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MONASH UNIVERSITY THESIS ACCEPTED IN SATISFACTION OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
ON
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Sec. Research Graduate School Committee Under the Copyright Act 1968, this thesis must be used only under the normal conditions of scholarly fair dealing for the purposes of research, criticism or review. In particular no results or conclusions should be extracted from it, nor should it be copied or closely paraphrased in whole or in part without the written consent of the author. Proper written acknowledgement should be made for any assistance obtained from this thesis.
AMENDMENTS p 135, last two lines: delete "Under the 'contingency plan' of 1964 the Thai government allowed the United States to the use its" insert "In accordance with understandings reached between Thailand and the United States before, during and after 1964, the Thai government allowed the United States to use" p 136, line 5: delete "decision regarding the military bases was made" insert "understanding regarding the military bases was reached" p 136, line 8: delete "agreement", insert "agreements" p i 36, line 10: delete "the decision", insert "any decision" p 136, line 13: delete "agreement", insert "understanding" p 190, three lines from bottom: delete "gained occupancy of the currently vacant" insert "held the" p 191, line 4 insert "at the summit" before "should remain vacant" |
p 193, line 4 delete "believed", insert "claimed by some" p 207, six lines from bottom delete "the longest-serving", insert "a long-serving"
THAILAND IN SOUTHEAST ASIA: A STUDY OF FOREIGN POLICY 1945-1991
Monsak Jangariyawong B.A. Hons. (Political Science), Department of Sociology and Anthropology, Chulalongkorn University, Thailand M.A. (International Relations), Department of Politics, Monash University
Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, School of Political and Social Inquiry, Faculty of Arts, Monash University, Melbourne, Australia 2003
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Table of Contents Abstract
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Statement
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Acknowledgements
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Abbreviations
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Introduction-
Chapter 1
Chapter 2
Approaches to the study of Thailand's foreign policy
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The Dominant Leader Approach The Bureaucratic Polity Approach The Military Approach The Domestic Consensus Approach The Systemic Determinant Approach
5 8 10 13 15
Thailand and Postwar Southeast Asia
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War and The Aftermath of Thailand's Early Regional Diplomacy 20 An Early Drive towards Regional Cooperation 29 Thailand and Some Early Regional Initiatives 33
Chapter 3
Thailand, the Cold War and Southeast Asia The Domestic Setting: the Return of Phibun and Military Domination of Politics The Transitional Period (1948-1950) Thailand and the Polarisation of Southeast Asia Strategic Partnership, Collective Defence, and Regional Security Thailand and SEATO Thailand's Membership of SEATO: Implications for Regional Relations The Bandung Conference of 1955
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44 44 46 49 54 55 58 61
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Chapter 4
The Laotian Crises and Problems with SEATO
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SEATO and Thailand's Regional Security SEATO and the Communist Threat: The Thai perspective - Overt Aggression - Subversion Sarit and the Renewal of Thailand's Commitment to SEATO SEATO and the Laotian Crises: The Thai Perspective Thailand, SEATO, and the Neutralisation of Laos The 1962 Rusk-Thanat Agreement
69 71 73 74 77 81 88 93
Thailand and Regional Cooperation
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Chapter 5
A More Independent Thailand: the Aftermath of the Laotian Settlement Thanat and the Search for Policy Alternatives The Reemergence of Regional Cooperation as a Policy Alternative Thailand and Some Pre-ASEAN Attempts at Regionalism - The Association of Southeast Asia (ASA) - The Asian and Pacific Council (ASPAC)
Chapter 6
99 103 107 115 115 122
Thailand in ASEAN
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The Changing Thai Perspective on Regional Cooperation - Regional Cooperation as An Early Experiment - Regional Cooperation as 'the True and Only Alternative' - The Chinese Factor - The Deteriorating Situation in Indochina - The Prospect of United States Disengagement from Southeast Asia The Formation of ASEAN ASEAN and Implications for Thai Foreign Policy, 1967-1975 ASEAN as 'Collective Political Defence' Thailand in ASEAN: the Emergence of Sub-regional Solidarity
130 130 132 133 135 13 8 141 147 148 153
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Chapter 7 The Politics of A Front-line State
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Domestic Transition and Policy Implications 162 Thailand as the 'Front-line State' 167 ASEAN Collective Responses to the Indochina Crises, 1976-1977 171 Thailand in ASEAN: the Politics of a Front-line State, 1978-1988 175 Thailand's Perception of the Vietnamese-Cambodian Conflict 177 Factors Determining Thailand's Policy on the Cambodian Conflict 181 ASEAN and the Cambodian Conflict: The View from the Front-line State 183 - The Mobilisation of International Opposition against The Vietnamese Action 184 - The Promotion of a Coalition Effort Among Cambodian Resistance Factions 190
