SOMA 2007: Proceedings of the XI Symposium on Mediterranean Archaeology, Istanbul Technical University, 24-29 April 2007 9781407303826, 9781407334110

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BAR S1900 2009

SOMA 2007

ÖZKAN AYGÜN (Ed)

Proceedings of the XI Symposium on Mediterranean Archaeology, Istanbul Technical University, 24-29 April 2007 Edited by

Çi÷dem Özkan Aygün

SOMA 2007

BAR International Series 1900 2009 B A R SOMA 2007 1900 cover.indd 1

14/01/2009 15:57:47

SOMA 2007 Proceedings of the XI Symposium on Mediterranean Archaeology, Istanbul Technical University, 24-29 April 2007 Edited by

Çiğdem Özkan Aygün

BAR International Series 1900 2009

ISBN 9781407303826 paperback ISBN 9781407334110 e-format DOI https://doi.org/10.30861/9781407303826 A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

BAR

PUBLISHING

Contents Some Remarks on the Later Prehistory of the Southwestern Anatolia .................................................................... 1 Belgin Aksoy Enclosure Walls of Minoan Crete ............................................................................................................................ 8 Tomas Alusik A Hittite God Standing on a Large Bird (Eagle) from Rezzan Elbeyli Collection ................................................ 16 Şengül Aydıngün Karpos & Papylos Martyrium in Istanbul – Samatya............................................................................................. 19 Ayça Beygo The origins of the Phoenician cothon: development of the inland harbour in the eastern and central Mediterranean during the 2nd and 1st Millennia BC.................................................................................... 25 Matthew Brewer Foundation Structure of the Altar of Artemis at Magnesia ad Maeandrum ........................................................... 33 Cengiz Çetin Imaginary Creatures in the Stone Decorations in Anatolia During the Seljuki and Pricipalities Periods ................................................................................................................................................................... 42 Vildan Çetintaş Kanytellis as an Example of Late Antique Rural Settlements in Rough Cilicia .................................................... 48 Burcu Ceylan Swan Imagery at the West Sanctuary at Troia ....................................................................................................... 54 Carolyn Chabot Aslan The question of marble quarrying on Kos island during antiquity ......................................................................... 61 Achilleas Chatziconstantinou and Eirene Poupaki An Architectural Investigation of “Leisure Spaces” in Roman Domestic Context: The Case of Ephesus .................................................................................................................................................................. 68 Ahmet Çinici Alburnus Maior Ancient Mining Site. Considerations Regarding the Archaeological Management ........................................................................................................................................................... 75 Paul Damian and Corina Borş Eunuchs in Public: the Functional and the Ideological Dimensions of Eunuchs in the Assyrian Empire .................................................................................................................................................................... 83 Elif Denel Craftmen Who Worked in Isaura Region ............................................................................................................... 90 Osman Doğanay Early Iron Age Cretan Tholoi ................................................................................................................................ 98 Melissa Eaby The Effects of the Late Third Millenium BC Climate Change on the Urbanisation Process of Southeastern Anatolia .......................................................................................................................................... 106 Alev Eraslan Natural Factors that affected the Ancient Period Settlements in Datça (Reşadiye) Peninsula ............................. 112 Levent Erel The Formal Analysis of Iznik Ceramics (15th - 16th Centuries) ............................................................................ 116 Aslıhan Erkmen i

The “Goddess from Beyond the Sea”: Iconographical analysis and interpretation of a group of narrative scenes involving female divinities in Minoan-Mycenaean Glyptic ...................................................... 124 Konstantinos Galanakis Music and Sound in Punic Ibiza (Balearic Islands, Spain) ................................................................................. 130 Agnès Garcia Ventura and Mireia López Bertran Everyday Life in Ancient Pella, the Capital of the Macedonian Kingdom .......................................................... 136 Maria Girzi Bafas The excavations of the Italian Archaeological Mission in the “Garrison’s Camp” of Nea Paphos (Cyprus). Achievements and Perspectives ........................................................................................................... 142 Filippo Giudice Nicomedia: Where Poseidon rides his horses over and over ............................................................................... 145 Alper Gürbüz A pair of sandals depicted on mosaic floors in the entrances of private houses and churches in Israel and Transjordan in the Byzantine period.................................................................................................... 151 Lihi Habas A Statistical Evaluation of the Early Bronze Age Pottery from the Erzurum Region.......................................... 160 Mehmet Işıklı and Mahmut Bilge Baştürk Clemens Mehmet Emin Bosch (1899-1955): A Scientist who Contributed to the Studies on Ancient History and Numismatics in Turkey ....................................................................................................... 166 Sevtap Kadıoğlu and Gaye Şahinbaş Erginöz Predictive Modeling of Settlement Mounds (9000-5500 B.C.) in the Lake District and its Immediate Environs ............................................................................................................................................. 171 Tuna Kalaycı Rethinking neolithic architecture: the study of structural clay fragments ............................................................ 179 Styliani Kaltsogianni Mycenaean Involvement on the Anatolian Coastline........................................................................................... 185 Hamdi Kan Echoes from Ancient to Near Past: Ancient Aegean/Mediterranean Art and Art Nouveau ................................. 196 Aylin Kartal Island Hopping in the Eastern Mediterranean - The “Island Mosaic” of Ammaedara and the praise of cities ...................................................................................................................................................... 201 Holger Kieburg A ram-god in archaic Cyprus ............................................................................................................................... 208 Kathrin Kleibl The Content of the Inscriptions and the Graffiti on the Greek and Roman Ceramics .......................................... 216 Zeynep Koçel Erdem The Location of Aigospotamoi ............................................................................................................................ 226 Reyhan Körpe and Mehmet F. Yavuz Sigeon and its Foundation .................................................................................................................................... 230 Reyhan Körpe and Mehmet F. Yavuz Virtual Reconstruction of an Ancient Site: Ephesus ............................................................................................ 233 Baki Koyuncu and Erkan Bostancı Defining the Impacts of Interventions on the Characteristics of Archaeological Heritage of Antiquty Located at Rural Landscapes ............................................................................................................... 237 Gökçe Kuran ii

Preliminary Spatial-Functional Analysis of the NE Building in the Middle Assyrian Fortress at Tell Sabi Abyad, Syria ......................................................................................................................................... 245 Piotr Kurzawski Neo-Hittite Helmets and Their Depictions........................................................................................................... 254 Çiğdem Maner New Obseravations about Some Hittite Towns and Lands Located into Centarl Anatolia and Black Sea Region ................................................................................................................................................. 262 Leyla Murat The Circulation of Bronze Macedonian Royal Coins in Seuthopolis: A Reappraisal .......................................... 270 Emil Nankov Collapsed Walls of a Middle Bronze Age Building at Salat Tepe (Diyarbakır): Evidence for an Earthquake?.......................................................................................................................................................... 277 A. Tuba Ökse, Ahmet Görmüş and Erkan Atay New discoveries in rural North East Lycia: Scenes of Daily Life on Roman Rural Sarcophagi. ........................ 284 Banu Özdilek and Nevzat Çevik A Case of Mediterranean Urban Archaeology: Urban Identity of Adana ............................................................ 291 Yekta Özgüven and Ürün Biçer Özkun The Sunken Byzantine Settlement (Monastery?) 2005-2006 Underwater Survey at Hazar Lake, Eastern Anatolia ................................................................................................................................................... 296 Çiğdem Özkan Aygün The doorframes of Late Antique buildings in Anatolia (fifth and sixth century) ................................................. 301 Ayşın Özügül Evaluation of Tigran Honents Church located in Ani in Terms of Plans ............................................................. 309 Hatice Özyurt Özcan Preliminary Observations on the Geometric Unity of the House of Augustus..................................................... 316 Caroline K. Quenemoen Tombs and Necropoleis in Crete during the Protogeometric and Geometric Periods: Some Observations about Social Structures................................................................................................................... 321 Laura C. Rizzotto Landscape Learning and an Epipalaeolithic of Cyprus ........................................................................................ 333 Sandra Rosendahl Myndos Undewater Research-2006 ........................................................................................................ 337 Mustafa Şahin, Serkan Gündüz and Erdoğan Aslan Phoenicians and Greeks in the Western Mediterranean: Interpretations and Re-interpretations ......................... 342 Gabriella Sciortino and Michał Krueger Importance of Ethic Archaeological Studies for Cognitive Evolution ................................................................. 348 Şükran Sevimli Dying to be Different: Performance and Social Differentiation in Prepalatial Crete ........................................... 351 Kathryn Soar Underwater Archaeology in Italy: The Park of Baia (Naples). ............................................................................ 358 Ambra Spinelli The Pirate Attack on Teos .................................................................................................................................... 362 Jonathan R. Strang iii

An Unknown Bath-Gymnasium at Kithanaura .................................................................................................... 369 H. Onur Tıbıkoğşu and Emrah Akalin Villanovan culture in southern Romagna (Italy). The necropolis of Viarino (Verucchio) .................................. 374 Lara Taccini Akalın Phrygian Gordion in Achaemenid Context .............................................................................................. 380 Galya Toteva Cereal Processing and the Performance of Gender in Archaic and Classical Greece: Iconography and Function of a Group of Terracotta Statuettes and Vases .......................................................... 387 Victoria Tsoukala Contribution to the study of the ancient marble quarries of the Mani Peninsula, SW Laconia, Peloponnese, Greece: the case of the quarry of white marble at the site Aspri Plaka, Charouda, Pyrgos Dirou and of the quarry of cipollino verde Tenario at the site Paliros-Koureloi, near Cape Tainaron ...................................................................................................................................................... 396 Maria Tsouli An Early Christian Basilica on Taurus Mountain Range at Cilicia Pedias .......................................................... 404 Füsun Tülek The ports of Anxanum (Abruzzo, Central Italy) ................................................................................................. 408 Marco Viglietti The Roman road network between two rivers: the Sangro and the Feltrino (Abruzzo, Central Italy). Reflections and interpretative hypothesis. ................................................................................................ 411 Marco Viglietti Some Hypotheses on the Prehistoric Landscapes of Settlement in the Çukurova................................................ 414 Celine Wawruschka Understanding the Material Culture of the Philistines – What Pots did They Use? ............................................. 421 Pawel Wolinski Thracian Coins in the Light of Heraion Teichos Excavation Coins ..................................................................... 427 Oya Yağız Large Railway Stations from Rumelia to Hejaz in Ottoman Geography ............................................................. 431 Mehmet Yavuz Miltiades and Kroisos, Another Mercenary in the Service of an Eastern Monarch? ........................................... 439 Mehmet F. Yavuz and Reyhan Körpe Commercial Activities Between West and Central Anatolia Regions During the Early Bronze Age ....................................................................................................................................................................... 441 Derya Yılmaz A Case Study on the Conservation of an Urban Archaeological Site: Conservation and Regeneration Project of Agora of Smyrna and Its Surroundings ......................................................................... 449 Hülya Yüceer, Özden Özyılmaz and Murat Özyılmaz Roman Tavernlife – Remarks on the Remains of Taverns in Ostia Antica.......................................................... 457 Anna Ziel Kieburg Excavating Thorstein Veblen – Thoughts on conspicuous consumption amongst social elites in Early Bronze Age Asia Minor.............................................................................................................................. 463 Thomas Zimmermann Harbor Excavation of Kelenderis (Aydıncık-Mersin-Turkey) ............................................................................. 467 Levent Zoroğlu and Hakan Öniz iv

Preface Soma 2007 (Eleventh Symposium on Mediterranean Archaeology) took place at the Istanbul Technical University between 24 and 29 April 2007. During the symposium, 145 contributors presented 110 papers and 9 posters. The contributors were from Turkey, Greece, Romania, Poland, the Czech Republic, Portugal, Italy, England, Israel, France, Germany, U.S.A. and Australia. As with previous events, the Eleventh Symposium provided an important opportunity for young researchers to come together and discuss their work in a friendly and supportive atmosphere. Our spectrum got wider as a result of valuable contributions from cross-disciplinary researchers, a crucial factor in our scientific era. There were no limitations in respect of subject or period: any paper dealing with Mediterranean archaeology and related disciplines was accepted. In this context, the participants submitted their researches in the following categories: Archaeology (prehistorical, protohistorical, classical and post-classical periods), art history, underwater archaeology, epigraphy, archaeometry, archaeogeophysics and museology. The sessions were held over 4 days, at two different conference halls. The weekend was reserved for two excursions to Istanbul and Nicea, with myself as guide. On the first day of the excursion our delegates had the chance to visit the Hagia Sofia Museum, the Istanbul Archaeology Museum, and the excavations of the Port of Theodosius I, which came to light during construction of the Yenikapı metro station. The second excursion was to Nicea-Iznik, and comprised visits to the city walls, the Hagia Sofia Museum, tile kilns, the Archaeology Museum, the Mosque of Sultan Murad I, and the Roman Theatre. I believe that the Eleventh Symposium on Mediterranean Archaeology was a most fruitful one and has created new opportunities for cooperation between the participants. I hope that it has also been rewarding and enjoyable for the audience to hear about researches on a vast spectrum of subjects. Thank you for your attendance. We look forward to seeing you in future symposiums at the Istanbul Technical University. Çiğdem Özkan Aygün Editor & Symposium Organizer

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Some Remarks on the Later Prehistory of the Southwestern Anatolia Belgin Aksoy Uludağ University, Bursa, Turkey, Art History

known and there are three provinces; Troy-Yortan, İznik and the Upper Sakarya Basin. The Upper Menderes Basin indicates a cultural unit southeast of them, which is labelled by the sequence at Beycesultan. In the last decade, surveys have been undertaken which have increased our knowledge of the region downstream of Menderes.3 Surveys and excavations in the Pisidian Lake District allow us to define another cultural unit here, extending into the Teke Peninsula.

The Teke Peninsula, known as Lycia in the Ancient period, is one of the areas in Western Anatolia where prehistoric research lags behind that of the classical. There are still too many questions about the builders of the fascinating monuments and cities. The evidence of the transition from the second to the first millennium is still unclear like many other sites and regions in this part of the Mediterranean Region. Herodotus is one of the references indicating the early connections between Southwest Anatolia and Crete. However, the archaeological evidence seems very limited to prove it.

In comparison to the other units the Teke Peninsula seems to be an area with many contrasting features, such as lakes, plateaus, and mountains (fig 2). Southwards, in Lycia the variety is more significant. A remarkable characteristic of this region is the location of diverse types of Anatolian landscape side by side in a relatively small area. In less than 100 km one can reach from sea level to a height of 2000 metres. In this small area one can recognize almost all forms of Anatolian landscape. Despite the fact that it is very close to the sea, this region can be classified as upland. Although a typical Mediterranean climate is dominant, particularly in the coastal-strip, one can see that the number of days with compact covering snow, changes from 30 days and 60 in upland regions.4

The chronology of Western Anatolia is based on the correlation of its sites sequences with those of Kilikia.1 Most of the studies on Western Anatolia have to deal with the chronological problems. Another discussion point is the definitions of the “provinces”, or “zones” which are expressing in many cases distribution of pottery.2 But it should be stressed that the pottery is just one of the variables by which we can define a culture. It shows a tendency in choosing certain forms or wares, which mostly depends on time and place. The question is if we can figure out other criteria in order to define a more solid basis for a culture, particularly in Southwestern Anatolia, where we have insufficient archaeological data. The fact that the archaeological data comes from surveys, and there are just a few settlements whose inner structures are relatively better known, makes the suggestions hypothetical.

With the rainy winter and drought conditions of summer, the climatic characteristic of this area is described as Mediterranean. The intensity of rainfall5 is almost similar to the conditions in the Black Sea Region, the region with the most intensive precipitation in Anatolia. This quality of the weather in the region causes variety in the vegetation as well. The density of agricultural land use caused many changes to the landscape, but forests on the mountainsides are no rarity.

According to its pottery tradition, Western Anatolia was a more or less homogenous region, while Kilikia and almost the whole Euphrates basin seem to be under the influence of the North Mesopotamian Halaf Culture, where an abrupt change took place in the Early Bronze Age. The most significant characteristic of this era is not only the development in its metallurgy but also the extension of the settled areas. The number of the settlements increased rapidly in this period, particularly in the plains which are irrigated by rivers and streams. In the regions where intensive surveys have been undertaken, this increase is a common observation. This quantitative development can be understood as a population increase. This could have been a basis for the variety of the material culture.

Until now no Chalcolithic or Early Bronze Age site has been discovered in the vicinity of the sea, although there are many suitable locations for maritime sites. It is quite possible that many prehistoric sites have been superimposed in Hellenistic and Roman times. The fact that the Antalya District was settled already in the Palaeolithic makes settlement continuity considerable. Bademağacı in Northern Antalya proves the early periods of sedentary life. Also in caves, such as Karain and Öküzini, Chalcolithic and Early Bronze Age material has been uncovered.

If one considers the West Anatolian Bronze Age, it will be clear that the borders between the so-called pottery provinces correspond with natural borders. The rivers and river basins seem to have been centres where the Early Bronze Age cultures of Western Anatolia developed (fig 1). The Northern parts of Western Anatolia are better

We have limited data about the west side of the peninsular. It is significant that in this area there are many natural locations for harbours. Considering the relatively 3

Günel 2003a: 2003b; 2005; Akdeniz 1999 Hütteroth and Höhfeld 2002: 85, Abb. 32 5 Hütteroth and Höhfeld 2002: 86, Abb. 33

1

4

Mellink 1992: 216-217 2 As a basic study for this approach: French 1968

1

SOMA 2007 short distance to Crete one can assume that the Anatolian influence came into contact with the island from this region. Although the archaeological evidence is limited, one can reconstruct the routes of early seafaring by considering facts such as currents, wind conditions and localization.6 But it has to be mentioned that despite this assumption, the main routes in the Anatolian hinterland do not support the fact that the Teke Peninsula was one of the gates opening to Mediterranean. As a result of the reconstructions, Southwestern Anatolia has not played an important role in the Bronze Age Trade. On the other hand, it is not easy to explain this situation with the insufficient data.

an independent developed.

unit

where

a

settlement

system

The cave settlements in this region are also worth mentioning. Girmeler in the vicinity of the Ancient city of Tlos is one of these settlements. A salvage excavation carried out in the 1990s has contributed to the reconstruction of the pre-classical periods of this part of Anatolia. In Girmeler,8 known also as Gebeler, pottery which connects this site with the Chalcolithic levels at Hacılar and Kuruçay has been found. Further research on Seki might bring some clarification about the southern distribution of the Hacılar-Culture. It is interesting within this context that on the Elmalı Plain, another geographical area bordering both the Lake-District and Seki, the typical painted wares of the Hacılar Early Chalcolithic is almost lacking.9

In this context one should deal with the settled areas on the main routes which connect the sea shore with the hinterland. Eşen Çayı, which is known as the Xanthos River in the Ancient Periods, is a natural way from the sea to the upland (fig 3).

The cave on the Çaylaklı Tepe, approximately 10 km north of Çaltılar seems to be the other prehistoric site in this district. Although most of the material belongs to classical antiquity, a few fragments of silex tool point to the periods before the Iron Age. Appearance of some fragments of hand-made pottery is also another reason for the estimation that this site has been settled in the Early Bronze Age or Chalcolithic.

It is a typical highland watercourse which drains the Seki Plain and reaches the sea after about 100 km. The Karabel Pass in the west connects the Seki Plateau to several urban centres such as Thelmessos (Fethiye), which is also an important harbour. There are also two passes in the north; Dirmil Beli and Çomaklı Beli, which open to the ancient Cybiratis district and to the BurdurIsparta region respectively. Therefore, we can define Seki Plateau as a small transit area between different regions.

A similar case can be observed in another cave near Arsaköy. The cave is situated on a steep slope in a forest. Further research is necessary for a clear chronological definition, but hand-made pottery and very faint painting on the rock surface as well make this place significant. There are already known cave sites in the west side of the peninsula. Places such as Karain, or Öküzini reveal that South-western Anatolia was already settled in the Palaeolithic period, but some of them seem to have been settled also after the Palaeolithic. But these places are not suitable for sedentary communities. These caves might have been settled seasonally or they were used by the shepherds as shelters.

Eceler7 is one of the sites in the form of a höyük, and it is approximately 75 km north of Fethiye on the west side of the road to Antalya 1128 m above sea level. The size of the site measures approximately 3 ha. The pre-classical material of this site can be compared with Kuruçay and Karataş-Semayük. The surface finds include pottery and some silex tools. Less obsidian tools, which is fragmentary represented, could be considered in the context of Aegean trade. Çaltılar is situated on the northern edge of the Seki Plateau and 1250 m above sea level. The mound is about 12 m high and the area measures ca 2 ha. The pottery points out that the site has been settled in several periods. Most of the material shows evidence of an Iron Age settlement. But there is much to be said for the Bronze Age settlement. Some hand-made pottery indicates the third millennium. Wheel made material, which does not seem to be dated to Iron Age or Classical Periods can be related to the Early Bronze 3 Period or Middle Bronze Age.

Refik Duru has already interpreted the use of the caves in the late Chalcolithic and Early Bronze Age in this way. For the case in Karain he points out that “such a cave would hardly have been suitable to those accustomed to life style of the Kuruçay L.Ch. settlement. A reasonable explanation might lie in small groups of nomads (?) perhaps shepherds- who pastured their flocks summers in the Burdur area seeking out caves as moor protective winter folds”.10 For a better understanding of later prehistory of the Lycian upland, one should consider the situation in the Lake District. It connects Lycia to the Anatolian Plateau. In Kuruçay a late Chalcolithic settlement with the superimposing Early Bronze Age levels has been revealed. The late Chalcolithic culture as far as it has been clarified in Kuruçay had limited external relations and seems to have been a gradual

Between both settlements the distance measures ca. 13 km. It seems that there is no other site in this plateau. The definition of this case is possible in different ways. This area may be the periphery of a settlement system. It means that it would not be right to consider this area as

8

Köktürk 2000 Eslick 1992: 68-69 10 Duru 1996: 96, 140 9

6

Agouridis 1997 7 Aksoy and Köse 2005

2

SOME REMARKS ON THE LATER PREHISTORY OF THE SOUTHWESTERN ANATOLIA deposits or eroded by rivers.15 But these can hardly be a reason for the limited number of late Chalcolithic sites in the upper basins, such as Elmalı, Seki or Lake District. These areas may be defined as a conglomeration of several ecological units, mostly small basins. Here different kinds of characteristics can be observed side by side – grassland, forest and mountains. The villages of the late Chalcolithic and Bronze Age should have exploited these different ecological units. It would be reasonable that the communities in these small places used different resources to maintain their existence. But it is a fact that these niches were ultimately not suitable to sustain larger settlements.

internal development. The archaeological evidence suggests a rural village life. During the surveys it was very significant that the sites with late Chalcolithic evidence were rare in Burdur Area. The question here is whether this is actually because the area has not been settled intensively in the late Chalcolithic or, many late Chalcolithic sites have been covered by the Early Bronze Age deposits. The sites with Early Bronze Age evidence seems to predominate also in Isparta11 (fig 4). As far as we can conclude from the numbers of settlements, it is a usual case for the whole of Anatolia. But the continuity and intensity are regionally varied. The explanation for the lack of late Chalcolithic sites with the intensity of superimposing of Early Bronze Age sites is not convincing if one notices that the Early Bronze Age is significant with an increased number of settlements. In the Lake District the situation can be interpreted as follows: The smaller number of Chalcolithic settlements expresses a smaller population, living in small rural settlements. The larger number of settlements in the EBA indicates a growing population. It is suggested that the development of the settlement hierarchies starts in this period. Thus, it would be possible to define central and peripheral places, if the internal analysis of settlements would have been done. Also the situation in the second millennium can be reconstructed only hypothetically. The number of settlements clearly reduced to almost the same level in the Chalcolithic. It should be understood as a consequence of the centralization process. This means there were more people inhabiting larger settlements. Our knowledge of the second millennium in south-western Anatolia is based on Hittite sources, which is unfortunately not supported by the archaeological evidence. The names of some ancient cities of Hellenistic-Roman Age point out the existence of Luwian tribes, although we have almost no archaeological evidence for the second millennium in these sites. Mellaart suggests that the “Luwian Invasion” took place in the transition from the third to the second millennium. He argues this situation from the more or less contemporary destructions in many Early Bronze Age sites in Anatolia.12 According to philologists the first Indo-European speaking tribes were already there in the third millennium B.C. in Anatolia.13 Mellink points out that “the upheavals of the later early bronze age also affected inhabitants of Elmalı plain. Many of the Early Bronze Age sites visible in the region show signs of burning and abandonment; others are resettled at a later stage,…”14 “Lukka Lands” which are localized in Southwestern Anatolia, have been mentioned mostly together with the Arzawa, and so one can conclude that it was a subject of Hittite interest.

If one considers the interaction between the regions in Anatolia, the peripheral location of South-west Anatolia to the main routes would be clear (fig 5). It is difficult to estimate whether there is a connection between Central Anatolia and the south-western coast. It is true that, there has hitherto been no evidence which can prove that there were harbours which took part in inter-regional trade; but the intensity of a trade which requires use of this route is questionable. Archaeological evidence in Kuruçay reveals a local culture with limited external relations. “Intensive trade with neighbouring settlements is unlikely, considering the scarcity of obviously imported pottery and small finds. The homogeneity apparent among the finds implies not only limited external relations, but also rather gradual internal development as well, aspects reminiscent of rural village life.”16 Because of the Valley of Eşen Çayı, it is reasonable that this region was one of the gates which open the Anatolian culture to the Aegean world, and the fact that the nearest sea shore from here includes natural harbours may support this suggestion. But the archaeological evidence requires a careful interpretation of this spatial situation. Another point, which deserves more attention in this context, is the question how far it could have been possible that any separate settlement hierarchy or any agglomeration of sites have ever existed in this transit area. The carrying capacity of this small plateau must have been limited under the circumstances of the late Chalcolithic and Early Bronze Age. The material which has been collected from these sites shows quite different associations. Eceler seems to have been settled rather in the Early Bronze Age, contemporary with KarataşSemayük. The limited material indicates a preceding settlement in the Chalcolithic. But in Çaltılar no clear evidence for the Chalcolithic or Early Bronze Age has been observed. It is quite possible that, Eceler was abandoned at the end of the Early Bronze Age in favour of the settlement in Çaltılar. It seems that the sources of this plateau are very limited for the co-existence of two centres (fig 6). Agriculture alone could have hardly been the base for the subsistence. If one considers the traditional way of life in this region several decades ago,

Particularly in the valleys and plains along rivers it is almost a rule that most of the sites give material from the Early Bronze Age. It has been already maintained that the small sites near the rivers could have been buried by 11

Özsait 2002; 2003; 2005 Mellaart 1958 Oettinger 2004: 366 14 Mellink 1965: 251 12 13

15 16

3

Yakar 1985: 95-98 Duru 1996: 140

SOMA 2007 the preferences of Early Bronze Age people may be better understood. Although there were many favourable locations for harbours, permanent residence on the coast was not common. Places where streams flowed into the sea were not preferred because of the swamps. Particularly in summer high temperatures make daily life very difficult. Almost all communities have a “Yayla Settlement” in the plateau. This could explain the less density in the plateau during the pre-classical period. These settlements could have a semi-nomad character, that’s why their remains are hardly preserved.

Bibliography Agouridis, C. (1997) “Sea Routes and Navigation in the Third Millennium Aegean” Oxford Journal of Archaeology 16, 1-24 Akdeniz, E. (1999) Büyük Menderes Havzasının Demir Çağı Öncesi Kültürleri, unpublished PhD Dissertation, Ege Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Aksoy, B. And O. Köse (2005) A Site in the Seki Plateau (Lycia): Eceler Höyük Anatolia Antiqua XIII 71-83 Duru, R. (1996) Kuruçay Höyük II-1978-1988 Kazılarının Sonuçları Geç Kalkolitik ve İlk Tunç Çağı Yerleşmeleri-The Results of the Excavations 19781988 The Late Chalcolithik and Early Bronze Age Settlements. Tük Tarih Kurumu Basımevi Ankara Eslick, C. (1992) Elmalı-Karataş I. The Neolithic and Chalcolithic Periods: Bağbaşı and Other Sites. Archaological Monographs, Bryn Mawr College, Bryn Mawr French, D. (1968) Anatolia and Aegean in the Third Millennium B.C. unpublished PhD Dissertation Hütteroth, W.D. and V. Höhfeld (2002) Türkei, Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, Darmstadt Köktürk, H. (2000) “New Lights on the Prehistorical Lycia” Lykia III-1996-1997 39-45 Mellaart, J. (1958) The End of the Early Bronze Age in Anatolia and the Aegean American Journal of Archaeology 62 9-33 Mellink, M. (1992) Anatolian Chronology IN: R.W. Ehrich Chronologies Old World Archaeology The University of Chicago Press Chicago and London 207-43 Mellink, M. (1965) Excavations at Karataş-Semayük in Lycia 1965 American Journal of Archaeology 69 24151 Oettinger, N. (2004) Zur Einwanderung und ersten Entfaltung der Indogermanen in Anatolien. IN: Meyer J-W und W. Sommerfeld 2000 v.Chr. Politische, wirtschaftliche und kulturelle Entwicklung im Zeichen einer Jahrtausendwende. Colloquien der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft Band 3, Saarbrücken, Saarbrücker Druckerei und Verlag, 357-69 Özsait, M. (2002) 1999 ve 2000 Yıllarında Burdur ve Isparta Yüzey Araştırması 19. Araştırma Sonuçları Toplantısı (2) Kültür ve Turizm Bakanlığı DÖSİM Basımevi, Ankara 179-90 Özsait, M. (2003) 2001 Yılı Isparta İli Yüzey Araştırmaları IN: 20. Araştırma Sonuçları Toplantısı (2), Kültür ve Turizm Bakanlığı DÖSİM Basımevi, Ankara 233-46 Özsait, M. (2005) 2003 Yılı Göller Bölgesi Yüzey Araştırmaları, IN: 22. Araştırma Sonuçları Toplantısı (2), Kültür ve Turizm Bakanlığı DÖSİM Basımevi, Ankara 251-62 Günel, S. (2003a) Aydın ve Muğla İlleri 2001 Yılı Arkeolojik Yüzey Araştırmaları 20. Araştırma Sonuçları Toplantısı (2) Kültür ve Turizm Bakanlığı DÖSİM Basımevi, Ankara 113-26 Günel, S. (2003b) Batı Anadolu Bölgesi Tarih Öncesi Dönemlerine Yeni Katkılar Belleten LXVII Aralık 2003 719-38

Our knowledge of the settlement structures in the Bronze Age is based mostly on the research which has been undertaken in the alluvial plains. In such regions a significant characteristic of the Early Bronze Age is that the number of the settlements increases abruptly in comparison to the other periods. A hierarchy of the sites defined by their sizes is usually the most important criterion for defining whether there is a settlement system. This development which took place in such alluvial plains is obviously not a model for areas like Seki or Elmalı. The researches in Elmalı17 have contributed to the knowledge on Lycian Prehistory. The results of the campaigns in Elmalı give an impression of village life in Southwest Anatolia.18 “Trade and cultural influences did reach the area, as the pottery shows, but on the other hand a local imprint in arts and crafts is unmistakable, different from the Troy, Mysia, Pisidia, Cilicia, or regions in Anatolia.”19 The architecture – as far as it has been revealed in Semayük – seems to be related to the tradition which is known in Thessaly and Southeastern Europe.20 A reconstruction of Southwestern Anatolian Prehistory requires more evidence than has so far been unearthed. The Lycian Upland seems to have been a region where a rural way of life was established. Although one can define the development of settlement hierarchies mostly in the alluvial plains in the other regions and the process of urbanization in the third Millennium, the archaeological evidence does not prove it in this region. It would not be wrong to define such mountain regions as periphery. For that reason it is probable that the urbanization process began relatively late. It is necessary to undertake new researches dealing with the second millennium sites. It is quite possible that revealing the dynamics of the urbanization which took place in the periphery requires new approaches. Acknowledgements I wish to thank to Mr. İbrahim Malkoç, the director of the Fethiye Museum and my colleagues Mr. Hüseyin Köktürk and Mr. Orhan Köse, for their kind help in sharing their knowledge and experience with me during my research. 17

Eslick: 1992 Warner: 1994 Mellink 1965: 251 20 Warner 1979: 83 18 19

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SOME REMARKS ON THE LATER PREHISTORY OF THE SOUTHWESTERN ANATOLIA Günel, S. (2005) Aydın ve Muğla İlleri 2003 Yılı Arkeolojik Yüzey Araştırmaları AST 22 Kültür ve Turizm Bakanlığı (1) DÖSİM Basımevi, Ankara 18392 Warner, J.L. (1979) Megaron and Apsidial House Early Bronze Age Western Anatolia: New Evidence from Karataş American Journal of Archaeology 83 133-47

Warner, J.L. (1994) Elmalı-Karataş II. The Early Bronze Age Village of Karataş. Archaological Monographs, Bryn Mawr College, Bryn Mawr Yakar, J. (1985) Later Prehistory of Anatolia, British Archaeological Reports, International Series 268 (i, ii), Oxford.

Figure 1. West Anatolia in the Early Bronze Age

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Figure 2. Teke Peninsula

Figure 3. Ancient and pre-classical sites nearby the Eşen Çayı 6

SOME REMARKS ON THE LATER PREHISTORY OF THE SOUTHWESTERN ANATOLIA

Settlements in Burdur-Isparta Region 30 25 20 15 10 5 0 Chalcolithic

1 EBA

II. Millennium

Figure 4. Settlement Distribution in the Burdur-Isparta Region

Figure 5. The Routes in the Early Bronze Age (ArkeoAtlas 2)

Figure 6. Eceler and Çaltılar, topography and water supply

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Enclosure Walls of Minoan Crete Tomas Alusik, PhD Municipality of Prague – Culture, Monument Care and Tourism Department Jungmannova 29/35, CZ 110 01 Prague 1, The Czech Republic

probably the oldest type of defensive architecture in Crete.

This paper will be a short review of one chapter of the author’s dissertation1 on defensive architecture of prehistoric Crete. The notion “defensive architecture” shall be understood as a term covering all architectonic solutions that defend or at least contribute to the defensibility of any settlement or building and its use for the military purposes. On the basis of his studies of publications and/or his personal visits of several hundred prehistoric Cretan sites the author collected more or less probable examples of prehistoric defensive architecture in more than 200 sites and discerns five types of this kind of architecture - 1) enclosure walls; 2) so-called guard houses (bigger constructions with a character of fortifications and small watchtowers and guarding posts in the form of simple rectangular or more or less irregular walls);2 3) tower-like structures (towers or bastions); 4) more complex entrance systems and facilities leading to restriction of the access to the building or to the area; and 5) so-called guardrooms (spaces considered as specific guardrooms or porter’s lodges in the entrances of buildings or settlements). The identification or designation of any preserved architectural remains as defensive is, however, in many cases very controversial. First, there is the initial problem of definition. Another serious problem when studying Cretan prehistoric defensive architecture is that of chronology.

First, several examples of sites with enclosure walls will be presented - their chronological range varies from Late or Final Neolithic to the entire end of the Late Minoan period - and then the analyses and conclusions will be educed. Examples of sites with enclosure walls The settlement of Adravasti Endichti3 is located on the top of the mountain which consists of the prominent spurs and two terraces located under them to the north. The visible remains of the wall preserved up to a height of two or three courses of masonry and a width of 1-1,2 m have been preserved on its perimeter of the lower terrace measuring circa 40 x 10 m. The wall encircled the settlement on its northern - accessible - site and therefore it is likely that it was used for the defence purposes. Potsherds and stone industry in the area of the entire site come from two different periods: LN - FN/EM I and EM I - early EM II (?). The most probable date of the building of the wall is the Late or Final Neolithic period. The site of Monastiraki4 (Fig. 1) is located on the rather small hill of Charakas in the valley of Amari. A large settlement was spread on the area of about 200 x 150 m, with central administrative building of the palatial character. In the site area several sections of massive “Cyclopean” walls have been preserved. To the south of the saddle there is visible a wall, over 2 m high on places, built from massive stone blocks, using the so-called Cyclopean technique, which formed the southern border of the settlement and very likely had the defensive function. This fortification is dated into MM I - II but unfortunately it cannot be included in any specific architectural or chronological phase.

During the prehistoric era the defence in Crete was expressed also architectonically with the help of the defensive architecture. Although this fact contradicts traditional notion about the Cretan prehistory (“Pax Minoica” conception) it is necessary to consider it for interpretation of the character of Minoan civilization as a whole. Enclosure walls (ramparts) are the second most frequent type of Minoan defensive architecture and in a most typical and natural way they architectonically express attempts to defend or at least partially control and define territory. They have been documented in 92 sites. The construction of such walls mostly reflects several aims – defensive/military, political and representative and therefore besides the military factor there is also an important (psycho)social one. The construction type “enclosure wall” takes several forms (the author discerns a total of 11 varieties based on different signs) and it is

The site of Petras5 (Fig. 2) covers several terraces of a hill, circa 300 m from the recent coast on the eastern suburb of Sitia. On the uppermost terrace there are preserved remains of a small palace. On several places in the area of the site there were discovered foundations of walls or structures that could have had a defensive function. For example, circa 125 m to the north and under the palace a stretch of a massive wall in the shape of the letter Z was discovered on the foot of the hill; today it is partially covered by an asphalt road leading the village of

1

Charles University of Prague, 2005. The English see Alusik 2007. It is assumed that these constructions had guarding and monitoring purposes (and many more others) and sentries could warn inhabitants against the upcoming danger and control the movement on the roads. The specific function could differ, though, according to the region and topography. For bibliography see e.g. Tzedakis et al. 1989 and 1990; Chryssoulaki 1999. 2

3

Nowicki 2002: 23-4, fig. 5. Kanta 1992: 194-7; Zielinski 1998: 335-6. Tsipopoulou 1999: 183-5; Tsipopoulou 1999a; Tsipopoulou 2002: 136-40. 4 5

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ENCLOSURE WALLS OF MINOAN CRETE was probably located; its existence has not been unfortunately proved. The most probable date of the wall construction is LM IIIC.

Petras. The wall consists at the beginning from the 7 m long fragment leading to the northeast - southwest; in the right angle (approximately) another stretch is connected to the first part, this one measures about 5 m and leads in the direction to northwest – southeast; another 5 m long fragment continues again approximately in the right angle from the second stretch – the total length is 17 m. This wall was built from very massive blocks of grey lime, mostly 1 to 1,2 by 0,6 – 0,8 m in size and is preserved up to the height of circa 3 to 4 m. The function of this wall is quite unclear and controversial. It was originally interpreted it as a part of a MM building by Bosanquet. Recently it was explained as town fortification with two or three rectangular towers - with respect to its Z shape. The date of the wall is questionable, but is usually put in the Protopalatial period.

Dating and history of the architectonic type The enclosure walls have a very long and rich history and at the same time it is in all likelihood the oldest type of defensive architecture in Crete. This is well documented even from the Late or Final Neolithic period. In this period sites protected by a wall occurred almost evenly on the entire island and they were built to a fairly high standard. The defence – or defence system – is quite sophisticated, thanks to those walls, too. From the period EM I - II only one case of enclosure wall is known which is documented and dated with certainty – in Myrtos-Phournou Korifi.8 Nevertheless the quality of the overall defences substantially declined in comparison with the previous period. Enclosure walls around the settlement in Myrtos were for the most part formed only by outer walls of structures built on the edge of the settlement, and enclosure walls were not thick or at least strengthened at any other place either. A high level of defensive capability was reached only thanks to the existence of only one entrance in each of two walls on two sides of the settlement. The southern one was secured by a tower/bastion.

The villa or small palace of Vathypetro6 lies to the south from Archanes, nearby the Juktas hill and is located on the elevated point above the valley. In the second constructional phase of the building several extensions were performed. The most important is the construction of the so-called East Building. The access to the whole complex was substantially limited - especially to its original part (the so-called West Building) – with the help of enclosure walls. Several walls were built for this purpose; on the northern and eastern side of the complex a long wall was built which almost totally closed the access from those sides. The second chronological phase of the complex comes most probably from the LM IB period.

Defensive architecture in the Prepalatial period in the form of enclosure walls was in fact of quite good quality – even if it reached this highest quality level only in its final phase of EM III/MM IA. In MM IA the number of sites fortified by enclosure walls increased and this trend continued also at the beginning of the Protopalatial period. The increase was most probably caused by the gradual appearance, definition and stabilizing of territories belonging to new palatial centres. Since the beginning of the MM period enclosure walls with a presumed defensive function gradually became easier to distinguish from walls of other architectural types; the only problem which remained in several cases was to distinguish them from the terrace retaining walls. As early as in MM I the enclosure walls built in the so-called Cyclopean style started to appear more often.

The site of Elias to Nisi7 (Fig. 3 - 4) is located on the small cape or peninsula in the Mirabello Bay not far from the village of Kalo Chorio and directly under the Vrokastro settlement. The architectural remains of several structures have been preserved here, among others also remains of a fortification wall extending across the isthmus on the spot where the cape is connected with the mainland. The wall very probably extended between both coasts; today only several of its sections are recognizable. The best preserved part is on the western side; the wall had two outer façades and it is c. 5 m wide. It was built from stones with the longest side up to 1 m and it has been preserved to a height of two courses of masonry. Two more walls were built within the main fortification, roughly parallel with its both façades – one was erected c. 1 m from the northern façade and the other c. 0,5 m from the southern. They were interconnected by parallel crosswalls (Fig. 4) so that they formed sections, c. 3 m wide, filled with rubble. These interior partitions were probably built to stabilize the inner nucleus as well as the fortification/enclosure wall proper – because the western part of the fortification was built on a quite steep slope. On the other hand the best preserved section of the eastern fortification is only 2 – 2,5 m wide but it has a partition too, in the north-south direction. Next to the end of this part a gate or an entrance into the settlement area

On the other hand the considerable decrease in the number of sites fortified by enclosure walls appeared at the beginning of the Neopalatial period in the MM III phase. From MM III a maximum of three (possible) examples of enclosure walls are known. In LM I, during late LM IA and, to a greater extent, in LM IB additional walls with an enclosing and defensive function appeared, mostly around Minoan palaces and villas. As for the Final Palatial period, only one wall with a presumed enclosing and defensive function is known. The architectonic type of enclosure wall flourished during

6 Driessen and Macdonald 1997: 176-8, fig. 7.39; Driessen and Sakellarakis 1997. 7 Hayden 2001: 61-83, fig. 6-11.

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Warren 1972; Warren 1992: 198-201.

SOMA 2007 the later phases of Postpalatial period and especially in LM IIIB and C even much more than in Protopalatial period. During LM IIIB/C ramparts or enclosure walls were built in 9 or 10 new sites. In LM IIIC proper their origin is almost sure in 14 cases and possible at another 11 sites. In many cases projects of construction of enclosure walls were very large and demanding from the construction point of view; all walls were built in the “Cyclopean” style. It is obvious then that enclosure walls were most abundant during the Late Minoan period.

2) An advanced fortification of a structure or the settlement proper In this case the enclosure wall is often multiplex and protects directly the particular building or a group of buildings. The only example with the double wall around the settlement was preserved – one line of thinner wall is lead in front of the main, wider wall, in the distance of several metres (Aspro Nero stou Paletsi). In the author’s opinion the fortification in Sambas belongs into this category, too. This settlement consists of massive remains of larger building - which was judged to be a guard house - and remains of another smaller structure. Both structures are surrounded by a wall. Although the site was protected by the guard house the enclosure wall was built to maintain security. Protection of this site is doubled then and the enclosure wall had a character of an “advanced” fortification. All other instances belonging to this category are formed by the advanced enclosure walls of guard-house-type structures.

Material and construction technique The most common material for the construction of Minoan enclosure walls is local lime and its varieties. Its colour ranges from white to grey to light blue shades. Only in a few cases other stone was used, always from the close vicinity of the settlement. Material for the construction was taken from the area near settlements, sometimes directly from the bedrock. During the construction of walls other materials could have been used to a lesser extent in order to improve their quality. This is the case with wood which was surely used at least during the construction of walls, and earth which could have been used as a bonding agent among stones and in filling in the massive “Cyclopean” walls. Earth was used mostly for brick production (both baked bricks and mudbricks). Bricks were probably used for building of upper parts of some enclosure walls.

Good examples can be found in Agios Antonios Khomatas11 and Karoumes.12 3) Periboloi connected with guard houses As periboloi are understood long walls connecting individual guard houses with each other (including viglai) and surrounding elevated points on which they are standing. They often flank the road controlled by guard houses. Periboloi, as opposed to advanced fortifications, do not protect these structures directly but control, or help to secure, the nearby area and, first of all, the particular road.

The wall itself was very often made of massive stone blocks in the “Cyclopean” technique; quite a few Minoan enclosure walls were built from smaller stone blocks. From technological point of view the Minoan enclosure wall was mostly built as the only uninterrupted stretch of a wall. A different technique was used only in several cases – individual stretches of several metres, gradually connected to each other (e.g. in Elias to Nisi) which is confirmed by the crosswalls.

This type of enclosure walls is best described and documented in the vicinity of guard houses of Choiromandres13 and Sfakas.14 4) A fortification of the entire settlement In this instance the settlement is at least on several sides protected by an enclosure wall. The term settlement is used here to describe occupation of the area which is neither large nor important enough to be called town (e.g. due to the absence of large or imposing edifices and/or palatial/villa structures). This is the most typical site and the great majority of sites belong to this type.

Typology The basic architectonic form and some other significant signs of enclosure walls are obviously identical. The author discerns eleven basic types of enclosure walls according to their environment and probable function:

Good examples are Goudouras Kastello,15 Katharades, Oreino Ellinika,16 Elias to Nisi, Kastrokefala17 and Orné Kastellos.18

1) A fortification of a single structure Enclosure wall is always simple and surrounds the particular structure – e.g. watching tower, farmstead or residential house. This category includes neither the (advanced) fortifications of military structures – used in combats, i.e. mainly guard houses - nor palaces/villas.

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Zielinski 1998: 303-4; Haggis 2005: 101-2. Tzedakis et al. 1989: 53-63; Chryssoulaki 1999: pl. VI-4, VIIb, VIIIa18. 13 Tzedakis et al. 1989: 65-73, fig. 17, 26-43; Tzedakis et al. 1990: 4365, fig. 1-19. 14 Schlager 1987: 75-9, fig. 15-19; Chryssoulaki 1999: pl. VI-14, VIIIa10, IXa. 15 Nowicki 1999: 576; Nowicki 2002: 26-7, fig. 6-7. 16 Nowicki 1992: 64; Nowicki 2000: 78-9, fig. 30. 17 Hayden 1988: 3-5, fig. 2-4; Nowicki 1992: 54-7, fig. 3.2; Nowicki 2000: 42-4, fig. 4-5. 12

The best examples are sites of Oreino Petrokopia9 and Aghia Photia.10

9

Nowicki 2000: 80-1, fig. 31-2; Nowicki 2005: 84. Tsipopoulou 1992: 66-9; Tsipopoulou 1999: 182-8.

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ENCLOSURE WALLS OF MINOAN CRETE 9) The entire settlement has the character of the so-called refuge area

5) A fortification of a town The enclosure wall in this case encircles a town – i.e. a settlement of a large area with imposing edifices and/or a palace structure.

