Studies in Islamic Painting, Epigraphy and Decorative Arts 9781474474825

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STUDIES IN ISLAMIC PAINTING, EPIGRAPHY AND DECORATIVE ARTS

Collected Papers in Islamic Art Series Editor: Professor Robert Hillenbrand Series titles include: Studies in Islamic Painting, Epigraphy and Decorative Arts Bernard O’Kane Studies in Persian Architecture Bernard O’Kane Studies in Arab Architecture Bernard O’Kane The Production of Meaning in Islamic Architecture and Ornament Yasser Tabbaa edinburghuniversitypress.com/series/cpia

STUDIES IN ISLAMIC PAINTING, EPIGRAPHY AND DECORATIVE ARTS Bernard O’Kane

For Andrea

Edinburgh University Press is one of the leading university presses in the UK. We publish academic books and journals in our selected subject areas across the humanities and social sciences, combining cutting-edge scholarship with high editorial and production values to produce academic works of lasting importance. For more information visit our website: edinburghuniversitypress.com © Bernard O’Kane, 2021 Cover image: Detail of copper alloy table, inlaid with silver, Mamluk Egypt, dated 1327–28, Museum of Islamic Art, Cairo, no. 139 (Photo: Boulos Isaac). Cover design: www.hayesdesign.co.uk Edinburgh University Press Ltd The Tun – Holyrood Road 12 (2f) Jackson’s Entry Edinburgh EH8 8PJ Typeset in Trump Medieval by Servis Filmsetting Ltd, Stockport, Cheshire, and printed and bound in Malta by Melita Press A CIP record for this book is available from the British Library ISBN 978 1 4744 7476 4 (hardback) ISBN 978 1 4744 7482 5 (webready PDF) ISBN 978 1 4744 7483 2 (epub) The right of Bernard O’Kane to be identified as author of this work has been asserted in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988 and the Copyright and Related Rights Regulations 2003 (SI No. 2498). Published with the support of the University of Edinburgh Scholarly Publishing Initiatives Fund.

Contents

List of Figuresvi Prefacexvi CHAPTER 1 The Egyptian Art of the Tiraz in Fatimid Times 1 CHAPTER 2 Monumental Calligraphy in Fatimid Egypt: Epigraphy in Stone, Stucco and Wood 33 CHAPTER 3 The Great Jalayirid Shåhnåma 73 CHAPTER 4 Medium and Message in the Monumental Epigraphy of Medieval Cairo 91 CHAPTER 5 A Tale of Two Minbars: Woodwork in Egypt and Syria on the Eve of the Ayyubids 112 CHAPTER 6 The Look of Language 127 CHAPTER 7 Text and Paintings in the al-Wåsi†È Maqåmåt 144 CHAPTER 8 Kalila o Demna: Illustrations in Manuscripts 162 CHAPTER 9 Documentation of the Inscriptions in the Historic Zone of Cairo 168 CHAPTER 10 The Uses of Persian on Monumental Epigraphy in Turkey 174 CHAPTER 11 Reconciliation or Estrangement? Colophon and Paintings in the TÒEM Ûafarnåma and Some Other Controversial Manuscripts 187 CHAPTER 12 The Uses of Captions in Medieval Literary Arabic Manuscripts 222 CHAPTER 13 The Iconography of the Shåhnåma, Ms. Taʾrikh FarisÈ 73, Dar al-Kutub, Cairo (796/1393–4) 239 CHAPTER 14 ‘Introduction to Islamic Art’, ‘The Ayyubids and Early Mamluks’ and ‘Iranian Art’ 264 CHAPTER 15 Persian Poetry on Ilkhanid Art and Architecture 346 CHAPTER 16 Siyah Qalam: The Jalayirid Connections 357 CHAPTER 17 The Bihbihani Anthology and its Antecedents 393 CHAPTER 18 Lifting the Veil from the Face of Persian Painting 420 CHAPTER 19 Rock Faces and Rock Figures in Persian Painting 435 Index480

Figures

1.1 1.2 1.3 1.4 1.5 1.6 1.7 1.8 1.9 1.10 2.1 2.2 2.3 2.4 2.5 2.6 2.7 2.8 2.9 2.10 2.11 2.12 2.13 2.14

Tiraz, Egypt, in the name of the imam al-Hakim 2 Tiraz, Egypt, tenth century 3 Tiraz, Damietta, Egypt, in the name of the imam al-ʿAziz 4 Tiraz, Egypt, in the name of the imam al-ʿAziz 5 Tiraz, Egypt, in the name of the imam al-Hakim 6 Tiraz, Egypt, in the name of the imam al-Zahir 7 Tiraz, Egypt, in the name of the imam al-Mustansir 7 Veil of St Anne and Detail, Damietta, Egypt 8 Tiraz, Egypt, twelfth century 9 Tiraz, Egypt, eleventh–twelfth centuries 9 Panel from a Mausoleum, Egypt, late tenth–early eleventh centuries 34 Stucco mihrab (972) of al-Azhar Mosque 35 Detail of foundation inscription of the north minaret of the Mosque of al- Hakim 36 Roundel of the north minaret of the Mosque of al-Hakim 37 Detail of the inscription below the zone of transition of the mashhad of al-Juyushi 38 Detail of the mihrab of the mashhad of al-Juyushi (1085) 39 Medallion at the apex of the dome of the mashhad of al-Juyushi 40 Fatimid mihrab (1094) of the Mosque of Ibn Tulun 41 Main mihrab at the shrine of Sayyida Ruqayya (1333) 42 Detail of the foundation inscription of Bab al-Futuh (1087) 43 Detail of the foundation inscription of Bab al-Nasr (1087) 43 Detail of the entrance façade of al-Aqmar Mosque (1125) 45 Detail from the Cenotaph of Sayyidna al-Husayn (c. 1160–70) 46 End of the foundation inscription of Bab al-Futuh 47

figures

2.15 2.16 3.1 3.2 3.3 3.4 3.5 3.6 3.7 3.8 3.9 3.10 3.11 3.12 4.1 4.2 4.3 4.4 4.5 4.6 4.7 4.8 4.9 5.1 5.2 5.3 5.4 5.5 5.6 5.7 5.8

Detail of the inscription below the zone of transition of the Mausoleum of Sayyida ʿAtika (c. 1125) 47 Central mihrab of the Ikhwat Yusuf shrine (c. 1125–50) 48 The Meeting of Zal and Rudaba, reign of Shaykh Uvays (1356–74) 75 Rustam Lassoing the Witch, reign of Shaykh Uvays (1356–74) 76 The Watchman Retreats with His Ears in Hand, reign of Shaykh Uvays (1356–74) 78 Zahhak Nailed to Mt Damavand, reign of Shaykh Uvays (1356–74) 80 Details of Figure 3.4 81 Battle Scene, c. 1335–55 82 Torture of Captives, c. 1335–55 83 Horses with hairy muzzles 84 Leaves with red-dotted tips 85 Grass 85 Manuchihr Kills Tur, reign of Shaykh Uvays (1356–74) 86 Bahram Gur Fighting the Wolf; Isfandiyar Fighting the Wolves, reign of Shaykh Uvays (1356–74) 87 Mausoleum of Baybars al-JåshinkÈr (1309), detail of foundation inscription 92 Complex of Umm al-Sultån Shaʿbån (1368–9), detail of inscription at base of northern mausoleum dome 92 The Nilometer (861), detail of inscription above arch 93 Mosque of Ibn ÊËlËn (265/878–9), foundation inscription 95 Inscription roundels: al-Aqmar (1125), Ya˙yå al-ShabihÈ (1154–60), al-Ûåhir Baybars (1267–9) and al- MåridånÈ (1339–40) 97 Inscriptions from portals of Aslåm al-Silå˙dår (745–6/1344–5) 101 Inscription above dado in the mausoleum of Sultan Óasan (1356–63) 103 Detail of inscription on entrance portal of complex of Sultan BarqËq (1384–6) 104 Dado of mosque of Sulaymån Påsha (1528) 104 Minbar of the Jamiʿ al-ʿAmri at Qus (550/1155–6) 113 Minbar of the Jamiʿ Nuri at Hama (559/1163–4) 114 Prisse d’Avennes, minbar of the Jamiʿ al-ʿAmri at Qus 115 Detail of spandrels of entrance of Qus minbar 116 Comparison of detail of Fig. 3 with actual side of Qus minbar 117 Details of sides and back of Qus minbar 117 Detail of hexagon on side of Qus minbar 118 Minbar made for the Shrine at Asqalon (484/1091–2) 119

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5.9 5.10

Detail of panel with cornucopia on side of Qus minbar 119 Detail of top of the minbar of the Jamiʿ Nuri at Hama (559/1163–4) 120 5.11 Detail of inscription on backrest of Hama minbar 122 5.12 Detail of painting on dome of Hama minbar 123 6.1 Sultan Ahmad Mosque (1616), Istanbul, Turkey, central part of foundation inscription 135 6.2 Water dispensary (sabil) of Bashir Agha (1718), Cairo, Egypt, foundation panel 136 6.3 Şakirin Mosque (2009), Istanbul, Turkey, foundation panel 137 6.4 Masjid Jamek (1908), Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia foundation panel 138 6.5 Masjid Putra (1999), Putrajaya, Malaysia, foundation panel 139 6.6 Masjid Sultan Salahuddin Abdul Aziz Shah mosque (1988), Shah Alam, Malaysia, twin foundation panels 139 6.7 Masjid Al-Azim (1990), Melaka, Malaysia, foundation panel 140 7.1 Al-Óårith and the crowd and Abu Zayd’s arrival 145 7.2 Al-Óårith approaches Abu Zayd and his son 147 7.3 The celebration of eid al-fitr 149 7.4 Abu Zayd and his son before pilgrims 149 7.5 Abu Zayd recovers his bag 150 7.6 Abu Zayd flees from a glass vase 151 7.7 Abu Zayd rides away from the crowd 152 7.8 Abu Zayd begs for clothing 153 7.9 Abu Zayd points out his presents to al-Óårith 154 7.10 Al-Óårith and Abu Zayd arrive at the ruler’s palace 154 7.11 Abu Zayd addresses the crowd 155 7.12 Maqåmå 36, ff. 111b–112a 156 7.13 Maqåmå 16, ff. 42b–43a 158 8.1 The Thief is Beaten in the Bedroom 163 8.2 The Cobbler Cuts Off the Nose of the Barber’s Wife 165 8.3 Fanzah Refuses to Return to the King 166 9.1 Palace of Qawsun, detail of inscription on entrance portal showing damage due to the rising water table 169 9.2 Mausoleum of Sayyida ʿAtika, detail of stucco inscription 169 9.3 Photography in progress; photograph of the author by Arnaud du Boistesselin 171 10.1 Sivas, hospital of Key Kâʾus, entrance to mausoleum, detail, 1220 175 10.2 Ak∞ehir, cenotaph from mausoleum of Seyyid Mahmûd Kheyrânî, 667/1228–9 177 10.3 Konya, Sırçali medrese, medallion with craftsman’s signature, 640/1242–3 178

