Studies in Chinese folk religion in Singapore and Malaysia

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CONTRIBUTIONS TO SOUTHEAST ASIAN ETHNOGRAPHY Number 2, August 1983

STUDIES IN CHINESE FOLK RELIGION IN SINGAPORE AND MALAYSIA Edited by John R. Clammer

Editor’s Introduction

j Articles

Chinese Spirit Mediums in Singapore: An Ethnographic Study lu Shi Huey Chinese Divination Choong Ket Che

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49

The Sam Poh Neo Neo Keramat: A Study of a Baba Chinese Temple Cecilia Ng Slew Hua

9g

Ideology, Authority and Conflict in a Chinese Religious Movement in West Malaysia Raymond L. M, Lee and S. E. Ackerman

132

Automatic Writing in Singapore Ruth-Inge Heinze

J4g

Postscript: Chinese Religious Studies Today Harry Parkin

Confucianism as Folk Religion in Singapore; A Note Leo Juat Beh and John Clammer

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175

EDITOR’S INTRODUCTION

TTiis second number of Contributions to Southeast Asian Ethno­ graphy differs from tKe first in that it contains essays devoted to' a single' theme:' that of contemporary Chinese' religious practices in Singapore and Malaysia. Both these countries are inhabited by large numh'ers of ethnic'Chinese - in Singapore forming the majority of the populatidn and'in Malaysia a very substantial minority. "Yet al­ though the literature abounds with general treatments of Chinese religion (usually as it was found on the mainland before 1949 or as it still exists on Taiwan), ethnographic documentation of whaj Edmund Leach has called “practical religion’* is very much sparser, and in the case of the Chinese in Southeast Asia is very thin indeed. The present volume while not attempting to be systematic (what collection of individual, ethnographic reports could be?) does highlight the richness and variety of this field of study. The essays accordingly range over a selection of topics each one in its own way important for the understanding of'practical, every­ day Chinese religion in the two countries; A word or two needs to be said here, about terms of reference. The word “Folk” is used in exactly the’sense that it is used in ordinary everyday u^age in Singapore and Malaysia — that is to say,with reference to those religious practices and their accompanying beliefs which are utilized on' a regular basis by members of the general public, usually in relation to day to day problems of living. Such practices are not greatly structured by pro­ fessional religious specialists .(since they hardly exist), by formal re­ ligious institutidhs, or’ by set canonical texts which define dogma. Great freedom of choice of religious activity are left open to the practitioner. Folk religion in this sense then is almost always an amal­ gam of beliefs and Activities often drawn from several traditions, it is pluralistic and it includes (often with a very central role) activities such as divination, which would be thought peripheral or even “magi­ cal” in the western religious tradition. Thus while Chinese folk religion is hard to define in the 'abstract, it does contain within itself numerous common elements, many of the most conspicuous of which'are des­ cribed and discussed in the following pages. All but one of the papers are devoted to Singapore, but many of the elements discussed in the^ essays would have close parallels not only in Malaysia, but wherever Chinese religious practices are to be found - including the rest of Southeast Asia, Hong Kong and Taiwan. The papers themselves cover a range of specific topics. There is dis­ cussion firstly of spirit-mediumship, a practice which while by no means new is assuming new forms as changes are forced bn it with modernization and the changing physical environment of Singapore. The secon essai' devotes'itself to the central theme of divination and some of the/characteristic forms that it takes, a concern linked with the study pf automatic writing. One article undertakes a detailed analysis of a temple run by a medium, and of great interest because -1 -

the context is that of 3aba (Peranakan or Straits Chinese) culture — itself an intriguing synthesis of Chinese and non-Chinese elements. The Malaysian paper devotes itself to the study of sectarianism and the history and contemporary organisation of a Chinese religious movement in that country. Finally the concluding essay touches on the example in this collection directly related to the Chinese “great tradition” — that of Confucianism, not in its philosophical, but in its fully religious manifestation. Although each essay is an ethnographic report in itself, it is to be hoped that they also succeed in transcending any sense of narrow­ ness: each also has a theoretical contribution to make — whether in the application of analytical sociological concepts to the study of Chinese religion, to the further clarification of the still rather woolly category of “Chinese folk religion” or to the elaboration of the im­ portance of religion in popular Chinese cuIture.Despite claims about secularization, Chinese religious practices in Southeast Asia continue unabated. It is true that there is, a parallel revival of interest in Bud­ dhism and Christianity amongst the Chinese populations there (in­ cluding by a large number of young-people), but this revival not only extends to folk religion, but to some-extent exists alongside it and promotes the Chinese talent for religious syncretism. This all suggests that ’while Chinese folk religion may be unsystematic, it has deep roots in the culture and social structure, and the pragmatic philosophies of Singapore and Malaysia do nothing to discourage it. Indeed the emphasis on the importance'of ethnicity in the two countries may well be a factor enhancing traditional religious observances as a marker of identity. Certainly these essays are offered as a?modest attempt to grapple with this inexhaustable field of study at the grass roots: where the religion is actually practiced rather than talked about. This volume is produced with the aid of a grant from the Institute for the Study of Religion and Society, Singapore, with whom it is jointly produced and to the Director and Management Committee of which grateful thanks are due and are here extended.

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CHINESE SPIRIT-MEDIUMS IN SINGAPORE AN ETHNOGRAPHIC STUDY Ju Shi Huey

CONTENTS 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.

Introduction The Organization Rites and Rituals The Deities The Blanche* Conclusion

1. INTRODUCTION

The popular religion of the Chinese has been variously described as ‘anonymous religion’, ‘folk religion’, ‘religion of the masses’ or by a specially coined term 'Shenism' by well-known authors on Chinese religion who have studied various aspects of the religion and ritual of the Chinese people^. This is because empirical studies undertaken in this field have revealed that the religious beliefs and practices of the Chinese can hardly be distinctly categorised into any of the three great religious traditions of China, namely Confucianism, Buddhism and Taoism. In’fact the religion of the Chinese is so ‘syncretic’ and ‘catholic’ in nature that one writer observed: The majority of China’s millions .... follow a religion which combines and overshadows Buddhism, Taoism and the ancient cult. They do not follow three separate, parallel and conflicting relipons at the same time but a syncretic religion embracing the ancient cult as Its basis and Buddhist and Taoist elements as secondary features2.

In Singapore, the religion of the Chinese has always been identified with Buddhism..Wee‘ in her study ‘Buddhism’.in Singapore (1976:155) reported that ‘(although) 50% of the population declare themselves to be ‘Buddhists’ ’, it was-found that ‘the ‘Buddhists’ of'Singapore do not in fact share a unitary religion’. ‘Buddhism’ is found to have been used as a convenient religious label where in fact a large number of those who claimed to be ‘Buddhists’ are actually practitioners of Chinese religion. What I have discussed above is only a very brief description of Chinese religion in general in the particular context of the Singapore community. By no accpunf is this an adquate definition which could cover a complex phenomenon 'like Chinese religion. A detailed dis­ cussion of the nature.- and characteristics of Chinese religion would J, Set for example Topley (1956). Comber (1958), and Elliott (1955). 2. Chan Wtnftslt, Rell^us Trend* in Modem China, Columbia University Press, New York 19S3.P.141.

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inevitably run into pages, which would go beyond the scope of this essay which focusses on spirit-mediumship. However, it is relevant to give a brief description of Chinese religion in Singapore as this will help to provide useful and integral linking background material for a better understanding of the theory and practice of Chinese spirit­ mediumship which forms the subject matter of this study. The most prevalent form of Chinese syncretic religion is said to be Shenism, a term coined by Elliott (1955:29) or Shen Jiao literally meaning ‘doctrine of the gods’ (Wee, 1976:170). The belief in Shenism forms the basis for spirit-medium activities. Although it is difficult to find an accurate corresponding English translation for the word shen. it is generally taken to mean ‘spirit’. In the context of Chinese religion, shen usually refers to objects of worship by the practitioners of Chinese religion and can be any spirit, deified hero or emperor embodied in the form of images for worship, ie. gods. Buddhas and Bodhisattvas are also shen in the sense that they are deified beings but they are the objects of worship in Buddhism, so are thus addressed by their respective titles. However, it is important to note that shenists (ie. the practitioners of Shenism) have also in­ cluded Buddhas and Bodhisattvas in their pantheon of gods for wor­ ship. The practice of Shenism is based on the belief that ‘there is an extremely influential spiritual world with a limitless number of power­ ful and fearsome inhabitants who are apart from the human world but in close relation to it. Those inhabitants of the otherworld of spirits are strongly anthropomorphic and their modes of behaviour are firmly patterned on human activities’ and ‘the fortunes of men are largely controlled bu the working of shen and by a right propitia­ tion of the more powerful among them. Many devils are at work in the world causing disaster and misfortune and the only powers that can deal with them effectively are the shen.' (Elliott 1955:27,29) Contrary to shen which is seen as a positive spiritual force, the devils or gui (I&, also meaning ghosts or spirits of the dead) is a negative spiritual force. It is a disembodied spirit which has to be placated in order to avoid any harm that it may cause. On the other hand, a shen is appealed to for help in times of trouble and its protection sought against evil spirits. Spirit-mediumship which is based on the idea that a shen is an embodied being, is the temporary possession of a man or woman by a shen^. It is. a quick and sure way of getting advice and solution to a problem from the shen (god). When a shenist consults a medium, he is in fact consulting the shen and not the medium whose function is only to lend his body to the shen. Spirit-medium possession is a common religious phenomenon among the Chinese in Singapore, 3. There Is a minor branch of medluntihlp where the medium Is possessed by the spirit of a deceased person. Such mediums hold private' seances for the relatives of the deceased only.

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particularly among people of the Hokkien dialect group'*. Thus, a spirit medium is often referred to as a tang-ki (iLS (H) ) or ‘child diviner’. This term originates from the shenist belief that people who become mediums are fated to live a short life but throu^ the grace of the shen their lives will be prelonged if they serve as mediums. This is because people fated to live a short life are said to have lesser soul than those fated to live a longer life. When a shen enters a lang-ki’s body in a trance, it temporarily displaces part of this soul. Since the amount of soul that each person should have is already apportioned at birth and it can neither be increased or decreased, the only way whereby a person with lesser soul can prolong his life without necessi­ tating a corresponding increase in his soul is through possession by ashen. Spirit-mediumship is viewed as ‘an identifying characteristic of Shenism as an institutionalised religion’ (Wee, 1976:173) because it requires temples and religions specialists. This is confirmed by Elliott who wrote: ‘Spirit-mediums ... are almost essentially associated with temple worship. It is •virtually impossible for a medium to operate without the help of other individuals and without the use of premises that approximate to a temple.’ (1955:44) It is difficult if not im­ possible to give an exact number of temples associated with spirit­ medium activities in Singapore as many are simply residential houses converted into ‘temples’. It should also be noted however, that a spirit-medium cannot be considered a religious specialist in the sense of the Buddhist monks and nuns or Taoist priests. This is because a spirit-medium merely lends his body to the shen while the latter re­ quire special religious knowledge to perform their respective functions. Although a spirit-medium temple may not differ greatly from other types of temples (eg. the proper Buddhist temples and those shenist temples where the practice of spirit-mediumship is absent), on the . outside, it can nevertheless be easily identified. A spirit-medium temple is characterised by a wide range of temple equipment which are speci­ fically used by spirit-mediums only. Such items of equipment are generally the ‘Dragon Chair’ where the tang-ki sits during a trance, the drums and gongs which are used to invoke the descent of the shen during a seance, the ceremonial robes worn by the tang-ki for a trance session, swords, spikes, knives and a prick-ball which the tang-ki uses to perform acts of self-mortification. Other items are the processional equipment such as the sedan chairs to carry the shin and the tang-ki in a procession, and those that are used only during festivals such as the knife-beds, sword-ladders, sword-bridges and skewers^. Apart from such equipment for use by the tang-ki, a spirit­ medium temple does not differ in any way from other temples in the 4. Topley (19S6l.p. 95. See alsoEatott (J955),p. 71. 6. For a deiaOed description on the full range of temple equipmertt used by a Elliott fl 9551, pp. 51-56. -5-

see

range of paraphernalia used for worship. Another distinguishing mark of ■a spirit-medium temple is the presence of a black flag on which the design of the Pa Kua or Eight Trigrams, a symbol used in divination and occult practices, is depicted. It serves to ward off evil spirits which are forbidden on temple premises. A tans-ki is not a full-time practitioner and he holds a secular job outside the time set for medium performances. People consult a tang-ki when the latter is in a trance and the problems posed are all private which are predominated by cases of illness and disease. ‘Charm papers’ are an important device used by tang-ki in the treatment of problems. Varyihg widely in colour and size, they are most frequently used for bathing and drinking. But they have to be daubed with the tang-ki's blood to give them efficacy. A tang-ki also consecrates various house­ hold items with his blood such as images of deities and clothings brought by devotees to the temple. Chinese spirit-mediumship in Singapore is cultic in nature as wor­ ship is very often centred on a particular shen, although a few other shen are found in the same temple as well. In theory there is no re­ striction to the number of shen who can possess a tang-ki, but in practice, only a limited few will reveal themselves through a medium. The high ranking shen in the Chinese pantheon like Yuhuangsiiangdi (The Jade Emperor) and Sakyamuni Buddha are never associated with medium possession as they are considered too dignified to possess mediums. The great sages like Confucius and Lao-tzu are also never called upon (Elliott 1955:77). According to Elliott and Wee, the four most popular shen that possess mediums in Singapore are Dash^ngye (the great saint) or popularly known as the Monkey God; Santaizf (the Third Prince); the Bodhisattva Guanyin popularly known as the Goddess of Mercy and Guandigong or the God of War. .Although the tang-ki is the central figure of a spirit-medium cult, the popularity and success of any one cult depends considerably on the competence of his assistants and the cult promoters. A tang-ki’s assitants are those who help directly in the rituals and they include the tang-ki’s inter­ preter who helps to translate the unintelligible language uttered by the tang-ki in a trance to the devotees. The cult promoters usually form the temple committee and they are responsible for taking chaise of the practical and economic aspect in the organisation of the cult such as the maintenance and upkeep of the temple and the collection of subscriptions and donations. Despite similarities in the practices of different spirit-medium cults, most cults are very much individua­ listic in nature and there does not exist any form of inter-cult organi­ sation to take charge of the cults. Most worshippers of spirit-medium cults are women. In his study, Elliott noted that ‘the most ardent supporters of spirit-medium cults are found among the older type of Straits-bom Chinese women of the poorer class, and ‘in general, these women 'are illiterate, con­ servative and extremely suspicious of strangers.’ (1955:71) However -6-

it was also observed that occasionally, women from well-to-do families and even men with a reasonably good English education are found to attend spirit-medium activities. This paper is an in-depth study of a form of spirit-mediumship which is based on the possession of some kind of occult power known as Xianfa Such form of activity is not temple-based but is carried out in the residence of the practitioners. It is an organised activity and the organisation can be viewed as a sect in a loose sense of the term for two reasons: first, it is characterised by a local net­ work of branches which operate on the same principle as the parent organisation; second, it has a system of membership which registers persons who wish to be trained in the art of Xianfa as disciples. In this light, Xianfa can be viewed as a form of art which can be acquired and mastered but its knowledge is exclusive to members of the or­ ganisation only. It should be noted that I was not ^ided by any theory when I set out ,to study the Sanshan LiUfa Xianfa Zongtdn^. My fieldwork data are obtained through observation and informal interviews con­ ducted mainly in English and the Hokkien dialect. My informants can generally be distinguished into two groups: the members of the organisation (the master, branch masters and disciples); and the non­ members (clients and the master’s relatives and friends). A few pro­ blems were encountered in my fieldwork. One of them is the reluctance of some clients to elaborate on their personal problems (for example in cases of illness and sorcery) as they deemed it embarassing to have such private matters disclosed to strangers. I was therefore unable to reconstruct such cases in greater detail. Then there was the difficulty of access to the master as he was either not in or was busy engaged in a game of ‘mah-jong’® with his disciples and friends. This happened quite frequently. 2. THE ORGANISATION

A Description of the Sanshan Liufa Xianfa Zongtan The Xianfa Zdngtdn^^ () ie. the headquarters for the mystical art/occult power, Xianfa is the residence of the spirit-medium situated at Stirling Road in the satellite town of Queenstown. Like most of the Housing and Development Board (HDB) housing estates, this place contains an ethnically and culturally heterogeneous com­ munity of Chinese, Malays, Indians and Eurasians. The residence It It difficult to give an accurate English translation of this tern. In the context of -nhlch n Is used, it roughly means same form of occult power Involving magical and mystical propenlet. 8, For the appropriate English translation of this name, please see Section Z 9, This Is a popular Chbiese table game played by four persorts. 10. The word 'Zong' f @ > literally means 'main'or ‘central’ while Tan’ (SS.J means "altar'. 7,

of Xidnfa Zongtdn is a three-room HDB’ flat ie; one'living-room and two bed-rooms. From the outside, it appears as any other HDB flat but upon entering the flat, one directly faces one of the four altars* *, altar 3 which houses deities of the underworld as well as the gods of wealth (Gai It )• In this instance, the top of a cupboard, which is about five-feet in height serves as the altar. The cupboard itself'contains, as seen from the outside, the personal belongings of the household. There are eight deities represented on this altar* - five in the form of images: those of Ddb6g6ng Caishenye Xudntian Shdngdi Fazigong and Difuwdngye ); three in framed pictures that hung on the wall which are de­ dicated to Mengldnlun Wiilii Cdishen and SongbSo Caijun Tire images rest on pedestals which are small, ornate, squari^ boxes painted in red and gold. In between the images there are three incense urns, the largest in the centre. Plates of fruits offerings, are placed in front of the images. In front of each urn there are three small glasses of Chinese tea. In addition to these, there is an oil wick stand and a vase of fresh flowers on the furthest left end of the altar* ’, a tiny pot of tea and two pieces of divining blocks (or miibei A name plaque with the following cha­ racters: ^00^ (JUenglan Tang) is hung on the wall above the pictures and images of the deities* . In much smaller characters, the name of the person who gave this plaque as well as the date ’when "it was given are written on both sides of the plaque. The biggest of the four alfars, altar 1, is placed at the right inner comer of the living-room (which is approximately fifteen feet long and ten wide) and is next to the kitchen doorway. Altogether there are seventeen representations of deities on this altar — nine are re­ presented by images: those of Sanbao Pu^ (zxW^^X Lusfian Dafashi (nlii:^^ ), Maoshan Daf&hi (^lJj3^fe®), T&ishang Laojun (), Ddshengye Dicang Huangye SR), Ndnhai Gudnyin (^WSS^). Sanlidn Fozu (.zi^S^). blhuo Fozu (/SPS^^S.); and ei^t are represented in’pictures (some 11. I have numbered the four altarj for the purpost of eiuy Identification. They are In order ofsbe - altar 1 being the biggest, altar 2 the next biggest and to on. 12. I Ute the word ‘represent' because not all dte deities worshipped here are represented In the form of an Image or picture. IS. Left and right here find hereafter refer to stage left and stage right. 14. These divining blocks are two kidney shaped pieces of wood each with a convex and a flat side. The flat side represents y»ng or the male principle, the convex tide represents yin, the female principle. They are not found elsewhere except on this altar because of the need to ascertain the answers to the four-digit or two digit fchap-jiktl lottery numbers granted by thegods of wealth. 15. Mengian Tang is a place dedicated to Men^njun ftasig In Chinese means hall). Menglanlun Is a deity in charge of the spirits of the underworld. He was once tnvltied' to the former working place of the master to bring rhe spirits that were causing trouble under control. After some time, the disturbance ceased and MenglanJun hwj Invited- back to the Xlanfa Zongtan since he has ^own efficacy.

Figure I Sketch of

LEGEND 1. Name Plaques

XIanfa Zongtan

Satshan Lbifa jnan/a Zongtan

(ie. headquarter})

Con^ia^'Uity

messages Living room table 6. Chairs & Stools 7, Bench 8. Place where Flag stands

S.

2. “Dragon Chair” 3. Photographs

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Figure II Sketch of

XIanfa Tan

Branch Number 9

Main Altar Bedroom

Side Altar

Bedroom

4

Main Entrance LEGEND 1. Name"Plaque:

Santhan Liufa Xlanf^,Tan

2. Long Table , 3. Chair where Mr. T sits during consulution

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4. 5. 6. 7.

Photographs Cabinet (fiiture altar) Sofas Low table^

k

are painted while the others are photographs) which are dedicated to Weifud Fdzu (), Tiiyin Niangz {), Baxian Ndnbdidoii (W^t-4-). Wulei Xidnshi ), Tdiydng Gong Nidngt Guandiye The pictures are hung on the wall in even rows, one on each side of a huge plaque* which occupies a central position, on ^hich some Chinese characters are written, and arranged in three vertical rows painted in blue against a bright yellow backdrop*^. An interesting feature on this plaque is a symbol of three dots arranged in a triangle. It is placed directly above the centre row of characters. I was told that it is a symbol of great divine power and is peculiar to the head­ quarters and its various branches! . Also, I noticed that this symbol is drawn on the ‘charm-papers’ which are given to the clients who come to consult the master (ie. the spirit medium of 'ths Xidnfa Zongtdn). The sides and top edges of the plaque bear decorative rosettes in bright red. On each side of the plaque’hangs a sword* 8. The arrangement of the deities and other related paraphernalia on this altar table is much the same as that of the altar (No. 3) just described. The images of deities are ananged in two neat rows and placed in an elevated position on'long plastic ‘benches’. Behind Dashengye is an apparatus consisting of a bottle which is filled with water and a funnel which is inserted into the bottle. It is known by its* onomatopaeic name of ping-pong and is used for detecting the presence -of Dashengy^^^. At the far end of each side of the altar table is a pair of candlestands - one of which operates by electricity. In close proximity to one of the candlestands is an oil wick stand. Plates of fruit and small cups of Chinese tea are also offered to the deities. Supplementing these are: a small tea pot, an oil container, a vase of fresh flowers, some folded paper fansSP, a bunch of Chinese brushes and a tin which contains empty red packets or ang-pow (H) for clients to put their contribution^ *. A red wooden case containing packets of incense sticks stands on the futhest right of the altar table. These things are placed at the side of the-table so as not to interfere with those directly connected with the daily rituals. 16, nit huge plaque It dedicated Io every godyound bi the Chinete pantheon of deities. It Is alto a characteristic feature of each of the branches. 17. To date, there are a total of eleven branches operating under the name XianfaTan, 18, The ttvordt are employed only^vhen very complex problems are encountered le. problems which cannot be solved by the usual means le, through die use of 'charm papers'and holy water' (tee footnote No. 22). They are to be used only with the gods'consent and btrtruetlem. However, my informant told me dial he has yet to use them. 19, The presence of Dashengye Is revealed when the apparatus gives off a sudden pinging' sound as If the water Is rising and forcing the funnel up. This usually occurs at noon but sometimes at other hours as well. 20. These folded paper fans are used for counteracting the forces of evB spirits during the exorcism rituals performed at the homes of clients. 21. Ang-paw literally means red-packets. Here dte master like most spirit-mediums elsewhere\ does not charge-ills clients for die consultation service he renders but leaves II to his clients to contribute whatever amount bi red packets. -11 -

Right above the huge central plaque is the name of the headquarters inscribed in bold characters of gold against a black backdrop on a rectangular plaque. The name plaque reads as follows: HlllAft Sanshdn Liufa ‘fili^^^XianfaZongtdn Hie altar table measures approximately three and a half feet in length and three feet in width. It is painted in red and has a smooth top. Extending downwards from the front edge of the table about six inches is a front piece carved with two dragons in gold together with the name of the person who donated the piece of furniture and the date. Below the table are stacked in a somewhat disorderly manner, boxes of incense sticks, joss papers and bottles of cooking oil. Just a few feet away and directly in line with the largest altar is another altar, altar 2 which is only slightly smaller but very similar to the former in design. Three deities are placed on this altar - two of them are represented in images: Bdogdng (■^^) and Huaguang Dadi ( )i the third is a small red tablet (much smaller than the huge plaque above altar 1) on which is written three vertical rows of characters in black. This tablet is in dedication to the memory of the founder of Xlanfd as is explicit from the middle row of cha­ racters which read: Liu-chudn ZushiZunwei Here again the symbol of three dots appear directly above the middle row of characters. Only one urn is placed on this altar in front of the founder’s tablet. There is a pair of candle stands and an oil wick stand placed near to the sides of the altar table. Offerings to the deities consist of fruits, tea, coffee and packets of cigarettes (555 brand) all ,of which are placed in front of the deities. Directly behind altar 2 stands a black flag which depicts a dragon motif in gold. It is dedicated to five Divine Dragon Masters who are connected with the teaching of Xanfa. This is also the place where the master sits for consultations and all the other miscellaneous things that are placed on this altar are related to this purpose. Two silver metallic vessels with taps attached contain ‘holy water’2 2. This ‘holy water’ is served mainly for two purposes. Firstly, it is used as a kind of treatment - cure for clients’ problems and is taken home by clients in bottles; secondly, it is fre­ quently served to clients immediately after consultations in the belief that this would bring luck and give protection from the gods to ward off evil spirits. Bottles of red and blade ink and Chinwe brushes are also placed here. One prominent feature on this table are two small cabinets that are.placed at the far right of the table. The drawers of these cabinets contain the different types of ‘charm papers’ which are used to cure 22. The v/ater' it wier vihieh hat bttn Ntaed by t/ie mtaiuin by chanting prayen into the water. Because II it for drtnletng, boiled water li used. -12-

the varied problems of clients and the diagnoses for the more complex problems. Placed on top of the cabinets is a long box which contains the names and addresses of those who had consulted the spirit medium. A system of recording consultancies akin to that kept by a modem medical practitioner exists. I observed that whenever a potential client seeks consultation he is’asked whether he had held previous consulta­ tions with the medium. The cards contain a brief dossier of the clients: age, address, occupation, nationality and the reason for his visit. The spirit-medium, however, does not record the treatment that was specifled'to the client. Right in front of altar 2 is placed a heavily-built chair where the medium sits during consultations. This chair is similar to that found in most spirit medium temples. It is sometimes called a ‘Dragon Chair’ because dragons’ heads are carved at the end of the arm-rest^^. The chair is painted red and gaily adorned with floral motifs carved in gold or painted in other colours. I was told that this chair was donated by an old lady whose sickness many medical practitioners failed to diagnose, but was successfully cured by the master. This chair was carried on the shoulders of her eldest son, climbing the flight of stairs, to the house. When asked why he had not taken the lift I was told that the old lady was punishing herself through punishment of her son for her delayed visits to the medium and wasting much time on modem medicine. This was also seen as an act appeasing the angry gods for disregarding them in the beginning. Below the altar table is a shrine dedicated to Dizhiigong (:Si or the ‘Landlord God’. There is no image but a red plaque with some Chinese characters written in gold is placed there with an um, a glass of oil which serves as an oil wick stand and a plate of fruits. There is a comparatively small altar, altar 4, which stands at the comer of the living-room opposite to the main altar tables. This small­ est altar is raised to a level higher than the other three altars described earlier. The main feature of this altar is a relatively large picture show­ ing the Buddha Amitabha and the Bodhisattvas Guanyin and DashizhL Besides this central piece, there are five images of the following deities: Qigong Fozii ( 0 Sh^cai Tohgzf () Lon^u Shentong Data Dawdng (:^D, Nanhai Guanyin ). They are arranged in a row and plac^ in front of the picture on a bench. As in the other altars, an um occupies the central position with two candles operated by electricity — one placed on each side of the altar. Cups of tea and a plate of fruit are dlso placed here. With a sizeable area of the room taken up by the two large altar tables, there is insufficient space left for the family’s furniture which consists of an old collapsible table with some stools and old chairs placed near and around it for guests and clients to sit while waiting for consultations. Sometimes, piles of stools are placed in the living 23, Thettrm 'Dragen Chair' Is adapted from EUlot fl 9SSJ, p. S2. -13-

room for the disciples^* who will meet there on appointed days to practise the art. On the walls are hung photographs taken on festive occasions and those showing the branches of the organisation. Besides the photographs, messages of thanks and appreciation from some grateful cEents are also hung up. To add to the collection are quota­ tions and sayings of ancient Chinese sages, pictures of deities, calendars and a list showing the birthdays of gods celebrated by the medium. Apart from the four altars, there are two other places of worship. One is high up in a comer of the kitchen where a small shrine devoted to the ‘Kitchen God’ is found. As this is solely the family’s deity ie. it is not set up for public worship, devotees do not offer incense sticks at this, altar during the prayer rituals. The other is attached to the wall just outside the entrance and is nothing but a small red container for holding incense sticks. This shrine is devoted to the worship of Tiangong or ‘God of Heaven’.