Two sites could have had character of a large fortified area – surrounded by a wall – which was not permanently occupied and people settled here only temporarily in case of danger. In both instances the summit of a mountain is encircled – Juktas-Psili Korfi29 and Kofinas.30

The Minoan towns surrounded by the enclosure wall: Palaikastro,19 Petras and Monastiraki. 6) A fortification of a palace

10) The combined - cultic/ritual and defensive - function of walls

A palace structure or at least its parts are encircled by a wall with the defence function (it is probable that solely the palace was surrounded by a wall). The walls judged to be fortification/ramparts extended in close vicinity of a palace are properly documented in Knossos20 and Petras. In Kato Zakros in LM I only several parts of the palace were secured by walls (periboloi).21 Less clear situation is in Malia22 where in the Protopalatial period the whole centre with palace may have been surrounded by a wall, and in Monastiraki, where the preserved section of a massive wall built in the “Cyclopean” technique could have protected the entire town too and not only the palace building.

Three sites surrounded by a wall were probably used as ritual places too. The wall could have had two functions – to limit the sacred area and the defensive function. It is not clear, though, which one was primary; it is possible that their importance has been changed according to the situation. This category comprises again the sites of Juktas-Psili Korfi and Kofinas – in both there were peak sanctuaries used for a very long time – and another site with the MM peak sanctuary, Smari.31 11) The enclosure of a water source Enclosures of wells by walls to defend them is documented in two sites – Palaikastro (Area 6)32 and Kato Zakros (southern part of the palace).33 Enclosures had also to provide free access to water sources.

7) A fortification of a villa The walls with probable defensive function were connected to the so-called Minoan villas, therefore these edifices were protected at least from one side.

Analysis and conclusions

In such way the following villas were protected: Achladia,23 Zou24 and Vathypetro.

Enclosure walls are the second most often type of the Minoan defensive architecture (documented at least 104 examples in 92 sites) after the structures called guard houses (169 examples in 129 sites). These walls are the best examples which fulfils the definition of fortification. They are also the main – primary – type of the Minoan defensive architecture; all its other types mentioned above in this paper (towers/bastions, guard houses, guardrooms and modifications of access systems) have only the secondary, auxiliary function.

8) Only a part of the site is fortified by an enclosure wall This category encompasses only four sites. Only their upper part is fortified – “upper town”, “citadel” or “acropolis”. This area was used as a place for inhabitants to refuge in when danger was approaching; there could have been a permanent ritual place at the same time or a smaller settlement.

Fortification by an enclosure wall, or rampart, is from the military point of view the most effective way of defence in the ancient world, usable in every political and social situation and in any terrain conditions. According to the position of an enclosure wall in the site we can discern three types of the “basic defence intention”:

Sites with this type of defence: Oreino Kastri,25 Vainia Stavromenos,26 Arvi Fortetsa27 and Pefki Mega Chalavro.28

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Kanta and Stampolidis 2001. ARep 1983/84, 66; Zielinski 1998: 222-6; Alusik 2005. See e.g. Evans 1935: 49-60, 77-8, fig. 30-4; Warren 1994: 196-8, 203-4, fig. 1-4. 21 Platon 1971: 80-1, 89-93; Driessen 1997: 73-5, fig. 12; Driessen and Macdonald 1997: 237. 22 Deshayes and Dessenne 1959: 1-5; Van Effenterre 1980: 182-3, 2667; Pelon et al. 1992: 175-85. 23 Platon 1992: 48-50; Driessen and Macdonald 1997: 224-5, fig. 7.76. 24 Driessen and Macdonald 1997: 222-4, fig. 7.75; Zielinski 1998: 357. 25 Nowicki 1992: 62-4; Nowicki 2000: 73-7, fig. 26-9; Nowicki 2005: 84, 90. 26 Nowicki 2000: 86-9, fig. 37-8; Nowicki 2002: 29-32. 27 Nowicki 1992: 58-61, fig. 3.3; Nowicki 1996: 253-74, 284-5, fig. 118; Nowicki 2000: 139-43, fig. 74-5. 28 Nowicki 1994: 240-1, 255-9, 261-4, fig. 1-4, 9-11, 15, 17-18; Nowicki 2000: 69-71, fig. 23; Nowicki 2005: 84.

1) The site is fortified by an enclosure wall on its perimeter – the wall protects the whole settlement area and it does not matter whether it extends on the whole length of the perimeter or not (in case of inaccessible

19 20

29 Karetsou 1981: 139-40, 151-2, fig. 2-3, 30-31; Hayden 1988: 10-12, fig. 12-13; Nowicki 2000: 44-5, fig. 6. 30 Hayden 1988: 7-8; Nowicki 1992: 61; Nowicki 2000: 45-6, fig. 7. 31 Hadzi-Vallianou 1980; Vallianou and Parchapidis 1999. It is presumed that the wall in Smari was used not only for delimiting the sacred area and for the defence but also as a retaining wall of the adapted terrain. 32 Driessen and Macdonald 1997: 232-3, fig. 7.82; Alusik 2005. 33 Driessen and Macdonald 1997: 237.

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SOMA 2007 terrain on specific places); such situation is typical for the great majority of sites.

defence from the above-introduced basic ways of defence.

2) Only a part of the site is surrounded, or blocked by a wall; in case that just certain part of the site is walled, mostly it is so in the upmost part – “upper town”, “citadel”, or “acropolis” which forms a “refuge area”, a place where inhabitants can safely escape in case of danger. This type exists in those sites from the category/type eight (see the previous item Typology). Special variants are in some settlements with a palace structure – e.g. in Knossos and Malia. In certain opinions only central parts of town with the palace were fortified here because some preserved walls which were judged to be remains of fortification did not lead too far from both palaces and it does not seem they would encircle only these edifices.

A fortification of some building or area first of all shall protect it from any trespassing. Tsipopoulou in her study on specific functions of fortification in the form of an enclosure wall in the Sitia region in the period of forming of palaces (i.e. the cusp of the final Prepalatial and the beginning of Protopalatial period) defines four main functions of fortification: 1) economic; 2) territorial; 3) political; and 4) ritual.34 In case of the Minoan Crete there can be added another function to those of defensive architecture – and especially of enclosure walls – the psychological one, or psychosocial. Enclosure walls – in any width and massiveness – had to demonstrate first of all strength and power and thus to discourage potential attackers. This feature is well visible mainly on enclosure walls of palaces and villas – many of them are relatively thin with low real military importance. From their existence and appearance the overall state of the Minoan society can be concluded. The existence of enclosure walls and any type of defensive architecture in the Minoan Crete in the specific period and environment encompasses besides the military factor also the important (inter)social point of view.

3) The wall encircles a large area in which traces of permanent settlement were not preserved – the site was used only as temporary refuge area, or refuge settlement; is situated in the vicinity of settlements whose inhabitants built it. This way of defence is probable in instances of both sites from the category/type nine (see the previous item “Typology”). In general can be said that three basic ways of military defence with the enclosure walls exist. The first and most common is the defence of the entire site and the main defence line lies on its perimeter, where the fortification wall is built.

Bibliography Alusik, T. (2005) Minoan defensive architecture in Palaikastro area. Studia Minora Facultatis Philosophicae Universitatis Brunensis, N-series, 5-13. Alusik, T. (2007) Defensive architecture of Prehistoric Crete. British Archaeological Reports, International Series 1637, Oxford, BAR Publishing. Deshayes, J. and A. Dessenne (1959) Mallia. Exploration des maisons et quartiers d’habitation (1948 – 1954). Études Cretoises, XI, Athénes – Paris, École Francaise d’Athénes. Driessen, J. and C. F. Macdonald (1997) The Troubled Island: Minoan Crete before and after the Santorini Eruption. Aegaeum 17, Liége-Austin, Université de Liége - University of Texas at Austin. Driessen, J. (1997) Observations on the Modification of the Access Systems of Minoan Palaces. AEA 2, 67-85. Driessen, J. and Y. Sakellarakis (1997) The VathypetroComplex: Some Observations on Its Architectural History and Function. IN: Hägg, R. ed., The Function of the 'Minoan Villa': Proceedings of the Eighth International Symposium at the Swedish Institute at Athens, 6-8 June 1992. SkrAth, 4°, 46, Stockholm, 63-77. Evans, A. J. (1935) The Palace of Minos. A Comparative Account of the Successive Stages of the Early Cretan Civilisation as Illustrated by the Discoveries at Knossos. Volume IV. London, Macmillan. Hadzi-Vallianou, D. (1980) Σμάρι Πεδιάδας. Ενα απομονωμένο κεντρο Υςτερομινωικού – Πρωτοελληνικού πολιτισμού στην Κρήη. AAA 13, 2060.

The second way is fortifying and defence of only a part of the site which shifts the main defence line to the edge of a refuge area (or a settlement centre). This way is simpler but it has many pitfalls – (permanent) habitations and material things are left at the mercy of enemy and in case of sudden attack all inhabitants may not get to the safety in time. The third type of defence occurs only from LM IIIB/C, it is the most risky one and it is based on the fact that inhabitants of unprotected settlements will have been warned in time and they will have plenty of time to move into a large walled site, called refuge settlement. This way can be effective only when a very good warning system for inhabitants exists and is in operation – e.g. with the help of the watching-tower system – and at the same time the refuge settlement must not be situated too far. This way of defence which is based on building large fortified refuge settlements or “citadels” proved not to be very successful in Crete and it was relatively quickly abandoned. The reason was maybe the fact that this system lacked the necessary political conditions for its correct functioning. The situation at the end of LM IIIB and beginning of LM IIIC was very unstable and for decades the island was imperilled by raids of different pirate groups, often called Sea Peoples. In such times it is much better to find the naturally most defensible place for settlement and probably to fortify it too – to build enclosure walls, i.e. to use the first or the second way of

34

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Tsipopoulou 1999: 181.

ENCLOSURE WALLS OF MINOAN CRETE Haggis, D. (with contributions by M. W. Morris, J. T. Ammons, M. E. Timpson, J. E. Foss, M. S. Mook, P. M. Day, L. Joyner, E. Kiriatzi, and M. Relaki) (2005) Kavousi I: The Archaeological Survey of the Kavousi Region. Prehistory Monograph 16, Philadelphia. Hayden, B. J. (1988) Fortifications of Postpalatial and Early Iron Age Crete. AA, 1-21. Hayden, B. J. (2001) Elias to Nisi: A Fortified Coastal Settlement of Possible Late Minoan IIIC Date in the Vrokastro Area, Eastern Crete. IN: Karageorghis, V. and C. E. Morris, eds., Defensive Settlements of the Aegean and the Eastern Mediterranean after c. 1200 B.C. Nicosia, 61-83. Chryssoulaki, S. (1999) Minoan Roads and Guard Houses – War Regained. IN: Laffineur, R. ed., Polemos. Le contexte guerrier en Egée a l’age du bronze. Actes de la 7e Rencontre égéenne internationale, Université de Liége, 14 – 17 avril 1998, Aegaeum 19, Liége – Austin, Université de Liége - University of Texas at Austin, 75-84. Chryssoulaki, S. and L. Platon (1987) Relations between the Town and Palace of Zakros. IN: Hägg, R. and N. Marinatos, eds., The Function of the Minoan Palaces. Proceedings of the Fourth International Symposium at the Swedish Institute in Athens, 10-16 June, 1984. SkrAth, 4°, 35, Stockholm, 77-84. Kanta, A. and N. C. Stampolidis (2001) Orné ‘AIΠY’ in the Context of the Defensive Settlements of the End of the Bronze Age. IN: Karageorghis, V. and C. E. Morris, eds., Defensive Settlements of the Aegean and the Eastern Mediterranean after c. 1200 B.C. Nicosia, 95-113. Kanta, A. (1980) The Late Minoan III Period in Crete. A Survey of Sites, Pottery, and Their Distribution. SIMA LVIII, Göteborg. Kanta, A. (1992) Monastiraki. IN: Myers, J. W., Myers, E. E. and G. Cadogan, eds., The Aerial Atlas of Ancient Crete. Berkeley, 194-7. Kanta, A. (2001) Cretan Refuge Settlements: Problems and Historical Implications within the Wider Context of the Eastern Mediterranean towards the End of the Bronze Age. In: Karageorghis, V. and C. E. Morris, eds., Defensive Settlements of the Aegean and the Eastern Mediterranean after c. 1200 B.C. Nicosia, 13-21. Karetsou, A. (1981) The Peak Sanctuary of Mt. Juktas. IN: Hägg, R. and N. Marinatos, eds., Sanctuaries and Cults in the Aegean Bronze Age. Proceedings of the First International Symposium at the Swedish Institute in Athens, 12-13 May 1980. SkrAth, 4°, 27, Stockholm, 137-53. Nowicki, K. (1992) Fortifications in Dark Age Crete. IN: Van de Maele, S. and J. M. Fossey eds., Fortificationes Antiquae, McGill University Monographs in Classical Archaeology and History 12, Amsterdam: G.C. Gieben, 53-76. Nowicki, K. (1994) A Dark Age Refuge Centre Near Pefki, East Crete. BSA 89, 235-68. Nowicki, K. (1996) Arvi Fortetsa and Loutraki Kandilioro: Two Refuge Settlements in Crete. BSA 91, 253-85. Nowicki, K. (1999) Final Neolithic Refugees or Early

Bronze Age Newcomers? The Problem of Defensible Sites in Crete in the Late Fourth Millennium B.C. IN: Betancourt, P. P., Karageorghis, V., Laffineur, R. and W.-D. Niemeier, eds., MELETEMATA. Studies in Aegean Archaeology presented to Malcolm H. Wiener as He Enters his 65th Year, vol. II. Aegaeum 20, Liége – Austin, Université de Liége - University of Texas at Austin, 575-81. Nowicki, K. (2000) Defensible Sites in Crete c. 1200 800 B.C. (LM IIIB / IIIC through Early Geometric). Aegaeum 21, Liége-Austin, Université de Liége University of Texas at Austin. Nowicki, K. (2002) The End of the Neolithic in Crete. AEA 6, 7-72. Nowicki, K. (2005) Report on Investigations in Greece XI. Studies in 1995 – 2003. ArcheologiaWar 55/2004 [2005], 75-100. Pelon, O., J.-C. Poursat, R. Treuil and H. Van Effenterre (1992) Mallia. IN: Myers, J. W., Myers, E. E. and G. Cadogan, eds., The Aerial Atlas of Ancient Crete. Berkeley, 175-85. Platon, N. (1971) Zakros. The Discovery of a Lost Palace of Ancient Crete. New York. Platon, N. (1992) Achladia. IN: Myers, J. W., Myers, E. E. and G. Cadogan, eds., The Aerial Atlas of Ancient Crete. Berkeley, 48-50. Schlager, N. (1987) Untersuchungen zur prähistorischen Topographie im äussersten Südosten Kretas: Zakros bis Xerokampos. IN: Schiering, W. ed., Kolloquium zur Ägäischen Vorgeschichte, Mannheim, 20. – 22. 2. 1986, Schriften des Deutschen ArchäologenVerbandes IX, Mannheim, Deutscher ArchäologenVerband e.V., 64-82. Tsipopoulou, M. (1992) Ayia Photia. IN: Myers, J. W., Myers, E. E. and G. Cadogan, eds., The Aerial Atlas of Ancient Crete. Berkeley, 66-9. Tsipopoulou, M. (1999) From Local Centre to Palace: The Role of Fortification in the Economic Transformation of the Siteia Bay Area, East Crete. IN: Laffineur, R. ed., Polemos. Le contexte guerrier en Egée a l’age du bronze. Actes de la 7e Rencontre égéenne internationale, Université de Liége, 14 – 17 avril 1998, Aegaeum 19, Liége-Austin, Université de Liége - University of Texas at Austin, 179-89. Tsipopoulou, M. (1999a) Before, During, After: The Architectural Phases of the Palatial Building at Petras, Siteia. IN: Betancourt, P. P., Karageorghis, V., Laffineur, R. and W.-D. Niemeier eds., MELETEMATA. Studies in Aegean Archaeology presented to Malcolm H. Wiener as He Enters his 65th Year, vol. I - III, Aegaeum 20, Liége-Austin, Université de Liége - University of Texas at Austin, 847-55. Tsipopoulou, M. (2002) Petras, Siteia: The Palace, the Town, the Hinterland and the Protopalatial Background. IN: Driessen, J., Schoep, I. and R. Laffineur eds., Monuments of Minos. Rethinking the Minoan Palaces, Aegaeum 23, Liége-Austin, Université de Liége - University of Texas at Austin, 133-44. Tzedakis, Y., Chryssoulaki, S., Venieri, Y. and M. Avgouli (1990) Les Routes Minoennes: Le poste de 13

SOMA 2007 Choiromandres et le controle des communications. BCH 114, 43-65. Tzedakis, Y., Chryssoulaki, S., Voutsaki, S. and Y. Venieri (1989) Les Routes Minoennes: Rapport Préliminaire – Défense de la Circulation ou Circulation de la Défense? BCH 113, 43-75. Vallianou, D. and S. Parchapidis (1999) The Acropolis of Smari (Crete). An Approach to the Planning and Construction of the External Walls (Enclosure). IN: Betancourt, P. P., Karageorghis, V., Laffineur, R. and W.-D. Niemeier, eds., MELETEMATA. Studies in Aegean Archaeology presented to Malcolm H. Wiener as He Enters his 65th Year, vol. III. Aegaeum 20, Liége – Austin, Université de Liége - University of Texas at Austin, 873-81.

Van Effenterre H. (1980) Le palais de Mallia et la cité minoenne. Roma. Warren, P. M. (1972) Myrtos: An Early Bronze Age Settlement in Crete. BSA Suppl. 7, London. Warren, P. M. (1992) Myrtos – Phournou Koryphi. IN: Myers, J. W., Myers, E. E. and G. Cadogan, eds., The Aerial Atlas of Ancient Crete. Berkeley, 198-201. Warren, P. M. (1994) The Minoan Roads of Knossos. IN: Evely, D., Hughes-Brock, H. and N. Momigliano, eds., Knossos: A Labyrinth of History. Papers Presented in Honour of Sinclair Hood, British School at Athens, Greece. Bloomington, 189-210. Zielinski, J. P. (1998) Cyclopean Architecture in Minoan Bronze Age Crete: A Study in the Social Organization of a Complex Society. Unpublished PhD Thesis, University of New York at Buffalo.

Fig. 1: Monastiraki, enclosure wall of the settlement. MM I – II. Photo by the author.

Fig. 2: Petras, fortification wall of the town with remains of towerlike structure(s). Protopalatial period. Photo by the author. 14

ENCLOSURE WALLS OF MINOAN CRETE

Fig. 3: Elias to Nisi, remains of enclosure wall. LM IIIC. Photo by the author.

Fig. 4: Elias to Nisi, detail of the cross-wall in the inner core of the fortification. LM IIIC. Photo by the author.

15

A Hittite god standing on a large bird (eagle) from Rezzan Elbeyli Collection Şengül Aydingün Kocaeli Universty, Faculty of Art and Sciences, Department of Archaeology

a wing span of 1.90 to 2.25 m with a body length of 1 meter. It has a long head, and a wide rectangular tail (http://med.ege.edu.tr/~capaci/kayakartal.htm.)

The focus of this paper is a statuette from the collection of Ms. Rezzan Elbeyli showing a Hittite god standing on a large bird. We have relatively few statuettes of gods from the Hittite period, and in most of them the god is depicted on top of a bull. This statuette is important because here the god is depicted on top of a bird, most probably an eagle. This type of depiction is likely unique, and has never seen before. Inventory No. Height Thickness The Length of eagle Buying Date Coming place

The god in our statuette has one hand upward and the other hand forward. This position is quite well known to us. It takes him out of the ordinary and gives us important clues about its identity. His position reminds us of the weather gods which are depicted in many seals and seal impressions (N. Özgüç 1965, 1968, 1979, 1980, 1996), reliefs (Emre 2002:218-33), and cult scenes. These types of gods hold the bridle of the animal they are riding in one hand, and a drinking cup or thunderbolts in the other. It is a fair possibility that the statuette was actually carrying these types of symbols when it was first created. Perhaps the objects he was holding were small or made from organic materials, and thus did not survive the millennia. Unconventionally, however, the god in this statuette is riding an eagle rather than a four legged animal (typically a bull for weather gods and a deer for pasture gods).

: 152 : 5.6 cm. : 1cm. : 3.7 cm. : 20.10.1996: Adana

The god has a pointed head cover, an imposing nose in his large face, and large eyes and ears. Under his thick neck his right arm reaches up and his left hand extends forward. The body descends in a single piece without much detail. The god is inclined slightly backward. This stance, on the one hand, gives the right balance to the statuette, and on the other hand provides a solemn, godlike appearance. The bird carrying the god has a wide, long head. In the place of the eyes two holes are visible, while the eyebrows protrude forward. The beak is open and it is rather sharp and bent downward. The upper part is thicker. The head is attached to the body with a narrowing and arching neck. The body is elongated to the back and the tail is short. The wings are not open but they are depicted clearly as protrusions. The front of the body begins from just below the beak at the crop, becomes thicker in the middle and then becomes thinner again at the tail. The two legs are attached to each other and the claws are wide open, giving the statuette a firmly balanced stance. These characteristics allow us to easily classify the bird as an eagle. The open beak, moreover, makes us think that this animal is just back from an arduous trip and trying to gasp as much air as possible.

The eagle is thus the main clue that helps us divine the identity of this god. From the Assyrian Colonies period eagles are seen in the hands of, next to the feet of, or next to both gods and goddesses. For these reasons it is not possible to attribute eagles to a specific god. In the Hittite religion eagles are sacred animals and they are often depicted on reliefs, large statues, cylinder seals, and offering and libation pots. In the Hittite periods, eagles are shown on seals sometimes alone, sometimes next to a god and sometimes as a part of a mixed creature. We don’t know to which god they belong, if they were ever attributed to a particular god or goddess. The reason for this is that no explicit information about the identity and the roles of the eagles has been recovered from Hittite records until now. About the eagle, identified by the ideogram “Á muşen” (hara(n) in the Hittite language), both Hayri Ertem (Ertem 1965: 171-198) and Tahsin Özgüç (Özgüç 2002a: 448) share the same opinion.

A wine vase dated to the Kültepe II Assyrian commercial colony (Özgüç 2005:175,pic.197), depicting a bird in a flying position and with an inward-bending, pointed beak, shares a number of similarities with the Elbeyli statuette. The only major difference is in the wings; in the Kültepe object they are open but in this statuette they are in closed position.

On the other hand we have much archaeological data showing us that the eagle belongs to the family or to the entourage of the storm god. One of the clearest depictions comes from Yazilikaya. In the rear wall of Room A, in the main scene, the god is shown with his family and his attributes. A weather god is depicted on top of a two mountain gods, facing his wife the sun goddess. He stands behind his son Sarruma, who is pictured mounted on leopards, while his daughter and most probably his granddaughter are shown a little bit above a doubleheaded eagle (Bittel, and Heidenheim. 1987; Bittel, Boessneck et al. 1975:170-2, Nr.46; Haas 2002:423; Seeher 2002:116,taf.7.).

It cannot be wrong to identify this powerful bird as the native Anatolian eagle, namely “Aquila Chrysaetos”. This bird belongs to the heights of the rocky Anatolian mountains and it is a beautiful animal. Its size is impressive but the bird is still very elegant. This bird has 16

A HITTITE GOD STANDING ON A LARGE BIRD (EAGLE) FROM REZZAN ELBEYLI COLLECTION A similar motif is seen at Alacahöyük, next to the door depicting a sphinx, where a goddess’ feet are clearly seen above a double headed eagle. While the upper part of the scene is lost, it is understood that it was dedicated to storm god (Koşay and Akok 1966:10; Özgüç 2002b:1746).

Bittel, K., J. Boessneck, B, Damm, H.G. Güterbock, H. Hauptmann, Naumann and Schirmer, W. (1975) Das Hethitische Felsheiligtum Yazılıkaya, Gebr. Mann, Berlin. Bittel, K and Heidenheim (1987) Der Schwertgott in Yazılıkaya Akurgal’a Armağan Festschrıft Akurgal Anadolu (Anatolia) XXI, 1978/1980, DTCF Basımevi, Ankara. 21-28. Boehmer, R. M. and H.G. Güterbock (1987) Glyptik aus dem Stadgebiet von Boğazköy. Grabungskampagnen 1931-1939, 1952-1978. Boğazköy-Hattuša Ergebnisse der Ausgrabungen Herausgegeben von Kurt Bittel XIV Die Glyptik von Boğazköy II. Berlin, Verlag Gebr. Mann. Bossert, H. Th. (1942) Altanatolien. Kunts und Handwerk in Kleinasien von den Anfägen bis zum völligen Aufgehen in der Griechischen Kultur. Die ältesten Kulturen des Mittelmeerkreises II. Berlin. Börker-Klähn, J. (1996) Marginalien zur BogazköyGlyptik Studi Micenei Ed Egeo-Anatolici Fascicolo (SMEA) XXXVIII (1996), Instituti Editoriali E Poligrafici Internazionali Roma, 1996, 39-48. Darga, A. M. (1992) Hitit Sanatı, Akbank Kültür ve Sanat Kitapları 56, İstanbul. Emre, K. (2002) Felsrelief, Stelen, Orthastaten Hethiter und Ihr Reich, das Volk der 1000 Götter, (ed.) W. Jacop. 102-111, “Hitit Dini” Hititler ve Hitit İmparatorluğu, 1000 Tanrılı Halk (ed.) W. Jacop. Bonn, Stuttgart, Konrad Theiss Verlag. 218-33. Ertem, H. (1965) Boğazköy Metinlerine Göre Hititler Devri Anadolu’sunun Faunası, Ankara Üniversitesi, DTCF yayınları, sayı:157. Güterbock, H.G. (1993) Gendanken über ein Hethitisches Konigssiegel aus Boğazköy, İstanbuler Mitteilungen 43:113-116. Haas V. (1994) Geschichte der Hethitischen Religion, Leiden, New York, Köln. HAAS, V. (2002) Die Hethitische Religion Hethiter und Ihr Reich, das Volk der 1000 Götter, (ed.) W. Jacop.102-111, HititDini Hititler ve Hititİmparatorluğu, 1000 Tanrılı Halk (ed.) W. Jacop. Bonn, Stuttgart, Konrad Theiss Verlag.:438-42. Koşay, H. Z. and M. Akok (1966) Türk Tarih Kurumu Tarafından Yapılan Alacahöyük Kazısı 1940-1948 deki Çalışmalara ve Keşiflere Ait İlk Rapor. Ausgrabungen von Alaca Höyük Vorberricht über die Forschungen und Entdeckunden von 1940-48. Türk Tarih Kurumu Yayını, V. Seri No. 5, Ankara. Neve, P. (1993) Hattusa:Stadt der Götter und Tempel, Antike Welt Sonderheft, Mainz am Rhein. Ortmann, W. (2002) Kontinuität und neue Einflüsse Die Entwicklung der späthethischen Kunst zwischen 1200 und 700 v. Chr. Hethiter und Ihr Reich, das Volk der 1000 Götter, (ed.) W. Jacop. Bonn, Stuttgart, Konrad Theiss Verlag:274-81. Özgüç, N. (1965) Kültepe Mühür Baskılarında Anadolu Grubu, Türk Tarih Kurumu Yayını, V. Seri No:22, Ankara. Özgüç, N. (1968) Seals and Seal Impressions of Level Ib from Karum Kanish, Türk Tarih Kurumu Yayınları V/25, Ankara. Özgüç, N. (1979) God and Goddesses with Identical

The find that best proves the relationship between the eagle and the storm god is a seal found in Tarsus, known as Seal of Tarsus, now in the Ashmolean Museum. The seal has a hammer head and on one of its five facets an eagle is shown standing on top of thunderbolts held by the storm god. On the other facets of the seal an eagle can be seen perched on the right hand of a god mounting a bull. And in another facet a mixed creature with an eagle’s head is depicted making a libation. (Darga 1992:70, res.40-50; Bittel et al. 1975:126. taf..57; Bossert 1942:696). While the eagle is often depicted as a mixed creature in proximity to gods, in the Boğazkoy, Alişar and Kültepe seals they are not seen with gods (Boehmer and Güterbock, 1987). Up to this point the eagle was always seen as a living creature around the gods, while its other types of symbolic incarnation were not carefully studied. We know that eagle was also depicted in Hittite art as a type of carriage or chariot. The sacred cows Huri and Serri of Tesup the storm god were mounted to a carriage with side lines that clearly suggest an eagle. One of the best examples of this was found at Boğazkoy, as “UrhiTešup”, the seal print of The Great King Murşuli III (1282-1275 B.C.) (Neve 1992:54-55 cover picture; Güterbock 1993,113,lev.8,1; Alp 2001:174). In this seal print the god can be seen holding up a mace with his right hand and the bridles of the bulls with his left hand. His two-wheeled chariot is clearly in the form of an eagle (Börker-Klähn, 1996:40). Another example is an orthostat found in Malatya from the early part of the late Hittite Period (11th century B.C.). In this relief the storm god was depicted in a very similar fashion to the Great King Muršili (Urhi-Tešup), riding an eagle-shaped chariot (Ortmann 2002:510, fig.3). These examples make us believe, therefore, that the eagle is related directly to the storm god. This small statuette of a god atop a bird from Elbeyli Collection, then, can be seen as a rare and perhaps unique piece of art depicting the storm god. For this reason we think that the object has a significant importance. From the style of its craftsmanship, we date it to a period from the end of the 14th century BC to the 13th century BC. Bibliography Alp, S. (1972) Zylinder-und Stempelsiegel aus Karahöyük bei Konya: Türk Tarih Kurumu Yayınları V/31, Ankara. (2001) Hitit Çağında Anadolu Çiviyazılı ve Hiyeroglif Yazılı Kaynaklar, İstanbul, Tübitak Popüler Bilim Kitapları. 17

SOMA 2007 Anatolicum Me’langes Offers a’Emmanuel Laroche (ed.) De. Boccard, Paris. Özgüç, T. (1993) Studies on Hittite Relief Vases, Seals Figurines and Rock Carvings Nimet Özgüç’e Armağan. Aspects of Art and Iconography. Anatolia and its Neighbors, (edts) M.Mellink, E.Porada and T. Özgüç. Ankara, Türk Tarih Kurumu. 473-499. Özgüç, T (2002a) Frühe Zeugnisse Religiöser Volkskunst. Bleistatuetten und ihre steinernen Gußformen im 20.-18. Jahrhundert v. Chr. Hethiter und Ihr Reich, das Volk der 1000 Götter, (ed) W. Jacop: 240-43; Dini Halk Sanatının Erken Örnekleri M.Ö. 20-18. Yüzyıllarda Kurşun Figürinler ve Taş Kalıpları Hititler ve Hitit İmparatorluğu, 1000 Tanrılı Halk (Ed.) W. Jacop. Bonn, Stuttgart, Konrad Theiss Verlag. 497. Özgüç, T.(2002b) Alacahöyük Hethiter und IhrReich, das Volk der 1000 Götter, (ed) W. Jacop:172-175; Alacahöyük Hititler ve Hitit İmparatorluğu, 1000 Tanrılı Halk (Ed.) W. Jacop. Bonn, Stuttgart, Konrad Theiss Verlag.: 468-70. Özgüç, T.(2005) Kültepe:Kaniš/Neša, Yapı Kredi Yayıncılık, İstanbul. Özgüç, J.(2002) Ein Einblick in das Reichspantheon Das Felsheiligtum von Yazılıkaya:Hethiter und Ihr Reich, das Volk der 1000 Götter, (ed) W. Jacop.:112-117; İmparatorluk Panteonu’na Bakış Yazılıkaya Tapınağı Hititler ve Hitit İmparatorluğu, 1000 Tanrılı Halk (Ed.) W. Jacop. Bonn, Stuttgart, Konrad Theiss Verlag: 443-4

Attributes during The Period of Old Assyrian Trade Colonies, Florilegium Anatolicum Me’langes Offers a’Emmanuel Laroche (ed.) De. Boccard, Paris. Özgüç, N. (1980 ) Seal Impressions from the Palaces of Acem Höyük. In E. Porada (ed.), Ancient Art in Seals, New Jersey, Princeton Universty Pres: 61-86. Özgüç, N. (1996) Seal Impressions on Kültepe Dokuments Notarized by Native Rulers. H.Gasche/Bartel Hrouda (Hrsg.) Collectanea Orientalia, Histoire,Arts de L’Espace et Industrie de la Tere.Etudes offertes en hommage á Agnés Spycket, Neuchâtel/Paris. Özgüç, N.(2002a) Götterprozessionen, Kriegs-und Jagdszenen Ein Überblick über den Motivreichtum anatolisher Roll-und Stempelsiegel des 20.-18. Jahrhundert v.Chr. Hethiter und Ihr Reich, das Volk der 1000 Götter, (ed) W. Jacop.Bonn: 234-239. Tanrı Alayları, Savaş ve Av sahneleri Hititler ve Hitit İmparatorluğu, 1000 Tanrılı Halk (Ed.) W. Jacop. Bonn, Stuttgart, Konrad Theiss Verlag: 493-496. Özgüç. N.(2002b) Erlesene Werke der Kleinkunst Anatolische Elfenbeinschnitzereien Hethiter und Ihr Reich, das Volk der 1000 Götter, (ed) W. Jacop.Bonn:244-247. Seçkin Sanat Eserleri Anadolu Fildişi Yapıları Hititler ve Hitit İmparatorluğu, 1000 Tanrılı Halk (Ed.) W. Jacop. Bonn, Stuttgart, Konrad Theiss Verlag: 498-9. Özgüç, T. (1979) A Figurine of AGod From Anatolia in The Hermitage Museum in Leningrad Florilegium

Fig 1: Pictures of Elbeyli Collection’s Hittite Status

Fig 2: Drawing of Elbeyli Collection’s Hittite Status

18

Karpos & Papylos Martyrium in Istanbul – Samatya Ayça Beygo, M.Sc. Architect Istanbul Technical University, Istanbul, Turkey, History of Architecture

In this work, an early central planned Byzantine substructure underneath the recent Greek Church of Hagios Menas in Samatya quarter of İstanbul is discussed. The study includes measured drawings, typological analogy, material survey and history of the so-called Karpos & Papylos Martyrium substructure. An approach about the use and function of the space in different phases of the building has been developed. By defining and stating some questions, this graduate study may be useful in leading the following research steps.

and a surrounding ambulatory, an apse, a bema and a bema side room. The site underneath Hagios Menas Church is a property of a person. Consequently so called Karpos & Papylos Martyrium substructure houses tenants; an atelier of a steel door maker which is located in apse, bema and domed space, and an automobile service which is located in the bema side room (Fig. 2). Additional sheds of that service are situated on the east. On the South, on the triangular parcel, stands a single storey café which penetrates the ambulatory of the substructure. The façade on the street is coated with plaster and painted, but a part of the wall pattern can be seen behind the additions of the automobile service on the east. The substructure and particularly the dome can not be realized from outside (Fig. 3-4).

Firstly investigated by German archaeologist and byzantolog Alfons Maria Schneider in 1935, it was partly measured, drawn and identified as the substructure of Saints Karpos & Papylos Martyrium and dated to 4./5. centuries by him.1 Schneider also made a restitution of it. As a matter of fact, it is a less studied building and after Schneider, a few researchers have visited the substructure but no more contribution in the scientific sense could be done.

The Building Survey and the Restitution of Schneider The Patria texts of 10th century, mention that Karpos & Papylos Martyrium was built by Empress Helena, mother of Constantine, as a copy of Holy Sepulchre Church in Jerusalem.2 Schneider’s survey and restitution study was based on this information.

Methodology The building survey has been carried out under difficult circumstances due to the spaces full of thrash and stuff of the tenants. The conclusion of the building survey has been compared to Schneider’s. Through the related sources from Byzantine period up until now, a brief history has been constituted. What gained from this comparison and history has been used in discussing the identification and the function of the building.

Although Schneider has introduced the substructure and made the drawings, the sections and the elevations were mostly the estimated restitutions based on the recent levels, reflecting the original shape. Consequently, the drawings are deficient and misleading (Fig. 5-6).

A field study on the wall patterns and the material dimensions of the buildings dated to the late Roman period in İstanbul, has been done. The result has been compared to that of Karpos & Papylos Martyrium to suggest a dating.

Schneider determined that the substructure was being used as a straw and coal storage in 1935. According to his findings, the substructure consists of a domed space with a height of 5 m and a diameter of 12 m, a barrel vaulted ambulatory around with a width of 2,5 m and height of 7,5 m, a barrel vaulted and sectioned bema connected to the main space with a low arch, apse and a side room on the north of the bema.3 Today, what he described in his drawings are somewhat changed with subsequent additions but basically it is the same.

As a final step, pagan mausolea, circular planned examples of late Roman and early Byzantine imperial architecture and free standing circular planned martyria have been analyzed resulting a suggestion on the use and the function of the substructure at different phases.

Schneider described a building with two storeys and considered the lacking upper plan as a projection of the lower plan. Consequently, he conceived a building; a central planned, arcaded space surrounded by an ambulatory, resembling the Anastasis Rotunda of the Holy Sepulchre Church in Jerusalem.4 Schneider states that the nonexistent upper structure’s base level was 6 m high from the level of the street and the entrance was at

General Description – Recent Situation The building which is documented in several sources as Karpos & Papylos Martyrium substructure, is located in Samatya quarter between the Theodosion and Constantine walls, nearly 1,5 km far from the Seven Towers Fortress. It leans on the slope of a hill called Xerolophos (presently Cerrahpaşa) (Fig. 1). This structure consists of a domed circular main space

2

(Berger 1988: 624) (Schneider 1936: 1) 4 (Schneider 1936: 3) 3

1

(Schneider 1936: 1)

19

SOMA 2007 the back, on the upper level.5 What we see at the perspective of Schneider is the structure has a dome and apse, and the ambulatory wall is surrounded by windows all around (Fig. 7-10).

of 2,6 m and height of 7,2 m, a sectioned bema with a width of 6 m, covered with a subsequently repaired vault and connected to the main space with a low arch and step, a semi circular apse with a radius of 2,5 m and finally a bema side room with a width of 4.9 m and a height of 7.2 m, where the ambulatory terminates at the east end (Fig. 11- 13).

The current plan of the substructure is irregular because bema side room exists only on one side and the street seems to impede the regular plan. Schneider has complied with the current irregular plan in his restitution (Fig. 5). He proposed a small court with an arched entrance in the current café’s parcel considering that this was the main entrance of the substructure. He could access the door which remained behind the wooden sheds and found out that it led to the ambulatory and then to the domed main space. The front section of the café located on a parcel which was disengaged before, seems to verify this prospect of the court. Schneider, assumed that the east and north sides of the substructure are blind as a result of leaning against the slope (Fig. 7).

Entrance – Apse - Bema Current entrance on the street can be considered as an opening which was previously an arched window and belongs to the door atelier. It may not be the original entrance of the substructure. Through the door, five steps let you down to the inner space where the ground level is 0.9 m lower than the street’s (Fig. 14-15). This space is apse and bema. In front of the apse stands the office partitioned by aluminum walls. Bema has once been covered with a barrel vault but a considerable part of it has collapsed; and this caused an opening of 1,5 m width on the vertex. This opening has then been covered with a comparatively higher mirror vault, and the new one has been mounted on the curve of the older (Fig. 16). It is interesting that Schneider didn’t mention that vault which seems to be existing there when he first arrived the building. At the east end of this vault, over the apse arch, there’s an arched window-like opening which seems to start from the vertex of the older barrel vault. It seems at first impression that it has been aimed with that opening, to reduce the load, bearing upon the apse arch. It is not directly connected with outside but opens out to the upper court’s ground through a L shaped hole (Fig. 17).

History The first information about Karpos Papylos & Martyrium was found in Patria texts of 10th century.6 In Synaxarium (the stories of the middle ages pilgrims) it is narrated that the martyrs Karpos and Papylos had been buried in Helenianai precinct.7 It was later enlarged by the addition of a monastery for women in 10.-12th centuries.8 Russian pilgrim Anton of Novgorod, tells about Karpos & Papylos Church among the sanctuaries he saw around Porta Aura in 1200. He also confirms the existence of women’s monastery.9 After Anton, no other Byzantine sources have mentioned the structure as Karpos & Papylos Church.10

The brick vaulted passage on the South wall of bema, is another vague point (Fig. 18-19). This passage has a width of 1.1 m and height of 5.5 m and it terminates with a wall. It is now used as storage and WC by the tenants. According to Schneider, this passage opened to a spiral stair related to the upper floor.14 In the sense of lightening the stairwell, the window on the south wall where the passage terminates, seems to verify his contention. For Schneider, the existence of that stair is a considerable reason for the undefined termination of the ambulatory on the south. The vault of this passage has two different levels (Fig. 20). It also seems possible that this vault has been collapsed at the same time with bema vault and repaired or built again related to the upper structure.

Between the 16. – 18th centuries, the travelers who have visited Istanbul for several reasons, don’t mention Karpos & Papylos Church in their diaries or reports anymore, but domed Hagios Polykarpos Church11-.12 In 1782, domed church of Hagios Polykarpos was burnt down in Samatya fire. A new church funded by the charity, replaced the old one with the authorization of Sultan Mahmut II in 1833. It was extremely damaged in 1955 but renovated.13 Current Building Survey and Measured Drawings These measurements fit Schneider’s in general. According to this data, the substructure consists of a domed main space with a diameter of 12 m and a height of 6.3 m, a barrel vaulted ambulatory around with a width

Opposite of this space, another brick vaulted passage on the north wall of bema, leads to the bema side room which is used as a storage by the automobile service. It can be observed that this vault has also been repaired (Fig. 21-22). Recently, the door on the storage side has been blocked by masonry bond.

5

(Schneider 1936: 2) (Berger 1988: 624) 7 (Schneider 1936: 3) 8 (Müller-Wiener 1977: 187) 9 (Schneider 1936: 3) 10 (Berger 1988: 625) 11 (Karaca 1996: 48-49, 231-32) 12 (Hovhannesyan 1996: 71) 13 (Müller-Wiener 1977: 186-87) 6

The arch connecting the bema with the domed main space is rather low, compared to the rest of the substructure and gives the idea that the original ground level has risen in 14

20

(Schneider 1936: 1)

KARPOS & PAPYLOS MARTYRIUM IN ISTANBUL – SAMATYA time. This arch overlaps on the passage arches on the north and south walls. These joint details, the deformation of brickwork and masonry on the arch on the bema side could be showing that the arch has also collapsed at the same time with the bema vault and then been repaired (Fig. 23-24).

experts, they are dated to between 9-12th centuries. The other one is on the South wall, at 3,5 m height, painted on the plaster. This framed fresco depicts a figure riding a horse, thrusting his spear to an object below. Although it is in a bad condition and the lower part is missing, it resembles the Saint Georgios depictions16 .

Domed Space

Analysis in Context of Construction Techniques and Material

In this semi-spherical space, various material and structural problems exist. The joints are not flat anymore, the surface is abraded, recent additions cause damage, the west side of the dome has sagged and leakage can be observed. The South wall of Hagios Menas Church stands over the middle axis of the dome causing a structural risk. The arched door-like opening which Schneider assumed as the main entrance for this substructure, is on the south side of the dome15 (Fig. 2527).

The main domed space is totally constructed of bricks. Bema wall, most of the apse wall, ambulatory wall and bema side room walls are constructed of alternating courses of bricks and stone which repeats at almost every space as 5 courses of brick and 3-4 courses of stone. The semi dome of the apse, the collapsed barrel vault and the subsequent mirror vault, bema side room barrel vault and the ambulatory barrel vault is entirely brick.

Ambulatory

Dating

A part of the cafe is located inside the South end of the ambulatory. When entered the café, the outer convex wall and the arched opening precede the ambulatory. That opening is the main entrance of the substructure according to Schneider’s restitution. All the walls and the ceiling of this space are coated with fibreboards by the owner of the café (Fig. 28). The café terminates with a WC and storage at the west. Through the storage, access is possible to the rest of the ambulatory (Fig. 29). The ground floor level of the ambulatory has risen in time because of dirt and trash. Although the level is lower on the east end of the ambulatory, original level and material couldn’t be determined. The east end of the ambulatory which terminates at the bema side room, has been blocked by a masonry wall.

It can probably be dated to 5. century when it is compared to the construction techniques and materials of the other 5. century buildings in Istanbul17-18-.19 These 5th century buildings are Theodosius land walls, Aeitus Cistern, Aspar Cistern, Mokios Cistern, Hagios Ioannes of Studius Church, Euphemia Church or Antiochus Palace. As a result of this study, all the collected data has been compared to Karpos & Papylos Martyrium substructure and it has been found out that the construction techniques, material combinations and measurements mostly overlap (Fig. 37-44). Suggestion on Substructure

Use and

Function

of

the

Considering the changing physical and historical conditions, a suggestion is developed by the comparison of the history, plan and measurement data. We can discuss two phases.

Bema Side Room The access to this space is possible through a small door which is surrounded by the sheds of the automobile service on the east. The trace of a large arched opening which must have been blocked up subsequently, can be seen on the eastern wall (Fig. 30). A few wooden steps let you down to the inner space where the ground level is 1.7 m lower than the street’s. Also, the huge surface loss on the north and south walls is remarkable (Fig. 31).

First Phase We can assume that this substructure was built as a martyrium in the 5th century and used with this function for a long time. The most important hints about the functional diagram of the substructure are circular plan, ambulatory which is not directly connected to the main domed space and bema side room with a secondary apse (Fig. 45).

At the south end of the bema side room, at the point where the ambulatory begins, a trace of a damaged arch exists. The trace on the vault can hardly be noticed (Fig. 32-34). 2 m ahead, in the ambulatory stands an arched door blocked up with masonry (Fig.35-36).

It is known that central planned martyria in early Christian times, derived from pagan mausolea. Long and dark ambulatories, directly related to the burial room were common in circular pagan mausolea. There are also such examples where these ambulatories are not related to the burial room and just surround the room to be used

Some fresco and inscription remnants exist in the bema side room. One is on the middle axis of the vault, painted on the plaster, framed and surrounded by an inscription strip. Because it is in a bad condition, it can hardly be discerned and don’t give any hint about the original colors. According to the preliminary designations of the

16

(Kazhdan and Talbot 1991: 898) (Deichmann 1956: 21-22) (Schneider 1936: 2) 19 (Ward-Perkins 1994, 341) 17 18

15

the

(Schneider 1936: 1)

21

SOMA 2007 in the ritual. However, ambulatories become integrated with the whole space with Christianity and imperial mausolea.20

mirror vault. We can not specify a certain date about the mirror vault but it is more likely to belong to a later date. In the sources it is indicated that there was another building instead of the current Hagios Menas Church. The mirror vault might have been built during the construction of the upper building to adjust the ground levels.

Karpos & Papylos Martyrium substructure doesn’t have a significant entrance door. But, it shouldn’t also be omitted that its position on the site and its circular plan may have caused this result. The apparent facade is the street facade on the east. In cases of inconvenient site conditions, the entrances could be placed in the ambulatory wall surrounding the apse like the funerary basilicas in Rome or they could be placed in the ambulatory wall beside the nave like the early Christian churches in Cilicia.21 Consequently, the South door opening to the ambulatory and then to the main domed space can be accepted as the main entrance.

The fresco and inscription remnants in the bema side room, may be showing that the conditions in the 11-12th centuries have changed and this led to the modification of the use and function of the substructure. Bema arch and vault might have been collapsed in an earthquake24 just before the 11th – 12th centuries and the main space might have become useless. As a result bema side room might have been converted into an isolated and independent chapel with its frescoes and the arched door at the east end of the ambulatory (Fig. 47). With theses changes, the name of the useless substructure and the martyrs might have been forgotten. Because throughout the history, old martyrs have been forgotten, superseded, the names of the churches have changed.