figures

10.4

Konya, Sırçali medrese, medallion with Persian verse, 640/1242–3 179 10.5 Bursa, Ye∞il Cami, detail of the mihrab, 1419–24 180 10.6 Istanbul, Tiled Kiosk, detail of foundation inscription, 1471 180 10.7 Astrolabe, 1486, made for Sultan Bayezid 181 10.8 Foça, Alaya mosque, graffito of Evliya Çelebi, 1074/1664 182 11.1 Detail of colophon. Sharaf al-Din ʿAli Yazdi, Ûafarnåma 189 11.2 Double-page frontispiece. DÈvån of Sultan Husayn Bayqara 190 11.3 Outer binding. Sharaf al-Din ʿAli Yazdi, Ûafarnåma 195 11.4 Inner binding. Sharaf al-Din ʿAli Yazdi, Ûafarnåma 196 11.5 Illumination. Sharaf al-Din ʿAli Yazdi, Ûafarnåma 197 11.6 Timur and Amir Husayn Defeat Mengli-Buqa at the Ab-i Siyah 198 11.7 Timur Attacks the Forces of Amir Husayn at Tang-i Haram 199 11.8 Aq Timur on Foot Causes Üch Qara Bahadur to Flee 200 11.9 Timur and Jahan Malik b. Amir Husayn Rout the Badakhshan Army at the Jarum Gorge 202 11.10 Shaikh ʿAli, Storming the Fort of Kat, Seizes and Breaks the Lance of a Defender While Striking Him on the Head 204 11.11 The Marriage of Timur and Dilshad Agha 205 11.12 Timur’s Accession to Power at Balkh 206 11.13 Double-page frontispiece. Nizami, Khamsa 207 11.14 Timur Hunts after the Conquest of Tiflis 208 11.15 The Wedding Celebrations for Muhammad Sultan, Pir Muhammad and Shah Rukh at the Bagh-i Bihisht, Samarqand 209 11.16 Timur’s Army is Lowered in Boxes to Fight the Georgians in Caves 210 11.17 Sultan Mahmud Khan Brings the Defeated Yildırim Bayazid into Timur’s Presence 211 12.1 The Perils of Life. Ibn al-Muqaffaʿ, KalÈla and Dimna, Egypt or Syria, dated 755 (1354) 224 12.2 AbË Zayd, Disguised as an Old Woman, Fools the Crowd 225 12.3 Picture of al-Óårith and His Adversary and AbË Zayd Pouncing on Them with His Spear. Al-ÓarÈrÈ, Maqåmåt, Diyarbakir, early thirteenth century 227 12.4 Dimna Tells KalÈla the Metaphor of the Trompe l’Oeil Painter 228 12.5 Dimna Tells KalÈla the Metaphor of the Trompe l’Oeil Painter 229

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12.6 12.7 12.8

The Trompe l’Oeil Painter 230 The King Converses with the Sage KinairËn 232 Image of the King of the Hares, the Hares Around Him, While He Talks to Them. Ibn al-Muqaffaʿ, KalÈla and Dimna, Egypt or Syria, dated 755 (1354) 233 12.9 Image of the King of the Hares, the Hares Around Him, While He Talks to Them. Ibn al-Muqaffaʿ, KalÈla and Dimna, Egypt or Syria, dated 755 (1354) 234 12.10 Image of the Ascetic and the Dead Weasel and the Infant in the Crib and the Dismembered Snake 235 13.1 Detail, colophon. Shahnama, Dar al-Kutub 246 13.2 Rustam Kills the Dragon 247 13.3 ʿAfrasiyab and Human Escape from Rustam 248 13.4 Farud’s Mother Watches His Death 249 13.5 Rustam Defeats the Khaqan of Chin and the Turanians 250 13.6 Rustam Besieges the Fortress of Gang 251 13.7 Kay Khusrau Crosses the River Zara 252 13.8 Bahram Chubina Enthroned 253 14.1 Mosque lamp, MIA 288 268 14.2 Fragment of cenotaph, MIA 409 269 14.3 Candlestick, MIA 1657 270 14.4 Table, MIA 449 271 14.5 Fragment of cenotaph, MIA 2129 278 14.6 Candlestick, MIA 15079 279 14.7 Shard, MIA 6939/1 279 14.8 Mosque lamp, MIA 328 280 14.9 Qurʾan box, MIA 183 281 14.10 Textile fragment, MIA 2225 282 14.11 Candlestick, MIA 15121 282 14.12 Ewer, MIA 24084 283 14.13 Basin, MIA 24085 283 14.14 Bowl, CM 39 (formerly MIA 15982) 284 14.15 Fragment of cenotaph, MIA 437 285 14.16 Bowl, CM 35 (formerly MIA 15679) 285 14.17 Textile fragment, MIA 8204 286 14.18 Textile fragment, MIA 14472 286 14.19 Casket, MIA 3259 287 14.20 Vase, MIA 4261 288 14.21 Bottle, MIA 4262 288 14.22 Tray, MIA 15153 289 14.23 Basin, MIA 15038 289 14.24 Socket and neck of candlestick, MIA 4463 290 14.25 Jar stand, MIA 4328 290 14.26 Jar stand MIA 1463 291 14.27 Basin, MIA 15043 291 14.28 Rosewater sprinkler, MIA 15111 292 14.29 Panel, MIA 2785 292

figures

14.30 Penbox, MIA 15132 293 14.31 Textile, MIA 15554 294 14.32 Penbox, MIA 4461 295 14.33 Ewer, MIA 15126 296 14.34 Mihrab, MIA 19 296 14.35 Qurʾan box, MIA 452 297 14.36 Key, MIA 15133 298 14.37 Incense Burner, MIA 24078 298 14.38 Incense Burner, MIA 15129 299 14.39 Magic bowl, MIA 3862 300 14.40 Lunette, MIA 1655 301 14.41 Plaque, MIA 5620 302 14.42 Ewer, MIA 15089 302 14.43 Casket, MIA 29229 303 14.44 Panel, MIA 7049 304 14.45 Cenotaph, MIA 15025 305 14.46 Candlestick, MIA 15078 306 14.47 Shard, MIA 13174 306 14.48 Pot shards, MIA 5112/1–2, 5130/2, 5132/3, 5146/3 307 14.49 Basin, MIA 15041 308 14.50 Bowl, CM 22 309 14.51 Bowl, CM 41 309 14.52 Vase, CM 246 310 14.53 Shards, CM 94 (formerly MIA 5380), 95 311 14.54 Lamp, MIA 15123 312 14.55 Vase, MIA 15125 312 14.56 Candlestick, MIA 15080 313 14.57 Hexagonal Qurʾan table, MIA 139 314 14.58 Detail of Panel, MIA 13488 315 14.59 Gold earring, MIA 14991/1–2 315 14.60 140. Gold necklace, MIA 13749 316 14.61 Mosque lamp, MIA 313 317 14.62 Bowl, CM 29 (formerly MIA 5974) 318 14.63 Candlestick base, MIA 7949 322 14.64 Candlestick, MIA 15124 322 14.65 Tile, CM 313 323 14.66 Plate, CM 302 324 14.67 Ewer, MIA 15168 325 14.68 Tankard, CM 275 326 14.69 Torch-stand, MIA 14456 326 14.70 Textile fragment, MIA 15621 327 14.71 Tile, CM 312 327 14.72 Candlestick, MIA 15201 328 14.73 Plaques, MIA 9738, 9774 329 14.74 Bowl, CM 294 330 14.75 Ewer, CM 273 331 14.76 Mihrab, MIA 3745 331

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14.77 Two star tiles, CM 309 (formerly MIA 6277), CM 311 332 14.78 Vase, MIA 15490 333 14.79 Bowl, CM 287 334 14.80 Textile fragment, MIA 12067 334 14.81 Binding, MIA 7950 335 14.82 Bowl, CM 292 336 14.83 Kashkul, MIA 15175 337 14.84 Textile fragments, MIA 12006, 12008 338 14.85 Panel, MIA 1120 338 14.86 Four plaques, MIA 15412/1–4 339 14.87 Rug with central medallion, MIA 15764 340 14.88 Binding, MIA 8480 341 14.89 Bowl, MIA 14874 342 14.90 Torch-stand, MIA 15182 343 14.91 Jug, MIA 14759 343 14.92 Compass, MIA 15352 344 14.93 Ewer and basin, MIA 16374 345 15.1 Tile panel, khanaqah of Pir Husain near Baku 345(1284–6) 347 15.2 Tile panel, probably from the Imamzada Jaʿfar, Damghan (1266–7) 348 15.3 Tile panel, Masjid-i ʿAli, Kashan (1303–7) 350 15.4 Cup, bronze inlaid with silver (fourteenth century) 351 15.5 Caravanserai, north of Marand (fourteenth century), detail of Kufic inscription on portal 352 15.6 Mosque, Asnaq (1333), detail of inscription over window 353 15.7 Buqʿa-yi Khizr, Hamadan (fourteenth century), interior 353 16.1 Wrestling Demons, Tabriz or Baghdad, c. 1360–75 358 16.2 Wanderers with Donkey, Tabriz or Baghdad, c. 1350–70 358 16.3 Horse and Black Groom, Tabriz or Baghdad; Rolling Horse, Tang 359 16.4 Rustam Lassoing the Witch, detail 360 16.5 The Imprisonment of Zahhak, detail 361 16.6 The Watchman Retreats with His Ears in Hand, detail 362 16.7 Rustam Lassoing the Witch, detail; The Imprisonment of Zahhak, detail 363 16.8 Bridal Procession, Tabriz or Baghdad, detail; Mourner, Dunhuang, detail; The Watchman Retreats with His Ears in Hand, detail 364 16.9 Bridal Procession, Tabriz or Baghdad, detail; Rustam Lassoing the Witch, detail; The Imprisonment of Zahhak, detail 365 16.10 Figures with Emaciated Dogs, detail; The Neighbours Come to the Aid of the Ascetic, detail 366

figures

16.11 The Ascetic’s Guest Beats the Rat, detail 367 16.12 Demons Bearing Palanquins, detail; The Thief Is Beaten in the Bedroom, detail 368 16.13 Demons Bearing Palanquins, detail; Sam before Zal, detail 369 16.14 The Ascetic Watches the Greedy Fox, detail 370 16.15 Angels Lassoing a Hydra, detail 371 16.16 Two Demons, One Wrestling a Dragon, 372 16.17 Dragon Attacking Two Bear Cubs 374 16.18 River Scene, Divan of Sultan Ahmad, Baghdad, detail 375 16.19 Angels Amidst Clouds, details 376 16.20 Encampment, Tabriz or Baghdad, detail; Encampment, Divan of Sultan Ahmad, Baghdad, detail; Philagrios Preparing an Antidote 377 16.21 Liu Kuan-tao, Qubla Khan Hunting 378 16.22 Samson Strangling the Lion detail 379 16.23 Composite Dragon, detail 380 16.24 Joshua Orders Property to be Destroyed, detail 381 16.25 Figures and Dragon in Rocky Landscape 382 16.26 Figures, ink on paper, Tabriz or Baghdad, detail 382 16.27 Kung K’ai (1222–1307), Chung K’uei’s Excursion on the Night of the Lanterm Festival, detail 383 16.28 Kung K’ai (1222–1307), Chung K’uei’s Excursion on the Night of the Lantern Festival, detail 384 16.29 Yan Hui (1279–1369), Tieguai, detail 385 16.30 After Kuan-hsiu (832–912), Lohan Reading a Sutra, from The Sixteen Lohans, detail 385 17.1 Landscapes, Anthology, Shiraz, 1398 394 17.2 Landscapes, Anthology, Shiraz, 1398 395 17.3 Hunting Scene, Anthology, Shiraz, 1398 396 17.4 Hunting Scene, Anthology, Shiraz, 1398, detail 397 17.5 Hunting Scene, Anthology, Shiraz, 1398, detail 398 17.6 In Praise of Spring 399 17.7 Rustan Defeats Suhrab 400 17.8 Penultimate page, Shahnama of Firdausi 402 17.9 Bahram Shapur Enthroned 403 17.10 The Devout Man Knocks a Pot of Oil on His Head 405 17.11 Bahman Shoots Ruʾin Son of Piran with an Arrow 406 17.12 Siyavush Plays Polo 408 17.13 Illumination, Anthology, detail 409 17.14 Linjan, Pir-i Bakran shrine, dome chamber, c. 1303, mihrab 410 17.15 Linjan, Pir-i Bakran shrine, dome chamber, c. 1303, detail 411 17.16 Linjan, Pir-i Bakran shrine, dome chamber, c. 1303, detail 411 17.17 Azadan, Masjid-i Gunbad, 1365, interior 411

