in the 80s or 90s of the first century. For example, Craig S. Keener states that arguments limiting the range between 70 and 90 seem to him stronger than the alternatives, In fact, because he favours the tradition of Lucan authorship and because Acts contains a strong apologetic for Paul, which would seem less relevant in later years, he opts for a date in the early 1970s rather than a later time.43 Carl R. Holladay, taking into consideration the possibilities of Luke’s both personal knowledge of Paul and theological development beyond his ideas, 70; Evangelische: Leipzig, 2021), 141, 143, 322. See my review of Gleich’s monograph in ColT 91 (2021) no. 3, 221–​224. 41 D. Seccombe, ‘Dating Luke–​Acts: Further Arguments for an Early Date’, TynBul 71 (2020), 207–​227 (esp. 227). 4 2 K. L. Armstrong, Dating Acts, 185–​186. 43 C. S. Keener, Acts, vol. 1, 400–​401.

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suggests that it is most plausible to imagine Acts as being composed in the 1980s or 1990s.44 Vítor Hugo Schell, following the arguments of other scholars, suggests that a date before ad 80 is rather implausible, so that a date by the end of the first century should be accepted.45 Udo Schnelle opts for a date in the third Christian generation, similar to that of the Pastoral Letters, and somewhat later than the Gospel of Luke, so around ad 90–​100. In his opinion, the hypothesis of the dependence of the Acts of the Apostles on the works of Josephus cannot be demonstrated, so a later dating is implausible.46 Isaac W. Oliver tentatively reckons with the possibility of Luke’s creative use of Josephus’ works, in a common setting with other post-​70 Jewish texts. He therefore opts for a late first-​century or early second-​century dating of Acts.47 Arco den Heijer, in line with the mainstream of contemporary research, assumes a dating around the end of the first century, under Nerva or in the early years of Trajan.48 Martin Hengel held the view that the Gospel of Luke was still under the impact of the destruction of Jerusalem, so it was written c. ad 75–​80, and Acts a few years later, between ad 80 and ad 85.49 Daniel Marguerat opts for a date between ad 80 and ad 90, after the destruction of Jerusalem and the following composition of the Gospel of Luke, but before the making of the canon of Paul’s letters, which he dates to ad 95–​100. In the scholar’s opinion, Luke’s silence concerning this canon, together with the proximity of Acts to the Gospel of Luke, as well as Luke’s lack of interest in more

44 C. R. Holladay, Acts: A Commentary (NTL; Westminster John Knox: Louisville, KY, 2016), 7. 45 V. H. Schell, Die Areopagrede des Paulus und Reden bei Josephus: Eine vergleichende Studie zu Apg 17 und dem historiographischen Werk des Josephus (WUNT 2.419; Mohr Siebeck: Tübingen, 2016), 25. 46 U. Schnelle, Einleitung in das Neue Testament (UTB 1830; 9th edn., Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht: Göttingen, 2017), 335. 47 I. W. Oliver, ‘Are Luke and Acts’, 508, 511. 48 A. den Heijer, Portraits of Paul’s Performance in the Book of Acts: Luke’s Apologetic Strategy in the Depiction of Paul as Messenger of God (WUNT 2.556; Mohr Siebeck: Tübingen, 2021), 34. 49 M. Hengel and A. M. Schwemer, Die Urgemeinde, 4.

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developed Church organization, imply that Acts was not written in the second century.50 However, a growing number of scholars opt for a second-​century dating of the Acts of the Apostles. For example, Dennis R. MacDonald, following Richard Pervo, opts for dating the Acts of the Apostles to c. ad 115–​120, after the Gospel of Matthew and Papias’ Exposition of the Logia about the Lord.51 Niels Hyldahl argued ex silentio that Papias, whose work might be dated to c. ad 140, did not yet know the Acts of the Apostles. Moreover, Marcion, who was active in Rome c. ad 140, freely used the Gospel of Luke as an evidently newly composed work, which had not yet gained an authoritative status in the community. Therefore, Acts must have been written around that time.52 Mogens Müller, following Niels Hyldahl and agreeing with his arguments, suggests a dating of Acts to the second, third, or even fourth decennium of the second century.53 Knut Backhaus, after a comprehensive study of the question of the dating of the Acts of the Apostles, having discussed numerous arguments for and against various solutions to this problem, opts for a relatively late dating c. ad 100–​130.54 Mark G. Bilby argues for the dependence of Acts on Pliny’s correspondence with Trajan, and on this basis argues for a second-​century date of Acts.55 Thomas E. Phillips, accepting the arguments of Mark G. Bilby, likewise argues that Acts betrays an awareness of the events surrounding the correspondence between Pliny and Trajan. Consequently, the scholar opts for a second-​century, post-​112 date of Acts.56 Justin R. Howell argues for Luke’s knowledge of the Pauline letters, which suggests a date after ad 90–​95, but on the other hand Luke’s ignorance of the Bar

50 D. Marguerat, Die Apostelgeschichte (KEK 3; Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht: Göttingen, 2022), 34. 51 D. R. MacDonald, ‘Luke’s Use of Papias for Narrating the Death of Judas’, in S. Walton [et al.] (eds.), Reading Acts Today, Festschrift L. C. A. Alexander (LNTS 427; T&T Clark: London and New York, 2011), 43–​62 (esp. 44, 51). 52 N. Hyldahl, ‘Über die Abfassungszeit’, 81. 53 M. Müller, ‘Acts as Biblical Rewriting’, 98–​99. 54 K. Backhaus, ‘Zur Datierung’, 258. 55 M. G. Bilby, ‘Pliny’s Correspondence and the Acts of the Apostles: An Intertextual Relationship?’, in J. Verheyden and J. S. Kloppenborg (eds.), Luke on Jesus, 147–​169 (esp. 168–​169, 188–​189). 56 T. E. Phillips, ‘How Did Paul Become’, 173.

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Kokhba revolt, which suggests a date before ad 132. Consequently, the scholar opts for a date c. ad 105–​120.57 Jean-​Noël Aletti accepts the arguments put forward by Steve Mason, namely, that Luke probably knew and read the works of Josephus.58 Although the Catholic scholar does not draw therefrom any chronological conclusion concerning the date of the composition of the Acts of the Apostles, his opinion clearly supports a post-​95 dating of Acts. Christopher B. Zeichmann likewise argues that in the Acts of the Apostles Luke used the works of Josephus,59 which implies a post-​95 dating of Acts. Nathanael Lüke supports the thesis that the Acts of the Apostles is a text from the second century, whose author had access to a collection of ten Pauline letters, which was also known to Marcion.60 John-​Christian Eurell, accepting the arguments which were put forward by other scholars, likewise argues that a dating of the Acts of the Apostles between Josephus and Marcion, so c. ad 100–​130, is to be preferred.61 Krzysztof Pilarczyk, following the works of other scholars, opts for a dating of the Acts of the Apostles to the first half of the second century, before Justin.62 It is therefore evident that in the last decade, especially in the aftermath of the publications of Richard I. Pervo and Steve Mason, a growing number of scholars, probably already a majority of them (here: 12:10), opt for a second-​century dating of the Acts of the Apostles. In fact, the Acts of the Apostles was written after the Gospel of Mark and the Gospel of Luke, which had in turn been written after the works of Josephus, so after c. ad 93.63 On the other hand, the Acts of the Apostles was consistently, in

57 J. R. Howell, The Pharisees and Figured Speech in Luke–​Acts (WUNT 2.456; Mohr Siebeck: Tübingen, 2017), 81. 58 J.-​N. Aletti, ‘Quelle culture pour le narrateur de Lc/​Ac? Des techniques à la théologie’, in M. Guidi and S. Zeni (eds.), NumeriSecondi: Il volto di Dio attraverso il volto dei piccoli, Festschrift M. Grilli (AnBibSt 11; Gregorian & Biblical: Roma, 2018), 401–​412 (esp. 410). 59 C. B. Zeichmann, ‘Ulyssean Qualities in The Life of Josephus and Luke–​Acts: A Modest Defence of Homeric Mimesis’, Neot 53 (2019), 491–​515 (esp. 509–​510). 60 N. Lüke, Über die narrative Kohärenz,  13–​14. 61 J.-​C. Eurell, Peter’s Legacy, 43. 62 K. Pilarczyk, ‘Szymon Mag w Dziejach Apostolskich (8,4–​25): Miejsce narracji w strukturze księgi i jej znaczenie’, BPT 14 (2021) no. 1, 65–​95 (esp. 66, n. 1). 63 Cf. B. Adamczewski, The Gospel of Luke: A Hypertextual Commentary (EST 13; Peter Lang: Frankfurt am Main, 2016), 23.

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very detailed, sequentially organized ways reworked in the Gospel of Matthew and then in the Gospel of John, which were in turn written before Justin’s Apologia I (dated to c. ad 153).64 Therefore, the Acts of the Apostles was most probably written c. ad 120–​140. It should be noted that the Lucan image of Saul as changing his Hebrew name to the Roman name Paulus, siding with the Roman proconsul Sergius Paulus, acting in opposition to the Aramaic-​named pseudo-​messianic Jewish false prophet Bar-​Jesus, and being separated from the Jerusalem-​oriented and Hebrew-​named John precisely in Cyprus (Acts 13:4–​13) suggests that the Acts of the Apostles was written in the aftermath of the Jewish uprising under Trajan (ad 115–​117), which took place, among others, in Cyprus.65 By composing the Cyprus account (Acts 13:4–​13) in the aftermath of the Jewish revolt in Cyprus, Luke wanted to demonstrate the Pauline Christians’ loyalty to the Romans against Jewish insurrectionaries. This fact additionally proves that the Acts of the Apostles should be dated to the time after the revolt, c. ad 120–​140.

Sequential hypertextuality The methodological approach adopted in this monograph is not based on any widely used modern exegetical method. These methods are generally based on various presuppositions, for example, that the biblical texts are similar to other ancient texts, that they have some diachrony, that they have some internal narrative coherence, that they convey some coherent ideas, etc., which are not necessarily true. The approach adopted in this monograph is therefore based on a close reading and a comparative analysis of the biblical texts as we have them, with paying particular attention to the order of their ideas and to their minor, somewhat surprising details, which are rarely scrutinized by other scholars. Thus, in a critical and verifiable way, it explains numerous data of the biblical texts which are very difficult to explain with the use of more widely known biblical methods, a feature which from a general methodological point of view constitutes its greatest advantage over them.66

64 Cf. id., The Gospel of Matthew: A Hypertextual Commentary (EST 16; Peter Lang: Frankfurt am Main, 2017), 26–​27, 29–​199; id., The Gospel of John: A Hypertextual Commentary (EST 17; Peter Lang: Berlin, 2018), 23–​24, 29–​205. 65 Cf. A. M. Schwemer, ‘Der jüdische Aufstand in der Diaspora unter Trajan (115–​117 n. Chr.)’, BN, nf 148 (2011), 85–​100 (esp. 91–​93, 96, 98). 66 Cf. L. Alonso Schökel and J. M. Bravo Aragón, Apuntes de hermenéutica (Trotta: Madrid, 1994), 138: ‘Un método se afirma por sus resultados.’

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This methodological approach was already adopted and refined in my earlier monographs concerning various biblical writings of both the Old and the New Testament. These studies revealed that the sequentially arranged, hypertextual connections between the biblical writings and their hypotexts can be counted not in tens, as I had earlier thought, but in hundreds.67 The present monograph likewise presupposes and develops the results of my earlier study on the Acts of the Apostles, in which I argued that the Acts of the Apostles is a result of sixfold sequential hypertextual reworking of Gal 1:17–​2:14; Rom 15:25–​32.68 According to the French literary theorist Gérard Genette, hypertextuality can be defined as any relationship uniting a text B (which is in such a case called hypertext) to an earlier text A (which is called hypotext), upon which it grafts itself in a manner that is not that of commentary.69 Accordingly, a hypertextual relationship of a given text to a hypotext by definition does not consist in directly commenting on the hypotext, its ideas, literary features, phraseology, etc. Therefore, a hypertextual relationship may include some linguistic connections between the hypertext and the hypotext, but it may also be purely conceptual. For this reason, although the presence of shared language, especially unique to two given texts, is a useful preliminary indicator of some kind of literary relationship between them, the volume of shared language should not be regarded as the primary criterion for detecting literary dependence between two given texts.70

67 See B. Adamczewski, The Gospel of Mark: A Hypertextual Commentary (EST 8; Peter Lang: Frankfurt am Main, 2014), 31–​197; id., Luke, 35–​204; id., Matthew, 29–​201; id., John, 29–​205; id., Genesis: A Hypertextual Commentary (EST 25; Peter Lang: Berlin, 2020), 37–​227; id., Exodus–​Numbers: A Hypertextual Commentary (EST 26; Peter Lang: Berlin, 2020), 49–​209; id., Deuteronomy–​Judges: A Hypertextual Commentary (EST 27; Peter Lang: Berlin, 2020), 37–​215; id., Samuel–​Kings: A Hypertextual Commentary (EST 28; Peter Lang: Berlin, 2021), 31–​205. 68 Id., Heirs, 92–​107. 69 G. Genette, Palimpsestes: La littérature au second degré (Seuil: [s.l.] 1982), 13: ‘Hypertextualité [:] J’entends par là toute relation unissant un texte B (que j’appellerai hypertexte) à un texte antérieur A (que j’appellerai, bien sûr, hypotexte) sur lequel il se greffe d’une manière qui n’est pas celle du commentaire.’ 70 Cf. J. R. Kelly, ‘Identifying Literary Allusions: Theory and the Criterion of Shared Language’, in Z. Zevit (ed.), Subtle Citation, Allusion and Translation in the Hebrew Bible (Equinox: Sheffield and Bristol, 2017), 22–​40 (esp. 27–​33). See also G. D. Miller, ‘Intertextuality in Old Testament Research’, CurBR 9.3 (2010), 283–​309 (esp. 295–​298).

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The concept of hypertextuality has already been applied to the research on the relationship between the Acts of the Apostles and Paul’s letters. For example, Simon D. Butticaz applied it to the relationship between Acts and Rom 9–​11. In his opinion, Luke did not borrow much Pauline vocabulary, but rather narratively rephrased the Pauline ideas, for example that of the soteriological priority of the Jews over the Gentiles, and developed them in his own ways.71 The concept of hypertextuality is also implicitly used in the analyses of the Acts of the Apostles which were presented by Dennis R. MacDonald,72 Michael Kochenash,73 and Christopher B. Zeichmann.74 Although these authors prefer the classical-​style category of imitation (mimēsis) to describe the relationships between the Lucan writings and classical Greek and Roman literary works, in modern literary terms this kind of reworking of earlier texts can be classified as hypertextuality. My analyses of the phenomenon of hypertextuality in biblical writings have revealed that the most important criterion for detecting a hypertextual relationship between two given biblical writings is the criterion of the order of their hypertextual correspondences. If two given works reveal conceptual and/​or linguistic correspondences which follow a sequential pattern, it is reasonable to argue that the author of one of these works in a hypertextual way reworked the other work, preserving the basic sequence of its ideas, concepts, literary motifs, etc. In such a case, the relationship between these works may be called sequential hypertextuality. A combination of the literary concept of hypertextuality with the criterion of order has also been used by Gérard Massonnat. He applied the concept of hypertextuality to his analysis of the relationship between the Lucan story of Saul and Barnabas on the one hand and the scriptural story of Saul and

7 1 S. D. Butticaz, ‘Dieu a-​t-​il rejeté son peuple?’, 220–​221. 72 See, e.g., D. R. MacDonald, Luke and Vergil: Imitations of Classical Greek Literature (NTGL 2; Rowman & Littlefield: Lanham [et al.] 2015); id., Luke and the Politics of Homeric Imitation: Luke–​Acts as Rival to the Aeneid (Lexington Books /​Fortress Academic: Lanham [et al.] 2019). 73 See, e.g., M. Kochenash, ‘You Can’t Hear “Aeneas” without Thinking of Rome’, JBL 136 (2017), 667–​685; id., ‘Better Call Paul “Saul”’, 433–​449; id., ‘Unbelievable: An Interpretation of Acts 12 That Takes Rhoda’s Cassandra Curse Seriously’, JBL 141 (2022), 337–​357. 74 C. B. Zeichmann, ‘Ulyssean Qualities’, 491–​515.

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Samuel on the other.75 Thereafter, he argued that structure-​giving theological motifs are ordered in both 1 Sam 9:3–​28:19 and Acts 9–​15 in similar ways, with only two major relocations.76 In his view, Luke absorbed and reused the historical data, which can also be found in the Letter to the Galatians, in a narrative framework which was borrowed from the scriptural story of Saul and Samuel.77 The criterion of order is particularly useful in cases in which the level of verbal agreement between the conceptually corresponding fragments of two given works is very low, and consequently the relationship between both works is truly hypertextual. In such cases, the weakness of purely linguistic signals of literary dependence (quoted or imitated sentences, reproduced characteristic phrases, characteristic vocabulary, etc.) is recompensed by the consistency of the strictly sequential reworking of the conceptual elements (ideas, images, arguments, references to time, directions of movement in space, actions taken, features of the characters, etc.) of one work in the other one. The criterion of the common order of the conceptually and/​or linguistically corresponding elements is particularly compelling if it refers not only to larger thematic sections or pericopes, but also to individual sentences or even clauses, phrases, and words. In such cases, the argumentative force of this criterion is very high, even if the level of verbal or formal agreement between the compared texts is quite low. It should be admitted that the detection of a sequence of several similar elements, which is often used in structuralist scholarship for postulating the existence of various chiastic, concentric, and parallel patterns in biblical texts (A-​B-​C-​D-​C’-​B’-​A’ etc.), can be regarded as more or less subjective. However, the degree of interpretative objectivity is much higher if the detected common sequence of conceptually corresponding elements consists of tens or hundreds of sequentially arranged items. Moreover, instead of placing great emphasis on the presence or absence of shared language in two given texts, the analysis of literary dependence, especially that of a highly creative, hypertextual kind, may be based on the

75 G. Massonnat, ‘Saul/​Paul, le nouveau destin du roi Saül: 1 Samuel source théologique pour Actes 9–​15 (Première partie: L’élection)’, RB 122 (2015), 403–​439 (esp. 412). 76 Ibid., 416, 421, 428, 433, 435, 438; id., ‘Saul/​Paul, le nouveau destin du roi Saül: 1 Samuel source théologique pour Actes 9–​15 (Deuxième partie: La mission)’, RB 122 (2015), 540–​574 (esp. 545, 553, 556, 560, 561, 565). 77 Id., ‘Saul/​Paul (Deuxième partie: La mission)’, 570–​572.

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criterion of noticing and explaining the presence of somewhat surprising features in the later text.78 David M. Carr points to the presence of such features in the so-​called ‘blind motifs’.79 Such particular, surprising, innovative, atypical features, which go beyond evoking general associations with other texts (achieved with the use of familiar motifs, formulaic language, type-​scenes, literary genres, etc.), point to literary, reinterpreting dependence upon an earlier text, and not merely oral transmission of traditional material, which could be freely used by the author in his creative literary activity.80 The not easily perceivable, rarely noticed, somewhat surprising features of a given literary work can often be explained if this work is an imperfect literary reworking of another text, in which such problems and surprising features are absent. In fact, every reworking of something else leaves some traces, and even a

78 Cf. C. Edenburg, ‘Intertextuality, Literary Competence and the Question of Readership: Some Preliminary Observations’, JSOT 35.2 (2010), 131–​148 (here: 144): ‘For allusion to fulfill its purpose as a signifying device, it must be accompanied by textual markers that alert the audience to an underlying significance. The marker is an element that is “borrowed” from another context where it is at home, and then planted in a new, foreign context. The foreignness of the marker hampers superficial comprehension of the text’s overt significance, and intimates that full comprehension of the text will be attained only after identifying the function and significance of the marker in its original textual context. […] Since allusion invokes a specific text, rather than a general motif or genre, there is no guarantee that members of the text’s audience will succeed in identifying the allusion, and attain full appreciation of the text.’ 79 D. M. Carr, ‘Method in Determining the Dependence of Biblical on Non-​Biblical Texts’, in Z. Zevit (ed.), Subtle Citation, 41–​53 (here: 46): ‘One criterion that does not seem to be highlighted in Hays’s or Fishbane’s discussions, but that can be particularly helpful, is that of a place where particularly odd features of a biblical text can be explained as blind motifs resulting from the appropriation in that biblical text of elements from a […] precursor. A “blind motif ” is an element or theme from a borrowed tradition appearing in a later text that does not fit well in the new context.’ 80 Cf. C. Edenburg, ‘Intertextuality’, 147: ‘Thus, preservation of literary innovations is dependent upon scribal activity and a readership with sufficient literary competence to appreciate the innovation. From this I surmise that texts that elicit intertextual associations stemming from parallel accounts, allusion, implicit citation and inner-​biblical interpretation, were designed by highly literate scribes for reading audiences who had the means to peruse and reread texts in order to recognize the associative device, recall the association, and finally identify the alluded text. […] If so, then such texts were not designed for the purpose of enculturalization, but were created, in part, as pieces of learning and scribal art with the aim of commenting upon or revising other texts.’

Introduction

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gifted and creative author is not always capable of eliminating all of them, especially if they are barely noticeable.81 A careful analysis of such minor, intriguing literary features, which are often neglected or only superficially explained by most commentators, may give important clues to the discovery of a hypertextual relationship of a given text to a hypotext. Moreover, it can help to ascertain the direction of literary dependence between two given writings.82 It should be noted that the crucial hermeneutical disposition for analysing hypertextual correspondences in the Bible consists in the use of the faculty of imagination83 in order to detect imaginative, creative, at times purely conceptual correspondences between various ideas, images, statements, and words in the biblical texts.84 In imagination, as is well known, the sky is the limit. Therefore, in this respect the methods of midrashic and allegorical interpretation used by ancient rabbis and church fathers at times better reflected the complex meaning of the biblical texts, with their metaphors, allusions, wordplays, hidden polemics, and narrative illustrations of various theological and legal ideas, than do modern, often too ‘arid’ exegetical methods, which aim at being scholarly objective, and consequently prefer the more evident but in fact more superficial level of meaning.

81 Pace G. Genette, Palimpsestes, 555, who has argued that the hypertext, being semantically autonomous, does not contain any perceivable internal ‘ungrammaticality’. Ge-​ nette’s general idea does not always refer to all minor details of the hypertext because the inevitable tension between the intratextual and intertextual levels of the meaning of the hypertext often results in some consciously or unconsciously created disruptions to its intratextual logic. On the other hand, the hypertext does not necessarily contain aberrant features, ungrammaticalities, anomalies, inconsequences, non sequiturs, the loss of narrativity, etc. which are so evident that they function as really sylleptic, and consequently compulsory in their impelling the reader to pursue the search for a hypotext, as was argued by M. Riffaterre, Fictional Truth (Parallax: Re-​visions of Culture and Society; 2nd edn., The John Hopkins University: Baltimore and London, 1993), 90–​91. 82 In my opinion, this criterion is much better than the partly reversible criteria adopted by other scholars, e.g., M. Bauks, ‘Intratextualität, Intertextualität und Rezeptionsgeschichte: Was tragen “transpositional techniques” und “empirical evidences” zur literarischen Genese der Urgeschichte aus?’, in M. Bauks [et al.] (eds.), Neue Wege der Schriftauslegung (ATM 24; Lit: Berlin, 2019), 13–​63 (esp. 24). 83 Cf. I. J. de Hulster, ‘Imagination: A Hermeneutical Tool for the Study of the Hebrew Bible’, BibInt 18 (2010), 114–​136 (esp. 132–​134). 84 Cf. L. Alonso Schökel and J. M. Bravo Aragón, Apuntes, 156: ‘Hay que leer con fantasía lo que se escribió con fantasía.’

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Therefore, if the Bible resembles a work of art, then the exegete needs a good, gifted, and trained ‘ear’ or ‘eye’,85 as well as broad scholarly knowledge (and not merely following a widely used interpretative procedure), to detect signals of creative, hypertextual reworking of another work in a given biblical writing.86 The problem of adequate scholarly interpretation of the Bible, including the Acts of the Apostles, is additionally complicated by the question how typical the Bible is among ancient literary works. Modern biblical methodology assumes that the biblical writings generally resemble other ancient literary works of similar literary genres (biographies, collected biographies, historical narratives, etc.), even if they may have the features of more than one literary genre,87 and therefore it is possible to understand adequately the biblical writings by using methods developed in literary criticism to interpret literary works which belong to a given literary genre or a mixture of them. However, my own research on the phenomenon of sequential hypertextuality in biblical writings shows that the Bible may be quite unique in its extensive, systematic, detailed use of the procedure of sequential hypertextual reworking of earlier texts. Consequently, in order to maintain the standards of interpretative objectivity, the biblical writings should be analysed against the background of other writings of the same kind, so in this case other sequentially organized hypertextual writings, like the books of the Enneateuch and the canonical Gospels, and not other ancient texts of only apparently similar literary genres. Therefore, it can be argued that the Acts of the Apostles can best be understood as a sequential hypertextual reworking of another writing, in this case (similarly to the Gospel of Luke),88 Paul’s Letter to the Galatians.

8 5 Cf. G. D. Miller, ‘Intertextuality’, 298. 86 Cf. G. Hepner, Legal Friction: Law, Narrative, and Identity Politics in Biblical Israel (StBibLit 78; Peter Lang: New York [et al.] 2010), 51: ‘identifying verbal resonances is no less an art than a science.’ 87 See, e.g., A. W. Pitts, ‘The Fowler Fallacy: Biography, History, and the Genre of Luke–​ Acts’, JBL 139 (2020), 341–​359. 88 Cf. B. Adamczewski, Luke, 35–​202.

Chapter 1. The church in Jerusalem (Acts 1–​5; cf. Gal 1:1–​10) The contents of the Lucan major section Acts 1–​5 sequentially, in a hypertextual way illustrate the contents of the Pauline major section Gal 1:1–​10.

1.1. Acts 1 (cf. Gal 1:1–​2) The opening Lucan section Acts 1 sequentially illustrates the main ideas of the corresponding opening Pauline section Gal 1:1–​2. In contrast to the Lucan Gospel, which begins with the opening reference to some previous ‘many’ (Lk 1:1), and only later indirectly refers to the author by means of a personal pronoun in dative (‘me’:  Lk 1:3),1 the narrative of the Acts of the Apostles begins with the opening self-​reference to its author: ‘I made’ (Acts 1:1). In this way, it illustrates the opening self-​reference to the author of the Letter to the Galatians: ‘Paul’ (Gal 1:1a). The motif of the opening reference (μέν) to the first (πρῶτος /​πρότερος) book, which the author already produced (ἐποιησάμην) about (περί) the things that had been done in the beginnings (ἀρχ*), and referring in the vocative to the noble addressee named with a theophoric name (in Acts 1:1 and Lk 1:3 a consciously monotheistic one), was borrowed from Jos. C.Ap. 2.1 and reworked in the process of rhetorical aemulatio (referring to God rather than to Aphrodite). The subsequent, somewhat surprisingly introduced statement concerning Jesus commanding the apostles (ἀπόστολος:  Acts 1:2a; diff:  Lk 24:36–​53:  no such idea and no such word) conceptually and linguistically illustrates Paul’s subsequent remark concerning himself as an apostle (ἀπόστολος: Gal 1:1a). The subsequent, somewhat surprising and ambiguously formulated2 thought that (b) through (διά) the Holy Spirit (diff. Lk 24:49; Acts 1:4–​5:  the Spirit

1 It can be assumed that the Acts of the Apostles is a sequel to the Gospel of Luke, written by the same author. See K. Backhaus, Das lukanische Doppelwerk: Zur literarischen Basis frühchristlicher Geschichtsdeutung (BZNW 240; Walter de Gruyter: Berlin and Boston, 2022), 545–​548. 2 Cf. R. I. Pervo, Acts: A Commentary (Hermeneia; Fortress: Minneapolis, 2009), 36; K. Haacker, Die Apostelgeschichte (TKNT 5; W. Kohlhammer: Stuttgart, 2019), 26; D. Marguerat, Die Apostelgeschichte (KEK 3; Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht: Göttingen, 2022), 60.

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coming later)3 (a) Jesus had chosen the apostles and was taken up to heaven (Acts 1:2a–​c)4 by highlighting the double supernatural origin (the heavenly Jesus and the Holy Spirit) of the apostles’ mission conceptually and linguistically illustrates Paul’s subsequent bipartite statement that he is an apostle (a) neither from men (b) nor through (διά) man (Gal 1:1a). The motif of having been take up (ἀνελήμφθη: Acts 1:2) was borrowed from 2 Kgs 2:11 (cf. 2:9–​10) LXX.5 The subsequent, somewhat surprising after the preceding statement concerning having been taken up (Acts 1:2c),6 idea of (a) Jesus presenting himself alive by many proofs, namely, through (διά) forty days appearing to the apostles, as well as (b) pointing to his earthly identity by speaking about his preferred topic of the kingdom of God,7 eating with the apostles, and referring to his own words which he had spoken to the apostles (Acts 1:3–​5)8 conceptually and linguistically, in a sequential way illustrates Paul’s subsequent thought that he is an apostle (a) through (διά) (b) Jesus (Gal 1:1a).

3 Cf. R. Pietkiewicz, ‘Tra il terzo vangelo e gli Atti degli Apostoli: Uno studio esegetico-​ teologico di Atti 1,1–​2’, ScrSac 13–​14 (2009–​2010), 263–​285 (esp. 280–​281). 4 Cf. M.  B.  Lang, Praesentia Iesu Christi:  Die Apostelgeschichte als christologische Erzählung (HeBS 98; Herder: Freiburg im Breisgau, 2022), 58. 5 Cf. K. D. Litwak, Echoes of Scripture in Luke–​Acts: Telling the History of God’s People Intertextually (JSNTSup 282; T&T Clark: London and New York, 2005), 149–​150; S. Walton, ‘Identity and Christology: The Ascended Jesus in the Book of Acts’, in A. W. White, C. A. Evans, and D. Wenham (eds.), The Earliest Perceptions of Jesus in Context, Festschrift J. Nolland (LNTS 566; Bloomsbury T&T Clark: London and New York, 2018), 129–​147 (esp. 130–​131). 6 Cf. H. J. de Jonge, ‘The Chronology of the Ascension Stories in Luke and Acts’, NTS 59 (2013), 151–​171 (esp. 158). 7 Cf. R. C. Tannehill, The Narrative Unity of Luke–​Acts: A Literary Interpretation, vol. 2, The Acts of the Apostles (Fortress: Minneapolis, 1990), 10; J. D. G. Dunn, ‘The Book of Acts as Salvation History’, in J. Frey, S. Krauter, and H. Lichtenberger (eds.), Heil und Geschichte: Die Geschichtsbezogenheit des Heils und das Problem der Heilsgeschichte in der biblischen Tradition und in der theologischen Deutung (WUNT 248; Mohr Siebeck: Tübingen, 2009), 385–​401 (esp. 389–​390); M. B. Lang, Praesentia Iesu Christi, 60. 8 Cf. D. P. Moessner, ‘The Problem of the Continuity of Acts with Luke, the Church’s Reception of Two Separated Volumes, and the Construction of Luke’s “Theology”: Toward a Theology of Jesus the “Christ” of Israel and the “Lord of All” in the Light of the Worldwide Church (ἡ ἐκκλησία) of Luke’s “Gospel Acts”’, in T. Nicklas [et al.] (eds.), History and Theology in the Gospels: Seventh International East-​West Symposium of New Testament Scholars, Moscow, September 26 to October 1, 2016 (WUNT 447; Mohr Siebeck: Tübingen, 2020), 147–​167 (esp. 152–​153).

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The thought that the risen Jesus appeared (ὀπτ*) to the apostles (τοῖς ἀποστόλοις) during forty days (Acts 1:2–​3), which stands in contrast to the Gospel’s presentation of Jesus as having been carried up into heaven on the day of his resurrection (Lk 24:50–​51),9 reflects the Pauline statement that the risen Jesus appeared (ὤφθ*) stagewise to several groups of his followers: to Cephas, then to the twelve, then to over five hundred brothers at once, then to James, and then to all the apostles (τοῖς ἀποστόλοις: 1 Cor 15:5–​7). The motif of Jesus being alive after his suffering (παθεῖν: Acts 1:3) was borrowed from Mk 8:31 etc. The motif of Jesus mainly speaking about the kingdom of God (ἡ βασιλεία τοῦ θεοῦ: Acts 1:3) was borrowed from Mk 1:15; Lk 9:11; etc. The motif of Jesus commanding the apostles not to leave Jerusalem, but to wait for the promise of the Father (τὴν ἐπαγγελίαν τοῦ πατρός… μου: Acts 1:4) was borrowed from Lk 24:49.10 The motif of John (Ἰωάννης) having merely (μέν) baptized with water (ἐβάπτισ*… ὕδατι), but (δέ) the disciples being baptized (βαπτισ*) with the Holy Spirit (ἐν πνεύματι… ἁγίῳ: Acts 1:5) originates from a conflation of Mk 1:8 (esp. ἐβάπτισ*) with Lk 3:16 (esp. Ἰωάννης + μέν).11 The subsequent, somewhat surprisingly introduced question concerning reestablishing the messianic kingdom to Israel (Acts 1:6;12 cf. Lk 22:30; diff. Acts 1:3: kingdom of God) illustrates Paul’s subsequent remark concerning the Messiah/​Christ (Gal 1:1a). The subsequent thought that (a) it is not for humans (b) to know the things which the Father (πατήρ) established by his own authority (Acts 1:7) conceptually and linguistically, in a sequential way illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of (a) God (b) the Father (πατήρ: Gal 1:1a). The motif of humans not knowing the

Cf. R. I. Pervo, Acts, 37; T. Schumacher, ‘The Lukan Assumption Stories (Luke 24:50–​53; Acts 1:9–​11): Their Narrative Function and Theological Relevance within the Lukan Corpus’, in T. Nicklas [et al.] (eds.), History and Theology, 373–​384 (esp. 373–​374). 10 Cf. R. Pesch, Die Apostelgeschichte, vol. 1, Apg 1–​12 (3rd edn., EKKNT 5/​1; Benzinger:  Düsseldorf and Zürich; Neukirchener:  Neukirchen-​ Vluyn, 2005), 65; R. I. Pervo, Acts, 38; C. Schaefer, Die Zukunft Israels bei Lukas: Biblisch-​frühjüdische Zukunftsvorstellungen im lukanischen Doppelwerk im Vergleich zu Röm 9–​11 (BZNW 190; Walter de Gruyter: Berlin and Boston, 2012), 189–​190. 1 1 Cf. G. Rossé, Atti degli Apostoli: Commento esegetico e teologico (Città Nuova: Roma, 1998), 89–​90; C. Schaefer, Zukunft, 190. 1 2 Cf. K. Haacker, Apostelgeschichte, 28; S. Ruzer, Early Jewish Messianism in the New Testament: Reflections in the Dim Mirror (JCP 36; Brill: Leiden and Boston, 2020), 56; I. W. Oliver, Luke’s Jewish Eschatology: The National Restoration of Israel in Luke–​Acts (Oxford University: New York, NY, 2021), 104. 9

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times (χρόνοι) or determined periods (καιροί) of the eschatological events (Acts 1:7)13 was borrowed from 1 Thes 5:1–​2. The subsequent idea of the disciples receiving the power of the Holy Spirit and being witnesses to Jesus in a series of growing circles (Acts 1:8)14 illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of raising up (Gal 1:1b). The idea of the power (δύναμις) of the Holy (ἁγι*) Spirit (πνεῦμα: Acts 1:8), related to Jesus’ resurrection from the dead (Gal 1:1b), was borrowed from Rom 1:4. The subsequent idea of (a) a cloud actively (diff. Lk 24:51: only pass.)15 taking up (b) him (αὐτόν), namely Jesus, (c) away from the eyes of the disciples,16 who longed for him but were comforted by the resurrection-​related men (cf. Lk 24:4–​ 5) that he would return (Acts 1:9–​11),17 conceptually and linguistically, in a sequential way illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of the Father (a) raising up (b) him (αὐτόν), namely Jesus, (c) from the dead (Gal 1:1b). The motif of having been taken up (ἀναλημφθ*) from (ἀπό) the disciples into heaven (εἰς τὸν οὐρανόν: Acts 1:9–​11) was borrowed from 2 Kgs 2:9–​11 LXX18 to illustrate Paul’s idea of raising up Jesus (Gal 1:1b). Likewise, the motif of suddenly appearing two men (ἰδοὺ ἄνδρες δύο), who stood by (*ίστημι) the witnesses (αὐτ*ῖς) in garments (ἐν ἐσθη*ι) which were white, and who asked (εἶπαν) the witnesses originating from Galilee (Γαλιλαί*) what (τί) they were doing (*τε), so that the witnesses returned (ὑπ*στρεψα*) from (ἀπό) the place of the miracle (Acts 1:10–​12),19 was borrowed from Lk 24:4–​6.920 and conflated with Mk 16:5 (λευκός) to illustrate Paul’s idea of raising up Jesus from the dead (Gal 1:1b). 13 Cf. S. Walton, ‘Identity and Christology’, 136–​137; K. Crabbe, Luke/​Acts and the End of History (BZNW 238; Walter de Gruyter: Berlin and Boston, 2019), 120–​122; D. Marguerat, Apostelgeschichte, 64. 14 Cf. P.-​B. Smit, ‘Negotiating a New World View in Acts 1.8? A Note on the Expression ἕως ἐσχάτου τῆς γῆς’, NTS 63 (2017), 1–​22 (esp. 11); S. Walton, ‘What Does “Mission” in Acts Mean in Relation to the “Powers That Be”?’, in id., Reading Acts Theologically (LNTS 661; T&T Clark: London, New York and Dublin, 2022), 123–​142 (esp. 128). 15 Cf. M. B. Lang, Praesentia Iesu Christi,  70–​71. 16 Cf. R. Pesch, Apostelgeschichte, vol. 1, 73; G. Rossé, Atti, 99, n. 102. 17 Cf. J. Roloff, Die Apostelgeschichte (NTD 5; Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht: Göttingen, 1981), 24. 18 Cf. A. Barbi, ‘Il rapporto Gesù–​Elia nell’opera lucana’, RivB 63 (2015), 69–​99 (esp. 83); C. R. Holladay, Acts: A Commentary (NTL; Westminster John Knox: Louisville, KY, 2016), 75; D. Marguerat, Apostelgeschichte, 72. 19 Cf. W. Wasiak, ‘Two Accounts –​One Ascension: Luke 24:50–​53 and Acts 1:9–​11’, BibAn 12 (2022), 369–​391 (esp. 376). 20 Cf. C. Schaefer, Zukunft, 196, 198.

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The idea of being taken up in a cloud (νεφέλη: Acts 1:9) could have been borrowed from 1 Thes 4:17. The motif of the apostles being Galileans (Γαλιλαῖος: Acts 1:11) was borrowed from Mk 14:70 etc. The subsequent ideas of (a) the disciples returning from the nearby mount called Olivet (Acts 1:12) and (καί) going up to the upper storey, so remaining still oriented upwards (diff. Lk 24:53: in the temple), (b) the one (ὁ)21 (c) Peter and John and James (cf. Gal 2:9: the three with Paul;22 diff. Lk 6:14: Peter with Andrew) as well as other apostles arranged in pairs with one another (Acts 1:12–​13; esp. 1:13),23 conceptually and linguistically, in a sequential way illustrate Paul’s subsequent remark, (a) ‘and (καί) (b) the ones (οἱ) (c) with me’ (Gal 1:2a). The motif of the mount (ὄρους) called Olivet (Ἐλαιῶνος:  Acts 1:12; diff. Zech 14:4 LXX; Mk 11:1; etc.: τὸ ὄρος τῶν ἐλαιῶν) was borrowed from Jos. Ant. 7.202 and conflated with Jos. B.J. 2.262; 5.70 (καλούμενον). The thought that the Mount of Olives is close (ἐγγ*) to Jerusalem could have been borrowed from Mk 11:1 etc. However, the idea that it was distanced (*έχω) from Jerusalem about half a mile (Acts 1:12) was borrowed from Jos. Ant. 20.169. The idea of the distance of a Sabbath day’s journey (Acts 1:12), which presumably amounted to a thousand cubits, could have been borrowed from CD 10:21. The list of the apostles (Acts 1:13) was borrowed from Lk 6:14–​16 and reworked to suit the ideas of Gal 1:2a. In particular, in Acts 1:13 Peter is followed by John (cf. Lk 8:51; 9:28; 22:8; Acts 3:1.3–​4.11; 4:13.19; 8:14),24 so that the problematic character of James is gradually eliminated (cf. Acts 12:2). The subsequent idea of these all (πάντες) acting with one mind (Acts 1:14) conceptually and linguistically illustrates Paul’s subsequent remark concerning

21 The use of the article before the name of a character mentioned for the first time in the book of Acts is rather unusual. Cf. J. Read-​Heimerdinger, Luke in His Own Words: A Study of the Language of Luke–​Acts in Greek (LNTS 672; T&T Clark: London, New York and Dublin, 2022), 26. 22 Cf. R. I. Pervo, Acts, 47. 23 For this reason, Luke arranged in one pair the similarly ending names of Βαρθολομαῖος and Μαθθαῖος, so that Θωμᾶς was placed as a ‘twin’ of Φίλιππος (Acts 1:13; diff. Lk 6:14–​15). 24 Cf. G. Schneider, Die Apostelgeschichte, vol. 1, Einleitung, Kommentar zu Kap. 1,1 –​8,40 (HThKNT 5/​1; Herder: Freiburg, Basel and Wien, 1980), 206, n. 67; K. Haacker, Apostelgeschichte, 39; H. K. Bond, ‘When Supporting Characters Move to Centre Stage: Peter in Mark and Luke–​Acts’, in J. M. Lieu (ed.), Peter in the Early Church: Apostle –​Missionary –​Church Leader (BETL 325; Peeters: Leuven, Paris and Bristol, CT, 2021), 47–​62 (esp. 59, n. 27).

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all (πάντες) his companions (Gal 1:2a). The motif of the believers devoting themselves (προσκαρτεροῦντες) to prayer (τῇ προσευχῇ:  Acts 1:14) was borrowed from Rom 12:12.25 Likewise, the motif of the believers acting with one mind (ὁμοθυμαδόν: Acts 1:14) was borrowed from Rom 15:6.26 The subsequent remark concerning women and the somewhat surprisingly appearing in Judaea Jesus’ relatives: Mary (cf. Lk 2:34: Μαριάμ) the mother of Jesus and his brothers (ἀδελφοί: Acts 1:14; cf. Lk 8:19–​21),27 as well as the statement concerning Peter standing in the midst of the brothers (ἀδελφοί:  Acts 1:14–​15b; esp. 1:15a) conceptually and linguistically illustrate Paul’s subsequent remark concerning those being with him being regarded as brothers (ἀδελφοί: Gal 1:2a). The idea of James the Lord’s brother being among the witnesses of Jesus’ resurrection (Acts 1:14) was borrowed from 1 Cor 15:7. The idea of the apostles and James remaining for many years in Jerusalem (Acts 1:13–​14; 2:42–​43; 4:33–​37; 9:27; 11:1; 15:4; 21:18; etc.) is clearly post-​ Pauline. According to the Gospel of Mark, the apostles came from Galilee to Jerusalem just for a few days (Mk 11:1–​16:7), during which they spent nights outside the city (Mk 11:19.27), presumably on the Mount of Olives (Mk 13:3) or in Gethsemane (Mk 14:32), and then they were ordered by Jesus to go back to Galilee (Mk 14:28; 16:7). Therefore, it would be very surprising for them to resolve to remain for many years in the strange and hostile for them city of Jerusalem (where?, with whom?, what for?), especially after the public crucifixion of their Master, with whom they were clearly related (cf. Mk 14:66–​72). Hence, the Lucan image of the apostles and James remaining for many years in Jerusalem after the crucifixion of Jesus reflects the data of Paul’s letters. According to the Letter to the Galatians, which aimed at showing Paul’s independence from Jerusalem (Gal 1:12.16), every time he came to Jerusalem he met or at least hoped to meet there the apostles and James, who quite naturally always lived there (Gal 1:17; 1:18–​19; 2:1–​9) and were in a position to welcome guests in their homes, even for longer than the customary three days (Gal 1:18). Luke evidently followed the data of Paul’s letters concerning the apostles and James always, for many years, living in Jerusalem. In this way, he corrected the unhistorical Marcan image of Jesus and the apostles always living in Galilee, and coming

25 Cf. P. N. Tarazi, The New Testament: An Introduction, vol. 2, Luke and Acts (St Vladimir’s Seminary: Crestwood, NY, 2001), 189, n. 10. 26 Cf. ibid., vol. 2, 190, n. 11. 27 Cf. R. Pesch, Apostelgeschichte, vol. 1, 81; K. Haacker, Apostelgeschichte, 39.

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from Galilee to Jerusalem just for a few days, spending nights somewhere outside the city. The subsequent, apparently redundant statement that the crowd of the names who were at the same place numbered about a hundred and twenty (Acts 1:15c), so twelve times the number which was required for the smallest full religious assembly (cf. CD 13:2; 1QS 6:3–​6),28 illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of the churches (plur.), presumably located in the same region (Gal 1:2b). The thought that a group of ten men required one special person with them, so that 120 ‘brothers’ required 12 apostles (Acts 1:15.26), was borrowed from CD 13:2; 1QS 6:3–​6 and reworked by substituting Jewish priests (CD 13:2; 1QS 6:3–​6) with Christian apostles (Acts 1:26). The concluding account of rejecting the Jewish apostle Judas (Acts 1:16–​20) and giving the allotment (κλῆρος; cf. Acts 1:17)29 not to the apparently ‘righteous’ candidate with the scriptural name Joseph, the Aramaic surname Bar-​ sabbas, and the Latin surname Justus (‘just’), but to the grace-​related Matthias (‘gift of Yahweh’: Acts 1:16–​26; esp. 1:23–​26) illustrates Paul’s concluding remark concerning Galatia (Gal 1:2b), regarded as obtaining righteousness and inheritance (κληρο*) not through the Jewish law (Gal 3:18 etc.) but through God’s grace (Gal 2:21; 5:4; etc.). The motif of stating that the Scripture (γραφή) had to be fulfilled (πληρωθ*: Acts 1:16) was borrowed from Mk 14:49 etc. The motif of the Scripture in a prophetic way foretelling (προλέγω) something (Acts 1:16) was borrowed from Rom 9:29. The motif of the Holy Spirit (τὸ πνεῦμα τὸ ἅγιον) having spoken (*εῖπεν) through David (Δαυίδ: Acts 1:16) was borrowed from Mk 12:36. The ethopoeic ‘Petrine’ idea of obtaining spiritual heritage with ‘us’ (ἡμῖν) by lot (λαγχάνω:  Acts 1:17) was borrowed from an ethopoeic letter attributed to Peter (2 Pet 1:1). Likewise, the ethopoeic ‘Petrine’ phrase μισθὸς… ἀδικίας (Acts 1:18) was borrowed from an ethopoeic letter attributed to Peter (2 Pet 2:13.15). The quotations from the book of Psalms (Acts 1:20) were borrowed from Ps 69[68]:26 LXX (γενηθήτω ἡ ἔπαυλις αὐτ* + ἐρημο* + καί + μὴ ἔστω ὁ κατοικῶν + ἐν) and from Ps 109[108]:8 LXX (καί τὴν ἐπισκοπὴν αὐτοῦ λαβ* ἕτερος).30 28 Cf. R. Pesch, Apostelgeschichte, vol. 1, 87; A. W. Zwiep, Judas and the Choice of Matthias: A Study on Context and Concern of Acts 1:15–​26 (WUNT 2.187; Mohr Siebeck: Tübingen, 2004), 133. 29 Cf. J. M. August, ‘“Casting Lots”? An Alternate Reading of Acts 1:26’, BBR 31 (2021), 356–​367 (esp. 367). 30 Cf. M. G. Whitlock, ‘Acts 1:15–​26 and the Craft of New Testament Poetry’, CBQ 77 (2015), 87–​106 (esp. 96–​101); P. Costa, ‘Il primo «atto» di Pietro: Analisi narrativa di

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The statement that they cast lots (καὶ… κλήρους), and the lot fell on a Gentiles-​ related messenger (καὶ ἔπεσεν ὁ κλῆρος ἐπί:  Acts 1:26; cf. Gal 1:2b) was borrowed from Jonah 1:7 LXX.31 The motif of accepting a new member of the community according to a lot which fell on him (Acts 1:26) was borrowed from 1QS 6:16.18.21–​22.

1.2. Acts 2 (cf. Gal 1:3–​4) The Lucan section Acts 2 sequentially illustrates the main ideas of the corresponding Pauline section Gal 1:3–​4. The opening account of the believers32 speaking (λαλέω) in tongues (γλώσσαις: Acts 2:1–​4c; esp. 2:4c) with the use of the Pauline motif of speaking (λαλέω) in tongues (γλώσσαις:  1  Cor 12:30; 13:1; etc.), a phenomenon which was regarded by Paul as one of the gifts of grace (χάρισμα: 1 Cor 12:31), illustrates Paul’s opening idea of grace (χάρις: Gal 1:3). The motif of the festival of Pentecost as the day of accepting new members to the community (Acts 2:1.41) was probably borrowed from the Damascus Document (4Q266 11:17; cf. 1QS 2:19–​3:12). The motif of the community being gathered in one place (ἐπὶ τὸ αὐτό: Acts 2:1; cf. 1:15), and all (πάντες) speaking (λαλέω) in tongues (γλώσσαις:  Acts 2:4) was borrowed from 1 Cor 14:23.33 Likewise, the motif of the believers sitting (καθημεν*: Acts 2:2), as in an assembly of the community, was borrowed from 1 Cor 14:30. The motif of the Holy Spirit (Acts 2:4) being related to fire (πῦρ: Acts 2:3) was borrowed from Lk 3:16.34 The motif of the manifestation of the Spirit (Acts 2:4), for example in the form of a tongue (γλῶσσα: Acts 2:3–​4),

31 32 33 34

At 1,16–​22’, RivB 67 (2019), 115–​138 (esp. 127–​134); A. W. Zwiep, ‘Haggadic Motifs in the Acts of the Apostles: A Search for Traces of the Tradition of the Elders in Acts 1–​3’, in R. D. Aus (ed.), Haggadah in Early Judaism and the New Testament (WUNT 461; Mohr Siebeck: Tübingen, 2021), 307–​333 (esp. 321). Cf. J. A. Fitzmyer, The Acts of the Apostles: A New Translation with Introduction and Commentary (AB 31; Doubleday: New York, 1998), 228; A. W. Zwiep, Judas, 99. Cf. J. A. Fitzmyer, Acts, 238; D. L. Bock, Acts (BECNT; Baker Academic: Grand Rapids, MI, 2007), 94; C. S. Keener, Acts: An Exegetical Commentary, vol. 1, Introduction and 1:1–​2:47 (Baker Academic: Grand Rapids, MI, 2012), 795. Cf. R. I. Pervo, Acts, 64. Cf. R. C. Tannehill, Narrative Unity, vol. 2, 26; L. T. Johnson, The Acts of the Apostles (SP 5; Liturgical: Collegeville, MN, 1992), 42; C. K. Barrett, A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the Acts of the Apostles, vol. 1, Preliminary Introduction and Commentary on Acts I–​XIV (ICC; T&T Clark: Edinburgh, 1994), 114.

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being given to each one (ἕκαστος) in the community (Acts 2:3) was borrowed from 1 Cor 14:26 (cf. 12:7.11). The motif of the Spirit (πνεῦμα) giving the gift of tongues (γλῶσσαι: Acts 2:4) was borrowed from 1 Cor 12:10–​11; 14:2; etc.35 and conflated with that of speaking (λαλέω) in tongues (γλώσσαις: Acts 2:4; cf. 2:11; 10:46; 19:6), which was borrowed from the thematically related texts 1 Cor 12:30; 13:1; etc. The subsequent, apparently redundant idea of the Spirit giving charisms to them (αὐτοῖς), that is, to the believers (Acts 2:4de) conceptually and linguistically illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of grace being given to you (ὑμῖν), that is, to the addressees (Gal 1:3). The motif of the Spirit (τὸ πνεῦμα) giving (δίδωμι) charisms to the believers (Acts 2:4) was borrowed from 1 Cor 2:7–​8. The subsequent idea of the Jews who witnessed the phenomenon of speaking in tongues originating allegedly from every nation under heaven (Acts 2:5), but in fact from the countries located east of the Aegean Sea, with the exception of Jews and proselytes in Rome (Acts 2:5–​13; esp. 2:9–​11), so generally not from the regions evangelized by Paul (especially Galatia, Macedonia, and Achaea: cf. 1 Cor 16:1–​7),36 with the use of the idea of the separation of Jewish and Gentile Christian missionary areas (Gal 2:9) illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of peace (Gal 1:3). The motif of the gift of tongues as referring to foreign languages (Acts 2:6.11) is a Lucan reworking of the original Pauline motif of glossolalia as a prayer gift (1 Cor 14:2 etc.). The motif of the believers being Galileans (Γαλιλαῖος: Acts 2:7; cf. 1:11) was borrowed from Mk 14:70 etc. The motif of the jurisdiction of the Jerusalem community reaching Cappadocia (Καππαδοκία), Pontus (Πόντος), and Asia (Ἀσία: Acts 2:9) was borrowed from 1  Pet 1:1 and reworked with the use of the traditional motif of the fundamental cultural-​political difference between Asia and Europe (cf. Herodotus, Hist. 1.4; 1.6; 3.80–​82; 7.136; etc.). The motif of all people being amazed (ἐξίσταντο δὲ πάντες: Acts 2:12) was borrowed from Lk 2:47 (cf. Mk 2:12). The thought that the believers drank sweet must (Acts 2:13) would be plausible in September, when grapes are ripe (cf. Jos. Ant. 2.64), but it is implausible at the time of the May festival of Pentecost (cf. Acts 2:1).37 Therefore, its

35 Cf. N. Lüke, Über die narrative Kohärenz zwischen Apostelgeschichte und Paulusbriefen (TANZ 62; Narr Francke Attempto: Tübingen, 2019), 166. 36 Cf. J. Roloff, Apostelgeschichte, 45; P. Blajer, ‘Czy Duch Święty jest bohaterem Dziejów Apostolskich na równi z apostołami?’, BPT 15 (2022) no. 1, 9–​25 (esp. 15, n. 17). 37 Cf. K. Haacker, Apostelgeschichte, 52.

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meaning cannot be literal. It rather alludes to the motif of a priest blessing new wine (1QS 6:4–​6; 1QSa 2:17–​20), especially in the presence of the Messiah of Israel (1QSa 2:12.14.20). Accordingly, the use of the motif of drinking sweet new wine (Acts 2:13) allusively points to the presence of the Messiah of Israel among the believers. The subsequent account of Peter pointing to (a) the activity of God (θεός: Acts 2:17b; diff. Joel 3:1 LXX: no such remark)38 (b) in the sons, daughters, and young men (Acts 2:17de; diff. Joel 3:1 LXX: old men first), and (c) in the male slaves of him (μου) and female slaves of him (μου: Acts 2:18a; diff. Joel 3:2 LXX: no possessive pronoun)39 with the use of the consciously reworked quotation from the prophet Joel (Acts 2:14–​19; esp. 2:17–​19) conceptually and linguistically, in a sequential way illustrates Paul’s subsequent remark concerning (a) God (θεός) (b) the Father (c) of us (ἡμῶν: Gal 1:3). The motif of exhorting to give ear (ἐνωτισα*) to one’s words (τὰ ῥήματά μου: Acts 2:14) was borrowed from Ps 5:2 LXX etc. The quotation from the prophet Joel (Acts 2:17–​19) was almost verbatim borrowed from Joel 3:1–​3 LXX, slightly reworked by (a) adding a reference to God (θεός), (b) placing the reference to the youth (οἱ νεανίσκοι) before that to the elders (οἱ πρεσβύτεροι), and (c) adding the possessive pronoun μου after δούλους and δούλας,40 in fact to suit the sequence of references to (a) God (θεός) (b) the Father (c) of us (ἡμῶν) in Gal 1:3. Moreover, it was conflated with Isa 2:2 LXX (ἔσται ἐν ταῖς ἐσχάταις ἡμέραις)41 and Deut 4:39 LXX (ἐν τῷ οὐρανῷ ἄνω καὶ… ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς κάτω). The subsequent genitival references to the Lord (κυρίου: Acts 2:20–​21) in the quotation verbatim taken from the following text Joel 3:4–​5c LXX, just like in Rom 10:1342 (but using the rest of Joel 3:5 LXX with its nominatival references to

38 Cf. J. Kucicki, The Function of the Speeches in the Acts of the Apostles: A Key to Interpretation of Luke’s Use of Speeches in Acts (BibInt 158; Brill: Leiden and Boston, 2018), 60, n. 8; M. Meiser, ‘Septuagint Quotations in Acts’, in id., The Septuagint and Its Reception (WUNT 482; Mohr Siebeck: Tübingen, 2022), 187–​216 (esp. 191). 39 Cf. M. Meiser, ‘Septuagint Quotations’, 192. 40 Cf. C. M. Blumhofer, ‘Luke’s Alteration of Joel 3.1–​5 in Acts 2.17–​21’, NTS 62 (2016), 499–​516 (esp. 508–​509, 512). 41 Cf. ibid., 504–​505. 42 Cf. H.-​S. Kim, Die Geisttaufe des Messias: Eine kompositionsgeschichtliche Untersuchung zu einem Leitmotiv des lukanischen Doppelwerks: Ein Beitrag zur Theologie und Intention des Lukas (SKP 81; Peter Lang: Frankfurt am Main, 1993), 193; G. Rossé, Atti, 147; R. B. Hays, ‘The Paulinism of Acts, Intertextually Reconsidered’, in D. P. Moessner [et al.] (eds.), Paul and the Heritage of Israel: Paul’s Claim upon Israel’s Legacy in Luke and

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κύριος in Acts 2:39),43 conceptually and linguistically illustrate Paul’s subsequent genitival reference to the Lord (κυρίου: Gal 1:3). The subsequent, somewhat surprisingly formulated remark concerning (a) Jesus (Ἰησοῦς) (b) the messianic ‘Nazorean’ (Acts 2:22; cf. Isa 11:1 MT: ‫ ;נצר‬Lk 18:37–​38: ‘Nazorean’ as the ‘son of David’) conceptually and linguistically, in a sequential way illustrates Paul’s subsequent remark concerning (a) Jesus (Ἰησοῦς) (b) the Messiah/​Christ (Gal 1:3). The motif of demonstrating authority to you (ὑμεῖς), the addressees, by deeds of power (δυνάμεσι), wonders (καὶ τέρασι), and signs (σημείοις: Acts 2:22) was borrowed from 2  Cor 12:12 (cf. Rom 15:19). The motif of being active in the midst of the addressees (ἐν μέσῳ ὑμῶν), as they know (καθὼς οἴδατε: Acts 2:22), was borrowed from 1 Thes 2:5.7. The subsequent creedal account concerning Jesus being given up (ἔκδοτος: Acts 2:23) and crucified (Acts 2:23–​36; esp. 2:36c) illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of Jesus having given (δόντος) himself (Gal 1:4a). Luke reworked this Pauline idea by adding numerous references to Jesus’ resurrection (Acts 2:24–​36b), presumably because of his obedience and righteousness,44 within the inclusio of statements concerning Jesus’ being given up and crucified (Acts 2:23.36c).45 The motif of Jesus’ fate having been determined (ὁρισ*) and foreknown (προ*) by God (Acts 2:23) was borrowed from Rom 1:2.4.46 The motif of the pangs of death (ὠδῖνες… θανάτου: Acts 2:24) was borrowed from 2 Sam 22:6; Ps 18[17]:5; 116[114]:3 LXX.47 The quotation from ‘David’48 (Acts 2:25–​28; cf. 2:31) was verbatim borrowed from Ps 16[15]:8–​11 LXX.49 The statement that David

43 44

45 46 4 7 48 49

Acts in the Light of the Pauline Letters (LNTS 452; T&T Clark: London and New York, 2012), 35–​48 (esp. 38). Cf. D. Rusam, Das Alte Testament bei Lukas (BZNW 112; Walter de Gruyter: Berlin and New York, 2003), 328; C. M. Blumhofer, ‘Luke’s Alteration’, 511, n. 35. Cf. B. D. Crowe, The Hope of Israel: The Resurrection of Christ in the Acts of the Apostles (Baker Academic: Grand Rapids, MI, 2020), 29; M. Cuany, ‘The Divine Necessity of the Resurrection: A Re-​Assessment of the Use of Psalm 16 in Acts 2’, NTS 66 (2020), 392–​405 (esp. 401–​404). Cf. C.  S.  Keener, Acts, vol. 1, 864; B.  J.  Wilson, The Saving Cross of the Suffering Christ: The Death of Jesus in Lukan Soteriology (BZNW 223: Walter de Gruyter: Berlin and Boston, 2016), 194; D. Marguerat, Apostelgeschichte, 121. Cf. P. N. Tarazi, Introduction, vol. 2, 191. Cf. D. L. Bock, Acts, 122; B. D. Crowe, Hope, 25. Cf. S. Ruzer, Early Jewish Messianism, 57. Cf. D. Rusam, Das Alte Testament, 305–​306; D. P. Moessner, ‘Luke’s “Plan of God” from the Greek Psalter: The Rhetorical Thrust of “The Prophets and the Psalms” in Peter’s

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died (καὶ ἐτελεύτησεν: Acts 2:29) was borrowed from 1 Chr 29:28 LXX. Likewise, the statement that David was buried (καὶ ἐτάφη: Acts 2:29) was borrowed from 1 Kgs 2:10 LXX. The thought that the tomb (μνῆμα) of David (Δαυίδ) was known in the times of Jesus (Acts 2:29) was borrowed from Jos. Ant. 7.393–​394. The motif of God swearing (ὤμοσεν) to David that of the fruit of (ἐκ καρποῦ τῆς) his body, God will make him sit on the throne (ἐπὶ τὸν θρόνον) of David (Acts 2:30) was borrowed from Ps 132[131]:11 LXX.50 The motif of the risen Jesus being at the right hand of God (δεξιᾷ… τοῦ θεοῦ: Acts 2:33) was borrowed from Rom 8:34. The motif of the risen Jesus being exalted (*ὑψόω: Acts 2:33) was borrowed from Phlp 2:9. The motif of receiving (λαβ*) the promise of the Spirit (τήν… ἐπαγγελίαν τοῦ πνεύματος: Acts 2:33) was borrowed from Gal 3:14. The motif of pouring out (ἐξέχεεν) the Holy Spirit (πνεύματος… ἁγίου:  Acts 2:33) was borrowed from Tit 3:5–​6. The motif of a human not going up (ἀναβαίνω) to (εἰς) heaven (ὁ οὐρανός: Acts 2:34) was borrowed from Rom 10:6. The second quotation from ‘David’51 (Acts 2:34–​35) was verbatim borrowed from Ps 110[109]:1 LXX,52 a text which was earlier used in the context of the resurrection by Paul in 1 Cor 15:25.53 The motif of all the house of Israel (πᾶς οἶκος Ἰσραήλ: Acts 2:36) was borrowed from Num 20:29 LXX etc. The confession that Jesus is Lord (κύριος) and Messiah/​Christ (Χριστός: Acts 2:36) was borrowed from Phlp 2:11 etc. The subsequent idea of Jesus remitting the addressees’ sins (τῶν ἁμαρτιῶν ὑμῶν: Acts 2:37–​39; esp. 2:38) conceptually and linguistically illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of Jesus acting for our sins (τῶν ἁμαρτιῶν ἡμῶν: Gal 1:4a). The motif of being cut (κατανύσσομαι) to the heart (ἡ καρδία:  Acts 2:37) was probably borrowed from Ps 109[108]:16 LXX.54 The motif of asking what the hearers should do (τί ποιήσω*: Acts 2:37) could have been borrowed from Mk 10:17. Likewise, the exhortation to repent (μετανοέω: Acts 2:38) was borrowed from Mk 1:15; 6:12 and conflated with the motif of preaching repentance (μετανο*) for the forgiveness of sins (εἰς ἄφεσιν… ἁμαρτιῶν:  Mk 1:4).

50 51 52 53 54

Speech at Pentecost’, in P. Gray and G. R. O’Day (eds.), Scripture and Traditions, Festschrift C. R. Holladay (NovTSup 129; Brill: Leiden and Boston, 2008), 223–​238 (esp. 223–​225); M. Cuany, ‘Divine Necessity’, 394, 399. Cf. D. Rusam, Das Alte Testament, 312. Cf. S. Ruzer, Early Jewish Messianism,  57–​58. Cf. D. Rusam, Das Alte Testament, 320–​321. Cf. R. B. Hays, ‘Paulinism’, 39. Cf. C. K. Barrett, Acts, vol. 1, 153; J. A. Fitzmyer, Acts, 265; G. Rossé, Atti, 158, n. 177.

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The motif of being baptized (βαπτισθη*) in the name of Jesus (Ἰησοῦς) Christ (Χριστός: Acts 2:38) was borrowed from Rom 6:3 and conflated with 1 Cor 1:13 (βαπτισθη* + τὸ ὄνομα). The motif of the believers receiving (λαμβάνω) the gift of the Spirit (πνεῦμα: Acts 2:38; cf. 2:33) was borrowed from Gal 3:2 etc. The subsequent idea of the believers (a) being saved (b) from this generation, which is (c) crooked (Acts 2:40), sequentially illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of Jesus (a) delivering us (b) from the present age, which is (c) evil (Gal 1:4b). The motif of being saved (σω*) from the crooked generation (γενεᾶς… σκολιᾶς: Acts 2:40) was borrowed from Phlp 2:12.15. The subsequent idea of the believers of their own will, consciously accepting God’s plan (Acts 2:41; cf. 2:38–​40),55 devoting themselves to the apostles’ teaching and the community of goods, to the breaking of bread and the prayers (Acts 2:41–​45; esp. 2:42) illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of the presumably divine will (Gal 1:4b). The motif of the believers devoting themselves to (προσκαρτεροῦντες τῇ) prayer (προσευχή: Acts 2:42) was borrowed from Rom 12:12. The motif of recognizing Christians in the breaking of bread (τῇ κλάσει τοῦ ἄρτου: Acts 2:42) was borrowed from Lk 24:35.56 The motif of the apostolic wonders and signs (τέρατα καὶ σημεῖα: Acts 2:43) was borrowed from Rom 15:19. The idealistic motif of having everything common (κοινά: Acts 2:44), widespread in antiquity,57 could have been borrowed from Jos. Ant. 18.20, but also from 1QS 6:19. However, the motif of sharing (κοινωνία:  Acts 2:42; cf. 2:44: κοινά) originates from Paul’s idea of sharing (κοινωνία) goods with other believers, especially in Judaea (2 Cor 8:4; 9:13; Rom 15:26; cf. Gal 6:6). The motif of sharing goods according to the need (χρεία) of every believer (Acts 2:45) was likewise borrowed from Rom 12:13.

