Chinese Associations in Singapore Society 9789814376532

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The Institute of Southeast Asian Studies

Established as an autonomous corporation in May 1968, the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies is a regional research centre for scholars and other specialists concerned with modern Southeast Asia. The Institute's research interests are focused on the many-faceted problems of Development and Modernization, and Political and Social 01ange in Southeast Asia. The Institute is governed by a 24-member Board of Trustees on which are represented the University of Singapore and Nanyang University. appointees from the Government, a~ well as representatives from a broad range of professional and civic organizations and groups. A ten-man Executive Committee oversees day-to-day operations; it is ex officio chaired by the Director. the Institute's chief academic and adm inistrative officer.

''Copyright subsists in this publication under the United Kingdom Copyright Act, 1911 and the Singapore Copyright Act (Cap. 187). No person shall reproduce a copy of this publication. or extracts therefrom, without the written permission of the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. Singapore"

Chinese Asso ciatio ns i n S i ngapo re S oc i e t y

An Examination o f Func t i o n and Mean i ng

by

Sharon A.

Cars~ena

Occasional Paper No. 37

Inatitute of Southeast Pru:e:

Aa~an Stud~es

S$4 . 00

Ms . Sharon A. Carstens ' ''Chinese Associations in Singapore Society " is the thirty - seventh publication in the Institute ' s Occasional Papers series. This series was inaugurated in 1970 and for the most part cons i sts of discussion and other papers presented at the In s titute's Occasional and In - House seminars . Growing out of field work conducted during July through December 1972, Sharon Carstens' examination of the function and meaning of Chinese Associations in Singapore should be a welcome addition to studies on Chinese social organization . Additionally, it is always our hope that materials included in our Occa sional Papers series wou l d stimulate further work on the subject matter under discussion. Let's hope this will prove so too in this particular instance . In the meantime, while wishing Ms. Sharon A. Carstens and her paper all the best, it is clearly understood that responsibility for facts and opinions expressed in the work that follows rests exclusively with Ms. Carstens and her interpretations do not necessarily reflect the views or policy of the Institute or i ts supporters. 14 October 1975

Di rector Institute of Southeast Asian Studies

PREFACE The research on which this paper is based was conducted in Singapore from July through December of 1972. My original proposal outlined an in- depth study of two or three Chinese associations. However, this quickly proved unfeasible. For one, the associations do not meet very often and of the few members who frequent the associations, many speak no Mandarin. Secondly, I realized that there was no base line against which to compare the material I would collect in these specific cases . I lacked a wider view of what these associations meant in Singapore society. I decided instead to interview as many association leaders as possible and to augment this information with data collected on Singapore society by University of Singapore students. This solved the language difficulty, for all but one of the leaders spoke either English or Mandarin . I used a written interview form with the one secretary who claimed he did not understand either. Scheduling interviews with business leaders was difficult because most were very busy and important men. It often took weeks to arrange one interview. Thus, I was able to interview only fifteen leaders . Of course, living in Singapore with a family and speaking with them and many others about the associations further deepened my understanding of how and why they continue to operate . I would like to thank the East-West Center in Hawaii for funding my research in Singapore and Alice Dewey at the University of Hawaii who encouraged me to look into the Chinese associations and inspired an anth~opological approach to understanding .them. I am grateful to the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies for sponsoring my research in Singapore. There were many stimulating people with active research interests in Singapore at the Sociology Department of the University of Singapore who provided a broader framework for my own research . Geoffrey Benjamin was particularly helpful with his suggestions and encouragement . The Department of Social Welfare was most co-operative in allowing access to the files of the Mutual Benefit Organizations . Of special importance were the association leaders who so graciously gave of their time to speak with a young researcher. I would further like to thank Donald DeGlopper for his advice and comments on this paper as well as Davydd Greenwood and Robert Smith who read and commented on the original draft .

Chinese Associations in Singapore Society

Ch1nese associations in Singapore are among the most numerous and heterogeneous group of associations of any Chinese community in Southeast Asia. In 1972, over a third of the more than one thousand Chinese associations in Singapore were clan, district, and dialect associations (see Table 1). These groups, organized by surname or place of origin in China, are regarded by some Singaporeans as vestiges of traditional allegiances which will die along with the immigrants who originally used and supported them. Their supposed replacements, the occupational, athletic or cultural assoc iations , are seen as "modern 11 ways of uniting groups of people around mutual interests. The clan , district, and dialect associations are criticized for their clannishness and their ties with past traditions which are said to have no relevance for "modern" Singapore society. Many of the functions originally performed by these associations ended when the flow of Chinese immigrants to Singapore ceased. Originally , their major activities included those such as the building and manage.ment of temples, cemeteries, schools, medical institutions, and transit houses for members . l On a more personal level they housed and fed new immigrants , helped them find jobs and represented them in their relations with the wider community. The mediat ion of aisput:es between members of different dialect groups was another, often critical, function. In short, these associations provided many new immigrants with a niche in an unfamiliar society.2 At present, with the end of immigration already twenty-five years in the past, the continuing increase in available government social services and the proliferation of other occupational, social, and cultural associations which offer similar serv~ces and increased social activities, it is puzzling that these clan, district, and dialect associations continue to survive. Not only that, but they continue to grow. Since 1951,

1

Kwok Swee Soo, "An Account of the Sources of Benevolent Ass is tance which are Asian i n Origin and Organization," Academic Exercise, University of Malaya in Singapore, 1954 .

2

For an account of Chinese associations in nineteenth century Singapore see Maurice Freedman, " Iunnigrants and Associations , " Comparative Studies in Society and History, vol. III, no . 3, 1960, pp . 25-48; and Kwok Swee Soo, op. cit., pp . 26-39.

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e~ghty- five

new clan associations and thirty - seven new That these group~ must have changed their functions to appeal to interests other than those of new immigrants seems self-evident. Exactly how and why they have done this ~s not so clear. d~stri·ct associat~ons have been formed . 3

paper seeks to explore the funct~ ons and meanings for present-day s~ngapore on f~ve months of research ~n s~ngapore which included int erv~ews with fifteen assoc~at~on leaders and various other Singaporeans, the collect1on of data from the files of the Mutual Benefit Organ~zat~ons and a review of the research which has been conducted by Un~vers~ty of s~ngapore honours students.4 The conclus~ons , while tentat~ve , po~nt to a need for understanding the Chinese ~n S~ngapore (or anywhere else ~n Southeast Asia ' , not as a m1rror for what might have been found on the Ch1nese mainland, but as a complex Th~s

wh~ch these assoc~at~ons hold Ch~nese. The ~deas are based

3 Although the number of these associati ons has steadily increased, lt lS not poss1ble to estimate the percentage of Chinese involved , Annua l membershlp lls ts which ~he associations must file with the Registrar of Soc 1er1es were available only on paymen t of a S$5 fe e per asso~1at1on file < The Ministry of Home Affa1rs refused all of my rEques ts for free a ~ces s to these files . Even given these membership fi gures, the problem of overlapping membership would make ac curate assessment of the percentage of Chinese i nvolved ro r.ally 1mposs1ble. Other sources vary in their estimates from SO% of the ad~lt males i nvolved 1n clan associations in 1950 [Maurl ~e Fr ee dman, Chines~ Family and Marriage in Singapore \London, HMSO, i957), p . 94], to 177. of a sample involved i n any associati on [Bar n.ngton Kt.ye, Upper Nank-z,n Street. ~ Singapore ( Singapore : Un1vers1ty of Ma laya Press, 1960) , pp . 274-76) . A 1968 unpublished su rv ey f ound 307. of the househo l ds in ~he central area with members in a cl an or v1liage asso clations . Al l of these estimates have problems of def1n1t1on and sampling . 4

The flfteen t.ssociat1ons interv1ewed included s~ven diale ct or prov1nciaL &ssoclatlons , one a1a1ect junior associatlon, three a1str1ct assoc 1at1ons, and four ~ lao associations . lnterv1ew quest1ons wEre open endea. The i ncexv1ews were usually conducted i~ Mandarin at the assoc i ation p!emises and averaged l ~- 2 hour s ~n leng~h . Whiie this small sample does not cl a1m to be representatlve, the 1nformat1on coll ~ tted seemed bas1cal ly cons1stent w1th what was ava1labl e elsewhere

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part of present- day Southeast Asian society. 5 In speaking with Singaporeans about these clan, district , and dialect associations, one encounters many different points of view. For example , one interviewee declared that the clan associations are controlled by still active secret societies who use them as a front for extortionist activities. Several University of Singapore students said that these associations only interest the older immigrants , are quickly becoming obsolete, and will n ever attract the people of their generation. A wealthy, well - educated ass o ciation leader compared these association s with lineages and provincial associations back in China $ Another older association member observed that these associations serve the public welfare and are thus the responsibility of public- spirited adults who wi l l continue to join them in order to help serve the community. Obviously there is no consensus of opinion on what these associations mean to individual Singapore Chinese . To answer the question of why so many of these associations continue to grow, it is therefore necessary to describe who joins them and why, who l e ads them , and the activiti es and serv i ces which they provide both for .their members and for the general community . In add ition, one must look for clues with i n the wider Singapore society which has certainly helped to shape·, define and limit what these associations have become today. 5