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17.18 Azadan, Masjid-i Gunbad, 1365, tympanum above mihrab 412 17.19 Azadan, Masjid-i Gunbad, 1365, view of Madina 412 17.20 Azadan, Masjid-i Gunbad, 1365, view of Mecca 413 18.1 The Lovers’ Farewell, Ayyuqi, Varqa and Gulshah 422 18.2 Bahram Gur in the Green Pavilion, detail 423 18.3 Timur’s Wedding to Dilshad Agha Is Celebrated 425 18.4 Detail of colophon, Yazdi, Zafarnama 429 19.1 Rocks, Jalayirid, c. 1360–70 436 19.2 Humåy Enthroned, detail 437 19.3 Masjid-i Jåmiʿ, FuryËmad, Iran, stucco inscription from north ayvån 438 19.4 The Waq-Waq Tree 439 19.5 Chang Sheng-wen, Buddhist scroll, detail 440 19.6 The Vulture Peak, frontispiece of the Lotus Sùtra, detail 441 19.7 Landscape in the Style of Yen Wen-kuei and Fan K’uan, detail 442 19.8 Landscape with Horseman, detail 442 19.9 The Lion Attacks Shanzaba, detail 443 19.10 The Hare, the Woodcock, and the Hypocritical Cat, detail 443 19.11 The Greedy Fox, detail 444 19.12 The Owls Attack the Crows, detail 444 19.13 The Watchman Retreats, detail 445 19.14 Isfandiyår Fights the Wolves, detail 446 19.15 Rustam Lassoing the Witch, detail 446 19.16 Rustam Lassoing the Witch, detail 446 19.17 Landscape, Anthology, Bihbihån, detail 447 19.18 Landscape, Anthology, Bihbihån, detail 447 19.19 MajnËn Among the Animals, detail 448 19.20 The Physicians’ Duel, detail 448 19.21 The Crow and the Mouse, detail 450 19.22 The Elephants at the Pool, detail 450 19.23 The Crow and the Mouse, detail 451 19.24 The Caravan Sights the Faun (Nasnås), detail 451 19.25 Khusrau Sees ShÈrÈn Bathing, detail 452 19.26 MajnËn at the Kaʿba, detail 452 19.27 Iskandar Builds a Wall Against Gog and Magog detail 452 19.28 Mihr and MushtarÈ Visit the Hermit detail 453 19.29 Iskandar Visits the Hermit, detail 454 19.30 MushtarÈ and His Companions Fight Wild Animals and Demons in the Alburz Mountains 455 19.31 The Battle of Iskandar with the Khåqån of ChÈn detail 455

figures

19.32 Rustam Kills Jankush, detail 456 19.33 The Battle of KåmËs with GÈv and TËs, detail 456 19.34 Rustam Kills Arzhang, detail 457 19.35 Hunting Scene, detail 458 19.36 A Company of SËfÈs, detail 460 19.37 ShÈrÈn Visits Farhåd, detail 460 19.38 ShÈrÈn Visits Farhåd, detail 461 19.39 Farhåd Carries ShÈrÈn 461 19.40 Bahråm GËr Fights the Khåqån of ChÈn 462 19.41 A Young Prince with Sages in a Garden, detail 463

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Preface

One of the most thrilling moments of my youth was in the British Museum when, for the first time, I turned the pages of illustrated Persian manuscripts. Not just any illustrated manuscripts, but the Khamsas for Shah Tahmasp and Amir Farsi Barlas, the latter with some of Bihzad’s masterpieces. Minutes before, when I had asked for them at the counter, the custodian said, ‘Hmm . . . these are restricted. You are of course a doctoral student studying the subject?’ to which I eagerly responded, ‘Oh yes, of course.’ He had immediately recognised me for what I was, an enthusiastic amateur (then a law student, in fact), and charitably assessed that I would not pose a threat to some of the world’s greatest treasures of Islamic art. For better or worse, such informal laxity is unlikely to be repeated with amateurs today, but much of that same thrill has stayed with me in later encounters with fine manuscripts. The intimacies of cradling the original, imbibing its subtle aromas of polished paper and leather,  and slowing turning the pages of calligraphy to reveal the vibrancy of a painting are some the most pleasurable experiences in the field. I hope I have imparted some of these pleasures in the studies  that  follow, as well, of course, as imparting information on various aspects of Arab and Persian painting, from more recent papers focusing on the relationship of text and image, to earlier ones exploring matters of dating, provenance, patronage, and quirky byways such as rock faces. (Note: in the text, notes that are updated from the original publication are indicated with an asterisk.) My early studies of Timurid architecture led to an investigation of its frequent but unusual use of Persian in inscriptions, and in turn to further work on Persian in inscriptions in other parts of the Islamic world and to the role of epigraphy in general. Epigraphy also plays an important role in the decorative arts, intrinsically in material such as Fatimid tiraz, and is frequently an important part of the treasures of the Islamic museum in Cairo presented here. I am grateful to Robert Hillenbrand for the invitation to

preface 

submit  these articles for publication at Edinburgh University Press, to the staff at the Press, Nicola Ramsey, Kirsty Woods and Eddie Clark, for their support, and to the copy editor, Michael Ayton.

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CHAPTER ONE

The Egyptian Art of the Tiraz in Fatimid Times Known as the ‘granary’ of Rome in Pre-Islamic times, Egypt’s fertile agrarian base also enabled it to be the pre-eminent grower of flax in pre-modern times. In the Mediterranean and beyond, the country was by far the largest producer of linen, a commodity so vital that it not merely underpinned the textile industry but was also the linchpin of the whole economy.1 Most surviving Egyptian textiles are made of linen, twenty-two varieties of which are known from the Geniza documents.2 Linen, unlike silk or cotton, is dye-resistant, making painting on it difficult. Most inscriptions on linen were therefore embroidered, usually in silk,3 in a simple chain stitch. The variety of embroidery stitching later expanded, allowing for more ambitious calligraphic details than were possible with the simple chain stitch.4 As the abundant survivals from Pre-Islamic Egypt show, weaving was also a major industry under the Copts, who continued to be active in the industry in Islamic times.5 But the main institution that concerns us here, since we will be mainly looking at inscriptions on textiles, is that of tiraz. This refers to the factories, originally set up under the auspices of the Umayyad caliphs, to produce textiles for the court, both for the caliph’s own wear, and particularly for the distribution of robes of honour (khilʿa)6 as presents to members of the court and others deemed worthy of such distinctions. These should also be seen in the context of the importance attached to dress in general in medieval Islam. ‘Waste on your back, not on your belly’, that is, be extravagant with your clothing rather than your food, is a saying that appears with many variations in Middle Eastern languages.7 Linen was the main fabric used for these textiles, in which the embroidered inscriptions were normally made of silk. As early as the reign of the Abbasid caliph al-Amin (r. 809–13), Egyptian factories were producing tiraz for the court, as an extant example shows.8 Although the caliph’s name was always written on Bernard O’Kane (2018), ‘The Egyptian Art of Êiråz in Fatimid Times’, in A. S. Melikian-Chirvani (ed.), The World of the Fatimids, Exhibition Catalogue, Toronto: Aga Khan Museum, 178–89.

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Figure 1.1  Tiraz, Egypt, in the name of the imam al-Hakim (dated 387/­ 997–8), made at Damietta, plain weave with inwoven tapestry weave, linen and silk, L 40 cm, W 40 cm, Museum of Islamic Art, Cairo, Inv. No. 13015

the kiswa (the cloth that provided the covering of the Kaʿba and which was renewed annually),9 the early sources do not make it clear that textiles produced in the tiraz factories invariably had inscriptions.10 But by the ninth century, as with the tiraz of al-Amin mentioned above, it is clear that it was normal for them to have inscriptions that reflected caliphal prestige and authority to the extent that unauthorised change of them, as in the coinage and khutba (the sermon at Friday prayers), would be a signal of rebellion.11 The formula is usually consistent, with the basmala followed by the caliph’s name and a wish for God’s blessing, the name of the tiraz factory, and the date. The occasional addition of the name of the caliph’s heir is another indication of the socio-political importance of the inscriptions.12 Later, other information could include the name of the wazir, the person who was the superintendent of the tiraz factories, and the place of manufacture. Sometimes it is specified whether the factory was a private (khassa) or public (ʿamma) one. The distinction between the private and public factories seems not to have been as critical as was previously thought. Both produced textiles of a wide range of materials and of equally fine quality; the most recent research suggests that while the private factories were exclusively tied to the court, the public ones, in addition to independent commissions, could have also fulfilled court orders when the private factories were overstretched.13

the egyptian art of the Tiraz

Figure 1.2  Tiraz, Egypt, tenth century, linen, tapestry-woven silk, L 151 cm, W 51 cm, Aga Khan Museum, Toronto, Inv. No. AKM670

It is with the increasing political importance of tiraz that we find their inscriptions gain in aesthetic importance. Among the earliest period from which several examples are known is that of the Abbasid caliph al-Mutawakkil (r. 847–61). Varying styles of Kufic can be seen, including short, thick forward-slanting letters; short, thin backward-slanting ones; or tall and thin letters with exaggerated curves below the main line.14 But none was as yet of any striking aesthetic value. This had changed by the early ninth century when examples from Iraq or Iran add serifs to the uprights and extend the ends of letters into regular crescent shapes below the lines.15 But a century later these same traits are encountered (in an Iraqi example) with extraneous letters to the point of obfuscation,16 or in Egyptianmade examples (dated 922–8) with crescent shapes added merely to create a rhythmic pattern.17 On the eve of the Fatimid conquest, in the reign of the Abbasid caliph al-Mutiʿ, tiraz appeared in which the elements that became the cornerstone of early Fatimid design were already ­apparent: the script now is floriated, with discs decorating the tops of uprights. Many of these ascenders curve upward in swan-neck fashion.18 Two lines of script, one inverted, are employed, and the band between them is decorated with Coptic-derived figural imagery, usually within medallions (Museum of Islamic Art, Cairo, Figure 1.1).19 A tiraz belonging to the Aga Khan Museum from the reign (952–75) of al-Muʿizz (Figure 1.2) displays a very sober foliation but boldly emphasises the baseline of the script with a deep red woven silk contrasting with the yellow used for the upper parts of the letters. However, the greatest impression one derives from the numerous examples preserved from the reigns of the Fatimid caliphs al-ʿAziz (975–96) and al-Hakim (996–1021) is that of the variety of scripts employed (Museum of Islamic Art, Cairo, Figure  1.3). These can range from the unembellished,20 to striking new varieties with unusually tall uprights,21 to ones that are geometricised by shaping letters close to a 45-degree angle (Museum of Islamic Art, Cairo, Figure 1.4).22