The Master The Sdnshan Liufa Xianfa Z^ngtdn was set up about ten years ago by the present spirit-medium, Mr. C who was then working as a superintendent in a well-established plywood factory. One of the main reasons that prompted him into mastering the mystic art, Xianfa (which led subsequently to the setting up of the headquarters) was the personal misfortune that struck him in the years prior to 1967. Mr. C, now in his late forties, told me: “My luck was really low then. I faced so much frustrations in work and I could not get along with my colleagues. Even my family was in trouble. Somebody was always ill.......... I prayed to many gods for help but in vain , ...” He finally consulted an uncle with his problem. The latter advised him to acquire the art of Xianfa partly as a means to protect his family and himself from the forces of ill-luck and partly to help those in misery and distress. Not long after he enrolled as a disciple of the art, his fortune took a turn for the better and peace was restored in his family. He set up the Xianfa Zdngtdn barely after three months of learning the art. Even though he had mastered enough knowledge to establish hiSjOwn practice, he continued to work in the factory. He strongly mamtained that the organisation that he had set up was never meant to be a business organisation and therefore his acquisition of the art was not a ‘side-line’ for supplementing his income. Upon undertaking to practise the art he had pledged “to alleviate all forms of human sufferings.” After taking this vow, he further promised that he would not take more than what is given to him as a token from his consulta­ tion sessions and neither would he charge exhorbitant rates when asked to perform any ritual that entails more time and effort such as exorcism for clients. 24. tn fhg context of this siudy, t use the tern 'disciple’ strictly to refer to one who learns and one who Imparts the art. This Is because there are some disciples who have set up branch organisations of their own. To distinguish diem from those who have no branch, t shall call the former 'branch master'.

Presently, he is not gainfully employed anywhere; he has been jobless since the plywood factory retrenched him owing to poor busi­ ness about three years ago. He also told me that he is not seeking any employment because the gods have not given him any indication to start working for any organisation yet. However, lately he had applied for a licence to set up a hawker stall and is still awaiting reply. Mr. C has a wife and seven children with ages ranging from six to seventeen. All except the youngest child have some knowledge of the art. The second eldest son sometimes hold consultations with clients.

The Origin of Xianfa and Discipleship Xidnfa, the name of the mystical art acquired and practised by Mr. C is claimed to be essentially different from the occult power possessedxby the rang-k/25(jj) which Mr. CreferstoasS/i^n/fl-(:^S-). (n between Xianfa and Shenfa are four other types of mystical power, namely, Tidnfa Ddofa (ifS) and Leifa'i ff ?£ (in decreasing order of power). As most of my informants, especially the disciples were vague, if not ignorant, concerning the historical origin of Xianfi. I was unable to elicit coherent and authentic information from anyone of them in this respect. The mythical background of the origin of Xidnfa as related to me by Mr. C is narrated as follows: Long ago in ancient China, there lived a man who was a master of the mystic art of Xianfa. One day he met five persons, each a master of one form of mystic art. The five forms of mystic art were Tianfa, Fofa, Daofa Laifa and Shenfa. Each shared his own specialised knowledge and as a result, they decided to merge. The six forms of mystic art became so powerful that they formed three great bodies of mystical power likened to three mountains Hence, the name, Sanshan Liufa in literal translation means ‘three mountain^ and “six powers’. This great body of art was later transmitted from one generation to another through master-disciple relation. For this reason, the masters who transited this body of art were known as 'Liu-chuan Zushi— literally meaning ‘ancestor masteifs) of tranamigsinn*

However, another informant told me a slightly different version, which is: Liu-chuan was a common man who met five exponents of five different types of mystic art (ie. the five forms mentioned above). Because he was hi^ly intelligent he studied the five-forms and emerged with a new form which he named Xianfa.

My informant, however, was unable to explain the significance of the name Sdnshdn. he only mentioned that it refers to three great master of mystical power, namely, Maoshdn Daf^hi (^lijbc&SfS), the great master Msoshanf, Lushdn DafdsM . the great 3S. I Utt the rem tang-kt Uterally meaning lehlld-dMner’ In Hokklen, strlctty for thote who pottett Shenfa to at to dlatlngulA them from the ipirlt-medlum ofmyttudy. 26. t have not given the English equivalent of these terms because It Is difflcult to find appro­ priate English translations for them. -15-

master Lushdn;) and A/aoshdn Dafashi great master Mdoshdn'). According to Mr. C, Xianfd is at the highest in the hierarchy of mystical power, ie. it supersedes the rest in terms of potency and power. He confidently claims that his is one of the very few organi­ sations (including all the branches) in Singapore which practices Xianfa. But he adds that it is not uncommon these days to find some specialists of mystical or occult power, especially the tang-ki employing the tenn indiscreetly for their trade, either sometimes out of sheer igno­ rance or with the intention of attracting cEents to their ‘business’. Even for the bonaflde practitioners of Xianfd the principles and tech­ niques of acquisition of the art would essentially have been different. My informant also stresses the point that his art is distinctly different from that of the tang-ki, who possesses only Shenfd which is at the lowest rank in the hierarchy of mystical powers. To quote him: “Un­ like the tang-ki. we don’t have to beat the drums and gongs to get ourselves possessed by gods. We can call for our gods anytime and at anywhere we want. We are higher than they in power, because they know only Shenfd while we know Xianfd. . . To substantiate this claim, one of his disciples related the following incident to me: on one occasion, a fellow male disciple met with a tang-ki in a procession. As a gesture of respect, he ‘saluted’ the deity that'was possessing the tang-ki as he passed by. To his total astonishment, the tang-ki was dislodged from his sedan chair^’ and fell onto the ground. My in­ formant explained the fall of the tang-ki as an illustration of the fact that Xianfd is at a higher level than Shenfd and because of this the deity that was possessing the tang-ki felt it inappropriate to accept greetings from a deity of a higher order. According to Elliott (1955:59), “a man, or woman, can become a ‘dang-ki’ either by involuntarily displayed signs of spirit possession, or by cultivating the powers consciously.” No one becomes a Xianfd specialist involuntarily; he has to acquire the art through a process of conscious learning and cultivation. In theory anyone can acquire the art of Xianfd regardless of sex, age and ethnicity. He or she need not be selected nor possess “the power that is meant to be latent within him.” (Elliott 1955:59) A Xianfd specialist can pass on the knowledge of the art to persons who are willing to learn, thus assumes the role of Shifu (®5C, Teacher-father) ie. ‘master’. Unlike the tang-ki, a specialist of Xianfa does not have to wait for any indication from the god or shen who is going to possess him, nor ascertain through the use of divining blocks, whether the shen has consented to possess him. He has the power to call upon ariy deity at anytime and anywhere. In times of possession by a shen. very seldom would, one find a 27. A sedan cliair Is a specially constructed chair carried by human beings where the spiritmedium or Tang-ki sits during,^ procession. It Is a highly ornate piece of equipment, painted In red and decorated with carvings and Inscriptions In gold and other colours. - 16 -

Xianfa specialist in a state of trance. Very often, he is conscious of himself and of his surroundings. Nevertheless, this -does not mean that trances do not occur but rather that it happens to certain people only. Thus it depends very much on the individual whether a trance is attendant during possession. According to many informants people wishing to acquire the art came with varying motives. I have classified them into three categories, based on the motives that underlie their intention in acquiring the art. These three broad categories demarcate the various reasons for wanting to acquire this art. They are: first, those who learn the art with the aim of helping the unfortunate (ie. those afflicted with any kind of trouble). This group of people were initiated into the art as a result of some kind of unforseen trouble which occurred to them at one time or other in their life, such as sickness and accidents. Since they have pledged to help people in trouble, they would ultimately set up organisations and become masters themselves, with their own group of disciples. This is seen in the case of Mr. C and those of his disciples who have set up organisations of their own. In the second category are those who learn the art with the intention of employing it to earn a living. For them it is a full time occupation. The third cate­ gory of aspirants are those who learn the art with the sole purpose of self protection. This group of people look upon the acquisition of the art as an asset. A knowledge of the art can help to thwart any unforseen trouble that might surface periodically or at least it would help to modify the effects of any ill-luck. I have observed that the majority of the disciples who are presently learning the art under Mr. C belong to this third category ie. people with no apparent inten­ tion of going into practice, at least for the time being. In theory, anybody can learn to acquire the art of Xidnfd as no restriction whatsoever is imposed. In practice, not everyone will get to master the art ie. know it well enough to practise it. Before an interested person can be trained for the art, he or she has to undergo a ritual to be performed by the master, which I term ‘initiation ceremony2 8. The relevance of this ritual is: prior to the ritual ceremony, the Xidnfd aspirant has to consult the master who-will then ‘check’with his own personal deity for the appropriate date and time for the ‘initiation ceremony’ to take place. This is calculated on the basis of the aspirant’s name, address and date of birth (lunar). Besides selecting the day and time, the master would have to assign a deity to take charge of the would-be disciple. This deity who plays the role of a guide and teacher in the course of the disciple’s training is addressed by the term ‘XmnsHT ({llj&fi) which is an address for some of the deities. Every disciple will be attached to a personal deity 28. Thtt It a thorlritu^ which every would-be disciple has to go through before he Is officially enrolled as a dlxtpk. Thb will be discussed bi greater detail bi the chapter on Rites and Rituals. 29. My Informants use this term 'check'to nfer to any conscious act of seeking information and knowledge from the gods through possession.

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who is chosen to complement the character and personality of the disciple. For instance, a disciple who is impatient and hot-tempered will normally be assigned a deity with a cool and calm disposition. As one deity can be in charge of more than one disciple, some dis­ ciples may share the same deity. Thus the initiation ritual is necessary as some form of ceremony is required to ‘invite’^ o the personal deity down to take charge of the disciple. Apart from being taught the way of inviting his own personal deity down to possess him, he is left entirely on his own to acquire the art. He learns through trial and error, with occasional guidance from the master and discussion of the problems encountered with fellow disciples. As there is no prescribed set of doctrines to follow, progress in the art depends very much on the individual’s initiative, will power and perseverance. A disciple who is very keen to learn will naturally progress very far and fast. In Xianfd. discipleship is not binding ie. a disciple is free to drop out of training anytime he wants to. Albeit there does not exist an expressed and explicit system of rules and regulations to govern the disciples, it is implied that the power acquired should not be abused. Any incidence of abuse would be ‘checked’ by the personal deity who will mete out the appropriate punishment. Sometimes, a disciple who is guilty of abusing the art may even be stripped of his power by his persona] deity. 3. RITES AND RITUALS

The major rites and rituals carried out at the Xianfd Zongtan are consulations, practice sessions (for the disciples) and calendrical festivals. Apart from these, the ‘initiation ceremony’ which involves as much depth and intensity of ritual procedures as the other rites and rituals are held occasionally for new disciples. Except for con­ sultations which are occasionally carried out by senior disciples, all ritualistic procedures are conducted by the master, Mr. C with assis­ tance from his disciples and family members. Consultations

Consultations at the Xianfd Zongtan are not held at fixed times but rather the spirit medium leaves it to the clients to come at any­ time. Whenever Mr. C is free he holds consultations with his clients. Normally clients would telephone Mr. C to enquire whether he is free to hold consultations. The duration of each consultation session depends on factors like the number of clients present, the nature and complexity of illnesses and problems. I have noticed that usually there are more clients on Saturdays and Sundays than on any week day unless it happens to be days of practice sessions or a festive occa30. When a god's presence Is called upon, the term which means ‘Invite god'.

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tjing shen' b

used as a gesture of respect

sion^ 1. On some days there are no clients at all. This poses difficulties in determining the average number of clients who visit in a day or in a week. Unlike the tang-ki, the master, Mr. C does not have to ask for any of the deities’ consent nor perform any kind of bai^ ) or worship to call for the deities’’ before he begins a consultation session. This is because he has already performed the bai procedure (the details of which I will describe later) early in the morning. In addition to bii, he also switches on the tape recording of invocation chanted by him from the ‘holy script’’*. It is solely for the purpose of con­ venience that such recitation of invocation is tape recorded, since it has to be chanted every morning. Both the bai and invocation are rituals served to ‘invite the gods down to the headquarters’ bai qing dao lai tdn zhang') ie. to summon the presence of the deities at the headquarters. He also does not have to adorn any special dress for these occasions. He dresses ordinarily ie. in a singlet top. and long pants. However incense sticks have to be burn­ ing at each’of the urns throughout the period of consulation. They are usually lighted by clients, most of whom are quite devoted and xiften bring with them packets of incense sticks to 6ai the shen. I have not witnessed Mr. C lighting incense sticks and put them into the urns before a consultation. Somehow, there is always someone around to do this, if not the clients, it is the disciples. Moreover, there is'always somebody (usually one of his disciples or his wife or one of his children) to assist him during the session. The consulta­ tion begins when he takes his seat in the ‘dragon chair’ in front of altar 2. The client who has arrived first takes a seat facing the medium beside the altar table while the rest wait for their respective turns, sitting on chairs placed around the living room table. I have not seen more than ten clients attending a consulation at any one time. Very often clients attend a consultation session in groups of two or three as many came together with their friends or relatives. The spirit-medium first asks- for the name, age (ie. the lunar date of birth) and address of client in question. If it is the client’s first visit, such information will be written down on a card, a portion 31. Conatltatloru are also conducted on festival days. Clients coming on such days are brought, by disciples and friends of the medium who usually make It a point to visit the headquartets on such occasions. 33. B4i Is a gesture of respect shown to a person or shen or deity which is done with two hands clasped at chest level and moved to and fro. This is usually done with joss slicks (or Incense sticks/ tn hands. In thb'lnstance, the pattern o/bai (to be elaborated later/ Is subtly different from the usual pattern described above. 33. According to my informant, the spirit of die shen ere not always present tn the Images and Incense sticks have to be offered together with prayers Io invoke their presence. 34. The holy scrfyt' Is a book where Invocation Is recorded. The wordings of this Invocation which Is forbidden to oucdders le. nonmtembers of the organisation. Is handed down ftah past generations of masters. Mr. C obtained his script from his immediate master. He adds new verses to the script whenever he Is Inspired by the shen. -19-

of which with a reference number is tom out and given to the client for records in the future. If a client is consulting the medium on behalf of somebody who is not present at the consultation, he or she has to give the particulars of that person. After this is done, the medium will ask the nature of the problem. After listening to the problem, he closes his eyes in meditation posture and places his right hand on the table in a position such that the third and fourth fingers are closed together while the thumb, fore-finger and the last finger are stretched out vertically to support the hand. Simultaneously his left foot mildly but continuously jigs on the floor. This process is called ‘checking’, on his client’s problem by referring to the shen most suitable in handl­ ing the particular problem. While he is doing this, he gives out inter­ mittently, a deep, long-drawn out rasping sound from his throat. One could see that during the whole procedure the medium is, un­ doubtedly, conscious of what he is doing. At times, he would even turn to his clients in the midst of his ‘checking’ to ask questions. After the checking he will give his diagnosis of the problem ie. the result of his ‘checking’. The master is conversant in the Hokkien and Cantonese dialect and also speaks a smattering of Malay. But he usually converses in the Hokkien dialect although he is from the Hakka dialect group. Generally, two types of ‘treatment’ are prescribed by the medium for the problems of his clients. They are ‘charm papers’ and ‘holy water’. Before they can be effected for use, the medium has to transfer some form of healing power onto these objects and the term used for such an act is called Kia Huat (H). Although various types of ‘charm papers’ are available, the mediuni-type in colours of white, green and yellow are most often used, dn every ‘charm paper’, the symbol of the {Pa Kua) or Eight Trigrams is printed. Depending on the nature of the problem, the medium will then prepare the type of ‘charm paper’ that is needed. He first places the number of pieces of ‘charm papers’ required to ‘cure’ the problem (usually ranging from one to four pieces) on the table. Then he picks up a Chinese brush and immerses it in black or red ink (depending on whichever is required) and in fast rapid strokes he draws the symbol of three dots at the top end of the ‘charm paper’ and then continues to ‘doodle’ a few unintelligible strokes down the body of the ‘charm paper’, after which he taps it with the end of his brush. He does the same thing for the others. When he has finished, he thrusts out the fore­ finger and the third finger of his right hand and pointing horizontally forward he shakes them violently, directed at the ‘charm papers’. Then, instantly drawing back, he forms a circle-like pattern in the air with both his hands. While this motion is continuously acted out, his right foot jigs consistently on the floor, he inhales deeply into his lungs and gives out a rasping sound in quick rapidity followed by a long duration of a kind of hissing alternated with panting sound. After ‘blessing’ the ‘charm papers’, he hands them to his assistant who will bring it to altar 1 and hold them over the incense sticks -20-

in each urn for a \rfiile. Then the latter rakes an empty red packet from a tin on the table and puts the ‘charm papers’ in after folding. He hands them over to the client while the medium gives instruction as to how it should be used and for how long. The white 'charm paper’ is for drinking ie. it is burnt and its ashes mixed with drinking water. The green ‘charm paper’ is used for bathing ie. it is also burnt and its ashes mixed with water for bathing. It is normally used in con­ junction with loose flowers^^ (of seven varieties) which can be bought from the market. If the medium prescribes ‘holy water’ as a form of cure for his clients, it has to be specially prepared before it can be used for specific purposes, albeit taken from the silver metal vessels (see Section 2). It is prepared in the same manner as the ‘charm papers’ and is drunk there by some clients or is taken home in bottles by others. After the consultation, the client is given a small cup of ‘holy water’ to drink for protection against evil spirit and ill-luck, especially if the client is consulting the medium on behalf of somebody (who is stricken with misfortune). Clients give their contribution in return for the service of the medium which is placed in a red packet, before they bai again to all the deities and take leave of the medium. QienU and their Problems

The clientele at the Xianfd Zongtdn is made up of Chinese, with a sprinkling of Malays and Indians brought there occasionally by their Chinese friends. Some others were the spirit-medium’s ex-colleagues. Clients come to consult the medium on a wide variety of problems. The most frequently encountered problem are those concerned with illness/health, trouble with colleagues/employers, advice on a business venture, sorcery/possession by evil spirits. When faced with a pro­ blem, generally the spirit medium prescribes a ‘cure’ or makes a pre­ diction and gives advice. To illustrate the types of problems that were raised during consultations, I have listed here some case-studies observed by me, supplemented with reports from clients: 1. A young couple accompanied by a lady in her fifties were at the medium’s with a rather small baby. They had brought their baby son there to be ‘blessed’ by the medium, together with some of the baby’s new clothes. After the ‘blessing’, ‘charm papers’ and loose flowers were prescribed for bathing. This is one of the many visits the couple is paying to the medium’s since their baby was ‘cured’ a few weeks back. According to the father, since birth, the baby suffered from a liver disease and was placed on the dangerously ill list. Specialist doctors at th^ hospital had diagnosed the disease as incurable and considered the chances of the baby’s survival as almost negligible. The father of the baby approached the medium and permission was obtained from the hospital authorities to allow 35. Loose flowers are powers which are not attached to lhetr stalks. Most of the time they are flower petals.

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a disciple to perform certain rituals on the baby in the hospital ward. Within a week the baby recovered, to the amazement and disbelief of the doctors and nurses. The baby is now adopted by the goddess Jiiitian Niangi who had ‘cured’ him as her ‘god-child’ and has to be brought back occasionally for ‘blessing’. 2. A nurse working in the Kadang Kerbau Hospital who had witnessed the baby’s case consulted the medium on her aged mother’s illness. After ‘checking’ with the gods, the medium told her that her mother’s luck has not been favourable and she was a^lvised against 'attending funeral as these are considered ‘polluting’ occasions. The medium prescribed some ‘charm papers* for drinking as well as for bathing, together with a pocket of loose flowers. 3. A young working girl (a production operator in a well established corporation) came to consult the medium on some troubles that were plaguing her at her place of work. The medium after ‘checking’ gave her some green ‘charm papers’ to bathe for a week. The same girl returned some weeks later — on one of the practice sessions to thank the gods for ‘curing’ her problems. 4. An old man in his late fifties or early sixties, related to me his son’s case: his son suffered from some ‘stones in his liver’. He had consulted many medical specialists on his son’s illness, but to no avail. Then he brought his son to see the medium, who prescribed the ‘charm papers’ for him to drink. After one week, the ‘stones’ disappeared and his son was ‘cured’. He added that while receiving treatment from the medium, his son at the same time continued to see the medical doctors but did not consume the medicine pre­ scribed for him. 5. A twenty-two year old dull-witted girl was brought to the head­ quarters on almost every practice session by her parents to receive ‘treatment’ from the spirit medium. She appears to have been pos­ sessed by evil spirits and somewhat abnormal in her mental dis­ position. The spirit medium had ‘checked’ and discovered that she had ‘stepped’ on ‘dirty things’ at a time when her luck had been unfavourable, thus she became ‘polluted’. A former factory hand, she was struck with her misfortune about one year ago and she had consulted two spirit mediums prior to this one. In the process of her curing she was advised to enrol herself as a disciple at the headquarters as it is easier to Chase the evil spirits out of her. According to some of my informants, her condition has im­ proved tremendously since her first visit about three months ago. Now she comes on almost every ‘ninths’^^ and receives treatment as well as to practise the art. After every practice session the spirit medium of one of his senior disciples would take a bunch'of lighted incense sticks and move it in a circular motion round her face and 36. Win th i' refer to the ninth, nineteenth and twenty-ninth day of each lunar month, TTitte are the days appointed for practice at the Xianfa Zongtan. (Please see sub-sectlen on Practice Sessions, p. 49]. -22-

body — an act purported to chase away the evil spirits that have been invading her as well as to ‘bless’ and ‘purify’ her, (see plate 9). In addition she was given ‘charm papers’ to drink and for bathing. Although she has yet to return to the normal state, she is now more conscious of her surrounding and is able to communicate with people more often and freely. These are but some of the more common problems handled by the spirit medium. There are occasions when the spirit medium is approached with more serious cases of spirit possession, especially of places and he has to perform the necessary rites at these places. Such cases entail the assistance of disciples as the power from the spirit medium alone may not be’ strong enough to overcome the evil power of some malicious spirits. These exorcisms take a much longer time than the common cases we have seen above. Besides curing problems and offering advice, he also performs rites to change bad luck to good luck which is known as Koe Un (H) ( ), of those afflicted with misfortune because of their ill-ludc. I have not observed such instances but one informant has described generally the procedure to me. The effected client has to come to the headquarters on an appointed day and time, selected through ‘checking’ with the gods and he or she has to bring with him or her three suits of clothings which are to be ‘blessed’ by the spirit medium. On an arranged date and time, the spirit medium will perform a ritual similar to that of the ‘initiation ceremony’, (see p. 44 of this Section). ‘Charm papers’ and loose flowers will be prescribed at the end and instructions given as to how to use them. TTie three suits of clothings are to be worn — one suit on each day - which suit on which particular day being specified. The affected person is.also advised not to attend weddings and funerals as such occasions are considered to be ‘pollu­ ting’, within a period of thirty-three days after which his luck will take a turn of the better. Clients have also approached the spirit medium to consecrate the new images of deities, an act known as kai guang (^^), which they intend to set up in their homes. According to one informant, an image is just the ‘seat’ or ‘throne’ for the gods. Unless the spirit of the god has been ‘invited’ to be present in the image through rites, praying to an empty image is meaningless. Clients have to pay a fee for the performance of such rites. The list of problems raised points to the fact that people are very concerned with the problems of day to day living. To the spirit medium there is an explanation to every problem encountered even if it appears very trivial-and insignificant. One observation that reveals from the case-studies that clients who visit the spirit-medium do so after failing to find remedies for their problems from other social organisations such as the church, temple and hospital and private indiviaduals such as the medical doctors. In this sense the spirit-medium is considered as a final arbiter. In the event of successful ‘treatment’ of their illnesses -23-

the clients continue to visit the place and eventually become disciples themselves, as a mark of gratitude to the shen, and to protect them­ selves from future ill-luck and misfortune. CUendzical Festivals

At the Xi5n/fl Zongtdn, there are six days in a year which are devoted to the celebration of Chinese festivals, the birthday of yuftutfngshangdi Of Emperor, the birthdays of Shkti (|liS^) ie. ancestor master and Shigong ie. grandmaster and the anni­ versary of the headquarters. These dates are listed on a chart which is hung on the wall of the living room. These dates {based on the lunar calendar) are; 9th day of 1st moon: Birthday of the Jade Emperor, Longtounidn ( ) 1 Sth day of 3rd moon: Birthday of grandmaster 19th day of 6th moon: Anniversary of the Headquarters 7th day of 7th moon: Festival of the Seven Fairies Birthday of ancester master 9th day of 9th moon: Chong Yang Festival (A festival dedicated to the Nine Divine Kings) 29th day of 12th moon: Fengwdinidn ( )” • The celebrations conducted on these occasions have been observed to be rather similar. Hence, I am presenting here only an account of the celebration conducted on one of the occasions — the 10th anni­ versary of the Headquarters this year. Unlike the festive celebrations at the temples which often draw a huge crowd of active participants from devotees and clients, at the Xianfa Zongtan almost all the participants at such functions are dis­ ciples. Although there will be a sprinkling of clients among the dis­ ciples as consultations are still held on such days, they are never in­ volved in the activities carried out. In other words, festive celebrations at the Headquarters are very much an internal affair, open only to members of the organisation. Gn the eve of the anniversary of the Headquarters, members of the family had set out to prepare some of the food to be offered to the deities, cleaned and tidied up the altar tables and polished the urns for the occasion and so forth On the day of the’ceiebration which happens to coincide with the birthday of the Bodhisattva Guanyln (Goddess of Mercy), four rituals of prayer and food offering were conducted, each being devoted to the deities of Heaven, Earth and Underworld’® and the ‘wandering spirits’ or ghosts respectively. Each ritual was performed in the same manner save for the different Bteralfy meaia "Orafon head year’ and Pengwelnian It yhaenit laa year', Thete are merely temt denoting the begtnn^go/a year and the end of a year. 38. Thete are the three areat in tvhieh the cotmology in Chbiete religion It divided. The godt of the Chinete pantheon are alto divided into thete three hlerarchiet. 37.