Much past interest in overseas Chinese urban communi ties and asso ciat ions has fo cused on comparing these with what was found in China , due, in part, to the lack of information on nineteenth century Chi ne se cities , For material on associations in China see Sidney Gamble, Peking: A Social Survey (New York: G. H. Doran, 1921); John S. Burgess, The Gui~s of Peki ng (New York: Columbia University Press, 1928); Daniel H. Kulp, Country Life in South China (New York: Bureau of Publications , Teachers College, Columbia Universit y, 1925); Hsien Chin Hu, The Common Descent Group in Chi na and its Functions (New York: Viking Fund,- Viking Fund publications i n anthropology , no . 10 , 1948); and Maurice Freedman, Chinese Lineage and Society : Pukien and Kwangtung (New York: Humanities Press, 1966). Several people have addressed themselves to the question of parallels in urban Chinese social organization . These i n clude Lawrence W. Crissman, "The Segmentary Str u cture or Urban Overseas Chinese Communities, " Man, vol . 2, no . 2, 196 7 , pp . 185-204; Maurice Freedman, "Overseas Chinese Associations; A Comment, " Comparative Studies i n Society and History~ vol o III, no . 3, 1960, pp . 478-480; and W. E. Wilmott,

The PoZiticaZ Structure of the Chinese Community in Cambodia (New York:

Humanities Press, 1970).

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Of course, clan, distr~ct, and dialect associations are .not homogeneous . Their membership, leadership, and activities vary both between associations within the same category and between the d~fferent types. In a C·e rtain sense, one may speak of a hierarchy of associations with clan or v~llage associations on the bottom, distr~ct assoc~at~ons on the m~ddle rung and prov~nc1al or d~alect associat~ons hold~ng the most prest~gious community position . 6 Clan associat1ons frequently CaLer to the work1ng classes, are often smaller in size than other groups, and usually spec1alize in ancestor worship and mutual a1d. 7 D1str1ct assoc1at1.ons vary depend1.ng on the s1ze of the d1str~ct 1n China and the s1ze of the association in Singapore < Some are sirn1lar to clan associations 1n mernbersh1p and act1v1t1es, wh1le others have extensive property holdl.ngs, participate 1.n large-scale charity act1.vit1es , and more closely resemble d1ale c t assoc1ations. Membership 1n dialect and prov1nc1al associat1.ons consists mainly of wealthy bus1.nessmen , and the maJor emphas1s is on such aCt1Vl.t1es as runn1ng schoo~s and ra1s ing large sums of money for charity . These assoc1.at1ons also view themselves as representat1ves of the1r d1alect group or prov1nce w1.th1n the larger S1ngapore society , 8 6

Th1s h1era rc hy does not appear to be as strictly ordered as the h1~rar ~ hy of Ch1nese assoc1at1ons 1n Bangkok which G.W., Stunner descubes 1n hls Leadersh1-p and Power in thG. ChinGBf:. CorTi1'1'1Unity of Tha1-Land ~ Ithaca: Cornell Un1vers1 ty Press, 1958) . Lowe r ievel asso c1at1ons ftcquently cio belong to the large dialect associat1ons as assoc1ate members, but th1s 1s not true 1n every case . For example, the Hokk1en Assoc 1at1on, wh1 ch represents Singapore's largest dialect group, has no group membersh1ps and the Secretary was not even able to tell me wtn ch Ch1nese asso c1at1ons in Singapore were strictly HokkLen and wh1 ch were not

7

Clan asso ~ 1ot1ons may or may not 11m1t the1r membersh1p to people from a part1cu1ar v11lage, d1strlct, or dial~ct in Chlna . For example, one common surname 1s represented by n1neteen different clan assoc1at1ons and another by fourteen. Thii would . allow cons1derab le spe c1ficity 1n area of origin, resulting 1n a more homogeneous and perhaps more 1nt1mate groups . When clan associations do cut a cross d1alect l1nes, th ere is frequently a predomi nance of one d1ale ct group over the other s ..

8

S•·•ee Soo , op ....... ,.,; t . .J p 8 7 .. .. As r "'gards K•·•ok associ at'... on s i2.e, the ,.;. dlalec t asso ~ ia t1 ons 1ntcrv1ewed ranged 1n s1ze trom 1,200-~,000 member&, with a mean a ~er&ge of 2,450 - Th~ dlsttl( t assoc1aL1ons had from 340-2,000 members w1th an average of 908 , Clan associations ranged ftom 400-2,J00 members and their average wa& 1, 300 members

- s Although ~t would be ~mpossible to choose any truly "representative" association, the following description of one might reveal a clearer picture of the particular character of these associat~ons ~n Singapore , The Singapore Wu Clan Assoc1ation 9 was founded in 1929 by a certa~n Mr . Wu who bought a p~ece of land and stipulated that the earn~ngs be spent only for the Wu clan and especially for old dest~tute men who wanted to return to China . The two-stor~ed, ornate assoc~at~on building was constructed ~n 1929 at a cost of S$65,000 . The lower floor hous.es an ancestral shr1.ne where members may place their ancestral tablet for a fee . Other plaques wh~ch hang from the ceil1.ng are inscr1bed w~th the names o f scholars who came ~n f~rst, second, and th~rd ~n the old Imperial examinations ~ None- of thes e men ever came to Singapore and they do not necessarily come from southern Ch ~na, b ut all have the surname Wu. The second floor has an altar t o a popular Ch~nese goddess . Th~s assoc1.ation bu~ld~ng ~s used only for worsh1.p . To the s~de ~s a separate bu~ld~ng which houses the assoc~ation off ~ ce and prov~des a place for membe rs to congregate , read newspapers, and chat. The trustee of the associat~on who was interv~ewed has been a member for ten years . He is a businessman of about forty-f~ve years of age, was educated at Yale Un1.vers~ty and ~s a Chr~st~an He part~cl.pates in quite a number of other assoc1.at1. o ns at var1.ous levels. These ~nclude a dl.str~ct assoc1at1 on (past presldent) , the YMCA (Vl.ce- presl.dent) , the Y's Men's Club lpresl.dent), the Singapore Petrol Dealers Assoc~atl.on lpresl.dent) and the Pineapple Dealers Associat~on He cla~ms that he was co-opted ~nt o be1ng a trustee of the Wu Clan Assoc1ation to help look after the associat~on's separate fund, even though he himself does not bel~eve 1.n ancestor worsh1p. The ass oc1at1on has over 2, 300 members who range in age from e~ght een to elghty-three . About 1,000 members are under th1rty-f1ve years old; the average age 1s forty -f ive . Members tend t o be the head o f the1r households; 98% are male Approx1.mately 40% were born ~n Ch~na , whi l e 80% of them are Chl.nese-educated . Mr . Wu l1sted three reasons why members JO~n the assoc1ation: for worsh~p,which ls the associat1on ' s main actl.Vl.ty, to help settle d1sputes, and because they des~re to aff1l~ate w~th the~r clan. Most of

9

The name of thls asso c1at1on has been changed in order to respect che pr1vacy of the asso ~ lation le ader interv1~wed .

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the members are wage earners who reside in every section of Singapore. Most belong to other associations as well & The leaders are reported to be businessmen who serve because of their c ivic-mindedness and their pride in family ttadition ~ Most are also committee members in other associations. The assoc1ation's maJOr activity is ancestor worship , conducted twice a year in front of the ancestral tablets at the associat1on premises. The luncheon which follows is financed by donations, largely from committee members . Most members also attend the yearly general meeting which is accompanied by a luncheon and ancestor worship. Elections of officers occur every two years at the general meet1ng and at this t1me there is also a large installation dinner . There are no other planned soc1al activities " Members may use the assoc1at1on premises for wedd1ngs if they desire but this is at the1r own initiative. Although some young people practice Ch1nese self-defence on the roof of the assoc iation three times a week, this is also seen as a private affair. In the area of services, there 1s a mutual benefit section which members may join for S$1 per month. When a member dies, his beneficiaries are prov1ded with a sum of money, the loan of funeral requisites, and the attendance of fellow members at night vis1ts and the funeral . Scholarships for needy children are awarded through a permanent fund wh1ch was establ1shed i n 1959 when the government forced the sale of the association's inner-city property. The money from this sale was invested in a special fund which 1s incorporated in a separate organizati.on and placed under the control of eighteen trustees. No other services are provided for the members . The associat i on gives no money to charity because the founder stipulated that all proceeds may go only to members of the Wu clan. When quest1oned about the association's future, Mr o Wu commented that the system of limiting act1vities and servic·es to the Wu clan is archaic and does not suit the needs of today . Concern1ng pressures from outside, he noted that the governme.nt poses no threat because the association is not political but serves a social funct1on in a multi-racial society. Just as the Malays and Indians can relax in their mosques and temples, so the Chinese have their clan assoc1ations. Interest in them is expected to increase with the new bilingual education policy under which young Chinese will have the opportunity to learn Ch1nese traditions and w1ll presumably thus cont i nue to be interested in clan associations ~

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Membership in the Wu Clan Association has grown from 600 to 2,300 in the past ten years. Clan, district, and dialect associations in general do seem to appeal to a specific segment of the Chinese community in Singapore. With the exception of a few Cantonese associations where female membership is emphasized, the great majority of the members are males. The fifteen association leaders interviewed reported a range of 0-35% of their membership as female with an average of 12%. Most members tend to be middle-aged although people can usually join from the age of twenty-one. The number of members under thirty-five years o ld .rang~d .from 5-50% with an average of 30% .10 The average age was reported forty to fifty years old. Association leaders estimated that from 75-100% o f their members are Chinese-educated. This factor was conside red more crucial than actual birth in China, although 40-80% o f the members were reported to be China-born.ll It was generally agreed by the leaders of the clan and district associations that for most households, the senior male represents the family. Thus a son will not join until the death of his father. The most common reasons which the leaders gave for members joining the associations were for fellowship and unity or for benefits and mutual aid .l2 In terms of the

10

In 1970, of the Chinese population in Singapore aged 20 and over 47% was between the ages of 20 and 35. P. Arumainathan, Report on the Census of Populati on 1970, Singapore, vol. I (Singapore: Department of Statistics , 1973), p . 54.

