Stone Carving of the Hospitaller Period in Rhodes: Displaced Pieces and Fragments [1 ed.] 9781784914790

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Stone Carving of the Hospitaller Period in Rhodes Displaced pieces and fragments Anna-Maria Kasdagli

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© Archaeopress and A-M Kasdagli 2016

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This study is dedicated to the memory of Gregorios Konstantinopoulos, archaeologist, administrator and man of letters (1921-2001)

Contents Introduction��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 1 Part One�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 3 I. Historical background���������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 3 II. Topography������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 9 III. Stone carving and the art of Hospitaller Rhodes������������������������������������� 15 Part Two������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 21 IV. Displaced carved pieces and fragments�������������������������������������������������� 21 V. Architectural members����������������������������������������������������������������������������� 23 VI. Heraldry from buildings�������������������������������������������������������������������������� 30 VII. Inscriptions��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 40 VIII. Funerary monuments���������������������������������������������������������������������������� 56 IX. Problems and conclusions ���������������������������������������������������������������������� 75 Bibliography������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 79 Appendix 1: The masters of Rhodes����������������������������������������������������������� 101 Appendix 2: Location of listed pieces and fragments (December 2009).��� 102 Appendix 3: Statistical tables of magistral arms.���������������������������������������� 104 3.1 Shields in Rhodes, 1319–1522.������������������������������������������������������� 104 3.2 Shields of the masters in the defences of Rhodes, 1377–1522.������ 104 The Catalogue������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 105 Index��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 171 Plates and Figures������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 177

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For the stone shall cry out of the wall... Habakkuk 2:11

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Introduction ‘Rhodes of the Knights’- this is how most visitors remember the island which, for 213 years, was ruled by the most unusual conquerors of the Latin East. And not without reason. The graceful aspect of the fortified town of the Knights of Saint John confronts anyone approaching the port by sea; this is but a prelude to what he is going to encounter once he sets foot on land. The historic centre of the town, a UNESCO World Heritage Site, preserves its medieval street plan while hundreds of the buildings contained within its walls date, at least in part, from the 15th century or even earlier. On the landward side, the medieval town is protected from the encroachment of the modern conurbation by its solid Hospitaller fortifications, whose moat cuts deep into the underlying ancient Greek city, and by a barrier of wooded parks. Further afield, the countryside is dotted with castles and watchtowers, and the occasional ancient chapel whose frescoes may contain a heraldic shield or two. A thorough acquaintance with the medieval monuments of the town and the island is required for their protection and enhancement. Anyone privileged to serve this World Heritage site has been marked by the experience. The remnants of the medieval period are not all equally comprehensible because, apart from other difficulties, they display localized cultural elements. Archaeological exploration and the interpretation of its findings, restoration projects, the mounting of exhibitions and the organization of heritage classes, and the strategies of conservation, all need any tool which may provide additional information on the period and its geography. The understanding of certain types of evidence requires the contribution of specialist studies: the systematic examination of a particular field may provide the key for the interpretation of specific features on individual monuments. It is hoped that the present study1 will contribute to a fuller appreciation of the form and function of stone carvings2 of the Hospitaller period, whether still in situ, reused or derived from excavations. It is based on comparisons between displaced pieces and fragments with reference to similar examples still in their original location. Its interpretations also draw from research on related works from elsewhere, and from the character of medieval civilization in general.

Originally an MA Thesis in Greek at the University of Athens, 2010. Current English translation by the author, with a few emendations. 2 The term is used to cover a wide range of work, which would have required different levels of skill, much of which cannot be dignified by the word ‘sculpture’. In the Middle Ages a wide range of terms designated craftsmen working in stone: hewers, marblers, image-makers, paviors etc. Coldstream 2004: 19. 1

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Stone Carving of the Hospitaller Period in Rhodes The first part of the work (Part One, chapters I to III), examines the historical, topographical and cultural background; in Part Two (chapters IV, V, VI and VIII), displaced pieces and fragments are examined according to type and function: architectural pieces, wall heraldry, and parts of funerary monuments. As the role of epigraphics is essential in the review of the latter, a chapter devoted to this subject on Rhodes (chapter VII) is interpolated between the chapters on Heraldry (VI) and funerary monuments (VIII). The analysis closes with a summary of the problems encountered in handling the material, and some conclusions derived from its examination (IX). After the bibliography and three appendices intended to help the reader, the work closes with the catalogue of 230 displaced pieces and fragments in the inventory of the Ephorate of Antiquities in Rhodes; this includes 31 plates with photographs of the entries arranged according to type for ease of reference. This volume is dedicated to the memory of Gregorios Konstantinoploulos, a man of remarkable perception and diplomatic skill who succeeded in safeguarding the multicultural heritage of Rhodes in the difficult years of the colonels’ junta (19671973). It was his earnest urging to the author, conveyed over an excellent lunch in Athens sometime after his retirement, that inspired this endeavour to present the stray Hospitaller stone carvings of Rhodes as a distinct corpus of material.

Part One I. Historical background The strategic location of Rhodes has ensured a strong presence in the politics of the south Aegean Sea since the foundation of the ancient city in 408 BC. In its heyday, Rhodes kept the wider area free of pirates; the celebrated adventure of Julius Caesar with the pirates of Pharmakoussa was due, in the long term, to the hostility Rome had shown the Rhodians.3 Successive disasters like the capture of the city by Cassius in 42 BC and violent earthquakes in AD 155, 344/5 and 515 did not permit the recovery of its fleet. Nevertheless, its naval installations were sufficiently important to the central government and Byzantine emperor Anastasius I (491-518) took the trouble to repair them after the 515 earthquake.4 At the time Rhodes was the capital of the Province of the Islands.5 From the 8th century on, after the administrative reorganization of the Byzantine Empire, it maintained a preeminent position in the Cibyrrhaiote theme.6 Thus Rhodes was an important base for the Byzantine fleet from early on. After a brief occupation by the Arabs c. 673-681, the island remained under Byzantine control without many vicissitudes until the 11th century. Around 1090 it was occupied, along with the other major islands facing the Anatolian coastline, by Tzachas, a Turkoman emir; this was over soon, as emperor Alexius I Comnenus recovered control.7 The island’s hinterland produced timber suitable for shipbuilding, and coastal settlements like Lindos provided expert oarsmen. Medieval ships, slow and vulnerable to the weather, had to make frequent stops for water, supplies and repairs, and also in order to recruit sailors and fighting men. Thus, during the Crusades, Rhodes was in a position to serve shipping on two major sea lanes: from Constantinople to Cyprus and Egypt and from the West to Cyprus and Palestine. Naturally, it also served locally active mariners, who were crisscrossing the Aegean between the Peloponnese, groups of islands like the Cyclades, the Sporades and those of the eastern Aegean, and key Anatolian ports like Smyrna and Ephesus.8 Relations with Crete are more difficult to assess: apparently Rhodes was an alternative stop for anyone wishful, for whatever reason, of avoiding the larger island. Besides its boatyards and two good harbours, the town of Rhodes included a considerable Jewish community, solid evidence of Papachristodoulou 1972: 95, 110. Grant 1979: 116, 122, 140, 165. Suetonius: 14-15. Malalas: 406, 409. 5 Notitia Dignitatum (c. 408) in Jones 1978, 5, 100-101; Synecdemus of Hierocles (c. 530), in Papachristodoulou 1972: 244. 6 Papachristodoulou 1972: 244 ff. Ostrogorsky 1980: 97 ff. Treadgold 1995: 68. 7 Papachristodoulou 1972: 244-250. Savvides 1995: 11-22. Kollias 2000: 299-308. 8 Riley-Smith 1991: 132-137. 3 4

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Stone Carving of the Hospitaller Period in Rhodes its active role in the economy of the region.9 In the 12th century, besides normal maritime activity, there were more unpleasant contacts with the West: the island was targeted for reprisals during the conflict between emperor John II Comnenus and the Venetians, who plundered it systematically. Nevertheless, Rhodes was frequently used as a stopping place by Western travellers, crusaders, merchants and soldiers of fortune. At the end of the century, during the Third Crusade, Richard the Lionheart also visited Rhodes on his way to Cyprus and the Holy Land.10 Western influence really began to be felt in Rhodes in the 13th century, when ties with the ailing Byzantine Empire were loosened. For the population, even for the local aristocracy, this does not seem to have been a particularly negative development. The 13th century saw an expansion of the town, the construction of churches decorated with quality murals11 and frequent changes in the local administration, particularly after 1250. Several Aegean islands, including Rhodes, were at times ceded by the emperor in various ways to Italian and native corsairs, within the terms of a complex power game, in exchange for military support; diplomacy replacing, as far as possible, the lack of means for direct control of maritime territories of the Byzantine state.12 At this time, encouraged by political instability, both Italian soldiers of fortune and Turkoman mercenaries seem to have established themselves on the island. Some of these newcomers must have been chased out near the end of the period but when, in the early 14th century, Rhodes became a target for the Order of St. John of Jerusalem (otherwise known as the Order of the Hospital), there is evidence for the presence on the island of Westerners who were in the process of being assimilated into the local Greek Orthodox culture- a phenomenon not unknown in other parts of the Byzantine Empire. Typical of the period is the upper part of a tomb slab (113) belonging to a certain Ioannes [O]Pitzos who, judging from the name and the display of heraldry, was of Italian origin. The incised epitaph is in Byzantine Greek,13 but the dating method from the incarnation of Christ (year ΑΤϛ= AD 1306)14 and the use of a heraldic tomb slab per se already display the Efthymiou 1992: 19. Papachristodoulou 1972: 250-255. 11 Katsioti 1996-7: 269-302. 12 Katsioti 1996-7: 256-265. Savvides 1987: 301-341; idem 1983: 405-425; idem 1988: 199-231; idem 1995: 23-46. Kasdagli 2006: 40, 44-45. 13 +ЄKOIMHΘH O ΔOVΛOC TOV Θ(ЄO)V Iω(ANNHC) O ΠITZOC ⁛ ЄN MHNI I[...]Iω / ЄIΓC ⁛ ЄTOVC : A : T : ϛ’. Henceforth, bold characters will represent items included in the Catalogue and Plates. 14 Byzantine epitaphs known to the author, until at least the year 1304, are dated by the anno mundi. Imhaus 2004, vol. Ι: 285, Fiche No 548. Pazaras 1988: 21 no. 1, 56-57 no. 92, 22, no. 3. 9

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I. Historical background mixture of Western and Byzantine elements which later became dominant in the town. In the Hospitaller period (1309-1522), Rhodes and the neighbouring islands became an outpost of crusader Europe.15 The Order of St. John16 was a multinational religious organization, which developed in the 12th century to meet the needs of the Latins in Palestine after the First Crusade. Initially, its primary role was the protection of pilgrims and the care of the sick and needy. Later, however, with the decline of the Crusader states, it emerged, alongside the Order of the Temple, as the most reliable military power of the Latins in the Holy Land. Its superior was the pope, who had approved its Rule. Its members were Westerners, and the French element dominated, although not without friction. Officially, the Hospital was divided into seven tongues: Provence, Auvergne, France, England, Germany, Italy and Spain.17 It was ruled by a master18 who, once elected, normally held the office for life. The election was a complicated internal process involving a group of electors.19 Altogether nineteen masters successively ruled Rhodes.20 Besides the Knights themselves, who were generally of noble or knightly birth and shared between them the higher offices of the Order, there were the sergeants, military brethren of lower social status, and the chaplains, who carried out ecclesiastical duties. After the fall of Acre in 1291, the Hospitallers had taken refuge in Cyprus to regroup their forces.21 However, the island’s rulers proved inimical to their presence and, in 1306, under the astute leadership of master Foulques de Villaret (1305-1319), they initiated a project to set up an independent base on Rhodes, which was crowned by success in 1309 with the capitulation of the town upon terms.22 The Order was one of the most enlightened conquerors of medieval Hellenism.23 Its members had no family ambitions on the island; extensive lands in the West were Kollias 1998a, with bibliography. Luttrell and Zachariadou 2008. Riley-Smith 1999. 17 From 1462 there were eight tongues, as the Spanish tongue was divided into two: the tongue of Castile, also comprising Portugal, and the tongue of Aragon, also comprising Catalonia. 18 ‘Grand’ master from the last quarter of the 15th century. 19 Riley-Smith 1967: 275-276. 20 Appendix 1. 21 Delaville Le Roulx 1904: 244-266. Riley-Smith 1967: 198-226. Luttrell 1987, II. 22 Luttrell 2003: 63 ff. 23 For the History of the Hospital in Rhodes and the Dodecanese Islands the main source is still the monumental work of Bosio 1629. The treatment of the subject in later bibliography is uneven. Delaville Le Roulx 1913 mainly examines the political history of the Order more thoroughly than similar works spanning the whole of the Rhodian period. Vatin 1994 concentrates on the Order’s relations with their great enemy, the Ottoman Turks, in the late Hospitaller period. Aspects such as 15 16

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Stone Carving of the Hospitaller Period in Rhodes a source of regular income and, together with the constant influx of manpower, ensured the defence of Rhodes for about two centuries. During this time Rhodes developed into an important urban and financial centre with increased dynamism, which was abruptly interrupted by the Ottoman conquest of 1522. The island state of the Hospital did not fall after a decline, like the rest of Latin Greece. There was no oppression by the Roman Catholic Church, as happened in Cyprus and in certain Venetian possessions, because the Knights of St. John controlled the involvement of other Latin churchmen in their territory, in order to promote the cooperation of the native population. The establishment of fair government and respect of the rights of the people, along with the encouragement of settlers, were hallmarks of the Order’s rule of the Dodecanese islands. It appears that the climate of trust between the Knights and their subjects was preserved till the end: when they were forced to abandon Rhodes in 1523, they were followed in exile by a considerable number of the urban population and the Rhodian community on Malta survived for centuries.24 In the 14th century the Order succeeded, with proper management, in assimilating a large part of the landed property of the Order of the Templars, which had been suppressed by the pope in 1312 at the instigation of Philip IV the Fair of France; and in recovering from the financial losses caused by the collapse of the Florentine banking houses of Bardi and Peruzzi in the 1340s.25 The papal schism (1378-1417) also affected the Hospital, but the Convent of Rhodes and most of the tongues took the part of the Avignon popes, who were vigorously supported by Juan Fernández de Heredia, master from 1377 to 1396. A second economic depression, this time due to a combination of factors (currency problems in the West and the high expenses incurred by the defence of Rhodes) was confronted with determination by master Pere Ramon Zacosta (1461-1467), whose austerity cast a shadow upon his reputation. The masters of Rhodes minted their own coinage26 and encouraged trade with the West, often favouring their country of origin.27 Thus, in the 14th century ties with the south of France were close, particularly with the cities of Narbonne and Avignon. There was a development of commercial and other relations with Catalonia under masters Juan Fernández de Heredia and Αntoni de Fluvià (1421-1437), while the administrative development, the history of the tongues and lands of the Order in various countries, the politics, society, prosopography, relations with the West and the eastern Mediterranean are examined in a wide range of articles and books by A. Luttrell, J. Sarnowsky, B. WaldsteinWartenberg, J.-B. de Vaivre, J.-M. Roger, P. Bonneaud and others, and described in a concise but systematic way by Tsirpanlis 1995: 28-216. 24 Tsirpanlis 1988: 197-236. Fiorini 2000: 503-511. 25 Luttrell 2007: VI. 26 Schlumberger 1878: 242-268. Metcalf 1995: 295-305. Kasdagli 2002b, with basic bibliography. 27 Michaelidou 2000: 417-428. Kasdagli, Katsioti and Michaelidou 2007: 35-62.

I. Historical background presence of Italian pottery grows impressive after the mid-15th century, when two Italian masters, Giovanni Battista degli Orsini (1467-1476) and Fabrizio del Carretto (1513-1521) were also active. The contribution of Italian engineers to the planning of the defences of Rhodes was also important in the last twenty years of the Order’s rule of the island. Relations with the kingdom of Cyprus, closer in the 14th century, were maintained to a considerable degree, at least until queen Carlotta, whom the Knights had supported, lost her throne (1460).28 On Rhodes, the Hospital followed a consistent and cautious policy, obedient to the pope when he tried to coordinate crusading expeditions but also endeavouring to guard the viability of its headquarters in the Dodecanese when the pope’s demands became excessive.29 The Knights played an important role in the expedition which led to the sack of Alexandria in 1365, in collaboration with Peter I, king of Cyprus, and in the conquest of Smyrna in 1344; they held the latter from 1374 until 1402, when the city fell to the troops of Tamerlane after a brief siege.30 A few years later, but before 140831, the Knights built the strong fortress of St. Peter at Halicarnassus (Bodrum),32 which they held until their departure from Rhodes. The presence of the fortress ensured the control of the sea lane connecting Constantinople with Cyprus and Alexandria and enabled the Knights to rescue Christian refugees from Muslim-held Anatolia. The Order’s navy also patrolled other parts of the Aegean Sea, particularly off Cythera (Cerigo) and the Northern Sporades, annoying not only the Turks and Egyptians but also the Venetians, with whom the Hospital’s relations were always tense- mostly because of the profit-seeking policies of Venice towards Islamic powers. After the battle of Nicopolis (1396), which essentially put an end to the mass participation of Westerners against the Ottoman advance into Europe, Rhodes became more isolated33 and its defences were expanded and modernized.34 The great sieges of 1444 by the Mamluks of Egypt35 and 1480 by the army of Mehmed II the Conqueror36 did not limit the military presence of the Order or the development of their island state. Grand master Pierre d’Aubusson (1476-1503), a remarkable statesman and organizer, successfully confronted both external threats by the Ottomans and internal problems such as the friction between Greek Luttrell 1995: 733-757. Hill 1948. Mas-Latrie 1854. Tsirpanlis 1991: 46-102. 30 Luttrell and Zachariadou 2008: 41-44, 51-56. 31 Luttrell 1999: VI. 32 Luttrell and Zachariadou 2008: 68-72. 33 Delaville Le Roulx 1913: 270-273. Runciman 1978: 455-462. Palmer 1972: 200-207. Setton 1975: 307 ff. Seward 1995: 239-240. 34 Gabriel 1921: 119-131. 35 De Riquer 1986: 305-314. Tsirpanlis 1995: 134-136. 36 Brockman 1969, with bibliography. 28 29

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Stone Carving of the Hospitaller Period in Rhodes Orthodox and Uniates over the enforcement of the decrees of the Council of Florence (1439) and the severe damage caused in the town by the siege of 1480 and the earthquakes of 1481.37 The rebuilding of Rhodes was continued by his successor, Émery d’Amboise (1503-1512), with the support of his elder brother Georges d’Amboise, minister of king Louis XII of France (1498-1515). In 1510, in a historic naval victory at Alexandretta, the Hospital’s fleet put an end to Egyptian efforts to build a Red Sea fleet; thus facilitating European penetration of the Indian Ocean.38 In 1517, the annexation of Egypt by the Ottomans39 turned the need to expel the Knights from Rhodes into a strategic imperative. Thus, after a long siege, Suleyman II the Magnificent captured Rhodes in December 1522, uprooting the Order which, a few years later, established itself on Malta.40 The terms of the surrender were favourable: any Rhodians who wished to do so, could follow the departing Hospitallers into exile. Soon, the walled town was inhabited exclusively by Turks and Jews, while the remaining Christians were forced to settle outside the walls, for reasons of security.41

Rossignol 1991. Brockman 1969: 63-69, 96-99. Tsirpanlis 1991: 287-330. Gabriel 1923: 155156. Kasdagli 2007a: 466. 38 Brockman 1969: 107-108. 39 Inalçik 1995: 66. 40 Brockman 1969: 111 ff. 41 Tsirpanlis 2002: 19-28. 37

II. Topography In the first Christian centuries Rhodes followed the decline of most provincial cities in the Roman Empire. In Byzantine times it did not withdraw to a more defensible location such as, for example, Ephesus/ Theologos, but shrank to a tenth or less of its Hellenistic size, to an area controlling the two most important ancient harbours: the great harbour (modern tourist harbour) and the military harbour (modern Mandraki) which, probably, continued to function as an arsenal from the eighth century onwards, when Rhodes came under the jurisdiction of the naval Cibyrrhaiote theme.42 The present walls surrounding the historic centre of Rhodes date, for the most part, from the Hospitaller period. They have a circumference of about 3 kilometers and enclose an area of about 45 hectares.43 These fortifications stand upon older structures such as ancient revetments and street boundaries, the Byzantine defences, and harbour installations of various periods. They developed gradually, beginning from the Byzantine nucleus, with successive expansions to the west, east and south. The extent of the Byzantine defences is in doubt to this day. It is certain that, in the early 14th century, the strong defences of the Collachio, or upper town, were already in place. This was a rectangular enclave, which dominated the two medieval harbours. The northwest corner of the Collachio was occupied by the Byzantine acropolis which, in Hospitaller times, sheltered the headquarters of the Order and is now known as the Palace of the Grand Master.44 South of the Collachio stretched the Byzantine lower town; whether it was fortified or not when the Hospital occupied Rhodes is still occasionally questioned by scholars. Remnants of its defences are visible to the east, while to the south and west their trace may be deduced from the marks they have left on the street grid of the late Hospitaller period. Surviving written sources and architectural remains seem to agree that the earliest identifiable Hospitaller work was carried out under master Hélion de Villeneuve, and concerned the Palace and some work on the southeast corner of the Collachio. They were followed by the contribution of master Déodat de Gozon around the great harbour, which has yet to be identified with full confidence; while two mid-14th century references about a west wall of the lower town may well refer to the Byzantine wall.45 More important fortification projects were carried out by masters Heredia and Naillac in the late 14th and early 15th century at the northeast and east part of the Collachio and the defences of the central part of the Kollias 2000: 299-308. Manoussou-Della 2001: 13. 44 Kollias 1992: 82-97. Manoussou-Della and Dellas 2004: 237-264. Manoussou-Della 2007b: 218-243. 45 Luttrell 2003: 130. 42 43

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Stone Carving of the Hospitaller Period in Rhodes tourist harbour. The oldest phase of the extension of the enceinte to the west of the Byzantine town probably dates from the period of Heredia. It is mentioned that under Naillac part of the Ovriaki (Jewish quarter), east of the Byzantine lower town, was already walled,46 but both its extent and boundaries are unknown. Also unknown is the date of the construction of the wall dividing the Collachio in about 1420.47 The extension of the defences to the south and east began under Fluvià and continued until its completion by his successors, masters Lastic (1437-1454) and Milly (1454-1461). From then on, the Knights were busy reinforcing this defensive line and avoided further expansions. The landward wall was thickened, strong bulwarks and bastions of experimental form appeared, and the surrounding dry moat was widened and made much deeper. The north and sea walls, which had been renovated around the third quarter of the 15th century, retained a more primitive form, protected as they were by the strong towers built somewhat earlier on the three harbour moles: the towers of Naillac, of the mole of the Windmills and of St. Nicholas, which could hold the enemy at a distance.48 During the development of the defensive line, the town within was dynamically evolving, incorporating or, more often, obliterating older defensive lines; indications of those survive in the descriptions included in documents concerning properties within the town.49 The prevalent continuous system of construction often caused (as it still does) conflicts between neighbours. Apart from the Collachio, which contained most of the Order’s public buildings (the master’s palace, the lodgings of the Knights, the auberges (Inns) of the tongues, the hospital, the mint, the arsenal and the conventual church of St. John) the town appears to have been free of social segregation. Christians also inhabited the Jewish quarter, in the easternmost part of the town. Latin and Orthodox churches were scattered throughout the urban grid, while mansions with inner courtyards and arcaded balconies on their upper floors, tall decorated ceilings and stone fireplaces are encountered all over the town, cheek-by-jowl with humbler dwellings, shops and warehouses.50 Vigorous economic activity led to frequent modifications and additions to buildings, possibly also a result of the periodic seismicity of the island. Public buildings directly associated with the life of the town such as the Commercium, the Loggia, the Hospice of St. Catherine and the Monte di Tsirpanlis 1995: 233. Manoussou-Della 2007a: 334-335. 48 Gabriel 1921: 137. 49 References in many documents, Tsirpanlis 1995. For the topography of the early Hospitaller town Luttrell 2003: 78 ff. For the general topography of medieval Rhodes and the late Hospitaller period Gabriel 1921: 1-15, 19-29. 50 Kollias 1998a: 89-109. 46 47

II. Topography Pietà51 were strategically located along the high street (magna et comunis platea) which crossed the town from west to east and then, turning southeast, reached the Jewish Quarter following the curve of the sea wall. A row of several windmills stood on the east mole of the great harbour, known for this reason as the Mole of the Windmills. Although excavations in the town have mostly investigated the interior of churches and revealed quantities of human remains under their floors, small burial grounds also existed around some of them, as in the cases of St. Mary of the Castle (the Latin cathedral),52 St. Mary of the Borgo,53 ‘SS. Constantine and Helena’54 and the ‘Holy Trinity’.55 The existence of suburban Greek Orthodox cemeteries is also possible, similar to the cemetery of St. Anthony north of the town, where most members of the Order were laid to rest.56 Most of the churches preserved in the town have not been identified yet, and are known by conventional names, although it is hoped that many topographical problems will be solved in the future, when surviving documents of the late Hospitaller period are published.57 The conventual church of St. John, St. Mary of the Castle and St. Mary of the Burgh are securely identified,58 while recent research has produced arguments for the identification of the Orthodox cathedral (Demirli Mosque or ‘St. Michael’), the Holy Apostles, St. Mary of Victory (‘anonymous church on Kisthiniou Street’),59 St. Michael (‘Holy Trinity’ on the Street of the Knights) etc. Doubts and differences of opinion exist for the identification of several public buildings, such as the auberges of the tongues, the mint, the Castellania and the Commercium, and for the location of others which no longer survive but are mentioned in the written sources.60 The Ottoman conquest of 1522 did not result in dramatic changes to the town until the nineteenth century.61 After the lengthy siege the fortifications were repaired by the Turks and a battery was added to the mole of the Windmills. The sloping ground (glaçis) encircling the outer perimeter of the moat was turned into a burial zone, whose most important nuclei were the mosque of Murad Reis to Gabriel 1923. Kollias 1992: 98 ff; idem 2007: 286 ff. Tsirpanlis 1999: 239. Archaiologikon Deltion 25 (1970), Chronika, 521-523 (E. Kollias). 53 Psarologaki and Zerlendis 1997. 54 Archaiologikon Deltion 46 (1991), Chronika, 499-502 (Ε. Papavassileiou). 55 Archaiologikon Deltion 34 (1979), Chronika, 473-475 (E. Kollias). 56 Cf. Gabriel 1921: 14. Luttrell 2003: 112. 57 Kollias 2007: 283-296. 58 Luttrell 2003: 94-109, 141-144. Dellas 2000: 351-366; idem 2007: 370-393. 59 Μεσαιωνική Πόλη Ρόδου. Έργα Αποκατάστασης 2000-2008: 125-127. 60 Both documents of the Hospitaller period and descriptions by later travellers of Hospitaller buildings which have now disappeared. 61 Manoussou-Della 2001: 30-34. 51 52

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Stone Carving of the Hospitaller Period in Rhodes the north and the Jewish cemetery at Acandia to the southeast. The Palace of the Grand Master was first used as a residence for eminent political prisoners and, more recently, as a common prison. Churches were turned into Islamic houses of prayer, with the addition of mihrab (prayer niches) in the interior and minarets outside, while their murals were scraped off or plastered over and most tomb structures above ground were removed. Some large mosques, and a few smaller ones, were erected; to these may be added two bath complexes (hammam) and several street fountains, some of which were also used for ritual ablutions.62 In time, many of the houses were modified, with changes in the placement of windows and doorways and additions to the first floor, while in some parts of the town ruined structures and gaps in the street grid were turned into gardens, often raised and supported by revetments. Gradually, houses started to appear on the perimeter of the medieval fortifications. In 1856, the explosion of a powder magazine underneath the complex of the conventual church of the Hospital -then the principal mosque of the town- levelled the area within a radius of about 60 metres,63 bringing about the first major change to the urban grid through the opening of new streets and the disappearance of others. In late Ottoman times (end of the eighteenth/ early twentieth century) some important public buildings were erected in the neoclassical style such as the hospital which formerly stood on the bastion north of the Palace, schools, the Fethi Pasha Library, the Clock Tower and the imposing private mansion on Pythagora St.64 In this state Rhodes came into Italian hands in 1912. Political motives led the Italians to undertake extensive interventions, particularly in the Collachio, in order to enhance its Western medieval character and restore it where it did not survive as fully as they desired. The partial rebuilding of the Palace, which was intended as a summer residence for the king of Italy, was a particularly aggressive operation, and the landscaping of the environs to include a parade plaza, verandas and gardens without proper documentation, destroyed important elements of the local heritage.65 The restoration of other medieval monuments in the town was carried out with greater sensitivity, although the works effaced construction phases that were either not recognized in time or were not considered important according to the conventions of the times. Many Ottoman buildings were pulled down, particularly in the area of the Palace, the great harbour and the Balducci 1932. Major damage to buildings occurred over a much larger perimeter, including the façade of the Palace and the upper part of the Street of the Knights. Gehlhof-Volanakis 1982: 52-59. 64 Maria 2008. Konuk 2008. 65 What remains is mostly photographic material without labelling, assembled without discernible method or purpose. A large part of this archive, containing about 15,000 glass plates, has now been digitized by the Ephorate of Antiquities of the Dodecanese and is at the disposal of researchers interested in local history and archaeology. 62 63

II. Topography

fortifications; most of the cemeteries surrounding the latter were also dismantled and turned into parkland. The lack of records concerning all these changes still hampers research in the history of the town.66 Livadiotti and Rocco 1996: 211-250. Tsirpanlis 1998: 79-94, 110-111, 223-227. ManoussouDella 2001: 35-43. 66

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Stone Carving of the Hospitaller Period in Rhodes Allied air raids during World War II brought about a last wave of destruction to the urban grid, levelling important medieval buildings or inflicting serious damage; not all of these could be restored after the Dodecanese became officially part of the Greek State (1947). Some of the areas worst affected, the so-called ‘bombed squares’, were preserved as open spaces, and until recently were areas of urban blight.67 From the Italian restorations and the ruins later left behind by the raids, many stone carvings of the Hospitaller period were recovered; those judged more important for the history or the art of the period were later put on display in archaeological exhibitions while others are still in storage under the care of the local Archaeological Service. Unfortunately, the difficult conditions of the immediate post-war period did not permit proper records of their provenance to be kept, a fact that limits the benefits that may be expected from their examination.

67

Manoussou-Della 2001: 43-50.

III. Stone carving and the art of Hospitaller Rhodes The conquest of Rhodes by the Order of St. John in 1309 was decisive for the island’s art. Due to their multinational origins, the Hospitallers serving on Rhodes represented a broader cultural spectrum than the Western rulers of other parts of Latin Greece. Moreover, since they usually had no legitimate children and were periodically replaced in the various offices of the Convent on Rhodes, they were less prone to assimilation, at least socially.68. After the dissolution of the Order of the Templars in 1312, the Hospital had an added reason to stress the significance of its presence in the East, as much for the assistance of Western pilgrims as for the conservation of the crusading spirit so regularly exploited by Western monarchs in their political propaganda.69 It was of vital importance for the Order to give the right impression to travellers and Western rulers, maintaining a proper balance between austerity, social care, piety and ideological correctness in its policies and the image of its Convent. The competition frequently affecting relations between the various tongues of the Order, led to initiatives aiming at the promotion of personal and national status: these often took the form of funding secular and religious buildings and the presentation of sumptuous furnishings for them.70 Depending on the financial means of those involved, the craftsmen engaged in carrying out various projects of the masters and other officers of the Order could be Westerners, hail from some part of the Latin East such as Cyprus, or locals and other Easterners more familiar with the Byzantine style. However, in most cases, the imported specialist craftsmen generally called upon local assistants who, in the course of time, became acquainted with Western aesthetics and the expectations of Latin patrons. Thus, very soon, craftsmen capable of meeting the basic needs of an increasingly cosmopolitan society must have become permanently available on the island. The influence of the place and of Byzantine culture on certain Knights has been remarked. Towards the end of the Hospitaller period in particular, where more evidence is available, there are incidents of philhellenism, while the preference of some members of the Order for Byzantine-style icon painting is well attested. Cf. Luttrel 1978: XII. Tsirpanlis 1991: 357-359, 382-387. De Vaivre 1999: 650-683. Kefala 2007: 448-449; eadem, 2009-2010: 143-157. 69 Cf. Palmer 1972: 180 ff.; or Tyerman 1988: 259 ff. 70 There are several examples. Cf. the foundation of the Hospice of St Catherine by Domenico d’Alamania c. 1391-1392 (Anapolitanos, Kasdagli and Manoussou-Della 1997: 501ff.); the murals in the chapel of St. George ‘of the English’ c. 1400 (Kasdagli and Bitha 2008: 47-48); the construction of the ‘Auberge of France’ by Émery d’Amboise in the late 15th c. (Roger 2007a: 134159); the foundation of a chapel by Lodovico di Piossasco in 1499 (Cante 2000: 387 ff.); the gift of furniture by Charles Aleman de la Rochechinard to the conventual church of St. John in the early 16th c. (Gabriel 1923: 168 n. 3; Rottiers 1830: 302, pl. LXXII). 68

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Stone Carving of the Hospitaller Period in Rhodes The Hospital’s policies encouraged the settlement of immigrants of different nationalities: Syrians who followed the Order into exile after the loss of Acre in 1291, Italians who were already active in the region, refugees from Byzantine lands under pressure from the advance of Islam, trades and soldiers of fortune from Aragon, Catalonia, Sicily and the south of France, and the personal servants and attendants (familiares) of the masters and other officers of the Order as well as slaves from the Balkans and the East. The Knights had many needs: they required the services of notaries, doctors, lawyers, shipwrights, masons and other craftsmen, traders to import goods lacking on the island, export local produce (sugar, soap, wine, timber etc.) and transport the personnel and revenues from the Order’s properties in the West and its commanderies in the East, as well as farmers and oarsmen for the Order’s galleys.71 They also attracted temporary allies of all kinds to strengthen their forces against Muslim powers and bolster the strategic importance of Rhodes, in order to increase their influence on the pope and European rulers.72 The influx of settlers and their interaction with the locals resulted in important social changes. Among them were the emergence of a vigorous urban class, rising living standards and competitiveness, collaboration between different social groupings and the development of aesthetic styles for the promotion of specific cultural and ideological attitudes.73 The use of separate styles was at first more clear-cut. Judging from the vestiges of mural painting on 14th century monuments, the local Greeks maintained their attachment to Byzantine models and sought craftsmen able to reproduce them, albeit in a provincial manner. The rest, depending on their purse, either sought imported artifacts and craftsmen familiar with Western art, or supervised local craftsmen in order to obtain the desired effect. In 1322, for example, the Latin archbishop obtained permission to purchase liturgical furnishings for his cathedral from the canons of Beirut, who had taken refuge in Cyprus.74 However, surviving murals in St. Mary of the Castle, the Latin cathedral, included, as early as the mid-14th century, both purely Western art (a figure of St. Lucia) and eclectic examples combining Western with Byzantine elements (a Virgin and a pair of female saints).75 A few decades later, in the chapel of St. George ‘of the English’, the oldest mural layer, probably dated to the last quarter of the century, mingles distinctive Western and Byzantine features: although the painter seems more Tsirpanlis 1995: 48-81. Delaville Le Roulx 1904: 92-98, 152-155. Tsirpanlis 1991: 78, 87. 73 Kollias 1991: 243-261; idem 1998, 109-131; idem 2000. Katsioti 1999: 327-342. Sigala 2000: 329-381. Archontopoulos 2010. Bitha 2000: 429-448. 74 Luttrell 2003: 177. 75 For eclectic painting in Rhodes see Kollias 2000. 71 72

III. Stone carving and the art of Hospitaller Rhodes familiar with the Byzantine style, in the apse the Mandylion76 is accompanied by a caption in Latin, while the kneeling angel Gabriel in the Annunciation is clad in a fur-lined mantle.77 In later paintings the combination of elements is more practiced; thus, establishing the dogma served by a particular church becomes a challenge, especially since, at least in the mid-15th century, Roman Catholic services in churches under the control of the Latin archbishop were performed in Greek.78 In architecture we have early examples of Gothic influence, such as the crossvaulted ceiling of St. Mary of the Castle (first half of the 14th century), the Old Hospital of the Order (before 1365) and St. Mary of the Borgo (first half of the 14th century). These edifices are very plain in comparison to the most prominent Gothic monuments of Palestine and Cyprus, and it is therefore not easy to judge whether the craftsmen who worked on them came from the West or the Latin East.79 Their restrained decoration consists of mouldings and vegetal motifs in relief on the façade, the corbels supporting cross vaults, and the doors and windows, and they display the arms of the rulers of the Order responsible for their construction. The decoration of architectural members, which are usually carved in the local calcareous sandstone and are generally rather battered, has nothing in common with the Byzantine art of the period. Indeed, even in the masonry, where some evidence of traditional local technique might have been expected, the early Gothic monuments of Rhodes show a break with the past: the old system of construction, with its use of tiles to level courses of irregular stones and fill gaps in the joints, is replaced by masonry laid in regular courses with dressed, almost cubical small stones,80 or large ashlars, bound by extremely strong lime mortars.81 It is clear that the sculpture of Hospitaller Rhodes began as an accessory of the newly introduced Gothic architecture. For most of the 15th century the Gothic style must have coexisted with the eclectic, but few remnants of the first have come down to us- fragments from the tracery of Gothic windows, pieces of mouldings and cross-vault ribs of composite section, mullions, some corbels. The most typical examples of Gothic stone carving in medieval Rhodes are some funerary monuments which are most likely the work of Western craftsmen, as are the figures of saints decorating the gate of St. Anthony, the tower of the Virgin at the bastion of England, the central tower at Fort St. Nicholas and the Marine Latin Veronica, i.e. the Holy Face. Kasdagli and Bitha 2008. 78 Andreas Chrysoverges, Latin archbishop of Rhodes (1431-1447), had obtained special permission to use a version of the mass translated into Greek, probably to facilitate proselytization; this was not a unique case. Tsirpanlis, 1991: 212; idem 1995: 293. Kasdagli 2007a: 467. 79 Luttrell 2003: 94-109, 141-144, 267-278. 80 E.g. Virgin of the Castle, Old Hospital. 81 E.g. conventual church of St. John in the Collachio. 76 77

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Stone Carving of the Hospitaller Period in Rhodes Gate.82 These, though, have been so damaged by erosion and vandalism that it is hard to appreciate their artistic value. Among surviving funerary monuments most notable is the sarcophagus lid from the tomb of master Jacques de Milly (†1461), now on display at the Musée des Thermes de Cluny (Musée national du Moyen Âge) in Paris. Of similar quality must have been the lid of the tomb of master Giovanni Battista degli Orsini (†1476), a fragment of which has recently been located in the depots of the Archaeological Service in Rhodes.83 The reason that the Gothic architecture of Rhodes left few traces must be due, at least in part, to the fact that it was mostly used to decorate the upper storey of the buildings. The ground floor was usually taken up by storerooms or shops, which were, as a rule, solid vaulted constructions with thick carrying walls. The first floor formed the residential part of the houses and had thinner walls, more and larger openings and high, usually timber ceilings. Thus, it was particularly vulnerable to earthquakes, and apparently few examples survived the violent tremors that shook the town in 1481. In addition, most of the large Latin churches had been built in the 14th century, in a more austere style. Evidence exists for decorative modifications in the Gothic style from their interiors, of vividly coloured plaster mouldings and fragments of stained glass recovered in excavations,84 but no such additions have survived in situ. The rebuilding of upper storeys after 1481 must have been almost total. The arrival of capable Western craftsmen under the patronage of eminent members of the Order such as Pierre d’Aubusson and Émery d’Amboise is evident, as these influential Knights were not active builders only during their tenure of the mastership. The dominant feature in the architecture of the late Hospitaller period is the appearance of the Italian Renaissance, which also affected the aesthetics of funerary monuments.85 This period, although comparatively brief, must have been particularly dynamic. What remains of medieval Rhodes after four centuries of Ottoman occupation, when the town was no longer inhabited by Christians, is mostly its legacy. Typical decorated examples of this period are the so-called ‘Castellania’ on Hippokratous Square,86 the Zaccaria mansion on

Manoussou-Della 2007b: 234, fig. 24, 238, fig. 29. Gabriel 1921: 30, 65, 87, 44. Gerola 1914: 239 and 244 fig. 37, 232-233 fig. 28, 247, 22 and 244 fig. 37. Kollias 1998a: 132-141. De Vaivre 1998: 35-88; idem 2006: 254-263. Kasdagli 2002a: 254-256. 84 More specifically in Our Lady of the Castle (1970) and the conventual church of the Hospital (1990). Cf. Rottiers 1830: 299 and pl. LIII, 279, 283 and pl. XXXVII. 85 Gabriel 1923: 145-146, 155-156. 86 Gabriel 1923: no. 26, 2-4, 93. It is probably the building of the Commercium. 82 83

III. Stone carving and the art of Hospitaller Rhodes Evraion Martyron Square,87 the ‘Auberge of France’ on the Street of the Knights88 and the recently restored ‘House of Djem’ off the same street.89 Of the funerary monuments the most typical example, probably an import from Italy, survives in part, incorporated in the doorway of the Suleymaniye Mosque on the junction of Sokratous and Orfeos Streets.90 In contrast to monumental tombs, a number of tomb slabs have been preserved, and help us draw some conclusions about the wider context of stone carving of the Hospitaller period. Dozens of standing buildings still preserve on their façades and interiors decorative architectural elements which have not been thoroughly studied, although the heraldry and inscriptions on the façades of secular buildings and the fortifications have been systematically inventoried.91 The heraldry on the buildings, much of which survives in place, is a dominant feature of Hospitaller architecture. The carving of coats-of-arms in relief, with the exception of some late examples, did not require particular skill. These arms enable us to date and identify buildings and are sometimes accompanied by precise dates and inscriptions, while the rules of heraldry provide additional information concerning the social context of building activity. Funerary monuments were the structures most adversely affected by Ottoman practices. The floors of medieval churches were, according to available archaeological evidence, laid with marble slabs or terracotta tiles,92 but most of them have been destroyed; any tomb slabs or standing tombs were plundered for building material by people who sometimes exploited their decorative qualities93 Gabriel 1923: no. 31, 2-4, 110. Recent identification: De Vaivre 2010: 71-74. In the past it has been referred to as the ‘mansion of the Greek archbishop’ and as the ‘Admiralty’. 88 Gabriel 1923: no. 5, 2-4, 39. 89 Gabriel 1923: no. 6, 2-4, 47. The present early 16th century building is assumed to stand on the site of Djem’s lodgings. 90 Balducci 1931. 91 Gerola 1913-14: 730-742, 81-91, 164-174, 332-339, 399-407, 443-452. Gabriel 1921: 93-103 and idem 1923: 3 ff. 92 Examples of marble-paved churches were the conventual church of St. John, where excavation brought to light the traces of the lime mortar that cemented the irregular slabs together (the slabs themselves had been preserved only underneath the mihrab, Archaiologikon Deltion 50 (1995): 821-822 and plan 1) and the Virgin of the Burgh, Archaiologikon Deltion 52 (1997): 1151-1152 (Α. Psarologaki), while a pavement of ceramic tiles was found in a comparatively good state of preservation in a chapel of the ‘anonymous church on Kisthiniou Street’ (Μεσαιωνική Πόλη Ρόδου. Έργα Αποκατάστασης 2000-2008: 126). It may be that other churches were paved with sandstone slabs, pebbles or lime cement, materials encountered in other Hospitaller buildings but also used in the Ottoman period. 93 Intact or almost intact tomb slabs were reused in the floors of Ottoman public buildings such as the Suleymaniye (1808) and Ibrahim Pasha (1540) mosques, the New Baths or Baths of Suleyman (Yeni Hammam, 1558) and also the bastion of the tongue of Spain on the fortifications, which was restored by the Turks. It is interesting that medieval tomb slabs have not been found in the other 87

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Stone Carving of the Hospitaller Period in Rhodes or, if made of marble, were frequently broken into pieces and fed into lime kilns.94 What we see today are scattered survivals, while some of the most important of those have been taken abroad.95 On surviving tomb slabs, features that the Ottomans disliked were often removed. In many effigies and statues of saints the head is missing or has been deliberately damaged; opposing arms of the cross on the Hospitallers’ mantle and on the heraldry are often abraded off (161, 164, 176, 177, 178, 179, 180, 186, lid of the sarcophagus of Jacques de Milly). This, in certain cases at least, must have taken place soon after the conquest of Rhodes, because it shows familiarity with the details of the Hospital’s habit.96 Less common, but not unheard of, is the erasure of features from the heraldry mounted on buildings, such as the lions of Guy de Blanchefort on the ground floor of the auberge of Auvergne or the cross on 70, a shield from Lindos. In more recent times, a popular belief is recorded among the local Muslims which ascribed the solidity of the fortifications to the ‘magic influence’ of the heraldry on them.97 Thus, when part of the counterscarp collapsed in the sector of the tongue of Provence, its restorers put back the shields recovered from the rubble, though they placed them upside-down through error. However, the heraldry on the walls seems to have also been used for target practice by the Ottoman cavalry who regularly exercised in the moat (63).

two major mosques of Rhodes, those of Redjep Pasha (1588) and Mustafa Pasha (1765). Decorative use is seen in the doorway of the Suleymaniye. For the dating of Ottoman monuments see Balducci 1932: 45-47, 93-138. 94 This must have been the lot of marble lay tomb slabs 190 and 191, of which numerous small fragments were recovered from the burial crypt of St. Spyridon. Archaiologikon Deltion 39 (1984): 340 (E. Kollias). 95 Du Sommerard 1883: 39-41. Rossi 1920: 331-340. 96 As in the case of the small cross decorating the ending of the cord that fastened the Knights’ mantle (165 and possibly also 180). 97 Information by E. Kollias, who had it from discussions with elderly Ottoman inhabitants of the Old Town, still alive in the 1970s.