In contrast to Pagan times, the only ambulatory example which is disconnected to the main space except Karpos & Papylos, was in the 4th century martyrium in Beth Shean and we don’t have enough information about the ritual and the functions of the spaces in that building (Fig. 46). In all the other examples of early Christianity, the ambulatories are connected to the main space.

Last Word

So, the domed space which was considered by Schneider as the main tomb, can be accepted as just a worship place because it is disconnected to the ambulatory. That special ambulatory can be said to access directly to the tomb without any connection to any other space, like the Pagan examples. In this case, bema side room turns out to be the main tomb space. One of the rooms located at the both sides of the apse could be used as a martyr chapel in early Syria churches.22

Being one of the few remaining 5. century structures in Istanbul, it is the only one almost totally preserved. It should be taken under conservation by being purified from the bad conditions it is suffering. Bibliography Berger, A. (1988) Untersuchungen zu den Patria Konstantinopoleos. Bonn. Deichmann, F. W. (1956) Studien zur Architektur Konstantinopels, Baden-Baden. Hill, S. (1996) The Early Byzantine Churches of Cilicia and Isauria. USA, Variorum. Hovhannesyan, S. S. (1996) Payitaht İstanbul’un Tarihçesi. İstanbul, Tarih Vakfı Yurt Yayınları. Karaca, Z. (1996) İstanbul’da Osmanlı Dönemi Rum Kiliseleri. İstanbul, YKY. Kazhdan, A. P. and A.Talbot (1991) The Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium. New York and Oxford, Oxford University Press. Krautheimer, R. (1960) Mensa-Coemeterium-Martyrium. Cahiers Archeologiques, XI, 15-40. Krautheimer, R. (1986) Early Christian and Byzantine Architecture, New Haven and London. Müller-Wiener, W. (1977) Bildlexikon Zur Topographie Istanbuls. Tubingen, Deutsches Achaeologisches Institut. Müller-Wiener, W. (2001) İstanbul’un Tarihsel Topoğrafyası. İstanbul, Yapı Kredi Kültür ve Sanat Yayıncılık. Schneider, A.M. (1936), Byzanz. Vorarbeiten zur topographie und Archaeologie der Stadt. Berlin. Ward-Perkins, J. B. (1994) Studies in Roman and Early Christian Architecture. London.

Although it is indicated in the sources that it is a copy of Holy Sepulchre Church, it’s impossible to think about a visual relation between the substructure and the upper structure inside. Schneider’s stair in the South passage is rather a weak connection for this building. The stair becomes significant when we think about a small room over this passage, independent of the upper structure. In Cilicia, such kind of rooms used as diaconicon or with similar functions, are located over the east side ambulatories.23 If we ignore the stair, the ambulatory can be extended to the passage. In this context, it is possible for this substructure to be an independent building with all these specific organization. Second Phase The barrel vault of the bema has partially collapsed and it has been covered with a mirror vault subsequently. It is possible that the main arch on this section has also collapsed together with the barrel vault and has been repaired at the same time with the construction of the

20

(Krautheimer 1960: 39-40) (Krautheimer 1960: 38) (Krautheimer 1986: 142) 23 (Hill 1996: 30) 21 22

24

22

(Müller-Wiener 2001: 293)

KARPOS & PAPYLOS MARTYRIUM IN ISTANBUL – SAMATYA

Fig.9: Restitution by Schneider. View of the domed space (1936). Fig.7: Karpos &Papylos Martyrium Restitution by Schneider (1935)

Fig 1: The location of the substructure on the historical peninsula Fig. 10: Restitution by Schneider. View of the bema (1936).

Fig. 8: Jerusalem, Golgotha. Anastasis Rotunda and basilica. 4th century remains, plan.

A

B

Fig.2: The location of the substructure on the site plan.

0

10

Fig. 11: Plan

Fig.3: Hagios Menas Church (from south). (A)

Fig.4: Hagios Menas Church (from east). (B)

Fig 12: Section A-A Fig 13: Section B-B

Fig. 14: Apse, bema and office (2005)

Fig.5: Plan, Scheider 1936. Fig. 15: The situation of apse and entrance before the door atelier (1936)

Fig.16: The subsequent mirror vault over the bema (2005).

Fig.6: Section, Scheider 1936.

23

Fig.17: The subsequent mirror vault over the bema and the arched opening Fig.18: the passage door on the south wall of bema (2005) on the east (2005).

SOMA 2007

Fig.32: Vault in the bema side room (2005). Fig.20: passage vault , Fig.21: the passage door 2 levels (2005) on the north wall of bema (2005) Fig.19: passage (2005)

Fig. 33: trace of the arch at the begining of the ambulatory (2005).

Fig.34: trace of the arch at the beginning of the ambulatory (2005).

Fig.22: the vault of the passage (2005).

Fig.24: the restitution of Schneider, view of the bema, (1936).

Fig.23: deformation on the brickwork and masonry of the main arch (2005).

Fig.35: Blocked door at the east end of the ambulatory (2005).

Fig.36: blocked door at the east end of the ambulatory (1936).

Fig. 37: Theodosios Land Wall 2nd tower

Fig 25: Dome from the south (2005).

Fig.26: Dome from the north (2005).

Fig.27: the opening mentioned by Schneider as the entrance, on the south (2005).

Fig. 38 : Theodosios Land Wall Porta Aura south wall

Fig. 41: Mokios Cistern south wall

Fig.28: interior of cafe and ambulatory (2005).

Fig 39: Aeitus Cistern northeast wall

Fig. 42: Karpos & Papylos martyrium ambulatory

Fig 40: Aspar Cistern northeast wall

Fig. 43: Hagios Ioannes of Studius Church apse wall

Fig.29: interior of ambulatory, from the point where cafe terminates (2005).

Fig. 44: Antiochus Palace west exedra Outer wall

Fig.30: the door of the bema side room, upper windows and the trace of the arch. (2005).

Fig.31: Bema side room (2005).

Fig. 47: Beth Shean, martyrium,

244.century. Plan.

Fig. 45: 1. phase. Plan.

Fig. 46: 2. phase. Plan.

The origins of the Phoenician cothon: development of the inland harbour in the eastern and central Mediterranean during the 2nd and 1st Millennia BC Matthew Brewer Council for British Research in the Levant PO Box 519, Jubaiha 11941, Amman

morphology can now be constructed providing archaeologists with an invaluable resource when studying coastal settlement. Underwater archaeological investigation off the southern Levantine coast suggests that from the Middle Bronze Age onwards, rising sealevel advanced rapidly over the coastal shelf. Archaeological evidence from Tell Nami and Tell Dor suggests that sea-level would have been between 1-2 metres below present, with a slowing of sea-level rise during the Late Bronze to Iron Ages c. late 13th to 11th century BC (Sivan et al 2001:114). Similarly, the urban quarter of Tyre and its northern harbour’s ancient breakwater are now 2.5 metres below modern sea-level, partly as a result of geological subsidence due to its position relative to the active Arabian, Anatolian and African plates (Marriner et al 2005: 1303; Marriner et al 2006a: 1).

Introduction Harbours exist as places of transit and exchange, both in terms of goods and culture, within a maritime community. The role of the harbour in the facilitation of maritime activities makes it one of the most crucial civil constructions for any seafaring civilization and this was certainly the case throughout the Mediterranean world where we see significant maritime traffic throughout the 2nd and 1st Millennia BC. The variety in coastal topography along low energy shores of the eastern and central Mediterranean often provided ideal places of anchorage that required minimal adaptation, with sheltered bays, as well as lagoonal and deltaic environments providing adequate shelter to seafarers (e.g. Bronze Age Kition Kathari, Cyprus; Hala Sultan Tekke, Cyprus and the Cilician Delta, Turkey respectively) (see Blue 1997). Having said this, in a region of strong traffic demand, ports will be constructed, even if favourable geographical conditions on that coast are missing (Karmon 1985: 1). This can be seen throughout the eastern and central Mediterranean during the 2nd Millennium BC where we see alteration and augmentation of natural topographical features, cutting channels in bedrock and building on geological features, creating sheltered areas of water that served as harbours or places of safe anchorage. These early developments in harbour engineering may have been the precursors to the more advanced forms of harbour engineering, such as the cothon, found in the central Mediterranean during the 1st Millennium BC.

While sea-levels appear to have risen since the Middle Bronze Age along the Levantine coast, geomorphological analysis along the coasts of northern Lebanon and Syria suggest that eustatic uplift and crustal deformation brought about by the active Dead Sea Transform Fault, specifically the Roum-Tripoli thrust, led to an elevated coastline (Morhange et al 2006: 99). Two main Holocene shorelines, characterised by tidal notches and benches, can be seen from the Orontes Delta in Turkey and along the coasts of Syria and much of Lebanon. These shorelines correspond to two periods of relative sea-level stability dated between at least ca 5700 and 3000 radiocarbon years BP at about +2 metres, and between ca 2800 and 1700 radiocarbon years BP at +0.8 metres (Pirazzoli 2005: 1996). Pirazzoli (2005) also notes that the above data suggests almost relative sea-level stability since about 6000 radiocarbon years BP, with the raised shorelines representing periods of rapid tectonic movement. Such detailed studies of sea-level change can allow us to reconstruct the ancient shoreline and therefore the geology and topography of that shoreline. This is vital when studying Levantine harbours as it allows us to develop an understanding of the landscape that ancient harbour engineers had to work with, as well as the natural anchorages that may have been available to seafarers during this time.

The design of the cothon type harbour, an excavated inland harbour linked to the sea by a cut channel, may have evolved from earlier harbour engineering practices already in existence in the eastern and central Mediterranean. While harbour engineering and its development has been studied (see Blackman 1982a; 1982b), the precise origins of the cothon have not been fully explored. The purpose of this paper is to provide a potential route of progression towards the Phoenician cothon from earlier harbour forms in the eastern Mediterranean, relating to the wider maritime landscape of the region during the 2nd and 1st Millennia BC.

The geological and topographical nature of the Levantine coast would have provided significant advantages to ancient harbour engineers during the Bronze and Iron Ages. The relatively low lying coastal plain of the Levant saw significant urbanization from at least 2000 BC with dozens of coastal settlements being sited near an

Geomorphology and topography of the Levantine littoral during the 2nd and 1st Millennia BC Detailed analysis of sea-level change that occurred during the Holocene in the eastern Mediterranean has meant that a relatively clear picture of coastal change and 25

SOMA 2007 why so many safe havens were necessary to support maritime traffic (Linder 1981: 36; Sherratt & Sherratt 1991: 357; Bass 1995).

estuarine river or on the coast itself (Raban 1985: 14). The predominant coastal geology along the coast of the southern Levant consists of sandstone overlaying Cretaceous limestone deposits, with jagged kurkar (carbonate-cemented quartz sandstone) ridges and sandstone reefs that run parallel to the shoreline, indented at various points to form bays backed by narrow sandy beaches (Kingsley & Raveh 1996: 6). With a lower sealevel, which would have been the case during the 2nd and early 1st Millennia BC, these kurkar ridges would have formed an almost unbroken ridge, standing higher than their present elevation above sea-level. Further north, into modern Lebanon and Syria, a similar geological sequence can be seen, with alternating deposits of fluvio-deltaic sandstone overlain by thick marine limestone, Upper Cretaceous limestone and Quaternary dunes and lake deposits (Dubertret 1975: 348; Walley 1998: 44). Variations in geological medium often meant that harder rock was left un-eroded by wave action and the softer material that surrounded it would invariably succumb to erosion, leaving promontories and islands that were quite suitable for coastal settlement and adaptation, as well as a longshore reef system, similar to that existing along the southern Levantine coast (Frost 1971: 104; Marriner et al 2005: 1303; Marriner et al 2006b: 1516).

Although natural anchorages were certainly used where appropriate, adaptation and augmentation of these anchorages provided Levantine harbour settlements with greater capacities and better protection than would have been provided by natural bays alone. An important innovation in the development of the harbour was the cutting of channels through natural geological features and the alteration of reefs to form usable quays. The cutting of channels into local geology is of considerable importance when we consider both the innovative and deliberate alteration of natural formations and the understanding of how these cuttings could be employed to perform a number of tasks (Blackman 1982: 92). Some of the more obvious forms of channel cutting can best be seen in some of the southern Levantine harbour settlements, such as Tell Akhziv, Tell Mikhmoreth and Tell Dor (Raban 1985: 19), where they are used to provide access to semi-closed bodies of water, remove sediments through sluicing and to reduce the power of waves. Difficulties in dating such channels may mean that they date to after the Late Bronze Age, however rock cutting is present at the site of Jezirat Nami and has been dated by pottery sherds to the MBIIa, demonstrating that rock cut technology was already in existence in this region during the Late Bronze Age (Raban 1985: 20). There has been tentative dating of the modification of the proto-harbours of Sidon and Tyre, possibly suggesting geological modification during the Late Bronze-Early Iron Age (~1200-1000 BC), however further sampling needs to take place before this can be confirmed (Marriner et al 2006b: 1525-1526).

Adaptation and development. Harbour engineering and topographical alteration: the Levantine littoral If we consider the Levantine coast during the 2nd and 1st Millennia BC in terms of its physical characteristics we can begin to understand how certain geological and topographical features would have provided significant advantages to harbour engineers in coastal settlements that relied heavily on the intense maritime activity during this period. The advantage of having a secure harbour would have been seen as a major way to bolster economic prosperity and as such, specific designs and construction strategies were employed to create safe anchorages.

Although by no means unique to harbour engineering, the use of ashlar masonry is also of particular interest when we consider the development of harbours in the Levantine region as well as the use of this building technique in general during the Bronze Age. The use of ashlar masonry for construction of harbour structures is not in itself unusual given the widespread use of this technology throughout the eastern Mediterranean (Hult 1983: 2) Its specific use in harbour structures of the Late Bronze/Early Iron Age demonstrates the ingenuity of harbour planners and developers. Specifically, we see the use of ashlar masonry as an addition to existing “useful” geological features. At harbour sites where kurkar ridges form natural breakwaters, ashlar masonry can be seen as an augmentation of these features, creating even better semi-natural sheltered anchorages, as found at Sidon (figure 1), Machroud and Arward (Frost, 1973). Blackman (1982a: 92) notes that building jetties, quays and breakwaters from continuous stretches of ashlar ‘headers’ might be a building tradition particular to Phoenician engineers and has been noted at the sites of Sidon and Tyre, the original harbourworks at Athlit and Akko, as well as a number of other anchorage sites within a Levantine context. It must be stated that a majority of built harbourworks in this region, where significant

The first thing to consider when we are discussing the development of the harbour in prehistory has to be why a certain site was chosen. Although in many cases a harbour is linked directly to a settlement, it is often true that a settlement grows around its harbour, or the choice of location for a settlement is dictated, in part, by its proximity to the coast. The rapid development of the coastal hinterland during the Middle-Late Bronze Age along the Levantine coast has been attributed to the increase in seaborne trade and cultural contact between foreign communities (Sasson 1966: 126-128; Sherratt & Sherratt 1991: 370). A general increase in seafaring and commercial activity would certainly have been a catalyst for the rapid development of the coastal zone and with it the need to develop harbours that were appropriate for the scale of maritime traffic, rather than a reliance on natural anchorages that may have become too small to deal with significant traffic or located too far from coastal settlements. When we also consider the “coast hugging” element of seafaring at this time, as well as the limited sailing season in the region, generally considered to have been between April and October, then it becomes clear 26

THE ORIGINS OF THE PHOENICIAN COTHON This is demonstrated by the need for sea walls at numerous Levantine sites. Although these harbours would have been sheltered from the fully open sea by natural or adapted rock ridges, they would have been affected to a greater degree by sea states and swell, compared to inland bodies of water.

topographical alteration or augmentation occurs, have been dated towards the end of the Late Bronze Age and the Early Iron Age (~ 1200-1000 BC) (Marriner et al 2006: 1525). Raban states that existing Bronze Age Levantine settlement evidence suggests a trend of environmental determinism, whereby coastal populations founded settlements in close proximity to “useful” coastal features that would serve as sheltered areas of water for anchorage (Raban 1990: 104-104)

The modern day Larnaca Salt Lake was at one time a navigable lagoon with access to the sea via a natural channel which was probably choked by sediment deposited by longshore drift sometime in the middle of the second millennium BC (Gifford 1985: 47-48; Blue 1997: 32). This marine lagoon would have served the Bronze Age settlement of Hala Sultan Tekke and demonstrates how a natural body of inland water, linked to the sea, can serve as an efficient anchorage. A similar situation has been noted at the nearby site of Kition Bamboula where geomorphological data gathered by Morhange et al (2000) has suggested the presence of a semi-closed lagoon from 4000-2100 BP, which would have remained constantly connected to the sea but protected by a coastal spit (Morhange et al 2000: 221). These open lagoons were not adapted by the local population to any great extent and the notion of using an inland body of water was most probably an act of opportunism. However, the underlying idea that a sheltered body of inland water was very practical for use as a harbour may be important when we look at harbour development and the manmade inland harbour, the cothon. This may prove to be an important step when we consider the origins of the man made inland harbour, the cothon.

Adaptation and development. Harbour engineering and topographical alteration: south east Cyprus Cultural, political and economic connectivity between Cyprus and the Levantine coast is well documented for the prehistoric period, with archaeological, textual and iconographic evidence highlighting complex international relations during the Middle Bronze Age and onwards. Cyprus’ island nature would have meant that the harbour was crucial in its development, both in terms of trade and political mobility; safe havens would have been required to facilitate the island’s commercial exploits as well as developing its influence in the international circuit of eastern Mediterranean contact. The topography of the southern and eastern coastal hinterland of the island is comprised of a series of low lying plains formed from deposited sands, silts, clays and gravels in alluviumcolluvium formation and occasional occurrences of calcarenites and sandstone deposits (Constantinou 1995). These plains are dissected by a number of river valleys which still transport alluvium and sediment to the sea. The coastline itself is characterised by many natural bays and peninsulas, which could have been used as early anchorages before any formal harbour construction had taken place. Unlike the Levantine coast, where we have the continual kurkar ridges, there is no primary geological feature that would have been particularly useful to harbour planners other than the natural lagoons and bays. Archaeological evidence from the ProBA 1-2 periods (~ 1700-1200 BC) demonstrate that, like the settlement pattern for the Levant during the Middle Bronze Age onwards, a majority of larger settlements are focused along the coast and its hinterland, particularly in the south and east of the island. Sites such as Enkomi, Kition, Hala Sultan Tekke, Maroni, Kourion and Kouklia are distinguished by Knapp (1997: 64-67) as “primary urban centres” that shared a similar material culture and were extremely active in terms of their role in international trade and exchange operating as “primary gateway communities”, particularly during the ProBA 2 period (~1400-1200 BC) (Knapp 1997: 67-68).

The cothons of the central Mediterranean and their potential development For some time now the term “cothon” has been applied to a number of harbours throughout the Mediterranean including Amathus and Kition in Cyprus, Phalasarna in Crete, Mahdia and Carthage in Tunisia and Motya in Sicily (Carayon 2005: 5-6). While all of these examples do have features that could be attributed to cothons, they perhaps should not all be placed into the same broad category. Carayon (2005: 10-11) has offered a reasonable typology, splitting the definition into two types; those that are excavated out of natural bedrock or sediment and those that utilise already existing topographical features such as depressions, channels or creeks. While this is a reasonable summary, it may be somewhat underdeveloped with only two groups in this typology. Furthermore, some harbours studied by Carayon (2005) have been assigned to a certain type when in fact they may be better suited to the other type. For example, the cothon at Motya is assigned to type B, suggesting that it was sited in an already existing depression and Carthage is allocated to type A, meaning that it has been completely excavated out of bedrock. Motya is indeed situated in a natural depression but it has been significantly excavated to facilitate its use as a harbour. Carthage has also been excavated but it was also located in a natural depression suggesting that Motya and Carthage are not so dissimilar as to necessitate their

Although Cypriot harbours of the Middle-Late Bronze Age did not have such an extensive and regular topographical advantage as was the case for Levantine anchorages, we do see occurrences of fully inland harbours, which is of crucial importance when we begin to discuss the origins of the constructed inland harbour of the central Mediterranean. By using an inland body of water, boats and ships would have been protected from severe sea states that may still have been a cause for concern at sites along the eastern Mediterranean coast. 27

SOMA 2007 located along the Levantine coast (figure 4). The lining of the basin is less regular, with varying header and stretcher blocks of differing sizes, along with masonry and stone in secondary use (Isserlin 1971: 185). The use of such masonry and the semi-adaptation of an already existing topographical feature could be seen as similar to topographical adaptation of the eastern Mediterranean in the 2nd millennium BC, where we see extensive use of natural topography and the use of ashlar masonry to augment anchorages.

assignment to different groupings. This validates Carayon’s suggestion relating to the need for more geomorphological studies to determine, with greater reliability, the precise contexts of such harbour types (Carayon 2005: 11). For the purposes of this discussion, the cothons of Motya (figure 2), Mahdia and Carthage are studied as examples of cothon building traditions and styles that may have found their origins in harbour engineering techniques utilised in the eastern Mediterranean dating in Late Bronze/Early Iron Age. Their defined locality on either side of the Straits of Sicily and their relative chronology make them interesting case studies, enabling us to determine the potential development of the excavated inland harbour as a feature of Phoenician harbour engineering in the first millennium BC in the central Mediterranean.

In Tunisia we have two examples of cothons, the cothon “complex” of Carthage and the rectilinear rock-cut cothon of Mahdia. The cothon of Mahdia is significantly larger than the example seen at Motya, measuring some 147 x 73 metres with a 40 metre long channel. There has been much conjecture over the date of the basin itself, but the earliest potential date has been set around the end of the 5th century BC established by specific marine erosion and further supported by the nearby Phoenician settlement and necropolis (Carayon 2005: 8). The cothon here is of particular interest when we consider that it has been completely excavated and does not appear to have utilised any existing topographical features. The reason for the location of this cothon and its method of construction may be due to reasons of locality and the exposed nature of the headland on which it is situated. If we consider that the shoreline may not have been suitable for building moles and quays from the sea floor then the cothon type harbour may have been the only feasible option.

The cothon on Motya, dated sometime between the 7th and 6th centuries BC (Carayon 2005: 9), is located to the south west of the main Phoenician settlement on the island. It has been sporadically researched since Whitaker’s initial archaeological endeavours on the island in the 1920’s (Whitaker 1921), along with investigations by Isserlin and du Plat Taylor during the late 1960’s and early 1970’s (Isserlin & du Plat Taylor 1974). The author also visited the island of Motya in 2004 to carry out a visual inspection of the site to gain an impression of the construction methods used, the way the harbour relates to the rest of the Phoenician colony and the wider maritime environment of the island (Brewer 2005). Postulations on the exact purpose and function of this cothon have been varied, including the suggestion that the structure was a harbour (Whitaker 1921; Isserlin 1971), a harbour with dry dock capabilities (Isserlin 1971; Blackman 1982: 207) or a sacred lake (Mingazzini 1968: 105-112). While the exact function of this cothon is yet to be determined, it would most likely have played the role of a “protected” harbour, being behind the city walls and sheltered from most adverse weather conditions. Its similarity in style and construction to other harbours of the cothon type provide further support for it being an anchorage of sorts. While small in size compared to other harbour installations of the area and period, measuring 51 metres long by 35.5 metres wide and connected to the sea by a channel around 30 metres long (Isserlin & du Plat Taylor, 1974: 91), it would have taken significant effort and manpower to excavate. Interestingly, the situating of the cothon in this location on the island coincides with a natural depression and would appear to be a deliberate act, reducing the amount of basin excavation necessary, which can also be seen in several other Levantine harbours from the 2nd millennium BC.

While the reason for this cothons construction is not fully understood, we can see several important aspects in its design that relate back to harbour engineering of the late 2nd/1st Millennia transition in the eastern Mediterranean. Firstly, the way in which this basin and associated channels have been cut directly into hard geology is certainly comparable to the method employed along the Levantine coast, as we have seen at sites such as Dor and Sidon. We also see the cutting of two channels, one being an entrance channel, the other thought to have been installed to facilitate sluicing of sediment. If this is the case then we see a similar use of channels in Levantine harbours, perhaps suggesting a similar understanding of the physical environment of closed or semi-closed harbours and the necessity for harbour management and maintenance. Probably the most famous example of the cothon is the dual harbour at Carthage. The enormous rectangular and circular harbours of Carthage represent a significant development in the inland harbour. As with many other Phoenician harbours the use of natural topography is quite distinct here, with both harbours and their associated channels being located within a naturally existing depression, presumably a tidal lake or lagoon in prehistory. Once again, dating of these features has been made complex by later Punic alterations. However, it has been suggested that a 6th century BC date for Phoenician use of a natural lagoonal feature would not be unreasonable (Gifford et al: 587).

The use of ashlar masonry at Motya is also of interest when we consider the implementation of this building method in earlier harbours in the eastern Mediterranean. Both the channel and the basin are lined with cut stone blocks, except for the basin floor which is not paved. Of particular interest is the masonry that lines the channel, constructed in “header fashion” (figure 3), which is quite similar in appearance to several maritime installations 28

THE ORIGINS OF THE PHOENICIAN COTHON seafaring traffic and the conduit of maritime connectivity. Certainly the technology, and the use thereof, is not identical between the examples discussed. This obviously stems from the differing nature of coastlines and local geologies as well as the time lapse. However, when we are looking at an evolution or development we can see similarities in motivation as well as engineering strategies. This does demonstrate that throughout prehistory Phoenician harbour engineers were extremely adaptive in their designs and their construction techniques, as well as having the ability to see beyond the inherent features of a coastline in both the eastern and central Mediterranean, which potentially resulted in the occurrence of the cothon in the central Mediterranean.

Alteration of the natural topography would have taken the form of basin deepening and expansion as well as modified linking channels between the two bodies of water creating a cothon complex as we understand it today. Although the cothons at Carthage as we understand them are a Punic feature, we should consider them part of a wider cothon building tradition that utilises much earlier harbour development techniques. As such they may represent the next step in the developmental process after the smaller single cothons of Motya and Mahdia. Conclusion: a potential developmental process for the cothon of the central Mediterranean Looking now towards a potential developmental process of the origins of the inland harbour we can see several harbour engineering techniques that were developed and expanded throughout the 2nd and 1st Millennia BC. In the eastern Mediterranean we have seen how early harbour designs focus on the use of natural topography to provide sufficient shelter. This can also be said for the later cothons of the central Mediterranean. Here we see the use of natural depressions and the physical characteristics of bedrock, in the case of Mahdia, to provide the foundations for the inland cothon harbour type. Channel cutting and hard geological adaptation is a key feature in the development of the harbour of the eastern Mediterranean and may have been the precursor of a notion that it was possible to adapt natural geology in such a way as to provide optimum anchorage.

References Bass, G. (1995) Sea and river craft in the ancient Near East. P.p. 1421-1431 in J. Sasson (ed.) Civilisations of the ancient Near East. New York, Scribners. Blackman, D. J. (1982a) Ancient harbours in the Mediterranean, part 1. International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 11(2), 79-104. Blackman, D. J. (1982b) Ancient harbours in the Mediterranean, part 2. International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 11(3), 185-211. Blue, L. (1997) Cyprus and Cilicia: the topology and palaeogeography of second millennium harbours. IN: Swiny, S, Hohlfelder, R, and Swiny, H eds., Res maritimae: Cyprus and the eastern Mediterranean from Prehistory to Late Antiquity. Atlanta, Scholars Press, 31-43. Brewer, M. (2005) The socio-political and economic roles of cothons during the first millennium BC. University of Southampton, unpublished dissertation. Carayon, N. (2005) Le cothon ou port artificiel creusé. Essai de definition. Mediterranée 1.2, 5-13. Constantinou, G. (1995) A geological map of Cyprus. Cyprus: Geological Survey Department. Ministry of Agriculture, Natural Resources and Environment. Scale 1:250,000. Dubertret, L. (1975) Introduction à la carte géologique à 1:50,000e du Liban. Notes Mém. Moyen-Orient 13, 345-403. Frost, H. (1971) Recent observations on the submerged harbourworks at Tyre. Bulletin du Musée de Beyrouth 24, 103-111. Frost, H. (1973) The offshore island harbour at Sidon and other Phoenician sites in light of new dating evidence. International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 2(1), 75-94. Gifford, J. (1985) Palaeogeography of ancient harbour sites of the Larnaca Lowlands, SE Cyprus. IN: Raban, A ed., Harbour archaeology: proceedings of the first international workshop on ancient Mediterranean harbours. BAR International Series 257. Oxford, BAR, 45-48 Gifford, J., Rapp, G. & Vitali, V. (1992) Palaeogeography of Carthage (Tunisia): coastal change during the first millennium BC. Journal of Archaeological Science 19, 575-596.

Again, we have seen that ashlar masonry used in a maritime context is a similarity between the harbours of the eastern Mediterranean and the cothons of the central Mediterranean, particularly at Motya, allowing for the reinforcement of basins and channels, similar to the reinforcement of sea walls and quays found in earlier harbour examples. These technological adaptations could have lead to the occurrence of the cothon. In areas where coastal morphology was not suited to the types of harbours that we see in the east and other adaptive strategies were needed. The skills of 2nd Millennium BC harbour engineers would have been important factors in the development process of the cothon type harbour. Although we are looking at an extensive time period and we must accept the possibility of isolated development of technology, similarities in building tradition, as mentioned previously, may have found their origins in the 2nd Millennium Phoenician harbour construction techniques of the east. This transmission of engineering skill and technological understanding may have simply been a result of the Phoenician population migration in a westerly direction. As Phoenician colonies were established in the central and western Mediterranean, so we see the transmission and implementation of known skills. We must also remember that maritime contact was extremely well established throughout the 2nd and 1st Millennia BC in the Mediterranean. The transmission and reinforcement of the correct or most appropriate way to establish a harbour was potentially passed on through 29

SOMA 2007 Haggi, A. (2006) Phoenician Athlit and its newlyexcavated harbour: a reassessment. Tel Aviv 33(1), 43-60. Hult, G. (1983) Bronze Age ashlar masonry in the eastern Mediterranean: Cyprus, Ugarit and neighbouring regions. Oxford, BAR Isserlin, B.S.J. (1971) New light on the cothon at Motya. Antiquity 45, 178-186. Isserlin, B.S.J. & du Plat Taylor, J. (1974) Motya: a Phoenician and Carthaginian city in Sicily. Leiden, E.J. Brill. Karmon, Y. (1985) Geographical components in the study of ancient Mediterranean ports. IN: Raban, A ed., Harbour archaeology: proceedings of the first international workshop on ancient Mediterranean harbours. BAR International Series 257. Oxford, BAR Publishing, 1-6. Kingsley, S. & Raveh, K. (1996). The ancient harbour Dor, Israel: results of and anchorage at the underwater surveys 1976-1991. Oxford, BAR Publishing. Knapp, A. B. (1997) The archaeology of Late Bronze Age Cypriot society: the study of settlement, survey and landscape. Glasgow, University of Glasgow Occassional series No. 4. Linder, E. (1981) Ugarit: A Canaanite thalassocracy. P.p. 31-42 in G. Young (ed.) Ugarit in retrospective. Winona Lake, Eisenbrauns. Marriner, N., Morhange, C., Boudagher-Fadel, M., Bourcier, M. & Carbonel, P. (2005) Geoarchaeology of Tyre’s ancient northern harbour, Phoenicia. Journal of Archaeological Science 32, 1302-1327. Marriner, N., Morhange, C., Doumet-Serhal, C. & Carbonel, P. (2006a) Geoscience rediscovers Phoenicia’s buried harbors. Geology 34(1), 1-4. Marriner, N., Morhange, C. & Doumet-Serhal, C. (2006b) Geoarchaeology of Sidon’s ancient harbours, Phoenicia. Journal of Archaeological Science 33, 1514-1535. Mingazzi, P. (1968) Mozia IV. Rapporto preliminare della Missione archeologica della Soprintendenza alle Antichità della Sicilia Occidentale e dell’Università di Roma Roma, Università di Roma. Morhange, C., Goiran, J-P., Boucier, M., Carbonel, P., le Campion, J., Rouchy, J-M. & Yon, M. (2000) Recent

Holocene paleo-environmental evolution and coastline changes of Kition, Larnaca, Cyprus, Mediterranean Sea. Marine Geology 170, 205-230. Morhange, C., Pirazzoli, P., Marriner, N., Montaggioni, L. & Nammour, T. (2006) Late Holocene relative sealevel changes in Lebanon, eastern Mediterranean. Marine Geology 230, 99-114. Pirazzoli, P. (2005) A review of possible eustatic, isostatic and tectonic contributions in eight lateHolocene relative sea-level histories from the Mediterranean area. Quaternary Science Review 24, 1989-2001. Raban, A. (1985) The ancient harbours of Israel in biblical times. IN: in Raban, A ed., Harbour archaeology: proceedings of the first international workshop on ancient Mediterranean harbours. BAR International Series 257. Oxford, BAR Publishing, 11-44. Raban, A. (1990) Man-instigated coastal changes along the Israeli shore of the Mediterranean in ancient times. IN: Bottema, S, Entjes-Nieborg, G, and van Zeist, W eds., Man’s role in the shaping of the eastern Mediterranean landscape. Rotterdam, A.A. Balkema Publishers, 101-111. Sasson, J. (1966) Canaanite maritime involvement in the second millennium BC. Journal of the American Oriental Society 86(2), 126-138. Sherratt, A. & Sherratt, S. (1991) From luxuries to commodities: the nature of Mediterranean Bronze Age trading systems. IN: Gale, N ed., Bronze Age trade in the Mediterranean. Jonsered, Paul Aströms Förlag, 351-386. Sivan, D., Wdowinski, S., Lambeck, K., Galili, E. & Raban, A. (2001) Holocene sea-level changes along the Mediterranean coast of Israel, based on archaeological observations and numerical model. Palaeogeography, Palaeoclimatology, Palaeoecology 167, 101-117. Walley, C. (1998) Some outstanding issues in the geology of Lebanon and their importance in the tectonic elevation of the Levantine region. Tectonophysics 298(1-3), 37-62. Whitaker, J.I.S. (1921) Motya: a Phoenician colony in Sicily. London, G. Bells and Sons. Ltd.

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THE ORIGINS OF THE PHOENICIAN COTHON

Figure 1. Rock cut breakwaters at Sidon (Marriner et al 2006b. Copyright Elsevier).

Figure 2. The cothon at Motya looking north (Brewer 2005). 31

SOMA 2007

Figure 3. Channel wall/quay built using ashlar masonry in “header fashion” (Brewer 2005).

Figure 4. Southern quay at Athlit, note “header fashion ashlar” masonry (Haggi 2006. Published by permission of Tel Aviv, The Journal of the Institute of Archaeology of Tel Aviv University). 32

Foundation Structure of the Altar of Artemis at Magnesia ad Maeandrum Cengiz Çetin Ankara University, Baskent Vocational School, Department of Restoration and Conservation, Ankara, Turkey e-mail:[email protected]

Heyne’s blocks correspond to spaces between the crushed stone remains scattered over the rectangular areas. Such being the case, the crushed stone remains in the euthynteria determine the location of the blocks that line up like a fence. These crushed stone remains can also be seen on the preserved parts of the eastern half of the euthynteria. Therefore, when we extend the substructure system situated on the northwestern half in accordance with the crushed stone remains on the eastern half, a pillared substructure system emerges on this section of the altar’s euthynteria. When we duplicate the blocks on Heyne’s foundation plan for the southern half of the foundation, in accordance with the rules of symmetry prevailing in Greek architecture, and when these are placed according to the spaces between crushed stone remains, it then can be observed that a pillared substructure system emerges that covers the entire euthynteria (Figure 3). Gerkan has also used the method of projecting the symmetry to establish his own restitution and thus has formed a pillared substructure. However, on his plan Gerkan has not extended the pillar blocks to the eastern side of the euthynteria, and has thus conceived the courtyard as resting upon the substructure of the western half of the altar.3

Excavations were resumed in 1993 on the site of the altar of the Temple of Artemis at Magnesia, and the foundation of the building and the parade grounds between the altar and propylon have been completely unearthed. Thanks to these latest excavations many finds and data have been obtained regarding the architecture of the altar. The new finds and data that have been uncovered during the latest digs were evaluated in my doctoral thesis entitled “The Foundation Structure of the Altar of Temple of Artemis at Magnesia ad Maeandrum and its Connection with its Surrounding Superstructures” which I wrote in 2003 at the Ankara University. The objective of this article is to present a summary of this work. The remains of the altar are located on the temple axis that lies in the east-west direction, 23.10 m. to the west of the Temple of Artemis. The rectangular foundation of the altar preserves its euthynteria, which is 23.10 m. long and 15.80 m. witdh (Figure 1). The Foundation Plan Evidence that help us draw up the plan of the altar’s foundation include the crushed stone remains on the euthynteria blocks, stone workmanship such as anathyrosis, activity traces, the 196 limestone blocks found in the altar surroundings and belonging to the foundation, and the few in-situ blocks. Certain details drawn on Heyne’s plan are also helpful. Despite the limited number of evidence, when all data are examined and interpreted together it is possible to redraw the plan of the altar’s foundation.

Nevertheless, there is no evidence as to whether the pillar blocks extended this far to the west of the euthynteria. Therefore, the blocks lined up like a fence on the west must not have extended toward the west side as in Heyne’s plan. Besides the crushed stone remains between foundation blocks lined up like a fence, on the surface of the euthynteria below them, traces of anathyrosis that match the pillared system can be found in places. Based on all these traces and remains, it is possible to establish a pillared substructure on a major part of the altar’s euthynteria.

On the northwestern corner of the euthynteria, 3.70 m. from the northern side and 5.08 m. from the western side is an in-situ foundation core 70-72 cm. high. On Heyne’s plan, to the south of the same mass are blocks (which are missing today) 68-73 cm. high, placed parallel to each other at one-meter intervals (Figure 2).1 On Heyne’s plan, it can be observed that these blocks are lined up like fence posts toward the east on the northwestern half of the euthynteria. The interaxial length between these blocks, which constitute a substructure with rows of pillars, was measured to be 1.60 m. This length matches the yoke system of 1.592 m. suggested by Gerkan for the longer side of the altar.2 When these blocks, which are missing today, are copied from Heyne’s plan onto the new plan that we have prepared it can be observed that a pillared substructure system emerges on the northwestern half of the foundation. Furthermore on the new plan, 1 2

However, a substructure that is lined up like a fence could not have the static force to support these loads. Therefore, there would also be need for a transverse wall that would perpendicularly intersect these rows of blocks, which form parallel strips, at the appropriate points and at the same time run parallel to the longer sides of the euthynteria. These transverse walls must have run along at least every other yoke starting at the first axis on the eastern side. For a grid foundation with chambers 1 m. in width and 2.60 m. in depth would constitute an appropriate substructure system for the Magnesia altar when taking into account the dimensions of the euthynteria (Figure 4). Thus, it is possible to suggest a grid substructure with rectangular elongated chambers for

Gerkan 1929: 5-6, Abb.3, Taf.1, 14 Gerkan 1923/24: 345; Gerkan 1929: 5-6, Abb.3

3

33

Gerkan 1929: 5, Abb.3; Gerkan 1931: 137

SOMA 2007 the altar at Magnesia, just as is the case for the foundations of the pteron of the Temple of Apollo Smintheus4 and the Temple of Artemis at Magnesia,5 the peristyle, pronaos and opisthodomos foundations of the Temple of Apollo at Delphi,6 and the Doric Temple at Seleuceia Piera,7 and the foundation of the altar of Zeus at Pergamum.8

remains drawn on Heyne’s plan, the grid foundation of the altar at Magnesia must also have been surrounded by a thick wall built of blocks of different heights. Traces of anathyrosis on the euthynteria of the outermost row of chamber walls and the area between steps and the blocks behind steps also support the existence of such a framing wall (Figure 4).

A grid substructure consisting of empty chambers still does not have sufficient static force. As is the case with the substructures of the Temple of Apollo at Didyma,9 The Temple of Apollo Smintheus, the Temple of Artemis at Magnesia, and the Temple of Apollo at Delphi, these chambers must be filled. The chambers at the altar at Pergamum are filled with fragments of basalt blocks and rubble.10 In the altar at Magnesia the base of the chambers constituting the grid foundation correspond to the crushed stone remains in the euthynteria. These remains are important evidence that show us that the chambers were filled with crushed limestone combined with some coarse pieces of stone.

Thus, for the Altar of Artemis at Magnesia we suggest a grid substructure that closely resembles the foundation of the altar of Zeus at Pergamum. This substructure appears to have been a firm and solid foundation with its filled individual chambers and thick framing wall. The substructure system we suggest for the altar at Magnesia is a foundation that is strong enough to support the load of the superstructure, as is the case with the aforementioned two buildings and the altar of Zeus at Pergamum. Podium Height Determining this grid foundation and therefore the podium height is one of the aims of this study. When determining the height of the podium an important point that must be taken into account is the inverse ratio between the height of the podium and the width of the altar courtyard. The higher the podium, the greater the number of steps in the entrance to the altar. The depth of a stair landing depends on the number of steps in those stairs. The greater the number of steps, the greater the depth of the stair landing. In a structure with antae, because the stairs would extend into the courtyard, a broad stair landing would also require a narrow courtyard. Therefore, as Hoepfner has said,14 in an altar with a euthynteria of 23.10x15.80 m., and taking into account the relation between stair height and courtyard depth, the podium must have been constructed as low as possible. Furthermore, an altar dedicated to Artemis, who was a chthonic divinity, having a high podium would run counter to Vitrivius’ rule regarding this subject.15

When we look at the grid substructure obtained, we see that an anta emerges on the foundation’s northwestern corner. The base of this anta rests right on top of the insitu foundation core formed of large blocks on the northwestern corner. Therefore these in-situ blocks must have served as the core of the anta base. When we project the symmetry of this foundation core, which is situated on the northwestern corner, onto the southwestern corner of the euthynteria, an anta base 5.40 m. wide emerges on the altar’s western façade, on the northwestern and southwestern corners (Figure 4). It is possible to place an anta 3 yokes wide on a base 5.40 m. wide. This situation also accords with the anta system using 3 yokes suggested by Gerkan.11 During digs, a sufficient number of foundation blocks were found to constitute the foundation of the southwestern anta; these had the same characteristics as the blocks of the foundation of the northwestern anta and were found to the south of the altar.12 These blocks confirm the existence of a foundation plan with two antae.

It is not possible to estimate the height of the podium by only using the foundation plan and the limestone blocks belonging to this foundation. Therefore, the marble blocks surrounding the foundation of the podium must also be examined. It is possible to suggest a new restitution for the altar podium using the marble blocks that were retrieved in the digs that started in 1993 at the altar and its surrounding superstructures.

On Heyne’s plan it can be observed that a wall was built of blocks of different height in front of the northwestern anta (Figure 3). The outer sides of the grid foundation of the altar of Zeus at Pergamum were built of blocks without clamps, and it was enveloped virtually like a belt by a wall 3.5-4 m. wide of which some parts are still present.13 As can be understood from these foundation

Whatever the height of the podium and the altar’s foundation, in order to reach this height, step blocks are required. Therefore, a height that is to be reached via step blocks would have to be a multiple of the height of these steps. Thus, the unit to be used in determining the height of the podium should be the height of on step.

4

Özgünel 2001: 35, Plan 5, 56, 83-89 Humann, Kohte, et al. 1904: Abb.29 6 Hansen 1991: 73-4, Abb. 2 7 Stillwell 1941: 33, Plan IX 8 Durm 1910: 113,116, Abb.86; Müller and Wiener 1988:64-5, Abb.25; Hoepfner 1989: 620, Abb.20; 1991:194-5, Abb.1-2, 7; Radt 1995: 5856, Abb.1, 11; 2001: 168-71, Fig. 39b,c 9 Mark 1993: 17, Res.2.10 10 Schrammen 1906: 12; Hoepfner 1991: 194 11 Gerkan 1929: 5, Abb. 3, 9, Taf.VIII 12 Çetin 2003: 235-47, Plates 122-128, 165-179 13 Hoepfner 1991: 194-5; Radt 1995: 577-8 5

During Humann’s excavations two step blocks were

14 15

34

Hoepfner 1989: 604 Vitrivius IV-9

FOUNDATION STRUCTURE OF THE ALTAR OF ARTEMIS AT MAGNESIA AD MAEANDRUM found and drawings of them were later published by Gerkan.16 Three step blocks were found during the excavations that were resumed in 1993 at the altar and its surrounding superstructures. Taking into consideration these blocks along with the blocks drawn by Gerkan, it is possible to determine the riser height of the altar at Magnesia as 0.22 m. and its tread width as 0.40 m. Such being the case, the unit to be used in determining the podium height is 22 cm.

high. The toichobate, which is a total of 55 cm. high including the block beneath it, is only 8 cm. higher than the block suggested by Gerkan but which, because of its profile, gives the impression it should have a torus on it. Among the foundation stones found in the digs there were numerous blocks that could have been situated behind the stairs and the toichobate and the block beneath it, and that would have filled in the space between these blocks and the foundation’s framing wall.19

The fact that during excavations the step blocks were found on the north and west façades is an indication that there used to be a crepis having at least one step and which ran along the whole perimeter of the building. Because a crepidoma having more than one step would increase the height of the podium it would not be an appropriate solution for the altar at Magnesia.

The uncompleted profile on block No. 22, which Gerkan suggested as orthostat in his restitution, is quite interesting. This block was shaped so as to have reliefs on it, however, it gives the impression that it was either left half-finished or that they gave up doing the reliefs. Such an orthostat block with a half-finished profile could not have been used on the façade of a building with friezes 3.15 m. high and which, as the extant architectural elements make plain, was thoroughly embellished.

Anathyrosis, formed on crepis blocks so that these blocks would be joined to one another, are narrower on the blocks along the euthynteria’s northern, southern and eastern sides than those on the western side (Figure 4). However, the anathyrosis is wider on the western side than it is on the other sides. The position of mortises is also evidence that the crepis on the western side must have been broader than those on the other sides. The mortises, which were made to secure the step blocks forming the crepis to the altar’s euthynteria, were opened at 8-16 cm. from the northern, southern and eastern sides, while this distance varies between 45-50 cm. for the western side. The position of mortises on the western side is also an indication that a block wider than those on the other sides must have been lain on this side (Figure 5). Therefore on the western façade of the altar, unlike the other façades, we suggest a crepis of at least 100 cm. in depth. Thus a single-stepped crepidoma emerges, which is 22 cm. high and runs along the whole perimeter of the altar. According to our suggestion, this crepidoma is 40 cm. wide on the three façades and 100 cm. on the western side. By using a large crepis on the western façade the architect of the building must have wanted to give a different appearance to this façade and thus emphasize it.