55 Cf. L. T. Johnson, Acts, 60–​61; D. L. Bock, Acts, 146–​147; M. Celarc, ‘Narrative summaries in Acts of the Apostles: Reading of the first summary account (2:42–​47)’, BPT 14 (2021) no. 2, 145–​163 (esp. 152). 56 Cf. L. T. Johnson, Acts, 58; J. A. Fitzmyer, Acts, 270; D. L. Bock, Acts, 150. 57 Cf. D. A. Hume, The Early Christian Community: A Narrative Analysis of Acts 2:41–​47 and 4:32–​35 (WUNT 2.298; Mohr Siebeck: Tübingen, 2011), 98; D. Marguerat, ‘Meals in Acts’, in id., Paul in Acts and Paul in His Letters (WUNT 310; Mohr Siebeck: Tübingen, 2013), 148–​161 (esp. 150); S. Walton, ‘Primitive Communism in Acts? Does Acts Present the Community of Goods (2:44–​45; 4:32–​35) as Mistaken?’, in id., Reading Acts Theologically, 63–​73 (esp. 67).

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The concluding idea of the believers (a) worshipping and praising God (θεός: Acts 2:46–​47a), (b) and (καί) (c) having favour towards58 all the people, as well as (d) being saved and increasingly numerous (Acts 2:46–​47; esp. 2:47b–​d) conceptually and linguistically, in a sequential way illustrates Paul’s concluding remark concerning (a) God (θεός) (b) and (καί) (c) the Father (d) of us, that is, the believers (Gal 1:4b). The motif of worshipping with one mind (ὁμοθυμαδόν: Acts 2:46) was borrowed from Rom 15:6. The motif of breaking (κλάω) bread (ἄρτον: Acts 2:46) was borrowed from Mk 14:22 etc. The motif of a house church (κατ᾽ οἶκον: Acts 2:46) was borrowed from 1 Cor 16:19; Rom 16:5; Phlm 2 (cf. Col 4:15). The motif of praising (αἰνέω) God (τὸν θεόν: Acts 2:47) was borrowed from Ps 147:12[1] LXX. The motif of the believers regarded as those who are being saved (οἱ σῳζόμενοι: Acts 2:47) was borrowed from 1 Cor 1:18; 2 Cor 2:15.

1.3. Acts 3 (cf. Gal 1:5) The Lucan section Acts 3 sequentially illustrates the main ideas of the corresponding Pauline section Gal 1:5. The opening account of healing a lame man in the name of Jesus Christ (Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ: Acts 3:6), in a way imitating Jesus (Acts 3:1–​11; esp. 3:7–​8),59 illustrates Paul’s opening reference to ‘whom’ (Gal 1:5), that is, as was evidently understood by Luke, to Jesus Christ (Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ: cf. Gal 1:3–​4). The somewhat surprising Lucan motif of Peter (Πέτρος) and John (Ἰωάννης) as the leaders of the Jerusalem community (Acts 3:1; cf. Lk 22:8; Acts 3:3–​4.11; 4:13.19; 8:14)60 was borrowed from Gal 2:7–​9. Luke reworked this Pauline idea by omitting the controversial character of James, who appears in the Acts of the Apostles under his own name (and not that of the brother of John: Acts 1:13; 12:2) not earlier than in Acts 12:17 (cf. 15:13; 21:18). The motif of prayer of the ninth (ἐνάτην) hour (ὥραν: Acts 3:1) was borrowed from Jos. Ant. 14.65 and reworked by Luke in a way typical of him, namely, by

58 Cf. D. Marguerat, Apostelgeschichte, 136. For the problems with the meaning of the preposition πρός in Acts 2:47, see also J. Noble, ‘The Meaning of ἔχοντες χάριν πρός in Acts 2.47: Resolving Some Recent Confusion’, NTS 64 (2018), 573–​579. 59 Cf. G.  Rossé, Atti, 178; H.  J.  Sellner, Das Heil Gottes:  Studien zur Soteriologie des lukanischen Doppelwerks (BZNW 152; Walter de Gruyter:  Berlin and New York, 2007), 275. 60 Cf. C. K. Barrett, Acts, vol. 1, 175; H. K. Bond, ‘When Supporting Characters’, 59, n. 27.

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substituting the idea of sacrifice with that of prayer (Acts 3:1).61 Likewise, the motif of a particularly beautiful gate (πύλη: Acts 3:10; cf. 3:2) was probably borrowed from Jos. B.J. 5.201, 205. The motif of Peter having no silver or gold (ἀργύριον καὶ χρυσίον: Acts 3:6) was borrowed from an ethopoeic letter attributed to Peter (1 Pet 1:18). Moreover, it reflects the Pauline motif of the Jerusalem community being regarded as the poor ones (Rom 15:26; Gal 2:10a). However, it primarily reflects, in a typically Lucan, corrective way, Paul’s statement that the Jerusalem pillars requested financial support for the Jerusalem community (Gal 2:10a), a request which was regarded by Paul (Gal 2:10bc), and consequently by Luke, as shameful. The motif of undergoing Christian initiation in the name of Jesus Christ (ἐν τῷ ὀνόματι… Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ:  Acts 3:6) was borrowed from 1  Cor 6:11. The motif of commanding a lame man to rise up and walk (ἔγειρε καὶ περιπάτει: Acts 3:6) was borrowed from Mk 2:9 par. Lk 5:23. The somewhat redundant idea of Peter taking the man by his right hand (δεξιά: Acts 3:7; diff. Mk 9:27; Lk 6:6–​ 10) probably alludes to Paul’s statement concerning Peter giving his right hand (δεξιά) to Paul and Barnabas (Gal 2:9). The motif of taking a man by his hand (χειρός) and raising him (ἤγειρεν αὐτόν), like Jesus did, so that the men stood up (καὶ *έστη: Acts 3:7–​8), was borrowed from Mk 9:27. The thought that a healed person stood up and walked (*έστη… καὶ περιεπάτει: Acts 3:8) was borrowed from Mk 5:42. The motif of a lame man (χωλός: Acts 3:2) leaping (ἅλλομαι: Acts 3:8) was borrowed from Isa 35:6 LXX. The motif of praising (αἰνέω) God (τὸν θεόν: Acts 3:8–​9) was borrowed from Ps 147:12[1] LXX. The motif of the witnesses of the miracle being filled with amazement (ἔκστασις: Acts 3:10) was borrowed from Lk 5:26. The motif of the presence of the portico (στοά) of Solomon (Σολομῶν*ος) in the temple (Acts 3:11) was borrowed from Jos. B.J. 5.185; Ant. 20.221. The subsequent, christologically somewhat surprising idea of God glorifying (δοξάζω:  Acts 3:13) his servant Jesus (Acts 3:12–​16)62 conceptually and linguistically illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of glory (δόξα) being given to Jesus Christ (Gal 1:5). The motif of beginning a speech, ‘O men, Israelites’ (ἄνδρες… Ἰσραηλῖται: Acts 3:12) was borrowed from Jos. Ant. 3.189. The motif of the God of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob (θεὸς Ἀβραὰμ καὶ… Ἰσαὰκ καὶ… Ἰακώβ), the God of our fathers

61 Cf. B. E. Wilson, ‘The Smell of Sacrifice: Scenting the Christian Story in Luke–​Acts’, CBQ 83 (2021), 257–​275 (esp. 269–​270). 62 Cf. B. D. Crowe, Hope, 31.

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(ὁ θεὸς τῶν πατέρων *μῶν: Acts 3:13) was borrowed from Exod 3:15–​16 LXX.63 The motif of glorifying (δοξάζω) God’s servant (παῖς: Acts 3:13) was borrowed from Isa 52:13 LXX.64 The motif of the Jews having delivered (παρεδωκα*) and denied Jesus in the presence of Pilate (Πιλᾶτος), who wanted to release (ἀπολύω) Jesus (Acts 3:13), was borrowed from Mk 15:1.6–​14. The motif of Jesus being holy (ἅγιος) and righteous (δίκαιος: Acts 3:14) was borrowed from Mk 6:20. The motif of the Jews asking (αἰτέω) for pardon for a murderer (φον*: Acts 3:14) was borrowed from Lk 23:25. The thought that the Jews killed (ἀπ*κτεινα*) Jesus (Acts 3:15) was borrowed from 1 Thes 2:15. The creedal statement that God (ὁ θεός) him (*ὸν), namely Jesus, raised from the dead (ἤγειρεν ἐκ νεκρῶν: Acts 3:15) was borrowed from Rom 10:9 and conflated with 1 Cor 15:15 (*μάρτυρες). The motif of faith (πίστις) in his, namely Jesus’ name (τοῦ ὀνόματος αὐτοῦ: Acts 3:16) was borrowed from Rom 1:5. The subsequent, somewhat surprising in its temporal span, idea of the prophets who from ages (αἰῶνος: Acts 3:21) foretold the suffering (Acts 3:18) and the future, eschatological sending of the Messiah (Acts 3:17–​21; esp. 3:20–​ 21)65 conceptually and linguistically illustrates Paul’s subsequent reference to the time span for ‘ages of ages’ (αἰῶνας τῶν αἰώνων: Gal 1:5). The motif of Peter’s reference to the guilty people’s ignorance (ἄγνοια: Acts 3:17) was borrowed from an ethopoeic letter attributed to Peter (1 Pet 1:14). Besides, it presents a simplified version of Paul’s idea of justification through grace

63 Cf. B. J. Tabb and S. Walton, ‘Exodus in Luke–​Acts’, in S. M. Ehorn (ed.), Exodus in the New Testament (LNTS 663; T&T Clark: London, New York and Dublin, 2022), 61–​87 (esp. 73–​74). 64 Cf. J. B. Green, ‘“Was It Not Necessary for the Messiah to Suffer These Things and Enter into His Glory?”: The Significance of Jesus’s Death for Luke’s Soteriology’, in id., Luke as Narrative Theologian: Texts and Topics (WUNT 446; Mohr Siebeck: Tübingen, 2020), 221–​232 (esp. 231); R. Strelan, ‘Luke’s Use of Isaiah LXX in Acts’, in id., Studies in the Acts of the Apostles: Collected Essays (Pickwick: Eugene, OR, 2020), 153–​180 (esp. 172); R. Mushunje, The Story of Jesus through the Eyes of Peter (Peter Lang: Berlin, 2022), 117–​120. 65 Cf. C. Schaefer, Zukunft, 215–​216; Y. H. Kim, Die Parusie bei Lukas: Eine literarisch-​ exegetische Untersuchung zu den Parusieaussagen im lukanischen Doppelwerk (BZNW 217; Walter de Gruyter: Berlin and Boston, 2016), 317, 366–​367; A. Posadzy, ‘Czas odpoczynku w Chrystusie, obecnym w Kościele: Tradycja i redakcja Dz 3,19–​21’, BPT 9 (2016) no. 1, 63–​81 (esp. 78–​80).

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(cf. 1 Tim 1:13). The motif of the Jewish leaders (ἄρχοντες) being involved in killing Jesus (Acts 3:17) was borrowed from Lk 23:13.18. The motif of God having foretold through all the prophets (πάντων τῶν προφητῶν) that the Messiah would suffer (παθεῖν τὸν χριστόν: Acts 3:18) was borrowed from Lk 24:26–​27. The exhortation to repent (μετανοέω: Acts 3:19) could have been borrowed from Mk 1:15; 6:12. The motif of sins (ἁμαρτία) being wiped out (ἐξαλειφθ*: Acts 3:19) was borrowed from Ps 109[108]:14 LXX. The ethopoeic ‘Petrine’ reference to the holy prophets (τῶν ἁγίων… προφητῶν:  Acts 3:21; cf. Lk 1:70) was borrowed from an ethopoeic letter attributed to Peter (2 Pet 3:2). The concluding idea of a communal obedient response of the people, expressed in repeated scriptural references to the communal audience (Acts 3:22–​26), illustrates Paul’s concluding, originally communal (1 Chr 16:36 LXX etc.), obedient, scriptural statement, ‘Amen’ (Gal 1:5). The quotation from ‘Moses’ (Acts 3:22–​23) was borrowed from Deut 18:15–​ 16.19 LXX, but reworked and conflated with Lev 23:29 LXX (ἐξολεθρευθήσεται ἐκ τοῦ λαοῦ)66 to highlight the importance of the communal audience (ὑμῖν, ὑμῶν, ὑμῶν, πρὸς ὑμᾶς, πᾶσα ψυχή, τοῦ λαοῦ: Acts 3:22–​23; diff. Deut 18:15–​ 16.19 LXX).67 The same kind of reworking, namely, to highlight the importance of the communal audience, can be observed in Acts 3:25–​26 (ὑμεῖς ἐστε, ὑμῶν, ὑμῖν, ὑμᾶς, ὑμῶν) and in Acts 4:1–​2 (πρὸς τὸν λαόν, τὸν λαόν). The motif of the sons of the prophets (υἱοὶ τῶν προφητῶν: Acts 3:25) could have been borrowed from 1  Kgs 20:35 LXX etc. The motif of the covenant (διαθήκη) which God (θεός) made (διέθετο) with the fathers (πατέρες:  Acts 3:25) was borrowed from Deut 29:24 LXX etc. The quotation of the words spoken to Abraham (καί + ἐν τῷ σπέρματί σου + ἐνευλογηθήσονται + πᾶς + τῆς γῆς: Acts 3:25) was borrowed from Gen 22:18 LXX and slightly reworked.68 The motif of calling each one (ἕκαστος) to turn away (ἀποστρέφω) from (ἀπό) evil deeds (πονηρ*: Acts 3:26) was borrowed from Jer 18:11 LXX etc. The motif of the

66 Cf. D. Rusam, Das Alte Testament, 351; S. J. Wendel, Scriptural Interpretation and Community Self-​Definition in Luke–​Acts and the Writings of Justin Martyr (NovTSup 139; Brill: Leiden and Boston, 2011), 191. 67 Cf. M. Meiser, ‘Septuagint Quotations’, 195–​196. 68 Cf. D. Rusam, Das Alte Testament, 357; P. Mallen, ‘Genesis in Luke–​Acts’, in M. J. J. Menken and S.  Moyise (eds.), Genesis in the New Testament (LNTS 466; Bloomsbury T&T Clark: London and New York, 2012), 60–​82 (esp. 70–​72); J. J. Gibson, Peter Between Jerusalem and Antioch: Peter, James and the Gentiles (WUNT 2.345; Mohr Siebeck: Tübingen, 2013), 98.

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soteriological priority of the Jews over the Gentiles, described with the use of the adverb πρῶτον (Acts 3:26), was borrowed from Rom 1:16; 2:9–​10.69

1.4. Acts 4:1–​31 (cf. Gal 1:6–​8a) The Lucan section Acts 4:1–​31 sequentially illustrates the main ideas of the corresponding Pauline section Gal 1:6–​8a. The opening account of the apostles facing opposition from conservative Jews, who did not believe in the power of Jesus’ resurrection, notwithstanding the faith of five thousand men (Acts 4:1–​4), illustrates Paul’s opening idea of his being astonished, presumably at the Jewish mindset of the Galatians (Gal 1:6a). The motif of the priests and the captain of the temple (*ιερεῖς καὶ… στρατηγο*ς τοῦ ἱεροῦ:  Acts 4:1) was borrowed from Lk 22:52. The motif of the Sadducees (Σαδδουκαῖοι) opposing the idea of the resurrection (ἀνάστασιν: Acts 4:1–​2) was borrowed from Mk 12:18. The motif of not believing in the resurrection (ἀνάστασις) of the dead (νεκρῶν: Acts 4:2) was borrowed from 1 Cor 15:12–​13. The motif of the Jews laying (ἐπέβαλον) hands (τὰς χεῖρας) upon someone (αὐτ*: Acts 4:3) was borrowed from Mk 14:46. The motif of hearing (ἀκούω) the preached word and believing (πιστεύω: Acts 4:4) was borrowed from Rom 10:14. The subsequent, somewhat redundant temporal idea of the opposition against the gospel increasing the next day, so presumably shortly after the evening of the day of the miracle (Acts 4:5a; cf. 4:3), illustrates Paul’s subsequent, temporal idea of the anti-​Pauline opposition coming so soon (Gal 1:6b). The subsequent, spatial idea of bringing the apostles, presumably from freedom and from prison (cf. Acts 4:3), to the midst of the Jewish leaders (Acts 4:5b–​7a) illustrates Paul’s subsequent, apparently spatial idea of the Galatians being transferred (Gal 1:6b), presumably from the Pauline faith to Judaism. The non-​historical motif of Annas (Ἅννας; diff. Jos. Ant. 18.26 etc.: Ἄνανος) the high priest (ἀρχιερεύς) being mentioned together with Caiaphas (Καϊάφας: Acts

69 Cf. E.  Plümacher, ‘Rom in der Apostelgeschichte’, in id., Geschichte und Ge-​ schichten: Aufsätze zur Apostelgeschichte und zu den Johannesakten (WUNT 170; Mohr Siebeck: Tübingen, 2004), 135–​169 (esp. 154); S. Butticaz, ‘“Has God Rejected His People?” (Romans 11.1): The Salvation of Israel in Acts: Narrative Claim of a Pauline Legacy’, in D. P. Moessner [et al.] (eds.), Paul and the Heritage, 148–​164 (esp. 159–​160).

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priestly 4:6)70 was borrowed from Lk 3:2.71 The motif of being of high-​ (ἀρχιερατικοῦ) descent (γένους: Acts 4:6) was borrowed from Jos. Ant. 15.40. The list of four partly unknown characters:72 (a) Annas the high priest (b) and (καί) Caiaphas (Καϊάφας) (c) and (καί) John (Ἰωάννης) and (d) the Greek-​ named Alexander, all of whom, in contrast to the previously mentioned people (Acts 4:5; cf. 4:8), were of high-​priestly descent (Acts 4:6), partly linguistically alludes to the list of Paul’s most influential Jewish Christian opponents after the Antiochene conflict:  (a) James the Jerusalem leader (b) and (καί) Cephas (Κηφᾶς) (c) and (καί) John (Ἰωάννης: Gal 2:9), as well as (d) the more Gentile-​ oriented Barnabas (Gal 2:9.13).73 By means of this allusion to the most influential Jewish Christian leaders (Acts 4:6; cf. Gal 2:9.13), Luke illustrated Paul’s idea of the Galatians’ transfer to the realm of the influence of the Jewish Christian leaders (Gal 1:6b). The subsequent, somewhat surprisingly formulated idea of (a) asking by what power and by what name did this (b) ‘they’ (ὑμεῖς), the apostles (Acts 4:7bc), conceptually and linguistically, in a sequential way illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of (a) the one who called (b) ‘them’ (ὑμᾶς), the Galatians (Gal 1:6c). The subsequent ideas of Peter being filled with the Holy Spirit, as well as offering benefaction towards a weak man, in (ἐν) which (benefaction) he has been saved (Acts 4:8–​9),74 conceptually and linguistically illustrate Paul’s subsequent idea of doing things in (ἐν) grace (Gal 1:6c). The subsequent idea of the importance of the name of Jesus Christ (Χριστοῦ), the messianic ‘Nazorean’ (Acts 4:10; cf. 2:22), conceptually and linguistically illustrates Paul’s subsequent reference to the Messiah/​Christ (Χριστοῦ: Gal 1:6c 51, ‫א‬, A, B, et al.). The motif of referring to all the people of Israel (καὶ παντὶ τῷ λαῷ Ἰσραήλ: Acts 4:10) was borrowed from Dan 9:7 LXX. The motif of Jesus (Ἰησοῦς) whom (*ὸν) God (θεός) raised from the dead (ἤγειρεν ἐκ νεκρῶν: Acts 4:10) was borrowed from Rom 10:9. The subsequent allusion (Acts 4:11), apparently to Ps 118[117]:22 LXX (λίθο* + ὁ + οἱ οἰκοδομ* + γίνομαι + εἰς κεφαλὴν γωνίας; cf. likewise Mk 12:10 par. Lk 70 Cf. D.  Marguerat, Apostelgeschichte, 174. The post-​ Lucan, unhistorical idea of Annas being the father-​in-​law of Caiaphas (John 18:13) should not be taken into consideration here. 71 Cf. P. N. Tarazi, Introduction, vol. 2, 197. 72 Cf. R. I. Pervo, Acts, 115; D. Marguerat, Apostelgeschichte, 174. 73 Cf. P. N. Tarazi, Introduction, vol. 2, 197. 74 Cf. C.  S.  Keener, Acts:  An Exegetical Commentary, vol. 2, 3:1–​14:28 (Baker Academic: Grand Rapids, MI, 2013), 1147.

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20:17), but in fact to its rendering in the First Epistle of Peter, with its reference to the stone (nom. λίθος: 1 Pet 2:7–​8) which was rejected by (ὑπό) humans (1 Pet 2:4), by means of the rhetorical procedure of ethopoeia illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of another, presumably Jewish Christian, in this case Petrine gospel (Gal 1:6c). The imprecise quotation from Scripture (Acts 4:11) may additionally illustrate Paul’s idea of another, that is, not legitimate gospel (Gal 1:6c; cf. 1:7). The subsequent, somewhat surprisingly formulated statement that (a) there is not (οὐκ ἔστιν) (b) in any other (ἄλλῳ) salvation,75 for there is not another (ἕτερον) name in which we must be saved (Acts 4:12), conceptually and linguistically, in a sequential way illustrates Paul’s subsequent statement that (a) there is not (οὐκ ἔστιν) (b) any other (ἄλλο: Gal 1:7a), that is, there is not another (ἕτερον) gospel (Gal 1:6c). The motif of the name (ὄνομα) under heaven (ὑπὸ τὸν οὐρανόν: Acts 4:12) was borrowed from Deut 25:19 LXX etc. The subsequent thought concerning Peter and John, namely, that (b) they are (εἰσιν) (a) illiterate men, (a’) untrained ones (Acts 4:13), conceptually and linguistically, in a sequential way illustrates Paul’s subsequent thought that (b) there are (εἰσιν) (a) some, presumably insignificant Jewish Christian men (Gal 1:7b). The motif of the apostles being filled with the Spirit (πνεύματος: cf. Acts 4:8), and not relying on letter (*γράμμα*) or human training, but speaking to Israel (Ἰσραήλ: cf. Acts 4:10) with boldness (παρρησία: Acts 4:13; cf. 2:29), was borrowed from 2 Cor 3:6.12–​13; 4:7. The subsequent idea of the Jewish leaders conferring with one another how to threaten the apostles (Acts 4:14–​17) illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of the Jewish Christians troubling the believers (Gal 1:7c). The subsequent idea of the Jewish leaders (a) actually (καί) (b) calling the apostles and commanding them (c) not to speak or teach in the name of Jesus (Acts 4:18) sequentially illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of the Jewish Christians (a) actually (καί) (b) wanting (c) to change, presumably the Pauline gospel (Gal 1:7de). The subsequent, post-​Pauline idea of the apostles obeying God rather than humans (Acts 4:19; cf. Gal 1:10), boldly speaking about what they have seen and heard (Acts 4:20), the people glorifying God (Acts 4:21; cf. Gal 1:24: ἐδόξαζον… τὸν θεόν), the preaching being confirmed by a sign (Acts 4:22; cf. 2 Cor 12:12 etc.), and the apostles announcing (ἀπαγγέλλω) all the things that happened (Acts 4:19–​23; esp. 4:23) conceptually and partly linguistically illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of the presumably Pauline gospel (εὐαγγέλιον: Gal 1:7e).

75 Cf. R. I. Pervo, Acts, 116, n. 17.

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The motif of not obeying the addressees (ὑμεῖς) rather than (μᾶλλον) God (ὁ θεός: Acts 4:19) was borrowed from Plato, Apol. 29d.76 The motif of announcing (ἀπήγγειλαν) how many things (ὅσα) happened to the characters in the story (Acts 4:23) was borrowed from Mk 5:19 (cf. 6:30). The subsequent prayer, referring to God as the Master (Acts 4:24), David as the father (Acts 4:25), the Messiah/​Christ (τοῦ χριστοῦ: Acts 4:26), Jesus as the holy servant of God (Acts 4:27.30), God having anointed (χρισ*) Jesus presumably as the Messiah/​Christ (Acts 4:27),77 as well as God’s mighty hand and will (Acts 4:24–​28; esp. 4:28) conceptually and linguistically illustrates Paul’s subsequent reference to the Messiah/​Christ (τοῦ Χριστοῦ: Gal 1:7e). The motif of the Lord having made (ποιησ*) the heaven, the earth, the sea, and all things that are in them (τὸν οὐρανὸν καὶ τὴν γῆν καὶ τὴν θάλασσαν καὶ πάντα τὰ ἐν αὐτοῖς:  Acts 4:24; cf. 14:15) was borrowed from Exod 20:11 (cf. Ps 146[145]:6) LXX.78 The quotation from ‘David’79 (Acts 4:25–​26) was verbatim borrowed from Ps 2:1–​2 LXX.80 The motif of Jesus as the servant (παῖς) of God (Acts 4:27.30; cf. 3:13.26) was borrowed from Isa 52:13 LXX etc. The motif of God having anointed (ἔχρισ*) Jesus (Acts 4:27) was borrowed from Isa 61:1 LXX; Lk 4:18.81 The motif of Herod (Ἡρῴδης) being together with (τε + καί) Pilate (Πιλᾶτος) and the people (λαός) of Israel (Acts 4:27) was borrowed from Lk 23:12–​13 (cf. 23:6–​11) and conflated with Lk 3:1 (Ἡρῴδης + Πόντιος Πιλᾶτος). The motif of God’s hand (χείρ) and will (βουλή: Acts 4:28) was borrowed from Isa 14:26–​27 LXX. The subsequent idea of God’s servants (plur.) speaking God’s word with boldness (Acts 4:29), but in a Jewish Christian way, based on the exodus motif and referring to Jesus as merely God’s holy servant (Acts 4:29–​30; esp. 4:30), illustrates Paul’s subsequent reference to himself in plural (‘we’) as preaching the gospel, but presumably in a Jewish Christian way (Gal 1:8a). The exodus motif of God’s extended hand (χεῖρα) as well as signs and wonders (σημεῖα καὶ… τέρατα: Acts 4:30) was borrowed from Deut 7:19 LXX and conflated with Exod 7:5 LXX (τὴν χεῖρα + ἐκτείνω).

76 Cf. K. Haacker, Apostelgeschichte, 97; A. Landi, ‘Pietro, una figura identitaria per la cristianità lucana’, RivB 67 (2019), 377–​399 (esp. 397); D. Marguerat, Apostelgeschichte, 181. 77 Cf. C. R. Holladay, ‘Interpreting Acts’, Int 66 (2012), 245–​258 (esp. 256). 78 Cf. D. Rusam, Das Alte Testament, 376. 79 Cf. S. Ruzer, Early Jewish Messianism,  59–​60. 80 Cf. D. Rusam, Das Alte Testament, 378; M. Meiser, ‘Septuagint Quotations’, 197. 81 Cf. C. S. Keener, Acts, vol. 2, 1169.

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The subsequent (a) theophanic82 motif of the place being shaken, and (b) the Jewish Christians being filled with the Holy Spirit and speaking God’s word with boldness (Acts 4:31; cf. 4:29) sequentially illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of (a) an angel from heaven (b) preaching the gospel (Gal 1:8a). The theophanic motif of the earth being shaken (σαλευθη*: Acts 4:31) was borrowed from Ps 18[17]:8 LXX etc.

1.5. Acts 4:32–​5:11 (cf. Gal 1:8b–​9b) The Lucan section Acts 4:32–​5:11 sequentially illustrates the main ideas of the corresponding Pauline section Gal 1:8b–​9b. The post-​Pauline image of the community of the believers (cf. Acts 2:44–​45) as having one heart and soul (cf. Phlp 1:27: πιστ* + ψυχή + μία), having nothing as one’s own (cf. 1 Cor 7:30), having all things in common (Acts 4:32; cf. 2 Cor 8:4; 9:13; Rom 15:26: κοιν*), giving witness to the resurrection of the Lord Jesus (cf. Rom 1:4: ἀναστάσεως + κυρίου + Ἰησοῦ), all having great grace (Acts 4:33; cf. 2 Cor 13:13: χάρις + πάντ*), caring for the poor in Jerusalem (Acts 4:34–​35; cf. 2 Cor 8–​9; Rom 15:26), and of free will bringing money to the Jerusalem apostles (Acts 4:32–​37; esp. 4:35–​37; cf. 2 Cor 8–​9; Rom 15:26–​27; Gal 2:10bc) illustrates Paul’s idea of that what he preached (Gal 1:8b). The idealistic motif of having everything common (κοινά: Acts 4:32; cf. 2:44), widespread in antiquity,83 could have been borrowed from Jos. Ant. 18.20, but also from 1QS 6:19. Likewise, the motif of the Jerusalem apostles, in the Acts of the Apostles often having the rank of Jewish priests (cf. Acts 1:15.26; 2:13; 4:6; etc.), being entrusted with the authority over the community’s goods (Acts 4:35.37) could have been borrowed from 1QS 9:7–​8. In Acts 4:32–​37, these motifs illustrate Paul’s idea of sharing (κοινωνία) goods with the poor in Judaea (2 Cor 8:4; 9:13; Rom 15:26). The motif of there being (εἰμί) no (οὐ*) poor (ἐνδεής) among (ἐν) the believers (Acts 4:34) was borrowed from Deut 15:4 LXX.84 The motif of sharing goods according to the need (χρεία) of every believer (Acts 4:35; cf. 2:45) was borrowed from Rom 12:13.

82 Cf. G. K. A. Bonnah, The Holy Spirit: A Narrative Factor in the Acts of the Apostles (SBB 58; Katholisches Bibelwerk: Stuttgart, 2007), 168. 83 Cf. F. J. R. Gregson, Everything in Common? The Theology and Practice of the Sharing of Possessions in Community in the New Testament (Pickwick: Eugene, OR, 2017), 53–​55; S. Walton, ‘Primitive Communism’, 67–​68. 84 Cf. D. Marguerat, ‘Meals in Acts’, 151; F. J. R. Gregson, Everything in Common, 53; S. Walton, ‘Primitive Communism’, 68.

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The motif of Barnabas (Βαρναβᾶς) being closely related and subordinated to the Jerusalem leaders (Acts 4:36–​37) was borrowed from Gal 2:13 and reworked in a Jewish Christian way (Joseph, Levite, etc.). The motif of something being translated from Aramaic (ὅ ἐστιν μεθερμηνευόμενον: Acts 4:36) was borrowed from Mk 5:41; 15:22.34. The subsequent, somewhat surprising account of the Hebrew-​named Ananias lying against the Holy Spirit in the matter of sharing possessions (cf. Acts 4:32–​37),85 and therefore after a curse-​like verdict86 being divinely punished with death (Acts 5:1–​6; esp. 5:3–​5) illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of some Jewish Christians acting against that what he preached (cf. Gal 1:8b), and therefore being accursed (Gal 1:8c). In the Septuagint, the word ἀνάθεμα (Gal 1:8c) generally means being devoted to utter destruction (Deut 13:16 LXX etc.). Therefore, Luke illustrated this idea with the use of the scriptural motif of a man who kept back some of (ἐνοσφίσατο ἀπό) the things which should be devoted totally (Acts 5:2–​3; cf. Josh 7:1 LXX).87 The motif of lying against the Holy Spirit (τὸ πνεῦμα τὸ ἅγιον), and therefore being punished with death (Acts 5:3; cf. 5:9) may have been borrowed from Mk 3:29. The subsequent account of the things that (a) happened as (ὡς) the interval of three hours passed, in particular (b) Peter for a second time disclosing the fact that Ananias and Sapphira had sold the field (τὸ χωρίον) for a higher price (Acts 5:8; cf. 5:3), and then (c) again asking why (τί ὅτι: Acts 5:9; cf. 5:4) they test the Spirit (τὸ πνεῦμα: Acts 5:9; cf. 5:3) and (d) foretelling Sapphira’s sudden death (Acts 5:7–​11; esp. 5:9), sequentially illustrates Paul’s subsequent statement that

85 Cf. D. Marguerat, The First Christian Historian: Writing the ‘Acts of the Apostles’, trans. K. McKinney, G. J. Laughery, and R. Bauckham (SNTSMS 121; Cambridge University: Cambridge, 2002), 155. 86 Cf. J. A. Harrill, ‘Divine Judgment against Ananias and Sapphira (Acts 5:1–​11): A Stock Scene of Perjury and Death’, JBL 130 (2011), 351–​369 (esp. 367); B. H. M. Kent, ‘Curses in Acts: Hearing the Apostles’ Words of Judgment Alongside “Magical” Spell Texts’, JSNT 39.4 (2017), 412–​440 (esp. 430–​432). 87 Cf. K. Schiffner, Lukas liest Exodus: Eine Untersuchung zur Aufnahme ersttestament-​ licher Befreiungsgeschichte im lukanischen Werk als Schrift-​Lektüre (BWANT 172; W. Kohlhammer Stuttgart, 2008), 335; R. I. Pervo, Acts, 130–​131; J. Verheyden, ‘A Cry for Help: A Note in the Margin of Acts 16:9’, in B. J. Koet, S. Moyise, and J. Verheyden (eds.), The Scriptures of Israel in Jewish and Christian Tradition, Festschrift M. J. J. Menken (NovTSup 148; Brill: Leiden and Boston, 2013), 115–​127 (esp. 116).

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(a) as (ὡς) (b) he said earlier, (c) now again (d) he says, presumably putting a curse upon his Jewish Christian opponents (Gal 1:9ab; cf. 1:9e).

1.6. Acts 5:12–​28 (cf. Gal 1:9c–​e) The Lucan section Acts 5:12–​28 sequentially illustrates the main ideas of the corresponding Pauline section Gal 1:9c–​e. The account of the evangelistic activity of the Jerusalem apostles, especially Peter (Acts 5:12–​16), illustrates Paul’s idea of someone else, presumably a Jewish Christian, evangelizing the Galatians (Gal 1:9c). Luke illustrated the idea of a Jewish Christian evangelizing the Gentile Galatians (Gal 1:9c) with the use of the motif of Jesus coming to the land of Gennesaret, and people bringing (*φέρειν) the sick (τοὺς ἀσθεν*ς) and laying (τίθημι) them on (ἐπί) mattresses (κραβάττ*), in order that (ἵνα) they might have at least (κἄν) some contact with the healer, and people also coming from other cities (πόλεις), so that their sick were healed (Acts 5:15–​16; cf. Mk 6:55–​56).88 However, Luke substituted the Marcan idea of the sick touching Jesus the healer (Mk 6:56) with that of the sick being merely overshadowed by the shadow of Peter the healer (Acts 5:15), so having no physical contact with him, presumably because they were unclean (Acts 5:16). In this way, Luke illustrated Paul’s idea of a Jewish Christian evangelizing the Galatians (Gal 1:9c) after the Antiochene crisis, during which Peter and other Jewish Christians expressed they resolve to be physically separated from Gentile believers (Gal 2:12). The motif of apostolic signs and wonders (σημεῖα καὶ τέρατα: Acts 5:12; cf. 4:30) was borrowed from 2 Cor 12:12; Rom 15:19 (cf. 2 Thes 2:19). The motif of the presence of the portico (στοά) of Solomon (Σολομῶν*ος) in the temple (Acts 5:12; cf. 3:11) was borrowed from Jos. B.J. 5.185; Ant. 20.221. The motif of no one (οὐδείς) daring (ἐτόλμα) to approach Jesus’ representatives (Acts 5:13) was borrowed from Mk 12:34. The motif of being tormented (*οχλούμενοι) by unclean spirits (*πὸ πνευμάτων ἀκαθάρτων), but being healed (ἐθεραπεύοντο:  Acts 5:16), was borrowed from Lk 6:18. The subsequent idea of the Sadducees, who presumably did not believe in the resurrection (Acts 4:1–​2; cf. Mk 12:18), opposing the apostolic activity (Acts 5:17–​18) illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of someone acting against, presumably the gospel which the Galatians received (Gal 1:9d).

88 Cf. R. I. Pervo, Acts, 136; D. G. Peterson, The Acts of the Apostles (PilNTC; William B. Eerdmans: Grand Rapids, MI and Cambridge, 2009), 215.

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The character of the unnamed high priest in Acts 5:17, similarly to the one in Acts 4:6, probably alludes to the person of James, the actual leader of the Jerusalem community (cf. Gal 2:9), who presumably hindered the apostolic activity of Peter among the Gentiles in Antioch (Gal 2:12). Therefore, the ‘sect’ of all those who were with the high priest (Acts 5:17) probably alludes to those who came from James (Gal 2:12). The motif of a high priest, presumably named Annas (Αν*ν*ς: cf. Acts 4:6), being of the sect (αἵρεσις) of the Sadducees (Σαδδουκαίων: Acts 5:17) was borrowed from Jos. Ant. 20.199. The motif of the Jews laying (ἐπέβαλον) hands (τὰς χεῖρας) upon someone (Acts 5:18; cf. 4:3) was borrowed from Mk 14:46. The subsequent account, with the use of Greek motifs borrowed from Euripides, Bacch. 432–​448,89 which here illustrate the idea of Jesus’ resurrection: an angel of the Lord acting during the night, bringing out to freedom, standing, life, coming at daybreak, going out notwithstanding the prison being locked, and standing (Acts 5:19–​25),90 illustrates Paul’s subsequent remark concerning the presumably Gentile-​style content of the gospel which the Galatians received from Paul (Gal 1:9d). The motif of an angel of the Lord (ἄγγελος κυρίου) speaking (εἶπεν) to someone (Acts 5:19) was borrowed from Gen 16:8 LXX etc. The motif of calling together (συν*) the council of the elders of the sons of Israel (τὴν γερουσίαν τῶν υἱῶν Ἰσραήλ: Acts 5:21) was borrowed from Exod 3:16; 4:29 LXX and conflated with Exod 12:21 LXX (*ἐκάλεσεν + πᾶσαν).91 The subsequent idea of the captain of the temple and his servants being afraid that the people would stone them (Acts 5:26), and the apostles bringing the blood of Jesus on their Jewish opponents, especially the high priest (who most likely alludes to the Jerusalem leader James: Acts 5:27; cf. 4:6; 5:17) and those with him (Acts 5:26–​28; esp. 5:28), illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of his Jewish Christian opponents, presumably including James and his followers, being accursed (Gal 1:9e).

89 Cf. D. R. MacDonald, Luke and the Politics of Homeric Imitation: Luke–​Acts as Rival to the Aeneid (Lexington Books /​Fortress Academic: Lanham [et al.] 2019), 110–​111. 90 Cf. J. B. Weaver, Plots of Epiphany: Prison-​Escape in Acts of the Apostles (BZNW 131; Walter de Gruyter: Berlin and New York, 2004), 112–​113. 91 Cf. J. Read-​Heimerdinger, ‘Exodus in the Book of Acts: A Prophetic Reversal of Israel’s History’, in B. Kowalski and S. E. Docherty (eds.), The Reception of Exodus Motifs in Jewish and Christian Literature: “Let My People Go!” (TBN 30: Brill: Leiden and Boston, 2022), 250–​268 (esp. 256).

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The motif of stoning (λιθάζω: Acts 5:26) was borrowed 2 Cor 11:25 (cf. 2 Sam 16:6.13 LXX). The motif of the high priest (ὁ ἀρχιερεύς) asking (ἐπηρώτησεν) Jesus’ arrested representatives, saying (λέγων: Acts 5:27–​28), was borrowed from Mk 14:60. The motif of bringing (ἐπαγαγεῖν) on (ἐπί) someone the blood (αἷμα) of someone else (Acts 5:28) was borrowed from Judg 9:24 LXX.92

1.7. Acts 5:29–​42 (cf. Gal 1:10) The Lucan section Acts 5:29–​42 sequentially illustrates the main ideas of the corresponding Pauline section Gal 1:10. The opening idea of Peter and the apostles saying that (a) one should obey (πειθαρχέω) God (b) rather than (ἤ) (c) humans (ἄνθρωποι:  Acts 5:29) conceptually and linguistically, in a partly sequential way illustrates Paul’s opening statement that, (c) as concerns humans (ἄνθρωποι), (a) he does not seek the approval (πείθω) of them (b) rather than (ἤ), presumably God (Gal 1:10a). The motif of being obedient (πει*) to God (θεῷ) rather (μᾶλλον) than (ἤ) to humans (Acts 5:29; cf. 4:19) was borrowed from Plato, Apol. 29d.93 The subsequent, thrice repeated references to God (ὁ θεός:  Acts 5:30–​32) conceptually and linguistically illustrate Paul’s subsequent reference to God (ὁ θεός: Gal 1:10b). The motif of the God of our fathers (ὁ θεὸς τῶν πατέρων ἡμῶν: Acts 5:30; cf. 3:13) was borrowed from 1  Chr 12:18 LXX etc. The motif of God (θεός) having raised (ἤγειρεν) Jesus (Ἰησοῦν:  Acts 5:30; cf. 4:10) was borrowed from Rom 10:9. The motif of the Jews hanging (κρεμάσ*) someone (*ὸν) on a tree (ἐπὶ ξύλου: Acts 5:30) was borrowed from Deut 21:22 LXX.94 The motif of God (θεός) having exalted (*ύψωσεν) him (*τον), namely Jesus (Acts 5:31; cf. 2:33), was borrowed from Phlp 2:9. The motif of God giving (δίδωμι) repentance (μετάνοιαν)

92 Cf. H. Conzelmann, Acts of the Apostles: A Commentary on the Acts of the Apostles, trans. J. Limburg, A. T. Kraabel, and D. H. Juel (Hermeneia; Fortress: Philadelphia, 1987), 42; A. Weiser, Die Apostelgeschichte (St. Benno: Leipzig, 1989), 97; D. G. Peterson, Acts, 220. 93 Cf. C. K. Barrett, Acts, vol. 1, 289; S. Reece, ‘Echoes of Plato’s Apology of Socrates in Luke–​Acts’, NovT 63 (2021), 177–​197 (esp. 190–​191); D. Marguerat, Apostelgeschichte, 233, n. 62. 94 Cf. J. A. Weatherly, Jewish Responsibility for the Death of Jesus in Luke-​Acts (JSNTSup 106; Sheffield Academic: Sheffield, 1994), 234; D. Rusam, Das Alte Testament, 371; T. W. Reardon, ‘“Hanging on a Tree”: Deuteronomy 21.22–​23 and the Rhetoric of Jesus’ Crucifixion in Acts 5.12–​42’, JSNT 37.4 (2015), 407–​431 (esp. 415).

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for sins (ἁμαρτ*) to Israel (Acts 5:31; cf. 2:38) was borrowed from Wis 12:19 and conflated with Mk 1:4 (ἄφεσιν ἁμαρτιῶν). The motif of the Holy Spirit (τὸ πνεῦμα… τὸ ἅγιον) whom God (θεός) has given (δίδωμι) to those who obey him (Acts 5:32) was borrowed from 1 Thes 4:8. The subsequent idea of a respected Jewish leader commanding to take the men (ἀνθρώπους; diff. Acts 5:29:  Peter and the apostles) out for a short time (Acts 5:34) and advising to take care concerning what to do to these men (ἀνθρώποις: Acts 5:33–​35; esp. 5:35) conceptually and linguistically illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of seeking for the sake of men (ἀνθρώποις: Gal 1:10c). The motif of a certain Pharisee (Φαρισαῖος) named Gamaliel (Γαμαλιήλ), who was active in Jerusalem approximately one generation before the Jewish War, who was a teacher of the law (νόμ*), and who was respected by all the people (Acts 5:34), was borrowed from Jos. Vita 190–​191. Besides, the motif of a Pharisee (Φαρισαῖος) being also a teacher of the law (νομοδιδάσκαλος:  Acts 5:34) could have been borrowed from Lk 5:17.95 The subsequent examples of demagogically persuading (πείθω) men, but with disastrous results (Acts 5:36–​37), illustrate Paul’s subsequent idea of pleasing (Gal 1:10d), which is set in parallelism to that of seeking the approval (πείθω: Gal 1:10a), presumably of men. The reference to Theudas (Θευδᾶς), who claimed (λέγω) to be (εἶναι) someone, and who persuaded (πείθω) a great number of men to follow him, but the Romans killed (ἀναιρέω) him and his followers (Acts 5:36), was borrowed from Jos. Ant. 20.97–​98.96 The following (‘next in rank’) reference to Judas the Galilean (Ἰούδας ὁ Γαλιλαῖος), who caused the people (λαόν) to revolt (ἀφίστημι) at the time of the census, presumably under Quirinius, but perished (Acts 5:37), was borrowed from the following Josephus’ reference to him in Jos. Ant. 20.10297 and conflated with Jos. B.J. 7.253 (ἀπογραφή + πείθω). It seems that for Luke the possibility of using the verb πείθω from Josephus’ account concerning Theudas (Jos. Ant. 20.97) to allude to Paul’s idea of pleasing (Gal 1:10d), so seeking the approval (πείθω:  Gal 1:10a), was more important

95 Cf. C. K. Barrett, Acts, vol. 1, 292. 96 Cf. B. Thiering, ‘The Acts of the Apostles as Early Christian Art’, in E. C. B. MacLaurin (ed.), Festschrift G. W. Thatcher (Sydney University: Sydney, 1967), 139–​189 (esp. 188); S. Mason, Josephus and the New Testament (2nd edn., Hendrickson: Peabody, MA, 2003), 277–​280; R. I. Pervo, Dating Acts: Between the Evangelists and the Apologists (Polebridge: Santa Rosa, CA, 2006), 152–​160. 97 Cf. B. Thiering, ‘Acts’, 188; S. Mason, Josephus, 277–​280; R. I. Pervo, Dating, 152–​160.

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than the chronological inconsistency which resulted from the use of the account concerning Theudas (died after Herod/​Agrippa I) in Acts 5:36 (in the narrated time before the death of Herod/​Agrippa I). The same refers to the use of the verb πείθω from Josephus’ remark concerning Judas the Galilean (Jos. B.J. 7.253), who died much earlier than the narrated time of Acts 5:37. The subsequent conditional, presumably unreal statement that (a) if (ἐάν) this plan or matter is from (b) men (ἄνθρωποι), it will fail (Acts 5:38), conceptually and linguistically, in a sequential way illustrates Paul’s subsequent conditional, unreal question, (a) if (εἰ) he still acted for (b) men (ἄνθρωποι: Gal 1:10e). The subsequent idea of Gamaliel persuading (πείθω) the Jewish council (Acts 5:39) illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of pleasing (Gal 1:10e), which is set in parallelism to that of seeking the approval (πείθω:  Gal 1:10a), presumably of men. The motif of miraculous prison escape (cf. Acts 5:19–​25) from the hands of those who fight against God (θεομαχ*: Acts 5:39) was borrowed from Euripides, Bacch. 1255 etc.98 The subsequent, somewhat surprising in the preceding context (cf. Acts 5:26), idea of calling the apostles, flogging them (cf. Acts 16:22–​23.37), and commanding them (Acts 5:40), so that they were dishonoured, in fact treated like slaves, for the name of Jesus (Acts 5:40–​41; esp. 5:41), illustrates Paul’s subsequent statement concerning himself as a slave of Christ (Gal 1:10f). The motif of the apostles rejoicing (χαίροντες) in suffering (Acts 5:41) was borrowed from 2 Cor 6:10 etc. The concluding idea of the apostles not (οὐκ) ceasing (diff. Acts 2:46: continuing) to preach Jesus as Christ (Χριστός:  Acts 5:42) conceptually and linguistically illustrates Paul’s concluding idea of only apparently not (οὐκ) being, presumably a slave for Christ (Χριστός: Gal 1:10f).

98 Cf. DH. Lee, Luke-​Acts and ‘Tragic History’: Communicating Gospel with the World (WUNT 2.346; Mohr Siebeck: Tübingen, 2013), 205–​207; D. R. MacDonald, ‘Classical Greek Poetry and the Acts of the Apostles: Imitations of Euripides’ Bacchae’, in S. E. Porter and A. W. Pitts (eds.), Christian Origins and Greco-​Roman Culture: Social and Literary Contexts for the New Testament (Brill: Leiden and Boston, 2013), 463–​496 (esp. 477); S. Reece, The Formal Education of the Author of Luke–​Acts (LNTS 669; T&T Clark: London, New York and Dublin, 2022), 194–​197.

Chapter 2. The Hellenists (Acts 6–​8; cf. Gal 1:11–​15) The contents of the Lucan major section Acts 6–​8 sequentially, in a hypertextual way illustrate the contents of the Pauline major section Gal 1:11–​15.1

2.1. Acts 6 (cf. Gal 1:11–​12) The Lucan section Acts 6 sequentially illustrates the main ideas of the corresponding Pauline section Gal 1:11–​12. The opening ideas of (a) the increasing number of the disciples and (b) the complaint of the surprisingly introduced Hellenists2 against the Hebrews (Acts 6:1ab) sequentially illustrate Paul’s opening idea of (a) making known to the brothers about (b) the gospel which was preached by Paul, presumably to the Gentile addressees in Galatia (Gal 1:11ab). The subsequent statement concerning the content (ὅτι) of the Hellenists’ complaint (Acts 6:1c) conceptually and linguistically illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of the content (ὅτι) of his gospel (Gal 1:11c). The particular content of the complaint, namely, that widows of the Hellenists (Ἑλλην*) should not be treated worse than those of the Hebrews (Acts 6:1c) illustrates Paul’s idea of the equality between the Jew and the Greek (Ἕλλην: Gal 3:28; cf. Rom 10:12). The idea of the Jewish Christians being regarded as Hebrews (Ἑβραῖοι: Acts 6:1) was borrowed from 2  Cor 11:22. The motif of the service (διακονία) for the poor (Acts 6:1) was borrowed from Rom 15:31. The motif of the Christian community providing for its widows (χῆραι: Acts 6:1) was borrowed from 1 Tim 5:5.9–​10.16.

1 For the beginning of a new part of the Acts of the Apostles in Acts 6:1, see J. Read-​ Heimerdinger, Luke in His Own Words: A Study of the Language of Luke–​Acts in Greek (LNTS 672; T&T Clark: London, New York and Dublin, 2022), 218. 2 Cf. M. Zugmann, „Hellenisten“ in der Apostelgeschichte: Historische und exegetische Untersuchungen zu Apg 6,1; 9,29; 11,20 (WUNT 2.264; Mohr Siebeck:  Tübingen, 2009), 302–​303; G. Rossé, ‘«Ebrei» ed «Ellenisti» nella Chiesa di Gerusalemme’, RivB 62 (2014), 517–​540 (esp. 517); M. Hengel and A. M. Schwemer, Die Urgemeinde und das Judenchristentum (GFC 2; Mohr Siebeck: Tübingen, 2019), 140.

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The subsequent, initially negative statement of the twelve that (a) it is not (οὐκ… ἐστιν)3 desirable for them (b) to leave the word of God and to wait on tables (Acts 6:2) conceptually and linguistically, in a sequential way illustrates Paul’s subsequent, likewise negative statement concerning his gospel, that (a) it is not (οὐκ ἔστιν) (b) merely human (Gal 1:11c). The motif of the twelve (οἱ δώδεκα:  Acts 6:2) was borrowed from 1  Cor 15:5; Mk 4:10; etc. The motif of the multitude of the disciples (τὸ πλῆθος τῶν μαθητῶν: Acts 6:2) was borrowed from Lk 19:37. The subsequent idea of the apostles appointing a separate group of seven men from among the Hellenists,4 thus constituting a quasi-​independent Hellenistic church leadership (Acts 6:3–​6; cf. 21:8),5 in a typically Lucan, irenic way, connecting the twelve Jewish Christian apostles with the mission directed to the Gentiles, illustrates Paul’s subsequent statement that he did not receive his gospel, presumably directed to the Gentiles, from man, presumably from a Jewish Christian leader (Gal 1:12a). The symbolic motif of twelve (δώδεκα) being followed by seven (ἑπτά: Acts 6:2–​3) was borrowed from Mk 6:43; 8:8. The idea of selecting (*σκέψα*) devout men (ἄνδρας) of good reputation and appointing (καταστήσ*) them (*ούς) over (ἐπί) the community needs (Acts 6:3) was borrowed from Exod 18:21 LXX.6 The motif of devoting oneself (προσκαρτερέω) to prayer (τῇ προσευχῇ: Acts 6:4; cf. 2:42) was borrowed from Rom 12:12. The motif of the word pleasing before (καὶ ἤρεσεν ὁ λόγος ἐν*) the community (Acts 6:5) was borrowed from 2 Chr 30:4 LXX etc. The name and the traits of the otherwise unknown character of Stephen (Στέφανος: Acts 6:5 etc.), who was the first leader of the Greek-​speaking church (Acts 6:1.5) and who devoted himself to the service (διακονία: Acts 6:1) to the believers (Acts 6:2–​3; diff. 6:4: service of the word), which referred to both material needs (Acts 6:1–​2) and being full (πλήρης: Acts 6:3.5.8; 7:55) of the spirit (πνεῦμα: Acts 6:3.5.10; 7:55.59), allude to the name and the traits of the character Cf. H. Braun, Geschichte des Gottesvolkes und christliche Identität: Eine kanonisch-​ intertextuelle Auslegung der Stephanusepisode Apg 6,1–​8,3 (WUNT 2.279; Mohr Siebeck: Tübingen, 2010), 109. 4 Cf. C. K. Barrett, A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the Acts of the Apostles, vol. 1, Preliminary Introduction and Commentary on Acts I–​XIV (ICC; T&T Clark: Edinburgh, 1994), 313. 5 Cf. R. Pesch, Die Apostelgeschichte, vol. 1, Apg 1–​12 (3rd edn., EKKNT 5/​1; Benzinger: Düsseldorf and Zürich; Neukirchener: Neukirchen-​Vluyn, 2005), 228. 6 Cf. ibid., vol. 1, 226. 3

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of Stephanas (Στεφανᾶς: 1 Cor 1:16; 16:15.17), who was likewise the first leader of the Greek-​speaking church in Achaia (1 Cor 1:16; 16:15) and who likewise devoted himself to the service (διακονία) to the believers (1 Cor 16:15), which likewise referred to both fulfilling (ἀναπληρόω) material ministry (1 Cor 16:17) and refreshing the spirit (πνεῦμα: 1 Cor 16:18). The motif of laying (ἐπιτίθημι) hands (χεῖρας) upon someone (dat.) to appoint him to a church office (Acts 6:6) was borrowed from 1 Tim 5:22. The subsequent, somewhat surprising idea of a large number of priests, who as priests (ἱερεύς) normally instructed others, so that others were obliged to obey (ὑπακούω) them (cf. Deut 17:12 LXX), but now the priests obeying (ὑπακούω) the faith (Acts 6:7) illustrates Paul’s subsequent statement that he was not taught, presumably by any Jew (Gal 1:12b). The motif of the word (λόγος) of God growing (αὐξάνω: Acts 6:7) was borrowed from Col 1:5–​6; Mk 4:8.20. The idea of being obedient (ὑπακο*) to faith (πίστις: Acts 6:7) was borrowed from Rom 1:5.7 The subsequent ideas of being full of grace and power, doing great wonders and signs (Acts 6:8), speaking with unquestionable wisdom and Spirit (Acts 6:9–​ 10), as well as teaching something superior to Moses (Acts 6:11), the temple, and the law (Acts 6:8–​13; esp. 6:13) illustrate Paul’s subsequent idea of having received a supernatural revelation (Gal 1:12c). The motif of having power (δύναμις), revealed in wonders (τέρατα) and (καί) signs (σημεῖα: Acts 6:8; cf. 2:22), was borrowed from Rom 15:19 (cf. 2 Cor 12:12). The Lucan idea of the Jerusalem community indirectly evangelizing the regions of Rome (Libertini), Cyrene, Alexandria, Cilicia, and Asia (Acts 6:9), so with the exception of the Jews in Rome, regions located east of the Aegean Sea (cf. Acts 2:9–​11), so generally not the regions evangelized by Paul (especially Galatia, Macedonia, and Achaea: cf. 1 Cor 16:1–​7), in a geographical way illustrates the idea of the partition of the missionary areas between the Jerusalem leaders and Paul (Gal 2:9). The motif of the Jews arguing (συζητέω) with (dat.) Jesus’ representative (Acts 6:9) was borrowed from Mk 8:11. The motif of false (ψευδ*) witnesses (μαρτυρ*) arising (*ίστημι) and saying (λέγοντ*ς) that they heard (ἀκούω) that he said that (αὐτοῦ λέγοντος ὅτι) Jesus will destroy (καταλύω) this (τοῦτον) holy place and

7

Cf. H.-​S. Kim, Die Geisttaufe des Messias: Eine kompositionsgeschichtliche Untersuchung zu einem Leitmotiv des lukanischen Doppelwerks: Ein Beitrag zur Theologie und Intention des Lukas (SKP 81; Peter Lang: Frankfurt am Main, 1993), 193.

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make other (ἄλλ*) customs (Acts 6:13–​14) was borrowed from Mk 14:57–​58.8 The motif of the temple being regarded as the holy (ἅγιος) place (τόπος: Acts 6:13) was borrowed from Exod 29:31 LXX etc. The concluding reference to (a) Jesus (Ἰησοῦς) (b) the messianic Nazorean (cf. Acts 2:22; 3:6; 4:10), who is superior to Moses (Acts 6:14),9 and who makes the face appear like that of an angel (Acts 6:14–​15; esp. 6:15), conceptually and linguistically, in a sequential way illustrates Paul’s concluding reference to (a) Jesus (Ἰησοῦς) (b) the Messiah/​Christ, presumably as a source of a supernatural revelation (Gal 1:12c). The motif of the Jews gazing (ἀτενίζω) with astonishment at (εἰς) the angelic/​ glorious face (πρόσωπον) of the revealer (Acts 6:15) was borrowed from 2 Cor 3:7. The idea of an angel (ἄγγελος) bringing revelation (Acts 6:15) was borrowed from Gal 3:19.

2.2. Acts 7:1–​8:4 (cf. Gal 1:13) The Lucan section Acts 7:1–​8:4 sequentially illustrates the main ideas of the corresponding Pauline section Gal 1:13. The opening idea of Stephen exhorting the doubting audience to hear (ἀκούσατε:  Acts 7:1–​2b; esp. 7:2b) conceptually and linguistically illustrates Paul’s opening idea of the doubting addressees having heard (ἠκούσατε:  Gal 1:13a). The subsequent account of the history of the Israelites (Acts 7:2c–​43) illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of his conduct once, in the past (Gal 1:13a). Luke knew from Paul’s letters that Paul was once a Pharisee (Phlp 3:5). From Josephus’ works, Luke knew that the Pharisees were regarded as explaining the Mosaic laws with exactness (Jos. B.J. 1.110; B.J. 2.162; Vita 191). From these data, Luke deduced that Paul must have been taught to explain the Mosaic laws with exactness (cf. Acts 22:3; 26:5). Therefore, in order to illustrate Paul’s reference to his conduct once, in the past (Gal 1:13a), Luke inserted into his narrative a long, apparently redundant summary of the Mosaic, so Pentateuchal story of the Israelites (Acts 7:2c–​43). Moreover, in order to illustrate Paul’s thought that 8

9

Cf. H. Conzelmann, Acts of the Apostles: A Commentary on the Acts of the Apostles, trans. J. Limburg, A. T. Kraabel, and D. H. Juel (Hermeneia; Fortress: Philadelphia, 1987), 48, n. 6; G. Rossé, Atti degli Apostoli: Commento esegetico e teologico (Città Nuova: Roma, 1998), 286, 291–​292; D. Marguerat, Die Apostelgeschichte (KEK 3; Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht: Göttingen, 2022), 261–​262. Cf. R. Pesch, Apostelgeschichte, vol. 1, 238.

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his conduct once, in the past, was in fact against God’s will (Gal 1:13bc), Luke at the end of his summary of the Pentateuchal story of the Israelites (Acts 7:2c–​43) highlighted the idea of the Israelites acting against God’s will,10 which culminated in the exile beyond Babylon (Acts 7:39–​43; diff. Amos 5:27 LXX: Damascus).11 Besides, in contrast to the following ‘Judaic’ account highlighting the importance of Judaea (Acts 7:44–​47), the ‘Israelite’ account Acts 7:2c–​43 contains a positive reference to Samaria (Acts 7:16).12 The motifs contained in Acts 7:2c–​43 are generally Pentateuchal.13 They were mainly taken from the version of the Septuagint (e.g., ἑβδομήκοντα πέντε: Acts 7:14 cf. Gen 46:27 LXX),14 but also from its reworking by Josephus (e.g., the call of Abraham in Mesopotamia: Acts 7:2–​3 cf. Jos. Ant. 1.154–​157;15 ἀνατρέφω: Acts

10 Cf. J. B. Green, ‘“They Made a Calf ”: Idolatry and Temple in Acts 7’, in E. F. Mason and E. F. Lupieri (eds.), Golden Calf Traditions in Early Judaism, Christianity, and Islam (TBN 23; Brill: Leiden, 2019), 132–​141 (esp. 135). 11 Cf. G. J. Steyn, ‘Notes on the Vorlage of the Amos Quotations in Acts’, in C. Breytenbach, J. Schröter, and D. S. du Toit (eds.), Die Apostelgeschichte und die hellenistische Geschichtsschreibung (AJEC 52; Brill: Leiden and Boston, 2004), 59–​81 (esp. 68–​69); M. E. Fuller, The Restoration of Israel: Israel’s Re-​gathering and the Fate of the Nations in Early Jewish Literature and Luke–​Acts (BZNW 138; Walter de Gruyter: Berlin and New York, 2006), 265, n. 273; A. M. Schwemer, ‘Lukas als Kenner der Septuaginta und die Rede des Stephanus (Apg 7,2–​53)’, in T. S. Caulley and H. Lichtenberger (eds.), Die Septuaginta und das frühe Christentum /​The Septuagint and Christian Origins (WUNT 277; Mohr Siebeck: Tübingen, 2011), 301–​328 (esp. 317). 12 Cf. A. M. Schwemer, ‘Lukas als Kenner’, 311–​312; C. R. Holladay, Acts: A Commentary (NTL; Westminster John Knox: Louisville, KY, 2016), 166; D. Marguerat, Apostelge-​ schichte, 285, n. 79. 13 Cf. D. Rusam, Das Alte Testament bei Lukas (BZNW 112; Walter de Gruyter: Berlin and New York, 2003), 130–​139; P. Mallen, ‘Genesis in Luke–​Acts’, in M. J. J. Menken and S. Moyise (eds.), Genesis in the New Testament (LNTS 466; Bloomsbury T&T Clark: London and New York, 2012), 60–​82 (esp. 75–​78). 14 Cf. C. R. Holladay, Acts, 165; S. Smith, The Fate of the Jerusalem Temple in Luke–​ Acts: An Intertextual Approach to Jesus’ Laments Over Jerusalem and Stephen’s Speech (LNTS 553; Bloomsbury T&T Clark: London and New York, 2017), 157, n. 80; D. Marguerat, Apostelgeschichte, 272, n. 31, 284. 15 Cf. M. R. Whitenton, ‘Rewriting Abraham and Joseph: Stephen’s Speech (Acts 7:2–​16) and Jewish Exegetical Traditions’, NovT 54 (2012), 149–​167 (esp. 163–​164).

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7:21 cf. Jos. Ant. 2.232). The phrase ‘the God of glory’ (ὁ θεὸς τῆς δόξης: Acts 7:2) was borrowed from Ps 29[28]:3 LXX.16 The subsequent, somewhat surprisingly partly overlapping chronologically with the preceding story (Acts 7:44 following 7:40–​43)17 account of placing the cultic tent of testimony in the Davidic city of Jerusalem, in the Judaean temple ‘house’ built by Solomon (Acts 7:44–​47; esp. 7:47),18 and not on the Israelite (Samaritan) Mount Gerizim (cf. Jos. Ant. 18.85), illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of Judaism (Gal 1:13a). The motifs contained in Acts 7:44–​47 are generally scriptural. The subsequent idea of (a) the Most High not dwelling in temples made with hands, according to (καθ*) the prophet (Acts 7:48), and (b) not resting on the earth, which is under (ὑπο*) his feet (Acts 7:48–​50; esp. 7:49), conceptually and linguistically, in a sequential way illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of acting (a) according to (καθ*) (b) superiority (ὑπερ*: Gal 1:13b). The quotation from the ‘prophet’ (Acts 7:49–​50) was borrowed from Isa 66:1–​2 LXX and slightly reworked.19 The subsequent idea of the Jews being stiff-​necked (Acts 7:51), their fathers once persecuting (διώκω) the prophets (Acts 7:52), the Jews and Saul persecuting Stephen (Acts 7:54–​8:1a; esp. 7:54–​8:1a), and a great persecution (διωγμός) arising on that day (Acts 7:51–​8:1b; esp. 8:1b) conceptually and linguistically illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of his once persecuting (διώκω: Gal 1:13b). The motif of the audience being stiff-​necked (σκληροτράχηλοι: Acts 7:51) was borrowed from Exod 33:3 LXX etc.20 The motif of the audience being uncircumcised in their hearts (ἀπερίτμητοι καρδία*ς: Acts 7:51) was borrowed from Jer 9:25 LXX21 and conflated with Jer 6:10 LXX (τὰ ὦτα).22 16 Cf. A. M. Schwemer, ‘Lukas als Kenner’, 305; S. Smith, Fate, 155, 164; M. Bachmann, ‘Jerusalem in Lukasevangelium und Apostelgeschichte: Indiz eines gewissen Antijudaismus oder heilsgeschichtlicher Kontinuität?’, BZ 65 (2021), 266–​297 (esp. 290). 17 Cf. H. Conzelmann, Acts, 55. 18 Cf. K. Haacker, Die Apostelgeschichte (TKNT 5; W. Kohlhammer: Stuttgart, 2019), 148; M. Bachmann, ‘Jerusalem’, 274. 19 Cf. D. Rusam, Das Alte Testament, 145; A. M. Schwemer, ‘Lukas als Kenner’, 320–​321; R. Strelan, ‘Luke’s Use of Isaiah LXX in Acts’, in id., Studies in the Acts of the Apostles: Collected Essays (Pickwick: Eugene, OR, 2020), 153–​180 (esp. 159–​160). 20 Cf. H. Braun, Geschichte, 363; A. M. Schwemer, ‘Lukas als Kenner’, 323; B. J. Tabb and S. Walton, ‘Exodus in Luke–​Acts’, in S. M. Ehorn (ed.), Exodus in the New Testament (LNTS 663; T&T Clark: London, New York and Dublin, 2022), 61–​87 (esp. 80, 82). 21 Cf. H. Braun, Geschichte, 366. 22 Cf. C. K. Barrett, Acts, vol. 1, 376.