Part Two IV. Displaced carved pieces and fragments Carved pieces and fragments not preserved in situ belong to two broad categories: decorated architectural pieces (door- and windowframes, mouldings, capitals, rib sections, heraldry etc.), and tomb slabs and markers, often inscribed. To date no full inventory exists for members bearing moulded decoration that are, for the most part, carved in sandstone.98 Out of context they can provide only limited historical information, in contrast to inscriptions. Also, they are less well preserved than other stone carvings and more dispersed in the storerooms of the Archaeological Service. The first 235 entries in the extant internal inventory are figured sculptures and reliefs, inscriptions, heraldry and funerary slabs; they form the subject of this study. Of the pieces under consideration 134 are of unknown provenance, and we do not even know how or when they arrived at the depots of the Archaeological Service. Most of them probably came from the clearing of the debris throughout the town after World War II. They are 65 heraldic slabs from buildings or the fortifications, 50 tomb slabs (or what survived of them), five figured capitals from mullioned windows, the torso of a female statue, and 13 other pieces, mostly architectural members (mouldings, lintels etc.) A further 37 inventoried pieces derive from Italian and more recent archaeological activity, but their original position is also unknown. We are ignorant of the conditions of discovery of two further pieces of known provenance. Finally, 62 pieces still remain where they were found, or come from excavations probably close to their original position, or actually belong to the site under investigation. Most of the pieces on display are kept in the great ward of the 15th century hospital of the Order, housing the Archaeological Museum since the Italian occupation (19121944);99 a further piece may be seen in the small courtyard of the same building. Some others are part of the exhibition on medieval Rhodes at the Palace of the Grand Master;100 two are in St. Mary of the Castle and three in the small display of the Holy Apostles within the compound of the Ottoman soup kitchen (Imaret) at the upper end of Sokratous Street. Three further pieces are on display at the ‘Auberge of France’, an annexe of the French Consulate on the Street of the Knights. An architectural element is kept at Fort St. Nicholas, and a tomb slab is still in situ at the ‘anonymous church on Kisthiniou Street’ due to a legal dispute with a private citizen.101 Two heraldic slabs are kept at the acropolis of Lindos, two more outside the conventual church of the A. Gabriel, the principal researcher of the architecture of Hospitaller Rhodes, has made a brief study of mouldings. Gabriel 1923, 130-138. 99 Maiuri 1921. Jacopi 1932a. Konstantinopoulos 1977. 100 Rhodes from the 4th c.: 52, fig. 45 and 46, 70-71, fig. 82 and 84, 78-79, fig. 91-92, 91, fig. 105. 101 Μεσαιωνική Πόλη Ρόδου. Έργα Αποκατάστασης 2000-2008: 126, fig. 31. 98

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Stone Carving of the Hospitaller Period in Rhodes Virgin at Phileremos and one in the community office at the village of Salakos. The rest are kept in various depots and courtyards of the Archaeological Service.102 Some of them are not readily accessible and several require cleaning and conservation. The already inventoried pieces are a rich source of information on Hospitaller Rhodes. They contribute to the dating and identification of buildings, separate pieces and archaeological contexts, provide a control for the written sources and the theories of scholars in various topics, and add to the information elicited from standing monuments. The 14th century is less well represented in the existing inventory. Indeed, few standing buildings of the period remain, because the building activity attendant on the development of the town in the 15th century was followed by intensive rebuilding after the earthquakes of 1481. The stones used for the carving of 14th century pieces generally indicate local work, if not necessarily indigenous craftsmen.103 The same holds true for the late Hospitaller period, where more information is available, at least in certain fields.104 For most of the architectural members the buff calcareous sandstone of Rhodes has been used, although marble moulded frames, mullions and capitals also exist. Most of the heraldic and tomb slabs are carved on a variety of marbles, notably the rather coarse-grained, greyish local marble also known as Lartian stone. Other kinds of marble are obviously imported, but most of them are probably recycled ancient pieces. Stylistic similarities indicate the systematic reuse of marble from the abundant ancient and Early Christian material ready to hand in the extensive ruins surrounding the medieval town of Rhodes and the abandoned monuments of the countryside. It is well known that the ruins of the ancient city were systematically quarried during the execution of large-scale projects in Byzantine and Hospitaller times, mostly on the fortifications.105 In some cases, however, we have stones that present problems- such as a type of whitish, soft, fine-grained limestone that may have reached Rhodes as ships’ ballast. Elements stylistically related to similar pieces which are still in situ on standing monuments are easier to date. Scholars, mostly antiquaries and architects of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, have already examined part of the material.106 Some displaced pieces, such as the sandstone figured sculptures, present difficulties. Dating the heraldry and inscriptions, although not always with precision, is easier. The pieces most securely dated, containing inscriptions and heraldry, usually belong to the large category of funerary slabs. See also Appendix 2 for the location of all the pieces included in the catalogue. Gabriel 1923: 154-155. 104 Gabriel 1923: 155-156. Kollias 1998b: 152-164. 105 Manoussou-Della 2007b: 221-222. 106 Most significant for their research as well as their publications are Rottiers (1826-1830), Flandin (1853), Berg (1862), Biliotti and Cottret (1881), Belabre (1908) and, during and after the Italian invasion, Gabriel (1909-1923) and Gerola (c. 1912-1928), followed by Maiuri (1921-1928), Jacopi (1927-32), Balducci (1931-1933) and Lojacono (1933-1936). 102 103

V. Architectural members The architecture of secular buildings in Hospitaller Rhodes has been of interest to a number of specialists. A detailed examination is not necessary here, but a concise review of its typical features will be useful. They all were two-storeyed, and shared partition walls with adjacent buildings; the vaulted roof of the ground floor supported a first floor with a flat timber ceiling. The masonry was in regular courses. Usually, ground floor vaults were slightly pointed but the occasional cross vault also appears. The horizontal was accentuated on the façades, through the use of moulded string courses (cordoni) at the level of the sills of the large windows of the first floor. As the first floor was higher than the ground floor, with small square ventilation windows just below the ceiling, these string courses divided the façade horizontally in two nearly equal parts. The main decorative elements of the façade were the openings: in the simplest form, the frames had bevelled edges and large windows were supplied with dripstones. Other ornamentation, mostly encountered in the houses of the wealthy or public buildings, were moulded frames containing heraldry, figured reliefs or murals, stone flag stands and projecting gargoyles along the roof. The ground floor openings were supplied with wooden awnings supported by projecting stone hooks. The entrance opened onto a vaulted passage that led to an inner courtyard, generally supplied with a well. From the courtyard, a stone staircase with a moulded outline on the free side led to the living quarters on the first floor, often through an arcaded veranda. On this opened the doors of the various rooms and some windows. Interiors displayed usually simple decorative stonework in communicating doorways, fireplaces and window seats. The other notable element was the frequently painted ceiling of cypress or cedar timber, with carved corbels supported on stone projections along the top of opposed walls. Some of these features, such as the string courses and moulded frames, the heraldry, ribbed cross vaults and flag stands, are also encountered on some structures on the fortifications107 and on churches. Thus, the category of architectural members comprises moulded pieces from door- and windowframes, mullions, figured capitals and tracery from Gothic windows, flag stands, monolithic Renaissance lintels, the moulded frames of the heraldry, gargoyles, windowsills, staircase edgings, corbels, bosses and pieces of vault ribs from cross-vaulted ceilings, decorative fountain basins and a few other elements of doubtful function. To these may be added figures carved in relief or in the round, which ornamented gates and towers, supported coats of arms and occasionally may have graced the interior of churches and secular buildings. Some towers have fireplaces on the top floor. The graceful machicolations were standard in the pre-1480 period. 107

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Stone Carving of the Hospitaller Period in Rhodes Most of these pieces, some mullions excepted, were carved in the local calcareous sandstone, the commonest building material in the town. A fair number of such scattered pieces, collected from various sites and currently kept in the depots of the Archaeological Service, were recently inventoried; their systematic study will require time and a considerable amount of fieldwork. Only inventoried pieces of hard stones (Lartian and imported marbles) will be presented here, as well as some figured sculptures and a dated heraldic lintel.108 Dating is doubtful for some, and they will therefore be examined according to type. No 1 in the catalogue is a typical sandstone lintel from a Renaissance rectangular doorway,109 broken into three pieces and bearing the date 1516. It bears the arms of a family of Greek burgesses. It probably came from the clearing of World War II bombsites and it must have originally belonged to a house on Athinas Square near the church of ‘St. Spyridon’. This house was inventoried by Gabriel (1923) as House No. 65, and in his Pl. XXX.1 Gabriel publishes a photograph with a partial view of the façade, including a mullioned window with a figured capital very similar to (if not the same with) No. 11. The decorative flower above the arms recalls the characteristic Venetian shape of the shield used, some time earlier, on tomb slab No. 191 from ‘St. Spyridon’- a church of which the same family were the donors. The initials Γ Μ framing the arms on the lintel must represent the George depicted on the mural of the Crucifixion in the burial crypt of the church, to the right of the Cross, at the feet of St. John.110 The two pieces of 2 belong together, although they come from different parts of the frame of a mullioned window with moulded and vegetal decoration. A partial graphic reconstruction has been attempted as, unfortunately, the recovered pieces do not suffice for a full reconstruction.111 It is probable, however, that the smaller piece comes from the left light of the window. This frame recalls, in its decorative motif, a window with an elaborate sandstone windowframe published by Gabriel from his House No. 61, which is still standing on Aristeidou Street. However, 2 is unique for Rhodes so far, due to the material and the quality of the carving. The clarity of line and composite profile of the moudings forming the pointed arch of the light recall the craftsmanship on the niches framing the effigies on the finest funerary monuments of the third quarter of the 15th century. From the few surviving examples of mullioned windows it appears that generally the ratio of the height of the mullion against the total height of the opening was It has to be stressed that imported marbles include those which reached the island in antiquity and the Early Christian centuries, and were reused in the Hospitaller period. 109 Judging from the considerable length. 110 Kollias 1994: 41. 111 Drawing I facing Pl. 1 below. 108

V. Architectural members about 3:5. If 3, a spiral colonnette with a trefoil section comes from a window with similar dimensions, then the total height of the opening it belonged to must have been about 2.5 metres, something exceptional for Rhodes. Its remarkably good state of preservation makes it unlikely that it came from the ruins of a bombsite. It is possible that it is an import,112 and stylistically related to pieces seen in the cloisters of large Roman churches such as San Giovanni Laterano or San Paolo fuori le mura.113 In contrast, square mullion 4 is definitely Rhodian, as it displays the arms of a master of the Order and is carved in local stone. The piece possibly came from the Latin church of St. Sebastian, which no longer exists.114 However, the most interesting feature of the piece is the Latin monogram incised on the right side, which may be the mark of the stonecutter: if this is true, it is the first time such a mark is observed on Hospitaller Rhodes. Figured capitals must have been a common element of mullioned windows on Rhodes. So far eight pieces have been found, of which only one is of marble (16), and appears stylistically different from the others (9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15), which are cut either in sandstone (the first four) or in porous limestone (the last three). 16 might be the work of a craftsman specializing in figured sculptures such as the relief of the seated Virgin with Child gracing the tower of the Virgin, executed on behalf of master Jean de Lastic. Unfortunately, the faces on this latter sculpture have been vandalised, and a comparison is not possible. The other capitals are rather clumsy works, but from a distance must have enlivened the rather austere façades they decorated. The moulding of the negroid features of the girl’s face on 14 is of particular interest, and it is uncertain whether the effect was accidental or deliberately achieved. Also worth noting is the face of a young man, distinguished by a determined, rather grim expression (15).115 Extensive damage does not allow us to judge whether the other pieces were individually expressive or resembled each other in this respect as well- because it is clear, from the rendering of the hair and the vegetal motifs, the shape of the face and the material, that 10, 11 and 12 are closely related to each other, and may be the work of the same craftsman. 9, reproducing a more naturalistic hairstyle, might have assisted in the dating of the type, but unfortunately follows one of the commonest of women’s fashions.116 No detail survives on 13, the head of a young page. Thus Perhaps even during the Italian occupation of the 20th century. Toman 1997: 89, 308-309. 114 Brouskari 1998: 440, n. 4. 115 Found in the fill of the vault at the east wing of the Villaragut building. 116 From 1330 onwards. Viollet-le-Duc 1978, vol. ΙΙ, Mobilier: 499-500, fig. 22. The back of the head is covered by a coif, and the plaits twist from the temples towards the ears and the nape of the neck. The coif was usually secured by a wreath or band: in this case a half-band recalling a tapestry dating from the mid-15th c. Hansen 1962: 39, no. 205, 207. 112 113

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Stone Carving of the Hospitaller Period in Rhodes the dating of these figured capitals is difficult. Although the rendering of the vegetal motifs recalls the decoration of heraldic slab 35 (1365-1373), and shows similarities with the decoration of the capitals in St. Mary of the Borgo (first half of the 14th century), these elements do not suffice to date all the capitals to the same period. Moreover, it appears difficult for so many examples to have survived from this early; therefore it seems more likely that they are the products of a local trend, still present in the 15th century. The stylistic idiom of these capitals is not purely Gothic: it lies nearer to the Romanesque. Elements of the earlier style were still utilized in 15th century Sicily, with which Rhodes maintained close contacts throughout the Hospitaller period. Similar examples have not survived in the rest of Latin Greece or in Cyprus. Corbels from ribbed cross vaults decorated with human faces survive at St. Sophia in Andravida and at Zarakas in the Peloponnese, but they date from the first half of the 13th century.117 Related examples on Cyprus, mostly from the area of Famagusta, are also early, and aesthetically distinct.118 5 is a cross-vault boss bearing the arms of the d’Alamania family. It probably came from the ground floor of the first building phase of the Hospice of Saint Catherine, a foundation of Domenico d’Alamania, raised in 1391-1392 at the easternmost part of the town, the Ovriaki.119 6 is a massive impost from Fort St. Nicholas, where it was found reused in a later fill on the platform of the outer bastion built by grand master Aubusson and modified in Ottoman times. It dates from the first phase of the fort, built by Pere Ramon Zacosta, when the Gothic script was still in use on the fortifications. Perhaps it originally supported the right end of a large arch, so that we may visualize a corresponding piece with the arms of the master supporting the other end of the same structure. 7 is a small rectangular twin basin from a fountain that probably decorated the façade or courtyard of a private mansion; it has spouts in the form of lionheads and the arms of a burgess of the late Hospitaller period and is late in date. The inscription with the name of the owner, MIKAEL CARBONVS, helps in the interpretation of the objects accompanying the bend on the shield: they are probably pieces of coal and this is an example of canting arms in Rhodes.120 It is worth noting the use of K in the inscription, and the A with a broken horizontal Bon 1969: pl. 17c, 126c. Kitsiki-Panagopoulos 1979: 73, fig. 46. Enlart 1899: 115, 222, 231, 341, 384. 119 Anapolitanos, Kasdagli and Manoussou-Della 1997: 501. Manoussou-Della 2003: 136-141. 120 Most familiar canting arms in Rhodes are the crows (corneilles) of Corneillan, the pine-cones of de Pins, and the crowned column of pope Martin V (Odone Colonna, 1417-1431). The arms of the Peruzzi, Clouet, and Vavano (108: the ‘fan’ on the arms is probably a pun based on the name of the owner: Va+Vano) families are also canting. 117 118

V. Architectural members stroke, a detail that appears sporadically throughout the Hospitaller period.121 This piece testifies to the cultural and social status to which a prosperous burgess of Rhodes might aspire towards the end of the Hospitaller period. That the owner was a layman is made evident by the heraldic shield, which lacks the cross of the Order, and by the plainness of the inscription, although the surname does not necessary derive from the rather base trade implied by the chunks of coal on the arms. It is more likely that the name itself inspired this unusual charge, which might even refer to swarthy looks. Column 8, inscribed with a number of wise sayings from Antiquity signed by the cleric Cristoforo Buondelmonti, must also have been decorative (or an advertisement of scholarly erudition); the admonitory content of the inscription may indicate that the column (or the inscription) was gifted to a personage or a public building, or have given distinction to the house of a wealthy patron of the arts. A group of decorative members of doubtful function presents a number of problems. Apart from 20, a reused piece from a Byzantine templon epistyle, 17 and 18 have no parallels on Rhodes. 17 possibly belongs to the experiments of the mid-14th century also responsible for the decorative motifs on heraldic slabs 32 and 34, although it may be earlier still.122 The fragments ornamented with incised fleurs-de-lys (18) come from the conventual church of St. John. It is recorded that in the early years of the 16th-century French Knight Charles Aleman de la Rochechinard was active in the embellishment of the church: furniture with his arms still existed there in the nineteenth century.123 It is possibly not an accident that the confident rendering of the motif, although simpler, presents similarities to the technique on the decorative border of the tomb slab of Liberalis Thomaseus (229). Renaissance jambs 21 and 22 probably belong together, but it is not known whether they decorated an arcosolium, arch or doorframe (or a pair of them) in the church of the Holy Apostles, where they were found. The decoration on either side is different, although the same basic theme appears with slight modifications on the forward-facing side of both pieces. Related, although simpler, is the motif on the intrados of 22. This kind of pattern, with stylized plants springing from an ornate vase, was particularly popular in north Italy.124 Similar designs are often encountered in the decoration of buildings, especially on square pillars and Cf. the same letter on tomb slab 114, dated to 1318. The pattern recalls the rows of interlaced Gothic arches of Norman Sicily, but also Venetian motifs. 123 Rochechinard bore semy of fleurs-de-lys in the 1st and 4th quarters. 124 It is very commonly met in the decoration of manuscripts, in both Venice and Florence. Armstrong 1981: pl. 58, 89, 90 (1472-1473). Manion and Vines 1984: pl. 18, fig. 61 (1452-1484). Further elements of Rhodian stone-carving, such as the shield-of-arms within a wreath, also appear in these manuscripts. 121 122

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Stone Carving of the Hospitaller Period in Rhodes doorframes, in the painting of Renaissance Italy during the last quarter of the 15th and early 16th century. It is prominent in works by Perugino, Pinturicchio, Ghirlandaio, Crivelli, Botticelli and Correggio.125 Its use on the frame of the Frari Triptych in Venice, the work of Bellini, is typical.126 Architectural parallels of these depictions are found in Renaissance mansions such as the Villa Madama in Rome.127 The intrados of 21, with twisting vine tendrils, is different from the rest of the decoration, recalling older designs. However, the subject is enlivened by the presence of birds and a small lizard, which recall illuminated manuscripts but also the panels and pilasters with vegetal decoration on the Ara Pacis Augustae in Rome.128 Among the few figured sculptures of Rhodes, 23 is a possibly half-finished relief representation of saint Michael, the most adventurous example of Hospitaller period sculpture where pose is concerned. The angel is clad in contemporary plate armour under a mantle wrapped diagonally across the chest. He raises a sword above his head with the right hand, holding a shield low with the left. The face and the surface of the left leg are broken off. The relief was probably intended to decorate some part of the fortifications near the Amboise Gate, where it was found during the Italian occupation. The proportions and shape of the body are competently rendered, although in a simplified manner. This work, which in some ways recalls the figure of the Virgin on the tower of England, provides striking contrast to the rather dull shallow relief of 24 from the village of Asklipio and the folk style lion of saint Mark on 25. This piece displays picturesque elements such as the animal ears attached to a human head with a halo, the stylized bud-shaped tuft of the tail, the clumsily shaped hind legs and the errors in the inscription. The latter almost certainly betray the Greek origin of a craftsman illiterate in Latin: two out of three involve the Latin characters R and G, and the third the omission of Τ in the word EVANGΕLISTA. The relief might come from a Latin church dedicated to St. Mark but its provenance is unknown. Thus, like 26, a piece from Syros with the same general theme rendered much more competently, it may have been recently imported from another island, where Venice held sway.

Perugino (Jesus Handing the Keys to St. Peter, 1481/2), Pinturicchio (Burial of St. Bernardine, c. 1484 and Departure of Aeneas Silvius Piccolomini for the Synod of Basle, 1507), Ghirlandaio (Birth of the Virgin, c. 1485-1490), Crivelli (Annunciation, 1486), Botticelli (Scenes from the Life of St. Zenobius, c. 1500-1505) and Correggio (Vision of St. John the Evangelist, c. 1520-1524). Toman 2005: 289, 295, 298-299, 363, 385. Ettlinger and Ettlinger 1976: 105-109. The similarity with the motifs in those works of Botticelli and Crivelli is particularly striking. 126 Virgin and Child with saints Nicholas, Mark and Benedict (1488), in Santa Maria Gloriosa dei Frari. Woods 2007: 198-199. 127 Furneau-Jordan 1981: 244-245. 128 Castriota 1995. 125

V. Architectural members Two further pieces belonging to the category of figured sculptures are female figures carved in the round (28, 29). They are both missing their heads and arms. The first was found in the excavation of the conventual church of the Order and only the upper torso survives. It was probably carved in more than one piece, since the underside is flat and preserves traces of lime mortar. The back is perfunctorily worked, so the work may have been placed in a niche inside or outside the church. The long flowing hair belongs to a young and attractive woman, perhaps a Mary Magdalene, clad in a tunic with a squared neckline and a mantle over the shoulders. The turning of the torso and head to the right are a possible indication that the statue belonged to a group. 29 is enigmatic, but obviously designed to be seen from all sides. The movement of the torso and the convincing shaping of the body betray a competent artist and possibly recall the restrained style of 23. Here, however, we possibly have to do with a secular subject, since the dress is contemporary, with a wide skirt and narrow bodice pointed at the front and back, which offsets the waist. The motion of the torso and the raised left knee forced the sculptor to preserve part of the stone as an additional support round the lower part of the skirt on the opposite side.

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VI. Heraldry from buildings Surviving evidence indicates that the use of heraldry on Rhodes antedates the arrival of the Order of St. John: the lower half of the tomb slab of Ioannes Pitzos (113), dated to 1306, is missing. However, the shallow carving in the lower part of the extant piece may, without much effort, be reconstructed as the upper part of a coat of arms parted per pale, with a single charge on the dexter side- either a fleur-de-lys or, possibly, an estoile. The design cannot be otherwise interpreted, and the name Pitzos or Opitzos is obviously the Hellenization of an Italian name (Obizzo?). Thus, it appears that Italian soldiers of fortune active in Aegean waters in the 13th century introduced heraldry to Rhodes, and were possibly in the process of being assimilated by the indigenous Greek population when the Order reached the island. Heraldry is really a specialized kind of epigraphy, very important on Rhodes because of the sheer quantity of specimens129 and can furnish important information, provided particular contexts are taken into account. It is generally associated with Westerners, and members of the Order in particular, with special emphasis on late grand masters. It is frequently accompanied by other epigraphic elements, mostly dates, although this is by no means the rule. The combination of heraldry and script make the social context clearer. The heraldry accompanies, in a few cases, inscriptions in Greek: they are examples representing the eclectic mixing of cultural elements or Renaissance influence.130 Hospitaller heraldry has been a decisive factor in identifying and dating medieval buildings in Rhodes. Western travellers of the nineteenth century,131 and scholars of the early twentieth,132 employed their knowledge of heraldry in order to lay the foundations of the research modern archaeologists and historians have since added to. Today, the knowledge of heraldry is uncommon in Greece, because it has been associated with social prejudices of the past and foreign oppression. Thus, important information about various medieval artifacts that lies encoded in its rules often escapes local scholars. When adopted by Greek folk art, it is sometimes hard to even identify its presence.133 On Rhodes there is evidence that craftsmen more familiar with Byzantine art were called upon to execute heraldic designs. However, the importance given to this mode of expression by the foreign Kasdagli 1988: 18-48; eadem 1992: 115-122; eadem 1994-1995. This is also observed in Cyprus. Imhaus, vol. Ι: 263-286, 357-361, vol. ΙΙ: 202-204. 131 Rottiers. Flandin 1853. Berg 1862. 132 Gabriel. Gerola 1913-1914; idem 1914. 133 Cf. Pazaras 1988: 31, no. 25. The ‘pointed vessel’ is, in reality, a shield hanging from its strap, with animal supporters. The introduction and handling of a distinctly Western element on a Byzantine-style sarcophagus in northern Greece in the 14th century is particularly interesting. 129

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VI. Heraldry from buildings ruling elite prevented its adulteration by traditional elements. Thus Rhodes boasts the richest collection of medieval heraldic monuments in Greece.134 In the late 14th century, an artist who had never seen a squirrel painted the arms of the English Holt family on a mural of the chapel of St. George ‘of the English’;135 his design accorded with the rules of heraldry, but the squirrels look like the local weasels. However, we encounter lifelike squirrels in the work of the carver of piece 165b, who was probably a Westerner and knew what the animal looked like. When the drawing and execution of a shield were carried out without supervision mistakes occurred, as in the case of the shields in the chapel of St. Elias at the village of Koskinou, where the quarterings on the arms of grand master Pierre d’Aubusson are reversed.136 According to a recent count, about 860 medieval heraldic shields survive on Rhodes. Of these, 807 are found in the medieval town of Rhodes, 220 represent the Order of the Hospital itself and 353 belong to seventeen of its masters (Appendix 3.1). Also, 178 of the magistral shields derive from the fortifications or are still in place there (Appendix 3.2). These numbers have been affected by the growing popularity of heraldry throughout the Hospitaller period and an increased tendency to self-projection which may reflect competitive tendencies within the Order. Whatever the reason, the phenomenon masks, to a certain extent, the activity of earlier masters like Naillac, Fluvià, Lastic and Zacosta. The fortifications resemble a heraldic palimpsest: more recent additions and modifications cover earlier works whose heraldry is no longer visible. The Hospitallers did not generally place on the defences other arms than those of the grand master, apart from cases where a Western ruler had financed a particular structure. Other than these, we have no examples datable after the period of Juan Fernández de Heredia (†1396). Even then, they must have been exceptional. A group of arms contemporary to that master once decorated the north tower of the arsenal and were probably associated with its operation. These shields are scattered today. The only other example may be seen in the chapel of St. George ‘of the English’, nestled within the southeast tower of the Collachio. This was a Byzantine structure whose interior was converted into a chapel near the end of the 14th century and is accessible only from the wallwalk. On the lintel of its door figure the arms of Heredia, his lieutenant Pierre de Culant, and an unknown Knight who may have been Spaniard Inigo d’Alfaro. The interior of the chapel was covered in murals, and the surviving decoration includes several coats of Kasdagli 1987-8, 18-48; eadem 1992: 115-122; eadem, 1994-5: 212-246. The Holt arms were on a field argent a chevron gules accompanied by three squirrels of the second. 136 Kasdagli 1987-8: 32-33.

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Stone Carving of the Hospitaller Period in Rhodes arms. The royal arms of England crown the apse. On the west wall the arms of the Order, master Philibert de Naillac (1396-1421) and of a member of the FitzAlan family, accompany the representation of a mounted St. George. Another shield to the lower left of the composition (barry of six argent and azure) has not been identified. A similar shield figures on the south wall, together with other shields, of which three belong to the FitzAlan, Holt and Skipwith families.137 Thus, the unidentified arms probably belonged to Englishmen. It is not clear whether the murals were paid for by the Order or by a group of laymen. Nevertheless, it is interesting that a group of outsiders may have decided to commemorate their presence on Rhodes in this way. The chapel recalls, on a smaller scale, the tower of England at Bodrum with its numerous coats of arms. Although within a tower, it is possible that the chapel was associated with the tongue of England, whose auberge was close by inside the town. The landward defences of the lower town, as we know them now, were started by master Antoni de Fluvià (1421-37) and, for the most part, date from the period of his successors Jean de Lastic and Jacques de Milly.138 The expansion of the town and the increased danger from the East had made the new walls a necessity. On the new fortification every tower, section of curtain and fausse-braye bore a pair of shields: the Order’s to the left (dexter) and the master’s to the right (sinister). At key points such as gateways there were often more than two shields, and they might accompany relief sculptures of the saint the particular strongpoint was dedicated to.139 Fluvià and Lastic both bore a fess and, without the tinctures, could not be told apart. On the curtain all the shields are a combination of red and white marble, rendering the arms of Lastic with precision: argent on gules. The only recognized occasion where his arms are not composite is on the tower of the Virgin (or Tower of England), where the dated inscription obviates the need. Otherwise, the necessity for the distinction arose because Fluvià had also left his arms on the new walls: other shields with a fess, usually cut on the greyish Lartian stone, are found mounted on the square towers and some stretches of fausse-braye. Most of these slabs share roughly the same measurements and carving style. It seems reasonable to assume that they represent the contribution of Fluvià, whose arms are rendered in simple relief because the need for differentiation had not Help for the identification of the arms was graciously given by † Dr. Lawrence Butler, who supplied the relevant bibliography: H. Chesshyre and T. Woodcock, Dictionary of British Arms: Medieval Ordinary, I , London (1992). G. E. Cokayne, The Complete Peerage, London (1900 onwards). J. W. Papworth, An Ordinary of British Armorials, London (1874, repr. 1977). T. Woodcock, J. Grant and I. Graham, Dictionary of British Arms: Medieval Ordinary, II, London (1996). 138 Vestiges of earlier masonry incorporated in the curtain wall of Lastic have been identified, and are tentatively assigned to the period of Heredia, but the extent and purpose of this defence is unclear. Manoussou-Della 2007a: 338-339. Kasdagli and Manoussou-Della 2007: 124. 139 Gates of St. Anthony, St. George, St. Athanasius, St. John, Tower of the Virgin. Gabriel 1921. 137

VI. Heraldry from buildings yet occurred. Thus, using the testimony of the heraldry alone, we may conclude that the new wall began as a row of square towers connected by a relatively low curtain wall, which became a fausse-braye when Lastic constructed the present curtain.140 Written records, dimensions and style indicate that some of the displaced heraldic slabs included in the Catalogue come from the fortifications. Of them the earliest are 37 and 38 (Heredia),141 39 (Heredia with Alamania and Clavelli, from the north tower of the arsenal),142 and 41, 42, and 92, which were raised from the waters of the great harbour during the Italian occupation and come from the celebrated Tower of Naillac.143 Four other pieces bear the arms of Fluvià (44, 45, 46 and 47), of which the last originally displayed the arms of the master twice, flanking the cross of the Order, and therefore must have come from a tower- perhaps the tower whose construction Fluvià approved for the sector of the tongue of Italy.144 The arms of masters Lastic, Μilly and occasionally Zacosta are more fragile because they used inset shields of red and white marble. Thus 48 is the matrix for an inset shield, probably of Lastic,145 who used shields of red marble on a white background, and 49 an inset shield of Milly. 50 is a shield of Pere Ramon Zacosta, but does not belong to the inset category.146 51, with the arms of the Order and of master Giovanni Battista degli Orsini, is part of an ancient inscribed slab cut into pieces; part of the inscription is preserved along the top surface of the block.147 Nine examples of the arms of grand master Aubusson are included in the Catalogue, of which two (52 and 53) most likely come from Manoussou-Della 2013: 177-178. Probably from a tower, since it is identical with the heraldic slabs on the two surviving towers of Heredia at the north wall. 75, with the arms of Culant respectant, may also come from the fortifications - therefore there was another shield on a separate slab to the sinister side of the cross of the Order. 142 The two smaller shields on the dexter are respectant because the shield of Heredia originally occupied the centre of a row of five shields. Rottiers 1830: pl. IX. 143 Two bear respectant shields of Naillac due to the presence of the shield of the Order as a centrepiece. This tower, the tallest of Rhodes (c. 37 metres high), collapsed in 1862. Gabriel 1921: 73. 144 Cf. Gabriel 1921: 96-97, no. 26 and 44. The piece had been reused as the top of the altar in the ‘anonymous church on Kisthiniou Street’ complex; this may have been the actual site of the Virgin of Victory. 145 It is not impossible that the missing shield was that of Zacosta, but this master soon abandoned the practice of inlaid shields, as may be seen at the middle gate of St. John and Fort St. Nicholas. Moreover, the arms of Zacosta were complex, and where they are inset the piece is quite thick; yet in this case the cavity is shallow. 50 is a shield of Zacosta where the inset technique was not used. 146 Although the use of inlaid red marble offset the arms of the Order, it made the composition more vunerable, while the compex arms of Zacosta did not gain through the technique. Thus, during his mastership, the inset technique went out of use on the fortifications. 147 Eight lines, height of characters 0.8cm The original thickness of the inscribed slab must have been about 0.5 metres. 140 141

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Stone Carving of the Hospitaller Period in Rhodes the fortifications, and may be dated to the period before 1489, on stylistic and historical grounds. 58 may also be from the fortifications but is later in date, like 56, whose elaborate style possibly indicates that it was mounted on a public building. 55 is problematical: stylistically it diverges from over a hundred other examples of the master’s arms and is unique.148 Also difficult to place are 57, which is very large,149 and 54, which is double-sided.150 On 59 the arms of the master are accompanied by those of his lieutenant Jaume de la Geltrú, something that requires the presence of the cross of the Order as well, which would have been placed either to the dexter of the other two, or above them. This piece, however, should be from an urban context. Émery d’Amboise was the successor of Aubusson; of the two examples of his arms in the Catalogue the one in the plainer style with characteristic traces of erosion probably came from the fortifications (63). The more ornate and massive 62, similar in size with 57, must be from a public building built by the grand master or one of his officers. 61 is surprising, because it is a shield of Guy de Blanchefort as grand master, although we know that this Knight was elected master while in Western Europe and died on his way back to Rhodes. It is obvious that, in his absence, an officer of the Order prepared the arms of the new master, who enjoyed universal respect for his character and integrity, for a public building under construction at the time. Finally, four other pieces must come from the fortifications: three shields of grand master Carretto (64, 65 and 66) and part of the eagle crest on a fourth shield of the same master which is still in place on the Tower of Italy (27). Displaced shields of the masters have also been recovered in the countryside, on sites combining fortification with other uses such as the acropoleis of Lindos and Phileremos (60, 67, 68). According to local reports, from the castle of Salakos, which has completely disappeared, come the arms of the Genoese family of Imperiale (73); they held the village as a fief from the Order at intervals during the course of the 15th century.151 This rather clumsy piece is difficult to date. The Catalogue includes two examples of the arms of 15th century kings of England, probably through association with the English tongue (71 and 72). Stylistic considerations place 72 in the period of grand master Aubusson, but the The style varies widely from all other extant examples of the master’s arms, although the hundred or so surviving examples of Aubusson’s arms were carved by a number of different hands - cf. 52, 53, 56, 59. The general aspect of this piece would place it in the 14th or early 15th century and it might belong to an entirely different individual. Cf. Roger 2012b: 315-340. 149 The original width of the shield may be calculated on the basis of the heraldic design, and must have been about 64cm The shield, which probably decorated a public building or fortified strongpoint, may well have broken when it fell from its original position. 150 99 is another heraldic plaque worked on both sides; it bears the arms of admiral Costanzo Operti and the date 1517. 151 Tsirpanlis 1995: 42-43, 225-226. Gerola 1914: 328. 148