11

Of 1 , 579,866 Chinese in Singapore in 1970, only 243,273 or 13% were born in China , Hong Kong or Taiwan. If this is calculated according t o age group, 40-85% of those in the age group of 35-65 and over were foreign-born . Cons idering the overall percentage of foreign-born to local-born in this older age group, the presence of a large number of China-born Chinese in these asso ciations is not so surprising. See ibid., pp . 79 and 83.

12

Many association leaders were not very clear about why members JOl.n . Their responses often repeated the association's statement of purpose whi ch usually mentions unity and mutual aid. For example, the following points are listed as objects of the Singapore Hokkien Ong Clansmen Genera l Association: 1.

To foster and promote the fraternity and welfare of fe llow clansmen and to give assistance to all matters of co~on good .

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first purpose, it is important to understand that these are not neighbourhood associations where members tend to congregate during leisure hours . Ve ry few men live within walking distance of the association . Many visit the association only once a year for its annual meeting and dinner. Others do not even attend this but continue to pay their dues and remai n on the rolls. Most members belong to other associations as well whi c h usually include other occupational, social, or recreational groups. Benefits and services provided vary greatly among the associations interviewed. There is a tendency for the smaller clan and distr1ct associations to be more involved with their own members' material welfare while the large dialect associations concentrate on public charity. However, one often need not be a member to benefit from a n association. Services may be available to non-members on request, simply because a duty is felt to help a fellow clan or district brother in distress . Much assistance is also given on an ad hoc basis, out of the pocket of the secretary, chairman, or committee member who happens to be around . Most associat1 o ns have separately administered mutual benefit sections wh1ch c ollect dues from a separate membership list . They are almost entirely concerned with funerals, although a few offer unemployment or disability compensation , All provide a sum of money on a member's death to help defray the cost of the funeral. This is totally financed through members' dues. Some have plans which all ow members to collect if their parents or another stated beneficiary dies. Many require the attendance of fellow members at night visi ts in the evenings before the funeral and/or at the funeral itself, Other benefits may include the loan of funeral banners, the provision of a small funeral band, or the loan of a truck to transport

2.

To offer sacrifices to ancestors in spring and autumn and at the Ching Ming Festival .

3.

To conciliate disputes concerning clansmen .

4.

To relieve orphans, widows, the aged and disabled ameng the clansmen and to assist poor members of the Association in the educaLion of their bright and outstanding children .

5.

To assist the cl ansmen in setting up any legal erganization such as any association exclusively of those Hokkien Ong clansmen coming or originating from the same village in China .

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the coffin and mourners to the cemetery. (The latter two usually are provided at the member ' s additional expense). Mutual benefit sections may either be attached as a special section to the parent association or be assoc1at~ons 1n the1r own right. S1nce 1970 they have been under the close management of the Department of Social Welfare and must follow certain prescribed f inancial procedures 1f they w1sh to be allowed to continue to register tsee Append1x l) . As1de from funera l benefits , certain of these assoc1at1ons offer additional services to members. Cemeter1es were frequently owned in the past, but many have now been recla1med by the government to help alleviate Singapore's land shortage. Usually , if an association st1ll owns a cemetery, additional fees are charged for members' use of the plot. Most of the associat1ons studied give scholarsh1ps to members' children. Some are based solely on scholast1C excellence while others are more closely t1ed to financ1al need. They range . widely from S$20 for book money to University scholarships paying tuition . All of the ass ociat1on s consider it their role to encourage education, and the awarding of scholarships to members' children i s often one of the highlights of the yearly meetings / banquet . Very few associations state that they will provide help for s1ck or unemployed members by either paying the1r b1lls or allowing them to stay at the associat1on unt1l their situation has ~proved. Many assoc1at1ons used to assist members who desired to return to Ch 1na, but this has now ceased . And while 1t is true that many assoc1at1ons claim that they will ass1st members who pet1t1on the association for spec1al help, the leaders report that such petitions are very seldom received , For many associations , the decrease in direct benefits to members has been coupled with an increase 1n charitable act1V1ties that benef1t the whole community. This include raising money for hosp1tals, schools, and old folks home ~ The annual general meeting and banquet make up the extent of soc1al activ1t1es for many associations. Most associat1ons also provide a room where members can get tog ether to chat or read newspapers any night of the week . There are usually a few members who take advantage of this, and often a few more who meet fair ly regularly for games of mahJong 1n the back room. (Some smaller assoc1ations earn a substant1al port1on of their income from taking a percentage cut in these mahJong games) . Some assoc1ations have put up p1ng-pong tables and have organ ized spec1f1c athletic or cultural sect1ons which appeal pr~arily to younger people often the ch1ldren of actual memb e rs . A few have held

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parties ~r dances, but this is very rare o Generally, there are few social activities which involve any significant portion of the members. Connections with temples and/or religious observances are - also prevalent . Older associations frequen tly began with a group of clan brothers or men from the same district erecting a temple to their local Chinese de1ty, and the formal ass oci at1on was established some time later cl3 However, the character of the temples . attached to these assoc iations has altered considerably, due in part to the1r increasing popularity with members from different districts and d1alect groups. The deities are now rarely seen as exclus1ve to o n e particular group and most of the temples are at present administered as fund-raising enterprises for the assoc1at1ons 1nvolved. Members and non-members alike may use them for worship.l4 It 1s not surprising that all of the clan assoc iation leaders 1nterviewed reported that their associat1ons conduct ancestor worship once or twice a year. Many people consider this the primary function of clan · associations.l5 Individual members must usually pay a special fee if they wish to place their ancestral tablets on the assoc1ation 's altar. This sum varies accord1ng to the relative honour of the altar position desired . The annual or sem1-annual services are conducted in the assoc1at1 on premises in front of these tablets. Even more interesting is the . fact that five of the eleven d1str1ct a nd dialect associations interviewed also conduct some sort of group ancestor worship or memorialism, 1n sp1te of their lack of a common surname. A single marker 1s usually erected in the cemetery in honour of the !r~up's ancestors . On the tradit ional days of spr1ng and autumn worship, some association members may take time off from the1r own ancestors' graves to gather t ogethe r in front of the memor1al t ablet for a short period of group worship .

13

Kwok Swee Soo, op. oit, , p . 39.

14

See also Marjorie Topley, "The Emergence and Social Function of Chinese Religious Associati ons 1n Singapore," Comparative St-udies of Society and History, vol . III, no . 3, 1961 , pp . 289-314 .

15

Lim Meng Ah, "The Hainanese of Singapore," Academ1 c Exercise , Universtty of Mal aya in Singapore , · 1958, p . 43.

Ibid. ' pp . 100-102 .

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Other associations simply send a delegation of committee members to perform the necessary rites.l6 In certain respects, paying respect to a group monument by a district or dialect association seems quite different from the clan association practice of honouring individual patrilineal tablets. Yet district and dialect association l eaders express the feeling that this memorialism provides both a link with past tradit ions and a unique sense of group identity. All are grateful to those who have gone before for their present pos1tion. And here, the former associat ion members in Singapore may be seen as every bit as responsible fbr one's good fortune as ancestors back in China. Although the clan, distr ict , and dialect associations offer a variety of activit1es and services, it is important to remember that what each association offers, actually involves only a small percentage of its members. It is often the same members who part1cipate in the various activities; the other members appearing at most for the annual meeting. In addition, other sources are now available which provide similar services and increased social activities. Comparing these associations with the roles of similar associations in early Singapore, it is clear that what they provide does not seem nearly as crucial as their earlier services would have been for the new ~igrants. Yet in spite of this, many new associations have formed since World War II and membership i n many appears to have increased. Leaders' views about the future of these associations vary considerably. While some recognize the beginnings of a renaissance, others maintain that these associations are actually losing their hold over the Chinese community and doubt that they will continue to have a place in some .future "modern" Singapore . society. One leader even remarked that the only reason these associations are not already defunct is because the present leaders would be ashamed to have the associations die under their leadership. It is a matter of face . One area of justifiable concern to these associations 1s their relations with the government, which has maintained a cautious if somewhat negative attitude towards them. Those associations with large land holdings in cemeteries and the central d1strict s downtown have frequently been subject to

16

For a furrher descrip tion of these activities see Hoe Ban Seng , "Ancestor Worship in Singapore," Academic Exercise, University of Singapore, 1963 .