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The idea of the Jews having killed (ἀποκτείνω) the prophets (οἱ προφῆται: Acts 7:52) was borrowed from 1 Thes 2:13. The motif of the law being given by directions (διαταγ*ς) of angels (ἀγγέλων: Acts 7:53) was borrowed from Gal 3:19.23 The motif of gnashing (βρύχω) the teeth (τοὺς ὀδόντας) at (ἐπί) someone (Acts 7:54) was borrowed from Ps 35[34]:16 LXX etc.24 The motif of gazing (ἀτενίζω) at (εἰς) the glory (δόξαν) of God (Acts 7:55; cf. 6:15) was borrowed from 2 Cor 3:7. The motif of seeing (ὁράω) the Son of Man at the right hand (τὸν υἱὸν τοῦ ἀνθρώπου ἐκ δεξιῶν) of God (Acts 7:55–​56) was borrowed from Mk 14:62. The motif of driving someone (ἐκ*) out of the city (ἔξω τῆς πόλεως) and stoning (ἐλιθοβόλ*: Acts 7:58–​59) was borrowed from 1 Kgs 21[20]:13 LXX.25 Luke chose for the pre-​Christian Paul the name of Saul (Acts 7:58 etc.), the scriptural king of Israel from the tribe of Benjamin (1 Sam 9:1–​2), because he knew from Paul’s letters that Paul likewise originated from the tribe of Benjamin (Rom 11:1; Phlp 3:5).26 The somewhat surprising Lucan version of the name Saul (Σαῦλος: Acts 7:58 etc.) resulted from a conflation of the Septuagintal name Saul (Σαούλ: 1 Sam 9:2 LXX etc.; cf. Acts 9:4 etc.) and/​or Josephus’ version thereof (Σαοῦλος: Jos. Ant. 6.45 etc.) with the name of Paul (Παῦλος: 1 Thes 1:1 etc.). The motif of calling on (ἐπικαλέω) the Lord (κύριος) Jesus (Ἰησοῦς: Acts 7:59) was borrowed from 1 Cor 1:2. The motif of the dying hero praying for receiving his spirit (τὸ πνεῦμά μου: Acts 7:59) was borrowed from Lk 23:46.27 The motif of having bent the knees (θεὶς… τὰ γόνατα) and praying (Acts 7:60) was borrowed

23 Cf. M. S. Enslin, ‘Once Again, Luke and Paul’, ZNW 61 (1970), 253–​271 (esp. 262); R. I. Pervo, Dating Acts: Between the Evangelists and the Apologists (Polebridge: Santa Rosa, CA, 2006), 78. 24 Cf. C. K. Barrett, Acts, vol. 1, 382; H. Braun, Geschichte, 393–​394; C. R. Holladay, Acts, 176. 25 Cf. G. Rossé, Atti, 328, n. 174; D. Marguerat, Apostelgeschichte, 316. 26 Cf. R. Buitenwerf, ‘Acts 9:1–​25: Narrative History Based on the Letters of Paul’, in R. Buitenwerf, H. W. Hollander, and J. Tromp (eds.), Jesus, Paul, and Early Christianity, Festschrift H. J. de Jonge (NovTSup 130; Brill: Leiden and Boston, 2008), 61–​86 (esp. 84); M. Kochenash, ‘Better Call Paul “Saul”: Literary Models and a Lukan Innovation’, JBL 138 (2019), 433–​449 (esp. 437–​438). 27 Cf. R. C. Tannehill, The Narrative Unity of Luke–​Acts: A Literary Interpretation, vol. 2, The Acts of the Apostles (Fortress: Minneapolis, 1990), 99; D. P. Moessner, ‘“The Christ Must Suffer”: New Light on the Jesus –​Peter, Stephen, Paul Parallels in Luke-​Acts’, in id., Luke the Historian of Israel’s Legacy, Theologian of Israel’s ‘Christ’: A New Reading of the ‘Gospel Acts’ of Luke (BZNW 182; Walter de Gruyter: Berlin and Boston, 2016), 238–​271 (esp. 251); D. Marguerat, Apostelgeschichte, 317–​318.

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from Lk 22:41.28 The motif of persecution (διωγμός) arising (γίνομαι: Acts 8:1) was borrowed from Mk 4:17. The subsequent reference to (a) the church (τὴν ἐκκλησίαν) (b) in Jerusalem as being devout (Acts 8:1b–​2) conceptually and linguistically, in a sequential way illustrates Paul’s subsequent reference to (a) the church (τὴν ἐκκλησίαν) (b) of God (Gal 1:13b). The concluding thought that (a) Saul was damaging (imperf.) (b) the church (Acts 8:3), but (a’) did not succeed in destroying it (Acts 8:3–​4; esp. 8:4), sequentially illustrates the concluding thought that (a) Paul was trying to destroy (imperf.) (b) it, namely, the church (Gal 1:13c).

2.3. Acts 8:5–​25 (cf. Gal 1:14–​15a) The Lucan section Acts 8:5–​25 sequentially illustrates the main ideas of the corresponding Pauline section Gal 1:14–​15a. The opening idea of Philip going from Jerusalem and Judaea (cf. Acts 8:1) to the main city of the foreign (cf. Lk 10:33–​36; 17:16–​18) or even hostile (cf. Lk 9:52–​53) territory of Samaria (Acts 8:5),29 so presumably to the seldom mentioned by the Jews in Scripture by name (cf. 1 Kgs 12:1.25; Ps 60[59]:8 //​ 108[107]:8; Sir 50:26 LXX), rival city of Shechem (cf. Jos. Ant. 11.340; Acts 7:16),30 illustrates Paul’s opening idea of his advancing (‘cutting his way forward’) in Judaism (Gal 1:14a). The subsequent idea of the multitudes obediently giving heed to the things spoken by/​under (ὑπό) Philip (Acts 8:6) illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of his being above (ὑπέρ: Gal 1:14a). The subsequent, repeated references to many (πολλοί) unclean and sick people (Acts 8:7), as well as much (πολλή; diff. Lk 2:10 etc.: μεγάλη) joy (Acts 8:7–​8; esp. 8:8) conceptually and linguistically illustrate Paul’s subsequent idea of many (πολλοί) people (Gal 1:14a). The motif of unclean (ἀκάθαρτος) spirits (πνεῦμα), crying with a loud voice (φωνῇ μεγάλῃ), going out (ἐξέρχομαι: Acts

28 Cf. J. A. Fitzmyer, The Acts of the Apostles: A New Translation with Introduction and Commentary (AB 31; Doubleday: New York, 1998), 394; G. Rossé, Atti, 329; D. L. Bock, Acts (BECNT; Baker Academic: Grand Rapids, MI, 2007), 315. 29 Cf. F. Mußner, Apostelgeschichte (NEchtB 5; Echter: Würzburg, 1984), 49; F. F. Bruce, The Book of the Acts (rev. edn., NICNT; William B. Eerdmans: Grand Rapids, MI, 1988), 164; D. L. Bock, Acts, 324. 30 Cf. R. Pesch, Apostelgeschichte, vol. 1, 272; F. F. Bruce, Acts, 165; D. L. Bock, Acts, 325.

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8:7) was borrowed from Mk 1:26 and conflated with Mk 3:10–​11 (πνεύματα… ἀκάθαρτα + ἐθεραπευ*ν). The subsequent idea of (a) Simon living before (b) in (ἐν) (c) the (τῇ) city, presumably of the nation of Samaria (Acts 8:9a), conceptually and linguistically, in a sequential way illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of (a) his past contemporaries (b) in (ἐν) (c) the (τῷ) nation (Gal 1:14a), presumably of Israel (cf. Phlp 3:5). The name Simon (Σίμων: Acts 8:9) may allude to Peter (cf. Mk 1:16 etc.), thus contributing to the creation of a character which functions in the narrative as Peter’s negative alter ego, related to money (cf. Gal 2:9–​10). The subsequent ideas of Simon amazing the people and claiming that he was someone great (Acts 8:9b–​e), Simon being given heed by all (Acts 8:10–​11), similarly to Philip (cf. Acts 8:6), but Philip prevailing over him, so that now Simon was amazed (Acts 8:9b–​13; esp. 8:12–​13), illustrate Paul’s subsequent idea of him being to a much greater degree (Gal 1:14b). The repeated, evidently negative references to practising magic and pretending to be great in the city of Samaria (Acts 8:9–​11), so presumably in Shechem, may allude to the worship and messianic expectations in the rival sanctuary on Mount Gerizim (cf. Jos. Ant. 18.85–​86).31 The idea of the nation (ἔθνος) of Samaria (Σαμαρε*: Acts 8:9) was borrowed from Jos. Ant. 18.85. The motif of all (πάντες) people, from the little one to the great one (ἀπὸ μικροῦ ἕως μεγάλου), giving heed (προσ*) to someone (Acts 8:10) was borrowed from Jer 49:1 LXX. The motif of believing (πιστεύω) in the gospel (εὐαγγελι*) concerning the kingdom (βασιλεία) of God (τοῦ θεοῦ: Acts 8:12) was borrowed from Mk 1:15. The motif of proclaiming the name (ὄνομα) of Jesus Christ (Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ: Acts 8:12; cf. 2:38; 3:6; 4:10) was borrowed from 1 Cor 1:2 etc. The subsequent idea of the Samaritans somewhat surprisingly not having received the Holy Spirit at their baptism (Acts 8:14–​16a; diff. 2:4.38.41; 4:31; 6:5)32

31 Cf. P. Fabien, ‘La conversion de Simon le magicien (Ac 8,4–​25)’, Bib 91 (2010), 210–​240 (esp. 214–​215). 32 Cf. S. Haar, Simon Magus: The First Gnostic? (BZNW 119; Walter de Gruyter: Berlin and New York, 2003), 80, 181; J. B. Green, ‘From “John’s Baptism” to “Baptism in the Name of the Lord Jesus”: The Significance of Baptism in Luke–​Acts’, in id., Luke as Narrative Theologian: Texts and Topics (WUNT 446; Mohr Siebeck: Tübingen, 2020), 248–​260 (esp. 258–​259); T. Yamanaka, Philip, a Collaborative Forerunner of Peter and Paul: A Study of Philip’s Characterization in Acts (AnBib 234; Gregorian & Biblical: Roma, 2022), 143.

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illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of being zealous, but presumably in a merely Jewish way (Gal 1:14b). The motif of receiving (δέχομαι) the preached gospel as the word of God (λόγον… θεοῦ: Acts 8:14) was borrowed from 1 Thes 2:13. The motif of sending (ἀπέστειλ*ν) Peter and John (Πέτρον καὶ Ἰωάννην:  Acts 8:14) was borrowed from Lk 22:8. The motif of the believers receiving (λαμβάνω) the Spirit (πνεῦμα: Acts 8:14.17; cf. 2:33.38) was borrowed from 1 Cor 2:12 etc. The subsequent idea of being (ὑπάρχω) merely baptized (Acts 8:16b) conceptually and linguistically illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of being (ὑπάρχω), presumably in a merely Jewish way (Gal 1:14b). The subsequent idea of laying hands on the believers, like the scriptural Moses did on his spiritual successor Joshua (cf. Num 27:18.23; Deut 34:9), and thus handing over the Holy Spirit (Acts 8:17) illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of the presumably handed over ancestral traditions (Gal 1:14b). The motif of laying (ἐπιτίθημι) hands (χεῖρας) upon (ἐπί) someone (αὐτός: Acts 8:17) was borrowed from Num 27:18.23; Deut 34:9 LXX. The subsequent statement that when Simon saw (ἰδὼν δέ: Acts 8:18a) conceptually and linguistically illustrates Paul’s subsequent statement that when something happened (ὅτε δέ: Gal 1:15a). The subsequent idea of (a) not being able to buy the gift (Acts 8:18b–​20c) of (b) God (θεός: Acts 8:18b–​25; esp. 8:20c–​21) conceptually and linguistically illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of the (a) well-​pleasing of (b) God (θεός: Gal 1:15a ‫א‬, A, etc.). The motif of the laying on of the apostle’s hands (ἐπιθέσεως τῶν χειρῶν: Acts 8:18) was borrowed from 1 Tim 4:14; 2 Tim 1:6. The motif of giving (δίδωμι) the Spirit (πνεῦμα: Acts 8:18; cf. 5:32) was borrowed from 1 Thes 4:8. The motif of giving (δίδωμι) the authority (ἐξουσίαν) over the Spirit (πνεῦμα: Acts 8:19) could have been borrowed from Mk 6:7. The motif of someone having no (οὐκ ἔστιν + pron. dat.) part or share (μερὶς οὐδὲ κλῆρος: Acts 8:21) was borrowed from Deut 12:12 LXX etc.33 The motif of someone’s heart (καρδία) not (οὐκ) being right (εὐθεῖα) with God (Acts 8:21) was borrowed from Ps 78[77]:37 LXX.34 The motif of gall (χολή) and bitterness

33 Cf. C. K. Barrett, Acts, vol. 1, 414; D. L. Bock, Acts, 334; C. R. Holladay, Acts, 186. 34 Cf. C.  R.  Holladay, Acts, 186; K.  Haacker, Apostelgeschichte, 164; D.  Marguerat, Apostelgeschichte, 338.

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(πικρία: Acts 8:23) was borrowed from Deut 29:17 LXX etc.35 The motif of the fetter of unrighteousness (σύνδεσμον ἀδικίας: Acts 8:23) was borrowed from Isa 58:6 LXX.36 The motif of preaching the gospel (εὐαγγελίζομαι) in villages (κώμας:  Acts 8:25) was borrowed from Lk 9:6.37

2.4. Acts 8:26–​40 (cf. Gal 1:15bc) The Lucan section Acts 8:26–​40 sequentially illustrates the main ideas of the corresponding Pauline section Gal 1:15b. The opening idea of an angel of the Lord somewhat surprisingly ordering Philip to arise and go alone in the opposite direction, namely, to the south (diff. Acts 8:5–​ 13:  northward to Samaria), away from Jerusalem (diff. Acts 8:25:  to Jerusalem), towards the Gentile city of Gaza, on a road which was unfrequented,38 so that he arose and went there (Acts 8:26–​27b), illustrates Paul’s idea of God having set him apart (Gal 1:15b). The motif of an angel of the Lord (ἄγγελος κυρίου) speaking (λέγω) to someone (Acts 8:26; cf. 5:19) was borrowed from Gen 16:8–​9 LXX etc.39 The subsequent, feminine idea of an emasculated eunuch40 of a king’s mother (Candace), who was a queen (Acts 8:27c–​28),41 illustrates Paul’s subsequent, feminine idea of his relationship to his mother’s womb (Gal 1:15b). The idea of Candace (Κανδάκης) as the queen (βασιλίσσης) of the Ethiopians (Αἰθιόπων: Acts 8:27) could have been borrowed from Strabo, Geogr. 17.1.54. The

35 Cf. C. K. Barrett, Acts, vol. 1, 416; R. I. Pervo, Acts: A Commentary (Hermeneia; Fortress: Minneapolis, 2009), 215, n. 18; C. S. Keener, Acts: An Exegetical Commentary, vol. 2, 3:1–​14:28 (Baker Academic: Grand Rapids, MI, 2013), 1532. 36 Cf. R. I. Pervo, Acts, 215, n. 18; C. S. Keener, Acts, vol. 2, 1532; C. R. Holladay, Acts, 186. 37 Cf. R. Pesch, Apostelgeschichte, vol. 1, 278. 38 Cf. ibid., vol. 1, 290; K.  Haacker, Apostelgeschichte, 166; D.  Marguerat, Apostelgeschichte, 345. 39 Cf. C. K. Barrett, Acts, vol. 1, 422. 40 Cf. R. Głuchowski, Nawrócenie dworzanina królowej etiopskiej typem ewangelizacji bez granic: Społeczno-​geograficzny wymiar Łukaszowego uniwersalizmu zbawczego w Dz 8,25–​40 (AnBibLub 5; Wydawnictwo KUL: Lublin, 2010), 31–​32; B. E. Wilson, ‘“Neither Male nor Female”: The Ethiopian Eunuch in Acts 8.26–​40’, NTS 60 (2014), 403–​422 (esp. 417–​421); A. Barbi, ‘L’eunuco marginale accolto nell’Israele ricostituito (Atti 8,26–​40)’, in M. Guidi and S. Zeni (eds.), NumeriSecondi: Il volto di Dio attraverso il volto dei piccoli, Festschrift M. Grilli (AnBibSt 11; Gregorian & Biblical: Roma, 2018), 413–​427 (esp. 415–​416). 41 Cf. R. Głuchowski, Nawrócenie, 38; C. S. Keener, Acts, vol. 2, 1573–​1575.

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motif of one of the Ethiopians (Αἰθιόπων) coming to Jerusalem to worship (Acts 8:27) was borrowed from Ps 87[86]:4 LXX. The motif of reading (ἀναγινώσκω) the prophet (προφήτης) Isaiah (Ἠσαΐας: Acts 8:28.30) was borrowed from Lk 4:16–​17. The subsequent idea of the Spirit somewhat surprisingly telling Philip (diff. Acts 4:8 etc.: someone speaking in the Spirit) to come near and join the Gentile (Acts 8:29), so that the Spirit-​inspired Philip ran closer (Acts 8:30),42 and the Gentile called him to his side (*κάλεσεν: Acts 8:29–​31; esp. 8:31), conceptually and linguistically illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of God having called him (καλέσας: Gal 1:15c). The motif of the Spirit (πνεῦμα) speaking (εἶπεν) to someone (dat.: Acts 8:29) was borrowed from Ezek 3:24 LXX. The motif of reading (ἀναγινώσκω) the Old Testament, but without understanding, unless it is related to Christ (Acts 8:30–​35), was borrowed from 2 Cor 3:14–​16. The concluding ideas of reading in Scripture a prophet and not the law (Acts 8:32–​34), proclaiming the gospel about Jesus (Acts 8:35), being baptized (Acts 8:36–​ 38), disappearance of the human mediator (Acts 8:39a–​c), rejoicing (χαίρω) as because of grace (Acts 8:39de),43 and preaching the gospel in all the coastal Gentile cities (Acts 8:32–​40; esp. 8:40) illustrate Paul’s concluding idea of grace (χάρις: Gal 1:15c). The quotation from the prophet Isaiah (Acts 8:32–​33) was borrowed from Isa 53:7–​8 LXX.44 The motif of christologically beginning from (ἀρξάμενος ἀπό) a passage of Scripture (γραφή: Acts 8:35) was borrowed from Lk 24:27.45 The motif of preventing (κωλύω) a Gentile from being baptized (Acts 8:36) was borrowed from 1 Thes 2:16. The motif of coming up (ἀναβαίνω) from the baptismal water (ἐκ τοῦ ὕδατος: Acts 8:39) was borrowed from Mk 1:10.46

42 Cf. R. Strelan, ‘The Running Prophet (Acts 8:30)’, in id., Studies, 54–​60 (esp. 57); D. Marguerat, Apostelgeschichte, 347. 43 Cf. T. Yamanaka, Philip, 206–​208. 44 Cf. R. Genz, Jesaja 53 als theologische Mitte der Apostelgeschichte: Studien zu ihrer Christologie und Ekklesiologie im Anschluss an Apg 8,26–​40 (WUNT 2.398; Mohr Siebeck: Tübingen, 2015), 96–​106; R. Strelan, ‘Luke’s Use of Isaiah’, 161–​164; T. Yamanaka, Philip, 191–​194. 45 Cf. B. J. Wilson, The Saving Cross of the Suffering Christ: The Death of Jesus in Lukan Soteriology (BZNW 223: Walter de Gruyter: Berlin and Boston, 2016), 143; J. R. Edwards, ‘Parallels and Patterns between Luke and Acts’, BBR 27 (2017), 485–​501 (esp. 490); A. Barbi, ‘L’eunuco’, 423–​424. 46 Cf. R. Pesch, Apostelgeschichte, vol. 1, 294.

Chapter 3. The early Paul (Acts 9–​12; cf. Gal 1:16–​23b) The contents of the Lucan major section Acts 9–​12 sequentially, in a hypertextual way illustrate the contents of the Pauline major section Gal 1:16–​23b.

3.1. Acts 9:1–​22 (cf. Gal 1:16–​17) The Lucan section Acts 9:1–​22 sequentially illustrates the main ideas of the corresponding Pauline section Gal 1:16–​17. The opening idea of a light from heaven unexpectedly shining around Saul (Acts 9:1–​3; esp. 9:3) illustrates Paul’s idea of God revealing, presumably to him (Gal 1:16a).1 The motif of the pre-​Christian Saul/​Paul being in need of recommendation letters (ἐπιστολαί) from the Jewish high priest (who most likely alludes to the Jerusalem leader James: cf. Acts 4:6; 5:17.27) to the believers in the diaspora (Acts 9:1–​2) was borrowed from 2 Cor 3:1. The somewhat surprisingly formulated (εἰς Δαμασκὸν πρὸς τὰς συναγωγάς: Acts 9:2) thought that the calling2 of Paul took place while he was going to Damascus (εἰς Δαμασκόν: Acts 9:2.8; 22:5.10–​11; 26:12) was deduced from Paul’s statement that later he returned back to Damascus (Gal 1:17).3 However, whereas Paul’s statement quite naturally suggests that Damascus was the place of his origin4 (and his letters mention no other place of his origin), Luke

Cf. B.  McAdon, Rhetorical Mimesis and the Mitigation of Early Christian Conflicts: Examining the Influence that Greco-​Roman Mimesis May Have in the Composition of Matthew, Luke, and Acts (Pickwick: Eugene, OR, 2018), 194. 2 Cf. I. W. Oliver, ‘The Calling of Paul in the Acts of the Apostles’, in I. W. Oliver, G. Boccaccini, and J. Scott (eds.), The Early Reception of Paul the Second Temple Jew: Text, Narrative and Reception History (LSTS 92; T&T Clark: London and New York, 2019), 179–​191 (esp. 188). 3 Cf. R. Buitenwerf, ‘Acts 9:1–​25: Narrative History Based on the Letters of Paul’, in R. Buitenwerf, H. W. Hollander, and J. Tromp (eds.), Jesus, Paul, and Early Christianity, Festschrift H. J. de Jonge (NovTSup 130; Brill: Leiden and Boston, 2008), 61–​86 (esp. 68); B. McAdon, Rhetorical Mimesis, 192–​193. 4 R. I. Pervo, Acts: A Commentary (Hermeneia; Fortress: Minneapolis, 2009), 554, n. 39, rightly argues that Gal 1:17 suggests that Paul lived in Damascus at the time of his ‘conversion’. 1

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presented him as going there for the first time in his life (Acts 9:1–​2) and dwelling there in the house of an otherwise unknown Judas (Acts 9:11).5 Moreover, Luke depicted Paul as earlier living in Tarsus and in Jerusalem (Acts 7:58–​8:3; 9:11; 21:39; 22:3; 26:10), although in Paul’s letters there is no mention of Tarsus, and Paul suggests that he had no natural place to stay in Jerusalem (Gal 1:18). The motif of God’s initial revelation to Paul (Gal 1:16a) involving light (φῶς) shining around him (Acts 9:3) was borrowed from 2 Cor 4:6. The subsequent thought that the audible content of the revelation given to Saul was the Lord, the risen and living Jesus (Acts 9:4–​5),6 illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of God’s Son as the object of God’s revelation (Gal 1:16a).7 The motif of Paul once persecuting (διώκω) the Lord’s believers (Acts 9:4–​5; cf. 22:4.7–​8; 26:11.14–​15) was borrowed from 1 Cor 15:9; Gal 1:13.23; Phlp 3:6.8 The motif of falling (πίπτω) on the earth (ἐπὶ τὴν γῆν) in reaction to a theophanic revelation (Acts 9:4) was borrowed from Judg 13:20 LXX etc. The Septuagintal name form Saul (Σαούλ: Acts 9:4) was borrowed from 1 Sam 9:2 LXX etc.9 The motif of repeating the name of the recipient of the revelation in God’s address to him (Acts 9:4) is likewise scriptural (Gen 22:1 LXX etc.). The subsequent ideas which allusively suggest the presence of the crucified and risen Jesus in the person and the course of life of Saul/​Paul, namely, Saul rising (ἀνίστημι: Acts 9:6; cf. Jesus: 1 Thes 4:14 etc.), others not seeing the risen Jesus (Acts 9:7), Saul being raised (ἠγέρθη: Acts 9:8a; cf. Jesus: Rom 4:25 etc.), Saul spending three (τρεῖς) days (ἡμέρας) in darkness, neither eating nor drinking (Acts 9:8b–​9), the Lord restoring Saul to regain sight (Acts 9:10–​12),10 although he once persecuted the church (Acts 9:13–​14), and Paul being a chosen vessel/​ container11 for Christ (Acts 9:6–​15c; esp. 9:15a–​c) illustrate Paul’s subsequent

5 Cf. R. Buitenwerf, ‘Acts 9:1–​25’, 73–​74. 6 Cf. L. T. Johnson, The Acts of the Apostles (SP 5; Liturgical: Collegeville, MN, 1992), 163; C. K. Barrett, A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the Acts of the Apostles, vol. 1, Preliminary Introduction and Commentary on Acts I–​XIV (ICC; T&T Clark: Edinburgh, 1994), 450. 7 Cf. R. Buitenwerf, ‘Acts 9:1–​25’, 70. 8 Cf. B. McAdon, Rhetorical Mimesis, 189–​190. 9 Cf. D. Böhler, ‘Saul, Saul, warum verfolgst du mich? Zum alttestamentlichen Hintergrund der Damaskusberichte (Apg 9; 22; 26)’, BZ 61 (2017), 137–​147 (esp. 145–​146). 10 Cf. B. E. Wilson, ‘The Blinding of Paul and the Power of God: Masculinity, Sight, and Self-​Control in Acts 9’, JBL 133 (2014), 367–​387 (esp. 384–​386). 11 Cf. L. T. Johnson, Acts, 165; C. S. Keener, Acts: An Exegetical Commentary, vol. 2, 3:1–​14:28 (Baker Academic: Grand Rapids, MI, 2013), 1655.

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idea of revealing God’s Son in him, that is, in his person and his course of life (Gal 1:16a). The motif of the Lord (κύριος) speaking (λέγω) to someone in a vision (ἐν ὁράματι:  Acts 9:10) was borrowed from Gen 15:1 LXX. The motif of the Lord calling someone by name, and the addressee answering, ‘Here I am’ (ὁ δὲ εἶπεν ἰδοὺ ἐγώ: Acts 9:10) was borrowed from Gen 22:1.11 LXX.12 The motif of originating from Tarsus (Acts 9:11), which was famous for good education,13 could have been borrowed from Strabo, Geogr. 14.5.13. The motif of the Jewish Christians in Jerusalem being regarded as the saints (οἱ ἅγιοι: Acts 9:13) was borrowed from 1 Cor 16:1 etc. The motif of all those (πάντες) who call on the name (ἐπικαλουμένο*ς τὸ ὄνομα) of the Lord, presumably Jesus (Acts 9:14), was borrowed from 1 Cor 1:2. The subsequent idea of Saul (a) carrying the name of (b) the Lord Jesus (c) before (ἐν*) (d) the Gentiles (ἔθνη: Acts 9:15d), and for the sake of this name suffering (Acts 9:16) and being filled with the Gentiles-​related (cf. Acts 13:2)14 Holy Spirit (Acts 9:15d–​17; esp. 9:17) conceptually and linguistically, in a sequential way illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of (a) proclaiming (b) God’s Son (c) among (ἐν) (d) the Gentiles (ἔθνη: Gal 1:16b).15 The motif of bringing revelation to both the Gentiles (ἐθνῶν) and the sons of Israel (Ἰσραήλ: Acts 9:15) was borrowed from Lk 2:32. The motif of suffering for Christ (ὑπὲρ *οῦ πά*ειν: Acts 9:16) was borrowed from Phlp 1:29.16 The motif of the risen Jesus being seen (ὁράω aor. pass.) by Saul (dat. *οι: Acts 9:17) was borrowed from 1 Cor 15:8. The subsequent ideas of Saul (a) immediately (εὐθέως) (b) regaining sight and strength (Acts 9:18–​19), and (a’) immediately (εὐθέως) in the synagogues preaching Jesus as (b’) the Son of God (Acts 9:18–​20; esp. 9:20) conceptually and linguistically, in a sequential way illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of him (a) immediately (εὐθέως) (b) not consulting with the presumably Jewish Christian

12 Cf. J. B. F. Miller, Convinced that God had Called Us: Dreams, Visions and the Perception of God’s Will in Luke–​Acts (BibInt 85; Brill: Leiden and Boston, 2006), 192; C. S. Keener, Acts, vol. 2, 1645–​1646; D. Marguerat, Die Apostelgeschichte (KEK 3; Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht: Göttingen, 2022), 371. 13 Cf. C. S. Keener, Acts, vol. 2, 1650–​1651. 14 Cf. A. Landi, ‘«Avvinto dallo Spirito» (At 20,22): Paolo e lo Spirito negli Atti degli Apostoli’, RivB 64 (2016), 447–​469 (esp. 453). 15 Cf. R. Buitenwerf, ‘Acts 9:1–​25’, 75–​78; B. McAdon, Rhetorical Mimesis, 194. 16 Cf. R. Buitenwerf, ‘Acts 9:1–​25’, 78.

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flesh and blood (Gal 1:16c).17 Luke reworked Paul’s confrontational statement (Gal 1:16c) in a typical for him, irenic way by stating that Saul spent some days with the disciples in Damascus (Acts 9:19).18 The motif of Paul preaching Jesus as the Son (υἱός) of God (Acts 9:20) was borrowed from Gal 1:16ab.19 The motif of removing like scales (λεπί*) from (ἀπό) one’s (αὐτοῦ) eyes (τῶν ὀφθαλμῶν: Acts 9:18) was borrowed from Tob 11:12 LXX.20 The motif of preaching (κηρύσσω) in the synagogues (συναγωγάι: Acts 9:20) was borrowed from Mk 1:39. The motif of confessing that this one (οὗτος), namely Jesus, is (εἰμί) the Son of God (υἱὸς… θεοῦ: Acts 9:20) was borrowed from Mk 15:39. The subsequent, somewhat surprisingly formulated idea of people asking whether (a) not (οὐ*) this one is (b) the man who persecuted (c) to Jerusalem (εἰς Ἰερουσαλήμ) those who call on the name of Jesus, having come to bring them bound (d) to (e) the (τούς) (f) high priests (plur.: Acts 9:21; diff. 9:1: sing.), conceptually and linguistically, in a sequential way illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of (a) not (οὐ*) (b) going up (c) to Jerusalem (εἰς Ἱεροσόλυμα) (d) to (e) those (τούς) (f) who before him were apostles (plur.: Gal 1:17a). The narrative characters of the high priests again allude to the Jerusalem Christian leaders (cf. Acts 4:6; 5:17.27; 9:1). The motif of all people being amazed (ἐξίσταντο δὲ πάντες:  Acts 9:21; cf. 2:12) was borrowed from Lk 2:47 (cf. Mk 2:12). The motif of Saul once persecuting (πορθέω) the Jewish Christian church (Acts 9:21) was borrowed from Gal 1:13.23.21 The motif of those who call on the name (ἐπικαλουμένο*ς τὸ ὄνομα) of Jesus (Acts 9:21; cf. 9:14) was borrowed from 1 Cor 1:2. The subsequent idea of Saul growing strong even more (Acts 9:22a), presumably in faith (cf. Rom 4:20), illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of going to Arabia

17 Cf. R. I. Pervo, Dating Acts: Between the Evangelists and the Apologists (Polebridge: Santa Rosa, CA, 2006), 76; B. McAdon, Rhetorical Mimesis, 197. 18 Cf. B. McAdon, Rhetorical Mimesis, 197. 19 Cf. R. I. Pervo, Dating, 76; B. McAdon, Rhetorical Mimesis, 197–​199. 20 Cf. H. Conzelmann, Acts of the Apostles: A Commentary on the Acts of the Apostles, trans. J. Limburg, A. T. Kraabel, and D. H. Juel (Hermeneia; Fortress: Philadelphia, 1987), 72; C. K. Barrett, Acts, vol. 1, 458. 21 Cf. H. Leppä, ‘Luke’s Selective Use of Gal 1 and 2: A Critical Proposal’, in K. Liljeström (ed.), The Early Reception of Paul (PFES 99; Finnish Exegetical Society: Helsinki, 2011), 91–​124 (esp. 98); B. McAdon, Rhetorical Mimesis, 188–​189; N. Lüke, Über die narrative Kohärenz zwischen Apostelgeschichte und Paulusbriefen (TANZ 62; Narr Francke Attempto: Tübingen, 2019), 72.

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(Gal 1:17b), presumably with its Gentiles, its wilderness, and its Mount Sinai (cf. Gal 4:25). The concluding idea of Saul (a) now (καί) (b) confounding the Jews who dwelt (c) in (d) Damascus (Δαμασκός), (b’) demonstrating that Jesus is the Messiah (Acts 9:22b–​e), so going backwards in Christology (diff. Acts 9:20: the Son of God), conceptually and linguistically, in a sequential way illustrates Paul’s concluding idea of him (a) now (καί) (b) returning back (c) to (d) Damascus (Δαμασκός: Gal 1:17c). The motif of instructing (συμβιβάζω) someone in the matters concerning Christ (Χριστός: Acts 9:22) could have been borrowed from 1 Cor 2:16.

3.2. Acts 9:23–​42 (cf. Gal 1:18ab) The Lucan section Acts 9:23–​42 sequentially illustrates the main ideas of the corresponding Pauline section Gal 1:18ab. The opening temporal remark concerning the elapse of a considerable number of days (Acts 9:23a) illustrates Paul’s opening temporal remark concerning the elapse of three years (Gal 1:18a).22 The subsequent account of Saul coming to Jerusalem (εἰς  Ἰερουσαλήμ: Acts 9:26); going in and out, somewhat surprisingly, to Jerusalem (εἰς  Ἰερουσαλήμ: Acts 9:28); and later going to (εἰς) Caesarea and to (εἰς) Tarsus (Acts 9:23b–​31; esp. 9:30) conceptually and linguistically illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of going up to Jerusalem (εἰς  Ἱεροσόλυμα: Gal 1:18a). Luke rightly combined Paul’s statements concerning his going up from Damascus to Jerusalem (Gal 1:17c–​18a) and his escape from Damascus (2  Cor 11:32–​33) as in fact referring to the same event. However, in line with Paul’s general statement concerning the Jews (οἱ  Ἰουδαῖοι) as persecuting/​driving out Paul (1  Thes 2:14–​15), Luke blamed not the otherwise unknown ethnarch of King Aretas (2 Cor 11:32) but the Jews (οἱ Ἰουδαῖοι: Acts 9:23) for wanting to kill Saul and causing him to escape from Damascus.23 The motif of letting Paul down (χαλάσ*) through the wall (διὰ τοῦ τείχους) in (ἐν) a basket (Acts 9:25) was borrowed from 2  Cor 11:33.24 The motif of

22 Cf. B. McAdon, Rhetorical Mimesis, 199–​200; N. Lüke, Über die narrative Kohärenz, 77. 23 Cf. M. S. Enslin, ‘Once Again, Luke and Paul’, ZNW 61 (1970), 253–​271 (esp. 263); R. Buitenwerf, ‘Acts 9:1–​25’, 80–​82; B. McAdon, Rhetorical Mimesis, 201–​202. 24 Cf. R. I. Pervo, Dating, 60; R. Buitenwerf, ‘Acts 9:1–​25’, 79; B. McAdon, Rhetorical Mimesis, 197, 200–​201.

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the distrust of Paul among the Jerusalem Christians (Acts 9:26), including the apostles (οἱ ἀπόστολοι: Acts 9:27), was borrowed from Gal 1:19.25 The motif of Barnabas (Βαρναβᾶς) initially siding with Paul (Acts 9:27) was borrowed from 1 Cor 9:6; Gal 2:1.9. The motif of Paul having seen (ὁράω) the risen Lord (τὸν κύριον: Acts 9:27) was borrowed from 1 Cor 9:1. The motif of Paul having been active in Damascus (ἐν Δαμασκῷ: Acts 9:27) was borrowed from 2 Cor 11:32. The motif of going in (εἰσπορεύομαι) and (καί) out (ἐκπορεύομαι: Acts 9:28) was borrowed from Deut 31:2 LXX etc. The idea of sending Paul to (εἰς) Tarsus (Acts 9:30), which was located in Cilicia (cf. Acts 21:39; 22:3; 23:34), was borrowed from Gal 1:21.26 The motif of being active throughout all Judaea (καθ᾽ ὅλης τῆς  Ἰουδαίας) and Galilee (Γαλιλαίας: Acts 9:31) was borrowed from Lk 23:5. The subsequent account of the activity of Peter, including his (a) healing of the surprisingly introduced, ‘historically’ named character of Aeneas (Acts 9:32–​ 35)27 and (b) Scripture-​type raising of the Aramaic-​named Tabitha (Acts 9:32–​ 42; esp. 9:36–​42), conceptually and linguistically, in a sequential way illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of (a) inquiring/​giving a ‘historical’ account of (b) the Aramaic-​named Cephas (Gal 1:18b). In order to illustrate this sequence of Pauline ideas, Luke refrained in Acts 9:32–​42 from using his favourite Israelite–​Gentile pattern, applying rather its reversed version, combined with his other preferred pattern, the male–​female one:  Aeneas (Acts 9:32–​35) and Tabitha (Acts 9:36–​42). Moreover, he combined in Acts 9:32–​42 the ideas concerning Cephas (Gal 1:18b) with that of God working effectively in Peter for circumcised believers (Gal 2:8). The motif of a paralytic (παραλ*) lying (κατάκειμαι) on a bed (κράβαττον), and the healer telling (λέγω) him to rise, so that he immediately (καὶ εὐθ*ς) arose (Acts 9:33–​34), was borrowed from Mk 2:4.11 and conflated with the parallel text Lk 5:17–​18.24 (παραλελυμένος + ἰάομαι + εἶπεν + ἀνίστημι).

25 Cf. N. Lüke, Über die narrative Kohärenz,  77–​78. 26 Cf. B. McAdon, Rhetorical Mimesis, 202–​203; N. Lüke, Über die narrative Kohärenz, 78. 27 Luke used the Latin spelling of Aeneas’ name (Αἰνέας = Aeneas:  Acts 9:33–​34), which evokes the ‘historical’ account of Vergil’s Aeneid; cf. M. Kochenash, ‘You Can’t Hear “Aeneas” without Thinking of Rome’, JBL 136 (2017), 667–​685 (esp. 671–​672); D. R. MacDonald, Luke and the Politics of Homeric Imitation: Luke–​Acts as Rival to the Aeneid (Lexington Books /​Fortress Academic: Lanham [et al.], 2019), 126–​127.

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The motif of doing (ποιέω) charitable deeds (ἐλεημοσύναι:  Acts 9:36) was borrowed from Tob 1:3 etc.28 The motif of placing a dead person in an upper room (ὑπερῷον), and the summoned healer arising (ἀνίστημι), coming to the dead person, going up (ἀν*) to the upper room (εἰς τὸ ὑπερῷον) with widows (χήρα), and praying (προσηύξατο), so that the dead person opened her/​his eyes (ἤνοιξεν… τοὺς ὀφθαλμοὺς αὐτ*), and presenting the dead person alive (ζάω), so that people believed in the Lord (κύριος: Acts 9:37–​42), was borrowed from 1 Kgs 17:19–​20.23–​24 LXX and conflated with the similar account 2 Kgs 4:10–​11.30–​33.35  LXX.29 The motif of the healer now (δέ) putting (ἐκβαλών) all people (πάντας) outside, saying to the dead woman, ‘Tabitha (Τα*ιθα), arise’, and giving her his hand (χείρ), so that the woman arose (ἀνέστη*: Acts 9:40–​41), was borrowed from Mk 5:40–​4230 and conflated with the similar text Lk 7:15 (ἀνεκάθισεν).31 The motif of having bent the knees, praying (καὶ θεὶς τὰ γόνατα προσηύ*το: Acts 9:40; cf. 7:60), was borrowed from Lk 22:41.

3.3. Acts 9:43–​10:48 (cf. Gal 1:18c) The Lucan section Acts 9:43–​10:48 sequentially illustrates the main ideas of the corresponding Pauline section Gal 1:18c. The account of Peter (a) staying (μεινα*) (c) many (b) days (ἡμέρας) (d) with Simon (Acts 9:43), Simon Peter inviting people from a ritually unclean Roman-​ named man to his house (Acts 10:1–​23b), Peter entering the house of the ritually unclean Roman-​named man (Acts 10:23c–​48b), and the Gentiles (d’) persuading Peter to (a’) remain (ἐπ*μεινα*) (c’) some (b’) days (ἡμέρας:  Acts 9:43–​10:48; 28 Cf. D.  L. Bock, Acts (BECNT; Baker Academic:  Grand Rapids, MI, 2007), 377; J. D. Woodington, ‘Charity and Deliverance from Death in the Accounts of Tabitha and Cornelius’, CBQ 79 (2017), 634–​650 (esp. 641–​648). 29 Cf. G. O. Holmås, Prayer and Vindication in Luke–​Acts: The Theme of Prayer within the Context of the Legitimating and Edifying Objective of the Lukan Narrative (LNTS 433; T&T Clark: London and New York, 2011), 206; B. Bosenius, ‘Petrus in Joppe –​Ein Totenerwecker: Kognitiv-​narratologische Beobachtungen zu Apg 9,36–​43 als Totenerweckungserzählung’, in J. M. Lieu (ed.), Peter in the Early Church: Apostle –​Missionary –​Church Leader (BETL 325; Peeters: Leuven, Paris and Bristol, CT, 2021), 427–​443 (esp. 435–​436). 30 Cf. B. Bosenius, ‘Petrus in Joppe’, 435–​437. 31 Cf. R. I. Pervo, Acts, 256, n. 56; C. S. Keener, Acts, vol. 2, 1722; H. K. Bond, ‘When Supporting Characters Move to Centre Stage: Peter in Mark and Luke–​Acts’, in J. M. Lieu (ed.), Peter in the Early Church, 47–​62 (esp. 59).

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esp. 10:48cd)32 conceptually and linguistically (especially in the inclusio Acts 9:43; 10:48), in a partly sequential way illustrates Paul’s idea of his (a) remaining (ἐπ*μεινα*) (d) with Cephas (c) fifteen (b) days (ἡμέρας: Gal 1:18c). In the Lucan account, the roles are reversed: it is Peter who remains with someone else for some days, thus gradually learning to remain with the Gentiles. The enigmatic character of the otherwise unknown, certain Hebrew-​named Simon (Σίμων: Acts 9:43), who lived by the sea (παρὰ… θάλασσαν: Acts 10:6; cf. Mk 1:16), functions in the account as a narrative alter ego, a departure point, for the surprisingly called ‘certain Simon who is surnamed Peter’ (Acts 10:5; diff. 1:13 etc.:  Peter),33 later referred to as ‘Simon surnamed Peter’ (Acts 10:18), and later simply as ‘Peter’ (Acts 10:19–​26.34.44–​46). In this way, Luke depicted the transformation of Cephas-​Peter from his Aramaic, Jewish, presumably ritualistic identity (Cephas: Gal 1:18c) to his Greek identity (Peter), more open to contact with the Gentiles (Gal 2:7–​8), presumably including Paul as the apostle to the Gentiles (Gal 1:18c; cf. 2:7–​8). This transformation is also suggested by the progressive inclusio created with the use of linguistic allusions to the Pauline text Gal 1:18c: from Peter’s initial staying many days with the Hebrew-​named Simon (Acts 9:43) to his final staying some days with the Roman-​named Cornelius and his Gentile relatives and friends (Acts 10:48). On the other hand, the character of the inhabitant of the Roman-​named Caesarea, bearing the typically Roman name Cornelius, being a Roman centurion, and being a member of the evidently Roman cohort named Italian (Acts 10:1)34 has the features of the Roman-​named Paul, who was the apostle to the Gentiles (Gal 2:7–​8), but also of Peter’s destiny to come to Rome (1  Pet 5:12–​13). The idea of Peter coming from the east of the Mediterranean to Rome was already

32 Cf. J. W. Jipp, Divine Visitations and Hospitality to Strangers in Luke-​Acts: An Interpretation of the Malta Episode in Acts 28:1–​10 (NovTSup 153; Brill: Leiden and Boston, 2013), 215–​216. 33 Cf. J.-​C. Eurell, Peter’s Legacy in Early Christianity:  The Appropriation and Use of Peter’s Authority in the First Three Centuries (WUNT 2.561; Mohr Siebeck: Tübingen, 2021), 51. 34 Cf. G. Rossé, Atti degli Apostoli: Commento esegetico e teologico (Città Nuova: Roma, 1998), 408; A. Kyrychenko, The Roman Army and the Expansion of the Gospel: The Role of the Centurion in Luke–​Acts (BZNW 203; Walter de Gruyter: Berlin and Boston, 2014), 164–​165; D. Marguerat, Apostelgeschichte, 409.

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suggested by Luke in the account of Peter healing Aeneas (Acts 9:33–​34), whose name alludes to the Roman claims of descent from the Trojan Aeneas.35 An important element of the account Acts 9:43–​10:43, which illustrates Paul’s statement concerning his remaining with Cephas (Gal 1:18c), is the issue of table fellowship of the Jews with the ritually unclean Gentiles (esp. Acts 10:9–​16). Although this issue came to the fore later in Antioch (Gal 2:11–​14), Luke allusively suggested that it had been important already earlier,36 presumably during Paul’s stay with Cephas in Jerusalem (cf. Gal 1:18c). Moreover, in a typically irenic way, Luke suggested that the divisive issue of table fellowship (Gal 2:11–​14) had been solved by a supernatural revelation given to the Greek-​named Peter (Acts 10:9–​16).37 The motif of a Jew coming to a Roman centurion (ἑκατοντάρχης: Acts 10:1.22) was borrowed from Lk 7:2.6.38 However, whereas in his Gospel Luke suggested that the Jew Jesus did not come to the house of the Gentile centurion, but his word passed through the cultic barrier between them (Lk 7:6–​7), in the Acts of the Apostles Luke depicted the Jew Peter as actually entering the house of the Gentile centurion (Acts 10:25–​29), provided that the Gentile refrained from worshipping humans (Acts 10:25–​26), and the Jew Peter was instructed by God to consider no one profane or unclean (Acts 10:28). The motif of doing (ποιέω) charitable deeds (ἐλεημοσύναι:  Acts 10:2; cf. 9:36) was borrowed from Tob 1:3 etc. Likewise, the motif of prayer (προσευχή) and charity (ἐλεημοσύνη) functioning as a memorial (μνημόσυνον) before (ἐνώπιον: cf. Acts 10:31) God (Acts 10:4) was borrowed from Tob 12:8.12.39 The motif of having seen in a vision (εἶδ*ν ἐν… ὁράματι: Acts 10:3) was borrowed from Dan 8:2 LXX. The motif of prayer about the ninth (ἐνάτην) hour (ὥραν: Acts 10:3.30; cf. 3:1; diff. Exod 30:8; Jdt 9:1; Dan 9:21: in the evening) was borrowed from Jos. Ant. 14.65 and reworked by Luke in a way typical of him, namely, by substituting the idea of bloody sacrifice with that of prayer (Acts

35 Cf. M. Kochenash, ‘You Can’t Hear’, 673–​680; id., Roman Self-​Representation and the Lukan Kingdom of God (Lexington Books /​Fortress Academic: London, 2020), 91–​110. 36 Cf. S. de Vulpillières, ‘Quelle conversion pour les païens en Ac 10,1 –​11,18 et quelles conséquences pour la relation Pierre/​Paul?’, Bib 103 (2022), 74–​88 (esp. 84–​85). 37 Cf. B. McAdon, Rhetorical Mimesis, 212. 38 Cf. H.-​S. Kim, Die Geisttaufe des Messias: Eine kompositionsgeschichtliche Untersuchung zu einem Leitmotiv des lukanischen Doppelwerks: Ein Beitrag zur Theologie und Intention des Lukas (SKP 81; Peter Lang: Frankfurt am Main, 1993), 199. 39 Cf. C. S. Keener, Acts, vol. 2, 1756; L. Sánchez Navarro, ‘L’uomo rinnovato dal vangelo (Atti 10)’, Anton 94 (2019), 85–​96 (esp. 94).

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10:2–​3; cf. 3:1).40 The motif of being (γενόμενος) frightened (ἔμφοβος) by a vision of a speaking angel (Acts 10:4) was borrowed from Lk 24:4–​5 and conflated with the similar text Lk 24:36–​37 (λέγω + αὐτός). The motif of Simon (Σίμων) being surnamed Peter (Πέτρος: Acts 10:5) was borrowed from Mk 3:16 etc. The motif of the angel departing (ἀπῆλθεν… ὁ ἄγγελος:  Acts 10:7) was borrowed from Lk 1:38. The motif of seeing the heaven (οὐρανός) opened (ἀνοίγω: Acts 10:11) was borrowed from Ezek 1:1 LXX.41 The motif of all the quadrupeds and reptiles of the earth (τετράποδα καὶ ἑρπετὰ… τῆς γῆς), as well as birds of the air (πετεινὰ τοῦ οὐρανοῦ: Acts 10:12) was borrowed from Gen 1:24.26 LXX42 (cf. Lev 11:20–​ 21.23 LXX).43 The motif of the Lord ordering a pious Jew to eat (φάγ*) without distinction between clean and unclean, and the pious Jew answering, ‘By no means, Lord’ (εἶπ* μηδαμῶς κύριε), for he has never eaten anything (πᾶν) unclean (ἀκαθαρ*:  Acts 10:13–​14) was borrowed from Ezek 4:13–​14 LXX44 and conflated with 1  Macc 1:62 (κοινός).45 The motif of declaring all foods clean (καθαρίζω), so that they should not be considered unclean (κοινόω: Acts 10:15), was borrowed from Mk 7:18–​19.46 The theoxenic motif concerning, behold (ἰδού), three (τρεῖς) men (ἄνδρες) coming as guests to an Israelite (Acts 10:19) about noon (cf. Acts 10:9), and the Israelite inviting and entertaining them (Acts 10:23) was borrowed from Gen 18:1–​8 LXX. Likewise, the theoxenic motif of coming to meet (συναντησ*) the guest (αὐτ* dat.) and prostrating oneself (προσεκύνησεν) to (ἐπί) his feet (τοὺς πόδας: Acts 10:25) was borrowed from Gen 18:2.4 LXX. The motif of a Jew being forbidden to maintain contacts with a foreigner (ἀλλόφυλος: Acts 10:28; diff. 8:29: προσέρχομαι + κολλάομαι)47 was borrowed

40 Cf. B. E. Wilson, ‘The Smell of Sacrifice: Scenting the Christian Story in Luke–​Acts’, CBQ 83 (2021), 257–​275 (esp. 269–​272). 41 Cf. D. Marguerat, Apostelgeschichte, 414. 42 Cf. L. Sánchez Navarro, ‘L’uomo rinnovato’, 87, n. 4; D. Marguerat, Apostelgeschichte, 415. 43 Cf. G. Baltes, ‘Διακρίνειν als Leseaufgabe: Petrus und Kornelius zwischen ungeschriebenem Gesetz und unzuverlässiger Erzählung’, NTS 61 (2021), 514–​540 (esp. 528–​529). 44 Cf. L. Sánchez Navarro, ‘L’uomo rinnovato’, 88, n. 9; D. Marguerat, Apostelgeschichte, 416. 45 Cf. R. Pesch, Die Apostelgeschichte, vol. 1, Apg 1–​12 (3rd edn., EKKNT 5/​1; Benzinger: Düsseldorf and Zürich; Neukirchener: Neukirchen-​Vluyn, 2005), 338; G. Rossé, Atti, 413, n. 56. 46 Cf. G. Rossé, Atti, 414; L. Sánchez Navarro, ‘L’uomo rinnovato’, 88. 47 Cf. N. J. Schaser, ‘Unlawful for a Jew? Acts 10:28 and the Lukan View of Jewish-​Gentile Relations’, BTB 48 (2018), 188–​201 (esp. 196).

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from Exod 34:15 LXX. Thee motif of God (θεός) not being (οὐ*… ἔστιν) showing partiality (προσωπολημ*: Acts 10:34) was borrowed from Rom 2:11.48 The motif of fearing (φοβούμενος) God and doing righteousness (ἐργαζόμενος δικαιοσύνην: Acts 10:35) was borrowed from Ps 15[14]:2.4 LXX. The motif of proclaiming (εὐαγγελιζόμενος) peace (εἰρήνην) to Israel (Ἰσραήλ:  Acts 10:36) was borrowed from Nah 2:1.3 LXX. The motif of Jesus Christ (Ἰησοῦς Χριστός) being the Lord (κύριος) of all (πᾶς: Acts 10:36) was borrowed from Phlp 2:11. The motif of Jesus teaching throughout all Judaea, beginning from Galilee (καθ᾽ ὅλης τῆς Ἰουδαίας… ἀρξάμενος ἀπὸ τῆς Γαλιλαίας: Acts 10:37), was borrowed from Lk 23:5.49 The motif of the baptism (βάπτισμα) which John (Ἰωάννης) preached (κηρύσσω: Acts 10:37) was borrowed from Mk 1:4. The following motif of Jesus (Ἰησοῦς) being from Nazareth (ἀπὸ Ναζαρέ*: Acts 10:38) was likewise borrowed from the following text Mk 1:9. The motif of God having anointed (ἔχρισεν) Jesus with the Spirit (πνεῦμα:  Acts 10:38; cf. 4:27) was borrowed from Lk 4:18 (cf. Isa 61:1 LXX).50 The motif of being filled with the Holy Spirit (πνεύματι ἁγίῳ) and power (δυνάμει: Acts 10:38) was borrowed from 1 Thes 1:5. The motif of going about (διέρχομαι) and healing all (παντα*: Acts 10:38) was borrowed from Lk 9:6. The motif of the Jews hanging (κρεμάσ*) someone (*ὸν) on a tree (ἐπὶ ξύλου: Acts 10:39; cf. 5:30) was borrowed from Deut 21:22 LXX.51 The motif of God raising (ἐγείρω) Jesus on the third day (τῇ τρίτῃ ἡμέρᾳ: Acts 10:40) was borrowed from Lk 9:22 (cf. 1 Cor 15:4). The motif of Peter eating together (συνεσθίω: Acts 10:41) was borrowed from Gal 2:12.52 The motif of Jesus

48 Cf. H.-​S. Kim, Geisttaufe, 194; P. N. Tarazi, The New Testament: An Introduction, vol. 2, Luke and Acts (St Vladimir’s Seminary: Crestwood, NY, 2001), 228, n. 20; R. I. Pervo, ‘The Paul of Acts and the Paul of the Letters: Aspects of Luke as an Interpreter of the Corpus Paulinum’, in D. Marguerat (ed.), Reception of Paulinism in Acts /​Réception du paulinisme dans les Actes des apôtres (BETL 229; Peeters: Leuven, Paris and Walpole, MA, 2009), 141–​155 (esp. 152). 49 Cf. H.-​S. Kim, Geisttaufe, 194; D. Marguerat, Apostelgeschichte, 429. 50 Cf. R. C. Tannehill, The Narrative Unity of Luke–​Acts: A Literary Interpretation, vol. 2, The Acts of the Apostles (Fortress: Minneapolis, 1990), 140; F. Neirynck, ‘Luke 4,16–​30 and the Unity of Luke–​Acts’, in J. Verheyden (ed.), The Unity of Luke–​Acts (BETL 142; Leuven University /​Peeters: Leuven, 1999), 357–​395 (esp. 380, 384–​387); D. Marguerat, Apostelgeschichte, 429. 51 Cf. T. W. Reardon, ‘“Hanging on a Tree”: Deuteronomy 21.22–​23 and the Rhetoric of Jesus’ Crucifixion in Acts 5.12–​42’, JSNT 37.4 (2015), 407–​431 (esp. 415); D. Marguerat, Apostelgeschichte, 431. 52 Cf. H. Leppä, ‘Luke’s Selective Use’, 97.

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having been appointed (ὡρισ*) by God as a powerful judge (Acts 10:42) was borrowed from Rom 1:4. The motif of Jesus being a judge (κριτής) of the living and the dead (ζωντ* καὶ νεκρ*: Acts 10:42) was borrowed from 2 Tim 4:1. The motif of all the prophets (πάντες οἱ προφῆται: Acts 10:43) was borrowed from Lk 24:27 (cf. 24:44).53 Likewise, the following motif of the receiving forgiveness of sins (ἄφεσιν ἁμαρτιῶν) in his name (ὀνόματ* αὐτοῦ) by everyone (πάντα: Acts 10:43) was borrowed from the following text Lk 24:47.54 The motif of the falling (*έπεσεν) of the Spirit (πνεῦμα) upon (ἐπί) someone (Acts 10:44) was borrowed from Ezek 11:5 LXX.55 The motif of those, presumably Jewish Christians, of the circumcision (οἱ ἐκ περιτομῆς:  Acts 10:45) was borrowed from Gal 2:12.56 The motif of the gift (δ*) of the Holy (ἁγίου) Spirit (πνεύματος) having been poured out (ἐκκέχυται) on the Gentiles (Acts 10:45) was borrowed from Rom 5:5. The motif of the believers speaking (λαλέω) in tongues (γλώσσαις: Acts 10:46; cf. 2:4.11) was borrowed from 1 Cor 12:30 etc. The motif of preventing (κωλύω) Gentiles (τὰ ἔθνη: cf. Acts 10:45) from being baptized (Acts 10:47; cf. 8:36; 11:17) was borrowed from 1 Thes 2:16. The motif of the believers having received (ἐλαβ*) the Spirit (πνεῦμα) through faith (πιστ*: cf. Acts 10:43), which functions as the basis for a further argument (Acts 10:47), was borrowed from Gal 3:2. The motif of being baptized (βαπτισθη*) in the name of Jesus (Ἰησοῦς) Christ (Χριστός: Acts 10:48; cf. 2:38) was borrowed from Rom 6:3 and conflated with 1 Cor 1:13 (βαπτισθη* + τὸ ὄνομα).

3.4. Acts 11:1–​18 (cf. Gal 1:19–​20) The Lucan section Acts 11:1–​18 sequentially illustrates the main ideas of the corresponding Pauline section Gal 1:19–​20. The opening statement that (a) now (δέ) (b) the apostles (οἱ ἀπόστολοι) (c) indirectly (diff. Acts 11:4–​17:  directly) heard about the Gentiles’ reception of the word of God (Acts 11:1) conceptually and linguistically, in a sequential way illustrates Paul’s statement that (a) now (δέ) (b) of the apostles (οἱ ἀπόστολοι) (c) Paul did not see, presumably another one (Gal 1:19a). The motif of the apostles and the brothers (οἱ… ἀπόστολοι καὶ οἱ ἀδελφοί: Acts 11:1) was borrowed from 1 Cor 9:5. The motif of the Gentiles having received

53 54 55 56

Cf. R. Pesch, Apostelgeschichte, vol. 1, 344. Cf. ibid.; H.-​S. Kim, Geisttaufe, 196. Cf. C. S. Keener, Acts, vol. 2, 1810. Cf. H.-​S. Kim, Geisttaufe, 197; H. Leppä, ‘Luke’s Selective Use’, 94, 101–​102.

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(ἐδέξα*) the word of God (λόγον… θεοῦ: Acts 11:1; cf. 8:14) was borrowed from 1 Thes 2:13.57 The subsequent idea of (a) Peter coming up to Jerusalem (diff. Acts 11:1: the Jerusalem brothers hearing) and confronting (b) those of the circumcision (Acts 11:2–​3; esp. 11:2) illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of (a) presumably seeing (cf. Gal 1:19a) (b) James the Lord’s brother (Gal 1:19b). The motif of those of the circumcision (οἱ ἐκ περιτομῆς: Acts 11:2; cf. 10:45), related to James the Lord’s brother (Gal 1:19b), blaming Peter for eating together (συνεσθίω) with uncircumcised ones (Acts 11:3; cf. 10:41) was borrowed from Gal 2:12.58 The motif of having (ἔχω) uncircumcision (ἀκροβυστίαν: Acts 11:3) was borrowed from Gen 34:14 LXX.59 The subsequent idea of Peter faithfully, with six brothers confirming (Acts 11:12), describing the things which previously happened (Acts 11:4–​17; cf. 10:9–​47) illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of faithfully writing/​describing to the addressees (Gal 1:20a), presumably concerning the things which previously happened (cf. Gal 1:18–​19). The motif of describing (cf. Gal 1:20a: γράφω) things in order (καθεξῆς: Acts 11:4) was borrowed from Lk 1:3.60 The motif of including also wild animals of the earth (καὶ θηρία τῆς γῆς: Acts 11:6) was borrowed from Gen 1:24 LXX.61 The motif of anything unclean not entering into the pious Jew’s mouth (εἰσ*λ*θεν εἰς τὸ στόμα μου: Acts 11:8) was borrowed from Ezek 4:14 LXX.62 The motif of John (Ἰωάννης) having merely (μέν) baptized with water (ἐβάπτισ*… ὕδατι), but (δέ) the disciples being baptized with the Holy Spirit (βαπτισ* ἐν πνεύματι ἁγίῳ: Acts 11:16; cf. 1:5) originates from a conflation of Mk 1:8 (esp. ἐβάπτισ*) with Lk 3:16 (esp. Ἰωάννης + μέν).

57 Cf. P. N. Tarazi, Introduction, vol. 2, 230, n. 26. 5 8 Cf. J. D. Garroway, ‘The Pharisee Heresy: Circumcision for Gentiles in the Acts of the Apostles’, NTS 60 (2014), 20–​36 (esp. 26); B. McAdon, Rhetorical Mimesis, 210–​211; J.-​C. Eurell, Peter’s Legacy, 54. 59 Cf. J. A. Fitzmyer, The Acts of the Apostles: A New Translation with Introduction and Commentary (AB 31; Doubleday: New York, 1998), 471. 60 Cf. G. Rossé, Atti, 437, n. 11; D. L. Bock, Acts, 407; D. Marguerat, Apostelgeschichte, 438. 61 Cf. F. F. Bruce, The Book of the Acts (rev. edn., NICNT; William B. Eerdmans: Grand Rapids, MI, 1988), 221; H. Conzelmann, Acts 86. 62 Cf. F. F. Bruce, Acts, 221–​222; C. K. Barrett, Acts, vol. 1, 539; D. L. Bock, Acts, 407.

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The subsequent idea of the audience remaining silent and glorifying God (ὁ θεός: Acts 11:18a–​c) conceptually and linguistically illustrates Paul’s subsequent thought that, behold, the described things are put before God (ὁ θεός: Gal 1:20b). The concluding, somewhat surprising in the preceding context of remaining silent (Acts 11:18b), idea of those of the circumcision (cf. Acts 11:2) speaking and confirming the previous statement of those of the circumcision (cf. Acts 10:45), namely, that also to the Gentiles God gave repentance leading to life (Acts 11:18de) illustrates Paul’s concluding idea of assuring that he does not lie (Gal 1:20c), presumably in the matter of his previous, in Luke’s irenic version positive, contacts with Cephas and James (Gal 1:18–​19).

3.5. Acts 11:19–​26 (cf. Gal 1:21–​22) The Lucan section Acts 11:19–​26 sequentially illustrates the main ideas of the corresponding Pauline section Gal 1:21–​22. The opening, somewhat surprisingly introduced idea of (a) those who were scattered because of the tribulation against (ἐπί) Stephen as (b) coming (*ῆλθον: Acts 11:19) (c) to (εἰς) (d) Antioch, preaching Jesus to the Hellenists (Acts 11:19–​24; esp. 11:20), conceptually and linguistically, in a sequential way illustrates Paul’s opening idea of (a) his thereupon (ἐπ* = ἐπιεἶτα) (b) coming (ἦλθον) (c) to (εἰς) (d) the region of Syria (Gal 1:21), presumably with its Gentiles (cf. Gal 2:11–​12). The motif of some believers coming (ἔρχομαι) to Antioch (εἰς Ἀντιόχειαν) and being open to the Gentiles (Acts 11:20) was borrowed from Gal 2:11–​12. The motif of something reaching the ears (ἠκούσθη… εἰς τὰ ὦτα) of someone (Acts 11:22) was borrowed from Isa 5:9 LXX.63 The motif of Barnabas (Βαρναβᾶς) coming to Antioch (Ἀντιόχεια: Acts 11:22) was borrowed from Gal 2:11.13. The subsequent idea of Barnabas going out (*ῆλθεν) to (εἰς) Tarsus, somewhat surprisingly to search for (as though he was difficult to locate: cf. Lk 2:44–​45) Saul (Acts 11:25), illustrates Paul’s subsequent remark concerning, presumably going (ἦλθον) to (εἰς), also the region of Cilicia (Gal 1:21). The subsequent, somewhat surprisingly formulated idea of Barnabas bringing Saul to Antioch, (b) so indeed (δέ) (a) it was that (c) for a whole year, presumably spent in Antioch, (d) they gathered (e) in the church (ἐκκλησία) and taught

63 Cf. H. Conzelmann, Acts, 88; C. K. Barrett, Acts, vol. 1, 551; C. R. Holladay, Acts: A Commentary (NTL; Westminster John Knox: Louisville, KY, 2016), 246.

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a large crowd (Acts 11:26a–​e), conceptually and linguistically, in a sequential way illustrates Paul’s subsequent statement that (b) indeed (δέ) (a) he was (c) unknown (d) by face (e) to the churches (ἐκκλησία: Gal 1:22). The idea of bringing Paul to (εἰς) Antioch (Acts 11:26b), which was located in Syria, was borrowed from Gal 1:21.64 The concluding statement that (a) it was first in Antioch, regarded as a new missionary centre for evangelizing the world,65 that the disciples were named (b) Christians (Χριστ*: Acts 11:26f) conceptually and linguistically, in a sequential but corrective way illustrates Paul’s concluding remark concerning, presumably the churches, (a) of Judaea (b) in Christ (Χριστός: Gal 1:22). The motif of the disciples being called Christians (Χριστιανοί:  Acts 11:26) may have been borrowed from Jos. Ant. 18.64 (in its original part) and/​or 1 Pet 4:16 etc.

3.6. Acts 11:27–​12:25 (cf. Gal 1:23ab) The Lucan section Acts 11:27–​12:25 sequentially illustrates the main ideas of the corresponding Pauline section Gal 1:23ab. The opening idea of (a) the presumably monotheistic Jerusalem prophets coming to Antioch (Acts 11:27), and one (εἷς) of them rising up and (b) in fact (δέ) (c) presumably orally (cf. Acts 21:10–​11) communicating that (d) there will be (ἔσεσθαι) a great famine (Acts 11:27–​30; esp. 11:28) conceptually and linguistically, in a sequential way illustrates Paul’s opening statement that (a) only (μόνον) (b) in fact (δέ) (d) they were (ἦσαν) (c) hearing (Gal 1:23a). The motif of prophets (προφῆται) being active in the Christian community (Acts 11:27) was borrowed from 1 Cor 12:28–​29 etc. The motif of justifying Paul’s visit in Jerusalem (Acts 11:29–​30) by a supernatural revelation (prophecy: Acts 11:28) was borrowed from Gal 2:2.66 The motif of a great famine (λιμός) which happened in the time of Claudius (Κλαυδίου: Acts 11:28), especially in Judaea (Ἰουδαία), was borrowed from Jos. Ant. 3.320 (λιμός + Κλαυδίου) and conflated with the similar accounts Jos. Ant. 20.51–​53 (λιμός) and Ant. 20.101 (λιμόν + μεγα*ν + Ἰουδαία).67 Likewise, the motif of sending (πέμπω), according to the benefactors’ prosperity (εὐπο*), aid

64 65 66 67

Cf. N. Lüke, Über die narrative Kohärenz, 78. Cf. G. Rossé, Atti, 449. Cf. N. Lüke, Über die narrative Kohärenz, 81. Cf. S. Mason, Josephus and the New Testament (2nd edn., Hendrickson: Peabody, MA, 2003), 283; R. I. Pervo, Dating, 193–​194; B. McAdon, Rhetorical Mimesis, 214.