VI. Heraldry from buildings primitive-looking 71, which was probably part of a larger grouping of arms, is hard to date.152 In the case of 31, 35, 36, 39, 59 and 91, the association of magistral arms with those of other officers of the Order on public buildings has already been mentioned. The cross of the Order never appears on medieval buildings of Rhodes on its own. Thus, it is reasonable to assume that 69 and 70 were originally accompanied by other arms, those of a master or some other Knight, as is the case with 75 and 80. However, in both these cases, there must have been other shields, of lesser rank, to the sinister of the cross of the Order. In 75, although the lion of Pierre de Culant, lieutenant of the master, is respectant, the small distance from the edge of the Order’s shield to the right edge of the slab implies the presence of a third shield next to it. In the case of 80, it is unthinkable that the arms of an unknown Knight occupied the position of honour on the left: if another shield occupied the space to the right of the slab, then the cross of the Order would be in the heraldically correct central position of the composition. The category of heraldic sculptures derived from public buildings or fortifications is completed by massive slab 76. At the time, the highest ranking Hospitaller in Rhodes would be the Knight represented by the arms on the left, Pierre de Culant. It is hard to believe that the arms of the Order and of Juan Fernández de Heredia should be omitted on a building of such importance. The shields alongside Culant’s have yet to be identified. It is certain, nevertheless, that the shield on the right also belongs to a Knight Hospitaller, since on 78,153 a much smaller piece, it is associated with the cross of the Order. 78 and 77 were found a short distance from each other in the area south of the conventual church of the Order, where the devastating explosion of 1856 destroyed a number of Hospitaller buildings. It is very likely that the lodgings of their owner once stood there. An indication of the nationality of this Knight may be provided on the shield by the presence of the small crescent on the point of the chevron: it was used in England as a cadency mark to distinguish the second son of an armigerous father.154 The owner of the striped lion on the middle shield of 76 should perhaps be sought between the Hospitaller officers from the German-speaking lands, because this heraldic feature is more common there. The function of the shields on slab 74 is unclear. They constitute the oldest examples Half of the head of the left supporter is missing, but this does not mean the slab is incomplete: It might originally have been joined to another one on the left. However the piece could be a failed attempt to execute the upper row of shields now mounted on the façade of the auberge of England rebuilt during the Italian occupation of Rhodes. The original version of these shields (Rottiers 1830: pl. 48 and 53) is dated by the arms of John Kendal to the last quarter of the fifteenth century. O’Malley 2005: 351. 153 On the piece the crescent is not visible, but it seems fairly safe to assume that the arms are the same. 154 Another example of the use of the crescent as a cadency mark survives on the Holt arms on fragment 165b. The crescent is also used in a similar way in French heraldry. 152

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Stone Carving of the Hospitaller Period in Rhodes of Hospitaller arms on Rhodes besides the masters’, since the shield on the left belongs to Guillaume de Reillaune, grand preceptor and later lieutenant of the master on Rhodes (c. 1328-1332).155 Shields mounted on buildings (or derived from buildings) may represent both Hospitallers and laymen. The arms of Hospitallers are more often found in the Collachio, where the members of the Order had their living quarters.156 They often link specific officers with public functions, and therefore with the buildings associated with them. Secular shields are not completely absent from the Collachio, but they outnumber by far those of Hospitallers in the borgo or lower town. About 220 lay shields correspond to some 170 different individuals; many of them have yet to be identified. Usually the location, carving style and other details on the heraldry assist identification: they occasionally distinguish laymen from Hospitallers and the nobility from pretentious burgesses. Such details are of interest because they shed light on aspects of social expression and hierarchy.157 In the 14th century, and more particularly in the period of masters Pins and Bérenger, the vegetal decorative motifs that accompany 32,158 34, 35 and 43 betray eastern influence recalling, for example, the work of sculptors in the church of St. Paul at Galata.159 The stylistic influences on the plaque of a lozenge shield most probably belonging to a woman (107) are less clear, but it belongs to the same decorated group. On the lozenge shield it is worth noting the hatching on the charges, probably an example of ‘tricking’, representing colour. When in position, the tinctures of the piece would be easily comprehensible.160 A substantial group of wall heraldry (82, 83, 84, 85,161 86,162 88, 89, 87, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 95, 96, 97, 100, 101, 102163) may come mostly from the houses or Luttrell 2003: 16, 28, 177, 183. Kollias 1998a: 90. 157 Kasdagli 1992: 118-119. 158 The technique of the carving of the pine cones is very similar to that on piece 201. 159 Esp. 35. Cf. Cramer and Düll 1985: pl. 68.3 and 69.3. 160 Now it is impossible to decide whether the charges are two pallets gules or two bars azure. 161 Probably Michele di Romagnano, mentioned by Mesturino as envoy of the Order to the newly elected master Orsini in 1467. Mesturino 1973: 15. 162 It comes from the building on no. 13, Athenodorou Street, an alley known as Via Piossasco under the Italians: it runs north and west of the NE corner of the Street of the Knights (FERT Italian Photographic Archive, nos. 303 and 602). The building was considerably altered by the Italians, and the shield may have been in storage since then. Four branches crossed in saltire in pairs are found on the arms of the della Rovere family, of which pope Sixtus IV (1471-1484) was a notable member, but there is a problem with the identification of the shield, because the tree of the della Rovere was an oak, whereas on 86 the leaves seem to belong to a linden tree or something similar. 163 The arms displayed on the 2nd and 3rd quarter are those of Nesle (Néelle); the Knight’s mother was an heiress of this family. 155 156

VI. Heraldry from buildings foundations of particular Knights in the Collachio. The chief of the Order dates them all to the last fifty years of Hospitaller Rhodes.164 In some cases it is possible to guess, with some caution, at their original location, as the arms of the same people are still in situ on partially preserved buildings.165 It is hard to decide whether older wall shields belonged to Hospitallers or not. 104, for example, is a fragment, and originally had at least one other shield to its left. Stylistically it belongs to the 14th century,166 so it might possibly be paired with the cross of the Order. For 105 and 106 dating indications are missing, and they may even have been tomb markers. 107 belonged to a woman, but we cannot say if she was associated with the Order or not. 103, 108 and 109, with sufficiently illuminating inscriptions,167 definitely belonged to lay people. Two other shields are problematical. 79 may have belonged to an Englishman contemporary with master Philibert de Naillac168 or to a relative of pope John XXII (Jacques Duèze, 1316-1334) if not to the pope himself; and 81, the arms of Jean Cottet, marshal of the Order (1457-1466),169 are carved on a reused ancient cylindrical element and would be hard to imagine on the façade of a building. Heraldry began to attract the local Greeks in the 15th century, although their choices sometimes run counter to the rules of heraldry. For example, from the The use of this element is fairly precisely dated on Rhodes. It first made its appearance on the arms of Guy de Melay (1469) and cannot have been employed much earlier. The arms of Jaume de la Geltrú on 82 are probably earlier, since the chief of the Order is disproportionately high compared to the rest of the shield, but this piece bears no date. This Knight served the Order for about sixty years: he is mentioned as castellan of Bodrum in 1433 and died in 1492. Nevertheless, 82 does not seem older than the period of Orsini. A Rhodian tomb slab of 1374, today in Istanbul, has confused the issue. Düll 1989, 109. The inscription makes clear that the arms in this case belong to a layman. The chief with the cross is very likely explained by the Genoese origin of the defunct, since a chief of Genoa is attested in Italy fairly early on. 165 E.g. for 98 and 99, it might be suggested that they came from the Knight’s house to the west of the great hospital, a building only the east part of which is still standing. 96 (Jean d’ Aunoy) may be from the so-called ‘House of Djem’ on the north side of the Street of the Knights which has been recently restored. 92 and 93 could be from the hospital annexe now known as ‘Villaragut building’. Also the Cheron arms can still be seen in situ on the Street of the Knights, on the facade of the ‘house of the Prior of the Church’, dated to 1519. 166 Stylistically it is very close to the shields of the chapel of the Holy Trinity (St Michael according to Luttrell) on the Street of the Knights. Luttrell 2003: 110-111. 167 For 109 see Kasdagli 2007a. 108 is late; if it belonged to a Knight Hospitaller it would be of better quality and would bear a chief of the Order. 103, securely dated to the 14th c., should have been paired with a shield of the Order if it belonged to a Hospitaller. It belongs to a member of the Colloredo family from Friuli near Venice (information kindly furnished by A. Mazarakis). The family supplied the Order with notable members after 1522. 168 A similar shield survives on the murals of the S wall of the chapel of St. George ‘of the English’, but its state of preservation does not permit comparison of details which might link the two shields with the same family. Kasdagli 2008a: fig. 8.3. 169 He was also grand prior of Auvergne until 1469. Sarnowsky 2001b: 653, 678. 164

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Stone Carving of the Hospitaller Period in Rhodes surviving frescoes of ‘St. Spyridon’ we know that the arms of the Greek donor broke the rules by bringing into contact gules, azure and purpure.170 Other mistakes need not necessarily identify a coat of arms as Greek, since they may be due to the lack of familiarity of a local craftsman with the job in hand, as probably happened in the case of the arms of Guillaume Caoursin still in place on his house in the lower town: the birds look to the sinister, probably because the pattern was placed reversed upon the plaque when the design was copied.171 The degree of assimilation varied greatly through time and according to class; thus, it is hard to draw firm conclusions not only about the use of heraldry, but also about ritual, language and dress. Greek inscriptions accompany urban heraldry, and latinized Greek names appear on heraldic tomb slabs. The faded murals decorating a hall in the lower town include a band of coats of arms,172 some of which probably belong to Westerners while others seem more ‘Byzantine’ in style. But the fact that they were found in a group shows a remarkable degree of affinity, apparent in other media and sources.173 The carving style of the heraldry changed through time. Until the reign of master Jean de Lastic most shields are flat, generally rendered in two-plane relief, often with incised details. Abrading the edges of outlines made the carving more durable and enhanced the design. For practical reasons, on tomb slabs incision and/or two-plane relief was usually chosen, while for heraldry mounted on walls projecting relief was preferred because it was easier to see from a distance. From the times of Lastic onwards, the surface of most wall shields became slightly convex, and from the period of Zacosta the relief became bolder.174 Charges were now rendered in regular low relief. Such features occasionally also appear in the 14th century (74), emerging, one suspects, from the chisel of some abler artist arrived from the West; while near the end of the Hospitaller period we also get concave shields (66, 88, 92, 94, 102, 109) or even some with a wavy surface (62). The shape of the shield is usually the classic triangle, with a somewhat truncated base in later examples, and a flat top. Concave (56) and composite tops (221, 222) occur occasionally, and in the arms of burgesses the typical Venetian top with a flower in the middle and upturned ends (1, 191).175 Asymmetrical jousting shields appear on the monument of Rainier Pot (226), on a Renaissance fountain basin (7), and alongside chamfron-shaped shields on the lintel of the Commercium’. Gules, two bars azure debruised of a bend purpure with three bricks or. The arms survive on lintel 1 and fragmentary tomb slab 191 and must have been the centrepiece of tomb slab 224. 171 Caoursin bore argent, on a fess gules accompanied by three birds sable a mullet of six points of the first. De Vaivre 2008c: 224-230. 172 Kasdagli 1994-5: 48-49, no. 35, 51, 82, 118, 182. 173 Kollias 1998a: 56-58, 123. Also Tsirpanlis 1995. 174 On 205 the shields are flat. 175 The wood-carved shields from the ceiling of the Zaccaria mansion (‘Admiralty’) on Evraion Martyron Square have the same form. 170

VI. Heraldry from buildings The latter typical Italian shape also occurs on the tomb slab of Iacobus de Priolis (220) and the Zaccaria mansion. The turnover of craftsmen in the local market has made it impossible to date some specimens through style because, simply, there is no available material to compare them to (105, 106). 111 is a piece in total contrast to the elegance of late Hospitaller heraldry, although it may be nearer to the immediate contemporary perception of it. It belongs to the vast category of graffiti, which in Rhodes is also represented by another example, quarterly with a cross in the 1st and 4th quarters. This latter shield, scratched on wet plaster on a harbour installation dated to the times of Naillac, may correspond to the arms included at least twice in the frescoes of the chapel of St. George ‘of the ‘English’. It may be that these examples of graffiti expressed the preferences of their makers for a specific candidate for the mastership.

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VII. Inscriptions A substantial amount of information concerning the inscriptions of Hospitaller Rhodes lies scattered in various publications, although the inscriptions are seldom their main subject.176 Thus, epigraphics are not used to provide information about pieces that preserve only a few words or letters, such as the fragments of funerary slabs recovered from archaeological sites all over the town. The utilization of the epigraphic elements surviving on 128 inventoried displaced finds is essential for the study of all the existing material. Most of the inscriptions influenced by the Latin culture imported by the Order of St. John and other Westerners are carved in stone. Some are still in place, mounted on secular buildings and the fortifications of the town. Most are epitaphs, or fragments thereof. The few Greek inscriptions on stone betray Western influence.177 Some Western inscriptions have survived on murals: a handful of saints’ names in St. Mary of the Castle and St. George ‘of the English’ in the southeast tower of the Collachio, and some illegible legends on the murals of a secular hall -perhaps the meeting place of some confraternity or guild- in the ground floor of a building in the east part of the town.178 Comparatively, the number of inscriptions on stone is high, and they can often be dated with accuracy. Eighteen inscriptions are still in situ on the fortifications of Rhodes.179 Another twenty survive on secular buildings,180 and thirteen more out of context.181 There are also three inscriptions related to churches in the countryside. In addition, about ten fragments recovered from excavations cannot be assigned to a specific category. However, most of the inscriptions of Rhodes are epitaphs: if pieces kept in Paris and Istanbul are included,182 about a hundred epitaphs survive, either whole or in part. A few inscribed artifacts such as two cannon cast in Rhodes and an icon apparently painted in Rhodes shortly before the Ottoman conquest are 176 Gabriel 1921 and idem 1923. Gerola 1913-4; idem, 1914: 169-365; idem 1916, 1-10. Rottiers 1830. Sommi Picenardi 1900. De Vaivre 1998: 35-88. Lojacono 1936a: 247-274. Düll 1989: 107114. Luttrell 2003: 39-47; idem, 2001: 129-143. Konstantinopoulos 1977: 13-41. Kasdagli 198991; eadem 2001: 121-143 etc. 177 The rest are found in church murals of the period. It appears that the contrasts between surviving Latin and Greek inscriptions reflect cultural differences regarding burial and other customs: most of the local Greeks were probably slow to adopt commemoration of the individual, although relative social status may have played a role in this. In any case, most of the Greek inscriptions belong with the larger context of late Byzantine art and epigraphics and not that of Hospitaller Rhodes, excepting cases where Western influence is obvious. 178 Archaiologikon Deltion 44 (1989), Chronika: 518-519 (Α. Μ. Kasdagli). 179 Gabriel 1921: 93-104. 180 Gabriel 1923. Gerola 1914: 278-281, 284, 291, 295-296, 299, 313. 181 Nos. 7, 8, 31, 85, 89, 90, 92, 95, 97, 103, 108, 109. 182 Sommerard. Rossi. Düll 1989.

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VII. Inscriptions also of epigraphic interest.183 Latin is the dominant language, followed by French and the occasional use of Italian and Iberian vernaculars. In the examination of the material it is necessary to take into account the inscriptions of Hospitaller Cos and of the castle of St. Peter’s (Bodrum),184 because they amplify and clarify aspects of Rhodian epigraphy, and also because they provide a control, deriving as they do from less complicated situations. Thirteen inscriptions survive on Cos: seven are still in place at the castle of Nerangia in the town. Of the rest, one may also be from the castle; three refer to Hospitaller governors of the island and are probably from secular buildings, while only two are epitaphs.185 This should probably be expected of a settlement much smaller than Rhodes; historically Cos had a more developed hinterland, because it was more fertile. The material at the castle of St. Peter is more singular: all 42 surviving inscriptions are associated with heraldry and commemorate building work by the masters of the Order and the captains of the castle. They are often embellished with ornaments and badges such as fleurs-de-lys and roses and combine different types of scriptthey must reflect, to a considerable degree, the fancy of those who commissioned them. To these inscriptions may be added the numerous graffiti left behind by members of the garrison. The inscriptions, and the sheer quantity of the heraldry (about 300 shields) must be a response to the special nature of the site, an isolated advance post of militant Latin Christianity. In comparison, the defences of Rhodes are rather austere: the gates are overlooked by the sculptured figures of their patron saints, but religious invocations such as those encountered at Bodrum186 are missing. Some of the invocations at Bodrum may be heraldic mottoes (such as the In Deo Confido of Jacques Gâtineau), but the masters of the Hospital who -at least in the 15th and 16th centuries- exercised an exclusive right to display their arms on the fortifications of Rhodes, did not choose to advertise their faith in a like manner. On secular buildings within the town only five examples include mottoes and invocations of a religious character (Diomede de Villaragut’s Firma Fe,187 the Voluntas Dei Est, St. Denis and Dieu Conduit le Pèlerin accompanying the lilies of France,188 and the first lines of a Psalm in Greek).189 Bishop-Smith 2002: 6-8. Kollias 1998a: 53. Kefala 2007: 448-449. Gerola 1916: 28-54; idem 1915: 67-78, 216-227. Maiuri 1921-2: 275-343. De Vaivre 2011: 4-48. 185 One of them was discovered in 2008 during the restoration of the Hammam by the 4th Ephorate of Byzantine Antiquities. 186 Cf. In Domino Confido, Spes Mea Est In Deo, Cum Christo Vigilamus et In Pace Requiescamus, Propter Catholicam Fidem Tenetur Locum Istum etc. 187 Villaragut building, Street of the Knights. 188 ‘Auberge of France’, or mansion of the grand prior of France Émery d’Amboise (1482-1503), Street of the Knights. Roger 2007a: 142-146 and fig. 11. Gabriel 1923: 46 and pl. XIV. 189 Kasdagli 2006: 450-472. See also the reference in Rottiers 1830: 314 and pl. LXXIII. 183 184

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Stone Carving of the Hospitaller Period in Rhodes In Rhodes, as already mentioned, the epigraphic material is more varied. The town was an important commercial and administrative centre for the Aegean Sea, while the Western element had a strong presence and political control. The widespread use of heraldry190 may be partly due to the rivalry between the representatives of various nationalities or the inclination of particular officials; however, it may also be associated with the outpost mentality more elaborately displayed at Bodrum. Most of the heraldry and all the inscriptions on the fortifications commemorate building work of the masters of the Order. Of those, Pierre d’Aubusson (1476-1503) seems to have been most interested in advertising his work with inscriptions, followed by Fabrizio del Carretto (15131521). The earliest inscription on the defences dates from the times of Antoni de Fluvià (1421-1437), and employs both Lombard191 and Byzantine characters. The Gothic script also appears during his mastership, and replaces Lombard characters under Lastic (1437-1454), Milly (1454-1461) and Zacosta (1461-1467).192 These inscriptions have dates in Latin numerals. The Gothic script, at some point in the early part of Aubusson’s mastership, was replaced by Renaissance capitals, which often consciously imitate ancient Roman inscriptions. The earliest dates in Arabic numerals appear on the fortifications quite late, under Carretto, although they accompany the heraldry on secular buildings within the town at least as early as 1483.193 In general, public buildings bore the arms of the master ruling at the time -either because his licence was necessary for the project or because he was directly involved in the work- and the officer responsible for the work or the holder of the office served by the new construction. Inscriptions sometimes accompany the heraldry, although they are generally very brief and limited to identity-date and/or name-office. There are, of course, variations and some of the inscriptions (like some of the heraldry) seem to have served a decorative function: on the façade of the ‘Auberge of France’ on the Street of the Knights the name of Émery d’Amboise, de France le grant prior, appears three times, and his arms ten times.194 Many Knights maintained private lodgings within the Collachio. On these houses, sometimes the arms of the resident, or holder, were accompanied by the name, offices and date (or any one of these elements or a combination of them), and About 800 shields survive, most of them in the town. Kasdagli 1989-91. ‘Lombard’ lettering, a late form of uncial used for inscriptions, has elegant curvilinear characters and uses the majuscule form of the letters ABCEFGILOPQRSTXYZ and the minuscule for d,h,m,n and u. 192 Gabriel 1921: 95-98, nos. 38, 44, 57. 193 Gabriel 1923: 89. 194 Gabriel 1923: 39 ff. 190 191

VII. Inscriptions other brief references - e.g. Feso Estes Keses (L. Soldero),195 Tot Per Lomilor (H. de Canel).196 In some cases, for displaced pieces, it is hard to say whether the arms and inscription were mounted on the façade of a building or within a church as a burial marker. Such markers need not necessarily have been placed over the remains, but probably on a wall or pavement nearby.197 It is, however, risky to consider heraldry worn by treading feet as burial markers, since the wear might be due to their reuse in pavements of the Ottoman period (1523-1912).198 The inscriptions we still see on the façades of secular buildings date after the earthquakes of 1481, when much of the town was essentially rebuilt.199 Most are in Renaissance capitals, although some of the inscriptions of the ‘Auberge of France’ and the plaque placed on the façade of the auberge of the tongue of Auvergne by Guy de Blanchefort about fifteen years later, were in elegant Gothic.200 Most of the surviving inscriptions, including fragments, are funerary, and written in Latin. There are also some in medieval French, mostly dated to the 14th century, and a few in various vernaculars from the later period. The choice of Latin in funerary and dedicatory inscriptions may have been a conscious choice of members of the Hospital reluctant to accept the domination of the three Frenchspeaking tongues, which often created friction.201 The influence of the ruling élite in matters of aesthetic choice was always strong, and must have been reinforced by the settlement of numerous Italians and Catalans in the town. Latin inscriptions follow the general type starting with the words +hic iacet, obviously adopted as the equivalent of the ici gît more popular in Lusignan Cyprus. The alternative hic requievit often encountered in Crusader Palestine never occurs, nor does the anno ... obiit also common there.202 The uniformity of the phrasing is probably due not only to a local conservatism but also the application of a particular exemplar for funerary inscriptions.203 Hic iacet is followed by a qualification such as nobilis (for laymen) or venerabilis / reverendus dominus frater (for religious or brethren of 89. Rhodes from the 4th c.: 70-71, fig. 91, 7. Gabriel 1923: 91. 197 Cf. 171 and the arms of the de Pins family on the floor of the conventual church of the Hospital next to the tomb of Fabrizio del Carretto as drawn by Witdoeck, the painter of Rottiers, in pl. XLI of his book. 198 As with the pieces 149 and 150. 199 Kollias 1998a: 93. 200 Gabriel 1923: 63 ff. 201 The use of French for the inscriptions of two buildings where the works were supervised by French Knight Pierre Clouet in the late 15th century is characteristic: they are the ‘Auberge of France’ and the infirmary across the street from it. In other public buildings of the Order like, for example, the ‘Castellania’ (the building may have actually sheltered the Commerchium, Gabriel 1923: 93-101), this was avoided. 202 De Sandoli 1974. Pringle 2004: 131-151; idem 2007: 191-210. 203 Favreau 1979: 50-56, 96-97. 195 196

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Stone Carving of the Hospitaller Period in Rhodes the Hospital) and, after the name and surname, to which sometimes the nationality is added, follow the offices of the defunct (prior, preceptor, hospitalerius etc.), or his social status (e.g. burgensis, for a burgess, or miles, for a knight) and the date of death- qui obiit anno domini (sometimes with the day and month as well). The epitaph usually terminates with the standard cuius anima requiescat in pace amen. Sometimes modifications occur in word sequence; but only near the end of the 15th century, or for the masters of the Order, does the text acquire extra length and becomes laudatory. Emotion is absent from most of the funerary inscriptions and no contrition is expressed: only in four cases mention is made of the mercy of God or of an appeal for prayers for the soul of the departed (115, 116, 142, 144b); while sins are mentioned only once (156),204 in contrast to contemporary practices in the West.205 Some late examples lay claim to some erudition: a striking example is the Greek epitaph of 1508 (224), which unfortunately survives in fragmentary form, and revives spelling which had disappeared from the language since the time of classical Athens.206 The dated funerary inscriptions are not equally distributed across the 213 years of the Hospitaller period. One antedates the Hospitaller conquest, as it bears the date 1306.207 The oldest find of Hospitaller times turned up on the site of the conventual church of the Order, St. John of the Collachio, and belongs to a lady (114).208 It is the left side of the slab, containing part of two lines of incised text in the Lombard script, preserving the date. The next dated tomb slab is a fragment with part of the year (MCCCXX..., 122) from an epitaph incised round the edge of a tomb slab. The next two epitaphs (1330 and 1334 respectively) are fully preserved and commemorate a Gregoire Girardini from Florence (115) and Marguerite lava[n]diere du maistre (116), a Frenchwoman, whose husband is mentioned in the text. They are both in French and probably come from St. Mary of the Castle, where they can still be seen.209 In spite of differences concerning the length of the epitaphs, similarities in style and technique indicate that they were probably composed by the same French-speaking individual, perhaps some cleric, and executed by the same tomb-maker. They also share common features with Cypriot works of the period.210 All these examples involve laymen. To them may be added the fragment from Rottiers’ pl. LII, ‘...ITANI / ANO . DMI . MCCCLII / CThU . SUCPE . SPR . E...’ which may have belonged to a Hospitaller, although it lay within the ruined church of St. Stephen on the hill now known as Monte Smith. 205 Bassett 1995: 5-6. Binski 1996: 115-122. Daniell 1998: 68-69, 176-186. 206 Grand Masters’ Palace. Archaiologikon Deltion 39 (1984), Chronika: 340 (Kollias). 207 Luttrell 2003: 42-43. 208 Luttrell 2003: 43. 209 Luttrell 2003: 43-44. 210 Imhaus 2004: Fiche No 492, 254-255. 204

VII. Inscriptions The incised tomb slab of Bernard, Latin archbishop of Rhodes (†1335, 117), preserves its epitaph, arranged round the edge, in fair condition.211 Unfortunately the effigy of the defunct is almost completely worn away by treading feet. A small fragment follows- the lower left corner of an incised effigial slab (119), dated to 1342, and then the earliest heraldic tomb slab of the Hospitaller period (1348, 118).212 Another fragment, also a lower left corner of an incised effigial slab, preserves part of the date (August MCCCL..., 129). Almost contemporary is the preserved piece from the sarcophagus of master Déodat de Gozon (†1353), kept at the Musée des Thermes de Cluny in Paris.213 This is the only surviving epitaph of a master of Rhodes in a French vernacular. The sarcophagus of master Pierre de Corneillan (†1355, 199) survives complete and is on display at the Archaeological Museum of Rhodes.214 It is followed chronologically by heraldic tomb slab 125 (1358), which may belong to a Knight Hospitaller.215 Another heraldic tomb slab, belonging to a burgess of Rhodes,216 preserves a partly legible date (MCCCLX..., 126)217 and is followed by a heraldic tomb slab of 1358 (125).218 The next dated pieces are the incised slab of a Cypriot nobleman who died in Rhodes between 1356 and 1359, with a fully armed effigy (127)219 and a fragment preserving the endings of four lines of a slab of 1370 (134), worn by treading feet. In the former the defunct probably belonged to the retinue of king Peter I of Cyprus and may have been a young man, since his epitaph concentrates on his father: ‘here lies the n[oble Pier]re de Morf, son of puissant baron messire Jean du Morf, count of Rohas and marshal of the kingdom of Cyprus who passed away on the tenth day of June of mccclxv...’ The inscription, and the style of the slab, are very close to contemporary Cypriot examples although, strangely, the particularly prominent shield of Cypriot monuments is missing.220 The well-known effigial slab of Gulielmus Becharius, burgess of Rhodes (†1373), is kept in Istanbul221 and its epitaph, has elegantly formed raised characters in two-plane relief. The Luttrell 2003: 44. Gerola 1914: 272. Archaiologikon Deltion 53 (1998), Chronika: 986 (Kasdagli). Luttrell 2003: 45. 213 Du Sommerard 1883: inv. no. 422. De Vaivre 1998: 42-46. 214 Gerola 1914: 273, n. 2. Gabriel 1923: 214-215, 218. Konstantinopoulos 1977: 24-26 and fig. 13, 22. De Vaivre 1998: 45-49 and fig. 9, 48. 215 Konstantinopoulos 1977: 26 and fig. 15, 22. Gerola 1916: 272. Maiuri 1921: 66. Gabriel 1923: 216. The identification of the defunct as a Knight Hospitaller depends solely on the doubtful legibility of the letters R F of the first line. If the reading is faulty, the identification cannot stand. 216 Archaiologikon Deltion 53 (1998), Chronika: 986. Luttrell 2003: 46. 217 Undated marker 142 is stylistically related to the very narrow characters of slab 126. 218 Konstantinopoulos 1977: 26, 12. 219 Kasdagli 1989-91. The slab came from a niche tomb at the Virgin of the Burgh and was discovered during the Italian occupation. Information by G. Dellas, from a photographic plate of the period. 220 Cf. Imhaus 2004, vol. Ι: 12-13 Fiche No 11, 87-88 Fiche No 166, 103-104 Fiche No 202, 200 Fiche No 376, 254 Fiche No 491. The inscription is here loosely translated. 221 Slab no. 944. Rossi 1920: 331, fig. 2. Kasdagli 2008a: 79-86; eadem 2008b: 175-188. 211

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Stone Carving of the Hospitaller Period in Rhodes sarcophagus of master Robert de Juilly (†1377),222 also kept at the Musée de Cluny in Paris, has an incised inscription very similar to that of Corneillan. This, and a piece from the funerary slab of another burgess of Rhodes who had died two months before the master (135),223 are the last securely dated slabs of the 14th century. 135 is the only dated example among a substantial group of fragments on which the epitaph is clumsily incised (120, 121, 123, 124, 136, 144, 150).224 We cannot, however, be certain that they belong together chronologically; they could equally well be examples of locally crafted, relatively inexpensive products for those who might not be able to afford something better. Unfortunately, among these pieces there are some of considerable epigraphic interest: 121 is a palimpsest riddle related to people close to master Hélion de Villeneuve; the rear of 150 commemorates a member of the well-known Embriaco family,225 211 is probably from the slab of a canon of the archbishopric,226 136 maybe belongs to a Navarrese; 144 is unusual because it includes a plea for mercy on the defunct’s soul; and 120 is a fragment from the effigial slab of Hospitaller Pierre Plantier, prior of the Convent c. 1330-1350,227 showing that even high-ranking officers of the Order might be allotted a rather low quality slab at this time.228 In direct contrast to these rather poor specimens is the group best represented by the slab of Becharius in Istanbul. A similar effigial slab on Rhodes, preserved in a reasonable state, is 156,229 which also belongs to a burgess230 and has an inscription in raised lettering. To the same category belong fragments 157, 158 and 159. A further example of this style is the worn upper part of the slab commemorating three young brothers of noble birth (+hic iacent nobiles et ... requiescant in pace amen) buried under the care of the Order.231 Quality-wise, slabs 128, 129, 130232 and

Inv. no. 424. De Vaivre 1998: 51, 53-56. Archaiologikon Deltion 52 (1997), Chronika: 1152. 224 To this group should probably be added the dated heraldic tomb slab 118. 225 From Genoa or from Palestine? 226 It is likely that the COLOSS of the epitaph referred to the Latin see of Rhodes, but the relatively low quality of the work makes it unlikely that it commemorated a bishop. 227 Luttrell 2003: 16. 228 The slab bore an effigy in very shallow or two-plane relief. 229 Konstantinopoulos 1977: 30 and fig. 22, 31. Jacopi 1932a: 37; idem 1932b: 44-45. 230 Jacopi considers the defunct to have been a Knight Hospitaller, although he notes that his robe leaves the ankles exposed. Besides the length, the pleats also indicate lay dress; in addition, the cross of the Order is missing from the shoulder, and there is no coat-of-arms. 231 It is the rear of the slab bearing the arms of Aubusson on the Tower of the Windmills in the harbour of Rhodes, as the funerary slab had been cut into smaller pieces and reused. FERT Italian Photographic Archive, no. 1786. 232 Slab 130 sealed the family tomb of the Vignoli family. It is possibly the family of Vignolo Vignoli, the man who collaborated with the Hospital for the conquest of Rhodes. 222 223

VII. Inscriptions 132233 lie somewhere in-between; they share certain epigraphic features (wellformed, rather wide characters and several abbreviations) with 119. Another slab of considerable epigraphic interest has been used three times, none of which can be dated with any precision (131). In its first use it served for the burial of a pair of nuns or donats of the Hospital of the same family;234 in its last, it was used for one Iohanes Gaualla, perhaps a scion of the family of the former rulers of the island in the 13th century, who had been assimilated into the Latin element.235 The incomplete epitaph on slab 147 testifies to successive uses, but for members of the same family, since the lines in the middle seem to have been a later addition to the rest. All the pieces mentioned use the Lombard script, with minor variations in some letters (A, D, M, U). At times, an inscription may contain two variants of the same letter. The next dated tomb slab to survive belongs to Frenchman Pierre de la Pymoraye (†1402, 164).236 It introduces a new type, with the effigy cut in very shallow twoplane relief, with a raised epitaph running round the edge of the slab, in black letters. Judging from the presence of the Order’s arms, Pymoraye must have been associated with the Hospital, even though he was not a fully professed brother. It is followed by the tomb slab of Peter Holt, turcopolier of the Order (†1415, 165).237 Although worn, and missing most of its upper part, it shows similarities to that of Pymoraye, particularly in the very shallow, two-plane relief and the use of raised black letters on the epitaph; but it is probably the work of a different craftsman. The style of the epitaph also appears on 180 and fragments 166, 167, 168, 169 and 170. 166 and 168 have coats of arms at exactly the same place on the slabs, and must be chronologically very close to Holt’s, while the arms on 167 are placed closer to the central axis of the slab and lack the typical outline. The heraldry indicates that 167 and 166238 belonged to laymen, while fragment 169, preserving only the word frater from the epitaph, obviously belonged to

233 From the tomb of a Knight, although probably not a Hospitaller, judging from the repetition of the arms at the top of the slab. 234 Luttrell 2001b: 137-140. 235 Luttrell 2001b: 129-143. Still, the epitaph on the back of the slab proves that some upper-class Greeks were becoming progressively latinized. The tomb slab of ‘Gavallas’ also revealed his family arms, a crowned lion rampant. 236 Konstantinopoulos 1977: 28, 17. Kollias 1998a: 132, 134. 237 Konstantinopoulos 1977: 32, 22. Kasdagli 2008b. 238 Excavation find from the so-called ‘Our Lady of Victory’. If it originally came from that site, which is likely because the fragments are apparently what was left from the deliberate smashing of the slab, the church is much older than the historical Our Lady of Victory, which was founded after the siege of 1480.

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Stone Carving of the Hospitaller Period in Rhodes a Hospitaller.239 This group consists of the work of one or more foreign tombmakers, who may have come from northern Europe. This is implied by the use of black letters and apparently open-eyed effigies without a pillow for the head, and by the realistically rendered squirrels on the Holt arms. The pointed niche framing the effigy, which was very popular in France and Italy in this period, is missing; also missing are the four corner medallions with the Evangelists favoured in the Low Countries. The specific style may originate from a region north or south of the English Channel. On effigial slab 175 (1445),240 the raised epitaph is delicately carved. Unfortunately, most of it is too worn, and only the ending is legible. Earlier than this piece, and nearer to the Holt slab, must be three tomb markers (171, 172 and 174). Of these the last two are in a bad state of preservation. The first was from a family chapel; if the shield on the right belongs to the Cibo family of Genoa, the inscription comes from the church of ‘St. Bernardine’ in the medieval town.241 The shield with the bend chequy may indicate a family link with the owner of tomb slab 166. 172 is also from a family tomb. Although only partly legible, it is easy to see that the lettering is much more regular than that of 174 which, it appears, consisted only of a woman’s name. The switch from the Lombard to the Gothic script is clearly illustrated in the ‘palimpsest’ slab 173, whose last use (the arms and name of Belingier Belomo in black letters) left intact the earlier epitaph of Bartolomeo de Pietrarubbia.242 The two last dated epitaphs of Rhodes to use the Gothic script, incised and very elegant, are to be found on the lid of the sarcophagus of master Jacques de Milly (†1461)243 kept in Paris. The first commemorates the master himself, and the second the infant son of queen Carlotta of Cyprus, who died on Rhodes and was buried inside the tomb of Milly (super magistri pectus) in 1464. They are stylistically linked with fragments 209 and 210. In the Gothic epitaphs Latin is used almost exclusively;244 it remained dominant even when all other elements of the tomb slabs had been transformed.

The marble-laid floor of the rewak in the mosque of Ibrahim Pasha incorporates another tomb slab; it is very worn, but it is still possible to distinguish the two dogs lying under the feet of the defunct’s effigy, providing another link to the Holt slab. 240 Konstantinopoulos 1977: 30, 20. 241 Dellas 2000b: 43-53. 242 Perhaps a native of Pietrarubbia, to the west of Urbino. It is possible that here we have reuse of the grave as well as the slab, which might have covered the remains of both men after the later burial; this is why the older inscription was preserved. 243 Sommerard 1883: 39-41, inv. no. 425. Gerola 1913. De Vaivre 1998: 63, 65. 244 Excepting the tomb slab of French Knight Hospitaller Émery de Belloc (177) and piece no. 946 in Istanbul. Düll 1989: 113, pl. 14.3. 239

VII. Inscriptions The chronology of a series of funerary pieces with rather clumsily incised Gothic epitaphs remains doubtful; apart from the tomb slab of brother Émery de Belloc (177), it comprises 178 (Knight Hospitaller), 183,245 182 and 184. In these inscriptions the letters are irregular, of uneven size and uncertainly incised. If they are not just cheap products, they may be roughly contemporary with the much superior Holt group, a hypothesis perhaps strengthened by the use of French in 177. Pieces 179 and 204 display much better workmanship, with the epitaph framing the effigy of the defunct neatly incised. 179 is from the tomb slab of a Hospitaller brother, while 204 is the lid of a sarcophagus carved in porous limestone whose eroded grainy surface makes the writing hard to read. Well formed but mostly illegible though wear is also the first tomb slab decorated with metal inlay, which in this instance is not employed to enhance the lettering (207). Completely independent in style is 211; rare for Rhodes, it most probably came from a tomb slab but the surviving incised text is partly illegible.246 A new style is introduced with the tomb slab of Pierre Pelestrin, turcopolier of Carlotta, who died on Rhodes in 1471 (219).247 This is not an effigial slab; the epitaph is arranged in seven lines underneath the defunct’s coat of arms. Here capitals have replaced the Gothic script. Most characters are narrow and their design lacks boldness; for the first time, the date of death is in Arabic numerals. From this point on, with a single exception, tomb slabs bear inscriptions in capitals, usually well formed. Occasionally pairs of characters are linked or one is inset within another, to save space. The exception concerns the reverse side of the effigial slab of a Hospitaller (176), reused in 1481,248 at a time when the great siege of 1480 was succeeded by a series of destructive earthquakes. The barely legible epitaph running round the edge of the slab is roughly scratched, almost like graffiti. The next slab with Renaissance capitals belongs to Venetian Iacobus de Priolis (†1474, 220).249 The epitaph is arranged on the wavy surface of an open scroll above the arms of the defunct, which are centrally placed within a laurel wreath. Then comes 212, from the tomb of Betz von Lichtenberg (†1480), grand bailli of the Order who fell in the siege of 1480.250 This is a heraldic slab with the arms and Probably a Knight, since the effigy wears ankle-length dress. The vegetal motif framing the inscription recalls slabs with a similar arrangement in Cyprus. Imhaus: 101 Fiche No 195 and 284-285 Fiche No 547. 247 Kasdagli 1989-91: 193-194. 248 Rhodes from the 4th c.: fig. 82. 249 Archaiologikon Deltion 52 (1997), Chronika: 1150, pl. 432 (Μ. Sigala). 250 Kasdagli 1989-91: 194-196. The three surviving pieces were put together without reference to the contents of the epitaph. Thus it was not noticed that at least two lines of text were missing after line 7, which would refer to the Knight’s death. There is also an unexplained inconsistency in the width of the left side of the band framing the lower part of the inscription in comparison to the 245 246

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Stone Carving of the Hospitaller Period in Rhodes epitaph inlaid with lead, which was later prized out of the grooves, most likely in Ottoman times, when the slab was cut into pieces to be reused as building material. It displays stylistic similarities with the somewhat later251 tomb slabs 213 and 214, both dated to 1493. One belongs to Pedro Fernández de Heredia, castellan of Amposta (214),252 and the other to Iohanna de Perier, a Breton noblewoman who died on her return from a pilgrimage to the Holy Land and was buried in Rhodes (213).253 It is clear that the same hand drew the characters for both epitaphs, although in the Heredia slab they are inlaid with lead. The analysis of the lettering can lead to the identification of specific craftsmen on tomb slabs of different types. For example, the lettering on the richly decorated slab of Rainier Pot (†1498, 226)254 is closely related to the tomb slab of Thomas Provana (†1499, 221),255 which is much smaller in size and has the arms of the deceased set within a laurel wreath. However, the content of the Pot epitaph recalls the laudatory inscription on the sarcophagus of master Orsini (†1476), today at the Musée de Cluny in Paris.256 Although stylistically in the same group with 221, the tomb slabs of Thomas Newport (†1502, 225),257 Martinus de Rossca (†1505, 222)258 and the Greek slab dated 1508 (224)259 show variety in the form of the epitaphs, betraying the presence of more than a single engraver. The high level piece at upper left. 251 The thirteen years separating the two works are not necessarily such a wide gap, considering the unusual circumstances of Lichtenberg’s burial: originally he had been buried in the cemetery of St. Anthony outside the walls, but the body would not decompose, even after its reburial elsewhere. Eventually, a tomb was constructed near the place where he had fallen in battle, against the advancing foe who had breached the walls: there the body finally went the way of all flesh. This fanciful story is recorded by German pilgrims who visited Rhodes in the early 16th century and worshipped at the grave which had acquired an aura of holiness. Waldstein-Wartenberg 1988, 387. Remarkably, the story is supported by the fact that the surviving pieces of the tomb slab were discovered incorporated in masonry of the Ottoman period in the area where the janissaries had managed to reach when the wall of Italy was breached in the great assault of 28 July 1480. If the successive burials are taken into account, as well as the time it took for the Knight’s final resting place to be completed, the actual dating of the slab is much closer to that of the Heredia slab. 252 This was the title of the Hospitaller prior of Aragon. Konstantinopoulos, 20-21, 6. Kasdagli and Katsou 2007: 167-180. 253 Kasdagli and Katsou 2007. 254 Konstantinopoulos 1977: 29-30, 18. Kollias 1998a: 135, 137. Roger 1978: 17-19, ill. I. De Vaivre 2006b: 254-263. Exceptionally, the inscription mentions the man who set up the slab. He was Philippe de Villiers de l’ Isle-Adam, later grand master, and brother of Marie, wife of Guyot Pot (†1494), chamberlain of Louis XI and brother of Rainier. Therefore the two men were related by marriage (for the information thanks are due to M. Jacques Pot, St-Cloud, France). 255 Konstantinopoulos 1977: 20, 5. Kasdagli - Katsou: 178-179. 256 Inv. no. 426 in Paris. De Vaivre 1998, 66-68. 257 Kollias 1998a: 134, 137. Kasdagli and Κatsou 2007. 258 Kasdagli and Katsou 2007. 259 Kollias 2000: 12-13, fig. 1.