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Figure 1.3  Tiraz, Damietta, Egypt, in the name of the imam al-ʿAziz (r. 975–96), plain weave with inwoven tapestry weave, linen and silk, L 37 cm, W 50 cm, Museum of Islamic Art, Cairo, Inv. No. 9344

As with the monumental inscriptions discussed in Chapter 4 of this book, this raises the question of who was responsible for the design of the inscriptions. It is not a case of a divide between the private and public tiraz factories, since both plain and bold designs are found in each.23 At least the content of the inscriptions in the private factories is likely to have been determined by the chancery. Whether in pre-conquest Fatimid tiraz made in Ifriqiya or in early examples from Egypt, the epigraphic protocol was sure to mention a variety of phrases of Shiʿi significance: the Prophet and his pure family, the pure imams, the caliph’s pure ancestors and descendants, and blessings from God on his friend the imam.24 Occasionally, particularly in tiraz of al-Hakim and later, the father or the son of the ruling imam is also mentioned. The practice of distributing robes of honour (khilʿa) was perhaps even more assiduously adopted by the Fatimids.25 They understood the political potential of tiraz at an early stage, and like the Abbasids, the importance of displaying it publicly. The traveller Naser-e Khosrow, for example, mentions the processions at the festival of opening the canal in Cairo when 10,000 horses accompanied the

the egyptian art of the Tiraz

Figure 1.4  Tiraz, Egypt, in the name of the imam al-ʿAziz (r. 975–96), plain weave with inwoven tapestry weave, linen and silk, L 37 cm, W 50 cm, Museum of Islamic Art, Cairo, Inv. No. 9445

caliph, each with saddlecloths of Byzantine and buqalamun brocade in which were woven the names of the ruler.26 Not just the prestige but also the wealth of the Fatimids was bound up with fabrics, for many of these contained gold thread and were preserved in the treasury along with jewellery and other precious commodities.27 But in times of civil unrest and economic deprivation, such as the famine and army mutiny under al-Mustansir in the 1060s, the treasures were sold or plundered, and as The Book of Gifts and Rarities informs us, ‘Everything woven with or fashioned from gold and silver was burned and its gold melted down’.28 Some notable exceptions with gold thread now in the Cleveland Museum of Art have been preserved. In one,29 from the reign of al-Hakim, the gold thread is used for the background of the inscription and for the birds that appear in two ornamental bands (Figure 1.5). But the surprise is the poor quality of the inscription with an irregular baseline and crabbed letter forms. In another example, also attributed to the reign of al-Hakim, gold is used for a large band of arabesques.30 Its inscription is finer but is reduced to a repetition of al-mulk liʾllah (sovereignty is God’s). This heralds the appearance of pseudo-Kufic inscriptions in tiraz of the

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Figure 1.5  Tiraz, Egypt, in the name of the imam al-Hakim (r. 996–1021), plain weave with inwoven tapestry weave, linen, silk, and gold wire, L 62.3 cm, W 23.5 cm, Cleveland Museum of Art, John L. Severance Fund, Inv. No. 1950.549

middle of the eleventh century, forming a simple repeat on either side of figural medallions.31 From the reign of al-Zahir onward, the letters of the inscriptions seem to have mattered less to the designers than pattern-making, either by a revival of the spade-shaped lower terminals encountered in the Abbasid period (Museum of Islamic Art, Cairo, Figure 1.6),32 or more frequently, by thinning the letters and emphasising arabesques, often in mirror-image, between the uprights (Museum of Islamic Art, Cairo, Figure 1.7).33 The most complete surviving Fatimid textile is the Veil of St Anne from the Treasury of the Cathedral of Apt in France. It was probably brought back as a trophy by Raimbaud de Siminae, the Lord of Apt, who participated in the First Crusade.34 Measuring 310 by 152 centimetres, it would have been an ʿabaʾa or overgarment. Its materials were of the finest, a linen ground decorated in tapestry weave with gold and silk thread. Its text states that it was made in the private tiraz in Damietta in ‘. . . 9’ (489 or 490/1096 or 1097) and gives the names of the caliph al-Mustaʿli and his wazir, al-Afdal (Figure 1.8). In addition to the identical decorative and inscription bands at either end of the garment, it has a central band with three roundels. The roundels are decorated with sphinxes wearing three-pointed crowns addorsed between a tree of life motif. The plainly rendered text around them contains the names and title of the imam and wazir. What is also new in this instance is the extra weight given to the wazir’s titles, paralleling earlier monumental inscriptions noted in Chapter 4 of this book, a clear indication of the power shift at the time from imam to wazir. This is even more marked in the Shroud of Cadouin, another large Fatimid tiraz from the same patrons in an exceptional state of preservation thanks to its use in a reliquary in the Abbey of Cadouin in Périgord, France.35 Here, al-Afdal’s titles are given more space even than those of the imam. A radical change occurs in tiraz of the twelfth century. Historical

the egyptian art of the Tiraz

Figure 1.6  Tiraz, Egypt, in the name of the imam al-Zahir (r. 1021–36), plain weave with inwoven tapestry weave, linen and silk, L 380 cm, W 60 cm, Museum of Islamic Art, Cairo, Inv. No. 14546

Figure 1.7  Tiraz, Egypt, in the name of the imam al-Mustansir (r. 1036–94), plain weave with inwoven tapestry weave, linen and silk, L 35 cm, W 12 cm, Museum of Islamic Art, Cairo, Inv. No. 9751

inscriptions become rarer (the repeated phrase nasr min Allah being the most common), and the change in script is equally profound (Cleveland Museum of Art, Figure 1.9). It is frequently in naskh, although some examples have been referred to as debased naskh, in that they display a hybrid form of Kufic and naskh.36 This decline in calligraphic quality has been attributed to the concomitant decline in the dynasty’s fortunes, especially following the assassination of the imam al-Amir in 1130.37 The piece (Figure 1.10) in the Aga Khan Museum exhibition from this period at first looks like an exception, with the phrase nasr min Allah forming an elegant repeat pattern. However, this is achieved only by distorting the usual proportion of the letters of nasr. As with most other tiraz from this period, it is accompanied by decorative bands adjacent to the inscriptions.38 This could be attributed to a variety of factors: the realisation by official

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Figure 1.8  Veil of St Anne and Detail, Damietta, Egypt, in the name of the imam al-Mustaʿli, datable to 489 or 490/1096 or 1097, plain weave with inwoven tapestry weave, linen, silk, and gold wire, L 310 cm, W 150 cm, Cathedral of St Anne, Apt, France

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Figure 1.9  Tiraz, Egypt, twelfth century, plain weave with inwoven tapestry weave, linen, silk and gold wire, L 63.2 cm, W 27 cm, Cleveland Museum of Art, J. H. Wade Fund, Inv. No. 1982.291

Figure 1.10  Tiraz, Egypt, eleventh–twelfth centuries, linen, embroidered, L 40.2 cm, W 11.2 cm, Aga Khan Museum, Toronto, Inv. No. AKM675

patrons that many recipients of khilʿa, or more likely ­purchasers of tiraz, would be unable to read the script and be more impressed by the wealth of decoration, or an increase in the output of public factories whose main clients privileged decoration over inscriptions. One final matter should be mentioned: the use of tiraz as burial shrouds. The Geniza documents tell us that even the poor set aside money for multiple layers of shrouds.39 The increased value of clothing actually worn by the imam is known from some telling anecdotes, one where a landholder specified that he wanted not just a tiraz but one that the caliph had actually worn,40 and another where Jawdhar, the private secretary of al-Muʿizz, asked for a garment of the imam to use as a shroud because of its inherent baraka (blessings).41 Tiraz thus had a multiplicity of functions beyond mere clothing, relaying the imam’s authority by their luxurious decoration and particularly by their proclamation in script of the imam’s legitimacy. They also functioned as the equivalent of bullion in the state treasury, as a symbol of the wearer’s rank and status, as a sign of largesse from the giver, and ultimately in many cases, as a baraka-imbued shroud. Messages of adornment and power were conveyed by their

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inscriptions and surrounding decoration in a variety of styles whose changes mirrored those of the Fatimid state that sponsored them. Notes   1. Gladys Frantz-Murphy, ‘A New Interpretation of the Economic History of Medieval Egypt: The Role of the Textile Industry’, Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 24 (1981), 274–97; S. D. Goitein, A Mediterranean Society: The Jewish Communities of the Arab World as Portrayed in the Documents of the Cairo Geniza, 5 vols (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1967–88), vol. 1, 104–5.  2. Goitein, A Mediterranean Society, vol. 1, 104.   3. Silk is less abrasive than wool and can be threaded through the warps more easily. It is therefore more suited to embroidery on a linen ground: Louise Mackie, Symbols of Power: Luxury Textiles from Islamic Lands, 7th–21st Century (New Haven, CT, and London, 2015), 91.   4. Irene A. Bierman, ‘Art and Politics: The Impact of Fatimid Uses of Tiraz Fabrics’, Ph.D. dissertation, University of Chicago, 1980, 36.   5. Bierman, ‘Art and Politics’, 70.  6. N. A. Stillmann, ‘Khilʿa’, Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2nd edn, (last accessed 5 June 2017).  7. Goitein, A Mediterranean Society, vol. 4, 151.   8. Inv. No. 3084, Museum of Islamic Art, Cairo: Ernst Kühnel, ‘Tirazstoffe der Abbasiden’, Der Islam 14 (1925): 83; Etienne Combe, Jean Sauvaget, and Gaston Wiet (eds), Répertoire chronologique d’épigraphie arabe (hereafter RCEA), 17 vols (Cairo, 1931–91), vol. 1, 75, fig. 95.   9. Yedida Kalfon Stillman and Norman A. Stillman, Arab Dress, a Short History: From the Dawn of Islam to Modern Times, 2nd edn (Leiden, 2003), 126. 10. Bierman, ‘Art and Politics’, 5. 11. Bierman, ‘Art and Politics’, 15–16; Jochen Sokoly, ‘Textiles and Identity’. In Finbarr Barry Flood and Gülru Necipo©lu (ed.), A Companion to Islamic Art and Architecture (Hoboken, NJ, 2017), vol. 1, 278. We are fortunate that the dry climate of Egypt preserved many textiles that were used as burial shrouds; it is from uncontrolled excavations that the majority of examples found in museum collections around the world come. Marzouk mentions the excavations on behalf of the Museum of Islamic Art at ʿAyn al-Sira (near Cairo) where ‘each dead body was wrapped in a series of linen shrouds. Sometimes there was a silk over the linen ones, and this silk, in many cases, fell into dust at the first touch’: M. A. Marzouk, ‘Five Tiraz Fabrics in the Völkerkund-Museum of Basel’. In Richard Ettinghausen (ed.), Aus der Welt der Islamischen Kunst: Festschrift für Ernst Kühnel zum 75. Geburtstag am 26.10.1957 (Berlin, 1959), 283, n. 3. 12. See Ernst Kühnel and Louisa Bellinger, The Textile Museum Catalogue of Dated Tiraz Fabrics (Washington, 1952), 36–7, Inv. No. 73.12, mentioning the caliph al-Mutawakkil and his son, Abu ʿAbd Allah. 13. Jochen A. Sokoly, ‘Towards a Model of Early Islamic Textile Institutions in Egypt’, Riggisberger Berichte 5 (1997): 115–22. 14. Compare the illustration of four examples in Kühnel and Bellinger, Textile Museum Catalogue, pl. 2.