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to Judaea and its elders (πρ*: Acts 11:29–​30) was borrowed from the similar accounts Jos. Ant. 20.51–​53, 101.68 Luke used these motifs, borrowed from Josephus, to illustrate Paul’s idea of collecting money and sending aid to the saints in Judaea (1 Cor 16:1–​4; 2 Cor 8–​ 9; Rom 15:25–​31; cf. Gal 2:10bc). Therefore, he also reworked Josephus’ accounts. The unhistorical remark that the great famine occurred throughout all the inhabited world (Acts 11:28), although Josephus presented it as limited to Judaea (Jos. Ant. 3.320; 20.51–​53, 101), and although it makes the idea of sending relief from one province to another rather implausible (Acts 11:29; diff. Jos. Ant. 20.51, 101), illustrates Paul’s thought that the Macedonians themselves were extremely poor (2 Cor 8:2), and nevertheless they resolved to send aid to the saints in Judaea (2 Cor 8:3–​4). The motif of sending relief according to one’s prosperity (εὐπορέω:  Acts 11:29) was borrowed from 1 Cor 16:2 (εὐοδόω).69 Likewise, the motif of each of the believers (ἕκαστος *ῶν) determining how much do send (Acts 11:29) was borrowed from 1 Cor 16:2; cf. 2 Cor 9:7. The motif of bringing relief to Judaea being regarded as service (διακονία: Acts 11:29) was borrowed from 2 Cor 8:4; 9:1.12–​13; Rom 15:31.70 The motif of sending (πέμψ*) relief (Acts 11:29) was borrowed from 1 Cor 16:3. The motif of bringing relief to Judaea (Ἰουδαία: Acts 11:29) was borrowed from Rom 15:31. The statement that the Gentile believers did precisely this (ὃ καὶ… *ποιησα*: Acts 11:30) was almost verbatim borrowed from Gal 2:10bc.71 Luke reworked Paul’s highly confrontational statements concerning the shameful for him financial request of the Jerusalem leaders (Gal 2:10a) and his already previous answer to it (Gal 2:10bc) in a typically irenic way into an account of a Judaean prophet simply foretelling a great famine in all the world, and the Gentile believers resolving to send aid to Judaea (Acts 11:28–​30).72 The motif of sending relief from the Gentiles to Jerusalem by Barnabas (Βαρναβᾶ) and Saul (Acts 11:30) was borrowed from Gal 2:1.

68 Cf. R. I. Pervo, Acts, 295. 69 Cf. ibid., 297. 70 Cf. ibid.; M. Rastoin, ‘«Je suis Jésus que tu persécutes» (Ac 9,4–​5; 22,7–​8; 26,14–​ 15): L’Église Corps du Christ dans les Actes des Apôtres’, RB 122 (2015), 290–​296 (esp. 294). 71 Cf. R. I. Pervo, Dating, 79; B. McAdon, Rhetorical Mimesis, 219; N. Lüke, Über die narrative Kohärenz, 81. 72 Cf. N. Lüke, Über die narrative Kohärenz, 186.

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The subsequent account of King Herod persecuting some from the Jerusalem church (Acts 12:1–​19e) illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of his persecuting the Judaean believers (Gal 1:23b). The motif of Jewish authorities laying (ἐπέβαλον) hands (τὰς χεῖρας) upon Jesus’ representative (Acts 12:1; cf. 4:3; 5:18) was borrowed from Mk 14:46. The surprisingly used motif of Herod (Ἡρῴδης) the king (ὁ βασιλεύς: Acts 12:1),73 although in Acts 12:1–​23 it evidently refers to Agrippa the king (Ἀγρίππας ὁ βασιλεύς: Jos. Ant. 18.273 etc.), was borrowed from Mk 6:14,74 most probably to justify the Lucan idea of his killing James, here identified as the brother of the character named John (Ἰωάννης: Acts 12:2; cf. Mk 6:14). The motif of James (Ἰάκωβος) being the brother (ἀδελφός) of John (Ἰωάννης: Acts 12:2) was borrowed from Mk 1:19 etc. The idea of killing James, the brother of John (Acts 12:2), has a particular narrative function in the Acts of the Apostles. The triad Peter, James, and John (Mk 3:16–​17; 5:37; 9:2; 14:33), with the latter ones being called the sons of Zebedee (Mk 10:35 etc.), was created by Mark to allude to the triad of the Jerusalem leaders: Cephas-​Peter, James, and John (Gal 2:7–​9). In his story of the early Church, Luke let the Marcan James (cf. Acts 1:13) die (Acts 12:2), to make room for the real James, the Lord’s brother (Acts 12:17; 15:13; 21:18; cf. Gal 1:19), introduced by Luke without any explanation (Acts 12:17)75 and nowhere identified as the Lord’s brother.76 The idea of the persecuted Peter participating in the power of Jesus’ death and resurrection (Acts 12:3–​17)77 was illustrated by Luke with the use of the motif

73 Cf. R. I. Pervo, Acts, 302–​303; M. Kochenash, ‘Unbelievable: An Interpretation of Acts 12 That Takes Rhoda’s Cassandra Curse Seriously’, JBL 141 (2022), 337–​357 (esp. 347, n. 39). 74 Cf. R. I. Pervo, Acts, 303. 75 Cf. M. B. Lang, ‘Protagonisten? Die Rolle der Zeugen Jesu in der Apostelgeschichte’, NTS 62 (2016), 418–​438 (esp. 424); B. McAdon, Rhetorical Mimesis, 223; J.-​C. Eurell, Peter’s Legacy, 60. 76 Cf. M. B. Lang, ‘Protagonisten’, 424, n. 28; B. McAdon, Rhetorical Mimesis, 223; N. Lüke, Über die narrative Kohärenz, 94. 77 Cf. J. Hintermaier, Die Befreiungswunder der Apostelgeschichte: Motiv-​und formkritische Aspekte sowie literarische Funktion der wunderbaren Befreiungen in Apg 5,17–​42; 12,1–​ 23; 16,11–​40 (Pontificia Universitas Gregoriana. Facultas Theologiae: Roma, 2000), 229–​234; R. Strelan, Strange Acts: Studies in the Cultural World of the Acts of the Apostles (BZNW 126; Walter de Gruyter: Berlin and New York, 2004), 272; P. E. Spencer, ‘“Mad” Rhoda in Acts 12:12-​17: Disciple Exemplar’, CBQ 79 (2017), 282–​298 (esp. 289–​292).

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of a character being asleep (κοιμώμενος: Acts 12:6), but arising (ἀνίστημι: Acts 12:7), and an angel (*άγγελος:  Acts 12:7–​11) of the Lord (κύριος:  Acts 12:7) letting him go as first (πρῶτος, προ*:  Acts 12:10), apparently with the voice (φωνή: Acts 12:14) of an angel (*άγγελος: Acts 12:15), but in fact with the Lord himself (κύριος:  Acts 12:11.17), leading him out (*άγω:  Acts 12:17), a motif which was borrowed from 1 Thes 4:13–​16. Moreover, the idea of the persecuted Peter participating in the power of Jesus’ death and resurrection (Acts 12:3–​17) was illustrated by Luke with the use of the motifs referring to the Israelites’ exodus from Egypt (ἡμέραι τῶν ἀζύμων, πάσχα, etc.)78 and the theomachic motifs borrowed from Euripides’ Bacchae (φυλακή /​ φυλάσσω /​φύλαξ, νύξ, δέω, αὐτόματος referring to barriers, μαίνομαι, ἐξίστημι, etc.).79 The motif of the days (ἡμέραι) of unleavened bread (ἀζύμων: Acts 12:3) was borrowed from 2 Chr 30:21 LXX etc. The motif of an angel of the Lord standing by (καὶ… ἄγγελος κυρίου ἐπέστη: Acts 12:7) was borrowed from Lk 2:9.80 The motif of one of the twelve girding himself with a belt (ζων*) and putting on (ὑποδέω) sandals (σανδάλια:  Acts 12:8) was borrowed from Mk 6:8–​9.81 The motif of an angel (ἄγγελος) departing (ἀπ*στη) from someone (ἀπ᾽ *οῦ: Acts 12:10) was borrowed from 2 Cor 12:7–​8. The character of an unexpectedly introduced Mark (Μᾶρκος),82 related to both Peter (Acts 12:12), Barnabas (Acts 12:25; 15:37–​39), and Paul (Acts 12:25),

78 Cf. L. Rossi, Pietro e Paolo testimoni del Crocifisso–​Risorto: La synkrisis in Atti 12,1–​23 e 27,1–​28,16: continuità e discontinuità di un parallelismo nell’opera lucana (AnBib 205; Gregorian & Biblical: Roma, 2014), 170–​182; C. Grappe, ‘Traces de motifs haggadiques dans le récit de libération merveilleuse de prison de Pierre en Actes 12’, in R. D. Aus (ed.), Haggadah in Early Judaism and the New Testament (WUNT 461; Mohr Siebeck: Tübingen, 2021), 335–​357 (esp. 342–​343); J. Read-​Heimerdinger, ‘Exodus in the Book of Acts: A Prophetic Reversal of Israel’s History’, in B. Kowalski and S. E. Docherty (eds.), The Reception of Exodus Motifs in Jewish and Christian Literature: “Let My People Go!” (TBN 30: Brill: Leiden and Boston, 2022), 250–​268 (esp. 258–​261). 79 Cf. D.  Ziegler, Dionysos in der Apostelgeschichte:  Eine intertextuelle Lektüre (RuB 18; Lit: Berlin, 2008), 183–​187; DH. Lee, Luke-​Acts and ‘Tragic History’: Communicating Gospel with the World (WUNT 2.346; Mohr Siebeck: Tübingen, 2013), 207–​ 211; S. Reece, The Formal Education of the Author of Luke–​Acts (LNTS 669; T&T Clark: London, New York and Dublin, 2022), 197–​202. 80 Cf. H. Conzelmann, Acts, 93; C. K. Barrett, Acts, vol. 1, 579; C. R. Holladay, Acts, 251. 81 Cf. R. Pesch, Apostelgeschichte, vol. 1, 365. 82 Cf. M. B. Lang, ‘Protagonisten’, 423–​424.

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was borrowed from Phlm 24 (Paul), Col 4:10 (Paul and Barnabas), and 1 Pet 5:13 (Peter), and supplemented with the Semitic name John (Acts 12:12.25; 13:5.13; 15:37) to explain his connections with the Jewish Christian leaders Barnabas and Peter. The motif of persistently knocking (κρούω) until someone opens (ἀνοίγω: Acts 12:16) was borrowed from Lk 11:9–​10. The motif of a character departing and going to another place (ἐξελθὼν ἐπορεύθη εἰς… τόπον: Acts 12:17), but someone else searching for (ἐπιζητέω) him (αὐτόν:  Acts 12:19) was borrowed from Lk 4:42.83 However, in agreement with his idea of Jesus and the twelve not leaving the land of Israel, and probably also to avoid describing the Antiochene conflict (Gal 2:11–​14), Luke concealed the fact that Peter went to Antioch (cf. Gal 2:11; diff. Acts 15:30). The subsequent idea of the death of the persecuting Herod (Acts 12:19f–​23), and consequently the Jerusalem church being no more persecuted (Acts 12:24), as well as the idea of Barnabas and Saul returning, presumably from Jerusalem to Antioch (cf. Acts 11:30), having fulfilled the service to Jerusalem, and having taken with them a member of the Judaean church (Acts 12:19f–​25; esp. 12:25) illustrate Paul’s subsequent idea of his persecuting the Judaean believers once, in the past (Gal 1:23b). The account of the death of King Herod (Acts 12:19f–​23) was borrowed from Josephus’ account of the death of King Agrippa (Jos. Ant. 19.343–​350).84 However, Luke reworked it to illustrate Paul’s idea of the end of persecution (Gal 1:23b). For this reason, he added the unhistorical idea of the king being very angry with the Tyrians and the Sidonians (Acts 12:20), but soon afterwards dying (Acts 12:21–​23). The motif of Herod/​Agrippa before his death coming to Caesarea (εἰς… Καισάρειαν:  Acts 12:19) was borrowed from Jos. Ant. 19.343.85 The following motif of the king on a certain day (ἡμέρᾳ) putting on (ἐνδυς*) royal clothing (Acts 12:21) was borrowed from the following text Jos. Ant. 19.34486 and conflated with Jos. Ant. 19.333 (δημηγορέω in Caesarea). The following motif of the people crying out (*φων*), calling him a god (θεός) and not a man (ἄνθρωπος: Acts 12:22), was borrowed from the following text Jos. Ant. 19.345.87

83 84 85 86 87

Cf. G. Rossé, Atti, 473, n. 87. Cf. R. I. Pervo, Acts, 312–​313. Cf. id., Dating, 170–​171. Cf.  ibid. Cf.  ibid.

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The following motif of the king being immediately (παραχρῆμα) punished by a messenger (ἄγγελος) of God for not (οὐκ) reacting to blasphemy (Acts 12:23) was borrowed from the following text Jos. Ant. 19.346–​34788 and conflated with 2 Kgs 19:35 LXX (ἐπάταξεν + ἄγγελος κυρίου).89 The motif of the word (λόγος) of God growing (αὐξάνω: Acts 12:24; cf. 6:7) was borrowed from Col 1:5–​6; Mk 4:8.20. The somewhat surprisingly formulated motif of the relief service (διακονία) to Jerusalem (εἰς Ἰερουσαλήμ:  Acts 12:25)90 was borrowed from Rom 15:3191 and conflated with 2  Cor 9:12 (*πληρόω). The motif of Barnabas (Βαρναβᾶς) and Saul going apparently to Jerusalem (εἰς Ιερο*), having taken along with them (συμπαραλαβ*) another man with a Roman name (Acts 12:25), was borrowed from Gal 2:1 (cf. 2:10bc).92 The motif of Mark (Μᾶρκος) being related to Barnabas (Βαρναβᾶς: Acts 12:25) was borrowed from Col 4:10.93

88 Cf.  ibid. 89 Cf. L. T. Johnson, Acts, 215; C. K. Barrett, Acts, vol. 1, 591. 90 Cf. C. R. Holladay, Acts, 255; K. Haacker, Die Apostelgeschichte (TKNT 5; W. Kohlhammer: Stuttgart, 2019), 212, 214; D. Marguerat, Apostelgeschichte, 478. 91 Cf. M. Rastoin, ‘Je suis Jésus’, 294. 92 Cf. H. Leppä, ‘Luke’s Selective Use’, 92–​93; B. McAdon, Rhetorical Mimesis, 220. 93 Cf. N. Lüke, Über die narrative Kohärenz, 90, 92.

Chapter 4. The first missionary journey (Acts 13–​14; cf. Gal 1:23c–​2:1) The contents of the Lucan major section Acts 13–​14 sequentially, in a hypertextual way illustrate the contents of the Pauline major section Gal 1:23c–​2:1.

4.1. Antioch in Syria (Acts 13:1–​3; cf. Gal 1:23c) The Lucan section Acts 13:1–​3 sequentially illustrates the main ideas of the corresponding Pauline section Gal 1:23c. The account of Barnabas and Saul being for some time prophets and teachers in Antioch (Acts 13:1; cf. 11:26), but the Holy Spirit ordering to set them apart already now (δή:  cf. Acts 15:36)1 for the evangelistic work (Acts 13:1–​3; esp. 13:2) illustrates Paul’s temporal remark that now, presumably he preached the gospel (Gal 1:23c). The last place of Saul on the list of church leaders in Acts 13:1, although earlier and later in the narrative he was mentioned by Luke as a leading figure together with Barnabas (Acts 11:30; 12:25; 13:2; etc.), reflects the last name of Paul on his list of church leaders in 1 Cor 15:5–​9. Paul justified his last place on this list by pointing to the fact that he had persecuted the church of God (1 Cor 15:9). Therefore, knowing this Pauline idea, Luke placed Saul at the last place on the list of church leaders in Acts 13:1, to illustrate Paul’s statement that he once tried to destroy the faith (Gal 1:23d). The Lucan motif of Antioch (Ἀντιόχεια) as a permanent base and starting point of Saul’s ministry (Acts 13:1) could have been borrowed from Gal 2:11. In this Pauline text, Antioch (Ἀντιόχεια) functions as a place in which Paul remained for some time after the meeting in Jerusalem (Gal 2:1–​10) and to which Cephas came later, after the arrival of Paul. Although Paul in his own letters never again mentioned Antioch, the image of Paul’s presumably longer and undisturbed stay in the community in that city, which could be deduced from Gal 2:11, allowed Luke to depict Antioch as a permanent base of Paul’s missionary activity. The Lucan reference to the leaders of the Antiochene church (ἐκκλησία), before the departure of the apostles (ἀπόστολοι:  cf. Acts 14:4.14) Barnabas and

1

Cf. D. G. Peterson, The Acts of the Apostles (PilNTC; William B. Eerdmans: Grand Rapids, MI and Cambridge, 2009), 376.

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Saul (Acts 13:2–​3), as prophets (προφῆται) and teachers (διδάσκαλοι: Acts 13:1) originates from the Pauline text 1 Cor 12:28–​29. In this text, Paul made a hierarchically organized list of the leaders of the church (ἐκκλησία), in which he placed the apostles (ἀπόστολοι) at the first place, prophets (προφῆται) at the second place, and teachers (διδάσκαλοι) at the third place (1 Cor 12:28). Since the Pauline list of numbered places in church hierarchy ended with teachers (1  Cor 12:28), Luke also ended his list of church ministries with the mention of teachers (Acts 13:1), not referring to powers, gifts of healing, etc., mentioned by Paul later, without any numbered place in church hierarchy (1 Cor 12:28–​30). Therefore, it can be argued that in Acts 13:1 Luke faithfully followed the image of church hierarchy which was presented in the Pauline text 1 Cor 12:28. The list of names of the Antiochene leaders (Acts 13:1) reflects the Pauline description of the Antiochene community as consisting of both Gentiles and Jews (Gal 2:12–​13). For the same reason, the first place of Barnabas (Βαρναβᾶς) on this list (Acts 13:1) reflects the Pauline statement that Barnabas was the last of the Jews who were persuaded by the Judaizers in Antioch (Gal 2:13). The name Simeon (Συμεών: Acts 13:1) is clearly Hebrew, related to Judah (cf. Gen 27:35; Luke 3:30), and borrowed by Luke from the Septuagint (cf. Gen 27:33 LXX; Luke 2:25.34). Since in Acts 15:14 (cf. 2 Pet 1:1) it is applied to Peter (cf. Acts 15:7), it may function as an allusion to Cephas (cf. Gal 2:12). On the other hand, the epithet Niger (Acts 13:1), which may have been borrowed from Jos. B.J. 2.520, may serve to distinguish this Simeon from the later-​mentioned Peter (cf. Acts 15:14). In any case, the Latin origin of the epithet Niger (‘black’) points to Rome-​oriented features of this character, but his Hebrew, Judah-​related name Simeon suggests that he was a Jew, who was likely to be under the influence of Judaizers. In this way, the double, Hebrew-​Latin name of Simeon-​Niger illustrates the behaviour of Cephas, who according to the Pauline statements in Gal 2:12–​14 first lived in the manner of Gentiles, but later behaved as a Jew, and according to an ethopoeic letter attributed to him, he finally came to Rome (1 Pet 5:13; cf. also Acts 9:32–​34). The Latin name Lucius (Λούκιος: Acts 13:1) was probably borrowed by Luke from Rom 16:21,2 where it refers to one of the Jewish kinsmen of Paul. On the other hand, his cognomen ‘Cyrenian’ (Κυρηναῖος: Acts 13:1; cf. 6:9; 11:20), similarly to that of the ‘Cypriot’ Barnabas (cf. Acts 4:36), suggests that he was related

2

Cf. H.-​S. Kim, Die Geisttaufe des Messias: Eine kompositionsgeschichtliche Untersuchung zu einem Leitmotiv des lukanischen Doppelwerks: Ein Beitrag zur Theologie und Intention des Lukas (SKP 81; Peter Lang: Frankfurt am Main, 1993), 193.

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to the Hellenists (cf. Acts 11:20). In this way, the Jewish-​Hellenist character of Lucius the Cyrenian illustrates the features of Barnabas and other Jewish leaders in Antioch, who according to Paul first lived as Gentiles, but later behaved as Jews (cf. Gal 2:13). The name Manaen (Μαναήν) and the idea that he was somehow related to a ruler of the Jews named Herod (Ἡρῴδης:  Acts 13:1) could have been borrowed from Jos. Ant. 15.373. Likewise, the phrase ‘Herod the tetrarch’ (Ἡρώδης ὁ τετραάρχης: Acts 13:1; cf. Luke 3:19; 9:7) was most probably borrowed by Luke from Jos. B.J. 2.181 etc. (Ἡρώδης ὁ τετράρχης). The thought that a ruler of the Jews named Herod (Ἡρώδης) had a Jewish companion (σύντροφος: Acts 13:1) could have been borrowed from Jos. B.J. 1.215; Ant. 14.183. The motif of Saul being set apart (ἀφορίζω) for (εἰς) the evangelistic work which was divinely determined beforehand (ὃ προ*) and to which he was called (κλη*: Acts 13:2de) was borrowed from Rom 1:1–​23 (cf. Gal 1:15).

4.2. Cyprus (Acts 13:4–​13; cf. Gal 1:23cd) The Lucan section Acts 13:4–​13 sequentially illustrates the main ideas of the corresponding Pauline section Gal 1:23cd. The idea of Barnabas and Saul proclaiming (*αγγέλλω) the word of God in Cyprus (Acts 13:4–​5) conceptually and linguistically illustrates Paul’s idea of his proclaiming (*αγγελίζω: Gal 1:23c). The idea of Barnabas and Paul’s activity in Cyprus (Acts 13:4–​13) has no confirmation in the Pauline and post-​Pauline letters. Cyprus functions in the Lucan post-​Pauline narrative as a place in which Paul preached (cf. Gal 1:23c) the faith which he once tried to destroy (cf. Gal 1:23d), so presumably its Jewish Christian version. Therefore, Luke presented it as closely related to Barnabas and his area of missionary activity (cf. Acts 4:36; 15:39). For the same reason, in this account he referred to John surnamed Mark (cf. Acts 12:12.25) only with his Jewish name Mark (Acts 13:5.13). The idea of Cyprus as the first place of Saul’s activity outside Antioch (Acts 13:4–​13) functions in the Lucan narrative as an intermediate location, which justifies the surprising passage of Saul/​Paul from Antioch in Syria (Acts 13:1) to Antioch of Pisidia (Acts 13:14), without first visiting Iconium and Lystra in Galatia (cf. 2 Tim 3:11). The latter option, more corresponding to the Pauline

3

Cf. R.  I.  Pervo, Acts:  A Commentary (Hermeneia; Fortress:  Minneapolis, 2009), 322, n. 34.

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data, was natural on Paul’s land route from Syria through Cilicia (cf. Gal 1:21) to Galatia (cf. Gal 4:13). However, since the idea of Paul’s passage from Antioch in Syria (Acts 13:1) to Antioch of Pisidia (Acts 13:14) was necessary for Luke’s narrative rhetoric, Cyprus came to his mind as a natural intermediate stop on the sea route (avoiding Iconium and Lystra in Galatia) from Syria to Pisidia. For this reason, in order to justify the location of the activity of Barnabas and Saul/​Paul first in Cyprus, Luke presented Barnabas as a Cypriot (cf. Acts 4:36), although Paul in his letters nowhere suggested such an origin of Barnabas. The motif of Barnabas and Saul preaching the gospel first in the synagogues of the Jews (Ἰουδαῖος: Acts 13:5; diff. 6:9; 9:2.20: simply synagogues) and only thereafter among the Gentiles (Acts 13:7–​12) conceptually and linguistically illustrates Paul’s statement concerning his preaching the gospel to the Jew (Ἰουδαῖος) first and also to the Greek (Rom 1:16). In Acts 13:5, Luke reworked this Pauline statement by using more distinctively Jewish terminology:  ‘synagogues of the Jews’ (Acts 13:5) instead of a ‘Jew’ (cf. Rom 1:16), ‘the word of God’ (Acts 13:5) instead of ‘the gospel/​good news’ (cf. Rom 1:16), and simply ‘John’ (Acts 13:5.13) instead of ‘John Mark’ (cf. Acts 12:12.25; 15:37). The motif of the synagogue of the Jews (συναγωγή τῶν Ἰουδαίων: Acts 13:5) could have been borrowed from Jos. Ant. 19.300 etc. The subsequent account of a Roman proconsul wanting to listen to the word of God (Acts 13:6–​7), which led him to the faith (ἡ πίστις:  Acts 13:6–​8; esp. 13:8), conceptually and linguistically illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of the faith (ἡ πίστις: Gal 1:23c). The character of a Jew who was apparently a prophet (*προφήτης: Acts 13:6), like Saul (cf. Acts 13:1), who was punished with being blind and for some time not seeing (μὴ βλέπων) the sun (Acts 13:11), like Saul (cf. Acts 9:8–​9),4 and who needed someone to lead him by the hand (χειραγωγου*: Acts 13:11), like Saul (cf. Acts 9:8),5 functions in the Lucan narrative as an alter ego of Saul.6

4 Cf. L. T. Johnson, The Acts of the Apostles (SP 5; Liturgical: Collegeville, MN, 1992), 224, 227; B. E. Wilson, Unmanly Men: Refigurations of Masculinity in Luke–​Acts (Oxford University: New York, 2015), 185–​186. 5 Cf. L. T. Johnson, Acts, 224, 227; K. M. Schmidt, ‘Der weite Weg vom Saulus zum Paulus:  Anmerkungen zur narrativen Funktion der ersten Missionsreise’, RB 119 (2012), 77–​109 (esp. 85); D. Marguerat, Die Apostelgeschichte (KEK 3; Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht: Göttingen, 2022), 492. 6 Cf. M. Kochenash, ‘Better Call Paul “Saul”: Literary Models and a Lukan Innovation’, JBL 138 (2019), 433–​449 (esp. 445–​446).

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The meeting with the Jewish false prophet, who apparently changed his name from an Aramaic one (Acts 13:6) to a Greek one (Acts 13:8), in the Lucan narrative occasions the change of the name and identity of Saul/​Paul from the Hebrew, presumably persecuting Saul (cf. Acts 7:58 etc.) to the Latin-​Greek, presumably missionary Paul (cf. Acts 13:9 etc.). In fact, the idea of the change of the name from the Jewish ‘Saul’ (Σαῦλος: Acts 13:7.9) to the Roman ‘Paul’ (Παῦλος: Acts 13:9) in the presence of a certain Sergius Paulus (Acts 13:7) is a Lucan invention. In the Pauline and post-​Pauline letters, with their frequently used motif of the merism ‘Jews and Greeks’ (1 Cor 1:22 etc.), there is no reference to Paul as a Roman. Therefore, it was Luke who, having noticed the Latin origin of the name Paulus, created the motif of the Roman identity of the Apostle (cf. Acts 16:37–​38 etc.). In order to make the idea of Paul’s Roman identity narratively credible, Luke suggested that Paul, allegedly originally named Saul, obtained his Roman name Paulus under the influence of a high-​ranking Roman official named Sergius Paulus (Acts 13:7.9).7 The subsequent account of (a) Paul, who was once called Saul (Acts 13:9), (b) destroying the influence of the Jewish false prophet (Acts 13:10–​12) and indirectly provoking the retreat of the Jewish-​named John to Jerusalem (Acts 13:9–​ 13; esp. 13:13) sequentially illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of his (a) once, presumably in his Jewish past, (b) trying to destroy (Gal 1:23d). From Paul’s statement concerning the faith which he once tried to destroy (Gal 1:23cd), Luke deduced that it referred to the faith in its Jewish Christian version. Therefore, to illustrate it, in Acts 13:6b–​11 Luke additionally, sequentially used the ideas contained in Paul’s description of the churches in Judaea suffering from their compatriots, the Jews (1 Thes 2:14d–​16). The narrative character of a Jew (Ἰουδαῖος) who was a false prophet (*προφήτης) and whose Aramaic name Bar-​Jesus (*ιησοῦ: ‘son of Jesus’) was related to that of Jesus (Acts 13:6bc) by means of the rhetorical figure of synecdoche pars pro toto conceptually and linguistically illustrates the Pauline idea of the Jews (Ἰουδαῖοι) who killed their compatriot Jesus (Ἰησοῦς) and the prophets (προφήτας: 1 Thes

7 Cf. S. Schreiber, ‘Der politische Lukas: Zur kulturellen Interaktion des lukanischen Doppelwerks mit dem Imperium Romanum’, ZNW 110 (2019), 146–​185 (esp. 170). On the family of Sergii Paulli, mainly traceable to Phrygia in the 2nd century ad (MAMA 7.319; 7.321; etc.), see A. Weiß, ‘Sozialgeschichtliche Aspekte der Apostelgeschichte’, in S. Alkier and M. Rydryck (eds.), Paulus –​das Kapital eines Reisenden: Die Apostelge-​ schichte also soziohistorische Quelle (SBS 241; Katholisches Bibelwerk: Stuttgart, 2017), 37–​58 (esp. 45–​47).

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2:14d–​15c). The motif of false prophets (ψευδοπροφήτης: Acts 13:6) being opposed to true prophets (προφῆται: Acts 13:1) was borrowed from Luke 6:23.26.8 The motif of finding in Cyprus (Κύπρ*) a certain magician (μάγον) who was a Jew (Ἰουδαῖον), who bore a certain name (ὄνομα), who was a friend of a local Roman governor, and who acted in a manner contrary to God’s will (Acts 13:4.6–​ 8.10) was borrowed from Jos. Ant. 20.142–​143.9 The following statement that the Jew was with a Roman official who was in place of (ἀντί-​) of a consul, and who was an intelligent man (Acts 13:7a) conceptually and seemingly also linguistically illustrates the following Pauline idea of the Jews being opposite (*αντίος) to all men, presumably living outside Judaea (1 Thes 2:15d). The following idea of the Greek-​named Jewish prophet opposing Paul, who spoke the salvific word of God to the Roman official (Acts 13:7b–​8), illustrates the following Pauline idea of the Jews, presumably outside Judaea, hindering Paul from speaking to the Gentiles so that they might be saved (1 Thes 2:16a–​c). The following idea of Paul saying that the Jew is full (πλήρης) of all deceit (Acts 13:9–​10b) conceptually and linguistically illustrates Paul’s following statement that the Jews are filling up (*πληρόω) their sins (1 Thes 2:16d). The following temporal idea of the Jew not ceasing to pervert the ways of the Lord (Acts 13:10bc) illustrates the following Pauline temporal idea of the Jews sinning always (1 Thes 2:16d). Besides, the motif of perverting the ways of the Lord (διαστρέφων τὰς ὁδοὺς … *ου: Acts 13:10c) was borrowed from Prov 10:9 LXX.10 The following prediction concerning the hostile Jew (Acts 13:11a–​c) and its immediately realized fulfilment, namely, that (a) there fell (ἔ*σεν) (b) upon him (ἐπ᾽ αὐτόν) (c) mist and darkness (Acts 13:11d) conceptually and linguistically, in a sequential way illustrates the following Pauline statement that (a) there came (ἔ*σεν) (b) upon them (ἐπ᾽ αὐτούς) (c) anger, presumably divine (1 Thes 2:16e).

Cf. C.  S.  Keener, Acts:  An Exegetical Commentary, vol. 2, 3:1–​14:28 (Baker Academic: Grand Rapids, MI, 2013), 2009. 9 Cf. B. Thiering, ‘The Acts of the Apostles as Early Christian Art’, in E. C. B. MacLaurin (ed.), Festschrift G. W. Thatcher (Sydney University: Sydney, 1967), 139–​189 (esp. 188); R. I. Pervo, Dating Acts: Between the Evangelists and the Apologists (Polebridge: Santa Rosa, CA, 2006), 186–​187. 1 0 Cf. R. Pesch, Die Apostelgeschichte, vol. 2, Apg 13–​28 (2nd edn., EKKNT 5/​2; Benzinger: Düsseldorf and Zürich; Neukirchener: Neukirchen-​Vluyn, 2003), 25; C. K. Barrett, A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the Acts of the Apostles, vol. 1, Preliminary Introduction and Commentary on Acts I–​XIV (ICC; T&T Clark: Edinburgh, 1994), 617. 8

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The concluding idea of the Jew going around and seeking people to lead him by the hand (Acts 13:11ef) illustrates the concluding Pauline idea of the anger against the Jew being to the utmost (1 Thes 2:16e). It can therefore be observed that in his account of Paul’s meeting with a hostile Jew (Acts 13:6b–​11) Luke sequentially reworked the contents of the thematically corresponding Pauline text 1 Thes 2:14d–​16. The sequence of elements consists of 9 mutually corresponding items, ordered in the same way. The Lucan reworking of the Pauline statements, phrases, and words has here a predominantly conceptual character, but there are also common linguistic elements which are contained in 5 correspondences between the two texts. The statement concerning the departure of John, elsewhere called John Mark (cf. Acts 12:12.25; 15:37) or Mark (cf. Acts 15:39), from Barnabas and Paul (Acts 13:13) has no confirmation in the Pauline and post-​Pauline letters. In these writings, Mark appears with Paul at the end of his life, during his Roman imprisonment (Phlm 24; Col 4:10; 2 Tim 4:11).11 However, Col 4:10 presented Mark as the cousin of Barnabas who withdrew his support for Paul’s view of missionary activity among the Gentiles (Gal 2:13). Similarly, in 1 Pet 5:13 the ethopoeic Peter ‘adopted’ the former Pauline co-​worker Mark (cf. Phlm 24), who together with Silvanus (cf. 1 Pet 5:12) bore a Latin name, as his own ‘son’ in Rome.12 For these reasons, Luke presented Mark (here: ‘John’) as the first Jewish Christian companion of Paul who deserted him (Acts 13:13), before Barnabas did the same (cf. Acts 15:39). This Lucan image of gradual withdrawal of support for Paul’s activity among the Gentiles by his former Jewish Christian companions, first by the less important Jew ‘John’ (Acts 13:13) and then by Barnabas (Acts 15:39), reflects Paul’s description of gradual withdrawal of support for his activity among the Gentiles by his former Jewish Christian companions, first by ‘other Jews’ and then by Barnabas (Gal 2:13).

11 For the interpretation of the letters to Philemon and to the Philippians as written during Paul’s imprisonment in Rome, which occurred at the end of his life, see B. Adamczew-​ ski, Heirs of the Reunited Church: The History of the Pauline Mission in Paul’s Letters, in the So-​Called Pastoral Letters, and in the Pseudo-​Titus Narrative of Acts (Peter Lang: Frankfurt am Main, 2010), 56. 12 Cf. B. Adamczewski, Constructing Relationships, Constructing Faces: Hypertextuality and Ethopoeia in the New Testament Writings (Peter Lang: Frankfurt am Main, 2011), 111.

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4.3. Antioch of Pisidia, Iconium, and beyond (Acts 13:14–​ 14:7; cf. Gal 1:24) The Lucan section Acts 13:14–​14:7 illustrates the main ideas of the corresponding first part of the Pauline section Gal 1:24. The overlapping accounts of Paul’s evangelistic activity in Antioch of Pisidia (Acts 13:14–​52), and later in Iconium (Acts 13:51–​14:6) and beyond (Acts 14:6–​ 7), so that the Gentile disciples (Acts 13:52) were glad and, somewhat surprisingly, glorified (καὶ ἐδόξαζον)13 the word of the Lord (Acts 13:14–​14:7; esp. 13:48), conceptually and linguistically illustrates Paul’s statement that the believers were presumably astonished and glorified (καὶ ἐδόξαζον:  Gal 1:24). Luke reworked this overly optimistic Pauline statement, which referred to the churches in Judaea (cf. Gal 1:22), from the perspective of later Jewish–​Gentile conflicts (Gal 2:3–​6.12–​13) by depicting the Jews as more and more vehemently rejecting the Pauline gospel which was directed to the Gentiles (Acts 13:50–​14:7). The idea of Paul’s evangelistic activity in Antioch (Ἀντιόχεια: Acts 13:14–​49; esp. 13:14), leading to a persecution (διωγμός: Acts 13:50) of Paul there (Acts 13:50–​52), was borrowed by Luke from 2 Tim 3:11.14 In agreement with the fact that after the Antiochene crisis Paul came (as a free man) from Antioch in the east (Gal 2:11–​21), probably through Galatia again (cf. Gal 4:13), to Rome in the west (Phlm; Phlp),15 the so-​called Pastoral Letters present his journey (as a free man) as leading from Antioch in the east (2 Tim 3:11), through Galatia again (Iconium and Lystra: 2 Tim 3:11), Miletus (2 Tim 4:20), Crete (Tit 1:5), Corinth (2 Tim 4:20), and Nicopolis (Tit 3:12), to Rome in the west (2 Tim 1:17).16 Therefore, the Antioch mentioned in 2 Tim 3:11 is quite naturally understood as Antioch in Syria, and the persecutions and sufferings mentioned in 2 Tim 3:11 refer to the hostility of the Jewish Christians against Paul in Antioch (cf. Gal 2:11–​21), and later in Galatia (cf. Gal 6:17).17 However, in his irenic presentation of the relationships between the Jewish Christians and Paul, Luke wanted to avoid the impression that there were serious conflicts between them. Therefore, he changed Paul’s opponents from the Jewish Christians (2 Tim 3:11; cf. Gal 2:11–​21) to the Jews in general (Acts 13:45–​52). 13 Cf. C. R. Holladay, ‘Acts as Kerygma: λαλεῖν τὸν λόγον’, NTS 63 (2017), 153–​182 (esp. 174–​175). 14 Cf. B. Thiering, ‘Acts’, 185. 15 Cf. B. Adamczewski, Heirs,  55–​57. 16 Cf. ibid.,  81–​82. 17 Cf. ibid.,  78–​79.

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Moreover, he transferred the location of the Antioch which was mentioned in 2 Tim 3:11 from Syria to the region of the Galatian towns Iconium and Lystra (cf. 2 Tim 3:11). There was a city named Antioch which well suited Luke’s aims. It was Antioch in Phrygia, in western Asia Minor. This city was located close to Pisidia, so it was often called ‘Antioch by Pisidia’ (Ἀντιόχεια ἡ πρὸς [τῇ] Πισιδίᾳ: Strabo, Geogr. 12.3.31; 12.6.4; 12.8.14) or regarded as belonging to the Pisidians (Pisidae… quorum… Antiochia: Pliny the Elder, Nat. Hist. 5.94).18 From the administrative point of view, the city was located in the Roman province of Galatia.19 Accordingly, Luke could suggest that it was visited by Paul during his first journey through Galatia (cf. Gal 4:13). However, unlike Paul (cf. 1 Cor 16:1; Gal 1:2), in order to avoid negative associations with the highly controversial Letter to the Galatians, Luke nowhere in his work used the toponym Galatia. He merely mentioned the ‘Galatian region’, as a place which Paul simply passed through (Acts 16:6; 18:23). For this reason, Luke presented Paul’s activity in the city which was located in the Roman province of Galatia as located in Pisidia (Acts 13:14). The artificial Lucan procedure of relocating the Antioch mentioned in 2 Tim 3:11 to Pisidia resulted in the strange, from the syntactical point of view, Lucan phrase εἰς Ἀντιόχειαν τὴν Πισιδίαν (‘to Antioch Pisidia’: Acts 13:14),20 which evidently differs from the natural, previously used phrase εἰς Πέργην τῆς Παμφυλίας (‘to Perga of Pamphylia’: Acts 13:13). In order to insert the towns that were allegedly evangelized by Paul according to this new pattern, which ran roughly from the west to the east (‘Antioch Pisidia’,

18 Cf. C. K. Barrett, Acts, vol. 1, 627–​628; D. Bechard, Paul Outside the Walls: A Study of Luke’s Socio-​Geographical Universalism in Acts 14:8–​20 (AnBib 143; Pontificio Istituto Biblico: Roma, 2000), 262–​263; C. K. Rothschild, ‘Pisidian Antioch in Acts 13: The Denouement of the South Galatian Hypothesis’, NovT 54 (2012), 334–​353 (esp. 343–​344, n. 31). 19 See S. Mitchell and M. Waelkens, Pisidian Antioch: The Site and its Monuments (Duckworth and Classical Press of Wales: London, 1998), 8–​9, 11; S. Patitucci and G. Uggeri, ‘Aspetti archeologici del primo viaggio missionario di San Paolo in Anatolia’, in L. Padovese (ed.), Atti del VII simposio di Tarso su S. Paolo Apostolo (TCSS 16; Pontificia Università Antoniano: Roma, 2002), 345–​374 (esp. 350); M. Wilson, ‘The Denouement of Claudian Pamphylia–​Lycia and its Implications for the Audience of Galatians’, NovT 60 (2018), 337–​360 (esp. 351). 20 The word Πισιδίαν most likely does not function as an adjective; cf. BDAG s.v. Πισίδιος; M. Wilson, ‘Denouement’, 351.

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Iconium, and Lystra), into a larger story of Paul’s early activity in Galatia, Luke designed the route of Paul’s first ‘missionary journey’ as leading from Perga in Pamphylia (Acts 13:13) directly to ‘Antioch Pisidia’ (Acts 13:14–​52),21 and then eastward (surprisingly back towards Syria), to Iconium and Lystra (Acts 13:51–​ 14:20). In order to explain how Paul came from Syria to Pamphylia before visiting Galatia, Luke added the account of Paul’s activity in Cyprus (Acts 13:5–​13). In line with the theological pattern which was borrowed from Rom 1:16 (‘to the Jew first and also to the Greek’), Luke described Paul’s activity in Antioch of Pisidia as beginning in a synagogue on the day of the Sabbath (Acts 13:14). The motif of ‘the law and the prophets’ (τοῦ νόμου καὶ τῶν προφητῶν: Acts 13:15; cf. Luke 16:16), which can already be found in 2  Macc 15:9, was most probably borrowed by Luke from Rom 3:21. Therefore, the use of this motif does not suggest that Luke knew the later Jewish custom of including a reading from the Law and a reading from the Prophets (Haphtarah) in the synagogal liturgy, especially in view of the fact that he described Jesus in the synagogue as reading only a passage from the prophet Isaiah (Luke 4:17–​19).22 To the contrary, it should be assumed that the Jewish custom of reading the Haptharot originated from Luke’s remark in Acts 13:15, in the time when, as attested by Justin Martyr (Dial. 10.2; 18.1), the Jews were not yet totally forbidden from reading Christian texts (cf. Dial. 38.1). The motif of the Scriptures (here: ‘the law and the prophets’) being a source of comfort (παρακλήσεως) when they are applied to the present situation of the people (Acts 13:15) was borrowed from Rom 15:4. In agreement with this idea, the speech of Paul in the synagogue in Antioch (Acts 13:16–​41) contains

21 For the implausibility of Paul’s rapid ‘leap’ from Cyprus to ‘Antioch Pisidia’, see P. Pilhofer, ‘Luke’s Knowledge of Pisidian Antioch’, in T. Drew-​Bear, M. Taşlıalan, and C. M. Thomas (eds.), Actes du Ier Congrès International sur Antioche de Pisidie (CAHA: Université Lumière-​Lyon 2 vol. 5; Université Lumière-​Lyon 2: Lyon, 2002), 77–​83 (esp. 81); R. I. Pervo, Acts, 331. For a discussion of the problems with travelling from Cyprus and reaching the city of ‘Antioch Pisidia’, and not, for example, Iconium, see M. Wilson, ‘The Route of Paul’s First Journey to Pisidian Antioch’, NTS 55 (2009), 471–​483 (esp. 481–​482). 22 Pace H. Löhr, ‘In Search of the Petichah: Some Thoughts on the Torah, the Prophets, and the Scriptures in the Synagogues and Beyond’, in L. Doering and A. R. Krause (eds.), Synagogues in the Hellenistic and Roman Periods: Archaeological Finds, New Methods, New Theories (Ioudaioi 11; Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht: Göttingen, 2020), 239–​ 251 (esp. 242), who claims that traces of this practice can already be found in Paul’s use of Genesis and Habakkuk in Galatians 3 (ibid., 247–​248).

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numerous scriptural motifs,23 borrowed from the Septuagint, with their application to the present situation of the Israelites after the resurrection of Jesus.24 However, the phrase αἰτέομαι (mid.) βασιλέα (Acts 13:21; diff. 1  Sam 8:10 LXX: αἰτέω… βασιλέα) seems to have been borrowed from Jos. Ant. 6.88. The phrase φυλῆς Βενιαμίν (diff. 1 Sam 9:1 LXX: ἐξ υἱῶν Βενιαμιν; Jos. Ant. 6.45: τῆς Βενιαμίτιδος φυλῆς), referring to Saul (Acts 13:21), was borrowed from Rom 11:1 and/​or Phlp 3:5 to allude to the character of Saul/​Paul.25 The thought that Saul reigned for forty years (Acts 13:21; diff. 1 Sam 13:1 MT: two years) was borrowed from Jos. Ant. 6.378.26 The somewhat unusual phrase ἤγειρεν… Δαυίδ (Acts 13:22) seems to allude to the idea of raising Jesus, a descendant of David (2  Tim 2:8). The motif of Jesus being from David’s seed (Δαυίδ + σπέρματος: Acts 13:22–​23; diff. 2 Sam 7:12 LXX: σπέρμα) was also borrowed from 2 Tim 2:8, rather than from Rom 1:3, since the descendance from David’s seed is regarded in Acts 13:22–​23 as something positive, not limited to the descendance according to the flesh (cf. Rom 1:3). This motif was further conflated in Acts 13:23 with the favourite Pauline motif of the descendance being according to promise (σπέρμα… κατ᾽ ἐπαγγελίαν: Gal 3:29; cf. Rom 4:13.16; 9:8) and with the Pauline idea that this ‘seed’ is in fact Christ (Gal 3:16). The motif of referring to Jesus as the Saviour (σωτῆρα: Acts 13:23) was borrowed from Phlp 3:20 etc. The motif of the baptism of repentance (βάπτισμα μετανοίας: Acts 13:24) was borrowed from Mk 1:4. The motif of Paul pointing to the written texts of the scriptural prophets (τῶν προφητῶν: Acts 13:27), and not

23 Cf. D. Rusam, Das Alte Testament bei Lukas (BZNW 112; Walter de Gruyter: Berlin and New York, 2003), 391–​412; B. Sargent, David Being a Prophet: The Contingency of Scripture upon History in the New Testament (BZNW 207; Walter de Gruyter: Berlin and Boston, 2014), 68–​76. 24 Cf. L. T. Johnson, Acts, 237–​238; G. E. Sterling, ‘“Do You Understand What You are Reading?” The Understanding of the LXX in Luke–​Acts’, in J. Frey, C. K. Rothschild, and J. Schröter (eds.), Die Apostelgeschichte im Kontext antiker und frühchristlicher Historiographie (BZNW 162; Walter de Gruyter: Berlin and·New York, 2009), 101–​118 (esp. 112–​118). 25 Cf. B. A. French, ‘The Completion of King Saul in Acts’, JSNT 40.4 (2018), 424–​433 (esp. 429). 26 Cf. E. van Staalduine-​Sulman, ‘The Intricate Relationship Between Targum Jonathan and the New Testament Exemplified by “Targumic” Statements in Acts 13:21–​22 and James 5:7–​8’, ColT 93 (2023) no. 1, 103–​113 (esp. 107), who points to the common idea of 40 years in both texts.

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Moses (cf. Acts 15:21 in the mouth of Jacob), as foretelling the gospel (cf. Acts 13:26) was borrowed from Rom 1:2. The confessional statement ὁ δὲ θεὸς ἤγειρεν αὐτὸν ἐκ νεκρῶν (‘But God raised him from the dead’: Acts 13:30) was almost verbatim borrowed from Rom 10:9 (ὁ θεὸς αὐτὸν ἤγειρεν ἐκ νεκρῶν). The confessional statement that after his resurrection Jesus was repeatedly seen (ὤφθη) by his followers (Acts 13:31) was borrowed from 1 Cor 15:5–​7.27 The motif of Paul proclaiming good news to the Galatian recipients (ὑμᾶς + εὐαγγελίζομαι: Acts 13:32) was borrowed from Gal 1:9. Moreover, the motif of Paul preaching good news (εὐαγγελίζομαι:  Acts 13:32), and thus leading people in Galatia, so beyond Syria and Cilicia, to faith and believing (πιστ*: Acts 13:34.39.41.48), was borrowed from Gal 1:21.23. The motif of preaching the gospel to the circumcised as a fulfilment of the promise made to the fathers (πατέρες + ἐπαγγελία: Acts 13:32) was borrowed from Rom 15:8 (cf. 9:4–​5). The motif of not (οὐ) being able to be justified (δικαιωθη*) by the law (νόμος) from sins (ἁμαρτία: Acts 13:38) was borrowed from Rom 3:20. Likewise, the following motif of everyone who believes (πᾶς ὁ πιστεύων) being justified (δικαιου*) in (ἐν) Jesus (Acts 13:39) was borrowed from the following texts Rom 3:22.24. It can therefore be observed that the speech of Paul in the synagogue in Antioch (Acts 13:16–​41), apart from numerous scriptural quotations and allusions, contains many motifs which were borrowed from Pauline and post-​Pauline letters. Since the speech was directed mainly to the Israelites (Acts 13:16), most Pauline motifs in it were borrowed from the thematically corresponding Letter to the Romans (Rom 1:2; 3:20.22.24; 10:9; 11:1; 15:8). Moreover, since the city of Antioch of Pisidia was located in the Roman province of Galatia, the speech also contains a number of motifs which were borrowed from the geographically corresponding Letter to the Galatians (Gal 1:9.23; 3:16.29). The motif of Paul speaking to the Gentiles (λαλη* + *τοῖς: Acts 13:42.46; τὰ ἔθνη:  Acts 13:46.48), but the Jews (οἱ Ἰουδαῖοι) hindering his proclamation (Acts 13:45.50) and persecuting him (διω*:  Acts 13:50) was borrowed from 1  Thes 2:14–​16. For this reason, Luke included here a quotation (cf. Isa 49:6 LXX)28 referring to the Gentiles as being offered salvation (σωτηρία: Acts 13:47;

2 7 Cf. M. S. Enslin, ‘“Luke” and Paul’, JAOS 58 (1938), 81–​91 (esp. 87). 28 Cf. D. Rusam, Das Alte Testament, 414; R. I. Pervo, Acts, 343; J. A. Meek, The Gentile Mission in Old Testament Quotations in Acts: Text, Hermeneutic and Purpose (LNTS 385; T&T Clark: London and New York, 2009), 25.

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cf. 1 Thes 2:16: ἵνα σωθῶσιν). Likewise, the motif of Paul facing strong opposition, and nevertheless speaking boldly (παρρησιασάμε*:  Acts 13:46), was borrowed from 1 Thes 2:2. The motif of two correlated categories of people: the Jews and those who worshipped God (Ἰουδαίων καὶ… σεβομένων: Acts 13:43) was borrowed from Jos. Ant. 14.110. The motif of proclaiming the gospel first (πρῶτον) to the Jews and then to the Gentiles (Acts 13:46) was borrowed from Rom 1:16.29 The motif of glorifying the word of the Lord (δοξάζω + ὁ λόγος τοῦ κυρίου: Acts 13:48) was borrowed from 2 Thes 3:1. The motif of shaking off (ἐκτιναξα*) the dust off the apostle’s feet (τῶν ποδῶν: Acts 13:51) was borrowed from Mk 6:11. The following account of Paul’s evangelistic activity in Iconium (ἐν  Ἰκονίῳ: Acts 14:1–​5; esp. 14:1) conceptually and linguistically illustrates the following remark contained in 2 Tim 3:11, namely, that after the persecutions and sufferings which Paul had endured in Antioch he endured further persecutions and sufferings in Iconium (ἐν  Ἰκονίῳ).30 The motif of beginning the evangelistic activity in the synagogue of the Jews (Ἰουδαῖος), together with the statement that many Jews and also Greeks (Ἰουδαίων τε καὶ  Ἑλλήνων) believed (Acts 14:1), conceptually and linguistically illustrates Paul’s statement that the gospel is directed to the Jew first and also to the Greek (Ἰουδαίῳ τε… καὶ  Ἕλληνι: Rom 1:16). The motif of Paul speaking (λαλῆσαι) to the Greeks, so that a great multitude of them believed (Acts 14:1), was borrowed from 1 Thes 2:16. Likewise, the motif of the Jews (Ἰουδαῖοι) stirring up and poisoning the minds of the Gentiles (τὰ ἔθνη) against the brothers (Acts 14:2) was borrowed from 1 Thes 2:14.16. The motif of Paul facing opposition (Acts 14:2), and nevertheless speaking boldly (παρρησιάζομαι: Acts 14:3; cf. 13:46), was borrowed from 1 Thes 2:2. The motif of divine signs and wonders (σημεῖα καὶ τέρατα: Acts 14:3; cf. 4:30; 5:12) was borrowed from 2  Cor 12:12; Rom 15:19. The motif of calling Paul an apostle (ἀπόστολος: Acts 14:4.14) was borrowed from Paul’s letters (Gal 1:1 etc.). The image of Paul facing an attempt to (a) mistreat and (b) stone him (Acts 14:5) sequentially illustrates the statement concerning (a) persecutions and (b) sufferings which Paul endured in Iconium (2 Tim 3:11). The thought that the attempt to stone Paul was not realized (Acts 14:5), although such an attempt

29 Cf. E.  Plümacher, ‘Rom in der Apostelgeschichte’, in id., Geschichte und Ge-​ schichten: Aufsätze zur Apostelgeschichte und zu den Johannesakten (WUNT 170; Mohr Siebeck: Tübingen, 2004), 135–​169 (esp. 154). 30 Cf. B. Thiering, ‘Acts’, 185.

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was realized later (Acts 14:19), reflects Paul’s statement that he was stoned once (2 Cor 11:25). For the same reason, Luke used in Acts 14:5 the verb λιθοβολέω, and not the Pauline λιθάζω (cf. 2 Cor 11:25), which he used later in the account of stoning Paul (Acts 14:19). The motif of the Gentiles mistreating (ὑβρίζω) Paul (Acts 14:5) was borrowed from 1 Thes 2:2. The following idea of Paul preaching the gospel (εὐαγγελίζομαι:  Acts 14:7) in Lystra, Derbe, and the region around them (Acts 14:6–​7), so in towns which were located in the Roman province of Galatia, originates from Paul’s remark concerning his first preaching of the gospel (εὐαγγελίζομαι) to the Galatians (Gal 4:13). In order to avoid negative associations with the highly controversial Letter to the Galatians, Luke never used the toponym Galatia (diff. 1 Cor 16:1; Gal 1:2). He merely mentioned the ‘Galatian region’, as a place which Paul simply passed through (Acts 16:6; 18:23). For this reason, Luke presented Paul’s activity in the region which was located in the Roman province of Galatia as located in Lycaonia (Acts 14:6; cf. 14:11). The image of Paul fleeing (ἐκφεύγω:  Acts 14:6) could have been borrowed by Luke from the Pauline text 2  Cor 11:33. However, this would be unusual for Luke, who in other situations, after actual persecutions, presented Paul as coming (Acts 13:51), going out (Acts 14:20), etc. with dignity from a dangerous place. Therefore, this unusual image of Paul fleeing to Iconium, Derbe, and the region around them (Acts 14:6) most probably illustrates Paul’s statement that he first preached the gospel in Galatia because of weakness of the flesh (Gal 4:13).

4.4. Lystra (Acts 14:8–​20; cf. Gal 1:24) The Lucan section Acts 14:8–​20 sequentially illustrates the main ideas of the corresponding second part of the Pauline section Gal 1:24. The account of (a) Paul raising a man in Lystra (Acts 14:8–​10), so that (b) the crowds believed that the gods (οἱ θεοί: Acts 14:11) came to them in the persons of Barnabas and Paul (Acts 14:11–​13), and Barnabas and Paul had to direct their faith to the living God (θεός: 14:14–​18; esp. 14:15),31 active in Paul in the power of the resurrection (Acts 14:8–​20; esp. 14:19–​20), conceptually and linguistically, in a sequential way illustrates Paul’s thought that (a) in him (b) there is God (ὁ θεός: Gal 1:24).

31 Cf. N. Henrichs-​Tarasenkova, Luke’s Christology of Divine Identity (LNTS 542; Bloomsbury T&T Clark: London and New York, 2016), 130–​132.

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The reference to Lystra in plural in the datival phrase ἐν Λύστροις (Acts 14:8; cf. 16:2) is identical to the phrase used in 2 Tim 3:11 (ἐν Λύστροις).32 In other places, in which there is no datival prepositional phrase, Luke always used the singular name form Λύστρα (εἰς… Λύστραν: Acts 14:6.21; 16:1). Therefore the datival prepositional phrase ἐν Λύστροις (Acts 14:8; 16:2) was almost certainly borrowed from 2 Tim 3:11. The image of someone who (a) never walked (Acts 14:8), (b) at whom Paul looked intently and saw that (c) he had faith (πίστις) (d) to be saved (σωθη*: Acts 14:9), and therefore (e) the man stood up (ἀνίστημι: Acts 14:10), conceptually and linguistically illustrates the Pauline idea of someone (c) believing (πιστεύω) (b) in his heart that (e) God raised (ἐγείρω) Jesus (a) from the dead, and consequently (d) being saved (σωθη*: Rom 10:9).33 Besides, the Lucan section Acts 14:11–​18 sequentially illustrates the contents of the thematically corresponding fragment of Paul’s Letter to the Galatians (Gal 4:8–​11). The idea of the crowds in the Galatian city of Lystra worshipping the pagan gods (οἱ θεοί:  Acts 14:11–​13; esp. 14:11) conceptually and linguistically illustrates Paul’s statement that the Galatians once served the gods (οἱ… θεοί) who by nature are not gods (Gal 4:8). Luke illustrated this Pauline statement with the use of the motif of theoxeny, here concerning Zeus and Hermes coming to humans in the likeness of humans (Acts 14:11–​13), a motif which was widely known in ancient pagan literature (cf., e.g., Aesop, Fab. 110: Ἑρμῆς… ὁμοιωθεὶς ἀνθρώπῳ; Ovid, Metam. 8.618–​720:  Jupiter and Mercury welcomed by pious people in Phrygia, close to Lystra).34 The following idea of Paul exhorting the crowds in the Galatian city of Lystra to (a) turn (ἐπιστρέφω) from worthless things (b) to (ἐπί) the living God (θεόν: Acts 14:14–​15; esp. 14:15) conceptually and linguistically, in a sequential but positive way illustrates Paul’s following exhortation that the Galatians should

32 The plural name form in 2 Tim 3:11 may reflect the Latin name of the town: gemina Lustra (‘twin Lystra’: MAMA 8.5; cf. also MAMA 8.8). 33 Cf. P. N. Tarazi, The New Testament: An Introduction, vol. 2, Luke and Acts (St Vladimir’s Seminary: Crestwood, NY, 2001), 239. 34 Cf. M.  Wojciechowski, Wpływy greckie w Biblii (WAM:  Kraków, 2012), 313–​314; J.-​N. Aletti, ‘Quelle culture pour le narrateur de Lc/​Ac? Des techniques à la théologie’, in M. Guidi and S. Zeni (eds.), NumeriSecondi: Il volto di Dio attraverso il volto dei piccoli, Festschrift M. Grilli (AnBibSt 11; Gregorian & Biblical: Roma, 2018), 401–​412 (esp. 409); B. E. Wilson, ‘Forming God: Divine Anthropomorphism in Luke–​Acts’, JBL 140 (2021), 775–​795 (esp. 779).

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not (a) turn (ἐπιστρέφω) from the one whom they have known as God (θεόν) (b) to (ἐπί) weak and miserable things (Gal 4:9a–​c). The following idea of God having made four elements of the universe:  the heaven (so air), the earth, the sea (so water), and everything that is in them (Acts 14:15; cf. Gen 1:1.10.20–​22) illustrates Paul’s following idea of the basic elements of the universe (Gal 4:9c). The motif of God who made (ἐποίησεν) the heaven, the earth, the sea, and all things that are in them (τὸν οὐρανὸν καὶ τὴν γῆν καὶ τὴν θάλασσαν καὶ πάντα τὰ ἐν αὐτοῖς: Acts 14:15; cf. 4:24) was borrowed from Exod 20:11 LXX.35 The following idea of past generations (Acts 14:16) illustrates Paul’s following idea of the addressees doing something again (Gal 4:9d). The following idea of God giving to the people in Galatia rain from heaven (οὐρανόθεν), so from above (Acts 14:17c),36 conceptually and linguistically, in a corrective way illustrates Paul’s following idea of the Galatians wanting to serve things which are from above/​again (ἄνωθεν: Gal 4:9de). The following idea of God giving to the people in Galatia fruitful seasons (καιρούς:  Acts 14:17cd) conceptually and linguistically, in a corrective way illustrates Paul’s following idea of the Galatians observing festal seasons (καιρούς: Gal 4:10). The concluding idea of Barnabas and Paul with difficulty restraining the crowds in Galatia from pagan worship (Acts 14:18) illustrates Paul’s concluding statement that he was afraid that he perhaps laboured for the Galatians in vain (Gal 4:11). It can therefore be observed that Luke in his account of the reaction of the pagan crowds to Paul’s activity in the Galatian city of Lystra (Acts 14:11–​18) sequentially reworked the contents of the thematically corresponding fragment of Paul’s Letter to the Galatians (Gal 4:8–​11). The sequence of elements consists of 8 mutually corresponding items, ordered in the same way. The Lucan reworking of the Pauline statements, phrases, and words has a predominantly conceptual

35 Cf. J. A. Fitzmyer, The Acts of the Apostles: A New Translation with Introduction and Commentary (AB 31; Doubleday: New York, 1998), 532; A. den Heijer, Portraits of Paul’s Performance in the Book of Acts: Luke’s Apologetic Strategy in the Depiction of Paul as Messenger of God (WUNT 2.556; Mohr Siebeck: Tübingen, 2021), 115; B. J. Tabb and S. Walton, ‘Exodus in Luke–​Acts’, in S. M. Ehorn (ed.), Exodus in the New Testament (LNTS 663; T&T Clark: London,·New York and Dublin, 2022), 61–​87 (esp. 83–​84). 36 Cf. D. Bechard, Paul Outside the Walls, 425, n. 167.

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character, but there are also common linguistic elements which are contained in 5 correspondences between the two texts. The statement that the Jews actually stoned (λιθάσ*) Paul (Acts 14:19c) conceptually and linguistically illustrates Paul’s statement that he was once stoned (λιθάσ*: 2 Cor 11:25).37 In order to illustrate this Pauline statement as literally as possible, Luke used here the rare verb λιθάζω (cf. Acts 5:26; 2 Sam 16:6.13 LXX), although elsewhere in this story he used the verb λιθοβολέω (Acts 14:5; cf. 7:58–​59), which is much more common in the Septuagint (cf. Exod 8:22 LXX etc.). Likewise, for the same reason, Luke somewhat surprisingly presented only Paul, and not Barnabas, as being stoned (Acts 14:19c),38 although elsewhere in the story he presented Paul and Barnabas as being active together (Acts 14:11–​ 18.20). Moreover, for the same reason, in order to illustrate as literally as possible Paul’s statement that he was stoned once, Luke described the stoning in Iconium as merely attempted (Acts 14:5), and only the stoning in Lystra as effectuated (Acts 14:19c). The surprising image of Paul being stoned by the Jews from Antioch (Ἀντιοχεία) and Iconium (Ἰκόνιον) in the city of Lystra (Acts 14:19; cf. 14:8), although these cities were greatly distanced from each other, again conceptually and linguistically illustrates the statement that Paul endured great persecutions and sufferings in Antioch, in Iconium, and in Lystra (2 Tim 3:11a).39 The following image of Paul being dragged out of the city, being apparently dead, but being surrounded by the suddenly appearing disciples,40 rising up, going into the city, and on the next day going out of the city (Acts 14:19–​20), thus resembling the crucified and risen Jesus (cf. Luke 4:29–​30; 24:7.33–​51; etc.),41 illustrates the following statement that Paul endured in Lystra great persecutions,

37 Cf. N. Lüke, Über die narrative Kohärenz zwischen Apostelgeschichte und Paulusbriefen (TANZ 62; Narr Francke Attempto: Tübingen, 2019), 161. 38 Cf. M. Öhler, Barnabas: Die historische Person und ihre Rezeption in der Apostelge-​ schichte (WUNT 156; J. C. B. Mohr (Paul Siebeck): Tübingen, 2003), 343; K. M. Schmidt, ‘Der weite Weg’, 99. 39 Cf. B. Thiering, ‘Acts’, 185. 40 Cf. D. B. Glover, ‘What Are the Disciples Doing around Paul? The ‘Ring-​Dance’ in Acts 14.20a’, JSNT 43.4 (2021), 558–​569 (esp. 559). 41 Cf. R. Strelan, Strange Acts: Studies in the Cultural World of the Acts of the Apostles (BZNW 126; Walter de Gruyter: Berlin and New York, 2004), 249–​250; L. Macnamara, My Chosen Instrument: The Characterisation of Paul in Acts 7:58–​15:41 (AnBib 215; Gregorian & Biblical: Roma, 2016), 311.

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but the Lord delivered him (2 Tim 3:11bc), presumably with the power of his resurrection.

4.5. Derbe and back to Antioch (Acts 14:21–​28; cf. Gal 2:1) The Lucan section Acts 14:21–​28 sequentially illustrates the main ideas of the corresponding Pauline section Gal 2:1. The idea of Paul and Barnabas preaching the gospel in that city, so presumably in Derbe (cf. Acts 14:20), but also in the surrounding region (cf. Acts 14:6), which presumably required much effort to travel around,42 as well as making a large number of disciples, which presumably required much time (Acts 14:21ab), illustrates Paul’s idea of the elapse of fourteen years (Gal 2:1a), presumably of his evangelistic activity beyond Syria and Cilicia (cf. Gal 1:21). The motif of Paul preaching the gospel (εὐαγγελισάμ*) to the inhabitants of Derbe (Acts 14:21; cf. 14:6), which was located in the Roman province of Galatia, illustrates Paul’s statement that he for the first time preached the gospel (εὐηγγελισάμ*) to the Galatians (Gal 4:13). The subsequent, somewhat surprising idea of Paul and Barnabas not going farther (diff. Acts 15:41),43 but turning back (again) to (εἰς) Lystra, to (εἰς) Iconium, and to (εἰς) Antioch (Acts 14:21c), thus indirectly going to Jerusalem (cf. Acts 15:2), conceptually and linguistically illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of again (so back; diff. Rom 15:28) going up to (εἰς) Jerusalem (Gal 2:1a). The subsequent idea of Paul and Barnabas encouraging (παρακαλέω) the disciples to endure tribulations and enter the kingdom of God (Acts 14:22) illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of his being with Barnabas (Gal 2:1a), whose name was translated by Luke as ‘son of encouragement’ (παρακλήσεως: Acts 4:36). The idea of strengthening (*στηρίζω) and exhorting (παρακαλοῦντες) the recently evangelized Gentile disciples to continue in the faith (πίστις) and thus, through many tribulations (διὰ πολλῶν θλίψεων), to enter the kingdom of God (εἰς τὴν βασιλείαν τοῦ θεοῦ: Acts 14:22) is a conflation of ideas borrowed from Paul’s letter which was sent to a likewise recently founded Gentile community

42 Cf. B. Wagner and M. Wilson, ‘Why Derbe? An Unlikely Lycaonian City for Paul’s Ministry’, TynBul 70 (2019), 55–​84 (esp. 68). 43 Cf. R. I. Pervo, Acts, 361.