Longtounian

-24-

types of food offered to the different deities. The first ritual was held at 9 am, the secon at 12 noon, the third at 3 pm and the last at 6 pm. The first ritual was devoted to the deities of Heaven consisting mainly of the top ranking gods like the Jade Emperor, Buddhas and Bodjisattvas and the food offered were solely vegetarian dishes and sweet stuff such as rice flour cakes and red cakes filled with bean pastes or peanuts. The fruits offered were also the more expensive types such as pomelos, grapefruits, pears and oranges. After the food offerings had been laid out, the master knelt before the altar to perform bai to the deities. After a short while, one of his disciples knelt before the altar and read out a ‘message’ written on a piece of yellow paper which was burnt after reading. In the meantime, the taped recordings of the invocation were switched on. After the prayers had been said, the food were not put away but was left on the altar table. In the second, third and final sessions, the procedure of rituals is identical with the first except for the food offerings. Meat — chicken, duck, fish and poric were offered but not beeP ’. Other food offerings consisted of di^es that are normally eaten at meals such as fishcake, fried spring rolls, a mixed vegetables dish, soup and fried bee-hoon^ o. In addition, cigarettes and wine were also offered. This food was served at lunch and dinner to guests and disciples. The final ritual in the evening was not conducted in the house but in the open space downstairs. It was similar to the prayers and offerings made by Chinese religionists during the seventh moon to appease the ‘wandering spirits’ lest they should cause harm. Except for this ritual, no mock money** i (ie. Joss-papers and the bank notes of hell) was burnt on any of the other ritual session, it was considered by the gods as unnecessary. This is a notable point as mock money is an indispensable feature in the prayer rituals of Chinese religionists^ 2. In the night the place was so crowded with people and the air so filled with incense ftimes that some had to wait outside until others left. The majority of the crowd consisted of disciples (disciples who do not usually turn up regularly for the practices had turned up for this celebration). One of the branch masters had even brought her own disciples to pay homage to the ancestor master at the headquarters. Among the crowds was a handful of clients who were brought there by their disciple friends. Practice was carried out as it was the 19th 39. Beefat well at mutton are tabooed for the Xianfa practitloneri. Thlili because some gods of the Underworld have heads of animats, for example, the Niutou Malian shen (te. Cow­ headed and Horse-faced gods). Since help Is sometimes enlisted from these gods. It Is unwise to eat diem. 40, Bafrhoon is the Hokklen term for rice vermicelli. 41, Mock-money It frequently known as loss-papers and Is an Important feature In the wor­ ship of Chinese religionists. It is used In household and temple worship. It Is used for the worship of both gods and ghosts. 42. It Is usually burnt on rhe Isr and ISth of every lunar month and on festival days after the prayer rituals. -25-

of the 6th moon. After the practice session, packets of loose flowers which had been offered to the gods for blessings, were given away to disciples and anybody who ^believes in the special effect of peace and protection it endows on the user. ‘Initiation Ceremony*

Any person who intends to become a disciple of ‘Xianfa has to undergo a short ritual before he is officially enrolled- as a member of the organisation. This ritual known as Jip Huat Menn ( iSyiMO in Hokkien which means ‘to enter into a body of art’ is performed only by the master. The idea behind this ceremony is to ‘purify’ the would- be disciple before he assumes his new religious role’ie. before the gods can enter and possess him. This is held on a specially selected date and time through ‘checking’ with the ‘ancestor master’ based on the disciple’s name, lunar date of birth and address. Besides selecting a propitious day and time, the ‘ancestor master’ will also make known, to the master the amount of money to be charged to the disciple for performing such a ritual as well as the things the wouldbe disciple is required to buy for the ritual. The number and types of items that each should buy vary with different individuals but generally they consist of incense-stidcs, candles, wine - a specified brand of Tolleys TST Brandy which costs about $4.80 a bottle current­ ly, loose flowers and fruits. As to the amount of money that a dis­ ciple is required to pay as some kind of ‘entrance fee’ and which should be given in a red packet, ranges from nothing to $108, de­ pending on the financial situation of the would-be disciple which according to my informants can be perceived by the gods. Thus in the words of one informant, “The gods know whether you are rich or poor.” Such information as regards to the day, time and the items to be bought for the ceremony is written down on a piece of paper* ’ very much like a printed form filling in particulars and given to the would-be disciple. On-the selected day, the would-be disciple has to arrive at the head­ quarters before the appointed time, dressed in his or her best. It is not necessary that he or she be dressed in a new suit of cothings but it is important that it must be a fresh clean suit. For a man disciple he has to cut his hair short for the occasion. This is how the whole initiation ritual procedure is carried out for a lady disciple from my observation on one occasion: the lady disciple who hereafter shall be called Miss X has approached the master with her decision to be­ come a disciple on one of the practice sessions (on a Monday). After ‘checking’, she was asked to come to the headquarters on the following Saturday at 12 noon sharp, and she was given the form which show the particulars she has to buy for the ceremony. On the said day. Miss X, neatly dressed in a fresh, clean dress arrived 43. The terne piece of paper It alto uted for writing the particulars of other rituals such as the luck changing rituals and rituals do Invite' the spirit oflhea Inta Images. -26-

about 15 minutes before time. She has brought with her incense sticks, candles, fruits, five packets of loose flowers and a bottle of brandy. She is asked to Eght up a pair of candles at altar i and the incense sticks at every altar, putting one into each urn, while the rest of the things are placed on altar 1. At 12 noon sharp. Miss X seated her­ self on a stool which is placed about three feet away from the ‘dragon chair’ but in a central position such that it directly faces altars 1 and 2. Her feet were slightly raised (ie. her heels were slightly lifted up), her hands clasped and raised to chest level while her eyes were focused on the name plaque. The master, 'who was dressed in a pair of Chinese trousers made of cotton, in light yellow with dragon motifs in batik***, began the ritual by chanting the invocation from the ‘dragon chair’. The tune and manner of chanting was no different from that of the practice sessions save for the wordings, as they now serve a different purpose. As he chanted, he walked round Miss X, waving a bunch of lighted incense-sticks. According to my informant this is an act of ‘blessing’ and ‘purification’. While walking back and forth from altar 2 in careful rythmic steps, with occasional reference to the book which records the invocation on the table, the master emitted the noises at the same time. There were four other disciples in the room who were ‘sitting in mediumship’, one of them being the master’s wife. After 25 minutes had elapsed I noticed that the clasped hands of Miss X began to move to and fro (as in bai) in rhythm, and her feet also began to move up and down slowly. After about another 5 minutes, her hands were separated one above the other, though they were still in constant motion. After approximately 35 minutes, Mr. C pointed the bunch of joss-sticks at the right, left and back of Miss X before retiring to the.‘dragon-chair’. He put the bunch of joss-sticks which had burnt to i/3 of their length into the incense um but continued the chanting, with his hands in circular motion. At 12.45 pm. as the master ended the ritual. Miss X burst into fast, violent and uncontrollable shaking of both sides of the body, while her feet thudded loudly on the floor. She was in a state of possession by her personal deity or Hunn Tang (H) The master began to ask her in the Hokkien dialect the name of the personal deity, as though speaking to the deity who was possessing her at that time. He listed out several names of goddesses from a book as somehow he could tell from the gestures of Miss X that she was possessed by a female deity. Meanwhile the disciples who ended practice at the sametime as the master, also stood round her, each trying to guess the name of the deity. Miss X shook her head to each name that was called out. It was not after at least ten names had been read out that the master got the name of her personal deity. As the name of the deity was called out, Miss X’s hands immediately stopped motioning 44. The master ivears this special pair of trousers only on special occasions such as on practice days ana festivals.

-27

and she responded with a nod of the head. She was then asked to kneel and bow her head nine times in front of all the altars. This done, Miss X took a rest and engaged in a friendly chat with the master’s wife. The master went up to altar 1 and ‘blessed’ the five packets of loose flowers that Miss X had brought. She was instructed to use the flowers for bathing, three packets on the day when she returned, one packet on the following day and the last on the day after. A significant feature of this ‘initiation ritual’ is the conferment of the occult power by the master to the new disciple. This was done as follows: shortly after the whole ritual procedure had ended, the master would place the ‘dragon chair’ at some distance away from the altar table. The new disciple would kneel before him, while he sat in the ‘dragon chair’ and burst into a bout of ‘burps’ and “rasps’ and transferred power into the open hands of the new disciple in the same way that he would transfer power and objects during consulta­ tions. The new disciple, after receiving the power would sweep her hands over her face, this being repeated twice. Besides the new dis­ ciple, the other disciples who were around and the members of Mr. C’s family who had acquired the art also took their turns to receive power from Mr. C. This was explained by one disciple: ”It is good to increase our power and besides this is a rare opportunity since the master does not confer spiritual power, except at an ‘Initiation ceremony’. “Before she left. Miss X was taught how to summon her personal deity as well as the manner of bai. After a disciple has been initiated into acquiring the art of Xidnfa, improvement and progress in learning depends very much on his or her own initiative. An interested disciple with every enthusiasm and sincerity to learn and discover for himself the wonder of the art will of course progress far and fast. Although generally one could judge from some external signs revealed by a disciple during practice session, the extent of the power possessed by him or her, it is difficult to’ pinpoint clear-cut stages in a disciple’s course of progress because there are somfe disciples who do not manifest their power through external signs. According to my informants, for such people only the master and the more senior discioples know the amount of power possessed by such people through their experienced eyes and ‘checking’ with the gods. Generally the following stages are perceived: in initial stage, a dis­ ciple normally does not show any motion when he or she sits in prac­ tice, this is especially so if the disciple had been affected with ill-luck or had been a victim of black-magic. This is because the disciple is not ‘pure’, and it will take some time before the gods can possess him and impart to him the knowledge of the art However, there are exceptions when the new disciple has not been affected by evil forces, he or she may acquire hand, leg and body motion even during the ‘initiation ceremony’ (as in the case of Miss X). For those who -28-

did not acquire it in the beginning, they may acquire it after the first few practices. The emission of varied noises marks yet another stage in the acquisition of the art. This indicates that the disciple has es­ tablished communication or jiaotong with the shen, thus is supposed to have the ability to ‘check’. However, permission has to be obtained first from the deities concerned before ‘checking’ as one is not supposed to intrude upon the privacy of any individual. For those disciples who possess power which is not manifested ex­ ternally, the master will still impart to them the art of blessing ‘holy water’, ‘charm papers’, etc. as long as they are sincere in acquiring the art. The ability to hold consultations for clients depends to a large extend on experience acquired. Ptactice Sessons

One important aspect of the training for Xianfa disciples is the prac­ tice sessions known as cheh tang in Hokkien which means ‘sit in mediumship’. If a disciple wants to record good progress he has to practice uninterruptedly and regularly either at his own home or at the main organisation (ie. the headquarters) At the headquarters, Mr. C conducts practice sessions on the ‘ninths’ or kau (H) of every moon. ie. on the ninth, nineteenth and twenty-ninth day of each lunar month. These dates are selected by the personal deity of the master’* 5. The reason for practice sessions to be fixed on these days is to enable disciples to get together and meet their master and to foster better relationship and understanding among the disciples; to promote a doser master-disciple relationship. However, this does not exclude a disciple from practising on days other than the ‘ninths’. Generally there are twJ types of practice for a disciplg: the group practice and individual practice. The group practice sessions are held on the ‘ninths’ and are conducted by the master at the headquarters. Individual practice can be carried out either at the disciple’s home or at the main organisation ie. when a disciple practises on his own at anytime he wants.T shall first discuss the gfoup practice. On the night of the ‘ninths’ of every lunar month, the headquarters will be bustling with activity as disciples, interspersed with handful of clients and interested observers*^ take part in the practice session. Although Mr. C does not fix a time for the commencement of a practice session, from my regular observation, I found that he nor­ mally starts at 7.30 pm or 8 pm, when a sufficient number of people have turned up. Most disciples will start coming to the Headquarters between 6 pm to 7 pm. Many will bring with them a packet of incense sticks and a packet of cigarettes (555 brand)^’ for their ‘ancestor 43. Tilt personai deity cf tte master Is known as Winwfing XlanshT )• Education. 46. These are people who are former clients of the Xianfa Zongtan. They have come to waKh the practice session before they decide on whether to become a disciple. 47. This brand was specified by die ‘ancestor master'. It Is not the favourite brand of the -29-

master’. The first thing that each of them has to do when they enter the headquarters is to pay respect to all the deities present, especially to their personal deities and their ‘ancestor master’ performing bai to all the altars. The general pattern and procedure of bhi is as follows: (though there are slight variations with different individuals). As the disciple enters the front door, he turns to face altar 1 and 2 (as these are con­ sidered the main altars) and performs a quick gesture of greetings to the shen, which somewhat resembles a salute. This is done by raising the right hand to a level just above his head with two of his fingers the fore-finger and the third finger thrusted outwards, (some of them raise their hands to the level of their fore-heads only). This gesture is accompanied by outbursts of drawn-out burps which according to my informants, emerged from the lungs and is a sign of ‘communi­ cation with the deities’. I was told that only the senior disciples are capable of emitting such noises as the new disciples would not have established ‘communciation’ with the deities so soon. After this is done, the disciples will take out a bunch of incense sticks and goes to altar 1 and lights it. He then stands about 3 to 4 feet away in front of alrar 2 and while holding the nunch of lighted incense sticks in his left hand, he performs the ‘salute’ again, this time with a simul­ taneous stamp of his right foot. Almost immediately he clasps the bunch of incense sticks in both hands and move them ina fast, circular motion alternating with some body movements. In the meantime, he emits the ‘burps’ (which I have mentioned earlier) sounding like ‘ughss-s’ and ‘oss-s-s’. This noise which sounds as though it emerges from the throat varies with different individuals. For some, it is in the form of a rasping sound while for others it is a kind of hissing alternated with panting. This usually lasts for about 3 minutes after which he will walk up to altar I and poke three incense sticks - one into each urn on altar 1. He returns to altar 2 to put one incense stick there. The act is repeated with the remaining bunch of incense sticks first facing altar 4 after which one incense stick is put into the urn there and then before altar 3. Then he would kneel before the shrine of Dizhugong situated below altar 2 and put an incense stick into his urn. Finally -he goes out to the verandah and place the last incense, stick into the urn for Tiangong. Following this, the disciple returns to aljar 2 and kneels himself down and bows his head nine times before the altar. The reason for the nine kow lows (H) ie. the act of prostrating is to show respect to the gods of Heaven, Earth and Underworld by bowing three times to each of the respective group. While this is being done, prayers are intoned. I .was informed that this pattern of bai was instructed to the master by the deities before the headquarters of Xidnfd was set up, but no explanation was given for the significance of this procedure. This pattern of bdi is performed matter. My tnformantt were not able to antwer mt when atked vtiether the 'ancetror mailer’hbntelf smoked It. -30-

by all members of the, organisation (the disciples) when they visit the headquarters. For the clients and devotees, since they are not members of the organisation, they are not expected to follow this ritualistic pattern of worship. They carry out bai in the usual fashion as most Chinese religious devotees. After bdi is performed, before the practice session begins, a dis­ ciple usually joins the rest who are not occupied with anything at the time in casual conversation. One or two of them will assist the master in consultation, such as helping to prepare the ‘charm papers’ and pouring the ‘holy water’ into empty wine bottles for the clients to bring home. From the informal mood created as a result of their noisy banter, one could see that the relationship among them is cor­ dial as everybody treats each other like members of a family. At about 7.30 pm or 8 pm, Mr. C will indicate that the practice is about to commence when a few disciples bring out some stacks of stools ,to arrange them about the room for everybody to sit during practice. Very quickly, everyone who has turned up for practice will sit himself on a stool .and begins to summon his personal deity to possess him. All the disciples are seated such that they face the main altars (No. I and 2) A count of the number of disciples present at each practice session that I have witnessed shows that the average number present at every session is between 20 and 30. This is also the capacity figure that the packed room can accomodate. The age range of the disciples is very wide — it ranges from very young children of about six years to old ladies of about fifty years and above. The master, who has seated himself in the ‘dragon chair’ in front of altar 2 leads the practice session by his invocation in the Hokkien dialect from a ‘holy script’ which is placed on the altar table. These are verses to ‘invite’ all the deities ‘down to the altars’. At some practices, instead of orally chanting the verses, the master switdies on the tape recorded recitations which is done solely for the purpose of convenience. How­ ever, if this is done, he still orally recites the verses along with the taped recordings. The disciples also sing the invocation with him together and with the tape recordings, if it is switched on. I was told that not every disciple is given the ‘holy script’. The master gives it out in portions depending on the progress in the learning of the art of the disciple. Hence the newly enrolled disciples will not receive any portion of the script until they have reached a certian stage in their training. Only a handful of them, usually the branch masters, will possess the full script. Each disciple starts out by nodding the head nine times (the signi­ ficance of .which has been explained) with both hands clasped at chest level and eyes closed as in meditation. He follows this by per­ forming the ‘salute’ which is a sign of calling upon his personal deity to possess him as well as asking the ‘ancestor master’ to guide him in the course of practice. Almost all the disciples are seated in a position such that both feet are raised slightly with only the toes — 31 —

and the front supporting the feet (ie. heels are lifted). In this position, the feet jigs in a rapid and constant up and down motion. However, a few willstamp their feet violently on the floor throughout the whole, thus producing a loud banging sound. Gradually as the momentum picks up, their bodies will shake and quiver while their hands are thrown into gestures of all kinks, some will stretch out both their hands and move them in a circular motion, while there are some who will clap their hands at a regular and loud beat. Yet there are those whose hands remain clasped or move violently and rapidly in a to and fro motion (as in hd/) throughout the session. Despite the different styles of meditation and the varied form of gestures which characterised every different disciple, it is quite obvious that none of them is in a trance. They are in fact conscious of what is going on around them. For instance, once I arrived late to witness a practice session, so I stood at the doorway as the room was crowded. A disciple who sat nearby and was practising intently, quickly invited me into the room upon noticing my presence there. At the same time, they were emitting the noises described earlier, which also vary significantly from one individual to another. Because the movements of the hands, feet and body and the concomitant noises which I was told are automatic and uncontrollable, that characterised each indivi­ dual are so peculiar to the individual, it is difficult, if not, impossible to find two individuals exhibiting the same practice pattern. In the meantime as the master leads the group in practice, his feet, hands and body are also in motion which differs only very slightly from that exhibited during consxiltations which is interspersed with pauses. A few interesting observations are recorded from some of these practice sessions. Sometimes a disciple may exhibit very violent gestures and movements of the hands and body that beads of perspiration or sometimes tears drip from his face. According to my informants, if such a phenomenon occurs, there could be two possible reasons to explain it. The first of which is concerned with punishment from the shen for any misdeed which is committed by the disciple. This punishment is meted out in the form of physical pain and discomfort during practice, especially when the shen that is meting out the punish­ ment refuses to dispossess the disciple when pleaded. The matter can become so grave at times that the master has to intercede for the god’s pardon on behalf of the disciple. Hence, in the words of one informant, “If you have done something wrong, you cannot get away with it; you will be punished definitely, sooner or later.” On the other hand, such violent outward manifestations of gestures and movements may be a reflection of the behavioural characteristics of the shen that is possessing the disciple. For instance, I was told that Dttshengye or the Monkey God often manifests his presence through the noisy, agile and violent movements of the disciple that he is possessing during practice. However, it should be observed that not every disciple will show outwardly the physical characteristics -32-

I I r

. I

f I

I ' I

1

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of the shen that is possessing him and neither can everybody identify the sfien that possesses a disciple by telling from the movements and gestures. On one occasion I observed an unusually interesting phenomenon which occurred during a practice session. On that particular night, at the end of the practice session when all the disciples stood up from their seats after requesting their gods to leave them, there was one disciple who remained in his seat and continued in his movements with his two hands stretched out horizontally, one above the other and his fists clenched as if holding a flag. Two of the more experienced disciples (who I guess were familiar with such phenomenon) seeing him in this state began to ask him questions as to the identity of the deity that is possessing him and the significance of the possession. The possessed disciple could only reply with a nod of the head (for affirmative answers) and a shake of the head (for negative answers) besides utterances which are quite unintelligible to an observer. They finally deduced that there are some ‘spirits’ ie. devils in the room which had followed a woman disciple when she came for practice. She had been polluted and is still in the course of receiving treatment and cure from the master. These spirits are considered ’dirty’ and therefore should not pullute a sanctified place such as this and should be driven away. The said girl was brought before the possessed disciple and a short rite was performed on her. Using a bunch of lighted incense-sticks, he moved it in a circular motion before the girl’s face alternating with rapid direct to and fro movement, as though temp­ ting the ‘spirit’ to come out of the girl’s body. After this, his body movements began to subside as the deity that had possessed him began to leave him. This is the only incident that closely resembled a tang-ki in a trance, that I have observed so far at the organisation. The duration of the practice session is normally between 30 to 45 minutes. As the session approaches the end, the master suddenly bursts into a spate of violent ‘coughings’ and stands up from his seat. The disciples end their meditation in the manner they began by nod­ ding their heads nine times in their seat. Very quickly, the chairs are stacked up and put away either in one of the bed-rooms or to one side of the living room. Many will crowd round altar 2 to collect *holy water’ in cups to drink or in bottles to bring home to drink for blessings and protection. According to one disciple, almost every disciple will bring back with him a bottle of ‘holy water’ as it becomes very useful in times of trouble. Some will bring back packets of loose flowers to bathe. One notable item that is worn by almost every disc^le is a gold chain and a gold squarish pandant on which is in­ scribed the name of the art in Chinese characters. These are placed in a silver metal receptacle which is placed on altar 2 before the .prac­ tice begins. At the end of the session, Mr, C blesses them in the manner he blesses the ‘charm papers’ and ‘holy water’. After the practice session the disciples will claim their own back from the container. -33 -

The reason why most of the disciples (though not all) wear this chain and pendant is their belief in its power to ward off any evil and illluck that may befall them at anytime in their life as well as to faci­ litate them in summoning any sh^n in times of trouble when they are outside. Some disciples stayed behind for a light conversation with their master or for a discussion among themselves on the pro­ blems encountered in the learning of the art. The other type of practice is individual practice ie. a disciple on his own and this can be done at his own home or at the headquarters. At the headquarters, the bai procedure is exactly the same as that done before group practice except that he sits alone on a stool to meditate before the altar. As for practising at-home, it is considered best that a disciple obtains permission first from his master. The rea­ son given for this is that sometimes a shen may refuse to let go of a disciple for some reason during practice. If this happens, a disciple may not know how to get himself out of the situation especially when he is new and inexperienced. At the disciple’s home, there is no need to perform the bai procedure but he has to set up some place, say a very ample -altar so that he could ‘invite’ his personal deity and ‘ancestor master’ down to posses him. This may be nothing more than an um (which could-be just an empty tin) to-contain the incense sticks which he has to light before he practises. The disciple just sits before this altar and meditates, he does not have to read the ‘holy script’. Whether at the headquarters or at home, individual practice can be done anytime the disciple wishes. 4. THE DEITIES

It is indeed impossible to account for the origin of or even to list out each and every shen that is worshipped at the Xianfa Zongtdn as there is an infinite number of them. It should be noted that the shen that are installed for veneration represent,-only a small part of ail the shen that are believed to exist in Chinese religion. For this reason, the huge central plaque that hangs over altar 1 is significant as it is dedicated to every shen that exists. This is being indicated by the central row of characters which read: Liewei Xianshi, Xidnnldng, Xidngii ( ) which literally means ‘all fairy­ teachers, fairy-mothers and fairy-aunts’^®. Thus, my informant said, “Since this plaque is dedicated to all the shen that exist, it is really not necessary to have the deities represented -in physical form (ie. in images). But as many of the images are given by clients as a gesture of gratitude, we install them just the same.” The two main forms by which shen are represented at the Xianfd 48.

Xian apart ftom mtantng Y^lrty' also imples ImmortaJiry'. For Xianf* praetitloiurs, a *xiin’ Is the same as a ‘then* tn the sense that it is a Heified behg. Many deities v/orflipped by the Xianfa practitioners are addressed by the term *xian* could well point to rhe fact that they want to differentiate themselves from other groups of religious practi' tioners, espeelaily the lang-ki.

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Zongtan are: in images (ie. statues) or pictures. The picture or photo­ graph of a deity is bought, taken at temples or drawn* 5, The images, like those found in most spirit-medium temples are small and portable. According to Elliott, the reason for small and portable images in spirit-medium temples is to facilitate a procession. Since Xidnfa practi­ tioners do not practise procession, it is more for practical considera­ tion such as the lack of space at the headquarters that life size images are not installed. Many of the images are given as gifts by grateful clients after their problems have been successfully solved by the parti­ cular shen. Apart from those that are given, the master also bought some of the images. What is the basis for representing a shin in physical form (either in an image or picture)? According to the master, the decision to have a particular shen installed largely lies in the efficacy of the shen. Sometimes, the image of a certain shen may reveal itself to the master in his dreams. This is an indication that the particular shen will bring efficacy and therefore it in favourable to have it installed. However, some of the shen that have been represented were first ‘spotted’ in other temples by the master. The installation of such shen is based on the subjective feeling of the master that such s/ien will be efficacious. Before the worship devoted to any image of a shen can be meaning­ ful, a ceremony known as kdi gudng (^3t) which means ‘opening of -light’ has to be performed to ‘invite’ the shen into the man-made image. This brings in the idea of free shen arid attached shen as con­ structed by Wee (1977). According to her, a free shen is unbounded while an attached shen is bounded by the material object in which it exists. A free shen cannot be totally bounded; even if it is bounded within an image, only a portion of it is bounded. While for an attached sftcn, once the material object which corresponds to it is destroyed, it is also destroyed. Shen which are represented in images or pictures are usually free shen. Since it is unbounded it has to be bounded in a material object before it could be worshipped. Almost all the shen that are installed at the Xidnfa Zongtan are free shen with a few exceptions. For example, Tdiyin Nidng2. Taiy&ng Gong (ie. the Moon God and the Sun God respectively) and Wulei Xldnshi (ie. the Thunder God) are attached shen by virtue of the celestial bodies they represent. DizhUgbng (the Landlord God) is an attached shen of a specific area. Hence, the Dizhugong of Xidnfa Zongtan is not the same as the Dizhugong of its branches. For this reason, Dizhugong is not represented by an image, but rather by a piece of framed red paper on which are written $ome Chinese characters and it is always placed on the ground. Since most of the deities represented in the forrp of images at the Xidnfa Zongtan are well known gods in the Chinese pantheon and 49. t wot told that picture of Jiutian had appeared to him In a dream.