Therefore, we need to look for another orthostat block that would match the profile on the toichobate beneath it. As the orthostat block, we suggest the 76 cm. high marble block registered as No. 85 in the catalogue, which was found in the center of the area covered with a foundation for the flooring, to the west of the altar, because of the slight protrusions on its horizontal sides. Two other partly-broken orthostat blocks were found at the same spot. An orthostat block with similar features can be seen on the central terrace in Corinth.20 Secured to these blocks with clamps, 19 limestone foundation blocks were found which, due to their general features, could have been placed behind the orthostat.21 These blocks confirm that the blocks we suggest as orthostat blocks belong to the altar and where they were located in the building. As a crown upon the orthostat block we may place the 22 cm. high block which Gerkan numbered 21 and used as orthostat crown in his restitution. And over this crown we suggest a step block 22 cm. high. Behind these blocks there must have been a leveling layer that would level, and thus cover the filler, along with the walls forming the grid foundation. These blocks, which would form this leveling layer and also serve as a bed for the podium’s marble flooring, must have been secured to each other with clamps, as in the euthynteria. Thus, as is the case with the euthynteria, a strong, coherent foundation may also be formed on the uppermost layer of the foundation. During excavations, numerous 44-46-cm.-high limestone blocks were found that might have belonged to this layer of the foundation, whose general features resemble those of the euthynteria blocks, but which can be distinguished by their smaller clamp holes. In fact it was even possible to join some of these blocks to one other.22

On this crepis, as the block beneath the toichobate, we suggest the 32 cm. high marble block, No. 58 in the catalogue, found in the center of the area which is covered with a foundation for the flooring, to the west of the altar (Figure 6). For there is a similar block placed beneath the toichobate in the Altar of the Temple of Asclepius at Kos and the Altar of the Temple of Athena Polias in Priene.17 As for the Altar of Zeus at Pergamum, the top step of the crepidoma is used as a block that is placed beneath the orthostat.18 Therefore, a toichobate block must also be expected in the substructure of the Altar at Magnesia. On top of this block beneath the toichobate, which is 32 cm. high, we can place the block which we define as the toichobate block, which is 23 cm.

Thus, including this leveling layer, the substructure’s 19

Çetin 2003:102-6, 108-15, 197-210, 212-23, Plate 81, 121-137, 140147, 149-151 20 Scranton 1951: 98, Plate. 44-2 21 Çetin 2003: 116-22, 226-35, Plate 149, 155-164 b 22 Çetin 2003: 141-55, 262-80, Plate 196-217

16

Gerkan 1929: 13, Taf. VI Nr.25-26 17 Wiegand and Scrader 1904: 120, Abb. 91-92; Gerkan 1924: Taf.II; Shazmann 1932: Taf. 12-13, 29, Abb. 22; Dontas 2000: 92 18 Hoepfner 1991: 192, Abb.2

35

SOMA 2007 total height would be 1.98 m. If on this height we add a 22 cm. high stylobate, which would constitute the floor of the altar courtyard, the altar podium would reach a height of 2.20 m (Figure 6). In order to mount a podium situated at this height we need stairs with 10 steps. The total height of such a podium is 1.127 m. less than Gerkan’s, 1.625 m. less than Linfert’s, and 1.98 m. less than Özgan’s restitution.

east. The sides of an altar table thus placed are congruous with column axes. Thus, there is a distance of 1 m. between the altar table and the courtyard wall. Humann found a crown block belonging to this altar table. The block is 0.705 m. wide and the crown’s size is 0.445 m.24 Such being the case, the thickness of the sides of the altar table must have been 0.445 m. Using this thickness and taking into consideration substructure elements, an altar table 11.60 m. long can be formed in the altar courtyard. An altar table of these dimensions is sufficient for performing the sacrificial function with ease in an altar where numerous sacrifices are made during religious festivals (Figure 10). This altar table is longer than the one suggested by Gerkan (7.407x3.777 m.)25 And its measurements are close to the 14-m.-long table suggested by Hoepfner.26

The Altar’s Court As far as can be understood from the few architectural elements retrieved from the superstructure, the altar of at Magnesia, as Gerkan, Linfert and Özgan have said, must have had a superstructure with a colonnaded courtyard of the Ionic order. The height of this courtyard and its architectural details are the subject of another study. However, the restitution of the superstructure we obtained as a result of our research allows for the drawing of a rough hypothetical plan of the superstructure.

The stair, whose first step is 1 m. wide, extends into the altar courtyard for 4.20 m., starting at the western side of the euthynteria. If we subtract this measurement from the 15.80 m. width of the euthynteria we obtain an area 11.60 m. wide for the altar courtyard. It is possible to build a large altar table in a courtyard this size, provided it does not exceed 8 m. In this respect too our suggestion is close to Gerkan’s suggestion. This measurement is also close to the length of the altar table on Heopner’s plan, which with its measurement of 10 m. has the widest courtyard among altar restitutions suggested.27

According to the restitution we suggest, the podium façade depth, including the crepis on the altar’s northern, southern, and eastern sides, is 1.20 m. (Figure 7-8). And on the western façade this depth reaches 1.80 m. due to the crepis. When the depth of profiles on this podium is subtracted from the euthynteria’s measurements it is possible to form a stylobate 20.80x12.80 m. on the grid foundation. On this stylobate, by using a yoke of 1.60 m., as determined according to architectural elements, we obtain an 8x13 yoke system. This also accords completely with the yoke system envisaged by Gerkan.23

The Sacrificial Area On the flooring on the western side of the euthynteria of the altar at Magnesia are a total of 11 in-situ holes to secure rings for attaching sacrificial animals; these holes are 10-11 cm. long, 4 cm. wide, and 8-9 cm. deep (Figure 9). However, the distance between the first hole on the northwest and the northern side of the euthynteria is approximately 3 times the distance between the first hole on the southwestern side and the southern side of the euthynteria. If we add another hole on the northwestern corner the distance between the rings on both corners and the sides of the euthynteria will be equal. Therefore, there should be another hole on the northwestern side of the altar, approximately 80 cm. to the south of this side. In case one of the blocks on the northwestern side, which are missing today, held rings for attaching sacrificial animals, the number of rings on the first block of the marble flooring would reach 12.

The wall architrave and geisons obtained in the digs show that there was a colonnaded courtyard on the altar podium. Therefore, for the altar at Magnesia, in accordance with the tradition of altars with a colonnaded courtyard, we suggest an Π shaped courtyard behind the entrance which is flanked by antae on the western façade. It is possible to adapt with a few changes the courtyard plan in Gerkan and Linfert’s restitutions to our new courtyard plan. According to the restitution we suggest, the courtyard, which is at a height of 2.20 m., is reached through the western façade via a stair with 10 steps between the anta walls. Just following the stepped entrance is a portico entrance with eight columns. And following this entrance is a courtyard 19.6x7.10 m. A large altar table will fit in a courtyard of these dimensions. Placing the sides of the altar table on the chamber walls of the foundation below would be an appropriate solution statically. The shorter sides of the altar table that must be situated just interior to the portico entrance, should be placed on the fourth column axis of the anta, upon the third vertical chamber walls on the northern and southern sides, and these sides of the altar table should lie between the first two chamber walls on the eastern side. As for the rear side of the altar table, it should be situated on the first chamber wall, again on the

However, in excavations carried out on the northwest of the altar during the 1999 campaign, an in-situ block was found on the northwest of the euthynteria which had a hole to secure rings for attaching sacrificial animals, preserved together with its lead. Furthermore, on a marble flooring block situated 6.18 m. south of this block there is a shallow hole with a diameter of 12 cm. This hole could belong to a damaged hole to secure rings for 24

Gerkan 1929: Taf. VI Nr.28; Theuer 1943: 22, Abb. 8 Theuer 1943: 22-3, Abb.9 Hoepfner 1989: 616 27 Hoepfner 1989: 616 25 26

23

Gerkan 1923/24: 345; Gerkan 1929: 5, Abb 3

36

FOUNDATION STRUCTURE OF THE ALTAR OF ARTEMIS AT MAGNESIA AD MAEANDRUM attaching sacrificial animals. If this block were also a block for attaching sacrificial animals, the number of insitu blocks for attaching sacrificial animals on the west of the altar would reach 14.

constructed in the 3rd century B.C.30 We agree with this view.

There are in-situ marble flooring blocks, though few, scattered about at various spots of the area on which a foundation for the flooring has been found, immediately to the west of the altar. As can be understood from these blocks, this area to the west of the altar must have been covered entirely with marble flooring. This marble flooring was stripped at an unknown date for an unknown reason.

Bingöl O. (2007), Menders Magnesiası, İstanbul, Homer Kitabevi Carter, J. C. (1983), The Sculpture of The Sanctuary of Athena Polias at Priene, London Çetin, C. (2003), Magnesia ad Maeandrum Artemis Tapınakları Altyapısı ve Çevresiyle İlişkisi, Ankara, Ankara University, Institute for Social Sciences: Unpublished Doctoral Thesis Cetin, C. (2006), Antik Yunan’da Kurban, Yüzlük Kurban ve Altar, Türk Arkeoloji ve Etnografya Dergisi, T.C. Kültür ve Turizm Bakanlığı Yayınları, Vol. 6, Ankara, 87-98 Dontas, N. A. (2000), Priene Foundation of The Hellenistic World, Athens Durm, J. (1910), Die Baukunst der Griechen, Leipzig Hansen, E. (1991), Versetzen von Baugliedern am Griechischen Tempel, Bautechnik Der Antike, Band 5, Mainz am Rhein, 72-9 Hoepfner, W. (1989), Zu den Grossen Altären von Magnesia und Pergamon, A.A. 1989, 601-34 Hoepfner, W. (1991), Bauliche Details am Pergamonaltar, A.A. 1991, 189-202 Gerkan, A. (1924), Der Altar Des Athenatempels in Priene, BJb Haft 129, 17-35 Gerkan, A. (1929), Der Altar Des Artemis-Tempels in Magnesia am Mäander, Studien Zur Bauforschung, Heft I, Berlin Gerkan, A. (1931), Zu Gestalt des Artemisaltars in Magnesia a.M., FuF Band 7., 137-8 Kern, O. (1900), Die Inschriften von Magnesia am Maeander, Berlin Linfert, A. (1976), Kunstzentren Hellenistischer Zeit, Studien an Weiblichen Gewandfiguren, Wiesbaden Mark, R. (1973), Architectural Technology up to The Scientific Revolution, The MIT Press CambridgeMassachusetts, London Müller, W. (1988), Griechisches Bauwesen in der Antike, München Özgan, R. (1982), Zur Datierung des Artemisaltars in Magnesia am Maeander, IstMitt. 32, 196-209 Özgünel, C. (2001), Smintheion (Troas’ta Kutsal Bir Alan), Publications of the Turkish Ministry of Culture General Directorate of Monuments and Museums, Ankara Petersen, E. (1906), Die Ara Pacis Augustae, JdI Band IX, 1906, 298-315 Radt, W. (1995), Pergamon. Vorbericht Über Die Kampagne 1994, A.A. 1995, 575-95 Schrammen, J. (1906), Der Grosse Altar der Obere Markt, Berlin Scranton, R. L. (1951), Monuments in The Lower Agora and North of Archaic Temple, Corinth Vol. 1 Par. II, NewJersey

Bibliography

If we duplicate the abovementioned blocks with rings for attaching sacrificial animals by projecting there symmetry over their axes and the distance between the blocks, a total of 100 blocks with rings, counting 14 in each of the last two rows, fit onto this area with a foundation for the flooring, immediately in front of the altar (Figure 10). Hecatombs are often mentioned in many ancient sources, and especially in Homer’s Iliad and Odyssey.28 Architectural evidence can also be found as to the practice of the hecatomb tradition on the sacred area of the Temple of Apollo at Claros. Therefore it is possible that the hecatomb tradition was practiced in Magnesia as well. Conclusion As a result of our research, for the altar of the Temple of Artemis at Magnesia we suggest a grid substructure with its chambers filled with crushed stone. As a requisite of this substructure, the altar podium, which is 2.20 m. and is reached via 10 steps, must have an entrance flanked by antae. Contrary to what Humann, Gerkan and Linfert have said, this entrance is not on the eastern but on the western façade. Apart from the antae embellished with reliefs depicting 12 gods, the walls of this façade are emphasized with a large crepis and blocks with rings for attaching sacrificial animals. We maintain that due to architectural remains, the altar has a courtyard of the Ionic order and that this courtyard rests on top of a podium 2.20 m. high. Furthermore, just in front of the entrance to the west of the altar we suggest a sacrificial area (hecatombe) arranged so that a hundred sacrifices can be attached at once. Our work does now have any new documents or evidence to offer for dating the altar. According to inscription No. 100 the altar must have been built before the Isiteria festivities. These festivities are thought to have been celebrated for the first time in 206 B.C.29 Due to the fact that the Altar of the Temple of Artemis at Magnesia has been dated by researchers to 220-206 because of its sculptural works it is most probable that the Temple was

28 Hom. Il. 1/63-7, 1/97-100, 1/307-9, 6/110-15; Od. 3/55, 3/140, 4/580, 11/130; Cengiz 2006: 87-98 29 Şahin 1972: 112

30 Yavis 1949:197; Şahin 1972: 122; Linfer 1976: 27-30, 36, 165-7, 170; Özgan 1982: 197, 209, 201

37

SOMA 2007 Shazmann, P (1932), Asklepeion, Berlin Stillwell, R. (1941), Antioch on the Orantes, III The Excavations 1937-39, Wisconsin Şahin, M. Ç. (1972), Die Entrwicklung Der Griechischen Monumentallaltare, Bonn Theuer, M. (1943), Der Altar Des Artemisions zu

Magnesia am Mäander, Eine Hermogenes Studie, Arcahäologishes Institut Des Deutschen Reiches Zweigstelle Wien, Wien-München-Brünn Wiegand, T. and H. Schrader (1904), Priene, Berlin Yavis, C.G. (1949), Greek Altars (Origins and Typology), Missouri, Saint Louis

Fig.1: Plan of the altar at Magnesia (drawing: Cengiz Çetin)

Fig.2: Heyne’s plan of the altar at Magnesia (Gerkan 1929: Taf.1) 38

FOUNDATION STRUCTURE OF THE ALTAR OF ARTEMIS AT MAGNESIA AD MAEANDRUM

Fig.3: Plan of substructure that is lined up like a fence (drawing: Cengiz Çetin)

Fig.4: Restitution of foundation of the altar at Magnesia (drawing: Cengiz Çetin)

39

SOMA 2007

Fig.5: Large anthyrosis on the westside (drawing: Cengiz Çetin)

Fig.6: Restitution of podium of altar at Magnesia (drawing: Cengiz Çetin)

Fig.7: In length cross section of podium on west façade (drawing: Cengiz Çetin)

Fig.8: In width cross section of podium on north façade (drawing: Cengiz Çetin) 40

FOUNDATION STRUCTURE OF THE ALTAR OF ARTEMIS AT MAGNESIA AD MAEANDRUM

Fig. 9: Hole to secure rings for attaching sacrificial animal (drawing: Cengiz Çetin)

Fig.10: Plan of altar and the sacrificial area at Magnesia (drawing: Cengiz Çetin)

41

Imaginary creatures in the stone decorations in Anatolia during the Seljuki and Principalities periods Vildan Çetintaş Gazi University, Ankara Turkey, History of Art

Hittite Sphinx, human bodies attached to the Chinese family trees, multi-armed goddesses of the Far East and Aztec God hairy snakes are examples.

Introduction Artistic works are images that are embodied by artists. Formation of images in different cultural environments takes place depending on the beliefs, material and moral value judgement, cultural background and their traditions from this history. During this formation the images are sometimes reflected as they are in reality and sometimes as the depiction of surreal creatures which are impossible to exist in nature.

It is known that this imaginary world based on the Ancient resources was widely used in painting relief and other branches of art in the Europe of the Middle Age with the inclusion of devil, angle, monster figures and other imaginary creatures of the Christian teaching. When we look at the Turkish and Islamic arts, we see that the imaginary creatures exist in many manuscripts with miniature, metal art samples and stone decorations in the form of zodiac descriptions, in zoomorphic decorations formed by the transformation of animal bodies into vegetable forms, branches with animal or human shaped ends, winged horse, siren and simurg, phoenix, harpy, dragon and angel figures and double headed birds. These plastics with figures which have a wide utility area in the Central Asia Turkish Art continued to be made even after the conversion of the Turks to Islam from the IX century on during the period of Karahanlıs in such a way not to create much reaction. As known, the ban of idol statutes or paintings for worshipping purpose to prevent the pre-Islamic Arab tribes from worshipping idols caused an interpretation later that painting and sculpture are banned altogether. As a result of this, in the artistic works of the Turks converting to Islam there was an apparent decrease in the plastics with figures, although it didn’t disappear totally. They kept embroidering as relief the symbols of their previous faith traditions which are believed to bring fortune and to have protective qualities, the imaginary creatures where they shape their totem animals which they accept as “ongun” on the Turkish architectural works in Anatolia as well as all kinds of works during the periods of Karahanlıs, Gaznelis, Great Seljukis, Anatolian Seljukis and Principalities.

These creatures which are characterized as being fantastic and believed to exist in an imaginary universe are usually formulated through the deformation of human and animal bodies in such a way that they cannot be seen in nature. These creatures which are embroidered by conveyance through generations thanks to myths, fairy tales, written and oral texts move the surreal world of people to their real world via the artistic works. It is seen that these imaginary creatures are embroidered in every part of the earth and on every kind of material by using various techniques. These creatures, which are created by people due to various reasons like obtaining powers which they don’t possess or being protected, can assume iconographic meanings sometimes jointly and sometimes severally. The geography and belief structures of the societies effectively impact on whether these meanings are different or same. Interaction in the same geography is inevitable. It is understood that “these depictions focused during the course of time around the cult and rituals covering abundance, fertility or various symbolic meaning and changed the art works of societies which were unaware of each other during the history by affecting them almost synchronously”.1

Although the source of the imaginary creatures seen in the Anatolian Seljuki is the eastern and western myths, the figures here are not the imitations of the western and eastern mythologies and we meet them with a new identity including forms and meanings unique to Anatolia. This very comprehensive subject has been dealt with some researches mentioned in the bibliography and addressed in various publications. Here we only deal with some examples of the imaginary creatures which are frequently seen in the stone decoration of the Anatolian Seljuki and Principalities period and shortly mention the

Since the early ages, the depiction of imaginary creatures through artistic expression is very common, the creatures emerging in line with the beliefs of the societies in both the western and eastern cultures. Imaginary creatures with half human half animal bodies in the Ancient Greek mythology are included in many artistic works in the West. The imaginary creature depictions included in many cultures like the famous sphinxes of the ancient Egyptian civilization, Anatolian 1

(Bilici 1993:73)

42

IMAGINARY CREATURES IN THE STONE DECORATIONS IN ANATOLIA DURING THE SELJUKI AND PRINCIPALITIES PERIODS most common ones among the wide iconographic interpretations.

both frightened and believed to have supernatural powers. Therefore dragon, which is an imaginary motive, is believed to be an animal possessing icons like good, bad, darkness, lightness, earth and sky. The dragon figure which as an important place in the Central Asia Turkish culture “used be thought as a protective symbol in Central Asia” as mentioned by Williams3 There is a dragon figure on the top platik of the monument erected in the name of Gokturk Ruler Bilge Khan (death 731) which is the most ancient manuscripts of the Turkish language. Dragon also found wide utility area in the Uigur art and protected its significance after Islam and was maintained as the sacred values of the former beliefs on any kinds of art.

Imaginary Creature Samples Seen in Stone Decoration in the Anatolian Seljuki and Principalities Periods Angel: The angel figures seen on stone decoration are rare compared to other imaginary creatures because of the banning attitude of Islam for the depiction with figures especially depiction of human. The samples of the Turkish Art are only seen in two places in Anatolia. They are the two angel figures in the external wall of Konya built by Alaeddin Keykubad I and those located on two sides of the Burdur Susuz Han coronary gate.

The semple dragon which is located in the Konya İnce Minareli Medrese Museum (inventory no 160/1394, 889). This imaginary creature has been depicted as having a knotted body, horn, legs and rumi wings. The tail of the dragon ends with a head with the mouth open (Fig. 5) According to Esin4 these dragon figures with wings, horns, scales and legs which are embroiderer as if they move ahead from the profile view seen in the Chinese and Central Asia Turkish Art as well as in Seljukis are a continuation of the dragon type which is named as “Luu” in Uigurs.

The sample angels date back to 1220s and they are believed to be originally located on two sides of one of the gates in the external walls of Konya. They are embroidered as a human figure with their crowns on the head and braided hair on two sides. (Fig. 1, 2) The open wings over their shoulders and leg movements are embroidered in such a way as if they are flying in space. The belts in the waists of the angels and the cloths in the shape of trousers suitable to ride horses reflect the Turkish way of dressing used since Central Asia.

The two other dragons relieves existing in the same museum are formed within close composition schemes. The difference between the two works is that the relief base of one of them is filled with plant motives and has decorations on the head and rumi wingÇoruhlu5 states that this dragon type is the sky dragons thought as the symbol of power and protection (Fig. 6). This is verified by the fact that the work came from the castle of Konya which is the capital city of Anatolian Seljukis. In the third dragon figure a tail ending with head is described as biting the knotted body. (Fig7)

Sphinx: Sphinxes are the imaginary creatures depicted with human head and lion body and sometimes with and without wings. Generally, in mythology, they have the duty of protection. “Sphinx are believed to be magic creatures protecting buildings and bringing luck and fortune.”2 The sphinx sample of the Anatolian Seljukis is on the marble stone which is exhibited in the Konya İnce Minareli Medrese Museum. Two sphinxes embroidered as relieves in badges are placed face to face with the sphinxes in the stone which displays a different composition with the bird figure in the middle and the deer figure. There are human figures with the three-sliced crowns on the heads of the lion bodies. However the arms are replaced by the wings and the reversed tails end the with dragon heads biting the wing (Fig. 3).

The fourth relief with dragon taken as a sample is located on a stone block. There is a pair of dragons with open mouths, tongues out bodies knotted and scaled on two sides of the circles on this stone including multi-armed stars formed by three telescopic circles which is, according to Karamağaralı6 “the symbol of infinity, the ancient Turkish God possessing the world and the infinite” (Fig. 8). However most part of the one of the dragons is detached.

Harpy: It is a mythological figure with the body of a bird and head of a human being (mostly woman head). There are also samples with one head and two bodies. One of the known features of the harpy figure is its connection with the spirits and its meaning is carrying the spirit of the dead person to the other world. The harpy figure in Konya İnce Minareli Medrese Museum is depicted as having a bird body with a crown on the head, rumi winged and long tailed. (Fig. 4 )

“Usually double formation of dragons, being located on the tails of lions and sphinxes in many samples or in the ends of the double headed eagles, and sometimes being embroidered with the human head, bull head or life tree are the remarkable features”.7 Winged Horse: Winged horse is an imaginary creature that symbolizes in many cultures fast rising up to sky,

Dragon: The main figure of dragon which is a Central Asia based symbol is snake. Since the snake is an animal which can survive both under and above the earth, and because of its fatal and healing effect of its poison, it is 2

3

(Williams 1960:136 – 137) (Esin 1969:176) 5 (Çoruhlu 1995:70) 6 (Karamağaralı 1992:4) 7 (Öney, 1978.49-50) 4

(Öney 1978:56)

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SOMA 2007 of power it is used as the sign of the emperor.8 The griffon, which dates back to the end of the 12th century and the beginning of the 13th century, was brought from Konya to Çinili Köşk in 1870 and to the Museum of Turkish and Islamic Works

power and rule. It is seen in the arts of Ancient Greece, Etrüsk, Rome, Byzantium, Urartu, Sasani, China and Islamic Emevis as well as Buddhist Uigur Turks starting from the era of Huns. One sample of the Anatolian Seljuki Time is the marble relief on the architectural piece in the Konya İnce Minareli Medrese Museum. The head of the horse cannot be clearly viewed on the stone which is eroded and detached just over the head part (Fig. 9). The front legs are in a shape of making a move and the back legs are shown in the move with the stretched nice tail. The wings rising up from the body of the horse figure are embroidered in four slices.

Another griffon sample is included in the rectangular stone relief of 45x82x7, 5 cm. It was brought from Diyarbakır and dates back to the 13th century. The upper section of the stone is curbed and decorated with kufi calligraphy. In the lower section there is a figure of two birds whose heads are directed to each other. The griffons are seen between the plant decorations which end with the grape bunches on the relief work with two niche arches at the sides. The griffons are placed in such a way to overlap the niches. (Fig. 14) Inv. 2514

Double Headed Eagle: Double headed eagle is a figure used as a symbol in many cultures in the world. This figure, which is seen in the Hittite art in Anatolia, was used in the pre-Islamic Arab culture, in Roma, Germany and in other countries at various times. Eagle which is one of the imaginary creatures regarded as sacred by the Turks since Central Asia is accepted as the Sun and Sky God in Yakuts. Great importance is given to eagle and other wild birds which are given supernatural meanings during the time of Huns. In Gokturks, there is an eagle figure with open wings on the headgear of the Prince Kültigin. For Turks it represents the Ruler and his wife. Alaeddin Keykubad took this figure as a symbol. It is the arms of the Anatolian Seljuki Sultans. Therefore it is seen in many Anatolian Seljuki works in centres like Konya, Kayseri, Niğde, Sivas and Erzurum.

The griffons are depicted as having bird heads and ears, lion body and with wings. The wings are again in the form of rumi motive. Rhino:The rhino figure represents the strength and power as a powerful creature. It is found in the Central Asia Turkish motives. It is narrated that it can lift up even an elephant, the heaviest animal. Therefore there are many elephant and rhino composition in the Islamic and Turkish Art. The stone relief taken as sample is a rhino chasing an elephant seen on a piece of arch from the castle of Konya. Although the elephant is shaped in a naturalist expression, rhino is long tailed and winged. The imaginary wing here is embroidered in the form of rumi motive as in many samples. It is depicted as attacking the elephant behind with its single horn. (Fig. 15)

The double headed eagles which are taken as samples are located on the architectural pieces existing today in Konya İnce Minareli Medrese Museum and coming from the castle of Konya. In the first sample, the open wings of the eagle and the magnificent tail are embroidered in slices and depicted with the projecting claws. (Fig. 10)

The second sample about rhino is also from the Castle of Konya. Here too the imaginary rhino chases a single nailed animal. As in the previous sample the other animal is shaped with a naturalist expression. The body and the legs of the rhino remind of a lion. Again the rumi formed wing rises up to its head. It is embroidered as a totally imaginary creation with the long horn and tail with the dragon head end (Fig.16).

It is understood from the form of the stone on the imaginary double headed eagle figure in the second sample that it is located on an arch. The eagle on this piece, which is most probably a gate arch, is formed in a symmetrical composition like the previous one. The bills of the eagles in the relief touch their wings, and the long hair go down from the top of their heads down to their necks. Since the stone is eroded, the details on the body, wing, claw and tail cannot be understood. (Fig. 11)

Conclusion: The imaginary creatures which are seen in all cultures of the world and shaped with an intense understanding of symbolism caused by the myths are usually expressed with animals and the deformation on human bodies. Various meanings are assigned in different cultures to these creatures which are created in the imagination because of various reasons like fear, joy, protection, magic and spell. They carried these creatures which are believed to have supernatural powers to present days by embroidering on every kinds of material. The root of the imaginary creatures in the Turkish art is based on the shaman beliefs in the pre-Islam Central Asia step culture. Although the Turks experienced change of faith like Buddhism and Manihaizm, they didn’t give up the

Griffon: Griffons which represent strength and victory in the Anatolian Seljuki art are depicted as wolfs with lion body or dog head. One of the griffons taken as sample has the sizes of 24x43x12 cm (Inv. 2553). It is depicted as a wolf with the lion body or dog head, and the head looks backwards and there is a cone in the mouth. (Fig. 12) One of the zoomorphic motives on its body, called rumi, gives the impression of being a wing. It was brought from Diyarbakır to Çinili Köşk and to the Museum of Turkish and Islamic Works in 1941 The other griffon taken as sample has the sizes of 100x86 cm. It is depicted as a wolf with lion body or as dog headed. (Fig. 13). Usually the lion motive symbolizes the sun, lightness, power and superiority. Being the symbol

8

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(Durukan, 1993:149)

IMAGINARY CREATURES IN THE STONE DECORATIONS IN ANATOLIA DURING THE SELJUKI AND PRINCIPALITIES PERIODS Sanat Tarihi Yıllığı IV., 153-81. İnan, A. (1954) Tarihte ve Bugün Şamanizm, Ankara. Karamağaralı, B. (1992), Ahlat Mezar Taşları, Kültür Bakanlığı Yayınları, Türk Tarih Kurumu Basımevi, Ankara. Ögel, B. (1971), Türk Mitolojisi I, Ankara. Ögel, S. (1966), Anadolu Selçukluları’nın Taş Tezyinatı, Ankara. Önder, M. (1966) Selçuklu Ejderi, Türkiye Turing ve Otomobil Kurumu Belleteni, VIII., 2-4. Önder, M. (1976) Konya Kal’ası Figürlü Eserleri, VI. Türk Tarih Kongresi Tebliğler, Ankara, 145-69 Önder, M. (1992) Selçuklu Tasvir Sanatında Halk İnançları, IV. Milletlerarası Türk Halk Kültürü Kongresi Bildirileri, Kültür Bakanlığı Halk Kültürlerini Araştırma Ve Geliştirme Genel Müdürlüğü Yayınları, Ankara. Öney, G. (1967), Niğde Hüdavent Hatun Türbesinin Figürlü Kabartmaları, Belleten, CXXXI, Ankara, 14355. Öney, G. (1969), Anadolu Selçuk Sanatında Ejder Figürleri, Belleten, CXXXIII, Ankara, 171-216. Panofsky, E. (1971), (Çev. B. Cömert) İkonografi ve İkonoloji, Türk Dili, Ağustos. Rudenko, S.I. (1958), The Mythological Eagle, The gryphon, The Wingled Lion and The Wolf in the Art of the Northern Nomads, Artibus Asiae, XXI, 101-8. Tekeli, G. (2002) Ahşap ve Taş Eserler, Türk Ve İslam Eserleri Müzesi, Akbank Kültür Ve Sanat Yayınları Dizisi, İstanbul. Williams, C.A.S., (1960), Encyclopedia of Chinese Symbolism and Art Motives, New York, 319-21. Yenişehirlioğlu, F. (1993) İkonografi ve İkonoloji ve Osmanlı Sanatı, Sanat Tarihinde İkonografik Araştırmalar, Güner İnal’a Armağan, Ankara.

imaginary creatures which they regarded as sacred and which they symbolised. These imaginary creatures changed form depending on the various ways of life and traditions in different geographies and sometimes by getting affected. However, even after they converted to Islam, they kept embroidering the imaginary creatures to which they are cordially connected on the works in a moderate way despite the Islamic views banning depiction. The imaginary creatures which are embroidered on the stones left from the Anatolian Seljuki and Principalities periods in the 12th and 13th centuries convey the traces of this former belief structure. Bibliography Bilici, Z. K. (1993), Cizre Ulucamisi Kapı Tokmaklarının İkonografik ve Kronolojik Değeri Üzerine Bir Etüt, Sanat Tarihinde İkonografik Araştırmalar, Güner İnal’a Armağan, Ankara. Bilici, Z. K. (1933), Anadolu Taş Tezyinatında Hayvan Uslubu, Arkeoloji - Sanat Tarihi Dergisi, II, 169-75. Çetintaş, V. (2006), Anadolu Mezar Taşlarında Görülen Hayvan Figürleri Üzerine Bir Araştırma, Denizli I.El Sanatları Kongresi Bildiriler, Denizli, 202-9. Çoruhlu, Y. (1995), Kozmolojik, Mitolojik, Astrolojik, Dini ve Edebi Tasavvurlara Göre Türk Sanatında Hayvan Sembolizmi- I., Seyran Kitap, İstanbul Durukan, A. .(1993), Ak Han Süsleme Programı, Sanat Tarihinde İkonografik Araştırmalar, Güner İnal’ a Armağan, Ankara, 143-60. Erdem, S. (1990) Çift Başlı Kartal ve Anka Üzerine, Sanat Tarihi Araştırmaları Dergisi 8, 72-80. Esin, E. (1969) Evren Selçuklu Sanatı Evren Tasvirinin Türk İkonografisinde Menşeler, Selçuklu Araştırmalar Dergisi I, 163:182 İnal, G. (1970-1971) Susuz Han’daki Ejderli Kabartmanın Asya Kültür Çevresi içindeki Yeri,

Fig.1 Angel (Konya İnce Minareli Museum)

Fig.2 Angel (Konya İnce Minareli Museum)

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SOMA 2007

Fig.3 Sphinx (Konya İnce Minareli Museum)

Fig. 4 Harpy (Konya İnce Minareli Museum)

Fig. 5 Dragon (Konya İnce Minareli Museum)

Fig. 6 Dragon (Konya İnce Minareli Museum)

Fig. 7 Dragon (Konya İnce Minareli Museum)

Fig. 8 Dragon(Konya İnce Minareli Museum)

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IMAGINARY CREATURES IN THE STONE DECORATIONS IN ANATOLIA DURING THE SELJUKI AND PRINCIPALITIES PERIODS

Fig. 9 Winged Horse (Konya İnce Minareli Museum)

Fig.10 Double Headed Eagle (Konya İnce Minareli Museum)

Fig.11 Double Headed Eagle

Fig.12 ( Museum of Turkish and Islamic Works) (Konya İnce Minareli Museum)

Fig.13 (Museum of Turkish and Islamic Works)

Fig.14 (Museum of Turkish and Islamic Works)

Fig.15 (Konya İnce Minareli Museum)

Fig.16 (Konya İnce Minareli Museum) 47

Kanytellis as an Example of Late Antique Rural Settlements in Rough Cilicia Burcu Ceylan Erciyes University, Kayseri, Turkey

Specific studies on Late Antique period, which have gained momentum for the last three decades, re-defined the character of the period from being a time of collapse to an era of brave survival. Although our knowledge and material on late antique countryside is still limited for the entire empire, recent studies on countryside proved that a similar vitality was also valid for rural settlements.1

exist a collection of rural settlements, including villages (vici), huge estates (fundi) or rural mansions (castella).8 However, in the east, the compact village (kome), occupied by free landowners, dominated the settlement pattern –as described by Theodoret and Libanius-; and there is little evidence of dispersed farmstead.9 Starting from 4th century and lasting well into the 7th, the rural settlements of the east witnessed a remarkable expansion in size and number, and an immense growth in wealth mostly due to the large scale trade of olive oil and wine.10 The main source of the economy was agriculture and agricultural products.

Recent archaeological studies recorded the highest number of sites and greatest geographical spread of settlements in the 5th and 6th centuries. The rural settlements occupied even the most marginal land, like rocky and dry regions.2 In addition to archaeology, the information is provided by written documents like chronicles, legal documents, and hagiographies. Lives of the saints from Asia Minor picture a richly variegated countryside with different kinds of settlements.3 Farmers Law of 7th century is especially valuable since it was designed to address a rural community, and regulate relations between its members, who dealt with cereal, fruit and vine cultivation and of sheep and cattle raising.4 Legal documents demonstrate that villages became more important elements in the totality of production, and greater economic centres. While the city could no longer stand against the transformations of Late Antiquity, village became a replacing social centre.5 In fact, in certain parts of the empire there were villages which were larger and more populated than cities.6 Moreover, the archaeological and literary sources reveal that in late antiquity, there was an explosion of rural settlement, a peak in density of occupation, high levels of production and rural prosperity.

The population of the villages consisted of coloni -the land bound workers-, free tenants who hired a certain plot of land from the landowner and small land owners.11 There were also wage labourers and journeymen; some were hired for the season. Specialised craftsmen like carpenters, blacksmiths, or masons were also among the population of large villages. Local government was simple with some sort of a head man, who may have been a local landowner. Bishops were crucial to the running of local administration, as well as to the welfare of their congregation. When the physical characteristics of these settlements are considered, the evidence is mostly coming from Near East, namely Syria and Palestine.12 A study of those settlements reveals that they had been formed organically as they grew, by conforming to the topography. Therefore, straight streets or an orthogonal plan did not exist. Any illusion of straight streets is due to the orientation of the houses in one direction for climatic considerations.13 Buildings were constructed close together with narrow alleys, some of which were paved. Occasionally a main thoroughfare cuts across the settlement. Almost all of the sites have not been defended by fortifications.14

Rural settlements in the Eastern Empire7 In his Res Gestae, dating to the mid 4th century, Ammianus portrays colourful rural images of the eastern empire from Near East to Thrace. In his writings there

It is apparent that there was no rule or predetermined plan for the distribution of public and private buildings within the village. In fact, there was not much of a variety of

1

For a highly valuable collection of literature on Late Antique countryside see Chavarria and Lewit 2004. 2 Ward-Perkins 2000: 321. 3 Life of Nicholas of Sion describes events in the villages of coastal Lycia in the mid 6th century (Sevcenko 1984), while Life of Theodore Sykeon from central Anatolia covers the period around 600 (Mitchell 1993). 4 Although Farmers Law dated from the last twenty years of 7th century or the first decades of 8th century, its legal foundation is at least Justinianic, and may well have been pre-Justinianic. (Haldon 1997: 132) 5 Haldon 1997: 141. 6 Banaji 2001: 10 7 Though the expansion of rural settlement is a fact for both east and west of the late empire, there are considerable differences in the settlement patterns changing from region to region. In this paper it is preferred to give detailed information only on the eastern empire, especially on the neighbouring regions of eastern Mediterranean.

8

Ammianus 19.2, 30.1, 29.5, 31.6. Theodoret Phil. Hist. 17.3, Libanius Or. 47.4, 11, Banaji 2001: 12 10 Foss 1995: 234 11 Although the tendency of land ownership had been gradually shifting towards great landowners, in the east of the empire majority of the landowners’ properties were extremely modest. Moreover, the large estates which comprised villages and hundreds of coloni were extremely rare, with the exception of the monastic properties. 12 Tate 1992a, Thcalenko 1953 , Hirshfeld 1997 13 Hirshfeld 1997 :62 14 The lack of defenses for rural settlements is common throughout the rest of the empire. Ward-Perkins 2000: 336 9

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KANYTELLIS AS AN EXAMPLE OF LATE ANTIQUE RURAL SETTLEMENTS IN ROUGH CILICIA public buildings. In some cases, there were privately owned bath houses in or near the village.15 In Syria, a unique feature of villages is andron; a meeting place for the men of the village for a banquet or a social gathering. Andron was usually a rectangular building without division, and with a higher quality of construction.16 Religious buildings can be considered the only constant monuments of rural settlements. In several cases their numbers and size exceeded the real necessity. The reason may be that these churches were designed not only for the village community but also for the seasonal workers.17 Another factor might well have been the generous contributions of local land owners.18 In either case, excessive church building indicates the general wealth of the village. In smaller villages, usually no specific area or a structure was reserved for commercial activities. Shops may be situated in houses, in a room facing the street. A planned street with a row of shops is a rare feature of these settlements. In Syria, market structures existed in larger villages, which supplied surrounding settlements with professional services like blacksmiths or cobblers.19 It is known that periodical fairs or markets took place in these larger settlements and they were becoming more common in the later empire.20 However, a certain area reserved for these markets, like a town square, was rare.21 Industry was based on agriculture. Although wine and olive oil were largely produced within the houses, in some villages there were substantial industrial presses for large scale production.22 These were mostly located on the outskirts of the settlement.

Rural settlements of Rough Cilicia and Kanytellis During the classical antiquity, Mediterranean coast of Rough Cilicia was less urbanised, having only a few major cities. The area had a lower density of population compared to the other regions of Mediterranean coast of Anatolia. The land is rocky and dry, with few rich plains to cultivate and the region is considerably arid. The shore line is generally open to the sea, having few sheltered bays suitable for big harbours. However in Late Antiquity, Cilicia produced quite a number of rural settlements. The region shows an expansion into marginal land, which is considered an evidence for the intensive commercial farming. Though not rich for wheat, rocky and dry land was suitable for cultivation of olives and vine, and thus for the production of wine and olive oil, two major sources for wealth in Late Antiquity. The fact that the products of Cilicia had markets throughout the empire is proven by the existence of LR1 type of Cilician amphorae in west, even in Rome, where there was a demand for a Cilician type of Madeira wine. It is also known that the region exported timber, rope and linen.24 Especially in the highlands between rivers Calycadnus (today Göksu) and Lamas (today Limonçay) there is a range of well preserved rural sites range between isolated estates to villages of different size. (like Karakabaklı, Işıkkale, Yanıkhan, Öküzlü, Cennet-Cehennem)25 Therefore, most abundant archaeological data related to the rural settlements of Anatolia come from Cilicia. 26 Villages, all of which were compilations of houses, graves and substantial church buildings, appear to be more dominant, as it is the case of the settlement pattern of the eastern empire. Kanlıdivane appears to be one of the larger, if not the largest, of these rural settlements. 27 A funeral inscription informs us that modern day Kanlıdivane is ancient Kanytellis, a kome, of Eleusa Sebaste, which is approximately 10 km to the southeast.28

The rest of the villages were composed of houses. Although there are regional differences in the residential architecture, courtyards, in which also performed most of the domestic activities like cooking and laundry, seem to dominate the layout of rural dwellings. Large houses formed around a courtyard while modest rural house was a square or rectangular structure facing a courtyard. The rooms on the ground floor served as a storeroom and workshop, rooms above functioned as dwelling. The difference in the sizes of the houses expresses the difference in the farmer’s economic standing. In Northern Syria, the wealth of the region and its rich architectural tradition is expressed by the opulently ornate houses.23 On the other hand, rural dwellings point to a homogenous society without distinctive class differences since there is no clue whether a house inhabited by a free peasant, a tenant or a worker.

The village settled around a gorge which is approximately 120 meters by 60 meters, and 40 meters deep. The earliest of the structures of the town are a tower and remains of polygonal stone walls to the north and south of the gorge. Inscription on the corner of the tower gives the name of Teucros, which was a long lasting dynasty of priest princes of Olba, suggesting that the settlement might have been a military post guarding the southern border of the Olban Kingdom. On the other hand, it is also possible that the gorge had been a sacred

15

Tate 1992a :69-71 Tate 1992a :72-78 17 It is known that extra work force needed in harvesting and farmers hired seasonal workers. Banaji 2001 :13. Even the monks earned money by working at the harvest. Ward-Perkins 2000;319. 18 For example, John Chrysostom urged the rich to found churches on their estates. Wittaker and Garnsey 1998 :309. 19 Tate 1992a :81-82 20 Wittaker and Garnsey 1998 :308. Even in 1st century Varro gave advice about discouraging rural workers from going too much to urban markets. Varro, RR I.16.5 21 Hirshfeld 1997: 63. It is known that some estate owners had the privilege of holding markets on their land. Codex Justinianus IV.60.1 22 Tate 1992a :52-55 23 Tate 1992b Tate 1992a, Tchalenko 1953 16

24

Ward-Perkins 2001:168,170 The disadvantages of the land also were the reason for the protection of these settlements. After they were abandoned they were not re-settled until very recently since they mostly occupied the marginal lands. 26 For Sinekkale, Işıkkale, Karakabaklı Dagron and Callot 1998; Yanıkhan Hill 1985; Oküzlü Eyice 1982;Cennet-Cehennem, Yapısıgüzel, Manastır, Emirzeli Eichner 2005; for other sites, Eyice 1980. 27 Eyice provides the only monographic study on Kanytellis, even though he mainly focuses on churches. He also offers a complete list of the literature on the history of expeditions and studies on Kanytellis. Eyice 1977. 28 Hicks 1891 :231. 25

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SOMA 2007 publications.30 In short, they are fine examples representing the characteristics of Cilician churches: three isles, flat eastern wall with side chambers, a nartex or a fore-hall, cut-stone masonry and architectural sculpture of considerable quality. Three of the churches had wider north isles and a passageway on north side.31 All of the churches are dated between 5th to 6th centuries.32 Bell mentioned a fifth church, which was not seen by the other researchers. It had been in a very ruinous condition in 1905, only the part of the apsis had been visible. Today even the apsis has disappeared. The remains are a part of the church terrace and the pavement of the nave. The line of stones points to the existence of a stylobate for the nave columns. Therefore it is possible to judge that this church also was a three isled basilica. Some architectural fragments, column drums, bases, and curvilinear stones either belonging to arches or to the apsis, still exist on the vicinity.

spot, like Corycos just a few kilometres to the northwest.29 There are surprisingly few remains of Roman period, except the necropolis surrounding the settlement. Judging from the location of funerary structures, the size of the settlement had been quite small. There are pieces of Roman walls on the north of the gorge; the largest one is being a part of a tower like structure, which was incorporated into the west wall of a church. It is also possible that the main street, which was once colonnaded as indicated by the pieces of column shafts and bases, also might have been formed during Roman period. If the gorge really had a religious connotation, these remains would suggest a sacred precinct with its processional way. Almost all what is seen today belong to the late antique period. A clear sign of development is that the settlement grew to incorporate several tombs and sarcophagi of the Roman necropolis. The general layout of the town is similar to those of other sites in eastern Mediterranean. Houses were built in accordance with the topographical and climatic conditions. For the convenience of construction, sloping terrain was settled in terraces. The spaces between buildings formed the streets; some are as narrow as 1-2 meters. Although it is not possible to argue about the existence of a predetermined street plan, the streets mostly lie parallel to the slope. Some of the streets which are perpendicular to the slope are in the form of steps.

Except the churches there is no other public building. Even though the baths and andron were features of villages in east, none of the ruins can be identified as such. A single room structure almost at the centre of the village may be taken as andron. It contains masonry of several periods, and continued to be used as a mill by Turkish inhabitants. The rest of the town composed of houses of different sizes, alleys, streets and small squares with cisterns. All of the houses visible today had courts, with rooms in one or two sides. Courtyards generally faced south to gain maximum from sunlight. There are private cisterns in some of the courtyards. An upper storey was common. Arches were used to carry the floors of the upper storey. In some of the houses, a balcony or a terrace might have existed. Windows, also facing south, were existed at upper levels. In two instances there are curvilinear walls attached to houses, suggesting the existence of towers. A chapel, to the southeast of the village, lies on the side of a large open area, maybe a courtyard. This might have been a private chapel of a large mansion. It is known that such chapels were a frequent feature in large rural mansions. For the houses two types masonry was applied. One is from polygonal stones; the other is small rectangular stones with mortar in between. Although it is clear that polygonal walls are earlier than the other, at this stage both cannot be dated exactly. On the other hand, the location of the walls on the former necropolis area suggests a date after 4th century. There are very few decorated features reached today. The water was supplied by public and private cisterns, the largest ones being near

On the east side of the main street a late antique wall runs the length of the gorge. We traced the remains of another row of stones on the ground parallel to the wall. Judging from the existence of beam holes on both sides of the wall and steps and beam holes cut into the south wall of the gorge, it is safe to suggest that there was a structure which faced the gorge as well as the street. Its thin elongated form is suitable for rows of shops. The terraces on the west of the gorge appears to have been reserved for productive and commercial activities, since there are remains of presses cut into the rock surface of the terraces. The monuments of Kanytellis are four churches. Church 1 and 2 on the west of the main street, form a complex sharing a common courtyard, a huge cistern and annexes, enclosed by a periphery wall. Church 3 on the north east of the gorge is the most controversial; since it was build on the ancient street, using the walls of earlier structures. Church 4, located right on top of the north wall of the gorge, is the largest of all, and bears the inscription reporting that it was built by a local named Papylos. The churches appeared and discussed in detail in many

30 Bell 1906, Eyice 1977, Hild 1984, Hill 1996 :179-193, for Church 3 Mietke and Westphalen 1999, for Church 4 Forsyth 1961, Bayliss 2004 :86-87. 31 Hill (1985 :96) discuses the function of these passageways together with the square spaces at the back of the apsidae, which he proposes as martyria. 32 Forsyth (1961 :137) gives a rather later date for the Church 4, late 6th or early 7th century. Hill (1985 :97) claims that this date can be as early as the last quarter of the fourth century, based on the resemblance of its east end to that of the church in Yanıkhan, which dates to 382.

29

The existence of a temple dedicated to Zeus is argued by Bell (1906 :403) and Hill (1996 :176) Although the spolia which were used in churches point to the existence of a monumental building, there is no solid evidence to prove this theory.