VII. Inscriptions of craftsmanship locally available for the cutting of inscriptions is also evident in the discreet tomb marker of the servant of a Hospitaller officer260 of 1508 (227).261 The tomb slab of yet another official of the Order, grand hospitaller Nicolaus de Montmirel (†1511, 218),262 displays other interesting features. The epitaph contains the basic information, name, offices, date of death, but is crowned by the phrase Domine in Te Confido (perhaps a motto?) and concludes with the English phrase As God Will- perhaps an acceptance of the inevitable by the friends of the defunct who set up the tomb.263 The list of dated epitaphs concludes with the epitaph from the tomb of grand master Fabrizio del Carretto (†1521, 206),264 a model of patrician austerity with an apparent discrepancy in the year of death, written as MDXX; an idiosyncracy possibly explained by the custom of starting the year on the feast of the Annunciation. Although dated Gothic epitaphs are few in number, it is a fact that they are concentrated between the years 1402 and 1464. We have no dated funerary inscriptions in the Lombard script later than the 1370s; nor any in Renaissance capitals earlier than 1471. This signifies that the stylistic choices for funerary slabs were rather limited, something not surprising if we consider that Rhodes was a small place and the number of customers necessarily limited. It is true that the Latins of Rhodes were not a homogeneous group. However, the relatively small number of available lapidaries probably balanced this fact for most of the Hospitaller period. The Gothic script was introduced to Rhodes quite late,265 and generally replaced the Lombard script. Conceivably, the available evidence is not sufficient to support a complete shift. There is, for example, a piece from an ancient column inscribed with a number of ancient wise sayings in Latin, signed by Cristoforo Buondelmonti, a cleric who produced the oldest medieval mapping of the Aegean islands (8).266 The upper part of the inscription was effaced when the piece was reused as an Ottoman grave marker. This is unlikely to be a funerary inscription267 although the purpose of the piece is uncertain; perhaps Buondelmonti placed the

Probably a servant of admiral Lodovico di Scalenghe or his successor, Fabrizio del Carretto. Cf. the related and smaller grave marker 228, which may come from a family grave. 262 Rhodes from the 4th c.: fig. 84. 263 The escutcheons and English motto at the base were possibly meant to identify those responsible for setting up the monument (perhaps brethren of the English tongue?) 264 Gerola 1914: 254, no. 5. 265 Cf. Greenhill 1976, vol. 2: nos. 61a (1340, France), 114a (1349, France), 58a (1352, France), 18a (1364, Α. Germany), 140b (1351, Belgium), 64a (1384, England). 266 Rhodes from the 4th c.: fig. 105. Jacopi 1930, 3-7. 267 Barsanti 2001: 97-110. 260 261

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Stone Carving of the Hospitaller Period in Rhodes column in his home as an advertisement of his erudition: this might have served a specific purpose if he ever taught at Rhodes, but other interpretations are possible. The use of the Lombard script on the Buondelmonti column was probably a conscious choice, and the Lombard characters for the name of the saint on the low relief over the gate of St. Athanasius may be due to artistic conservatism.268 This, however, cannot be maintained for tomb slab fragments 163269 and 188,270 whose originality and aesthetic quality stand out. If we accept that these pieces come from works earlier than the Gothic tomb slabs of Rhodes, the available choices for 14th century customers seem much wider, even if the few high quality pieces were imported, something that so far cannot be proved. These doubts do not invalidate the fact that seventeen dated 14th century slabs have survived, all bearing the Lombard script. In general, it may be assumed that local society was more conservative in more solemn contexts such as epitaphs, while personal taste was more freely indulged in other situations. Thus, it seems fairly safe to assume that surviving fragments of funerary slabs with Lombard writing on them are more likely to belong in the 14th century, while those with Gothic script in the first seventy years of the 15th. Therefore fragments 160 (...onis Hospitalis sancti Iohanis Iherusalem...), 138 (...prior...), and 159 (...preceptoris de...), recovered from the site of the conventual church of the Hospital, prove that members of the Order were being buried there in the 14th century. These examples answer a question posed some time ago concerning the burial of brethren in the conventual church and suffice to prove the importance of assigning an approximate date to the fragments of funerary monuments, on the basis of dated ones. Some heraldic shields are encountered in the Rhodian countryside, but only three inscriptions have survived; they are associated with churches in the villages of Yennadi (porch of the cemetery church of St. Anastasia the Roman),271 Soroni (country chapel of St. Luke),272 and the fortress of Asklipio (24).273 The latter Gabriel 1921: 97, no. 44. If the piece preserving the anno:do... was the lower left corner, the curved object at the inner edge may be the back of an animal curled at the feet or the effigy, or part of the pillow where they rested. Fragment c preserves part of a band with a fringed end, perhaps part of a church vestment. The Lombard characters of this slab, although more elaborate, recall the highly finished inscription of effigial slab 162, which is unfortunately very worn. 270 The funerary slab resembles a type popular in the Low Countries, with the animal forms of the four evangelists within medallions in the corers (cf. Greenhill 1976: nos. 2a 3a, 6b, 13b, 38, 65b, 77b), but does not belong to it. 271 For this important medieval church see also Sigala 2007: 411-426. The inscription dates from the period of master Orsini. 272 It is probably the burial chapel of a Genoese family, perhaps feudal vassals of the Order, judging from the lozenge shield under the arms of master de Milly. The whitewashed Gothic dedicatory inscription is hard to read. 273 Rhodes from the 4th c., fig. 92. Gerola 1914: 351-352. 268 269

VII. Inscriptions was later reused as the top for the altar of the cemetery church of St. Michael (‘Taxiarches’); it is of both epigraphic and stylistic interest. Its main theme was a low relief figure of the Virgin and Child in the Western style, with the insignia of the Holy See to the left and the donors, seven canons, kneeling at her feet: some of them are mentioned by name in the inscription on the upper right of the slab. Under the feet of the Virgin figure discreetly the name and arms of another person. This John Vicarius probably supervised the commission, if not something more substantial. The epigraphic interest of the plaque includes the mixing of early Renaissance capitals with a Gothic date. The activities of Latin priests in the Rhodian countryside, where the Greek Orthodox element was dominant, may be associated with efforts to impose the decree promulgated at the Council of Florence (1439) in the second half of the 15th century; it seems that these led to civil disorder in the town near the end of the mastership of Giovanni Battista degli Orsini (1467-1476).274 To the material from churches should be added the dedicatory inscription from St. Sebastian in the town which somehow eventually found its way to Cos, perhaps as ship’s ballast in Ottoman times.275 Renaissance capitals had already appeared on the public works of the Order from the 1470s, both within the town and on the fortifications. They were also used on epitaphs, like that of Pelestrin, but the Renaissance really made its presence felt on the sarcophagus of master Orsini, in both its style and epitaph, a laudatory cursus vitae.276 However, after the earthquakes of 1481, the Gothic script almost disappears. The arrival of craftsmen from the West, who worked for the rebuilding of the blighted town, introduced the aesthetics of the Renaissance and provided the locals with the means to adopt them. It cannot be accidental that on the fortifications, which the masters of the Hospital were particularly anxious to identify with, the last Gothic inscriptions decorated Fort St. Nicholas under master Pere Ramon Zacosta (†1467). The name D. paul’ on the saint’s relief mounted on St. Paul’s Tower is also in Gothic characters but the inscription of Aubusson just below is in Renaissance capitals, while the completed work seems to date from the 1470s.277 Another late Gothic inscription in Rhodes is found in the countryside and is dated to the period of Orsini (14671476). It is set in the porch of the cemetery church outside the village of Yennadi, about seventy kilometers south of the town; this church may, at this time, have belonged to the Latin rite. The Gothic inscriptions on the façade of the ‘Auberge of France’ on the Street of the Knights and the auberge of Auvergne, which are later, probably represent the deliberate choices of particular officers of the Order: 274 275 276 277

Tsirpanlis 1991: 298-300. Brouskari 1998: 441, pl. 1. De Vaivre 1998: 66-68. Gabriel 1921: 70.

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Stone Carving of the Hospitaller Period in Rhodes as the Italians had a preference for the Lombard script, so the French associated Gothic with their own culture. The unique surviving example on the small island of Symi278 conforms to this epigraphic progression, but this does not hold true for the castles of the Knights at Cos and Bodrum. There, different craftsmen seem to have been at work and a singular aesthetic code seems to have developed at Bodrum. For example, the earliest known Renaissance inscription on Cos dates from 1454;279 the oldest parallel on Rhodes appears, as we have seen, in 1471 (219). Moreover, those responsible for the design of the Gothic inscriptions of Carmadino280 at the castle of Nerangia (c. 1472-1478)281 were particularly careful to avoid abbreviations; while the inverted N in inscriptions of Cos dating from the period of governor Francisco Sans (1513-1514)282 does not occur in Rhodes, although this officer was also active there. At Bodrum, too, the only inscription betraying Lombard influence (cf. the characters d, h, n),283 is an elegantly carved invocation with the letters Μ, Ε and V in Roman capitals which belongs to the last years of the Hospitaller period, while the date itself is in the Gothic script: M·VC/ ·ix· The obvious decorative purpose is also reflected in the accompanying heraldry. During the late Hospitaller period, the humanists of the Renaissance brought the Greek language back into fashion. In the east part of the town, the imposing Zaccaria mansion (‘Admiralty’) displays a Latin invocation on its façade and its Greek translation in the courtyard.284 The presence of the elegant Byzantine inscription on the building, and of the Byzantine abbreviations on the upper tier of the façade, have thus been shown to be no evidence of association with Greek identity at this time; this should be kept in mind when considering the emotionally charged Greek invocation from Psalm 70 (Make haste, O God, to deliver me; make haste to help me, O Lord...) and the highly symbolic heraldry that goes with it (109).285 In this particular case we may have a Greek apostate to Catholicism, but the main interest of the piece lies in the dynamic and harmonious integration of Western and Byzantine elements, a far cry from the rather clumsy attempts of the past, and implies a complex ideological background. The adoption of the Greek motto πάλι θαρρώ (‘I regain courage’) by a brother of the Hospital also seems emotionally charged. The motto is associated with an hourglass badge, a Gerola 1916: 4. Maiuri 1921-2: 287. 280 Edoardo di Carmadino, governor of Cos (1471-1495). Gerola 1916: 28-29. 281 Gerola 1916: 28-29, nos. 27-31. 282 Gerola 1916: 46. 283 Gerola 1915: 71, no. XLI. Maiuri 1921-2:324. 284 Pax huic domui et omnibus habitantibus in ea / H ειρήνη τω οίκω τούτω και πάσι τοις κατοικούσιν εν αυτώ. Gabriel 1923: 114, fig. 75. For the identification De Vaivre 2010: 71-74. 285 Kasdagli 2007a: 467-469. 278 279

VII. Inscriptions symbol of time and the reversals it brings, and was used by Jacques de Bourbon, a relative of Louis, prince-bishop of Liège; he took part in the last siege of Rhodes in 1522, was injured by an arquebus shot and later wrote a description of the siege.286 The style of the lettering used for private commissions in the town of Rhodes generally agrees with the development observed on the fortifications of the town and on funerary monuments, although sometimes there are peculiarities related to circumstance, as in the case of 20. This is probably a piece from the decorated underside of a Byzantine templon epistyle (11th or 12th century). In 1517, in the gap between the two ornaments that helped date the original use (the part in actual contact with the colonnette),287 a monogram was incised (Ν[ο]Τb) when the piece was reused, perhaps as a decorative element on the façade of a house in the town. Finally, the type of the lettering of the word CARDINA[L] indicates a late graffiti on 112, probably referring to grand master Pierre d’Aubusson.

Kefala 2009-10. On the icon the motto is in the local dialect: πάλε θαρώ. For a relief version of the badge and the Greek motto see Jacopi 1932b:48. 287 Warm thanks are due to colleague E. Papavassileiou, for her research in the relevant bibliography: Pazaras 1988: 108-111 places the ornament on the left to the middle Byzantine Period (11th-12th c.) The ornament on the right, according to Skylogianni 1985-6:157-173, dates from the 11th century. As regards quality, this is the work of a provincial workshop, cf. Papavassileiou and Katsioti 2002: 121-148 and esp. fig. 8-11. 286

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VIII. Funerary monuments Interest for the funerary monuments of medieval Rhodes has existed for a long time. Nineteenth century travellers and scholars published some of them. Discoveries before World War II, when Rhodes was under Italian occupation, added considerably to our knowledge but little has been published since; thus, it has not been made clear that the subject has yet to be exhausted. The fact is that not all the Italian finds have been published, while the destructive air raids during the war caused more material to come to light. Since the 1970s, excavators have been unearthing yet more data. In the 1990s archaeologists revisited the conventual church of the Hospital, St. John of the Collachio288. The church had been levelled by a disastrous gunpowder explosion when, in the first autumn rainfall of 1856, a thunderbolt struck the minaret added to the bell tower when the shrine had been converted into a mosque by the Ottomans.289 The explosion, which caused several hundred casualties, was due to the presence of a gunpowder magazine in the basement of the bell tower.290 Only part of the foundations of the church survived, while on the location of the detached bell tower a crater was created, which was later filled in. The filling of the rest of the ruins followed, and a new Ottoman School in the neoclassical style was raised on top; until recently it was the 13th Primary School of the town of Rhodes. The site has not yet revealed all its secrets, but currently available evidence adds to the engravings bequeathed to scholarship by nineteenth century travellers.291 The conventual church of the Hospital contained, with possibly a single exception,292 the most important funerary monuments of the Hospitaller period on the island. These were, of course, the tombs of those masters of the Order who had died on Rhodes. The most complete presentation of what was hitherto known about these tombs was published in 1998.293 Of the nineteen masters who ruled Rhodes, fourteen died and were buried on the island: Hélion de Villeneuve (†1346), Déodat Archaiologikon Deltion 50 (1995), Chronika: 821-823 (Α. Μ. Kasdagli). Archaiologikon Deltion 52 (1997), Chronika: 1150 (Μ. Sigala). Archaiologikon Deltion 53 (1998), Chronika: 994 (Α. Psarologaki). 289 This was not the first time that the minaret of the former church had been struck by lightning. Hasluck 2004: 93, from a report by V. Stochove (1610-1679), who published his Voyage du Levant in 1662. 290 That the gunpowder which caused the explosion was the munitions supposedly hidden by ‘traitor’ Andrea d’Amaral in the 1522 siege to facilitate the task of the Turkish besiegers is a myth. The storage of the gunpowder dated from the nineteenth century and, according to Swede Dr. Hedenborg who was living his retirement years in Rhodes, local authorities were responsible for the disaster because they had for long disregarded the danger. Gehlhoff-Volanaki 1982: 58-59. Recent excavation has shown that the magazine was actually the basement of the tower and not the crypt of the church. 291 Rottiers 1830. Flandin 1853. 292 That of the tomb of Marie de Baux, dated to the mid-14th century. 293 De Vaivre 1998. 288

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VIII. Funerary monuments de Gozon (†1353), Pierre de Corneillan (†1355), Roger de Pins (†1365), Robert de Juilly (†1377), Philibert de Naillac (†1421), Antoni Fluvià (†1437), Jean de Lastic (†1454), Jacques de Milly (†1461), Giovanni Battista degli Orsini (†1476), Pierre d’Aubusson (†1503), Émery d’Amboise (†1512), Guy de Blanchefort (†1513) and Fabrizio del Carretto (†1521). Prewar excavation on the site of the conventual church during the Italian occupation of Rhodes was carried out by Pietro Lojacono;294 further exploration since 1988295 by the Greek Archaeological Service revealed that, after the destruction of the church and before the ruins were filled in, systematic removal of the marble floor slabs had been carried out. Many of these slabs must have been tomb slabs and markers of Hospitaller brethren. This is the explanation for the recovery of the epitaph from the tomb of grand master Carretto by Amedeo Maiuri in the area of the auberge of Auvergne (206).296 Of course, the removal of parts or even complete standing tombs from the interior of the church must have started much earlier, since the sarcophagus of master Robert de Juilly is depicted in the album of Rottiers, who visited Rhodes in 1826, serving as an Ottoman fountain outside a mosque.297 The sarcophagus of master Pierre de Corneillan located at the ‘Konak’298 by Sommi Picenardi299 had also been turned into a fountain, and was carried to the Archaeological Museum of Rhodes during the Italian period.300 Rottiers managed to penetrate into the church, then the principal mosque of Rhodes, thirty years before its destruction. The colonel was particularly interested in the Hospitaller tombs inside. He mentions that, of the tombs of the masters, only that of Carretto was intact; while the locations of the monumental tombs of Aubusson and Amboise were also visible. In his album he includes an illustration of Carretto’s tomb301 and a decorative detail from the burial niche of one of the other two masters he mentions.302 Rottiers also saw on the floor several heraldic tomb slabs: «En Lojacono 1936a. Αrchaiologikon Deltion, Chronika, vol. 45 (1990): 511-514, vol. 46 (1991): 497-499, vol. 47 (1992): 670-671, vol. 48 (1993): 569-570, vol. 49 (1994): 815, vol. 50 (1995): 821-823 (Α. Μ. Kasdagli). 296 The absence of wear from its position on the floor is due to the customary use of carpets inside mosques. Rottiers 1830, 298-299. For the discovery Lojacono 1936b: 268. 297 The old monastery of the Franciscans, according to Jehan Thénaud, who visited Rhodes in 1512. This church stood next to the Virgin of Victory, whose identification is still uncertain- but it must have been in the Ovriaki (Jewish quarter), at the east end of the walled town. Gabriel 1923: 163. 298 The Late Ottoman Governor’s House at Mandraki, which no longer exists. It stood roughly on the site of the actual Central Post Office. 299 Sommi Picenardi 1900: 86. A number of pieces, some perhaps originally from St. Anthony’s, were kept at the Konak. 300 Both were reused ancient sarcophagi. 301 Rottiers 1830: pl. XLI. 302 Rottiers 1830: pl. LIII, 4. 294 295

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Stone Carving of the Hospitaller Period in Rhodes examinant le pavé avec soin je remarquai sur plusieurs pierres sépulcrales, des armoiries, entre autres celles de Roger du Pin, de Philibert de Naillac, et d’autres qui me sont inconnues, sur lesquelles on voit trois lions…»303 This would be the sum of our knowledge about the tombs of the masters in Rhodes without the nineteenth century enthusiasm for the collection of antiquities. In 1877, after protracted negotiations, the then consul of Italy in Rhodes sold to the Musée des Thermes de Cluny in Paris the following pieces from the funerary monuments of five masters of Rhodes, which had, one way or another, eluded destruction:304 1) A piece from the sarcophagus of master Déodat de Gozon, 2) The lid of the sarcophagus of master Pierre de Corneillan, 3) The sarcophagus of master Robert de Juilly, 4) The lid of the sarcophagus of master Jacques de Milly and 5) The sarcophagus of master Giovanni Battista degli Orsini. It becomes obvious that usually the masters were buried in effigial sarcophagi or stone coffins, and that the case of Carretto, whose grave was underneath the pavement of the church, was exceptional. His tomb was considered rather poor: “il quale non fu molto ricco; per le grandi, & eccessive spese, che durando il suo Magisterio fatte haveva…”, explains Giacomo Bosio, historian of the Order.305 This interpretation is rather naive. In the times of Carretto, tombs laid flush with the floor of churches employed graceful compositions of multicoloured marbles in association with other decorative techniques and were not so poor; they were a conscious rejection of the worldliness and pride displayed by many standing monumental tombs.306 Philippe de Villiers de l’Isle-Adam, the last grand master of Rhodes, was also laid to rest in a sarcophagus with an effigial lid in Malta.307 In the publication of his archaeological exploration of the conventual church, Pietro Lojacono mentions only one tomb slab worth commenting on: it is the left side of the epitaph of a lady who had died in 1318 (114).308 It is not unlikely, however, that other fragments of funerary monuments also turned up at this time, but Lojacono did not include them in his article. They were certainly there to be found, since more recent excavation has produced at least 35.309 The most important of these Rottiers 1830: 301-302. De Vaivre 1998: 75-86. 305 Bosio 1629, vol. 2: 623D. The excavation proved that the tomb of Carretto was a trapezoidal cist. It had been laid in the middle of the cental aisle and was covered by an incised and inlaid effigial slab framed by a composition in multicoloured marbles. Rottiers 1830: pl. XLI. 306 Binski 1996: 88-89. 307 Bosio, vol. 3: 134. 308 Museum of Rhodes, inv. no. F120. Lojacono 1936a: 266. Luttrell 2003: 43 no. 2 and 95 n. 351. 309 Museum of Rhodes inv. nos. F107 (197), F113 (168), F114 (201), F134 (155), F137 (181), F165 (165), F166 (195), F167 (159), F168 (138), F169 (209), F170 (217), F171 (170), F172 (141), F174 (110), F175 (129), F176a-b (200), F177 (182), F179 (216), F180a-b (189), F205 (210), and find nos. AE249, AE251, AE252, AE253, AE254, AE255, AE256, AE257, AE258, AE261, AE262, 303 304

VIII. Funerary monuments fragments is part of an effigial sarcophagus lid, today on display at the Grand Master’s Palace; it probably belongs to the tomb of master Déodat de Gozon.310 Part of the sarcophagus of Gozon, which had been cut into pieces, preserving the arms of the master and the Hospital as well as part of the epitaph, is on display at the Musée de Cluny.311 Strangely, the proportions of the shields on this piece seem identical to those of the arms of Gozon and the Order on 198, of unknown provenance. The considerable space between the shields on this piece, 47cm and only 10cm shorter than the distance separating the shields in the piece in Paris, rules out the possibility that 198 was mounted on a wall. Also remarkable is the similarity in the carving technique employed on both pieces. Thus, it is highly likely that they belong together, or that 198 is a reject from the same commission; either interpretation cannot be excluded without detailed comparison of the two pieces.312 Careful examination of recent finds from the site of the conventual church, and of displaced finds of unknown provenance, add some further information to published material. There are seven fragments (201, 195a-c, 200a-b and 202), of which some belong together. For four other pieces (196, 203, 204, 205) there are indications that they might, perhaps, also be considered as derived from the tombs of the masters. 195 consists of three narrow fragments from a marble heraldic relief, worked on two adjacent sides. On the face is visible the base of a row of twin pilasters on stepped bases which separated sunk panels bearing shields in relief; one belongs to master Hélion de Villeneuve while the other must have been the cross of the Order. The other worked side lay underneath, and preserves a moulded edge. The fragments were found in the excavation of the conventual church in 1995. They may belong to a parapet or epistyle from the funerary chapel we know the master had prepared for himself in the church. If they are compared to the monument of Juan Fernández de Heredia at Caspe, another possibility emerges: that they may be from a monument with a raised sarcophagus, even the sarcophagus itself.313 The fragments belong to an element produced when the original work was cut into pieces for reuse. 196 possibly originated from the same chapel. This is a relief shield of Villeneuve equipped on top with a strap twisted into a loop, and set within a moulded frame, perhaps from a panel or parapet. This piece was also broken into

AE263, AE279, AE432, AE445, AE446, AE652. Two of the AE most likely are 155 and 210. Some of the above fragments possibly belong to the same piece. 310 De Vaivre 1889: 45 and fig. 8. 311 Du Sommerard 1883: 40, no. 422. De Vaivre 1998: 43-45. 312 Even if they do not belong together, it is possible that 198 was left unfinished and was later cut into pieces for reuse. 313 De Vaivre 1998: fig. 16.

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Stone Carving of the Hospitaller Period in Rhodes three fragments, of which one was unearthed in excavation work at the Palace of the Grand Master nearby.314 From the funerary monument of master Roger de Pins must derive the two fragments of 200, which obviously belong together. The largest preserves the dexter side of the Pins arms, with the actual pine cones chipped off.315 Underneath and to the left of the shield is visible the head of an animal supporter, perhaps a wolf, looking left. The rest of this fragment, and the entire smaller fragment, are covered by a design of needleless pine branches in two-plane relief, with traces of red paint on the background. They were found in the excavation of the conventual church in 1994/1995. The position of the animal’s head indicates that the shield was carried on the shoulders of a pair of heraldic supporters seated back to back (addorsed), as in the case of the royal arms of England on heraldic slab 71. The shield must have been surrounded by stylized pine branches or trees. It may well be that the fragments are from the visible long face of the master’s sarcophagus, which may have been completely covered with this kind of symbolic decoration; the naked branches being an allegory of the barrenness of death. Fragment 201 probably derives from the lid of Pin’s sarcophagus; it preserves part of a colonnette with a stylized capital, the lower right tassel of the pillow where the head of the effigy rested, and a pine cone to the right of the pillow. Part of the raised lip holding the lid in place survives at the back. It was found in the excavation of the conventual church in 1990. The principal argument for the identification of the piece, apart from the fact that it belongs to a sarcophagus lid, is the pine cone badge, which is also present on the coinage of this master. The technique of the carving on the pine cone strongly resembles the pine cones on heraldic relief 32.316 If indeed 201 and 200 both come from the monument of master Roger de Pins, the dissimilarity between them, in both technique and material, is striking. The difference in technique might partly be explained by the material because Lartian stone is harder to work than marble; but may also mean that the decoration on the body of the sarcophagus was carried out in Rhodes, or by a different artist, perhaps less skilled than the one who carved the effigy. The two pieces may not have been carved at the same time: perhaps one was completed before the master’s death, the other afterwards317

Archaiologikon Deltion 50 (1995), Chronika: 821. For the reconstruction of the shield cf. figure ΙV in the plates. 316 Konstantinopoulos 1977: 33, fig. 29. 317 Some masters prepared their own tombs. Luttrell 2003, 33, 98. However, it cannot have been rare for death to surprise a master before the tomb was ready to receive him- cf. Bosio 1629, vol. 2: 601Α for the burial of grand master Amboise. 314 315

VIII. Funerary monuments 202 is a fragment from the right side of the niche framing the effigy on the lid of the sarcophagus of Orsini. It combines various Gothic ornaments (crockets, tracery etc.) with the master’s shield nestling within a heraldic rose. At the back, part of the raised lip holding the lid in place still survives. When or where the piece was found is not recorded, so this is possibly a find of Lojacono. Judging from this piece, the lid of Orsini’s sarcophagus was a more elaborate version of that of Milly, in proportion to the difference observed in the length and content of their respective epitaphs.318 Here also a stylistic difference is evident between sarcophagus and lid: the sarcophagus is from marble according to de Vaivre, while the lid from a softer limestone.319 It is conceivable that the carvers responsible for the sarcophagus also carved the shields mounted on the fortifications of the town; while the lid, with its elaborate decoration and confident design, was the work of a more specialized foreign artist. Here it is reasonable to ask whether the effigial lids of these sarcophagi came ready carved from the West. However, apart from the problems that might result if lid and sarcophagus were found not to fit well together, the two inscriptions on Milly’s tomb were cut in situ, and by a highly skilled craftsman. It is more likely that the most suitable stone was imported roughly dressed along with the sculptor, who was afterwards permitted to leave his mark on the production of other slabs. 203 is a marble fragment, also from a shallow niche canopy, with a broad chamfer on the outer side, from a sarcophagus lid. It preserves the left capital, above it a tiny, slender Gothic niche with a saddleback roof, from which springs a pinnacle resembling a tight fern leaf and the springing of the central arch, decorated with a moulding and crockets. Part of the raised lip of the lid is still in place at the back. When or where the piece was found is not recorded. The lid evidently framed an effigy, perhaps similar to Milly’s. There are also similarities to another Rhodian tomb slab, now at the Topkapi Museum in Istanbul;320 this could be the work of a sculptor who also worked on Rhodian slab 945, now kept in Istanbul as well, and 318 Milly: “Reve(re)ndus p(ate)r d(ominus) f(rater) Jacobus de Milly hospital(is) jh(e)r(oso)l(i) m(itani) mag(ist)e(r) clara v(ir)t[u]te p(rae)dit(us) abortu x m cccc lxi me(nsis) augusti die xvij morte obiit c(uius) a(ni)ma pace(m) fruat eterna(m)”. Orsini: “Anno quo Christus de Virgine natus ab illo transierant mille decies septemque subinde octavus iunii quadrigenti sex hora quaterna sabati quo die scias obisse iacentem. Sanguine clarus erat Vrsinus stirpe Baptista que clara prevalet ceteris Ittalie vulgus tante domus resonat hinc inde per orbem que multos habit pontifices que duces hic reverendus erat Rhodi pater atque magister qui partis ambitus fuit huius conditor urbis, romanus fuit dic, dic virtutibus altis, nomen cuius erit semper in ore suis magnanimus, prudens, iustus fuit atque modestus, humanus, strenuus, pius, probusque, serenus, hec que cesarei equarunt usque triumphi, aucta per invicte sic probitatis opus. Ut iubar exoriens micuit is solis in orbe atque refulgenti lustravit lampade terras: qui magnos hostes, qui magna pericula tulit, pro Christi cultu, pro religione tuenda. Iure Deus voluit certo decernere fato. Ut huic preclaro nomen magister esset, atque inter divos est divus ad astra relatus. Sic itaque seculo victo, sine fine triumphat.” Du Sommerard 1883: 40-41. 319 Du Sommerard writes of granite. 320 Rossi 1920: 334.

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Stone Carving of the Hospitaller Period in Rhodes maybe even on the Milly lid. Although of good quality, 203 seems rather older than the group which includes Milly’s lid, the Orsini lid fragment and the two pieces in Istanbul: a certain naiveté and lack of symmetry appear in the assemblage of its architectural decoration. If we accept that, as a rule, only masters were buried in sarcophagi, then we might have a fragment from the tomb of one of the three masters from the first half of the 15th century, Naillac, Fluvià or Lastic, and most likely of the last of them. An altar tomb richly decorated in the Gothic style was made for Marie de Baux (†1347).321 The architectural elements now framing the entrance of the Suleymaniye mosque originally came from the early 16th century canopied tomb of an unidentified Hospitaller, which probably included a sarcophagus.322 Marie de Baux was an exceptional case, since she was the wife of a Western prince who led a Crusade.323 However, the architectural elements at the Suleymaniye, with their distinctive Renaissance style, are probably what remains of the tomb of a grand master, most likely Émery d’Amboise: besides, the Suleymaniye is very close to the site of the conventual church, the most likely site of the tomb. If it is true that in Rhodes only persons of the ruling class, and these not always, were buried in sarcophagi, it is worth noting item 204. It is a rectangular piece of porous limestone from the lower left corner of an effigial sarcophagus lid with a convex top. It preserves the lower part of the right side of the habit and the toe of the corresponding shoe. The edge and fold of a mantle shorter than the habit is also visible. On a raised frame, part of an incised inscription in Gothic lettering is only partly legible: ...deo... / ...[tionj] dni n mc... The lettering most probably places the work in the first half of the 15th century. If this comes from the tomb of one of the masters, the simplicity and ruggedness of the style and the material are striking; they recall the roughness of the shields rescued from the ruins of the imposing Naillac tower, today on display in the Great Ward at the Archaeological Museum of Rhodes.324 Perhaps this master, who successfully coped with many financial and political difficulties, had found a plain personal monument sufficient to his needs. A stone casket with roughly the size of the antique funerary equivalent, is a puzzle. It bears no inscription, but displays the arms of the Hospital and of Zacosta (205). Carved in the hard local limestone, it has particularly thick sides whose inner surface slopes toward the centre, limiting the volume of the space inside.325 Zacosta Rottiers 1830: pl. xxvii, from the Virgin of the Castle. It no longer survives. Balducci 1931: 14-24, pl. III-V (with a graphic reconstruction of the monument) and Kollias 1998a: 137 and fig. 76-78. 323 Humbert II, Dauphin of Viennois, who led his forces against Smyrna (1345-1347). Housley 1986: 34 and Setton 1975: 13. 324 40, 41, 42. Konstantinopoulos 1977: 34 fig. 30, 36 fig. 37, 35 fig. 31. 325 Cf. fig. ΙΙ in the plates for a comparison between the dimensions of the outside and inside of 321 322

VIII. Funerary monuments died in Rome on 21 February 1467 and was laid to rest in the basilica of St. Peter.326 It is perhaps a daring hypothesis, but the casket of Rhodes is the right size for a relic from the master’s body, possibly his heart, perhaps in response to the wishes of Zacosta himself, that has not been recorded in the written sources.327 The burial of masters in the conventual church of the Order in Rhodes obviously added to the sacred character and symbolic significance of the place in the consciousness of the brethren who used the church for various functions besides prayer, such as assemblies, including chapters general and, after the death of a master, for the election of his successor; its special character was also felt by the pilgrims who recorded their impressions of the church.328 The conservatism pervading this collective mausoleum and emblematic religious core of the Hospital must be stressed here; its monuments evoked an aura of purposefulness, stability and austerity. The sculptured effigies, unaltered through the passage of time, seemed to resist dissolution and the vicissitudes of politics. The Renaissance, which paid homage to the achievements of the individual, made its appearance on the epitaph of Orsini, if not earlier, on some lost monument.329 However, as far as we know, worldly vanity is never mentioned, as if it did not exist; nor does purgatory, or the anxiety engendered by the threat of divine judgement, appear anywhere. Thus, ideas that formed major preoccupations in the West at this time330 are apparently ignored. It becomes evident that the Hospital preserved, or deliberately cultivated, an old crusading ethos about the prompt delivery of the soul of those martyred in fighting for the Faith.331 This conviction is clearly expressed in the inscription Cum Christo vigilemus et in pace requiescamus at Bodrum, where the collective ideology of the Order is presented in condensed form, due to the isolated situation of the fortress.332 The best-known burial site outside the town walls of Hospitaller Rhodes was the cemetery of St. Anthony where, apparently, most of the Hospital’s brethren who died on Rhodes were laid to rest. It was located approximately in the area today the casket. 326 De Vaivre 1998: 64. The convocation of a chapter general of the Order in Rome was imposed on the elderly Zacosta by pope Pius II (1458-1464) and was due to the reactions faced by the master in his attempt to control the management of the Order’s landed property in the West, in order to meet his expenses on fortification works. Bosio 1629, vol. 2: 298A-308E. 327 The custom of burying parts of the body separately, for sovereigns as well as others, was quite common in the Middle Ages and had both political and ethical ramifications. Ariès 1977: 207. Daniell 1988: 88, 122-123. Binski 1996: 63-69. 328 Lojacono 1936a: 247 ff. Cf. the description of N. de Martoni, Gabriel 1923: 169. 329 Binski 1996: 22, 72. 330 Boase 1972: 46-57. Binski 1996: 24-27, 71-72, 114-118. 331 Boase 1972: 39, 42. 332 Maiuri 1921-2: 324, 331.