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(παρακαλοῦντες + τοῦ θεοῦ + εἰς τὴν… βασιλείαν:  1  Thes 2:12; στηρίζω + παρακαλέω + πίστις: 1 Thes 3:2;44 ἐν θλίψει πολλῇ: 1 Thes 1:6). The subsequent idea of Paul and Barnabas acting in a way described in the ethopoeic Letter to Titus (Acts 14:23; cf. Tit 1:5; 3:8),45 gathering the mother church, and reporting that God opened to the Gentiles the door of faith (Acts 14:23–​28; esp. 14:27) illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of taking along Titus (Gal 2:1b), who was a Gentile (cf. Gal 2:3). The statement concerning (a) appointing (b) in every (κατά) (c) church (d) elders (πρεσβυτέρους: Acts 14:23) conceptually and linguistically, in a sequential way alludes to the statement from the ethopoeic Letter to Titus concerning (a) appointing (b) in every (κατά) (c) city (d) elders (πρεσβυτέρους: Tit 1:5).46 Likewise, the statement concerning having believed (πεπιστευκ*) in the (τῷ) Lord (Acts 14:23) conceptually and linguistically alludes to the statement from the ethopoeic Letter to Titus concerning having believed (πεπιστευκ*) in (τῷ) God (Tit 3:8). However, in the Acts of the Apostles there is no mention of Titus (Gal 2:1b), although he was an important co-​worker of Paul (cf. 2 Cor 8:6.16.23 etc.; cf. also Tit 1:4), most probably because 2 Tim 4:10 presented him as having deserted the imprisoned Apostle.

44 Cf. R. S. Schellenberg, ‘The First Pauline Chronologist? Paul’s Itinerary in the Letters and in Acts’, JBL 134 (2015), 193–​213 (esp. 198, n. 15 [erroneously referring to 1 Thes 1:2]). 45 Cf. M. Öhler, Barnabas, 367; R. I. Pervo, Acts, 362. 46 Cf. B.  McAdon, Rhetorical Mimesis and the Mitigation of Early Christian Conflicts: Examining the Influence that Greco-​Roman Mimesis May Have in the Composition of Matthew, Luke, and Acts (Pickwick: Eugene, OR, 2018), 239.

Chapter 5. The second missionary journey (Acts 15:1–​18:23a; cf. Gal 2:2–​5:7) The contents of the Lucan major section Acts 15:1–​18:23a sequentially, in a hypertextual way illustrate the contents of the Pauline major section Gal 2:2–​5:7.

5.1. Jerusalem meeting (Acts 15:1–​29; cf. Gal 2:2–​10) The Lucan section Acts 15:1–​29 sequentially illustrates the main ideas of the corresponding Pauline section Gal 2:2–​10. The opening thought that (a) certain people taught the brothers that they should be circumcised, therefore (δέ) no small dissension and debate arose, which caused (b) Paul and Barnabas and certain others to go up (ἀναβαίνω) to Jerusalem (c) about this disputed issue (Acts 15:1–​2), conceptually and linguistically, in a partly sequential way illustrates Paul’s statement that (a) therefore (δέ) (b) he went up (ἀναβαίνω), presumably with Barnabas and Titus to Jerusalem (cf. Gal 2:1), (c) because of a particular revelation (Gal 2:2a). Luke correctly interpreted Paul’s enigmatic statement that he went up to Jerusalem because of a revelation (Gal 2:2a) as in fact referring to Jewish Christian opposition to Paul’s mission, which resulted in Paul and Barnabas’ journey to Jerusalem (Acts 15:1–​2; cf. Gal 2:1). Therefore, the Lucan statement concerning certain men (τινες) coming (*έρχομαι) to Antioch from (ἀπό) Judaea (Acts 15:1) alludes to the Pauline statement concerning certain men (τινες) coming (ἔρχομαι) to Antioch from (ἀπό) James (Gal 2:12),1 although the Antiochene conflict happened only later (cf. Gal 2:11).2

1 Cf. M. S. Enslin, ‘Once Again, Luke and Paul’, ZNW 61 (1970), 253–​271 (esp. 263); W. O. Walker, Jr., ‘Acts and the Pauline Corpus Reconsidered’, JSNT 24 (1985), 3–​23 (esp. 12); R. I. Pervo, Dating Acts: Between the Evangelists and the Apologists (Polebridge: Santa Rosa, CA, 2006), 84. 2 Cf. B.  McAdon, Rhetorical Mimesis and the Mitigation of Early Christian Conflicts: Examining the Influence that Greco-​Roman Mimesis May Have in the Composition of Matthew, Luke, and Acts (Pickwick: Eugene, OR, 2018), 228; J.-​C. Eurell, Peter’s Legacy in Early Christianity: The Appropriation and Use of Peter’s Authority in the First Three Centuries (WUNT 2.561; Mohr Siebeck: Tübingen, 2021), 55, n. 159.

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The thought that certain men from Judaea obliged the presumably Gentile Christian brothers3 to be circumcised (περιτμηθῆ*: Acts 15:1) illustrates Paul’s argument that Titus, who was a Greek, was not compelled to be circumcised (περιτμηθῆ*: Gal 2:3). In fact, the issue of bodily circumcision most likely became the most important divisive issue only after the Jerusalem meeting.4 Therefore, the Lucan account Acts 15:1, alluding to Gal 2:3, was written from the perspective of the later conflict concerning the followers of James compelling the Gentiles to be circumcised (cf. Gal 5:2–​3; 6:12–​13; Phlp 3:2–​3). The subsequent statement concerning Paul passing through Phoenicia and Samaria, (a) describing (b) the conversion of the Gentiles (τὰ ἔθνη) (c) to all the presumably Jewish Christian brothers (*οῖς: Acts 15:3),5 and being received by the Jerusalem church (Acts 15:3–​4b; esp. 15:4ab) conceptually and linguistically, in a partly sequential way illustrates Paul’s subsequent statement concerning his (a) communicating (c) to them (*οῖς) (b) the gospel which he preaches among the Gentiles (τὰ ἔθνη: Gal 2:2bc). The motif of Paul being sent by (ὑπό) a local church on his way (προπεμφθ*) to Judaea (Acts 15:3) was borrowed from 2 Cor 1:16 etc. The subsequent statement concerning Paul and Barnabas being received by the Jerusalem apostles and elders (Acts 15:4b) illustrates Paul’s subsequent statement concerning his communicating the gospel which he preaches among the Gentiles (cf. Gal 2:2bc) now to the Jerusalem leaders (Gal 2:2d–​f). The subsequent statement concerning Paul and Barnabas reporting how many things God did with them (Acts 15:4cd) recalls the earlier Lucan statement concerning Paul and Barnabas reporting how many things God did with them (ἀναγγέλλω + ὅσα + ὁ θεός + ἐποίησεν + μετ᾽ αὐτῶν) and that he opened to the Gentiles the door of faith (Acts 14:27),6 a statement which illustrated Paul’s idea of taking along Titus (Gal 2:1c). Therefore, in Acts 15:4cd it similarly illustrates

Cf. F. F. Bruce, The Book of the Acts (rev. edn., NICNT; William B. Eerdmans: Grand Rapids, MI, 1988), 286–​287; J. A. Fitzmyer, The Acts of the Apostles: A New Translation with Introduction and Commentary (AB 31; Doubleday: New York, 1998), 541; P. Trebilco, ‘The Significance of the Distribution of Self-​designations in Acts’, NovT 54 (2012), 30–​49 (esp. 32–​33, 35). 4 Cf. B. Adamczewski, Heirs of the Reunited Church: The History of the Pauline Mission in Paul’s Letters, in the So-​Called Pastoral Letters, and in the Pseudo-​Titus Narrative of Acts (Peter Lang: Frankfurt am Main, 2010), 20–​21. 5 Cf. P. Trebilco, ‘Significance’, 32, n. 11. 6 Cf. M. Öhler, Barnabas: Die historische Person und ihre Rezeption in der Apostelge-​ schichte (WUNT 156; J. C. B. Mohr (Paul Siebeck): Tübingen, 2003), 401. 3

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Paul’s subsequent statement concerning presenting to the Jerusalem leaders the Greek convert Titus (Gal 2:3). The subsequent statement that (a) now (δέ) (b) some (τινες) of (c) the Pharisees (d) who had believed (e) obliged the Gentile Christians to be circumcised (περιτέμνω) and (f) ordered them to keep the law of Moses (Acts 15:5) briefly, omitting as much as possibly the problem of internal division in the Church, conceptually and linguistically, in an almost consistently sequential way illustrates Paul’s subsequent account of the activity of (a) now (δέ) (c) the false (d) brothers, (b) who (οἵτινες) (e) came in to spy out Gentile Christian freedom, presumably not to be circumcised (περιτέμνω: cf. Gal 2:3), and (f) to enslave them (Gal 2:4–​5). The motif of the ‘sect’ (αἵρεσις) of the Pharisees (Φαρισαῖος: Acts 15:5; cf. 26:5) was borrowed from Jos. B.J. 2.162 etc.7 The subsequent statement concerning the apostles and the elders (Acts 15:6a), so the leaders of the Jerusalem community (cf. Acts 15:2.4), in a typically Lucan, irenic way illustrates Paul’s subsequent, very negative statements concerning those who had some reputation, presumably in the Jerusalem community (Gal 2:6). The subsequent, stylistically somewhat surprising statement concerning the Jerusalem leaders gathering (a) to have seen (ἰδεῖν) (b) about this matter (Acts 15:6b) conceptually and linguistically, in a sequential way illustrates Paul’s subsequent statement that the Jerusalem leaders (a) have seen (ἰδόντες) (b) that Paul had been entrusted with the gospel for the uncircumcised (Gal 2:7ab). The subsequent idea of (a) Peter (Πέτρος), somewhat surprisingly in the Lucan narrative appearing again in Jerusalem (diff. Acts 12:17),8 saying that (b) the audience knows (επιστ*) that from ancient days God chose that through his mouth, so with his apparently passive participation, (c) the Gentiles should hear the word of the gospel (τὸ εὐαγγέλιον) (d) and believe (Acts 15:7), which also refers to the Jewish Christians (cf. Acts 15:11), conceptually and linguistically, in a sequential way illustrates Paul’s subsequent statement that (a) Peter (Πέτρος) (b) has been entrusted (*επιστ* pass.) (c) with the gospel (τὸ εὐαγγέλιον: cf. Gal 2:7b) (d) to the circumcised (Gal 2:7c).9 In agreement with his earlier presentation Cf. S. Mason, Josephus and the New Testament (2nd edn., Hendrickson: Peabody, MA, 2003), 288–​289. 8 Cf. J. Roloff, Die Apostelgeschichte (NTD 5; Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht: Göttingen, 1981), 230; R. Pesch, Die Apostelgeschichte, vol. 2, Apg 13–​28 (2nd edn., EKKNT 5/​2; Benzinger: Düsseldorf and Zürich; Neukirchener: Neukirchen-​Vluyn, 2003), 77. 9 Cf. W. O. Walker, Jr., ‘Acts’, 12; B. Adamczewski, ‘Księga Amosa i listy Pawłowe w Dziejach Apostolskich’, ColT 85 (2015) no. 4, 125–​144 (esp. 133). 7

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of Peter as an apostle to the Gentiles (Acts 10:1–​11:18),10 Luke substituted the Pauline idea of Peter being entrusted with the gospel to the circumcised (Gal 2:7c) with that of Peter being chosen for the gospel to the Gentiles (Acts 15:7). The subsequent, retrospective thought that (a) God (b) gave the Holy Spirit to the Gentiles, (c) just as he did to (dat.) the Jerusalem apostles (Acts 15:8; cf. 15:6), and (d) made no distinction between the faith of the Jews and that of the Gentiles (Acts 15:9),11 (e) so that the Jews should not test God by putting the ancestors’ (so especially Abraham’s: cf. Acts 3:13.25; 7:32: οἱ πατέρες) presumably circumjacent yoke on the neck of the disciples (Acts 15:8–​11; esp. 15:10–​ 11), sequentially illustrates Paul’s subsequent, retrospective statement that (a) God (b) worked effectively (c) through Peter (dat.) (d) for the apostleship (e) to the circumcised (Gal 2:8a).12 In agreement with his overall presentation of Peter, Luke substituted the Pauline idea of God working effectively through Peter for the apostleship to the circumcised (Gal 2:8a) with that of God acting through Peter for the Gentiles in the same way as for the Jews (Acts 15:8–​11). The motif of the Israelite law being regarded as a yoke (ζυγός: Acts 15:10) was borrowed from Gal 5:1.13 The summarizing motif of being saved (σῴζω) through the grace (χάρις) of Jesus (Ἰησοῦ: Acts 15:11) was borrowed from 2 Tim 1:9 and conflated with Rom 10:9 (κύριος  Ἰησοῦς + πιστεύω + σωθη*). The subsequent idea of Barnabas and Paul relating how many signs God did through them among the Gentiles (τὰ ἔθνη: Acts 15:12) conceptually and linguistically illustrates Paul’s subsequent statement that God worked effectively through him for the Gentiles (τὰ ἔθνη: Gal 2:8b). The subsequent idea of a partly pro-​Pauline utterance of James (Ἰάκωβος: Acts 15:13) conceptually and linguistically illustrates Paul’s subsequent statement that James (Ἰάκωβος) recognized the grace which had been given to Paul (Gal 2:9ab). The subsequent statement concerning the relation of the Hebrew-​named Simeon (Acts 15:14a)14 conceptually and linguistically illustrates Paul’s subsequent remark concerning the Aramaic-​named Cephas (Gal 2:9b). The motif of 10 Cf. Z. K. Dawson, The Message of the Jerusalem Council in the Acts of the Apostles: A Linguistic Stylistic Analysis (LBS 22; Brill: Leiden and Boston, 2022), 183. 11 Cf. T. W. Reardon, ‘Cleansing through Almsgiving in Luke–​Acts: Purity, Cornelius, and the Translation of Acts 15:9’, CBQ 78 (2016), 463–​482 (esp. 470–​472). 12 Cf. B. Adamczewski, ‘Księga Amosa’, 133–​134. 13 Cf. P. N. Tarazi, The New Testament: An Introduction, vol. 2, Luke and Acts (St Vladimir’s Seminary: Crestwood, NY, 2001), 241; R. I. Pervo, Dating, 93. 14 Cf. A. J. Najda, Historiografia paradygmatyczna w Dziejach Apostolskich (RSB 39; Vocatio: Warszawa, 2011), 236, n. 13.

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referring to Peter with the Hebrew name Simeon (Συμεών:  Acts 15:14)15 was borrowed from the ethopoeic letter attributed to Simeon Peter (2 Pet 1:1). The subsequent idea of (a) God having first been concerned with taking from among the Gentiles a people (b) for his name (Acts 15:14bc) illustrates Paul’s subsequent remark concerning John (Gal 2:9b), whose name means, (b) ‘Yahweh (a) has shown favour’. The subsequent, thematically somewhat unrelated and semantically modified (a) words of the scriptural prophets (plur.: Acts 15:15), in fact a quotation from Amos 9:11 LXX, which now concerns (b) rebuilding and straightening up (cf. 2 Sam 7:13 LXX;16 diff. Amos 9:11 LXX: raising up and rebuilding) the fallen, presumably messianic tent of David (Acts 15:15–​16; esp. 15:16),17 sequentially illustrates Paul’s subsequent statement concerning the Jerusalem leaders (a) having (plur.) the reputation of (b) being presumably messianic (especially James) pillars (Gal 2:9cd). The subsequent, semantically modified quotation from Amos 9:12 LXX, which now concerns two groups of people:  (a) the rest of men who seek the Lord (diff. Amos 9:12 LXX: simply the rest of men)18 and (b) all the Gentiles over whom his name has been called (Acts 15:17ab),19 sequentially illustrates Paul’s subsequent statement concerning two groups of people: (a) the Jerusalem leaders giving the right hands to (b) Paul and Barnabas, so the ones who were involved in the mission among the Gentiles (Gal 2:9e; cf. 2:9f). The subsequent, semantically modified and expanded quotation from Amos 9:12 LXX, which now concerns the Lord making these things known (diff. Isa

15 Cf. Z. K. Dawson, Message, 185. 16 Cf. M. Neubrand, Israel, die Völker und die Kirche: Eine exegetische Studie zu Apg 15 (SBB 55; Katholisches Bibelwerk: Stuttgart, 2006), 169; B. D. Crowe, The Hope of Israel: The Resurrection of Christ in the Acts of the Apostles (Baker Academic: Grand Rapids, MI, 2020), 91; W. G. Shin, ‘Holy Land Sanctity for Every Greco-​Roman City: Rethinking the Lukan Apostolic Decree (Acts 15:19–​21)’, JBL 141 (2022), 553–​574 (esp. 555–​556). 17 Cf. S. Butticaz, L’identité de l’Eglise dans les Actes des apôtres: De la restauration d’Israël à la conquête universelle (BZNW 174; Walter de Gruyter: Berlin and New York, 2011), 322; W. E. Glenny, ‘The Septuagint and Apostolic Hermeneutics: Amos 9 in Acts 15’, BBR 22 (2012), 1–​25 (esp. 11, 19–​20); B. D. Crowe, Hope,  90–​91. 18 Cf. B. D. Crowe, Hope, 93; C. Stroup, The Christians Who Became Jews: Acts of the Apostles and Ethnicity in the Roman City (Synkrisis; Yale University: New Haven and London, 2020), 89. 19 Cf. J. A. Meek, The Gentile Mission in Old Testament Quotations in Acts: Text, Hermeneutic and Purpose (LNTS 385; T&T Clark: London and New York, 2009), 86.

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45:21 LXX:  heard)20 from of old (Acts 15:17c–​18; esp. 15:18; diff. Amos 9:12 LXX: no such idea),21 illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of presumably divinely sanctioned and visibly established fellowship (Gal 2:9e). The subsequent idea of James conceding that the Jerusalem leaders should not trouble those from among the Gentiles (τὰ ἔθνη) who are turning to God (Acts 15:19) conceptually and linguistically illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of the Jerusalem leaders conceding that Paul and Barnabas should go to the Gentiles (τὰ ἔθνη: Gal 2:9f). The subsequent idea of James caring for Jewish sensitivity in the diaspora concerning ritually polluting objects (ἀλισγημάτων foregrounded and referring to the following four elements of the list):22 idols, fornication, and dietary taboos (that which was strangled and blood) because Moses is preached in every city, being read in the synagogues every Sabbath (Acts 15:20–​21), illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of the Jerusalem leaders, presumably led by James, going to the circumcised (Gal 2:9g). The motif of instructing the Gentiles by letter that they should abstain from idols (τῶν εἰδώλων: Acts 15:20) was borrowed from 1 Thes 1:9 and combined with that of abstaining from sexual immorality (ἀπέχεσθαι… τῆς πορνείας: Acts 15:20; cf. 15:29), which was borrowed from 1 Thes 4:3, with the addition of the here dietary motif of strangled (meat: cf. Lev 17:13)23 and blood (αἷμα: cf. Lev 17:10–​14 LXX etc.). The motif of Moses (Μωϋσῆς) being read (ἀναγινώσκω: Acts 15:21) was borrowed from 2 Cor 3:15. The subsequent idea of the Jerusalem leaders’ resolve concerning Jewish Christian brothers (plur.) as joining Paul and Barnabas (Acts 15:22) illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of the Jerusalem leaders’ resolve concerning the poor (plur.), presumably Jerusalem Christians as perceived by Paul and Barnabas (Gal 2:10a; cf. 2:9).

20 Cf. M. Meiser, ‘Septuagint Quotations in Acts’, in id., The Septuagint and Its Reception (WUNT 482; Mohr Siebeck: Tübingen, 2022), 187–​216 (esp. 209, n. 194). 21 Cf. W. E. Glenny, ‘Septuagint’, 14; W. G. Shin, ‘Holy Land’, 572. 22 Cf. M. Neubrand, Israel, 228–​229; H. D. Park, ‘Drawing Ethical Principles from the Process of the Jerusalem Council: A New Approach to Acts 15:4–​29’, TynBul 61 (2010), 271–​291 (esp. 280); D. Marguerat, Die Apostelgeschichte (KEK 3; Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht: Göttingen, 2022), 563–​564. 23 Cf. T. R. Hanneken, ‘Moses Has His Interpreters: Understanding the legal Exegesis in Acts 15 from the Precedent in Jubilees’, CBQ 77 (2015), 686–​706 (esp. 701–​702).

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The subsequent idea of formulating an explicit request directed to the Gentile brothers (Acts 15:23–​24)24 illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of formulating an explicit request (ἵνα) directed to Paul and Barnabas, so indirectly to the Gentiles (Gal 2:10a). In fact, the idea of imposing a financial burden on the Gentile believers (Gal 2:10) was perceived by Luke as unacceptable, so he heavily reworked it in Acts 15:23–​29. The motif of addressing the believers in Syria (Συρία) and (καί) Cilicia (Κιλικία: Acts 15:23) was borrowed from Gal 1:21. The motif of Jewish Christians disturbing (ταράσσω) Gentile believers (ὑμᾶς: Acts 15:24) was borrowed from Gal 1:7; 5:10. The motif of the Jerusalem leaders writing a letter by (διά) Silas/​Silvanus (Σιλ*ς: Acts 15:22–​23) was borrowed from an ethopoeic letter attributed to Peter (1 Pet 5:12). Likewise, the self-​reference to the senders of the letter as apostles (ἀπόστολος) and elders (πρεσβύτερος: Acts 15:23) could have been borrowed from 1 Pet 1:1; 5:1. On the other hand, the greeting in the opening formula of the ethopoeic letter of the Jerusalem leaders (χαίρειν: Acts 15:23) resembles that in the opening formula of the ethopoeic Letter of James (Jas 1:1). The subsequent, narratively redundant idea of almost exactly recalling an earlier fact (Acts 15:25; cf. 15:22) illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of remembering (Gal 2:10a). The subsequent idea of Barnabas and Paul having already, presumably in the past, given their souls for the name of the Lord Jesus Christ (Acts 15:26) illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of his having been eager, presumably in the past (Gal 2:10b). The subsequent, somewhat surprising idea of Judas and Silas orally reporting the same things (τὰ αὐτά), presumably concerning the request of the Jerusalem leaders (Acts 15:27), conceptually and linguistically illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of the same (αὐτό), presumably as requested by the Jerusalem leaders (Gal 2:10c). The subsequent idea of the Jerusalem leaders’ request consisting in these (τούτων) necessary things (Acts 15:28) conceptually and linguistically illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of this (τοῦτο), presumably corresponding to the request of the Jerusalem leaders (Gal 2:10c). The concluding idea of the Gentile believers being requested to abstain (inf. *αι) from some things, and thus to do well (Acts 15:29), conceptually and partly linguistically illustrates Paul’s concluding idea of resolving to do (inf. *αι),

24 Cf. P. Trebilco, ‘Significance’, 32–​33, 35.

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presumably something corresponding to the request of the Jerusalem leaders (Gal 2:10c). The somewhat surprising fact that (b) the actual obligations imposed upon the Gentile believers consist in religious and moral restrictions, now reordered to correspond to the Decalogue: idolatry (things offered to idols), murder (blood and strangled ones), and adultery (fornication: Acts 15:29; cf. 21:25), and they (a) do not concern Jewish pollution, as was proposed by James (cf. Acts 15:20),25 illustrates Paul’s idea that he (b) had been eager to have done the same thing (Gal 2:10bc) which (a) was requested by the Jerusalem leaders, that is, remembering the Jerusalem poor (Gal 2:10a), but (b’) with the use of his own Gentiles-​oriented arguments (1 Cor 16:1–​4; 2 Cor 8–​9; Rom 15:25–​27), and (a’) not in response to the Jews-​oriented request of James and other Jerusalem leaders (Gal 2:10bc). The motif of instructing the Gentiles by letter that they should abstain from things offered to idols (εἰδωλοθύτων: Acts 15:29; cf. 21:25) was borrowed from 1 Cor 8:1.4 etc.26

5.2. Antioch and Barnabas (Acts 15:30–​41; cf. Gal 2:11–​14c) The Lucan section Acts 15:30–​41 sequentially illustrates the main ideas of the corresponding Pauline section Gal 2:11–​14c. The opening idea of (a) the messengers from Jerusalem coming (*ῆλθον) (b) to Antioch (εἰς Ἀντιόχειαν: Acts 15:30ab) conceptually and linguistically, in a sequential way illustrates Paul’s opening idea of (a) Peter coming (ἦλθεν) (b) to Antioch (εἰς Ἀντιόχειαν: Gal 2:11a). The subsequent idea of reading the letter of the Jerusalem leaders, which contained no dietary restrictions (diff. Acts 15:20), but only the necessary religious and moral ones (Acts 15:28–​29), and rejoicing at its exhortation (Acts 15:30c–​ 31) illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of Cephas initially eating with the Gentiles (Gal 2:11b–​12b). The subsequent idea of the activity of Judas and Silas, who were influential Jewish Christians from Jerusalem (cf. Acts 15:22), but not the main leaders of the Jerusalem community (cf. Acts 15:22), in Antioch (Acts 15:32–​33) in a typically Lucan, irenic way illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of the coming of the influential men from James (Gal 2:12c–​f).

2 5 Cf. H. D. Park, ‘Drawing Ethical Principles’, 280. 26 Cf. P. N. Tarazi, Introduction, vol. 2, 242.

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The subsequent idea of many others teaching and preaching the word of the Lord together with Paul and Barnabas (Acts 15:35)27 again in a typically Lucan, irenic way illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of other Jews joining the Jewish, Barnabas-​style (cf. Gal 2:13b) hypocrisy (Gal 2:13a). The subsequent idea of (a) Barnabas (Βαρναβᾶς: Acts 15:36–​37.39) wanting (b) to take with (συμ*) them the Jewish Christian John called Mark (Acts 15:37), although Paul insisted on not taking with (συμ*) them the one who did not come with (συν*) them to the work among the Gentiles (Acts 15:38), (c) so that they parted (ἀπ*) from (ἀπ*) each other, and (d) Barnabas took Mark and (e) sailed away to his Jewish compatriots in Cyprus (Acts 15:36–​39; esp. 15:39; cf. 4:36), conceptually and linguistically, in a sequential way illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of (a) Barnabas (Βαρναβᾶς) (d) being led (c) away (ἀπ*) (b) with (συν*) (e) the anti-​Gentile hypocrisy of the Jews (Gal 2:13b).28 The motif of Barnabas (Βαρναβᾶς) taking along with him (συμπαραλαβ*) also (καί) another, Roman-​ named disciple (Acts 15:37–​39; cf. 12:25) was in a creative way borrowed from Gal 2:1.29 The subsequent idea of (a) Paul relying on the grace of the Lord and (b) going through Syria and Cilicia, presumably straight to the Gentiles in Galatia (Acts 15:40–​41a; cf. 16:1; diff. 14:21–​26: a longer route), sequentially illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of (a) him seeing that (b) Barnabas and other Jews do not go straight to the truth of the presumably Gentiles-​oriented gospel (Gal 2:14ab). The motif of Paul going through Syria (Συρία) and (καί) Cilicia (Κιλικία: Acts 15:41) was borrowed from Gal 1:21. The subsequent idea of Paul strengthening the churches, presumably in the grace-​oriented gospel (Acts 15:41b; cf. 15:40), illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of him speaking to Cephas (Gal 2:14c).

5.3. Galatia again (Acts 16:1–​8; cf. Gal 2:14c–​3:5) The Lucan section Acts 16:1–​8 sequentially illustrates the main ideas of the corresponding Pauline section Gal 2:14c–​3:5.

2 7 Cf. M. Öhler, Barnabas, 428. 28 Cf. N. Lüke, Über die narrative Kohärenz zwischen Apostelgeschichte und Paulusbriefen (TANZ 62; Narr Francke Attempto: Tübingen, 2019), 90. 29 Cf. R. I. Pervo, Dating, 90; H. Leppä, ‘Luke’s Selective Use of Gal 1 and 2: A Critical Proposal’, in K. Liljeström (ed.), The Early Reception of Paul (PFES 99; Finnish Exegetical Society: Helsinki, 2011), 91–​124 (esp. 92).

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The image of Paul coming to the Gentile cities (plur.) of Derbe and Lystra (Acts 16:1a) illustrates Paul’s idea of him acting before all (plur.), presumably Gentile believers in Antioch (Gal 2:14c). The subsequent, somewhat surprising idea of (a) Paul finding a disciple who was (b) a son of a Jewish (Ἰουδαία) woman, (c) a believing one, but (d) his father was Greek, so that he presumably lived as a Greek (Acts 16:1bc; cf. 16:3), conceptually and linguistically, in a sequential way illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of (a) Cephas (c) being really (b) a Jew (Ἰουδαῖος), but (d) living like a Gentile and not like a Jew (Gal 2:14de). The thought that Timothy was half-​Gentile and half-​Jewish originates from the Pauline and post-​Pauline letters. In Rom 16:21, he is not listed among Paul’s Jewish compatriots, so he is most likely treated as a Gentile. However, in 1–​2 Timothy he functions, in contrast to Titus, as an ideal Jewish Christian co-​ worker of Paul. Moreover, he is depicted in these ethopoeic letters as having a believing, so presumably Jewish mother (2 Tim 1:5) and as knowing the Holy Scriptures from childhood (2 Tim 3:15).30 Therefore, Luke could have presented him as being half-​Gentile and half-​Jewish. The subsequent statement concerning the brothers in Lystra and Iconium, so in the cities in which the Jews persecuted the presumably Gentile believers (Acts 16:2; cf. 14:2–​5.19), illustrates Paul’s subsequent remark concerning the Gentile believers, in contrast to the Jews (Gal 2:14f). The subsequent, somewhat surprisingly formulated idea of (a) taking and (b) circumcising, as though Timothy was passive in this issue (Acts 16:3a–​d; cf. 9:25), sequentially illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of (a) compelling (b) to live in a Jewish fashion (Gal 2:14fg). The subsequent idea of Paul (a) respecting the Jews (Ἰουδαῖοι) who were (b) in those, presumably Gentile, places (Acts 16:3e) conceptually and linguistically, in a sequential way illustrates Paul’s subsequent statement concerning (a) being Jews (Ἰουδαῖοι) by nature, and not (b) sinners of the Gentiles (Gal 2:15). The subsequent statement that (a) all knew (οἶδα) (b) that (ὅτι) (c) Timothy’s father was a Greek (Acts 16:3fg) conceptually and linguistically, in a sequential way illustrates Paul’s subsequent statement that (a) they knew (οἶδα) (b) that (ὅτι) (c) a man is not justified by the works of the law (Gal 2:16ab). The subsequent idea of Paul and Silas handing down to the Galatian believers to observe the decisions which were determined by the leaders in Jerusalem, which contained no halachic restrictions (diff. Acts 15:20), but only the necessary

30 Cf. B. Adamczewski, Heirs,  75–​80.

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religious and moral ones (Acts 16:4; cf. 15:28–​29), illustrates Paul’s subsequent arguments presented to the Galatians, namely, that the believers are not justified by the works of the law (Gal 2:16c–​19). The subsequent image of (a) the churches being strengthened (b) in the faith (πίστει) and (c) increasing daily (Acts 16:5) conceptually and linguistically, in a sequential way illustrates Paul’s subsequent ideas of (a) Christ living in him, and (b) him living in faith (πίστει) in Christ, (c) who loved him and gave himself for him (Gal 2:20), so that the grace of God was active (Gal 2:20–​21; esp. 2:21). The subsequent statement concerning Paul going through Phrygia31 and the Galatian (Γαλατικός) region (Acts 16:6a) conceptually and linguistically illustrates Paul’s subsequent charge against the Galatians (Γαλάται: Gal 3:1). The surprising idea of Paul merely passing through Phrygia and then, apparently back eastward, presumably yet more hastily through the Galatian region (Acts 16:6) in a typically Lucan way conceals the inner-​Christian conflict, here between Paul and the Galatians (Gal 3:1), leaving merely a trace of it in the narrative. The subsequent idea of Paul (a) being forbidden (b) by the Holy Spirit (τὸ… πνεῦμα) (c) to speak the word (d) in Asia, so in a region inhabited by many Jews (cf. Acts 2:9; 6:9) and being under the influence of the Jerusalem leaders (Acts 16:6bc; cf. 1 Pet 1:1), conceptually and linguistically, in a sequential way illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of (a) not by the works of the law (b) receiving the Spirit (τὸ πνεῦμα), but (c) by the hearing of faith (Gal 3:2), so (b’) having begun in the Spirit (πνεῦμα), (d) not ending in the flesh (Gal 3:2–​3; esp. 3:3). The subsequent idea of trying to go to Bithynia, so to the region in which Christians suffered (πάσχω: cf. 1 Pet 2:19–​21 etc.) and which was also controlled by the Jerusalem leaders (Acts 16:7a–​c; cf. 1 Pet 1:1), illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of Christians suffering (πάσχω) possibly in vain (Gal 3:4). The subsequent, unusual for Luke, possessive reference to the Spirit (τὸ πνεῦμα) of Jesus (Acts 16:7d; diff. 16:6:  the Holy Spirit)32 conceptually and

31 The use of Φρυγίαν in Acts 2:10; 18:23 suggests that also in Acts 16:6 Φρυγίαν should be read as a noun; pace C. Breytenbach and C. Zimmermann, Early Christianity in Lycaonia and Adjacent Areas: From Paul to Amphilochius of Iconium (AJEC 108; Brill: Leiden and Boston, 2018), 66 (but see ibid., 70–​71); S. E. Porter, ‘Acts 23:27 and Acts 16:6: Two Problem Passages that Require Better Explanations’, in M. Klinker-​De Klerck, A. den Heijer, and J. van Nes (eds.), Troubling Texts in the New Testament, FS R. van Houwelingen (CBET 113; Peeters: Leuven, Paris and Bristol, CT, 2022), 157–​178 (esp. 170). 32 Cf. S. E. Porter, ‘Paul and the Holy Spirit in Acts’, in id., The Paul of Acts: Essays in Literary Criticism, Rhetoric, and Theology (WUNT 115; J. C. B. Mohr (Paul Siebeck): Tübingen, 1999), 67–​97 (esp. 78); B. K. Kambotuu, The Meaning of ‘τὸ πνεῦμα Ἰησοῦ’ (Acts 16:7)

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linguistically illustrates Paul’s subsequent, possessive reference to the one who grants the Spirit (τὸ πνεῦμα:  Gal 3:5ab). The motif of the Spirit of Jesus (τὸ πνεῦμα Ἰησοῦ: Acts 16:7) was borrowed from Phlp 1:19. The concluding statement concerning coming down to Troas, on the way to the Gentile Greece (Acts 16:8), illustrates Paul’s concluding idea of following the hearing of faith, and not the works of the law (Gal 3:5c). The idea of Paul coming to Troas (εἰς… Τρῳάδα: Acts 16:8) on his way to Macedonia (Acts 16:9–​12) was borrowed from 2 Cor 2:12–​13,33 although the latter text refers to Paul’s visit in Troas which evidently took place after his earlier activity in Corinth.

5.4. Philippi (Acts 16:9–​40; cf. Gal 3:6–​28) The Lucan section Acts 16:9–​40 sequentially illustrates the main ideas of the corresponding Pauline section Gal 3:6–​28. The opening idea of a nocturnal vision (ὅραμα) seen by Paul, presumably concerning his going to the Gentiles (Acts 16:9a; cf. 16:9b–​f ), recalls the scriptural motif of Abraham receiving a nocturnal (cf. Gen 15:5) vision (ὅραμα) concerning his numerous descendants (Gen 15:1 LXX), which culminates in the statement, ‘Abraham believed God, and it was reckoned to him as righteousness’ (ἐπίστευσεν Αβραμ τῷ θεῷ, καὶ ἐλογίσθη αὐτῷ εἰς δικαιοσύνην: Gen 15:6 LXX). In this way, it illustrates Paul’s opening quotation from Gen 15:6 LXX: ‘Abraham believed God, and it was reckoned to him as righteousness’ (Αβραὰμ ἐπίστευσεν τῷ θεῷ, καὶ ἐλογίσθη αὐτῷ εἰς δικαιοσύνην: Gal 3:6). The subsequent image of (a) a certain Macedonian, so presumably Gentile, man standing and imploring Paul (b) to come over to Macedonia to help them (plur.:  Acts 16:9b–​f),34 presumably to have more faith (cf. Mk 9:24:  βοηθέω), sequentially illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of (a) those, presumably Gentiles, who are of faith (b) being sons of Abraham (plur.: Gal 3:7). The subsequent, somewhat redundant idea of Paul seeing (εἶδεν) the Scripture-​ style vision (Acts 16:10a) conceptually and linguistically illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of the Scripture seeing before (προϊδοῦσα: Gal 3:8a).

(Pontificia Universitas Gregoriana. Facultas Theologiae: Romae, 2004), 2; M. Crimella, ‘The Vision of the Macedonian: Acts 16:6–​10’, RB 121 (2014), 392–​403 (esp. 397). 33 Cf. R. S. Schellenberg, ‘The First Pauline Chronologist? Paul’s Itinerary in the Letters and in Acts’, JBL 134 (2015), 193–​213 (esp. 196, 198, n. 16). 3 4 Cf. A. Gruca-​Macaulay, Lydia as a Rhetorical Construct in Acts (ESEC 18; SBL: Atlanta, GA, 2016), 81.

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The subsequent idea of (a) the narrative ‘we’ immediately trying to go out (b) to Macedonia, so to the Gentiles (Acts 16:10bc), illustrates Paul’s subsequent statement that (a) by faith (God) justifies (b) the Gentiles (Gal 3:8b). The motif of Paul going out (ἐξέρχομαι) from Troas to Macedonia (εἰς Μακεδονίαν: Acts 16:10) was borrowed from 2 Cor 2:13, although the latter text refers to Paul’s visit in Macedonia which evidently took place after his earlier activity in Corinth. The use of the narrative plural ‘we’ in Acts 16:10b etc. creates the impression of the testimony of Titus, who is never mentioned in the Acts of the Apostles. In fact, the journeys of the narrative ‘we’ in the Lucan narrative roughly correspond to the journeys of Titus in the Pauline and post-​Pauline letters. In particular, since Paul’s statement that he expected to find Titus in Troas (2 Cor 2:13) could suggest that Troas was Titus’ hometown, Luke introduced the narrative ‘we’ precisely in Troas (Acts 16:10b).35 The subsequent idea of the narrative ‘we’ stating that (a) God (ὁ θεός) (b) had called them (προ*) (c) to proclaim good news (εὐαγγελίζομαι) (d) to them (plur.), that is, the Gentiles (Acts 16:10d–​f) conceptually and linguistically, in a partly sequential way illustrates Paul’s subsequent statement that (a) God (ὁ θεός) (b) had in advance (προ-​) (c) proclaimed good news (-​ευαγγελίζομαι) to Abraham that blessed (*εὐ*) will be (d) they (plur.: Gal 3:8cd). The subsequent, apparently redundantly detailed description of (a) the narrative ‘we’ going straight (b) to the half-​Thracian Samothrace, then to the Greek Neapolis, and then to Philippi, which was a city in the district of Macedonia, a Roman colonia (Acts 16:11–​12),36 sequentially illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of being blessed (a) in him (b) all the nations (plur.: Gal 3:8d). The idea of Paul’s activity in Philippi (Φίλιπποι:  Acts 16:12) was borrowed from 1 Thes 2:2; Phlp 1:1. The thought that Philippi was the first (πρώτη) city evangelized by Paul in Macedonia, in which Paul remained for some days (Acts 16:12; diff. 16:11: Neapolis only in passing), was borrowed from Phlp 1:5. Accordingly, in his description of Paul’s activity in Philippi Luke used Paul’s Letter to the Philippians. The subsequent idea of (a) the Lord and Paul bringing Lydia to faith (Acts 16:13–​14), so that, somewhat surprisingly, (b) also her household was baptized (Acts 16:13–​15a; esp. 16:15a; diff. 10:2; 18:8:  with his household; 11:14;

35 Cf. B. Adamczewski, Heirs, 121–​124. 36 Cf. J.-​A. Edelmann, Das Römische Imperium im Lukanischen Doppelwerk: Darstellung und Ertragspotenzial für christliche Leser des späten ersten Jahrhunderts (WUNT 2.547; Mohr Siebeck: Tübingen, 2021), 134.

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16:31: you and your household)37 sequentially illustrates Paul’s subsequent statement that (a) those who are of faith (b) are blessed (plur.: Gal 3:9ab). The image of a prosperous woman named Lydia (*δία: Acts 16:14), who was the first Philippian convert (Acts 16:14), and who was accompanied in Philippi by other women (Acts 16:13), but apparently by no man (Acts 16:15),38 illustrates Paul’s statement from the Letter to the Philippians concerning the presumably ‘prosperous’ woman named Euodia (*δία), who was the first named Philippian believer, and who was accompanied in Philippi by another woman named Syntyche, but apparently by no man (Phlp 4:2).39 The subsequent, somewhat surprising idea of (a) Lydia suggesting that she is faithful (πιστός) (b) to the Lord (κύριος) and offering hospitality to Paul and his companions (Acts 16:15b–​h), thus following the ideal of theoxeny (cf. Lk 24:29),40 conceptually and linguistically, in a sequential way illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of (a) the faithful (πιστός) (b) Abraham (Gal 3:9b), who was known for his theoxenic welcoming of three men and thus offering hospitality to the Lord (κύριος: cf. Gen 18:2–​3 LXX). The subsequent image of (a) a female slave bringing much profit of work (ἐργασία) to her masters (b) by practising pagan divination (Acts 16:16), which was forbidden by the Mosaic law (Deut 18:10 LXX:  μαντεύομαι),41 conceptually and linguistically, in a sequential way illustrates Paul’s subsequent statement that (a) those who are of the works (ἔργα) of the law (b) are under a curse

37 Cf. J.-​P. Sterck-​Degueldre, Eine Frau namens Lydia: Zu Geschichte und Komposition in Apostelgeschichte 16,11–​15.40 (WUNT 2.176; Mohr Siebeck: Tübingen, 2004), 243–​244. 38 Cf. T. J. Calpino, ‘«The Lord Opened Her Heart»: Boundary Crossing in Acts 16,13–​15’, ASE 28.2 (2011), 81–​91 (esp. 86); C. Bennema, A Theory of Character in New Testament Narrative (Fortress: Minneapolis, 2014), 179–​180. 39 Cf. D. L. Gargała, Narracja o działalności św. Pawła w Filippi (Dz 16,9–​40) w świetle starożytnej literatury greckiej (BTTNFS 7; Salezjańskie: Warszawa, 2022), 142–​144. 40 Cf. J. W. Jipp, Divine Visitations and Hospitality to Strangers in Luke-​Acts: An Interpretation of the Malta Episode in Acts 28:1–​10 (NovTSup 153; Brill: Leiden and Boston, 2013), 243; M. Rastoin, ‘Cléophas et Lydie: un “couple” lucanien hautement théologique’, Bib 95 (2014), 371–​387 (esp. 372–​373); A. Gruca-​Macaulay, Lydia, 154–​157. 41 Cf. T. Klutz, The Exorcism Stories in Luke–​Acts: A Sociostylistic Reading (SNTSMS 129; Cambridge University: Cambridge, 2004), 217, 225–​227; J. N. Tischler, Diener des höchsten Gottes: Paulus und die Heiden in der Apostelgeschichte (BZNW 225; Walter de Gruyter: Berlin and Boston, 2017), 98; J. E. Sanzo, ‘Curses, Exorcisms, and Monetary Improprieties: Reassessing “Magic” in the Acts of the Apostles’, in M. Hölscher, M. Lau, and S. Luther (eds.), Antike Fluchtafeln und das Neue Testament: Materialität –​Ritualpraxis –​ Texte (WUNT 474; Mohr Siebeck: Tübingen, 2021), 333–​352 (esp. 341, n. 45).

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of the Mosaic law (Gal 3:10; cf. Deut 27:26 LXX). The motif of a female slave (παιδίσκη:  Acts 16:16) representing those who are under the Mosaic law (Gal 3:10) was borrowed from Gal 4:22–​25.30–​31. The subsequent idea of (a) the female slave obediently following (cf. Dan 9:10 LXX etc.: κατακολουθέω) and (b) crying out against her will,42 saying that (c) Paul and his companions are slaves of God (ὁ θεός),43 (d) who proclaim to the Gentiles the way of salvation (Acts 16:17), conceptually and linguistically, in a sequential way illustrates Paul’s subsequent statement that (a) by the law (b) no one is justified (c) in the sight of God (ὁ θεός), for (d) ‘the just shall live by faith’ (Gal 3:11). The motif of ‘the Most High God’ (ὁ θεὸς ὁ ὕψιστος), presented as a way in which those who do not know the name of God can call him (Acts 16:17), was borrowed from Gen 14:18–​20 LXX; Mk 5:7; etc.44 The disappearance of the narrative ‘we’, probably in an ethopoeic way representing the testimony of Titus (cf. Acts 16:10), in Acts 16:17 probably reflects the fact that according to 2 Cor 7:6 Titus came to Macedonia. Therefore, Luke could have assumed that Titus was not present in Achaea during Paul’s activity there. The subsequent statement that (a) this, presumably act of obedience against her will (cf. Acts 16:17), (b) the female slave kept doing (ποιέω), (c) surprisingly, for many days (Acts 16:18a;45 diff. 16:12: some days) conceptually and linguistically, in a sequential way illustrates Paul’s subsequent statement that (a) the law is not of faith, but (b) ‘the one who does (ποιέω) them (c) shall live by them’ (Gal 3:12).

42 Cf. D.  L. Bock, Acts (BECNT; Baker Academic:  Grand Rapids, MI, 2007), 535; C.  S.  Keener, Acts:  An Exegetical Commentary, vol. 3, 15:1–​23:35 (Baker Academic: Grand Rapids, MI, 2014), 2459; K. E. Valentine, ‘Reading the Slave Girl of Acts 16:16-​18 in Light of Enslavement and Disability’, BibInt 26 (2018), 352–​368 (esp. 363). 43 Cf. C. Cobb, Slavery, Gender, Truth, and Power in Luke–​Acts and Other Ancient Narratives (Palgrave Macmillan: Cham, 2019), 191–​194. 44 Cf. F. F. Bruce, Acts, 313, n. 48; E. D. Barreto, Ethnic Negotiations: The Function of Race and Ethnicity in Acts 16 (WUNT 2.294; Mohr Siebeck: Tübingen, 2010), 154–​156. 45 Cf. H. Conzelmann, Acts of the Apostles: A Commentary on the Acts of the Apostles, trans. J. Limburg, A. T. Kraabel, and D. H. Juel (Hermeneia; Fortress: Philadelphia, 1987), 131; A. Gruca-​Macaulay, Lydia, 99; S. Walton, ‘Why Silence? Reflections on Paul and Jesus Silencing Demonised People in Luke–​Acts’, in M. Tellbe and T. Wasserman (eds.), Healing and Exorcism in Second Temple Judaism and Early Christianity (WUNT 2.511; Mohr Siebeck: Tübingen, 2019), 91–​112 (esp. 92).

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The subsequent idea of Paul being worn out, presumably by the pagan spirit (Acts 16:18b), illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of Christ redeeming us from the curse of the law by hanging on a tree (Gal 3:13). The subsequent idea of (a) Paul turning to the pagan (cf. Acts 16:16) spirit (τὸ πνεῦμα) and (b) commanding him (c) in (ἐν) the name of (d) Jesus Christ (Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ), so that (e) the pagan spirit came out of the Gentile woman (f) that very hour (Acts 16:18c–​g),46 conceptually and linguistically, in a sequential but corrective way (‘Jesus Christ’ instead of ‘Christ Jesus’) illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of (b) the blessing which comes (a) to the Gentiles (c) in (ἐν) (d) Christ Jesus (Χριστῷ  Ἰησοῦ), so that (e) they receive the promised Spirit (τὸ πνεῦμα) (f) through faith (Gal 3:14). The subsequent statement that the hope for the profit of law-​related work (cf. Acts 16:16) was gone (Acts 16:19ab) illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of the law being ineffective as concerns promise and inheritance (Gal 3:15–​18). The subsequent image of (a) taking hold of Paul and Silas and dragging them to the law-​oriented public square (b) to civic officials (Acts 16:19cd) sequentially illustrates Paul’s subsequent statement that (a) the law was added because of transgressions and (b) ordered through representatives (Gal 3:19a–​e). The subsequent image of (a) bringing Paul and Silas to the praetors and accusing them that they (b) agitate the city (Acts 16:20a–​c) illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of (a) the mediator, so presumably the law-​giving Moses, (b) not acting for one only (Gal 3:19e–​20a). The subsequent remark concerning Jewish identity (Acts 16:20d)47 illustrates Paul’s subsequent, typically Jewish statement that God is one (Gal 3:20b). The subsequent idea of (a) announcing (*αγγέλλω) customs which (b) cannot be accepted or practised by the law-​abiding Romans (Acts 16:21) conceptually and linguistically, in a sequential way illustrates Paul’s subsequent statement that (a) the law is not against promises (*αγγελία), but (b) the law cannot give life (Gal 3:21a–​e). The subsequent idea of the praetors committing injustice (Acts 16:22–​23a; cf. 16:37)48 illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of justice not coming from law (Gal

46 Cf. D. L. Gargała, Narracja, 194. 47 Cf. E. D. Barreto, Ethnic Negotiations, 163. 48 Cf. H. Omerzu, Der Prozeß des Paulus: Eine exegetische und rechtshistorische Untersuchung der Apostelgeschichte (BZNW 115; Walter de Gruyter: Berlin and New York, 2002), 146; Z. Conder, Cudowne uwolnienie z więzienia według Dziejów Apostolskich w kontekście starotestamentalnej tradycji biblijnej (BTTNFS 2; Towarzystwo Naukowe

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3:21f).49 The image of Paul having been beaten with a rod (ῥαβδίζω: Acts 16:22) was borrowed from 2 Cor 11:25.50 Likewise, the image of Paul receiving many blows (πληγαί: Acts 16:23a) was borrowed from 2 Cor 6:5; 11:23.51 Moreover, the image of Paul receiving many blows in Philippi (Acts 16:23a) reflects Paul’s statement that he suffered in Philippi (1 Thes 2:2).52 The subsequent image of the praetors throwing Paul and Silas into prison (Acts 16:23b) illustrates Paul’s subsequent statement that the Scripture imprisoned all things under sin (Gal 3:22). The image of Paul, having received blows, being in prison (φυλακή: Acts 16:23b) was borrowed from 2 Cor 6:5 (cf. 11:23).53 The subsequent image of (a) a law-​related jailer (b) keeping Paul and Silas securely, (c) throwing them into the inner prison, and fastening their feet to the wood (Acts 16:23c–​24) sequentially illustrates Paul’s subsequent statement that (a) under the law (b) we were guarded and (c) imprisoned (Gal 3:23a–​c). The subsequent idea of (a) Paul and Silas at midnight praising God and (b) being in a miraculous, Gentile-​style way freed from prison (Acts 16:25–​29) sequentially illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of (a) the soon-​coming faith (b) being revealed, presumably to the Gentiles (Gal 3:23de). The Pauline idea of divine revelation to the Gentiles (Gal 3:23e) was illustrated by Luke with the use of the classical theomachic motif of an earthquake (σει*) in a miraculous way causing the deliverance of divine representatives from prison (Acts 16:26), as well as the jailer drawing a sword, supposing that the prisoners (δεσμ*) had escaped (πεφευγ*: Acts 16:27), and asking for a burning torch in trembling (τρομ*: Acts 16:29), a motif which was borrowed from Euripides, Bacch. 585–​641.54

49 50 5 1 52 53 54

Franciszka Salezego: Warszawa, 2016), 217; A. Smith, ‘Incarceration on Trial: The Imprisonment of Paul and Silas in Acts 16’, JBL 140 (2021), 797–​817 (esp. 811–​812). For a conceptually similar way of reworking Gal 3:19–​21 in Lk 16:1–​8, see B. Adamczew-​ ski, ‘The Function of the Allusion to Aristophanes’ Birds in the Parable of the Unjust Steward (Lk 16:1–​8)’, ColT 91 (2021) no. 2, 21–​36 (esp. 26–​31). Cf. P. N. Tarazi, Introduction, vol. 2, 247; R. S. Schellenberg, ‘The Rest of Paul’s Imprisonments’, JTS, ns 69 (2018), 533–​572 (esp. 549, n. 70); N. Lüke, Über die narrative Kohärenz, 161. Cf. R. S. Schellenberg, ‘The Rest of Paul’s Imprisonments’, 549, n. 70. Cf. R. I. Pervo, Acts: A Commentary (Hermeneia; Fortress: Minneapolis, 2009), 401. Cf. R. S. Schellenberg, ‘The Rest of Paul’s Imprisonments’, 549, n. 70. Cf. D. R. MacDonald, Luke and the Politics of Homeric Imitation: Luke–​Acts as Rival to the Aeneid (Lexington Books /​Fortress Academic: Lanham [et al.], 2019), 168–​169; D. L. Gargała, Narracja, 215–​236; S. Reece, The Formal Education of the Author of Luke–​Acts (LNTS 669; T&T Clark: London, New York and Dublin, 2022), 197–​201.

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The subsequent idea of (a) the law-​related jailer (and not Paul himself like Dionysus himself:  diff. Euripides, Bacch. 614, 636) somewhat surprisingly (b) leading Paul and Silas (προαγαγών) (c) out of prison (Acts 16:30a) conceptually and linguistically, in a sequential way illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of (a) the law (b) leading the believers like young people (παιδαγωγός) (c) to Christ (Gal 3:24a). The subsequent idea of the jailer (a) asking what he should do to (ἵνα) (b) be saved (Acts 16:30b–​e) conceptually and linguistically, in a sequential way illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of acting (a) to (ἵνα) (b) be justified by faith (Gal 3:24b). The subsequent exhortation to (a) believe (πίστευσον), and consequently (b) be saved, together with the household (Acts 16:31), conceptually and linguistically, in a sequential way illustrates Paul’s subsequent statement that (a) when faith (πίστις) has come, (b) we are no more under a slave leading children (Gal 3:25). The motif of believing (πιστευσ*) in the Lord Jesus (κύριον Ἰησοῦν), and thus being saved (σωθήσῃ: Acts 16:31) was borrowed from Rom 10:9. The subsequent idea of (a) speaking the word of the Lord (b) to all (πάντες) who were in the jailer’s house (Acts 16:32) conceptually and linguistically illustrates Paul’s subsequent statement that (b) we are all (πάντες) sons of God (a) through faith in Christ Jesus (Gal 3:26). The subsequent idea of (a) the jailer (b) at night washing Paul and Silas from the signs of Christ-​like suffering, and (c) being baptized (ἐβαπτίσθη: Acts 16:33) conceptually and linguistically, in a sequential way illustrates Paul’s subsequent statement concerning (a) the ones who (b) into Christ (c) are baptized (ἐβαπτίσθη*: Gal 3:27a). The subsequent idea of the believing jailer leading the apostles upward and setting a table for them (Acts 16:34), just like Jesus did (cf. Lk 22:21.30: τράπεζα),55 illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of the believers clothing themselves in Christ (Gal 3:27b). Besides, the Lucan account of the activity of Paul and Silas in Philippi (Acts 16:14–​34) sequentially illustrates the contents of the christological hymn which

55 Cf. A. Standhartinger, ‘Better Ending: Paul at the Roman Colonia Philippi in Acts 16’, in H. W. Attridge, D. R. MacDonald, and C. K. Rothschild (eds.), Delightful Acts: New Essays on Canonical and Non-​canonical Acts (WUNT 391; Mohr Siebeck: Tübingen, 2017), 227–​243 (esp. 242).

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is contained in Paul’s Letter to the Philippians (Phlp 2:6–​11),56 which was presented by Paul as a model to imitate (Phlp 2:5). The Lucan idea of Paul and Silas being offered theoxenic hospitality from a purple-​related worshipper of God (θεός: Acts 16:14–​15g; esp. 16:14) conceptually and linguistically illustrates Paul’s idea of Christ being in the form of God (θεός: Phlp 2:6a). The following Lucan idea of Paul and Silas being somewhat surprisingly forced to accept theoxenic hospitality (Acts 16:15h) illustrates Paul’s following idea of Christ not considering a robbery being equal with God (Phlp 2:6bc). The following Lucan idea of Paul and Silas being revealed as men (ἄνθρωποι) who are monotheistic slaves (δοῦλος: Acts 16:16–​18; esp. 16:17)57 conceptually and linguistically illustrates Paul’s following idea of Christ taking the form of slave (δοῦλος) and becoming in the likeness of men (ἄνθρωποι: Phlp 2:7a–​c). The following Lucan idea of Paul and Silas being seized as mere Jewish humans (ἄνθρωπος: Acts 16:19–​21; esp. 16:20) conceptually and linguistically illustrates Paul’s following idea of Christ being found in the outward appearance of a presumably Jewish human (ἄνθρωπος: Phlp 2:7d). The following Lucan idea of Paul and Silas being humiliated by (a) being stripped and (b) beaten with a rod, presumably like slaves (Acts 16:22),58 sequentially illustrates Paul’s following idea of Christ (a) humiliating himself by (b) becoming obedient (Phlp 2:8ab). The following Lucan idea of Paul and Silas receiving many blows, being thrown into prison, and being thrown into the inner prison (Acts 16:23–​24b) in a gradual way illustrates Paul’s following idea of Christ coming to the point of death (Phlp 2:8b). The following Lucan idea of Paul and Silas being somewhat surprisingly fastened to the wood (ξύλον: Acts 16:24c), as though to the wood (ξύλον) of the cross (cf. Acts 5:30; 10:39; 13:29),59 conceptually and partly linguistically illustrates Paul’s following idea of Christ suffering death on a cross (Phlp 2:8b). The following Lucan idea of (a) Paul and Silas singing to God (θεός), and God (b) in a miraculous, resurrection-​like way liberating them (Acts 16:25–​26)

56 Pace J. H. Hellerman, ‘Vindicating God’s Servants in Philippi and in Philippians: The Influence of Paul’s Ministry in Philippi upon the Composition of Philippians 2:6–​11’, BBR 20 (2010), 85–​102 (esp. 99), who suggests the reverse direction of borrowing. 57 Cf. S. Walton, ‘Why Silence’, 107. 58 Cf. C. Cobb, Slavery, 194–​195; A. Smith, ‘Incarceration’, 809–​810. 59 Cf. Z. Conder, Cudowne, 219; A. Standhartinger, ‘Better Ending’, 242.

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conceptually and linguistically, in a sequential way illustrates Paul’s following idea of (a) God (θεός) (b) exalting Christ, presumably through resurrection (Phlp 2:9a). The following Lucan idea of the jailer being freed from guilt (Acts 16:27–​28) illustrates Paul’s following idea of God graciously giving/​forgiving Christ a name (Phlp 2:9b). The following Lucan idea of the jailer (a) asking for lights, (b) leaping in, (c) becoming trembling, and (d) falling down at Paul and Silas’ feet (Acts 16:29) sequentially, in a graphically descending way illustrates Paul’s following idea of (a) the name of Jesus, at which (b) every knee should bend, of those in heaven, (c) those on earth, and (d) those under the earth (Phlp 2:10). The following Lucan idea of (a) the jailer calling Paul and Silas lords (κύριος), and (b) Paul and Silas proclaiming the Lord (κύριος) (c) Jesus (Ἰησοῦς:  Acts 16:30–​32),60 conceptually and linguistically, in a sequential way illustrates Paul’s following idea of (a) every tongue confessing (b) the Lord (κύριος) (c) Jesus (Ἰησοῦς) Christ (Phlp 2:11ab). The concluding Lucan idea of (a) the jailer going up and rejoicing with his whole household, (b) having believed in God (θεός: Acts 16:33–​34; esp. 16:34), conceptually and linguistically illustrates Paul’s concluding idea of the believers acting (a) to the glory of (b) God (θεός) the Father (Phlp 2:11b). It can therefore be observed that in his account of the activity of Paul and Silas in Philippi (Acts 16:14–​34) Luke sequentially reworked the contents of the paradigmatic christological hymn contained in Paul’s Letter to the Philippians (Phlp 2:6–​11). The sequence of elements consists of 20 mutually corresponding items, ordered in the same way. The Lucan reworking of the Pauline statements, phrases, and words has here a predominantly conceptual character, but there are also common linguistic elements which are contained in 7 correspondences between the two texts. The subsequent idea of Paul, being a Jew (cf. Acts 16:20), somewhat surprisingly stating that he was a Roman (Acts 16:35–​38; esp. 16:37–​38)61 illustrates Paul’s subsequent statement that now there is no Jew or Greek (Gal 3:28a). The idea of Paul stating that he, being a Roman, was beaten publicly and without legal process in Philippi (Acts 16:37) reflects Paul’s statement that he was mistreated in Philippi (1 Thes 2:2).62 The idea of Paul’s Roman identity has no confirmation in

60 Cf. Z. Conder, Cudowne, 225. 61 Cf. E. D. Barreto, Ethnic Negotiations, 164–​180. 62 Cf. R. I. Pervo, Acts, 401.

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Paul’s letters, but Luke could have derived it from Paul’s Roman name (Παῦλος = Paulus). The idea of the Roman identity of Silas (Acts 16:37) was likewise deduced from the Roman name of Silvanus (1 Thes 1:1; 2 Cor 1:19).63 The subsequent idea of Paul and Silas, who were treated like slaves (cf. Acts 16:22), going out of prison as free men (Acts 16:39–​40a) illustrates Paul’s subsequent statement that there is no slave or free man (Gal 3:28b). The subsequent, somewhat surprising idea of (a) Paul and Silas (b) coming in to Lydia (Acts 16:40b; cf. 16:15 distanced in time) sequentially illustrates Paul’s subsequent statement that there is no (a) male or (b) female (Gal 3:28c). The subsequent idea of Paul and Silas seeing and encouraging the surprisingly appearing brothers (Acts 16:40c–​e) illustrates Paul’s subsequent statement that we are all one in Christ Jesus (Gal 3:28d).

5.5. Thessalonica (Acts 17:1–​10a; cf. Gal 3:29–​4:6b) The Lucan section Acts 17:1–​10a sequentially illustrates the main ideas of the corresponding Pauline section Gal 3:29–​4:6b. The opening idea of Paul in the Gentile city of Thessalonica coming to a synagogue of the Jews (Acts 17:1–​2b) illustrates Paul’s idea of being Abraham’s offspring (Gal 3:29ab). The idea of Paul’s stay in Thessalonica (Θεσσαλονίκη: Acts 17:1) was borrowed from Phlp 4:16 etc. The subsequent idea of Paul arguing with the Jews from the Scriptures concerning the suffering and risen Messiah, that this promised Messiah is Jesus, whom Paul proclaims (κατ-​αγγέλλω: Acts 17:2c–​3), conceptually and linguistically illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of things happening according to (κατ᾽) the promise (*αγγελία: Gal 3:29c). The subsequent, somewhat surprisingly formulated idea of some believing Jews being additionally allotted (*κληρόω) to Paul and Silas (Acts 17:4ab) conceptually and linguistically illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of being legal heirs (κληρονόμοι: Gal 3:29c). The subsequent remark concerning devout Greeks (Acts 17:4c) illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of the presumably Gentile believers being once enslaved by the natural elements of the world (Gal 4:1–​3; esp. 4:3).

63 Cf. N. Lüke, Über die narrative Kohärenz, 124–​125.

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The subsequent remark concerning the ‘first’ (diff. Acts 13:50; 17:12: of high standing)64 women (γυναικ*: Acts 17:4d) conceptually and linguistically illustrates Paul’s subsequent remark concerning God’s Son being born of a woman (γυναικ*), related to the Mosaic law (Gal 4:4). The subsequent idea of the Jews who were jealous (Acts 17:5a) illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of those who were under the law (Gal 4:5a). The motif of Paul in Thessalonica being persecuted by the Jews (οἱ  Ἰουδαῖοι), who hindered his preaching of the gospel to the Gentiles (Acts 17:5–​8), was borrowed the First Letter to the Thessalonians (1 Thes 2:14–​16).65 The subsequent, somewhat surprising idea of the Jews taking some market people (ἀγοραῖοι: Acts 17:5b) and dragging Jason, presumably a Jewish Christian who welcomed Paul and Silas,66 to the city officials (Acts 17:5b–​8) conceptually and linguistically illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of the Jewish Christians being bought back at a market (*αγοράζω:  Gal 4:5a). The motif of a certain Jason (Ἰάσων), presumably a Jewish Christian in Thessalonica (Acts 17:5–​9), could have been borrowed from Rom 16:21.67 The idea of Paul in Thessalonica preaching Jesus as another king (βασιλε*: Acts 17:7) could have been borrowed from 1 Thes 2:12. The subsequent, somewhat surprising in the context of the Lucan narrative (diff. Acts 24:26 etc.), idea of receiving (λαβόντες) the (τό) sufficient/​worthy thing and setting the believers free (Acts 17:9) conceptually and linguistically

64 Pace D. H. Wenkel, ‘Paul and Dangerous Devout Women of High-​Standing in Acts’, Bib 102 (2021), 386–​400 (esp. 388–​389), who confuses the epithets used in Acts 13:50 and Acts 17:4. 65 Cf. N. Lüke, Über die narrative Kohärenz, 127. 66 Cf. R. Pesch, Apostelgeschichte, vol. 2, 123; G. Rossé, Atti degli Apostoli: Commento esegetico e teologico (Città Nuova: Roma, 1998), 626; C. S. Keener, Acts, vol. 3, 2550. 67 Cf. H.-​S. Kim, Die Geisttaufe des Messias: Eine kompositionsgeschichtliche Untersuchung zu einem Leitmotiv des lukanischen Doppelwerks: Ein Beitrag zur Theologie und Intention des Lukas (SKP 81; Peter Lang: Frankfurt am Main, 1993), 193. It is possible that Luke assumed that the Letter to the Romans, which mentions Paul’s plan to go by foot, at least as Luke understood it (Acts 19:21; 20:3), to Jerusalem (Rom 15:25), was written from Macedonia. In fact, Paul’s remark concerning Phoebe from Cenchreae and her past benefaction to Paul (Rom 16:1–​2) implies nothing more than does the remark concerning Epaenetus from Asia (Rom 16:5). Therefore, the Lucan account of persecuting Jason in Thessalonica (Acts 17:5–​9) may reflect Luke’s assumption that Paul mentioned Jason in the letter which was written in Macedonia.