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KANYTELLIS AS AN EXAMPLE OF LATE ANTIQUE RURAL SETTLEMENTS IN ROUGH CILICIA to the centre. Cisterns were carved into the natural rock, covered by vaulted structures.

Chavarria, A and T. Lewit. (2004) Archaeological Research on the Late Antique Countryside: A Bibliographic Essay. IN: Bowden, W and L. Lavan and C. Machado eds., Recent Research on the Late Antique Contryside, Leiden, Brill, 3-55. Dagron, G. and O. Callot (1998) Les Batisseurs Isaurien chez eux Notes sur Trios Sites des Environs Silifke, IN Sevcenko, I. and I. Hutter eds.,AETOS, Studies in Honour of Cyril Mango, Stuttgart, B.G. Teubner. Eichner, I (2005) Frühbyzantinische Wohnhauser in Kilikien Arbeit Über die Kampagne 2003 und Einige Ergebnisse Des Projectes, Araştırma Sonuçları Toplantısı 22, 201-212. Eyice, S. (1976-1977) Silifke Çevresinde İncelemeler. KanlıDivan (Kanytelleis-Kanytellideis) Bazilikaları, Anadolu Araştırmaları 4-5, 413-441 Eyice, S (1980) Silifke ve Dolaylarında Yapılan Topraküstü Arkeolojik Araştırmalar Raporu, Belleten 44, 111-124. Eyice, S. (1982) Une Site Byzantine de la Cilicie: Okuzlu et ses Basiliques, IN: Hadermann, L. and Raepaet G.M. eds., Rayonnement Grec, Hommagés a Charles Delvoye, Brussels Editions de L’Universite de Bruxelles. Forsyth, G.H. (1961) An Early Byzantine Church at Kanlıdivane in Cilicia, IN: Meiss, M. ed. Essays in Honour of Erwin Panofsky, De Atribus Opuscula XL, NewYork, 127-137. Foss, C. (1995) The Near Eastern Countryside in Late Antiquity: a review article, IN Humphrey, J.H. ed. The Roman and Byzantine Near East, Some Recent Archaeological Research, JRA suppl 14, Ann Arbor, 213-234. Haldon, J.F. (1997) Byzantium in the Seventh Century, the Transformation of a Culture, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. Hicks, E.L. (1891) Inscriptions From Western Cilicia, Journal of Hellenic Studies XII, 226-237. Hild, F. H.Hellenkemper and G.Hellenkemper Salies (1984) Kommagene-Kilikien-Isaurien, Reallexikon zur Byzantinischen Kunst IV, 208-211 Hill, S. (1985) Matronianus Comes Isauriae: An Inscription from an Early Byzantine Basilika at Yanıkhan, Rough Cilicia, Anatolian Studies 35, 93-97 Hill, S (1996) The Early Byzantine Churches of Cilicia and Isauria, London, Variorium. Hirschfeld, Y. (1997) Farms and Villages in Byzantine Palestine, Dumbarton Oaks Papers 51, 33-51. Mietke, G. and S. Westphalen (1999) Basilika 3 in Kanlıdivane (Kanytelis), Istanbuler Mitteilungen 49, 517-526. Mitchell, S. (1993) Anatolia: Land, Men, and Gods in Asia Minor 2: The Rise of the Church, Oxford, Clarendon Press. Sevcenko, I. (1984) The Life of St. Nicholas of Sion, NewYork Hellenic College Press. Tate, G. (1992a) Les Campaignes de La Syrie du Nord du IIe Au VIIe siécle, Paris, Librarie Orientaliste Paul Geuthner. Tate, G. (1992b) La Maison Rurale en Syrie du Nord, IN Castel, C., M. Maqdissi, F. Villeneuve eds., Les Maisons Dans La Syrie Antique du IIIé Millénaire

The economy based on architecture. The structures for agricultural production are found scattered all over the town. The number and the size of the remnants of presses points to a surplus above the needs of local community, to be reserved for export. Kanytellis might also have been the main market site for the surrounding countryside; as the commercial buildings in the centre suggest. The existence of five churches of considerable size and character and the dimension of its area illustrate a wealthy community. The architectural characteristics of the houses prove that the inhabitants of the village were not simple peasants, but landowners with substantial means. The physical structure of the Kanytellis is very similar of the rural settlements of the eastern Mediterranean. Village settles on an area of approximately 20 hectares of land, and if the density of the houses was constant all over the town, we get a number of 100-150 houses and an approximate population between seven hundred and a thousand people. Based on the date of the churches, Kanytellis must have experienced its peak during the period between fifth and sixth centuries.33 Unfortunately, there is no evidence for the later history of the village. Cilicia in general faced a gradual population decline starting from the early 7th century. Plague, earthquakes, climatic change and the brief Persian invasion are suggested as motives behind the abandonment of several communities. It’s certain that the Emperor Heraclius’s order to evacuate all garrisons east of tarsus, left the civilians of Cilicia vulnerable to the Arab attacks in the 640’s.34 By 672 Arabs had captured Tarsus and by the 8th century they established permanent agricultural communities and a defensive zone reaching Lamas River. On the other hand, it is known that in Levant and Egypt rural life continued without major destruction long after the Arab invasion. All what can be said is when the Turkish nomads started to settle here at the beginning of the century, the village had long been abandoned. Bibliography Banaji, J. (2001) Agrarian Change in the Late Antiquity, Gold LAbor and Aristocratic Dominance, Oxford, Oxford University Press Bayliss, R. (2004) Provincial Cilicia and the Archaeology of Temple Conversion, BAR International Series 1281, Oxford. Bell, G. L. (1906) Notes on a Journey through Cilicia and Lycaonia, Revue Archéologique I, 1906, 402-412. 33

Eyice (1977 :422) argues that the village was abandoned before the Arab raids and he supports his idea by the absence of fortifications. However, the fact that none of the rural settlements had fortifications breaks this argument. 34 In the Quinisext council it is mentioned that many congregations were abandoned by the clergy during Arab raids. (Haldon 1997 :130)

51

SOMA 2007 aux Debuts de L’İslam, Pratique et Representation de L’Espace Domestique, Actes du Colloque International Damas, Beyrout, IFAPO. Tchalenko, G. (1953) Villages Antiques de la Syrie du Nord, Paris, Librairie Orientaliste Paul Geuthner. Ward-Perkins, B. (2000) Land, Labour and Settlement, IN Cameron, A.K. and P. Garnsey eds. Cambridge Ancient History XIV, Late Antiquity: Empire and Successors, A.D. 425-600, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 315-345.

Ward-Perkins, B. (2001) Specialisation, Trade and Prosperity: An Overview of the Economy of the Late AntiqueEastern Mediterranean, IN: eds. Kingsley, S. and M. Decker, Economy and Exchange in the East Mediterranean during Late Antiquity, Oxford, Oxbow. Wittaker, C.R. and P. Garnsey (1998) Rural Life in The Later Empire, IN Cameron, A.K. and P. Garnsey eds. Cambridge Ancient History XIII,The Late Empire, AD 337-425,Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 277-311.

Fig. 1: Kanytellis, site plan (Burcu Ceylan) 52

KANYTELLIS AS AN EXAMPLE OF LATE ANTIQUE RURAL SETTLEMENTS IN ROUGH CILICIA

Fig. 2: Street

Fig. 3: Street

Fig. 5: Houses

Fig. 4 Main Street

Fig. 5: House

Fig 6: Cistern

Fig 7: Cistern

53

Swan Imagery at the West Sanctuary at Troia Carolyn Chabot Aslan Koç University, Istanbul, Turkey, Art History and Archaeology Program

called the Lower Sanctuary (Blegen, Boulter et al. 1958: 262-263, Rose 1995: 88-93, 1997: 85-86). In the early 5th century, activity in the West Sanctuary ceased until beginning again in the Hellenistic period (Rose 1997: 8692). In the Hellenistic period, a third altar (Altar C) was built next to Altar B in the Lower Sanctuary (Fig. 3).

Athena was the principle goddess of Troia/Ilion, and her temple precinct occupied the summit of the mound (Rose 2003). It is now evident that a second goddess received numerous votive offerings and sacrifices in the Archaic period (600-480 B.C.). Her name is unknown, although aspects of her identity and worship can be extracted from the study of artifacts. She was worshiped in a sanctuary on the west side of the site, which was discovered in the 1930’s by Carl Blegen’s team (Blegen, Boulter et al. 1958). This area, called the West Sanctuary has been one focus of the renewed excavations at Troia by Tübingen University and the University of Cincinnati in the 1990’s. Numerous Archaic period ceramic vessels decorated with water birds have been found around a structure called Altar B. As will be shown, the vessels were most likely used in the ritual consumption of small quantities of special food and drink. The water bird iconography along with other evidence from faunal remains and figurines, indicates that a female deity associated with wild animals, especially with swans was worshipped in this area. The distribution of similar vessels in other areas of northwestern Anatolia, indicates that her worship was practiced at other sites. The goddess most probably was a northwestern Anatolian version of Artemis, Cybele or Aphrodite.

For the Archaic period, there is no written evidence identifying the deities or heroes worshipped in the West Sanctuary and therefore the study of artifacts is key for understanding the religious activities. Few artifacts were found associated with the cult structures in the northern area of the sanctuary. In contrast, in the excavations around Altar B, large quantities of pottery, figurines, and animal bones were found. It appears to have been the location where both votives and also discarded debris from sacrifice and feasting were deposited. Periodically a new floor surface was laid over the accumulated deposits. This study focuses on the ceramics found around Altar B, but a few comments need to be made about the figurines (forthcoming report by Blanche Menadier) and the faunal remains (forthcoming report by Marian Fabis). The terracotta figurines are few in number, but they are mostly fragments of female figures, some wearing a polos and likely representing a goddess. One figurine holds a bird and there are two figurines of swan or goose heads. The faunal remains include domestic animals (cattle, sheep/goat and pigs), but there is an unusually high percentage of wild animal remains (c. 30%), mostly fallow deer, as well as a small number of bones of wild carnivores (bear, lion, leopard). The bones from the carnivores are from the heads and lower legs and Brian Rose (forthcoming) suggests that they were probably from animal skins (with attached heads and paws) decorating the sanctuary. The bones of the others are from whole animals, brought for sacrifice.

The West Sanctuary developed in an area directly outside the Late Bronze age citadel on the western slopes of the site overlooking the Dardanelles (Fig. 1). The Late Bronze age fortification wall would have been visible and served as an impressive border delineating the space. People were using the West Sanctuary for religious rituals in the late Protogeometric period and religious activity continued through to the Roman period with a short hiatus in the Classical period. Over time, the space became defined architecturally with increasingly impressive buildings, often with multiple cult buildings and altars in use at the same time, implying that different deities or heroes were worshipped here. The sanctuary has a complex stratigraphy as buildings and altars were built over each other and the space was reorganized several times through the centuries (Blegen, Boulter et al. 1958, Rose 1994, 1995, 1997, 1998).

In addition to animal bones and figurines, many ceramics vessels were left in the area around Altar B, either specifically dedicated as votives or perhaps discarded after breakage during use. The most notable feature of this assemblage is that approximately 50% of all the ceramics found around Altar B are vessels decorated with birds in Black Figure silhouette technique (Figs. 4-6). The birds are probably meant to represent swans and the vessels are usually called “Swan Style.” Yet, the painting is often done in a rather slapdash fashion without careful details, and the birds could also be geese or other waterfowl. The long snaky necks of some examples, strengthens the identification as swans (see also Turner 2005 for bird identification on vessels).

In the late 7th to early 5th century B.C. there were two main focal points of activity in the West Sanctuary (Fig. 2). In the northern area, a cult building was rebuilt and enlarged several times during the Archaic period (Rose 1997: 76-81). In the southern area of the sanctuary were two altars. Altar A is the earliest one (7th century B.C.) and is located within a precinct called the Upper Sanctuary and was excavated by Carl Blegen’s team (Blegen, Boulter et al. 1958: 263-267). In the first half of the 6th century, a second altar or podium, called Altar B, was built in an area adjacent to Altar A in a precinct

There are three main vessel shapes: skyphoi (small cups), lekanai (small bowls) and phialai (small, shallow bowls). 54

SWAN IMAGERY AT THE WEST SANCTUARY AT TROIA stratigraphic divisions created by the periodically renewed floor surfaces, although in some areas the floor surfaces were not as well preserved and so there was probably some mixing between layers. Along one side of the excavation area, there was a robbing trench, probably caused by Hellenistic builders removing stones from the Archaic temenos wall for reuse. The robbing trench then filled back in with material from all the Archaic levels. The dates given for the phases are approximate and are based on Corinthian, Black figure and Black glazed ceramics found in the same contexts.

The skyphoi and lekanai are much more common than the phialai, as can been seen in the following chart. All of them are smaller than the full sized versions of these shapes, and could be called miniature vessels, but the cups and bowls are still large enough to hold amounts of food or liquid. For example, the skyphoi have rim diameters ranging from 5-9 cm and are similar to the size of a teacup. They have two small horizontal handles (Fig. 4). The lekanai (Fig. 5) are slightly larger than the skyphoi and show a greater range in size. The rims vary from 8-14 cm in diameter. The lekanai have a thickened, short ledge rim and two ribbon handles are attached just below the rim. The third type of vessel is a small, shallow dish or phiale (Fig. 6). The rim diameters range from 810 cm. and the vessels are too shallow to hold much of any substance.

As can be seen in the chart, there are almost equal numbers of rim fragments from skyphoi (188) and lekanai (206). Phialai are much less common (21). These numbers suggest that there were equal amounts of cups and bowls in use and that they were intended as a set. The cups could have been used for a small portion of drink and the bowls used for a small portion of food, possibly a stew or soup made with sacrificed meat. The phialai could have been used for pouring libations or to present other small offerings, such as eggs. Perhaps the phialai were intended primarily for decoration since some of them have holes in the rim for suspension. In addition to the swan style vessels, there are also swans depicted on other types of vessels found around Altar B, including a miniature stand (Fig 7) and a lekane lid (Fig 8).

The exteriors of the skyphoi are decorated with three birds, right-side up and facing towards the right. The exteriors of the lekanai are also decorated with three birds, but sometimes the birds are upside-down. There are often short vertical dashes painted along the rim and between the birds. The interiors are painted with streaky brown paint. The decoration of the phialai is much more varied, but they often have several small swans encircling the interior. The vessels themselves are quite fine with thin walls, but the birds look as though they were painted quickly and not very carefully. The paint used for decoration is black/brown, but occasionally it can fire red or orange in some areas of the pot and is often streaky. The fabric is a light pink/orange color (2.5YR 6/6) and is the most common fine ware fabric at Troia. NAA analysis of a swan style piece in the Berlin Schliemann collection, places it in a local or regional fabric group (Mommsen, Hertel and Mountjoy 2001: 198, fig. 44). The local fabric and careless painting style suggests that they were produced nearby, perhaps rather quickly, intended for use at the sanctuary.

At Troia the artifacts with swan iconography are found almost exclusively in the Lower sanctuary around Altar B. Only a few examples of swan style vessels were found in other parts of the sanctuary or in other areas of the site (Aslan 2002). The repetition of the swan motif in such quantities must indicate that swans are symbolically connected with the religious activity in this one particular area. It is likely that Altar B was built specifically for this worship in the early to mid 6th century B.C., since the earliest swan style pieces occur in small quantities as the first plaster floor is laid (phases 4a and 4b), but then increase above the first floor (phase 5a). Judging from the amount of pottery, religious activity in this area remained strong for many decades. The number of swan style vessels begins to decrease in the uppermost Archaic levels (phase 5c), but they still form a significant percentage of the assemblage until the sanctuary is abandoned around 480 B.C. Eventually religious activity begins again in this area in the Hellenistic period, but without objects decorated with swans.

A total of 415 swan style rim fragments were found in the two excavation seasons in 1994 and 1996 and their distribution through the different phases can be seen in the following chart. The counts are based on rim fragments after joins were found, and the percentages are based on the total amount of rim sherds in the contexts from that period. The phases are based on the Phase 4a, below first surface (625-575 B.C.) 4b, first surface (575-550 B.C.) 5a, second surface and below (575/550-525 B.C. 5b, third surface and below (550/525-500 B.C.) 5c, above third surface (500-480 B.C.) Robbing trench: mixed (600-480 B.C.) Total, all phases

Skyphoi 1 rim fragment (2% of total assemblage) 3 rims (3%) 41 rims (20%)

Lekanai 2 rim fragments (3% of total assemblage) 11 rims (9%) 59 rims (29%)

Phialai 0

72 rims (20%)

87 rims (24%)

13 rims (4%)

36 rims (25%)

21 rims (15%)

3 rims (3%)

35 rims (21%)

26 rims (16%)

2 rims (1%)

188 rims

206 rims

21 rims

55

0 3 rims (1%)

SOMA 2007 associated with love and marriage. Some species are also noted for the sounds they make and the Greeks refer to the now proverbial swan song, which appears to be based on the final notes made by certain species of swans when they are dying and the air is released from their long wind pipes (Skalsky 1997: 27-28, 10-14, 55-72, Armstrong 1944, Arnott 1977).

Troia is not the only site in northwestern Anatolia with swan style vessels. Other sites near Troia have yielded small quantities of swan style pottery from excavations or surveys. Sites include Besik-Tepe (Kossatz 1998: fig. 5.1-5.3.), Elaious (Waiblinger 1999: no. 5, 6, fig. 4.), Efestia on Lemnos (Messineo 2001: nos. 743-744, figs. 388-389.), Hanay Tepe, Akça Köy, Balli Dag, Rhoeteum (Cook 1973: 121, note 4), Sigeion and Dardanos (personal communication).

In Greek mythology, geese do not have an important role, but swans have connections with Apollo, Zeus, and Aphrodite (Pollard 1977: 144-147, 159, Skalsky 1997: 57-59, Ahl 1982, Turner 2005). A well-known myth is that of Zeus transforming himself into a swan to seduce Leda, producing an egg containing Helen (Apollod. Bibl. 3.10.7). Perhaps because of their large size, swans are often shown as transportation, and also perhaps symbolically representing transitions. Swans are shown pulling the chariot of Apollo or Aphrodite. Swans were said to pull Apollo’s chariot to the land of the Hyperboreans (Ahl 1982: 373-380), which may be a reference to their annual migration. Sometimes Aphrodite is shown riding on a swan (Turner 2005). In Etruria, swans were envisioned as transportation to the afterlife (Skalsky 1997: 133- 145).

Archaic tombs at Assos contained several examples of swan style vessels (Utili 1999: no. 256-259, fig. 15, no. 275, fig. 16, no. 511, fig. 28.). The lekanai at Assos are larger than the ones at Troia and they are decorated with more swans. The painting style is also different with more details added to the bodies of the swans. Further south from Troia, many examples of swan style pottery were found in graves at Pitane-Çandarli (TunaNörling 1995: nos. 146-152, 173-178, pl. 44-48). The corpus there includes miniature lekanai and skyphoi as well as amphoriskoi. In addition to swans, sirens are also occasionally depicted on the vessels. The painting style and the use of incision on the vessels from Pitane sets them apart from the ones at Troia. There is also one example at Pitane of an Attic type of swan group skyphos (Tuna-Nörling 1995: no. 145, pl. 44). It is interesting that none of the Attic type swan group vessels (Beazley 1944: 57) have been found at Troia.

An interesting study by Elinor Bevan (1986: 28, 40-45) has shown that the myths connecting deities to birds do not seem to correspond with the patterns of dedications. Bird representations were common dedications at sanctuaries in the Geometric and Archaic periods. They are most prevalent at sanctuaries of female deities, especially Artemis. Contrary to expectations, Apollo does not often receive images of waterbirds as dedications, yet his sister Artemis does.

Although the vessels at these other sites have strong similarities to the ones at Troia, there are distinctive features or painting styles that indicate multiple production centers. The vessels at Assos probably had a separate production center, as did the ones from Pitane. With so few examples published from Elaious, it is not certain if they were produced separately from the Trojan ones. It should be noted that many of the swan style vessels (at Assos, Elaious, Pitane) were found in tombs. This may be a factor of where excavation has occurred, but may also indicate a funerary significance. The picture that emerges is a concentration of swan style vessels around Altar B at Troia, but also in graves at other northwest Anatolian sites. The distribution indicates that the swan style vessels are part of a widespread representational system that had different manifestations. To begin to understand the possible meaning of this iconography, one needs to examine mythology and also characteristics of the birds themselves.

Artemis is one possibility for the deity worshiped around Altar B. Beven (1989: 166-168) argues that there is an association between Artemis and swans as part of the goddess’s role as a Mistress of Animals. Thompson (1909) has collected references to many images showing a winged Artemis with various wild animals, including swans, birds of prey, lions and snakes. She argues that this type of Artemis was an archaic version at Sparta, which was later phased out and syncretized with a more “Hellenic” version of Artemis. The lion, bear and deer bones found in Archaic contexts of the West Sanctuary might also support an identification with Artemis, because of her association with these animals (Fabis forthcoming). Terracotta figurines found at Tarentum show Artemis wearing a lion skin (Harden 1927). One possible use of the lion skins in the Lower Sanctuary could have been to decorate a statue. Another possibility is raised by Lillian Lawler (1947: 92-98), who presents evidence that at festivals to Artemis, animal mummery took place; people dressed up to look like bears, lions or stags and performed. Animal skins or the antlers of fallow deer found in the area around Altar B could also have been used as costumes.

Swans and geese are frequently symbolic birds that take part in myths in many cultures, and there are several reasons for this pattern. The birds are usually migratory and thus are connected to the changing seasons, the lengthening and shortening of days and also with the sun. Swans and geese are often seen as symbols of fertility, both because of their watery habitat and because of their eggs; eggs are often fertility symbols. Swans are considered by many cultures to be aesthetically beautiful and their large size makes them especially noticeable. Swans are also known to mate for life and can be fiercely territorial during breeding season, and so they are often

The goddess Cybele is also connected with wild animals, and is often shown with lions (Roller 1999: 135-136). Whether or not Cybele was worshipped in the West 56

SWAN IMAGERY AT THE WEST SANCTUARY AT TROIA Another contributing factor to the importance of swans in worship at Troia could also be the local habitat. Study of bird bones as well as other scientific studies of the natural habitat in the Troad, has shown that waterfowl were abundant around ancient Troia. The Scamander delta area would have been swampy and had areas of standing fresh water. Along with the river itself, these would have been prime habitats for waterfowl. Excavated bones of swans, geese and ducks show that people hunted these birds for food, for their fat and also for their feathers (Krönneck 1996, 2003: 282-283). Although such birds are not abundantly seen today, steps have been taken to improve the bird habitat by declaring the area around Troia as a protected zone. The western coast of Turkey is an important passage for the bird migrations on the route between Africa and Europe (Schwaderer 2003).

Sanctuary in the Archaic period is an important question (Rose 1998: 89, Fisher 2000: 48). In the Hellenistic period many Cybele figurines were found in the sanctuary and also elsewhere at the site. As mentioned above, there is a hiatus in the use of the West Sanctuary in the Classical period and therefore one cannot assume continuity of Cybele worship, especially since there are other changes such as the disappearance of the swan iconography in the Hellenistic period. Also, there are no known connections between Cybele and swans or geese and she is never pictured with them (Roller, personal communication). Aphrodite is a third possibility. Aphrodite is frequently depicted with swans (Turner 2005). Michael Turner (2005) has studied a group of lekythoi from the 4th and 3rd centuries, showing Aphrodite and swans. He concludes that there was a connection between these symbols and ideas of death or afterlife through the myth of Aphrodite and Adonis. Although these vessels are later and from Italy, the idea of a link between swans and the afterlife might explain the inclusion of swan decorated vessels in graves in Anatolia. Although, perhaps one does not immediately associate Aphrodite with wild animals, in the Homeric hymn to Aphrodite, she is said to subdue beasts and birds and is described as a hunter in the mountains. As she comes to Anchises on Mount Ida, various wild beasts including lions, bears, wolves and leopards follow her, and then she and Anchises lie on a bed of bear and lion skins. In this description, she has many similarities to Cybele and Artemis. At Aphrodisias in Anatolia, the version of Aphrodite worshipped there was paired with doves and lions (Brody 2001).

Although we do not have written evidence identifying the deities or heroes worshipped in the West Sanctuary, there are some clues. The combined evidence from the artifacts found around Altar B indicates that one of the deities worshiped in the West Sanctuary was a goddess associated with swans and other wild animals. She was worshipped through rituals of sacrifice, consumption of small quantities of food or drink in specially produced ritual vessels, and perhaps also with displays or performances involving the skins of wild animals. Water was probably also used in the rituals. This goddess was worshipped in other areas of northwestern Anatolia as evidenced by similar swan style vessels found in graves. The natural habitat around Troia was a home for many water birds and this factor may have contributed to the establishment of a swan cult on the slopes of the site. Disruptions at the site possibly caused by the Persians around 480 B.C. caused a hiatus in occupation and worship at the sanctuary. The swan goddess was later replaced or perhaps syncretized with Cybele when worship began again in the Hellenistic period.

Artemis, Cybele, and Aphrodite are all possibilities for the deity worshiped around Altar B, and in fact all three share similar characteristics and an association with wild animals. At sites in Western Anatolia such as Ephesus, the goddess Artemis is syncretized with local Anatolian goddesses, sometimes forms of Cybele (Roller 1999: 127). Aphrodite is also given particular forms in Anatolia (Brody 2001). The goddess worshipped around Altar B may have been a local form of one of these goddesses, with a particular connection with swans, other wild animals and also perhaps with water.

Acknowledgements I thank Brian Rose and the late Manfred Korfmann for the opportunity to work with this material. The reports on the West Sanctuary are in preparation and I am very thankful for information from my colleagues on the project: Maureen Basedow for architecture and stratigraphy, Marian Fabis for faunal remains and Blanch Menadier for small finds.

As mentioned above, swans and geese are associated with water and often fertility. The dashes or drops painted over and around the birds on the vases may represent rain. As has been noted by my colleague Maureen Basedow, the southern area of the sanctuary is the location of several wells. The upper stone built structures of the wells date from the Hellenistic and Roman periods (Fig. 3), but there is evidence from the well deposits that they were also used in the Archaic period. There should be a reason that wells were located here and it must have been a good source of water. Susan Cole (1998) has discussed the importance of natural water sources and also built installations for water at many Greek sanctuaries. It is perhaps not coincidental that vessels painted with water birds were deposited near the wells, and water may have formed part of the ritual.

Bibliography Ahl, F. M. (1982) Amber, Avalon, and Apollo’s Singing Swan. The American Journal of Philology 103(4), 373-411. Apollodorus, The Library. Sir James George Frazer (trans) (1921). Harvard University Press, Cambridge, MA. Available from www.perseus.tufts.edu. Armstrong, E. A. (1944) The Symbolism of the Swan and the Goose. Folklore 55(2), 54-58. Arnott, W. G. (1977) Swan Songs. Greece and Rome 24(2), 149-153. 57

SOMA 2007 Aslan, C. C. (2002) Ilion Before Alexander: Protogeometric, Geometric and Archaic Pottery from D9. Studia Troica 12, 81-130. Beazley, J. D. (1944) Groups of Early Attic Black-figure. Hesperia 13, 38-57. Bevan, Elinor. (1986) Representation of Animals in Sanctuaries of Artemis and other Olympian Deities. BAR International Series 315. Oxford, BAR Publishing. Bevan, Elinor. (1989) Water-Birds and the Olympian Gods. BSA 84, 163-169. Blegen, C., C. G. Boulter, et al. (1958) Troy IV. Settlements VIIa, VIIb and VIII. Princeton, Princeton University Press. Brody, L. R. (2001) The Cult of Aphrodite at Aphrodisias in Caria. Kernos 14, 93-109. Cole, S. G. (1988) The Uses of Water in Greek Sanctuaries. In R. Hägg, N. Marinatos and G. C. Nordquist eds., Early Greek Cult Practice. Stockholm, Paul Aströms, 161-165. Cook, J. M. (1973) The Troad. Oxford, Clarendon Press. Fisher, S.M. (2000) Ceramics and Culture: The Archaic Finewares of Ilion. Ph.D. Dissertation. University of Cincinnati. Harden, D. B. (1927) A Series of Terracottas Representing Artemis, Found at Tarentum. Journal of Hellenic Studies 47, 93-101. Homeric Hymn to Aphrodite. H. G. Evelyn-White (trans). (1914). In H.G. Evelyn-White trans., The Homeric Hymns and Homerica. Harvard University Press, Cambridge MA. Available from www.perseus.tufts.edu. Kossatz, A.-U. (1998). Zur Archaischen Keramik vom Besik-Yassitepe. Archaeologischer Anzeiger, 398404. Krönneck, P. (1996). Vogelknochen aus Troia. Ein Beitrag zur Umweltrekonstruktion. Studia Troica 6, 229-236. Krönneck, P. (2003). Troian Bird Remains – Environment and Hunting. In G.A. Wagner, E. Pernicka and H-P Uerpmann eds., Troia and The Troad: Scientific Approaches. Berlin, Springer, 277284. Lawler, L. B. (1947) A Lion among Ladies (Theocritus II, 66-68). Transactions and Proceedings of the American Philological Association 78, 88-98. Messineo, G. (2001) Efestia: Scavi Adriani 1928-1930. Padova, Monografie della Scuola Archeologica di Athene e delle Missioni Italiane in Oriente XIII. Mommsen, H., D. Hertel and Mountjoy. (2001) Neutron Activation Analysis of the Pottery from Troy in the

Berlin Schliemann Collection. Archaeologischer Anzeiger,169-211. Pollard, J. (1977) Birds in Greek Life and Myth. Thames and Hudson, London. Roller, L. E. (1999) In Search of God the Mother: The Cult of Anatolian Cybele. Los Angeles, University of California Press. Rose, C. B. (1994) The 1993 Post-Bronze Age Excavations at Troia. Studia Troica 4, 75-104. Rose, C.B. (1995) The 1994 Post-Bronze Age Excavations at Troia. Studia Troica 5, 81-105, Rose, C. B. (1997) The 1996 Post-Bronze Age Excavations at Troia. Studia Troica 7, 73-110. Rose, C. B. (1998) The 1997 Post-Bronze Age Excavations at Troia Studia Troica 8, 71-114. Rose, C.B. (2003) The Temple of Athena at Ilion, Studia Troica 13: 27-88 Rose, C.B. (forthcoming) Ilion During the Greek and Roman Periods. Shalsky, R. (1997) The waterfowl of Etruia: A study of duck, goose, and swan iconology in Etruscan art. Ph.D. dissertation, Florida State University. Schwaderer, G. (2003) Proposal of an Effective Concept for the Troad – a Strategy for the Preservation of an Important Ecological Building Block in the International System of Bird Migration. In G.A. Wagner, E. Pernicka and H-P Uerpmann eds., Troia and The Troad: Scientific Approaches. Berlin, Springer, 285-292. Thompson, M. S. (1909) The Asiatic or Winged Artemis. Journal of Hellenic Studies 29, 286-307. Turner, M. (2005) Aphrodite and her Birds: The Iconology of Pagenstecher Lekythoi. Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 48, 57-96. Tuna-Nörling, Y. (1995) Die Attisch-Schwarzfigurige Keramik und der Attische Keramikexport nach Kleinasien: Die Ausgrabungen von Alt-Smyrna und Pitane. Tübingen, Ernst Wasmuth. Utili, F. (1999) Die archaische Nekropole von Assos. Bonn, Rudolf Habelt. Waiblinger, A. (1999) Céramiques de la nécropole d’Éléonte. In M.-C. V. Puig, F. Lissarrague, P. Rouillard and A. Rouveret eds., Céramique et Peinture Grecques. Actes du Collque International. Paris, 97-103. All illustrations are provided courtesy of the Troia Projekt

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SWAN IMAGERY AT THE WEST SANCTUARY AT TROIA

Fig. 1: Plan of Troia in the post-Bronze Age period

Fig. 2: Plan of the West Sanctuary in the Archaic period

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Fig. 3: View of the Lower Sanctuary including Altar B (rectangular structure in foreground), Altar C (behind Altar B) and Hellenistic wells

Fig. 4: Swan style skyphoi

Fig. 5: Swan style lekanai

Fig. 6: Swan style phialai

Fig. 7: Black figure miniature stand decorated with a swan

Fig. 8: Black figure lekane lid with swan and large feline (Rim diameter c. 26 cm.) 60

The question of marble quarrying on the island of Kos during antiquity Chatziconstantinou Achilleas Geologist, MSc in G.G.I.S., U.C.L. [email protected]

Poupaki Eirene Archaeologist, PhD Student in Classical Archaeology, Univ. of Athens [email protected]

Hagia Eirene, Marmara, and Profitis Helias (Poupaki and Chatziconstantinou 2001:542-43, where relevant bibliography), but unfortunately no ancient extraction sites are named, a fact ought perhaps to the continuation of their activity as late as the 2nd World War or even later, which vanished the ancient quarrying traces.

Kos is the second largest island of the Dodecanese complex in Greece. Geologically it marks the southeast end of the Hellenic volcanic arc. Therefore, it is rich in mineral resources, hot springs and a wide variety of rocks, exploited since antiquity. The scope of our research is the identification of the lithic material used by the Koans and its provenance, starting with the stone of the Hellenistic sanctuary and the Early - Christian settlement of Halasarna, which is excavated by the University of Athens, since 1985, under the auspices of Prof. Georgia Kokkorou - Alevra, who encouraged and enabled our work. The sites surveyed and published so far are as follows: The quarries of rhyolite, a volcanic rock, in Kastelli and Peleketa in Kefalos Peninsula (Poupaki 2001: 62-65, Poupaki and Chatziconstantinou 2001: 543-44), the travertine quarry in Mesovouno near Pyli (Chatziconstantinou and Poupaki 2002, Poupaki and Chatziconstantinou 2004) and the outcrops of monzonite, a plutonic rock with properties similar to granite, in the western end of Dikaios Mountain (Poupaki, Chatziconstantinou et al., in press).

Having that in mind, our ground survey covered an area of more than 2 square kilometers in which the marble formations are split in three distinct occurrences (Fig. 1): 1. The ‘Kouvas’ hill marbles This occurrence coincides with the Kouvas (= greek for bucket) summit, at the west end of Mount Dikaios. Its height is around 400 meters. The survey confirmed that it bares nor traces of exploitation or marble masses that could be used for this purpose anyway. 2. The ‘Lagoudi-Zia’ marbles This site is the most extensive one. It spans from the south region of Lagoudi-Zia area, where the Byzantine temple of Hag. Georgios lies, at a height of 400 meters and climbs up the central part of the mountain all the way up to the Christos summit, where the homonymous chapel lies, at the height of 843 meters.

Last but not least, we focused on the island’s marble deposits, trying to answer questions related to the quarries’ exact location and period of activity.

Touring this region was extremely difficult since there was no marked path to follow through the woods and we had to walk even on landslides of loose limestone and marble gravels. A rather special location that we visited was ‘Plakeri’, which as the greek name hints, is an almost flat terrace of plated and fissured marble layers (Zarraftis 1921: 54), that was shaped by tectonics and weathering, as our on-site visit confirmed. Right on the mountain ridge, are the ruins of Hag. Pokou chapel (Fig. 2), where Zarraftis had falsely noted an ancient quarry (Zarraftis 1921: 36). Near to the summit, where the ruins of the chapel lie, we spotted a probably modern circular structure, a sheepfold or a water tank, and a marble architrave in second use as an olive-press counterweight (Fig. 3).

Description of the survey area In geological terms, the Koan marble layers are thickbedded-massive, strongly tectonized, white, grey and rarely red-white, coarse-crystalline and often sacharoidal, having a clear similarity with the ones from Paros and Thassos. Locally, they can also be oxidized. They are 50120 meters thick and are dated in the Paleozoic era (more than 200 million years ago). They belong to the stratigraphic sequence that formed Mount Dikaios (anc. Prion, rom. Horomaidon) (843 meters), consisting mainly of dark blue to black phyllites and black pelites. The Mountain stretches at a length of 20 km and dominates the central part of the island. Its surrounding area has a great density of medieval and ancient ruins, hosting a very important ecosystem, too.

3. The ‘Marmara’ marbles This is the most peculiar occurrence of the three precited, as it resembles a narrow stream which flows around the mountain top. One end is on the northern side of Mount Dikaios, south of Hag. Demetrios at 400 meters height. Then it climbs up to 700 meters, turns west and finally falls down to the southern coast, passing through the ‘Marmara’ (= Greek word for marbles) area. The place called ‘Kakia Skala’ (=Greek for bad ladder) on the

The first to systematically explore Mt. Dikaios was Iakovos Zarraftis, a Supervisor of Antiquities of Kos in the beginning of the 20th century. He listed many sites identified by him as “marble – quarries”, which he then classified into white - marble and colour-veined ones (Zarraftis 1921: 11-15, 31-49, 90). Since Zarraftis’ remarks, only scattered observations have been made by other scholars on some marble-producing areas, such as 61

SOMA 2007 attested in other areas of the Asia Minor (Poupaki 2004: note 34). Generally, marble will be avoided in humble residences, where rubble stones were used, probably because of the high cost, whereas its use in local sculpture became popular (Poupaki 2004: 167-68).

northern side stills shows signs of marble extraction though not a systematic one (Fig. 4). Here it should be added that the same name ‘Kakoskalon’ is given by Zarraftis to another site near to the modern quarry of Marmara, due to its natural leveled formation of the cliff (Zarraftis 1921: 14).

After the middle of the 3rd cent. B.C., the use of Koan marble for the carving of sepulchral and funeral round altars flourished in Kos and very rapidly they became the twin export products towards Asia Minor, as well as in neighboring or even remote islands (Berges 1996: 42-46). The rebuilding of Kos, during the first half of the 2nd cent. B.C, under the encouragement of the Pergamene rulers, is generally called by L. Morricone (Morricone 1956: 33) ‘periodo del marmo’. Indeed, the increasing taste for local marble is best reflected upon the reorganization of Asclepieion and the foundation of the sanctuaries of the Harbour quarter, but also the carving of numerous sculptures and related material in local marble workshops. In architecture, the preference of the local bluish-grayish marble especially in the lower parts of the buildings, is still obvious, excepted from the temple of Asclepius on the third level of the Asclepieion (Fig. 7), where local white marble was used for the entire outer walls of the building (Herzog 1903: 6).

It seems probable that the modern quarrying and the limekilns that have survived in that area are indeed responsible for the distraction of any ancient quarrying traces, as well as for the transformation of marble to lime. ‘Marmara’ site, as observed from the top of the mountain, combines an access path and an even coastal plane in front of it, thus making a perfect candidate for an ancient quarry site (Fig. 5). That is why quarrying there continued until our age too, as the ruined installation on the coast shows and the oral tradition of Kardamaina residents quote. Iak. Zarraftis refers to some kind of election for the exploitation of that quarry (in the neighborhood of ‘Lagada tou Vouzi’) in his era (Zarraftis 1921: 14, note 3). However, before reaching any definite conclusions further ground investigation is necessary. Sailing along the southern coast, from the Kardamaina village to Hag. Eirene chapel and Piso Therma area, several abandoned blocks of marble along the shore have been noticed. They were probably transported there in order to be shipped.

The same practice is also adopted in many Roman buildings, where the white local marble displaced local travertine and local bluish-greyish marble. It is noteworthy that the growing demand for local marble is common after the disastrous effects of earthquakes, which were often in Kos, during late antiquity. So, after the earthquake of A.D. 142, during the reign of Antoninus Pius, extensive repairs have been recorded in many civil buildings (e.g. the Agora), whereas new ones were founded (e.g the Odeion). Generally speaking, in the whole Roman period the local marble was preferred for the renewal of the older buildings (the Gymnasium, the Stadium etc.). Although in the Late Roman Period its use was reduced significantly, due to the introduction of new masonries in the new building complexes where imported material has been attested (e.g. marble slabs of various origins were used for the pavements and wall-dressings).

Archaeological and historical evidence The lack of ancient quarry fronts and semi-worked architectural parts or sculpted material in the investigated areas hindered our research, and did not allow us to safely date the emergence of the marble quarrying activity. Nevertheless, these quarries are certainly associated with the architectural renovation of Kos and its remarkable sculptural production of the Hellenistic and Roman Periods. According to the latest publications, the beginning of architectural and sculptural use of Koan marble is detected on Asclepius’ altar on the second level of Asclepieion in Kos, where according to the ancient literary sources Praxiteles’ sons, Kephisodotus and Timarhus, had worked (Herzog and Schazmann: 25-29, 73-75, Kabus-Preisshofen 1989: 179-186, nos. 1-18). Several other statues, dated since the middle of the 5th cent. B.C. and the beginning of the 4th cent. B.C. are also attributed to the same marble origin (Poupaki 2004:16667, where relevant literature) (Fig. 6).

Even though local marble extraction has been extremely restrained during late antiquity, since members from the ancient buildings (spolia) were inserted in the masonry of medieval buildings (Greenhalgh), it did not completely vanished, as marble became useful for alternative purposes. In the Early-Christian period local marble was used for carving of vases of a certain typology, which can lead us to the conclusion that they all belong to the same marble-workshop, judging upon the findings from Kardamaina excavation and Kardamaina’s region survey (Poupaki, in press, nos. 18-23).

The building activity favored by the Ptolemies in Kos, since the beginning of the 3rd cent. B.C., demanded bulks of stone material from the local quarries, as well as local marble (Sherwin-White: 96, Höghammar: 21, Hœpfner). Since then and for more than four centuries, in architecture, marble was used only in the upper parts of the public buildings and was alternated with rows of local travertine and local bluish-greyish marble in lower parts of the buildings, not only in Kos, but in the regions of the other Koan Demoi, too (e.g. Halasarna). Even so, this masonry must not be judged as Koan and should not be considered as chronological criterion, because it is also

The use of local marble continued in modern times, as the exploitation indices at Marmara prove. It is, also, remarkable that Rayet in the 19th cent. B.C. reports that koan marble was used as far as the neighboring Nisyros island and its capital Mandraki for building purposes (Rayet 1876: 41). 62

THE QUESTION OF MARBLE QUARRYING ON THE ISLAND OF KOS DURING ANTIQUITY Could they have perhaps traveled and worked in other areas probably with their own marble, which could have sold in better prices than the commercial ones of Penteli, Paros or Procoennesus?

Conclusions The appearance of the Koan marble itself which was shaped by tremendous geological forces and erosion is indeed responsible for the way the locals decided upon exploiting it in ancient times: - They did not use traditional quarrying techniques with extensive high fronts such as the ones met on Mount Penteli or elsewhere in the Mediterranean. Such structures have not and are unlikely to be found on the island. - The fractured status of the rock, though assisting to its detaching it may potentially produce large-size blocks for artistic, everyday or architectural use but not monoliths. Especially in architecture, marble was used in a small scale and was often combined with other material. - The plethora of archaeological findings that presupposes a well established local production scheme which lasted for centuries before it ceased to exist, comes in accordance with the geological background and the debris found. - What seemed like quarries in the eyes of the 19th century scholars were in fact natural formations.

Our research ambitiously hypotheses set above.

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Bibliography Berges, D. (1996) Rundaltäre aus Kos und Rhodos, DAI Abteilung Athen, Berlin. Chatziconstantinou, Ach. and Eir. Poupaki (2002) The extraction of travertine in antiquity on the island of Cos, Dodecanese, Greece, Mediterranean Archaeology and Archaeometry, 2. 2, 59-68. Greenhalgh, Μ. (1999) Spolia in Fortifications: Turkey, Syria and North Africa. IN: Ideologie e pratiche del reimpiego nell'alto medioevo. Settimane di Studi del Centro Italiano di Studi sull'Alto Medioevo 46, Spoleto. Herzog, R. (1903) Vorläufiger Bericht über die archäologische Expedition auf der Insel Kos im Jahre 1902, AA XXVIII, 1-13 Herzog, R. and P. Schazmann (1932) Kos I Asklepieion, Berlin. Higgins, M. D. and R. Higgins (1996) A Geological Companion to Greece and the Aegean, London, Duckworth Höghammar, K. (1993) Sculpture and Society, Boreas 23, Uppsala. Höpfner, W. (1984) Φιλαδελφεία. Ein Beitrag zur frühen hellenistischen Architektur, AM 99, 358-61. Institute of Geology and Mineral Exploration (IGME) Anatoliki Kos Sheet 1:50.000, Athens Kabus-Preisshofen, R. (1975) Statuettengruppe aus dem Demeterheiligtum bei Kyparissi auf Kos, Antike Plastik XV, Kabus-Preisshofen, R. (1989) Die hellenistische Plastik der Insel Kos, AM 14. Beiheft, Berlin. Poupaki, Eir. (2001) Πελεκητά: Το αρχαίο λατομείο του δήμου των Ισθμιωτών. IN: Κοkkοrou – Aleura G., Α. Α. Laimos, Εu. Simantoni-Bournia eds., Ιστορία – Τέχνη – Αρχαιολογία της Κω, Α΄ Διεθνές Επιστημονικό Συνέδριο, Κως 2-4 Μαΐου 1997, Series of Arch. Magazine‘Αρχαιογνωσία’, no. 1, Univ. of Athens, School of Philosophy, Athens, 59-76. Poupaki, Eir. (2004) Quarries of the Hellenistic Age on the Island of Kos and possible uses of the stones extracted, IN: Transactions of the scientific conference ‘The Hellenistic Polis of Kos – state and culture’, Uppsala 11-14 Μay 2000, Boreas 28, 16579. Poupaki, Eir. (in press) Λίθινα αγγεία και σκεύη, εργαλεία και εργαστηριακά αντικείμενα από την πανεπιστημιακή ανασκαφή του Ιερού του Απόλλωνα και του Παλαιοχριστιανικού Οικισμού στην Καρδάμαινα (αρχ. Αλάσαρνα) της Κω. Υλικά και προέλευσή τους, τυπολογία και χρονολόγηση, Unpublished Thesis of Dep. Of History and Archaeology, Univ. of Athens (in press).

Apart from a very few pole holes, so far no certain transportation path has been confirmed, something that if found would support the theory of systematic quarrying activity on the northern or southern slopes of Mt. Dikaios. The abundance of second-use marble in the Medieval monuments of the area, on both sides of the mountain, is a proof that the production of good quality marble in antiquity and down to the Early - Christian era was neither small nor temporary. Moreover, the term ‘marble’ does not always correspond to its petrologic definition. It may be used to describe any type of compact sedimentary stone that can be quarried, shaped and even polished by craftsmen. So, limestone or travertine too, especially the ones rich in calcite and bright minerals, were very often mistaken or simply sufficed for marble in the past. Besides the macroscopic comparison of field samples and archaeological findings, a laboratorial one must be conducted in order to obtain a definite identification. Furthermore, the koan samples could then enrich the existing ancient greek marble databases, thus allowing for new correlations and trend analysis which may reveal possible spreading patterns of the koan marble in the ancient world. The suspicion for the use of Koan marble by the stonecarvers of neighboring or remote areas is diffused in modern literature (Poupaki 2004:167-68, where relevant literature), based upon the lack of marble sources in areas close to Kos, where important schools of sculpture flourished (e.g. Rhodes, Delos) and the strong affiliations between the Koan and other important schools of sculpture, especially of Hellenistic period (Rhodes, Delos). Koan craftsmen were able to transfer their knowhow on marble-working along with their row material. 63

SOMA 2007 Proceedings of ASMOSIA VIII, International Conference, Aix-En-Provence 12-18 June 2006. Rayet, O. (1876), Mémoire sur l’ Île de Kos, AsMSL 3ème série, 3, Paris. Sherwin – White, S. (1978) ‘Ancient Kos. A historical study from the Dorian settlement to the Imperial Period’, Hypomnemata 51, Göttingen, Vandenhock and Ruprecht. Stefanini, Giuseppe - Desio, Ardito (1928) Le colonie: Rodi e le isole italiane dell'Egeo, Torino Zarraftis, Iak. (1921) Κώϊα. Ητοι Επτά Τεύχη περιγράφοντα τa της Κω. A΄ Volume of KOION, Kos, N. I. Nikolaidou “Η Μεροπίς”.