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government land take-overs and this is viewed as a warning sign of problems to come . Of course, the most important concern of the government is with the potential political power of these associations. Even now, one could argue that the present association organizations, originally i nstituted under the system of British indirect rule, would be capable of paralleling much of the government structure. Their property holdings and capital assets are far from ephemeral and their leadership includes many of Singapore's most wealthy and influential businessmen.l7 So far , rather than directly attacking these associations, the government has chosen to emphasize its provision of alternatives . Thus it criticizes the clannishness of these Chinese associations and promotes the new inter- racial Community Centres and People's Association . The clan, district and dialect associations meanwhile have been keeping a low profile, insisting that the government will not interfere as long as they do not involve themselves in politics . On a more positive note, certain associations have been carefully consolidating their holdings to enable them to guarantee certain services to members and/or raise even larger sums of money for charity. Temples are commonly ~n c orporated under a special board of trustees that c ontrols their income, keeping it distinct from other assoc i ation finances and thus out of the hands of temporarily elected leaders ~ This is in part to protect the property from confiscation should a radical leader get the association into trouble with the government . Another strategy is to invest the mone y earned through forced sale of property and use this inc ome for funeral benefits which are granted to members wi thg ut the payment of the usual mutual benefit fee . Still another large dialect association has been petitioning the government to be allowed to register as a charity organization so that members' contributions will be tax deductible . These are all schemes to insure at least the financial sec urity of the association s ' unknown future . As mentioned, a few associations have addressed themselves to the quest i on of attracting younger members, but this has been a half-hearted effort at best. Although young people can join from the age of twenty-one, in practice very few do , and the scattered ping- pong tables and athletic sections do not seem geared to really push for the large-scale recruitment of younger members . 17

One estimate of the Hokkien Association ' s assets was S$100 million . This is probably the wealthiest . assaciation in Singapore but other dialect associations have large capi t al assets and extensive real estate holdings also .

- 13 -

Some association leaders deny change altogether , insisting that the clan, district, and dialect associations have altered little from their prototypes in China. They maintain that these associations continue as vestiges of Chinese traditio ns. But if these associations are vestiges of some past traditions , why have these traditions survived and not others? Although there are distinct elements that connect these types of associations with clan and provincial association s back in China - in particular the usual membership of males over thirty-five years old, ancestor worship and the concern with group welfare - many activities and services are considerably different. Even those activities such as ancestor worship, which appear to be "traditional," have taken o n new forms and meanings. It seems unlikely that a g r oup of people with different surnames would ever have been worshipped together as ancestors back in China as in fact happens in Singapore . Explaining these associations in terms of the past , as some leaders do, cannot account for the survival of , the absence of , or the changes in particular activities. Instead, we must seek to discover their functions and meanings for present-day Singapore Chinese. One possibility might be to examine why new associations continue to form, for this . certainly cannot be linked to the hesitancy of leaders to allow already existing associations to die . Most associations note in the ir statement of purpose that they have organized for the fellowship, unity, and mutual welfare of a particular group of people . Beyond this , discussions with leaders revealed that new associations often result from splits i n the leadership of already existing associations . When this occurs the membership divides and may or may n ot belong to both associations , depending on the nature of the fission. For example, one very small dialect association split into two mutually exclusive dialect associations. In another instance, younger members from a large dialect association divided to form a separate junior association in order to pursue more specifically their own interests and needs; but they continue to retain their membership in the parent association. Still another example is of an association which was formed in 1890 to represent five Hakka districts. Since then, an additional association has been organized with members from all five d~stricts , two others with members from two of the districts and another with members from the rema~ning three districts. All five associations consider the original association the informal leader of the group, and all contain highly overlapping leadership and membersh~p. It -is possible to look at such divisions as more than disputes between leaders which hinge on personal power and

- 14 -

prestige. Although members and leaders both promote the image of clan brothers working together for the good of the group, it is quite possible for different individuals to · have conflicting views on who "the group" includes and on what the best strategy f or action may be at any particular moment . Div1sions in the past have occurred over issues such as how much of the association's resources should be directed towards e v ents on the Chinese mainland~ or whether assoc1ation premises should be monopolized by a school . Thus there has been continued active concern with the association!s role and ultimate goals by at least some members. The accelerated growth of these associations since the 1930s suggests that many associations were organized for reasons other than aiding new immigrants . Three new developments during this period might be directly linked to th1s growth . First , it was only after the turn of the century that many women began to jo1n the immigrants 1n Singapore . Originally, the pattern was for young and middle-aged men to travel to S~ngapore in hope of making their fortune , leaving their family back in China. The first women to arrive from China carne only as a result of the Taiping Rebell1on in the 1860s.l8 By 1901 there were still only 20% wome n among the Singapore Chinese, but they continued to migrate slowly so that by 1931 there were 37% . 19 When the Lmrnigration had consisted solely of single men , allegiances to family and ancestors remained tied to the native soil. There was no transplanting of lineages to Singapore because the ancestral temple remained in China . In fact, wives often stayed in China, both to look after the husband's parents and as a gua.rantee that he would someday return to his lineage with his newly-acqui red fortune . 20 Of course, few men actually succeeded in their search for wealth. The eventual imm1grat1on of their w1ves to Singapore led to increasing family and resident1al stability overseas, creating a new relationship between

18

Lim Joo Hock, "Chinese Female Immigration to the Straits Settlements, 1860-1910," Academic Exerciae, University of Malaya in Singapore, 1952, p. 17 .

19

These percentages are calculated from figures reported in Victor Purcell, The Chinese in SOutheast Asia (London: Oxford University Press, 1965), p . 234 .

20

Lim Joo Hock, op. oit. , pp. 10-12 .

- 15 -

the immigrants and their native home. Furthermore, a few second generation immigrants now were faced with the problem of the death and burial of a parent in Singapore , and the subsequent difficulty of finding an appropriate place for the ancestral tablet. As . the focus of the immigrants' attention and loyalties turned increasingly to Singapore , it is not surprising that more men became interested in joining associations with purposes and goals that had previously only been meaningful in relation to their residence in China. The Second World War and the subsequent war between the Communists and the Nationalists o n the Chinese mainland virtually ha l ted traffic back to China during the 1940s . After the Communist victory bn the mainland, tales of atrocities and problems with remitting money to relatives dampened the enthusiasm of many Chinese toward their homeland.21 Finally, the drive for citizenship registration in Singapore in 1959 undoubtedly helped to solidify the immigrants ' loyalty to their new home. To commit oneself firmly to Singaporean citizenship meant , in a sense , to break one's tie with the ancestral soil. But Chinese clan, district, and dialect associati ons provided one partial means of continuing this tie within the new Singaporean context. There appear to be practical as well as symbolic, advantages to membership ih these associations. Belonging to an associat ion implies a willingness to help fellow members whenever possible , and thus it also means spreading one's network of personal relations and increas ing the likelihood of knowing the right person at .the crucial moment when you yourself need aid . One o f the most commonly mentioned advantages for members is in securing employment. Although Singapore is presently reported to enjoy full employment (due to an economic policy of industrialization and "all- out economic growth"} , 22 this has not always been the case. One source estimates an unem~ l oyment rate of 7- 15% between 1965 and 1969.23 Underemp loyment has been an even more serious problem , and one that is more difficult to measure . One liberal estimate suggests that in 1966 one quarter of the labour force was either unemployed

op . ait. ~

21

Purcell,

22

Stephen Chee, " Singapore : no. 2, 1973, p. 158.

23

lain Buchanan, Singaporoe in South~ast Asia: An Economic and PoZiticaZ ApproaisaZ (London: G. Bell, 1972), p. 147 .

p. 352. All-out Growth," Asian Surovey , vol. XIII,

- 16 -

or underemployed. 24 This includes -a large number of men in such occupations .as . hawking and trishaw. peddli.ng .. Even t hough Singapore now . import s labour from .Malaysia . to fil l new jobs i n industry, Singapore Chinese seem to perceive a potential problem in finding jobs and especially in finding good ones ~ This i s probably particularly true with jobs in business where connections continue to play a -major role. Whi l e most members may no t be looking for jobs themselves, many are concerned about employment for their .sons. Education past pr1mary school (in 1967) was a reality for only 60% of Singapore Chinese o The other 40% gad to find employment r equiring little or no education ~ 2 Whether one has studied in English or Chinese schools, the most likely way of finding employment is through friends or relatives o Therefore the ties which one's father .can .activate within the associations may make a big difference i n the sort of job one u l timately finds o. Businessmen within associations . and particularly leaders use the associations as a means of making valuable contacts o Many l eaders belong to as many as ten differen t associations, frequently holding positions in most of them . 26 This enables them . to know and to .be known by a large cross-section of the business community, with whom they can d~al on a basis of mutual trust . The term used elsewhere for this most important quality is hsin- yung , which in t his con text means trustworthiness c27 This concept

24

Ibid . ~

25

David Clar k and Pang Eng Fang, "Returns to Schooling and Trai ning i n Singapore," Malayan Economic Review~ vol. XV, no . 2, 1970,

P • 153 .