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Chapter 8
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Conclusion
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Appendix
Chatichai and the Reinterpretation of 'Front-line State'
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Thailand, ASEAN and the Cambodian Stalemate Thailand and the Cambodian Stalemate: A Prelude to Change Chatichai and the Reinterpretation of 'Front-line State' Chatichai's Vision and Thailand's New Regional Diplomacy - A More Flexible Approach towards the Cambodian Question - A New Economic Overture towards Indochina Thailand's Foreign Policy after Chatichai: A Post-script
195 202 208 211 211 224 237
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Thai Foreign Ministers since 1946
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Bibliography
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Abstract This thesis focuses on the regional dimension of Thailand's foreign policy in the period 1945-1991. It examines what sorts of policies emerged from Thailand's changing perceptions of the region and how far these policies served Thailand's
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evolving political and strategic objectives. Above all, it seeks to explain the development of Thailand's vision of regional cooperation as a cornerstone of foreign policy. In the decades after 1945 Thailand was simultaneously a minor power in the
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area of great power politics and a major force in the affairs of its own region. The
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interplay between these roles provides a key to the understanding of Thailand's post-
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war diplomacy in Southeast Asia in general, and its evolving attitudes towards
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indigenous regional cooperation in particular. In the Cold War era, the United States, with its global status and influence, became a major factor in Thailand's foreign relations, with Thailand in quest of a security guarantee from the United States against the Communist threat whether real or perceived. This policy had direct implications for Thailand's regional relations. In particular, Thailand's policy of alliance with the West and its membership of SEATO not only led to extremely tense relations with the emerging Communist states in neighbouring Indochina but also put Thailand in an
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awkward position in relation to Asian neutralism. I
To reassert itself as a major regional force, Thailand had to search for a policy
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alternative. The regional emphasis that emerged in Thai foreign policy did not start
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off as a priority, but emerged as such as Thailand's options and perceptions changed. While the earliest experiment with regional cooperation as an aspect of Thai foreign policy could be attributed to the efforts and vision of one influential political figure, Pridi Phanomyong, its steady resurgence as from the early 1960s was mainly
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engineered by leading bureaucrats in the Foreign Ministry, who were trying to
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develop their own voice in policy-making. In this connection, the personal leadership
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and determination of Foreign Minister Thanat Khoman was critical.
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The birth of ASEAN proved to be a significant turning point in terms of Thailand's perception of its role in the region. With the Vietnamese invasion of
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Cambodia, Thailand became ASEAN's front-line state. ASEAN quickly became an
important source of diplomatic support for Thailand on Cambodia and a means by which Thailand could make its opinions heard on international stages. Within this I
new diplomatic frame of reference the influence of civilian bureaucrats was
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increasingly institutionalised, a trend that continued throughout most of the Prem-
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Siddhi period as the Cambodian conflict endured. Chatichai Choonhavan's
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premiership, which lasted until the military coup of February 1991, was a period of
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transition in which the concept of Thailand as ASEAN's front-line state underwent
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significant reinterpretation. Of no less importance than the anticipated economic
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benefits, this new policy initiative was based on Chatichai's understanding that
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common prosperity was the best guarantee for peace in the region.