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Stone Carving of the Hospitaller Period in Rhodes occupied by the Muslim shrine of Murad Reis and the attached Ottoman cemetery. Unfortunately, our information about it comes exclusively from written sources.333 A few small churches in the countryside such as St. George Chostos at Mt. Phileremos and Old St. Luke’s at Soroni may have served as the burial chapels of local feudatories. Within the town of Rhodes, several medieval churches have been excavated, providing information for the burial customs of the period. After the Ottoman conquest of 1522, all these churches were converted into Muslim houses of worship. With a few exceptions, the accessible parts of medieval tombs were removed and reused as building material. Thus, it is usually impossible to know if and how the burials found in archaeological excavations were linked to funerary monuments or markers. It is only possible to parallel the excavated remains with the scattered architectural members of tombs in order to draw necessarily limited conclusions. The largest churches in the town were five in number: St. John of the Collachio (the conventual church of the Order), St. Mary of the Castle334 (the old Orthodox cathedral, turned over to the Latin archbishop after 1309), ‘St. Michael’ (otherwise known as Demirli Djami and destroyed in the air raids of World War II), St. Mary of the Borgo (fallen into ruin in Ottoman times)335 and the Holy Apostles (an early Latin church with a crypt, opposite the southwest corner of the Collachio).336 Smaller churches were scattered all over the town, and of those 26 have survived.337 Their medieval names have generally been lost, but some of them must have been parish churches while others were associated, for a time at least, with particular families.338 Below the level of their floors numerous burials have been explored, some disturbed by later burials and others still intact. As available space was limited, niche tombs and tomb slabs laid flush with the floor were dominant. Socially prominent individuals were buried in niche tombs arranged along the lateral walls of churches.339 Their lids apparently bore their name, family arms and sometimes an effigy, incised or in relief. The grave itself was often a coarse masonry shaft of considerable depth, designed to accommodate multiple burials: the most recent of those would temporarily repose on a grid supported against the shaft walls near the surface. After decomposition, the bones could be swept to the bottom and leave space for the next burial. Funerary chapels were added to some Luttrell 2003: 39, 112, 174, 178, 191. Acheimastou-Potamianou 1968: 221-263. Luttrell 2003: 100-109. 335 Luttrell 2003: 141-144. Psarologaki and Zerlendis 1996: 82-83. Archaiologikon Deltion 52 (1997), Chronika: 1151-1152. 336 Dellas, Vlysidis and Zerlendis 1997. Archaiologikon Deltion 52 (1997), Chronika: 1150. 337 Cf. Kollias 2007: 283-296. 338 Luttrell 2003: 129-130. Kollias 1998a: 120, 121 (fig. 62); idem 1994: 41, fig. 37. 339 Cf. Acheimastou-Potamianou 1968: 248, 280. Psarologaki and Zerlendis 1996: 83. 333 334

VIII. Funerary monuments churches, supplied with a shaft grave or a small burial crypt.340 In any case, shaft graves were not limited to niche tombs or funerary chapels; they might also be found scattered along the aisles of the larger churches and, most likely, were also covered by inscribed tomb slabs laid flush with the floor. Nevertheless, most burials were simple inhumations, excavated under the floor of churches. Well-to-do Westerners who died in Rhodes were generally buried singly, usually in inhumations with an inscribed tomb slab.341 Alternatively, inhumations might be commemorated by a coat of arms in shallow relief set into the relaid pavement over the grave or one mounted on nearby masonry. Such markers have not been found in situ, since the medieval floors of churches have not been preserved,342 but their existence is attested by various sources.343 The only known genuine example of an altar tomb in Rhodes belonged to Marie de Baux and was richly ornamented with tracery. The wife of Humbert II had been buried in St. Mary of the Castle, in the apse of the south aisle, and her tomb was still visible there until the nineteenth century.344 Apart from the tombs of the masters, 111 funerary pieces or fragments thereof have been found in Rhodes to date.345 34 of these, on display in Rhodes or in museums abroad, are dated, and assist us in placing a date on the rest.346 They are not evenly distributed across time: the 14th century until 1370 and the years between 1480 and 1520 are far better represented than the intermediate period (c. 1380-1460); possibly, this phenomenon in part reflects plague epidemics. Despite the relative dearth of evidence from the middle period, the dated monuments permit us to follow stylistic changes. The so-called Lombard script was in use in the 14th century. In the early 15th century black letters appear in association with a particular type of effigial tomb slab in two-plane relief. The Gothic script is more elegant towards the mid-century and is replaced, in the 1470s, by Renaissance capitals. Of course there was some overlap, but we know of only one dated example, which might be considered exceptional.347 Thus it is fairly safe to assign fragments with Lombard Cf. Archaiologikon Deltion 42 (1987), Chronika: 666 (Ε. Papavassileiou). Archaiologikon Deltion 39 (1984), Chronika: 337-340. 341 Kasdagli and Katsou 2007. 342 The small chapel of the ‘anonymous church on Kisthiniou Street’ is an exception. Kasdagli and Katsou 2007. 343 Rottiers 1830: 301-302, pl. XLI. Inscription 171. 344 Rottiers 1830: 279, pl. XXXV, XXXVII (lower right). Luttrell 2003: 161. 345 Three are still incorporated in mosques: two in the rewak of the mosque of Ibrahim Pasha and one in the dikka of the Suleymaniye. 346 They are the following: 113, 114, 115, 116, 117, 122, 125, 126, 127, 129, 135, 164, 165, 175, 176, 199, 206, 212, 213, 214, 218, 219, 220, 221, 222, 224, 225, 226 and 227, as well as the monuments of Gozon, Corneillan, Juilly, Milly, Orsini (Cluny, Paris) and Becharius (Istanbul). 347 Rhodes from the 4th c.: 70-71, fig. 82. 340

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Stone Carving of the Hospitaller Period in Rhodes script to the 14th or, at most, the first decade of the 15th century. Finds with Gothic lettering are generally placed between 1400 and 1465, and those with Renaissance capitals after 1470. The vow of poverty did not necessarily consign members of the Order to paupers’ graves; a burial suitable for their social position was a matter of honour to their comrades and relations.348 There are obvious similarities between the tomb slabs of Hospitallers and laymen: the latter copy the style of the former, without attempting to conceal the social gap that lay between them. The length of the habit, and the eight-pointed cross of the Order (‘Maltese’ cross) are the two elements that enable us to tell Hospitallers apart even when the inscription does not survive. Hospitaller masters and officials in effigy349 are represented in the religious habit of their Order, floor-length and beltless, worn over a tunic with narrow sleeves. The outer mantle (not always supplied with a hood) displays the Maltese cross over the left shoulder; the mantle is fastened at the throat not with a clasp but with a long double cord ending in a tasselled knot below the waist.350 This element evolved over the Rhodes period: it acquired a cross351 and, from the mid-15th century, a fringe ending in a row of three to four tassels, as is clearly visible in fragment 187. Late Hospitaller effigies hold a rosary.352 Often the top of the head is covered with a skullcap,353 which is not always distinct in worn slabs.354 The only exception to this dress, which is more clearly rendered in 14th and early 15th century examples but continues more or less unchanged until the end of the Hospitaller period, is the effigy of a priest of the Order on tomb slab 162. The vestments visible under the Order’s mantle appear to include a chasuble with a decorated orphrey and an amictus round the neck.355 As specifically stated in the case of Rainier Pot, 226. A fuller picture is given by 165, 176, 180 and 186, the lids of the sarcophagi of Corneillan and Milly, the tomb slab no. 945 in Istanbul and the incised tomb slab of Guynot de Montgou (†1498) kept in the Archaeological Museum of Dijon in France. Greenhill 1976: no. 122a. 350 An exception is the case of Simon de Thiennes (†1440), formerly kept in the Museum of Douai in France, but unfortunately destroyed in World War II. Greenhill 1976: no. 121b. 351 165 but also piece no. 946 in Istanbul. Düll 1989: pl. 14.3. 352 176, Jacques de Milly, no. 945 in Istanbul, 186. 353 161, 176, Pierre de Corneillan. 354 In the manuscript volume Par. Lat. 6067 (Guillelmus Caoursin, Obsidionis Rhodie Urbis Descriptio), c. 1490, in the miniature of f 3v grand master Aubusson is depicted with particular care. The outer garment (‘mantle’), is fastened under the chin with cords (their elaborate ending is visible to the right of his knee) and is supplied with slits for the arms. This is confirmed by tomb slabs 186 and no. 945 in Istanbul. In the miniature can also be seen a belt and a black band ending to the right, at the feet of the figure. The master, like the officials surrounding him, holds the characteristic rosary. Still, the master’s dress, like that of the other brethren, varies from illumination to illumination (cf. f 3v2, 83v2, 87r). In some cases the slits for the arms seem to continue down to the ground (φ 120v2), so that this is not really a mantle, nor yet a long tabard, since the opening is in front. Conceivably, the effigies showing the arms crossed underneath this outer garment realistically reflect the disposal of the body for the funeral rites. 355 Houston 1996: 21-24, fig. 22. For parallels of this garb cf. Greenhill 1976: nos. 5b and 6b. For 348

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VIII. Funerary monuments The outer sleeveless gown of lay effigies is slit for the passage of the arms, so that the wide or/and narrow sleeves of inner garments are displayed;356 the gown is usually calf-length, belted to produce symmetrical folds from the waist down.357 The simplest type of early heraldic tomb slab bears an epitaph and the arms of the defunct. Hospitallers placed their personal arms next to the cross of the Order. Laymen who copied this type would occasionally use the arms of both sides of their family next to each other, or would repeat the same shield twice.358 In later slabs, from the 1470s onwards, Hospitaller brethren could add a chief of the Order to their personal arms, thus dispensing with the second shield. It seems that, from then on, only the highest officers of the Order placed their arms next to the cross of the Order, even when they mounted them on buildings. In the most elaborate type of tomb slab, which included an effigy, the two shields added to the symmetry of the composition. In the early 15th century, on a variant of this type, both shields were placed over the head of the effigy. In the more popular type, the one copied in lay tombs, the shields were placed on the squinches of the arch framing the head. The coat of arms which, in any case, was at the time considered a simulacrum of the man who bore it,359 replaced the effigy in tomb slabs of the later period, except on the monuments of the masters. On such slabs the shield is usually set within a laurel wreath decorated with flowing ribbons and forms the centrepiece of the whole composition. A shield with the plain cross of the Order placed next to the family arms is usually treated as evidence that the person to whom they belonged was a Hospitaller brother.360 A chief with a cross, added to the family arms in the 14th century, is more likely to have represented Genoa rather than the Order, as the chief of the Order was a later development.361 The mantle of the Order with the Maltese cross might also be worn by a donat or confrater. A fully armed effigy with the shield of the Order next to the arms of the defunct (164) could represent a Knight or donat of the Hospital. Thus, Hospitallers may only be confidently identified as such when their epitaph refers to particular offices within the Order. The earliest slab of a known Hospitaller is not complete (120) and belongs to Pierre Plantier, prior of the convent c. 1330-1350, but we do not know where it was found. Recent excavation at the conventual church has brought to light fragments of three other tomb slabs, probably dated to the 14th century by the type of the lettering which, as has already the position of the priest’s hands cf. no. 6a. 356 Cf. Bitha 2000: 437, but also the fragments of 190 and 191. 357 156, 175, 185, and also no. 944 in Istanbul. 358 Konstantinopoulos 1977: 25, fig. 19 and unpublished, inv. no. 167. 359 Binski 1996: 105. 360 161, 164, 176, 178 and nos. 945 and 945bis in Istanbul. 361 No. 944 in Istanbul. Rossi, 331, fig. 2. Düll 1989: 108 ff.

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Stone Carving of the Hospitaller Period in Rhodes been mentioned, testify to the burial of other Hospitaller brethren in the conventual church besides the masters, at least during the 14th century. Other tomb slabs referring to Hospitaller offices date from the late period, after 1480, with the exception of the slab of turcopolier Peter Holt (†1415), which survives almost complete (165). Compared to the effigies of masters Corneillan, Gozon and Heredia, this slab proves that the dress of the master did not differ substantially from that of his high-ranking officers. An interesting element borne so far only by Milly is the narrow band passing over the shoulders of the effigy, crossing over the knees and ending in elegant ripples by his feet. The same feature appears on the headless effigy of 186. There, however, we find it over the mantle, then passed under the armpits before being lost in the damaged edges of the slab. It is possibly some form of stole, such as the one worn by bishops and some Latin abbots of exceptional standing.362 If, during the second half of the 15th century, the master of the Hospital shared the prerogative to wear this mark of distinction, then 186 is also from the tomb of a master.363 Apart from the brethren and, perhaps, the donats of the Hospital, most of those who reposed in inscribed tombs were Latins, at least by descent or through assimilation, although a few Greeks were also influenced by Western practices near the end of the Hospitaller period.364 Most were Latin laymen, gentlemen or well-to-do burgesses, some women and, in three cases, children. Many had adopted arms, proudly displayed on their monuments. For the few representatives of noble families more warlike attributes were preferred: fully armed effigies, a banner, a sword, or the word MILES. Members of the clergy display objects associated with their office, such as a communion chalice or a crosier. Some niche tombs were decorated with stone or plaster mouldings or tracery in the Gothic style,365 but most simply framed, it seems, a mural within the tympanum of the niche above the tomb chest.366 With the exception of some of the masters’ tombs, the quality of the monuments was at best not above the medium, but improvement is evident towards the end of the Hospitaller period. As far as style is concerned, Italian influence seems stronger, although the matter has not been systematically

Greenhill 1976: vol. Ι, 74. On 186 the cord securing the mantle has been shifted to the left side of the body due to the presence of a pectoral which was deliberately defaced later, probably by the Turks. This element strengthens the possibility that this was actually the effigy from the tomb of grand master Aubusson, who was made a cardinal in 1489. 364 Kollias 2000: 12. In Rhodes, it seems that most wealthy Greeks preferred to place the commemorative inscription of the dead on a mural above the burial. 365 Rottiers 1830: pl. LIII, 4. 366 Cf. Kollias 1998: 121. 362 363

VIII. Funerary monuments examined. The arms crossed over the abdomen are considered an Italian feature;367 the shape of some shields recalls Venetian heraldry, as on secular slabs 191 and 220.368 Elements of the macabre such as skulls and other bones appear late, and are few in number.369 In addition to evidence on family tombs,370 we have tomb slabs made to cover more than one dead of the same family, perhaps as a consequence of plague (131)371. The temporary use of an already existing tomb is attested in the written sources. Bosio mentions the case of grand master Amboise, who was accommodated in the burial chapel of Aubusson because his own tomb was still unfinished.372 Almost fifty years earlier, the exiled queen Carlotta of Cyprus had buried her infant son in the sarcophagus of master Jacques de Milly in 1464.373 184,374 probably from the tomb of a child, was brought to light during the recent archaeological excavation at the conventual church of the Order; it may represent a more permanent arrangement for the disposal of the infant Lusignan prince. Not counting the tombs of the masters, about half of the known funerary monuments of Rhodes include an effigy. The figure is usually set within an inscribed rectangular frame (117, 119, 120, 128, 129, 160, 162, 163, 164, 166, 178),375 sometimes under a Gothic canopy (130, 156, 161, 175, 176, 190, 191, 193)376 and, at least once, uncontained (189),377 recalling the layout of the lid on the tomb of Corneillan. The incised effigies are limited to the 14th century,378 at a time when the first effigies

From the regions influenced by Venice in the north to Naples in the south, the arms crossed over the abdomen are the commonest arrangement on effigies, as also of the Virgin in representations of the Dormition. Wolters 1976: Bridges and Ward-Perkins 1956: 159-173. Hands crossed over the breast are usually encountered in the south of France and in Burgundy. Jullian 1965: pl. LII-LIII. Greenhill 1976, vol. ΙΙ, nos. 12b, 27a, 60a, 75b, 106a, 152b. 368 The second belonged to a Venetian, but the first to a Greek burgess. Archaiologikon Deltion 39 (1984) 340. 369 Konstantinopoulos 1977: 18, no. 3. Kasdagli and Katsou (225). 370 171, 172, 173, 130, 230, 228, 224, 147. 371 Luttrell 2001b: 136-137. Kasdagli 2008b: pl. 19.10 (FERT Italian Photographic Archive, no. 1786). 372 Bosio 1629: vol. 2, 601A-Β. 373 Gerola 1913: 9. De Vaivre 1998: 63. 374 The piece was remarkably small: it cannot have been more than 40cm across. 375 On incised tomb slabs the inscription round the edge was not always confined within a frame (127, 131α). 376 However, the censing angels so common in France are completely absent. 377 Even the shape of the shields, with a concave top and marked outline, is alike. This may also be a flat sarcophagus lid, as there is apparently no space left for an epitaph on the surface of the slab. If indeed the remnant of a master’s tomb, there are two candidates- Villeneuve and Juilly. The second is more likely, since his sarcophagus resembles that of Corneillan quite closely. 378 119, 127, 128, 129, 130, 131a. 367

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Stone Carving of the Hospitaller Period in Rhodes in low379 or two-plane relief (120) appear.380 The best example of an effigy in low relief dated to the 14th century by the use of the Lombard script is that of a priest of the Order (162). In the early 15th century, with the presence of Western lapidaries, two-plane relief is appreciably upgraded in the group best represented by the slabs of Pymoraye (164) and Holt (165). The improvement of the features of this group, concerning both the inscription and the form of the effigy, is observable on the slab of a burgess dated to 1445 (175).381 These are the times of Lastic, who bequeathed us the oldest sculptures in the round on Rhodes,382 as well as experimentations in coloured marbles. The work on this tomb slab is definitely of better quality, with the form of the effigy more naturalistic, worked in shallow relief by a more skilled craftsman. Unfortunately, extensive wear denies us a more thorough analysis. 176, with its sartorially illuminating effigy of a Knight Hospitaller, has in the past been mistakenly identified as the tomb slab of the master Jean de Lastic383 himself; judging from the arms, it could well have belonged to his nephew, Guillaume de Lastic, seneschal of the master until 1450.384 The production of effigial slabs must have been given new impetus with the death of master Jacques de Milly. One of the sculptors who worked on the lid of his sarcophagus must have stayed in Rhodes to produce the effigial slabs of other brethren, to judge from the two examples, 945 and 945bis, kept in Istanbul. These works must also have influenced secular tomb slabs like 190 and 191, of which, unfortunately, only some fragments survive. 192 must also belong to the same period, if the moulding of the form is anything to go by. 185 is the torso of another effigy of particular interest. It is preserved from the height of the shoulders to the waist, is small in size, and supports an open book with one hand. These features might signify that it is not really from an effigy but perhaps, for example, a church statue. However, the size of funerary monuments was not fixed,385 while the belt and the presence of a clasp on the mantle indicate 156, 160, 161, 162 and the Becharius slab in Istanbul. The distinction between incised and two-plane relief is ignored by some, like Greenhill, who count as incised some slabs which are here described as carved in the two-plane technique. 381 Konstantinopoulos 1977: 30, 20. The defunct is recognized as a layman by his dress. The presence of a pair of shields is not a problem, since the arms of both sides of the family or, alternatively, the doubling of the family arms is quite common in Rhodes, as well as elsewhere (cf. 132, 171). Mazarakis 1998: 384-385. Greenhill 1976: nos. 6b, 22b, 95, 144a etc. Imhaus 2004, vol. Ι: pl. 5, 6, 16 etc. 382 The full-length statue of the Virgin on the tower dedicated to Her at the SW corner of the fortifications of the town and the half-length St. Anthony from the gate dedicated to him at the west walls.They are, strictly speaking, high reliefs. 383 De Vaivre 1998: 63. 384 Tsirpanlis 1995: 190-191. 385 Cf. the difference in the dimensions of the slabs of Iacobus de Priolis (220), Thomas Provana 379 380

VIII. Funerary monuments a layman. Moreover, although the mediocre quality of the stone has not helped in the preservation of the incised Gothic inscription on the open book the figure holds, the ending ...talis and the word princeps are still legible, and seem to refer to a master of the Hospital. It would be, of course, unreasonable to assume that such a piece could belong to the funerary monument of a master. However, the contents of the nearly illegible inscription may have referred to the services rendered to a master by the defunct. The presence of the book suggests a scholar and the script is Gothic with its small s; they both bring to mind a well-known figure of the times. Guillaume Caoursin, a lay Frenchman, served in the grand master’s court for forty years. He was vice-chancellor of the Hospital and the author of an account of the 1480 siege of Rhodes. He died in Rhodes in 1501.386 Thus, although the evidence is not conclusive, 185 may be a late example of the waning fashion for effigial tombs in Rhodes; possibly an attempt was made to realize the wishes of the defunct concerning his tomb, according to aesthetic criteria already in decline. The weaknesses apparent in the moulding of the body, and the low quality of the marble, point to the execution of an ambitious concept by an inadequate craftsman, or perhaps with inadequate funds. The same cannot be said for fragment 194, which preserves a few letters from a Greek inscription alongside folds that seem to belong to a kneeling figure. It is not, however, certain that this late example of Rhodian eclecticism comes from a funerary monument. 193 is the only relief effigy of a fully armed warrior which has been found in Rhodes. It could well be an imported work, as the markedly veined marble is uncommon. It must have been left unfinished, since the shield to the right of the head is blank and the decoration of the canopy merely incised; at some point the process of reworking the piece was started by chipping the raised relief on the left side of the slab. It is interesting to note that the face, representing a mature bearded man, looks like a portrait. Perhaps the piece was brought to Rhodes half-worked by a sculptor. It was obviously destined for a Western knight, since the armour includes a grandguard on the left shoulder and this piece of jousting equipment would not be really appropriate for a brother of the Hospital. The effigy holds an unsheathed sword387, and the plate armour includes unusual elements which may be early in date, such as the short tasset in front fastened to the fauld, the composite (221), Martinus de Rossca (222) and Thomas Newport (225). 386 De Vaivre 2008c. The preference of the French for the Gothic script until the early 16th century is evident in the inscriptions of the buildings known as the auberges of France and Auvergne. Gabriel 1923: 39, 63. 387 Which is rather out of scale. If the sword is compared to the height of the figure and the latter is assumed to be about 1.80 metres tall, the total length of the weapon is about 1.35 metres. However, the grip is rather short for the handling of a two-handed sword. The grip to blade ratio is more consonant with a bastard or hand-and-a-half sword, whose length would not exceed 1.10 metres. Mann 1962: 249-250, pl. 106, 108.

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Stone Carving of the Hospitaller Period in Rhodes pauldrons, the alternate overlaps under the throat and the form of the sabatons. The style of the armour is dated to about 1450.388 Alongside effigial slabs, plain heraldic ones were widely used, with or sometimes without an epitaph. The best preserved examples of the 14th century are 125, 126 and 132. 118, 148, 149, 150, 151, 152, 153 and 154389 must also date from the 14th century. None of these is complete, so that all, apart from 151, could have an epitaph which has not survived. Judging from the size, some (149, 150, 152, 153390) may have been tomb markers rather than slabs. Stylistically related heraldic tomb slabs 207 and 208 may date from the period 14501470. They are the first examples with decorative metal inlays in a fillet round the edge. On 207 the charge of the arms, which the arrangement of the holes drilled to secure it in place shows to have been a lion rampant, was of metal projecting from the surface of the slab. On 208, which was more elaborate, the field of the shield was a red marble inlay, a favoured technique under Lastic and Milly. On this, the three relief lioncels 2:1 of the arms were again of metal projecting from the slab. Metal was also used to enhance the bordure, collar or rosary surrounding the arms. Unfortunately, the lower part of this magnificent slab has not survived; thus we cannot say whether the lettering of the epitaph was also inlaid. Nevertheless, the quality of the work indicates that it was made for a high-ranking individual, perhaps even brother Jean Cottet, marshal of the Hospital and grand prior of Auvergne († c. 1469), whose arms also survive on 81. Excepting 208, whose original magnificence we may only guess at, the most elegant and best-preserved tomb slabs of Rhodes date from the period after 1470. On all of them the arms of the deceased are dominant, and are often placed within a laurel wreath. The oldest example of this series belongs to a member of the Venetian Prioli family who died in Rhodes in 1474 (220). The arms are centrally placed on the slab, inside a laurel wreath carved in relief but decorated with incised ribbons. The arrangement of the epitaph on an open scroll at the top of the slab and the central position of the family arms strongly recall Cypriot tomb slabs.391 The design Cf. Turnbull 1985: fig. on p. 123. 154 might belong to an effigial slab. This is almost certain for small fragment 155, which cannot be easily dated and is a rare example of a slab with a small escutcheon near the base- unless, of course, it is not the shield of the defunct but of the man who commissioned the monument (cf. the case of 218, tomb slab of Montmirel). 390 From the grave of a lay male relative of master Pierre de Corneillan (1353-1355). 391 Including that of an unknown individual from the cathedral of St. Sophia (Imhaus 2004, vol. I: 39 no. 69) and particularly the incomplete slab of Bernardinus de Priolis from Famagusta (†1473, Imhaus 2004, vol. I: Fiche No 489, 253). This may be a Cypriot work if Jacobus and Bernardinus were related. A Peter de Priolis, merchant from Famagusta (Otten-Froux 2003: 112, n° 187), may have been the father of Jacobus. Other Cypriot slabs sharing common features with the Rhodian 388 389

VIII. Funerary monuments is elegant, but not executed with adequate skill, a drawback that disappears in later slabs of this type. These are the tomb slabs of Knights Hospitaller Thomas Provana (†1499, 221) and Thomas Newport (†1502, 225), the Iberian corsair Martinus de Rossca (†1505, 222), fragment 223 and the also fragmentary Greek slab of 1508 (224).392 The late heraldic tomb slabs without a wreath include those of Knights Hospitaller Betz von Lichtenberg (†1480, 212) and Pedro Fernández de Heredia (†1493, 214), which are stylistically developments of 208 although now, probably for the sake of durability, the charges on the shields are lead inlays which do not project from the field. To this group also belong fragments 215 (which commemorated more than one person, perhaps from a family tomb or a memorial for people fallen in the siege of 1480), 216 and 217. The considerably later funerary slab of Montmirel (†1511, 218) also had a shield inlaid with lead. The elaborate memorial to Rainier Pot (†1498, 226) displays an achievement in relief consisting of the shield, helm, wreath, crest and lambrequins above a lengthy epitaph, the whole contained within a rather high moulded frame which would not be convenient if this large slab was actually laid on the floor;393 it combines features from both the types with relief and inlaid arms. An even more complex but sunk moulding survives on fragment 230, which may be what is left of the cover slab of a family tomb. More discreet stylistically, but particularly interesting epigraphically, is the tomb slab of Iohanna de Perier (†1493, 213), contemporary to the Heredia memorial (214) and most likely a product of the same workshop, showing the adaptability of the available craftsmen to commissions with differing requirements. Finally, it is worth mentioning that on 229, top part of the tomb slab or marker of Liberalis Thomaseus, a Venetian doctor of the hospital of Rhodes who was still alive in 1507,394 the rich decorative border does not only recall Gothic piece 211 but also the inlaid decorative border of the incised (and inlaid) effigial slab of grand master Fabrizio del Carretto.395 To sum up, the tombs of the masters of the Hospital may not have been impressive by Western standards, but they were the best funerary monuments medieval Rhodes had to show. It appears that well-to-do inhabitants of Rhodes, particularly those of Western origin, imitated the tombs of the ruling class represented by the Hospitaller brethren, as far as their finances and social standing allowed. The identity of the find are Fiches No 53, 213, 263, 264, 274, 291, 390, 392, 505. All except no. 291 seem later than the Rhodian specimen. 220 was found in situ, above the remains of the defunct. 392 Cf. fig. V in the plates for a graphic reconstruction. 393 Of course, it is not impossible that this large slab was not a tomb slab but a memorial mounted on the wall. 394 Tsirpanlis 1991: 400, 405. 395 Rottiers 1830: pl. XLI.

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Stone Carving of the Hospitaller Period in Rhodes lapidaries cannot be determined, since as a rule their works are anonymous,396 while published documents from the Hospital’s archives shed no light on the matter. On some pieces the quality or manner of the work stands out, indicating foreign craftsmen who may have arrived in Rhodes to carry out a specific important commission and stayed on, at least for a time, if other clients came along: this must also have encouraged the dissemination of new stylistic elements. Indeed, apart from the sarcophagi, no other feature of the tombs seems to have been used exclusively by a particular group, except for the features associated with the identity of the dead, that is the arms, habit and content of the epitaph. In most cases, stone carvers settled on Rhodes (for a time at least) or even local craftsmen, copied styles imported from the West as best they could, in accordance to the requirements of their clients. Some of them may have found an alternative occupation in the carving of heraldry, which was generally less demanding as regards skill. It is clear that most of the funerary slabs were produced in Rhodes because locally available stone was used; but there are some works which seem to have arrived on the island finished, or at least in a partly worked state. The most typical example is the monument whose elements have been incorporated in the entrance of the Suleymaniye mosque.397 Its quality and style, both unique for Rhodes, make it very likely that this was the imported (and late to arrive) tomb ordered for grand master Amboise. Thus, it is not possible to talk of stylistic evolution. However, accepted views about the proper appearance of a tomb in relation to the standing and associates of the dead are quite consistent in spite of the mixed Latin population of the town. The dominance of Latin,398 and of particular patterns of expression in the epitaphs from which references to repentance and the salvation of the soul are generally absent, the high percentage of effigies and the imitation of Hospitaller tomb slabs are its main characteristics. Until about 1480, the Hospitallers who served in Rhodes were rather conservative in their ideas on what constituted a proper Hospitaller tomb slab, laying stress in the Order’s habit and a standardized epitaph. The replacement of the effigy by the arms of the defunct in association with the cross of the Order after 1480 seems to have been a development introduced by able craftsmen from Italy.

396 397 398

Colonnette 4 is a possible exception. Balducci 1931: 14-24, pl. III-V. With some exceptions mostly involving French nationals.

IX. Problems and conclusions Searching for meaning among the scattered stone carvings of the Hospitaller period is fascinating, rife with surprises and difficulties. The analysis presented here makes it clear that at some point it will be necessary to survey all the categories of stone carvings in Rhodes as a group; this will result in more reliable conclusions. However, most of them resist, as the much regretted Elias Kollias, former Ephor of Antiquities in the Dodecanese (†2007), would have said. Pieces still in place are generally hard to reach, high up the walls of urban buildings and fortifications, so that taking accurate measurements, stone samples and good photographs is dangerous, time-consuming and expensive. In some cases measured drawings are also important, but are usually possible only with the assistance of photographs, which are sometimes misleading. For these reasons the present study was limited to the collection of displaced pieces, which would normally be more accessible. And yet, this is often not the case. Shortage of storage space and personnel are problems the Archaeological Service has had to struggle with for many years; they have led to an incredible crowding and dispersal of finds across available depots. Thus, even when the location of a specific piece is theoretically certain, a massive operation is often required in order to reach it, through the shifting of tons of material stored in frequently decayed boxes and rotting plastic bags. Even when the manpower required for the task is made available, and no argument erupts with colleagues desperate to keep their barricading finds in order, the hunt in the storeroom jungle is not certain to run its quarry to earth: every user of the space embarks, when occasion demands, in moving material not only within a particular depot but even from one to another, without recording the change. Naturally, an oral communication does usually precede such moves, but no written record follows, much less the updating of internal inventories (separate ones are kept for sculptures, pottery, metal artifacts etc.) due to limited time and staff availability. Thus, unavoidably, the original record of most finds in excavation diaries or possibly an internal inventory, and the working photographs taken by the discoverer, usually before conservation, become extremely important. To access them, and evaluate the reliability of the original record, the researcher has to be aware of the problems affecting working conditions and the initial collection of data, and to have been involved with the finds for some time. Familiarity with the subject and the systematic collating of information gathered from helpful colleagues concerning the discovery of new finds, and the rediscovery of old ones, have made possible the presentation of the material dealt with here, albeit not as fully as it merits.

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Stone Carving of the Hospitaller Period in Rhodes Pieces which have been incorporated as decoration in the restoration of the Grand Master’s Palace by the Italians have not been included in the present study, because the origin of most of them is unknown, and some may have been obtained from other Aegean islands or even bought from antiquaries in Italy, as is the case with most of the antique furniture, all the floor mosaics and, possibly, some Early Christian and Byzantine sculptures. Piece 26, in contrast, has been included in the catalogue even though it is known to have come from Syros, because it is on display as part of the medieval collection at the Archaeological Museum. Tomb slab 222 has also been included, although it is still in situ in an exposed ruined Latin church, over the grave of the man it commemorates. This is a find of considerable cultural and artistic importance, and its removal from the site would have been undertaken a long time ago, if a dispute with the present owner of the site had not reached a stalemate in the courts. In spite of difficulties of access, the scattered pieces and fragments available for study assemble a fairly clear picture for Hospitaller Rhodes. It was a small town at the very edge of the sphere of influence of Western Christendom, cosmopolitan in character but disposing of relatively limited means for its artistic expression. The inhabitants, indigenous Greeks, settlers of many nationalities or Hospitallers serving the Convent for a space, along with their attendants, were strongly influenced by the local milieu399 and were constrained by available means and craftsmanship when they commissioned artworks. The leadership of the Order exercised the strongest influence in matters of aesthetics in architecture and related fields. They had the means to import skilled craftsmen, although their priorities differed from those of hereditary rulers. Thus, ideas concerning what was due to the dead or about architectural style were quite consistent, and this is made obvious in inscriptions, heraldry and a restraint in the use of decorative elements on the façades of buildings. The craftsmen who met the requirements of these attitudes were not all equally skilled, although their work seldom rises above a provincial average. Some stone carvers, whether locals or settlers, must have been available at any time, and were probably kept busy in long-term projects, fortifications and public buildings paid for by the Hospital, in part with the responsions from its properties abroad. Alongside these craftsmen, who would be able to cope with run-of-themill private commissions (simple mouldings and frames, coats of arms or tomb slabs), at times more skilled sculptors must have been available, initially brought to Rhodes for important commissions and ready to stay on the island as long as work was available or other circumstances dictated. Thus, we can distinguish groups of pieces resembling each other and produced within a limited span, that Similar phenomena arose in wider contexts such as Cyprus, whose epitaphs are remarkably homogeneous in their phrasing. Cf. Imhaus 2004, vol. 1. 399

IX. Problems and conclusions influenced, to a certain extent, contemporary or slightly later lower quality work. The large-scale recycling of ancient building material shows that most of the carving was carried out locally. The import of finished or roughly dressed pieces was limited; apparently local demand was rather modest, on the whole. In spite of the constraints imposed by local conditions, the variety of the material is interesting. It seems that customers of different origins had specific things in mind, and strove to see them realized. This explains the appearance on Rhodes, sporadically and on specific examples, of elements which betray direct links with particular places in the West such as the macabre (213, 225, 229), the selective use of particular types of lettering (8, 163, 188, 224), of shields of certain shapes (7, 191, 226), heraldry with unusual features (24, 213, 218) or inscriptions with singularities in their content (8, 127, 213, 222). If it is difficult to pinpoint the origin of unusual elements like the above, it is even harder to trace stylistic influences. International scholarship usually focuses on pieces of much higher quality, while research on provincial work carried out in conditions more akin to those of Rhodes are scattered and hard to locate400. The difficulties in the handling of the material are compounded by gaps in the knowledge of those involved in the research (not excepting the writer) about the techniques of medieval art and architecture. The terminology of publications is inconsistent and the quality of photographs uneven, as it reflects the various purposes and point of view of each study. Finally, our knowledge about medieval stone carving for most of Greece is restricted by the limited number of survivals and by the fact that the shortage of means and manpower is not exclusive to Rhodes, affecting access to and publication of relevant finds. Nevertheless, the material published so far shows no noticeable stylistic relationship between Rhodes and other parts of Greece.401 Similarities of a few specific pieces with works from Cyprus, for example (115, 116, 127, 220), may be interpreted as exceptional cases to be explained by the mobility of Latins active in the East. It would be more natural, in any case, to seek craftsmen capable of fulfilling specific requirements in the West, where candidates prepared to try their chances overseas would be easier to find. It is not 400 The disappointments experienced by the author respecting the many tomb slabs in important Italian churches like Sant’ Ambrogio in Milan, Santa Croce in Florence or Santa Chiara and San Lorenzo Maggiore in Naples, or even the heraldry on display in museums such as Museo S. Martino, also in Naples, are typical. 401 In the eastern Mediterranean, in places where the presence of the Order has left behind specimens of stone-carving such as Cos, Izmir (Smyrna), Naxos, Colossi in Cyprus, possibly also Geraki in the Peloponnese, stylistic differences are generally marked. In smaller islands of the Dodecanese like Symi, Chalki and Calymnos, it seems that decent heraldic carvings came from Rhodes and Cos. The same must hold true, up to a point at least, for Bodrum, although it proved impossible to make systematic comparisons due to the limited photographic material available. Gerola 1916; idem 1915. Maiuri 1921-2..Hasluck 1910-11: 145-150. Kefalliniadis 1970: 320-359. De Vaivre 2001: 73-156. Louvi-Kizi 2004: 111-126.

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Stone Carving of the Hospitaller Period in Rhodes impossible that, to some, the combination of job opportunities with a pilgrimage for the benefit of their soul could have greater appeal. The Hospital disposed of a widespread network of contacts with the West that comprised, besides the major cultural centres of the times, many other places from which they drew manpower and income. That they could make use of it for various purposes, such as attracting specialized personnel from a number of countries, may not make the study of the subject easier, but it does make it more exciting. The difficulties in approaching and handling the scattered stone carvings of Rhodes delayed their presentation for several years. However, it has become apparent that the passage of time does not improve the conditions of research: it simply conceals its benefits, compounds the problems and therefore weakens the motivation to solve them. The appearance of a catalogue of the material collected so far, and its examination according to available resources, is a first step towards the direction of a more profound study of the subject. If, despite the efforts to the contrary, errors and omissions could not be avoided, errare humanum est.

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Stone Carving of the Hospitaller Period in Rhodes Balducci, H. 1931. Orme del Rinascimento italiano in Rodi al tempo dei Cavalieri. Pavia, Artigianelli Balducci, H. 1932. Architettura Turca in Rodi. Milan, Hoepli Balducci, H. 1933. La chiesa di S. Maria del Borgo in Rodi. Pavia, Rossetti Barsanti, C. 2001. Costantinopoli e l’Egeo nei primi decenni del XV secolo: la testimonianza di Cristoforo Buondelmonti. Rivista dell‘Istituto Nazionale d‘archeologia e storia dell‘arte 56 (III Serie, XXIV); 97-110. Bassett, S. (ed.) 1995. Death in Towns. Urban Responses to the Dying and the Dead, 100-1600. London and New York, Leicester University Press. Bauch, K. 1976. Das mittelalterlich Grabbild. Berlin and New York, De Gruyter. Belabre, L. F. de 1908. Rhodes of the Knights. Oxford, Clarendon Berg, A. 1862. Die Insel Rhodus. Braunschweig, Westermann Bernage, G. (ed.) 1978. Encyclopédie Médiévale d’après Viollet-Le-Duc. Paris, Heimdal. Biliotti, E. and Cottret A. 1881. L’île de Rhodes. Rhodes. Binski, P. 1996. Medieval Death. Ritual and Representation. London, British Museum Press Bishop-Smith, R. 1999. Sixteenth-Century Swivel Guns in Greece and Turkey, including a piece in private collection. Lisbon. Bishop-Smith, R. 2002. Five 16th Century Cannons in the Turkish Military Museum and an Unknown Naval Gun in the Babur Nama. Lisbon. Bitha, I. 2000. Ενδυματολογικές μαρτυρίες στις τοιχογραφίες της μεσαιωνικής Ρόδου [Evidence for contemporary costumes in the murals of medieval Rhodes]. In Rhodes 2.400 Chronia. The town of Rhodes from its foundation until the Ottoman conquest (1523), Vol. 2. Athens, Hellenic Ministry of Culture; 429-448. Boase, T. S. R. 1972. Death in the Middle Ages. Mortality, Judgment and Remembrance. New York, McGraw Hill. Bon, A. 1969. La Morée Franque. Paris, Bibliotheques de l’Ecole francaise d’Athenes et de Rome. Bon, A. 1992. ‘Pierres inscites ou armoriées de la Morée franque’, Revue des Études Grecques 49; 89-102. Bonneaud, P. 2004. Le prieuré de Catalogne, le couvent de Rhodes et la couronne d’Aragon 1415-1447. Millau, Études & Communication

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Appendix 1: The masters of Rhodes Name

Date

Years

Tongue

Foulques de Villaret

1309-1319403

10

Provence

Hélion de Villeneuve

1319-1346

27

Provence

Déodat de Gozon

1346-1353

7

Provence

Pierre de Corneillan

1353-1355

2

Provence

Roger de Pins

1355-1365

10

Provence

Raymond Bérenger

1365-1374

9

Provence

Robert de Juilly

1374-1377

2

France

Juan Fernández de Heredia

1377-1396

20

Spain

Philibert de Naillac

1396-1421

25

Auvergne

Antoni de Fluvià

1421-1437

16

Spain

Jean de Lastic

1437-1454

17

Auvergne

Jacques de Milly

1454-1461

7

Auvergne

Pere Ramon Zacosta

1461-1467

6

Spain

Giovanni Battista degli Orsini

1467-1476

9

Italy

Pierre d’Aubusson

1476-1503

27

Auvergne

Émery d’Amboise

1503-1512

9

France

Guy de Blanchefort

1512-1513

1

Auvergne

Fabrizio del Carretto

1513-1521

8

Italy

2

France

Philippe de Villiers de l’Isle-Adam 1521-1523

403 404

403 404

Elected in Limassol in 1305. Died on Malta in 1534.