P o 81.

26

For axample, the -permanent honorary chai r~n - of the Singapore Buki t Timah Heng Jai Friendly Association , Mr. Li, belong.s to eleven additional associ ati on s~ holding leadership pos i tions in al l of them. Hsin-chia-po wu ~chi-chi-ma Chiu~g-yai tien- i -hui shih-chou-nien chi-nien t'ek'an, p . 23 .

27

For a discussion of the meaning and functions of hsin-yung in t h e Chi nese bus iness world see Donald DeGlopper, "Doing Bus iness i n Lukang , " in W. E. Millmott ~ ed ., Economic Organizat ion in Chinese Society (Stanford: Stanfor d University Press. 1.97 2), PP o 308-314 ; and Clifton Barton, Credit and Corrmere:ial Contr.oZ in South Vietnam (Office of East Asian Regional Development, Agency for Internat ional Deve lopment, 1972}, .pp . 17-40 .

- 17 -

is crucial in doing business Chinese-style, where emphasis is placed on personalistic rather than legalistic ties. One only does business with someone who is known to be trustworthy and who can be held respons ible for his actions. Thus associations not only allow one to meet other potential business associates, but informally guarantee the conduct of their members. Beyond getting to know some potentially helpful individuals , there are few substantial economic advantages i n belonging to a clan , district or dialect association. What the associations themselves provide in terms of mutual aid is at once varied and limited. It is possible to belong to separate mutual benefit organizations if all that is desired is assistance with a funeral. It seems possible that other types of associations could be capable of offering valuable business contacts as well . Why clan, district , and dialect associations in particular continue to do this is not altogether clear. So the question remains: what precisely is there about the nature of these associations which appeals to the Chinese community in Singapore? Why do they continue in the manner in which they do with annual meetings , membership l imited in practice to older males, limited services and few social activities that appeal to the i nterests of young Singapore Chinese? One old gentleman, when asked why people join these associations in Singapore , replied simply that this is what Chinese naturally do. On face value this appears to be a non- answer, and yet if one explores this notion further, there may be an element of truth in it. So we will continue by asking first, why would a Chinese look for Chi.nese. identification in Singapore? And secondly, what would make one Chinese within the Singapore context? In certain respects , Singapore can be regarded as a Chinese city , and it has certainly earned this reputation from its neighbour , Malaysia and Indonesia. The particular character of the port city , established by the British, with very few indigenous inhabitants and massive Chinese immigration from very early op , meant that there was virtually no local cu lture for the Chinese to deal with as in other Southeast Asian countries. There was certainly no indigenous elite to emulate or to try to integrate into , nor did the British colonists encourage the Chinese to become like the British.2 8 28

G.W. Skinner analyzes how these factors have affe c ted Chinese assimilation into local ctJ,ltures i n Southeast As ia i n his "Change and Persistence in Chinese Culture Overseas," JournaZ of South Seas Society, vol. XVI, 1960 , pp. 86-100 .

- 18 -

Thus, from the very beginning, Lmmigrants from China regarded themselves as firmly Chinese and had no real alternatives for other identities.29 Over the years this changed very l1ttle. Some of the Chinese acquired an English education, studied in Britain, and had close connections with the colonial rulers, but for the majority, . their cultural world remained bounded by their dialect and neighbourhood with1n the Chinese commun1ty in Singapore. After independence and the short-lived attempt at merger with Malaysia, the new government formed by the People's Action Party, announced its bluepr1nt for a multiracial soc1ety in Singapore . This meant the recognition of four official languages: Chinese, Malay, Tamil and English, corresponding to the four "rac1al" categories o f Chinese, Malay.., Indian and "Other." English remains the language of the government and the bureaucracy but the mass media broadcasts and prints in all four languages and government posters and cultural shows contain sections f or each racial group. The conscious government policy was to encourage each group to maintain the moral strength of 1ts native traditions while promot1ng modernization and industr1alization in the economic/ technological sphere . 30 Recent changes in public education have allowed these ideas to be put into practice more expl1citly. Previously, parents had to choose which of the four languages they desired to have their children educated in. Second languages were also emphasized, but the choice between sending their childr~n to Chinese or English schools was a d1fficult one for many Chinese parents who recognized the career advantages

29

The exception to this might be the Baba Ch~nese who came to Singapore from Malaya where they had adopted certain Malay cultural traits. They formed a distinctive and pr~vileged community in Singapore and had close contacts WLth the British. Only the most successful Chinese immigrants could hope t o identify with them in the nineteenth century . Their status declined in the twentieth centur y when they moved out of the commercial sphere into clerical and administratLve JObs . See Freedman. "Immigrants and ~sociations." pp . 27-29 . There are i ndi cat ions that the Baba Chinese today are resuming an identity w1th specific dialect groups within Singapore .

30

Some penetrating insights about the effects of the s~ngapore Government's multi-racial policy on s~ngap o rean ethn~c consciousness were suggested t o me by GEoffrey BenJamLn. Department of Sociology. Uni ve rsity of Singapore .

- 19 -

of an English education and yat - desi.red their . children to be educated in Chinese. Many families compromised by sending half of their children to one school and half to the other. The present policy is to make all curriculum completely bilingual. Each child is to be educated equally in two languages, one ideally being his "mother-tongue,. and the other most probably English. The teaching of the "mother-tongue" is seen as inherently connected with traditional cultural values. Textbooks are being rewritten to teach students their native culture - at least those characteristics which are considered socially desirable by the Singapore Government . So, for example, Chinese language streams are using Confucian notions of filial piety in the rewriting of . primary texts. Many parents believe that their children will now be able to retain Chinese values and at the same time become qualified in the English language for jobs in government and the professions . If the government is encouraging each ethnic group to retain its own cultural identity, this is becoming more difficult in a geographical sense. Previously, the different Chinese dialect groups, as well as the Malays, Indians, and European lived in distinct geographic areas of Singapore . 31 Since 1960, the government has redeveloped many old neighbourhoods and moved the residents to government built and subsidized high-rise flats. In terms of sanitation and overall material comfort these flats are a great improvement over the old crowded tenements, where famil ues often liv ed in small cubicles that lacked even a single window. However, moving these families to single self-contained flats means quite a change in their social environment. Since the policy of the Housing and Development Board (HOB) has been to resettle people in the order in which their applications are received regardless of ethnic affiliation, there has been a tremendous mixing of ethnic and dialect groups in these new estates.32 As of 1970, 36% of all Chinese housholds were living in HOB flats .33 31

Warwick Neville, "The Demographic Structure and its Economic and Social Implications," in Ooi Jin Bee and Chiang Hai Ding , eds . , MOdern Singapo~e (S~ngapore: University of Singapore, 1969), pp. 59-64.

32

Ann Wee, "Some Social Implications of Rehousing Pr ogrammes in Singapore," in D.J. Dwyer, ed ., The City as a Cente~ of Change in Asia (Bong Kong : Hong Kong University Press, 1972), p . 226.

33

Arumainathan, op.cit., p. 210 .

- 20 -

So far the effects of this giant reshuffling are not known, but there is every likelihood that having members of different dialect and ethnic groups for one's immediate ne i ghbours will have an effect on the consciou sness o f certain cultural traditions. Thus, if one is to be identified as Chinese in Singapore, how does one go about it? Residence and occupation are no longer firm labellers. Yet the government recognizes each ethn~c group as a distinct cultural entity. How might one activate this role? The possibilities are clearly linked to the particular character of the Chinese community in Singapore . Given the heterogeneous nature of the Chinese who ~mrnigrated to Singapore, and the absence of pressure on the Chinese community as a whole from outside, Singapore Chinese qu~ckly divided along dialect and other lines. In the ni neteenth century it was the secret societies who represented these allegiances. After their outlawing in 1890 , the clan, district and dialect associations took over many of the same roles.34 Being Chinese in singapore has always meant being a particular kind of Chinese. Although young Chinese- and English-educated students in the fifties called for unity of the race, there have never been any firm moves toward unification of the total Chi nese community . Dialect allegiances may be breaking down somewhat, but there seems to be as much use of Singapore Hokkien for communication between dialect groups as Mandarin.35 The community has never united as a whole on any one issue. In the past, when catastrophes struck, various dialect associations competed with each other to collect the most money for relief. All sought to aid in particular the members of their own dialect group. When faced with the Japanese invasion the associations simply dissolved.36 Even ~n 1972, there was competition between the dialect groups in raising money for a new multi-million dollar Chinese hospital {open to all ethnic groups but financed by the Chinese cornmun~ty) . To be a Chinese in Singapore has always meant being affiliated with a particular group within the Chinese community.

34

Freedman, "Immigrants and Associations," pp. 39- 42 ; Kwok Swee Soo, op. ait. ~ p . 38 .