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15. For example, in a tiraz dated 932: Kühnel and Bellinger, Textile Museum Catalogue, Inv. No. 73.368, 32, pl. 13. 16. Tiraz from the reign of al-Qadir, 991–1031, Metropolitan Museum of Art, Acc. No. 31.106.56a, (last accessed 8 June 2017). 17. Kühnel and Bellinger, Textile Museum Catalogue, Inv. Nos 73.648, 73.15, 29–30, pl. 14. 18. Muhammad Abdil Aziz Marzouk, ‘The Evolution of Inscriptions on Fatimid Textiles’, Ars Islamica 10 (1943): 164–6. 19. Ernst Kühnel, ‘Four Remarkable Tiraz Textiles’. In George C. Miles (ed.), Archaeologica Orientalis in Memorium Ernst Herzfeld (New York, 1952), 144–5; pl. 26, fig. 1 (private collection); Bierman, ‘Art and Politics’, 47. For examples from the reign of the Fatimid caliph al-ʿAziz, see Bernard O’Kane (ed.), The Treasures of Islamic Art in the Museums of Cairo (Cairo, 2006), fig. 55 (the caption is mistakenly transposed with that of fig. 37); Kühnel, ‘Four Remarkable Tiraz’, pl. 27, fig. 1, and for two from the reign of al-Hakim, ibid., pl. 27, figs 2–3. 20. Kühnel and Bellinger, Textile Museum Catalogue, Inv. No. 73.370, pl. 24 (private factory); Inv. No. 73.38, pl. 26 (public factory). 21. Kühnel and Bellinger, Textile Museum Catalogue, Inv. No. 73.641, pl.  27 (private factory, al-ʿAziz); see also Claus-Peter Haase, ‘Some Aspects of Fatimid Calligraphy on Textiles’. In Marianne Barrucand (ed.), L’Égypte fatimide, son art et son histoire (Paris, 1999), 341. 22. Kühnel and Bellinger, Textile Museum Catalogue, fig. 3, and also Inv. No. 73.544, pl. 27 (al-ʿAziz). 23. For example, see the range in the four examples each of private and public tiraz from the reigns of al-ʿAziz and al-Hakim, Kühnel and Bellinger, Textile Museum Catalogue, pls 24, 26–30. 24. Sokoly, ‘Textiles and Identity’, 282. For example, on a linen tiraz in a private collection dated 359/969–70: RCEA, vol. 5, 91, fig. 1814. 25. Paula Sanders, Ritual, Politics, and the City in Fatimid Cairo (Albany, NY, 1994), 30. 26. Text, 76; trans. Thackston, 48. This also reflects Abbasid practice when at the time of a visit by a Byzantine embassy in 917 the palace in Baghdad was decorated with 8,000 items inscribed with the commissioner’s order and the names of past caliphs: Ibn al-Zubayr, the Kitab al-Hadaya wa’l-Tuhaf, trans. Ghada al-Hijjawi al-Qaddumi as The Book of Gifts and Rarities (Cambridge, MA, 1996), 151. 27. The rigorous state security associated with this is detailed in Stillman and Stillman, Arab Dress, 131. 28. Ibn al-Zubayr, The Book of Gifts and Rarities, al-Qaddumi (trans.), 230–1. 29. Louise W. Mackie, Symbols of Power: Luxury Textiles from Islamic Lands, 7th–21st Century (New Haven and London, 2015), 99, fig. 3.14. 30. Mackie, Symbols of Power, 101, figs 3.15–16. 31. E.g. Acc. No. 27.170.28, Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, a piece from Egypt in resist-dyed (ikat) technique imitating Yemeni textiles, (last accessed 14 July 2017). 32. For examples see O’Kane, Treasures of Islamic Art, 66, fig. 53, from the reign of al-Zahir (1021–36); Mackie, Symbols of Power, 104, fig.  3.20, from the same period; Kühnel and Bellinger, Textile Museum Catalogue,

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Inv. No. 73.461, pl. 37, attributed to 466–87/1073–94 in the reign of al-Mustansir. 33. For examples see Kühnel and Bellinger, Textile Museum Catalogue, Inv. No. 73.474, pl. 32, from the reign of al-Zahir (1021–36); Mackie, Symbols of Power, 106, fig. 3.23 (from the reign of al-Mustansir, dated 440–1/1049–50; O’Kane, Treasures of Islamic Art, fig. 57, also from the reign of al-Mustansir. 34. See Georgette Cornu, ‘Les tissus d’apparat fatimides, parmi le plus somoptueux le “voile de Sainte Anne” d’Apt’. In Marianne Barrucand (ed.), L’Égypte fatimide, son art et son histoire (Paris, 1999), 331–7; Mackie, Symbols of Power, 113–15. 35. Cornu, ‘Les tissus’, 332; Gaston Wiet, ‘Un nouveau tissu Fatimid’, Orientalia 5 (1936): 385–8. 36. Nancy Pence Britton, ‘Pre-Mameluke Tiraz in the Newberry Collection’, Ars Islamica 9 (1942): 163. 37. Bierman, ‘Art and Politics’, 76. 38. See in the four examples in Mackie, Symbols of Power, 118–19. 39. Goitein, A Mediterranean Society, vol. 4, 160, 188. 40. Sanders, Ritual, Politics, and the City, 29–30. 41. Jochen Sokoly, ‘Between Life and Death: The Funerary Context of Tiraz Textiles’, Riggisberger Berichte 5 (1997): 76. See also note 11 above for the funerary context in which most Fatimid textiles have been found.

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O’Kane, Bernard (ed.) (2006), The Treasures of Islamic Art in the Museums of Cairo. Cairo. O’Kane, Bernard (2012), The Illustrated Guide to the Museum of Islamic Art in Cairo. Cairo. O’Kane, Bernard (2013), ‘Medium and Message in the Monumental Epigraphy of Medieval Cairo’, in Mo˙ammad Gharipour and Irvin Cemil Schick (eds), Calligraphy and Islamic Architecture in the Muslim World, Edinburgh, pp. 416–30. O’Kane, Bernard (2016), The Mosques of Egypt. Cairo. O’Kane, Bernard and Bahia Shehab (2016), ‘The Mausoleum of Yahya alShabih Revisited’, in Alison Ohta, J. M. Rogers and Rosalind Haddon (eds), Art, Trade and Culture in the Islamic World and Beyond from the Fatimids to the Mughals: Studies Presented to Doris Behrens-Abouseif, London, pp. 50–7. Pahlitzsch, Johannes (2015), ‘The Melkites in Fatimid Egypt and Syria’. Medieval Encounters 21: 485–515. Pancaro©lu, Oya (2007), Perpetual Glory: Medieval Ceramics from the Harvey B. Plotnick Collection. Chicago. Pauty, Edmond (1931), Catalogue général du musée arabe du Caire: les bois sculptés jusqu’à l’époque ayyoubide. Cairo. Pellitteri, Antonino (1977), I Fatimiti e la Sicilia (sec. X). Palermo. Pellitteri, Antonino (ed.) (2008), Atti del Convegno I Fatimidi e il Mediterraneo. Palermo. Philon, Helen (1980), Benaki Museum: Early Islamic Ceramics from the 9th to the 12th Century. London. Picard, Christophe (2015), La mer des califes: une histoire de la Méditerranée musulmane (VIIe–XIIe siècle). Paris. Pilette, Perrine (2013), ‘L’Histoire des Patriarches d’Alexandrie: une nouvelle évaluation de la configuration du texte en recensions’. Le Muséon 126: 419–50. Pilette, Perrine and Naïm Vanthieghem (2016), ‘Un nouveau sauf-conduit du monastère d’Apa Jeremias à Saqqara?’ Bulletin of the American Society of Papyrologists 53: 233–8. Pirro, Rocco (1733), Sicilia sacra disquisitionibus et notitiis illustrate. 2 vols. Palermo. Poncet, J. (1967), ‘Le mythe de la catastrophe hilalienne’. Annales E.S.C. 22: 1,099–120. Poonawala, Ismail K. (1977), Biobibliography of Ismaʿili Literature. Malibu, CA. Poonawala, Ismail K. (1996), ‘Al-Qadi al-Nuʿman and Ismaʿili Jurisprudence’, in Farhad Daftary (ed.), Mediaeval Ismaʿili History and Thought, Cambridge, pp. 117–43. Poonawala, Ismail K. (2014), ‘The Evolution of al-Qadi al-Nuʿman’s Theory of Ismaili Jurisprudence as Reflected in the Chronology of His Work on Jurisprudence’, in Farhad Daftary and Gurdofarid Miskinzoda (eds), The Study of Shiʿi Islam: History, Theology and Law. London, pp. 295–351. Pope, Arthur Upham (1981), A Survey of Persian Art. Ashiya, Japan. Pradines, Stéphane (2015), ‘Les fortifications fatimides, xe–xiie siècle (Ifriqiyya, Misr et Bilad al-Šam)’, in Mathieu Eychenne and Abbès Zouache (eds), La guerre dans le Proche-Orient medieval, Cairo, pp. 231–76. Pradines, Stéphane and Osama Talaat (2007), ‘Les fortifications fatimides du Caire: Båb al-TawfÈq et l’enceinte en briques crues de Badr al-ĞamålÈ’. Annales Islamologiques 41: 229–75.

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Williams, Caroline (1987, pub. 1991), ‘The Qurʾanic Inscriptions on the Tabut of al-Husayn in Cairo’. Islamic Art 2: 3–14. Wischnitzer, Rachel (1974). ‘Maimonides’ Drawings of the Temple’. Journal of Jewish Art 1: 16–27. Yeshaya, Joachim J. M. S. (2011), Medieval Hebrew Poetry in Muslim Egypt: The Secular Poetry of the Karaite Poet Moses ben Abraham DarʿÈ. Leiden. YËsuf, ʿAbd al-Ra’Ëf ʿAlÈ. (1956), ‘Êabaq Ghabn wa’l-khazaf al-Få†imÈ almubakkir’ [The Tray of Ghabn and Early Fatimid Ceramics]. Bulletin of the Faculty of Arts, Cairo University 18: 87–106. YËsuf, ʿAbd al-Ra’Ëf ʿAlÈ. (1999), ‘A Rock-Crystal Specimen’, in Marianne Barrucand (ed.), L’Égypte fatimide, son art et son histoire, Paris, pp. 299–317. Zorić, Vladimir (2005), ‘Sulle tecniche costruttive islamiche in Sicilia: il soffitto della Cappella Palatina di Palermo’, in Michele ernardini and Natalia L. Tornesello (eds), Scritti in Onore di Giovanni D’Erme, Naples, pp. 1,281–349.