Poupaki, Εir. and Αch. Chatziconstantinou (2001) Νεότερες έρευνες σε λατομεία της Κω. IN: Bassiakos, Ιo., Εl. Αloupi, G. Fakorellis. eds., Αρχαιομετρικές Μελέτες για την Ελληνική Προϊστορία και Αρχαιότητα, Athens, 541-56. Poupaki, Εir. and Αch. Chatziconstantinou (2004) To αρχαίο λατομείο τραβερτίνη στο Πυλί της Ν. Κω. IN: ΧΑΡΙΣ ΧΑΙΡΕ, Τιμητικός τόμος εις μνήμην της Χάρις Κάντζια, Institution of Aegean Studies, Rhodes, 11124. Poupaki, Εir., Αch. Chatziconstantinou and Ath. Katerinopoulos (in press) The use of Koan Monzonite in Ptolemaic Statuary and Early-Byzantine Architecture of Kos Island (Dodecanese, Greece). IN:

Fig. 1: Map of central Kos, including the marble occurrences (© Achilleas Chatziconstantinou).

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THE QUESTION OF MARBLE QUARRYING ON THE ISLAND OF KOS DURING ANTIQUITY

Fig. 2: Ruins of Hag. Pokou chapel on the ridge of Dikaios Mountain (© Achilleas Chatziconstantinou).

Fig. 3: Marble architrave in second use as an olive-press counterweight near Hag. Pokou (© Achilleas Chatziconstantinou).

Fig. 4: Marks of marble extraction made by quarry pick near ‘Kakia Skala’ (© Achilleas Chatziconstantinou).

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Fig. 5: ‘Marmara’ site and ruins of installation on the coast , view from the sea looking north (© Achilleas Chatziconstantinou).

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THE QUESTION OF MARBLE QUARRYING ON THE ISLAND OF KOS DURING ANTIQUITY

Fig. 6: Statue of the so-called Hippokrates (Kos Mus.No.32) (© Achilleas Chatziconstantinou).

Fig. 7: Temple of Asclepius on the third level of the Asclepieion, view from the south (© Achilleas Chatziconstantinou).

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An Architectural Investigation of “Leisure Spaces” in the Roman Domestic Context: The Case of Ephesus1 Ahmet Çinici Middle East Technical University, Ankara, Turkey Graduate Program of Settlement Archaeology

In1this paper, I would like to present a discussion on “leisure” in spatial terms with reference to Roman domestic architecture. The study focuses on central Italy and Ephesus, the latter of which is a good example to discuss how the Roman conception of leisure was spatially materialized in a provincial private setting as a group of well studied, documented and published houses constitute an appropriate comparative sample and context in Ephesus. The term “leisure” in this study is taken to refer to “whatever done for its own sake for no other end than itself in order to arise positive emotions, such as pleasure, in the participants and in their time free from the necessity of being officially occupied”.2

highly formalized eating practice including a codified behavioral system as well as a leisure and pleasure aspect, stands out with its generally lavish decoration. To this basic scheme, a peristyle was added in later times, which was incorporated into the fauces–atrium–tablinum axis whenever possible. The peristyles were generally designed as pleasure gardens decorated with fountains, statuaries, pergolas, plants and flowers. Such a garden arrangement when considered along with the ever-present perambulation function, carefully designed vistas from the spaces situated around the peristyle, such as the oecus (a large and decorated reception room distinct with its location in the center of one of the porticos of a peristyle) and exedra (a deep sitting niche opening off a portico of a peristyle), and their elaborate decoration, suggest that a strong aspect of pleasure was in operation in the design of peristyles (Ellis 2002: 34-5). Consequently, with the incorporation of the peristyle, the central visual axis of the domus was extended and the domus became a two centered entity, each with a different function and emphasis: atrium, the more formal focus with less restricted access; and the peristyle, the pleasure-oriented focus for a more privileged group of people who had the right to penetrate deep into the house (Clarke 1991, 1213; Wallace-Hadrill 1997, 239).

Leisure in the Roman private sphere was a phenomenon more of the elite and the well-to-do. The elite were keen on using their leisure properly as leisure could provide opportunities for personal and intellectual development as well as a chance for recovery and recreation after a workday (Toner 1995: 26). Leisure in the private context took forms like festive dining, visual pleasure, or private spectacles in which a pleasure aspect as well as an expression of power were the dominant features. Private leisure involved a codified social behavioral system and played an essential role in the relationships between the members of the elite and their dependents as well as in between themselves (Dunbabin 2003: 2).

Leisure-Oriented Spaces in the Domus: Introducing the Axes-Scheme

The Domus

With reference to this overview of the domus, the spaces that were associated primarily with pleasure and leisure appear to have been the triclinium and the peristyle with the related spaces of oecus and exedra. These were the spaces that were often aligned on an axis or axes with respect to each other and hence were connected either only visually or else both visually and physically. They were placed and decorated so as to offer vistas to each other from their interiors through their openings. In addition, they were placed so as to generate at least one visual axis towards a preceding space such as a peristyle, which were well embellished and specially designed with some decorative elements such as fountains. On the other hand, one other dominant axis could be generated by these preceding spaces, in which case a sense of movement was generated along the porticos. Therefore, two sets of axes can be described: “a visual axis”, along which the eye is directed towards a visual focal point, and a “dynamic axis”, along which the people move during a leisurely activity. Accordingly, a visual axis defines the visual pleasure captured from the leisure-oriented spaces such as triclinia, oeci, and exedrae; whereas the

The Roman single-family house, or domus, exemplified in Campania is characterized as an “axially planned, inward looking house with a concern for symmetry” (Çinici 2006: 35-6). In the earlier domus, a fauces (entrance vestibule), an atrium (a central, semi-open courtyard), and a tablinum (the room of the paterfamilias), all lined up side by side along the centrally located axis and opening into each other, formed a strong horizontal visual axis. The tablinum often opened to or overlooked a garden located at the back through a large window or opening, and thus extended this axis. Compluvium (an opening in the roof of the atrium) and impluvium (a shallow pool right beneath the compluvium), on the other hand, formed a vertical visual axis in the atrium. Other spaces of the house were arranged around the atrium with a concern of symmetry and gained their access, light, and air from the atrium. Among these spaces, triclinium, which was used for a

1 This article is based on the writer’s master’s thesis conducted under the supervision of Asst. Prof. Dr. Lale Özgenel. 2 For a brief analysis and history of leisure see Çinici 2006: 7-4.

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THE QUESTION OF MARBLE QUARRYING ON THE ISLAND OF KOS DURING ANTIQUITY “dynamic” axis is circumferential, that is, it was generated by the peristyle and was experienced during walking and perambulation.

Roman Domestic Architecture in Ephesus: The Operation of the Axes-Scheme in the LeisureOriented Spaces

In this sense, on the other hand, another axis, which connected the fauces to the tablinum trespassing the atrium and which was extended with the addition of the peristyle, should be considered. This has both a “visual” and a “dynamic” character in having formed a visually impressive axis along the house as well as having directed the visitor to walk along this axis towards the atrium, tablinum, and peristyle.

The Terrace Houses, which accommodated a group of well-to-do families of high social and/or financial standing, occupied a prominent place in the domestic context of Ephesus. This is supported with their prestigious location in the city and also with their rich architectural embellishment.4 The building block II of the Terrace Houses, which is considerably well preserved with its mosaics and wall paintings and published in more detail,5 is a fortunate case for a more detailed spatial analysis of the design and location of “leisure oriented spaces” in the Ephesian houses around the 3rd century AD in terms of the proposed axes-scheme.

The operation of the axes-scheme will be exemplified in the House of the Centenary (fig. 1), a large domus and the House of the Tragic Poet (fig. 2), a relatively small domus, both of which are from Pompeii. Both domus included a triclinium and a peristyle as their leisureoriented spaces.

In determining the spatial scheme of each unit, the axes, which are shown to be dominant in the design of Campanian houses, are utilized and a comparison between the Campanian design and the Ephesus scheme is made. The first axis, recalling the “visual axis” of fauces-atrium-tablinum of the Campanian houses, corresponds to the “visual axis” starting from the vestibule of the Ephesian houses. In addition to this, a second “visual axis” was also in operation in between the doorways of the spaces associated with leisure and the preceding spaces such as courtyards. This axis takes into account the vistas from the leisure-oriented spaces and the focal points such as the fountains placed in the preceding spaces. The third axis, the “dynamic axis” represents the pedestrian path along the porticoes of a peristyle, a courtyard, or a hall and will be used to indicate and discuss the “kinetic” aspects of leisure which included the catching of vistas while walking, accompanied with or without other activities of leisure, such as having a conversation with a friend or just contemplating. Due to the lack of time, only three of the seven dwelling units housed in the Terrace House II will be examined here.6

The visual fauces-atrium-tablinum axis in the House of the Centenary extended all the way along the house and catching a glimpse of the triclinium, ended at the furthest opposite side of the house. Similarly, the visual fauces– atrium–tablinum axis in the House of the Tragic Poet terminated at a point where it focused on the small fountain, which was presented as a framed vista seen through the opening of the tablinum. Further vistas of the surrounding rooms could also be captured by a pedestrian walking along these axes in both houses. The visual axis from the triclinium of the House of the Centenary ran parallel but in the opposite direction to the visual fauces-atrium-tablinum axis; in contrast to the visual axis from the triclinium of the House of the Tragic Poet, which was perpendicular to the visual faucesatrium-tablinum axis, giving a more secluded character to this triclinium than that of the House of the Centenary. Both axes had the vista of the peristyle. The dynamic axis, on the other hand, completed a full cycle around the peristyle in the House of the Centenary but continued on three sides of the peristyle in the House of the Tragic Poet, since there were only three porticos. Thus, perambulation was not an option in the House of the Tragic Poet. In both domus however, visual contacts to the above axes as well as glimpses into many of the rooms in the peristyle were provided along the dynamic axes. The pedestrian in both peristyles, for instance, could visually penetrate into the richly decorated triclinia from different angles and enjoy its visual richness from a different position than sitting or reclining inside.

The Dwelling Unit I: Dwelling Unit I occupied the southeastern corner of the Terrace House II.7 It was entered from the eastern side of the insula. A flight of steps led down to a vestibule immediately after the entrance, while another flight led to the upper storey. A door in the middle of the northern wall of the vestibule led to a private bath. Moving straight through the vestibule one could reach the marble paved peristyle. The floors of the eastern and the apparently wider southern portico were decorated with geometric motifs of black and white mosaics. The northern portico of the peristyle, at one period of occupation, was transformed into two rooms with mosaics, and a fountain was placed on the

Visual and dynamic axes can also be traced in insulae, multi-storied, multiple family dwellings; however, due to space limitations these will not be mentioned here.3

3

4

For an urban analysis of the Terrace Houses as well as the whole Ephesian domestic context see Çinici 2006: 68-77. 5 See Ladstatter, 2002 for a detailed chronology of the Terrace House II; Krinzinger, 2002 for a detailed study on the Terrace House II; Thür, 1996, 1997, 1998, 1999, 2002 for the phases of the dwelling units IV and VI; Wiplinger, 2002 for the phases of the dwelling units I and II. 6 For the analyses of the other units see Çinici 2006. 7 See Wiplinger, 1997 for an analysis of the Dwelling Unit I.

For axes-scheme in insulae see Çinici 2006.

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SOMA 2007 entrance wall to these rooms, looking towards the peristyle. The southern portico of the peristyle on the other hand, gave access to the east, to an elaborately decorated room with black and white geometric mosaics and wall paintings depicting scenes from plays by Euripides and Menander, after which this room is named as the “theater room”. This room is identified as an oecus and two small vaulted rooms on its southern side are identified as cubicula, probably for the use of guests (Parrish 1997: 582-3). While another room with a mosaic pavement was situated on the opposite side of the oecus, the most attractive space of the Dwelling Unit I was situated on the southern side of the portico. Identified as an exedra, this room was paved with polychrome mosaics with a vista of the fountain in the peristyle.

From this atrium, through the apparently wider northern portico that was paved with black and white geometric mosaics, one proceeded to the large marble paved peristyle with nine columns. This northern portico gave access to two elaborate rooms on the northern side, while another much decorated room on its eastern side, right opposite the entrance also opened into this wide portico. The eastern of those two rooms on the northern side is identified as a triclinium due to the presence of a Tshaped mosaic pavement characteristic of Campanian triclinia. There are two fountain niches decorated with paintings of Nymphs on the entrance wall of this space, one on each side of the entrance. The richly decorated eastern room with floor mosaics and depictions of nine Muses on its walls, on the other hand, is identified as a museion where recitations on literature or music performances would have taken place. This identification is also supported by the niches with slots for shelves, probably for books, which indeed also generate a focal point for the visitors even from the entrance of the house. Among the other mosaic paved spaces surrounding the peristyle on the remaining porticos, the most attractive was an exedra located on the southern side. This space has a multi- colored opus sectile floor, marble cladding on the walls, and an exclusive glass mosaic on its vaulted ceiling. It is noteworthy that a polychromatic mosaic was placed on the portico, right in front of the exedra, and behind it was a fountain in between the two columns of the peristyle, both of which create strong focal points for the operation of visual and dynamic axes.

Four axes are identifiable in the Dwelling Unit I (fig. 3). The visual axis starting from the entryway in the vestibule terminates at the furthest wall of the house. Without having any obstruction, this axis visually trespassed the peristyle and gave the chance to the beholder to capture a general vista of the house. Parallel to this visual axis runs another visual axis from the oecus providing a glimpse of the opposite room. The third visual axis that operated in between the exedra and the peristyle is perpendicular to these two axes and focused on the water element placed at the far end of the peristyle. The visual axis from the exedra had a direct and commanding view of the peristyle when compared with the visual axis from the oecus, which opened towards the largest portico rather than the peristyle. The dynamic axis, along which the pedestrian walked and which provided vistas to the surrounding decorated rooms as well as to the fountain, on the other hand, is not fully circumferential but is continuous on only three sides of the peristyle. This axis was also identified and accompanied with mosaics in the eastern and southern porticoes which are also wider (2m. and 3m. respectively) than the western portico (1m.). This is further indicative of the concern for making the pedestrians perceive these two porticos as more spacious so that they would have more space and opportunity to stop and catch the vistas of the oecus and exedra while moving along the eastern and southern porticos.

Six axes are identifiable in the Dwelling Unit II (fig. 4). The visual axis starting from the entrance passed through the atrium and gave a general view of the atrium and an oblique glimpse of the peristyle. Moving along this axis, one approached the entrance to the peristyle while the intense amount of day light in the peristyle must have formed, at the entrance, a strong and bright focus during the day time. When a person reached the entrance of the peristyle, he or she would have been able to have a commanding view of the entire ground floor. Passing through the wider portico, this visual axis extended into the museion and ended at its furthest wall where the large niche formed a focus and a terminus. The axis from the museion coincides with the visual axis of the vestibule along the peristyle, extends into and terminates in the atrium. Perpendicular to these two visual axes are the visual axes from the triclinium and from the exedra. Both pass all the way through the peristyle and end at the opposite ambulatory wall. The fountain and the polychromatic mosaic on the southern portico form two strong foci on the axis from the exedra. The exedra is much widely open to the peristyle and has a wider vista than the triclinium, which presents glimpses of the peristyle framed by its 2m wide door. This framed vista, embellished with a fountain on each side together with the wall paintings, must have created a picturesque background for the diners in the triclinium. On the other hand, two distinct dynamic axes are identifiable in unit II. One is generated around the atrium and the other around the peristyle. The dynamic axis in the atrium is a closed one in terms of not catching vistas of the surrounding

The Dwelling Unit II: The Dwelling Unit II occupied the southwestern corner of the Terrace House II.8 It was entered from the western side of the insula. The entrance led into an “atrium” with four Doric columns. This atrium is different from the Campanian style atria in the way that it lacked the symmetry and fauces-atriumtablinum sequence along with alae flanking the atrium. In addition, the opening in the roof and the corresponding pool underneath, which define a vertical axis, are nonexistent; hence, this so-called atrium was rather like a spacious vestibule and/or a reception space. It had undergone some alterations and became the center of the household production in its later phase (Krinzinger, Outschar, and Wiplinger in Scherrer (Ed.), 2000: 110).

8

See Wiplinger, 1997 for an analysis of the Dwelling Unit II.

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THE QUESTION OF MARBLE QUARRYING ON THE ISLAND OF KOS DURING ANTIQUITY operation: a “visual axis” which defines the vista captured from the leisure-oriented spaces; and a “dynamic axis”, which corresponds to the movement path that a person followed during a leisurely activity. A spatial comparison between the Roman domestic context in Campania and the provincial domestic context in Ephesus presented some similarities in terms of designing the private setting and its leisure-oriented spaces with reference to the proposed axis-scheme.

rooms. The dynamic axis in the peristyle, in contrast, provides rich glimpses into the decorated surrounding rooms as well as views of the peristyle and completes a full ambulation of 40 m. in total. The Dwelling Unit VI: The Dwelling Unit VI covered the north eastern corner of the Terrace House II and was one of the largest of the seven dwellings. It is thought to have belonged to Flavius Furius Aptus, one of the leading citizens of Ephesus at the end of the 2nd century AD, due to an inscription that included his name (Krinzinger, Outschar, and Wiplinger in Scherrer (Ed.) 2000: 111). The entrance to the house was through a vestibule opening onto the eastern portico of the peristyle. This peristyle was also the largest of all in the Terrace House II with its 12 columns and it was paved with marble. On the northern side of the peristyle, an elaborate room with a mosaic pavement and a fountain was situated together with an adjoining space. This spacious room must have been a dining and/or a reception space. Three rooms are found on the western side of the peristyle. On the southern side of the peristyle on the other hand, a huge and impressive marble paved and marble riveted room was situated. To the west of this room was a central space with a pool that gave access to the huge, apsidal hall on the south and to a highly decorated exedra on the west. This south section of the house is thought to have been arranged as a ceremonial suit, while the placement and decoration of the exedra apparently involved a pleasure aspect.

At first sight, the architectural layout of the Ephesian dwellings seem very different than those of the central Italian ones due to a number of facts such as the lack of the concern of symmetry, strict axial and sequential arrangement, lack of distinctively Roman spaces such as atria and tablina, and more significantly lack of two courtyards placed along a linear disposition. The houses in these two contexts, however, are similar in terms of generating axes of both “visual” and “dynamic” character, which govern the spatial scheme of leisureoriented spaces including the peristyle, triclinium, oecus, exedra, and museion. In central Italy the linear arrangement of the domestic spaces of fauces-atriumtablinum-peristyle on an axis, when compared with that in the Ephesus, resulted in a relatively longer visual extension that penetrated deep into the house and hence a framed vista of the ground floor is captured immediately after entering the house. The dynamic axes in the central Italian dwellings on the other hand, was in operation with respect to a concern of perambulation, which also provided visual extensions to other lavishly decorated spaces of the house as well as to the peristyle garden itself.

Four axes are identifiable in this unit (fig. 5). The visual axis from the vestibule begins at the entrance and passing along the eastern portico of the peristyle terminates at the end of the portico, where an opening on the wall of the marble hall allows for a vista of this splendid room. Oblique views of the peristyle as well as of its surrounding spaces can be captured along this axis. The visual axis from the dining space runs parallel to the visual axis of the vestibule and extends into the marble hall through another opening. A wide angle vista of the peristyle could be captured while sitting or reclining in this space. The visual axis from the exedra runs perpendicular to these axes and terminates at the western wall of the marble hall. The shallow pool which is situated right in front of the exedra acted as a strong visual focus along this axis. The 55 m. long dynamic axis on the other hand, completes a full ambulatory around the peristyle. A rich visual show could be experienced along this axis, which provided vistas of the surrounding spaces as well as of the large peristyle courtyard (approximately 100 m2) from different angles.

In Ephesus on the other hand, a version of this axial pattern seems to emerge in which the spaces in the house were connected with much shorter visual axes as the house was only planned around one central peristyle. Accordingly, the leisure-oriented spaces were placed so that their visual axes generally intersected perpendicularly or extended into each other across the peristyle. A concern to provide a vista of the ground floor upon entrance, along a visual axis starting from the vestibule is observable; however, in most of the units in question this axis is not as long as it is in the Campanian scheme. Yet, it is much more direct and hence commanding as it instantly provides a full view of the representational ground floor in contrast to the framed view in the Campanian scheme. The dynamic axis on the other hand, lacks a full cycle especially in the smaller houses; yet, an effort to give the look of a complete ambulatory with at least three porticoes and to provide vistas into the surrounding spaces during movement are observable.

Conclusions My research aimed to investigate leisure in the Roman domestic sphere, which took forms such as banqueting, literary recitation, musical performance, and perambulation, all of which were supplemented by visual shows. This attitude gave way for the arrangement and placement of special spaces related primarily with leisure in reference to an axes-scheme. Two main axes were in

This study aimed to make a thematic reading of the layout of the Roman house by using the concept of leisure. The reading was structured with reference to an axes-scheme. This illustrated how the Romans promoted a “vista architecture” based on visuality and viewing also in their private setting, which is observable since the 71

SOMA 2007 İstanbul, Ege. Thür, H. (1996). Hanghaus 2, Wohneinheiten 4 und 6. In S. Karwiese (Ed.), Ephesos 1995, ÖJh, 65, beibl. 2527. Thür, H. (1997). Hanghaus 2, Wohneinheiten 4 und 6. In S. Karwiese (Ed.), Ephesos 1996, ÖJh, 66, beibl. 349. Thür, H. (1998). Hanghaus 2, Wohneinheiten 4 und 6. In S. Karwiese (Ed.), Ephesos 1997, ÖJh, 67, beibl. 5061. Thür, H. (1999). Hanghaus 2, Wohneinheit 4 und 6. In F. Krinzinger (Ed.), Ephesos 1998, ÖJh, 68, beibl. 22 f. Thür, H. (2002). Die Bauphasen der Wohneinheit 4 (und 6). In F. Krinzinger (Ed.), Das Hanghaus 2 von Ephesos: Studien zu Baugeschichte und Chronologie (41-66). Wien, Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften. Toner, J. P. (1995). Leisure and Ancient Rome. Cambridge, Polity. Wallace-Hadrill, A. (1997). Rethinking the Roman Atrium House. In R. Laurence & A. Wallace-Hadrill (Ed.s), Domestic Space in the Roman World: Pompeii and Beyond. Journal of Roman Archaeology Supplementary Series, No. 22, (219-240). Portsmouth, Rhode Island. Wiplinger, G. (1997). Die Wohneinheiten 1 und 2 im Hanghaus 2 von Ephesos, ÖJh, 66, 75-86. Wiplinger, G. (2002). Die Bauphasen der Wohneinheiten 1 und 2. In F. Krinzinger (Ed.), Das Hanghaus 2 von Ephesos: Studien zu Baugeschichte und Chronologie (67-92). Wien, Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften.

early Imperial period and which endured with some modifications in the later years and also in the provinces of the Roman empire. Bibliography Clarke, J. R. (1991). The Houses of Roman Italy 100 BC – AD 250: Ritual, Space, and Decoration. Berkeley, Los Angeles, & Oxford: University of California Press. Çinici, A. (2006). An Architectural Investigation of “Leisure Spaces” in the Roman Domestic Context: The Case of Ephesus. Unpublished MS dissertation, Ankara, Middle East Technical University. Dunbabin, K. M. D. (2003). The Roman Banquet: Images of Conviviality. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. Ellis, S. P. (2002). Roman Housing. London, Duckworth. Krinzinger, F. (Ed.) (2002). Das Hanghaus 2 von Ephesos: Studien zu Baugeschichte und Chronologie. Wien, Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften. Ladstatter, S. (2002). Die Chronologie des Hanghauses 2. In F. Krinzinger (Ed.), Das Hanghaus 2 von Ephesos: Studien zu Baugeschichte und Chronologie (9-40). Wien, Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften. Parrish, D. (1997). Architectural Function and Decorative Programs in the Terrace Houses at Ephesos. Topoi, 7 (2), 579–633. Scherrer, P. ed. (2000). Ephesus: The New Guide.

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Fig. 2 The axes-scheme of the House of the Tragic Poet, Pompeii

Fig. 1 The axesscheme of the House of the Centenary, Pompeii

THE QUESTION OF MARBLE QUARRYING ON THE ISLAND OF KOS DURING ANTIQUITY

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Fig. 4 The axesscheme of the Dwelling Unit II in Terrace House II,

Fig. 5 The axesscheme of the Dwelling Unit VI in Terrace House II,

Fig. 3 The axesscheme of the Dwelling Unit I in Terrace House II,

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Alburnus Maior Ancient Mining Site. Considerations Regarding the Archaeological Management Paul Damian and Corina Borş National History Museum of Romania (Bucharest, Romania)

or as preserved in the local memory). Also note should be made that, at least during the past 700 years, permanent habitation and continuous mining in the area – open cast or underground – of the surrounding mountains, has contributed to the gradual destruction and disappearance of important parts of the ancient site (fig. 1).

The scholarly world – and the public – first became aware of the archaeological site at Roşia Montană because of the discovery, about 150 – 200 years ago, of the Roman wax tablets.1 These historical sources, rare and important due to the information they contain – found by chance on reopening and re-exploration of old mine galleries in the Roşia Montană – provided data on the realities of ancient Alburnus Maior, and introduced a number of benchmarks later used by historians and epigraphic scholars in attempting to reconstruct (often hypothetically, in the absence of archaeological site investigation research) a comprehensive image of the site. For about 150 years after the discovery, the past of Roşia Montană continued to be revealed by chance finds of epigraphic material and architectural fragments, votive or funerary monuments. Recovered from a rather limited area, these materials recovered near the local mining operations have offered, in more than 75 whole or fragmentary inscriptions, many hints about the history of this particular site.2

Following the chance finds’ analysis in the area, supported by fragmentary archival topographical information, some researchers4 contributed to the interpretation of this archaeological site. However, their work could only propose a theoretical model rather than an understanding based on real knowledge of the local archaeological assets. Thus, before 2000, it could have been said that Roşia Montană was an area of archaeological potential, but disturbed by industrial and urban developments, where no proper archaeological investigations had been conducted that would have allowed for a detailed understanding of the site. Although the previous chance finds were numerous enough, and the area had been significantly impacted by constant mining operations, compounded by intense habitation along and around the slopes of Roşia Valley, prior to 2000, the Romanian authorities had never considered allocating archaeological research funds to investigate the area. Some of the chance finds were displayed in the Mining Museum organized by the former state-owned mining operation in here in the 1980s, based on the efforts of some local people interested in the locality’s history and with assistance from specialists and researchers from Alba Iulia and Cluj-Napoca.

All the chance finds were discovered as a result of the ongoing mining works of the area,3 given fresh impetus during the reign of Empress Mary Theresa (late 18th c.), and continued throughout the 19th and 20th c., by either private mining associations and concession of deposits or – more recently, after 1948 – by a large state-owed mining company. This is the framework of a vast preindustrial local mining infrastructure (the opening of vast underground horizons, corresponding to a multitude of side-galleries on the slopes), which determined the occurrence of a complex primary ore processing system made of artificial ponds and stamp mills, generating a number of chance finds of Roman age artefacts, and thus contributed to the gradual raising of awareness of the area’s heritage. A relative paradox is worth noting and relevant to current case, namely that the economic development due to the need to extract the gold- and silver- bearing ores also generated the scientific knowledge of this historic site.

In 2000 the systematic investigation of the Roşia Montană site was planned in response to a private investor expressing the intention to extend the operations of the then existing state owned mining company. A preliminary assessment study was conducted that summer. The main goal of this diagnosis of archaeological and topographical inventory of local historical sites was to identify the remains within the modern locality’s limits, in consideration to the information – often uncertain and fragmentary – related to the location of previous chance finds. In the same context, a preliminary specialized mining archaeology study was undertaken into the underground mine galleries as a premiere of this type of research in Romanian archaeology.

Perhaps the most pertinent example of this interrelationship between mining operations and the chancefinds that contributed to a scientific understanding of the site is the map developed in mid 19th c. by mining engineer F. Pošepný, cartographical document that contains much information related to both the geological features of the site and to a number of ancient archaeological remains in the area (still visible at the time

Considering the preliminary results of the initial study (2000), the characteristics of the heritage sites and remains, the proposed mining development within this

1

Wollmann 2002b: 91-124 RMP/6:CHBaseline 2006, Appendixes F and G 3 Wollmann 2002c: 125-162 2

4

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Daicoviciu 1958: 259-266; Wollmann 1996; Wollmann 2002a : 27-41

SOMA 2007 area, and similar examples of the European preventive archaeology practice in the past decade, the Ministry of Culture and Religious Affairs initiated the “Alburnus Maior” National Research Program (2001). From the outset the aim was for this to become an example of multi-disciplinary heritage research. Promulgated under recent legislative provisions on protection of the national heritage, the program had the following main objectives of preventive archaeological research:

techniques were used in an integrated unitary approach. Although Romanians provide the lead role on the team, international expertise in underground works and modern archaeological practices was drawn on to create the first archaeological program of this scale in Romania. The benefit of this expertise is clearly evident in the results of this archaeological program and will result in extensive benefits in terms of capacity building and development of best practice in Romanian archaeology.

•

Proper liaising with the mining company (from specific issues like topographic plans, geological maps to the establishment of a dedicated Patrimony Department in its framework) allowed the archaeological survey to occur in advance in areas to be affected by the mining project: Roşia Valley and Corna Valley. The early commencement of the archaeological program was required for site development plans to be altered. This was a key advantage of beginning the archaeological work at the earliest stage possible in Project development. From this point of view, the provisions of the La Valletta Convention were met in this case, the developer understanding that it has to provide a substantial budget for research and to take into consideration the expertise of the archaeologists.

• • • •

detailed research of local archaeological heritage using modern methods and considering an efficient data management considering future full publication; scientific study of the underground mining remains and identification of conservation or restoration solutions for the representative parts; definition of the archaeological and architectural preservation areas; applying the legal requirements for discharging archaeological constraints, within the Project’s footprint; developing a project for implementing a new mining museum.

The inter-disciplinary approach to the local heritage considered a variety of specialist studies in fields like geophysics, geology, architecture and historical monuments, ethnography and the oral history of the area. This was a pioneering effort, considering that Romania, after the complex changes undergone since 1989, was faced with no legislation with regard to heritage protection, especially of the archaeological assets, and that this situation only changed after the first set of regulations was published in 2000.

In compliance with the legislative framework6 (and with continuous changes to align the national legislation to EU norms7 for heritage and environmental protection) the mining company assumed its obligations and provided, based on an annual contract signed with the National History Museum of Romania (the scientific coordinator of the “Alburnus Maior” National Research Program) the financial resources for a comprehensive preventive archaeological research program and complementary studies on architecture, ethnography, oral history etc. The preventive archaeological research work was conducted by a large team of expert archaeologists and specialists from relevant Romanian institutions (museums, institutes, faculties). Research specific to mining archaeology – an area where no specialist expertise is available in Romania – was conducted by the University of Toulouse Le Mirail, UTAH Laboratory (France). The research conducted during each archaeological campaign during 2001 – 2006 was permitted by the Ministry of Culture and Religious Affairs based on the annual archaeological research plans developed in cooperation with the partner institutions and in consultation with their specialist teams by the National History Museum of Romania, and approved by the National Archaeology Commission.

From the beginning of the proposed mining project, the Ministry of Culture and Religious Affairs, the National Commission for Archaeology and the National Museum of History of Romania considered the archaeological investigation as a “rescue archaeological project” and later a “preventive archaeological project”. As it is generally accepted in this type of work, the archaeologists’ role is to locate and record – following the best professionals standards5 and skills – as many sites as possible before being potentially impacted by mining project activities, and based on the realities uncovered on the field to propose that certain areas have to be preserved for the future and not to be damaged by any human activity. Thus the general research strategy followed the “preservation by record” principles, combined with the “preservation in situ” options where required. The main strategic objectives from the archaeological management perspective were: 1. field excavations; 2. post-excavation analyses; 3. data registration system and 4. dissemination & publication.

A review of the “Alburnus Maior” National Research Program reveals the fact that it was the most important and comprehensive archaeological research program conducted in Romania during the past 5 decades. The research was conducted over a vast area, of rough terrain, that bore visible marks of uninterrupted habitation and mining operations for at least seven centuries (13th – 20th

Thus a wide variety of specific methods and research

6 Governmental Ordinance no. 43/2000, available [Accessed 15 May 2007] 7 Valletta Convention, 85/337/CEE Directive

5

Barker 1999: 140-158; Collis 2001: 21, 167; Darwill 2003: 20-21, 357, 374; Cherry 2005: 248-254.

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from

ALBURNUS MAIOR ANCIENT MINING SITE Research results in the settlement areas of Hop-Găuri,11 Hăbad,12 Tăul Ţapului13 or on Carpeni Hill,14 seem to suggest that the area of ancient Alburnus Maior hosted a settlement system with no indigenous (Dacian) component, based on the data so far collected where various ethnic groups colonised here by Romans act – most probably – according to the organization and the habits of the origin country. A review was made on ancient sources, corroborated by epigraphic materials’ study and new elements revealed by recent archaeological research. This led to a new understanding that the generic place name Alburnus Maior incorporated several permanent and temporary settlements related to the presence of colonists of Dalmatian-Illyrian origin, and others from regions of Hellenistic tradition south of the Danube specializing in gold extraction and primary processing. Of remarkable importance was the research of sacred areas located at Hăbad,15 Valea Nanului16 and Carpeni, south of Roşia Valley.

c.) and was known to have been a Roman mining centre (2nd c. AD). Such an approach required the involvement of a significant number of institutions of diverse areas of expertise in the research team (22 Romanian institutions and 3 foreign ones). From a different perspective, the program was a “pioneering” initiative and a practical framework for new approaches in preventive archaeology in Romania, as well as for research methods and routine archaeological good practice at the European level.8 Not least, mention should be made of the fact that the implementation of this program also required on-going changes of the Romanian legislation on the protection of the archaeological heritage, on mining, and especially on environmental protection (i.e. the development of the first archaeological documentation for an environmental impact study9 in Romania). The “Alburnus Maior” National Research Program was therefore the framework for a new, modern approach of preventive archaeological research in Romania, as it was the first industrial development project that required the legal application of the ‘archaeological discharge procedure’ for sites containing archaeological features. The results of this preventive archaeological research work led to and supported in a second project stage, the development of an Archaeological Heritage Management Plan10 (the first of its kind in our country), and the consideration of building, with funds provided by the mining company under the “polluter pays” principle established under the Valetta Convention, of a modern museum. This is designed to combine the features of a site museum with those of a themed museum dedicated to mining in Roşia Montană and the surrounding areas. Also initiated a series of monographs dedicated to the results of research in this area, which led to the publication of the first volume only 2 years after the program has started, followed by four subsequent publications.

Some of the most interesting discoveries were made during the investigations of the 5 cremation necropolises17 (Hop, Tăul Corna, Jig-Piciorag, Ţarina, Pârâul Porcului – Tăul Secuilor) and 2 funerary areas on Nanului Valley and Carpeni Hill. In the category of funerary discoveries at Roşia Montană, a special place goes to the Roman funerary precinct at Tăul Găuri.18 More than 1,450 tombs and funerary complexes have been investigated and excavated to date: their study providing important new information on the funerary practices of populations in the province of Dacia, especially in gold mining areas. All these funerary discoveries provided important material for research on the dynamics, diversity and size of the ancient population in Alburnus Maior. During 8 years of mining archaeological research19 at Roşia Montană, topographical and measured surveys have been conducted of more than 70km of underground mining works of all ages, with two-thirds being located in Cârnic and Cetate Massifs. In passing along recent galleries opened during the 20th c., the French research team could separate out of the 70km of underground works, approximately 53km of recent works (19th and 20th c.), 10km of modern works (17th and 18th c.), opened by blasting, and nearly 7km of ancient works excavated with iron tools (chisel and hammer) or fire. The 7km of underground mining structures dated back to the Roman Age are not one consistent whole, but the sum total of identified, investigated and mapped separated works of such types in all the massifs that have been researched.

Preventive archaeological research at Roşia Montană provided an important data set that led to a reconsideration of the understanding of the ancient site of Alburnus Maior. This reconsideration produced the current understanding of this complex archaeological site containing – more or less well preserved – the remains of habitations and sacred areas, and especially of necropolises and funerary areas, and ancient open cast and underground mining works. Based on the archaeological field research and extensive excavations, 13 sites were identified (fig. 2). Considering that the proposed mining project will not have direct impacts on certain areas, based on the fact that they bear traces of Roman age vestiges, certain perimeters were proposed to be preserved and be designated as “archaeological reserves” under the La Valetta Convention (1992).

11

Moga and Drâmbărean 2003: 45-79 Pescaru, Rădeanu, et al. 2003: 121-146 13 Damian, Simion, et al. 2003: 81-120 14 Bolindeţ, Roman, et al. 2003: 383-428; Bota, Ţentea et al. 2003: 429442; Ţentea and Voişan 2003: 443-463 15 Cociş, Ursuţiu et al. 2003: 147-189 16 Crăciun, Sion, et al. 2003: 253-284; Crăciun and Sion 2003: 285-333; Zirra, Oţa, et al. 2003: 335-380 17 Moga, Inel et al. 2003: 191-249; Damian and Simion 2007: 141-153 18 Simion, Apostol et al. (2005) 19 Cauuet, Ancel et al. 2003: 467-526; Cauuet 2005: 127-129 12

8

IFA Standards, available from

[Accessed 20 May 2007] 9 EIA for Roşia Montană Project, available from [Accessed 5 May 2007] 10 Available from [Accessed 5 May 2007]

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SOMA 2007 best standards and practice.20 Thus a dedicated database, a GIS project and a digital photo archive (including aerial and satellite images) were created and implemented.

The specialists involved in this pioneering research have reached the conclusion that the great majority of the old workings were reopened and partly re-operated by subsequent generations of miners, during the medieval and modern ages, and therefore most of the works dated back to the Roman Age are partly destroyed in a significant manner, by such later interventions, especially by means of explosives since the 17th century. Based on a careful inter-disciplinary approach, most of the general layout of the ancient works could be reconstructed based on the remains of ancient gallery walls, or parts of the original galleries (ceiling or base). An important conclusion is that, for the entire complex of ancient mining galleries, there is a systematic repetition of shape and distribution of the investigated works – they are uniform and highly repetitive. A special discovery is that of the Roman hydraulic system in the Păru Carpeni mining sector which was the first example in Romania and a rare discovery on the European level of an ancient installation found in situ in relatively good conservation state that could be studied by a specialist team of mining archaeologists.

The dissemination of research results was structured along three strategic directions: 1. communication in the public interest (at the European level, national and local authorities) with the media and the general public; 2. professional communications (within the national and international museum and academic environment, and also including the organization of displays, the development and coordination of the publication plan) and, not least, 3. communication with the investor to ensure a mine plan that preserved all that was professionally indicated as rare or otherwise important for future visitation and research and in a condition to permit access and merit preservation. Also, in parallel with site activities, efforts were made to capitalize on the archaeological research. In this context, a series of exhibitions were dedicated to the archaeological research program and the subsequent finds. Apart from the many scientific papers at national and European conferences, the scientific valorisation of such results was also designed as a monograph series, of which 5 volumes have been issued to date (Alburnus Maior I – a collection of studies of the main archaeological Roman discoveries in Roşia Montană during 2000 – 2001; Alburnus Maior II – giving a detailed presentation of the circular funerary monument at the “Tău Găuri” site; Alburnus Maior III – containing the catalogue of the archaeological complexes and the inventory of the cremation necropolis at Tăul Corna, excavated during the 2002 campaign and two volume on ethnographic and contemporary history studies). Considering that scientific information obtained based on preventive archaeological research is quite significant, one of the stated goals of the “Alburnus Maior” National Research Program was and still is to further support the regular publication of the results of such research in the Alburnus Maior monograph series. It is worth mentioning that the publication of the volumes published to date was due to the financial support provided by the mining company, closely following one of the principles stated in the La Valetta Convention. Some 16 volumes are planned for publication in this monographic series.

By comparison to other Roman Age discoveries within the province of Dacia or the Roman Empire, the archaeological relics discovered at Roşia Montană to date do not display remarkable construction features (perhaps with the exception of the underground areas still preserving wooden Roman equipments), but – in their distribution across the landscape – they provide a number of elements that may help reconstruct the ancient local topography, including necropolises on the slopes or plateaus, as well as habitat and sacred areas probably related to the ore mining and primary processing areas. This interpretation based on site investigations is supported by information contained on the wax tables, the results of 6 years of field research in Alburnus Maior and comparative studies with documented situations for other ancient mining areas. It should be noted that the interpretation of the archaeological discoveries at Roşia Montană made during 2001–2006 have laid the bases in defining new directions for research of the Roman Age in the province of Dacia. Apart from defining and investigating the archaeological sites in the Roşia Montană area, preventive archaeological research has also generated an important collection of artefacts including Roman ceramics for everyday use and pieces of funerary architecture. The quantity of artefacts and their state of preservation has required long-running conservation program. The process was organized by the specialized laboratories of a number of Romanian museums. This collection of movable archaeological assets includes about 10,000 artefacts discovered to date, part already published, but also under restoration. Another strategic direction for the archaeological management approach of the research program was focused on the registration of all the field data, following

From a different point of view, this archaeological research program has also triggered the development of a strategy for communicating information to the media and the public at large. This is probably the first case in Romanian archaeology that required the specialists to consider a very different issue than those encountered in a systematic excavation, in the sense of publicly describing and rapidly disseminating the results of their work in a manner that is more accessible to a large public that considers itself entitled to detailed information on such research. Such a situation has been commonplace for some time in many European countries, but it is still far 20 MAP 2 1991; MoLAS Manual 1994; IFA Standards; Drewett 1999; Richards and Robinson 2000; Collis 2001; Renfrew and Bahn 2001; Roskams 2001

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ALBURNUS MAIOR ANCIENT MINING SITE from common practice in the Romanian archaeological world, still reluctant when faced with a concept such as “public archaeology”.21

Following a European trend at least since the adoption of the La Valetta Convention in 1992, the “Alburnus Maior” National Research Program has been a landmark for Romania, in the sense of outlining preventive archaeology as a separate expertise, subject to timerelated, geographical, methodological and financial constraints in addition to the research methodology specific to academic archaeological investigations. At the same time the program promotes the preservation or even enhancement of the quality standards of archaeological research. The preventive archaeological research carried on these sites has again proved the limits of historicalarchaeological interpretation based solely on one category of sources and how important it is to adopt an inter-disciplinary approach that takes all the areas of research and expertise into consideration.

Thus, after more than 6 years of extensive preventive archaeological research conducted at Roşia Montană under the “Alburnus Maior” National Research Program – funded by the mining company under the law – the archaeological heritage of the area has become better known and defined – and the standards applied to the investigation, research, the limits for mining and the requirements for preservation have been professional, objective and responsible. The options to protect, preserve and enhance the site were based on a classic approach, built around movable and immovable assets of the archaeological heritage and the classified historic monuments of the area, with less but appropriate focus placed on the historical assets of more recent periods. The 6 years of field and office studies were a professional challenge for Romanian archaeology, as well as a chance to put into practice new concepts, research strategies and management options in the area of preventive archaeology. The program was likewise a basis for the harmonisation and update of specific Romanian legislation in the light of European norms, in a framework that allowed actual observation of its applicability whilst recognising the many important aspects still to be resolved.

As a conclusion, it needs to be emphasised that this program of preventive archaeological researches, developed in the past 6 years was extensive and multidisciplinary. It systematically analysed all defining aspects of the site’s heritage. Thus, it was possible to investigate important features and vestiges, the findings of such becoming valid and essential prove for developing a responsible policy which the mining company assumed in regards to the heritage of the area. From this perspective, the heritage research program from Roşia Montană during 2001 – 2006 was regarded as a sound example of good practice,22 useful for being applied within other similar future situations related to the development of big infrastructure projects in Romania, and taking into consideration the involvement of the experts and other stakeholders in what regards the research, preservation and protection of the heritage in the area, including the accountability of the mining company for a whole set of concrete actions and measures aimed to avoid any irremediably loss, but also to enable the maintenance – through study and knowledge – and the “classic” preservation of certain vestiges in situ and certain archaeological reservations, completed by the development of a modern site museum and restoration of historical monuments.

The heritage of Roşia Montană itself has become much better understood since 2000, but in a manner and to an extent that requires consideration of options of future developments. Among these are: •

• • •

continuing a preventive archaeological research program in the Roşia Montană area, and extending the research across the entire Golden Quadrilateral; developing a plausible scenario for the protection of archaeological assets at Roşia Montană in the event the mining project does not proceed; establishing an action plan of the competent authorities, institutions to create a New Mining Museum at Roşia Montană; establishing an action plan for the local archaeological heritage providing that the Roşia Montană Project is not permitted by the Romanian authorities.