35

Thi s information gathered 1n a yet unpublished 1972 lingui s t ic s urvey of Singapore .

36

Kwok Swee Soo,

op.ait. ~

pp . 43-45.

- 21 -

The role of clan, district , and dialect associations 1n maintaining Chinese ethnic identity can help explain certain puzzling characteristics of these groups . There is a strik1ng similarity between their membership and the structure of lineage organizations in southeastern China . 37 In both cases, the senior male represents the household in all formal affairs. In China, women and sons were not allowed to participate. In Singapore, although the association rules encourage membership of anyone over the age o f twenty- one, there are in practice few women members and many sons do not join until after the death of their fath e r , (Th1s seems to be even more true in clan associations than 1n d1strict and dialect associations).38 Secondly, l1neages usually met formally only once or twice a year for ancestor worship followed by a banquet. This was the extent o f most members' formal activities and again this is comparable to the Singapore assoc 1 at1ons . The b1g differen ce 1s that in China, fellow lineage members were also ne1ghbours, wh1ch ensured their mutual involvement in daily activities . In S1ngapore, clan and neighbourh ood remain separate entit1es . Thirdly, the establishment of permanent funds under the protection of permanent trustees and out of the hands of elected officers in Singapore i s reminiscent of the f1rm control of lineage affairs in China by members of the el1te . Furthermore, adherence to the lineage model would make anc estor worship in the distr1ct and dialect assoc1ations less puzzling. Changes in the associations through S1ngapore's history highlight an important observat1on on the notion of tradition. Traditions are not sLmply nabits or survivals from the past; they are cont1nually manipulated to suit the present . Thus, during the per1od of immigration, the Chinese adapted t o a novel s1tuat1on through their ass ociat ions by modifying the trad1t1onal lineage organization to fit the needs of that t1me. Today the Singapore Chinese seem to be consciously us1ng the1r associations to preserve and rediscover somewhat elusive cultural tradit1ons. 37

For an ac count and analysis of the role& of and Kwangtung see Freedman, Chinese Lineage a comparat~ve analysis of a l~neage vi llage Hugh D. R. Baker,, A Chinese Lineage Vi ll,age; Cass, 1968) .

38

Assoc iation leaders in 1954 told Kwok Swee Soo that women do not JO~n be cause they do not want to pay additional dues and be cause the ancestor worship and soc~al welfare aspe cts of these as sociations are not seen as women's ac tiv i ties . Kwok Swee Soo , op. ait. ~ pp. 70-71.

lineages in Fukien and Soaiety . For in Hong Kong see Sheung Shui (London:

- 22 -

The associations appear to take two different stances in their reaction to somewhat contradictory government policies . This in part explains their present emphasis on community services with decreasing benefits for members only. On the one hand, the government is encouraging the different racial communities to continue their loyalty to old cultural traditions. Many association leaders believe that the new bilingual educational policy will benefit the associations by implanting in the youth an increased knowledge of and identification with Chinese culture. The government is also encouraging aspiring government officers to attend evening classes in Chinese so that they will b e able to communicate with "the masses."39 On the other hand, the government fears the heightened communal awareness which such programmes may bring ~ It has consistently attacked attitudes labelled as "Chinese chauvinist" and in 1971 went so far as to arrest and impr1son without trial four executives of a major Singapore Chinese newspaper for "glorifying China and foment1ng Chinese chauvinism. "40 The associations, which have never been on very good terms with the government, thus find themselves walking a thin line between government pol1cies. While the associations may appeal to the Chinese community as symbols of Chinese ethnic identity, when dealing with the government they are sure to emphasize their important contributions to education and social welfare in the wider society. Certain lessons may be learned from this exam1nation of the pssociations . First, the growth of alternative · forms of organization need not occur at t he expense of the original forms. That is , it is not a zero-sum game . The best example of this is the previously mentioned Mr. Wu who has clearly reconciled a number of interests and loyalties which need not be seen as inherently contradictory. Secondly, these associations can only be understood within the context of the larger society. While no single factor can account for their continued vitality, it seems that much can be expla1ned in terms of the continu ing 1mportance for Chinese identity within the framework of Singapore society . In support of this, the following has been noted:

39

Stephen Chee, "Singapore:

Towards Tomorrow," Asian SUrvey,

vo1 . XIV, no . 2, 1974, p. 190. 40

Marvin L. Rogers, "Singapore: Prospet·ity and As1-a:n Survey~ vol. XII, no . 2, 1972, p . 11.75 .

Diss~nt,"

- 23 -

1. The w~thdrawal of imm~grants' t~es from the Chinese mainland was paralleled by the growth of the clan, distr~ct, and dialect associations in Singapore. 2. The manner in which association membership ~s used to help secure employment or make business contacts reflects a Chinese-style use of particularistic ties ~n economic affairs. 3. The membership profile and certain activities c losely parallel lineage organization in southeastern Chin a ~

4~ These associations reflect the only type of Chinese identity which has ever been used in Singapore , Being Chinese has always meant being a certain kind of C h~nese .

5. The government's multi- racial policy and its new bilingual education policy support and encourage such ~dentificat:~on.

Of course, this is not to imply that most members have JOined to activate a self-conscious Chinese identity. Rather, it ~s because the associations have remained congenial to the roles of the Chinese within Singapore society that the Chinese have continued their support. Many people undoubtedly continue to join for any number of reasons, i ncluding the benefits offered. There is one final q u estion related to the problem of being Chin ese ~n Singapore which has to do with a wider notion of "Chineseness." Its answer came at the end of an interview when , as usual , the association leader was asked what changes he foresaw in the future of the overseas Chinese (Bua - ch i a o ) community in Singapore. Other leaders had cons~stently objected to the use of the word Hua - ch i a o but I could not understand why. This leader also objected and as an explanation wrote next to the question Han - tsu tChinese race) and Hsin -chia-po - jen (citizens of Singapore ). His po~nt, of course, is that Singapore Chinese have not one but two distinct identities . They are no longer overseas Chinese who hoLd their ultimate allegiances to Ch~ na .. Nationally they are citizens of Singapore; culturally they remain members of the Chinese race .

Table 1:

Chinese Assoc iations

Association Type4

Clan Village or district in China Province of Chi~a Dialect Suburban Singapore branch of dialect association Area of Singapore Club Athletic Cultural Religious, other than Christian Occupational Mutual help or friendly Christian Alumni Registered only as Mutual ' Benefit OrganizationS Other Total

1

Registered in Sinsapore ~s of April 1, 1972 2

Year Resistered

3

Total

1890-1910

1911-30

1931-50

1951-60

1961-72

3

5

95

49

36

188

12

14 3

29 1 1

8

2

59 4 1

122 5 7

1

6 10 10 26 14

12 6 47 27

7 22 40 86 60

16 37 10 2 7

49 63 9 29 4

86 16 7 53 31 18 57 71 1,020

1 1 1 9

11

5 4

12 7 15

17 3

19 41 31

3

4

1

1

1

10

19

57 40

30

67

299

23 7

387

,. 1\.J

Notes:

1

Chinese associations are defined as those whose names are written in Chinese as well as English.

2 These inc lude all of the associations lis ted with the Registrar of Societies,Republ.ia of Singapo:t>e Government Gazette, May 19, 19 72 , plus those only regisc.ered as Mutual Benefit Organizations, RepubLic of S~ngapore Government Gazette, July 23, 1972 . 3

The year of registration as reported in the Societies Register . Those associations which were in existence before 1960 but were exempted f rom registration before tha t time have been accounted for . Also, associ ations which changed t he ir names but have been in existence for a longer per iod of time, have been class1f1ed according to their first date of registration wherever poss ible . Associations registered in the past which are not in existe nce any longer are not i ncluded.

4

These associations are categor ize d according to thei r stated names w1th the Registrar of Societies . This clas s ification in some cases i nd icates the nature of their membership (e "g , , clan a ssociations) and in others the supposed nature of t he ir activities (e . g . , athletic associations) . Of course a var iety of activities and functions are offered by all type s of associations .

5

These associations are registered separately with the Department of Social Welfare as Mutual Benefit Associations and are not listed in the Societies Register. This means that they c l aim to have no function or activities other than mutual benefit. See pp . 8-9 above and Appendix l.