101

404

Appendix 2: Location of listed pieces and fragments (December 2009). Archaeological Museum Great Ward: 26 (F31), 30 (F2), 31 (F3), 32 (F26), 36 (F5), 37 (F4), 38 (F23), 40 (F27), 41 (F34), 42 (F28), 43 (F8), 62 (F1), 72 (F25), 75 (F9), 76 (F24), 79 (F7), 92 (F29), 93 (F32), 102 (F33), 105 (F30), 117 (F37), 118 (F121), 125 (F18), 126 (F119), 130 (F138), 132 (F21), 156 (F41), 161 (F19), 162 (F43), 165α (F45),173 (F63), 175 (F42), 177 (F6), 180 (F38), 186 (F182), 199 (F17), 206 (F36), 207 (F35), 212 (Φ15), 214 (F13), 219 (F14), 221 (F12), 225 (F10), 226 (F22), 227 (F39), 229 (F40) Small courtyard: 205 (F191) Grand Masters’ Palace, Medieval Rhodes Exhibition Room 3, Daily Life: 9 (F159), 12 (F162), 15 (F117), 16 (F157), 176 (F16), 197 (F107), 218 (F11) Room 4, Defence and Administration: 24 (F118), 44 (F56), 51 (F70), 53 (F76), 65 (F87), 71 (F190), 86 (F64), 89 (F73), 95 (F80), 98 (F66), 127 (F44), 164 (F20) Room 5, Intellectual Life: 8 (F214), 109 (F74), 224 (F202) Room 6, Worship: 23 (F46) ‘Auberge of France’ 39 (F187), 56 (F186), 193 (F185) St. Mary of the Castle, courtyard 115 (F201), 116 (F197) Holy Apostles (Imaret) 220 (F207) Anonymous church on Kisthiniou Street 222 (F212) Fort St. Nicholas 6 (F215) 102

Appendix 2: Location of listed pieces and fragments (December 2009). Archaeological Service Storerooms 1 (F204), 2 (F181), 3 (F154), 4 (F147), 5 (F77), 7 (F112), 10 (F160), 11 (F161), 13 (F140), 14 (F158), 17 (F97), 18 (F98), 19 (F164), 20 (F96), 25 (F102), 28 (F116), 29 (F203), 33 (F55), 34 (F99), 35 (F110), 45 (F93), 46 (F211), 47 (F104), 48 (F226), 49 (F51), 50 (F224), 52 (F75), 54 (F57), 55 (F86), 57 (F47), 58 (F206), 59 (F105), 61 (F227), 63 (F94), 64 (F67), 66 (F192), 69 (F103), 74 (F88), 77 (F108), 78 (F115), 80 (F189), 81 (F109), 82 (F59), 83 (F84), 84 (F150), 85 (F62), 87 (F49), 88 (F71), 90 (F52), 91 (F53), 94 (F92), 96 (F83), 97 (F69), 99 (F78), 100 (F54), 101 (F232), 103 (F124), 104 (F132), 106 (F111), 107 (F82), 108 (F130), 110 (F174), 111 (F233), 112 (F163), 113 (F101), 114 (F120), 119 (F125), 120 (F229), 121 (F72), 122 (F128), 123 (F135), 124 (F129), 128 (F123), 129 (F175), 131 (F133), 133 (F131), 134 (F145), 135 (F183), 136 (F141), 137 (F146), 138 (F168), 139 (F220), 140 (F219), 141 (F172), 142 (Φ208), 143 (F155), 144 (F223), 144β (F225), 145 (F142), 146 (F199), 147 (F228), 148 (F85), 149 (F79), 150 (F81), 151 (F50), 152 (F209), 153 (F188), 154 (F60), 155 (F134), 157 (F136), 158 (F143), 159 (F167),160 (F90), 163 (F230), 165β (F165β), 166 (F218), 167 (F122), 168 (F113), 169 (F221), 170 (F171), 171 (F48), 172 (F61), 174 (F139), 178 (F91), 179 (F95), 181 (F137), 182 (F177), 183 (F89), 184 (F222), 185 (F151), 187 (F216), 188 (F184), 189 (F180), 190 (F148), 191 (F149), 192 (F231), 194 (F156),195 (F166), 196 (F68), 198 (F65), 200 (F176), 201 (F114), 202 (F152), 203 (F100), 204 (F106), 208 (F58), 209 (F169), 210 (F205), 211 (F127), 213 (F213), 215 (F126), 216 (F179), 217 (F170), 223 (F210), 228 (F153), 230 (F144) Acropolis of Lindos 60 (F193), 70 (F194) Acropolis of Phileremos 67 (F195), 68 (F196) Communal Office of Salakos 73 (F198)

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Appendix 3: Statistical tables of magistral arms. 3.1 Shields in Rhodes, 1319–1522. Master Villeneuve Gozon Corneillan Pins Bérenger Fernández de Heredia Naillac Fluvià Lastic Milly Zacosta Orsini Aubusson Amboise Blanchefort Carretto Villiers de l’Isle-Adam

Rule 1319–1346 1346–1353 1353–1355 1355–1365 1365–1373 1377–1396 1396–1421 1421–1437 1437–1454 1454–1461 1461–1467 1467–1476 1476–1503 1503–1512 1512-1513 1513–1521 1521–1522

Total

Number of shields 10 6 3 6 [2] 10 7 29 29 10 10 19 113 35 1 53 10

Shields/year 0.37 0.85 1.5 0.6 0.25 0.5 0.3 1.8 1.7 1.4 1.6 2.1 4.1 3.9 1 6.6 6.6

353

3.2 Shields of the masters in the defences of Rhodes, 1377–1522. Master Fernández de Heredia Naillac Fluvià Lastic Milly Zacosta Orsini Aubusson Amboise Carretto Villiers de l’Isle-Adam Total

Rule 1377–1396 1396–1421 1421–1437 1437–1454 1454–1461 1461–1467 1467–1476 1476–1503 1503–1512 1513–1521 1521–1522

Shields on the walls 9 5 13 20 7 9 17 54 9 32 3 178 104

Shields/year 0.5 0.2 0.8 1.2 1.0 1.5 1.8 2.0 1.0 4.0 2.0

The Catalogue

The Catalogue In the pages following, items in the Catalogue of Displaced Carved Pieces and Fragments of the Hospitaller Period are not identified by the internal inventory number of the Ephorate of Antiquities of the Dodecanese (the number preceded by an F used in earlier publications). A new serial number has been preferred, to facilitate reference to the plates, where pieces are arranged by category. In every entry, the new serial number is followed by the corresponding F-number within parentheses, to make comparisons with existing bibliography easier. A short description of the piece follows, then its date, current location, information about where it was found and when, and whence it came (if known), the dimensions and type of stone. The description of the heraldry (if any), and its dimensions follow, then the text of the inscription, the type of the script, and the height of the characters. Inscriptions are transcribed in capitals for the Lombard style (except for the letter h), in minuscules if they are in Gothic, and in capitals if in Renaissance capitals. Finally, if a piece has been published before, details are given in Italics at the end of the entry. In the description of each item an effort is made to distinguish tomb slabs from the usually smaller tomb markers. If the shape of an item is not described, then it is rectangular. As most inscriptions are in Latin, the language is mentioned only in the exceptions. The precise date is given if it is inscribed on the piece concerned, although in epitaphs it is the date of death rather than that of the production of the piece. Approximate dates are based on information provided by independent written sources and only if these are lacking are stylistic considerations such as the form of a shield or the style of the lettering used. Unless stated otherwise, the dimensions given for pieces and shields are the maximum height, width and thickness, in that order. No chemical analyses have taken place to determine types of stone. The coarse local marble from the quarries of the village of Lardos (ancient Lartos), otherwise known as Lartian stone, stands out, although sometimes there are cases where the characteristics of the stone seem slightly different, something that may not be due to a different vein in the quarry: they may be imported material superficially similar to Lartian. When such difficulties occur, the experience of colleagues specializing in Antique sculpture has been enlisted. Nevertheless, a systematic analysis of the types of stone encountered in architectural fragments, sculptures and inscriptions in Rhodes from Antiquity to modern times is highly desirable for the research of finds brought to light by archaeological research in the Dodecanese. 105

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Stone Carving of the Hospitaller Period in Rhodes Many of the items in the catalogue are on display and accessible to the public, and in those cases their location is stated. The rest are in storage in a number of locations controlled by the Archaeological Service; for their location no further details are given, since reorganization of stored finds is an ongoing process, part of the effort to secure more space for the constantly increasing quantity of material derived from rescue excavations all over the island. The description of the heraldry follows the rules of the discipline, beginning from the dexter, i.e. that on the left side of the slab, and moving to the sinister, or right side for the viewer. The description restores the original aspect of damaged arms, if there is sufficient evidence to do so. In transcribing inscriptions, signs of abbreviation are omitted, while the form of stops is ignored, due to the limitations of the font. Abbreviations have not been expanded for the sake of consistency; although most are easy to read (DNI = D(omi)NI, ΑΙΑ = Α(n)Ι(m)Α etc.), in some cases the state of preservation, the singularity of the script or difficulties of access and lighting have not permitted full elucidation of doubtful characters; it was therefore thought more proper to concentrate on the correct identification of the letters. In the bibliography, references are abbreviated from the first. They include the author, date of publication or periodical abbreviation with date of issue if the general bibliography contains more than one work by the same author. Page and plate number(s) referring to the item concerned follow. If there are more than one references, they are arranged according to the date of publication. Recent publications not adding substantial information have been omitted. In the catalogue, ‘Order’ without qualification signifies the Order of the Hospital. In the plates of the catalogue items are arranged by category, to make points on stylistic or other relationship more intelligible. The items on a plate are all on the same scale, usually 1:10. Where larger pieces are included, the scale is modified to 1:15. An effort was made to include in the plates all the pieces described in the catalogue; this, however, proved impossible for pieces 98 and 146. Unfortunately, in many cases new takes were impossible; this problem was met as far as possible with the digital processing of photographs already stored in the archive of the Archaeological Service, usually working shots taken when a find was first discovered or catalogued.

The Catalogue 1 (F204). Heraldic door lintel broken into three pieces. The decorative moulding runs parallel to the long axis but peaks at the centre, with a coat of arms underneath carved in relief and accompanied by incised initials and date. Date: 1516 Location: in storage Recovery and provenance unrecorded; possibly from house no. 65 of Gabriel, destroyed in World War II Dimensions: 43.5Χ176Χ16cm Material: sandstone Arms: Two bars; on a bend three bricks. Dimensions: 18Χ14.5cm Inscription: Γ - M/ 1 5 - 16 . Script: Byzantine capitals. Average height: 4.5cm Bibliography: Gabriel 1923, p. 123, Pl. XXX.1. 2 (F181). Two pieces from the decorated frame of a mullioned window with pointed lights. The smaller fragment preserves part from a motif of leafy tendrils in relief, perhaps ivy, over the moulded point of one light. The second, and larger, piece is the upper right corner of the frame, minus its outer edge. It preserves another section of the leafy tendrils, including half a flower, and most of the right squinch, ornamented with a stylized sunflower. Date: second half of the 15th c. Location: in storage Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: a) 25Χ15Χ10.5cm b) 47Χ17Χ9.5cm Material: marble. 3 (F154). Twisted colonnette of trefoil section with cylindrical ends. The base is 16.5cm high, decorated with a raised fillet and stands on a square plinth with decorative balls at the corners. Date: ? Location: on display in the Palace of the Grand Master, Medieval Rhodes Exhibition (Daily Life) Recovery and provenance unknown, but possibly a recent import. Dimensions: height 148cm, 15.5cm (diam.) Material: white marble. 4 (F147). Mullion of rectangular section with chamfered edges and a pair of diminutive shields of the Order and Antoni de Fluvià in front near the top. Monogram on the right lateral side. Date: c. 1432-1434 Location: in storage Found: 1989/1990, Eudemou Square, excavation of the Ottoman baths and Byzantine town wall Provenance: [St. Sebastian] Dimensions: 70Χ25.5Χ21cm

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Stone Carving of the Hospitaller Period in Rhodes Material: Lartian stone Arms: a) A cross, b) A fess [Fluvià] Dimensions: 12Χ9.5cm Inscription: Monogram composed by two characters, probably the letters L and G. Height: 5cm Bibliography: Brouskari, 440 and fig. 2. 5 (F77). Boss of ribbed cross-vault with the arms of Alamania in a circle dancetty. Square plinth. Date: c. 1400 Location: in storage Recovery and provenance unknown, but possibly from the Hospice of St. Catherine Dimensions: 26X26X11cm Material: Lartian stone Arms: Two bars fretty accompanied by nine birds in orle. Dimensions: diam. 26cm 6 (F215). Impost of semicircular section with mouldings at top and bottom bearing the arms of the Order in relief set over a curving narrow scroll bearing an inscription in raised lettering. Date: [1461-]1467 Location: Fort St. Nicholas Found: 2002, Fort St. Nicholas Provenance: Fort St. Nicholas Dimensions: 50Χ70Χ(height)41.5cm Material: Lartian stone Arms: A cross. Dimensions: height 23cm, width 20cm Inscription: ...nicola[q]... ...s:johanes Script: Gothic. Height: ±4cm 7 (F112). Shallow oblong fountain basin with inner partition, broken in two pieces. On the decorated long face, within a double frame, two water spouts in the form of diminutive lionheads in relief flank a centrally placed tournament shield with the arms of the owner, also in relief; his name is incised between the relief elements of the decoration. Date: c. 1500 Location: in storage Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 86X28.5X13.5cm Material: marble Arms: On a bend between six [pieces of coal] in orle a lion rampant. Dimensions: 8X6cm Inscription: MIKAEL - CARBONVS Script: Roman capitals. A with broken horizontal bar and additional horizontal stroke at top ( ). Average height: 2.1cm

The Catalogue 8 (F214). Part of an ancient column with rounded top, incised with Latin proverbs signed by the scholar Cristoforo Buondelmonti. The upper part of the inscription was effaced when the piece was reused as a grave marker in Ottoman times, so that only the last six lines survive complete. Date: 1414-1422 Location: on display in the Palace of the Grand Master, Medieval Rhodes Exhibition (Intellectual Life) Found: Ottoman cemeteries Provenance: unknown Dimensions: height 135cm, diam. 25cm Material: marble Inscription: ...PER . SE . COGITATESSE . MORITURU/ + NICHIL . TAM . MOBILE . QUAM . FEMIN/ ARUM . UOLUNTAS . AUDI . MULTUM . LO/ QUERE . PAUCA + CONOSCE . TE . IPSUM/ D... P... CRISTOFORUS DE BOND/ ELMONTIBUS DE FLORENCIA Script: Lombard. Average height: 3.2cm Bibliography: Jacopi 1930, 3-7. Barsanti, 97-110. Roger 2012a, 327-329. 9 (F159). Mullion capital in the form of a woman’s head with a semi-wreath of interlaced ribbons securing in place a small coif, round which stylized plaits descend from the temples to the cheeks and then twist towards the back. Most of the face has been broken off. She wears a necklet at the base of the throat. Worked at front and sides. Date: 15th c.? Location: on display in the Palace of the Grand Master, Medieval Rhodes Exhibition (Daily Life) Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: height 23cm, diam. 21cm Material: sandstone. 10 (F160). Mullion capital with a crowned head whose forehead and features have not survived. The trefoils of the crown are visible at the sides. A double ring at the throat forms the base. The sides and back are decorated with stylized plants arranged symmetrically on either side of a vertical axis at the back. Date: 15th c.? Location: in storage Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: height 20cm, diam. 19cm Material: porous limestone. 11 (F161). Mullion capital in the form of a woman’s head. Only vestiges of the features survive (right eye, base of nose and mouth). The face is framed on either side by a single stylized lock of hair and crowned by a semi-wreath consisting of eight joined circles. The sides and the lower part of the rear are decorated with stylized plants. Date: 15th c.? Location: in storage Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: height 19.5cm, diam. 8cm Material: porous limestone.

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Stone Carving of the Hospitaller Period in Rhodes 12 (F162). Mullion capital in the form of a woman’s head. Only vestiges of the features survive (right eye, line of the mouth). The nose and chin have been broken off. The face is framed on either side by stylized twin locks of hair, and wears a semi-crown with trefoil points. The rear part of the sides is decorated with a leafy frond. The throat is supported on a narrower round base. Worked at front and sides. Date: 15th c.? Location: on display in the Palace of the Grand Master, Medieval Rhodes Exhibition (Daily Life) Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: height 22cm, diam. 20cm Material: porous limestone. 13 (F140). Mullion capital in the form of the head of a page with cheek-length hair wearing a small soft hat squarish in shape. Rough work, badly damaged, especially at top left. Vestiges of the mouth and left eye visible. Date: 15th c.? Location: in storage Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: height 25cm, 15Χ15cm (largest section at hat level) Material: sandstone. 14 (F158). Mullion capital in the form of a young woman’s head, with pronounced cheeks and lips. The nose and right eye are damaged. She wears a semi-wreath consisting of seven flowers, each topped by a button. The face is framed on either side by three stylized locks of hair. At the base of the throat vestiges of a simple ornament are visible. Date: 15th c.? Location: in storage Found: SS Constantine and Helena Provenance: unknown Dimensions: height 26cm (height), diam. 23cm Material: sandstone. 15 (F117). Mullion capital in the form of the head of a young man with shoulder-length hair wearing a wreath of flowers. Triangular, flat face. Worked at front and sides. Date: 15th c.? Location: on display in the Palace of the Grand Master, Medieval Rhodes Exhibition (Daily Life) Found: 1991, Villaragut Building, Ippoton St. Provenance: unknown Dimensions: height 25.5cm, diam. 19cm Material: sandstone. 16 (F157). Mullion capital in the form of a youth’s head with short, curly hair and the back of the head only roughly worked. Damaged mouth and nose, while a broken off part at the back has been secured in place with a nail. Date: 15th c.

The Catalogue Location: on display in the Palace of the Grand Master, Medieval Rhodes Exhibition (Daily Life) Found: 1974, 35 Ag. Fanouriou St. Provenance: unknown Dimensions: height 18cm, diam. 18cm Material: marble. 17 (F97). Decorative element with rows of intricately interlaced arches, with buttons in the interstices. Two-plane relief. Date: 14th c.? Location: in storage Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 35.5X40X14cm Material: Lartian stone. 18 (F98). Damaged fragment preserving remnants of leafy decoration in low relief. Date: ? Location: in storage Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 18X48X8cm Material: marble. 19 (F164). Seven fragments decorated with incised fleurs-de-lys. Possibly from a panel. Date: Early 16th c.? Location: in storage Found: 1995, conventual church of St. John, Panaitiou St. Provenance: conventual church of St. John Dimensions: 20Χ30.5Χ4cm (the largest piece) Material: marble. 20 (F96). Middle Byzantine decorative element (11th-12th c.), probably from the underside of a templon epistyle. Reused as decoration on the façade of a building, with the addition of an incised monogram and date. Date: 1517 Location: in storage Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 15.5X48X18cm Material: Lartian stone Inscription: Ν[ο]Τb / 1517 Script: Gothic style monogram. Average height: 6cm (monogram), 3cm (date). 21 (F234). Jamb with stylized sculptured decoration on two adjacent faces broken at the top. On the main face the floral motif emerges from a vase and is set within a frame 13cm high at base and 2cm wide at the sides. The intrados the decoration is in very low relief and consists of vine tendrils with leaves and grapes enlivened by two birds and a lizard. Date: c. 1500

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Stone Carving of the Hospitaller Period in Rhodes Location: Holy Apostles (Imaret), Sokratous St. Found: 1997, Holy Apostles (Imaret) Provenance: Holy Apostles Dimensions: height 108cm, section 16Χ12cm Material: white marble. 22 (F235). Jamb with stylized sculptured decoration on two adjacent faces broken at both ends. On both decorated sides different floral motifs emerge from vases. On the main face the decoration is set within a frame 2cm wide at the sides. Date: c. 1500 Location: Holy Apostles (Imaret), Sokratous St. Found: 1997, Holy Apostles (Imaret) Provenance: Holy Apostles Dimensions: height 97cm, section 16Χ12cm Material: white marble. 23 (F46). Unfinished wall plaque with a full-length representation of saint Michael in relief. The archangel is bareheaded, clad in plate armour with a mantle wrapped round the torso. He turns to his left, with knees slightly bent. The right hand raises a sword above the haloed head while the left is kept low, holding a tournament shield defensively. The face has been broken off. Date: c. 1500 Location: on display in the Palace of the Grand Master, Medieval Rhodes Exhibition (Worship) Found: 1931, Amboise Gate Provenance: unknown Dimensions: 147X58X13cm Material: white marble. Bibliography:Jacopi 1932a, 37; idem 1932b, 49-50. Konstantinopoulos, 44, ill. 48, 41. 24 (F118). Wall plaque with a seated Virgin and Child in relief, at whose feet kneel seven Latin clerics, three on the left and four on the right. The upper left part of the plaque displays the tiara and crossed keys of the papacy in low relief, while the upper right is occupied by a dedicatory inscription in eight lines. Below the Virgin’s feet a small escutcheon in two-plane relief is accompanied by an incised name. Most of the figure of the Virgin was effaced when the plaque was reused as the top part of an altar in the cemetery church of St. Michael (‘Taxiarches’) at the village of Asklipio. Date: 1473 Location: on display in the Palace of the Grand Master, Medieval Rhodes Exhibition (Defence-Administration) Found: altar, cemetery church of St. Michael, Asklipio Provenance: castle of Asklipio Dimensions: 56.5X74.5X4.5cm Material: white marble Arms: A chevron between three pine-cones. Dimensions: 4.5X4.5cm

The Catalogue Inscription: . MT . - . DI ./ . IHS . XPS . - HOC . OP . FCM . E . Q TPR . DNORV . CAN/ ONICORV . RODI ./ . RODERICI . DACRI ./ ANTONII . CONSTA/ TINI . IOHIS . CAFVRI/ ETCETERORV . M°/ . cccc . l . xxiii/ IOH[E]S [VICA]RI’R/ [DI] Script: Romanizing capitals with abbreviations, Gothic date. Average height: 2.3cm Bibliography: Gerola (1914), 351-352. Kasdagli, Festschrift, 114-115. Roger, Byzantion 82, 339-340. 25 (F102). Relief plaque with standing lion of St. Mark, forepaws holding cross and open book with incised inscription. The haloed head is human except for the ears. The tuft of the tail resembles a stylized flower bud. Date: ? Location: in storage Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 47X54X7cm Material: marble Inscription: PAX/ TIBI/ MABC/ E EV/ AN/ CE/ LISA/ MEV Script: Roman capitals. Α with broken horizontal bar. Height: 1.2-1.8cm 26 (F31). Wall plaque with the Lion of St. Mark in relief and the arms of Crispo on the right. Damages at top and left side, and lower right corner broken off. Date: 15th c. Location: on display in the Great Ward at the Archaeological Museum Found: Purchased by Amedeo Maiuri for the Rhodes Museum in 1914 Provenance: island of Syros Dimensions: 61Χ143X13cm Inscription: [HOSPITIVM . MILITARIS . RELIGIONIS . B MARIAE BETHLEMITANAE/ DNVS .ANTONIVS .CRISPVS .COMES . ET . DOMINVS . SYRAE ./ EIVSDEM . RELIGIONIS HEREDITARIVS CANCELLARIVS . EREXIT/ A.D. MCCCC.LXV] Material: white marble Arms: Three losenges conjoined in fess, two Greek crosses between them issuing from the joins. Dimensions: 49X32cm Bibliography: Maiuri 1928, 38. Konstantinopoulos, 35 ill. 34. Pietro Valguarnera, personal communication: The relief was set above the dedicatory inscription of the Hospital of the Order of Our Lady of Bethlehem raised on Syros in 1465 by count Antonio Crispo, chancellor of the Order founded by pope Pius II in 1459. The relief and accompanying inscription were photographed by prince Camille de Polignac and Ange Romeo (1910) in situ. After the demolition of the building, the relief was sold by one Niccolo Zitelli to Maiuri in 1914. 27 (F217). Fragment of a crest in the form of an eagle carved in relief (part of the body, left foot, base of tail, left wing). Date: 1515 Location: in storage Found: 2003, Bastion of Italy (Carretto) Provenance: central tower of the Bastion of Italy (Carretto)

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Stone Carving of the Hospitaller Period in Rhodes Dimensions: 29Χ22Χ9cm Material: white marble. 28 (F116). Part of a statuette representing a female saint worked at front and sides. It consists of the torso from the neck to the hips, turning l., without the arms, with wavy hair falling free on the right side. She wears a loose robe with a square neckline and a double fold in front, and a mantle over the shoulders. The throat is bare, the body that of a shapely young woman. Flat at base, with traces of plaster. Western style. Date: ? Location: in storage Found: 1990, Panaitiou St., fill of the courtyard of the neoclassical school Provenance: conventual church of St. John Dimensions: height 32cm, diam. of base 23cm Material: sandstone. 29 (F203). Torso of a female figure from the base of the throat to below the knees, slightly turning l. Represents a young woman in period dress (skirt, underskirt, blouse and tightly laced vest pointed at front and back). Plain but comfortably rendered volume and folds of the skirt, which is gathered over the left leg to show the underskirt. A support curves round the hem on the right side, for added stability. Arms missing. There is a round socket for securing the separately carved head. Date: ? Location: in storage Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: height 80cm, diam. 33cm Material: limestone. 30 (F2). Heraldic wall slab with the arms of a) the Order (l.) and b) master Villeneuve (r.) in relief. Left side broken off. Date: 1319-1346 Location: on display in the Great Ward at the Archaeological Museum Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 52X92X27cm Material: grey marble Arms: a) A cross b) Quarterly. 1 & 4: A cross. 2 & 3: Fretty, an escutcheon in every opening. Dimensions: 49X41cm Bibliography: Konstantinopoulos, 37 ill. 39. Luttrell 2003, 31. 31 (F3). Heraldic wall slab with the arms of a) of Gozon (l.), b) the Order (centre) and c) Pierre de Corneillan (r.) in relief, with incised inscription above and to the right of the shields in two and four lines respectively. Date: 1347-1350 Location: on display in the Great Ward at the Archaeological Museum Recovery and provenance unknown

The Catalogue Dimensions: 65X96.5Χ23cm Material: Lartian stone Arms: a) Over a bordure of merlons, a bend surmounted by another bend, b) A cross, c) On a bend three crows. Dimensions: 37Χ28cm Inscription: [RD] . DEODAT . DE . G/ VCONO . M . hOSPITAL’ | [FR] . PET . CORN/ ILA . MGN . PCEP/ TO/ R Script: Lombard with abbreviations. Average height: 4.8cm Bibliography: Konstantinopoulos, ill. 40, 38. Luttrell 2003, 33-35, 41 and fig. 5. 32 (F26). Heraldic wall slab with upper corners regularly shorn to form a trapezoidal top panel containing a geometric decorative pattern. Below it, within twin rectangular panels separated by a fillet are the arms of a) the Order (l.) and b) de Pins (r.) Date: 1355-1365 Location: on display in the Great Ward at the Archaeological Museum Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 73Χ68X30cm Material: off-white marble Arms: a) A cross b) Three pine cones 2:1. Dimensions: 36Χ30cm Bibliography: Konstantinopoulos, ill. 29, 33. Luttrell 2003, 36. 33 (F55). Heraldic wall slab with the arms of a) the Order (l.) and b) de Pins (r.) in relief. Date: 1355-1365 Location: in storage Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 43Χ61X18cm Material: marble Arms: a) A cross, b) Three pine cones 2:1. Dimensions: 25X32cm Bibliography: Luttrell 2003, 36. 34 (F99). Heraldic wall plaque with the arms of de Pins quartering the Order, flanked by an escutcheon of the Order on the dexter side and another of Pins on the sinister, both supported by stems with stylized leaves and vestigial roots. Date: 1355-1365 Location: in storage Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 30.5Χ52X7cm Material: marble Arms: a) Three pine-cones 2:1, b) Quarterly. 1 & 4: A cross. 2 & 3: Three pine cones 2:1, c) A cross. Dimensions: b) 29X25cm, a-c) 17X11.5cm Bibliography: Luttrell 2003, 36.

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Stone Carving of the Hospitaller Period in Rhodes 35 (F110). Square altar base with ancient inscription (ΤΕΛΕΣΩΝΟΣ / ΤΟΥ ΝΙΚΩΝΟΣ / ΒΡΥΓΙΝΔΑΡΙΟΥ) reversed for reuse as a heraldic wall slab and enclosing the shields of a) Bérenger quartering the Order (l.) and Bertrand de Flotte (r.) within a raised frame. The rest of the ground is occupied by vegetal motifs, some of which support the arms. Date: 1365-1374 Location: in storage Found: parish of SS Cosmas and Damian (Ayioi Anargyroi), new town of Rhodes Provenance: unknown Dimensions: 63.5X63.5X21cm Material: Lartian stone Arms: a) Quarterly. 1 & 4: A cross. 2 & 3: A bend, b) A ram rampant, collared and belled. Dimensions: 32.5X26cm 36 (F5). Heraldic wall slab with the arms of a) master Fernández de Heredia (l.), b) the Order and c) Bertrand de Flotte in two-plane relief. Lower right corner broken off; lesser damage to the lower left corner. Date: 1377-1382 Location: on display in the Great Ward at the Archaeological Museum Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 51Χ118X32cm Material: grey marble Arms: a) Five castles triple-towered placed in saltire, b) A cross, c) A ram rampant, collared and belled. Dimensions: 44Χ33cm Bibliography: Konstantinopoulos, 39 ill. 42. 37 (F4). Heraldic wall slab with the arms of a) the Order (l.) and b) Fernández de Heredia (r.) in relief. Breaks in three corners. Date: 1377-1396 Location: on display in the Great Ward at the Archaeological Museum Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 81Χ110X25cm Material: Lartian stone Arms: a) A cross b) Seven castles triple-towered placed 3:3:1. Dimensions: 66Χ53cm Bibliography: Konstantinopoulos, 38 ill. 41. 38 (F23). Heraldic wall slab with the arms of master Fernández de Heredia flanking on both sides the arms of the Order in relief. Date: 1377-1396 Location: on display in the Great Ward at the Archaeological Museum Recovery and provenance: north tower of the Collachio on Ermou St., the so-called ‘prison’ Dimensions: 66X166X23cm

The Catalogue Material: white marble Arms: a-c) Seven castles triple-towered placed 3:3:1, b) A cross Dimensions: 59Χ46cm Bibliography: Belabre, 93. Konstantinopoulos, 33 ill. 26. 39 (F187). Heraldic wall slab with the arms of a) Dragonino Clavelli, burgess of Rhodes (l.), b) Knight Hospitaller Domenico d’Alamania (centre) and c) master Fernández de Heredia (r.) The shield of the master is larger than the other two. Date: 1382-1396 Location: Inn of France Recovery unrecorded Provenance: north tower of the Arsenal, walls of the grand harbour Dimensions: 95Χ159Χ28.5cm Material: Lartian stone Arms: a) Three nails 2:1, points downwards (Clavelli), b) Two bars fretty accompanied by nine birds in orle. (Alamania), c) Seven castles triple-towered placed 3:3:1 (Heredia). Dimensions: a-b) 66.5Χ46cm, c) 78Χ61. 40 (F27). Battered part of heraldic wall slab with the arms of Naillac in relief. Roughly rectangular. Date: 1396-1421 Location: on display in the Great Ward at the Archaeological Museum Found: grand harbour Provenance: Naillac Tower Dimensions: 87Χ75X29cm Material: Lartian stone Arms: Two lions passant guardant in pale (respectant). Dimensions: 87Χ75cm Bibliography: Konstantinopoulos, 34 ill. 30. 41 (F34). Battered part of rectangular heraldic wall slab with the arms of a) the Order (l.) and b) Naillac (r., 2/3 to the sinister missing) in relief. Date: 1396-1421 Location: on display in the Great Ward at the Archaeological Museum Found: grand harbour Provenance: Naillac Tower Dimensions: 87Χ143X41cm Material: Lartian stone Arms: a) A cross, b) Two lions passant guardant in pale. Dimensions: 81Χ76cm Bibliography: Konstantinopoulos, 36 ill. 37. 42 (F28). Worn heraldic wall slab with the arms a) of Naillac (respectant, l.) and b) of the Order (r., 1/3 to the sinister missing) in relief. Date: 1396-1421 Location: on display in the Great Ward at the Archaeological Museum

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Stone Carving of the Hospitaller Period in Rhodes Found: grand harbour Provenance: Naillac Tower Dimensions: 87Χ143X30cm Material: Lartian stone Arms: a) Two lions passant guardant in pale (respectant), b) A cross. Dimensions: 81Χ76cm Bibliography: Konstantinopoulos, 35 ill. 31. 43 (F8). Heraldic wall slab with the arms of Naillac in two-plane relief, flanked on each side by a vertical row of four stylized flowers. Date: 1396-1421 Location: on display in the Great Ward at the Archaeological Museum Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 52X56Χ15cm Material: white marble Arms: Quarterly. 1 & 4: A cross. 2 & 3: Two lions passant guardant in pale. Dimensions: 43Χ35cm Bibliography: Konstantinopoulos, 40 ill. 46. 44 (F56). Heraldic wall slab with the arms of a) the Order (l.) and b) master Fluvià (r.) in relief. Top right corner broken off. Date: 1421-1437 Location: on display in the Palace of the Grand Master, Medieval Rhodes Exhibition (Defence-Administration) Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 55X100X26cm Material: Lartian stone with inclusions Arms: a) A cross, b) A fess. Dimensions: 55X44cm 45 (F93). Heraldic wall slab with the arms of master Fluvià. Date: 1421-1437 Location: in storage Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 57X54X16cm Material: Lartian stone Arms: A fess. Dimensions: 57X50cm 46 (F211). Heraldic wall slab with the arms of a) master Fluvià (l.) and b) the Order (r.) with circular socket at the back. Right side broken off. Date: 1421-1437 Location: in storage Found: 2000, ‘Anonymous church on Kisthiniou St.’ Provenance: ‘ Anonymous church on Kisthiniou St.’ Dimensions: 36Χ90X21cm

The Catalogue Material: Lartian stone Arms: a) A fess b) A cross. Dimensions: 45X38cm 47 (F104). Originally rectangular heraldic wall slab with broken top and sides, bearing in relief the arms of a) the Order (l.) and b) master Fluvià (r., only lower two thirds of the shield survive). Date: 1421-1437 Location: in storage Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 44X78X26cm Material: Lartian stone Arms: a) A cross, b) A fess. Dimensions: 40Χ45cm 48 (F226). Slab with shield-shaped depression for the insertion of an inset shield. Date: 15th c. Location: in storage Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 47Χ52Χ20cm Material: Lartian stone Dimensions of inset shield: 39.5Χ34.5cm 49 (F51). Inset, slightly convex shield of Milly for insertion on separate wall slab. Date: 1454-1461 Location: in storage Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 40X34cm Material: white marble Arms: A chief of three piles inverted. 50 (F224). Much damaged heraldic wall slab with the arms of Zacosta. Left side and upper lower corner broken off, central part of shield defaced. Date: 1461-1467 Location: in storage Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 49Χ55Χ24cm Material: marble Arms: Three bars dancetty, on a bordure eight roundels. Dimensions: 45Χ32cm 51 (F70). Heraldic wall slab with the arms of a) the Order (l.) and b) Orsini (r.) in relief. Part of ancient inscription legible on top surface. Date: 1467-1476 Location: on display in the Palace of the Grand Master, Medieval Rhodes Exhibition (Defence-Administration) Recovery and provenance unknown

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Stone Carving of the Hospitaller Period in Rhodes Dimensions: 49X97X14cm Material: Lartian stone Arms: a) A cross, b) Per fess. I: A rose. II: Bendy of six. Over all a fess. Dimensions: 43X38cm 52 (F75). Heraldic wall slab broken in two, with the arms of a) the Order (l.) and b) Aubusson (r.) Date: 1476-1489 Location: in storage Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 45X90X14cm Material: Lartian stone Arms: a) A cross, b) A cross moline. Dimensions: 43X39cm 53 (F76). Heraldic wall slab with the arms of a) the Order (l.) and b) Aubusson (r.) Date: 1476-1489 Location: on display in the Palace of the Grand Master, Medieval Rhodes Exhibition (Defence-Administration). Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 62X87X25cm Material: Lartian stone Arms: a) A cross, b) A cross moline. Dimensions: 48X36cm 54 (F57). Relief arms of the Order and of Aubusson on opposite sides of an ancient cubical base for a funerary stela with slot on the top. Date: 1476-1503 Location: in storage Recovery: Old Hospital, Argyrokastrou Sq. Provenance unknown Dimensions: 40X40X47cm Material: Lartian stone Arms: a) A cross, b) A cross moline. Dimensions: 25X20cm Bibliography: Gerola 1914, 296. 55 (F86). Fragment from a heraldic wall slab, preserving most of the sinister side of the shield. Date: 14th - 15th c. Location: in storage Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 35X28X24cm Material: Lartian stone Arms: A cross moline.

The Catalogue 56 (F186). Heraldic wall slab with the arms of Aubusson quartering the Order in relief. Slightly convex shield. Date: 1476-1503 Location: Inn of France Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 89.5Χ73.5Χ22.5cm Material: Lartian stone Arms: Quarterly. 1 & 4: A cross. 2 & 3: A cross moline. Dimensions: 89.5Χ66cm 57 (F47). Heraldic wall slab with the arms of Aubusson quartering the Order. Slightly convex shield, partly legible incised date below. Left side and upper right corner broken off. Date: 1494 Location: in storage Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 82.5X60X33cm Material: marble Arms: Quarterly. 1 & 4: A cross. 2 & 3: A cross moline. Dimensions: 76X53cm Inscription: ... . 9[4] Average height: 8.5cm 58 (F206). Upper part of a heraldic wall slab with the arms of Aubusson quartering the Order. The 1st and most of the 2nd quarter are preserved. Date: 1476-1503 Location: [in storage] Recovery: 1992, Panaitiou St., conventual church of St. John Provenance: [conventual church of St. John] Dimensions: n. a. Material: [Lartian stone] Arms: Quarterly. 1 & 4: A cross. 2 & 3: A cross moline. Dimensions: n. a. 59 (F105). Heraldic wall plaque with the arms of a) Aubusson (l.) and b) Jaume de la Geltrú (r. and slightly lower). Date: 1476-1492 Location: in storage Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 43Χ56.5X6cm Material: Lartian stone Arms: a) A cross moline, b) Within an engrailed bordure framed by a plain one, a greyhound rampant collared between two fleurs-de-lys in chief; a chief of the Order. Dimensions: 32X24cm 60 (F193). Heraldic wall slab with the arms of Aubusson. Worn, upper corners broken off. Date: 1476-1503 Location: acropolis of Lindos

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Stone Carving of the Hospitaller Period in Rhodes Found: [acropolis of Lindos] Provenance: [acropolis of Lindos] Dimensions: 41Χ46Χ21cm Material: Lartian stone Arms: A cross moline. Dimensions: 37.5Χ32cm 61 (F227). Heraldic wall slab with convex shield bearing the arms of Blanchefort quartering the Order, with incised date below. Lower right corner broken off, considerable damage to the surface of the shield. The lions of the 3rd quarter are easily discernible; less well preserved are the crosses on quarters 1 & 4. Date: 1512-1513 Location: in storage Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 63Χ46Χ23cm Material: sandstone Arms: Quarterly. 1 & 4: A cross. 2 & 3: Two lions passant guardant in pale. Dimensions: 51Χ39cm Inscription: 1 5... Average height: 6.5cm 62 (F1). Heraldic wall slab with the arms of Amboise in relief. Horizontally wavy shield surface. Lower right corner broken off. Date: 1503-1512 Location: on display in the Great Ward at the Archaeological Museum Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 102.5X78.5X30cm Material: Lartian stone Arms: Quarterly. 1 & 4: A cross. 2 & 3: Paly of six pieces. Dimensions: 76X58cm Bibliography: Konstantinopoulos, 37 ill. 38. 63 (F94). Heraldic wall slab with the arms of Amboise quartering the Order, with incised date below. Reused plinth of ancient statue. Date: 1509 Location: in storage Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 68X60X25cm Material: Lartian stone Arms: Quarterly. 1 & 4: A cross. 2 & 3: Paly of six pieces. Dimensions: 48X39cm Inscription: .15 - 09 Average height: 5-7cm 64 (F67). Heraldic wall slab with the arms of Carretto quartering the Order. Considerable damage to the sinister side. Date: 1513-1521

The Catalogue Location: in storage Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 37X37X±15cm Material: Lartian stone Arms: Quarterly. 1 & 4: A cross. 2 & 3: Five bendlets. Dimensions: 33X26cm 65 (F87). Heraldic wall slab with the arms of Carretto quartering the Order. Date: 1513-1521 Location: on display in the Palace of the Grand Master, Medieval Rhodes Exhibition (Defence-Administration) Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 50X47X26cm Material: Lartian stone Arms: Quarterly. 1 & 4: A cross. 2 & 3: Five bendlets. Dimensions: 46.5Χ35cm 66 (F192). Heraldic wall slab with the arms of Carretto quartering the Order on a slightly concave shield. Lower corners broken off. Date: 1513-1521 Location: in storage Found: St. George Khourmali, Apollonion St. Provenance: unknown Dimensions: 65Χ57Χ10cm Material: greyish marble Arms: Quarterly. 1 & 4: A cross. 2 & 3: Five bendlets. Dimensions: 55Χ43cm 67 (F195). Heraldic wall slab with the arms of Carretto quartering the Order. Date: 1513-1521 Location: Phileremos Found: [Phileremos] Provenance: [Phileremos] Dimensions: 42Χ43Χ20cm Material: Lartian stone Arms: Quarterly. 1 & 4: A cross. 2 & 3: Five bendlets. Dimensions: 28.5Χ36.5cm 68 (F196). Heraldic wall slab with the arms of Carretto quartering the Order. Incised date underneath. Date: 1520 Location: Phileremos Found: [Phileremos] Provenance: [Phileremos] Dimensions: 60Χ47Χ21cm Material: Lartian stone

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Stone Carving of the Hospitaller Period in Rhodes Arms: Quarterly. 1 & 4: A cross. 2 & 3: Five bendlets. Dimensions: 51Χ38.5cm Inscription: 15 - 20 Height: 1.5-3.8cm 69 (F103). Shield of the Order; damaged upper right corner. Date: 15th c. Location: in storage Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 25X21X12, 5cm Material: Lartian stone Arms: A cross Dimensions: 23Χ18cm 70 (F194). Heraldic wall slab with the arms of the Order. The arms of the cross have been defaced. Date: 15th c. Location: acropolis of Lindos Found: [acropolis of Lindos] Provenance: [acropolis of Lindos] Dimensions: 39.5Χ39Χ24cm Material: sandstone Arms: A cross. Dimensions: 35.5Χ30cm 71 (F190). Heraldic wall slab with a) the royal arms of England supported on the backs of two seated lions (l.) and b) an unidentified Knight Hospitaller of the English tongue (r., somewhat smaller) carved in relief. Date: ? Location: on display in the Palace of the Grand Master, Medieval Rhodes Exhibition (Defence-Administration) Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 35.5X77X12.5cm Material: Lartian stone Arms: Quarterly. 1 & 4: Three fleurs-de-lys. 2 & 3: Three lions passant guardant in pale, b) Ermine, a chevron. Dimensions: a) 33X28.2cm b) 24.5X21cm 72 (F25). Heraldic wall slab with the royal arms of England in relief, crowned and supported by two lions sejant. Date: second half of the 15th c. Location: on display in the Great Ward at the Archaeological Museum Found: as decoration of the fountain on the façade of the Ottoman Military Hospital at the bastion of the Palace of the Grand Master. Provenance: unknown Dimensions: 88X75X34cm

The Catalogue Material: grey-stained marble Arms: Quarterly. 1 & 4: Three fleurs-de-lys. 2 & 3: Three lions passant guardant in pale. Dimensions: 47X41cm Bibliography: Gerola 1913-4, 84-85, VI 4. Konstantinopoulos, 33 ill. 27. 73 (F198). Heraldic wall plaque with the arms of the Imperiale family. Date: 15th c. Location: Municipal Office of Salakos Found: in the masonry of a derelict house in the village of Salakos Provenance: castle of Salakos Dimensions: 36.5X33X11.5cm Material: Lartian stone Arms: On a broad pale a crowned eagle rising, wings displayed and inverted. Dimensions: 35.5X27.5cm Bibliography: Tsirpanlis 1995, 226. 74 (F88). Heraldic wall slab with three coats of arms, of which the one on the dexter belongs to Knight Hospitaller Guillaume de Reillaune. Date: 1328-1332 Location: in storage Found: On masonry of the passage to Mandraki leading to the ‘Konak’ Provenance: unknown Dimensions: 37X97X20.5cm Material: marble Arms: a) A ploughshare placed bendwise, b) Six pine-cones 2:2:2, c) Three eagle’s claws 2:1. Dimensions: 36X33cm Bibliography: Gerola 1913-4, 450, nos. LXXXVII, LXXXIV, LXXXI. Luttrell 2010, 64-65. 75 (F9). Heraldic wall slab with relief arms of a) Pierre de Culant (l.) and b) the Order (r.), the second larger than the first. Rectangular except for the slanting top. Date: 1382-1396 Location: on display in the Great Ward at the Archaeological Museum Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 65X93X24cm Material: Lartian stone Arms: a) Semé of mullets, a lion rampant respectant. Over all a label of three points. b) A cross. Dimensions: a) 48X41cm b) 52X46cm Bibliography: Konstantinopoulos, 41 ill. 47. 76 (F24). Heraldic wall slab with the arms of Knight Hospitaller Pierre de Culant (l.), and two others (centre, r.) in two-plane relief. Date: 1382-1396 Location: on display in the Great Ward at the Archaeological Museum Recovery and provenance unknown

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Stone Carving of the Hospitaller Period in Rhodes Dimensions: 69X131X23cm Material: marble Arms: a) Semé of mullets of eight points, a lion rampant. Over all a label of three points. b) On a lion rampant crowned four bendlets. c) On a chevron between three roundels a crescent in point for difference. Dimensions: 64X43cm Bibliography: Konstantinopoulos, 33 ill. 28. 77 (F108). Heraldic wall plaque with raised border containing the arms of an unidentified Knight Hospitaller. Socket at lower left. Right side broken off. Date: last quarter of the 14th c. Location: in storage Found: 1990, Panaitiou St., fill of the courtyard of the neoclassical school Provenance: unknown Dimensions: 41X47X10cm Material: Lartian stone Arms: On a chevron between three roundels a crescent for difference. Dimensions: 31.5X29cm Bibliography: ADelt 45 (1990), Chronika, 513. 78 (F115). Piece from a heraldic wall slab preserving a) the sinister part of a shield of the Order (l.), and b) the dexter part of the arms of an unidentified Knight Hospitaller (r.) Date: last quarter of the 14th c. Location: in storage Found: 1990, Panaitiou St., fill of the courtyard of the neoclassical school Provenance: unknown Dimensions: 34X30X21cm Material: marble Arms: a) A cross, b) [A chevron between three roundels.] Dimensions: 28X25cm (restoration). Bibliography: ADelt 45 (1990), Chronika, 513. 79 (F7). Heraldic wall slab with unidentified arms in two-plane relief. Date: 14th c. Location: on display in the Great Ward at the Archaeological Museum Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 68X59X15cm Material: Lartian stone Arms: Quarterly. 1 & 4: A lion rampant. 2 & 3: Two bendlets. Dimensions: 65X53cm Bibliography: Konstantinopoulos, 40 ill. 44. 80 (F189). Heraldic wall plaque with the arms of a) the Order (r.) and b) an unidentified Knight Hospitaller (l.) in relief. Date: mid-15th c.? Location: in storage

The Catalogue Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 38X60X7cm Material: Lartian stone Arms: a) Bendy of six pieces, b) A cross. Dimensions: 38X30cm 81 (F109). Reused cylindrical ancient member bearing the arms of Knight Hospitaller Jean Cottet in two-plane relief with the marshal’s baton placed diagonally behind the shield. Date: 1457-1466 Location: in storage Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: height 52cm, diam. 40.5cm Material: Lartian stone Arms: Three lioncels 2:1. Dimensions: 28X25cm 82 (F59). Heraldic wall slab with the arms of Knight Hospitaller Jaume de la Geltrú. Date: c. 1465-80 Location: in storage Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 52X50X11cm Material: Lartian stone Arms: Within an engrailed bordure framed by a plain one, a greyhound rampant collared between two fleurs-de-lys in chief; a chief of the Order. Dimensions: 37X28cm 83 (F84). Heraldic wall slab with the arms of Knight Hospitaller Jaume de la Geltrú. Upper left corner broken off. Date: c. 1470-1480 Location: in storage Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 46X49X19cm Material: Lartian stone Arms: Within an engrailed bordure framed by a plain one, a greyhound rampant collared between two fleurs-de-lys in chief; a chief of the Order. Dimensions: 40X31cm 84 (F150). Nearly rectangular part of a wall plaque preserving the upper part of the arms of a Knight Hospitaller of the Piossasco family. Date: end of the 15th c. Location: in storage Found: ‘Panorama of Hagios Stefanos’, Monte Smith Provenance: unknown Dimensions: 15X25X5cm Material: marble. Arms: Nine birds placed 3:3:3. A chief of the Order.