CHAPTER TWO

Monumental Calligraphy in Fatimid Egypt: Epigraphy in Stone, Stucco and Wood  Fatimid epigraphy in Egypt is justly celebrated for the magnificent, often floriated,1 Kufic inscriptions that appear on many of its monuments. The outlines of the stylistic development of the script have been documented,2 yet controversy still rages around several aspects of their interpretation. How novel was the Fatimid use of inscriptions on the exterior of buildings?3 Was their use of floriation an attempt to make their script deliberately ambiguous, or indeed, nearly indecipherable?4 Was their later retention of Kufic, at the time when cursive had begun to supplant it in other parts of the Islamic realm, of possible ideological significance?5 Yet floriated Kufic itself was not a Fatimid invention. A full century before the Fatimids arrived in Cairo, Mubarak al-Makki carved a tombstone (dated Dhu’l-Hijja 243/March 858), now in the Museum of Islamic Art in Cairo, that is one of the earliest mature examples.6 Shortly before the Fatimid invasion of Egypt (20 Shawwal 347/4 January 959), a woman named Khadija al-Taraʾifi was interred in the Qarafa al-Sughra (now beside the so-called Mausoleum of the Abbasid Caliphs); the inscription surrounding her tomb is an epigraphic masterpiece in a lightly floriated Kufic that also, in addition to the floriation of the uprights, includes an ʿayn derived from a Pharaonic lotus.7 These examples on tombstones have been dismissed as being out of the mainstream,8 but that is not the case regarding a panel in the Saliba District with an inscription in floriated Kufic erected by the Ikhshidid wazir Ibn al-Furat in 355/966 to commemorate the foundation of wells.9 Nevertheless, the inscriptions on tombstones are worth celebrating, particularly in the case of an example from the Museum of Islamic Art in Cairo, one side of a grave surround from the early Fatimid period. It is distinguished by, unusually, the employment of foliation for the endings of letters below the baseline, and for the playful way in which the craftsman Bernard O’Kane (2018), ‘Monumental Calligraphy in Fatimid Egypt: Epigraphy in Stone, Stucco, and Wood’, in A. S. Melikian-Chirvani (ed.), The World of the Fatimids, Exhibition Catalogue, Toronto: Aga Khan Museum, 142–58.

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Figure 2.1  Panel from a Mausoleum, Egypt, late tenth–early eleventh centuries, marble, carved, H 25 cm, L 78 cm, Museum of Islamic Art, Cairo, Inv. No. 1241

has varied the symmetry of the lam-alifs, two of them in al-islam at the beginning of the second line:

[. . .] bin Sahl. He died a child with the innate disposition of Islam and the words of devotion [to God] and of the community of the [. . .] The first major Fatimid inscriptions in Egypt, on the gates built by Jawhar al-Siqilli (969–72), have been lost. But since al-Maqrizi mentions that some lines of a Kufic inscription were visible on the first Bab al-Futuh, then the first gates must have been built of brick, or more likely stone, for the inscription to have been carved.10 Given that the Bab al-Futuh had Kufic on it, it is highly likely that it and at least the other major gates had similar inscriptions, probably foundational like those on the replacement gates of Badr al-Jamali. Floriation was a way of enhancing the aesthetic appeal of Fatimid inscriptions, but it was by no means the only one. More often the letters were left completely plain, and the background instead provided with vegetal or floriated scrollwork. Indeed, the first surviving examples in Egypt, those in al-Azhar Mosque (completed 972), show several styles.11 On the mihrab, the large outer inscription has consistent floriation and occasional knotting, but the smaller inscription surrounding the inner arch is only lightly floriated.12 There are extensive remains of other stucco inscriptions on the arches of the nave and around the windows on the north-east and qibla walls; for the most part they use floriation sparingly.13 The only remaining Fatimid inscriptions at al-Azhar are all in stucco, but it is probable that it had a projecting entrance portal topped by a minaret.14 Since

monumental calligraphy in fatimid egypt 

both the portal and minarets in the second major Fatimid mosque in Cairo, that of al-Hakim, have inscriptions, they may well also have been present at al-Azhar.15 The stucco and stone inscriptions at the Mosque of al-Hakim (completed in 1013) are similar in their more consistent use of floriation, but there is a major innovation in the stone inscriptions. While the stucco examples just fill the empty space between the letters more prolifically with stems and leaves, the large stone inscriptions on the minarets employ a grooved double stem from which the floriation springs. This double stem is carried under or across the uprights of neighbouring letters, adding a new sense of motion and fluidity.16 The entrance portal of the Mosque of al-Hakim is not in its original state. It has the remains of a jumbled Qurʾanic inscription on one side,17 but it is possible that a fragmentary inscription now in the Museum of Islamic Art in Cairo formerly appeared on its main entrance. The six blocks, one of which definitely comes from the mosque, were part of a foundation inscription in the name of alHakim.18 Being of stone, they are likely to have been on the entrance facade. They would have complemented the other foundation

Figure 2.2  Stucco mihrab (972) of al-Azhar Mosque

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Figure 2.3  Detail of foundation inscription (early eleventh century) of the north minaret of the Mosque of al- Hakim

inscriptions on the northern and southern minarets. These latter, and their accompanying bands of Qurʾanic inscriptions, have been argued to be the first significant examples of officially sponsored writing intended for public consumption.19 However, this ignores the examples mentioned above of the Ikhshidid foundation inscription,20 the possibility of a similar foundation inscription on the now lost entrance of al-Azhar Mosque, as well as the likelihood mentioned above that the main gates in the enceinte of Jawhar al-Siqilli also had prominent inscriptions.21 The content and design of the surviving inscriptions on the minarets deserve detailed examination. The foundation inscriptions were large friezes on the northern and western minarets. That on the northern minaret is 68 centimetres high and located about 10 metres above ground.22 It is canted slightly outward, and it has been suggested that this was to make it more legible,23 but it is not clear that designers were ever that viewer-friendly.24 The outward inclination of 2.5 degrees can hardly have made much difference. In the prayer hall, where the upper part of the stucco inscriptions at the base of the transition zones are curved forward, it may have resulted in extra visibility of the uprights, but since the distinctive feature of Kufic is that the letters are written along a constant horizontal baseline, then the legibility of the inscription would hardly have been enhanced. The lowest inscriptions visible on the northern minaret were in two circular roundels containing the word Allah. Further up on the northern minaret were two other circular roundels on the west and north25 faces. Only that on the north side is legible; it reads Qurʾan 5:5826 arranged anticlockwise on its perimeter, and the phrase, ‘from the darkness into the light’, which occurs in several Qurʾanic verses,27 in two horizontal lines within the circle.

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Figure 2.4  Roundel (early eleventh century) of the north minaret of the Mosque of al-Hakim

As Irene Bierman remarked, the design of the roundel resembles that of the radically new coinage, itself possibly reflecting Ismaili doctrine, that had been introduced by al-Hakim’s father, al-ʿAziz, and continued by al-Hakim.28 Whereas the outer Qurʾanic inscription mentions pan-Islamic concerns of prayer appropriate for a mosque, the inner displays a concern with light that is an abiding subject of

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Figure 2.5  Detail of the inscription below the zone of transition of the mashhad of al-Juyushi

Ismaili taʾwil (‘esoteric interpretation’), as evidenced, for instance, by the epithets related to light for their major mosques: al-Azhar (‘The Resplendent’), al-Anwar (‘The Illuminated’, the original name for the Mosque of al-Hakim) and al-Aqmar (‘The Moonlit’).

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Figure 2.6  Detail of the mihrab of the mashhad of al-Juyushi (1085)

Special attention seems to have been given to the foundation inscriptions, in which the name of al-Hakim appears in the centre of the face parallel to the façade, that is, where it was most visible (see page 144, bottom).29 It is indeed likely that these were designed to be read and to advertise the founder’s munificence, a factor that may well have hastened the decision, extraordinary as it was, to hide the minarets behind bastions in Safar 401/September–October 1010.30 There is only one rational explanation for this move. The minarets, being more than one, and built in tiers of different shapes, were specifically designed to remind viewers of those of the Hijaz. When al-Hakim lost control of this territory following an uprising, he decided to cover up, literally and figuratively, this association.31 The wazir Badr al-Jamali was instrumental in restoring order in the troubled middle period of the reign of al-Mustansir (1036–94) and was rewarded with greatly increased power for the wazirate. The earliest surviving epigraphic example of his patronage, a panel with plain incised Kufic, is on the Mosque of Ibn Tulun (470/1077). There is greater variety in his mashhad (known as that of al-Juyushi after his title amir al-juyush, ‘Chief of the Armies’) on the Muqattam Hills (487/1085). Its foundation inscription is on a relatively modest panel of five lines above the door. At first sight it seems to be heavily floriated, but in most cases the vegetal scrolls emerge from the frame, not from the letters. More surprisingly perhaps, in the much larger and more impressive inscriptions that decorate the mihrab and zone of transition, this tendency is taken to a greater extreme. On the mihrab, the vegetal scroll is much more independent of the letters. On the zone of transition, the Kufic is more stately, with many letters elongated horizontally. The foliation (floriation is rare) is kept to a minimum, with the letters for the first time set off against a geometric background of rosettes formed of six lozenges. The stucco here is best compared with the mihrab erected by Badr al-Jamali’s son, al-Afdal Shahinshah, in the name of al-Mustansir in the Mosque of Ibn Tulun (datable to 487/1094). This also displays a

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variety of inscriptions that employ different decorative strategies. The smallest, around the arch, is almost entirely plain. The next largest, the shahada on the panel above the arch, has some very slight foliation, the letters being raised above another geometric design employing lozenges arranged in a hexagonal pattern. The major foundation inscription, which runs around the outer frame, offers the biggest surprises. The letters are again almost entirely plain, with some mild foliation, but they are set against a foliate scroll the stem of which appears to be almost continuous. It is made more conspicuous by weaving under and on top of up to three consecutive stems, as in the lams and following the alif of (alMustansir bi)-llah a(mir) . . . The name of the patron here is carefully placed at the top right of the horizontal frame where the eye would fall first. More surprising is the layout of the inscription. It starts in stately fashion and then becomes more crowded, with parts of words increasingly written above the baseline, such as the minin of al-muʾminin after the name of the caliph. At the end of this line the words ʿala abaʾihi al-tahirin appear on as many as three horizontal registers, against all the usual rules of Kufic calligraphy. Returning to the al-Juyushi mashhad, the epigraphic roundel

Figure 2.7  Medallion at the apex of the dome of the mashhad of al-Juyushi

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Figure 2.8  Fatimid mihrab (1094) of the Mosque of Ibn Tulun

on the ceiling presents us with another novelty. At its centre is an epigraphic six-sided star, comprising Muhammad arranged in a triangle, laced with wa ʿAli in the other triangle. This is the earliest Egyptian example of sacred names woven into the format of an epigraphic star. The earliest is found in Samanid metalwork.32 Many other varieties are known from later dynasties such as the Saljuqs, Ilkhanids and Timurids, but the Fatimid examples in the series are among the earliest. Other Fatimid instances include a fivepointed star of Muhammad, with wa ʿAli in the centre, on the left