Niang

•>vas drawn by one of the atsclplet after she

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their mythical or historical origin are already well known to most Chinese religionists, I shall not elaborate on them here as a detailed account on them can be obtained from Wee’s ethnographic study (1977). Moreover, the origin of the shen is not so important to the Xianfd practitioners as the function that each shen performs for human beings and the different areas of efficacy that each god specialises in,The worship of shen at the Xianfd Zongtdn is pantheistic rather than cultic and is characterised by a high degree of syncretism. This is based on the practitioners’ belief that “each god is good for different things” and since the goals underlying the religious action of the practitioners is basically to solve worldly problems, so it is not wise to devote worship to only one god or a few of them because worldly problems are very varied in nature. Theoretically any god can possess a spirit-medium but in practice only a limited number of gods are willing to possess a medium. Thus in the case of the Xianfd practi­ tioners, Yiihudngshdngdi or the Jade Emperor who is the head of the Chinese pantheon and who is also identified with Tidngdng ie. the God of Heaven, hardly possess them because they are considered too dignified to descend upon ordinary beings. Neither Yuhudngshdngdi nor Tidngdng are represented by any anthropomorphic image although their presence are invoked during the prayer rituals and during practice sessions. According to one informant, “It is very difficult indeed to ‘invite’ Yuhudngshdngdi into an image and anyone who attempts to do that has to suffer.” (But when asked he could not tell me'.what the ‘sufferings’ are). All the other shen are represented in anthropomorphic figures ex­ cept for Dizhugdng and Liuchudn Zushi who was(were) the founder(s) or ‘ancestor master(s)’ of Xianfd. The reason why the ‘ancestor master(s)’ is(are) not represented in the form of an image but a tablet is used instead could be due to the ambiguity that surrounds the historical genesis of Xianfd. My informants are vague in this regard and they are not definite as to whether there was only one or many ‘ancestor master(s)’. Syncretism characterised the worship of the Xianfd practitioners and this is evident from the images that are set up for worship. From the Buddhist pantheon: the Buddha Amitabha, the -Bodhisattva Guanyin more popularly known as Goddess of Mercy, the Bodhisattva Ddshkhi who, according to my informants is the sister of Guanyln. These three Buddhist figures are often associated together and they are also the chief objects of worship in Mahayana Buddhist temples. Other well known Buddhist deities are: Dicdng Hudngye who is also known as the guardian over hell; Nitud Fozu also known as the Laugh­ ing Buddha; and Weitud Fdzu who is the Protector of Buddhist teach­ ing and Buddhist templesSO. Figures from the Buddhist pantheon so. The significance and functions of Oiese gods are adapted from Wee /I976}. I am not sure whether Nituo Fozu Is rhe Maitreya mentioned by Wee since the latter Is also called the Laugliing Buddha bur Is known as Milubfo In Chinese. -36-

can be easily recognised since they are addressed as Fo or Fozu which means Buddha or Buddha ancestor and Pusa which means Bodhisattva, Then' there are the well known gods worshipped by shenists such as Ddshengye^ 1 who is better known as the Monkey God; Dabogong (Grandfather’s Eldest Brother) a shen peculiar only to the overseas Chinese. My informant associated him with Tudigong (God of the Soil)5 2; and Gudndiye who is popularly known as the God of War. These are also the free shen of the Heaven hierarchy. A Taoist figure Taishdng Laojun who is often associated with Laotzu, the founder of Taoism is also represented by an image. When asked whether Confucius is also worshipped (because he is not re­ presented by an image) the master answered me in the affirmative. However, a disciple denied this as he thought that Confucius was only a scholar and should not be considered a shen^'^. Apart from these, the rest of the deities are drawn from ancient'legends and my­ thology like: Bdogdng who is a judge of the Underworld and also a good scholar; the great magicalmasters like Maoshdn and Liishdn; Baxidn (the Eight Genii) etc. The more mythical figures are addressed as Xidnshi, Xiannidng or Xidngii (for female deities). My informants acknowledge the existence of the three basic divisions in Chinese cosmology ie. Heaven, Earth and Underworld which they have termed 'shdng' — top, ‘zhang' — middle and ‘xid’ — bottom respectively and their prayer rituals are patterned accordingly. But the altar setting at the Xidnfd Zongtdn does not demarcate these hierarchies. The division of the various deities into shen of Heaven, Earth and Under­ world implies that different shen are‘given jurisdiction over different areas and like the human world, different posts are assigned to different shen. Although emphasis is not placed on any one shen, certain shen are perceived to be more important than others. According to my infor­ mants, the relative iiftportance of every shen is denoted by the position they occupy relative to the other shen. Usually an image that is placed in a central position vis-a-vis the other shen is the most important. The next important shen will be placed to the left of the central image while the rest will be placed to the right. My informant told me that the seating position (ie. arrangement of the images) is determined by the gods themselves. Before ‘inviting’ the gods in, they have to consult them on this matter. As one informant said, “A shen will tell you where it wants to be placed.” As I have mentioned earlier, the practitioners and the religious laity are more interested in the functions that zshen directly performs for the human world. Little or no attention is devoted to study the JJ. .4n intereiring account of the origin of Dashengue /s given in the popular Chinese novel X^ouji (A record of the Journey to the West/ written Ity Wu Ch 'eng-en. 52. This does not concur with Wee who said that Tudigong Is also known as I^zhugong.

53. It is common practice among the lay religionists fthe less educated ones/ to worship Confueits as a shen since Confucianism is treated as a religion. Se for example, Leo (1976).

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origin, history and theology of sh^n. How then does a medium know the area of efficacy a shen specialises in? According to my informants, this is known through ‘checking’ with first the ‘ancestor-master’ and through experience in holding consultations. For example, the Boddhisattva Gudnyin is good in solving many types of worldly problems but she is especially efficacious in curing illnesses. What appears from here is that each god iS' deemed to have special powers in solving or tackling specific problems for which these gods are distinguished from others. For instance, for problems concerning studies, gods like Confucius, Bdogong and Wenwdng Xidnshi should be consulted since they are the scholarly shen. While the warrior gods like Guandiye, Fdzigong and Xudntidn Shangdi are very effective in breaking an evil spell or charm. The magical master Maoshdn, the ‘ancestor-master’, Ddsh^ngye and GudnyJn are also powerful in solving cases of spirit invasion especially kong thau (H) ie. sorcery. For complex problems, more than one shin will together attempt to solve them. Apart from the human like forms in which they are represented, gods are also perceived in anthropomorphic terms by both religious specialists and the religious laity from the offerings of fruits (like oranges, apples, pears and bananas), cooked food, tea, wine and ciga­ rettes made to them. I was told that the higher ^en like the Buddhas and Bodhisattvas take only vegetarian food, so meat and wine are not offered to them. The fact that many dieties are addressed by kinship terms such as ‘nidng’ which means mother, ‘gu’ meaning aunt and ‘shV meaning teacher, not only shows that shen are perceived anthropomorphically but that there is a close relationship between the shen world and the human world. Shen are also looked upon as benevolent and powerful beings who weild considerable influence over human affairs. They are able to grant favours and solve problems. This is evident from the gifts that clients offer to them such as gold chains and pendants, fruits, con­ gratulatory messages on banners and scrolls are expressions of grati­ tude. This could also be seen from the many items that were donated by clients to the shen at the Xianfd Zongtdn like the ‘Dragon Chair’ and the altar tables (altars 1 and 2). This shows that clients have been successful Ln asking favours from the sh^n. S.

I

THE BRANCHES

To date, the Sanshan Liufd Xianfd Zongtdn has a total of eleven branches. All except two are located in the vicinity of Queenstown, in Redhill, Bukit Merah, Tanglin Halt, Havelock and Henderson. The other two are located in Pasir Panjang and Ang Mo Kio estate in Thom­ son Road. All these branches are housed in HDB flats. All the masters of the respective branches are formerly disciples at the headquarters. Accordir^ to my informants, the decision to set up a branch lies entirely with the gods as nobody can set up a branch -38-'

without the gods’ consent. In other words, it is totally pending upon the gods’ will. However, it should be noted that when the gods allow a disciple to set up a branch, it is regardless of his knowledge of the art he has mastered. There are many instances of a less experienced disciple being given a branch instead of his more senior fellow dis•ciples. Before a disciple rises to the status of a branch master, he has to undergo a rite wherein he will be bestowed with a shen zhl or ‘warrant’ granted by the gods through the master. It is a kind of authority given to the branch master to assume his new role and the responsibilities that come with it. For branch masters who want to take on disciples, they have to go through yet another rite known during which they will receive three as Jip tua kau (H) ‘warrants’ from the gods. Outsiders are not .allowed to attend such rituals and rites, in fact, only a selected few of the disciples are allowed to be present while they are being performed. To date, only two brandies (Branch No. 1 and 7) have a small following of disciples. All the branch masters except Branch No. 1 are males and each is gainfully employed elsewhere apart from maintaining his own branch. The branch master of Branch No. 1 is a lady - a full-time housewife and the sister4n-law of the master. Mr. C. Here is one of the two branches that impart the art to disciples. To date, she has a following of slightly more than twenty disciples, most of whom are women. Because of household chores during the day, she normally holds con­ sultations at night. However, if a case is urgent she will hold consulta­ tion with the client at anytime she is called upon to do so. All the branches have similar altar settings — each is characterised by the huge central plaque and the name plaque with the name of the organisation written on it. The only difference lies in the deities found and the colour of the huge central plaque. There are no two branches with the same colour central plaque as the colour is given by the gods. Below is an account of Branch No. 9 and its activities. A CisMtudy of Branch No. 9

I have selected Branch No. 9 as a case-study because of an interesting feature - its installation of two alien gods from outside the Chinese pantheon: the Virgin Mother Mary from the Catholic Religion and the goddess of wealth, Letchmi from Hinduism®*. Its highly syncretic nature marks it out sharply from the rest whose deities are drawn solely from the Chinese pantheon. Branch No. 9 is situated at Block 56 in Commonwealth Drive. Like the headquarters, it is also a three-room HDB flat, located on the sepond floor. There are only two altars devoted to worship and they are all located in the living-room. The main altar, which occupies al­ most half the area of the living-room, is split into three levels, each corresponding to Heaven, Earth and Underworld respectively in Chinese 54.

two gotUtsses art Inttalled for worship because It Is believed that they bring wealth to worshippers. 77i««

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cosmology. The whole altar is painted red with the lowest portion being converted out of a stereo set system, the loudspeakers of which are still attached at the sides. Barely two feet away from the altar is a specially constructed long table, with a red top and an ordinary red chair placed at the centre. This is where branch master, Mr. T would sit during consultations. On one side of the table a silver metal vessel (similar to those found at the headquarters) which contains “holy water* is placed with some small glasses while a portable tape recorder, boxes of cassettes and a book for recording the particulars of the clients are placed on the other side of the table. The deities which are represented in pictures (hung on the wall) as well’as icons are slightly different from those found at the head­ quarters. The pictures are devoted to the following deities; Talydng gong Taiyin Nidng Wulei Xidnsh'i f >; Wuji Tidnzun ( '); Jiutian Niangi (). the Virgin Mother Mary and the goddess Letchmi, (see plate 12). The rest, re­ presented in icons are that of Nhud also known as the Laughing Buddha; Ddshengye Nanhdi Gumyln < Shdncdi Tongzi ( ); L6ngn& Shentong ( ): Gudndiye and Qigong Fdzu ( ). These are supposed to^ be the shin of Heaven. At the second level, seated in the centre is Dicing Htangyi ( Laoshizu ie. the ‘ancestor master’, but this is not represented by any plaque or image. Directly below Dicar^ Huangye is a shrine dedicated to D'izhii shen which according to my informant is also known as Difitwangye }. One striking feature found on this altar is the huge plaque dedicated to all gods and goddesses. The size of the plaque and the characters written on it are identical to that of the headquarters, save for its colour whiclris blue. The name plaque of the organisation, Sdnshan Liitfd Xidnfa Tan ‘(note that the character zong ( ) which means ‘main’ has been left out) is hung directly above the doorway to the kitchen. A small piece of plate in plastic nailed on to one side of the wall indicates the number of the branch in Chinese: ie. Branch No. 9. On the altar the usual ritual paraphernalia such as huge shining incense urns (one placed at each level), small plastic candles operated by electricity, oil lamps and offerings of fruits, tea, cigarettes (also 555 brand) and matches. Plates of loose flowers and vases of fresh flowers add colour to an otherwise monotonous red altar. The appara­ tus ping-pong which is used to detect the presence of Dashengye (The Monkey God) is placed beside Dashengye. On the left side of the living-room, indirectly facing the chief altar and elevated at about 6^ feet above the ground is a much smaller altar dedicated to the Buddha Amitabha and the Bodhisattivas Gudnyin and Ddshlzhi; Yabshi FozH ( ) or the medical shen; Wenshu Pusa Outside on the wall of the verandah is.a shrine dedicated to Tidngbng On both sides of the wall of the living­ -40-

room hung photographs taken during some celebrations and ceremonies at the branch or at the headquarters and scrolls given by grateful clients. In one comer of the living room stands a metal cupboard­ cabinet, about 6 feet in height, on which two plastic candles are placed. Three new images of shen are placed inside the top cabinet. I was told that it serves as a new altar for the three shen which have to be ‘invited’ in on some selected date later. Directly opposite to the main altar is a set of sofa where guests are entertained. Mr. T, the branch master, in his late thirties and working in a large and well-known department store started to learn the art .of Xianfd about three years ago, when he was consistently harassed by troubles at his place of work. Because of his ill-luck, he was recommended to see Mr. C, now his master, by one of his sworn brothers to change his luck. After going through the rite of luck changing all his troubles ceased and he decided to become a disciple himself. After learning the art for only a few months, he was ‘assigned’ by the gods to set up a branch. Mr. T, who happens to be the only English speaking branch master, said, “I was surprised and fortunate to receive this gift from the gods as there are many more disciples who are more senior and powerful than me but are not given branches.” Because he still lacks experience in his practice, his clientele is very small and if there are any clients at all, they are brought there by his relatives and neighbours. Moreover, he could only solve the minor and less serious cases. For the complex cases he usually sends them to his master as he is more powerful. Hence, Mr. T said, ‘‘The gods know whether you have reached the advanced stage; if you have, they will send clients to you automatically”. Most of the cases that Mr. T had dealt with are those pertaining to sickness/diseases, pollusion by ‘dirty’ things as a result of sorcery or through spirit possession. Unlike his master, he uses only ‘holy water’ for the treatment of his clients’ problems. ‘Charm papers’ are never used, the reason is that he possesses insufficient knowledge of Chinese to write effectively on charm papers. He also claims that unlike his master and some of the other branch masters, he does not charge his clients for his service to conduct special rituals (such as ‘inviting’ the spirit of a shen into a new image). The choice is left to the client himself. Mr. T also keeps a recording system of the clients that called, similar to that kept by Mr. C at the headquarters. AU the branches of the Xidnfa Zongtan are autonomous in their operation to the extent that each branch master is not governed by any stated rules and regulations of the headquarters and is free to carry out'any religious activity as long as it is within his or her capa­ city, without having to consult the master. However, the master’s service is required to consecrate the inauguration of a new branch. The branch masters do not attend practice sessions at the headquarters as regularly as the other disciples obviously due to the fact that they are branch masters and they could practice at their branches. Thus, -41 -

they pay only occasional visits to the headquarters, especially on festive occasions, after they had conducted similar celebrations at their branches. 6. CONCLUSION

In this section I shall show that the practice of Xianfd appears as a variant form of Chinese spirit mediumship. But more appropiately the organisations of Xidnfd practice can be treated as a loose form of sect operating within the Chinese religious system. According to Wilson (1970:14), ‘in a loose sense of the word, sects as separated groups, exist within or at the fringe of all the major religions: but concept of the sect differs according to the organisational structure of different parent religions. In Hinduism, which is diffuse, uncentralised and pluralist, sectarianism exists only in a much more limited sense than in Christendom. Diverse traditions of worship and divergent philo­ sophical schools have existed side by side in Hinduism over centuries, and devotees of particular cults have not felt the need for separation from other people in order to practise the rituals that they have re­ garded as especially beneficial. Yet the term sect is widely if loosely used for such groups as the Lingayat movements among the Brahmins, even though these were merely movements cultivating particular styles of devotion. It is clear then that the specific connotations of the word, when used of Christian movements, are not all relevant for those outside the Christian tradition.’ This fact comes to light when 1 compare it with the practice of the tang-ki. The question to be raised before proceeding to compare the two forms of spirit-mediumship is, if I consider the organisation of Xidnfd practice as a form of sect, could not the same term be used to classify the tang-kil The reason is the Xidnfd practitioners are identified as a “separated group” of religious specialists within an organisation characterised by some peculiar marks of identification. Whereas the tang-ki are just individual religious specialists each having a distinct cult of his own. Even if many tang-kis share the same cult, they are not necessarily related to each other in any way. However, I have also indicated that the practice of Xidnfd could be viewed as a variant form of spirit-mediumship because it shares a similar system, of belief with the tang-ki which is deeply rooted in Shenism but the social expression of this belief differs from the tang-ki. It will there­ fore be found that the organisation and practice of Xidnfd seen as a variant form of spirit-mediumship in a loose form of sect is capable of interpretation in the terms of the scheme that is set as above. A COmpirison

In comparing the practice of Xidnfd with the tang-ki, I want to point out that I am basing my knowledge of the tang-ki as found in Elliott’s study since it is the only well-documented ethnographic -42-

account of Chinese spirit-mediumship in Singapore known to me. However, Elliott’s work was published in 1955 and it is possible that the practice of the tang-ki could have undergone changes. But upon reading Wee, who did a very recent study of this subject (1977), she has confirmed the findings of Elliott. Although both the tang-kl and thsXianfa practitioner can be vol­ untarily trained for their respective powers, it was found that a (ang-ki is more likely to be someone characterised by a ‘light’ horoscope^^ or at least has been associate with the practice of spirit-mediumship since an early age (Elliott 1955:59). Thus some kind of special quality that differentiates him from ordinary persons is often attached to a tang-ki. especially if he has started out from' involuntary possession which is taken to mean as having some affinity with shen. In the case of the Xidn/a practitioner, the acquisition of Xidn/S is always voluntary. There is no inherent characteristic that distinguishes him from ordinary persons. Also, candidates for mediumship in the case of the tang-ki have to undergo a course of preparation which usually includes fasting (Elliott 1955:60). But persons wishing to acquire the art of Xidnfa are not required to observe such rules. While the tang-ki is almost invariably associated with a trance pheno­ menon during a seance, such a phenomenon is more often an exception than the rule for the Xianfa practitioner. In a trance, the tang-ki is no longer the person he is but the personification of the shen that is possessing him. He often portrays the characteristics of the shen in a dramatic way such that one could sometimes tell from his body movements and gestures the shen that is possessing him. It is during the trance that a tang-ki performs feats of self-mortification. During a trance, a tang-ki usually answers to the problems of his clients in a language that is unitelligible to the uninitiated, which is supposed to be 'shen language’. Thus, assistants and interpreters, are necessary to assist a tang-ki in his performance. This trance phenomenon helps to give some degree of authenticity to the tang-ki’s role and practice in the eyes of the religious laity. Compared to the elaborate perfor­ mance of the tang-ki, the seance held by a Xianfa practitioner is much simpler since no trance phenomenon is involved. A Xianfa practitioner consults the shen for advice and solution to the problems of his clients through a conscious process of ‘checking’. He in turn conjmunicates the answer to his clients in a language that«is intelligible to “them (for example the Hokkien dialect is normally’used). Hence, an inter­ preter is not required for the Xianfa practitioner and only one assis­ tant is necessary to help him in the dispensing of ‘charm papers’ to the clients. This dissimilarity is significant since it indicates that the Xianfa practitioner performs the role of an intermediary between the religious laity and the shen rather than merely lending his body to the sh'en like the tang-ki. In the case of the tang-ki, it is the tang55. People who possess a llf/tt'horoseope are fated to llve~a short life. -43-

fcfs interpreter who performs the role of the intermediary. Thus, during a seance the Xianfd practitioner is not possessed but rather he communicates with the shen. In fact, the ability to communicate with the shen marks a distinctive stage in the training of the Xianfd practitioner. The attainment of this ability is indicated by the emission of “noises’. This does not mean that trance does not occur at all to the Xianfd practitioner, if it does, it is usually during practices. The Xianfd Zongtdn like all its-branches which are residence-based in HDB flats, shows a marked absence of equipment designed for specific use by the iang-ki which would characterise almost every spirit-medium temple. Except for the “dragon chair’ no item bears resemblance to the gongs, drums, swords, knives and prick-ball, etc. that accompany a tang-ki's performance. This is understandable since the phenomenon of trance and acts of self-mortification do not cha­ racterise the practice of Xianfd practitioners. Unlike the tang-ki whose activity is often centred around the wor­ ship of one shen, giving rise to the formation of cults (the cult of the Great Saint which is devoted to the worship of Ddshengye, the Great Saint of Monkey God is an example). The worship of the Xianfd practitioners is rather pantheistic since they do not emphasise any one particular shen for worship. To them different shen perform diffe­ rent functions and each is as efficacious as the other in its own right. It has been a practice for worshippers to observe certain taboos before entering any spirit-medium temple. For example, pregnant and men­ struating women are prohibited from a seance as they are considered to be ‘polluting’ and this may deter the presence of the shen. Some­ times, worshippers are expected to fast before entering a temple. However devotees and even disciples of the Xidn/3 Zongtdn are not governed by such observances. On the other hand, Xianfd practitioners share with the tang-ki certain basic.'-similarities. First, the training of both the tang-ki and the Xianfd particitioner is marked by certain stages of develop­ ment. For example, the stages recounted by Elliott (1955:60) on the training process of the tang-ki are: the first stage is marked by signs of possession; the second stage by feats of self-mortification; the third stage is reached when he is able to dispense medicine and advice to worshippers; the fourth and most advanced stage is the study of the occult under a master and initiation into a brotherhood (though this is rarely achieved by the tang-ki in Singapore). The stages of development in the training of the Xianfd practitioner though not as clear-cut, roughly corresponds to the first three stages in the train­ ing of the tang-ki. Second, both use “charm papers’ given out by the tang-ki, to be effective, have to be daubed with the tang-ki'^ blood or its substitute (for example the blood of the white cockerel^®) while the tang-ki 36. The white cockerel is an Important bird In Chinese religious Idea and its blood Is supposed to give great efficacy to ‘charm papers'if It is sacrificed by a possessed tang-ld.

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is being possessed since this means an extension of the power of the shen. The ‘charm papers’ that are dispensed by the Xianfd practitioner are daubed with red or black ink and ‘blessed’ with the power bestowed by the shen to the practitioner. Third, the chanting of invocation forms an important aspect of the ritual procedures conducted by both the tang-ki and the Xianfd practitioner, though it is emphasised at different times. For the rangki invocation is chanted orally (by the tang-ki's assistants) preliminary to a seance and during training ceremonies to invoke the presence of the shen. In the case of the Xianfd practitioner, invocation is either chanted orally by the master or the tape recording of the invocation played every morning at the Xianfd Zohgtdn, during practices (where disciples will join in the chant) and during an initiation ritual. In­ vocation is not chanted before a seance. The master of the Xianfd Zongtdn has differentiated the invocation chanted by the Xianfd practi­ tioners known as jing {^) from the invocations chanted by the tang‘ki which is called zhbu ()^ . From the point of view of the religious laity, both the tang-ki and the Xianfd practitioner are considered to perform similar roles ie. that of a religious - specialist who could help them to solve many of their worldly problems through the use of occult power. It is obvious that clients/devotes at the Xianfd Zohgtah treat the master as another spirit-medium. That worshippers of a tang-ki cult and clients at the Xianfd Zohgtah are motivated by the same interest is also evident from the problems that are posed by them whether before a tangki or a Xianfd practioner. They are often predominated by cases of illness and disease, spirit invasion and problems concerning a business venture or job. Apart from holding verbal consultations with clients, both the tang-ki and the Xianfd practitioner also perform other reli­ gious functions such as exorcisms and consecration of household items, especially images of deities brought to them by the religious laity. Xianfd practitioners have often exphasised the point that they are indeed different from the tang-ki and have claimed to possess a higher form of occult power than the tang-ki. They use the term Shenfd to describe the power possessed by the tang-ki. Shenfd literally means ‘spirit power’ which is at the lowest in the hierarchy of occult know­ ledge known to them. The fact that Xianfd practitioners strongly differentiate themselves as distinct from the tang-ki is reasonable if we view the organisation of the Xianfd practitioners as one cha­ racterised by sectarian tendencies. Indeed, the Xidnfa Zohgtdn and its members have distinguished themselves from other sects by marks of identification peculiar only to the Xianfd organisation. The most S?.

In Chintte metru ihi Buddhisi clatstc) Zhou means a spell orcham. Although my /nfomanl did not state the difference between these two forms of Invocation, this is obviously a meant whereby the Xianfa practirtonert differentiate themselves fiam the Ung*ki. Jing

-45-

prominent among them are the symbol of the three dots arranged in a triangle and the gold pendants that are worn by almost every of its members. The use of specified brands of cigarettes, brandy as offerings to its founder(s) also points to the fact that the Xidnfd practitioners are a unique group of its own. From a sociological point of view, the Xidnfd Zongtan and its branches can be seen as an in­ stitution with which the Xidnfd practitioners identify themselves as a group of religious specialists distinct from others. The form of spirit-mediumship practised by the Xidnfd practitioners when compared to the tang-ki is more secular and less mystical when seen in terms of the nature of its practice and partly because it is detached from the temple. Its development may be seen as a response and adaptation to modern urban living conditions. This is because it is highly impracticable from a tang-ki to operate from a HDB flat due to the inherent requirements of such an activity, such as the use of certain temple equipment. Despite the influence of moderni­ zation and urbanization, the religious goal of the Chinese is still found to be ‘firmly entrenched in the very practical business of avoiding hardship, illness and misfortune by the propitiation of those deities which can influence human fate.’ (Elliot 1951). Thus the Xidnfd practitioners perform the function of fulfilling such needs of the religious laity in a new environment. Kinship ties and group solidarity have also suffered much atten­ uation as a result of modem urban living. New forms of religious and social organisations have sprung up to create a new form of group solidarity that is so important in the social life of the Chinese. Viewed in this light, the Xidnfd Zongtan and its branches could also be seen as some form of an ‘association’ where those afflicted with problems^ ® could search for an identity and at the same time satisfy their religious needs. The Practice of Xianfa Within the Chinese Religious System

In the above discussion I have illustrated that the Xianfa Zongtan and its branches could be viewed as a loose form of sect practising a variant form of spirit-mediumship which is mainly based on the belief in Shenism. In a small way, the religious practice of the Xidnfd practitioners reflects the religious behaviour exemplified by the ma­ jority of the Chinese religionists in Singapore. Here, I shall illustrate this by bringing out some significant ideas that are evident from the practice of the Xidnfd practitioners. The practice of the.Xzan/u practitioners is highly syncretic, indivi­ dualistic and pragmatic which is characteristic of shenist belief. This is revealed by the pantheon of shen they devote their worship to. Apart from worshipping deities drawn from Buddhist and Taoist patheons, and a host of other deified beings from ancient Chinese SS. Il Moj obaerveH Hut Hie nu/ortty of the dltctplet vMo /oltied the members jlarted out xllh a problem. -46-

Xianfa Zongtan «

legends and mythologies, objects of worship from clearly non-Chinese pantheons are also included {for example, the Virgin Mother Mary and the goddess Letchmi found at Xianfa Tan branch No. 9.) This indeed confirms Wee’s observation that ShenismMs indeed a ‘loosely bounded’ religion, (Wee 1976:173). To the Xianfa practitioners any deified being could always be added to the ever-growing pantheon for worship as long as it reveals some kind of efficacy through success in answering to the needs of the worshippers. This stems from their belief that shen are compassionate beings who can help human beings by granting favours or averting misfortune if they are rightly pro­ pitiated. The use of ‘Buddhism’ as a religious label is also evident from the Xianfa practitioners who would claim themselves as ‘Buddhists’ when asked what religion they follow. This is better understood when we see that canonical Buddhism as a religion is held in high regard by the Chinese because of its strict doctrines and principles. Besides, many objects of veneration at the Xianfa Zongtdn as well as its brandies are Buddhist deities addressed as Fo ie. Buddha or Fozu ie. Buddha ancestor and Pusd which means Bodhisattva. These deities also occupy top positions in the shenist pantheon. That the Xianfa practitioners are able to perform rituals to change ‘luck’ but not ‘fate’ and their vow to help alleviate sufferings among the unfortunate clearly points to their acceptance of the Buddhist concept of ‘predestination’ and ‘rebirth’5 5 respectively. However, the practice of the Xianfa practitioners like the shenists is centred on appealing to the shen to solve worldly problems shows that they are more concerned with how to make the best of this worldly life rather than with liberation from rebirth which is the primary religious goal of the Buddhists nor with the attainment of‘godhood which is the religious objective of some sectarian religions. But the idea of performing good deeds to obtain a good ‘rebirth’ is implied to a certain extent. Unlike the other Chinese sectarian religions such as the Sdnyi Jiao (Three-in-one Doctrine), Xidntdin Daddo (Great Way of Former Heaven) Zhenkbng Jiao (Doctrine of the True Void) etc. which albeit syncretic have developed canonical traditions of their own, at present the Sdnshan Liufd organisation is not governed by a set of theology. It therefore cannot be considered strictly a sect in this sense. Further­ more, it practises some form of spirit-mediumship which designates it to be shenist than ‘sectarianism’^ ®. Nevertheless from the point of view of both the actor and the observer, it can be considered a The rheorj' of ‘prtdetlination' anti 'rebirth' It as follows; all human beings pass through maty existences. Death leads to a re-birth. There are however many levels of existences where one may be reborn as a god, human being, animal or devil. Whichever form one will be reborn Is determined by one’s present deeds. Good deeds wTH lead to a good rebirth while bad deeds will lead to a bad rebirth. 50. See Wee 11976}, p. 175.