IV V"

- 26 -

Appendix The Department of Soc1al Welfare kindly granted me perm1ssion to examine their files on the Chinese Mutual Benefit Organizations in Singapore . Most of these associations ( 255 out of 312) are also registered with the Registrar of Societ1es. However, every association in Singapore which offers 1ts members a mutual benefit programme must reg1ster separately w1th the Department of Social Welfare (see above pp. 8- 9). These files included each association's const1tution , rules and regulations, membership lists and lists of officers ~ Key information was systematically recorded for each association including the number of members, criter1a for membership, obJects of the association, cr1teria for beneficiaries, fees charged, monetary benefits, other funeral benefits , the duties of members , and other serv1ces for members. The original intention was to correlate the type of associat1on and association size w1th the types of benef1ts offered. All of the associations offer monetary benefits on the death of a member . There are two basic schemes for the collect1on of these fees and their redistribut1on to the members. The f1rst 1nvolves monthly dues, usually of S$l c00 per member . The dues for each quarter (three months) are pooled together and d1vided between the families of those who d1e during this period . For example, an associat1on with 500 members would collect S$500 monthly or S$1 , 500 every quarter . The association would retain 20% of this for admin1strative expenses and would divide the rest equally between that period's deceased members . If three members died during this period, the fam1lies would receive S$400 each. The other plan consists of each member contr1buting S$1 . 00 on the death of another member . There are no monthly dues. The association takes 20% and gives the rema1nder to the family of the deceased , Of the 312 associations , 214 also have entrance fees (usually S$5 . 00) and another 35 collect small annual fees. Most encourage their members to give additional donations to support further services or activit1es. The Department of Social Welfare ' s ch1ef concern 1s w1th the collection and redistribution of funds ~ They took over the reg1stration and surveillance of these organizations af t er a number of them folded suddenly due to mismanagement and/ or fraudulent practices . The Department is responsible for the standard diV.1sion of dues which allows a maximum of 20% for association expenses. They have d1str1buted model rules for the organization of these associations which include

- 27 -

standard wording for statement of purpose, membership qualifications, monetary benefits, etc. Many of the associations, knowing that their constitutions are used primarily for bureaucratic purposes anyway, have recently changed to the Department of Social Welfare's standard form . A few of the files had olde r versions of rules and regulations which documented this change. Much 1nforrnation of interest has either been deleted by government clerks or n ot submitted because it is known to be extraneous for the purposes of the Department o f Social Welfare. Thus there 1s reason to believe that some of the associations have additional benefits or practices which are not listed in these files. Conversely, some of the practices which were followed in the _past may no longer occur today, but may rema1n on the rule books if they are known to be of no direct concern to the government bureaucrats. The only way to check either of these possibilities would be to visit the associations individually and to attend funerals. F1nally, membership figures are not reliable because of differ1ng practices as to who is included on the membership lists. Also, overlapping membership would make the percentage of Chinese involved in these associations impossible to calculate. It is not uncommon for people to belong to more than one. Despite these limitations, the information 1n the files did seem to indicate certain trends. For one thing , most of the assoc1ations seem to be more than simple insurance schemes (see Tables 3 and 4). Most provide benefits in addition t d a sum of money . These include such services as night v1sits and funeral attendance by other members, wreaths or funeral scrolls, the loaning of funeral equipment, the provision of music, and assistance with funeral arrangements . Night visits and funeral attendance are of particular interest because they involve the participation of other members and parallel the duties of agnatic kin back in China, although even there funeral associations were formed to insure people of an adequate number of mourners.* Only a few of these associations mention other kinds of mutual aid such as help for the unemployed or the sick. There does n ot appear to be any striking correlation between the type of association and the addit i onal services offered. Clan associations and those from a certain area of China tend to offe r more services, but do not provide anything which cannot be obtained elsewhere. It would be

*

See Daniel Kulp, Country Li f e i n South China (New York : Bureau of Publications, Teachers College, Columbia UniversiLy, 1925).

- 28 -

interesting to see if there are any differences in actual practice between the different types. Mutual aid does not appear to be the special domain of any one sort of group. Funeral functions thus do not explain the popularity of clan, distric~ and dialect associations . These functions are prevalent among them, but it is not clear for what percentage of their members they are important . However the visible presence of these associations at funerals in Singapore must play a role in their image to the community. One reason for collecting the information from these f i les was to gain some idea of the type of information available in the files of the Registrar of Soci eties to which access was denied . My general feeling now is that 1n spite of the difficulties which I would have encountered in locating a number of these associations, visiting them, and observing funerals, my time would have been better spent collecting this more qualitative type of information. Many questions remain such as, the importance of funerals to present-day Singapore Chinese. What sort of people belong to these assoc1ations? What do such phrases as night visit, music section, and funeral attendance mean in practice? How important are the mourners? How important is the money? And what alternatives are there for people who do not belong to these associations?

- 29 -

Table 2:

Mutual Benefit Organization Membership Figures

Association Type

Number

Total Members

Clan

96

32,844

343

53-2,673

Area of China

73

57,560

788

44-7,420

Area of Singapore

13

3,380

260

111-1,166

Cultural

13

23,585

1,8141

85-:-18,425

Religious

43

23 ,718

551

41-1, 797

Occupational

26

7,184

276

26-1,045

Other

48

17 '728

196

49-2,076

Total

312

166,039

539

26-18,425

Note:

1

&

Sports

Mean Average

Range

This figures is skewed upward by one athletic associat ion which has 18,425 members in its Mutual Benefit Section . It . i s interesting that in this case, there are no ; benefits ot her t han monetary ones awarded t o members . The mean average for this category without this association i s 430 members .

- 30 -

Table 3 :

Funeral Benefits Offered

Association Type

Clan Area of China Area of Singapore Cultural & Sports Relig10US Occupational Ot.her Total Note:

Table 4:

1

ALcord~ng

to Type of Assoc1ation

Othe r than Monetary Funeral Benefits Given

%

Night Visit and/or· Funeral At tendance

%1

79 80 92 69 37 50 46

40

42 37

13 43 26 48

76 59 12 9 16 13 31

5 4 8 9

30 19

312

222

71

100

32

Number

96 73 13

27 7

5~

j9 9

These per centages are lower in part because the Cantonese associations do not request n1ght visits and funeral attendance by fe llow asso ciation members .

Other Services Offered by Mutual Benefit Organizations

Other Services

No . of Asso ciations which Menti oned these Services

-

Prov1sion of wreath or fune ral s c roll Loan of fune ral equipmen t Provis1on of mus ic section · Temporary exemption of unemployed members from fees Arrangement of funeral for deceased members with no relatives He l p with funeral arrangeme~ts Representation from assoc iation at funeral Ass1stance to members in ar rears at de~th Ass istance to sick, crippled and poor members Fubl1 c acknowledgemen ts of gif ts & generosity

72 60 46 44 35 22 20 19 15 14

INSTITUTE Of SOUTHEAST ASIAN STUDIES

SINGAPORE

LIST Of PU8UCATIONS

Occasional Papers 1

Harry J. Benda, Research in Southeast Asian Studies in Singapore, 1970. lOpp . Gratis {Out-of-print)

2

P. Lim Pui Huen, Newspapers pub lished in the Malaysian Area: With a union list of local holdings, 1970. 42pp. Gratis {Out-of-print).

3

Chan Heng Chee, Nation-Building in Southeast Asia: The Singapore Case, 1971. 19pp. S$2.00 {Out-of-print).

4

Eva Horakova, Problems of Filipino Settlers, 1971. 24pp . S$2.00 {Out-of-print).

5

Mochtar Nairn, Merantau: Causes and Effects of Minangkabau Voluntary Migration, 1971. 19pp. S$2.00 {Out-of-print) .

6

Paul Pedersen, cornp., Youth in Southeast Asia: A Bibliography. Modified and Expanded by Joseph B. Tarnney and others, 1971. 69pp. S$4.00. {out-of print)

7

J.L.S. Girling, Cambodia and the Sihanouk Myths, 1971. 26pp. S$2.00 {Out-of-print).

8

~P. Dore, Japanese Industrialization and the

Developing Countries : Health Doubts? 1971.

Model, Warning or Source of 18pp. S$3.00.

9

Michael Stenson, The l948 Communist Revolt in Malaya: A Note of Historical Sources and Interpretation and A Reply by Gerald de Cruz, 1971. 30pp. S$3.00 {Out-of-print) .

10

Riaz Hassan, Social Status and Bureaucratic Contacts Among the Pu t lie Housing Ten a ., ts in Singapore, 19 71. 16pp. S$2.00 ~Out-of-print).

11

Youth in Southeast Asia: Ed ited Proceedings of the Seminar of 5th - 7th March l97l. Edited by Joseph B. Tamnry, 1Q7 ~ 75pp. S$4.00 (nu~-of-print).

12

A.W. Stargardt, Problems of Neutrality in South East Asia: The Relevance of th e European Experience, 1972. 29pp . S$3.00.

13

William R. Roff, Au t obiograp hy & Bi o graphy in Malay Hi stor in al Studies , 1972. 21 pp. S$2 . 00 (Out-of-print).