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illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of receiving (*λάβωμεν) the (τήν) adoption (Gal 4:5b), presumably in place of slavery (cf. Gal 4:3). The subsequent idea of the believers being called brothers (Acts 17:10a) illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of the believers being sons (Gal 4:6a). The subsequent idea of sending out (ἐκπέμπω)68 Paul and Silas (Acts 17:10a) conceptually and linguistically illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of sending out (ἐξαποστέλλω), presumably the Spirit (Gal 4:6b).

5.6. Beroea (Acts 17:10b–​15; cf. Gal 4:6b–​7) The Lucan section Acts 17:10b–​15 sequentially illustrates the main ideas of the corresponding Pauline section Gal 4:6b–​7. The somewhat surprisingly formulated ideas of (a) Paul and Silas coming to the synagogue of the Jews (b) and going away,69 and (c) the Jews in Beroea being well-​born (Acts 17:10b–​11a) sequentially illustrate Paul’s ideas of (a) God and (b) the Spirit of (c) His Son (Gal 4:6b). The subsequent idea of the believers receiving the word with all eagerness (Acts 17:11b) illustrates Paul’s subsequent remark concerning the hearts of the believers crying out (Gal 4:6bc). The subsequent idea of the believing Jews (a) daily examining the presumably Jewish Scriptures (b) whether the things were so (Acts 17:11cd) sequentially illustrates Paul’s subsequent statement, (a) ‘Abba, (b) the Father’, which is (a) formulated in presumably Jewish Aramaic and (b) literally translated into Greek (Gal 4:6d). The subsequent idea of (a) the believing Jews joining (b) Greek women of high standing as well as men (Acts 17:12) sequentially illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of (a) the believer being no more a slave but (b) a son (Gal 4:7ab). The subsequent idea of the believers being called brothers (Acts 17:13–​ 14a; esp. 17:14a) illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of the believer being a son (Gal 4:7c).

68 Cf. C. vom Brocke, Thessaloniki –​Stadt des Kassander und Gemeinde des Paulus: Eine frühe christliche Gemeinde in ihrer heidnischen Umwelt (WUNT 2.125; J. C. B. Mohr (Paul Siebeck): Tübingen, 2001), 271. 69 Cf. K. Haacker, Die Apostelgeschichte (TKNT 5; W. Kohlhammer: Stuttgart, 2019), 291, n. 128.

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The subsequent, somewhat surprising, spatial idea of Paul going as far as the sea (Acts 17:14b), so as far as a border of a certain land territory, illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of being a heir (Gal 4:7d). The concluding, somewhat surprising account of Silas and the ‘honouring God’ Timothy (Τιμό-​θεος) receiving a commandment from Paul to come to him (Acts 17:14c–​15) conceptually and linguistically illustrates Paul’s concluding remark concerning the agency of God (θεός: Gal 4:7d).

5.7. Athens (Acts 17:16–​34; cf. Gal 4:8–​13) The Lucan section Acts 17:16–​34 sequentially illustrates the main ideas of the corresponding Pauline section Gal 4:8–​13. The opening idea of Paul being irritated that the city of Athens was full of idols (*είδ*: Acts 17:16) conceptually and linguistically illustrates Paul’s opening idea of the Gentile addressees having once not known (εἰδ*) God (Gal 4:8a). The motif of Paul being in Athens (ἐν… Ἀθήναις: Acts 17:16) was borrowed from 1 Thes 3:1.70 The motif of Paul awaiting (ἐκδέχομαι) the arrival of Timothy (Acts 17:16) could have been borrowed from 1 Cor 16:11. The subsequent, somewhat surprisingly inserted idea of Paul arguing in the synagogue with the Jews and the law-​related Gentile worshippers (Acts 17:17) illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of being enslaved (Gal 4:8b). The subsequent idea of (a) Epicurean and Stoic philosophers, with both schools referring to the notion of nature, (b) somewhat surprisingly taking hold of Paul and bringing him from the lively agora (cf. Acts 17:17), which was normally the seat of judiciary institutions (cf. Acts 16:19–​20; 19:38),71 to the empty and uninhabited hill of the Greek deity Ares (Acts 17:18–​19b)72 sequentially illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of (a) those by nature (b) not being gods (Gal 4:8c). The subsequent idea of the Greek philosophers repeatedly wanting to know (γνῶναι) the meaning of the new teaching which Paul proclaimed (Acts

70 Cf. B. Thiering, ‘The Acts of the Apostles as Early Christian Art’, in E. C. B. MacLaurin (ed.), Festschrift G. W. Thatcher (Sydney University: Sydney, 1967), 139–​189 (esp. 185). 71 Cf. A. den Heijer, Portraits of Paul’s Performance in the Book of Acts: Luke’s Apologetic Strategy in the Depiction of Paul as Messenger of God (WUNT 2.556; Mohr Siebeck: Tübingen, 2021), 129. 72 Cf. E. Haenchen, Die Apostelgeschichte (KEK 3; Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht: Göttingen, 1961), 456. The Hill of Ares, although famous for its namesake council, was not a location of everyday (cf. Acts 17:32–​33) judiciary proceedings.

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17:19c–​21; esp. 17:19d–​20)73 conceptually and linguistically illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of the Gentile believers knowing (γνόντες) God (Gal 4:9a). The subsequent idea of (a) the Athenians worshipping the unknown (*γνωστος) (b) God (θεός), and (a’) this unknown (*γνοέω) to them74 (b’) being proclaimed by Paul (Acts 17:22–​23; esp. 17:23) with the use of classical literary motifs75 conceptually and linguistically, in a sequential way illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of (a) the Gentile believers being passively known (γνωσθ*) (b) by God (θεός: Gal 4:9b). In particular, the Socratic motif of opening the speech by addressing the audience as ‘Athenian men’ (ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι:  Acts 17:22) was borrowed from Plato, Apol. 17a.76 The subsequent statement to the Athenians that (a) God made (b) the world and all that is in it (Acts 17:24ab) sequentially illustrates Paul’s subsequent thought that (a) the Gentile believers should not turn back, presumably by idolatry, to (b) the natural elements of the world (Gal 4:9c). The subsequent statement to the Athenians that (a) God is the Lord of heaven and earth, and (b) he does not dwell in shrines made by hands, nor is served by human hands (Acts 17:24c–​25), sequentially, in a corrective way illustrates Paul’s subsequent thought that (a) the Gentile believers again, from above (b) want to serve natural elements (Gal 4:9de). The subsequent statement to the Athenians that (a) God made humans to dwell on the face of the earth, as well as (b) set determined times (καιρούς)77 and (c) limits of their habitation (Acts 17:26) conceptually and linguistically, in a sequential but corrective way illustrates Paul’s subsequent charge that the Gentile

73 Cf. D. S. Morlan, Conversion in Luke and Paul: An Exegetical and Theological Exploration (LNTS 464; Bloomsbury T&T Clark: London and New York, 2013), 94. 74 Cf. C. K. Rowe, ‘The Grammar of Life: The Areopagus Speech and Pagan Tradition’, NTS 57 (2010), 31–​50 (esp. 41); D. Marguerat, ‘Paul as Socratic Figure in Acts’, in id., Paul in Acts and Paul in His Letters (WUNT 310; Mohr Siebeck: Tübingen, 2013), 66–​77 (esp. 72); J. A. Cowan, ‘Paul and Socrates in Dialogue: Points of Contact between the Areopagus Speech and the Apology’, NTS 61 (2021), 121–​133 (esp. 130–​131). 75 Cf. S. Reece, Formal Education, 155–​158, 224–​229. 76 Cf. C. K. Barrett, A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the Acts of the Apostles, vol. 2, Introduction and Commentary on Acts XV–​XXVIII (ICC; T&T Clark: Edinburgh, 1998), 834; D. R. MacDonald, Luke and Vergil: Imitations of Classical Greek Literature (NTGL 2; Rowman & Littlefield: Lanham [et al.] 2015), 79; S. Reece, ‘Echoes of Plato’s Apology of Socrates in Luke–​Acts’, NovT 63 (2021), 177–​197 (esp. 197). 77 Cf. K. Crabbe, Luke/​Acts and the End of History (BZNW 238; Walter de Gruyter: Berlin and Boston, 2019), 122–​123.

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believers (a) observe days, months, (b) determined times (καιρούς), and (c) definite periods of time (Gal 4:10). The subsequent, conditional sentence concerning the possibility that the Gentile addressees (ὑμ*) might find God (Acts 17:27)78 in a corrective way illustrates Paul’s subsequent, conditional sentence concerning the possibility that his work among the Gentile addressees (ὑμ*) might be in vain (Gal 4:11). The subsequent idea of (a) the Gentile addressees living, moving, and being in God, (b) like (ὡς) one of their poets said, (c) ‘Of his kin we are’ (Acts 17:28), with the use of classical literary motifs79 sequentially illustrates Paul’s subsequent exhortation that (a) the Gentile addressees should become (b) like (ὡς) (c) him (Gal 4:12a). The subsequent statement that (a) the divine (b) is not like a material object (Acts 17:29) illustrates Paul’s subsequent statement that (a) he (b) is like the Gentile addressees (Gal 4:12b). The subsequent idea of God commanding all, presumably Gentile,80 people to repent (Acts 17:30)81 illustrates the subsequent idea of Paul begging the Gentile addressees (Gal 4:12c). The subsequent idea of (a) God judging the inhabited world in justice (δικ*) (b) by a man whom he appointed, like he appointed Paul (Acts 17:31a–​d; cf. Rom 1:4: ὁρίζω), conceptually and linguistically, in a sequential way illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of (a) the Gentile addressees doing nothing unjust (ἀδικ*) (b) to him (Gal 4:12d).

78 Cf. C. K. Barrett, Acts, vol. 2, 847; W. Rakocy, Paweł apostoł Żydów i pogan: Łukaszowy obraz powstania i rozwoju Pawłowych wspólnot (Instytut Teologiczny Księży Misjonarzy: Kraków, 1997), 128. 79 Cf. C. K. Rothschild, Paul in Athens: The Popular Religious Context of Acts 17 (WUNT 341; Mohr Siebeck: Tübingen, 2014), 68–​73; V. Wittkowsky, Warum zitieren frühchristliche Autoren pagane Texte? Zur Entstehung und Ausformung einer literarischen Tradition (BZNW 218; Walter de Gruyter: Berlin and Boston, 2015), 51–​53; S. Reece, Formal Education, 149–​155, 158–​169. 80 Cf. O. Flichy, La figure de Paul dans les Actes des Apôtres: Un phénomène de réception de la tradition paulinienne à la fin du premier siècle (LD 214; Cerf: Paris, 2007), 270–​271; J. W. Jipp, ‘Paul’s Areopagus Speech of Acts 17:16–​34 as Both Critique and Propaganda’, JBL 131 (2012), 567–​588 (esp. 586); V. H. Schell, Die Areopagrede des Paulus und Reden bei Josephus: Eine vergleichende Studie zu Apg 17 und dem historiographischen Werk des Josephus (WUNT 2.419; Mohr Siebeck: Tübingen, 2016), 109. 81 Cf. D. S. Morlan, Conversion, 104.

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The subsequent idea of (a) God showing proof to all, presumably Gentile addressees (Acts 17:31ef),82 and the Gentile addressees hearing about it (b) on their part (δέ: Acts 17:31e–​32a; esp. 17:32a) conceptually and linguistically, in a sequential way illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of (a) the Gentile addressees knowing (b) on their part (δέ: Gal 4:13a). The idea of Paul preaching the resurrection of the dead (ἀνάστασις νεκρῶν: Acts 17:32) was borrowed from 1 Cor 15:12 etc. Besides, the account of Paul preaching conversion to the Gentiles in Athens (Acts 17:16–​31) sequentially illustrates the ideas contained in the thematically corresponding section of the First Letter to the Thessalonians (1 Thes 1:9c–​10), which was presumably sent from Athens (1 Thes 3:1). The opening Lucan idea of Paul preaching to the inhabitants of Athens, which was full of idols (*είδωλον: Acts 17:16–​22; esp. 17:16), conceptually and linguistically illustrates Paul’s opening idea of the Gentiles turning to God from idols (εἰδώλων: 1 Thes 1:9c). The following Lucan idea of Paul exhorting the Athenians to change their worship (Acts 17:23) illustrates Paul’s following idea of exhorting the Gentile addressees to serve (1 Thes 1:9d). The following Lucan idea of Paul preaching God (θεός: Acts 17:24) conceptually and linguistically illustrates Paul’s following idea of God (θεός: 1 Thes 1:9d). The following Lucan idea of Paul preaching God who gives life (ζωή:  Acts 17:25) and in whom we live (ζάω: Acts 17:25–​28; esp. 17:28) conceptually and linguistically illustrates Paul’s following idea of God who is living (ζάω: 1 Thes 1:9d). The following Lucan idea of Paul preaching God who is not made by humans (Acts 17:29) illustrates Paul’s following idea of God who is true (1 Thes 1:9d). The following Lucan idea of God appointing an approaching universal day of judgement (Acts 17:30–​31b; esp. 17:31ab) illustrates Paul’s following idea of awaiting (1 Thes 1:10a), presumably the coming wrath (cf. 1 Thes 1:10cd). The concluding Lucan idea of a man (a) whom (αὐτόν) God raised (b) from the dead (ἐκ νεκρῶν: Acts 17:31c–​e) conceptually and linguistically, in a sequential way illustrates Paul’s concluding idea of God’s Son, (a) whom (ὅν) God raised (b) from the dead (ἐκ νεκρῶν: 1 Thes 1:10b). It can therefore be observed that in his account of Paul preaching conversion to the Gentiles in Athens (Acts 17:16–​31) Luke sequentially reworked the contents of thematically corresponding section of the First Letter to the Thessalonians

82 Cf. S.  Szymik, Problem polemiki antyepikurejskiej w pismach Nowego Testamentu (KUL: Lublin, 2003), 181; O. Flichy, La figure de Paul, 274.

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(1 Thes 1:9c–​10). The sequence of elements consists of 8 mutually corresponding items, ordered in the same way. The Lucan reworking of the Pauline statements, phrases, and words has here a predominantly conceptual character, but there are also common linguistic elements which are contained in 5 correspondences between the two texts. The subsequent idea of Paul being mocked and disregarded, and in this way going away from among the Athenians (Acts 17:32b–​33), illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of the weakness of his flesh, known to his Gentile addressees (Gal 4:13a). The subsequent idea of some Gentile addressees joining Paul and believing (Acts 17:34)83 illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of his initial evangelization of the Gentile addressees (Gal 4:13b). The motif of an Athenian supporter named Dionysius (Διονύσιος: Acts 17:34) was probably borrowed from Jos. Ant. 149–​153.

5.8. Corinth (Acts 18:1–​17; cf. Gal 4:14–​31) The Lucan section Acts 18:1–​17 sequentially illustrates the main ideas of the corresponding Pauline section Gal 4:14–​31. The idea of Paul departing from Athens and coming to Corinth (Acts 18:1) illustrates Paul’s idea of temptation for the Gentile addressees in his flesh (Gal 4:14a). The motif of Paul coming to Corinth (ἦλθ*ν εἰς Κόρινθον: Acts 18:1) was borrowed from 2 Cor 1:23 etc. The subsequent idea of Paul coming to Aquila and his wife Priscilla, with at least Aquila being presented as a Jew originating from the Galatia-​bordering Pontus and coming from Italy (Acts 18:2), illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of the Galatian addressees not despising or disdaining him (Gal 4:14ab). The motif of Paul having as his companions Aquila (Ἀκύλαν) and Priscilla (Πρίσκ*αν:  Acts 18:2) was borrowed from Rom 16:3 (cf. 1  Cor 16:19; 2  Tim 4:19).84 Luke reworked this Pauline motif by changing the name Prisca (1 Cor 16:19; Rom 16:3; 2 Tim 4:19) to the more Roman Priscilla (Acts 18:2.18.26; cf. Drusilla: Acts 24:24). Moreover, on the basis of the Roman name Aquila and the Pauline remarks concerning his presence in Ephesus (1 Cor 16:19; cf. 2 Tim 4:19)

83 Cf. D. A. Evans, ‘Κολληθέντες in Acts 17.34 and the Establishment of the Athenian Church’, NTS 68 (2022), 188–​205 (esp. 203–​205). 84 Cf. W. O. Walker, Jr., ‘The Portrayal of Aquila and Priscilla in Acts: The Question of Sources’, NTS 54 (2008), 479–​495 (esp. 482–​484); N.  Lüke, Über die narrative Kohärenz, 190.

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and in Rome (Rom 16:3), as well as his being presumably known to the Corinthians (1 Cor 16:19), Luke suggested that he for some time lived in Rome, and then in Corinth (Acts 18:2) and in Ephesus (Acts 18:18–​19.26).85 Moreover, Luke presented him as a Jew (Acts 18:2), although nowhere in Paul’s letters (esp. Rom 16:4) is Aquila regarded as a Jew.86 The internally inconsistent idea of Aquila coming to Corinth from Italy because of Claudius’ expulsion of all the Jews from Rome (Acts 18:2) probably originates from a conflation of Tacitus, Ann. 2.85 (the Senate’s expulsion of all the Jews from Italy) with Suetonius, Cl. 25.4 (Claudius’ expulsion of the trouble-​ making Jews from Rome).87 The subsequent idea of Paul staying in the house of the Pontic Jews (cf. Acts 18:2) and working with them (Acts 18:3) illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of the Galatian addressees welcoming him as an angel of God (Gal 4:14c). The motif of Paul working (ἐργάζομαι) with his own hands (Acts 18:3) was borrowed from 1 Thes 2:9; 4:11; 1 Cor 4:12; etc.88 The idea of Paul making tents/​stage properties (Acts 18:3)89 could reflect Paul’s idea of being a theatrical spectacle to the world (1 Cor 4:9).90 The subsequent, somewhat surprisingly formulated (diff. Acts 17:3) idea of Paul persuading and testifying to the Jews that the Messiah is Jesus (χριστὸν Ἰησοῦν: Acts 18:4–​5; esp. 18:5) conceptually and linguistically illustrates Paul’s subsequent remark concerning Christ Jesus (Χριστὸν  Ἰησοῦν: Gal 4:14d). The motif of Silas (Σιλ*α*ς) and Timothy (Τιμόθεος) being together with Paul (Παῦλος) in Corinth (Acts 18:5) was borrowed from 2  Cor 1:19.91 Luke reworked it by changing the Roman name Silvanus (Σιλουανός: 1 Thes 1:1 etc.) to the Jewish name Silas (Σιλᾶς:  Acts 15:22 etc.) in order to present all three

8 5 Cf. R. I. Pervo, Dating, 102. 86 Cf. W. O. Walker, Jr., ‘Portrayal’, 492, n. 77; R. I. Pervo, Acts, 451–​452. It should be noted that apparently no Jews in Paul’s times really used the names Aquila and Prisca/​ Priscilla: see T. Ilan and T. Ziem, Lexicon of Jewish Names in Late Antiquity, part 3, The Western Diaspora 330 bce –​ 650 ce (TSAJ 126; Mohr Siebeck: Tübingen, 2008), 460–​461,  607. 87 The problems related to the historicity and dating of Claudius’ expulsion of all the Jews from Rome (Acts 18:2) were discussed at length in B. Adamczewski, Heirs,  64–​67. 88 Cf. R. I. Pervo, Dating, 102; W. O. Walker, Jr., ‘Portrayal’, 486. 89 Cf. C. R. Holladay, Acts: A Commentary (NTL; Westminster John Knox: Louisville, KY, 2016), 349. 90 Cf. W. O. Walker, Jr., ‘Portrayal’, 488–​489. 91 Cf. B. Thiering, ‘Acts’, 186–​187.

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of them as Jews, although in Paul’s letters neither Silvanus nor Timothy were regarded as Jews. Moreover, the Lucan presentation of Silvanus/​Silas and Timothy as not being present with Paul in Athens (Acts 17:15; 18:5) does not agree with the data of the First Letter to the Thessalonians, which lists Paul, Silvanus, and Timothy as its senders (1 Thes 1:1), and which was most probably written from Athens (1 Thes 3:1), whence Timothy was sent to Thessalonica (1 Thes 3:2). The subsequent idea of (a) the Jews opposing and blaspheming, and (b) Paul stating that he is free of their blood (Acts 18:6) sequentially illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of (a) him becoming the addressees’ enemy by (b) telling them the truth (Gal 4:15–​16; esp. 4:16). The motif of someone’s blood being on his head (τὸ αἷμα… ἐπὶ τὴν κεφαλήν: Acts 18:6) was borrowed from 2 Sam 1:16; 1 Kgs 2:37 (cf. Ezek 33:4) LXX etc.92 The subsequent ideas of Paul passing from the Jews to a Gentile whose house was next door to the synagogue, and the leader of the synagogue and many Corinthians believing in the Lord (Acts 18:7–​8) illustrate Paul’s subsequent idea of his Jewish Christian opponents being jealous of the Gentile believers (Gal 4:17–​18). The motif of Paul converting Crispus (Κρίσπος) as the first believer in Corinth and presumably baptizing (ἐβαπτι*) him together with other Corinthians (Acts 18:8)93 was borrowed from the First Letter to the Corinthians (1 Cor 1:14).94 In agreement with his overall ideas, Luke reworked Paul’s negative statement concerning his baptizing activity (1 Cor 1:14) into a positive one (Acts 18:8). The subsequent, somewhat surprisingly inserted idea of (a) the Lord again in a vision (cf. Acts 16:9: ὅραμα) (b) comforting Paul that he should utter sounds and not be silent because (c) the Lord protects him and has many people in this city (Acts 18:9–​10) illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of (a) him again (b) experiencing pain associated with giving birth to (c) the Gentile ‘little children’ (Gal 4:19a). The subsequent idea of Paul (a) staying a year and six months, (b) teaching (c) among (ἐν) (d) the Gentiles (pers. pron. αὐτοῖς) (e) the word of God (Acts 18:11), conceptually and linguistically, in a sequential way illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of being active (a) until (b) Christ is formed (c) among (ἐν) (d) the

9 2 Cf. D. L. Bock, Acts, 579; C. R. Holladay, Acts, 352, n. 145. 93 Cf. F. Avemarie, Die Tauferzählungen der Apostelgeschichte: Theologie und Geschichte (WUNT 139; J. C. B. Mohr (Paul Siebeck): Tübingen, 2002), 45; D. L. Bock, Acts, 579. 94 Cf. R. I. Pervo, Dating, 103; N. Lüke, Über die narrative Kohärenz, 149.

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Gentile addressees (pers. pron. ὑμῖν), and (e) wanting to be present with them and change his voice (Gal 4:19b–​20c). The subsequent idea of the Jews, in the presence of a Gentile ruler, rising up against Paul and bringing him before the tribunal (Acts 18:12) illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of him being at a loss because the Gentile addressees were influenced by his Jewish Christian opponents (Gal 4:20d). The subsequent idea of the Jews (a) saying (λέγω) that (b) Paul persuades people to worship God contrary to the law (νόμον: Acts 18:13) conceptually and linguistically, in a sequential way illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of exhorting the addressees (a) to say (λέγω), (b) those who want to be under the law (νόμον: Gal 4:21a–​c). The subsequent idea of (a) Paul being about to open his mouth, presumably to explain the issues concerning the Jewish law, but (b) the Gentile proconsul Gallio telling the Jews that only serious criminal issues would be of concern to him (Acts 18:14) sequentially illustrates Paul’s subsequent statement that (a) as concerns the law, (b) the Gentile addressees do not listen to it (Gal 4:21d). The subsequent idea of (a) questions concerning a word/​literary work, (b) names, and (c) the law which is among the Jews (Acts 18:15ab) sequentially illustrates Paul’s subsequent ideas of (a) the story of Abraham described in Scripture (Gal 4:22–​23), (b) allegorical meaning (Gal 4:24a), and (c) the covenant at Sinai (Gal 4:22–​25; esp. 4:24b–​25). The subsequent idea of the Gentile proconsul Gallio saying that (a) the Jews will see themselves, and that (b) he does not want to be a judge in the questions of the Jewish law (Acts 18:15c–​e) sequentially illustrates Paul’s subsequent statements that (a) the Jerusalem above is free (Gal 4:26), and that (b) the Gentile believers are not subject to the law (Gal 4:26–​28; esp. 4:27–​28). The subsequent idea of Gallio driving the Jews away from the tribunal (Acts 18:16)95 illustrates Paul’s subsequent exhortation to expel his Jewish Christian opponents (Gal 4:29–​30). The concluding idea of (a) all the people, presumably Gentiles,96 (b) seizing the leader of the Jewish synagogue and beating (him/​ them?) before the

95 Cf. J. Yoder, Representatives of Roman Rule: Roman Provincial Governors in Luke–​Acts (BZNW 209; Walter de Gruyter: Berlin, Munich and Boston, 2014), 269. 96 Cf. C. S. Keener, Acts, vol. 3, 2776. Pace C. Karakolis, ‘»Alle schlugen Sosthenes, Gallio aber kümmerte sich nicht darum« (Apg 18,17): Zur Bedeutung eines narrativen Details’, ZNW 99 (2008), 233–​246 (esp. 234–​239).

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law-​enforcing tribunal,97 thus treating him/​them like a slave,98 but (c) Gallio paying no attention to these, presumably slave-​related, things (Acts 18:17) sequentially illustrates Paul’s concluding idea of (a) all the believers (b) being children not of a slave woman but (c) of a free woman (Gal 4:31). The idea of a certain Sosthenes (Σωσθένης) being related to Corinth (Acts 18:17) could have been borrowed from 1 Cor 1:1.99

5.9. To Jerusalem and Antioch (Acts 18:18–​23a; cf. Gal  5:1–​7) The Lucan section Acts 18:18–​23a sequentially illustrates the main ideas of the corresponding Pauline section Gal 5:1–​7. The idea of Paul staying yet longer for many days, and then saying farewell to the brothers and sailing away to Syria, thus behaving as a free man (Acts 18:18a–​c; diff. 18:17), illustrates Paul’s statement that Christ freed us for freedom (Gal 5:1a). The subsequent, somewhat surprising in the context of Luke’s generally patriarchal presentation of male characters being first in male–​female gendered pairs (cf. Acts 18:2 etc.), liberal mention of Priscilla before her husband Aquila (Acts 18:18d)100 illustrates Paul’s subsequent exhortation not to be subject again to the yoke of slavery, so presumably to the law (Gal 5:1bc). The subsequent, somewhat surprising image of the male Jewish character of Paul or the Pontic (cf. Acts 18:2) Aquila101 cutting his hair, so an element of his body, off his head (Acts 18:18e) in a metaphorical way illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of the Galatian addressees circumcising themselves (Gal 5:2). The motif of a man cutting off his hair (κειράμενος) close to Corinth, presumably as a sign of having his head (τὴν κεφαλήν) uncovered while praying (Acts 18:18e), was borrowed from the First Letter to the Corinthians (1 Cor 11:4–​7). The motif of Paul having been in Cenchreae (ἐν Κεγχρεαῖς:  Acts 18:18e) was borrowed from Rom 16:1. For this reason, it is possible that the motif of Paul showing himself to be male by cutting off his hair (cf. 1 Cor 11:4–​7) in Cenchreae 97 Cf. S. Schreiber, ‘Der politische Lukas: Zur kulturellen Interaktion des lukanischen Doppelwerks mit dem Imperium Romanum’, ZNW 110 (2019), 146–​185 (esp. 171). 98 Cf. A. Smith, ‘Incarceration’, 809. 99 Cf. M. S. Enslin, ‘Once Again, Luke and Paul’, ZNW 61 (1970), 253–​271 (esp. 264–​265); N. Lüke, Über die narrative Kohärenz, 150–​151. 100 Cf. W. O. Walker, Jr., ‘Portrayal’, 483. 101 Cf. N. Lüke, Über die narrative Kohärenz, 140.

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(Acts 18:18e; cf. Rom 16:1) alludes to the Pauline remark concerning Phoebe being an apparently male deacon/​servant of the church in Cenchreae (Rom 16:1). The subsequent, somewhat enigmatic idea of the male Jewish character of Paul or the Pontic (cf. Acts 18:2) Aquila102 having a vow (Acts 18:18f), which somewhat surprisingly consisted in cutting the hair (Acts 18:18e), and not in not cutting it (diff. Num 6:5; Judg 13:5; etc.), illustrates Paul’s subsequent testifying that every circumcised man is obliged to do the whole law (Gal 5:3). The subsequent thought that (a) they reached (κατα*) Ephesus, and Paul left (κατα*) them (b) there/​him103 (*τοῦ), somewhat surprisingly before entering the Ephesus synagogue (Acts 18:19ab; cf. 18:19c),104 conceptually and linguistically, in a sequential way illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of (a) the addressees being released (κατα*) (b) from Christ (*τοῦ: Gal 5:4a). The subsequent idea of Paul entering the synagogue and arguing with the Jews (Acts 18:19cd) illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of those who are justified by the law (Gal 5:4b). The subsequent, somewhat surprising thought that the Jews (a) asked Paul to stay a longer time,105 but (b) he did not give his consent and took leave of them (Acts 18:20–​21a)106 sequentially illustrates Paul’s subsequent thought that, (a) as concerns grace, (b) the addressees fell away from it (Gal 5:4c). The subsequent, somewhat surprisingly different from the preceding negative answer (cf. Acts 18:20c–​21a),107 idea of (a) Paul hoping to return to the addressees, (b) God willing (Acts 18:21b–​e), sequentially illustrates Paul’s subsequent thought that as concerns (a) the hope of righteousness, (b) we await it (Gal 5:5). The subsequent, really surprising idea of (a) Paul arriving in the ruler-​ related (cf. Acts 23:33 etc.) Caesarea, (b) going up, presumably to Jerusalem, and only in passing (c) greeting the church (Acts 18:22a–​c)108 sequentially

102 Cf. D. Marguerat, Apostelgeschichte, 646, n. 9. 103 The textual history of Acts 18:19b shows that ancient copyists perceived the use of the word αὐτοῦ (B et al.) in the clause κἀκείνους κατέλιπεν αὐτοῦ as strange, so they substituted the ambiguous word αὐτοῦ with the lectio facilior ἐκεῖ ( 74, ‫א‬, A et al.). 104 Cf. R. I. Pervo, Acts, 456; D. Marguerat, Apostelgeschichte, 643. 105 Cf. R. Strelan, Paul, Artemis, and the Jews in Ephesus (BZNW 80; Berlin and New York, 1996), 209. 106 Cf. R. I. Pervo, Acts, 456; D. Marguerat, Apostelgeschichte, 643. 107 Cf. R. I. Pervo, Acts, 456. 108 Cf. G. Rossé, Atti, 667; R. I. Pervo, Acts 456.

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illustrates Paul’s subsequent thought that (a) in Christ Jesus (b) circumcision has no importance, (c) only faith working through love (Gal 5:6). The subsequent idea of (a) Paul hastily coming down to Antioch and (b) spending some time there (Acts 18:22d–​23a) sequentially illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of (a) running well, but (b) being hindered (Gal 5:7).

Chapter 6. The third missionary journey (Acts 18:23b–​21:38; cf. Gal 5:8–​6:12) The contents of the Lucan major section Acts 18:23b–​21:38 sequentially, in a hypertextual way illustrate the contents of the Pauline major section Gal 5:8–​6:12.

6.1. Ephesus without Paul (Acts 18:23b–​28; cf. Gal 5:8–​21) The Lucan section Acts 18:23b–​28 sequentially illustrates the main ideas of the corresponding Pauline section Gal 5:8–​21. The opening idea of Paul suddenly going out, presumably for another missionary journey (Acts 18:23b), illustrates Paul’s idea of God calling the addressees (Gal 5:8). The subsequent idea of Paul passing, presumably through a large Gentile region (Acts 18:23c), illustrates Paul’s subsequent statement that a little leaven leavens the whole lump (Gal 5:9). The subsequent idea of Paul in Galatia acting in orderly sequence (Acts 18:23c) illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of the Galatians thinking nothing different, and not being confused (Gal 5:10). The subsequent idea of Paul being active (a) in Galatia and Phrygia, (b) strengthening all the disciples (Acts 18:23cd), sequentially illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of (a) not preaching circumcision, and (b) being persecuted because of the offense of the cross (Gal 5:11). The subsequent idea of (a) a certain Jew (b) named Apollos, originating from Alexandria, being eloquent, coming to Ephesus, and being effective in quoting the Scriptures, presumably in a non-​Pauline way (Acts 18:24; cf. 1 Cor 1:12 etc.), sequentially illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of (a) the mutilated, presumably Jews, (b) disturbing the addressees (Gal 5:12). The motif of Apollos (Ἀπολλῶς) being present in Ephesus (Acts 18:24) was borrowed from 1  Cor 16:12. The otherwise unattested idea that Apollos originated from the Egyptian city of Alexandria (Acts 18:24) may be related to the Lucan reference to the Egyptian who stirred up (ἀναστατόω) a rebellion (Acts 21:38), described with the use of the same verb which is used in Gal 5:12 (ἀναστατόω). After the Jewish rebellion under Trajan (ad 115–​118), it was quite natural that Luke illustrated the Pauline idea of the Jews disturbing the Gentiles

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(Gal 5:12) with the use of an image of a Jew originating from the Egyptian city of Alexandria (Acts 18:24). The subsequent, somewhat surprising idea of Apollos having been instructed in the way of the Lord (by whom?), so in the way of Jesus Christ (Acts 18:25a),1 illustrates Paul’s subsequent ideas of Christians being called to freedom, through love serving one another, and loving the neighbour (Gal 5:13–​14). The subsequent idea of Apollos being emotionally stirred up (Acts 18:25b) illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of the addressees biting and devouring one another (Gal 5:15). The subsequent idea of Apollos being fervent (a) in the Spirit (πνεύματι) and teaching accurately (b) the things concerning Jesus (Acts 18:25b–​d) conceptually and linguistically, in a sequential way illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of (a) teaching the addressees that in the Spirit (πνεύματι) (b) they should walk (Gal 5:16ab). The motif of being fervent (ζέω) in the Spirit (τῷ πνεύματι: Acts 18:25b) was borrowed from Rom 12:11.2 The subsequent, somewhat surprising idea of Apollos knowing only the presumably Jewish and water-​related baptism of John, so that without the Holy Spirit (Acts 18:25e; cf. Lk 3:16; Acts 1:5; 11:16),3 illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of the desire of the flesh, which desires against the Spirit (Gal 5:16c–​17). The subsequent idea of Apollos (a) beginning to speak boldly, so presumably in the Spirit (cf. 2  Cor 3:12.17; Acts 4:31), (b) in the synagogue, and Priscilla being again liberally mentioned before her husband Aquila (Acts 18:26a–​c; cf. 18:18; diff. 18:2)4 sequentially illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of (a) being led by the Spirit, (b) so not being under the law (Gal 5:18). The subsequent, somewhat surprising in the context of Apollos already teaching accurately (cf. Acts 18:25d),5 idea of (a) explaining to him more

Cf. C. K. Barrett, A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the Acts of the Apostles, vol. 2, Introduction and Commentary on Acts XV–​XXVIII (ICC; T&T Clark: Edinburgh, 1998), 887; G. Rossé, Atti degli Apostoli: Commento esegetico e teologico (Città Nuova: Roma, 1998), 672, n. 112; S. Walton, ‘Calling the Church Names: Learning about Christian Identity from Acts’, in id., Reading Acts Theologically (LNTS 661; T&T Clark: London, New York and Dublin, 2022), 45–​62 (esp. 59). 2 Cf. R. I. Pervo, Dating Acts: Between the Evangelists and the Apologists (Polebridge: Santa Rosa, CA, 2006), 102. 3 Cf. K. Haacker, Die Apostelgeschichte (TKNT 5; W. Kohlhammer: Stuttgart, 2019), 316. 4 Cf. W. O. Walker, Jr., ‘The Portrayal of Aquila and Priscilla in Acts: The Question of Sources’, NTS 54 (2008), 479–​495 (esp. 483). 5 Cf. G. Rossé, Atti, 673. 1

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accurately (b) the way of God (Acts 18:26de) sequentially illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of (a) making evident the works of the flesh, by listing them and (b) including among them idolatry and sorcery (Gal 5:19–​20). The subsequent, irenic idea of the brothers encouraging Apollos and writing to the disciples to welcome him (Acts 18:27a–​e; diff. 1 Cor 1:12 etc.) in a corrective way illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of the works of the flesh including enmities, strife, jealousy, etc. (Gal 5:20). The motif of a non-​Pauline missionary being in need of a letter of recommendation written to the Corinthians (Acts 18:27de) was borrowed from the Second Letter to the Corinthians (2 Cor 3:1)6 and reworked in a somewhat ironic way. The subsequent idea of (a) Apollos presumably now arriving and greatly helping (b) those who had presumably previously believed through grace (Acts 18:27f–​h) sequentially illustrates Paul’s subsequent statement that (a) he says beforehand now, (b) as he said beforehand in the past (Gal 5:21ab). The concluding idea of Apollos (a) vigorously reproving the Jews in public, (b) showing by the Scriptures that the presumably royal Messiah (c) is Jesus (Acts 18:28), sequentially illustrates Paul’s concluding statement that (a) those who commit such sins (c) will not inherit (b) the kingdom of God (Gal 5:21cd).

6.2. Ephesus (Acts 19; cf. Gal 5:22–​6:3) The Lucan section Acts 19 sequentially illustrates the main ideas of the corresponding Pauline section Gal 5:22–​6:3. The opening idea of Paul conferring the Holy Spirit (τὸ πνεῦμα: Acts 19:6b; cf. 19:2) to the disciples who only knew the baptism of John, so that without the Holy Spirit (Acts 19:1–​6b; cf. Lk 3:16; Acts 1:5; 11:16; 18:25),7 illustrates Paul’s opening idea of the fruit of the Spirit (τὸ πνεῦμα), as opposed to the works of the flesh (Gal 5:22; diff. 5:16c–​21). The motif of Apollos (Ἀπολλῶς) being active in Corinth (Acts 19:1), after the activity of Paul there (Acts 18:1–​18), was borrowed from 1 Cor 1:12; 3:4–​6.22; 4:6. The somewhat surprisingly formulated motif of descending (κατ*) from

6 7

Cf. N. Lüke, Über die narrative Kohärenz zwischen Apostelgeschichte und Paulusbriefen (TANZ 62; Narr Francke Attempto: Tübingen, 2019), 147. Cf. S. Schauf, Theology as History, History as Theology: Paul in Ephesus in Acts 19 (BZNW 133; Walter de Gruyter: Berlin and New York, 2005), 149–​159; C. S. Keener, Acts: An Exegetical Commentary, vol. 3, 15:1–​23:35 (Baker Academic: Grand Rapids, MI, 2014), 2820; A. Landi, ‘«Avvinto dallo Spirito» (At 20,22): Paolo e lo Spirito negli Atti degli Apostoli’, RivB 64 (2016), 447–​469 (esp. 458–​459).

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upper regions (*ωτερ*α μέρη) to (εἰς) Ephesus (Acts 19:1)8 could have been borrowed from the ethopoeic Letter to the Ephesians (Eph 4:9). The motif of the baptism of repentance (βάπτισμα μετανοίας), which pointed to the one coming (ἔρχομαι) after John (Acts 19:4), was borrowed from Mk 1:4.7.9 The subsequent image of the charisms of speaking in tongues and prophesying (Acts 19:6cd) illustrates Paul’s subsequent list of the manifestations of the Spirit: love etc. (Gal 5:22–​23). The motif of speaking in tongues (λαλέω + γλώσσαις) and prophesying (προφητεύω), regarded as manifestations of the Spirit (πνεῦμα: Acts 19:6), was borrowed from 1 Cor 14:1–​5. The subsequent statement that (a) the charismatic men, taken together, were (εἰμί) (b) about the symbolic Israelite number of twelve (Acts 19:7)10 conceptually and linguistically, in a sequential way illustrates Paul’s subsequent statement that (a) against such manifestations of the Spirit there is (εἰμί) no, (b) presumably Mosaic, law (Gal 5:23). The subsequent ideas of Paul in the synagogue speaking boldly about the messianic kingdom of God (Acts 19:8), withdrawing and separating the disciples from among the Jews to the school of Tyrannus/​absolute ruler (Acts 19:9), and proclaiming the word of the Lord (Acts 19:8–​10; esp. 19:10) illustrate Paul’s subsequent idea of those who belong to the Messiah/​Christ (Gal 5:24). The motif of all the inhabitants (plur.) of Asia hearing the word of the Lord (Acts 19:10) illustrates Paul’s statement concerning the churches (plur.) of Asia (1 Cor 16:19). The motif of Paul’s audience consisting of the Jews and the Greeks (Ἰουδαίους τε καὶ  Ἕλληνας: Acts 19:10) was borrowed from Rom 3:9 (cf. 1 Cor 1:24). The subsequent, body-​related ideas of (a) God performing extraordinary miracles through the hands of Paul, so that taken off his flesh were (b) the Roman-​ named undergarments sudaria and semicinctia11 (diff. Mk 6:56:  touching the

8 Cf. M. Wilson, ‘The “Upper Regions” and the Route of Paul’s Third Journey from Apamea to Ephesus’, Scriptura 117 (2018:1), 1–​21 (esp. 3). 9 Cf. G. Rossé, Atti, 678. 10 Cf. L. T. Johnson, The Acts of the Apostles (SP 5; Liturgical: Collegeville, MN, 1992), 338; R. Strelan, Paul, Artemis, and the Jews in Ephesus (BZNW 80; Berlin and New York, 1996), 244; D.  Marguerat, Die Apostelgeschichte (KEK 3; Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht: Göttingen, 2022), 658. 11 Cf. R. Strelan, Strange Acts: Studies in the Cultural World of the Acts of the Apostles (BZNW 126; Walter de Gruyter: Berlin and New York, 2004), 196–​198; P. Trebilco, The Early Christians in Ephesus from Paul to Ignatius (WUNT 166; Mohr Siebeck: Tübingen, 2004), 146, n. 183; R. Strelan, ‘Acts 19:12: Paul’s “Aprons” Again’, in id., Studies in

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fringe of the outer garment), and (c) the diseases departed from sick people (Acts 19:11–​12c), sequentially illustrate Paul’s subsequent idea of (a) the believers’ flesh (b) being crucified (c) with the sufferings and the desires (Gal 5:24). The motif of doing miracles (δυνάμεις) by the hands of the main hero (διὰ τῶν χειρῶν *ου: Acts 19:11) was borrowed from Mk 6:2. The motif of bringing the sick (τοὺς ἀσθενοῦντας), in order that that they might indirectly touch the body of the main hero and thus be healed (Acts 19:12), was borrowed from Mk 6:56.12 The subsequent, somewhat surprising idea of evil spirits (πνεύματα) going out of the already healed people (Acts 19:12d) conceptually and linguistically illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of the believers living by the Spirit (πνεύματι) and following the Spirit (πνεύματι: Gal 5:25). The subsequent, quite surprising, burlesque13 account of some wandering Jewish exorcists pretending to have the power of Jesus and Paul, but in fact having nothing in common with Jesus and Paul, being merely sons of a certain unknown Jewish high priest, and being unknown to the evil spirit (Acts 19:13–​ 15),14 illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of not being vainglorious, presumably like his Jewish Christian opponents (Gal 5:26a). The subsequent, quite surprising idea of (a) the man, in whom the evil spirit was, leaping upon the Jewish exorcists, subduing them, and overpowering them, so that (b) they were naked, wounded, and thus fleeing (Acts 19:16), illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of not (a) provoking one another or (b) envying one another (Gal 5:26bc). The subsequent idea of all, both Jews and Greeks, who lived in Ephesus fearing God and glorifying the name of the Lord Jesus (Acts 19:17) illustrates Paul’s subsequent reference to the addressees as the presumably believing brothers (Gal 6:1a).

the Acts of the Apostles: Collected Essays (Pickwick: Eugene, OR, 2020), 129–​132 (esp. 131–​132). 12 Cf. R. I. Pervo, Dating, 37. 1 3 Cf. H. Conzelmann, Acts of the Apostles: A Commentary on the Acts of the Apostles, trans. J. Limburg, A. T. Kraabel, and D. H. Juel (Hermeneia; Fortress: Philadelphia, 1987), 163; D. Marguerat, ‘Luke and the Casting of Characters’, in id., Paul in Acts and Paul in His Letters (WUNT 310; Mohr Siebeck: Tübingen, 2013), 92–​105 (esp. 95); A. J. Bale, Genre and Narrative Coherence in the Acts of the Apostles (LNTS 514; Bloomsbury T&T Clark: London and New York, 2015), 187. 14 Cf. R. Pindel, Magia czy Ewangelia? Konfrontacja głosicieli Ewangelii ze światem magicz-​ nym w ujęciu Dziejów Apostolskich (Rafael: Kraków, 2003), 331–​332.

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The subsequent statement that many of those who believed, somewhat surprisingly, presumably hoping for forgiveness, came confessing and disclosing their deeds (Acts 19:18)15 illustrates Paul’s subsequent statement that if a man, presumably a believer, is detected in some wrongdoing, the spiritual ones should restore him in a spirit of gentleness (Gal 6:1ab). The motif of people publicly confessing (ἐξομολογούμενοι) their sins (τὰς… αὐτῶν:  Acts 19:18) was borrowed from Mk 1:5 (cf. Jas 5:16). The subsequent idea of those who practised magic16 bringing their books, whose value was counted up to the very high, so presumably tempting, amount of five myriads pieces of silver (Acts 19:19),17 illustrates Paul’s subsequent thought that a believer who restores a sinner should look to himself that he himself is not tempted (Gal 6:1cd). The subsequent statement that (a) mightily (b) the Lord’s word grew and was strong (Acts 19:20) sequentially illustrates Paul’s subsequent thought that (b) the believers should bear (a) one another’s burdens (Gal 6:2a). The motif of the word (ὁ λόγος) growing (αὐξάνω: Acts 19:20; cf. 6:7; 12:24) was borrowed from Col 1:5–​6; Mk 4:8.20. The subsequent thought that (a) at that time (ὡς) (b) these things were fulfilled (πληρόω: Acts 19:21–​22; esp. 19:21) conceptually and linguistically, in a sequential way illustrates Paul’s subsequent thought that (a) in this way (οὕτως) (b) the believers should have fulfilled (*πληρόω: Gal 6:2b).

15 Cf. C. K. Barrett, Acts, vol. 2, 912; J. A. Fitzmyer, The Acts of the Apostles: A New Translation with Introduction and Commentary (AB 31; Doubleday: New York, 1998), 651; S. Schauf, Theology as History, 231–​233. 16 Cf. J.  A. Fitzmyer, Acts, 651; R.  I.  Pervo, Acts:  A Commentary (Hermeneia; Fortress: Minneapolis, 2009), 480; G. H. Twelftree, ‘Miracle and Magic: Frontier Battles in the Acts of the Apostles’, in R. Zimmermann (ed.), Faszination der Wunder Jesu und der Apostel: Die Debatte um die frühchristliche Wundererzählungen geht weiter (BThSt 184; Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht: Göttingen, 2020), 1–​28 (esp. 21). 17 Cf. K. Ehling, ‘Μεγάλη ἡ Ἄρτεμις Ἐφεσίων: Münzen, Inschriften, Papyri und Gemmen kommentieren Apostelgeschichte 19’, in S. Alkier and H. Leppin (eds.), Juden, Christen, Heiden? Religiöse Inklusion und Exklusion in Kleinasien bis Decius (WUNT 400; Mohr Siebeck: Tübingen, 2018), 219–​251 (esp. 241–​242); S. Schreiber, ‘Von Zauberprofis und Bindungen: Antike Fluchtafeln und ihre Spiegelungen in der Apostelgeschichte’, in M. Hölscher, M. Lau, and S. Luther (eds.), Antike Fluchtafeln und das Neue Testament: Materialität –​ Ritualpraxis –​ Texte (WUNT 474; Mohr Siebeck: Tübingen, 2021), 353–​380 (esp. 375); D. Marguerat, Apostelgeschichte, 668.

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The motif of Paul in Ephesus having in mind to go through (διελθω*) Macedonia (Μακεδονίαν:  Acts 19:21) was borrowed from 1  Cor 16:5. The related motif of Paul having in mind to go through (διελθ*) Achaea (Acts 19:21) was borrowed from 2  Cor 1:16. The related motif of Paul having in mind to go (πορεύομαι) to (εἰς) Jerusalem (Ιερο*:  Acts 19:21) was borrowed from Rom 15:25.18 The related motif of Paul having in mind to be (γίνομαι) in Jerusalem and thereafter to see (ἰδεῖν) Rome (Ῥώμη: Acts 19:21) was borrowed from Rom 1:11.15; 15:24.28–​29.31–​32.19 Luke reworked these Pauline ideas by completely omitting the shameful for him, although important for Paul, idea of collecting money for the Jerusalem community (1 Cor 16:1–​4; 2 Cor 8–​9; Rom 15:25–​27). The motif of Paul sending to Macedonia (Μακεδονία) two of those who served (διακονέω; diff. Lk 9:52: ἀγγέλους)20 him: Timothy as well as Erastus, who was involved in managing funds (cf. Rom 16:23),21 and Paul himself staying for some time in Asia (Acts 19:22) with the use of the metaphor of serving (διακονέω) applied to collecting money for the Jerusalem community (cf. 2 Cor 8:19–​20; Rom 15:25) in a consciously veiled way further reflects Paul’s idea of collecting money in Macedonia (2 Cor 8:1–​5). The subsequent, ironic account of (a) a great anti-​Pauline commotion and tumult,22 standing in contrast to the innocent and obedient behaviour of Paul

18 Cf. H.-​S. Kim, Die Geisttaufe des Messias: Eine kompositionsgeschichtliche Untersuchung zu einem Leitmotiv des lukanischen Doppelwerks: Ein Beitrag zur Theologie und Intention des Lukas (SKP 81; Peter Lang: Frankfurt am Main, 1993), 193; E. Plümacher, ‘Rom in der Apostelgeschichte’, in id., Geschichte und Geschichten: Aufsätze zur Apostelgeschichte und zu den Johannesakten (WUNT 170; Mohr Siebeck: Tübingen, 2004), 135–​169 (esp. 155); N. Lüke, Über die narrative Kohärenz, 181. 19 Cf. E. Plümacher, ‘Rom’, 155; R. S. Schellenberg, ‘The First Pauline Chronologist? Paul’s Itinerary in the Letters and in Acts’, JBL 134 (2015), 193–​213 (esp. 203). 20 Cf. P. Podeszwa, ‘“Trzeba, abyś w Rzymie zaświadczył o Mnie” (Dz 23, 11b): Rzym w Dziejach Apostolskich’, RuBiLi 64 (2011), 293–​307 (esp. 298). 21 Cf. H.-​S. Kim, Geisttaufe, 193; N. Lüke, Über die narrative Kohärenz, 158–​159. As the account of the persecution of Jason (cf. Rom 16:21) in Acts 17:5–​9 shows, Luke could have regarded the Letter to the Romans as written in Macedonia. The Lucan remark concerning both Timothy (cf. Rom 16:21) and Erastus (cf. Rom 16:23) as active in Macedonia (Acts 19:22) corroborates this hypothesis. 22 Cf. K. Backhaus, ‘Transformation durch Humor: Die Komödisierung von Tradition in der Apostelgeschichte’, in id., Die Entgrenzung des Heils: Gesammelte Studien zur Apostelgeschichte (WUNT 422; Mohr Siebeck: Tübingen, 2019), 219–​243 (esp. 237–​ 238); M. B. Dinkler, ‘The Narrative Rhetoric of Speech and Silence in the Acts of the Apostles’, NTS 67 (2021), 1–​21 (esp. 16).

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and his disciples (Acts 19:30–​31.37),23 to legal ways of resolving conflicts (Acts 19:38), and to the lawful (ἔννομος) (b) assembly/​church (Acts 19:23–​39; esp. 19:39), conceptually and linguistically, in a sequential way illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of the believers following (a) the law (νόμος) (b) of Christ (Gal 6:2b). In agreement with his overall ideas, Luke reworked the Pauline religious idea of the law of Christ into a civil one, showing Christians as law-​abiding people. The motif of Gaius (Γάϊος) being a Macedonian companion of Paul (Acts 19:29) could have been borrowed from Rom  16:23,24 especially if Luke regarded the Letter to the Romans as written in Macedonia.25 The motif of Aristarchus (Ἀρίσταρχος) travelling with Paul (Acts 19:29) was borrowed from Phlm 24 (cf. Col 4:10).26 The concluding idea of threatening the proud Ephesians (cf. Acts 19:27.35) that they will be accused because of their riot, for they had nothing (μηδέν) as a reason for their commotion (Acts 19:40), conceptually and linguistically illustrates Paul’s concluding idea that if someone thinks to be something, being nothing (μηδέν), he deceives himself (Gal 6:3).

6.3. To Miletus (Acts 20:1–​15; cf. Gal 6:4–​6a) The Lucan section Acts 20:1–​15 sequentially illustrates the main ideas of the corresponding Pauline section Gal 6:4–​6a. The opening thought that Paul, having gathered the disciples, exhorted them, and having taken leave of them, went alone (diff. Acts 20:4: accompanied by disciples) to the regions which he had earlier evangelized: Macedonia, Greece, and again Macedonia (Acts 20:1–​3) illustrates Paul’s statement that everyone should examine his own work (Gal 6:4a). The motif of Paul going (πορεύομαι) alone from Ephesus to Macedonia (εἰς Μακεδονίαν: Acts 20:1) was borrowed from 1 Tim 1:3. The motif of Paul going

23 Cf. J. C. Lentz, Jr., Luke’s Portrait of Paul (SNTSMS 77; Cambridge University: Cambridge, New York, NY and Oakleigh, 1993), 100; R. I. Pervo, Acts, 487; D. A. Smith, ‘“Not Done in a Corner” (Acts 26,26): Space, Territory, and “Public Speaking” in Luke–​ Acts’, in J. Verheyden and J. S. Kloppenborg (eds.), Luke on Jesus, Paul and Christianity: What Did He Really Know? (BTS 29: Peeters: Leuven, Paris and Bristol, CT, 2017), 83–​100 (esp. 98). 24 Cf. H.-​S. Kim, Geisttaufe, 193. 25 See earlier the characters of Jason in Thessalonica (Acts 17:5–​9; cf. Rom 16:21) and Erastus sent to Macedonia (Acts 19:22; cf. Rom 16:23). 26 Cf. N. Lüke, Über die narrative Kohärenz, 183.

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from Greece back to Macedonia (Acts 20:3) reflects Paul’s statement concerning his plan to go, presumably by foot (πορεύομαι), to Jerusalem (Rom 15:25).27 Luke evidently assumed that this Pauline statement implied his going by foot through Macedonia (Acts 20:3). The subsequent, somewhat surprising image of Paul being accompanied in his journey by a group of his seven disciples (diff. Acts 20:1 going alone), who were presumably evangelized by Paul because they originated from the regions which he had evangelized (Beroea, Thessalonica, Derbe, and Asia),28 and who were evidently very loyal and committed to him (Acts 20:4), illustrates Paul’s subsequent thought that, having examined one’s own work (cf. Gal 6:4a), everyone will in himself alone have a reason for boasting (Gal 6:4b). In his composition of the list of Paul’s most loyal disciples (Acts 20:4), Luke omitted those who according to 2 Tim 4:10 later deserted him: Demas, Crescens, and Titus.29 The motif of Paul on his way to Jerusalem being accompanied by trusted Macedonians and Galatians (Acts 20:4) was borrowed from 1 Cor 16:1–​4; 2 Cor 8:18–​23.30 The character of Sopater (Σώπατρος) probably reflects that of Sosipater (Σωσίπατρος: Rom 16:21),31 in Acts 20:4 with the use of a Gentile patronymic (son of Pyrrhus) being presented as a Gentile believer. The character of Aristarchus (Ἀρίσταρχος) was borrowed from Phlm 24; Col 4:10.32 The character of Secundus (Σεκοῦνδος) may reflect that of Tertius (Τέρτιος: Rom 16:22) and Quartus (Κούαρτος: Rom 16:23),33 especially if Luke regarded the Letter to the Romans as written in Macedonia. The character of Gaius (Γάϊος) was borrowed from 1 Cor 1:14; Rom 16:23, but his alleged origin from Derbe (Acts 20:4) seems to be adapted to that of Timothy (cf. Acts 16:1), for in 1 Cor 1:14 he is presented

27 Cf. B. Thiering, ‘The Acts of the Apostles as Early Christian Art’, in E. C. B. MacLaurin (ed.), Festschrift G. W. Thatcher (Sydney University: Sydney, 1967), 139–​189 (esp. 187). 28 Cf. C. R. Holladay, Acts: A Commentary (NTL; Westminster John Knox: Louisville, KY, 2016), 388; D. Marguerat, Apostelgeschichte, 688. 29 Cf. R. I. Pervo, Acts, 509. 30 Cf. N. Lüke, Über die narrative Kohärenz, 185–​186. 31 Cf. R. I. Pervo, Acts, 508; N. Lüke, Über die narrative Kohärenz, 182–​183. This fact corroborates the hypothesis that Luke regarded the Letter to the Romans as written in Macedonia (cf. Rom 16:21–​23 and Acts 17:5–​9: Jason in Thessalonica; Acts 20:4: Sopater [Sosipater in Rom 16:21] as a Beroean; Acts 20:4 Secundus [Tertius and Quartus in Rom 16:22–​23] as a Thessalonian; Acts 19:29: Gaius as a Macedonian; Acts 19:22: Erastus sent to Macedonia). 32 Cf. R. I. Pervo, Acts, 508. 33 Cf. N. Lüke, Über die narrative Kohärenz, 193.

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as one of the Corinthians, and in Acts 19:29 (cf. Rom 16:23) as a Macedonian. The character of Tychicus (Τύχικος) was borrowed from Col 4:7; Eph 6:21;34 Tit 3:12; 2 Tim 4:12 (pointing to him as related to Ephesus in Asia). The character of Trophimus (Τρόφιμος), related to Asia, was borrowed from 2 Tim 4:20. The subsequent account of Paul’s activity in Troas on the first day of the week (Acts 20:7), which somewhat surprisingly presents Paul as merely proclaiming the life of an apparently dead boy (Acts 20:10), and the believers attesting the raising of the boy from the dead only after the celebration of Jesus’ death and resurrection (Acts 20:11) and after Paul’s departure (Acts 20:12;35 diff. 1 Kgs 17:21–​ 23; 2 Kgs 4:34–​36), thus implicitly pointing to the risen Jesus as the only cause of the raising of the boy (Acts 20:5–​12; diff. 9:40–​41:  Peter active), illustrates Paul’s subsequent thought that everyone should not have a reason for boasting in someone else’s work (Gal 6:4c). The fact that the narrative ‘we’, probably in an ethopoeic way representing the testimony of Titus (cf. Acts 16:10), again appears in Philippi (Acts 20:5–​6) and travels with Paul to Jerusalem (Acts 20:5–​15; 21:1–​18) reflects Paul’s statement that he took along Titus to Jerusalem (Gal 2:1). The motif of Paul being active in Troas (ἐν Τρῳάδι) on his way to Jerusalem (Acts 20:5–​6) originates from 2 Tim 4:13. The motif of Paul counting time in a Jewish way as two times seven (seven days of Unleavened Bread plus seven days in Troas: Acts 20:6; cf. the first day of the week: Acts 20:7)36 illustrates Paul’s statement that after fourteen, so two times seven, years he went up to Jerusalem with the Jew Barnabas (Gal 2:1). The motif of the time of the power of the resurrection (cf. Acts 20:12) being on the first day of the week (τῇ μιᾷ τῶν σαββάτων: Acts 20:7) was borrowed from Mk 16:2. The motif of breaking (κλάω) bread (ἄρτον: Acts 20:7.11), as the time of the presence of Jesus’s death and resurrection (Acts 20:9–​12), was borrowed from 1 Cor 10:16; Mk 14:22. The motif of a young man (νε*) named Eutyches (Ε*) sleeping at night, falling down (*πεσεν) instead of going down (καταβαίνω) from an elevated part of the building in which the main hero dined, being dead (νεκρός), but his soul (ψυχή) being somehow alive, so that he was found by the main hero and brought by his

34 Cf. ibid., 184–​185. 35 Cf. J. A. Glavic, ‘Eutychus in Acts and in the Church: The Narrative Significance of Acts 20:6–​12’, BBR 24 (2014), 179–​206 (esp. 197–​198); A. P. Thompson, ‘Laughing to the Grave and Back Again: The Humor of Acts 20.7–​12’, JSNT 42.2 (2019), 223–​236 (esp. 230); D. Marguerat, Apostelgeschichte, 692. 36 Cf. J. A. Glavic, ‘Eutychus’, 188–​189.

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companions (Acts 20:9–​12), was borrowed from Homer’s story of Elpenor (Od. 10.552–​560; 11.51–​65; 12.9–​10).37 The motif of the main hero telling the audience not to be distressed (θορυβεῖσθε) because the young person is in fact not dead (Acts 20:10) was borrowed from Mk 5:39. The subsequent, really surprising idea of Paul making such arrangements that he alone went by land on foot to Assos, while his companions sailed by the sea (Acts 20:13–​14a),38 illustrates Paul’s subsequent command that everyone shall bear his own burden (Gal 6:5). The subsequent, contrasted (diff. Acts 20:13), idea of the disciples taking Paul on board and coming with him to Miletus (Acts 20:14b–​15) illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of sharing, presumably with one’s teacher (Gal 6:6a). The motif of Paul being active in Miletus (Μίλητος:  Acts 20:15.17) was borrowed from 2 Tim 4:20.

6.4. Miletus (Acts 20:16–​38; cf. Gal 6:6b–​10c) The Lucan section Acts 20:16–​38 sequentially illustrates the main ideas of the corresponding Pauline section Gal 6:6b–​10c. The idea of Paul quite surprisingly resolving not to go in person to Ephesus, allegedly because he was in a hurry (Acts 20:16), but sending and summoning the elders of the church to Miletus,39 so that they came and heard his speech (Acts 20:16–​18b), illustrates Paul’s idea of the one who is taught the word (Gal 6:6b). The motif of Paul counting his time in Ephesus as related to Pentecost (τῆς πεντηκοστῆς:  Acts 20:16) was borrowed from 1  Cor 16:8. The motif of Paul going to Jerusalem (εἰς  Ἱεροσόλυμα:  Acts 20:16) was borrowed from Gal 2:1. The motif of the elders (πρεσβύτεροι) of the church in Ephesus (Ἔφεσος: Acts 20:17) was borrowed from 1 Tim 1:3; 5:17.

37 Cf. ibid., 205–​206; D. R. MacDonald, Luke and the Politics of Homeric Imitation: Luke–​ Acts as Rival to the Aeneid (Lexington Books /​Fortress Academic: Lanham [et al.], 2019), 179–​185. 38 Cf. H.  Conzelmann, Acts, 171; C.  K.  Barrett, Acts, vol. 2, 957; D.  Marguerat, Apostelgeschichte, 692. 39 Cf. G. Ballhorn, ‘Die Miletrede –​ein Literaturbericht’, in F. W. Horn (ed.), Das Ende des Paulus: Historische, theologische und literaturgeschichtliche Aspekte (BZNW 106; Walter de Gruyter: Berlin and New York, 2001), 37–​47 (esp. 38); R. I. Pervo, Acts, 515; D. Marguerat, Apostelgeschichte, 700.

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The subsequent speech of Paul, which presents Paul’s behaviour and teaching among the addressees (Acts 20:18c–​27),40 illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of the one who teaches the word (Gal 6:6c). The motif of serving (δουλεύω) the Lord (τῷ κυρίῳ:  Acts 20:19) was borrowed from Rom 12:11 etc.41 The motif of Paul, being among the Ephesians (cf. Acts 20:18), living with all humility (μετὰ πάσης ταπεινοφροσύνης: Acts 20:19) was borrowed from the ethopoeic Letter to the Ephesians (Eph 4:2).42 The motif of Paul evangelizing with tears (δακρύων: Acts 20:19) was borrowed from 2 Cor 2:4.43 The motif of the trials (πειρασμός) which happen (συμβαίνω) to the believers (Acts 20:19) was borrowed from the ethopoeic letter which was addressed to the believers in Asia (1 Pet 4:12; cf. 1:1). The motif of Paul now (νυν*) going to Jerusalem (πορεύομαι εἰς  Ἰερουσαλήμ) and not knowing the result of this visit (Acts 20:22) was borrowed from Rom 15:25.44 The following motif of the Spirit (τὸ πνεῦμα) preparing Paul for tribulations which await him in Jerusalem (Acts 20:22–​23) was borrowed from the following text Rom 15:30–​31.45 The motif of Paul finishing (τελε*ω) his course (τὸν δρόμον: Acts 20:24) was borrowed from 2 Tim 4:7. The related motif of Paul finishing his ministry (τὴν διακονίαν: Acts 20:24) was borrowed from 2 Tim 4:5. The motif of Paul testifying (μαρτύρομαι) that (ὅτι) he is not guilty (Acts 20:26), presumably if the addressees abandon the gospel of grace (cf. Acts 20:24), was borrowed from Gal 5:3. The motif of being free (καθαρός) from the blood (ἀπὸ τοῦ αἵματος) of an accused person (Acts 20:26) was borrowed from Dan 13:46 [Sus 46] θ`. The motif of Paul declaring to the Ephesians the will of (τὴν βουλὴν τοῦ) God (θεός: Acts 20:27) was borrowed from the ethopoeic Letter to the Ephesians (Eph 1:11; cf. 1:3).46 40 Cf. W. Rakocy, Paweł apostoł Żydów i pogan: Łukaszowy obraz powstania i rozwoju Pawłowych wspólnot (Instytut Teologiczny Księży Misjonarzy: Kraków, 1997), 173–​184; G. Rossé, Atti, 722; R. Hoppe, ‘“Denn ich habe mich nicht der Pflicht entzogen, euch den ganzen Willen Gottes zu verkünden …” (Apg 20,27): Die testamentarische Rede des Paulus in Milet’, in R. Hoppe and K. Köhler (eds.), Das Paulusbild des Apostelge-​ schichte (W. Kohlhammer: Stuttgart, 2009), 135–​157 (esp. 144). 41 Cf. L. Aejmelaeus, Die Rezeption der Paulusbriefe in der Miletrede (Apg 20:18–​35) (AASF B.232; Suomalainen Tiedeakatemia [Academia Scientiarum Fennica]: Helsinki, 1987), 102; R. I. Pervo, Dating, 116–​117. 42 Cf. L. Aejmelaeus, Rezeption, 104; R. I. Pervo, Dating, 116–​117. 43 Cf. R. I. Pervo, Dating, 116–​117. 44 Cf. ibid., 119; R. S. Schellenberg, ‘The First Pauline Chronologist’, 203. 45 Cf. N. Lüke, Über die narrative Kohärenz, 181–​182. 46 Cf. R. I. Pervo, Dating, 118.