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Figure 2.9  Main mihrab at the shrine of Sayyida Ruqayya (1333)

façade of al-Aqmar; and similar versions but with a six-pointed star of Muhammad in the main mihrab of Sayyida Ruqayya33 and in that of the Mausoleum of Hasawati.34 Badr al-Jamali’s rebuilding of the gates and walls of Cairo provided a great opportunity to advertise his and his patron’s accomplishments. Although only a fragment is left on Bab Zuwayla, the complete text is preserved on the Bab al-Futuh, Bab al-Nasr and Bab al-Tawfiq gates. Their differences are surprising. The most elegant is that on the gate of Bab al-Futuh. The gate itself was left plain and the

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Figure 2.10  Detail of the foundation inscription of Bab al-Futuh (1087)

Figure 2.11  Detail of the foundation inscription of Bab al-Nasr (1087)

inscription placed on the curtain wall to its left, continuing around the neighbouring salient.35 The fact that it is the only Fatimid stone inscription in Cairo that is round instead of right-angled in section is a measure of the extra care taken with it, as was its material, marble slabs, held (superfluously) in place by bronze nails that were probably gilded. Its use of floriation is restrained but carefully placed to add emphasis to important words in the inscription.36 The first right-angled turn in the inscription is interesting for the way in which the word al-muʿizziyya is spread on two slabs; the designer or carver, realising there was not enough room at the end of the first slab for the whole word, had to elongate the horizontal

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connection between the mim and the following ʿayn, employing a technique (mashq) known to contemporary calligraphers on paper.37 On Bab al-Nasr, the inscription starts and ends on the face of the  flanking towers and thus has four right-angled turns. On two of the turns spacing is provided to separate words. On one of the others, the yaʾ at the end of al-Mustansiri is around the corner from the rest of the word. On the first turn, however, the designer decided to advertise his expertise by placing the alif of bi-ma38 exactly on the corner, with half on one angle and half on the other. The script here is much more sober than that of Bab al-Futuh,39 but the name of the nominal patron, al-Mustansir, is placed almost over the central arch. However, the titles of Badr al-Jamali in the inscriptions on all of the gates take up much more space than those of al-Mustansir, in a nod to the real holder of power. At Bab al-Nasr, the Shiʿi shahada is placed within the tympanum below in equally sedate Kufic, but while the first three lines are within a carefully sculpted frame,40 the fourth41 is carved on the voussoirs of the relieving arch below. Although it starts in line with the other three above, it is longer than they are, evidence of it being a hastily executed afterthought. The third gate, Bab al-Tawfiq, is much smaller than the others and unlike them was not used in Fatimid ceremonial. Much less care was therefore taken over the design and execution, with the completely plain letters being incised rather than carved in relief.42 On al-Aqmar Mosque (519/1125–6), we have the most comprehensive scheme of inscriptions on a building façade to date. The largest runs all the way along the façade, just below the top. Another, slightly smaller, is just above mid-height. Surprisingly, they are virtually identical, consisting of foundation inscriptions in the name of the Fatimid caliph al-Mustaʿli and his wazir, al-Maʾmun. Some variety is provided by the style, the upper being floriated and the lower plain with a foliate scroll behind. Here, too, care was taken with the placing of the name of the caliph: on the top line, it was at the beginning of the panel on the top right of the projecting portal;43 on the lower band, it is exactly in the middle, immediately above the entrance doorway. Directly above the caliph’s name is the epigraphic roundel mentioned above. Another innovative feature of the inscriptions in the roundel, both the circular and that in the middle, is that the background is fully cut away to form a grille; at night with illumination within the mosque the inscriptions would be seen in silhouette. The use of different levels in the Kufic on the mihrab of al-Afdal in the Mosque of Ibn Tulun mentioned above heralded the next major change in Cairo’s epigraphy: the introduction of cursive. The earliest monumental datable example of this is on a cupboard that was formerly in the Mosque of al-Salih Talaʾiʿ (550/1155–6) and is now in the Museum of Islamic Art in Cairo; it displays panels

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Figure 2.12  Detail of the entrance façade of al-Aqmar Mosque (1125)

inscribed with good wishes in both cursive and Kufic.44 But there is another Fatimid example that uses cursive more extensively that is almost certainly contemporaneous, namely, the cenotaph from the Mosque of al-Husayn, also now in the Cairo Museum. It was formerly considered to be Ayyubid work on account of the presence of cursive, but Caroline Williams has convincingly demonstrated that a Fatimid date is much more likely.45 It is also notable for the variety of Kufic styles employed. Surprisingly, one of the smallest, that on

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Figure 2.13  Detail from the Cenotaph of Sayyidna al-Husayn (c. 1160–70), wood, H 136 cm, L 186.5 cm, W 132.5 cm, Museum of Islamic Art, Cairo, Inv. No. 15025

the topmost frieze, is the only one to have floriation. The largest is also the finest, being round in section and in greater relief than the others. It ingeniously elaborates the end of letters, adding a notch to the middle of the stem of many,46 and placing all on a vegetal scroll. Despite the extra care taken with it, however, the carver still had to cram the last word, amnu, in a separate line at the end. One may wonder why the endings of some inscriptions do not seem to have been well planned. What was the division of labour between calligrapher and craftsman? In his detailed study of the carved stone ornament from the Mosque of al-Hakim, Terry Allen compares the floriation on the inscriptions with the non-epigraphic vegetal ornamentation and raises the important point of the respective responsibilities of the stonemason and the calligrapher.47 One would expect, as he concludes, that they collaborated. But the instances where words in an inscription are crammed in smaller size in an extra line above the main text at the end are many. This occurs, for instance, in the date at the end of the foundation inscription on the northern minaret at alHakim48 and at the end of the foundation inscription of Bab al-Futuh.49 In long inscriptions like these (that of Bab al- Futuh reaches 59 metres), it may be understandable that the spacing needed to be fudged at the end, but even in epigraphic roundels the problem is common. In the roundel mentioned above on the north minaret of al-Hakim, the last word of Qurʾan 5:58, rakiʿuna, is in smaller letters above the penultimate word on a separate line at the end.50 Even when the inscription in the roundel was a mere eleven words, as in Qurʾan

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33:33 above the entrance to al-Aqmar Mosque,51 the last word of the verse (tahiran) had to be squeezed in. In the medallion at the apex of the dome of the mashhad of al-Juyushi, min baʿduhu is squeezed above the previous words from Qurʾan 35:41. In the Mausoleum of Yahya al-Shabih, three earlier graves had wooden panels added to them at the time when the new mausoleum was built (1154–60), each with part of Qurʾan 2:255, the Throne Verse. But each ends at a slightly different point, and on two of the three, some letters were accidentally omitted.52 On the final half of the fourth side of the band below the zone of transition at the Mausoleum of Sayyida ʿAtika, the carver realised that he was running out of space and in three places added smaller letters in the space above the main text.53 Finally, on the dome of al-Hafiz at al-Azhar Mosque (1130–43), not only did the calligrapher run out of space but he committed many spelling mistakes, even substituting one word for another. As Bahia Shehab has pointed out, they are mnemonic mistakes of a literate craftsman, implying that he was working from memory rather than a drawing.54 Even when the text had to be written out beforehand, as in the majestic chancelerian prose of the Fatimid gates, it was evidently not written out exactly to scale – otherwise the mason at Bab al-Futuh would not have had to split up his last word on two lines. It has been argued that the rejection of cursive by the Fatimids was an ideological reaction to its promotion as a sign of Sunnism by the Zangids,55 but there are many examples to the contrary. These include the examples from the Mosque of al-Salih Talaʾiʿ and the cenotaph of al-Husayn mentioned above, as well as Fatimid caliphal decrees56 and textiles.57 In the opposite direction, more evidence for the lack of ideological underpinnings of the change from Kufic to cursive is seen in a recently discovered inscription of Salah al-Din relating to construction of the eastern wall in Cairo, the earliest

Figure 2.14  End of the foundation inscription of Bab al-Futuh

Figure 2.15  Detail of the inscription below the zone of transition of the Mausoleum of Sayyida ʿAtika (c. 1125)

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known Ayyubid inscription in Egypt (573/1177–8).58 It is in a Kufic unchanged from late Fatimid examples. The Fatimids enhanced their calligraphy in various ways. From the beginning, this was partly dependent on the size of the letters, the smallest frequently having very little embellishment, the largest, the most amount of floriation. But the foliate ornamentation also greatly varied, from true flower-like growth from the letters, to, much more often, plain letters with vegetal scrollwork on the ground, or even, in stucco, standing against a geometric ground.59 Great freedom seems to have been employed by the craftsmen who executed these inscriptions, in the embellishment as in the spacing. This often resulted in awkward compromises at the end of panels in spelling mistakes and even in word substitutions. Novel forms of inscription include not just the epigraphic roundel (in the form of a grille at al-Aqmar) but also the epigraphic star with sacred names. On the exterior of buildings, a foundation inscription was usually prominently displayed, a sure sign that they were meant to be read by anyone literate who was passing. Like other stone decoration in Cairo, the inscriptions would originally have been painted, which would have greatly enhanced their legibility.60 Even with their current lack of colour, they remain one of Egypt’s greatest cultural legacies, however greater their impact might have been in their original condition.

Figure 2.16  Central mihrab of the Ikhwat Yusuf shrine (c. 1125–50)

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Notes   1. The common usage of the term precludes its replacement, although one should note its inappropriateness: ‘The term foliated KËfic is poorly chosen: while flowers appear later, in these inscriptions, anyway, what  grows from letters and stems is leaves, rarely or never flowers’, Terry Allen, The Carved Stone Ornament of the Mosque of alHakim,  (last accessed 17 March 2017).   2. The most comprehensive survey is Faraj Husayn al- Husayni, al-Nuqush al-kitabiyya al-fatimiyya ʿala al-ʿimaʾir fi Masr (Alexandria, 2007).   3. This is a key component of Irene A. Bierman, Writing Signs: The Fatimid Public Text (Berkeley, CA, 1998). For opposing views, see Jonathan M. Bloom, ‘Walled Cities in Islamic North Africa and Egypt with Particular Reference to the Fatimids (909–1171)’. In James Tracy (ed.), City Walls in Early Modern History (New York, 2000), 241, n. 70, and Sheila S. Blair, Islamic Inscriptions (Edinburgh, 1998), 57–8.   4. Yasser Tabbaa, The Transformation of Islamic Art During the Sunni Revival (Seattle and London, 2001), 56–7, 70–1; idem, review of Blair, Islamic Inscriptions; Bierman, Writing Signs; Eva Baer, ‘Islamic Ornament’, Ars Orientalis 29 (1999): 182.  5. Gülru Necipo©lu, The Topkapı Scroll: Geometry and Ornament in Islamic Architecture (Santa Monica, CA, 1995), 107, 125, n. 39; Tabbaa, Transformation, 70–1; Blair, Islamic Inscriptions, 57–8; idem, ‘Floriated Kufic and the Fatimids’. In Marianne Barrucand (ed.), L’Égypte fatimide: son art et son histoire (Paris, 1999), 108–9.  6. Adolf Grohmann, ‘The Origin and Early Development of Floriated Kufic’, Ars Orientalis 2 (1957): 208 and fig. 21; Blair, ‘Floriated Kufic’, 108; Bernard O’Kane (ed.), The Treasures of Islamic Art in the Museums of Cairo (Cairo, 2006), fig. 36.  7. Bulletin du Comité de Conservations des Monuments de l’Art Arabe 27 (1910): 139, pl. 13; Étienne Combe, Jean Sauvaget, and Gaston Wiet (eds), Répertoire chronologique d’épigraphie arabe (Cairo, 1931–91), vol. 3, 144, no. 1491.   8. Tabbaa, review, 181. However, this itself is highly debatable. It assumes, first, that the masons who carved tombstones were never those also responsible for monumental inscriptions, and second, that they were more likely than the carvers of monumental inscriptions to have been in the forefront of stylistic development. One might equally assume that the more prestigious work on monuments was more likely to display the latest fashions.   9. Blair, ‘Floriated Kufic’, 112. 10. K. A. C. Creswell, The Muslim Architecture of Egypt: Ikhshids and Fatimids, ad 939–1171 (Oxford, 1952), vol. 1, 31–2. The first walls were built of mud brick. Creswell also thought that ʿAli Pasha Mubarak’s reference to a Kufic inscription on the Bab al-Qantara was to the gate of Jawhar, but Stéphane Pradines, ‘Les fortifications fatimides, Xe–XIIe siècle (Ifriqiyya, Miqr et Bilad al-Šam)’, in Mathieu Eychenne and Abbès Zouache (eds), La guerre dans le Proche-Orient medieval (Cairo, 2015), 240, n. 40, more plausibly assigns it to Badr al-Jamali’s work. 11. Only in 1933 was the original decoration here revealed when the painted wooden panels lining it were removed: Creswell, Muslim Architecture of Egypt, vol. 1, 55.