Bibliography Barker, P. (1999) Techniques of archaeological excavation, 3rd ed., Routledge, 1999 Bota, E., Ţentea, O., Voişan, V. (2003) Forms of Habitation Uncovered on “Tomuş” Site (E1), IN: AM I, 429-442 Cauuet, B., Ancel, B., Rico, C., Tamaş, G. (2003) Ancient Mining Networks. The French Archaeological Missions 1999-2001, IN: AM I, 467526 Cauuet, B. (2005) Les mines d’or et d’argent antiques de Dacie: le district d’Alburnus Maior. Rosia Montana,

Summarising the information above, it is to be noted that the mining company proposes – providing that its Project, considering that subsequent management plans are approved – to further finance and support the future various and important archaeological works, in situ preservation of the significant archaeological structures, further financial support to publish the results of the findings, especially the construction and organization of a museum in Roşia Montană. 21

22 See the official report of E. O’Hara (general raporteur of APCE), available from

[Accessed 10 May 2007]

Darwill 2004: 409-434

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SOMA 2007 Renfrew, C. and Bahn, P. (2001) Archaeology: Theories, Methods and Practice, Thames & Hudson, 2001 Richards, J. and Robinson, D. eds. (2000) Digital Atchives from Excavation and Fieldowork: A Guide to Good Practice, AHDS, Oxbow Books, 2000 RMP/6:CHBaseline 2006 Roşia Montană Project. EIA, volume 6 – Baseline for cultural heritage, Bucharest, 2006. Available from:

[Accessed 15 May, 2007] Roskams, S. (2001) Excavation, Cambridge University Press, 2001 Rusu-Bolindeţ, V., Roman, C., Vota, E., Isac, A., Paki, A., Marcu, F., Bodea, M. (2003) Forms of Habitation Uncovered on “Balea” Site, IN: AM I, 383-427 Simion, M., Apostol, V., Vleja, D. (2005) Alburnus Maior II. The funerary precint from Tău Găuri, Bucharest, 2005 Ţentea, O., Voişan, V. (2003) Forms of Habitation Uncovered on “Bisericuţă” E2 Site, IN: AM I, 443463 Wollmann, V. (1996) Mineritul metalifer, extragerea sării şi carierele de piatră în Dacia romană [Der Erzbergbau, die Salzgewinnung und der Steinbrüche im römischen Dakien], BMN XIII, Veröffentlichungen aus dem Deutschen BergbauMuseum Bochum, 63, Cluj-Napoca & Bochum, 1996 Wollmann, V. (2002a) Roşia Montană im Altertum, IN: Slotta, R., Wollmann, V. and Dordea, I. eds., Silber und Salz in Siebenbürgen. Katalog zur Ausstellung im Deutschen Bergbau-Museum, Band 4: Einleitende Aufsätze, Reiseberichte sowie geologische und mineralogische Literatur, Veröffentlichungen aus dem Deutschen Bergbau-Museum Bochum, 112, 2002, 2741 Wollmann, V. (2002b) Die römischen Wachstafeln von Roşia Montană – Paraleipomena, IN: Slotta, R., Wollmann, V. and Dordea, I. eds., Silber und Salz in Siebenbürgen. Katalog zur Ausstellung im Deutschen Bergbau-Museum, Band 4: Einleitende Aufsätze, Reiseberichte sowie geologische und mineralogische Literatur, Veröffentlichungen aus dem Deutschen Bergbau-Museum Bochum, 112, 2002, 91-124 Wollmann, V. (2002c) Zur Geschichte des Goldbergbaus in Roşia Montană in der Frühen Neuzeit, IN: Slotta, R., Wollmann, V. and Dordea, I. eds., Silber und Salz in Siebenbürgen. Katalog zur Ausstellung im Deutschen Bergbau-Museum, Band 4: Einleitende Aufsätze, Reiseberichte sowie geologische und mineralogische Literatur, Veröffentlichungen aus dem Deutschen Bergbau-Museum Bochum, 112, 2002, 125-162 Zirra, V.V., Oţa, L., Panaite, A., Alexandrescu, C., Ganciu, A., Boroneanţ, A., Dragoman, A. (2003) The Sacred Space of “Dalea” Site, IN: Alburnus Maior I, 335-380

Romanie, IN: Ministère des Affaires Étrangères, Archéologies. Vingt ans de recherches françaises dans le monde, Maisonneuve et Larose – ADPF.ERC, Paris, 2005,127-129 Cherry, J.F. (2005) Survey, IN: Renfrew, C. and Bahn P. eds., Archaeology. The Key Concepts, Routledge, 2005 Cociş, S., Ursuţiu, A., Cosma, C., Ardevan, A. (2003) Area Sacra of “Hăbad” Site, IN: AM I, 147-189 Collis, J. (2001) Digging Up the Past. An Introduction to Archaeological Excavation, Sutton Publishing, 2001 Crăciun, C., Sion, A., Iosipescu, R., Iosipescu, S. (2003) The Cult Edifice discovered on “Szekely” Site (Edifice T1), IN: AM I, 253-283 Crăciun, C., Sion, A. (2003) The Cult Edifice discovered on “Drumuş” Site (Edifice TII), IN: AM I, 285-333 Daicoviciu, C. (1958) Castella Delmatarum de la Dacie. Un aspect de la colonisation et de la romanisation de la provincie de Dacie, Dacia n.s. 2, 1958, 259-266 Damian, P. ed. (2003) Alburnus Maior I (= AM I), Bucharest 2003 Damian, P., Simion, M., Bâltâc, A., Oţa, S., Vasile, M., Bălan, G., Vleja, D. (2003) Forms of Habitation Uncovered on “Hop-Botar” and “Tăul Ţapului” Sites, IN: AM I, 81-120 Damian, P., Simion, M. (2007) Funerary practices in the Necropolises to the ancient Communities at Alburnus Maior, IN: Proceedings of the 8th International Colloquiun of Funerary Archaeology, Acta Terra Septemcastrensis, VI.1, Sibiu, 2007, 141-153 Darwill, T. (2003) Oxford Concise Dictionary of Archaeology, Oxford University Press, 2003 Darwill, T. (2004) Public Archaeology: A European Perspective, IN: A Companion to Archaeology, J. Bintliff ed., Oxford, Blackwell Publishing, 2004, p. 409 – 434 Drewett, P.L. (1999) Field Archaeology. An Introduction, Routledge, 1999 MAP 2 (1991) The management of archaeological projects, English Heritage, London, 1991. Available from: http://www.english-heritage.org.uk/upload/pdf/map2_ 20050131145759.pdf [Accessed 15 May, 2007] Moga, V., Drâmbărean, M., Dragotă A. (2003) Forms of Habitation Uncovered on “Găuri” Site, IN: Alburnus Maior I, 45-79 Moga, V. Inel, C., Gligor, A., Dragotă, A. (2003) The Incineration Necropolis of “Hop” Site, IN: Alburnus Maior I, 191-249 MoLAS Manual (1994) Archaeological Site Manual, Museum of London Archaeology Service, 1994 Pescaru, A., Rădeanu, V., Pavel., R., Rişcuţa, N.C., Ţuţuianu, D., Bălos, A., Egri, M. 2003 Forms of Habitation Uncovered on “Hăbad” Site, IN: AM I, 121-146

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ALBURNUS MAIOR ANCIENT MINING SITE

Historic Centre

Cârnic Massif

Ţarina

Cetate Massif

Fig. 1: General views of Roşia Montană (Alburnus Maior) area

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Fig. 2: Map of archaeological sites delimitated in the framework of the “Alburnus Maior” National Research Program

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Eunuchs in Public: the Functional and Ideological Dimensions of Eunuchs in the Assyrian Empire Elif Denel (Ph.D.) Baskent University, Ankara, Turkey Department of Interior Architecture and Environmental Design

eunuchs in these communities.1 In spite of the conflicting scholarly views on the significance that eunuchs held in the Assyrian power system (von Soden 1965-81: 974; Oppenheim 1973; Dalley 2001), written and visual sources suggest that eunuchs were not only present in the Assyrian society, but also acted in groups with certain privileges that enabled them to serve as palace functionaries, in the military, or in various high political offices. The sociopolitical system in which eunuchs operated allowed them to reach even very high levels of Assyrian authority.

Although they are an anomaly, eunuchs have formed a peculiar, yet integral aspect of many societal systems throughout time, especially in the ancient Near East. Social purposes for mutilating men have greatly varied in different cultures, from forceful acts to impose submission, punishment or humiliation (Jastrow 1921: 20 19), to calculated and purposeful efforts for a career in mechanism of political control (Patterson 1982: 314331). Eunuchs were used as attendants and officials in the royal court of many ancient Near Eastern monarchies, where the position of the king stood central to societal organization and balance. In consequence, a close relationship between the king and eunuchs emerged as a distinct element in systems of political power. A combination of textual and artistic sources illustrates the importance of castrated officials in many societies in the first millennium B.C., including those in north Syria and southeast Anatolia, as not only a functional, but also a symbolic act. Here, I will concentrate on the political significance of eunuchs, in particular with respect to the status of kingship in Neo-Assyria, as sources are relatively more prolific in demonstrating the significance of eunuchs for the operation of the Assyrian political system. Assyrian sources show that emasculated officials occupied high positions in Assyrian politics, counterbalanced a potential threat to kingship from the aristocracy, and also conceptually complemented the notion of Assyrian kingship. As such, eunuchs became particularly valuable for kingship ideology through their extraordinary societal disposition as non-reproducing males.

Current debate has drawn attention in particular to the expressions of eunuchs in Akkadian written records mostly on Assyrian administration. Although the terms “ša rēši,” expressed with the logogram, “LÚ SAG,” and a variant, “šūt rēši,” clearly designate officials, they have long formed sources of debate on whether those officials, whom they designate, were in fact eunuchs.2 The debate is not concerned with the social and political importance of those holding this title; textual sources indicate that a man identified as “ša rēši” could reach a very high level in the political hierarchy. Texts on the kings’ celebratory feast include men of this title among the most important members of the Assyrian political elite, such as commanders, governors, and members of the assembly of elders. A “ša rēši” could command the military, as indicated by the 9th century B.C. accounts of Shamshi Adad V. According to the Assyrian records, the king dispatched his chief “ša rēši” in a campaign against Nairi, a major enemy land in the north (Mattila 2000: 61-62). Written sources show that by the end of the eighth century B.C. men of this title could rise to very high levels of administration and could even be considered equal to “turtānu,” the highest status next to kingship in the Assyrian political hierarchy.3

The Terminology and the Debate Several scholars have dealt explicitly with the particular function of eunuchs in Assyria (Kinnier Wilson 1972: 128; Oppenheim 1973; Grayson 1995; Deller 1999; Mattila 2000: 131-134; Dalley 2001; Tadmor 2002). Yet, no academic consensus has been reached on the significance, let alone the commonness, of eunuchs in the Assyrian political structure. While sources from several contemporary societies, including the Hebrew Bible (Tadmor 1983; 2002: 603-5), mention certain high officials, who may well have been eunuchs, sources from other societies, such as Urartu and other contemporary and close by kingdoms, are currently too limited to be able to determine the degree and the nature of presence of

1 Diakonoff (1985: 137) mentions that out of 5507 attendants in the court of Rusa II 3892 were eunuchs. If Urartian artists also follow the Assyrian tradition of depicting eunuchs beardless, with round physiognomy and heavy bodily features, then a substantial part of such figures in artistic representations can be seen as depictions of eunuchs. 2 For the discussions of the evidence for rendering “LÚ SAG “ (or “ša rēši”) as eunuch both in Assyria and Babylon, see Brinkman 1968: 30911, Oppenheim 1973, Brinkman and Dalley (1988: 85-86), Grayson (1995), Deller (1999), Mattila (2000: 131-133), and Tadmor (2002). In the volume R of the Chicago Assyrian Dictionary (1999: 289-96), the entries for “ša rēši” and other related terms discuss their identification of attendants, soldiers, officers, and officials, but cautiously refrain from emphasizing links with eunuchs. 3 Sennacherib employed his chief eunuch alongside the “turtānu” in his military campaigns in the west, perhaps as part of a strategy to reduce the growing power of Assyrian governors, including the “turtānu,”

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SOMA 2007 The influence and the authority of the chief “ša rēši” increased to new levels beginning with the reign of Tiglath Pileser III, when the king began to relay increasingly more on his chief “ša rēši” at the same time as the royal officials gradually gained more power in the political scene. During his reign, Tiglath Pileser III preferred his chief “ša rēši” instead of another high official from his court to settle problems concerning the recognition of his authority in the distant regions of his realm.4 Sources, thus, illustrate the formation of a close relationship throughout the Assyrian period between the king and those “ša rēši” in his court, in particular the chief “ša rēši,” whom the king had designated as the most trusted of his officials (Deller 1999: 308; Tadmor 2002: 608).

figures as beardless or bearded and, thus, highlight this duality among the servants in the Assyrian court (Reade 1972: 91 n.25). Assyrian art contains depictions of a large number of bearded and beardless individuals in the act of performing a variety of tasks in the royal palace and elsewhere in the Assyrian realm. Accordingly, individuals of both titles could hold the same types of office and occupy the same official positions in the Assyrian court. In other words, responsibilities assigned to beardless individuals do not seem to differ according to the physical or social conditions signaled by an individual’s beard. Nevertheless, beardless figures frequently appear in visual sources in the king’s entourage and in the act of performing tasks appropriate for the palace personnel (Reade 1972: 91-92) and, thus, illustrate a certain tendency in the king’s preference among those who operate intimately with him.

This association has been the source of disagreement for several scholars, who believe that holders of the title “ša rēši” were not all actual eunuchs (von Soden 1965-81: 974; Oppenheim 1973; Dalley 2001). Nevertheless, the debate is concerned with whether such high and important positions as the “ša rēši” held in the Assyrian political scheme could in fact be occupied by castrated men. Kirk Grayson summarizes the general attitude in scholarship on eunuchs as a source of skepticism and repulsion in his emphasis that “the matter [of eunuchs] is to be avoided entirely [by scholars], or, if that is impossible, it is to be dismissed as a trivial and unsavoury institution” (Grayson 1995: 85). In his fundamental Akkadisches Handwörterbuch (1965-81: 974), Wolfram von Soden had explicitly declared his strong opposition to identifying a man in the position of “ša rēšiša rēši” exclusively as a eunuch. In agreement with von Soden’s opinion, Stephanie Dalley (2001) argued that only some of those holding the title “ša rēši” were eunuchs and this development in Assyria arose mainly towards the end of the Empire. Yet, the evidence is not conclusive. This debate reflects more on the social and cultural disposition of the scholars than on the actual configuration of the Assyrian society. In spite of the fact that sources are not so explicit as we would like them to be, a close connection exists between this term and individuals, who had probably gone through an act of emasculation.

Visual representations and written records, especially those that complement specific visual representations, carefully highlight the distinction between bearded and beardless figures. This distinction highlights the physical aspect of the conventional state of masculinity and differentiates it from other forms of manhood in Assyrian art. In several examples, images are identified with such captions as “ša rēši” or “ša ziqni” (Reade 1972: 91 n. 25). In his close examination of the sculptural evidence, Julian Reade (1972) concludes that the pictorial evidence is by itself inconclusive in associating “ša rēši” with eunuchs. He stresses, however, that when there is a caption specifying a figure as a “ša rēši” or “šūt rēši,” that figure is depicted beardless. These images are represented with additional characteristics that complement their beardless physiognomies, such as a rounded face and a heavy torso, which are features appropriate in expressing the physical appearance of a eunuch (Reade 1972: 91). This fact, therefore, implies a direct correlation between the title “ša rēši” and eunuchs. Additional evidence on the association between beardless figures and the title “ša rēši” has emerged from recent studies by Kazuko Watanabe (1992; 1993; 1999) on seals and seal impressions of Assyrian officials. Watanabe illustrates that owners of several cylinder seals, who were depicted in the act of worshipping gods, were rendered beardless and marked in complementing inscriptions as “ša rēši.” Whether or not all beardless depictions represent castrated men in Assyrian art, all eunuchs must be rendered beardless, as a eunuch cannot naturally grow a beard, because of physical restrictions caused by the act of his castration. Assyrian attendants or officials who were eunuchs, therefore, must have always been artistically depicted beardless. The consistent appearance of the title with beardless figures strongly suggests a direct correlation between the holders of the title and eunuchship.

The Distinction between the Bearded and the Beardless The association between the term, “ša rēši,” and eunuchs is linked to textual sources that juxtapose “ša rēši” with another culturally significant term, “ša ziqni.” These two expressions respectfully identify beardless and bearded officials. When used together, these two titles generate, refer to the entire male personnel of the court as a whole (Deller 1999: 308). Visual sources further stress this juxtaposition. Captions on Assyrian reliefs identify

The emphasis on the duality of bearded and beardless males stresses a physically, socially and conceptually meaningful distinction between two types of males in the Assyrian society. In an attempt to elucidate this

which clearly created an ongoing threat to the authority of the king (Tadmor 2002: 608). 4 Tiglath Pileser III sent an envoy headed by his chief “ša rēši” to Tabal in Anatolia to depose an uncooperative ruler and establish in his place a new and obedient ruler (Tadmor 1994: 170 14’-15’).

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EUNUCHS IN PUBLIC distinction, Leo Oppenheim (1973) suggests that the accentuated difference between beardless and bearded attendants in Assyrian and other Near Eastern sources actually expresses a difference between adolescents and adults rather than the difference between castrated and un-castrated males. According to Oppenheim (1973: 333), a “ša rēši” is a person, castrated or not, who was trained in specific skills that provided him a specific social and political value in the Assyrian society. The ability of individuals holding this title to reach very high administrative positions indicates that they went trough certain degrees of education and acquired special skills. Education and training enabled them to politically and socially advance within the sphere of elite control. Oppenheim (1973: 334) suggests that such officials started their careers as adolescents, when they had not yet matured enough to acquire a full beard and those who continued to personally serve the king remained cleanshaven even after they reached maturity. Yet, this explanation does not consider the fact that we should expect to find evidence for a progression among Assyrian officials from adolescence, expressed in beardless physiognomies, towards the status of “ša ziqni.” Every individual inevitably reaches maturity unless a drastic act like castration at a certain age prevents him from ever acquiring features of masculinity.5

manner that was just as pronounced and robust as the musculature of the king (figure 3). Eunuchs, therefore, maintained strength and authority in the eyes of the Assyrian society, since the act of their emasculation was not necessarily seen as a source for weakness or social disgrace. Eunuchs and Kingship The social motives of castration in Assyria were not limited to punishment or reprisal through diminishing social status or power by permanently inhibiting family descent. Although Middle Assyrian Laws indicate that certain sexual offenses resulted in castration as punishment (Jastrow 1921: 20 19), the widespread presence of eunuchs in the royal court during the first millennium B.C. is indicative of alternative motives.6 In fact, sources are silent about emasculation as an act of penalty for offense or as an act of military conquest in the first millennium B.C.. The widespread presence of eunuchs in Assyria generated from a need for certain types of individuals to manage distinct facets of the sociopolitical mechanism. Eunuchs appear in a variety of professions that are connected to the royal palace, such as musicians or scribes, as well as in the households of private citizens, as servants or keepers of harems (Reade 1972: 96-7, 99-100; Grayson 1995: 94-5; Deller 1999: 308). What then was the basis for the demand of eunuchs in the Assyrian society? Did this social demand closely resemble the Ottoman Empire and other early Islamic societies, where as a consequence of the separation between men and women, eunuchs were in demand in such greatly closed societal structures (Ayalon 1979)? Assyrian sources are rather prolific in conveying the significance of eunuchs more in the political than in the wider social sphere. The widespread employment of eunuchs in various positions in the palace and in important political posts projects a certain aspect of Assyrian politics. As such, the dynamics that gave rise to this aspect of Assyrian politics are tied, among other things, to the development of the ideology of kingship, especially to the growing exclusive status of king throughout the Empire period.

In Assyrian art, representation of a full-grown black beard regularly carried a significant. Irene Winter has shown through her investigations of visual representation that “a secondary sexual characteristic,” a full black beard, symbolized “fully-developed manhood,” in addition to expressing strength and power (Winter 1997: 370). We should, therefore, expect to find an association between the symbolic value of facial hair and the physical constitution of its beholder. In this respect, we can suggest that Assyrian depictions of beardless individuals conveyed reduced force of their masculinity. Even if eunuchs and adolescents might have been treated in the same category of representation in Assyria, the fact that beardless figures were depicted in substantial numbers and in the act of fulfilling a wide range of social and political activities strongly suggests that most of these individuals were not under-aged, but were, rather, eunuchs.

Even if the altered physical disposition of eunuchs might not have been a source for strong contempt and prejudice among the Assyrians, as it was among the Romans (Diner 1938: 67, 69; Stevenson 1995), castration was an act pronounced enough to cause a permanent change in an individual’s physical and social disposition. Images of eunuchs reflect their unusual physical condition and, by association, their distinct status, instead of passing a social judgment on the unnatural state of their being. The variety of respectful and powerful positions many individuals of such standing were able to attain and hold in Assyrian politics suggests, therefore, that the distinguished status of eunuchs was socially accepted and reproduced in art as a mere social fact. Even if they were

Yet, the condition of lacking a beard did not denote an individual’s entire lack of strength, courage and power. Depictions of beardless, alongside bearded, soldiers in sculptural representations of the Assyrian army indicate that beardless men lacked no bravery as they participated in the military like other bearded Assyrian soldiers (figure 2). In addition, the musculature of beardless attendants in Ashurnasirpal’s court was depicted in a 5

Castration of eunuch officials must have occurred when they were young both for health and educational reasons, Assyrian men designated to be palace eunuchs must have been castrated at a young age, since castration after adolescence is extremely dangerous that often leads to fatal results (Dalley 2001: 201). Also, education and preparation of officials must have started at a reasonably young age in order to prepare candidates for the responsibilities of high positions in the Assyrian service (Parpola 1972; 1997; Oppenheim 1973).

6 In fact, no Neo-Assyrian accounts mention castration as a punishment, even in the case of severe penalties Assyrian kings boasted about exercising on war captives or rebels (Dalley 2001: 205).

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time, perhaps during a time of unrest soon before the fall of the Empire. Several impressed clay lumps from this period illustrate a beardless ruler as the owner of the seal and identify him as the chief eunuch Sin-shum-lishir (Watanabe 1999: 320). The circumstances that enabled the chief “ša rēši” to rule Assyria are not clear in the current state of our knowledge.9 Nevertheless, several tax exemption documents suggest that the nature of the king’s relationship to the chief eunuch was one of mutual dependence (Parpola 1995: 36-41). Declaring the king’s release of the commander-in-chief from tax duties, these documents illustrate the king’s absolute confidence in and reliance on Sin-shum-lishir, who had exercised direct authority over the commander-in-chief:

The capacity of eunuchs to form local roots and to maintain societal links was difficult as they technically lacked descendents. They presumably did not all come from aristocratic backgrounds, nor could they be assimilated into the aristocracy.7 In most cases, therefore, their estates could not be inherited by anyone. Several instances of marriage and adoption indicate a certain degree of social flexibility in this regard.8 Deceased eunuchs were regularly replaced by successors, who in all probability also received at least a part of the estates of their predecessors (Deller 1999: 308). Decrees of land grants and tax exemptions, which were allowed specifically for eunuchs, indicate that the economic status and security of these officials were closely tied to the Assyrian court. Thus, the social value of eunuchs and their ability to simply exist in Assyrian society seem highly limited in the absence of the Assyrian mechanism of control.

Sin-š[umu-lešir], the chief eunuch, one who has deserved well of [my] father and begetter, who had led me [constantly] like a father, installed [me] safely on the throne of my father and begetter and made the people of Assyria, great and small [……, keep watch over m]y kingship during my minority, and respected [……my royalty] (Parpola 1995: 36 7-11). Accordingly, the king’s reliance on his chief “ša rēši” had reached a very high intensity by the fall of the Empire at the end of the seventh century B.C. and as a consequence of this development, the involvement of “ša rēši” in kingly affairs had increased to exceedingly influential levels. Yet, this relationship was not devoid of potential for threat to the seat of kingship. A letter describing a conspiracy against Esarhaddon by Assyrian high administrators designate the chief eunuch as a potential ruler in replacement of the ruling king (Nissinen 133-4).

Consequently, their loyalty to the king and the survival of the Assyrian political structure acted as sources for the continued existence of eunuchs. In response to this situation, the king guaranteed the loyalty of the class of eunuchs through obligatory oaths (Deller 1999: 306). Loyalty oaths consist of a strategic process by means of which the king enabled all subjects to remain loyal to him (Kuhrt 1995: 515). The particular restricted status of the eunuchs must have created a potentially more secure tie between the king and his eunuchs in comparison to the tie between the king and his other subjects. The relationship between the class of eunuchs and the king can thus be recognized as co-dependent; just as much as the eunuchs depended on the king, the king depended on the eunuchs for the security and maintenance of kingly status. With the escalating power that high officials and governors gradually gained in the provinces, as well as in the internal political infrastructure, threat to the central authority of the king became significant and in consequence, the king’s dependence on his eunuchs gradually increased throughout the course of the eighth century B.C. (Kuhn 1995: 491-492; Grayson 1999).

The fact that eunuchs occupied important positions in Assyrian politics shows that they were well educated and trained in mechanics of political control. This fact, combined with the act of emasculation, which must have occurred at a young age,10 also shows that eunuchship was an act of investment for a position in the Assyrian political mechanism. Visual sources, nonetheless, illustrate a diversity of specialized skills, which eunuchs could have acquired only through specialized training. Images depict beardless figures as scribes (Reade 1999: 47 fig. 48), in the immediate presence of the king during religious rituals (Curtis and Reade 1995: 54-55 fig. 7; Reade 1999: 44 fig. 44) or during ceremonies for the submission of foreign leaders (Reade 1999: 62 fig. 66), as soldiers in the military (Reade 1999: 28 fig. 19, 48 fig. 49, 83 fig. 98), scribes (Reade 1999: 47 fig. 48, 61 fig. 65), cooks (Reade 1999: 41, fig. 40) or even as musicians (Madhloom 1970: pl. LVI, fig. 4; Curtis and Reade 1995: 86-7 plate 28-9, bottom left). Yet, the current state of our knowledge is limited on the processes that prepared

By the second half of the seventh century B.C., the relationship between eunuchs and the ruler had become so strong that the chief “ša rēši” of Ashur-etil-ilani might have in fact succeeded on the throne for a short period of

7 Dalley (2001: 201) points out that eunuchs in Assyria were probably not foreigners, but came from the Assyrian society, since they were able to act close to the king and hold military posts. Both of these duties entail intimate knowledge of how the Assyrian royal and military systems functioned. They further require individuals capable of utmost dependability and loyalty to the king. 8 Although eunuchs could technically not reproduce, they could adopt children, most probably so as to designate heirs for their extensive possessions and land-holdings (Deller 1999: 307-8; Dalley 2001: 202-3) In ancient Israel large numbers of eunuchs were also employed in the royal court and were even occasionally married in several occasions (Tadmor 2002: 605).

9

It is likely that the king’s chief eunuch stepped in and ascended the throne in response to the riots that broke out in Babylon and in Assur with the death of Ashur-etil-ilani (Tadmor 2002: 610). 10 Information on different techniques and degrees of castration exists from different periods and cultures (Stevenson 1995: 497-498). Such a dangerous act that often results in death by excessive blood loss or infection must have been performed at a young age to increase potential for recovery and, thus, to maximize success rate.

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EUNUCHS IN PUBLIC eunuchs to participate in the political structure or to serve in the palace household. According to Middle Assyrian Harem Edicts, the palace in the second millennium B.C. housed officials whose responsibilities included the examination of certain individuals before they were allowed into the palace in order to make sure that they were properly castrated (Weidner 1954-56: 276 50, 286 98). Consequently, emasculation was somewhat institutionalized and a procedure that regulated the admission of eunuchs into the palace as staff was developed already in the second millennium B.C.. This procedure, along with the growing evidence on palace education (Parpola 1972; 1997; Deller 1999: 306), indicates that those to be chosen as high offices, including eunuchs, were probably trained at the Assyrian court.

attendants who are all beardless (figure 1). As attendants, scribes, and high officials, especially those in the immediate vicinity of the king, eunuchs acted as intermediaries between the king and his realm, thus, reinforcing both physically and symbolically the exclusive status of the king. In fact, the provincial governors of Adad Nirari III imitated the Assyrian king as they personalized the king’s symbolic appearance in their own expressions of authority by employing many eunuchs in their own courts, since they increasingly gained power and behaved gradually more like autonomous kinglets (Deller 1999: 306). In conclusion, sources render the presence of eunuchship as an institutionalized establishment with both functional and symbolic significance for the operation of the Assyrian political system and for the maintenance of the king’s power over his realm. The association between the status of kingship and eunuchs increased throughout the highly dynamic social and political history of Assyria. Eunuchs were highly educated and trained in specialized skills that contributed to running the state. They in principle lacked ambitions to conflict with the king’s authority and to exploit the state on the grounds of the impracticality of the need to provide for any descendents. They, consequently, formed an ideal cohort of attendants for the ruler to exercise his authority and maintain his seat in an ideally unthreatening environment at the highest segment of the Assyrian mechanism of political control. Eunuchs further highlighted the exclusiveness of the seat of the ruler through their unnatural physical condition and constant appearance with the king. While the prevalence of eunuchs among the Assyrian ruling elite still forms a source of scholarly debate, the magnitude of the evidence not only discloses that they were widespread in Assyria, but also stresses that further investigations on the nature of eunuchs in the Assyrian society are in order.

In many instances of artistic depiction, distinguished beardless are dressed similarly to the king (Reade 1972: 95-7, 99-100, plate XXXVa, XXXIX). This fact illustrates not only the high standing of eunuchs in the royal court, but also their personal closeness to the king. This strong link between the king and eunuchs forms an aspect of kingship ideology that developed in about the ninth century B.C.. Through this period, the position of the king as the principal agent in strengthening and sustaining social structure became the focus of visual expression and spatial organization in the Assyrian palace (Winter 1981). The social and political image of the king also emerged at this time as a protector of universal balance and keeper of order in his realm through his authority, military strength, and privileged religious position. The king ruled his realm through absolute authority, strength and extraordinary ability to attain the favor of the gods. In this regard, the character of the king comprised both a human and a superhuman element.11 Representations of the eunuchs in the presence of the king, both passively complementing, and actively participating in kingly practices, functioned to highlight this extraordinary character of the king. In other words, the unnatural physical condition and the unusual social position of emasculated men distinguished them as extraordinary in the Assyrian society. As physical and social anomalies, their close association with the king functioned to constantly accentuate the king’s exceptional social position.

References Ayalon, D. (1979) On the Eunuchs in Islam, Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam, 1, 67-124. Brinkman, J. A. (1968) A Political History of PostKassite Babylonia 1158-72 B.C., Rome ,Pontificum Institutum Biblicum. Brinkman, J. A. and S. Dalley (1988) A Royal Kudurru from the Reign of Aššur-nadin-šumi. Zeitschrift für Assryriologie, 78, 76-98. Curtis, J. E. and J. E. Reade (1995) Art and Empire. Treasuries from Assyria in the Brisith Museum, New York, The Metropolitan Museum of Art. Dalley, S. (2001) Rev. of The King’s Magnates, by Mattila, R., (State Archives of Assyria Studies, Vol. XI) State Archives of Assyria Project, Helsinki, 2000. Bibliotheca Orientalis 58, 197-216. Deller, K. (1996) The Assyrian Eunuchs and Their Predecessors. IN: Watanabe, K., ed., Priests and Officials in the Ancient Near East: Papers of the Second Colloquium on the Ancient Near East – The City and its Life held at the Middle Eastern Culture

In this respect, illustrations of such out-of-the-ordinary human beings as eunuchs with the king in religious ceremonies and politically meaningful events not just served to reflect elements of actual events, but also contributed to emphasize the marvelous, powerful, and unworldly constitution of the king. Most of the figures on a panel from the Black Obelisk of Shalmaneser III from Nineveh, for example, depict the king receiving tribute of Jehu, king of Israel, in the presence of 11

Winter (1997: 376) describes Assyrian kingship as one of both human and superhuman: “while in the Neo-Assyrian period the king does not claim to be a god, he is not averse to claims of having been divinely shaped, or, as in the letters of Esarhaddon’s exorcist, to being seen as the very likeness of a god” (italics by the original author).

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SOMA 2007 Orient und Altes Teestament, 247, 315-24. Patterson, O. (1982) Slavery and Societal Death. A Comparative Study, Massachusets, Harvard University Press, Cambridge. Reiner, E., et al., eds. (1999) Chicago Assyrian Dictionary, volume R, Chicago, The Oriental Institute Publications. Reade, J. E. (1999) Assyrian Sculpture, London, The British Museum Press. Reade, J. E. (1972) The Neo-Assyrian Court and Army: Evidence from the Sculptures. Iraq, 34, 87-112. Soden, W. von (1965-81) Akkadisches Handwörterbuch II, Wisbaden, Harrassowitz. Stevenson, W. (1995) The Rise of Eunuchs in GrecoRoman Antiquity. Journal of the History of Sexuality, 5, 495-551. Tadmor, H. (1983) Rab Saris and Rab Shakeh in 2 Kings 18. IN: Meyers, C. L. and M. O’Connor eds., The Word of the Lord Shall Go Forth: Essays in Honor of David Noel Freedman, Special volume series (American Schools of Oriental Research) no. 1, Indiana, Eisenbrauns, 279-85. Tadmor, H. (1994) The Inscriptions of Tiglath Pileser III, King of Assyria, Indiana, Eisenbrauns. Tadmor, H. (2002) The Role of the Chief Eunuch and the Place of Eunuchs in the Assyrian Empire. IN: Parpola, S. and R. M. Whiting, eds., Sex and Gender in the Ancient Near East. Proceedings of the 47th Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale, Helsinki, July 2-6, 2001, Helsinki, The Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project, 603-11. Watanabe, K. (1992) Nabû-Usalla, Statthalter Sargons II. In Tam(a)nuna. Baghdader Mittelinungen, 23, 35761. Watanabe, K. (1993) Ein Neuassyrishces siegel des Minu-ahti-ana-Istari, Baghdader Mittelinungen, 24, 289-308. Watanabe, K. (1999) Seals of Neo-Assyrian Officials. IN: Watanabe, K., ed., Priests and Officials in the Ancient Near East: Papers of the Second Colloquium on the Ancient Near East – The City and its Life held at the Middle Eastern Culture Center in Japan (Mitaka, Tokyo) March 22-24, 1996, The Middle Eastern Culture Center in Japan, Heidelberg, Universitätsverlag C. Winter, 313-364. Winter, I. J. (1981) Royal Rhetoric and the Development of Historical Narrative in Neo-Assyrian Reliefs. Studies in Visual Communication, 7, 2-38. Winter, I. J. (1997) Art in Empire: The Royal Image and the Visual Dimensions of Assyrian Ideology. IN: S. Parpola and E. M. Whiting, eds., Assyria 1995: Proceedings of the 10th anniversary symposium of the Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project, Helsinki, September 7-11, 1995, Helsinki, The Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project, 359-81.

Center in Japan (Mitaka, Tokyo) March 22-24, 1996, The Middle Eastern Culture Center in Japan, Heidelberg, Universitätsverlag C. Winter, 303-11. Diakonoff, I. M. (1985) Media. IN: Gershevitch, I., ed., The Cambridge History of Iran, Volume 2, “The Median and Achaemenian Periods,” Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 36-148. Diner, H. (1938) Emperors, Angels, and Eunuchs. The Thousand Years of Byzantine Empire, Chatto and Windus, London. Grayson, A. K. (1995) Eunuchs in Power. Their Role in the Assyrian Bureaucracy. IN: Dietrich, M. and O. Loretz eds., Vom Alten Orient Zum Alten Testament: Festschrift Für Wolfram Freiherrn von Soden Zum 85. Geburtstag, Neukirchener Verlag NeukirchenVluyn, Verlag Butzon and Kevelaer, 85-98. Grayson, A. K. (1999) The Struggle for Power in Assyria. Challenge to Absolute Monarchy in the Ninth and Eighth Centuries B.C. IN: Watanabe, K., ed., Priests and Officials in the Ancient Near East: Papers of the Second Colloquium on the Ancient Near East – The City and its Life held at the Middle Eastern Culture Center in Japan (Mitaka, Tokyo) March 22-24, 1996, The Middle Eastern Culture Center in Japan, Heidelberg, Universitätsverlag C. Winter, 253-269. Hawkins, J. D. (2002) Eunuchs among the Hittites. . IN: Parpola, S. and R. M. Whiting, eds., Sex and Gender in the Ancient Near East: Proceedings of the 47th Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale, Helsinki, July 2-6, 2001, Helsinki, The Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project, 217-33. Jastrow, M., Jr. (1921) An Assyrian Law Code, Journal of the American Oriental Society, 41, 1-59. Kinnier Wilson, J. V. (1972) The Nimrud Wine List. A Study of men an Administration at the Assyrian Capital in the Eighth Century, B.C., London, British School of Archaeology in Iraq. Kuhrt, A. (1995) The Ancient Near East c. 3000-330 BC. Volume Two, New York, Routledge. Layard, H. A. (1850) Nineveh and Its Remains, London, John Murray. Madhloom, T. A. (1970) The Chronology of NeoAssyrian Art, The Athlone Press, London, Univeristy of London. Nissinen, M. (1998) References to Prophecy in NeoAssyrian Sources, Helsinki, The Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project. Oppenheim,A. L. (1973) A Note on ša rēši. Journal of the Near Eastern Society of Columbia University, 5, 32334. Parpola, S. (1972) A Letter from Šamaš-šumu-ukin to Esarhaddon, Iraq, 34, 21-34. Parpola, S. (1997) The Man without a Scribe and the Question of Literacy in the Assyrian Empire. Alter

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Fig.1: Panel of the Black Obelisk of Shalmaneser III: king with eunuch attendants receiving tribute from Jehu, King of Israel – Nimrud (BM WA 118885; photograph by the author).

Fig. 3: Detail of relief of Ashurnasirpal II: king with bow and bowl Throneroom B, slab 20 bottom, Northwest Palace, Nimrud (BM WA 124533; photograph by the author).

Fig. 2: Detail of drawing of relief of Ashurbanipal: bearded and beardless soldiers – Sennacherib’s palace at Nineveh (BM WA 124802).

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Craftsmen working in the Isauria Region Osman Doğanay Selcuk University, Konya/Turkey Institution of Social Sciences, Department of Classical Archaeology

We will discuss the works of art whose artists are mentioned by grouping them. In our first group 6 larnakes will be mentioned.

Introduction This study looks at the craftsmen whose names are mentioned on the funerary monuments determined during the studies conducted in the vicinity of the antique city Germanikopolis (Ermenek), which is located in the southeastern Isauria Region. These works were first discovered at the beginning of the 1960s by G.E.Bean and T.B.Mitford.1 The study will also include the craftsmen discussed in an article written by M.Şahin,2 whose names are mentioned on the funerary and other monuments existing in the environs of the capital of the region, Zengibar Kale. In this study, we will discuss the craftsmen whose names have been determined to date, most of whom were tomb artisans, and their works are known throughout the Isauria Region.3

Larnax 1 (Fig. 1) The first of these larnakes was carved in a small rock block nearby Ahatköy neighbourhood of Ermenek.4 The grooves of the cover placed on the larnax were preserved and the dimensions of the larnax were 0.53x0.17m in length and width and 0.21m in depth. The flattened front surface of the rock larnax was decorated with figures and inscriptions. The front part of the platform on which the figures stepped on was flattened and five lines of inscriptions were carved on this part. The inscription was translated as “Ainis, daughter of Malobios, had her own husband Tan, son of Mous, erected for his good faith by artisan Talos”. We figure out that Talos, who is mentioned in the inscription, is an artisan who worked in the Isauria Region during a period between the 1st century BC and the 1st century AD. However, it is not certain whether the artisan was a craftsman who only made larnakes.

A small number of funerary monuments whose artisans are known will be significant for determination of the artisans of many anonymous funerary monuments in the Isauria Region. Our purpose is to introduce the art created by known artisans to the world of science. I believe it is a crucial thing to do as the archaeological work of art now face extinction as the result of the destruction of nature and the human race. By this way, we aim to take the first step in the forthcoming studies to be conducted in order to determine the artisans of a great number of archaeological works of art whose artisans are not known.

Larnax 2 (Fig. 2) Another larnax on which the artists name is mentioned was found in the Mount Yunt Söğüt Area5 in Daran Village of the District of Sarıveliler5 again by G.E. Bean an T.B. Mitford in the year 1965 and passed into the literature.6 We observed during our field research that the larnax, which was made of local limestone, with dimensions of 0.73x0.52x0.13m was completely ruptured. Above figures, there exists an inscription of four lines in Greek. The inscription, which was dated between the 1st century BC and the 1st century AD, was translated as “ … … … (three people whose names are not clear) and Terous, erected their sister Roue’s statue. Artisan Tous, son of Tetes made (the statue)” If we assume that the craft might have passed from father to son, it can be considered that Tetes, the father of Tous was also a tomb artisan. Moreover, that on both of the larnakes, a statement like “artisan” was used before the names leaves no doubt that these people were tomb craftsmen.

Of the mentioned archaeological works of art, whose artisans we could determine with the help of Greek inscriptions on them, 6 were larnakes, 2 were rock tombs, the rest were a sarcophagus, a tomb statue, an altar column, a mausoleum, a temple altar, an atrium inscription, an architectural piece whose function is not known and a block stone with an inscription. Apart from the artisans whose names are precisely known, among these archaeological works, on the basis of the statements in the inscriptions found on a rock tomb, an altar column and a block stone with an inscription whose function is not known, although not certain, we are able to estimate the names of the artisans who created these works of art. In the conclusion, clues regarding the origins of the artists who worked in the region are mentioned.

Larnax 3 (Fig. 3) 1

Here, we see the name of another tomb artisan, although

(Bean and Mitford 1970: 126-9, 200-11) (Şahin 1997: 75-82) 3 We would like to express our sincere thanks to Prof. Dr. M. Çetin Şahin and T. Drew Bear, who performed the translation of the inscriptions, to Archaeologists Enver Akgün and Kazım Mertek, who helped us with our studies at Konya Archaeology Museum, to Archaeologists Cengiz Topal and İsmail Atçı, who helped us with our studies at Karaman Museum. 2

4 (Bean and Mitford 1970: 201, no: 224, phot. no:173);(Hagel and Tomaschitz 1998:20);(Doğanay 2005:106, lev. 45) 5 (Doğanay 2005: 160) 6 (Bean and Mitford 1970: 126, no:115, phot. no: 97)

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CRAFTSMEN WHO WORKED IN ISAURIA REGION topic exists on the side surface of the larnax. The inscription located on this side was translated as, “Longinus’s sons, Fuscus and Longinus made this (larnax)”.14

not precisely, on a figured work of Isauria origin recorded with the inventory number 76 at Konya Archaeology Museum, which is defined by G. Mendel7 as the piece of a rectangonal base, but mainly resembles a piece of a larnax.8 The dimensions of the larnax, so far as it was preserved, were 0.51x0.50x0.55m. On the front surface of the larnax there exist a male and two female figures in the aedicula.9 The inscription of two lines which exist on the work could not be completely preserved. However, the name of the sculptor who carved the work of art is read as [ ] aseus the sculptor made this.10

Apart from the larnakes, we also meet the names of artisans on some of the rock tombs found in the Isauria Region. Rock Tomb 1 (Fig. 7) The first of these rock tombs is located in the Ildıras territory in Işıklı (which is also called Fet) Village of the District of Sarıveliler.15 The inscription found on the mentioned rock tomb was published by J.R.S. Sterret16 in 1885, and by G.E. Bean and T.B. Mitford17 in 1970. The name of the craftsman who made the tomb is mentioned in the inscription of six lines existing in the half round niche carved over the opening which provides access to the rock tomb. We realize from the inscription which was translated as “Papas and Konon had (this tomb) made to the memory of Kodisa. Artisan Krykos, grandson of Papias, made (this tomb)” that there existed a rock tomb craftsman named Krykos who worked in the region. We assume that Papias, who appears to be the grandfather of Krykos who made the mentioned rock tomb dated to the late Roman period, was also an artisan. The name Papias also appears in Adrassos inscriptions.18 Because, as it will be discussed below, it has already been known from the research published by M. Şahin19 that a tomb statue of Isauria origin dated to a time later than 212 AD, which is preserved with the inventory number A- 2071 at Karaman Museum, was also made by a sculptor named Papias. The tomb statue mentioned above was made by “Papias, son of Papias” as it was mentioned in the inscription. Artisan Krykos, who made the rock tomb in Işıklı Village, must be the grandson of one of these Papias’s. On account of the affix “Aurelius” which is mentioned in another inscription found on the work of art, we figure out that artisan Papias, who created the tomb statue dated to a time later than 212 AD was active sometime in the 3rd century AD. His father, Papias, must have lived in the period covering the times before 212 AD and if he had been an artisan, he might have lived and created works from the end of the 2nd century AD to the middle of the 3rd century AD. We assume that the son Papias created his works around the middle of the 3rd century AD, however, he went through his apprenticeship stage before the year 212 AD. If we assume that the craftsman named Krykos, who made the rock tomb found in Işıklı, was the grandson of one of these Papias’s, Krykos must be a 3rd generation artisan and must have created works of art in a period later than the middle of the 3rd century AD, especially in the first half of the 4th century.

Larnax 4 (Fig. 4) Again we meet the name of another artisan on another larnax of Isauria origin with dimensions of 0.84x0.73x0.50m, recorded with the inventory number 1970.38.217 at Konya Archaeology Museum. We cannot precisely recognize the name of the sculptor mentioned in the inscription which is translated as “Made by Sculptor [N]onnos”.11 In another inscription of two lines, it reads; “….annain, the son of Zezis, had (this work) made for his brother”. Larnax 5 (Fig. 5) We meet the name of another sculptor on another piece of larnax with dimensions of 0.65x0.55m, which was used as building material on the wall of Büyük Öz Village Mosque in the District of Bozkır.12 The inscription of seven lines carved on the upper side was translated as; “…. Woman …. Her father and her cavalier husband, Gaios Lugios Kler, dedicated to their memory; this larnax was made by sculptor Nunos according to his order. Farewell”. It is not known whether the sculptor named Nunos was the same person as [N]onnos who carved the larnax mentioned above. However, it is certain that both artisans were craftsmen who made larnakes. The inscription found on this work of art dated 1st century BC also provides information regarding that the monument was a larnax. Larnax 6 (Fig. 6) The last artisans whose names were mentioned on a larnax are Fuscus and Longinus. The larnax, which is recorded with the inventory number 1970.38.213 at Konya Archaeology Museum and was brought from Sopran (Bağyurdu) Village of Bozkır, has dimensions of 0.67x0.91x0.45m.13 The inscription carved on the front surface of the larnax reads as follows: “ ….. and Seleukos had this ostotheche made to the memory of his parents Seleukos, Tememnos, and son of Akkizis, daughter of Longus”. The principal inscription which is related to our

7

(Mendel 1902:210-82) (McLean 2002: 63, no:185) (Cronin 1902: 115, no:31) 10 (Şahin 1997: 78) 11 (Şahin 1997: 79) 12 (Şahin 1997: 79);(Yılmaz 2005: 46) 13 (Şahin 1997: 78) 8

14

9

15

(Şahin 1997: 78) (Doğanay, Karauğuz, et al. 2005: 82) 16 (Sterret 1888: 83) 17 (Bean and Mitford 1970: 215, no:245, phot. no: 192) 18 (Rosenbaum 1980: 87) 19 (Şahin 1997: 76)

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SOMA 2007 work, which was found near Gevne Deresi (Gevne Brook) and recorded with the inventory number A-2071 at Karaman Museum, is a statue belonging to a tomb. The figure wears a cloak covering the body tightly on a chiton. The back part of the statue was left untouched. The figure holds a bunch of grapes or a pine cone with his arm, which was carved disproportionally small for the body and probably released down. The right leg of the statue is slightly bent forward from the wrist, thus forming a wide part on the cloak on which an inscription of seven lines was written. As we understand from the inscription written here, four sons of Gaius; Nestor, Valerios, …..sas and Innos had the statue erected in the memory of their father after having his tomb made. The other inscription concerning our subject of study is the single line inscription written on the foot stand existing under the feet of the statue. It is written in the inscription that the statue was made by “Papias, son of Papias”. Because of the cognomen of “Aurelios” used before the names mentioned in the inscription found on the cloak of the figure, the statue probably belongs to a period later than 212 AD. As to Sculptor Papias, he must have lived in the first half of the 3rd century AD. We think that artisan Krykos, who made the rock tomb in Işıklı Village, could be the grandson of this sculptor named Papias, or of his father Papias bearing the same name.

Rock Tomb 2 (Fig. 8) Although not certain, another rock tomb from which we could get some clues about the name of the artisan, was carved in Kızılkaya Cliffs in the vicinity of Ermenek.20 The inscription of three lines carved on the curbstone made up of two sections which exists on the upper part of the rock tomb was translated as; “Oh Jesus, help your slave Minkebaules, Oh Jesus, help your artisan slaves who made this work”. The crucifix design which is below the inscription band also supports that the rock tomb is a work of the early Christian period. When we comment on the statements found on the inscription, it occurs that Minkebaules, besides being the owner of the tomb, may also be the artisan who made the tomb. Because, help is requested from Jesus first for Minkebaules and then for the artisans who made the work of art. Furthermore, both Minkebaules and the artisans who made the rock tomb are mentioned as the slaves of the way of Jesus. Moreover, as it is understood that more than one artisan worked in the creation of the rock tomb, even if Minkebaules was the owner of the tomb, he must also be one of the craftsmen among the artisans who made the tomb. Other works of art found in Isauria Region whose artisans we know exist as singular examples.