14

Lau Teik Soon, Indonesia and Regional S ~c ur-ity: Djakarta Conference on Cambodia , 19 72 o 20pp. S$3 . 00

15

Syed Hussein Alatas , The Second Malaysia Plan 19?1 19?5 : A Critique , 1972 . 16pp . S$3.00

16

Harold E . Wilson , Educational Policy and Performance in Singapore, 1 942 - 1945 , 19 73. 28pp . S$3.00

17

Richard L. Schwenk, The Poten ti al f or Rural Devel opment in the New Seventh Division of Sarawak: A Preliminary Background Report, 1973 . 39pp . S$4 . 00

18

Kunio Yoshihara, Japanese Direct Investments in Southeast Asia , 1973. 18pp . S$4.00

19

Richard Stubbs, Counter-insurgency and th e Economic Factor: The Impact of t he Korean War Prices Boom on the Malayan Emergency , 1974 . 54pp . S$5 . 00

20

John Wong, The Political Economy of Malaysia's Trade Relations with China , 1974 . 3lpp. S$3 . 00

21

Riaz Hassan , Interethnic Marriage in Si nga por-e: A Study of In teret hn ic Relations, 1974 . 85pp . S$6.00

22

Tatsumi Okabe, Revival o f Japanese Mili ta rism ? 1974 . 26pp . S$3.00

23

Chin Kin Wah, The Five Power Defence Arrangeme nts and AMDA : Some Observations on the Nature of an Evo lv ing Partnership , 1974 . 2lpp. S$3 . 00

24

Peter Carey, The Cultural Ecology of Early Nineteen~h Century Java : Pang e ran Dipanagara, a Case Study , 1974. 56pp . S$4.00

25

Chandrasekaran Pillay, The 1974 General Elections in Malaysia: A Post-Mortem, 1974 . 20pp . S$3 . 00

26

I . W. Mabbett, Displaced Intel l ectual s in Twentieth Century China , 1975 . 45pp. S$4.00

27

J. St ephen Hoadley, The Future of Port u g ue se Timor: Dilemmas and Opportunities , 1975 . 28pp. S$4.00

28

M. Ladd Thomas, Poli tica l Violence in t he Muslim Provinces of Southern Thailand , 1975. 27pp o S$4 . 00

The

29

Joseph Camilleri , Southeast Asia in China ' s Foreign Po licy , 1975. 37pp. S$5 . 00

30

Wellington K.K. Chan, Politics and Industr i alization China , 1975 . 19pp. S$4. 00 in Late Imperial ,.

31

Leslie E. Bauzon, Phil ippin e Agrarian Reform 1880 2lpp. 1965: The Revol~tion that Never Was , 19 75 . S$4.00

32

Paul H. Kratoska, The Chettiar and the Yeoman :

British Cultural Cate go ries and Rural Indebtedness in Malaya ,

1975.

29pp .

S$4.00

33

Morris I. Berkowitz, The Tenacity of Chinese Folk T rad i~io n - Two Studies of Hong Kong Chinese , 1975. 32pp. S$4.00

34

M. Rajaretnam, U.S . Energy - Sec~rity Interests in the 36pp. S$5.00 Indian Ocean , 1975.

35

Chandran Jeshurun, The Growth of t he Malays ian Armed Forces, 1963-73: Some Foreign Press Reactions , 1975 . 25pp. S$4 . 00

36

Peter Polomka, ASEAN and the Law of the Sea :

37

Sharon A. Carstens, Chinese Associations in Singapore

A Pre liminary Look at the Prospects of Regional Co-operation , 1975. 16pp. S$4 .00 Society :

1975 .

An Examination of Function and Meaning ,

30pp.

S$4.00

Library Bulletins 1

Rosalind Quah, Lib rary Resources in Singapore on Contemporary Mainland China , 1971. 1lpp. S$2.00

2

Quah Swee Lan, camp., Oil Discove ry and Technical Change in Southeast As ia :

1971.

23pp.

A Preliminary Bibliography ,

S$2.00

com~., Directory of Microfilm Fa c ilities 24pp. S$2.00 (Out of print) in Sou~heast Asia; 1972 .

3

P. Lim Pui Huen,

4

Checkl ist of Current Serials i n the Library , 1972.

30pp . 5

S$3. 00

Tan Sok Joo, Library Resources on 1972 . 42pp. S$3.00

B~rma

in Singapore ,

6

Quah Swee Lan, comp. , Oil Di scovery and 'l'echnicaZ Change in Southeast Asia: A Bibliography , 1973 . 32pp. S$3.00 (Out of print)

7

P. Lim Pui Huen , comp. , Directory of Microfilm Facilities in Southeast Asia, 2d Edition, 1973 . 32pp. S$4 . 00

8

Ng Shui Meng, comp., Demographic Materials on the Khmer Republic, Laos and Vietnam , 1974. 54pp. S$5 . 00

9

Saengthon g M. Ismail , Library Resources on Thailand in Singapore , 1974 . 130pp. S$7.00

Trends in Southeast Asia 1

Trends in Indonesia: Proceedings and Background Paper , 1971. 58pp . S$3 . 00 (Out of print)

2

Trends in Malaysia: Proceedings and Background Paper , Edited by Patrick Low , 1971. 120pp. S$5.00 (Out of print)

3

Trends i n the Philippine s. Edited by Lim Yoon Lin. (Singapore University Press) , 197 2 . 140pp. S$5 . 00

4

Trends in Indonesia. Edited by Yong Mun Cheong. (Singapore University Press), 1972. 140pp. S$5 . 00

5

Trends in Tha i land. Edited by M. Rajaretnam and Lim So Jean. (Singapore University Press), 1973. 142pp . S$7.00

6

Trends in Malaysia II . Edited by Yong Mun Cheong. (Singapore University Press) , 1974 . 154pp. S$7.00

7

Trends in Singapore . Edited by Seah Chee Meow. (Singapore University Press) , 1975. 15lpp. S$10.00

Field Report Series 1

Yong Mun Cheong, Conflicts within the Prijaji World of the Parahyangan in West Java, 1914 - 192? , 19 73. 42pp . S$3.00

2

Patrick Low and Yeung Yue-man, The Proposed Kra Canal: A Critical Evaluation and Its Impact on Singapore, 1973. 39pp . S$3 . 00 (Out of print)

3

Robert Fabrikant, Legal Aspects of Production Sharing Contracts in the Indonesian Petroleum Industry , 2d Edition . 1973. 235pp. S$25.00 (Out of print)

4

The Indonesian Petroleum Industry : Miscellaneous Source Materials. Collected by Robert Fabrikant, 1973 . 516pp . S$25 .00 (Out of print)

5

C.V . Das and V.P . Pradhan, Some International Law Problems Regarding the Straits of Malacca , 1973. 95pp . S$10 .00 (Out of print)

6

M. Rajaretnarn, Politics of Oil in the Philippines , 1973 ~ 8lpp. S$5.00

7

Ng Shui Meng , The Population of Indochina : Some Preliminary Observations , 1974 . 126pp . S$7.00

8

Ng Shui Meng, The Oil System in Southeast Asia : A Preliminary Survey , 1974. 93pp. S$10.00

9

Wong Saik Chin , Public Reaction to the Oil Crisis : The Singapore Case, 1975. 87pp . S$6.00

10

Kawin Wilairat, Singapore's Foreign Policy: First DBcadB , 1975. l OSpp . S$10.00

The

Current Issues Seminar Series 1

Mu ltinational Corporations and their Implications f or Southeast Asia. Edi ted b y Eileen Lim Poh Tin, 1973. 140pp. S$12.00 (Out of print)

2

Econ omic and Politi ca l Trends in Southeast Asia , 1973. 66pp. S$6 .00

3

Southeast Asia Today : Problems and Prospects , 197 3. llOpp. S$10.00

4

Japan as an Economic Power and its Implications for Southeast Asia. Edited by Kernial s. Sandhu and Eileen P . T. Tang. (Si ngapore University Press), 1974 . 147pp. S$15 .00

5

The Future Pattern of Japanese Economic and Political Relations with Southeast Asia , 1975. 82pp . S$6.00

Oral Hist ory Programme Ser ie s 1

Philip Hoalirn, Senior, The MaLayan Democratic Union: Singapore's First De mo cratic Pol i ticaL Party , 1973. 26pp. S$3.00 (Out of print)

2

Andrew Gilmour, My Role in the RehabiLitatio n of Singapore: 1946 - 1953 , 1973. lOOpp. S$6 . 00

3

Marnoru Shinozaki, My Wartime Experience in Singapore, 1973. 124pp. S$6. 00 (Out of print)

Southeast Asian Perspectives 1.

u.

2

Harsja W. Bachtiar, The Indonesian Nation: Some ProbLems of Integration and Disintegratio n , 1974. 62pp. S$5 . 00

3

PoLiticaL and SociaL Change in Singapore. Wu Teh-yao . 205pp. S$10.00

Khin Mg. Kyi and Daw Tin Tin, Administrati ve Patterns in HistoricaL Burma , 1973. 67pp. S$3 . 00

Edited by

Monographs 1

Sartono Kartodirdj o , Protest Movements in RuraL Java (Oxford University Press), 1973. 229pp. S$18.00

2

Modernizati on in Southeast Asia . Edited by Hans Dieter Evers (Oxford University Press) , 197 3 . 249pp. S$18.00

Annual Reviews 1

Southeast Asian Affairs 1974 . (Out of print)

1974 .

2

Southeast Asian Affairs 1975. 1975. 256pp. S$30.00

(FEP Internationa l Ltd.),

3.50pp.

S$15.00

The above publications are availab le for sale at the Institute of Southeast Asian Studie s, Cluny Road, Singapore 10. Tel: 514211

'DIE AUDIOR Sharon Carstens, formerly a Research Associate at the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, Singapore, is currently studying for a Ph.D. degree at Cornell

University, U.S.A.