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12. The smallest inscription, running horizontally between the flanking columns, is a complete restoration apart from a tiny fragment at the end: see the photograph in ibid., pls 7b–c. 13. The purported illustration of the ‘consistent use of fully formed, floriated Kufic’ in al-Azhar Mosque reproduced in Tabbaa, Transformation, 88, fig. 18a, is, in fact, from the bays in front of the qibla wall of the Mosque of al-Hakim. 14. Bernard O’Kane, review of Jonathan Bloom, Arts of the City Victorious: Islamic Art and Architecture in Fatimid North Africa and Egypt (London, 2007), for College Art Association (CAA), (last accessed 29 January 2021). 15. Doris Behrens-Abouseif, The Minarets of Cairo (London, 2010), 106, notes that the original minaret was probably of brick, since in 1397 when Barquq decided to make a higher one (as had been done already in Salah al-Din’s time), a vault of stone was added to support it. The portal was probably therefore also of brick. But that does not preclude it as having had inscriptions, either brick, or more likely, on a stone revetted panel. 16. Samuel Flury, Die Ornamente der Hakim- und Ashar- Moschee, Materialen zur Geschichte der älteren Kunst des Islam (Heidelberg, 1912), pls 28, 29 and 33. A surprising parallel is found in Saljuq monuments in Khorasan, in paint on the frieze at the base of the zone of transition of the dome chamber at Sangbast, and in stucco in the caravanserais at Ribat-i Mahi and Ribat-i Sharaf. 17. Partially inverted: Bierman, Writing Signs, 89, fig. 29. 18. Gaston Wiet, Catalogue général du musée arabe du Caire: inscriptions historiques sur pierre (Cairo, 1971), 35–6, Cat. No. 52. 19. Bierman, Writing Signs, 75–95. 20. See note 8 above. 21. See note 9 above. 22. The distance is approximate, since the original ground level is not certain. 23. Bierman, Writing Signs, 84–5. 24. The outward inclination of 2.5 degrees can hardly have made much difference. In the prayer hall, where the upper part of the stucco inscriptions at the base of the zones of transition are curved forward (Creswell, Muslim Architecture of Egypt, 83, where he notes that this is exactly as in the Great Mosque of Susa, but my own observations of this inscription show that it is, in fact, entirely vertical). This may have resulted in extra visibility of the uprights, but since the distinctive feature of Kufic is that the letters are written along a constant horizontal baseline, then the legibility of the inscription would hardly have been enhanced. 25. Reckoning the qibla as east. 26 It contains a phrase appropriate to mosques: ‘Believers . . . those who establish regular prayers and regular charity, and they bow down humbly (in worship)’. Illustrated in Bierman, Writing Signs, fig. 25. 27. Qurʾan 2:257; 14:1; 14:5; 33:43; 57:9; and 65:11.

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28. Bierman, Writing Signs, 82. The extent to which even a Fatimid audience would have been cognisant of the symbolism is debatable, given the tendency of designs to be repeated by craftsmen. 29. The placement of his name on the north minaret is visible in the drawing in Creswell, Muslim Architecture of Egypt, fig. 36, which shows the view facing the north-west side. However, the corresponding drawing of the southern minaret shows the south-west side, which has a Qurʾanic inscription. The beginning of the foundation on the north-west side is visible in ibid., pl. 30a. 30. The inscriptions on the bastions have been interpreted as reinforcing this argument, owing to their inclusion of the Qurʾanic phrase (9:107) ‘taken a mosque in opposition and unbelief’: Paula Sanders, ‘Writing Identity in Medieval Cairo’. In Irene A. Bierman (ed.), Writing Identity in Medieval Cairo, UCLA Near East Center Colloquium Series (Los Angeles, 1995), 47–8; Bierman, Writing Signs, 94–5. However, as Montaser first pointed out (Dina Montaser, ‘Modes of Utilizing Qurʾanic Inscriptions on Cairene Mamluk Religious Monuments’. In Bernard O’Kane (ed.), Creswell Photographs Re-examined: New Perspectives on Islamic Architecture [Cairo, 2009], 195), owing to confusion of the Flügel and Egyptian Qurʾanic verse numberings, the verse in question is not actually present on the bastion. 31. The argument was first put forward by Jonathan Bloom, although renounced by him when he later denied that the towers were minarets to begin with: Bernard O’Kane, ‘The Rise of the Minaret’, Oriental Art 38 (1992): 108. 32. Unpublished; I owe this reference to the kindness of Assadullah Souren Melikian-Chirvani. 33. Creswell, Muslim Architecture of Egypt, pl. 120a. 34. This is now damaged, but the original arrangement can be seen in older photographs: ibid., pl. 120b. 35. Ibid., 188. 36. Bahia Shehab, ‘Fatimid Kufi Epigraphy on the Gates of Cairo: Between Royal Patronage and Civil Utility’. In Mohammad Gharipour and Irvin Cemil Schick (eds), Calligraphy and Islamic Architecture in the Muslim World (Edinburgh, 2013), 282–3. 37. Alain George, The Rise of Islamic Calligraphy (London, 2010), 102. 38. Part of the Throne Verse, Qurʾan 2:255. 39. Shehab, ‘Fatimid Kufi Epigraphy’, 279–80. 40. They are: (1) Basmala . . . la ilåha illå; (2) Allåh wahdahu la shårik lahu Mumammad; (3) rasËl Allåh ʿAlÈ walÈ Allåh. 41. Íalå Allåh ʿalayhima wa ʿala al-aʾimma dhurriyatahuma ajmaʿÈn. 42. Ibid., 286–7. 43. It is now missing but from what follows its placement is certain. 44. See Edmond Pauty, Catalogue général du musée arabe du Caire: les bois sculptés jusqu’à l’époque ayyoubide (Cairo, 1931), pl. 95. 45. Caroline Williams, ‘The Qurʾanic Inscriptions on the Tabut of alHusayn in Cairo’, Islamic Art 2 (1987; published 1991). 46. Used sparingly also in the painted foundation inscription of Sayyida Ruqayya (1133), and in many earlier Iranian Kufic inscriptions; for examples, see Sheila S. Blair, The Monumental Inscriptions from Early Islamic Iran and Transoxiana (Leiden and New York, 1992), Radkan West (1016–20), fig. 52; Shah Fadl (1055–60), fig. 79; Sar-i Kucha (c. 1100), fig. 146; Sar-i Pul (c. 1100), fig. 148.

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47. ‘Now while I would expect the foliate ornament of these inscriptions to have been designed by the calligrapher, it may not have been so: the calligrapher may have provided only the letters, or he may have indicated the layout of the ornament but not its details, or the man carving the inscription may have substituted his own familiar motifs for those indicated by the calligrapher. Perhaps most plausibly, the stonework designer collaborated with the calligrapher (which is likely in any case for the laying out of the inscription if not its enlargement from a smaller-scale original). Such an arrangement would not have required the stonecarvers to execute unfamiliar foliate forms, which they might not have been expected to do well’: Allen, The Carved Stone Ornament. 48. Flury, Ornamente, pl. 29.1; Creswell, Muslim Architecture of Egypt, pl. 25c. 49. In the word wakil at the end, kil is inserted in an upper line. The end of the inscription, that after the date, is missing in earlier records of it; for a translation, see Shehab, ‘Fatimid Kufi’, 282. 50. Illustrated in Bierman, Writing Signs, fig. 25. 51. The end of the verse, starting at innama: Bernard O’Kane, The Mosques of Egypt (Cairo, 2016), 28. 52. O’Kane and Shehab, ‘Mausoleum’, 54–5. 53. Illustrated in al-Husayni, al-Nuqush, 272. 54. Shehab, ‘Fatimid Kufi’, 282. 55. Tabbaa, Transformation, Chapter 3. He also argued (ibid., 96 and 185, n. 48), regarding the Husayn cenotaph, that the cursive and ‘especially the signature of this Aleppine artisan argue for an Ayyubid date’. However, ʿUbayd ibn Maʿali’s signature (nor that of any other craftsman) does not occur on the Husayn cenotaph; Husayn ʿAbd al-Wahhab, who first published it, merely suggested, on account of its similarity to that of Imam al-Shafiʿi, that he might have been responsible for it: Taʾrikh al-masajid al-athariyya (Cairo, 1946), 77–93. 56. George, Rise, 141–2. He notes that the Qurʾan (dated 1064), which mentions the Fatimid imam al-Mustansir and is dedicated to ʿAli ibn Muhammad al-Sulayhi of Yemen, is in cursive, adding, ‘It is unlikely that a close ally of the Fatimids, himself a convinced Ismaʿili, would have endorsed this Quran and associated it to their authority, had there existed any ideological biases against cursive scripts’, ibid., 142. 57. Willliams, ‘The Qurʾanic Inscriptions’, n. 23. 58. Frédéric Imbert, ‘Une nouvelle inscription de Saladin sur la muraille ayyûbide de Caire’, Annales Islamologiques 42 (2008): 409–21. 59. In addition to the examples of the mashhad of al-Juyushi and the Mosque of Ibn Tulun noted above, the inscription (in plain Kufic) around the central arch of the Ikhwat Yusuf shrine is also on a geometric background, this time one of inverted Y-shapes. 60. Allen, Carved Stone Ornament: ‘Exterior Color in the Mosque of al-Hakim’, (last accessed 10 February 2018). This factor seems to have been omitted from previous considerations of legibility; the colour of letters was probably distinguished from that of the floriation or foliated background. For the continuing use of colour in the Mamluk period on stone inscriptions in Cairo, see Bernard O’Kane, ‘Medium and Message in the Monumental Epigraphy of Medieval Cairo’. In

monumental calligraphy in fatimid egypt 

Mohammad Gharipour and Irvin Cemil Schick (ed.), Calligraphy and  Islamic Architecture in the Muslim World (Edinburgh, 2013), 416–17.

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