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Stone Carving of the Hospitaller Period in Rhodes 85 (F62). Heraldic wall slab with the arms of a Knight Hospitaller of the Romagnano family, with incised inscription below. Date: third quarter of the 15th c. Location: in storage Found: ‘Konak’, at Mandraki Provenance: unknown Dimensions: 58X43X24cm Material: Lartian stone Arms: Three bendlets condensed. A chief of the Order Dimensions: 44X32cm Inscription: A. F. M. DE MARCHIS DE ROMAGNA Script: Roman capitals with abbreviations. Average height: 4.5cm 86 (F64). Heraldic wall slab with the arms of a Knight Hospitaller, probably of the della Rovere family. Date: end of the 15th c. Location: on display in the Palace of the Grand Master, Medieval Rhodes Exhibition (Defence-Administration) Recovery not recorded. Provenance: via Piossasco, No. 13 (modern Athenodorou St.) Dimensions: 44X34X14.5cm Material: white marble Arms: An [oak] tree eradicated with four branches passed in saltire in pairs. A chief of the Order. Dimensions: 38X28cm 87 (F49). Heraldic wall slab with the arms of a Knight Hospitaller of the Alvarez family in relief, with incised date. Reused ancient base of column or altar. Date: 1485 Location: in storage Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 51X51X21cm Material: Lartian stone Arms: Tierced per pale, two bars counterchanged. A chief of the Order. Dimensions: 49X38cm Inscription: 1485 Average height: 4.5cm 88 (F71). Heraldic wall plaque with the arms of a Knight Hospitaller of the Alvarez family in relief, with incised date. Date: 1485 Location: in storage Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 40X28X9cm Material: marble

The Catalogue Arms: Tierced per pale, two bars counterchanged. A chief of the Order. Dimensions: 33X27cm Inscription: . 14 - 85 . Average height: 3.5cm 89 (F73). Heraldic wall slab with the arms of Knight Hospitaller L. Soldero in relief, with incised dated inscription of five lines below, in vernacular tongue. Date: 1487 Location: on display in the Palace of the Grand Master, Medieval Rhodes Exhibition (Defence-Administration) Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 46X29X13cm Material: white marble Arms: A ram passant between three [trees], an estoile of eight rays in the honour point. A chief of the Order. Dimensions: 30X22cm Inscription: MCCCC . LXXXVII[I] . FESO/ ESTES . KESES . FRA . LONT/ . SOLDERO . COMENDADOR . DE/ . DOSINA . EE . DE . ROWINA . LO/ WARTONENT . DE . KANCELIER Script: Roman capitals with abbreviations. Average height: 1.5cm 90 (F52). Heraldic wall slab with the arms of Knight Hospitaller John Rawson in relief, with incised inscription below. Date: last quarter of the 15th c. Location: in storage Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 43X42X26cm Material: Lartian stone Arms: Quarterly. 1 & 4: A castle with four towers on sea waves. 2 & 3: On a chevron three ravens’ heads erased. A chief of the Order. Dimensions: 41X33cm Inscription: F . I . RAWSON Script: Roman capitals. Average height: 4cm 91 (F53). Heraldic wall slab with the arms of Knight Hospitaller John Rawson with incised partly legible date below. Protrusions at sides broken off. Date: 1490s Location: in storage Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 49X39X19cm Material: Lartian stone Arms: Quarterly. 1 & 4: A castle with four towers on sea waves. 2 & 3: On a chevron three ravens’ heads erased. A chief of the Order. Dimensions: 51X37cm Inscription: ...4 - [9 ... Average height: 2.5cm

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Stone Carving of the Hospitaller Period in Rhodes 92 (F29). Heraldic wall slab with the arms of Knight Hospitaller Diomede de Villaragut in relief, with incised date. Date: 1497 Location: on display in the Great Ward at the Archaeological Museum Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 54X44X28cm Material: Lartian stone Arms: Barry of six, a chief of the Order. Dimensions: 43X34cm Inscription: DELS VILARAGVTS / . 1497 . Script: Roman capitals. Average height: 4cm Bibliography: Konstantinopoulos, 35 ill. 32. 93 (F32). Heraldic wall slab with the arms of Knight Hospitaller Diomede de Villaragut. Date: c. 1500 Location: on display in the Great Ward at the Archaeological Museum Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 46X43X19cm Material: Lartian stone Arms: Barry of six, a chief of the Order. Dimensions: 41X34cm Bibliography: Konstantinopoulos, 36 ill. 35. 94 (F92). Heraldic wall slab with the arms of Knight Hospitaller Charles Alleman de la Rochechinard, with incised date below. Date: 1508 Location: in storage Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 43X38X25cm Material: Lartian stone Arms: Quarterly. 1 & 4: Semé of fleurs-de-lys, a bend. 2 & 3: A chief; over all a lion rampant. A chief of the Order. Dimensions: 36X28cm Inscription: . 1 . 5 . 0 . 8 . Average height: 4.8cm 95 (F80). Heraldic wall slab with raised border damaged at the top, enclosing the arms of Knight Hospitaller Francesc Sans and an incised dated inscription in vernacular tongue in four lines below. Date: 1509 Location: on display in the Palace of the Grand Master, Medieval Rhodes Exhibition (Defence-Administration) Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 44X44X19cm Material: white marble Arms: A wing, feathers in base. A chief of the Order.

The Catalogue Dimensions: 27.5X22cm Inscription: FRA . - FRA/ NCI . SA - NS . CO/ MANADOR . DEL . TE/ NPLE . DOSCA .1509. Script: Roman capitals. Average height: 3cm 96 (F83). Heraldic wall slab with the arms of Knight Hospitaller Jean d’Aunoy on a relief shield, its top decorated with finials. Outer half of the sinister side of the shield broken off. Date: 1504-1517 Location: in storage Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 46X31X19cm Material: Lartian stone Arms: Quarterly. 1 & 4: A lion rampant. 2 & 3: Seven lozenges 3:3:1. Dimensions: 37X27cm Bibliography: Roger 2007a, 369-375. 97 (F69). Heraldic wall plaque with the arms of Knight Hospitaller Francesco Emmanuele Piossasco di Airasca on a convex shield with incised dated inscription Date: 1513 Location: in storage Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 30X23X10cm Material: white marble Arms: Nine birds 3:3:3. A chief of the Order. Dimensions: 21X16cm Inscription: F . M - DE . AYRASCHA/ . 1 . 5 . 13 . Script: Roman capitals. Height: ±2.5cm Bibliography: Gentile, 129. Tsirpanlis 1991, 400 and note 7. 98 (F66). Heraldic wall plaque with the arms of Knight Hospitaller Costanzo Operti in relief and incised date below right. Reused antique marble. Date: 1513 Location: on display in the Palace of the Grand Master, Medieval Rhodes Exhibition (Defence-Administration) Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 39X26X11cm Material: marble Arms: A castle surmounted by a single tower to l. A chief of the Order. Dimensions: 27X20cm Inscription: . 1 . 5 . 13 . Average height: 2.2cm 99 (F78). Block with the arms of Costanzo Operti, admiral of the Order, in relief on opposite sides, with incised date below. The arms are less well preserved on one side, with damage to the top of the shield. Date: 1517

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Stone Carving of the Hospitaller Period in Rhodes Location: in storage Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 40X32X26cm Material: Lartian stone Arms: A castle surmounted by a single tower to l. A chief of the Order. Dimensions: 36X29cm Inscription: 1 . 5 - 17 . Height: ±3.2cm Bibliography: Gentile, 129-130. 100 (F54). Heraldic wall slab with arms of unidentified Knight Hospitaller and incised date below. Originally plinth of an ancient statue. Date: 1517 Location: in storage Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 54X43X21cm Material: Lartian stone Arms: Five roundels placed in saltire. A chief of the Order. Dimensions: 40X30cm Inscription: 15 - 17 Average height: 4.5cm 101 (F232). Roughly rectangular fragment of a Cheron shield, preserving the central part with most of the wheel and a small piece of the crescent. Date: c. 1513-1519 Location: in storage Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 30X20X10.5cm Material: Lartian stone Arms: Wheel with six spokes accompanied in base by a crescent. Bibliography:cf. Kasdagli 1998, 242, no. 177. 102 (F33). Heraldic wall slab with the arms of Knight Hospitaller Philippe de Villiers de l’Isle-Adam in relief and incised date below. Top right corner broken off. Date: 1519 Location: on display in the Great Ward at the Archaeological Museum Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 65X56X28cm Material: marble Arms: Quarterly. 1 & 4: On a chief a dexter arm clad in ermine supporting a maniple of the same pendant on the field. 2 & 3: Semé of trefoils, two pikes in pale embowed and addorsed. Over all a chief of the Order. Dimensions: 42X50cm Inscription: 1519 Average height: 5.5cm Bibliography: Konstantinopoulos, 36 ill. 36.

The Catalogue 103 (F124). Heraldic wall slab with the arms of Colloredo in two-plane relief Date: 14th c. Location: in storage Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 43X66X14.5cm Material: marble Arms: Bendy of six, a castle surmounted by a single central tower. Dimensions: 35X31cm Inscription: DΕRECOLLO/ ·RΕDVM: Script: Lombard. Average height: 2.5cm 104 (F132). Fragment of heraldic carving in two-plane relief preserving most of a shield damaged at top and base, with vestiges of another shield visible on the left. Date: 14th c. Location: in storage Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 33X34X11cm Material: limestone Arms: A bend[let], debruised of a lion rampant. Dimensions: 27X28cm 105 (F30). Heraldic wall slab with unidentified arms in relief. Shield damaged at top corners and base. Date: ? Location: on display in the Great Ward at the Archaeological Museum Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 42X41X22cm Material: Lartian stone Arms: A chevron accompanied by three mullets of seven points. Dimensions: 39X23cm Bibliography: Konstantinopoulos, 35 ill. 33. 106 (F111). Heraldic wall slab with two unidentified coats-of-arms. Left part broken off, damaged upper right corner, door socket near r. edge. Date: ? Location: in storage Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 62X70X15cm Material: marble Arms: a) Capital N with the middle stroke dancetty, b) Two bendlets nebuly; on a chief a [fox] passant. Dimensions: 48X38cm 107 (F82). Heraldic wall slab with lozenge shield; the surrounding triangles are filled with symmetrical foliate decoration. Two-plane relief. Date: ?

133

134

Stone Carving of the Hospitaller Period in Rhodes Location: in storage Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 59X55 X10cm Material: Lartian stone Arms: Two pallets (or two bars). Dimensions: 48X48cm 108 (F130). Heraldic slab with incised inscription in three lines and a small shield in shallow relief below. Date: 1491 Location: in storage Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 43X36X16cm Material: Lartian stone Arms: A fan. Dimensions: 12X10cm Inscription: ANTONI/ VAVANO/ 1491 Script: Roman capitals, the A with a broken horizontal bar. Average height: 4cm 109 (F74). Heraldic wall slab with the arms of a burgess in relief, with incised dated inscription below. Date: 1513 Location: on display in the Palace of the Grand Master, Medieval Rhodes Exhibition (Intellectual Life) Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 55X43X18cm Material: Lartian stone Arms: A pine-tree eradicated with two birds affronty standing on the top and a unicorn passant at the sinister of the field. Dimensions: 56X30cm Inscription: O ΘC ЄIC THN BOHΘЄIAN M/ OY ΠPOCXЄC . KЄ ЄIC TO BOHΘHC/ AI MOI CΠЄYCCON: 1513 Script: Byzantine capitals. Average height: 3.8cm Bibliography: Jacopi 1932a, 114, εικ. 78. Kasdagli 2007a, 450-472. 110 (F174). Roughly rectangular corner piece from a plaque preserving an incised R. Date: 14th c. Location: in storage Found: 1995, conventual church of St. John, Panaitiou St. Provenance: [conventual church of St. John] Dimensions: 9.5X8X13cm Material: marble Script: Lombard. Height of letter:111 (F233). Block of masonry preserving the major part of a roughly incised shield of arms. Date: ?

The Catalogue Location: in storage Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 29.5X24X18.5cm Material: Lartian stone Arms: Quarterly. 1 & 4: Quarterly (or a cross). 2 (and possibly 3): Paly of four pieces (or four pallets). Dimensions: 20X16cm 112 (F163). Roughly dressed block of stone with graffiti on one side. Date: end of the 15th c. Location: in storage Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 36X62X19cm Material: Lartian stone Inscription: ...CARDINA... Script: Latin capitals. Average height: 4cm 113 (F101). Upper part of the tomb slab of Ioannes Pitzos, with a Greek incised epitaph in six lines an the top part of a shield of arms in two-plane relief. Date: 1306 Location: in storage Found: floor of the Ibrahim Pasha mosque Provenance: unknown Dimensions: 48X90X±13cm Material: Lartian stone Arms: Per pale. Ι. [Fleur-de-lys]. ΙΙ. ... Dimensions: 10.5X41cm Inscription: + ЄKOIMHΘH O/ ΔOVΛOC TOV ΘV I ω / O ΠITZOC ⁛/ ЄN MHNI I[...]Iω / ЄI ΓC ⁛/ЄTOVC : A : T : ϛ’/ ~ Script: Byzantine capitals with abbreviations. Average height: 5cm Bibliography: Jacopi 1927, 514-515. Luttrell 2003, 37, 42-43. Kasdagli 2008a, 8182, where, however, the arms are reversed by mistake. 114 (F120). Roughly rectangular slab preserving the left part of two lines from the incised epitaph of a woman, framed by incised lines. Date: 1318 Location: in storage Found: Italian period, conventual church of St. John Provenance: conventual church of St. John Dimensions: 60X61X17cm Material: Lartian stone Inscription: +hIC : IACΕT : DOMINA BON.../ ANNO dNI : M : CCC : XVIII : DIΕ... Script: Lombard. Average height: 2.5cm Bibliography: Lojacono 1936, 266. Luttrell 2003, 43.

135

136

Stone Carving of the Hospitaller Period in Rhodes 115 (F201). Tomb slab broken transversally in two roughly equal pieces with incised epitaph in medieval French in five lines at top, with discernible guidelines. Date: 1330 Location: St. Mary Found: [St. Mary] Provenance: [St. Mary] Dimensions: 145X89 Χ11.5cm Material: [limestone] Inscription: +ICI : GIST : GREGOIRE : GIRAR/ DINI : DE : FLORENSE : QUI/ TRESPASA : A : U : IORS : DOU : (M)ES/ DE : NOUEMBRE : EN : LAN : DE :/ MIL : CCC : XXX : QUEDIEU : LIFA Script: Lombard. Average height: 4.5cm Bibliography: Luttrell 2003, 43. 116 (F197). Tomb slab with incised epitaph in medieval French in twelve lines, with discernible guidelines. Date: 1334 Location: St. Mary Found: [St. Mary] Provenance: [St. Mary] Dimensions: 110X54X31.5cm Material: Lartian stone Inscription: +ICI GIT : DAME MAR/ GERITE LAUADIERE/ DOU : MAISTE : ESP/ OUSE : DE : NICOLIN/ UERDIN : QUI . TRES/ PASA : EN : LAN : DE’MI/ L : CCC : XXXIIII : A . XIIII :/ IORS : DE : HUTOBRE/ QUE : DIEU : LIFACE :/ MERSI : AMEN : PAT :/ NOSTER : FILLE : DAN/ NE : EMULEE Script: Lombard. Average height: 2.5cm Bibliography: Luttrell 2003, 44. 117 (F37). Incised tomb slab of Bernard, Latin archbishop of Rhodes, much worn by treading feet. The epitaph runs round the edge on the outside of a simple incised line framing the effigy, of which little survives near the edges- the ends of the crozier and the lower part of the vestments. Date: 1335 Location: on display in the Great Ward at the Archaeological Museum Found: floor of the Turkish baths destroyed by Allied bombing in World War II on Eudemou Sq. Provenance: unknown Dimensions: 202X92X17cm Material: marble Inscription: hIC IACΕT [DOMINU]S F[R]AS.../ ...SA : ORDIS : FRM : MIOR : DI : GRA : ARChIΕPS : COLOΕN : QUI/ hOBIIT : ANO : DNI : MILLO : CCCXXXV/ DIΕ XIII : MΕNSI AUGUSTI QUIUS ANIMA REQUIΕSCAT IN [PACΕ] Script: Lombard with abbreviations. Average height: 4.5cm Bibliography: Gerola 1916, 272. Maiuri 1921, 66. Gabriel 1923, 215. Jacopi 1932a, 35. Konstantinopoulos, 25 ill.16, 27. Luttrell 2003, 44.

The Catalogue 118 (F121). Tomb slab with the right side broken off. Centrally placed shield of arms near the top, and only partially preserved incised epitaph round the edge. Date: 1348 Location: on display in the Great Ward at the Archaeological Museum Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 90X49X19cm Material: Lartian stone Arms: Per saltire, a cross moline. Dimensions: 32X24cm Inscription: +HIC . IAC[... / MCCCXL / VIII A . DI . [III] FΕBRARIVS Script: Lombard. Average height: 4cm Bibliography: ADelt 53 (1998), Chronika, 986. Luttrell 2003, 37, 45. 119 (F125). Lower left corner of an incised effigial tomb slab preserving the date from the epitaph running round the edge and the right foot of the defunct with the corresponding lower part of an ankle-length tunic. Date: 1342 Location: in storage Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 64X34X12.5cm Material: marble Inscription: ...M . CCC . XLII . DI...I . Script: Lombard. Average height: 4.5cm 120 (F229). Fragment from the right side of the effigial tomb slab of Hospitaller Pierre Plantier, prior of the Convent, in very shallow relief, with incised details. It preserves the left shoulder covered with the mantle of the Order with incised Maltese cross, the point of a shield at head level and part of the epitaph running round the edge. Worn by treading feet. Date: mid-14th c. Location: in storage Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 50X43X10.5cm Material: Lartian stone Inscription: ...[T] . P . P[L]A[NT]ERII . hO[N... Script: Lombard. Average height: 4.5cm Bibliography: Luttrell 2003, 16. 121 (F72). Large part of a tomb slab in two pieces, used for at least two burials. The missing top contained a large shield of which only the tip of the base survives, with three smaller coats of arms below it, belonging to the Order (l.), an unknown (centre) and possibly master Hélion de Villeneuve (r.) Another large shield at right angles to the rest further down seems later and is much coarser in style. Fragments of two different incised inscriptions along the edge are distinguished by the size of the lettering. Trapezoidal shape. Date: first half of the 14th c.

137

138

Stone Carving of the Hospitaller Period in Rhodes Location: in storage Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 59X102X10cm Material: Lartian stone Arms: a) Flying gryphon, b) A cross, c) Quarterly. 1 & 4: A castle triple-towered. 2 & 3: ..., d) Fretty, an escutcheon in every opening. Dimensions: a) 41X35cm, b-d) 16X16cm Inscription: a) ... ΕS . BURGI . RODIS . CVIVS ... b) + hIC . I ... ...UNDΕCIMA : M[ΕNSI]S DΕCΕ[MBRIS Script: Lombard. Height: 2.5 - 3.5cm Bibliography: Luttrell 2003, 31, 45. 122 (F128). Part of a tomb slab in three pieces, including a corner, preserving some of the incised epitaph running round the edge. Date: first half of the 14th c. Location: in storage Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 40.5X81.5X11cm Material: Lartian stone Inscription: ...[C]I[T] . ANNO . [DE] . IRNACIONIS DNI/ . M . CCCXX... Script: Lombard. Average height: 3.5cm 123 (F135). Tomb slab or marker with a large piece missing at lower right, preserving part of the incised epitaph running round the edge. Date: 14th c. Location: in storage Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 89X58X10.5cm Material: Lartian stone Inscription: ...hIC.../ [R]...I[R]ITVM.../ ...C[ ]A RΕQVIΕSCAT IN PACΕ AMΕN Script: Lombard. Average height: 3cm 124 (F129). Elongated fragment of the incised epitaph from the edge of a tomb slab. Date: 14th c. Location: in storage Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 48X8.5X9cm Material: Lartian stone Inscription: ...COLOSS : D... Script: Lombard. Average height: 4cm 125 (F18). Tomb slab worn by treading feet. An epitaph in four lines is followed by the arms of the defunct in two-plane relief. The lower two-thirds are bare. Broken top right corner. Date: 1358 Location: on display in the Great Ward at the Archaeological Museum

The Catalogue Found: House at the west end of the Collachio Provenance: unknown Dimensions: 166X54X20cm Material: Lartian stone Arms: Per fess, a bend counterchanged. Dimensions: 25X23cm Inscription: hIC IACΕT [R F SONIO.../ LOGIO DE A[PΕI]RAN[O]/ QUI OBIIT MCCCLVIII/ DIΕXIULY Script: Lombard. Height: up to 4,2cm Bibliography: Gerola 1916, 272. Maiuri 1921, 66. Gabriel 1923, 216. Konstantinopoulos, 22 ill. 15, 27. 126 (F119). Left side of a tomb slab with the arms of the defunct and five lines of incised epitaph below. Date: 136[.] Location: on display in the Great Ward at the Archaeological Museum Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 100X40X7cm Material: Lartian stone Arms: A bend nebuly. Dimensions: 40X20cm Inscription: ...TINGO[. C.../ SIS . RODI . QV.../ DNI . M° . CCC° . L[X.../ NI . ANIMA . S[V.../ CAT . IN PACΕ.... Script: Lombard. Average height: 4.5cm Bibliography: ADelt 53 (1998), Chronika, 986. Luttrell 2003, 46. 127 (F44). Incised effigial slab of a Cypriot noble, son of count Jean de Morf. The defunct is represented fully armed, with visorless bascinet and chain aventail, jupon, articulated plate protection at arms and legs, gauntlets and spurred sabatons. He bears a long sword at his left hip and his hands are joined in prayer at chest level. The figure is framed by an epitaph in French running round the edge of the slab, free of guidelines, and extending into three rows at the top. Upper right corner broken off, containing part of the inscription and half the face. Broken into several pieces and reassembled. Date: 1365[-8] Location: on display in the Palace of the Grand Master, Medieval Rhodes Exhibition (Defence-Administration) Recovery and provenance: St. Mary of the Borgo Dimensions: 158X66.5X20cm Material: Lartian stone Inscription: + ISI : GIT : LΕ : [N.../ ...R]Ε : DΕ : MORF : FIS : DOU : PUISS[ ]ANT : BARO[M]SS :/ IOhAN . DU . MORF : CON[D] :/ D : ROhAISS : Ε[T] : MARΕSChA[U] : DUROIAU[M] : D : ChIPR : QUI : TRΕSPASA : A :/ XURS : D : IUN/ D : MCCCLXU... Script: Lombard with abbreviations. Height: ±4.5cm Bibliography: Konstantinopoulos, 40 ill.45, 43-44, 40. Kasdagli 1989-91, 191-3 and pl. 77.

139

140

Stone Carving of the Hospitaller Period in Rhodes 128 (F123). Nearly rectangular piece from the left side of an incised effigial slab preserving part of the inscription running round the edge and the right shoulder and upper arm of the defunct. Date: 14th c. Location: in storage Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 59X38X12.5cm Material: Lartian stone Inscription: ...[Τ]:[et D]ΕST[rum].[ ]IGII[.A]... Script: Lombard with abbreviations. Average height: 4.5cm 129 (F175). Lower left corner of an incised effigial slab preserving part of a foot-length gown or habit and the left foot, with a fragment of the epitaph round the edge. Trapezoidal shape. Date: second half of the 14th c. Location: in storage Found: 1994, conventual church of St. John, Panaitiou St. Provenance: [conventual church of St. John] Dimensions: 61X44X15cm Material: Lartian stone Inscription: ...IS : AUGUSTI : AN / NO : DNI · M : CCC : [L]... Script: Lombard. Height: ±5cm 130 (F138). Upper right corner of an incised effigial tomb slab in two pieces, preserving the right side of a simple gable-shaped canopy decorated with small crockets and half a fleur-de-lys at the lower end, with the arms of the defunct in the squinch and part of the epitaph round the edge. Trapezoidal shape. Date: 14th c. Location: on display in the Great Ward at the Archaeological Museum Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 82X43X13cm Material: Lartian stone Arms: A castle surmounted by a single central tower. Dimensions: 19.5X17cm Inscription: ...GIRA : G[U]ΕLFI :/ D UIGLO : ΕT : SUO QUI : OBII[T... Script: Lombard. Average height: 4.5cm Bibliography: Luttrell 2003, 38, 47. ADelt 53 (1998), Β 3, Chronika, 987. 131 (F133). Two large pieces from a slab used for at least three burials, one of them double. Front: two incised veiled female figures kneel facing each other, raising joined hands in prayer. Above their heads the cross of the Order is flanked by their arms, which show that they were closely related. Only part of an epitaph in medieval French running round the edge survives, ending in a decorative tendril. Back: incised epitaph in three lines above the right corner of a shield in two-plane relief. Between the two an abraded space marks the place of an earlier, effaced inscription in five lines.

The Catalogue Date: 14th c. Location: in storage Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: a) 116X71X12cm Material: Lartian stone Arms: a1) A bull passant respectant, a2) A cross, a3) A bull passant. b) A lion rampant crowned. Dimensions: a) 21.5X18cm Inscription: a) + ICI GIST M[A ... / L]LOR : ΕDA[M ... / ...ΕS : DΕO : GRAC...AS : AMEN : b) +HIC . IACΕT . IOhANΕS . / GAUALLA . CIVIS . RO / DI :˜ Script: Lombard. Average height: a) 5cm , b) 4.5cm Bibliography: ADelt 53 (1998), Β 3, Chronika, 986-7. Luttrell (2003), 37, 46. Luttrell 2001b. Lojacono 1936, 266. 132 (F21). Incised tomb slab much worn by treading feet. Clumsily incised twin shields with the same arms in the upper part and epitaph running round the edge. Lower part missing; also somewhat narrower than in its original state. Date: 14th c. Location: on display in the Great Ward at the Archaeological Museum Found: floor of an Ottoman house in the old town Provenance: unknown Dimensions: 92X64X13cm Material: marble Arms: On a chief a mullet of six points. Dimensions: 27X21cm Inscription: +hIC IACΕT DNS PΕ.../ ...OR]DON . MILΕS . C.../ ...SCAT . IN . PACΕ . AMΕN . : Script: Lombard with abbreviations. Average height: 4.5cm Bibliography: Konstantinopoulos, 25 ill. 19, 29-30. 133 (F131). Upper part of an incised tomb slab in two pieces preserving an epitaph of two lines and the top of a shield of arms below. Worn by treading feet. Date: 14th c. Location: in storage Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 52X74X11cm Material: Lartian stone Inscription: · hIC · IACΕT · IUGONOT/ DΕ · GL[A]SI[S] : Script: Lombard. Average height: 4cm 134 (F145). Roughly rectangular piece from the right side of a tomb marker (or slab) preserving part of four lines of the incised epitaph. Date: 1370 Location: in storage Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 37X44X9.5cm

141

142

Stone Carving of the Hospitaller Period in Rhodes Material: Lartian stone Inscription: ...[OCR]A U.../ ...[G]...[D]UM:/ ...CCCLXX./ ...[E]NSSIS: Script: Lombard. Height: ±5cm 135 (F183). Almost rectangular piece from the tomb marker of a burgess preserving the beginning of all seven lines of the epitaph. Date: 1377 Location: in storage Found: 1996, St. Mary of the Borgo Provenance: [St. Mary of the Borgo] Dimensions: 44X36X18cm Material: Lartian stone Inscription: +hIC · IACΕT.../ FILIUS · NIC.../ DOMINO · D’ · R.../ OBIIT · DIΕ · X.../ MADII · AN.../ LXXVII ·.../ SCAT IN I... Script: Lombard. Average height: 3.5cm 136 (F141). Lower right corner of a tomb slab preserving part of the incised epitaph running round the edge. Date: 14th c. Location: in storage Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 56X31X18cm Material: Lartian stone Inscription: ...NAVARA · QVI · OBI/ IT... Script: Lombard. Average height: 4cm 137 (F146). Triangular fragment from the upper part of an inscribed plaque preserving letters from two lines, those of the first illegible. Date: 14th c. Location: in storage Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 30X40X9cm Material: Lartian stone Inscription: .../ ...I : UM... Script: Lombard. Average height: 5.5cm 138 (F168). Triangular fragment from the tomb slab of a Knight Hospitaller preserving a single word from the incised epitaph round the edge. Date: 14th c. Location: in storage Found: 1995, conventual church of St. John, Panaitiou St. Provenance: conventual church of St. John Dimensions: 12 Χ17X6.5cm Material: Lartian stone Inscription: ...PRIO[R]... Script: Lombard. Height: ±5cm

The Catalogue 139 (F220). Fragment from the edge of a tomb slab preserving a few letters from the incised epitaph. Date: 14th c. Location: in storage Found: 1998, Panaitiou St., fill of the courtyard of the neoclassical school Provenance: conventual church of St. John Dimensions: 30X7X6cm Material: Lartian stone Inscription: ...:DE : SCh... Script: Lombard. Average height: 4.5cm 140 (F219). Two fragments from the edge of a tomb slab preserving a few letters of the incised epitaph. Date: 14th c. Location: in storage Found: 1998, Panaitiou St., fill of the courtyard of the neoclassical school Provenance: conventual church of St. John Dimensions: 30X12.5X8cm Material: Lartian stone Inscription: ...ARUM : [C... Script: Lombard. Average height: 4.5cm 141 (F172). Fragment from the edge of a tomb slab preserving two characters from the incised epitaph round the edge. Date: 14th c. Location: in storage Found: 1995, conventual church of St. John, Panaitiou St. Provenance: [conventual church of St. John] Dimensions: 10.5X9X6cm Material: Lartian stone Inscription: ...Ι : Ο... Script: Lombard. Average height: 5.5cm 142 (F208). Piece of a plaque with the three last lines of an incised inscription. Date: 14th c. Location: in storage Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 20X35.5X10cm Material: Lartian stone Inscription: ...[CR]ISTOP[hORE]/ [D]EUCASTEL . PRE/ GAS . ACHI:YHU Script: Lombard. Average height: 5.5cm 143 (F155). Fragment from the right side of a plaque, perhaps a grave marker, preserving a few letters in two lines from an incised inscription. Date: 14th c. Location: in storage

143

144

Stone Carving of the Hospitaller Period in Rhodes Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 9.5X11.5X3.5cm Material: Lartian stone Inscription: ...[IT]US · P/ ...[U]NDΕNS Script: Lombard. Average height: 2cm 144 (F223/F 225). Top right and lower left corners of a tomb slab preserving part of the incised epitaph. The top of an incised shield is also discernible along the lower edge of the top corner. Date: 14th c. Location: in storage Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 37X38 (upper right corner), 40X45 (lower left corner)X16.5cm Material: Lartian stone Inscription: ...Τ . DNS . MA/ RTINVS... ...AIE . EIVS.../ ...E]R . MISE[R... Script: Lombard. Average height: 4 - 4.5cm 145 (F142). Roughly rectangular piece from a slab preserving a fraction from an epitaph in barely legible incised lettering. Date: 14th c. Location: in storage Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 48X33X13cm Material: Lartian stone Inscription: ...UR ALLEM/ ...NNO DNI / ...MENSIS/ ...ANIMA RE.../ ...CE AMEN Script: Lombard. Average height: 5cm 146 (F199). Trapezoidal fragment from the edge of an incised tomb slab preserving part of the epitaph between two parallel lines. Date: 14th c. Location: in storage Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 26X25X16cm Material: Lartian stone Inscription: ...V : ΜΕΝSIS : AV... Script: Lombard. Average height: 2.5cm 147 (F228). Upper part of a tomb slab preserving most of the incised epitaph round the edge and in two additional lines across the middle. Date: [end of the 14th c.?] Location: in storage Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 66X52X10cm Material: Lartian stone Inscription: +hIC : IACET:[I.../ ...[U]IR . M[A]FREDI[AU]S.../ .../ ...QUIESCAT : IN : PACE/ MAFRED.../ [U]SUIS FILIIS Script: Lombard. Average height: 3.5cm

The Catalogue 148 (F85). Lower part of a slab, possibly from a tomb, worn by treading feet. It preserves the lower part of a shield carved in two-plane relief. Roughly rectangular, with simple incised frame. Date: 14th c.? Location: in storage Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 54X69X15cm Material: Lartian stone Arms: Fusilly. Dimensions: 39X39cm 149 (F79). Piece from a slab with a coat of arms cut in two-plane relief to the upper left and part of an incised inscription along the right edge. Irregularly cut base, worn by treading feet. Date: 14th c. Location: in storage Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 59X40X13cm Material: Lartian stone Arms: A saltire. Dimensions: 33X29cm Inscription: ...Ι Ι]LΕTUS : D[M]O[VQ... Script: Lombard. Average height: 5cm 150 (F81). Heraldic wall plaque with unidentified shield, equipped with suspension loop. At the back, incised epitaph of Rafael Embriaco worn through use as a threshold. Date: 14th c. Location: in storage Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 56X49X±7cm Material: Lartian stone Arms: A bend of fusils. Dimensions: 35X29cm Inscription: + hIC : IAC[ET : RA]/ FA]ΕL : ΕBRIAC[VS/ ... [C... ... ENT].../ .../ .../ [OBIT.../ MA : EIVS : REQ / UIΕSCAT : I[N :/ [PACE ... Script: Lombard. Average height: 4.5cm 151 (F50). Upper part of a tomb slab with all but the upper right corner broken off, bearing a coarsely incised shield of arms. Reused ancient piece, possibly from the base of a statue. Date: 14th c. Location: in storage Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 106X66X21cm Material: Lartian stone Arms: A bend sinister. Dimensions: 43X33cm

145

146

Stone Carving of the Hospitaller Period in Rhodes 152 (F209). Upper left part of a tomb slab worn by treading feet, preserving the dexter side of a coat of arms in two-plane relief. Date: 14th c. Location: in storage Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 58X34.5X7cm Material: Lartian stone Arms: A bend with three mullets of eight points accompanied by three dexter hands placed bendwise. Dimensions: 39X22cm 153 (F188). Upper left corner of a slab preserving most of a shield bearing the arms of Corneillan in shallow relief. Trapezoidal. Date: second half of the 14th c. Location: in storage Found: 1996, St. Mary of the Borgo Provenance: St. Mary of the Borgo Dimensions: 52X39X20cm Material: off-white veined marble Arms: On a bend three crows. Dimensions: 32X27cm Bibliography: Luttrell 2003, 38. 154 (F60). Two rectangular pieces from the upper corners of a slab bearing crudely carved shields in two-plane relief supplemented by incision. Date: 14th c.? Location: in storage Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: a) 40X44X12.5cm, b) 42X38X12.5cm Material: Lartian stone Arms: a) A lion rampant, b) A lion rampant respectant. Dimensions: 28X25cm 155 (F134). Lower right corner of a slab preserving part of a small shield raised from the field and, at right angles to it, three letters from an incised inscription along the edge. Date: 14th c.? Location: in storage Found: 1990, Panaitiou St., fill of the courtyard of the neoclassical school Provenance: conventual church of St. John Dimensions: 21X25X8cm Material: Lartian stone Arms: Paly of six pieces. Dimensions: 13.5X11cm Inscription: ...B[UM]... Script: Lombard. Average height: 5cm

The Catalogue 156 (F41). Relief tomb slab of a layman with the effigy under a canopy formed by floral tendrils springing from a pair of engaged colonnettes with bases and capitals of similar form. The epitaph, in raised lettering, occupies a raised outer frame and only the part on the left side is sufficiently well preserved to be legible. The defunct is bearded, wears a cap and his head rests on a tasselled pillow. His voluminous gown is belted at the waist and leaves the ankles visible. The sleeves are wide, tightening at the wrist, but may belong to an undergarment. The hands are crossed over the sternum. Part from the top is missing, the upper right corner is broken off and considerable chipping mars the right side. Date: c. 1370-1380 Location: on display in the Great Ward at the Archaeological Museum Found: 1931, floor of the Suleimaniye Mosque Provenance: unknown Dimensions: 143X79X12cm Material: Lartian stone Inscription: ...PATA ΕI[US] AIA RΕQUIΕSCAT IN PACΕ Script: Lombard with abbreviations. Average height: 3.5cm Bibliography: Jacopi 1932a, 37; idem 1932b, 44-45. Konstantinopoulos, 30, 32 and 31 ill. 22. 157 (F136). Upper left corner of a tomb slab preserving part of the epitaph round the edge in raised lettering. The top of a shield with part of the head and the front right paw of an animal rampant is also visible. Roughly rectangular. Date: c. 1370 Location: in storage Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 46X42X7cm Material: Lartian stone Arms: [A lion rampant.] Inscription: +hIC:IAC[Ε.../ [I]N:PACΕ:AM Script: Lombard. Average height: 6.3cm 158 (F143). Upper right corner of a tomb slab preserving a few letters of the epitaph round the edge in two-plane relief. Date: 14th c. Location: in storage Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 17X21X10cm Material: Lartian stone Inscription: ...NS/ NIC... Script: Lombard. Average height: 6cm 159 (F167). Corner from the tomb slab of a Knight Hospitaller preserving some letters of the epitaph in raised lettering running round the edge. Date: end of the 14th c. Location: in storage Found: 1995, conventual church of St. John, Panaitiou St.