59.

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loose form of sect as I have already shown in the preceding pages. One cannot predict on the basis of this limited ethnography whether the emergence of such a form of religious practice as Xianfd will lead to a decline of the tang-ki. It is also probable that the Sdnshan Liiifd organisation may mature into a sect^ 1 in time to come but only future research in this area may be able to confirm this. REFERENCES COMBER, L.F., 1958.

Oilntte Ttmplts In Singapore,

Singapore: Eastern Universities Press.

ELLIOTT, A.J.A., 1951. The Significance of Religion Among the Overseas Chinese.

Annual

0/Hie Chita Society: 28-32. , 1952. Where a Black Flag Hangs. Straltj Timet Annual: 100—125. , 1955. Otbiete Splrlt-Medlums Cults In Singapore London: Athlone Press..(London School of Economics. Monograph in Social Anthropology No. 14.) FREEDMAN, M., and TOPLEY, M., 1961. Religion and Social Realignment among the Chinese in Singapore. Journal o/Asian Studies 21. NYCE, R., 1971.. Qiinese Folk Reli^on In Malaysia and Sing:q>ore. of Theology 12:81-91.

Southeast A^an Journal

Chinese Spirit Medium Cults In Singapore. Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Malayan Branch, 29 (1): 214—219. --------- - 1956. Chinese Religion aitd Religious Institutions in Singapore. Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Malayan Branch, 29(1): 70-116. TOPLEY, M., 1956. Review of A.J.A. Elliott,

, 1960/61. The Emergence and Sodal Functions of Chinese Religious Associations in Singapore. Comparative Studies in Society and History 3: 289—314. WEE, VIVENNE, 1976. *Buddhism' In Singapore. In R. Hassan', ed.. Transition, Kuala Lutt^ur; Oxford University Press.

Singapore: Society In

---------- 1977. Chinese Religion In Singapore: An Ethnographic Study, thtpnhli^d M. Soc. ScL Thesis, University of Sing^re.

WILSON, B.R., 1970. Rellgtous Sects. London: Weidenfeld and NicholsotL

61. In using the woiH "sect' here I am guided by Wilson's definition: 'Sects are movements of religious protest. Their members separate themselves from other men In respect of their religious beliefs, pracjices and Institutions and often In many other developments of their lives. They refect the authority of orthodox religious leaders and often, also of the secular government.' -48-

CHINESE DIVINATION - AN ETHNOGRAPHIC CASE STUDY Choong Ket Che

CONTENTS 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.

Introduction Background Information Night and Day Practice: A Description Rituals 1 Rituals! Interpretation and Analysis

1, INTRODUCTION

A Preliminary Account of Chinese Divination Divination is the act or practice of trying to foretell future events and the unknown. The nature of divination requires the use of occult means and almost every conceivable instrument or phenomenon is utilized as an indicator. Divination, therefore, involves either the manipulation of techniques or the interpretation of natural phenomena. Almost everywhere in the world, people in every culture practise divination which is an art of the greatest antiquity. The term Chinese divination simply refers to the practice of this art by the Chinese. The belief in divination among the Chinese arises from a variety of folk beliefs which the Chinese are deeply entrenched. These deep­ lying beliefs, heritage from an ancient peasant past, animate the re­ ligious life^of thq'jChinese. These beliefs are animistic in, nature and revolve around the belief in an immense number of beneficient and maleficient spirits. The beneficient spirits are the good spirits or gods, otherwise known as shen (), while the maleficient spirits are demons or kuei (^ ) who are evil and malignant. It is the latter category that men are most fearful of, as most of them are neglected spirits. However, both the shen and kuei have the power to influence men’s lives. Generally, efforts are made by men to enlist the gods’ help to better their well-being, while the demons or ghosts are appeased so as to avoid calamity. But, when men are ungrateful to the aid rendered by the gods, these gods may turn against them by punishing them. Amidst all these beliefs lie the fatalistic belief in fate and luck. The Chinese believe that human lives are predestined according to the Mandate of Heaven or are pre-ordained by the gods. To know the secrets of this pre-ordained course, the aid of the spirits is resorted to. Hence, divination is an occult practice which endeavours to discover the unknown future through the inleTVehtion of the spirits. The basis of Chinese divination therefore, can be said to rest on the belief in fate and luck. The fate of a person, otherwise known as ming ( ), -49-

is fixed and hence cannot be changed. On the other hand, the luck of a person which is called yun (Qi ) is variable and can be modified. A person’s life can take either the form of a good fate, also known as hao-ming ( ), or a bad fate which.is referred to as k’u-ming ( ). Within this fate, there lies the luck of the person, which can vary from good, neutral to bad at different stages of man’s life. As a result, luck can be manipulated to one’s favour through the aid of the spirits. This explains why various efforts are made to propitiate the spirits. In addition to divining one’s ming-yun ( ), a variety of sub­ jects, important or unimportant, are frequently put forward to be divined. Normally, these subjects are matters pertaining to one’s daily affairs and needs which have to be fulfilled. This reflects the im­ portance of divination to the daily life of the Chinese. As Elliott puts it, “perhaps it is in the field of occultism that the methods of traditional Chinese religion remain strongest’’. (Elliott :1951) Various divining techniques are available for the purpose of divination. A person may consult religious specialists or even divine on his own. To divine without professional aid is possible where the traditional Almanac or t’ung-she •( iSS )* and Manuals of Fortune-Telling can be consulted. This method is more suitable for people who are literate. A simpler method is the use of divining blocks or mu-bei ) infront of deities which are frequently set up in the homes of the Chinese. However, this method is limited as one can only derive answers to questions bas^ on two bamboo blocks whick give either a ‘yes’, ’no’ or ‘neutral’ answer.’ A better alternative is to go to the ‘temple and make use of the divining block and sticks which will provide more comprehensive answers. However, this method requires an in­ terpreter as the answer obtained from the divipme §tick is usually written in poetic Chinese verses. On the other hand, religious specialists can“be consulted, but this entails a payment in cash. The amount required depends on the ability of these religious specialists to divine.. Generally, these religious specialists are called diviners. On the highest level, spirit mediums are consulted. They are deemed to be most powerful since they can possess the spirits of shen. This occult practice is known as wen-shen { ) where the aid of the gods is sought. However, spirit mediums do not normally divine, ming-yun but are more specialized in solving problems and providing advice or remedies to problems geared towards 1. The traditional Chinete almanac/i a store house of occult knowledge. It contains eeoterie Information tn regard to methods of fortune-telling, selection of lucky and unlucky days and provision of advice on a variety of matters. 2. The mu-bei consists of two bean-shaped pieces Of wood made from bamboo root with one convex side and one flat side. The convex side represents ying while the flat side represents yang. If the blocks land on the flat side with the convex side facing upwards. It Is a "no' answer. If the reverse rakes place, where the flat sides are facing upwards, It represents a 'neutral'answer which Implies that the person has to try throwing the blocks again. A ‘yes' answer (s represented by one block with the convex side facing upwards while rhe other block has rhe flat side facing upwards. -50-

the immediate future. The group of diviners most able to divine ming-yun are commonly known as fortune-tellers. This form of divination as practised by human beings is known as suan-ming ( ) or fortune-telling. The term suan-ming or fortune-telling will be used in its broadest sense, so as to include all kinds of divining or prognosticating the fortunes of an individual or his descendants. Viewed in this way, fortune-tellers or suan-ming hsien-s’heng ( ) are able to. divine a person’s ming-yun as well as a variety of subjects such as starting a business, success in marriage and so forth. There are many suan-ming techniques. Some of the more common types are listed below but they are by no means exhaustive. 1. paf pa-tzu ( ,computation of horoscope by the eight horary characters which denote the year, month, day and hour of one’s birth. 2. kan-hsiang ( of the face.

3. kan-chang ( palm.

) - physiognomy, which is the inspection

) - palmistry, which is the inspection of the

4. ch'eng-ku ( 5. pu-kuei ( H

) - weighing the bones of a person. ) - the use of tortise shell and three ancient coins.

6. cho-kua ( 7. pa-kua (

) — the use of a bird and slips of paper. ) — the use of the eight trigrams.

These tecliniques can be divided into two categories: the first four methods are more specialized in divining the ming-yun of a person, while the latter three methods are-for the purpose of divining specific subjects. A fortune-teller may possess the knowledge of one or more techniques. In the case of those who specialize in only one kind of suan-ming technique, they are proficient in divining either the mingyun of a person or a variety of subject, but not both forms. Sometimes, they may be called after the name of the technique which they specialize in. For example, one who specializes in kan-hsiang will be called a kan-lisiang hsien-s’heng or a physiognomist. .On the other hand, fortune-tellers who specialize in more than one technique will generally be able to divine one’s ming-yun as well as a variety of other subjects. However, this is only true if they utilize a combination of techniques chosen from both categories. The knowledge of such techniques can either be transmitted through the hereditary structure of one s family or is acquired through learning from some experts. The popularity of any fortune-teller depends on his ability to divine accurately and proficiently.

Most of these fortune-tellers normally operate on an itinerant basis or have their stalls set up in some crowded localities. They usually -51 -

belong to the lower class and tend to charge very low fees, ranging from fifty cents to a dollar or more. Females and the lower classes of the populace largely patronise this type of fortune-tellers. There are some fortune-tellers who operate in shops and they charge higher fees than the itinerant type.Tn some cases, fortune-tellers may operate at more than one locations; Another group of diviners, known as feng-shui hsien-s'heng ( ). are geomancers who divine by “looking at the wind and water”, otherwise known as kan feng-shui ( W’MtK)' They divine on matters such as choosing a suitable site for building a house or as a burial ground. This is usually an expensive and complicated method; only afforded by the rich. This method is related to the belief that if an unfortunate site is chosen for the building of a house, it will affect the fortunes of its members. Likewise, if an unfavourable site is ’chosen as a burial ground, it will affect the fortunes of the deceased’s descendants. Insofar as Singapore is concerned, the impact of modernization and urbanization on the practice of divination is especially evident in the field of geomancy. It is becoming increasingly difficult for the Chinese to practise geomancy in Singapore in view of the various government policies towards land conservation. Urbanization has also affected the- fortune-tellers who operate at stalls along the busy streets. The future of the practice of divination is subjected to much speculation. However, one must not forget that divination had and still has significant influences on the social life of the Chinese. This study will contribute in at least a small way, to a better understanding of divination as practised by the Chinese in Singapore. It is in the field of fortune-telling that this study focuses upon. The purpose of this study is to examine the belief systeni and rituals of Chinese divination’ with reference to the case under study.'two main areas will be focused upon. The first demonstrates how this set of -beliefs and rituals are-woven into the socio-cultural life of the Chinese. The second are attempts to lOok.at Chinese divination as a cult institution^ within the larger context of Chinese Religion.^ In analysing the role of beliefs and rituals in the socio-cultural life of the. Chinese, the ritualistic perspective'will be adopted. This perspective will illuminate the functional aspects of Chinese divination as well as the linkage between Ritual and Society. The approach by Wallace (1966), where the total supernatural In this sTuely, Chinese divination refers more specifically to the art of fortune-telling or suan-ming. TTte term, divination, fortune-telling or suan-ming will be used Interchangebaly.' 4. Wallace has defined a cult Institution as,"a set of rituals all having the s£me general goal, a/J explicitly rationalized by a set of similar or related beliefs, and all supported by the same social group. ” IWallace, J 96ei, Ch'eng-wen Pu­

DOOLITTLE, JUSTUS, 1966,

DORE, HENRY. 1966. blishing Company.

ELLIOTT, ALAN, 1951. The Significance of Religion among the Overseas Chinese. o/the China Society, Singapore, 28-32,

Annual

Chitese Spirit-Medium Cults In Singapore, Singapore: Donald Moore Books. An Analysis of'Malay Magic. London: Oxford University Press. DAVID CROCKETT, 1967. Folk Religion bt Southwest China. Washington DC:

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ENDICOTT, K.M., 1970,

GRAHAM, Smithsonian institution.

GRANET, MARCEL, 1975. The Religion of ffie Chinese People, Oxford: Basil BlackweB. M£NSCHING, GUSTAV, 1966. The Masses, FoDt BeBef, Universal Religioo. hi Louis

Culture and Society New York; John Wiley and Stms. Chinese Folk Religion in Malaysia and Singapore. Southeast Aslan Journal

Schneider, ed.. Religion,

NYCE, ray, 1971. of Theology, 12:81-91.

REICHELT, K.L., 1951. ReUgion bi

Chinese Garment. New York: PhSosophlcal library.

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Buidhlsm: An Outline of Itt Teaching and Schools,

London; Rides

Malay Magic. London: Macmillan. and the Spirit-Cults tn North Easter Thailand.

London: Cam­

SCHUMANN, WJl., 1973. and Company.

SKEAT, W., 1900.

TAMBIAH, S., 1970. Buddhism bridge University Press.

TOPLEY, MARJORIE, 1951. Some Occasional Rites Performed by the Singapore Cantonese. Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Malayan Branch, 24, 3: 120—144,

1953. Paper Charms and Prayer Sheets as Adjuncts to Chinese Worship. 26, 1-63-84.

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the Royai Asiatic Society, Malayan Branch.

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WALLACE, ANTHONY F., 1966. House.

Religion - An Anthropological

K/ew, New York; Random

WEE, VIVENNE, 1976. 'Buddhism' in Singapore. In Riaz Hassan, ed., in Transition, Kuala Lumpur; Oxford University Press,.

Singapore: Society

, 1977. Chinese Religion in Singapore: An Ethnographic Study. Unpublished M.Soc.Sct. Thesis. Singapore: University of Singapore, Department of Sociology.

WILKINSON, R.J., 1906. Malay Beliefs. London; Luzac and Co,, Leiden: EJ. BrllL YANG, CHING K'UN, 1967. Religion in Chinese Society: Berkeley: University of Chicago Press. '

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THE SAM POH NEO NEO KERAMAT: A STUDY OF A BABA CHINESE TEMPLE * Cecilia Ng Siew Hua **

CONTENTS

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.

Ethnicity and Culture The Baba Chinese: An overview Preliminary Notes Ritual: Past and Present The Deities Interpretation and Analysis

1. ETHNICITY AND CULTURE

It is essential, at the outset of this study, to distinguish the concepts ‘ethnicity’ and ‘culture’. Culture can be defined as the integrated sum total of learned behaviour which are overt and shared by the members of a society. Following Barth (1969), ethnicity is taken to mean a label which is given to a group of people by themselves and by the outsiders; examples of ethnic labels are ‘Chinese’, ‘Malay’, ‘Indian’, ‘English’ etc. People who identify themselves with the same ethnic label do not necessarily possess a homogenous culture among themselves or a culture entirely different from those who identify themselves with another ethnic label. There is, in other words, no one to one relation between ethnicity and culture although cultural differences are usually used to distinguish one ethnic group from another. The cultural differences that are used to distinguish ethnic groups from one another need not be the total objective cultural differences but rather some cultural differences that are considered significant by the actors themselves. These cultural differences are used as emblems to accentuate the boundary between the ethnic groups. In the light of the above discussion it is clear that the term ‘Baba Chinese’ is commonly used as an ethnic label and it should not be assumed that since there is such a thing as an ethnic group there must therefore be a Baba Chinese culture which is shared by all Baba Chinese and entirely distinct from other ethnic groups. This confusion of the concepts ethnicity and culture is apparent in some writings on the Baba Chinese. (Png 1969 and Ho 1976) The writers note that the Baba Chinese identified themselves as Baba Chinese and wore Malayised costumes, ate Nonya cuisine and spoke a Straits Settlements patois and from these they conclude that the Baba Chinese possessed a distinct and unique culture. The conclusion is invalid. What can *Paptr pnienled at ati Academic Exercise for B. Soc, Set fHont degree), 1976)77. ** B.Soc,Sei (Singapore). Graduate research ttudent at the Australian National University. -98-

be derived is that there was and is such a thing as a Baba Chinese ethnic group who used some cultural traits to distinguish themselves ethnically; we cannot, however, conclude from such scanty data that there is a distinctively Baba Chinese culture. In fact what the culture of the Baba Chinese is not very clear since the major portion of the work done on the Baba Chinese have been historical accounts of their origins or appraisals of their cultural artefacts, (e.g. Vaughan 1974; Ho 1976) With the exception of Tan’s study “The Straits Chinese in Singapore” there have been no systematic ethnographies of the cultural practices of the ethnic Baba Chinese. This article is concerned with the religious practices of a section of the Baba .Chinese in Singapore, that is, the Baba Chinese who patronise the Sam Poh Neo Neo.Temple. As will be clear in this study these Baba Chinese are structurally Chinese Religionists although elements from Malay Animism are incorporated into their religions practices. Using religion as a variable the ethnic Baba Chinese can be divided into at least three groups — first, the Theravada Buddhist Baba Chinese who are, in the main, clients of the Mangala Vihara, (Wee 1973), second, the Christian Baba Chinese including the Protestants, Anglicans and Catholics, and third the ^Chinese Religionist Baba Chinese. Although these groups are divided on the variable of religion it can be said that the Theravada Buddhist Baba Chinese are mostly Uterate, English speaking and from the middle class. This is probably the case for the Qiristian Baba Chinese as well. The Chinese Religionist Baba Chinese (at least those whom I have met) are mostly non-literate, Chinese speaking and from the lower economic status. Two terms used in this study have to be clarified; first, Chinese Religion and second, Malay Animism. Chinese Religion refers to an idea system which has Buddhist and Taoist elements'as well as elements which may be classified as folk religion of the Chinese. By Malay Animism I mean the popular or folk religion of the Malays as distinct from- orthodox Islam although a dialectical relationship between Malay Animism and Islam probably exists. X THE BABA CHINESE-AN OVERVIEW

This section does not aim at being a thorough study of the culture of the ethnic Baba Chinese but an overview of the ethnic Baba Chinese (as obtained from existing literature) is, however, a necessary preliminary to a discussion of several points that arise especially in the final section. The Chinese population in the Straits Settlements has been divided into the following three categories by Rosie Tan (1958):

V. China bom Chinese, (who migrated to the Straits Settlements); 2. local bom but China oriented Chinese . (and) -99-

3. the local bom Chinese who have distinctive characteristics and outstanding identifications of culture contact between Chinese and Malays so it is possible to identify them as Straits Chinese Babas and Nonyas” (brackets mine).

Many writers have given the name “Baba Chinese” to ■ descendants of Sino-Malay marriages which occurred mostly in the 18th and 19th centuries when there was an absence of Chinese females in Malaya. This rather simplistic biological definition does not take into account the cultural and ideological aspects of the Baba Chinese. I shall there­ fore adopt Tan’s relatively sophisticated definition of the Baba Chinese as a heuristic device only and not as a conclusive definition of the Baba Chinese. A Baba Chinese is a person who identifies himself as a Baba and who belongs to a family where at least one female wears the Malay styled costumes at some time or other. Besides, some members of his family must speak the Straits Chinese patois (termed “Baba Malay” by Shellabear, 1913) and have a strong preference for-Malay and/or Straits Chinese food. Based on Clammer’s study on social change amongst the Baba Chinese in Malacca (1980), we can say that the Baba Chinese during British colonial rule established their culture as something distinctive and unique although they still had many Chinese cultural traits. The Baba Chinese of the British colonial era have long been venerated by many writers for their old world charm and artistryas evidenced in their kebayahs ( a blouse which is worn with a sarong; originally from Indonesia), kerosangs (a -set of three brooches which perform the function of buttons for the kebayah),- hairpins, pretty slippers, nonya cuisine and silverworks. Although.the Baba Chinese’ remarkable cultural artefacts, their Malayised kinship system and their Straits Settlement patois have led* many writers to conclude that the Baba Chinese were a social group with a truly syncretic and unique culture of their own, we shoud hesitate to agree without some qualifications. An analysis of the lingua franca of the Baba Chinese as done by Shellabear (1913) and Png Poh-Seng (1969), shows that Baba Malay, a language which incorporated Malay words but constructed after the Chinese dialects, was really a limited language used mostly for everyday interaction and business. For abstract ideas and religious terms, the Baba Chinese continued to rely on the Chinese dialects. Indeed this is not surprising since the Baba Chinese’ religious affiliations remained those of ..their Chinese forefathers. What this shows is that Although the Baba Chinese had incorporated a number of Malay culttiral elements into their way of life, they still adhered to a cosmology which can be termed Chinese. With the decline of the British colonial rule and the emergence of the present political system of Malaysia, the Baba Chinese culture has withered away. (Clammer 1980) The Baba Chinese in’Malacca in recent years have split into two groups — the English speakers and -100-

the non English speakers. The English speaking Baba Chinese have, like the Chinese English speakers, become westernised while the non English speaking Babas have reverted to a Chinese way of life. In other words the non English speaking Baba Chinese are undergoing a process of resinification. It is my guess that a study of social change amongst the Singaporean Baba Chinese will show that the Baba Chinese are redefining their ethnic boundaries and are probably losing their distinctive cutural traits. This conjecture is made in the light of Benjamin’s paper “The Cultural Logic of Multi-Racial Singapore" (In Hassan 1976) where he postulates that the widely publicised official ideology of a multi­ racial society has tended to create cultural invqlution amongst the Singaporeans who consequently looked backwards to their respective cultural homelands for a definition of their ethnicity and culture. If Benjamin’s arguments are accepted, the logical step ’for the Baba Chinese would be to redefine their ethnic boundary and identify themselves with one of the main ethnic groups in Singapore. The two ethnic groups that the Baba Chinese have been most closely linked with are the Chinese and the Malays. Since the Chinese is the largest majority group in Singapore it is most likely that the Baba Chinese would, for practical considerations, revert to a Chinese identity. Another reason why the Baba Chinese would identify themselves with the Chinese rather than the Malays could be that the cultural practices of the Baba Chinese had never been too different from that of their Chinese counterpart as their language and rehgious practices suggest. A study of the Sam Poh Neo Neo Temple, a Baba Chinese temple, should contribute in its small way to.a verfication or contradiction of the above conjecture. 3. PRELIMINARY NOTES

A Short Description of the Sam Poh Neo Neo Temple The Sam Poh Neo Neo Temple, like many other Chinese temples, is merely the front room of the spirit medium’s house. The double storeyed house stands at the comer where Ceylon Road passes into Crane Road (see Figure 1), As one walks towards the temple from East Coast Road, some particularly notable features are first, the numerous temples and shrines of different religions — a Hindu temple and a shrine, a Chinese temple and a Roman Catholic Church, second, the various ethnic communities — Chinese, Indian and Malay and third, the range of architectural designs. The exterior of the temple is typical of a Chinese temple: the effect is created by a red banner strung across the doorway and two red Chinese lanterns hung from the ceiling of the common verandah. In between these two lanterns is the urn for Tiangong ( ^^ ) or God of the Sky. A shrine painted red is placed on the right’ of the verandah — 10! —

FIguie 1

Sketch Map of the Location of the Sam Poh Neo Neo Temple

LEGEND

■ Sam Poh Neo Neo Tample 1 2 3 4

A Hindu Shilne St Hilda's Church Senpaka Vinayagar Temple A Chinese Temple

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FIGURE U Sketch of the Sam Poh Neo Neo Temple

LEGEND Dye 1. 2. P^ome 3., Seal 4. Ceiuet Plaque 5. Box foflneenae 6. end chenn papers 7. Newspaper 8. Candle Stands

9. 10.' 11. 12. 13. 14. IS. 16. 17.

Ums Spirit Medium's Chair OB lamp TtontORf turn Metal Vessel for water Cutting board Doihengyi 5am foh Neo Neo't sister 5am Poh Neo Neo

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18; Datuk Bahut 19. Shrine dedicated to Dabogong 20. Altar 21. Offertory Table 22. Chest ' 23. Benches 24. Collapsible Table

outside the temple. This is dedicated to Dabogong (Father’s eldest brother). There is no image in this shrine, rather a picture o£ Dabogong, an urn and two candle stands are placed in the shrine. Very noticeably the temple does not have a name written on plaque hung over the doorway. The temple in fact has no name and is commonly referred to by clients and passers-by as “the place where they cut limes’’, “the nonya temple”, keramat or “the Sam Poh Neo Neo Temple”. I shall, for ranvenience, refer to the temple as the Sam Poh Neo Neo Temple. The interior of the temple is also very similar to that of other C^ese temples. The main altar with the images of Sam Poh Neo Neo (—WxSSM )> Sam Poh Neo Neo's sister, and Monkey God or Dashengye ( ) takes the central position in the room. Sam Poh Neo Neo'z image is placed at the centre of the altar and her sister is placed to her right. The images of Sam. Poh Neo Neo and her sister are exact replicas, except that the image of Sam Poh Neo Neo is bigger than the other image. Monkey God is placed further to the right. To the front of each image is an um, Sam Poh Neo Neo’s urn being the largest. Fruit offerings are sometimes placed on the altar between the images or between the image of Sam Poh Neo Neo and the oil wick stand at the altar. Behind the images is a large piece of yellow satin hung against the wall. Below’ the altar is a shrine placed on the ground dedicated to Dudigong ( ), the God of the Soil. There is no image placed at this shrine, rather there is only an um and a strip of red paper with some characters on it. At the right end of the altar there is a drawer for keeping money collected from clients. To the front of this altar is the main offertory table, and the do­ minant object on this is the image of Datuk Bakul (Lord or Grandfather of the basket) which is clothed like the images of Sam Poh Neo Neo and her sister. Unlike Sam Poh Neo Neo, Datuk Bakul is not represented by an anthropomorphic image; rather, it is a basket presented in anthropomorphic terms. A piece of wood is attached to the highest part of the handle while two other pieces of wood are attached to the sides where the handle joins the body of the basket; the basket therefore appears to have a head and two arms, (see figure 3). More will be said on this in section 5. An um, an oil wick and two candle-stands are placed around the image of Datuk Bakul. On the right of Datuk Bakul is a metal vessel’with a tap attached to it. This vessel contains water mixed with ashes from burnt chaim papers Clients drink this water after asking the shen (deities) for blessings A Chinese tea cup is placed in a metal basin for this purpose. The portion of table further away from the main altar is for offerings (usually plates of fruits and flower petals) as well as numerous plates of petals and limes used for consultations. Towards the doorway a collapsible table is placed directly next I. Right. heH and hrnafter, refen to ttage right arid left wlB mean ttage left.