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This thesis contains no material which has been accepted for the award of any other degree or diploma in any university or other institution. I affirm that to the best of my knowledge, the thesis contains no material published or written by another person, except where due reference is made in the text of the thesis.
Monsak Jangariyawong
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Acknowledgements
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I owe a debt of gratitude to many people m Australia and Thailand who have
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helped me in one way or another to complete this thesis. I am most grateful to
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Professor David Goldsworthy, my thesis supervisor, for his advice, encouragement
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and especially for his patience, kindness and understanding throughout the extended
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period of time taken to complete this study. I am also grateful to my friend, Lee Poh Onn of the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, Singapore, for his suggestions and
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assistance in finding useful materials at an early stage of my research. I would like to
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thank the Royal Thai Government for financial support during the course of my study
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in Australia. My time in Australia would not have been so pleasant and memorable if
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it had not been for staff at the Royal Thai Embassy in Canberra who kindly assisted
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me on matters related to my living arrangements. My thanks also go to Khun Koi, personal assistant of His Excellency Thanat Khoman, for her help in arranging a meeting with His Excellency, a truly remarkable person. My work would have been much more difficult without the help of library staffs at Monash University (Clayton campus), Chulalongkorn University (Bangkok), Thammasat University (Bangkok), the National Library of Thailand, and the Thai Ministry of Foreign Affairs. My only regret is not being able to mention all of them by name. Last but not least, I would
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like to thank my mother, sisters and brother for their unfailing moral support.
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Abbreviations AFTA
ASEAN Free Trade Area
ARC
Asian Relations Conference
ASA
Association of Southeast Asia
ASEAN
Association of Southeast Asian Nations
ASPAC
Asian and Pacific Council
CGDK
Coalition Government of Democratic Kampuchea
DRV
Democratic Republic of Vietnam
ICK
International Conference on Kampuchea
IDF
Indochina Development Fund
JIM
Jakarta Informal Meeting
MAPHILINDO
Malaysia, Philippines and Indonesia
MFA
Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Thailand)
NATO
North Atlantic Treaty Organization
PRC
People's Republic of China
SEACOR
Southeast Asia Community Organisation
SEATO
South-East Asia Treaty Organization
VNS
Vietnam News Service
ZOPFAN
Zone of Peace, Freedom and Neutrality
1 IX
1 Introduction iA
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Among the developing countries Thailand has been widely regarded as unusually successful in its external policies. In the imperial era, for example, it was able to negotiate a variety of concessions and treaties with the European powers and to escape colonial
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occupation, the only country in Southeast Asia to do so. Later, at the height of the Cold War when the so-called domino theory was influential, Thailand again stood out, in the role of the 'domino' that successfully resisted the Communist sweep over mainland Southeast Asia. It is not surprising, therefore, that Thai foreign policy has been described as a model case of smaller-nation diplomacy.1 Yet despite this reputation, relatively little attempt has been made by researchers to provide a systematic account of Thai foreign policy over a lengthy historical period. This thesis seeks to provide such an account, primarily by tracing key themes in Thailand's policy towards its own region, Southeast Asia, over the nearly half a century from the end of the Pacific War to the significant policy developments of the early 1990s. As the Bibliography of this work attests, various scholars have treated Thailand's relations with particular countries, or more general themes in Thai policy, in various time frames within this period; none, however, has sought to provide an integrated historical account covering the full span of years. And this is especially true of policy towards Thailand's Southeast Asian neighbours. To some extent, the relative paucity of Thai scholarship on this subject perhaps reflects the fact that the general level of knowledge and understanding in Thailand about neighbouring countries has historically not been very high. According to a recent survey, such researches as are available on the subject tend to suffer from a lack of continuity and insight and most problematically, from the unavailability of an integrated body of knowledge about neighbouring countries, whether regarded individually or collectively.2 It is hoped that this study will contribute in a small way to improving this situation.