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Stone Carving of the Hospitaller Period in Rhodes Provenance: conventual church of St. John Dimensions: 21X21X5.5cm Material: Lartian stone Inscription: ...ΕPTOR : DΕ:... Script: Lombard. Average height: 6cm 160 (F90). Lower part of the tomb slab of a Knight Hospitaller. It preserves the lower part of the habit of the Order and the toes of the shoes from an effigy in low relief set within a raised frame bearing the incised epitaph, part of which survives along the right edge and, much damaged, along the bottom. Date: 14th c. Location: in storage Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 64X56X14.5cm Material: marble Inscription: ...ONIS · hOSPITALIS · SA(NC)TI · IOh.../ NIS · IhRLM... Script: Lombard. Average height: 4cm 161 (F19). Upper part from the tomb slab of a Knight Hospitaller. The effigy is clad the habit of the Order. Short beard, arms crossed over the sternum, the head reposing on a small pillow with vestigial tassels under a simple trefoil arch, with the arms of a) the Order (l.) and b) the defunct (r.) in the squinches. Incised epitaph round the raised edge. A strip from the left edge is also missing. Date: 14th c. Location: on display in the Great Ward at the Archaeological Museum Found: ‘Konak’, at Mandraki Provenance: unknown Dimensions: 105X65X14cm Material: marble Arms: a) A cross, b) On a fess double-cotised two [escallops]. Dimensions: 20X16.5cm Inscription: ...IACΕT UΕNΕRABILIS.../ ...US FRATΕR BΕRNARDUS B[AI] ... [U]S BASCO . DΕ . MAL... Script: Lombard with abbreviations. Average height: 4.5cm Bibliography: Gerola 1916, 272. Maiuri 1921, 66. Gabriel 1923, 216. Konstantinopoulos, 25 ill. 17, 27. 162 (F43). Upper part from the tomb slab of a priest of the Order, with the effigy in relief within a rectangular frame which carries the incised epitaph, partially legible along the top and part of the right side. The figure, surviving down to waist level, is clad in a hooded mantle with a Maltese cross on the left shoulder over eucharistic vestments; the arms of the cross are defaced. The beardless head is covered by a small cap and rests on a tasselled pillow. The eyes seem to have been open. The right hand holds the stem of a communion chalice supported from below by the left. Irregular lower edge, with a narrow strip missing from the left side. Date: end of the 14th c.

The Catalogue Location: on display in the Great Ward at the Archaeological Museum Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 81X83X19cm Material: Lartian stone Inscription: ...hIC . IACΕT . MORIBUS . [DI ] . / [LA]TIBUSQ’ . [MANIG]US . ... Script: Lombard. Average height: 6cm Bibliography: Konstantinopoulos, 31 ill. 24, 32. 163 (F230). Four fragments from an incised effigial tomb slab with epitaph running round the edge. One of the fragments (a) is probably the lower left corner, another from the edge (b) and the last two (c/d) from the figure. Date: 14th c.? Location: in storage Found: House of Felicity Marshall, 14 Alexandridou St. Provenance: unknown Dimensions: a) 23.7X15cm, b) 22.5X8.3cm, c) 13X8.5cm, d) 18,3X11.5cm Thickness of slab 7.3cm Material: marble Inscription: (b) ...N]APhENS... (a) ...ΑNN / O : DO[M... Script: Lombard. Average height: 3.5cm 164 (F20). Tomb slab of Pierre de la Pymoraye in armoured effigy cut in two-plane relief, within a border bearing the epitaph in raised lettering. The armour includes bascinet with visor attachments and eventail, jupon with scalloped edge, arms completely encased in plate armour including gauntlets, and legs protected by plate and spurred sabatons, with chainmail chausses visible at the inner thighs. From the narrow baldric are suspended a long sword on the left hip and a dagger, point upwards, on the right. The hands are joined in prayer while the feet break off the continuity of the epitaph. On a panel above the head separated by a thin fillet are displayed the arms of a) the Order (l., partly defaced) and b) the defunct (r.) Date: 1402 Location: on display in the Palace of the Grand Master, Medieval Rhodes Exhibition (Defence-Administration) Found: 1931, floor of the Suleimaniye Mosque Provenance: unknown Dimensions: 209X61X29cm Material: Lartian stone Arms: a) A cross, b) Over a lion rampant, on a bend three birds. Dimensions: 25X20cm Inscription: +hic : jacet : sub : tumulo :/ nobilis : armiger : petrus : de : la : pymoraye : redonen : dioces : in : britania : Qui : obiit : xxix : die:/* - mensi - s:/ januarii : anno : incarnaons : dni : m° : cccc° : secundo : cuius : anima : requiescat : in : pace : amen : Script: black letters with abbreviations. Height: ± 5cm Bibliography: Jacopi 1932a, 35-37; idem 1932b, 41-43, πιν. VI. Greenhill I, 155 n. 1; II, 201-2, pl. 69b. Konstantinopoulos, 25 ill. 20, 28-29 .

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Stone Carving of the Hospitaller Period in Rhodes 165 (F45/165). Tomb slab of Peter Holt, turcopolier of the Order, in two-plane relief, in two pieces. The effigy is clad in the habit of the Order. The hands are crossed over the stomach, the feet rest on a sleeping dog turned left. The epitaph runs round the edge on a raised border. The top, to the level of the shoulders, is missing, apart from the upper right corner with the arms of the defunct. Date: early 1415 Location: on display in the Great Ward at the Archaeological Museum (larger piece); in storage (smaller piece) Found: Larger piece, recovery unknown; smaller piece, 1994, conventual church of St. John, Panaitiou St. Provenance: conventual church of St. John Dimensions: 164X77X19cm (larger piece), 41X32X21cm (smaller piece) Material: Lartian stone Arms: On a chevron between three squirrels cracking nuts a crescent for difference. Dimensions: 24X20cm Inscription: .../...s frater petrus holt [hon]abil’ trico/ plerius rhodi/ qui . obiit . anno . m° . cccc° . xv° . men ... Script: black letters. Average height: ±7cm Bibliography: Konstantinopoulos, 31 ill. 25, 32, 34. 166 (F218). Five fragments from the upper part of an effigial tomb slab cut in shallow two-plane relief. Some of the epitaph in raised lettering round the edge, two shields with unidentified family arms, part of the right shoulder and the fingertips of the left hand of the effigy crossed over the breast have been preserved. Date: early 15th c. Location: in storage Found: 2003, ‘St. Mary of Victory’, Peisidorou Sq. Provenance: ‘St. Mary of Victory’ Dimensions: a) (top l. corner) 20.5X15cm, b) (l. side) 37X23cm, c) (l. side) 36X23cm, d) (upper r. corner) 29X33cm, e) (top, middle) 14X13cm Thickness 10cm Material: Lartian stone Arms: a) A fess, b) A bend chequy. Dimensions: 17X14cm Inscription: +h...[p]...[u]lis · vir ·/ dns ·[G].../ ...n · pace · amen · Script: black letters. Average height: 6cm Bibliography: Τ.D.P.Ε.Α.Ε., 115-116. 167 (F122). Upper right part of a tomb slab in two-plane relief, preserving some words from the epitaph round the edge and two coats of arms side by side of which the left one survives only partially. Date: early 15th c. Location: in storage Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 43X56X11 Material: Lartian stone

The Catalogue Arms: a) [Three mullets of eight points 2:1] (l., only the one at upper right survives) b) A bugle horn stringed and looped. Dimensions: 23.5X20cm Inscription: ...et] corp[us] dni girardi [ Script: black letters. Average height: 7cm 168 (F113). Upper right corner of tomb slab preserving part of the epitaph round the edge and a shield of arms, in two-plane relief. Trapezoidal shape. Date: early 15th c. Location: in storage Found: 1990, Panaitiou St., fill of the courtyard of the neoclassical school Provenance: conventual church of St. John Dimensions: 33X29X13cm Material: marble Arms: Three lioncels rampant 2:1, a canton. Dimensions: 20X15cm Inscription: ...r]engio / s[q]vir... Script: black letters. Average height: 6cm 169 (F221). Fragment from the edge of a tomb slab preserving a few letters from the epitaph in raised lettering between parallel fillets. Date: early 15th c. Location: in storage Found: 1998, Panaitiou St., fill of the courtyard of the neoclassical school Provenance: conventual church of St. John Dimensions: 20X14X12.5cm Material: [greyish marble] Inscription: ...frater... Script: black letters. Average height: 6.5cm 170 (F171). Lower right corner of a tomb slab with two-plane lettering round the edge, very worn by treading feet. The obect partly discernible within the frame may be the back of an animal or a pillow placed under the feet of the effigy. Date: first quarter of the 15th c. Location: in storage Found: 1995, conventual church of St. John, Panaitiou St. Provenance: [conventual church of St. John] Dimensions: 25X38X18cm Material: Lartian stone Inscription: illegible Script: black letters. Average height: 7cm 171 (F48). Tomb marker broken in two containing an inscription in three lines of raised lettering between two shields carved in two-plane relief. Date: first half of the 15th c. Location: in storage

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Stone Carving of the Hospitaller Period in Rhodes Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 23.5X92X10cm Material: Lartian stone Arms: a) A lion rampant respectant (l.) b) A bend chequy (r.) Dimensions: 20X18cm Inscription: + ... capella . nobillis . qu’dam/ jo[b ... m] suorm . qui . obiit . anno . dni/ mcc ... u]s . aia . requiescat . in . pace Script: black letters. Height: ±3.5cm Bibliography: Kasdagli 2007b, 129. 172 (F61). Left side of a grave marker preserving the corresponding part of an epitaph with raised lettering in three lines. Upper right part broken off. Worn by treading feet. Date: early 15th c. Location: in storage Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 23.5X41X8.5cm Material: Lartian stone Inscription: +mo[rt.../ [no]b[ile...] · qui[n.../ et · b[ucad...]suo(rum) Script: black letters. Height: ±5cm 173 (F63). Tomb slab used for at least two burials, with the lower right corner broken off. Traces of two shields at the upper corners are visible from a first use. The incised epitaph running round the edge belongs to the second use, while the centrally placed, roughly cut arms with the name above them belong to the third. Originally the slab must have been larger. Date: 14th – early 15th c. Location: on display in the Great Ward at the Archaeological Museum Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 78X67X7cm Material: white marble Arms: Per chevron, in base .... A chief parted per pale. Dimensions: 31X26cm Inscription: b) + . S BTOLOMΕI: D . PΕTRA: RVB/ A: [ΕT] SVM . [QVI] . OBIT. ANO . DNI. [M.../ Q[U]ATO: MΕNSIS: NOV/ ΕBRIS: ΕIUS AIA: I PACΕ: RΕQΕSCAT c) belingier belomo Script: b) Lombard, c) black letters. Average height: b) 3cm, c) 5.5cm Bibliography:ADelt 53 (1998), Β 3, Chronika, 986. 174 (F139). Roughly rectangular piece from a tomb marker (?) worn by treading feet, preserving most of a woman’s name in two lines. Date: early 15th c. Location: in storage Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 33X55X16cm Material: Lartian stone

The Catalogue Inscription: ...ngelina da / ...irogia Script: black letters. Average height: 7cm 175 (F42). Tomb slab of a layman with effigy in relief within a rectangular frame which carries an epitaph in raised lettering. The head is resting on a tasselled pillow under a composite arch whose squinches probably held a pair of coats of arms The gown of the defunct leaves the ankles visible an a small folded cap is resting on his right shoulder. The sleeves are wide and the hands are crossed over the sternum. Very worn by treading feet. Date: 1445 Location: on display in the Great Ward at the Archaeological Museum Found: 1931, floor of St. Mary of the Castle Provenance: [St. Mary of the Castle] Dimensions: 191X62X13cm Material: Lartian stone Inscription: ...qu[od] [fi]er[] fe[cit] die prima septembris anno dni mο . ccccο . lxuο . cu[ius] aia requiescat in pace amen Script: Gothic. Height: up to 5.5cm Bibliography: Jacopi 1932a, 37; idem, 1932b, 46-47. Konstantinopoulos, 31 ill. 23, 32. 176 (F16). Effigial tomb slab of a Knight Hospitaller. The effigy is clad in the habit of the Order, the head resting on a tasselled pillow, the hands crossed over the sternum. The arms of the Maltese cross on the mantle are abraded off. A rosary is suspended from the right arm. The figure is set within a niche with engaged colonnettes supporting a trefoil arch. The arms of a) the Order (l.) and b) the defunct (r.) are displayed in the squinches. Traces of the epitaph incised on a band framing the whole are visible on the left side. The slab was later reused, reversed, with the addition of a roughly incised, and only partly legible, epitaph round the edge. Date: mid-15th c. (earlier use) and 1481 (later use). Location: on display in the Palace of the Grand Master, Medieval Rhodes Exhibition (Daily Life) Found: 1931, floor of the Suleimaniye Mosque Provenance: unknown Dimensions: 172X72X21cm Material: Lartian stone Arms: a) A cross, b) A fess. Dimensions: 19X16cm Inscription: hic iacet …[us] / d…n iacobus sacha[r… / … mcccclxxxi / die xii mensis… (second use) Script: Gothic. Average height: a) - , b) 7cm Bibliography: Jacopi 1932a, 32-35 and fig. 17; Jacopi 1932b, 36-40, pl. V. Konstantinopoulos, 22 ill. 12, 23-24, 26. De Vaivre 1998, 63 note 47, 73 ill. 27. 177 (F6). Fragment from the right side of the tomb slab of Knight Hospitaller Emery de Belloc with effigy in shallow relief. The defunct is represented beardless, in the habit of the Order, hands crossed over the sternum, head resting on a pillow with tassels at the corners. On the mantle at the left shoulder the Maltese cross has both arms defaced. The

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Stone Carving of the Hospitaller Period in Rhodes family arms figure to r. of the pillow. Incised inscription in medieval French round the edge of the slab. Date: first half of the 15th c. Location: on display in the Great Ward at the Archaeological Museum Found: demolitions of the New Market Provenance: unknown Dimensions: 75X44X19cm Material: Lartian stone Arms: 5 roundels placed in saltire. Dimensions: 18X16cm Inscription: … eme de belloc le quel trespas[… Script: Gothic. Height: ±4cm Bibliography: Konstantinopoulos, p. 34, 39 ill. 43, 42. Luttrell 2003, 47. 178 (F91). Fragment from the upper part of a Hospitaller tomb slab, preserving the head of an effigy in low relief down to the shoulders, between a pair of heraldic shields; that on the left is the cross of the Order with the arms defaced. The defunct seems clad in a mantle with its hood down. The effigy was set within a raised frame bearing the epitaph, of which only a few letters survive along the top. Date: first half of the 15th c. Location: in storage Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 55X64X33cm Material: Lartian stone Arms: A cross. Dimensions: 21X±17 Inscription: ...euend... Script: Gothic. Average height: 4cm 179 (F95). Nearly rectangular piece from the right side of the effigial tomb slab of a Knight Hospitaller in low relief. It preserves the left shoulder with the worn Maltese cross, the right hand crossed over the breast and the lower right tassel of the pillow which supported the head of the defunct. On the raised edge of the slab a damaged part of the epitaph also survives. Date: first half of the 15th c.? Location: in storage Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 52X34X11cm Material: Lartian stone Inscription: ...r]on dem... Script: Gothic. Average height: 5cm 180 (F38). Upper part from the worn effigial slab of a Knight Hospitaller in shallow relief. The head of the defunct, who is clad in the habit of the Order, rests on a tasselled pillow and the hands are crossed over the stomach. Traces of an inscription in two-plane relief are visible at the left edge, on a raised frame. The upper corners are broken off and

The Catalogue only half of the face is preserved- it has a small forked beard. The arms of the Maltese cross on the habit are defaced. The lower part of the slab and a strip from the right side are missing. Date: first half of the 15th c. Location: on display in the Great Ward at the Archaeological Museum Found: demolition of outbuildings at the Palace of the Grand Master Provenance: unknown Dimensions: 120X73X13cm Material: Lartian stone Inscription: illegible Script: black letters. Height: ± 6cm Bibliography: Gabriel 1923, 216. Konstantinopoulos, 25 ill. 18, 27-28. 181 (F137). Wedge-shaped fragment from the edge of an incised effigial slab preserving a single word from the epitaph and some lines from the folds of the effigy’s garment. Date: first half of the 15th c.? Location: in storage Found: 1990, Panaitiou St., fill of the courtyard of the neoclassical school Provenance: conventual church of St. John Dimensions: 13X29.5X8cm Material: Lartian stone Inscription: …rodi… Script: Gothic. Average height: 4.5cm 182 (F177). Corner of a tomb slab preserving a partially effaced fragment of the incised epitaph running round the edge. Date: mid-15th c. Location: in storage Found: 1994, conventual church of St. John, Panaitiou St. Provenance: [conventual church of St. John] Dimensions: 27.5X25X7.5cm Material: Lartian stone Inscription: ...lıııı].../ [et]egıt... Script: Gothic. Average height: 5cm 183 (F89). Lower right corner from a tomb slab preserving the edge of the habit and the tip of a hanging left sleeve or mantle from an effigy in low relief, which was set within a raised frame bearing the incised epitaph, only part of which survives. Date: mid- 15th c. Location: in storage Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 36X41X21cm Material: hard veined limestone Inscription: ...n]duarie · qui / obiit die... Script: Gothic. Average height: 5cm

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Stone Carving of the Hospitaller Period in Rhodes 184 (F222). Lower right corner of an effigial tomb slab preserving part of the incised epitaph on the raised edge, as well as the left shoe and corresponding lower edge of the floor-length gown of the figure, cut in detailed relief. Date: 15th c. Location: in storage Found: 1998, Panaitiou St., fill of the courtyard of the neoclassical school Provenance: conventual church of St. John Dimensions: 17.5X21.5X6cm Material: greyish marble Inscription: … . d . / magri... Script: Gothic. Average height: 4cm 185 (F151). Part of the torso from a relief male figure, probably an effigy, displaying with is right hand the surviving right side of an open book with five lines of a partly legible incised inscription. The defunct wears a belted tunic and a hooded mantle secured by a circular brooch. Date: 1450-1500 Location: in storage Found: 1962, House of N. Kornaropoulos, 29 Pythagora St. Provenance: unknown Dimensions: 32X29X10cm Material: coarse light grey marble Inscription: de[u]ice / p ... io[e] / ei[..]tali / p[...]ncps / ...a[o]b’ Script: Gothic. Average height: 0.8cm 186 (F182). Effigial tomb slab of a Knight Hospitaller in relief. The top down to the shoulders and a strip from the left side are missing. The defunct holds a rosary in his hands, which are crossed nearly at waist height. He is clad in the habit of the Order, with the addition of a narrow strip of cloth (stole?) over the mantle, which descends from the shoulders and passes under the arms. The broken off element on the chest might have been a pectoral, of which only the suspending annulet is still visible. Date: c. 1500. Location: on display in the Great Ward at the Archaeological Museum Found: 1997, threshold of the Suleimaniye Mosque Provenance: [conventual church of St. John] Dimensions: 142X56X10-20cm Material: white marble. Bibliography: ADelt 53 (1998), Chronika, 987. 187 (F216). Elongated fragment from the right side of a Hospitaller effigial slab in relief, preserving folds from the habit below the hips and the fretted and tasselled end of the mantle’s fastening cord. Date: third quarter of the 15th c. Location: in storage Recovery and provenance unknown

The Catalogue Dimensions: 60X25X15cm Material: porous limestone. 188 (F184). Lower part of a tomb slab with effigy and decorative edge carved in relief, with incised inscription between them, worn by treading feet. The lower edge of a footlength gown or habit with the toes of both shoes are visible, within a raised outer border containing the incised inscription at its inner side, and decorative motifs in shallow relief framing the whole. These motifs include, clockwise, a circle enclosing a male griffin, vine tendrils with leaves and grapes, the small standing figure of a cleric with widebrimmed hat holding an open scroll, and another circle containing an illegible shield. Date: end of the 15th c.? Location: in storage Found: 1996, Apollonion St. (in masonry) Provenance: unknown Dimensions: 23X93X9cm Material: white marble Arms: illegible Dimensions: 8.7X7.3cm Inscription: ...QUI : OBIIT : DIE :/ UICES... Script: Lombard. Average height: 2.5cm 189 (F180). Two upper corners from the same slab, probably a sarcophagus lid. They preserve tassels from the pillow where the head of the effigy rested, and small parts of the shields flanking it. Date: 14th c. Location: in storage Found: 1995, conventual church of St. John, Panaitiou St. Provenance: [conventual church of St. John] Dimensions: a) 29X20X13cm, b) 24X12X13cm Material: fine-grained yellowish limestone. 190 (F148). Seventeen fragments from a relief tomb slab, with the effigy framed by an arch composed of twisting vegetal scrolls issuing from scaled compound engaged columns. Parts of the left side of the arch, the columns, the tasselled pillow supporting the head, the left arm and beringed hand can be distinguished. Partially assembled. Date: c. 1500 Location: in storage Found: 1984, St. Spyridon, Athinas Sq. Provenance: St. Spyridon Material: white marble. Bibliography: ADelt 39 (1984), Chronika, 340. 191 (F149). Eight fragments from a relief tomb slab, with the effigy under an architectural frame with side pinnacles composed of leafy shoots with bud finials. The largest fragments are from the top of the slab, preserving in addition twin shields with the arms of the defunct, and a tassel from the pillow supporting the head. Fragments from the left arm of

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Stone Carving of the Hospitaller Period in Rhodes the body also survive, showing a narrow undersleeve emerging from the outer garment. Partially assembled. Date: c. 1500 Location: in storage Found: 1984, St. Spyridon, Athinas Sq. Provenance: St. Spyridon Material: white marble Arms: Two bars; on a bend three bricks. Dimensions: 16X15cm Bibliography: ADelt 39 (1984), Chronika, 340. 192 (F231). Fragment from the right side of an effigial tomb slab in relief. It preserves the right hand and part of the shoulder and left arm. Date: third quarter of the 15th c. Location: in storage Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 43X24X16cm Material: eroded porous limestone. 193 (F185). Unfinished slab with an armoured effigy in relief, under a flamboyant arch crowned by a crescent. The defunct holds with both hands in front of him a long sword, point downwards. The shield to the right of the uncovered, bearded head, is blank. At the same level to the left the back of the close helmet (armet) is visible. Evidence of preparation for reworking on the left side. Date: c. 1460-1470 Location: Inn of France Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 210X67X24-28cm Material: white marble with grey veins Dimensions of shield: 19X16cm Bibliography: Gerola 1916, 273. Gabriel 1923, 217. 194 (F156). Triangular fragment from a relief slab preserving dress folds, perhaps of a kneeling figure, and some letters from the incised Greek inscription running along the edge. Date: c. 1500 Location: in storage Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 23X33X13cm Material: Lartian stone Inscription: ...[Τ]ΑΝΑΓΙ[ΓΝ]... Script: Greek capitals. Average height: 4cm 195 (F166). Three long fragments from the lower part of a slab (?) worked on two adjacent sides. At the front engaged colonnettes on stepped bases separate squares enclosing ornaments including heraldic shields, one of which of Villeneuve; now only the bases

The Catalogue of two shields and four dividers survive. The base was decorated with a moulding round the edge. Date: [1346] Location: in storage Found: 1995, conventual church of St. John, Panaitiou St. Provenance: conventual church of St. John Dimensions: 17.5X71X8cm Material: marble Arms: Fretty, an escutcheon in every opening. Bibliography: Kasdagli 2002a, 252-253. Luttrell 2003, 31. 196 (F68). Three fragments from a large slab with the arms of Villeneuve quartering the Order suspended by a looped strap within a moulded fret. Date: 1319-1346 Location: in storage Found: 1988, Palace of the Grand Master (one fragment) Provenance: unknown Dimensions: 33X29X12.5cm Material: marble Arms: Quarterly. 1 & 4: A cross. 2 & 3: Fretty, an escutcheon in every opening. Dimensions: 20X24cm Bibliography: Luttrell 2003, 31. ADelt 43 (1988), Chronika, 650. 197 (F107). Fragment of the convex sarcophagus lid from the tomb of master Déodat de Gozon, preserving part of the effigy, clad in the habit of the Order, from the beard to the hands crossed over the stomach. Date: 1353 Location: on display in the Palace of the Grand Master, Medieval Rhodes Exhibition (Daily Life) Found: 1990, Panaitiou St., fill of the courtyard of the neoclassical school Provenance: conventual church of St. John Dimensions: 64X52X13cm Material: Lartian stone. Bibliography:De Vaivre 1998, 45 and fig. 8, 47. Luttrell 2003, 41. 198 (F65). Heraldic slab with the arms of a) the Order (l.) and b) Gozon (r., sinister half missing) in shallow relief. Right side and lower left corner broken off. Date: 1353 Location: in storage Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 40X103X20cm Material: Lartian stone Arms: a) A cross, b) A bend surmounted by another bend, a bordure of merlons. Dimensions: 30X25cm Bibliography:Luttrell 2003, 34.

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Stone Carving of the Hospitaller Period in Rhodes 199 (F17). Sarcophagus of master Pierre de Corneillan (reused ancient sarcophagus). On one long side it bears three shields in relief, of which the central one represents the defunct while the other two the Order. Just below the rim and above the arms is incised the epitaph, arranged in two lines, of which the first occupies the simple decorative band round the rim. A broader band round the base, split in two lengthwise by a groove, bears two round holes from its use as a fountain basin in Ottoman times. Date: 1355 Location: on display in the Great Ward at the Archaeological Museum Found: ‘Konak’, at Mandraki Provenance: conventual church of St. John Dimensions: 69X193X74cm Material: marble Arms: a) and c) A cross (l. – r.), b) On a bend three crows (centre). Dimensions: 29X22cm Inscription: + hIC : IACΕT : RΕUΕRΕNDUS IN XPO PATΕR : DNS FR : PΕTRUS :/ CORNILhANI : QDAM : MAGISTΕR : SACRΕ : DOMUS : hOSPITALIS :/ SCI IOIS : IΕRLITANI : QUI : OBIIT : ANNO : DNI : MCCC : LV : ΕT : DIΕ : XXIIII : MΕNSIS : AUGUSTI : CUIUS : ANIMA : RΕQUIΕSCAT : IN : PACΕ : AMΕN : Script: Lombard with abbreviations. Average height: 2,8cm Bibliography: Gerola 1916, 273, σημ. 2. Maiuri 1921, 66. Gabriel 1923, 214-215, 218. Jacopi 1932a, 35. Konstantinopoulos, 22 ill. 13, 26. De Vaivre, 45-49 and ill. 9, 48. Luttrell 2003, 35, 41-42. 200 (F176). Two fragments from a two-plane relief panel or wall of a sarcophagus; the largest preserves the sinister part of the arms of de Pins with the raised pine-cones sheared off. Below the shield the head of a supporter, either wolf or lion, looks left. The rest of this fragment, and the smaller one, display parts of pine-trees with traces of red dye on the ground. Date: 14th c. Location: in storage Found: 1994, conventual church of St. John, Panaitiou St. Provenance: conventual church of St. John Dimensions: a) 20.5X30.5X12cm, b) 49X41X12cm Material: Lartian stone Arms: Three pine cones 2:1. Dimensions: 33X15cm Bibliography: Kasdagl 2002a, 253. 201 (F114). Trapezoidal fragment from the right side of a sarcophagus lid preserving part of an engaged colonnette with simplified capital, the lower right tassel from the pillow where the head of the effigy rested, and a pine-cone in relief. The back preserves part of the rim which held the lid in place. Date: 1365 Location: in storage Found: 1990, Panaitiou St., fill of the courtyard of the neoclassical school

The Catalogue Provenance: conventual church of St. John Dimensions: 41X27X10cm Material: marble. Bibliography: Kasdagli 2002a, 253-254. 202 (F152). Fragment from the right squinch of the canopy over the head of the effigy on the lid of the sarcophagus of master Giovanni Battista degli Orsini, decorated with crockets and tracery. The master’s arms are set within a heraldic rose fitted onto a quatrefoil within a circle. The back preserves part of the lip which held the lid in place. Date: 1476 Location: in storage Recovery unrecorded Provenance: conventual church of St. John Dimensions: 26X30X28cm Material: limestone Arms: Per fess. I: A rose. II: Bendy of six. Over all a fess. Dimensions: 8.5X7.5cm Bibliography: Kasdagli 2002a, 254-256. 203 (F100). Fragment from the left side of a relief canopy with a broad chamfer at the outer edge, from a sarcophagus lid. It consists of the left capital, over it a Gothic niche topped by a fern-like spire, and the springing of the arch of the canopy, decorated with leafy crockets. The back preserves part of the lip which held the lid in place. Date: c. 1450 Location: in storage Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 42X20 (decorated surface)X18cm Max. width. ±28cm Material: marble Bibliography: Kasdagli 2002a, 256-257. 204 (F106). Lower left corner from a convex effigial slab. It preserves the lower right part of the habit and the toe of the same foot, as well as the edge of the shorter mantle, set within a raised border bearing a partly illegible incised epitaph. Date: first half of the 15th c. Location: in storage Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 46.5X42X20cm Material: porous limestone Inscription: ...deo... / ...[tionj] dni n mc... Script: Gothic. Height: ±5cm Bibliography: Kasdagli 2002a, 257. 205 (F191). Heraldic stone casket. On one long side raised shields of a) the Order (l.) and b) Zacosta. (r.) Reused as basin for a fountain. Date: 1461-1467 Location: on display in the small courtyard at the Archaeological Museum

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Stone Carving of the Hospitaller Period in Rhodes Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: ext. 36.5X67.5X43cm, int. 23(depth)Χ18.5Χ35cm Material: hard limestone Arms: a) A cross, b) Three bars dancetty, on a bordure eight roundels. Dimensions: 21Χ18.5cm 206 (F36). Slab with incised epitaph in seven lines from the tomb of grand master Carretto. Date: 1520 Location: on display in the Great Ward at the Archaeological Museum Found: discovered by Maiuri near the Auberge of Auvergne Provenance: conventual church of St. John Dimensions: 66X91X12cm Material: marble Inscription: RMVS ET ILLMUS . D . F . FABRICIVS . DE CAR/ RECTO MAGNVS RODI MAGI/ STER VRBIS INSTAVRATOR : ET/ AD PVBLICAM VTILITATEM/ PER SEPTENNIVM RECTOR/ HIC IACET . ANNO/ MDXX Script: Roman capitals with abbreviations. Average height: 3cm Bibliography: Gabriel 1923, 217. Lojacono 1932, 268. De Vaivre 1998, 70. 207 (F35). Incised tomb slab worn by treading feet. A shield of arms in the upper part is followed by a mostly illegible epitaph in thirteen lines which covers the rest of the surface. The arms bore a charge in relief made of metal and fitted to small holes in the stone, and are encircled by a stylized rosary with rhomboid knots and two letters at the top (B and [E]. The whole is framed by an inlaid double fillet. Date: third quarter of the 15th c. Location: on display in the Great Ward at the Archaeological Museum Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 204X75X30cm Material: marble Arms: A lion rampant. Dimensions: 39X36cm Inscription: hic jac.../ philip.../ c... [in] .../ R... s.../ in... Script: Gothic. Height: up to 7cm Bibliography: Konstantinopoulos, 22 ill. 14, 27. 208 (F58). Upper part of a tomb slab with shield inlaid in red marble bearing holes for the attachment of three charges made of raised metal. Other attachment holes along the edges of the slab and round the inlaid shield mark the places of other metallic decorative elements. The lower corners of the slab were rounded during a reworking of the slab. Date: third quarter of the 15th c. Location: in storage Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 80X85X22cm Material: Lartian stone, red marble Arms: [Three lioncels rampant 2:1]. Dimensions: 37X33cm

The Catalogue 209 (F169). Elongated fragment from the edge of a tomb slab preserving the top part of a few letters from the epitaph round the edge. Date: mid-15th c. Location: in storage Found: 1995, conventual church of St. John, Panaitiou St. Provenance: [conventual church of St. John] Dimensions: 20X4X4cm Material: marble Inscription: ...[·peratus]... Script: Gothic. Height: ±3.9cm 210 (F205). Fragment from the raised edge of a tomb slab preserving a few letters from the incised epitaph. Date: mid-15th c. Location: in storage Recovery: 1995, Panaitiou St., conventual church of St. John Provenance: [conventual church of St. John] Dimensions: 17X16X4.5cm Material: white marble Inscription: …requiesca... Script: Gothic. Average height: 4cm 211 (F127). Part of a tomb slab decorated along one side with a band n very shallow relief ornamented with tendrils and cinquefoils. Nearer the centre, a fragment of an incised inscription forms an angle, part of it following the direction of the decorated band. Date: mid-15th c. Location: in storage Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 37X41X13.3cm Material: limestone Inscription: ...ti[s] . adi . x[c] / . [d]siu u sui[...] . [de]... Script: Gothic. Average height: 3cm 212 (F15). Three pieces from the tomb slab of German Knight Hospitaller Betz von Lichtenberg, grand bailli of the Order, incorrectly assembled (the slab was originally longer than assumed). The upper part is occupied by the arms of a) the Order (l.) and b) the deceased (r.), followed by the epitaph, of which ten lines survive, most of them with lacunae, as well as vestiges of two more. Both heraldry and inscription are incised, with lead inlays. The whole is set within a frame consisting of two inlaid lines. Date: 1480 Location: on display in the Great Ward at the Archaeological Museum Found: Ovriaki Provenance: Ovriaki Dimensions: 147 (as assembled-originally larger)X81X23cm Material: white marble Arms: a) A cross, b) A mill-iron.

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Stone Carving of the Hospitaller Period in Rhodes Dimensions: 26X30cm Inscription: +IN : HOC : [SA]CELLO : IA/ CET R : D : [F] BECZO : MA/ G[N]VS : BAI...I]VVS : RHO/ DI : QVE GERMANIA : PAT/ R...AC : ST[IRP]S : DE : LICHT/ ENBERG : PR[OC]REAVIT QVI/ ...IN VR[B]IS ...[O]BSIDIONE : H/ .../ ...[MENSIS]/ AVGVSTI : ANO : SALVA TIS | M | CCCC | LXXX |/ REQVIESCAT : I : PACE Script: Roman capitals with abbreviations. Average height: 4,5cm Bibliography: Maiuri, 1921, 66. Gabriel 1923, 216. Konstantinopoulos, 21 ill. 11a, 23. Waldstein-Wartenberg, 387. Kasdagli 1989-91, 194-6 and pl. 78β. 213 (F213). Tomb slab of Iohana de Perier, broken in several pieces. At the top heraldic banner carved in two-plane relief, followed by an incised epitaph of twenty lines. Below it at left projects the incised end of the banner’s staff and over the rest of the ground a skull and various human bones are scattered. Slightly broader at top. Date: 1493 Location: in storage Found: 2000, ‘Anonymous church on Kisthiniou St.’ Provenance: ‘Anonymous church on Kisthiniou St.’ Dimensions: 185X46-52X10cm Material: white marble Arms: Quarterly. 1 & 4: A chief. 2 & 3: Five billets in saltire. Dimensions: 34X34cm Inscription: HIC . SITA . EST . NO/ BILIS . FEMINA . BA/ RONV . BRITANIE/ EX CLARA . FAMI/ LIA . DE . PERIER IO/ HANA . DNA . DE/ QVER . ET . COVER/ DAINT . QVE . SUP»/ SEXVM . ANIMO/ ET . PRVDENCIA/ PREDITA . ITERA/ TO . A . IEROSOLI/ MIS REDIENS/ XVI . KI . SEPTEM/ BRIS . DIEM . CLAV/ SIT . EXTREMV/ M . CCCC ./ LXXXXIII/ REQVIESCAT/ IN PACE. Script: Roman capitals. Average height: 4.5cm Bibliography: Kasdagli and Katsou. 214 (F13). Tomb slab of Knight Hospitaller Pedro Fernández de Heredia, with the arms of the defunct followed by an inscription in fourteen lines, the whole framed by a double fillet running round the rim. Incised and inlaid with lead; the inlay is missing in two of the castles on the arms and a few letters. Date: 1493 Location: on display in the Great Ward at the Archaeological Museum Found: ‘Konak’, at Mandraki Provenance: unknown Dimensions: 207X79X25cm Material: marble Arms: Seven castles triple-towered placed 3:3:1 Dimensions: 52X42cm Inscription: +.RE.D.F.PE.FERDINA/ DVS DE HEREDIA/ EQVES CHRISTIA/ NE MILICIE RHODI/ ORVM:CLARA VIR/ TVTE ORNATVS:/ EMPOSTE CASTE/ LANVS MORTEM/ OBIIT/ ANNO CHRISTI.M/ .CCCC.LXXXXIII./ AVGVSTI. XV.KL./ .VIXIT ANNOS.LX./ SIT FOELIX. Script: Roman capitals with abbreviations and dot above the I. Average height: 4.8cm

The Catalogue Bibliography: Gerola 1916, 272-273. Gabriel 1923, 216. Jacopi 1932a, 32 and ill. 16. Konstantinopoulos, p. 20-21 and ill. 10. 215 (F126). Lower left corner of a tomb slab with part of an inlaid epitaph and a simple framing fillet whose inlay is missing. Nearly rectangular. Date: end of the 15th c. Location: in storage Recovery and provenance unknown Dimensions: 57X34X14.5cm Material: marble Inscription: ...RII · A.../ VITATE/ ESCAN.../ M · CCCC.../ [ ]A... Script: Roman capitals. Height: ±4cm 216 (F179). Trapezoidal fragment from the right side of a tomb slab with the groove for an inlaid double fillet near the edge and the endings of six lines of once inlaid lettering. Date: end of the 15th - early 16th c. Location: in storage Found: 1994, conventual church of St. John, Panaitiou St. Provenance: [conventual church of St. John] Dimensions: 44X24X19cm Material: Lartian stone Inscription: ... Script: [Roman capitals]. Average height: 4cm 217 (F170). Piece from a very worn tomb slab preserving the attachment holes for eight lines of lead lettering and a double fillet round the edge. Rectangular, but cut at an angle to the inscription. Date: end of the 15th - early 16th c. Location: [in storage] Found: 1995, conventual church of St. John, Panaitiou St. Provenance: [conventual church of St. John] Dimensions: 91X65X...cm Material: Lartian stone Inscription: illegible Script: Roman capitals. Average height: unknown 218 (F11). Incised tomb slab of Nicolas de Montmirel, grand hospitaller of the Order. The upper part is occupied by the arms of the defunct, inlaid with lead, followed by the ten lines of the epitaph. A scroll arranged in a semicircle above the arms, with inlaid rosaries suspended from the ends, bears the motto Domine in Te Confido, terminating in a flower. In the space between the top of the shield and the scroll are set the inlaid initials IHS with a cross over them. A waving second scroll, below the epitaph, contains the words As God Will. The whole is set within a frame consisting of colonnettes whose bases incorporate a pair of unidentified diminutive shields, supporting an arch with fleurs-delys set diagonally in the upper corners. broken in three pieces and reassembled. Date: 1511

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Stone Carving of the Hospitaller Period in Rhodes Location: on display in the Palace of the Grand Master, Medieval Rhodes Exhibition (Daily Life) Found: ‘Konak’, at Mandraki Provenance: unknown Dimensions: 181X80X17cm Material: white marble Arms: A bend parted per bend dancetty; a chief of the Order. On the bases of the columns: a) Per fess indented (l.), b) A lion rampant (r.) Dimensions: 55X43cm (defunct), 4.3X3cm (escutcheons at the bases of the columns) Inscription: DOMINE . IN . TE . CONFIDO// IHS// HIC . IACET . R . D . F/ NICOLAVS . DE ./ MONTMIREL . DIG . / HOSPITALERIVS / PRECEPTR . DE . S . / MAVVIS ET . DE . S ./ VAVBOVRG . QVI . / OBIIT . 20 . FEBR . 1511 . / REQVIESCAT . IN . PACE . / AMEN//AS . GOD . WILL Script: Roman capitals with abbreviations and some letters enclosed by others. Average height: 5.8cm Bibliography: Konstantinopoulos, 18-20 and ill. 8. Maiuri 1921, 65. Jacopi 1932a, 3132. Gabriel 1923, 217. Gerola 1916, 273. 219 (F14). Tomb slab of Cypriot noble Pierre Pelestrin preserving iron lifting ring at top, fitting inside a circular groove in the stone. An incised inscription in seven lines is followed by the arms of the defunct, in two-plane relief. Reused ancient inscribed member (late Hellenistic alphabetical catalogue). Lower right corner broken off, irregular top. Date: 1471 Location: on display in the Great Ward at the Archaeological Museum Found: floor of the Turkish baths destroyed by Allied bombing in World War II on Eudemou Sq. Provenance: unknown Dimensions: 175X82X14cm Material: Lartian stone Arms: A ladder of four rungs accompanied by an orle of three fleurs-de-lys in chief and three crescents in base. Dimensions: 45X40cm Inscription: +HIC . IACET . MAGNI/ FICVS . MILES . DNS ./ PETRVS . PELESTRIN . / REGNI . CIPRI . TVRCO/ PVLERIVS . QVI . REQVI/ EVIT . INPACE . DIE . XVI ./ IANVARII . 1471.