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FIGURE III Sketch of Datuk Bakut

to the main offertory table. On this table are a box of incense and kayu manis (cinnamon), yellow and green charm papers, a bottle of red ink, a bottle of perfume, a seal with the names of the deities en­ graved, a cutting board and knife, and a pile of newspapers cut into squares and used for wrapping the limes and petals. The spirit medium sits at this table during consultations. The left wall of the room is lined with a long chest on which are placed several bottles of oil, bundles of joss sticks of various sizes, and other ritual paraphernalia. There are also plates of lime and petals for consultation purposes. Around the room are benches and stools for clients. Various calendars with lunar dates printed are hung on the right wall. The Chinese calendar of the twelve’animal years is also hung on this wall, as well as photographs of the altar and one of a deceased spirit medium in ceremonial yellow robes. An important feature in the room is a plaque hung on the left wall. The following names are inscribed on the plaque: Datok Puloh Besar Bahasa Tiong Hwa Di Triak Sam Poh Neo Neo ” The name of Datuk Puloh Besar is repeated at the bottom of the plaque in Jawi. Datuk Puloh Besar also called a keramat. translates into Lord of the Big Island”; the “Big Island” is identified by my informants as an island off Malacca which is commonly known as ^lau Besar. "Bahasa Tiong Hwa Di Triak” may be translated as “(of the people) of Chinese speech of Triak which is said to be a place in East Sumatra”. If so, the two phrases should be taken together to mean “the Lord of the Big Island (of the people) of Chinese speech of Triak (in East Sumatra)”. The daughter of the spirit medium, Madam Z, offers a different translation; "Bahasa Tiong Hwa Di Triak” is said to mean “the Chinese pronounce it as”. This phrase is linked to the second phrase “Sam Poh Neo Neo” and when taken together means “the Chinese call the deity {Datuk Puloh Besar} as Sam Poh Neo Neo”. Indeed, not only do the spirit medium and clients say that Datuk Puloh Besar and Sam Poh Neo Neo are one and the same deity but they also claim that Datuk Bakul is but a different name for Sam Poh Neo Neo/Datuk Puloh Besar. Although clients generally claim that Datuk Bakul. Datuk Puloh Besar and Sam Poh Neo Neo are one and the same deity, distinctions are subtly and perhaps un­ consciously made. This will be elaborated in section 5. Socio-history and Organisation

Although my informants do not know the exact date of the founding of the temple, some claim the temple to be approximately 50-60 years old. The temple is said to have been around “since the British - 106-

times” (i.e. since colonial rule). The Sam Poh Neo Neo Temple was formerly the front room of a house built on stilts in Joo Chiat Place but was shifted, when the landlord of the house ended the lease} to its present site in Crane Road. The temple was founded by Madam X who was-the sister-in-law of the present spirit medium, Madam Z, Madam X and her family were Malaccan Baba Chinese. Madam X was the first spirit medium of the temple, and when she passed away the mediumship was taken over by her brother, Mr. Y. After Mr. Y’s death, the temple was shut for a period of 3-4 years as it is said the deities of the temple had given no indication that Madam Z could take over the spirit mediumship. At the end of the 3-4 years. Madam Z had a dream that the deity Sam Poh Neo Neo called upon her to be her medium. With this revelation. Madam Z reopened the temple to clients. The clientele of the temple in the past and at present is comprised largely of Baba Chinese with Chinese as the second largest majority and a sprinkling of Indians. Although it is often claimed that Malays patronise the temple, 1 have not witnessed any Malays attending the temple’s rituals. My informants when questioned further, retracted their statements saying that Malays do not worship alien gods as there is a strict rule imposed on the Malays. Malays residing in the kampung nearby insist that they do not worship at the temple and that the temple is for the Baba Chinese, whom they call Peranakans. In the former spirit mediums’ time, the clientele, was larger than at present and, following from this, the temple was in a better financial state. The declining number of clients was due to the dispersSl of the Baba Chinese who were congregated in the Katong District.. These Baba Chinese have shifted to other parts of Singapore through urban renewal projects. As a result of the decline in the number of clients the financial state of the temple has suffered. The ritual procedures have differed with each spirit medium; this will be elaborated later. Suffice it to say for the present that con­ sultation methods varied with each spirit medium and the deity’s birthday celebrations were more lavish in Madam X and Mr. Y’s time. The temple has, however, been similarly organised by the three spirit mediums. At no time has there been a temple committee’; the temple has all along been taken care of by the spirit medium and her/his family and financed by donations from grateful clients as well as money collected from consultation sessions. Clients pay for the limes and flower petals used during consultations; a lime and a plate of flower petals cost the client between SSI.10 and S$1.50 presently. TTie amount paid by the client depends on the market price of the lime and petals which are purchased by the spirit medium from the Z Sone Chinese temples especially those built and owned by a community, have a committee which Is elected by the members of the temple or chosen by some divination technique. The temple committee comprises of the preMeni, the vice-president, secretary, assistant secretary, treasurer, assistant treasurerand 4 or 6 committee members.

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market in Joo Chiat Place. About five years ago clients had to pay approximately 50 cents per plate of lime and petals. The profit margin is accumulated for upkeeping the temple as well as for the spirit medium s family's use. There is little distinction made between the temple property and the family’s. Another form of donation by clients to the temple is money given for filling the oil lamp, a procedure normally undertaken by* the temple’s caretaker in community owned, temples, but in this case the spirit medium attends to the clients. As' the spirit medium pours the oil into the lamp she announces the name of the client. The pro­ cedure is usually the client’s way of thanking the' deities for a wish granted or to beseech the deities for aid. Although the procedure can be p'erformed whenever desired it is most common on the birthdays of the deities. Clients too may donate money on the birthdays of the deities without this ceremony; this was especially so during the time of the two former spirit mediums. Besides managing the finances of the temple, the spirit medium and her family has to upkeep the temple — dusting, buying the ritual paraphernalia - as well as to organise the consultation sessions. Presently consultation sessions are fixed on Mondays, Wednesdays, Thursdays and Fridays at I and 3 o’clock in the afternoon. The core group of the clients is the Baba Chinese who know the spirit medium personally and are in contact with each other. On the morning of the consultation days, the spirit medium buys a number of large green limes and fresh flower petals from the Joo Chiat Market.-These limes are washed and put on plastic plates with the petals..The spirit medium’s daughter helps in the firing of charcoal pieces for burning the benzoin incense {kemenyan}, as well as tidying the temple. The birthdays of the deities fall on the 15th day of the 3rd lunar month and the 14th day of the 9th lunar month. In Madam X and Mr. Y’s time a ronggeng and jogek dance troupe was hired and they performed in the evening,’ The spirit medium would cook vegetable curry and fried beehoon for clients who visit the temple on the birthdays. Presently the spirit medium does not hire a ronggeng dance troupe as the .temple does not have sufficient financial support for such a costly venture. Neither is 'food cooked for clients to partake of. The present spirit medium, like' the former spirit mediums, dis­ tributes cut limes to clients on the birthdays of the deities. Clients are restricted to a lime each; they need not pay for these limes which are highly valued for bringing clients ping an ( V $ ).■* These limes are cut the night before the birthday by the spirit,medium. No consul­ tations are held on the birthdays. After the birthdays the temple is 3. Ronggeng and jogek ere Malay folk dancer utually performed by Malay women especially as part of wedding celebrations. 4. Ping an is a vague concept; it roughly means ••smooth going'', "an absence of III fortune" "peaceful calmness".

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shut for a period of two weeks 3s a mark of respect for the deities. Chinese calendrical festivals are not celebrated on any large scale. In fact only the spirit medium and her family offer fruits and‘flowers to the deities on these occasions. No Malay festivals such as Hari Raya Puasa are observed. In brief then we can say that the temple is a temple organised by the spirit medium 'and his/her family with financial support from the clients. The main figure in the temple now and in the past is the spirit medium who plays the commanding role of the main organiser of the temple’s functions.

I I

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4. RITUAL: PAST AND PRESENT

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Ritual procedures conducted in the Sam Poh Neo Neo Temple can be classified into consultation sessions and calendrical festivals. These ritual procedures were conducted in a somewhat different manner by the spirit mediums and the diviner.

j

Consultations Consultation sessions were conducted daily from 12 noon to 5 in the evening by the first and second spirit mediums. During Madam X and Mr Y’s time,-as at-present, clients entered the temple at various times, and understood that they had to remove their footwear before entering the temple as the temple was considered a clean place. Nearing the appointed hour for consultations, the spirit medium or diviner would bai ( the deities with joss sticks and throw the divining blocks {mubei; to ascertain if the deity consents to begin the consultations. When the divination blocks indicated that the deities was willing to begin the consultations, the spirit medium or diviner would sit on the floor at a low table and when she/he was possessed by the shen the consultations would begin. The first spirit medium used to cut limes at the low table and from the positions of the pieces of rind the spirit medium analysed the problems and gave advice accordingly. The method used to decipher the message given by the shen in the positions of the rind pieces is known only to the spirit medium'. But from what I gather from in­ formants the essential factor is whether the rind pieces arc “open” (i.e. flat side facing upwards) or “close” (i.e, fiat side facing down­ wards); see figure 4. Mr Y, the diviner conducted the'-consultation sessions in a slightly different manner. He was not possessed by Sam Poh Neo Neo but S. Bai It a getture matte to show respect to a person or shen and (s done with both hands clasped at chest level and moved to and fro. tn die case of shen devotees usually bat with Joss sticks tn their hands. S. Mubei.- These divining blocks are kidney shaped pieces of wood with a convex and a flat side. The flat side represents yang or the male principle, the convex side represents l^g the female principle.

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[; fli

FIGURE IV Sketch of tfie Meets of Rind

he was the diviner for Datuk Bukul, interpreting his messages for clients. After having thrown the divination blocks and having had a reply that the deity agrees to begin the consultations, Mr. Y and his wife (the present spirit medium) would move Datuk Bakul from the main offertory table to the low table. When ’a client posed a problem the diviner placed a lime on the low table and with his wife held Datuk Bakul by two pieces of wood fixed onto the basket where the handle joins the body. The basket then tipped tills its ‘head’ hit the lime. The movement of the basket my informants tell me, was not caused by Mr Y and his wife, rather it was the movement of Datuk Bakul - the diviner and his wife were merely helping the basket in its movement. After hitting the lime Datuk Bakul followed it around and from the design made by its movements as well as the positions of the pieces of rinds when it was cut after Datuk Bakul halted its movements, the diviner was able to tell the client the message given. This diviner is often remembered for his accuracy in diagnosis and predictions. At present consultation sessions are conSucted quite differently; consultations are no longer held daily but only on -Mondays, Wednesdays, Thursdays and Fridays at 1pm and at 3 pm because the present spirit medium is frail and cannot stand the strain of long hours. Another reason given is the decline in numbers of clients which made long hours of consultations quite unnecessary. Usually there -110-

are only 5-6 clients at each consultation session but it can vary between 3 to 20. A session with 20 clients take only 1 % hour and this is with some clients posing as many as five problems. Before consultations the spirit medium and her younger daughter clean the limes and petals bought from Joo Chiat Market, fire the pieces of charcoal for burning incense and-tidy the temple. The spirit medium has a bath, including a hair wash, before the consultations, that is, before 1pm, (she does not need to bath again before the three o’clock session). Clients often arrive at the temple before the fixed hour but it is permissible and-common for clients to arrive throughout the consul­ tation sessions. Some clients who arrive early request the spirit medium to fill the oil lamp and donate some money to the temple accordingly. The spirit medium and clients (both Baba Chinese and Chinese) bai the deities with joss sticks. The general pattern of bai is as follows; the worshipper takes a bundle of joss sticks from the chest on the left of the room. These joss sticks are lit at the oil lamps placed on the offertory table. When the joss sticks areilit the worshipper often stands at the right side ofjhe offertory table facing the main altar, and holding the bundle of joss sticks in her hands raise it to chest level and move it to and fro. The worshipper then walks out of the temple and stands a little away from Tiangong's um and with her face lifted skywards she bai Tiangong and puts three joss sticks into his um. Next she proceeds to Dabogong's shrine and bai with the remaining joss sticks and places three-in his um. When this is done she returns to the main altar and puts three joss sticks into Datuk BakuVs um, three into Sam Poh Neo Neo. one into Sam Poh Neo Neo's sister’s and one into Dashengye's. 'Hie clients’ procedure of bai indicates a hierarchy among the deities with Tiangong occupying the highest position, D^ogong next, then other deities such as Sam Poh Neo Neo, and Datuk Bakul. Clients usually keep an ongoing banter among themselves before and during the consultations. The spirit medium’s daughter often joins in the banter but the spirit medium, though friendly to clients, tends to be serious.’'During consultations she may seek her daughter’s assistance but she does hot talk' to the clients. She does not, however, restrain her clients from talking and laughing duiiftg the consultations. The only attempt at restraining a client that I have witnessed was imposed not by the spirit medium but by another client; a particularly gregarious lady was told by another “Sh! Datuk" to which the gregarious lady replied "Datuk ta’ campur kita bahasa" (i.e. Datuk Bakul does not interfere with our mariners and customs). Clients often take the opportunity to pay the spirit medium for the limes and petals before the beginning of the consiUtations. When the appointed hour approaches, the spirit medium moves to the. left side of the room in between the offertory table Dattik BtkuIS or DatukPuloh Beaai 4 er they confute the three deit/et ar one on the conrelour level. & Naii Kyunit it giutinout rice dyed yeBow with taffron end ere either ttujfed with chicken and prawn) or chicken cooM with curry can be poured over the rice. The chicken It either cut Into plecet or left whole. Red duekt'eggt are uted at decorative pleeet ar well at paper flowert.

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as an act of thanksgiving. The temple is shut for twoiweeks after the birthdays as a mark of respect for the deities. Other Chinese calendrical festivals such as Chinese New Year, Dong Chih or the winter solstice, and MoonjCake Festival, etc. are observed by,,family members only; clients do not make a special effort to visit the temple, neither are there any special celebrations organised by the spirit medium. Flowers, fruits and other appropriate offerings (eg. ee", that is dumplings cooked in sugared water, for dong chih and moon cakes.for the,Moon Cake Festival) are offered to the deities on these occasions. No Malay festivals such as Hari Raya Puasa, Hari Raya Haji etc. are observed in any form.

Problem Raised Various problems are brought up to the spirit medium but charac­ teristic of them is a this-wordly concern. Some of the clients’ problems concern business, education, children, health and a case of spirit invasion. Generally the’ spirit medium analyses the problem, makes a prediction as well as suggests some dures. This will become clear when some of the problems of clients are listed. The following then are some cases observed by me and some reported by clients:-

1. A Baba Chiriese lady approached Sam Poh Neo Neo to enquire after her nephew’s decision to 'start a new business venture. The spirit medium after cutting the lime said the business venture would be a’ failure. The Baba Chinese’'lady adiflsed her nephew against his plans but'he disregarded her'advice and, as predicted by the spirit medium suffered heavy losses.

2. -A Chinese man and his wife complainfed of poor business in spite of hard work. His name and age was given to the spirit medium who proceeded to cut the lime. After analysing the pieces of cut rind, she said his business will not improve for the rest of this year but will be, more favourable the following year. He was advised not to eat offerings made at funerals or on the occasion of one -month post, partum as these are'Considered pollutiilg occasions. Wedding and birthday offerings could be eaten as these were pro­ pitious occasipns. The man was given the lime and petals for a ritual bath as well as a yellow and a green charm paper. The yellow charm paper is for consumption while the green is for bathing.

3. A Baba Chinese lady enquired after her son who was described as very naughty, disobedient and careless 'with his school work. The name and age of the child was given and the lime was sub­ sequently cut. The lady was told that her son was mixing with “bad company’’ and that he will not pass his examinations unless he worked very hard. The lady was given the lime and petals as well as the charm papers (both colours) for her son’s use. -115 -

T 4. A young Chinese lady was canying ’a rather small baby and was about to enter the temple when the spirit medium asked rather sharply if she has observed a month’s confinement. If the lady had not she would not have been allowed into the temple as women who have just given birth are considered unclean. The lady’s complaint was a rather restless and sleepless baby. She suggest that the baby could be polluted. The spirit medium after analysing the rind pieces said the baby was not polluted but suffered the discomfort of wind in the stomach. The lady was advised to rub some oil on the baby’s stomach to relieve her of the wind as well as to give the baby a ritual bath with the lime, petals and a green charm paper. 5. A Baba Chinese lady enquired after her 2 year old, daughter who had been wheezing for some time. The spirit medium advised the lady not to permit the child cold drinks or ‘cooling food’. She was also given the lime petals and the yellow and. green charm papers. On discovering that the child was under Western medical care the spirit medium retracted the yellow charm paper as it was said the two cures could not be mixed.

I have not observed the spirit medium dealing with any case of spirit invasion but an informant reported such a case in fair detail. The informant’s grand-daughter when a small girl remained thin and sickly in spite of good food and plenty of attention. The child was brought to the diviner, Mr Y, who claimed that the child was invaded by the spirit of a monkey. He advised the child to take ritual baths with the lime and petals as well as the ashes of the green charm paper, and drink the water mixed with ashes from the yellow charm paper. These had to be done three times a month - on the 3rd, 6th and 9th of the lunar month. The Jchild was brought to the temple on these dates and'besides being given the ritual paraphernalia, she was painted with the red dye (used for daubing the lime and petals) behind the ears. The spirit medium made anklets and bracelets out of some wild grass for the child to wear. As part of the treatment the spirit medium took one of the child’s dresses and hung it on the branch of a tree in the belukar (secondary forest) and taking a knife mimed the act of beheading the monkey as well as cutting off its limbs. The dress was returned to the girl to wear. This treatment continued for a few months, after which the child was cured and grew as any normal child would. From the above list it should be evident that clients and the spirit medium are very concerned with life in this world. Their'religion is pragmatic and geared towards solving their this-wordly problems — business, studies, and health. Clients do not visit the temple on any occasion except when they have a problem and on the birthdays of the deity/deities when they thank the deities for helping them throughout the year. - 116-

Ritual.Paraphemalia:

There are various kinds of ritual paraphernalia used in the Sam Poh Neo Neo Temple. I shall, however, discuss only the more important items, i.e. benzoin incense (kemenyan), charm papers and lime and flowers, in the context of Malay Animism and Chinese Religion. Benzoin Incense Benzoin incense and kayu manis are burnt during consultations and care is taken to ensure it is burnt throughout the session. The spirit mediun^ before going into a trance adds more benzoin incense a;\d kayti^manis to the censer thus producing a haze as she goes into a trance. Limes and charm papers are placed over the fumes before being given to the clients. Clients are at a loss for explanations of the u§e of benzoin incense and kayu manis. We can, however, look at interpretations forwarded by Endicott (1970) on the use of benzoin by the Malay Animists. Kirk Endicott in Malay Magic (1970) states that incense is used in Malay ritual as a means of communication between materials and essences. Incense is an especially suitable means of communication as it generates smoke which contrasts with the nature of the incense, one is unbounded and amorphous while the other is bounded and solid.

Incense,.usually benzoin, is used extensively in Malay ritual. It is burned on, special stands at Kramat, for example, and is used to fumigate offerings, ritual equipment, and even the magician himself in a spirit-raising seance. Its main function seems to be to make contact with essences, usually free spirits, in order to attract their attention to the thing fumigated ... The smoke and smell of incense (has) the ability to penetrate across space to wherever the spirits might be, even throu^ some of the physical world. The amorphous, emphemeral quality of these emissions contrasts with the bounded, localised, persistent nature of the objects that generate them and to which, therefore, they are continuously tied. This tie between the formed and tte forml^ seems to be the quality of incense . . . that especially suits them to be communications between the material and essential planes. (Endicott 1970 : 140-142) Viewed in this way —. the smell and smoke of incense as a communi­ cation channel between materials and essences - it is possible to majce sense of the use of incense in the Sam Poh Neo Neo Temple. The smell and smoke of the incense as it envelopes the spirit medium allows for communication .between the spirit medium (material) and the deity, Sam Poh Neo Neo (essence). The fumigation of the ritual objects such as lime and charm papers

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attracts th6 attention of Sam Poh Neo Neo thereby adding to -its potency in curing the clients. The Chinese Religionist’s parallel of benzoin incense (as used in Malay Animism) is the joss sticks which are a means of opening contact with the shen. In Chinese Religion, benzoin incense is used to drive out evil spirits especially before the spirit medium goes into trance; that is, benzoin is a purifying agent. Lime and Flowers:

The lime has two uses. First, it is used by the spirit medium as a divining method; by cutting seven pieces-off the lime the spirit medium, while in trance, is able to diagnose the-problem of the client by analysing the position of the rind pieces. Second, the lime is given' to the clients’together with the flower petals for a ritual bath. The’ client or the person on whose behalf the client sought the spirit medium’s help, has to have a bath including a hair wash before taking a ritual bath. The lime is squeezed and the juice is mixed in a basin of clean water with the petals: The water ‘is then poured over the body of the person. The spirit medium stresses that the pulp of the lime must be thrown away after the ritual bath. ‘ ’ Female devotees having their menses although allowbd into the temple.are prohibited from taking the ritual bath. They can, however, wash their face with the water mixed with lime juice and flower petals. The reason given is that the' limes and petals are clean (pure) whereas a woman having her menses is dirty (polluted) and thus cannot use the lime and petals for a ritual bath. For the same reason women who have not observed thirty days post partunj are hot allowed to take a ritual bath. The restriction on them is however stricter as they are not permitted entry into the temple either. Clients maintain tlut lime and petals are cleansing agents -and the ritual bath is a means of taking v^hatever impurities from the body. Endicott’s interpretation of the use of the ritual bath and the lime is not so very different although his analysis pertained to 'Malay Animism. In Malay Animism, ritual baths are taken at crucial tinfes in life when a person faces transitions from one status to another eg. puberty and kingship. The ritual baths in Malay Animism are not taken with a mixture of water, lime juice and petals. Only water is used. Endicott in his structural interpretation sees water as a boundary weakener which, therefore, allows passage from one state to another. Water seems to weaken the boundaries between many kinds of category, facilitating passage across them .... The quality that gives water the ability to weaken boundaries is probably its fluidity, its complete lack of**hardness’. It will sustain no divisions or boundaries on its own .... (Endicott, 1970:)

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Based' on this we can see the significance of the ritual bath re­ commended by the spirit medium in Sam Poh Neo Neo Temple. Water, being a boundary weakener, would permit any pollutants in the body to be extracted. This coupled with the use of lime and petals would be especially potent. Limes, as said by clients, is a cleansing agent. It extracts bad spirits and the lime pulp could be a receptacle of the evil spirits. This makes sense of the spirit medium’s insistence that the lime pulp must be thrown away after use. Limes are receptacles for essences. This allows us not only to interpret the use of the limes in ritual bathing but also as a divination method. The lime is fumigated over the incense fumes to entice the deity into the lime so that the divination would be accuratfi. Conjecturally the essence would be released when the lime is cut during the divination. Certain things seem especially suited for absorbing spirits or for acting as‘a substitute body for a soul. Limes are usually used to extract bad spirits in ritual bathing and the pulp is then thrown away.- limes may also be used as the receptacle for a soul in soul-abduction ma^c. A spirit may be enticed into a lime ... for purposes of divination; the spirit is then asked to give signs in answers to questions.

(Endicott; 1970)

The petals used may be of seven or five colours. The importance of’the number seven is its ability to “transcend distinctions based on differences in colour” (Endicott 1970: 137). It is, in other words, a botlndary weakener as it allows for connecting things between which an essence can be transferred. The combination of colours (usually seven) . . . seems to give the power to transcend distinctions based on differences in colour, Though the Malays seem to have no unified symbolic classification based on colot^r, differences of colours are often used to establish or indicate particular boundaries between significant categories. (Endicott; 1970:137)

The petals together with the use'of water are, therefore, to weaken the boundaries and allow for extraction of the pollutants in the devottee’s body by the lime. This interpretation of the use of ritual bath, lime and petals, is especially fitting in the ca^e of spirit invasion described earlier. The ritual bath was taken by the victim so that the monkey spirit could be enticed out of her body. Another case where the interpretation would be fitting is that of the unfaithful husband. An informant said that an unfaithful husband should be persuaded to take ritual baths regularly as this would “restore him to his senses and dissolve the illicit relationships” (emphasis mine). The ritual bath therefore would take away whatever pollutants (in -119-

this case causing a loss of senses) and weaken the tie between the unfaithful husband and his mistresses. Charm Papers Elliott (1955) recounts that the majority of charm papers used in Singapore are yellow although there are charm papers of various colours. Green charm papers have a greater efficacy than yellow charm papers for protection against evil spirits and are therefore used in more serious cases. The print on the charm papers are usually in red or black and these prints are esoteric characters. It is not, however, the prints that makes the charm papers efficacious. Charm papers are of value only when daubed with the blood of the spirit medium or a substitute such as blood of a cockerel or a red dye. Two types of charm papers are dispensed at the Sam Poh Neo Neo Temple - the yellow charm papers for consumption and the green charm papers for bathing. The papers are bought from a Chinese ritual paraphernalia shop and printed with a block made especially for the Sam Poh Neo Neo Temple since the first spirit medium’s time. The print is in black. The charm papers are finally daubed with red dye. These charm papers are similar to those used in other Chinese temples. The spirit medium stamps the charm paper with the seal bearing the names of Sam Poh Neo Neo. Datuk Puloh Besar, and Datuk Bakul. The green charm paper is also daubed with perfume. Both the yellow and green charm papers are tapped with the blade and the handle of the knife which Is used for cutting the lime. Finally, the spirit medium holds the charm papers (separately) over the incense fumes before dispensing them to the clients. I am unable to comment, on the distinct effects of the types of charm papers, and an analysis of the spirit medium’s dispensation of them in various cases does not help either. We can, howevdr, make sense of the’use of charm paper by taking note of the point that charm papers are considered efficacious only when it is daubed with the blood of the spirit medium, or its substitute. The charm paper is therefore a sacred object since it is an extension of the deity by virtue of the blood or dye which is daubed on the charm paper while the spirit medium is possessed by the deity. The stamping of the charm paper with the names of the deities adds to their efficacy. These charm papers, being sacred objects, when kept in close proximity would have a healing or protective effect. The charm papers when burnt transfers its power to the water in which its ashes are mixed, which is consumed or used for bathing by the client with a problem. 5. THE DEITIES

The various deities in the Sam Poh Neo Neo Temple are, as mentioned earlier, Sam Poh Neo Neo, her sister, Datuk Bakul, Datuk -120-

Puloh Besar, Dashengye, Tiangong, Dudigong and Dabogong. Qients' generally claim that Datuk Bakul, Datuk Puloh Besar and ■Sum Poh Neo Neo are but different names for the same,deity. Many clients say; t