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The subsequent idea of Paul warning the addressees that they should be on their guard because some people will speak perverse things to draw away the disciples (Acts 20:28–​31) illustrates Paul’s subsequent warning that the addressees should not be deceived (Gal 6:7a). The motif of the presbyters (πρεσβύτεροι:  cf. Acts 20:17) in Ephesus tending (ποιμαίνω) the flock (ποίμνιον) of the believers (Acts 20:28) was borrowed from the ethopoeic letter which was addressed to the believers in Asia (1  Pet 5:1–​3; cf. 1:1). The motif of the presbyters (πρεσβύτεροι: cf. Acts 20:17) being also regarded as overseers/​bishops (ἐπίσκοπος: Acts 20:28) was borrowed from Tit 1:5.7. The motif of the church in Ephesus being acquired (περι*ποιήσ*) through Christ’s blood (διὰ τοῦ αἵματος *ου: Acts 20:28) was borrowed from the ethopoeic Letter to the Ephesians (Eph 1:7.14).47 Therefore, the ambivalent use of the pronoun ἰδίου (‘his own’:  God’s or Christ’s?) in Acts 20:2848 seems to reflect the ambivalent use of the pronoun αὐτοῦ (‘his’) in Eph 1:6 (God’s), Eph 1:7a (Christ’s), and Eph 1:7b (God’s). The motif of the believers remembering (μνημονεύ*) Paul as toiling night and day (νυκτ* καὶ ἡμέρα*), admonishing every one (ἕνα ἕκαστον) of them, and commending them to God (τῷ θεῷ) and to his word (λόγος: Acts 20:31–​32) was borrowed from 1 Thes 2:9.11.13.49 The subsequent idea of (a) entrusting the believers to God (θεός) and (b) to his word, which is powerful (Acts 20:32), conceptually and linguistically, in a sequential way illustrates Paul’s subsequent statement that (a) God (θεός) (b) is not mocked (Gal 6:7b). The motif of giving (δίδωμι) to the believers in Ephesus inheritance (κληρονομία) among (ἐν τοῖς) those who are saints (ἁγι*: Acts 20:32) was borrowed from the ethopoeic Letter to the Ephesians (Eph 1:17–​18).50

47 Cf. B. Shellard, New Light on Luke: Its Purpose, Sources and Literary Context (JSNTSup 215; Sheffield Academic: London and New York, 2002), 56–​57; R. I. Pervo, Dating, 122–​123; N. Lüke, Über die narrative Kohärenz, 217. 48 Cf. B. J. Wilson, The Saving Cross of the Suffering Christ: The Death of Jesus in Lukan Soteriology (BZNW 223:  Walter de Gruyter:  Berlin and Boston, 2016), 151–​153; T. Jantsch, ‘Salvation and the Fate of Jesus in Luke–​Acts’, in D. S. du Toit, C. Gerber, and C. Zimmermann (eds.), Sōtēria: Salvation in Early Christianity and Antiquity, Festschrift C. Breytenbach (NovTSup 175: Brill: Leiden and Boston, 2019), 209–​226 (esp. 211); D. Marguerat, Apostelgeschichte, 706. 49 Cf. R. I. Pervo, Dating, 124; L. Aejmelaeus, ‘The Pauline Letters as Source Material in Luke–​Acts’, in K. Liljeström (ed.), The Early Reception of Paul (PFES 99; Finnish Exegetical Society: Helsinki, 2011), 54–​75 (esp. 70). 50 Cf. B. Shellard, New Light, 56; R. I. Pervo, Dating, 126, 128–​129.

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The subsequent idea of Paul coveting no one’s silver or gold or clothing (Acts 20:33) illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of sowing not to the flesh, but to the Spirit, and reaping eternal life (Gal 6:7c–​8), a metaphor which was used by Paul to refer to sharing material goods (cf. Gal 6:6.9–​10). The subsequent statement that Paul’s hands provided for his necessities and for those who were with him (Acts 20:34) illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of doing good and not losing heart (Gal 6:9). The motif of Paul explaining to the elders of the church in Ephesus (cf. Acts 20:17) that with his own hands (χεῖρες) he provided for the necessities (χρεία) of others by working hard (κοπιάω), to give (*διδόναι) something to others (Acts 20:34–​35), was borrowed from the ethopoeic Letter to the Ephesians (Eph 4:28)51 and conflated with the motif of giving his own example in that matter (κοπιάω + χεῖρες), borrowed from a letter which was sent from Ephesus (1 Cor 4:12; cf. 16:8). The subsequent idea of (a) Paul showing to the believers that (b) by working hard they should (c) help the weak, thus fulfilling the Lord’s benefactory52 teaching that it is more blessed to give than to receive (Acts 20:35), sequentially illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of (a) Paul referring to the opportunity (b) to do/​work (c) good (Gal 6:10ab). The subsequent ideas of (a) Paul praying with all (πάντες: Acts 20:36), and all (πάντες) weeping (Acts 20:37), but (b) being distressed especially (μάλιστα) because of him (Acts 20:36–​38; esp. 20:38) conceptually and linguistically, in a sequential way illustrate Paul’s subsequent exhortation to do good (a) to all (πάντες), but (b) especially (μάλιστα) to someone (Gal 6:10bc). The motif of weeping (κλαυ*), falling on someone else’s neck (καὶ ἐπιπεσ* ἐπὶ τὸν τράχηλον), and kissing (καταφιλέω) him (Acts 20:37) was borrowed from Gen 45:14–​15 LXX. The motif of the believers sending Paul on his way (προπέμπω) to Jerusalem (Acts 20:38) was borrowed from 1 Cor 16:6.

6.5. To Jerusalem (Acts 21:1–​38; cf. Gal 6:10c–​12) The Lucan section Acts 21:1–​38 sequentially illustrates the main ideas of the corresponding Pauline section Gal 6:10c–​12.

51 Cf. L. Aejmelaeus, Rezeption, 171–​172; R. I. Pervo, Dating, 130. 52 Cf. C. S. Keener, Acts, vol. 3, 3066–​3067; M. Becker, Lukas und Dion von Prusa: Das lukanische Doppelwerk im Kontext paganer Bildungsdiskurse (SCCB 3; Ferdinand Schöningh: Leiden [et al.], 2020), 77–​78.

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The ideas of Paul leaving the Barnabas-​related Cyprus (cf. Acts 4:36; 15:39) on the left, so despised side (Acts 21:3);53 staying for seven days in Sidon with caring (Acts 21:4)54 disciples, their wives, and their children, who later returned home (Acts 21:4–​6); staying for one day with the brothers in Ptolemais (Acts 21:7); coming to Caesarea and staying for may days in the house (οἶκος: Acts 21:8)55 of the caring (Acts 21:12)56 gospel-​preacher Philip and his daughters (Acts 21:8–​ 15);57 being entertained as guests by the Cypriot disciple Mnason (Acts 21:16); and being gladly (diff. Acts 15:4: no such remark)58 received by the Jerusalem brothers (Acts 21:1–​17; esp. 21:17) illustrate Paul’s idea of the members of the believers’ households (οἰκεῖοι: Gal 6:10c). The motif of permanent virgins (παρθένοι) for the sake of the Lord (Acts 21:9) was borrowed from 1  Cor 7:25–​28.34. The motif of women prophesying (προφητεύουσα) in the church (Acts 21:9) was borrowed from 1  Cor 11:5. The motif of stating that the will (τὸ θέλημα) of God should be done (γινέσθω: Acts 21:14) was borrowed from Lk 22:4259 and maybe conflated with Eph 5:17 (τοῦ κυρίου). The motif of Paul going up (ἀναβαίνω) to Jerusalem (εἰς Ἱεροσόλυμα: Acts 21:15) was borrowed from Gal 2:1. The subsequent, somewhat surprising thought that many myriads of Jews have believed (πιστεύω:  Acts 21:20), just as many Gentiles have believed (πιστεύω:  Acts 21:18–​25a; esp. 21:25a), conceptually and linguistically illustrates Paul’s subsequent remark concerning the presumably Christian faith (πίστις: Gal 6:10c). The disappearance of the narrative ‘we’, probably in an ethopoeic way representing the testimony of Titus (cf. Acts 16:10), in Jerusalem at the house of James (Ἰάκωβος: Acts 21:18) reflects Paul’s statements concerning the arrival of Titus in

53 Cf. J. A. Fitzmyer, Acts, 687. 54 Cf. D. G. Peterson, The Acts of the Apostles (PilNTC; William B. Eerdmans: Grand Rapids, MI and Cambridge, 2009), 578; D. L. White, ‘Confronting Oracular Contradiction in Acts 21:1–​14’, NovT 58 (2016), 27–​46 (esp. 45); D. Marguerat, Apostelgeschichte, 716. 55 Cf. T. E. Phillips, Reading Issues of Wealth and Poverty in Luke–​Acts (SBEC 48; Edwin Mellen: Lewiston, Queenston and Lampeter, 2001), 232. 56 Cf. L. T. Johnson, Acts, 370; C. S. Keener, Acts, vol. 3, 3106; D. L. White, ‘Confronting’, 37, 46. 57 Cf. T. Yamanaka, Philip, a Collaborative Forerunner of Peter and Paul: A Study of Philip’s Characterization in Acts (AnBib 234; Gregorian & Biblical: Roma, 2022), 233–​235. 58 Cf. G. Rossé, Atti, 751; R. I. Pervo, Acts, 539. 59 Cf. F. F. Bruce, The Book of the Acts (rev. edn., NICNT; William B. Eerdmans: Grand Rapids, MI, 1988), 402; R. I. Pervo, Acts, 538; C. S. Keener, Acts, vol. 3, 3109.

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Jerusalem (Gal 2:1) and his not being circumcised by James and the other Jerusalem leaders: Cephas and John (Gal 2:3.6–​9). The motif of the coming (παραγίνομαι) of all the elders (Acts 21:18) was borrowed from Gal 2:4 (παρεισάγω, παρεισέρχομαι). The motif of Paul relating to the Jerusalem leaders the things which God did among the Gentiles (ἐν τοῖς ἔθνεσιν) through their ministry (Acts 21:19) was borrowed from Gal 2:2. The motif of many Jews (Ἰουδαι*) being ardent observers (ζηλωτής + ὑπάρχω) of the Jewish law (Acts 21:20) was borrowed from Gal 1:14.60 The motif of the Jerusalem elders wanting to impose strict observance of the law, especially concerning being circumcised (περιτέμνω), upon the Pauline believers (Acts 21:21) was borrowed from Gal 2:3–​4. The motif of the Jerusalem elders’ stipulation that they will turn a blind eye to the issue of circumcision if Paul does (ποιησ*) the thing of spending money on devout Jewish Christians (Acts 21:23–​24) was borrowed from Gal 2:9–​10.61 In line with his overall tendency to conceal the shameful for him, financial request of the Jerusalem leaders (Gal 2:10a), Luke heavily reworked the Pauline remark concerning this request, leaving only a hint to it in his own account (Acts 21:23–​24). The motif of keeping (φυλάσσω) the law (τὸν νόμον: Acts 21:24) was borrowed from Exod 13:10 LXX etc. The subsequent, somewhat surprisingly inserted62 idea of having instructed the Gentile believers by letter (Acts 21:25b–​d; cf. 15:23–​29) illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of having written a letter to the Gentile addressees with his own hand (Gal 6:11). The subsequent idea of Paul making a Jewish ‘show’ by having been purified with four devout Jews, entering the temple, announcing the completion of the days of purification, and being ready to offer the sacrifice for the four devout Jews (Acts 21:26–​27b) illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of all those who want to make a good showing in the presumably Jewish flesh (Gal 6:12ab). The subsequent idea of (a) the Jews (b) laying hands on Paul and claiming that (c) he led Greeks from Ephesus (d) to the Jewish temple (Acts 21:27c–​29) sequentially illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of (a) those, presumably Jews, who (b) force (c) the Asia Minor Gentile addressees (d) to be circumcised (Gal 6:12cd).

60 Cf. P. N. Tarazi, Introduction, vol. 2, 261. 6 1 Cf. N. Lüke, Über die narrative Kohärenz, 179–​180. 62 Cf. G. Schneider, Die Apostelgeschichte, vol. 2, Kommentar zu Kap. 9,1 –​28,31 (HThKNT 5/​2; Herder: Freiburg, Basel and Wien, 1982), 311; H. Conzelmann, Acts, 180–​181.

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The subsequent ideas of the Jews seizing Paul (Acts 21:30) and seeking (ζητέω) to kill (ἀποκτείνω) him (αὐτόν: Acts 21:31), as was the case with Jesus (cf. Mk 14:1; Lk 22:2); the soldiers (στρατιῶται) of a Roman cohort (σπεῖρα) reacting (Acts 21:32), as was the case with Jesus (cf. Mk 15:16; Lk 23:36); the Roman official asking who Paul is and what (τί) he has done (ποιέω:  Acts 21:33), as was the case with Jesus (cf. Mk 15:2.14; Lk 23:3.22); the crowd keeping shouting (ἐπεφώνουν: Acts 21:34), as was the case with Jesus (cf. Lk 23:21); the Romans bringing (*άγω) Paul into the Roman barracks (Acts 21:34), as was the case with Jesus (cf. Mk 15:16); a multitude of people (πλῆθος τοῦ λαοῦ) following (ἠκολούθει) Paul (Acts 21:36), as was the case with Jesus (cf. Lk 23:27);63 and the crowd shouting (κράζω), ‘Away (αἶρε) with him (αὐτόν)’ (Acts 21:36), as was the case with Jesus (Acts 21:30–​36; cf. Mk 15:13–​14; Lk 23:18.21),64 illustrate Paul’s subsequent idea of the cross of Christ, presumably as a reference point for his own life (Gal 6:12e). The motif of the Romans binding (δέω) Paul (Acts 21:33) was borrowed from Col 4:3. The subsequent, somewhat surprisingly introduced idea of Paul speaking in Greek to the military tribune and therefore not being treated as a Jewish would-​ be Messiah (Acts 21:37–​38) illustrate Paul’s subsequent idea of not being persecuted, presumably for the Messiah (Gal 6:12e). The motif of the Egyptian (ὁ Αἰγύπτιος) who stirred up a rebellion and led (*αγαγών) four (τετρακ*) thousand sicarii (οἱ σικάριοι) into the wilderness (εἰς τὴν ἐρημ*: Acts 21:38) originates from a conflation of Josephus’ correlated stories concerning rebels who led people into the wilderness (Jos. B.J. 2.259–​260; Ant. 20.167–​168), the Egyptian rebel whose four hundred followers died (Jos. B.J. 2.261–​263; Ant. 20.169–​172), and the sicarii (Jos. B.J. 2.254; Ant. 20.186, 188).65

63 Cf. H. Omerzu, Der Prozeß des Paulus: Eine exegetische und rechtshistorische Untersuchung der Apostelgeschichte (BZNW 115; Walter de Gruyter: Berlin and New York, 2002), 360–​361. 64 Cf. ibid., 361; D. Marguerat, Apostelgeschichte, 732. 65 Cf. B. Thiering, ‘Acts’, 188; S. Mason, Josephus and the New Testament (2nd edn., Hendrickson: Peabody, MA, 2003), 280–​282; R. I. Pervo, Dating, 161–​166.

Chapter 7. The final apology of Paul (Acts 21:39–​28:31; cf. Gal 6:13–​18) The contents of the Lucan major section Acts 21:39–​28:31 sequentially, in a hypertextual way illustrate the contents of the Pauline major section Gal 6:13–​18.

7.1. Apology in Jerusalem (Acts 21:39–​23:35; cf. Gal 6:13–​16a) The Lucan section Acts 21:39–​23:35 sequentially illustrates the main ideas of the corresponding Pauline section Gal 6:13–​16a. The opening idea of Paul repeatedly stating that he is a Jew (Acts 21:39; 22:3a) and speaking in the Hebrew language (Acts 21:39–​22:3a; esp. 21:40; 22:2)1 illustrates Paul’s idea of those who are circumcised (Gal 6:13a). In fact, in his own letters Paul never directly stated that he was a Jew. The only exception is the remark in plural in Gal 2:15. Therefore, the statement, ‘I am a Jew’ in the mouth of Paul (Acts 21:39; 22:3) is clearly ethopoeic. The motif of speaking in the Hebrew language (τῇ Ἑβραί* διαλέκτῳ:  Acts 21:40; 22:2) was borrowed from Jos. Ant. 5.121. The motif of Paul presenting his defence (ἀπολογία: Acts 22:1) was borrowed from 1 Cor 9:3. The motif of being born and brought up in Tarsus, a place famous for good education, and nevertheless somewhat surprisingly later receiving education (παιδε*) in another city (Acts 22:2) could have been borrowed from Strabo, Geogr. 14.5.13. The subsequent idea of Paul being educated in the ancestral law (νόμος: Acts 22:3cd) conceptually and linguistically illustrates Paul’s subsequent remark concerning the Jewish law (νόμος: Gal 6:13b). The motif of a respected teacher of the law named Gamaliel (Γαμαλιήλ), who was active in Jerusalem approximately one generation before the Jewish War, and by whom Paul was taught with exactness (ἀκρίβεια) the fatherly (πατρ*) law (νόμ*: Acts 22:3; cf. 5:34), was borrowed from Jos. Vita 190–​191 and conflated

1

Cf. D. Marguerat, The First Christian Historian: Writing the ‘Acts of the Apostles’, trans. K. McKinney, G. J. Laughery, and R. Bauckham (SNTSMS 121; Cambridge University: Cambridge, 2002), 197; S. Alkier, ‘Terminologien kollektiver Identitäten in der Apostelgeschichte des Lukas’, in S. Alkier and H. Leppin (eds.), Juden, Christen, Heiden? Religiöse Inklusion und Exklusion in Kleinasien bis Decius (WUNT 400; Mohr Siebeck: Tübingen, 2018), 301–​331 (esp. 305–​306).

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with Num 1:10 LXX etc. (Γαμαλιήλ). The statement that Paul was educated in the exactness (ἀκρίβεια) of the Jewish law (νόμος:  Acts 22:3) reflects Josephus’ description of the Pharisees (Φαρισαῖοι) as explaining the law with exactness (ἀκρίβεια:  Jos. Vita 191; B.J. 2.162; cf. B.J. 1.110)2 and thus indirectly illustrates Paul’s statement that as concerns the law (νόμος), he was a Pharisee (Φαρισαῖος: Phlp 3:5). The subsequent idea of Paul having been zealous for God, as all his Jewish opponents now are (Acts 22:3ef), illustrates Paul’s subsequent remark concerning his Jewish opponents keeping, presumably the law (Gal 6:13b). The motif of Paul being zealous (ζηλωτὴς ὑπάρχων) for paternal (πατρ*) traditions (Acts 22:3e) was borrowed from Gal 1:14.3 The subsequent idea of (a) Paul persecuting Christians and going to Damascus (b) to bring in chains, presumably triumphantly, the Damascene believers to Jerusalem for punishment (Acts 22:4–​5) sequentially illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of (a) his Jewish opponents wanting to circumcise the Gentile believers (b) to boast in their presumably subdued flesh (Gal 6:13c–​e). The motif of Paul having persecuted (ἐδίωξα) the church (Acts 22:4) was borrowed from 1  Cor 15:9 (cf. Gal 1:13; Phlp 3:6). The motif of Paul going to Damascus (εἰς Δαμασκόν: Acts 22:5; cf. 9:2) was borrowed from Gal 1:17. The subsequent thought that (a) it happened (γίνομαι) to Paul (μοι; diff. Acts 9:3: αὐτόν) that (b) at about noon (diff. Acts 9:3: no such remark)4 a considerable (diff. Acts 9:3: no such remark)5 light shone around him (diff. Acts 9:3: no such remark), but he fell to the bottom level (Acts 22:6–​7a; diff. 9:4: on the ground) conceptually and linguistically, in a sequential way illustrates Paul’s subsequent

2

3

4 5

Cf. R. I. Pervo, Acts: A Commentary (Hermeneia; Fortress: Minneapolis, 2009), 563, n. 38, 40; H. Löhr, ‘Luke–​Acts as a Source for the History of the Pharisees’, in J. Sievers and A.-​J. Levine (eds.), The Pharisees (William B. Eerdmans; Grand Rapids, MI, 2021), 170–​184 (esp. 181). Cf. R. I. Pervo, Acts, 563; B. McAdon, Rhetorical Mimesis and the Mitigation of Early Christian Conflicts: Examining the Influence that Greco-​Roman Mimesis May Have in the Composition of Matthew, Luke, and Acts (Pickwick: Eugene, OR, 2018), 190–​191; N. Lüke, Über die narrative Kohärenz zwischen Apostelgeschichte und Paulusbriefen (TANZ 62; Narr Francke Attempto: Tübingen, 2019), 73. Cf. R. I. Pervo, Acts, 564; C. R. Holladay, Acts: A Commentary (NTL; Westminster John Knox: Louisville, KY, 2016), 423; D. Marguerat, Die Apostelgeschichte (KEK 3; Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht: Göttingen, 2022), 748. Cf. R. I. Pervo, Acts, 564; C. R. Holladay, Acts, 423; D. Marguerat, Apostelgeschichte, 748.

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thought that (a) to him (ἐμοί) it should not happen (γίνομαι) (b) to boast (Gal 6:14ab). The subsequent idea of (a) the persecuted (b) Lord (κύριος) of Saul, (c) Jesus (Ἰησοῦς) (d) the messianic ‘Nazorean’ (cf. Acts 2:22; 3:6; 4:10; 6:14; diff. 9:5: no such remark),6 speaking to him (Acts 22:7b–​8) conceptually and linguistically, in a sequential way illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of boasting (a) only in the cross of (b) our Lord (κύριος) (c) Jesus (Ἰησοῦς) (d) the Messiah/​Christ (Gal 6:14c). The subsequent idea of Paul speaking of those who were with him (ἐμοί: Acts 22:9a; diff. 9:7 men) conceptually and linguistically illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of things happening to him (ἐμοί: Gal 6:14d). The subsequent statement that Paul’s companions (a) looked at (diff. Acts 9:7: did not observe)7 the light (diff. Acts 9:7: person) but (b) did not hear (diff. Acts 9:7:  heard)8 the voice of Jesus (cf. Acts 22:8), who was speaking to Paul (Acts 22:9b–​d; diff. 9:7: no person identified, order reversed), sequentially illustrates Paul’s subsequent statement that (a) the world (b) has been crucified (Gal 6:14d). The subsequent ideas of the Lord (diff. Acts 9:5: Jesus) telling Paul what he has been ordered (diff. Acts 9:6: no such remark) to do (Acts 22:10), Paul having been passively led (diff. Acts 9:8:  others leading him)9 by the hand (Acts 22:11), and Ananias (Acts 22:12) standing over/​against (diff. Acts 9:17: no such remark) Paul, so that he also (κἀγώ; diff. Acts 9:18: no such remark) saw him (Acts 22:10–​13; esp. 22:13), conceptually and linguistically illustrate Paul’s subsequent thought that, in a metaphorical way, he also (κἀγώ), presumably has been crucified (Gal 6:14e). The subsequent ideas of Paul knowing God’s presumably universalistic will (Acts 22:14)10 and being witness to all humans (Acts 22:15; diff. 9:15:  Gentiles, kings, and Israelites),11 as well as Paul being sent out of Jerusalem (Acts

Cf. C. R. Holladay, Acts, 423; K. Haacker, Die Apostelgeschichte (TKNT 5; W. Kohlhammer: Stuttgart, 2019), 362; D. Marguerat, Apostelgeschichte, 748. 7 Cf. R. I. Pervo, Acts, 564; C. R. Holladay, Acts, 423; D. Marguerat, Apostelgeschichte, 748. 8 Cf. R. I. Pervo, Acts, 564; C. R. Holladay, Acts, 423; D. Marguerat, Apostelgeschichte, 748. 9 Cf. C. K. Barrett, A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the Acts of the Apostles, vol. 2, Introduction and Commentary on Acts XV–​XXVIII (ICC; T&T Clark: Edinburgh, 1998), 1039. 10 Cf. R. Pesch, Die Apostelgeschichte, vol. 2, Apg 13–​28 (2nd edn., EKKNT 5/​2; Benzinger:  Düsseldorf and Zürich; Neukirchener:  Neukirchen-​ Vluyn, 2003), 236; C. K. Barrett, Acts, vol. 2, 1041. 1 1 Cf. C. K. Barrett, Acts, vol. 2, 1042. 6

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22:17–​18; diff. 9:30: no such idea)12 to the Gentiles far away (Acts 22:14–​21; esp. 22:21; diff. 26:17 etc.:  no such remark) illustrate Paul’s subsequent idea of the world (Gal 6:14e). The motif of knowing (γινώσκω) God’s will (τὸ θέλημα:  Acts 22:14) was borrowed from Rom 2:18. The motif of Paul having seen (ἑ*ρακα*) the risen Jesus (Acts 22:15) was borrowed from 1 Cor 9:1.13 The motif of washing oneself (ἀπολούομαι) and invoking the name (τὸ ὄνομα) of the righteous one (Acts 22:16; cf. 22:14: δίκαιος) was borrowed from 1 Cor 6:11.14 The subsequent idea of the Jews wanting to do away with their fellow Jew (cf. Acts 22:1–​3) Paul and vehemently opposing him (Acts 22:22–​23) illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of circumcision not counting for anything (Gal 6:15a). The motif of the Jews wanting to do away (αἶρε) with the main hero (τ*οῦτον: Acts 22:22) was borrowed from Lk 23:18.15 The subsequent idea of Paul being about to be scourged, so appealing to his Roman citizenship (Acts 22:24–​27; diff. 16:37–​38:  after the beating),16 but in fact not valuing it because it cost him nothing (Acts 22:24–​30; esp. 22:28; diff. 16:37:  no such idea) illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of uncircumcision likewise, not counting for anything (Gal 6:15b). The motif of the beating persecutors withdrawing (ἀφίστημι) from Paul (ἀπ᾽ *οῦ:  Acts 22:29) was borrowed from 2 Cor 12:8. The subsequent idea of Paul being well versed in Scripture (Acts 23:3.5) and appealing to the belief in the resurrection of the dead (Acts 23:6–​8), here somewhat surprisingly presented in scriptural terms as related to a spirit (πνεῦμα) speaking (ἐλάλησεν) to him (cf. 2 Sam 23:2 LXX) or an angel (ἄγγελος) speaking (ἐλάλησεν) to him (Acts 23:1–​9; esp. 23:9; cf. Judg 2:4 LXX etc.), illustrates Paul’s subsequent, scriptural idea of new creation (Gal 6:15c). The motif of Paul having good conscience (συνειδήσε* ἀγαθῆ*: Acts 23:1) was borrowed from 1 Tim 1:5. The motif of the activity of the high priest Ananias (ὁ

12 Cf. O. Flichy, La figure de Paul dans les Actes des Apôtres: Un phénomène de réception de la tradition paulinienne à la fin du premier siècle (LD 214; Cerf: Paris, 2007), 118–​121. 13 Cf. R. I. Pervo, Acts, 565, n. 60. 14 Cf. ibid., 565, n. 63. 15 Cf. C. S. Keener, Acts: An Exegetical Commentary, vol. 3, 15:1–​23:35 (Baker Academic: Grand Rapids, MI, 2014), 3242; C. R. Holladay, Acts, 428–​429; D. Marguerat, Apostelgeschichte, 752. 16 Cf. L. T. Johnson, The Acts of the Apostles (SP 5; Liturgical: Collegeville, MN, 1992), 392; H. Omerzu, Der Prozeß des Paulus: Eine exegetische und rechtshistorische Untersuchung der Apostelgeschichte (BZNW 115; Walter de Gruyter: Berlin and New York, 2002), 378.

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δὲ ἀρχιερεὺς Ἀνανίας), who ordered to beat (τύπτειν) someone (Acts 23:2–​3), was borrowed from Jos. Ant. 20.205–​206. The quotation, ‘You shall not speak evil of a ruler of your people’ (ἄρχοντα* τοῦ λαοῦ σου οὐ* + ἐρεῖς + κακῶς: Acts 23:5) was borrowed from Exod 22:27 LXX.17 The motif of Paul being a Pharisee (Φαρισαῖος:  Acts 23:6) was borrowed from Phlp 3:5.18 The motif of Paul believing in the resurrection of the dead (ἀναστάσεως νεκρῶν:  Acts 23:6) was borrowed from Rom 1:4 etc. The motif of the Sadducees (Σαδδουκαῖοι) saying (λέγουσιν) that there is no (μὴ εἶναι) resurrection (ἀνάστασιν: Acts 23:8) was borrowed from Mk 12:18.19 The motif of the scribes (οἱ γραμματεῖς) of the Pharisees (τῶν Φαρισαίων: Acts 23:9) was borrowed from Mk 2:16.20 The subsequent ideas of Paul being called to testify for Jesus both in Jerusalem and in Rome (Acts 23:11), the opposing Jews in vain trying to negotiate with the Roman tribune (Acts 23:12–​15), Paul sending his otherwise unknown Jewish nephew21 to the Roman tribune (Acts 23:16–​17), the Roman tribune quite surprisingly listening to the Jewish youth (Acts 23:18–​22), and the Roman tribune treating the Jew Paul as a Roman (Acts 23:10–​30; esp. 23:23–​30) illustrate Paul’s subsequent idea of this rule, presumably concerning the unimportance of the separation between circumcision and uncircumcision (Gal 6:16a; cf. 6:15). The motif of the Lord speaking to the apostle, ‘Have courage!’ (θαρσει*: Acts 23:11) was borrowed from Mk 6:50.22 The motif of Paul being called to go from Jerusalem (Ἰερουσαλήμ) to Rome (Acts 23:11) was borrowed from Rom 15:25–​ 29. The motif of a curse (ἀνάθεμα) being on Paul’s Jewish opponents (Acts 23:14; cf. 23:12.21) was borrowed from Gal 1:8–​9 and conflated with Deut 13:16; 20:17 LXX (ἀναθέματι ἀναθεματι*).23 The motif of a Jewish conspiracy (συνωμοσία) to kill (ἀναιρέω) an important person or die for religious reasons (Acts 23:13.15.21), which was revealed

17 Cf. D. Rusam, Das Alte Testament bei Lukas (BZNW 112; Walter de Gruyter: Berlin and New York, 2003), 126; J. R. Howell, The Pharisees and Figured Speech in Luke–​Acts (WUNT 2.456; Mohr Siebeck: Tübingen, 2017), 121; B. J. Tabb and S. Walton, ‘Exodus in Luke–​Acts’, in S. M. Ehorn (ed.), Exodus in the New Testament (LNTS 663; T&T Clark: London, New York and Dublin, 2022), 61–​87 (esp. 86). 18 Cf. R. I. Pervo, Acts, 574, n. 32. 19 Cf. R. Pesch, Apostelgeschichte, vol. 2, 244. 20 Cf. ibid.; C. R. Holladay, Acts, 435. 21 Cf. R. I. Pervo, Acts, 582. 22 Cf. R. Pesch, Apostelgeschichte, vol. 2, 245. 23 Cf. C. R. Holladay, Acts, 437.

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(*μηνύω) as a plot (ἐπιβουλῆς) by a secret informant (Acts 23:30), was borrowed from Jos. Ant. 15.284–​285, 288–​289.24 The motif of Felix (Φῆλιξ) being a Roman governor in Judaea (Acts 23:24.26 etc.) could have been borrowed from Jos. Ant. 20.137 etc. The subsequent idea of Paul being led by a detachment of Roman soldiers (Acts 23:31–​35; cf. 23:23) illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of walking in an ordered line (Gal 6:16a). The motif of a city named Antipatris (Ἀντιπατρίς: Acts 23:31) was most probably borrowed from Jos. Ant. 16.143 etc., although Luke certainly miscalculated the distance between Jerusalem and that city as reachable within several hours of marching (Acts 23:23.31).25 The motif of Paul being kept in the praetorium (ἐν… τῷ πραιτωρίῳ: Acts 23:35) was borrowed from Phlp 1:13.26

7.2. Apology in Caesarea (Acts 24–​26; cf. Gal 6:16b) The Lucan section Acts 24–​26 sequentially illustrates the main ideas of the corresponding Pauline section Gal 6:16b. The ideas of Tertullus ironically beginning his speech with an appeal to great peace (εἰρήνη) which the Jewish nation allegedly enjoys thanks to Felix (Acts 24:2),27 as well as Paul coming to Jerusalem to worship (Acts 24:11), not gathering any crowd in the synagogues or in the city (Acts 24:12), not belonging to a sect (Acts 24:14), but following the Jewish law, the prophets, and the hope for a resurrection of both the just and the unjust (Acts 24:14–​15), and striving to have a clear conscience (Acts 24:1–​16; esp. 24:16) conceptually and linguistically, in a corrective way illustrate Paul’s idea of invoking peace (εἰρήνη), presumably upon

24 Cf. R. I. Pervo, Dating Acts: Between the Evangelists and the Apologists (Polebridge: Santa Rosa, CA, 2006), 191–​192. 25 Cf. G. Rossé, Atti degli Apostoli: Commento esegetico e teologico (Città Nuova: Roma, 1998), 793–​794; R. I. Pervo, Acts, 586; L. L. Grabbe, ‘What Did the Author of Acts Know About Pre-​70 Judaism?’, in J. H. Ellens et al. (eds.), Wisdom Poured Out Like Water, Festschrift G. Boccaccini (DCLS Studies 38; Walter de Gruyter: Berlin and Boston, 2018), 450–​462 (esp. 459). 26 Cf. N. Lüke, Über die narrative Kohärenz, 225. 27 Cf. L. T. Johnson, Acts, 410; R. I. Pervo, Acts, 596; K. Haacker, Apostelgeschichte, 378; R. Pindel, Mowy obronne św. Pawła w Dziejach Apostolskich: Analiza retoryczna Dz 24 i 26 w kontekście zastosowania retoryki w biblistyce (Uniwersytet Papieski Jana Pawła II w Krakowie: Kraków, 2012), 134.

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those who follow the rule of the unimportance of circumcision but the importance of new creation (Gal 6:16b; cf. 6:15–​16a). The motif of referring to a rebellious Jewish messianic28 sect (αἱρέσεως: Acts 24:5: ‘Nazoreans’) was borrowed from Jos. B.J. 2.118 etc. The motif of Paul going up to Jerusalem (ἀνέβην… εἰς Ιερο*:  Acts 24:11) was borrowed from Gal 2:1. The motif of going up (ἀνέβη*) to (εἰς) Jerusalem to worship (προσκυνήσ*: Acts 24:11) could have been borrowed from Jos. Ant. 20.164. The motif of Paul worshipping (λατρεύω) God (ὁ… θεός: Acts 24:14) was borrowed from Rom 1:9. The subsequent, somewhat surprising in the Lucan narrative, ideas of Paul bringing merciful alms (ἐλεημοσύνας) to his Jewish nation (Acts 24:17; diff. 21:17–​26:  no such idea)29 and believing in the resurrection of the dead (Acts 24:21), the Roman governor Felix, who had a Jewish wife, conversing with the Jew Paul (Acts 24:22–​25), the Roman governor Festus keeping the Jew Paul in the Roman Caesarea (Acts 25:4), Paul committing a sin neither against the law of the Jews nor against Caesar (Acts 25:8), and the Jew Paul being judged by Caesar and not by the Jews (Acts 24:17–​25:12; esp. 25:10–​12) conceptually and linguistically illustrate Paul’s subsequent idea of invoking mercy (ἔλεος), presumably upon those who follow the rule of the importance of neither circumcision nor uncircumcision, but only of new creation (Gal 6:16b; cf. 6:15–​16a). The motif of Paul bringing money to the Jews in Jerusalem (Acts 24:17) was borrowed from Rom 15:25–​27 etc.30 However, Luke reworked this Pauline idea to conceal the request of the Jerusalem pillars to support the Jewish Christian believers (Gal 2:10a). Therefore, Luke referred to the Pauline collection as destined for the Jewish nation in general (Acts 24:17),31 and not for the Jewish Christians (cf. Gal 2:10). The motif of a Roman commander ordering to keep (τηρ*) Paul in custody, but similarly to the treatment of the Jewish king Agrippa, letting him have some

28 Cf. L. T. Johnson, Acts, 411; C. S. Keener, Acts: An Exegetical Commentary, vol. 4, 24:1–​ 28:31 (Baker Academic: Grand Rapids, MI, 2015), 3380; R. Riesner, ‘The Nazareth of Jesus’, in A. W. White, C. A. Evans, and D. Wenham (eds.), The Earliest Perceptions of Jesus in Context, Festschrift J. Nolland (LNTS 566; Bloomsbury T&T Clark: London and New York, 2018), 1–​19 (esp. 14). 29 Cf. C. K. Barrett, Acts, vol. 2, 1107–​1108; H. Omerzu, Prozeß, 448. 30 Cf. L. Aejmelaeus, ‘The Pauline Letters as Source Material in Luke–​Acts’, in K. Liljeström (ed.), The Early Reception of Paul (PFES 99; Finnish Exegetical Society: Helsinki, 2011), 54–​75 (esp. 73); R. S. Schellenberg, ‘The First Pauline Chronologist? Paul’s Itinerary in the Letters and in Acts’, JBL 134 (2015), 193–​213 (esp. 199, n. 22). 31 Cf. C. S. Keener, Acts, vol. 4, 3408–​3412; D. Marguerat, Apostelgeschichte, 782.

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freedom (ἄνεσις: Acts 24:23) was borrowed from Jos. Ant. 18.235. The motif of Felix (Φῆλιξ) marrying the Jewess named Drusilla (Δρούσιλλα: Acts 24:24) was borrowed from Jos. Ant. 20.141–​143.32 The motif of Paul arguing with a Roman concerning righteousness (δικαιοσύνη: Acts 24:25) was borrowed from Rom 1:17 etc. The motif of Paul advocating self-​control (ἐγκράτεια: Acts 24:25) was borrowed from Gal 5:23.33 The motif of Paul arguing with a Roman concerning the judgement (κρίμα) to come (Acts 24:25) was borrowed from Rom 2:2–​3 etc. The motif of Felix (Φῆλιξ) having as his successor (διάδοχος) Porcius Festus (Πόρκιος + Φῆστος: Acts 24:27) was borrowed from Jos. Ant. 20.182. The motif of Paul having been bound (δεδεμ*: Acts 24:27; cf. 21:33) was borrowed from Col 4:3. The motif of Paul having done no wrong (οὐδὲν* ἠδικησα*: Acts 25:10) was borrowed from 2  Cor 7:2. The motif of Paul stating that if (εἰ) he did wrong (ἀδικέω), he is ready to bear responsibility for that (Acts 25:11), was borrowed from Phlm 18. The motif of going to Caesar (ἐπὶ Καίσαρα) to be judged by him (Acts 25:11–​ 12) was borrowed from Jos. B.J. 2.243 (cf. Ant. 20.131; Vita 13).34 The subsequent, somewhat idealistic ideas of Paul speaking to the Jewish king about the twelve tribes, presumably those of the scriptural Israel,35 earnestly serving God night and day (Acts 26:7), Jesus as the messianic ‘Nazorean’ (Acts 26:9), Jesus speaking in the presumably scriptural Hebrew language (Acts 26:14; diff. 9:4; 22:7) to Paul as the scriptural Saul (Σαούλ: Acts 26:14; cf. 13:21; 1 Sam 9:2 LXX etc.), and Paul referring to the people, presumably that of Israel (Acts 25:13–​26:32; esp. 26:17.23), illustrate Paul’s subsequent idea of the presumably scriptural Israel of God (Gal 6:16b). The motif of Agrippa the king (Ἀγρίππας + ὁ βασιλεύς), with no further identification of this character (Acts 25:13), could have been borrowed from Jos. Ant. 20.179 etc. The motif of Agrippa being with Bernice (Ἀγρίππας + Βερνίκη), again presumed to be known to the readers (Acts 25:13), could have been borrowed 32 Cf. R. I. Pervo, Dating, 186. 33 Cf. id., Acts, 604. 34 Cf. B. Adamczewski, Heirs of the Reunited Church: The History of the Pauline Mission in Paul’s Letters, in the So-​Called Pastoral Letters, and in the Pseudo-​Titus Narrative of Acts (Peter Lang: Frankfurt am Main, 2010), 104–​105. 35 Cf. D.  L. Bock, Acts (BECNT; Baker Academic:  Grand Rapids, MI, 2007), 714; C. S. Keener, Acts, vol. 4, 3501; P. L. G. Du Toit, ‘Reconsidering the Salvation of Israel in Luke–​Acts’, JSNT 43.3 (2021), 343–​369 (esp. 359).

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from Jos. B.J. 2.344 etc.36 The motif of a Roman provincial governor sending (ἀναπέμπω) someone for a trial to Caesar (Καίσαρα: Acts 25:21; cf. 25:11–​12) was again borrowed from Jos. B.J. 2.243.37 Moreover, in Acts 25:25–​27 it was conflated with Josephus’ thematically similar account of a Roman governor reasonably (*λογος) sending (πέμπω) bound (δέ*) respected persons to Rome to Caesar with some accusation (αἰτία: Jos. Vita 13). The motif of the Pharisees (Φαρισαῖος) being a Jewish sect (αἵρεσις) which is known for its exactness (ἀκριβε*: Acts 26:5; cf. 15:5) was borrowed from Jos. B.J. 2.162; Vita 191; etc.38 The motif of Paul being a Pharisee (Φαρισαῖος: Acts 26:5) was borrowed from Phlp 3:5. The motif of the promise (ἐπαγγελία) made by God (θεοῦ) to the fathers (πατέρες:  Acts 26:6) was borrowed from Rom 15:8. The somewhat surprisingly formulated motif of the twelve tribes (δωδεκάφυλον: Acts 26:7) was borrowed from Exod 24:4 etc.39 The motif of God (ὁ θεός) raising (ἐγείρω) the dead (νεκρούς: Acts 26:8) was borrowed from 2 Cor 1:9. The motif of the Jewish Christians in Jerusalem (Ιερο*) being regarded as the saints (οἱ ἅγιοι: Acts 26:10) was borrowed from Rom 15:25–​26.31. The motif of Paul once persecuting (ἐδίωκον) the church (Acts 26:11) was borrowed from Gal 1:13 (cf. Phlp 3:6). The theomachic motif of kicking against the goad (πρὸς κέντρα λακτίζ*: Acts 26:14) was borrowed from Euripides, Bacch. 795.40 The motif of the Lord commanding the called person to stand on his feet (στῆθι ἐπὶ τοὺς πόδας σου: Acts 26:16) was borrowed from Ezek 2:1 LXX.41 The motif of the risen Jesus having been seen (ὤφθη*) by Paul (*οι: Acts 26:16) was

36 Cf. S. Nordgaard, ‘Luke’s Readers and Josephus: Paul and Agrippa II as a Test Case’, in J. T. Nielsen and M. Müller (eds.), Luke’s Literary Creativity (LNTS 550; Bloomsbury T&T Clark: London and New York, 2016), 266–​279 (esp. 278–​279). 37 Cf. B. Adamczewski, Heirs, 104–​105. 38 Cf. S. Mason, Josephus and the New Testament (2nd edn., Hendrickson: Peabody, MA, 2003), 288–​289. 39 Cf. C. R. Holladay, Acts, 472, n. 219. 40 Cf. H. W. Attridge, ‘Paul and Pentheus: What’s in a Possible Allusion’, in H. W. Attridge, D. R. MacDonald, and C. K. Rothschild (eds.), Delightful Acts: New Essays on Canonical and Non-​canonical Acts (WUNT 391; Mohr Siebeck: Tübingen, 2017), 7–​18 (esp. 13–​18); A. den Heijer, Portraits of Paul’s Performance in the Book of Acts: Luke’s Apologetic Strategy in the Depiction of Paul as Messenger of God (WUNT 2.556; Mohr Siebeck: Tübingen, 2021), 190; S. Reece, The Formal Education of the Author of Luke–​ Acts (LNTS 669; T&T Clark: London, New York and Dublin, 2022), 202–​208. 41 Cf. D. C. Allison, Jr., ‘Acts 9:1–​9, 22:6–​11, 26:12–​18: Paul and Ezekiel’, JBL 135 (2016), 807–​826 (esp. 812–​815); C. R. Holladay, Acts, 476; D. Marguerat, Apostelgeschichte, 807.

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borrowed from 1 Cor 15:8.42 The motif of Jesus sending (ἀποστέλλω) Paul to the Gentiles (Acts 26:17) was borrowed from 1 Cor 1:17. The motif of being sent to the Gentiles (ἐθνῶν) to open their eyes (ἀνοῖξαι ὀφθαλμοὺς *ῶν), to turn from darkness (σκότος) to light (φῶς: Acts 26:17–​18), was borrowed from Isa 42:6–​7 LXX43 and conflated with the motif of the Gentiles being freed from darkness and from an evil power (σκότους + ἐξουσίας: Col 1:13). The following motif of the Gentiles receiving forgiveness of sins (ἄφεσις + ἁμαρτιῶν: Acts 26:18) was borrowed from the following text Col 1:14 (cf. Mk 1:4). Similarly, the motif of the Gentiles receiving inheritance (κλῆρον) among the saints (ἁγι*: Acts 26:18) was borrowed from Col 1:12. The motif of Paul having received a vision (ὀπτασία) originating from heaven (οὐραν*: Acts 26:19) was borrowed from 2 Cor 12:1–​2. Likewise, the motif of Paul having been active in Damascus (ἐν Δαμασκῷ:  Acts 26:20) was borrowed from 2 Cor 11:32. The motif of Paul preaching first in Jerusalem (Ιερο*), then in Judaea, and then among the Gentiles (ἔθνη: Acts 26:20) was borrowed from Rom 15:18–​19. The motif of Paul announcing that the Gentiles should turn (ἐπιστρέφω) to God (τὸν θεόν: Acts 26:20) was borrowed from 1 Thes 1:9. The motif of Christ (Χριστός) being first in the resurrection of the dead (ἐξ ἀναστάσεως νεκρῶν: Acts 26:23) was borrowed from Rom 1:4. The motif of Paul being bold (παρρησιάζομαι) to speak (λαλέω: Acts 26:26) was borrowed from 1 Thes 2:2. The motif of being a Christian (Χριστιανός: Acts 26:28; cf. 11:26) could have been borrowed from 1  Pet 4:6. The motif of Paul being in Roman bonds (τὰ δεσμά: Acts 26:29) was borrowed from Phlp 1:7 etc.

7.3. To Rome (Acts 27–​28; cf. Gal 6:17–​18) The Lucan section Acts 27–​28 sequentially illustrates the main ideas of the corresponding Pauline section Gal 6:17–​18. The opening idea of Paul’s journey to Italy bringing him and others to the tragic, climactic point in which from now on /​finally (λοιπόν) all hope was

42 Cf. R. I. Pervo, Acts, 632, n. 62. 43 Cf. C. R. Holladay, Acts, 476; F. Poulsen, ‘A Light to the Gentiles: The Reception of Isaiah in Luke–​Acts’, in J. Høgenhaven, J. T. Nielsen, and H. Omerzu (eds.), Rewriting and Reception in and of the Bible (WUNT 396; Mohr Siebeck: Tübingen, 2018), 163–​180 (esp. 178); R. Strelan, ‘Luke’s Use of Isaiah LXX in Acts’, in id., Studies in the Acts of the Apostles: Collected Essays (Pickwick: Eugene, OR, 2020), 153–​180 (esp. 179).

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abandoned (Acts 27:1–​20c; esp. 27:20c)44 conceptually and linguistically illustrates Paul’s idea of things happening from now on /​finally (τοῦ λοιποῦ:  Gal 6:17a). The motif of some free persons accompanying the highly respected prisoner to Rome (Acts 27:1–​3) was borrowed from Jos. Vita 13. With the use of Josephus’ story of respected Jews coming to Rome as prisoners (Jos. Vita 13–​16),45 Luke concealed the fact that according to the letters to Titus and Timothy Paul came to Rome as a free man (Tit 3:12; 2 Tim 3:11 etc.) and was imprisoned in Rome, with an at least ambiguous attitude to this fact on the part of the Roman Jewish Christians (cf. Phlp 1:15.17–​18; 3:18; 1 Clem. 5.5).46 On the other hand, in Luke’s presentation of Paul sailing as a prisoner to Rome enjoyed the status which was equal to that of Jewish high priests. The reappearance of the narrative ‘we’, probably in an ethopoeic way representing the testimony of Titus (cf. Acts 16:10 etc.), as accompanying Paul from Judaea to Rome, but disappearing there (Acts 27:1–​28:16), reflects Paul’s remark that Titus was present with him in Jerusalem (Gal 2:1) and the post-​Pauline idea (probably deduced from the absence of Titus in the letters to Philemon and to the Philippians) that Titus deserted Paul, who was imprisoned in Rome, and went to Dalmatia (2 Tim 4:10; cf. 4:16). The somewhat surprising motif of Aristarchus (Ἀρίσταρχος) accompanying the imprisoned Paul to Rome (Acts 27:2) originates from Phlm 24; Col 4:10.47 The motif of the yearly fast (νηστεία) in autumn (Acts 27:9) was borrowed from Jos. Ant. 18.94. The motif of Paul and his companions wanting to spend a winter (παραχειμάσαι) somewhere on their way to Rome (Acts 27:10.12) was borrowed from Tit 3:12, but reworked by depicting Paul as a prisoner. The motif of the sailors jettisoning the cargo (ἐκβολὴν ἐποι*ντο) and the equipment (σκευ*) of the ship (πλοῖον: Acts 27:18–​19) was borrowed from Jonah 1:5 LXX.48

44 Cf. R. I. Pervo, Acts, 659–​660; C. S. Keener, Acts, vol. 4, 3620; S. P. Ho, ‘Changes in the Centurion on Paul’s Last Journey to Rome in Acts 27’, BTB 52 (2022), 99–​110 (esp. 102). 45 Cf. C. B. Zeichmann, ‘Ulyssean Qualities in The Life of Josephus and Luke–​Acts: A Modest Defence of Homeric Mimesis’, Neot 53 (2019), 491–​515 (esp. 510–​511). 46 Cf. B. Adamczewski, Heirs, 74, 78–​79, 104–​105. 47 Cf. D. R. MacDonald, Two Shipwrecked Gospels: The Logoi of Jesus and Papias’s Exposition of Logia about the Lord (ECL 8; Society of Biblical Literature: Atlanta, 2012), 51. 48 Cf. R. I. Pervo, Acts, 659; C. R. Holladay, Acts, 491; V. Wittkowsky, ‘Paul’s Death and Resurrection in Acts 27–​28? A Literary Comparison with the Gospel of Luke’, BibAn 10 (2020), 93–​101 (esp. 96).

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The subsequent ideas of (a) all the people on the ship having no hope for salvation and for long eating nothing (Acts 27:20d–​21a), (b) Paul standing in the midst of them and reproaching the men that they should have listened to him (μοι: Acts 27:21b–​e) and (c) should not (μή) have put to sea from Crete (Acts 27:21fg), but saying that (d) no one (οὐδείς) of them will be harmed (Acts 27:22.34), for all of them will be saved because of him (Acts 27:20d–​44; esp. 27:24.35–​37.44), conceptually and linguistically, with the use of various Homeric motifs illustrating the idea of Jesus’ passion and resurrection,49 in a sequential way illustrate Paul’s subsequent thought that (a) troubles (b) to him (μοι) (cd) should come from no one (μη-​δείς), presumably of the Gentile audience (Gal 6:17a). The motif of Paul suffering shipwreck of the ship (ναῦς: Acts 27:41) was borrowed from 2 Cor 11:25 (ναυαγέω).50 Luke illustrated this Pauline thought with the use of numerous motifs which were borrowed, among others, from Josephus’ Vita, most probably to show that Paul was not inferior to the hero of that Jewish story. The motif of drifting across the Adriatic See (Ἀδρίας), while sailing to Rome, in the middle of the night (τῆς νυκτός: Acts 27:27) was borrowed from Jos. Vita 15.51 The inserted motif of having taken (λαβ*) bread (ἄρτον), giving thanks (εὐχαριστησ*), and having broken (κλασ*), eating it (ἐσθί*:  Acts 27:35) was borrowed from 1 Cor 11:24.26. The motif of the number of the people on the ship (τὸ πλοῖον) being (εἰμί) more than several hundred (*ακόσιοι) and six (ἑξ*:  Acts 27:37) was again borrowed from Jos. Vita 15.52 The motif of being saved (διασῴζω: Acts 27:43–​28:1), thanks to God’s providence, from the shipwreck (Acts 27:43–​28:1) was similarly borrowed from Jos. Vita 16 and reworked by stating that, in contrast to Josephus’ self-​congratulatory account (Jos. Vita 15), all the people on the ship were saved (Acts 27:44).53

49 Cf. L. Rossi, Pietro e Paolo testimoni del Crocifisso–​Risorto: La synkrisis in Atti 12,1–​23 e 27,1–​28,16: continuità e discontinuità di un parallelismo nell’opera lucana (AnBib 205; Gregorian & Biblical: Roma, 2014), 388–​398; D. R. MacDonald, Luke and the Politics of Homeric Imitation: Luke–​Acts as Rival to the Aeneid (Lexington Books /​Fortress Academic: Lanham [et al.], 2019), 16–​24; S. Reece, Formal Education, 99–​117. 50 Cf. N. Lüke, Über die narrative Kohärenz, 161. 51 Cf. C. B. Zeichmann, ‘Ulyssean Qualities’, 509. 52 Cf.  ibid. 53 Cf.  ibid.

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The subsequent idea of Gentile barbarians somewhat surprisingly causing to happen (παρέχω) extraordinary kindness to Paul (Acts 28:1–​2; esp. 28:2)54 conceptually and linguistically illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of the Gentile audience causing to happen (παρέχω), presumably no trouble to Paul (Gal 6:17a). The motif of Paul, on his way to Rome, meeting barbarians (βάρβαροι: Acts 28:2) was borrowed from Rom 1:14. The subsequent image of a presumably biting viper fastening to Paul’s hand (Acts 28:3–​6) illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of having tattoos/​marks, presumably on his body (Gal 6:17b). The subsequent idea of Paul, like Jesus, laying his hands on a person with a fever and healing this person and others (Acts 28:7–​9; cf. Lk 4:38–​40: πυρετός + συνεχομεν* + ἐπι*θείς + τὰς χεῖρας + ἔχω + ἀσθεν*ας + ἐθεραπευ*),55 as well as being highly respected and asked to stay with the disciples (Acts 28:7–​16; esp. 28:10–​16; cf. Lk 24:29: εἰσηλθ*εν + μένω + σύν) illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of resembling Jesus (Gal 6:17b). The motif of enjoying benefaction from a high-​ranking Roman named Publius (Ποπ*: Acts 28:7) could have been borrowed from Jos. Vita 16 (Ποπ*).56 The motif of healing someone who lay (κατάκειμαι) suffering from fever (πυρετός:  Acts 28:8) was borrowed from Mk 1:30–​31.57 The motif of laying hands (ἐπιθεὶς τὰς χεῖρας) and thus healing (ἐθεραπευ*: Acts 28:8–​9) was borrowed from Mk 6:5. The motif of being taken towards Rome on another ship (πλοῖον) coming from Africa (Acts 28:11) was borrowed from Jos. Vita 15. The motif of coming to Puteoli (Ποτιόλους: Acts 28:13) was likewise borrowed from Jos. Vita 16.58 The motif of finally, after many dangers, coming from Judaea to (the city of) Rome (εἰς τὴν  Ῥώμην: Acts 28:14; diff. 23:11; 28:16: εἰς  Ῥώμην) was similarly borrowed from Jos. Vita 14.

54 Cf. J. W. Jipp, Divine Visitations and Hospitality to Strangers in Luke-​Acts: An Interpretation of the Malta Episode in Acts 28:1–​10 (NovTSup 153; Brill: Leiden and Boston, 2013), 257–​260. 55 Cf. R. C. Tannehill, The Narrative Unity of Luke–​Acts: A Literary Interpretation, vol. 2, The Acts of the Apostles (Fortress: Minneapolis, 1990), 341–​342; P. Seul, Rettung für alle: Die Romreise des Paulus nach Apg 27,1–​28,16 (BBB 146; Philo: Berlin and Wien, 2003), 472, 508; J. W. Jipp, Divine Visitations, 264, 266–​267. 56 Cf. C. B. Zeichmann, ‘Ulyssean Qualities’, 510. 57 Cf. R. Pesch, Apostelgeschichte, vol. 2, 299; G. Rossé, Atti, 872, n. 29; R. I. Pervo, Acts, 675, n. 55. 58 Cf. C. B. Zeichmann, ‘Ulyssean Qualities’, 510.

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The motif of Paul giving thanks to God (εὐχαριστ* τῷ θεῷ) for the Roman Christians (Acts 28:15) was borrowed from Rom 1:8. However, the idea of Paul taking courage thanks to the friendly attitude towards him on the part of the brothers from Rome (Acts 28:15) in a typically Lucan, irenic way conceals the fact that the attitude of the Roman Christians towards Paul was rather hostile (Phlp 1:15.17–​18; 3:18; cf. 1 Clem. 5.5). The motif of a high-​ranking Jewish prisoner being permitted in Rome to live by himself with a soldier (στρατιώτης) who guarded him (Acts 28:16) was borrowed from Jos. Ant. 18.203. In this way, Luke presented the imprisoned Paul in Rome as enjoying the status which was equal to that of the Jewish king Agrippa.59 The subsequent, somewhat surprising (diff. Acts 28:16.30) idea of Paul bearing a chain (Acts 28:20; cf. 28:17)60 and suffering rejection (Acts 28:17–​28; esp. 28:25–​28) illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of bearing/​enduring in his body (Gal 6:17b). The motif of being and requesting (παρακαλέω) in Rome for the sake of Israel (Acts 28:20) was borrowed from Jos. Vita 16. The motif of Paul in Rome being bound with a chain (τὴν ἅλυσιν: Acts 28:20) was borrowed from 2 Tim 1:16 (cf. Eph 6:20). The motif of Paul in Rome facing Jewish opposition (ἀντιλέγω: Acts 28:19.22) was borrowed from Rom 10:21, so from the section of Paul’s Letter to the Romans which concerns the fate of Israel (Rom 9–​11).61 Likewise, the motif of Paul in Rome sustaining the hope of Israel (Ἰσραήλ: Acts 28:20) was borrowed from Rom 10:21; 11:26. The motif of Paul in Rome persuading the Jews from the law of Moses (Μωϋσῆς: Acts 28:23) was borrowed from Rom 9:15; 10:5.19. The motif of Paul in Rome persuading the Jews, so that some believed, but some remained unbelieving (ἀπιστ*: Acts 28:24), was borrowed from Rom 11:20.23. The motif of Paul in Rome quoting the explicitly named prophet Isaiah (Ἠσαΐας: Acts 28:25) was borrowed from Rom 9:27.29; 10:16.20. The motif of Paul in Rome alluding to Isa 6:9–​10 LXX, which concerns hearing (ἀκούω) but not (μή) understanding what was heard, as well as seeing (βλέπω) but not (μή) perceiving (Acts 28:26), 59 Cf. R. I. Pervo, Acts, 678, n. 80; A. Standhartinger, ‘Better Ending: Paul at the Roman Colonia Philippi in Acts 16’, in H. W. Attridge, D. R. MacDonald, and C. K. Rothschild (eds.), Delightful Acts, 227–​243 (esp. 243, n. 108). 60 Cf. S. Witetschek, ‘Sankt Paul in Ketten: Zur Paulus-​Ikonographie in der Apostelge-​ schichte und im Corpus Paulinum’, Bib 96 (2015), 245–​272 (esp. 248–​249). 61 Cf. E.  Plümacher, ‘Rom in der Apostelgeschichte’, in id., Geschichte und Ge-​ schichten: Aufsätze zur Apostelgeschichte und zu den Johannesakten (WUNT 170; Mohr Siebeck: Tübingen, 2004), 135–​169 (esp. 155, 157–​158).

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was borrowed from Rom 11:8.62 The motif of Paul in Rome stating to the Jews that due to their lack of faith the salvation (σωτηρι*) will now be sent to the Gentiles (τοῖς ἔθνεσιν: Acts 28:28) was borrowed from Rom 11:11.63 The explicit, corrected in comparison to Rom 11:8, quotation from the prophet Isaiah, ‘Go to this people and say: “Hearing you will hear, but will not understand; and seeing you will see, but not perceive; for the heart of this people has become dull; and with their ears they heard with difficulty, and they have closed their eyes; lest they should see with their eyes, and hear with their ears, and understand with their heart, and turn, so that I would heal them”’ (πορεύθητι + πρὸς τὸν λαὸν τοῦτον + καὶ εἰπόν + ἀκοῇ ἀκούσετε καὶ οὐ μὴ συνῆτε καὶ βλέποντες βλέψετε καὶ οὐ μὴ ἴδητε ἐπαχύνθη γὰρ ἡ καρδία τοῦ λαοῦ τούτου καὶ τοῖς ὠσίν + βαρέως ἤκουσαν καὶ τοὺς ὀφθαλμοὺς αὐτῶν ἐκάμμυσαν μήποτε ἴδωσιν τοῖς ὀφθαλμοῖς καὶ τοῖς ὠσὶν ἀκούσωσιν καὶ τῇ καρδίᾳ συνῶσιν καὶ ἐπιστρέψωσιν, καὶ ἰάσομαι αὐτούς: Acts 28:26–​27) was borrowed from Isa 6:8–​10 LXX.64 The motif of the salvation of God (τὸ σωτήριον τοῦ θεοῦ) being sent to the Gentiles (Acts 28:28) originates from Isa 40:5;65 Ps 98[97]:3 LXX.66 The subsequent idea of Paul quite surprisingly enjoying much freedom by remaining two full years in his own rented lodging and welcoming all who came to him (Acts 28:30; diff. 28:16: with a guarding soldier)67 illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of receiving grace (Gal 6:18). The motif of granting much freedom to the respected prisoner in Rome (Acts 28:30; cf. 28:16) was borrowed from Jos. Ant. 18.203 (cf. 18.235). The motif of the 62 Cf. ibid., 155; R.  B.  Hays, ‘The Paulinism of Acts, Intertextually Reconsidered’, in D. P. Moessner [et al.] (eds.), Paul and the Heritage of Israel: Paul’s Claim upon Israel’s Legacy in Luke and Acts in the Light of the Pauline Letters (LNTS 452; T&T Clark:  London and New York, 2012), 35–​48 (esp. 41); R.  Strelan, ‘Luke’s Use of Isaiah’, 170. 63 Cf. E. Plümacher, ‘Rom’, 156–​157. 64 Cf. A. Landi, La testimonianza necessaria: Paolo, testimone della salvezza universale a Roma in At 28,16–​31 (AnBib 210; Gregorian & Biblical: Roma, 2015), 265–​266; F. Poulsen, ‘Light’, 178–​179; R. Strelan, ‘Luke’s Use of Isaiah LXX’, 169–​172. 65 Cf. D.  W.  Pao, Acts and the Isaianic New Exodus (WUNT 2.130; J.  C.  B.  Mohr (Paul Siebeck): Tübingen, 2010), 40; A. Landi, La testimonianza, 274; K. Haacker, Apostelgeschichte, 431. 66 Cf. D. L. Bock, Acts, 756. 67 Cf. H. Omerzu, ‘Das Schweigen des Lukas: Überlegungen zum offenen Ende der Apostelgeschichte’, in F. W. Horn (ed.), Das Ende des Paulus: Historische, theologische und literaturgeschichtliche Aspekte (BZNW 106; Walter de Gruyter: Berlin and New York, 2001), 127–​156 (esp. 150).

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imprisoned Paul spending two full years in Rome (Acts 28:30) could have been deduced from at least fourfold contacts of the imprisoned Paul with the Philippians in the distant Macedonia (Phlp 2:25–​26; 4:18). The motif of Paul dwelling in Rome in his own rented, so paid, lodging (Acts 28:30) reflects Paul’s requests and thanks for material and other support, which were sent by him from Rome to his communities (Gal 6:6; Phlm 13–​14; Phlp 4:10–​20). Again, Luke concealed here the fact that Paul in Rome had to request support from his communities in the eastern Mediterranean (Gal 6:6; Phlm 13–​ 14; Phlp 4:10–​20), and not from the Roman Christians, who were presumably generally hostile to him (Phlp 1:15.17–​18; 3:18; cf. 1 Clem. 5.5). The subsequent idea of Paul preaching the kingdom of God and teaching the things about the Lord Jesus Christ (τοῦ κυρίου Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ: Acts 28:31ab)68 conceptually and linguistically illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of things pertaining to our Lord Jesus Christ (τοῦ κυρίου… Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ: Gal 6:18). The subsequent idea of Paul acting (a) with (μετά) (b) all boldness (Acts 28:31b), which implies the believers’ freedom in the Spirit (τὸ πνεῦμα: cf. 2 Cor 3:12.17; Acts 4:29.31),69 conceptually and linguistically, in a sequential way illustrates Paul’s subsequent idea of being (a) with (μετά) (b) the believers’ spirit (τὸ πνεῦμα: Gal 6:18). The motif of Paul in Rome preaching Christ (Χριστός) with all boldness (πάση* παρρησία*: Acts 28:31) was borrowed from Phlp 1:20. The concluding, somewhat redundant, positive confirmation that Paul’s preaching occurred without hindrance (ἀ*:  Acts 28:31b)70 conceptually and partly linguistically illustrates Paul’s concluding, positive confirmation, ‘Amen’ (ἀ*: Gal 6:18). The somewhat surprising open ending of Acts,71 which contains no information concerning Paul’s fate in Rome after his imprisonment, reflects Paul’s similar

68 Cf. G. Rossé, Atti, 610; C. A. Ziccardi, The Relationship of Jesus and the Kingdom of God According to Luke–​Acts (TGST 165; Pontificia Università Gregoriana:  Roma, 2008),  75–​76. 69 Cf. D. G. Peterson, The Acts of the Apostles (PilNTC; William B. Eerdmans: Grand Rapids, MI and Cambridge, 2009), 723; T.  M.  Troftgruben, A  Conclusion Unhindered: A Study of the Ending of Acts within its Literary Environment (WUNT 2.280; Mohr Siebeck: Tübingen, 2010), 167. 70 Cf. M. Labahn, ‘Paulus –​ein homo honestus et iustus: Das lukanische Paulusportrait von Act 27–​28 im Lichte ausgewählter antiker Parallelen’, in F. W. Horn (ed.), Das Ende, 75–​106 (esp. 104). 71 Cf. R. I. Pervo, Acts, 688; A. Landi, La testimonianza, 361–​365; D. Marguerat, Apostelgeschichte, 866–​867.

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ambiguity concerning his fate in the letters to the Galatians (Gal 6:17–​18), to Philemon (Phlm 22), and to the Philippians (Phlp 1:19–​26).72 The much more negative ending of the post-​Pauline Second Letter to Timothy (2 Tim 4:6–​8.18) clearly implies that Paul died in Rome. This fact is confirmed in other Christian writings (1 Clem. 5.5 etc.).