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Astri Suhrke, 'Smaller-Nation Diplomacy: Thailand's Current Dilemmas', Asian Survey, Vol. 11, No. 5 (May 1971), p. 429. 2 Srisakra Valipodom, 'The Study of Neighboring Countries in Thailand', in Sippanond Gaytuthat et al. (eds), International Studies: A Foundation of Thailand in a New World System (trans.) (Bangkok: Thailand Research Fund, 1995), p. 104.
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In order to provide a rounded account of Thailand's relations with, and approaches
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towards, the Southeast Asian region, it is essential to place the analysis of changing Thai
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perceptions, and their translation into policies, in the context of Thailand's overall foreign
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policy. To do so is a basic task of this thesis. With the context established, the central
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purpose of the thesis is to consider what sorts of policies have emerged from Thailand's
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changing perceptions of the region and how far these policies have served Thailand's evolving political and strategic objectives; and above all, to explain the development of Thailand's vision of regional cooperation as a cornerstone of foreign policy. A closely
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related objective is to analyse the ways in which movements in policy have reflected the nature of foreign policy-making in the Thai context, as determined in particular by the
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shifting patterns of authority among ministers, the bureaucracy and the armed forces. The end of the Second World War is chosen as the starting point for this study because it marked the effective beginning of post-imperial international relations in Southeast Asia, with most regional states moving rapidly towards the achievement of national independence. The early 1990s provides the end point, because it was then that the unveiling and implementation of Prime Minister Chatichai's regional initiatives sought to provide a new basis for Thailand's relationships with its neighbours. The thesis focuses primarily on the strategic and political dimensions of Thailand's foreign policy towards, and interactions with, Southeast Asia. Economic considerations, though increasingly important in Thailand's policy towards the region nowadays, were secondary in terms of their influence on policy output throughout the period under examination. Towards the end of the period, as Cold War tensions began to decline, economic considerations began to grow more salient, but even then, as will be shown, security concerns remained important. The approach used in this work rests both on broad historical analysis and on a number of case-studies. The thesis is divided into eight chapters. Chapter 1 provides a brief outline of some relevant conceptual frameworks for the analysis of Thai foreign policy. Chapter 2 begins with an outline of the post-war regional policy environment, and goes on to discuss an early experiment with indigenous regional cooperation as an aspect of Thai foreign policy in the immediate post-war years. Taking into account the volatile
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domestic and regional atmosphere, together with the prominent role of one visionary
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leader - Pridi Phamanyong, one of the most significant figures in modern Thai politics -
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the nature of Thailand's involvement in this early regionalist effort is explained. Marking
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an end to Thailand's short-lived experiment with indigenous regional cooperation was the military government's commitment to the Western alliance system led by the United
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States. Chapter 3 analyses the interplay of domestic and external factors influencing the
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Thai decision to become part of this alliance. Of particular interest is the question of how
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the policy of close alliance with the Western powers culminated in Thailand's membership
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of the South-East Asia Treaty Organization (SEATO), which in turn affected Thailand's
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relationships with its Southeast Asian neighbours. The Laotian crisis of the early 1960s is analysed in Chapter 4; this crisis not only constituted a major turning point for the Western
!< alliance system but also had a profound impact on the shaping of Thailand's regional a
perceptions, highlighting as it did the alliance's limitations as an instrument of Thailand's regional diplomacy. Chapter 5 examines the re-emergence of indigenous regional cooperation as a policy priority. This re-emergence of regional cooperation as an 'alternative' to the Western alliance system and its transformation into a 'cornerstone' of Thailand's foreign policy is discussed with particular reference to the work of the two most influential architects of Thai foreign policy in the modern era, Thanat Khoman (in the 1960s) and Siddhj Savetsila (in the 1980s). The discussion deals inter alia with some early regional initiatives leading up to the birth of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), with particular reference to Thailand's contribution to these