"Datuk Bakul, Datuk Puloh Besar, , znd Sam Poh Neo Neo are one and the same god; we Chinese call it Sam Poh Neo^N^o but the Malays do not know how to pronounce it so they say Datuk Bakul or Datuk Puloh Besar." I shall demonstrate that clients do, in spite bf their insistence, make subtle distinctions between Datuk Bakul, Datuk Puloh Besar, and Sam Poh Neo Neo in their divination techniques, representations and the history of the deities. Sam Poh Neo Neo is represented by an anthropomorphic image; she is a lady seated in an alcove-like structure (both the lady and the alcove like structure are painted black) and is clothed in either a red or a yellow robe. The robes of the deities are usually donated by clients on the birthdays of the deity/deities, and can be either yellow or red. Datuk Bakul is not represented by a human figure but in anthropomorpliic terms. It is represented by a basket which is made human like by the addition of arms and a head. The arms and head are pieces of wood tied to the handle where it joins the body of the basket and at the highest point of the handle respectively. The basket is clothed in a cloak-like costume which is usually donated by clients on the birthdays of the deity/deities. The costume and the pieces of wood as well as the name of the basket makes it clear that Datuk Bukul is' perceived in anthropomorphic terms. The term Datuk is a prefix given to a person’s name as a mark of respect and honour. It is also the common term used by Malay Animists to refer to spirits, especially spirits of an area. Datuk Puloh Besar is not represented in any form except by his name which is engraved on the plaque hung on the left wall of the temple. Datuk Puloh Besar also called a keramat is said to be a deity of an area namely the Big Island or Pulau Besar. which could be an island off the Malaccan coast or the island of Sumatra. We have, therefore, distinguished the deities as indeed three separate deities in terms of representations. These representations are not expressions of different characteristics of a god. They are rather three different deities as is clear from the history of the deities and the different divination techniques used. Datuk Puloh Besar, is either the deity of Sumatra or, the deity of Pulau Besar an island off Malacca! The island, Pulau Besar, is said to be shaped like a pregnant woman which an informant claimed is 'due to the murder of a pregnant woman on the island. There are - 121 -

at least two.shrines of different keramats on the island.’ Informants have also said that there is a female keramat on the island of either Malay or Baba Chinese ethnicity. Many Malaccans, Chinese, Baba Chinese or Malays, often visit the island to beseech the deities for lottery numbers or for help in their daily lives. Clients visiting the island have to abstain from eating pork for a week. The breaking of this rule would cause the boat on which the client is travelling to capsize. Females having their menses cannot visit the island or they will hieet the same fate. Clients say that Sam Poh Neo Neo was a Malay woman from Malacca who was deified. I have not been able to confirm if Sam Poh Neo Neo is either the female keramat in Pulau Besar mentioned earlier or a variant of her. Sam Poh Neo Neo is, therefore, different from Datuk Puloh Besar historically — one is a Malay deified (and probably a keramat in Pulau Besar) while the other is the deity of an area, namely, Pulau Besar. This history of Datuk Bakul is quite distinct from that of Datuk Puloh Besar'i and Sam Poh Neo Neo\. Datuk Bakul was originally a basket which was placed on the offertory table. The spirit medium. Madam X, had regularly chanted over the basket. Why this particular basket was chosen is not known to my informants. In time^ the basket was perceived to move on its own. It was believed that this indicated that the basket possessed a strong spirit which an informant claim was due to the chantings of the spirit medium. The basket was then clothed and addressed as Datuk Bakul. Datuk Bakul and Sam Poh Neo Neo are both deities whom clients consult. The first spirit medium, like the present one, was possessed by Sam Poh Neo Neo and while in trance gave advice to clients seeking Sam Poh Neo Neo's aid. Mr. Y, however, was not possessed, by Datuk Bakul even though it was Datuk Bakul who helped clients during consultations. Mr. Y was merely an interpreter of messages given by Datuk Bakul in the designs made. The answer to why Mr. Y was not possessed by Datuk Bakul as the two spirit medium were ppssessed by Sam Poh Neo Neo may lie in the differences of the deities. Sam Poh Neo Neo is what Wee (1976) would call a free shen while Datuk Bakul would be termed an attached shen. A free shen is one that is unbounded but yet can be boimded. With the ceremony kai guar^ ( ^7^ ) or “the opening of light” the unbounded shen is invited into a man made image. This bounding does not in any way diminish the free shen-, although the shen is in the image it still exists unbounded. An attached shen is a bounded shen and has a one to one correspondence to material objects; for instance a table shen would be an attached shen. Once the object is destroyed so is the shen. Sam Poh Neo Neo was invited to reside in the image during the kai guang 9. Hofte Tan In her ihetU fJ9SS) mentionea a Chbiete man In Singapore {Joo Chbt Place) who war a medium for Detuh Shoa ImaO a keramat Ai Pulau Beau, nie cate will be deeerlbed tn mare detail In the following lectlon. ’

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ceremony which was conducted by. Buddhist monks while such a ceremony was not held in the case of Datuk Bakul. A free shen can possess a spirit medium by virtue of its unboundedness while an attached shen would not be able to possess a person since it is attached to an object. Datuk Puloh Besar is not at all used for consultations since Datuk Puloh Besar is a shen of an object, an island in this case. In other words, Datuk Puloh Besar is an attached shen who resides in Pulau Besar. This shen is not represented in the Sam Poh Neo Neo Temple though he might be represented by a slip of paper with some characters written on it, and pasted onto the wall of a shrine built for him on the island, Pulau Besar. The fact that Datuk Puloh Besar is a shen of an area which is neither in Singapore nor in its immediate vicinity probably accounts for its obscurity in the Sam Poh Neo Neo Temple; it is not consulted by clients most of whom have no knowledge of Datuk Puloh Besar's identity. Since Datuk Puloh Besar and Datuk Bakul are attached shen they can be distinguished from Sam Poh Neo Neo as she is a free shen. Yet Datuk Bakul and Datuk Puloh Besar are two distinct deities in spite of both being attached shen as one is the shen of a basket while the other of an island. We can therefore conclude that Sam Poh Neo Neo, Datuk Bakul and Datuk Puloh Besar are not different names for one deity but are-indeed different deities. The confusion of the identities of the three deities probably arises because these deities are ethnically different from other Chinese deities. Sam Poh Neo Neo and Datuk Bakul are ethnically similar to the Baba Chinese. They are part Chinese and part Malay. Although Sam Poh Neo Neo is claimed to be a Malay woman she is adressed by a Chinese name- with the Baba Chinese term for addressing ladies "neo neo". The name Sam Poh has two connotations; first, -it could refer to Sam Poh Gong the deified Admiral Cheng Ho from China who visited Malacca during the Ming dynasty. Second, the name could mean the three Buddhist Jewels - the Buddha, the Dharma, and the Sangha, (Wee, personal communication). The meaning of the name, however, is not of as much importance as the fact that the deity is given a Chinese name in spite of its Malay ethnicity. The dietary rules observed by the deifies and the spirit medium are suggestive of the ethnic ambiguity of Datuk Bakul and Sam Poh Neo Neo. The deities, it is stressed, cannot be offered either pork or beef as these are not consumed by Sam Poh Neo Neo and Datuk Bakul. ’Following from this the spirit medium has to abstain from these unclean food as she has to keep her body clean since Sam Poh Neo Neo possesses her body during consultations. The diviner too abstained from pork and beef as he was in close contact with Datuk Bakul during consultations. Indeed jieither pork nor beef can be brought'into the temple. It is said that if beef or pork is taken into the temple the spirit medium will vomir even if she does know of -123-

the trespass. Qients may, however, consume pork and beef. Abstinence from pork is obviously derived from Islam while the abstinence from beef is from Chinese Religion. As stated on p. 36, it is stressed that chicken offered must be cooked by Malays as only they know how to prepare the chicken according to prescribed Islamic rules; this dietary rule is of course derived from Islam. The dietary rules clearly show that the deities are ambiguous ethnically since they appear to be part Chinese and part Malay. Another piece of evidence that seems to point to this conclusion is the way ritual procedures are conducted. Before the consultation proper, clients and the spirit medium bai the deities with joss sticks. The burning of and the performing of bai with joss sticks are to open communication with deities. The deities in Sam Poh Neo Neo Temple are venerated in the manner idiosyncratic of the Chinese Religionists. The consultation, however, is conducted in both the ways of the Malay Animist and the Chinese Religionist ritual paraphernalia limes, petals and benzoin are often used in Malay Animism while the red dye, charm papers and the seal of the deities are characteristic of Chinese Religion. It is worthwhile noting that the ethnic ambiguity of the deities is paralleled by the ethnic ambiguity of the Baba Chinese whose culture have Malay and Chinese elements. Although the deities are ethnically ambiguous they are placed within the Chinese Religionist’s pantheon of deities. In the Sam Poh Neo Neo Temple, Datuk Bakul, Datuk Puloh Besar and Sam Poh Neo Neo are but three deities among others (Tiangong. Dashengye, Dudigong, Dabogong) who are undoubtedly Chinese deities. Clients bai all the deities in the same manner and in one process suggesting that these deities are part of one and the same pantheon, that of the Chinese Religionist’s. My informants have expressedly said that Sam Poh Neo NeojDatuk Bakul fsince they regard them as the same deity) are similar to other Chinese deities like Guanyin, Ma Zu, and Dabogong. The placing of the deities in the pantheon of Chinese deities indicates that the Sam Poh Neo Neo Temple belongs to a larger religious system, that of Chinese Religion. Most clients of the Sam Poh Neo Neo Temple visit other Chinese temples as well and do indeed regard the Sam Poh Neo Neo Temple as but one other source where aid from supernatural beings can be sought. The clients do not, however seek the help of bomohs^^ who they perceive to be evil sorcerers conjuring spells and creating trouble. Keramats are easily acceptable to clients as is obvious in their addressing Datuk Puloh Besar and sometimes Sam Poh Neo Neo as keramats. Keramats can either be people, animals or inanimate things which have supernatural powers. Endicott In “An Analysis of Malay iO. Bomofis art htaleri u*io appeal to tupemamrel potien, jin*, keramats and even Allah, for asititance bt loMng their (lienti'problemr;far a detailed ethnography of two bomohs teeRaJtdi (I97S).

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Magic” says (1970: 92) “Knmat people are said never to die though they may appear to do; they go on living invisibly and may appear to men in dreams and in the forest” It is comprehensible that Chinese Religionists do beseech keratnats for aid since the concept of keramat is not too far removed from that of Chinese shen. The incorporation of the concept of keramat which appeared syncretic at first sight conld be no more than just another adoption of an element from another system, Malay Animism in this, case, and fitted into the Chinese Religious-system. The usage of the term keramat for Datuk Puloh Besar and Sam Poh Neo Neo does not contradict my claim that clients attend the temple as merely one of other Chinese temples since keramats are perceived as similar to Chinese deities. The anthropomorphic representation of Sam Poh Neo Neo suggests as much for keramats are not represented anthro-pomorphically in Malay Animism while free shen tend to be always represented anthropomorphically by Chinese Religionists. To close this section I shall reiterate two points. First, the deities are perceived in anthropomorphic terms by the clients as attested by their images which are either exact replicas of human beings or have been modified to look human-like as in the case of Datuk Bakul (by the addition of arms and a head to the basket) and Dashengye (by dressing the monkey and giving it a human stance). Tiangong, Dudigong and Datuk Puloh Besar are not, however, represented by any images as they are all attached shen of specific areas; Tiangong is the shen of the sky, Dudigong of the soil and Datuk Puloh Besar of the island of Pulau Besar. Although these deities are not represented save for an urn or a strip of paper, they are still perceived anthropomorphically. They are addressed in terms given to fellow human beings. Tiangong, Dudigong. and Datuk Puloh Besar when literally translated means “Grandfather of the Sky”, “Grand­ father of the Soil”, and “Lord or Grandfather of the island, Piilau Besar” respectively. By addressing them as “Grandfathers” or “Lord” these deities assume human-like qualities — maleness and advanced age. The fact that Sam Poh Neo Neo and Datuk Bakul are dressed and offered fruits (such as bananas^ oranges, pears and apples) and cooked food (vegetable curry, fried beehoon, and nasi kyunit) which are part of the fare of the clients supports the contention that the deities are perceived in anthropomorphic terms. Second, the deities — Sam Poh Neo Neo and Datuk Bakul - are benevolent supernatural beings who have the power to.help those who beseech them. Clients when faced with problems would bai the deities and appeal to them for aid. When help is given by the deities, clients not only thank them verbally but usually offer the deities food and gifts (such as clothes, urns or banners) on the birthdays — 125 —

of the deities. Another way of showing gratitude to the deities is the ceremony of filling the oil lamps. The deities are perceived to have more power than men as they 'are in the position to help clients when proper behaviour is shown towards them and to punish clients who are ungrateful or forgetful of the help that the deities have extended • to them. 6. INTERPRETATION AND ANALYSIS

A Comparison As stated in Section 2, this study could in a small way contribute to the verification or contradiction of the conjecture that the Baba Chinese, at least the non English speaking ones, are reverting to a Chinese identity. This however requires a diachronic study and as 1 have not been able to reconstruct the past of the Sam Poh Neo Neo Temple in great detail, I have decided to use Tan’s account of a Chinese spirit medium as a background with which the findings on the Sam Poh Neo Neo Temple can be compared. There are two reasons for choosing Tan’s study; first it is the only ethnographic account of any depth of a Chinese spirit medium working in a Baba Chinese context that I have come across.’ * Second the spirit medium recounted in Tan’s study was a medium for Datuk Puloh Besar Ismail a keramat in Pulau Besar who is also known as Datuk Shaik Ismail. The spirit medium in Tan’s study was a 34 year old male who was informed by a Malay keramat — Datuk Shaik Ismail — in a dream to be his spirit medium for the benefit of the local inhabitants. Datuk Shaik Ismail was consulted on personal problems such as marital, domestic and financial problems, ill health and was approached for lottery numbers. Clients of the Sam Poh Neo Neo Temple consult the deities Sam Poh Neo Neo and Datuk Bakul on similar problems. Fruits, especially bananas, a piece of white cloth, money or a dish of nasi kyunit (which could be cooked by some Straits Chinese women or by Malay women) were usual offerings' to Datuk Shaik Ismail. These same items are offered at the Sam Poh Neo Neo Temple with the exception of the piece of white cloth. Nasi kyunit cannot, however, be cooked by the Sam Poh Noe Neo Temple’s Baba Chinese clients; they must engage Malay women to prepare the dish. This could in­ dicate that the Straits Chinese wombn of former times were better versed in the Malay way of life. Il,

Tan In her thesis Idenrifled the spirit medium whom she studied as a Chinese but she may have used the word "Chinese" to distinguish him from other Malay personnels associated with kenmatt rather than to Indicated that he was a local bom China oriented Chinese or a China bom Chinese. It may well be that the spirit medium was a Baba stnee Tan did write that he spoke a Straits Settlement patois te. Baba Malay. Moreover since Tan was writing of the religion of the Baba Chinese It could be likely that her account concerned a Baba Chinese spirit medium, or at least the clientele was comprised mainly of Baba Ottnese.

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The spirit medium for Datuk Stuuk Ismail, Mr. Gan, had to engage a Malay man to read the Koran and chant prayers for him every Thursday night, the Malay holy night of the week. At the Sam Poh Neo Neo Temple, the holy ni^t is not observed by either the spirit medixim or the clients. The Koran is notread and there is not chanting of Malay prayers. Mr. Gan observed Malay festival days such as Raya Haji and Hari Raya Puasa as well. Only Chinese calendrical festivals are observed by the spirit medium in the Sam Poh Neo Neo. Temple. This shows that the Sam Poh Neo Neo Temple is more sinicised than the Datuk Shaik Ismail Shrine. The consultation,- sessions conducte^l by Mr. Gan bear some similarities to the consultations held in -Sam Poh Neo Neo Temple although there are minor differences as well. Most of the clients at theDatuk Shaik Ismail Shrine (as with the Sam Poh Neo Neo Temple^ were females. While clients at the Datuk Shaik Ismail Shrine were solemn anA quiet, those at the Sam Poh Neo Neo Temple tend to be gregarious and cheerful all through the consultations.-Mr. Gan burnt “Malay incense joss sticks”^ ’ and benzoin incense in preparation for the keramat'3 visit. For the consultations the spirit medium wore a light-yellow robe* ’ and jat cross-legged before the shrine with the censer for intense, prayer beads, a knife, a black fan, ,a bowl of flower petals and a tin of benzoin incense. A priest’s turban (an Imam) was fumigated and put on the medium’s head. Mr. Gan then turned and rotated, the prayer beads and while chanting some prayers*^ gave a little shudder indicating that .the keramat has possessed his body. The ritual paraphernalia common to both the Datuk Shaik Ismail Shrine and the Sam Poh ,Neo Neo Temple are joss sticks, benzoin incense, knife, lime and petals. Mr. Gan, however, also used the prayer beads (a string of prayer beads is hung on the “arm” of Datuk,Bakul in the Sam Poh Neo Neo Temple although it is not used by the spirit medium), a black fan and the turban. The spirit medium at'the Sam Poh Neo Neo Temple uses other ritual paraphernalia commonly associated with the Chinese Religionists such as mubei, charm papers, red dye and the seal with the names of the deities engraved oh it. Ihe use of these ritual paraphernalia shows that the Sam Poh Neo Neo Temple is more Chinese than the Datuk Shaik Ismail Shrine. When Mr. Gan was possessed by the keramat, his woman interpreter (called a dayangY^ indicated to the clients that the keramat had IZ r ftavt not (OfTte aerott any Malay bicentt /ou itlelu and It It likely that the Jost ttiekt were no dl/ftrent from thote ute by CMneae ReUghmbtt. 13. There It a photograph of Mr. Y In the Sam Poh Neo Neo Temple dressed In a yellow cere­ monious robe u3ilch might be ebnOar to that worn by Mr. Gan. 14. Although Robe Tan does not elaborate on the purpose of the beads, It could well be a dtvlnetlon technique to ascertain If dte kenmat hat conceded to pay the shrine a visit. Rajah 11975} gives an accoanl of the mechanics of ate divination method using beads. If the beads were Indeed used as a divination method. It paralleb the use of mnbei In the Sam Poh Neo Neo Temple, (see p. 32}. 15. Dayaaj b a Malay word for personal housemaid. Usually a belongs to a royal household.

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arrived and the clients then greeted the keramat, in Mr. Gan’s body, by touching his right palm with their own after having 'held their right palms over the benzoin fumes. The spirit medium’s hand was covered with a piece of clean white cloth. After the greetings, the consultation proper began. Clients whispered their problems to the dayang who relayed them to the spirit medium. At the Sam Poh Neo Neo Temple, the parallel cf the dayang is the spirit medium’s daughter who attends to details like collecting fees, opening and closing the screen door for clients and o^her odd jobs. The spirit medium’s daughter does’not act as an intermediary between the clients and the spirit medium, unlike the dayang. Mr. Gan used green limes as a means to divine the problems of the clients and to predict the future. He'cut pieces off the lime but Tan does not indicate how many pieces were sliced off. In the case recorded by Tan, Mr, Gan gave the client the lime (which was used for divining), some‘flower petals and a piece of benzoin to help'her baby sleep at night. The flower petals were to be put into a basin of clean water which was to be used for bathing the child. The benzoin was to be burnt at night beneath the infant’s cot to call for the keramat’s protection.^* Tan does not record the use of the lime. The divination 'technique used by Mr. Gan is similar to that of the spirit medium at the Sam Poh Neo Neo Temple. Flower petals and limes are given to the clients in Sam Poh Neo Neo Temple but I have not observed the spirit medium giving any client a piece of benzoin. An additional ritual cure given to the clients is the charm paperwhich is commonly used by the Chinese Religionists. •From the data presented by Tan it'is*not possible to say if the religious system of the Baba Chinese was then located within Malay Animism or Chinese Religion, or if it were a syncretic religion. But if we supplement Tan’s ethnographic account with the findings of some other writers (which said that the Baba Chinese upheld their Chinese forefather’s religious practices as well as customs) it could be said that the Baba Chinese were Chines^ Religionists on a structural level although they borrowed many Malay elements. Following from this and with the above comparison which shows clearly that the Malay influence present at the time of Tan’s study is gradually- diminishing, it can be concluded that the religious system has and»is probably undergoing a process of resinification. Since religious affiliation is an ethnic boundary maintaining mechanism, the above conclusion supports the conjecture that the Baba Chinese are identifying themselves more with the Chinese. This does not mean that the temple is no longer distinct from other Chinese temples. The residual Malay elements still found in the religious system dis­ tinguishes the Sam Poh Neo Neo Temple from other Chinese temples. It should be noted that the temple from a sociological point of view 16. Thb tuppora Endicotli Interpretation of bit uM Of beradn In Malay Artinlem elted in Section A.

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canp be seen as an institution with which the Baba Chinese identify themselves as an ethnic group quite distinct from the other Chinese. It can be expected that the Sam Poh Neo Neo Temple will lose its distinctive traits (the Malay elements) when the Baba Chinese begin to identify themselves as ethnic (Chinese. Why the Baba Chinese ‘choose’ Malay elements to distinguish themseFves from other Chinese (at least as far as the Sam Poh Neo Neo Temple is concerned) and not Chinese elements to distinguish themselves from the Malays can be explained by the fact that the Baba Chinese were clearly differentiated from the Malays as they were not Muslims, but they were not distinct from the Chinese since they still upheld the religious practices of their Chinese forefathers. As- such the relevant ethnic group from which the Baba Chinese had to distinguish themselves was the Chinese and not the Malays. It is therefore logical that Malay elements were used as emblems to ac­ centuate their differences from the ethnic Chinese. During the British colonial rule there were advantageous reasons for the Baba Chinese to identify themselves as a distinct ethnic group since they held respectable positions in society then. This could account for the in­ corporation of many Malay elements in the Datuk Shaik Ismail Shrine. There are less Malay elements in the Sam Poh Neo Neo Temple ar the time of this study than in the Datuk Shaik Ismail Shrine at the time of Tan’s study in 1958. This is not surprising since the Baba Qiinese no longer enjoy the favoured ^position of social brokers and indeed with the multi-racial ideology which was widely publicised in recent years, the Baba Chinese are faced with either not fitting into the publicly accepted model of society or alternatively to redefine their ethnic boundaries and identify themselves with the Chinese.-

Location of the Religious System The religious system as delineated in this study appears to be syncretic at first sight since many Malay elements are incorporated, but a closer examination reveals that the religious system is located in the Chinese religious system if only at its periphery. In other words, the religious system under study is not syncretic, but borrows certain elements from Malay Animism and incorporates these into an essentially Chinese religious' system. The Malay elements chosen are emblems used to distinguish the Baba Chinese from the other Chinese. Various points support the above conclusion. First, as demonstrated in the preceding section, the ethnically ambiguous deities (and therefore most likely to be taken as indicators of syncreticism) — Sam Poh Neo Neo. her sister, Datuk Bakul and Datuk Puloh Besar are placed in . the pantheon of Chinese deities. This is obvious since the Sam Poh Neo Neo Temple does not have only these ethnically ambiguous deities but other Chinese deities as well, for example Tiangong. Dabogong, Dashengye and Dudigong. Qients bai all these

{ j

ti j

’

deities, both the ethnically ambiguous and the Chinese ones, in a sihgle process indicating, that these deities are considered to form part of * a pantheon. This is further supported .by the-fact that clients patronise other Chinese* temples besides the Sam Poh-Neo Neo Temple. The Sam Poh Neo Neo Temple is but one other temple where thfe clients can seek aid from supernatural powers. £. Second, the procedure of bai in the Sam Poh Neo Neo Temple is similar to that of Chinese Religionists who bai the.deities with" joss sticks. Clients at the Sam Poh NeoJieo Temple do not, however, bum joss papers which is usually done^at other Chinese temples. Third, 'the calendrical festivals celebrated by the clients and the spirit medium of the Sam Poh Neo Neo Temple arecalendrical festivals, usually-observed by Chinese Religionists and not the Islamic festivals, such as Hari Raya Haji or Hari Raya Puasa. t < Fourth,' the- ritual .paraphernalia used in- the..Sam Poh Neo Neo Temple is yet another likely indicator of-.syncreticism since elements such as lime, flowerpetals, and benzoin incense are obviously derived from Malay Animism. The use of limes, petals and bgnzoin incense, however, can-be easily transferred from Malay Animism to Chinese Religion 'without significant changes in their meaping„ sipce-'.both religious systems are animistic andon the analytical level,, possess the central -notions of matter.and essence.-Limes, which play the-role of boundary weakeners and receptacles of essences in Malay Animism, act as cleansing agents which remove impurities from the body. Benzoin incense, interpreted as a means of communication by Endicott in his study on Malay Magic, parallels the use .of joss slicks in, Chinese Religion which are used as a way of opening contact with the deities-, (see Wee 1976). Benzoin incense can also be seeiras a means of driving' out evil spirits. What the above discussion demonstrates-is that although-there is Malay influence in the Sam Poh Neo Neo Temple, it remains at an elemental level and only those Malay elements which fit'-into 'the Chinese religious system are adopted. It would appear -that these Malay-elements are but emblems to distinguish the ethnic Baba Chinese from the ethnic Chinese. Structurally, the religious system under study can be classified as Chinese Religion on the actor’s level and on the observer’s level. Since the religious system under study is structurally Chinese Religion, it could be concluded that the Baba Chinese who patronise the temple are Chinese Religionists even nf they consider themselves ethnic Baba Chinese. In-more general terms it can be said that a section of the Baba Chinese population practise a religion which is the religion of many Chinese in Singapore.-However, it cannot be concluded on the basis of this limited ethnography that the Baba Chinese possess a .culture similar to the Chinese. Further findings may probably allow for such a conclusion to be made.

REFERENCES

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/

-q*-

BARTH, F., edT, 196X Btfinb Groupt and Boundartei. 0»lo: Universitets Forliget; London: George Allen and-Gnwin. «

CLAMMER, J.R., 1980. Srra

LEVITAS, R.A., 1977. Some problems of ainxentred models of social movements. Sociology 11-47-63. NELSON, GEOFF,^EY K., 1968. The concept of cult. The Sociological Review 16:351-62.

SCHWARTZ, THEODORE, 1976. The cargo cult: A Melanesian type-resonse to change. In Responses to change, edited by George A. DeVos, New York: Van Nostrand. ,

SPENCER, MARTIN E., 1973. What is charisma? British Journal of Sociology 24-.i4l-54. WALLIS, ROY, 1974. Ideology,' authority, and the development of cultic movements. Social Research 41-299-327. y . 1^75. The cult and its transformation. In SeerurfaRim.* AneJysti of religious end nonlel^oueaecta; edited by,Roy WaBis. New York: WBey/Haktead. ,

WILSON, BRYAN^1973. Magte and the millennium. New York; Harper & Ro^'. r.

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AUTOMATIC WRITING IN SINGAPORE ,«Ruth-Inge Heinze*', -i { CONTENTS

1. 2. 3. 4.

lotToduction Historical Development of Automate Wfiting Fieldwork Conclurions

. . . automatic phenomena are any phenomena experienced or product by^.a subject involuntarily, for which he denies actual or,^ potent^'rnntrol. TlKse ini^de de novo thou^ts and Images which, if veridical relative to,a distant space-time event about ^hiph the subject coqld have, acquired no .normal knowledge,^are referred,to as clairvoyant or telepathic; automatic speech, also referred to as j automatic talking or mediumship; and automatic writings also some* times referred to as mediumship. •i

*

Honegger (1980)

1. INTRODUCTION

• wl have studied .automatic'writing already in the PhiEppines among professors at the University of the PhiEppines in Quezon City and in Indonesia among Javanese artists.-When, in 1978,, I received a grant to study spirit mediums in three rapidl/ modernizing Southeast Asi^ countries — Singapore, Malaysia, and Thailand, I-started fo look fori incidences of automatic writing among Chinese. This paper and a chapter in an upcoming book reflect the insights I gained during one year of fieldwork in Singapore.’ Automatic writing in Singapore is based on the belief that not the human hands which are holding the writing utensils but spiritual entities are “directing” thd writing. It is said that spiritual forces either (1) manifest themselves unexpectly because they have messages to convey, or (2) are called by those (a) who keep channels for divine inspiration open or those ’(b) who have been trained to act as relay stations for spiritual forces. •Dr. Ruth’tngt Htlnie Ph.D. (California), Retearch Atsoelate at the Center for South anti Sou theait Asia Studtei, Untverelly of California, Berkeley. 1. The retear^ for this paper uus made pottlble through Fulbrlght-lfayi Research Grant f/10S9-83079. From June )97S to June 1979, ws affiliated uiUh the Initltute ofSoudteatt Adan Studies tn Singapore, conducting fleldtix/rlt among edutle Chinejfe, Ualays, and Indians looking fbrpatterns Inpopular beliefs (Helnse J979a, 1979b, 1981,1982). -146-

How can we study customs which are based on beliefs? The belief in this case is a matter of faith, and science does not accept anything on faith value. We cannot leave out essential elements, i.e. the belief and the underlying faith. What can we do? Faith being the unknown factor, we can measure faith by its results and we can study the psycho^ynamic, tfie socio-cultural, and. the structural-symbolic dimensions of belief and faith. In viewing as many dimensions as possible of our topic, we may arrive at some conclusions, so that, by looking at automatic writing from different angles, we can narrow down the qreas which so far remained unknown. The most logical way to proceed in the present case seems to be (1) to survey the historical development’of tfie custom and to take available ethnographic descriptions into consideration. Furthermore, (2) not to confuse the issue by misleading questions, we should conduct fieldwork mainly as participant observers and then (3) compare the historical 'and ethnographic notes with the actual field data. The present paper reflects these three steps of my research on automatic writing among Chinese in Singapore. In the conclusions I will also compare automatic writing in Asia with similar occurrences in the West. 2. HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT

Automatic writing has already been practised in ancient China. De Groot .(1910, VI; 1187-1322) cites references from the Chou Dynasty before the second century B.C. Looking for the origin of automatic writing. Overmyer mentions a fifth century source which tells that people made an image of Tzu-taj on the fifteenth of first lunar month, the anniversary of her death as a human being. She was invited to desccnd-into the image, which grew heavy when she arrived. The image was then asked simple questions about the future, with “yes” or “no,” answers. When the answer was “yes” the image danced; when it was “no”, it lay down as if to' sleep. Most of the early devotees of this cult were women and girls, who inquired among other things about the prospects for the silk-worm season. Simple divination with a Iiu4ai image continued through the Tang dynasty (618-907), though evidently it was still not associated with writing. However, there are T’ang references to written predictions composed by spirit-possessed pens or chopsticks

Overmyer has conducted fieldwork on Taiwan. He thinks that the 'present form of automatic writing among Chinese is “a modem manifestation of a tradition of spirit-writing in China which took - 147-

form during the Sung dynasty (960—1279)”. He says it began “in part as a form of a non-verbal divination by common folk, but by the eleventh century was centered on written messages from immortals and deified culture heroes” (1981:3). We find a further reference in the Standard History of the House of Ming where it is reported that Shi Tsung who reigned from 1522 to 1567 had erected in the private Palace a terrace for the consultation of an Immortal by means of the ki, and regulated the punishments and rewards (of his officers) in accordance with the oracles which that spirit gave (De Groot 1910, VI: 1314).