72 Cf. N. Lüke, Über die narrative Kohärenz, 227–​228.

General conclusions The analyses presented in this monograph demonstrate that the Acts of the Apostles is a result of continuous, sequentially arranged, hypertextual, that is, highly creative reworking of Paul’s Letter to the Galatians. In contrast to my earlier work on this subject, which argued that five Pauline travel accounts from the Letter to the Galatians (Gal 1:17; 1:18–​21; 1:22–​24; 2:1–​ 10; 2:11–​14) were sequentially reworked into five Lucan accounts of journeys to Jerusalem in the Acts of the Apostles (Acts 2:1–​13; 9:26–​31; 11:27–​12:25; 15:1–​ 35; 18:18–​22),1 this monograph shows that there are over 500 (!) sequentially arranged, hypertextual links between these two works. 1. The conceptual and/​or linguistic correspondences between the Acts of the Apostles and the Letter to the Galatians which are presented in this monograph occur in both works in the same relative order. Moreover, they cover each work in its entirety, so that the whole narrative of the Acts of the Apostles, from its beginning to its end, sequentially illustrates the whole Letter to the Galatians, from its beginning to its end. Such a very long series of conceptual and/​or linguistic correspondences, which follow one another in the same relative order in both complete works, cannot be a result of mere chance or of interpretative subjectivity in detecting similar themes in various fragments of both works. Therefore, this kind of sequentially arranged correspondences points to Luke’s conscious, systematic, and detailed use of the Letter to the Galatians in the Acts of the Apostles. In fact, the sequence of reworked elements from the Letter to the Galatians in the Acts of the Apostles consists of 522 mutually corresponding items, ordered in the same way.2 Accordingly, the sequentially organized reworking of the Letter to the Galatians in the Acts of the Apostles is more consistent and more detailed than that in the Lucan Gospel, in which the two series of reworked elements (Gal 1:1–​2:17 in Lk 1:1–​8:3; and Gal 1–​6 in Lk 9:51–​24:53) amount to c.300 items.3 B. Adamczewski, Heirs of the Reunited Church: The History of the Pauline Mission in Paul’s Letters, in the So-​Called Pastoral Letters, and in the Pseudo-​Titus Narrative of Acts (Peter Lang: Frankfurt am Main, 2010), 92–​107. 2 I was able to count 522 correspondences between the Acts of the Apostles and the Letter to the Galatians which follow a strictly sequential pattern. There are also numerous other correspondences between these works, which are not arranged sequentially. 3 Cf. B. Adamczewski, The Gospel of Luke: A Hypertextual Commentary (EST 13; Peter Lang: Frankfurt am Main, 2016), 203–​204. 1

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On average, there is one correspondence per 2 verses of the Acts of the Apostles (which contains 1007 verses) and per 0.3 verse of the Letter to the Galatians (which contains 149 verses). As can be deduced from this calculation, the reworked elements in the Acts of the Apostles are on average seven times greater than the corresponding elements in the Letter to the Galatians, so that generally one clause, sentence, idea, or image in the Acts of the Apostles corresponds to one word in the Letter to the Galatians. At times, the corresponding sections in both works are more equal in size (Acts 15:1–​29 illustrating Gal 2:2–​10; Acts 16:9–​40 illustrating Gal 3:6–​28; Acts 18:1–​17 illustrating Gal 4:14–​31; etc.). At times, however, a large portion of material in the Acts of the Apostles corresponds to a small element in the Letter to the Galatians (Acts 3 illustrating Gal 1:5; Acts 9:43–​10:48 illustrating Gal 1:18c; Acts 12 illustrating Gal 1:23b; Acts 13:14–​14:20 illustrating Gal 1:24; Acts 24–​26 illustrating Gal 6:16b; Acts 27:1–​28:2 illustrating Gal 6:17a; etc.). On the other hand, at times a relatively small element in the Acts of the Apostles corresponds to a larger portion of material in the Letter to the Galatians (Acts 16:1–​8 illustrating Gal 2:14c–​3:5; Acts 18:23b–​28 illustrating Gal 5:8–​21; etc.). 2. The Lucan reworking of the Pauline statements, phrases, and words from the Letter to the Galatians has a predominantly conceptual character, but there are also common linguistic elements which link the two texts. In fact, around 175 of the sequentially arranged correspondences, so one-​third of them, are not purely conceptual, but they also have some linguistic components.4 However, these sequentially arranged linguistic correspondences generally do not reproduce the characteristic Pauline vocabulary and phraseology from the Letter to the Galatians in the Acts of the Apostles. Luke was a good stylist, and he succeeded in reworking and concealing his sources very well. The example of the concealed use of the Gospel of Mark in the Lucan Gospel shows Luke’s skill in using various previously written texts, but in a way which is difficult to detect. The fact that Luke generally did not reproduce the language of Paul’s letters does not mean that he ignored it. He usually reworked it in a creative way, at times with the use of wordplays with Semitic and Latin names.

4 It is difficult to give an exact number of the sequentially arranged linguistic correspondences between the Acts of the Apostles and the Letter to the Galatians because it is difficult to state what should be counted as linguistically matching between the two works: words, strings of words, lexical roots, or combinations of words, lexical roots, and/​or phrases.

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For example, the account of giving the allotment not to the apparently ‘righteous’ candidate with the scriptural name Joseph, the Aramaic surname Bar-​ sabbas, and the Latin surname Justus (‘just’), but to the grace-​related Matthias (‘gift of Yahweh’: Acts 1:23–​26) illustrates Paul’s remark concerning Galatia (Gal 1:2b), regarded as obtaining righteousness and inheritance not through the Jewish law (Gal 3:18 etc.) but through God’s grace (Gal 2:21; 5:4; etc.). Moreover, in the ‘Judaean’ sections of his narrative, Luke reworked the Pauline references to Jesus as the Messiah/​Christ (Gal 1:3.6.12; 6:14; etc.) into references to Jesus as the messianic Hebrew-​style ‘Nazorean’ (Acts 2:22; 3:6; 4:10; 6:14; 22:8; cf. Isa 11:1 MT: ‫נצר‬, Lk 18:37–​38: ‘Nazorean’ as the ‘son of David’). Likewise, Luke illustrated the Pauline reference to the Aramaic-​named Cephas (Gal 1:18b) with the reference to the Aramaic-​named Tabitha (Acts 9:36.40), alluding to Mk 5:41. Similarly, Luke illustrated Paul’s remark concerning the Aramaic-​named Cephas (Gal 2:9b) with the reference to the Hebrew-​named Simeon (Acts 15:14), borrowed from the ethopoeic letter attributed to Simeon Peter (2 Pet 1:1). Apart from these sequentially arranged correspondences between the Acts of the Apostles and the Letter to the Galatians, there are also other linguistic correspondences between the Lucan narrative and Paul’s letters, which enrich the main thread of the Lucan sequential reworking of the Letter to the Galatians. In general, they have already been analysed in scholarly literature. For example, the motif of receiving (λαβ*) the promise of the Spirit (τήν… ἐπαγγελίαν τοῦ πνεύματος: Acts 2:33) was borrowed from Gal 3:14. The motif of letting Paul down (χαλάσ*) through the wall (διὰ τοῦ τείχους) in (ἐν) a basket (Acts 9:25) was borrowed from 2 Cor 11:33. The motif of those of the circumcision (οἱ ἐκ περιτομῆς: Acts 11:2; cf. 10:45) blaming Peter for eating together (συνεσθίω) with uncircumcised ones (Acts 11:3; cf. 10:41) was borrowed from Gal 2:12. The motif of Saul being set apart (ἀφορίζω) for (εἰς) the evangelistic work which was divinely determined beforehand (ὃ προ*) and to which he was called (κλη*: Acts 13:2de) was borrowed from Rom 1:1–​2 (cf. Gal 1:15). The confessional statement, ‘God raised him from the dead’ (ὁ … θεὸς ἤγειρεν αὐτὸν ἐκ νεκρῶν: Acts 13:30) was almost verbatim borrowed from Rom 10:9. The motif of not (οὐ) being able to be justified (δικαιωθη*) by the law (νόμος) from sins (ἁμαρτία:  Acts 13:38) was borrowed from Rom 3:20. Likewise, the motif of everyone who believes (πᾶς ὁ πιστεύων) being justified (δικαιου*) in (ἐν) Jesus (Acts 13:39) was borrowed from Rom 3:22.24. The motif of going first to the Jews, as well as Jews and also Greeks (Ἰουδαί* τε καὶ Ἑλλην*) believing (Acts 14:1) was borrowed from Rom 1:16. The motif of the Jews having once stoned (λιθάσ*) Paul (Acts 14:19c) was borrowed from 2 Cor 11:25.

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Moreover, at times Luke left some conceptual and partly linguistic hints at his use of the Pauline letters. Such a hint can be found, for example, in Luke’s remarks concerning recommendation letters (ἐπιστολαί) which were needed by the pre-​Christian Saul (Acts 9:2) and by Apollos (Acts 18:21), but not by Paul the Apostle (cf. 2 Cor 3:1). Another hint of this kind can be found in Luke’s veiled allusions to the collection, often presented as service (διακονία), for the poor in Jerusalem (Acts 11:29–​30; 12:25; 21:24; 24:17; cf. 2 Cor 8–​9; Gal 2:10). Besides, to enrich his sequentially arranged reworking of the Letter to the Galatians, in the Acts of the Apostles, like in his Gospel,5 Luke used numerous other sources: the Septuagint, classical literature, Jewish works known from the Dead Sea Scrolls,6 Pauline and post-​Pauline letters, ethopoeic letters attributed to the Jewish Christian leaders, Josephus’ works, the Marcan Gospel, and his own Gospel. In general, Luke’s creative use of these sources has already been analysed in scholarly literature. 3. Another important criterion for detecting literary reworking, which is met by the analyses presented in this monograph, is the criterion of explaining numerous somewhat surprising features of the Acts of the Apostles. These minor, somehow strange elements of the Lucan narrative can be explained as illustrating various ideas contained in the Letter to the Galatians. The strictly sequential, detailed reworking of the ideas of the Letter to the Galatians in the Acts of the Apostles led to the presence of some narrative inconsistencies, ambiguities, strange expressions, and other surprising phenomena in the Lucan story. For example, the surprisingly formulated statement that there is not (οὐκ ἔστιν) in any other (ἄλλῳ) salvation (Acts 4:12) illustrates Paul’s statement that there is not (οὐκ ἔστιν) any other (ἄλλο) gospel (Gal 1:7a). The surprising account of the Hebrew-​named Ananias being after a curse-​like verdict divinely punished with death (Acts 5:3–​5) illustrates Paul’s idea of some Jewish Christians being accursed (Gal 1:8c). The surprising idea of the Samaritans not having received the Holy Spirit at their baptism (Acts 8:15–​16a) illustrates Paul’s idea of being zealous, but in a 5 Cf. B. Adamczewski, Luke, 210. 6 The use of the motifs contained in these Jewish texts, especially the Damascus Document and the Community Rule, which were found in numerous copies among the Dead Sea Scrolls and (in the case of the Damascus Document) also elsewhere, can be observed in the first, particularly ‘Jewish’ part of the Acts of the Apostles: e.g., CD 10:21 in Acts 1:12; CD 13:2; 1QS 6:3–​6 in Acts 1:15; 1QS 6:16.18.21–​22 in Acts 1:26; 4Q266 11:17; 1QS 2:19–​3:12 in Acts 2:1.41; 1QS 6:4–​6; 1QSa 2:17–​20 in Acts 2:13; 1QS 6:19 in Acts 2:44; 4:32; 1QS 9:7–​8 in Acts 4:35.37.

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merely Jewish way (Gal 1:14b). The surprising idea of ordering Philip to go alone away from Jerusalem, to the Gentiles in Gaza, on a road which was unfrequented (Acts 8:26) illustrates Paul’s idea of God having set him apart (Gal 1:15b). The surprising idea of telling Philip to come near and join the Gentile, so that he ran closer, and the Gentile called him to his side (*κάλεσεν: Acts 8:29–​31), illustrates Paul’s idea of God having called him (καλέσας: Gal 1:15c). The surprising idea of Saul going in and out to Jerusalem (εἰς Ἰερουσαλήμ: Acts 9:28) illustrates Paul’s idea of his going up to Jerusalem (εἰς Ἱεροσόλυμα: Gal 1:18a). The surprisingly formulated idea concerning the Jerusalem leaders gathering to have seen (ἰδεῖν) about this matter (Acts 15:6b) illustrates Paul’s statement that the Jerusalem leaders have seen (ἰδόντες) that Paul had been entrusted with the gospel for the uncircumcised (Gal 2:7ab). The surprising fact that the actual obligations imposed upon the Gentile believers reflect the Decalogue (Acts 15:29) and not James’ request concerning Jewish pollution (Acts 15:20) illustrates Paul’s statement that he organized the Gentile collection (Gal 2:10bc) not in response to the request of James and other Jerusalem leaders (Gal 2:10a). The surprising mention of Priscilla before her husband Aquila (Acts 18:18d) illustrates Paul’s exhortation not to be subject again to the yoke of slavery, so presumably to the law (Gal 5:1bc). The surprising idea of Paul going up to Jerusalem and visiting the Jewish Christian church only in passing (Acts 18:22b) illustrates Paul’s statement that for him circumcision has no importance (Gal 5:6a). The surprising idea of Paul going alone by land on foot to Assos, while his companions sailed by the sea (Acts 20:13–​14a), illustrates Paul’s command that everyone shall bear his own burden (Gal 6:5). The surprising idea of Paul not going in person to Ephesus, allegedly because he was in a hurry, but summoning the elders of the church to Miletus, so that they heard his speech (Acts 20:16–​18b), illustrates Paul’s idea of the one who is taught the word (Gal 6:6b). The surprisingly recalled idea of having instructed the Gentile believers by letter (Acts 21:25b–​d) illustrates Paul’s idea of having written a letter to the Gentile addressees with his own hand (Gal 6:11). The surprising idea of Paul bringing merciful alms (ἐλεημοσύνας) to his Jewish nation (Acts 24:17) illustrates Paul’s idea of invoking mercy (ἔλεος: Gal 6:16b). The surprising idea of Paul enjoying much freedom by remaining two full years in his own rented lodging and welcoming all who came to him (Acts 28:30) illustrates Paul’s idea of receiving grace (Gal 6:18). Some of these surprising elements reveal a particular sense of humour of the author of the Acts of the Apostles. For example, the burlesque account of some wandering Jewish exorcists pretending to have the power of Jesus and Paul, but in fact having nothing in common with Jesus and Paul, being merely sons of a

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certain unknown Jewish high priest, and being unknown to the evil spirit (Acts 19:13–​15), illustrates Paul’s exhortation not to be vainglorious, presumably like his Jewish Christian opponents (Gal 5:26a). Likewise, the image of the man, in whom the evil spirit was, leaping upon the Jewish exorcists, subduing them, and overpowering them, so that they were naked, wounded, and thus fleeing (Acts 19:16), ironically illustrates Paul’s idea of not provoking one another or envying one another (Gal 5:26bc). Moreover, the need to illustrate the particular sequence of ideas in the Letter to the Galatians led to the otherwise surprising changes in the quotations from the Septuagint, which was used by Luke. For example, the quotation from Joel 3:1–​5c LXX was reworked in Acts 2:17–​21 by (a) adding a reference to God (θεός), (b) placing the reference to the youth before that to the elders, (c) twice adding the pronoun in genitive ‘of me’ (μου), and (d) adding genitival references to the Lord (κυρίου) to illustrate the Pauline sequence of references to (a) God (θεός) (b) the Father (c) of us (ἡμῶν), and (d) the Lord (κυρίου: Gal 1:3). Likewise, the quotation from ‘Moses’ in Acts 3:22–​23 was borrowed from Deut 18:15–​16.19 LXX, but reworked and conflated with Lev 23:29 LXX to highlight the importance of communal audience (ὑμῖν, ὑμῶν, ὑμῶν, πρὸς ὑμᾶς, πᾶσα ψυχή, τοῦ λαοῦ) and in this way illustrate Paul’s originally communal, scriptural statement, ‘Amen’ (Gal 1:5). 4. Another interesting phenomenon in Luke’s reworking of the Letter to the Galatians is the phenomenon o two-​level reworking. It consists in creating two levels of sequential reworking of source texts in the Lucan writing. To the basic level of sequential hypertextual reworking of the entire Letter to the Galatians, another level of sequential reworking, this time of another hypotext, is added. This phenomenon could already be observed in the Lucan Gospel. In order to illustrate Paul’s idea of communicating the gospel to the Jewish Christians (Gal 2:2b), Luke in an almost consistently sequential way reworked in Lk 3:7d–​ 11 the main ideas the Letter to the Romans, which presents Paul’s Gentile gospel in Jewish terms in the prospect of his journey to Jerusalem. Likewise, in order to illustrate the scriptural-​Pauline idea of new creation (Gal 6:15), Luke sequentially reworked in Lk  24:27–​35 the main ideas of the scriptural creation story (Gen 1–​3  LXX).7 In the Acts of the Apostles, this kind of two-​level reworking has a geographical rather than thematic character. In his description of Paul’s evangelistic activities in various places, Luke often used the Pauline letters which were sent to or

7

Cf. B. Adamczewski, Luke, 70–​71, 197–​199.

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from these places and sequentially reworked some fragments of them at a second level of reworking. In his description of Paul’s confrontation with a Jewish opponent in Cyprus (Acts 13:6b–​11), Luke sequentially reworked the contents of the Pauline text 1  Thes 2:14d–​16, which refers to the churches in Judaea suffering from their compatriots, the Jews. The reworking of this text consists of 9 sequentially arranged correspondences, 5 of which have some common linguistic elements. In this case, the reworking has a thematic and not geographical character. In his description of Paul’s activity among pagans in Galatia (Acts 14:11–​18), Luke sequentially reworked the contents of the thematically corresponding section of Paul’s Letter to the Galatians (Gal 4:8–​11). The reworking of this text consists of 8 sequentially arranged correspondences, 5 of which have some common linguistic elements. In his description of Paul’s activity in Philippi (Acts 16:14–​34), Luke sequentially reworked the contents of the paradigmatic christological hymn, contained in Paul’s Letter to the Philippians (Phlp 2:6–​11). The reworking of this text consists of 20 sequentially arranged correspondences, 7 of which have some common linguistic elements. In his description of Paul preaching conversion to the Gentiles in Athens (Acts 17:16–​31), Luke sequentially reworked the ideas contained in the thematically corresponding section of the First Letter to the Thessalonians (1 Thes 1:9c–​ 10), which was presumably sent from Athens (1 Thes 3:1). The reworking of this fragment consists of 8 sequentially arranged correspondences, 5 of which have some common linguistic elements. Besides, in his description of the organization, activity, and life of the Jewish Christian community in Jerusalem (Acts 1–​4), Luke used various motifs known from the Damascus Document and the Community Rule, Jewish texts which were presumably widely circulating in Judaea.8

8 The Damascus Document and the Community Rule were probably not composed by a marginal Jewish community. For a Pharisaic origin of at least the Damascus Document and probably also other texts found among the Dead Sea Scrolls, see B. Adamczewski, ‘Are the Dead Sea Scrolls Pharisaic?’, in H. Drawnel (ed.), Sacred Texts and Disparate Interpretations: Qumran Manuscripts Seventy Years Later: Proceedings of the International Conference Held at the John Paul II Catholic University of Lublin, 24–​26 October 2017 (STDJ 133; Brill: Leiden and Boston, 2020), 69–​92.

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In his description of Paul’s activity in Thessalonica (Acts 17:5–​8), Luke reworked the thematically corresponding fragments of the First Letter to the Thessalonians (1 Thes 2:12.14–​16). In his description of the activity of Paul and Apollos in Corinth (Acts 18:1–​ 5.8.17–​18.27; 19:1), Luke reworked the thematically corresponding fragments of the First and Second Letter to the Corinthians (1 Cor 1:1.12.14; 3:4–​6.22; 4:6; 11:4–​7; 16:19; 2 Cor 1:19.23; 3:1). In his descriptions of Paul’s activity in Ephesus (Acts 19:1) and Paul’s preaching to the elders of the church in Ephesus (Acts 20:19.27–​28.32–​35), Luke reworked the thematically corresponding fragments of the ethopoeic Letter to the Ephesians (Eph 1:6–​7.11.14.17–​18; 4:2.9.28).9 Moreover, Luke reworked in this section (Acts 20:19.28) fragments of the ethopoeic letter which was addressed to the believers in Asia (1 Pet 4:12; 5:1–​3). In his description of Paul’s activity in Rome, especially scripturally sustaining the hope of Israel and facing Jewish opposition there (Acts 28:19–​28), Luke reworked the thematically corresponding section of Paul’s Letter to the Romans, which concerns the fate of Israel (Rom 9–​11; esp. 9:15.27.29; 10:5.16.19.20–​21; 11:8.11.20.23.26). By analogy to the rhetorical procedure of ethopoeia or prosopopoeia, this kind of creative reworking of texts which refer to particular places may be called ‘topopoeia’. Besides, Luke employed the classical rhetorical procedure of ethopoeia to describe various characters with the use of the letters which somehow refer to them. Numerous ‘Petrine’ texts (Acts 1:17–​18; 3:6.17.21; 15:14.22–​23) were composed by Luke with the use of the ethopoeic letters attributed to Peter (1  Pet 1:1.14.18; 5:1.12; 2 Pet 1:1; 2:13.15; 3:2). Similarly, the opening formula of the letter of the Jerusalem leaders (Acts 15:23) was created by Luke with the use of the opening formula of the ethopoeic letter attributed to James (Jas 1:1). In order to illustrate Paul’s idea of taking along Titus (Gal 2:1b), in Acts 14:23 Luke reworked fragments of the ethopoeic letter addressed to him (Tit 1:5; 3:8). Moreover, the movements and features of the enigmatic narrative ‘we’ in the Acts of the Apostles (Acts 16:10b etc.) in an ethopoeic way create the impression of the testimony of Titus, who is never directly mentioned in the Acts of the Apostles.

9 This fact implies that Luke regarded the Letter to the Ephesians, although its address ἐν  Ἐφέσῳ (Eph 1:1) is weakly attested, as really written to the Ephesians.

General conclusions

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Likewise, the Lucan presentation of Timothy as being half-​Gentile and half-​ Jewish (Acts 16:1bc; cf. 16:3) was created with the use of an ethopoeic letter addressed to him (2 Tim 1:5; 3:15). Therefore, although the narrative of the Acts of the Apostles is not historical in the modern sense of this word, it presents in a highly creative but also meticulously ordered way the heritage of the Pauline and post-​Pauline Christianity, which found its expression in Paul’s letters, especially the Letter to the Galatians, and in ethopoeic letters attributed to Paul and to the Jerusalem leaders. By incorporating all these sources, reworking them in a creative way, concealing their existence, and illustrating their contents with the use of motifs borrowed from the Septuagint, classical literature, Jewish works known from the Dead Sea Scrolls, Josephus’ works, the Marcan Gospel, and his own Gospel, Luke succeeded in creating a highly persuasive, irenic history of the early Christianity, with smooth passages from the heritage of Israel to Jesus, the Jerusalem community, the ‘Hellenists’, and the Pauline mission. The Lucan narrative rhetoric proved to be so influential that it gave rise to the impression that the Acts of the Apostles should be regarded as a historically reliable account of the early phase of the Christian movement. This monograph shows that the Acts of the Apostles is a result of highly sophisticated literary creativity. It is a consciously created, foundational presentation of the identity of Pauline and post-​Pauline Christianity.

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Trebilco, P., The Early Christians in Ephesus from Paul to Ignatius (Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament 166; Mohr Siebeck: Tübingen, 2004). Trebilco, P., ‘The Significance of the Distribution of Self-​designations in Acts’, Novum Testamentum 54 (2012), 30–​49. Troftgruben, T. M., A Conclusion Unhindered: A Study of the Ending of Acts within its Literary Environment (Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament 2.280; Mohr Siebeck: Tübingen, 2010). Twelftree, G. H., ‘Miracle and Magic: Frontier Battles in the Acts of the Apostles’, in R. Zimmermann (ed.), Faszination der Wunder Jesu und der Apostel: Die Debatte um die frühchristliche Wundererzählungen geht weiter (Biblisch-​ Theologische Studien 184; Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht: Göttingen, 2020), 1–​28. Valentine, K. E., ‘Reading the Slave Girl of Acts 16:16-​18 in Light of Enslavement and Disability’, Biblical Interpretation 26 (2018), 352–​368. Verheyden, J., ‘A Cry for Help: A Note in the Margin of Acts 16:9’, in B. J. Koet, S. Moyise, and J. Verheyden (eds.), The Scriptures of Israel in Jewish and Christian Tradition, Festschrift M. J. J. Menken (Supplements to Novum Testamentum 148; Brill: Leiden and Boston, 2013), 115–​127. Vulpillières, S. de, ‘Quelle conversion pour les païens en Ac 10,1 –​11,18 et quelles conséquences pour la relation Pierre/​Paul?’, Biblica 103 (2022), 74–​88. Wagner, B. and Wilson, M., ‘Why Derbe? An Unlikely Lycaonian City for Paul’s Ministry’, Tyndale Bulletin 70 (2019), 55–​84. Walker, W.  O., Jr., ‘Acts and the Pauline Corpus Reconsidered’, Journal for the Study of the New Testament 24 (1985), 3–​23. Walker, W. O., Jr., ‘The Portrayal of Aquila and Priscilla in Acts: The Question of Sources’, New Testament Studies 54 (2008), 479–​495. Walton, S., ‘Calling the Church Names: Learning about Christian Identity from Acts’, in id., Reading Acts Theologically (Library of New Testament Studies 661; T&T Clark: London, New York and Dublin, 2022), 45–​62. Walton, S., ‘Identity and Christology: The Ascended Jesus in the Book of Acts’, in A. W. White, C. A. Evans, and D. Wenham (eds.), The Earliest Perceptions of Jesus in Context, Festschrift J. Nolland (Library of New Testament Studies 566; Bloomsbury T&T Clark: London and New York, 2018), 129–​147. Walton, S., ‘Primitive Communism in Acts? Does Acts Present the Community of Goods (2:44–​45; 4:32–​35) as Mistaken?’, in id., Reading Acts Theologically (Library of New Testament Studies 661; T&T Clark: London, New York and Dublin, 2022), 63–​73.

Bibliography

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Walton, S., ‘What Does “Mission” in Acts Mean in Relation to the “Powers That Be”?’, in id., Reading Acts Theologically (Library of New Testament Studies 661; T&T Clark: London, New York and Dublin, 2022), 123–​142. Walton, S., ‘Why Silence? Reflections on Paul and Jesus Silencing Demonised People in Luke–​Acts’, in M. Tellbe and T. Wasserman (eds.), Healing and Exorcism in Second Temple Judaism and Early Christianity (Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament 2.511; Mohr Siebeck:  Tübingen, 2019), 91–​112. Wasiak, W., ‘Two Accounts –​One Ascension: Luke 24:50–​53 and Acts 1:9–​11’, Biblical Annals 12 (2022), 369–​391. Weatherly, J. A., Jewish Responsibility for the Death of Jesus in Luke-​Acts (Journal for the Study of the New Testament Supplement Series 106; Sheffield Academic: Sheffield, 1994). Weaver, J. B., Plots of Epiphany: Prison-​Escape in Acts of the Apostles (Beihefte zur Zeitschrift für die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft und die Kunde der älteren Kirche 131; Walter de Gruyter: Berlin and New York, 2004). Weiser, A., Die Apostelgeschichte (St. Benno: Leipzig, 1989). Weiß, A., ‘Sozialgeschichtliche Aspekte der Apostelgeschichte’, in S. Alkier and M. Rydryck (eds.), Paulus –​das Kapital eines Reisenden: Die Apostelgeschichte also soziohistorische Quelle (Stuttgarter Bibelstudien 241; Katholisches Bibelwerk: Stuttgart, 2017), 37–​58. Wendel, S. J., Scriptural Interpretation and Community Self-​Definition in Luke–​ Acts and the Writings of Justin Martyr (Supplements to Novum Testamentum 139; Brill: Leiden and Boston, 2011). Wenkel, D. H., ‘Paul and Dangerous Devout Women of High-​Standing in Acts’, Biblica 102 (2021), 386–​400. White, D. L., ‘Confronting Oracular Contradiction in Acts 21:1–​14’, Novum Testamentum 58 (2016), 27–​46. Whitenton, M.  R., ‘Rewriting Abraham and Joseph:  Stephen’s Speech (Acts 7:2–​16) and Jewish Exegetical Traditions’, Novum Testamentum 54 (2012), 149–​167. Whitlock, M. G., ‘Acts 1:15–​26 and the Craft of New Testament Poetry’, Catholic Biblical Quarterly 77 (2015), 87–​106. Wilson, B. E., ‘The Blinding of Paul and the Power of God: Masculinity, Sight, and Self-​Control in Acts 9’, Journal of Biblical Literature 133 (2014), 367–​387. Wilson, B. E., ‘Forming God: Divine Anthropomorphism in Luke–​Acts’, Journal of Biblical Literature 140 (2021), 775–​795.

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The Acts of the Apostles: A Hypertextual Commentary

Wilson, B. E., ‘“Neither Male nor Female”: The Ethiopian Eunuch in Acts 8.26–​ 40’, New Testament Studies 60 (2014), 403–​422. Wilson, B. E., ‘The Smell of Sacrifice: Scenting the Christian Story in Luke–​Acts’, Catholic Biblical Quarterly 83 (2021), 257–​275. Wilson, B. E., Unmanly Men: Refigurations of Masculinity in Luke–​Acts (Oxford University: New York, 2015). Wilson, B. J., The Saving Cross of the Suffering Christ: The Death of Jesus in Lukan Soteriology (Beihefte zur Zeitschrift für die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft 223: Walter de Gruyter: Berlin and Boston, 2016). Wilson, M., ‘The Denouement of Claudian Pamphylia–​Lycia and its Implications for the Audience of Galatians’, Novum Testamentum 60 (2018), 337–​360. Wilson, M., ‘The Route of Paul’s First Journey to Pisidian Antioch’, New Testament Studies 55 (2009), 471–​483. Wilson, M., ‘The “Upper Regions” and the Route of Paul’s Third Journey from Apamea to Ephesus’, Scriptura 117 (2018:1), 1–​21. Witetschek, S., ‘Sankt Paul in Ketten:  Zur Paulus-​Ikonographie in der Apostelgeschichte und im Corpus Paulinum’, Biblica 96 (2015), 245–​272. Wittkowsky, V., ‘Paul’s Death and Resurrection in Acts 27–​28? A Literary Comparison with the Gospel of Luke’, Biblical Annals 10 (2020), 93–​101. Wittkowsky, V., Warum zitieren frühchristliche Autoren pagane Texte? Zur Entstehung und Ausformung einer literarischen Tradition (Beihefte zur Zeitschrift für die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft 218; Walter de Gruyter:  Berlin and Boston, 2015). Wojciechowski, M., Wpływy greckie w Biblii (WAM: Kraków, 2012). Woodington, J. D., ‘Charity and Deliverance from Death in the Accounts of Tabitha and Cornelius’, Catholic Biblical Quarterly 79 (2017), 634–​650. Yamanaka, T., Philip, a Collaborative Forerunner of Peter and Paul:  A  Study of Philip’s Characterization in Acts (Analecta Biblica 234; Gregorian & Biblical: Roma, 2022). Yoder, J., Representatives of Roman Rule: Roman Provincial Governors in Luke–​ Acts (Beihefte zur Zeitschrift für die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft 209; Walter de Gruyter: Berlin, Munich and Boston, 2014). Ziccardi, C.  A., The Relationship of Jesus and the Kingdom of God According to Luke–​Acts (Tesi Gregoriana:  Serie Teologia 165; Pontificia Università Gregoriana: Roma, 2008). Zeichmann, C.  B., ‘Ulyssean Qualities in The Life of Josephus and Luke–​Acts:  A Modest Defence of Homeric Mimesis’, Neotestamentica 53 (2019), 491–​515.

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Ziegler, D., Dionysos in der Apostelgeschichte:  Eine intertextuelle Lektüre (Religion und Biographie 18; Lit: Berlin, 2008). Zugmann, M., „Hellenisten“ in der Apostelgeschichte: Historische und exegetische Untersuchungen zu Apg 6,1; 9,29; 11,20 (Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament 2.264; Mohr Siebeck: Tübingen, 2009). Zwiep, A. W., ‘Haggadic Motifs in the Acts of the Apostles: A Search for Traces of the Tradition of the Elders in Acts 1–​3’, in R. D. Aus (ed.), Haggadah in Early Judaism and the New Testament (Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament 461; Mohr Siebeck: Tübingen, 2021), 307–​333. Zwiep, A. W., Judas and the Choice of Matthias: A Study on Context and Concern of Acts 1:15–​26 (Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament 2.187; Mohr Siebeck: Tübingen, 2004).

Index of ancient sources Old Testament Genesis 1–​3      186 1:1      106 1:10      106 1:20–​22      106 1:24      80, 83 1:26      80 14:18–​20      125 15:1      73, 122 15:5      122 15:6      122 16:8–​9      69 16:8      55 18:1–​8      80 18:2–​3      124 18:2      80 18:4      80 22:1      72–​3 22:11      73 22:18      47 27:33      92 27:35      92 34:14      83 45:14–​15      158 46:27      63 Exodus 3:15–​16      46 3:16      55 4:29      55 7:5      51 8:22      107 12:21      55 13:10      160 18:21      60 20:11      51, 106

22:27      167 24:4      171 29:31      62 30:8      79 33:3      64 34:15      81 Leviticus 11:20–​21      80 11:23      80 17:10–​14      116 17:13      116 23:29      47, 186 Numbers 1:10      164 6:5      143 20:29      42 27:18      68 27:23      68 Deuteronomy 4:39      40 7:19      51 12:12      68 13:16      53, 167 15:4      52 17:12      61 18:10      124 18:15–​16      47,  186 18:19      47, 186 20:17      167 21:22      56, 81 25:19      50 27:26      125 29:17      69

222 29:24      47 31:2      76 34:9      68 Joshua 7:1      53 Judges 2:4      166 9:24      56 13:5      143 13:20      72 1 Samuel 8:10      101 9:1–​2      65 9:1      101 9:2      65, 72, 170 9:3–​28:19      27 13:1      101 2 Samuel 1:16      140 7:12      101 7:13      115 16:6      56, 107 16:13      56, 107 22:6      41 23:2      166 1 Kings 2:10      42 2:37      140 12:1      66 12:25      66 17:19–​20      77 17:21–​23      154 17:23–​24      77 20:35      47 21[20]:13      65

Index of ancient sources

2 Kings 2:9–​11      34 2:9–​10      32 2:11      32 4:10–​11      77 4:30–​33      77 4:34–​36      154 4:35      77 19:35      90 1 Chronicles 12:18      56 16:36      47 29:28      42 2 Chronicles 30:4      60 30:21      88 Tobit 1:3      77, 79 11:12      74 12:8      79 12:12      79 Judith 9:1      79 1 Maccabees 1:62      80 2 Maccabees 15:9      100 Psalms 2:1–​2      51 5:2      40 15[14]:2      81 15[14]:4      81 16[15]:8–​11      41 18[17]:5      41 18[17]:8      52

Index of ancient sources

29[28]:3      64 35[34]:16      65 60[59]:8      66 69[68]:26      37 78[77]:37      68 87[86]:4      70 98[97]:3      177 108[107]:8      66 109[108]:8      37 109[108]:14      47 109[108]:16      42 110[109]:1      42 116[114]:3      41 118[117]:22      49 132[131]:11      42 146[145]:6      51 147:12[1]       44–​5

61:1      51, 81 66:1–​2      64

Proverbs 10:9      96

Daniel 8:2      79 9:7      49 9:10      125 9:21      79 13:46 [Sus 46]       156

Wisdom of Solomon 12:19      57 Sirach 50:26      66 Isaiah 2:2      40 5:9      84 6:8–​10      177 6:9–​10      176 11:1      41, 183 14:26–​27      51 35:6      45 40:5      177 42:6–​7      172 45:21      115–​16 49:6      102 52:13      46, 51 53:7–​8      70 58:6      69

Jeremiah 6:10      64 9:25      64 18:11      47 49:1      67 Ezekiel 1:1      80 2:1      171 3:24      70 4:13–​14      80 4:14      83 11:5      82 33:4      140

Joel 3:1–​5c      186 3:1–​3      40 3:1      40 3:2      40 3:4–​5c      40 3:5      40 Amos 5:27      63 9:11      115 9:12      115–​16 Jonah 1:5      173 1:7      38

223

224

Index of ancient sources

Nahum 2:1      81 2:3      81

Zechariah 14:4      35

New Testament Mark 1:4      42, 57, 81, 101, 148, 172 1:5      150 1:7      148 1:8      33, 83 1:9      81 1:10      70 1:15      33, 42, 47, 67 1:16      67, 78 1:19      87 1:26      67 1:30–​31      175 1:39      74 2:4      76 2:9      45 2:11      76 2:12      39, 74 2:16      167 3:10–​11      67 3:16–​17      87 3:16      80 3:29      53 4:8      61, 90, 150 4:10      60 4:20      61, 90, 150 5:7      125 5:19      51 5:37      87 5:39      155 5:40–​42      77 5:41      53, 183 5:42      45 6:2      149 6:5      175 6:7      68

6:8–​9      88 6:11      103 6:12      42, 47 6:14      87 6:20      46 6:30      51 6:43      60 6:50      167 6:55–​56      54 6:56      54,  148–​9 7:18–​19      80 8:8      60 8:11      61 8:31      33 9:2      87 9:24      122 9:27      45 10:17      42 10:35      87 11:1–​16:7      36 11:1      35 11:19      36 11:27      36 12:10      49 12:18      48, 54, 167 12:34      54 12:36      37 13:3      36 14:1      161 14:22      44, 154 14:28      36 14:32      36 14:33      87 14:46      48, 55, 87 14:49      37

Index of ancient sources

14:57–​58      62 14:60      56 14:62      65 14:66–​72      36 14:70      35, 39 15:1      46 15:2      161 15:6–​14      46 15:13–​14      161 15:14      161 15:16      161 15:22      53 15:34      53 15:39      74 16:2      154 16:5      34 16:7      36 Luke 1:1–​8:3      181 1:1      31 1:2      15 1:3      31, 83 1:38      80 1:70      47 2:9      88 2:10      66 2:25      92 2:32      73 2:34      36, 92 2:44–​45      84 2:47      39, 74 3:1      51 3:2      49 3:7d–​11      186 3:16      33, 38, 83, 146–​7 3:19      93 3:30      92 4:16–​17      70 4:17–​19      100 4:18      81 4:29–​30      107

4:38–​40      175 4:42      89 5:17–​18      76 5:17      57 5:23      45 5:24      76 5:26      45 6:6–​10      45 6:14–​16      35 6:14–​15      35 n. 23 6:14      35 6:18      54 6:23      96 6:26      96 7:2      79 7:6–​7      79 7:6      79 7:15      77 8:19–​21      36 8:51      35 9:6      69, 81 9:7      93 9:11      33 9:22      81 9:28      35 9:51–​24:53      181 9:52–​53      66 9:52      151 10:33–​36      66 11:9–​10      89 16:1–​8      127 n. 49 16:16      100 17:16–​18      66 18:37–​38      41,  183 19:37      60 20:17      49–​50 22:2      161 22:8      35, 44, 68 22:21      128 22:30      33, 128 22:41      77 22:42      159

225

226 22:52      48 23:3      161 23:5      76, 81 23:6–​11      51 23:12–​13      51 23:13      47 23:18      47, 161, 166 23:21      161 23:22      161 23:25      46 23:27      161 23:36      161 23:46      65 24:4–​6      34 24:4–​5      34,  80 24:7      107 24:9      34 24:26–​27      47 24:27–​35      186 24:27      70, 82 24:29      124, 175 24:33–​51      107 24:35      43 24:36–​53      31 24:36–​37      80 24:44      82 24:47      82 24:49      31, 33 24:50–​51      33 24:51      34 24:53      35 John 18:13      49 n. 70 Acts 1–​5      31–​58 1–​4      187 1      31–​8 1:5      83,  146–​7 1:8      12 1:11      39

Index of ancient sources

1:12      184 n. 6 1:13      44, 87 1:15      38, 52, 184 n. 6 1:17–​18      188 1:23–​26      183 1:26      52, 184 n. 6 2      38–​44 2:1–​13      181 2:1      184 n. 6 2:4      67, 82 2:9–​11      61 2:9      121 2:10      121 n. 31 2:11      82 2:12      74 2:13      52, 184 n. 6 2:17–​21      186 2:22      49, 61–​2, 165, 183 2:29      50 2:33      19, 56, 68, 183 2:38      57, 67–​8, 82 2:41      67, 184 n. 6 2:42–​43      36 2:42      60 2:44–​45      52 2:44      52, 184 n. 6 2:45      52 2:46      58 3      44–​8,  182 3:1      35,  79–​80 3:3–​4      35 3:6      62, 67, 165, 183, 188 3:11      35, 54 3:13      51, 56, 114 3:17      188 3:21      188 3:22–​23      186 3:25      114 3:26      12, 51 4:1–​31      48–​52 4:1–​2      47,  54 4:3      55, 87

Index of ancient sources

4:6      52, 55, 71, 74 4:8      70 4:10      56, 62, 67, 165, 183 4:12      184 4:13      35, 44 4:19      35, 44, 56 4:24      106 4:27      81 4:29      178 4:30      54, 103 4:31      67, 146, 178 4:32–​5:11      52–​4 4:32      184 n. 6 4:33–​37      36 4:35      184 n. 6 4:36      92–​4, 108, 119, 159 4:37      184 n. 6 5:3–​5      184 5:12–​28      54–​6 5:12      103 5:17      71, 74 5:18      87 5:19–​25      58 5:19      69 5:26      58, 107 5:27      71, 74 5:29–​42      56–​8 5:30      81, 129 5:32      68 5:34      163 6–​8      59–​70 6      59–​62 6:5      67 6:7      90, 150 6:9      92, 94, 121 6:14      165, 183 6:15      65 7:1–​8:4      62–​6 7:16      66 7:32      114 7:55      60 7:58–​15:30      17

7:58–​8:3      72 7:58–​59      107 7:58      95 7:59      60 7:60      77 8:1–​3      13 8:1      66 8:5–​25      66–​9 8:5–​13      69 8:14      35, 44, 83 8:15–​16a      184 8:25      69 8:26–​40      69–​70 8:26      185 8:29–​31      185 8:29      80 8:36      82 9–​15      27 9–​12      71–​90 9:1–​11:30      13 9:1–​22      71–​5 9:2      16, 94, 164, 184 9:3      164 9:4      65, 164, 170 9:5      165 9:7      165 9:8–​9      94 9:8      94, 165 9:15      165 9:17      165 9:18      165 9:20      94 9:21      13, 19 9:23–​42      75–​7 9:23–​25      13,  18 9:25      16, 18, 120, 183 9:26–​31      181 9:27      36 9:28      185 9:30      166 9:32–​34      92 9:36      183

227

228

Index of ancient sources

9:40–​41      154 9:40      183 9:43–​10:48      77–​82,  182 10:1–​11:18      114 10:2      123 10:9–​47      83 10:39      129 10:41      13, 83, 183 10:45      13–​14, 83–​4,  183 10:46      39 11:1–​18      82–​4 11:1      36 11:2      13–​14,  183 11:3      13, 183 11:14      123 11:16      146–​7 11:17      82 11:19–​26      84–​5 11:20      92–​3 11:26      91 11:27–​12:25      85–​90,  181 11:29–​30      184 11:30      91 12      182 12:2      35, 44 12:12      93–​4,  97 12:17      44, 113 12:24      150 12:25      13, 91, 93–​4, 97, 119, 184 13–​14      91–​109 13:1–​3      91–​3 13:1      93–​4,  96 13:2–​3      13 13:2      73 13:2de      183 13:4–​13      24,  93–​7 13:5–​13      100 13:5      89 13:6b–​11      187 13:13      89, 99 13:14–​14:20      182 13:14–​14:7      98–​104

13:21      170 13:29      129 13:30      183 13:38      183 13:39      183 13:46      12 13:50      132 13:51–​14:20      100 14:1      183 14:2–​5      120 14:4      16, 91 14:6      105, 108 14:8–​20      104–​8 14:11–​18      187 14:14      16, 91 14:15      51 14:19      120 14:19c      183 14:21–​28      108–​9 14:21–​26      119 14:23      188 14:27      112 15:1–​18:23a      111–​44 15:1–​35      16,  181 15:1–​29      111–​18,  182 15:1–​2a      13 15:2      108 15:4      36, 159 15:5      171 15:6b      185 15:7      92 15:13      44, 87 15:14      92, 183, 188 15:20      118, 120, 185 15:21      102 15:22–​23      188 15:22      118, 139 15:23–​29      16,  160 15:23      188 15:28–​29      118,  121 15:29      185 15:30–​41      118–​19

Index of ancient sources

15:30      89 15:36–​20:16      14 15:36      91 15:37–​39      88 15:37–​38      13 15:37      89, 94, 97 15:39      93, 97, 159 15:41      108 16:1–​8      119–​22,  182 16:1      105, 119 16:1bc      189 16:2      105 16:3      189 16:6      99, 104 16:9–​40      122–​31,  182 16:9      140 16:10      154, 159, 173 16:11–​40      12 16:14–​34      187 16:19–​20      134 16:22–​23      58 16:22      15 16:23      15 16:31      124 16:37–​38      95,  166 16:37      58, 166 17:1–​10a      131–​3 17:3      139 17:5–​9      151 n. 21, 152 n. 25, 153 n. 31 17:5–​8      188 17:10b–​15      133–​4 17:12      132 17:15      140 17:16–​34      134–​8 17:16–​31      187 18:1–​17      138–​42,  182 18:1–​5      188 18:2      142–​3,  146 18:8      123, 188 18:17–​18      188 18:18–​23a      142–​4

18:18–​22      181 18:18–​19      139 18:18      138, 146 18:18d      185 18:21      184 18:22b      185 18:23      99, 104, 121 n. 31 18:23b–​21:38      145–​61 18:23b–​28      145–​7,  182 18:25      147 18:26      138–​9 18:27      16, 188 19      147–​52 19:1      188 19:6      39 19:13–​15      186 19:16      186 19:21      14, 132 n. 64 19:22      152 n. 25, 153 n. 31 19:29      153 n. 31, 154 19:38      134 20:1–​15      152–​5 20:3      132 n. 67 20:13–​14a      185 20:16–​38      155–​8 20:16–​18b      185 20:17–​38      12,  14 20:18–​35      13 20:19      188 20:22      14 20:27–​28      188 20:28      188 20:32–​35      188 21:1–​38      158–​61 21:1–​18      154 21:8      60 21:10–​11      85 21:17–​26      169 21:18      36, 44, 87 21:20      19 21:24      184 21:25      16, 118

229

230

Index of ancient sources

21:25b–​d      185 21:33      170 21:38      145 21:39–​28:31      163–​79 21:39–​23:35      163–​8 21:39      72, 76 22:3      19, 62, 72, 76 22:4      72 22:5      71 22:7–​8      72 22:7      170 22:8      183 22:10–​11      71 23:27–​30      16 23:33      143 23:34      76 24–​26      168–​72,  182 24:17      184–​5 24:24      138 24:26      132 25:26      16 26:4      15 26:5      62, 113 26:10      72 26:11      72 26:12      71 26:14–​15      72 26:16      15 26:17      166 27–​28      172–​9 27:1–​28:2      182 28:19–​28      188 28:30      185 Romans 1:1–​2      93,  183 1:2      41, 102 1:3      101 1:4      34, 41, 52, 82, 136, 167, 172 1:5      46, 61 1:8      176 1:9      169

1:11      151 1:14      175 1:15      151 1:16      12, 48, 94, 100, 103, 183 1:17      170 2:2–​3      170 2:9–​10      12,  48 2:11      81 2:18      166 3:9      148 3:20      102, 183 3:21      100 3:22      102, 183 3:24      102, 183 4      18 4:13      101 4:16      101 4:20      74 4:25      72 5:5      82 6:3      43, 82 8:34      42 9–​11      12, 26, 176, 188 9:4–​5      102 9:8      101 9:15      176, 188 9:27      176, 188 9:29      37, 176, 188 10:5      176, 188 10:6      42 10:9      46, 49, 102, 105, 114, 128, 183 10:12      59 10:13      40 10:14      48 10:16      176, 188 10:19      176, 188 10:20–​21      188 10:20      176 10:21      176 10:38      12 11:1      65,  101–​2 11:8      177, 188

Index of ancient sources

11:11      177, 188 11:20      176, 188 11:23      176, 188 11:26      176, 188 12:11      146, 156 12:12      36, 43, 60 12:13      43, 52 15–​16      18 15:4      100 15:6      36, 44 15:8      102, 171 15:18–​19      172 15:19      41, 43, 54, 61, 103 15:23–​25      14 15:24      151 15:25–​32      11,  25 15:25–​31      86 15:25–​29      167 15:25–​27      118, 151, 169 15:25–​26      171 15:25      132 n. 67, 151, 153, 156 15:26–​27      52 15:26      43, 45, 52 15:28–​29      151 15:28      108 15:30–​31      14,  156 15:31–​32      151 15:31      59, 86, 90, 171 16:1–​2      132 n. 67 16:1      142–​3 16:3      138–​9 16:4      139 16:5      44, 132 n. 67 16:21–​23      153 n. 31 16:21      92, 120, 132, 151 n. 21, 152 n. 25, 153 16:22–​23      153 n. 31 16:22      153 16:23      151–​4 1 Corinthians 1:1      142, 188

1:2      65, 67, 73–​4 1:12      145, 147, 188 1:13      43, 82 1:14      140, 153, 188 1:16      61 1:17      172 1:18      44 1:22      95 1:24      148 2:7–​8      39 2:12      68 2:16      75 3:4–​6      147,  188 3:22      147, 188 4:6      147, 188 4:9      139 4:12      139, 158 6:11      45, 166 7:25–​28      159 7:30      52 7:34      159 8:1      118 8:4      118 9:1      76, 166 9:3      163 9:5      82 9:6      76 10:16      154 11:4–​7      142,  188 11:5      159 11:24      174 11:26      174 11:32–​33      13 12:7      39 12:10–​11      39 12:11      39 12:28–​30      92 12:28–​29      85,  92 12:28      92 12:30      38–​9,  82 12:31      38 13:1      38–​9

231

232 14:1–​5      148 14:2      39 14:23      38 14:26      39 14:30      38 15:4      81 15:5–​9      91 15:5–​7      33,  102 15:5      60 15:7      36 15:8      73, 172 15:9      72, 91, 164 15:12–​13      48 15:12      137 15:15      46 15:25      42 16:1–​7      39,  61 16:1–​4      86, 118, 151, 153 16:1      73, 99, 104 16:2      86 16:3      86 16:5      151 16:6      158 16:8      155, 158 16:11      134 16:12      145 16:15      61 16:17      61 16:18      61 16:19      44, 138–​9, 148 2 Corinthians 1:9      171 1:16      112, 151 1:19      131, 139, 188 1:23      138, 188 2:4      156 2:12–​13      122 2:13      123 2:15      44 3:1      71, 147, 184, 188 3:6      50

Index of ancient sources

3:7      62, 65 3:12–​13      50 3:12      146, 178 3:14–​16      70 3:15      116 3:17      146, 178 4:6      72 4:7      50 6:5      127 7:2      170 7:6      125 8–​9      52, 86, 118, 151, 184 8:1–​5      151 8:2      86 8:3–​4      86 8:4      43, 52, 86 8:6      109 8:16      109 8:18–​23      153 8:19–​20      151 8:23      109 9:1      86 9:7      86 9:12–​13      86 9:12      90 9:13      43, 52 11:22      59 11:23      15, 127 11:25      15, 56, 104, 107, 127, 174, 183 11:32–​33      16, 18, 75 11:32      18, 75–​6, 172 11:33      18, 75, 104, 183 12:1–​2      172 12:7–​8      88 12:8      166 12:12      41, 50, 54, 61, 103 13:13      52 Galatians 1–​2      17 1:1–​2:17      181

Index of ancient sources

1:1–​10      31–​58 1:1–​2      31–​8 1:1      103 1:2      99, 104 1:2b      183 1:3–​4      38–​44 1:3      183, 186 1:5      44–​8, 182, 186 1:6–​8a      48–​52 1:6      183 1:7      117 1:7a      184 1:8–​9      167 1:8b–​9b      52–​4 1:8c      184 1:9      102 1:9c–​e      54–​6 1:10      50,  56–​8 1:11–​15      59–​70 1:11–​12      59–​62 1:12      36, 183 1:13–​2:14      13 1:13–​14      19 1:13      13, 62–​6, 72, 74, 164, 171 1:14–​15a      66–​9 1:14      19, 160, 164 1:14b      185 1:15      93, 183 1:15b      69–​70,  185 1:15c      185 1:16–​23b      71–​90 1:16–​17      71–​5 1:16      36 1:17–​2:14      11,  25 1:17      36, 164, 181 1:17c–​18a      75 1:18–​21      181 1:18–​19      36,  83–​4 1:18      36, 72 1:18ab      75–​7 1:18a      185 1:18b      183

233

1:18c      77–​82,  182 1:19–​20      82–​4 1:19      76, 87 1:21–​22      84–​5 1:21      76, 94, 102, 108, 117, 119 1:22–​24      181 1:22      98 1:23      13, 19, 72, 74, 102 1:23ab      85–​90 1:23b      182 1:23c–​2:1      91–​109 1:23cd      93–​7 1:23c      91–​3 1:23d      91 1:24      50, 98–​108, 182 2:1–​10      16, 91, 181 2:1–​9      36 2:1      13, 76, 86, 90, 108–​9, 111, 119, 154–​5, 159–​60, 169, 173 2:1b      188 2:1c      112 2:2–​5:7      111–​44 2:2–​10      111–​18,  182 2:2      85, 160 2:2b      186 2:3–​6      98 2:3–​4      160 2:3      109, 160 2:4      160 2:6–​9      160 2:7–​9      44,  87 2:7–​8      78 2:7      13 2:7ab      185 2:8      76 2:9–​10      67,  160 2:9      35, 39, 45, 49, 55, 61, 76 2:9b      183 2:10      169, 184 2:10a      45, 86, 160, 169, 185 2:10bc      45, 52, 86, 90, 185 2:11–​21      98

234

Index of ancient sources

2:11–​14      79, 89, 181 2:11–​14c      118–​19 2:11–​12      84 2:11      84, 89, 91, 111 2:12–​14      92 2:12–​13      92,  98 2:12      13–​14, 54–​5, 81–​3, 92, 111, 183 2:13      49, 53, 84, 92–​3, 97 2:14c–​3:5      119–​22,  182 2:15      163 2:21      37, 183 3:2      43, 82 3:6–​28      122–​31,  182 3:14      19, 42, 183 3:16      101–​2 3:18      37, 183 3:19      62, 65 3:28      59 3:29–​4:6b      131–​3 3:29      101–​2 4:6b–​7      133–​4 4:8–​13      134–​8 4:8–​11      105–​6,  187 4:8      105 4:9a–​c      106 4:9c      106 4:9de      106 4:9d      106 4:10      106 4:11      106 4:13      94, 98–​9, 104, 108 4:14–​31      138–​42,  182 4:22–​25      125 4:25      75 4:30–​31      125 5:1–​7      142–​4 5:1      114 5:1bc      185 5:2–​3      112 5:3      156 5:4      37, 183

5:6a      185 5:8–​6:12      145–​61 5:8–​21      145–​7,  182 5:10      117 5:16c–​21      147 5:22–​6:3      147–​52 5:23      170 5:26a      186 5:26bc      186 6:4–​6a      152–​5 6:5      185 6:6      43, 178 6:6b–​10c      155–​8 6:6b      185 6:10c–​12      158–​61 6:11      185 6:12–​13      112 6:13–​18      163–​79 6:13–​16a      163–​8 6:14      183 6:15–​16a      169 6:15      186 6:16b      168–​72, 182, 185 6:17–​18      172–​9 6:17      98 6:17a      182 6:18      185 Ephesians 1:1      188 n. 9 1:3      156 1:6–​7      188 1:6      157 1:7      157 1:7a      157 1:7b      157 1:11      156, 188 1:14      157, 188 1:17–​18      157,  188 4:2      156, 188 4:9      148, 188 4:28      158, 188

Index of ancient sources

5:17      159 6:20      176 6:21      154 Philippians 1:1      123 1:5      123 1:7      172 1:13      168 1:15      173, 176, 178 1:17–​18      173, 176, 178 1:19–​26      179 1:19      122 1:20      178 1:27      52 1:29      73 2:5      129 2:6–​11      12, 129–​30,  187 2:6a      129 2:6bc      129 2:7a–​c      129 2:7d      129 2:8ab      129 2:8b      129 2:9      42, 56 2:9a      130 2:9b      130 2:10      130 2:11      42, 81 2:11ab      130 2:11b      130 2:12      43 2:15      43 2:25–​26      178 3:2–​3      112 3:5      62, 65, 67, 101, 161, 171 3:6      72, 164, 171 3:18      173, 176, 178 3:20      101 4:2      124 4:10–​20      178 4:16      131

4:18      178 Colossians 1:5–​6      61, 90, 150 1:12      172 1:13      172 1:14      172 4:3      161 4:7      154 4:10      89–​90, 97, 152–​3, 173 4:15      44 1 Thessalonians 1:1      65, 131, 139–​40 1:2      109 n. 44 1:5      81 1:6      109 1:9      116, 172 1:9c–​10      137,  187 1:9c      137 1:9d      137 1:10a      137 1:10b      137 1:10cd      137 2:1–​2      15 2:2      103–​4, 123, 127, 130, 172 2:5      41 2:7      41 2:9      139, 157 2:11      157 2:12      109, 132, 188 2:13      65, 68, 83, 157 2:14–​16      102, 132, 188 2:14–​15      75 2:14      103 2:14d–​16      95, 97, 187 2:14d–​15c      95–​6 2:15      46 2:15d      96 2:16      70, 82, 103 2:16a–​c      96 2:16d      96

235

236

Index of ancient sources

2:16e      96–​7 3:1      134, 137, 140, 187 3:2      109, 140 4:3      116 4:8      57, 68 4:11      139 4:13–​16      88 4:14      72 4:17      35 5:1–​2      34 2 Thessalonians 2:19      54 3:1      103 1 Timothy 1:3      152, 155 1:5      166 1:13      47 4:14      68 5:5      59 5:9–​10      59 5:16      59 5:17      155 5:22      61 2 Timothy 1:5      120, 189 1:6      68 1:9      114 1:16      176 1:17      98 2:8      101 3:11      93, 98–​9, 103, 105, 173 3:11a      107 3:11bc      108 3:15      120, 189 4:1      82 4:5      156 4:6–​8      179 4:7      156 4:10      109, 153, 173

4:11      97 4:12      154 4:13      154 4:16      173 4:18      179 4:19      138 4:20      98,  154–​5 Titus 1:4      109 1:5      98, 109, 157, 188 1:7      157 3:5–​6      42 3:8      109, 188 3:12      98, 154, 173 Philemon 2      44 13–​14      178 18      170 22      179 24      89, 97, 152–​3, 173 James 1:1      117, 188 5:16      150 1 Peter 1:1      39, 117, 121, 156–​7, 188 1:14      46, 188 1:18      45, 188 2:4      50 2:7–​8      50 2:19–​21      121 4:6      172 4:12      156, 188 4:16      85 5:1–​3      157,  188 5:1      117, 188 5:12–​13      78 5:12      97, 117, 188 5:13      89, 92, 97

Index of ancient sources

2 Peter 1:1      37, 92, 115, 183, 188 2:13      37, 188

2:15      37, 188 3:2      47, 188

Other Israelite-​Jewish Works Dead Sea Scrolls 1QS 2:19–​3:12      38, 184 n. 6 1QS 6:3–​6      37, 184 n. 6 1QS 6:4–​6      40, 184 n. 6 1QS 6:16      38, 184 n. 6 1QS 6:18      38, 184 n. 6 1QS 6:19      43, 52, 184 n. 6 1QS 6:21–​22      38, 184 n. 6 1QS 9:7–​8      52, 184 n. 6 1QSa 2:12      40 1QSa 2:14      40 1QSa 2:17–​20      40, 184 n. 6 1QSa 2:20      40 CD 10:21      35, 184 n. 6 CD 13:2      37, 184 n. 6 4Q266 11:17      38, 184 n. 6 Flavius Josephus Antiquitates judaicae 1.154–​157      63 2.64      39 2.232      64 3.189      45 3.320      85–​6 5.121      163 6.45      65, 101 6.88      101 6.378      101 7.202      35 7.393–​394      42 11.340      66 14.65      44, 79 14.110      103 14.183      93

15.40      49 15.284–​285      168 15.288–​289      168 15.373      93 16.143      168 18.20      43, 52 18.26      48 18.64      85 18.85–​86      67 18.85      64, 67 18.94      173 18.203      176–​7 18.235      170, 177 18.273      87 19.300      94 19.333      89 19.343–​350      89 19.343      89 19.344      89 19.345      89 19.346–​347      90 20.51–​53      85–​6 20.51      86 20.97–​98      57 20.97      57 20.101      85–​6 20.102      57 20.131      170 20.137      168 20.141–​143      170 20.142–​143      96 20.164      169 20.167–​168      161 20.169–​172      161 20.169      35

237

238

Index of ancient sources

20.179      170 20.182      170 20.186      161 20.188      161 20.199      55 20.205–​206      167 20.221      45, 54

2.344      171 2.520      92 5.70      35 5.185      45, 54 5.201      45 5.205      45 7.253      57–​8

Bellum judaicum 1.110      62, 164 1.215      93 2.118      169 2.162      62, 113, 164, 171 2.181      93 2.243      170–​1 2.254      161 2.259–​260      161 2.261–​263      161 2.262      35

Contra Apionem 2.1      31 Vita 13–​16      173 13      170–​1,  173 14      175 15      174–​5 16      174–​6 190–​191      57,  163 191      62, 164, 171

Other Graeco-​Roman Works Aesop Fabulae 110      105 Euripides Bacchae 432–​448      55 585–​641      127 614      128 636      128 795      171 1255      58 Herodotus Historiae 1.4      39 1.6      39 3.80–​82      39 7.136      39

Homer Odyssea 10.552–​560      155 11.51–​65      155 12.9–​10      155 Monumenta Asiae Minoris Antiqua 7.319      95 n. 7 7.321      95 n. 7 8.5      105 n. 32 8.8      105 n. 32 Ovid Metamorphoses 8.618–​720      105 Plato Apologia 17a      135

Index of ancient sources

29d      51, 56 Pliny the Elder Naturalis Historia 5.94      99 Strabo Geographica 12.3.31      99 12.6.4      99 12.8.14      99

14.5.13      73 17.1.54      69 Suetonius Claudius 25.4      139 Tacitus Annales 2.85      139

Other Early Christian Works 1 Clement 5.5      173, 176, 178–​9   ​   ​   ​

Justin Dialogus cum Tryphone 10.2      100 18.1      100 38.1      100

239

European Studies in Theology, Philosophy and History of Religions Edited by Bartosz Adamczewski Vol.

1

Bartosz Adamczewski: Retelling the Law. Genesis, Exodus-Numbers, and Samuel-Kings as Sequential Hypertextual Reworkings of Deuteronomy. 2012.

Vol.

2

Jacek Grzybowski (ed.): Philosophical and Religious Sources of Modern Culture. 2012.

Vol.

3

Bartosz Adamczewski: Hypertextuality and Historicity in the Gospels. 2013.

Vol.

4

Edmund Morawiec: Intellectual Intuition in the General Metaphysics of Jacques Maritain. A Study in the History of the Methodology of Classical Metaphysics. 2013.

Vol.

5

Edward Niezna ski: Towards a Formalization of Thomistic Theodicy. Formalized Attempts to Set Formal Logical Bases to State First Elements of Relations Considered in the Thomistic Theodicy. 2013.

Vol.

6

Mariusz Rosik: “In Christ All Will Be Made Alive” (1 Cor 15:12-58). The Role of Old Testament Quotations in the Pauline Argumentation for the Resurrection. 2013.

Vol.

7

Jan Krokos: Conscience as Cognition. Phenomenological Complementing of Aquinas's Theory of Conscience. 2013.

Vol.

8

Bartosz Adamczewski: The Gospel of Mark. A Hypertextual Commentary. 2014.

Vol.

9

Jacek Grzybowski: Cosmological and Philosophical World of Dante Alighieri. The Divine Comedy as a Medieval Vision of the Universe. 2015.

Vol.

10 Dariusz Karłowicz: The Archparadox of Death. Martyrdom as a Philosophical Category. 2016.

Vol.

11 Monika O óg: Inter duas potestates: The Religious Policy of Theoderic the Great. Translated by Marcin Fijak. 2016.

Vol.

12 Marek Dobrzeniecki: The Conflicts of Modernity in Ludwig Wittgenstein’s Tractatus Logico-Philosophicus. 2016.

Vol.

13 Bartosz Adamczewski: The Gospel of Luke. A Hypertextual Commentary. 2016.

Vol.

14 Paweł Rytel-Andrianik: Manna – Bread from Heaven. Jn 6:22-59 in the Light of Ps 78:2325 and Its Interpretation in Early Jewish Sources. 2017.

Vol.

15 Jan ížek: The Conception of Man in the Works of John Amos Comenius. 2016.

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16 Bartosz Adamczewski: The Gospel of Matthew. A Hypertextual Commentary. 2017.

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17 Bartosz Adamczewski: The Gospel of John. A Hypertextual Commentary. 2018.

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18 Tomasz St pie & Karolina Kocha czyk-Boni ska: Unknown God, Known in His Activities. 2018.

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19 Joanna Kulwicka-Kami ska: Dialogue of Scriptures. The Tatar Tefsir in the Context of Biblical and Qur’anic Interpretations. 2018.

Vol.

20 Mariusz Rosik: Church and Synagogue (30-313 AD). Parting of the Ways. 2019.

Vol.

21 Magdalena Zowczak (ed.): Catholic Religious Minorities in the Times of Transformation. Comparative Studies of Religious Culture in Poland and Ukraine. 2019.

Vol.

22 Cezary Korzec (ed.): Bible Caught in Violence. 2019.

Vol.

23 Magdalena Zowczak: The Folk Bible of Central-Eastern Europe. 2019.

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24 Sławomir Henryk Zar ba / Marcin Zarzecki (eds.): Between Construction and Deconstruction of the Universes of Meaning. Research into the Religiosity of Academic Youth in the Years 1988 – 1998 – 2005 – 2017. 2019.

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25 Bartosz Adamczewski: Genesis. A Hypertextual Commentary. 2021.

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26 Bartosz Adamczewski: Exodus–Numbers. A Hypertextual Commentary 2021.

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27 Bartosz Adamczewski: Deuteronomy–Judges. A Hypertextual Commentary 2021.

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28 Bartosz Adamczewski: Samuel–Kings. A Hypertextual Commentary 2021.

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29 Grzegorz Hołub: Understanding the Person. Essays on the Personalism of Karol Wojtyła. 2021.

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30 Michał Karnawalski: Heaven for Elijah?. A Study of Structure, Style, and Symbolism in 2 Kings 2:1-18. 2022.

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31 Bartosz Adamczewski: The Acts of the Apostles. A Hypertextual Commentary. 2023.

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