During the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, a medium sitting in front of a planchette tray had become a familiar scene at gathering, for example, of Confucian scholars. Spirits were asked to predict success or failure at examinations, advancement in officialdom and the outcome of other career-related situations. Furthermore, collections of poems were written down by spirit mediums on the planchette tray. The Pei-shan Shih Ts’un edited by the Confucian scholar Lin Kuang-yun, is one of these collections where most of the poems have been composed through automatic writing (see, among^others, Yang 1961:259-60). Let us look at the writing"utensils. The divining pencil, ki or ki pit was cut at an auspicious hour from the natural fork on the southeast side of a tree, i.e., the side of a tree where it is exposed to the rising and the midday sun. Ideally the pencil should be from a peach tree because this tree bears the fruit of immortality.^ The eighteen inch long stick should be painted red to increase its ghost {kuei} M repelling capacity, the general consensus being that only the guidance of a shen (a spirit from a higher realm) was acceptable. A short prong, projected at point of bifurcation at almost right angle to the arms of the holding stick. The prong served to write on some bran, sand or incense ashes poured out on a table or wooden platter, ki poan • The man who was holding one arm of the stick with his right hand was called, kiah tsian ki e lang khan tsiang ki e bearer or holder of the right. The bearer or holder of the left arm, khan to ki e kian to ki was also called hu ki secondary or auxiliary diviner. This second holder behaved passively and just supported the stick. Such form of writing has been called in China kiah ki ch'ut ji ^j^Lfli^or khan ch'ut to produce characters by bearing or holding the ki. Through incantations, spirits were invited to descend into the ki, kang ki or to go into the ki, tsiung ki _h.AL, or adhere to it, hu ki ; or contact it, koan ki ISiL. The movements of the ki holder

2 A Chtneie medium on Penang with ^om I dltaisaed Oiitete rymbdlian confirmed thia belief. See also Wan Hol Poh i 9 79:38. - 148-

were slow and spasmodic as if he is wresting the ki out of the assistant’s hand. AU this tends to prove that the Id has become extremely heavy in consequence of its occupancy by the god. Suddenly the tip comes down upon the writing-table; like a hammer it jumps up and down, two, three, even more times, its. violence being tempered by .the automatic resistance of the other holder. But almost instantly it scrawls some­ thing, and the interpreter reads ... (De Groot 1910, VI: 1298).

In our times, automatic writing is practised, for example, by mem­ bers of the World. Red Swastika Society. . Who were the founders? In 1916, Colonel Liu Shao-Chi, Mr. Wu Fu-Sung (District Magistrate), Jung Shih-Tao (secretary to the Magistrate) and Chow Teh Hsi (secretary to the colonel) in Pin Hsien, Shantung Province, got together because they believed that cominuications could be established between living and departed spirits. They decided to use a sand box and a wooden pen. Professor Wolfram Eberhard’ told me that some Chinese dictionaries maintain Chieh-k’ung and Liu Fu-lu compiled the T’ai-i pei-chi chen-chiao (“True Teachings of the T^’ai-i of the North Pole”). They began to conduct religious meetings in Chi-nan in 1920. The latter names show some similarities to the above-mentioned ones. However, these are reli^ous names, Hung meaning “one who understands emptiness” and Liu “one who has luck.” In 1916 the group of sandbox writers in Pin Hsien often went in their free time to a temple in the magistrate and prayed for the presence of a spirit. Most often they were visited by Shang Chen-Jen, the spirit of a man who lived in the fourteenth centjiry A.D. or during the latter period of the Sung Dynasty (thirteenth century A.D.). Residing in Feng District of Shansi Province, his name on earth had been, Shang Cheng-o. He had been a man of great learning.,He was proficient in literature, poetry, philosophy, and painting. Because of his refined character and on account of his many benevolent deeds, after his death he was deified and duly canonized later on. The prospectus of the World Red Swastika Society reports that, in the course of time, God Himself came to reveal words of eternal truth to this first group. Other spirits coming to the society’s sand boxes deliver mess^es only in the name and by order of God. According to Overmyer (1976:256, footnote 108) the chief deity is Chih-sheng hsien-t’ien Iao-tsu|fcS^^^^(“Most Holy Venerable Patriarch of Primordial Times”). We should note here that this is the same spirit who appeared to Taoist sages. In the fourth century A.D., this belief lead to the Mao Shan revelations and introduced the era of religious Taoism. The activities of the first group of the World Red Swastika Society Pertonal communlearion, April 30, 1980.

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were moved in 1918 to Tsinan, the capital of the Province of Shantung. Thirty-six men were appointed to lead the movement. They were supposed to found a temple and to form a society. Tientsin, Peking, and Tsinin were the first three cities in which the movement took a firm root and from where it began to spread rapidly. The World Red Swastika Society was then officially founded and duly registered in China in 1922. The name “World Red Swastika Society” was chosen because the word “world” means that the goals of the society concern the whole world, without boundaries and without discrimination of any kind. The word “red” stands for purity and innocence. Red is like the heart of a newborn baby. Red indicates brightness in appearance and cheerfulness in manners. The word “swastika” {wan tzu) symbolizes universal 'benevolence, extended into all directions. It indicates incessant activities. The publications of the society stress over and over again that the swastika is a “token of blessing” for their work “toward universal peace,” the main goals of the society being the promotion of world peace and the offering of relief in times of need. During the course of time professional relief squads were organized during military conflicts and help was rendered during and after floods and droughts in various Chinese provinces. Relief to foreign countries, for example, was sent after an earthquake in Japan in 1923 and again in 1927. In the same year, two hundred foreign residents, including British, Americans, French, Norwegians, and Japanese, were saved in Nanking and a Frontier Relief Squad was sent out during the SinoRussian War in 1929. By the end of 1928, there were over two hundred branches in nine­ teen Chinese provinces and one branch had been foimded in Kobe, Japan. Nine years-later, in 1937, before the war between China and Japan, one could find over five hundred branches in China, several branches in Japan, and one branch in Hong Kong. Aside from branches in Japan and Hong Kong, there are now branches in Singapore, Thailand (Bangkok), Malaysia (Malacca), Taiwan (Taipei), Korea (Seoul) and in the USA (New York). The first international meetings were, in fact, held’in New York in 1971 and 1973. Only'the headquarters in Hong Kong and in Taipei are presently using the sandbox for automatic writing. Overmyer observed such automatic writing in the temple of the World Red Swastika Society in Taipei during ‘September 1969 (1981:1). The-ritual was called fu-chi “to support a winnowing basket” or fu-!uan “to support a phoenix.”- In earlier times, a winnowing basket was indeed sometimes used for this form of divination. Using the word luan, the speakers refer to the phoenix-drawn carriage in which the revealing gods are believed to descend (De Groot 1910, VI; 1314). In Taipei the ritual began with burning incense, ceremonial bowing and offering prayers of petition . . . The officiant on stage right, wearing a long scholar’s robe, in an apparently relaxed state began

to move the stick over the table in long, slow circles, with the other end held up by his assistant on stage left. After a few moments the stick seemed to leap of its own accord and smashed resoundingly on the table several times ... a god had taken possession of the stick. The vertical tip began to scrawl characters in the sand in a very cursive style . . . First the god announced his name and title, to vertify that the coming revelation was from an orthodox spirit, and not some trouble-making demon. As each character was completed, a gentleman beside the Uble called it out in a loud voice. A bit behind this “chanter” was a scribe who' wrote the oracle on paper with a brush pen, in neat vertical rows. Next to the chanter was another participant who occasionally corrected his readings (Overmyer 1981:1-2).

Overmyer who studied over one hundred books written by this method finds that these “fu-chi book seem to have emerged out of the coming together of the spirit technique with the sectarian tradition of religious texts produced by lay societies” (1981:40). We can now turn to the conditions in Singapore during the year 1978-1979. 3. FIELDWORK

The Singapore Branch of the World Red Swastika Society is located at 76 Keng Lee Road, Singapore 8. The sandbox in Singapore is a wooden tray of twenty-six inches square and two and h ‘quarter inches high. When in use, a layer of sand, two inches deep, will be put into the box. For writing, a wooden pen nine inches long, straight at the top and slightly curved at . the end, is attached to a pole thirty-six inches long. Two individuals, one at each end, will hold the pole over the sandbox, the one at the left holding it with his left hand and the one on the right with his right hand. When a spirit arrives, the two individuals feel pressure on the pole, directing the pen over the sand so that words appear on its surface. A third person, stationed at a proper distance, pronounces aloud the words he sees written on the sand and a fourth person writes down on paper what is read out aloud. The words are often written in rapid succession, one ^wer the other. The third person, who is call­ ing out each word, has therefore to undergo special training to re­ cognize a word quickly, as soon as it is completed. When the previous group of sandbox writers, retired in 1976, four Singaporeans began their training. However, in modem times, I was told by the custodian, it takes longer to develop the necessary purity and sensitivity. Inquiries in Singapore are, therefore, sent to Hong Kong to be answered by the active sandbox writing group at the Hong Kong branch of the World Red Swastika Society. What Overmyer • found on Taiwan, I can confirm for Singapore. The World Red Swastika Society is basing its activities on a collection -151 -

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of messages received through sandbox writing. Its “Holy Arctic Canon explains in twelve chapters the universe and the meaning of life. It is believed that all Gve religions — Christianity, Islam, Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism — have the same origin in God. The moral institutions of the society, Tao Yuan are divided into six sections: the Tung Yuan, , for general purposes. the Tso Yuan, for meditation, the T’an Yuan, , for holding seances, the Ching Yuan , for keeping sutras,^ the Tzu Yuan , for doing charitable work, the Hsuan Yuan , for propaganda, The Tung Yuan is supposed to exercise control over all Tao Yuan. The instructions how to behave properly in the' temple and especially during spirit-writing are very detailed and explicit (see also Overmyer 1981:37). Although the society fosters universal brotherhood and welcomes all people, irrespective of race, color or creed, all members in Singapore are Chinese. Whoever wants to be accepted into the society has to be recommended by a member. The name of the individual will then be posted at the society’s bulletin board to find out whether there are any objections. Each application is also submitted to the sandbox to be answered by automatic writing. Having vowed already on the application form to cultivate oneself, one has to be spiritually accepted. A brief initiation ceremony completes the process of becoming a full member. AU twenty-five officials of the Singapore society are appointed through the sandbox. They divide the duties in five areas among themselves: headquarters and sections, V w X sandbox writing, Holy Arctic Canon, w * charity, and ' o meditation. Free medical services are offered on weekdays. The general services, mentioned in the Singapore society’s prospectus, are establishment of hospitals, schools, 'workshops for the poor, foundling hospitals, asylums for the disabled and for the elderly, waste-paper collection, and the lending of money. Alms are given in form of medicine to the sick and in form of grain, clothes, and coffins for the needy. It is “

4. Samkrit, “thread, “ later “codified religioui teaehblgt." The World Red SvrartUa Society besetJa principles on the teachings of the Hiai 1 Cheng Ching Wn end the supplementary voitme of the Thai I Pel Oil Qi'en Ching . Both vol­ umes were vsitten through the planchette. The supplementary volume expounds the ori­ ginal principles for the cultivation of the mind and body which are considered to be merely the first step towards the practice of keying a cabn mind The mein volume contains instructions about initiating the members hito die subtler aspects of the Infinite truth.

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said that in countries where it gets cold in winter, kitchens may be opened, but this does not seem to apply to Singapore and its tropical climate. The downstairs hall of the three-story headquarter building in Singapore is used for general meetings. TTie portraits of donors are displayed on the entrance wall. We read that one donor gave 100,000 Singapore dollars. Two donors gave each 50,000 Singapore dollars and ten donors each 10,000 Singapore dollars.® The meditation hall where members meet every Sunday and where readings of the Canon regularly take place, is on the second floor. The third floor serves for ceremonies which will, for example, be conducted on the first and fifteenth of each month. Of the five altars, the altar in the middle is devoted to the highest god, the altar to the right to the headquarters, and the one to the far right to the sandbox, the altar to the left serves for messages and the altar to the far left is dedicated to charity. When approaching the altars, each member bows nine times to the highest god and five times to the founders of other religions. The sandbox to receive messages from the highest God is kept in a small pavillion on the flat roof of the building. The custodian remembered how in the past he had stood with others respectfully in front of this pavillion to wait for the descent of the highest god. The daily practice expected from each member is called “waiting upon the Lord.” Each member is supposed to sit upright on a square stool without any back rest. The stool should be thirteen inches high and fourteen inches square, with a soft cushion on the seat. Feet should rest squarely on the floor, with the palms of the hands touching the knees. Each sitter should abandon any thought of himself and wait in silence upon the Lord so that he may get into direct contact with the divine spirit. The room should be darkened and the sitter should not be disturbed’by any noise. Aside from the joint sittings and the regular readings of the Holy Canon in the temple, members are free to attend the temples of their own religions, may these be churches, synagogues, mosques, etc. Behind a curtain, the custodian pointed out to me, Singapore head­ quarters has a picture of God. It is said that on November 21, 1921, God permitted to have a photograph taken- of Himself. Special instructions had been received throu^ the sandbox. Aimed at the clouds on top of the Mountain of a Thousand Buddhas near Tsinan and witnessed by twenty-eight devotees, the lense was left open for a few seconds and when the film was developed, the shape of an old dignified man appeared on it. Copies of this’picture are now shown in the mother temple and aside from Singapore, in several other branch temples.®

5,

In VSdollan, SO,000, 2S,000 and S.OOO dollars, respectively. 6. The society observes Spring Day as the Day of Celebration for three significant events, namely, the founding of rhe World R«J Swastika Society, the taking of the Holy Picture^

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One Singapore member told me that automatic writing is also possible with pen, ink, and paper, still requiring two writers but dis­ pensing with reader or announcer and recorder. He maintained that the writing often resembles the actual handwriting of the discamate spirit when he was still in his own body on this earth. Another devotee told me that he possesses a painting which was spiritually conceived. Automatic writing is practised at least at three other temples in Singapore, for example, at the Keng Yeon Taoist Association, 86-A Jurong Rd. This association has been founded thirty years ago in Medan, Indonesia. Devotees come every first and and fifteenth day of the lunar month. The writing stick can also be consulted every Friday. The temple is perched on a hillside with a protective deity standing in a glass case on a raised platform in front of the temple. The main deity in the center hall is Lu Yen Tzu, g . There are smaller altars on each side and a separate smaller hall to the right. The hall outside to the left is dedicated to Kuan Kong and his two sworn brothers. Each ceremony starts at 8:15 p.m. with prayers. By circling the stick in front of the statues, the two holders of the writing stick pay first respect to the deities on the inside altars. Donated by clients, paper money is blessed by the stick and outside the temple “sent to heaven” by burning it to ashes. Blessed rice will be thrown into the four directions and some food left on the provisional outside altars. Back in the main hall, to ask their questions, clients approach a small wooden table. The red stick with a dragon head in the middle is, in this temple, held by two school teachers. One of them is English educated. The temple committee has two substitutes in reserve in case one or both teachers are prevented from coming. It is said that nobody else but these four especially selected individuals can hold the writing stock with impunity. Their moral qualities are of the highest importance. This checks with Overmyer (1981:3) who says that the chief pen wielder ... is supposed to be an educated and morally upright man who has purified himself before the ritual. His desires and personal opinions should be suppressed, that the spirits may better use him.

When I viated the temple in Jurong in 1979, both pen holders appeared to be very relaxed and did not seem to go into any trance at all. As soon as a question had been asked,'the stick kept circling for a while over the table and then, although both holders were clasping the stick firmly, the stick seemed to knock the answer on the table, having a life of its own. Sometimes the stick drew Chinese characters tffld thi rtvtlallon of the Sacred Scripturet. Readert Ml note that Spring Day >vilh Iti eelebratioru doet, for example, not correlate trith the date (November 21, 19211 when the Holy Picture teat actually taken.

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on the table which had to be read following the movements of- the - stick. Or a brush was attached to the stick with which automatically Chinese characters were painted on joss paper, using red ink. These papers were either burned and the ashes drunk •mixed with water or they werd affixed to house walls for protection, or they were folded up and worn as amulets. Like in other cases, where spirit mediiynship is involved, the clients are (1) concerned about their and their family’s health or (b) have problems with members of their family, or (c) need advice in their career, job, or business. There may be also (d) questions about longevity or (e) fertility. In brief, the writing stick is considered to be an important means to receive direct answers from the world of spirits. The holders of the stick are of secondary importance, they -serve without apparent participation in the communication process. 4. CONCLUSION

When we compare historical records of Chinese on automatic writing with the field data I collected among Singapore Chinese in 1978/79, we find the belief in spirits is still the basis for automatic writing. Automatic writing is resorted to for the following reasons: (1) Some individuals want to get in touch with the spirits of dead relatives or friends either

(a) because mischief had befallen their family and they want to find out how and why a spirit might have been offended. Thus, on one hand, they attribute personal misfortune to the dissatisfaction of a discamate soul and, on the other hand, in expecting and having faith in a moralistic anwer, they allow the spirit to play the role of their own conscience, or (b) survivors seek the consolations and blessings of a deceased relative, or (2) some individuals believe that only spirits from higher realms can answer their questions or, among others, (3) artists, especially writers, seek divine inspiration. The structural-symbolic dimensions have not changed. However, the socio-cultural dimensions are different. Modernization has changed’ the face of Singapore considerably. Singapore is a multi-ethnic society, and one can observe the trend toward developing a Singaporean identity, butj without neglecting their loyalty to their nation-state. Singapore Cfiinese attempt to keep channels' to their own ethnic background open. Individuals continue to seek “divine” guidance. Before I comment on the psycho-dynamic dimensions of automatic writing, a comparison with occurrences in the West may be helpful. The topic of automatic writing has occupied the minds of eminent -155-

writers from Emanuel Swedenborg (1688-1772), the Swedish scientist and religious philosopher, to Sir Arthur Conan Doyle (1859-1930), the author of the Sherlock Holmes novels. Automatic writing was widely practised from the middle of the 19th century to the beginning of the 20th century. I will mention only two famous records: (1) the Fox-Taylor record — For 23 years, the Taylors experienced consolation through messages from their dead relatives. The medium was Katie Fox and the seances were held from 1869-73 in a house at the comer of 6th Avenue and 38th Street and from 1873 to 1892 (the year when the medium died) in the old Madison Avenue Hotel, Madison Avenue and 58th Street in New York. (2) the Patience Worth record - For 24 years, from July 8, 1913 to December 3, 1937, the spirit of a 17th century woman from Dorset, England, wrote 7 full length books, thousands of poems and carried on dialogues with the living, among them renown writers and scientists on the ouija board’ with the help of a St. Louis housewife. Observers* agreed that “Mrs. Curran is an intelligent woman, but her mind is much inferior to that of Patience Worth. In short here is a subconscious self far outstripping in power and range the primary consciousness” (Litvag 1972:281). And it was said that “Either our concept of what we call the subconscious must be radically altered, so as to include potencies of which we hitherto had no knowledge, or else some cause operating through but not originating in the sub­ consciousness of Mrs. Curran must be adcnowledged” (Litvag 1972:279). Charles Waldron Clowe reported in his essay on ‘The Cause of Patience Worth: A Theory” in the Journal, of the American Society for Psychical Research in 1949 that a person’s brain cells at birth “contain a record previously made by some progenitor, and which if subsequently agitated by the functioning of the brain will cause the child, or later the adult, to recall the information or knowledge acquired by its ancestor. Suppose we term these inherited cells of knowledge” (Litvag 1972:285). Among the theories about automatic writing in the west (1) the work of Myers (1897, 1903) seems to indicate the transition between “the purely mediumistic use of automatic writing associated with spiritualism and its later more clinical and more experimental use” (Honeger 1980, Hilgard 1977:134). 7. Thr ouija board rtctived lu name from the word "yet", tn French "oul" and In German ‘fa." it appear! to be a later invention dtan d>e planehetre, but It eervet ttmOar purpotes. The lertert of the alphabet are arranged In a half circle on the board loelf, while a movable piece, touched Hghtty by two btdlviduatt. will etart to tilde Into the direction of certain eharaclere thus tpelKng out the aruwert, & Among them, for example, Oiarlee £. Cory, chairman of the Department of PhOoiophy, Wethington University, investigated Mrs. Curran for three years and published hit report bl the September Issue of Hie Psychoio^cal Review (Lltvage 1972:273-288).

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(2) The ideomotor theory sees automatic behavior to be “the result of involuntary motor movements resulting from thoughts of actions, thoughts of objects associated with actions, occurring in muscles which would have executed the contemplated behavior” (Honeger 1980). (3) Janet (1889) proposed the dissociation theory which maintains that automatism are manifestations of the “personal subconscious” of an individual and Prince (1906, 1925) finds a dissociated “subconscious” functionally coconscious with the normal waking consciousness. (4) Honeger mentions the psychoanalytic theory. This theory conceives of automated materials as the “return” of actively repressed memories endogenous to the personal unconscious of the subject who produces It. Central to psychoanalytic theory is the distinction between the conscious, preconscious and unconscious mind, and the concept of repression - a much stronger concept than the amnesia of dissociation theory. In repression an active barrier is held to prevent otherwise retrievable memories from reaching awareness. Hilgaid (1977) distinguishes between repressed and dissodated information by noting that whereas dissociated memories are retrievable through non-normal means such as with the use of hypnosis, repressed memories are truly unconscious . . . unavailable to the primary or any secondary awareness (1980).

The most extensive and comprehensive study of automatic writing has been written by the psychiatrist Anita MUhl (1963) who used automatic writing in her treatment. She reports that patients expressed joy and satisfaction when they realized the messages they thought they received from discarnate spirits came from their own unconscious. Miihl makes the important statement that “everything we sense (hear, see, feel, taste, touch), whether we are aware of it or not, is recorded and can be recalled under proper conditions,” indicating that our brain consciously processes only a very small part of the incoming information. In at least two of MUhl’s cases an explanation for ‘automated behavior could not be obtained through psychoanalysis, however, supernatural possibilities are not considered. (5) Hilgard (1977) is the author of the neo-dissociation theory which introduces new evidence together with the data which served as basis for Janet’s original model. He mentions among others, Messerschmidt’s study (1927-1928) where automatic writing was carried on simultaneously with a conscious task and the dissociation between the subconscious and the conscious tasks seemed to reduce the normal interference between them (1977:139). Hilgard maintains that amnesia is at the heart of the formation of multiple personalities and he agrees with Prince that “Hidden Observers” are genuinely con-conscious with primary ego observers. The best summary of the historical -157-

development of the concept of independent conscious states of non-ego consciousness is Th. Wright’s case history of automatic writing (1970). (fr) Honeger (1980) discusses the interhemispheric communication theory where the inferior temporal lobule of the right hemisphere of the human brain in normal right-handed language users is considered to be the neurophysiological substrate of a verbal system independent of the classical left-hemisphere verbal system which is normally inhibited in its expression.

Obviously psycho-dynamic investigations do not attempt to-account of any supernatural aspects. Krippner who conducted many experiments and accumulated a wide knowledge of the field found that the closest he came to an answer was a medium’s own description, When I do. automatic writing, 1 simply relax my control over my conscious thoughts and let the thou^ts from another source come into my brain and through my handwriting. It took a year before I was able to accomplish this. Other than a fraction of a second’s warning, I am not aware until 1 am writing what I’m going to write. It is as if the conscious brain only watches while it relinquishes control of my writing mechanisms. 1 am able to switch back and forth to my own conscious writing during the sessions in order'to write down questions for later reference. However, I am also able to ask the questions mentally and have them answered in writing (Krippner '1977:74).

Honeger adds that it is also possible that psi fields associated with deceased or other living personalities may selectively trigger memory traces in the right IPL’ of a medium around which her extra-ego consciousness may

construct hybrid persona personalities similar to those proposed by Hart (1958).

This hypothesis is reinforced by; Hilgard referring to “the automatic writing of Mrs. Verrall, reflecting communication with many departed persons’’ (1977:133), where^detailed.examinations recently concluded “that the dead person cm cpmmunicate directly only for about seven years after death’’(Lambert 1971).* Whether we consider Jung’s Collective Unconscious, or Tyrell’s suggestion that the mid-levels of the human mind can make direct contact with corresponding levels of other minds, we Jiave not yet solved the age-old riddle. In the twelfth century,‘the Muslim mystic Averroes spoke of a “common mind around, us of which we all partake.’’ In the twentieth century, an American pyschologist, Gardner Murphy, talks of “an interpersonal mental field possessing properties which cannot be expressed in terms of any one individual mind’’ (Litvag 1972:288).

9.

IPL Is the abbrtvtarton used for ate inferior temporal lobule of each of the mo hemis­ pheres of the human bratn.

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The investigations are still in progress. On April 14, 1970, the program “60 .Minutes” of the CBS television station in the United States showed .a Londpn medium who composes music, which she claims it is dictated by spirits of Liszt, Chopin, Brahms, Rachmaninoff and others. -Though the music does not appear to be of Jirst quality, it requires a great deal of technique to master all these different styles. The medium had been examined by psychiatrists from the University of London and was found neither to be schizophrenic nor neurotic. I do not ^have an answer ^o the question whether automatic writing in Singapore or elsewhere is’a product of tjie subwnscious mind of a medium 8r ’the function of some spiritual entity or both, but I hope to have contributed at least some observations oh this phenomenon.

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REFERENCES DE GROOT,

1892-1910. TTie ReUgloui Syttem of CItbu, Leiden: BiilL 6 vohtoiei.

EBERHARD, WOLFRAM, 1967. Guffrend£fn In 1>aaiilonal China. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of Califoniia Press. HART, H., 1958. To what extent can the issues with regard io sutviva] be lecondled? Joumet of the Society forPtychical Retearch 39:314-321 HEINZE, RUTH-INGE, 1979a. Mediiunsh^ in Singi^re./M(nw(0/^oef