Altar Column Again, as a singular example, we learn the name of one of the artisans who made the work of art from the inscription existing on an altar column which was found by G.E. Bean and T.B. Mitford in Küllüin Ruins Site in the midst of Ermenek Gökçeseki Village Damlaçalı Forests in 1965, however, which we could not see during our studies in the region.24 The inscription of sixteen lines existing on the altar column that was dedicated to Athena was translated as; “Neis and Diomedes, sons of Kilis of Koropissa living in Merina, Killis, Tetes and Tes, sons of Dubernaras of Germanikopolis, and their cousin Dubernaras, son of Ingamis, artisans working with Dubernaras, made (this) column with their own earnings as a votive offering for goddess Athena Lamatorma”. We believe that Tetes, whose name is mentioned in the inscription, could be the father of Tous, who made the larnax found in the Mount Yunt Söğüt Area. As far as it can be understood from the inscription, Dubernaras was an artisan and it is obvious that there were also other artisans who worked in the production of the work of art. Besides, the existence of another possible artisan named Dubernaras is also probable. The artisan named Dubernaras who is mentioned here is either the artisan referred to as being from Germanikopolis or Dubernaras, who was son of Ingamis and cousin of Killis, Tetes and Tes, who are the sons of Dubernaras of Germanikopolis. However, it is more probable that the mentioned artisan who made the work of art is the second Dubernaras. All in all, it is understood that Dubernaras was a name loved

Sarcophagus (Fig. 9) The first of these is the sarcophagus which exists in Örenler spot of Güneyyurt Town located in the environs of Ermenek.21 The sarcophagus, which is mounted on a platform with two steps carved into the main rock, bears seven lines of inscriptions; six of which are on its front surface set within a tabula ansata, and one inscription projecting beyond the tabula ansata. The inscription, which displays the characteristics of the Roman period, was translated as; “Mossomeus, son of Aurelios, and his wife Immas, daughter of Kidamouasis, had (this) tomb made by Demetrios, for the memory of themselves and their children”. Although Demetrios is not directly mentioned as an artisan in the inscription, it is obvious that the sarcophagus was made by a tomb craftsman named Demetrios. We also meet the name Immas on Adrassos inscriptions.22 Tomb Statue (Fig. 10) As we briefly mentioned above while discussing the name of the artisan found on the rock tomb inscription in Işıklı Village, another work of art in Isauria Region whose artisan is known is a tomb statue.23 The artistic

20

(Bean and Mitford 1970: 200, no:222, phot. no:171);(Doğanay 2005: 105) 21 (Bean and Mitford 1970: 210, no: 238, phot. no:183);(Hagel and Tomaschitz 1998: 94;(Doğanay 2005: 130) 22 (Rosenbaum 1980: 86) 23 (Şahin 1997: 76)

24

(Bean and Mitford 1970: 202, no:226, phot. no:175);(Doğanay 2005: 148)

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CRAFTSMEN WHO WORKED IN ISAURIA REGION several times until the present day, no emphasis has been put on this hydraulic engineer who constructed the Saint Socrates Waterway in the city of Zenonopolis. The inscription of eleven lines was translated as; “Firminianos, the faithful bishop of the glittering city of Zenonopolis, after the consulate mission of glorious Flavius Longinus (Indiktion 11th), had the Saint Socrates waterway completely reconstructed; had the water flow to the fountained atrium of the victorious martyr in the month of February. Thou, who make use of this water, say your prayers. Do pray, so that this waterway may remain without being destroyed for years under the protection of the glorious martyr. Hydraulic engineer Auksanon of Prymnessos, the one who constructed the waterway”. According to the statements in the inscription, it can be understood that in the time of emperor Zenon (474-491), Firminianos, the bishop of city of Zenonopolis, had a waterway connecting to the tetrastoon renewed by the hydraulic engineer named Auksanon who was from Prymnessos for the name of Saint Socrates. It was also especially mentioned in the inscription that Auksanon was from Prymnessos. Prymnessos is a city which was in the Phrygia Region located in the environs of the present day Province of Afyonkarahisar.28 We know that the city also had connections with the city of Aigaia (Yumurtalık) in Kilikia. In the time of emperor Zenon the number of the public works activities considerably increased not only in the city of Zenonopolis, but also in the cities of Sbide, Olba and Seleukeia. Especially in the city of Sbide, the waterways and water reservoirs which are still visible were probably constructed by Auksanon for his being a hydraulic engineer. Furthermore, we also consider that the water cisterns found in the antique settlement of Deliktaş near Ermenek Kayaönü (Ezvendi) Village, even if not by Auksanon, were probably made by the other possible hydraulic engineers working in the region.

and used in Isauria Region during the Roman period and one or more of these individuals named Dubernaras worked as craftsmen in the region for a period of time. According to the other inscriptions and findings determined in Küllüin Ruins site, where the altar column was found, the mentioned artisan or artisans probably produced works in the first decade of the 2nd century AD. Mausoleum We meet the name of another artisan in an inscription of six lines which was found by G.E. Bean and T.B. Mitford in the antique city of Eirenopolis near Ermenek.25 However, in spite of all our efforts, we could not find the block with the mentioned inscription which we believe to belong to a mausoleum. Nanouas, son of Kabalis, whose name is mentioned in the inscription which was translated as; “Lous, son of Mous had (this mausoleum) made for himself, his wife and children, (by) Nanouas, son of Kabalis”, although not referred to as an artisan, must be the artisan who made the mentioned mausoleum. We think that the artisan, who we believe to have worked within the 1st century AD, was the same person with the artisan who made the larnax of Isauria origin preserved at Konya Archaeology Museum we mentioned above and another larnax used as building material on the wall of Büyük Öz Village Mosque in the District of Bozkır. Temple Altar We again meet the name of another artisan who worked in the region in an inscription found on a temple altar discovered by G.E. Bean and T.B. Mitford in Keşefli Plateau of the District of Hadim in 1968.26 During our research, we saw that the altar with the inscription was ruptured. According to what we understand from the translation of the inscription; “….at the time when Zenon was in charge of the temple and under the priesthood of Zenon, grandson of Skepios, son of Markos, (had this altar made) by Takizasis with the proceeds of God”, it was probably written during the construction or the restoration of the temple. Takizasis, although not mentioned as an artisan, must have worked as a temple designing architect or an engineer between the 2nd and 3rd centuries AD in Isauria Region.

Function Unknown (Fig. 11) We learn the names of two other artisans with the help of an inscription of two lines found on a piece of unknown function that was brought from the antique settlement of Eski Saray in the District of Bozkır and used as building material on the wall of a house in the District of Yalıhöyük.29 The inscription of two lines existing on the upper part of the work of art, with dimensions of 0.69x0.39m, was translated as; “Stone sculptors Taloueis and Toutris, sons of Inneas, made this”. In this manner, although we do not have definite information regarding the work of art they created, we have learned the names of two other artisans who worked in the region. That the artisans were mentioned as “stone sculptors” is an expression which is of unusual form.

Water Structures The name of a hydraulic engineer of Phrygian origin who worked in the region is mentioned in an inscription of eleven lines existing on a marble block which was seen in a market in Istanbul at the beginning of the 1900s and which is today kept in a private collection in Poland. It has been understood that the marble block came from the city of Zenonopolis which was located in the Isauria Region. Although the inscription has been published27

Finally, as far as we understand from the notes by W.M.Ramsay,30 we see that Tarasin and Zezin of Papyrion and Loukios of Astra, whose names are

25

(Bean and Mitford 1970: 207, no: 233, phot. no:180) (Bean and Mitford 1970: 129, no: 120, phot. no:104) 27 (Wiegand 1911: 297-303);(Delehaye 1911: 316-20);(Halkin 1953: 88101);(Kubinska 1994: 169-75);(Hagel and Tomaschitz 1998: 398);(Saner 2004: 185-205) 26

28

(Kirsten 1957: 1154) (Şahin 1997: 80);(Yılmaz 2005: 46) 30 (Ramsay 1960:425) 29

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SOMA 2007 mentioned in the inscriptions, were artisans who performed certain construction activities in the Isauria Region. However, these names, except Tarasin, whose name we encountered in Astra epitaphs,31 have not yet been confirmed by the archaeological data preserved down to our day.

of Kabalis”. We do not know whether Nanouas, whose name is mentioned here, was the same person with “Nunos”, whose name is mentioned on the piece of larnax which was used as building material on the wall of Büyüköz Village Mosque in the District of Bozkır. We learn the name of the craftsmen who made the piece of unknown function used as building material on the wall of a house in the District of Yalıhöyük accurately as “Taloueis and Toutris” with the help of the inscription it bears. We also exactly know the names of the artisans who created works of art like temple altars and water structures, such as “Takizasis”, “Auksanon”, “Tarasin”, “Zezin” and “Loukios”, whose works could not be preserved until our day.

Conclusion When we have a general overlook; it is understood that most of the artisans whose names have fully or partly been determined were larnax makers in Isauria Region. Four of the six pieces of larnakes we discussed here belong to the artisans whose names were determined previously by M. Şahin. On two of these four larnakes, the names of the artisans who created the work are fully legible as Nunos, Fuscus and Longinus. Among these artisans, Nunos is mentioned as a sculptor. The other two artisans whose names cannot be fully read are also mentioned as sculptors. In this instance, we think that the sculptor whose name is fully legible as Nunos and who made the Büyüköz Larnax is the same person with the sculptor who made the work recorded with the inventory number 1970.38.217 at Konya Archaeology Museum but the initial of whose name is illegible. With our study, in addition to these craftsmen who were found to be larnax makers, we have been able to fully determine the names of two craftsmen who also made larnakes. One of the larnakes created by the craftsmen, both of whom are mentioned as artisans, is the Ahatköy Larnax, which was opened by carving the main rock, in a way different from that of ordinary larnakes. Here, the craftsman who made the work of art is stated as “Artisan Talos”. The larnax whose artisan is mentioned as “Artisan Tous, son of Tetes” is one of those larnakes which are portable.

Thus, we exactly know the names of 16 artisans who created works of art in Isauria Region. We believe that information regarding the two craftsmen whose names are not fully legible and the two individuals who are not exactly known whether to be artisans will become available through the epigraphic data that will be discovered with further studies and excavations which will be conducted in the region. Considering the hundreds of archaeological works existing in Isauria Region in spite of the intensive destruction, it may come to mind that sculpture workshops were also active in the region. However, as it was discussed in previous studies and as far as we understand from an inscription preserved at Konya Archaeology Museum, it is known that sculptors from Dokimeion traveled to several regions in order to create works of art and settled in those regions.32 We think that artisan Talos, who made the Ermenek Ahatköy larnax we mentioned above, was one of the artisans who settled in Isauria Region in order to create works of art in the region. The reason for this is that the city of Akmonia33 which is in Phrygia Region is named as Ahatköy in the present day. We do not know whether the antique name of Ermenek Ahatköy was Akmonia, but the common transformation in the names of these two places could not be a coincidence. A second and accurate document regarding that Phrygian artisans worked in the region is that the hydraulic engineer Auksanon, who made and restored the water structures in the city of Zenonopolis is mentioned to be from Prymnessos in the inscription. Prymnessos is an antique city which is today situated in the environs of Afyonkarahisar and the city had close connections with Kilikia, especially the city of Aigaia (Yumurtalık).

Of the rock tombs we discussed in our study, we are able to read the name of the craftsman who made the rock tomb in Işıklı Village fully as “Artisan Krykos, grandson of Papias”. Besides, we think that Papias, who we found out to be the grandfather of artisan Krykos, had a close kinship or came from the same lineage with artisan Papias who made the tomb statue preserved with the inventory number A-2071 at Karaman Museum or with his father who bore the same name. Again, the statements written in the inscriptions found on Kızılkaya rock tomb which we discussed in our study are open to dispute. Here, we do not exactly know whether Minkebaules was a tomb craftsman or not. We also know the name of the craftsman who made the Güneyyurt Örenler sarcophagus exactly as “Demetrios” from the inscription found on the sarcophagus, however, Demetrios was not mentioned as an artisan.

Thus, it has been strengthened more that the artisans who worked in Isauria Region were of Phrygian descent and craftsmen who were trained in the school of Dokimeion. Considering a great number of archaeological works existing in Isauria Region, we believe that the craftsmen

On a rock tomb inscription which was found in Ermenek Çatalbadem (Yukarı İrnebol) Village but which cannot be seen at its original place today, we learn the name of the craftsman who made the work exactly as “Nanouas, son

32 31

33

(Bean and Mitford 1970: 131, no: 124, phot. no:108)

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(Hall and Waelkens 1982: 151-55) (Hirschfeld 1893: 1174)

CRAFTSMEN WHO WORKED IN ISAURIA REGION Kirsten, E. (1957) Prymnessos, Paulys Real-Encyclapadie der Klasischen Altertums Wissenschaft XXIII-1, 1154. Kubinska, J. (1994) L’Évêeque Firminianos de Zénonopolis et son aqueduc, Les Études classiques 62, 169-75. McLean, B.H. (2002) Greec and Latin Inscriptions in the Konya Archaeological Museum, Regional Epigraphic Catalogues of Asia Minor IV, London, The British Institute of Archaeology at Ankara Press, 63. Mendel, G. (1902) Le musée de Konia, Bulletin de correspondance hellénique 26, 210-82. Ramsay, W.M. (1960) Anadolu’nun Tarihi Coğrafyası (Çev.M.Pektaş), İstanbul, Türkiye Cumhuriyeti Milli Eğitim Basımevi Press, not 425-3. Rosenbaum, E.A. (1980) The Necropolis of Adrassus (Balabolu) in Rough Cilicia (Isauria), Wien Ergaenzungsbaende zu den Tituli Asiae Minoris Nr. 10. Wien, der Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften Press, 87. Saner, T. (2004) Zeno, Zenonopolis ve Aziz Sokrates Kilisesi, Sanat Tarihi Defterleri 8 Özel Sayı, Metin Ahunbay’a Armağan, Bizans Mimarisi Üzerine Yazılar, Sunuş: Semra Ögel, İstanbul, Ege Yayınları, 185-205. Sterret, J.R.S. (1888) The Wolfe Expedition to Asia Minor III (during the summer of 1885). Boston, Papers of the American School of Classical Studies at Athens, 83. Şahin, M. (1997) Grabdenkmaeler aus Isaurien und Ihre Künstler, Epigraphika Anatolica. Zeitschrift für Epigraphik und historishe Geographie Anatoliens 29, 75-82. Wiegand, T. (1911) Inschriften aus der Levante II, Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archaeologischen Instituts, Athenische Abteilung 36, 297-303. Yılmaz, M. (2005) Bozkır Çevresinin (Hadim-AhırlıYalıhüyük) Antik Tarihi ve Eserleri. Konya, Selcuk University Press, 46.

who created these works were those who made secondclass even third-class works depending on the economic power of the people who lived in the region, and that some of the works were produced by local artisans trained by the mentioned craftsmen. We believe that hundreds of works of art whose artisans are not known in Isauria Region could be attributed to a particular artisan or school in the light of more detailed further studies that will be carried out on the topic. Bibliography Bean, G.E. and Mitford, T.B. (1970) Journeys in Rough Cilicia in 1964-1968, Ergaenzungsbaende zu den Tituli Asiae Minoris 3. Wien, der Ö Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften Press, 126-9;200-11. Cronin, H.S. (1902) First Report of a Journey in Pisidia, Lykaonia and Pamphylia, The Journal of Hellenic Studies 22, 94-125. Delehaye, H. (1911) L’Aqueduc de S. Socrate à’ Zénonopolis, Analecta Bollandiana 30, 316-20. Doğanay, O. (2005) Ermenek ve Yakın Çevresindeki Antik Yerleşim Birimleri. Konya, Çizgi Kitabevi Press, 106. Doğanay, O. and Karauğuz, G. eds. (2005) İsauria Bölgesi’nde Bir Kale Kent: Pharax (Fariske). Konya, Kervan Kitabevi Press, 82. Hagel, S. and Tomaschitz, K. (1998) Repertorium der Westkilikischen Inschriften. Wien, der Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften Denkschr. 265=Ergänzungshefte zu den Tituli Asiae Minoris, n.22, 20. Halkin, F. (1953) Inscriptions Grecques Relatives a l’hagiographie (IX. L’Asie Mineure), Analecta Bollandiana 71, 88-101. Hall, A. And Waelkens, M. (1982) Two Dokimeian Sculptors in Iconium, Anatolian Studies 32, 151-55. Hirschfeld, G. (1893) Akmonia, Paulys RealEncyclapadie der Klasischen Altertums Wissenschaft I-1, 1174.

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Fig. 1: Ermenek Ahatköy, Larnax 1

Fig. 2: Yunt Söğüt Area, Larnax 2

Fig.3: Konya Archaeolgy Museum, Larnax 3

Fig. 5: Büyüköz Village, Larnax 5

Fig. 4: Konya Archaeology Museum, Larnax 4

Fig. 6: Konya Archaeology Museum, Larnax 6

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CRAFTSMEN WHO WORKED IN ISAURIA REGION

Fig. 7: Işıklı (Fet) Village, Rock Tomb 1

Fig. 8: Ermenek Kızılkaya, Rock Tomb 2

Fig. 9: Güneyyurt Örenler, Sarcophagus

Fig. 10:Karaman Museum, Tomb Statue

Fig. 11: Eski Saray, Function Unknown

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Early Iron Age Cretan Tholoi* Melissa Eaby University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, USA, Classics Department

represent only the second or third most common tomb type, with over 200 known examples (Fig. 3).1 Rock-cut chamber tombs, and possibly pithos burials, occur with the highest frequency. EIA tholos tombs can be divided into two basic types: small (type 1) and large (by EIA standards – type 2). Tombs of the small type should perhaps more properly be called small, vaulted chamber tombs, though the use of the term tholos is retained here to distinguish tombs of this type from the rock-cut chamber tombs of the same period (cf. Snodgrass 1971: 142). Type 1 tholos tombs (e.g. Fig. 4) have square, rectangular, trapezoidal, circular, oval, or ellipsoidal interior ground plans of small diameter (most commonly 1.5-2.5 m) and low interior height (typically 1.0-2.0 m) (see also Pendlebury 1965: 306-8; Tsipopoulou 1984: 232; Kanta 1997: 244-5; Belli 1991: 439-50). The majority of these tombs were constructed by first cutting a pit into the bedrock or earth and then lining it with stones to form the walls (typically irregular, un-worked fieldstones). Tombs were frequently built into the slope of the hillside and were usually mostly or entirely below ground. A form of circular corbelled vault, often closed by a single capstone, roofed the majority of tombs, though a small number of examples appear to have had keel vaults (Belli 2003; Kanta and Karetsou 1998: 169). Some tombs were without dromoi, while others had very small, rudimentary ones, often just a pit or trench approximately one meter wide; a few tombs had slightly longer, lined or unlined dromoi. In addition, the doorways were quite low (frequently less than 0.50 m) and also narrow (with a typical width of 0.5-0.75 m), though they sometimes contained elaborately constructed façades which included monolithic jambs and lintels. Finally, the floors frequently comprised natural bedrock or packed earth, though they were sometimes paved, with either stone slabs or pebbles. Tholoi of the small type (Fig. 6) were typical at sites such as Karphi (Pendlebury, Pendlebury, and Money-Coutts 1937-8: 100-11), Vrokastro (Hall 1914), Kavousi (Boyd 1901: 137-54; Gesell, Day, and Coulson 1983: 394-409), Erganos (Halbherr 1901: 271-80), and Kourtes (Halbherr 1901: 287-93; Taramelli 1901).

The Early Iron Age on Crete was a period of transition, comprising the years after the final collapse of the palatial system in Late Minoan IIIB up to development of the city-state before or during the Archaic period. Over the course of the period, significant changes occurred in settlement patterns, settlement forms, ritual contexts, and most strikingly, in burial practices (e.g. Nowicki 2000; Borgna 2003; Prent 2005; Wallace 2003). While a certain standardization of funerary practices is observable in many areas of the mainland during this period, mortuary diversity and profound regionalism are typical of Crete. For example, both single and multiple burial, as well as inhumation and cremation, were practiced on the island during this period; in addition, at least 12 distinct tomb types were used, including the chamber tomb, tholos tomb, pseudotholos tomb, burial in natural caves and rock shelters, pit grave, shaft grave, cist grave, burial enclosure, pit cave, pithos burial, mounds/pyres, cremation under a cairn of stones, and intramural burial (cf. Snodgrass 1971: 142-3). The potential cultural diversity of Crete in the Early Iron Age (defined here as c. 1200-700 B.C. and encompassing the LM IIIC-EO periods), as well as the recent intensity of archaeological research on the island, thus suggests the advantages of using Crete as a target of study. A considerable number of Early Iron Age burials have been identified on the island over the course of the last one hundred years (e.g. Pendlebury 1965; Pini 1968; Löwe 1996; Sjögren 2001; Tsipopoulou 1984; 1987; 2005; Desborough 1972; Snodgrass 1971). As part of my dissertation, I have catalogued over 1200 EIA tombs found in the vicinity of approximately 122 modern villages or towns. An examination of the burial methods, architecture, assemblages, and spatial contexts of these tombs and cemeteries provides significant new evidence regarding the extent of cultural diversity present on the island during this period. Among the many EIA Cretan tomb types, the tholos tomb is arguably the best representative of the period in general. In this paper, I will focus on the tholos tomb (Fig. 1); I will first define and analyze the type in detail, examining features such as architecture, burial practices, location, date, and the relationship of the tombs to their settlements, and then briefly investigate how certain elements in the use of the tholos tomb may reflect the changing social and political organization of the period.

*

This paper is derived from my doctoral dissertation, Mortuary Variability in Early Iron Age Cretan Burials (University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2007). Funding for my research was provided by the Fulbright Foundation, Archaeological Institute of America, and University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. 1 Sites with tholos tombs are Ag. Georgios Papoura, Karphi, Adrianos, Anavlochos, Kastri, Kritsa, Vrokastro, Zenia, Braimiana, Chalasmenos, Kalamafka, Kavousi, Schoinokapsala, Vasiliki, Adromyloi, Ag. Georgios Tourtouloi, Chamaizi, Krya, Mouliana, Pefkoi, Praisos, Skopi, Sphakia, Gortyn, Kourtes, Prinias, Rotasi, Ag. Paraskies, Arkades, Erganos, Kounavoi, Krasi, Panagia, Kamares, Phaistos, Knossos, Viannos, Orne, Pantanassa, and likely Dreros, Ag. Ioannis Katalimata, Orino, Arvi, Atsipades, Koxare, Archanes, Gonies, and Meseleroi. These sites can be found in my dissertation.

Definition of tholos tomb types In the Early Iron Age on Crete, tholos tombs were used for burial at the greatest number of catalogued sites, likely at as many as 49 sites or 40% (Fig. 2), though they

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EARLY IRON AGE CRETAN THOLOI restricted use than the smaller examples (cf. Kanta and Karetsou 1998: 170).

The large tholoi (type 2), on the other hand, show several features which distinguish them from the smaller examples (e.g. Fig. 5). Type 2 tombs typically contained corbel-vaulted circular chambers with a diameter >2.5 m, and especially 3 m or more, often with dromoi. These tholos tombs were also frequently cut into the hillside and fully below ground. In addition, they tended to be of much better craftsmanship than the smaller examples, with more regular, rectangular courses of stones; in fact, some of these tombs were originally assumed to be LM II-III as a result of their “superior” architectural features. Tholos tombs of the large type have been identified at as many as nine sites (Fig. 7): Kavousi Skouriasmenos (Boyd 1901: 144-8), Praisos (Tomb A – Bosanquet 19012: 240-5), Gortyn (Alexiou 1966), Prinias (Tombs F, J, possibly Q and AQ – Rizza 1973; Rizza and Rizzo 1984: 152-5), Arkades (Tombs L, M, R – Levi 1927-9: 202380), Phaistos Ag. Ioannis (Vasilakis 1994-6), Knossos (Kephala Tomb 6 and Teke tholos – Hogarth 1899-1900: 84-5; Hutchinson and Boardman 1954; Boardman 1967), and possibly Kourtes (one tomb – Taramelli 1901: 300) and Kounavoi (the large tholos – Rethemiotakis and Demopoulou 1993).

The vast majority of Early Iron Age small tholos tombs (~75%) appear to have been constructed in LM IIIC (especially middle to late) or SM and only used for a brief period of time (Fig. 9); it is frequently difficult to be more precise or to distinguish between the two periods due to problems with the definition of the terms LM IIIC late and SM, as well as variations in dating between central and eastern Crete, dates provided by old excavations, and inconsistent or lack of publishing. Tombs of this date were located primarily in the eastern part of the island, with a few examples in or near the Amari region of west-central Crete. While tomb use continued at some sites in PG and later, with new tholos tombs constructed at only a few locations, primarily in central Crete, a large number of EIA small tholoi went out of use during PG or just before. No tholos tombs dating later than SM have yet been found in west-central Crete, and no tholoi from any phase of the EIA have been found in far western. The Protogeometric period is most significant, however, in that it shows the earliest appearance of the large tholos tomb (in central Crete); no earlier examples of this type have yet been found. Few new tholos tombs of any size were constructed in the Geometric period, though the large tholoi from eastern Crete appear to be primarily LG-EO in date; finally, no new tholos tombs appear to have been constructed after LG/EO.

Analysis of tholos tombs The presence of two distinct categories of tholos tomb can be supported architecturally, for example, by an examination of chamber shape and size (Fig. 8). The shape of the tomb chamber seems clearly to vary in accordance with the size of the tomb. In the smallest tombs, with diameters less than 1.5 m, slightly more circular chambers exist than square or rectangular ones. Type 1 tombs with diameters of 1.5-2.0 m, the majority of small tholos tombs, are approximately two-thirds square/rectangular, while the larger ones with 2.0-2.5 m diameters are over 83% square/rectangular. The largest tombs (type 2, with average diameters greater than 2.5 up to 4.0 m), however, are all, with one possible exception (Praisos Photoula – Platon 1960: 302-5), circular in plan. A clear change thus seems to occur in tombs greater than 2.5 m in diameter, serving to distinguish the average small tholos from the large circular type.

Inhumation, in larnakes, pithoi or on the tomb floor, was the primary form of burial in small tholos tombs, especially in the eastern part of the island, though cremation, in urns, amphorae, kraters, pyxides, and pithoi, did sometimes occur. Cremation was more typical of tombs in the central part of the island; this may be only partially related to the later date of the tombs in this area, as inhumation remained prominent in eastern tholoi as late as the Geometric period. Cremation also appears to have been only slightly more prevalent in the large circular tholoi than in the smaller examples. EIA small tholos tombs typically contained a low number of burials, usually between one and five; according to Nowicki (2000: 98) this may indicate that tombs belonged to a single family, probably two generations, and that the average use of a tomb was likely less than 50 years (though some examples do show much longer use). The large circular tholoi on the whole appear to have contained many more burials than the small tombs (e.g. Tomb R at Arkades with at least 34 burials – Levi 19279: 202-304), though due to poor publishing, the average number of burials remains uncertain. The presence of a greater number of burials could reflect use by a more extended family or clan, or merely be a factor of longer tomb use or larger tomb size.

Most EIA Cretan tholos tombs are of the first type; type one tombs are found at 75-80% of sites with tholos tombs and comprise at least 85%, and probably more, of the total number of EIA tholoi. The small tholos tomb was the characteristic grave form at many sites, especially in the eastern part of the island, though it was sometimes found together with tombs of other types. Small tholoi rarely occurred singly, with numerous examples typically found within the area of any given site; in fact, at most locations, this tomb type appears to represent a common grave form for all members of society. The large circular tholos (type 2), however, occurs much less commonly than the small type, with only 12-15 total known examples from 9 possible sites. Often, only one large tholos tomb is found per site, though multiple examples do exist, as at Prinias and Arkades, and they are sometimes found in association with smaller tholoi. These larger tholoi would thus appear to have had a more

Early Iron Age tholos tombs of both types and dates were oriented in all directions; in fact, there does not appear to be an actual preference or significance in the orientation. In nearly all cases, the orientation of the tomb is determined by or follows the slope of the hill into which 99

SOMA 2007 it is built. EIA tholoi were also typically not found in enclosed, well-defined cemeteries, but were usually scattered over large distances on the slopes around a settlement; at Karphi, for example, there appear to be “no special regularity or rules” for the distances between tombs (Nowicki 2000: 160, 240; Pendlebury, Pendlebury, and Money-Coutts 1937-1938: 100-11). These tombs do, however, frequently occur in groups or clusters, along a single line, and sometimes in pairs. In some cases, these associations could signify an extended family or clan connection, while in others, the tomb positioning may indicate a desired association through proximity with the person(s) buried in an adjacent tomb. In addition, tombs and cemeteries were placed in all directions from the settlement, which during this period was nearly always on top of a hill or mountain. As with individual tomb orientation, the location of the tombs, both large and small, relative to the settlement does not appear to follow a specific pattern. Also, sites often have burials in multiple locations relative to the settlement. Finally, the distance of tholos tombs from their associated settlements is typically less than one kilometer, and especially less than 500 m (see also Nowicki 2000: 240).

and/or better construction (more regular coursing), as well as manner of burial and number or type of grave goods. Furthermore, certain regional characteristics are identifiable among the small tholoi; the masonry enclosure, for example, (defined by Pendlebury (1965: 308) as a mass of rough masonry approximately square in shape covering the exterior of the tomb on three sides), appears to be especially characteristic of the Lasithi plateau area. In terms of architecture, however, the elaborative distinctions in tomb form among the small tholoi appear to have no clear correlation with tomb size, date or location. These features are slightly more common on the larger sized small tholoi (and by definition characteristic of the large type) and thus in some cases may have served to distinguish certain tombs in a cemetery from others, perhaps reflecting social status, display, greater wealth, or larger family size. Socio-political organization Although relatively minor distinctions do occur in grave goods, manner of burial, and tomb construction among the small tholoi, as well as limited regional and local variations, the overall similarity of these tombs and their contents at the beginning of the Early Iron Age in eastern Crete is the most prominent feature. With a few possible exceptions, such as the wealthy Mouliana burials (Xanthoudides 1904: 21-52) and a single tomb from Praisos Photoula (Platon 1960: 302-5), the early LM IIIC date of which may actually reflect warriors or local chieftains from the final phases of the previous LM IIIAB “Mycenaean” hierarchy rather than complex social stratification at the beginning of the EIA (Nowicki 2004: 277-9; cf. Kanta 2003), these similarities would seem to indicate the presence of limited social diversity at tholos sites during the early part of the EIA. In fact for much of LM IIIC-SM Crete, a relatively loose, ‘simple’ socialpolitical organization is assumed to have existed, with the household or extended family forming the basic unit, though some differentiation of wealth may have been present (Prent 2005: 103-26). In addition, the architecture of many LM IIIC defensible settlements appears to show indications of very little or no social stratification; in fact, Nowicki (2000: 237-9) suggests that the architecture represents typical village organization with houses that are slightly different in size, which may have resulted from the size and prosperity of particular families rather than from a higher position or status within the community. While these distinctions, and those in the funerary material, do not appear to mark clear social diversity at these sites at the beginning of the EIA, they may have led to its development later in the period (cf. Whitley 1991; Day and Snyder 2004; Borgna 2003: 164-8).

Nearly all EIA tholos tombs were associated with “defensible” (or “refuge”) settlements, as identified by Nowicki (2000); only Rotasi, Knossos, and Phaistos are considered not to have been of this type, and for at least two of these sites, the tholos tomb was not a common form of burial, comprising a very small percentage of the total number of Early Iron Age burials at the site. The defensible sites with tholos tombs varied in size from small to quite large, and while some were abandoned rather quickly, others continued to be inhabited beyond the EIA, even becoming large towns or poleis (Nowicki 2000; Wallace 2003; Prent 2005: 103-26, 211-44). In addition, at least ten sites with EIA tholos tombs appear to have become poleis by the end of the period or shortly thereafter; seven or eight of these sites had tholoi of the large type, and only nine total sites had large tholos tombs.1 This lends further support to the proposed distinction between the small and large types, as the large tholos (few in number, of better construction, larger size, and frequently later in date, factors seemingly indicative of increased social complexity or diversity) occurs most often at the sites where such distinctions would be expected (i.e., sites which develop into large towns or city-states). In addition to the previously defined distinctions between the large and small types, some of the small tholos tombs also differed from each other in chamber shape and size, stomion dimensions, presence or lack of a dromos, orientation, location, architectural features (i.e., built facades, monolithic lintels, door jambs, thresholds),

Many of the sites in eastern Crete characterized by the use of the small tholos tomb were abandoned in or by PG, especially in the Lasithi area; some sites, however, expanded in size and remained inhabited for longer periods of time, even into the Archaic period. While tholoi continued in use at many eastern sites during PG, only two definitely retained the small tholos tomb as the

1 Cf. Sjögren 2001: 132-49; Whitley, Prent, and Thorne 1999: 252-3; Haggis et al. 2004: 391; Rethemiotakis and Demopoulou 1993: 463; Alexiou 1972: 622. Aphrati (Arkades), Gortyn, Knossos, Phaistos, Praisos, Prinias, Rotasi (Rhytion?), Kounavoi (Eltyna?), Dreros, and Kalamafka or Kavousi Azoria (Larisa?) are possible polis sites with tholos tombs.

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EARLY IRON AGE CRETAN THOLOI of the tholos form in this area of Crete appears to show some connection to old ideologies or a desire to be associated with them; the re-use of Bronze Age tombs at both Knossos and Archanes, as well as possible Geometric offerings placed in BA tholoi at Kamilari, Achladia, and Ag. Triada, may have served a similar function (e.g. Wallace 2003: 271). An elite distinction, or desire to be perceived as such, seems in particular to have been associated with tholoi of the large variety in all areas of Crete in which they appear. In contrast to eastern Crete, however, in the central part of the island there may also have been a special meaning or significance attached to the tholos tomb in general, especially when used late in the period. The fact that tholos tombs were so rare in this area in the EIA may indicate that they, especially the large examples, were used by emerging, and potentially competing, elites as a source of or justification for power or socio-political status; these elites were thus drawing on an old symbol in order to show a connection (real or perceived) with the past and/or old authority. Furthermore, this tomb type was particularly associated with those sites which eventually became poleis. Changes occurred much more swiftly in central Crete than in the east, thus making the use of such symbols potentially even more significant or influential in this area.

primary form of burial after PG (Adromyloi – Platon 1954: 365-8; Chamaizi/Skopi – Davaras 1972: 44-5; and possibly Papoura or Praisos). Several eastern sites, on the other hand, especially in the Mirabello area, switched from small tholoi to primarily burial enclosures with cremations as early as PGB (e.g. Anavlochos – Demargne 1931: 368-79; Vrokastro – Hall 1914; Kavousi – Gesell, Coulson, and Day 1991: 148-67; Gesell, Day, and Coulson 1995: 70-90). While changes toward the development of the polis occurred later in this area than in central Crete, with the city-state apparently not being established at any eastern site before Late Geometric (Whitley, Prent, and Thorne 1999: 252-3), potential signs of increasing social complexity and changing political structure are visible in some eastern tholos burials as early as PG; for example, a limited number of tombs, as at Adromyloi, Chamaizi, Vrokastro, and Kavousi, begin to stand out in wealth of grave goods during this period and after. Another potential indicator of increasing social complexity at certain eastern sites can be observed in the use of a single, large tholos tomb at Kavousi (Boyd 1901: 144-8) and Praisos (Bosanquet 1901-2: 240-5) in LG; at the time that these large tholoi were in use, the small tholos was no longer the primary form of burial at either site, and settlements at both sites appear to have become poleis (or urban nucleated centers) in LG or A (Haggis et al. 2004: 391; Whitley, Prent and Thorne 1999: 252-3).

Conclusion As opposed to the pattern observed in the eastern part of the island, the foundations for the city-state were apparently put into place in central Crete as early as PG (Nowicki 2000: 241-7). As a result of the nucleation process and population growth rapidly occurring at certain central sites in this period, more complex social structures were developing, one aspect of which was the rise of emerging elites. This rapid development of new social and political structures thus likely involved attempts by individuals or families to gain new dominance or maintain old authority (Wallace 2003: 26871). The associated power struggles may be reflected, in some instances, in an increasing distinction in burial types, grave goods, and funerary rituals (cf. Preston 1999: 143, where a diversification of tomb types at LM II Knossos is interpreted as a response and contributor to social changes). Those central sites with the greatest variety of tomb types (Knossos, Prinias, Kounavoi, Arkades, Gortyn, Phaistos) tend to be those which develop into poleis at some time during the Early Iron Age or shortly thereafter (as also seen at Praisos and Kavousi) (cf. Sjögren 2001: 132-49); for example, at Arkades, clear distinctions are visible by the end of the period in the small number of large, wealthy tholoi with multiple burials, imported grave goods, and elaborate architectural constructions and the typical covered pithoi with single burials and few grave goods (Levi 1927-9).

The tholos tomb thus provides an important source of information for better understanding burial practices and socio-political organization in the Early Iron Age on Crete. The funerary evidence from the majority of sites with small tholoi, especially in the east, appears to reflect limited social stratification and a relatively ‘simple’ socio-political organization at the beginning of the period. Over the course of the EIA movement was made toward the development of the polis or large nucleated centers; this may be indicated in the mortuary record by features such as variations in tomb type at a single site, increasing diversity in wealth of grave goods, and the use of the rare, large tholos tomb (in central and eastern Crete). The large tholos in particular may have been used, in the midst of the socio-political and economic changes of the period, by current or former aristocratic families as a source of, or justification for, power or socio-political status. The tholos tomb does, however, reflect only one aspect of the complex mortuary behavior on Crete in the EIA, and all other tomb types must be taken into account when trying to understand the full picture. Bibliography Alexiou, S. (1966) Μικραί ανασκαφαί και περισυλλογή αρχαίων εις Κρήτη. Prakt 1966, 189-93. ----------. (1972) Αρχαιότητες και μνημεία κεντρικής και ανατολ. Κρήτης. ArchDelt 27 (B’2), 619-24. Belli, P. (1991) Tholoi nell’Egeo dal II al I millennio. In: D. Musti et al. eds., La transizione dal Miceneo

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SOMA 2007 all’alto Arcaismo. Dal palazzo alla città, Atti del Convegno Internazionale, Roma, 14-19 marzo 1988, Rome, Consiglio Nazionale delle Ricerche, 425-50. ----------. (2003) Aspects of Monumental Funerary Architecture in LBA Crete. In: N. Chr. Stampolidis and V. Karageorghis eds., Πλοες...Sea Routes ... Interconnections in the Mediterranean 16th-6th c. BC. Proceedings of the International Symposium held at Rethymnon, Crete September 29th – October 2nd 2002, Athens, University of Crete and the A.G. Leventis Foundation, 325-38. Boardman, J. (1967) The Khaniale Tekke Tombs, II. BSA 62, 57-75. Borgna, E. (2003) Regional Settlement Patterns, Exchange Systems and Sources of Power in Crete at the End of the Late Bronze Age: Establishing a Connection. SMEA 45, 153-83. Bosanquet, R.C. (1901-2) Excavations at Praesos. I. BSA 8, 231-70. Boyd, H.A. (1901) Excavations at Kavousi, Crete, in 1900. AJA 5, 125-57. Davaras, C. (1972) Η Αρχαιολογική κίνησις στην ανατολική Κρήτη κατά το 1971. Amaltheia 3, 33-52. Day, L.P. and L.M. Snyder. (2004) The ‘Big House’ at Vronda and the ‘Great House’ at Karphi: Evidence for Social Structure in LM IIIC Crete. In: L.P. Day, M.S. Mook, and J.D. Muhly eds., Crete Beyond the Palaces: Proceedings of the Crete 2000 Conference, Philadelphia, INSTAP Academic Press, 63-80. Demargne, P. (1931) Recherches sur le Site de l’Anavlochos. BCH 55, 365-407. Desborough, V.R.d’A. (1972) The Greek Dark Ages, London, Ernest Benn. Gesell, G.C., Day, L.P., and W.D.E. Coulson. (1983) Excavations and Survey at Kavousi, 1978-1981. Hesperia 52, 389-420. ----------. (1995) Excavations at Kavousi, Crete, 1989 and 1990. Hesperia 64, 67-120. Gesell, G.C., Coulson, W.D.E., and L.P. Day. (1991) Excavations at Kavousi, Crete, 1988. Hesperia 60, 145-77. Haggis, D.C. et al. (2004) Excavations at Azoria, 2002. Hesperia 73, 339-400. Halbherr, F. (1901) Cretan Expedition XI. Three Cretan Necropoleis: Report on the Researches at Erganos, Panaghia, and Courtes. AJA 5, 259-93. Hall, E.H. (1914) Excavations in Eastern Crete. Vrokastro, University of Pennsylvania, The Museum, Anthropological Publications, Vol. III, No. 3, Philadelphia, University of Pennsylvania Museum, 79-185. Hogarth, D.G. (1899-1900) Knossos II. Early Town and Cemeteries. BSA 6, 70-85. Hutchinson, R.W. and J. Boardman. (1954) The Khaniale Tekke Tombs. BSA 49, 215-28. Kanta, A. (1997) Late Bronze Age Tholos Tombs, Origins and Evolution. The Missing Links. In: J. Driessen and A. Farnoux eds., La Crète Mycénienne. Actes de la Table Ronde Internationale organisée par l’École française d’Athènes 26-28 Mars 1991, BCH Supplement, 30, Paris, École Française d’Athènes, 229-47.

----------. (2003) Aristocrats – Traders – Emigrants – Settlers: Crete in the Closing Phases of the Bronze Age. In: N. Chr. Stampolidis and V. Karageorghis eds., Πλοες...Sea Routes…Interconnections in the Mediterranean 16th-6th c. B.C. Proceedings of the International Symposium held at Rethymnon, Crete, September 29th-October 2nd 2002, Athens, University of Crete and the A.G. Leventis Foundation, 173-86. Kanta, A. and A. Karetsou. (1998) From Arkadhes to Rytion. Interactions of an Isolated Area of Crete with the Aegean and the East Mediterranean. In: V. Karageorghis and N. Stampolidis eds., Eastern Mediterranean: Cyprus-Dodecanese-Crete 16th – 6th cent. B.C. Proceedings of the International Symposium held at Rethymnon – Crete in May 1997, Athens, University of Crete and the A.G. Leventis Foundation, 159-73. Levi, D. (1927-9) Arkades una città cretese all’alba della civiltà ellenica. ASAtene 10-12, 78-387. Löwe, W. (1996) Spätbronzezeitliche Bestattungen auf Kreta, BAR International Series, 642, Oxford, Tempvs Reparatvm. Nowicki, K. (2000) Defensible Sites in Crete c.1200-800 B.C. (LM IIIB/IIIC through Early Geometric), Aegaeum, 21, Liège, University of Liège. ----------. (2004) South of Kavousi, East of Mochlos: The West Siteia Mountains at the End of the Bronze Age. In: L.P. Day, M. Mook, and J.D. Muhly eds., Crete Beyond the Palaces: Proceedings of the Crete 2000 Conference, Philadelphia, INSTAP Academic Press, 265-80. Pendlebury, H.W., Pendlebury, J.D.S., and M.B. MoneyCoutts. (1937-8) Excavations in the Plain of Lasithi. III. Karphi: A City of Refuge in the Early Iron Age in Crete. BSA 38, 57-145. Pendlebury, J.D.S. (1965) The Archaeology of Crete. An Introduction, New York, W.W. Norton and Company Inc. Pini, I. (1968) Beiträge zur Minoischen Gräberkunde, Wiesbaden, Franz Steiner Verlag. Platon, N. (1954) Ανασκαφαί περιοχής Σητείας. Prakt 1954, 361-8. ----------. (1960) Ανασκαφαί περιοχής Πραισόυ. Prakt 1960, 294-307. Prent, M. (2005) Cretan Sanctuaries and Cults. Continuity and Change from Late Minoan IIIC to the Archaic Period, Leiden, Brill. Preston, L. (1999) Mortuary Practices and the Negotiation of Social Identities at LM II Knossos. BSA 94, 131-43. Rethemiotakis, G. and N. Demopoulou. (1993) Κουνάβοι Πεδιάδος. ArchDelt 48 (B’2), 463-6. Rizza, G. (1973) Prinias. ArchDelt 28 (B’2), 579-80. Rizza, G. and M.A. Rizzo. (1984) Prinias. In: A. Di Vita et al. eds., Ancient Crete. A Hundred Years of Italian Archaeology (1884-1984), Rome, De Luca Editore. Sjögren, L. (2001) Sites, Settlements and Early Poleis on Crete (800-500 BC), PhD diss. Dept. of Classical Archaeology and Ancient History, University of Stockholm. Snodgrass, A.M. (1971) The Dark Age of Greece, 102

EARLY IRON AGE CRETAN THOLOI Edinburgh, Edinburgh University Press. Taramelli, A. (1901) Cretan Expedition XII. Notes on the Necropolis of Courtes. AJA 5, 294-301. Tsipopoulou, M. (1984) Τάφοι της πρώιμης εποχής του σιδήρου στην ανατολική Κρήτη. ArchDelt 39 (A’), 232-45. ----------. (1987) Τάφοι της πρώιμης εποχής του σιδήρου στην ανατολική Κρήτη. Ειλαπίνη. Τόμος Τιμητικός για τον Καθηγητή Νικόλαο Πλάτωνα, Herakleion, Βικελαία Δημοτική Βιβλιοθήκη, 253-69. ----------. (2005) Η ανατολική Κρήτη στην πρώιμη εποχή του σιδήρου, Ηerakleion, ΥΠΠΟ, Αρχαιολόγικο Ινστιτούτο Κρητολογικών Σπουδών.

Vasilakis, A. (1994-1996) Αγ. Ιωάννης Φαιστού. Kritike Estia 5, 334-6. Wallace, S. (2003) The Perpetuated Past: Re-use or Continuity in Material Culture and the Structuring of Identity in Early Iron Age Crete. BSA 98, 251-77. Whitley, J. (1991) Style and Society in Dark Age Greece. The Changing Face of a Pre-literate Society 1100700 BC, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. Whitley, J., Prent, M., and S. Thorne. (1999) Praisos IV: A Preliminary Report on the 1993 and 1994 Survey Seasons. BSA 94, 215-64. Xanthoudides, S. (1904) Εκ Κρήτης. ArchEph 1904, 155.

Fig. 1: Distribution of EIA tholos tombs on Crete

Tomb Type

Tholos Cave/Rock Shelter

Percentage of Sites at Which Tombs Appear

Chamber Tomb 45 40 35 30 25 20 15 10 5 0

Pit Grave Shaft Grave Pit Cave Pithos Cemetery Pseudotholos

Ca ve /R Tho oc lo Ch k S s h am el be ter rT o P i mb tG Sh ra ve af tG ra ve Pi th Pit Ca os ve Ce P s me t e eu do r y th O o th l er os Pi th o In tra s m ur al Bu ria l E Cis t nc lo su re O th er

Other Pithos Intramural Cist Burial Enclosure Other

Fig. 2: Relative frequency of EIA Cretan tomb types

Fig. 3: Relative frequency of tomb types

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SOMA 2007

Fig. 4: Small tholos at Erganos (Halbherr 1901, 272, fig. 6)

Fig. 5: Arkades tomb R (after Levi 1927-9, plate V)

Fig. 6: Map of sites with small tholos tombs

Fig. 7: Map of sites with large tholos tombs

104

EARLY IRON AGE CRETAN THOLOI

Percentage of Square/Rectangular Chambers by Diameter

Construction of New Tholos Tombs by % of Sites

100 90 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0

100 90 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0

2.5 m.

Fig. 8: Percentage of tholos tombs with square/ rectangular chambers

LM IIIC-SM

PG

G-EO

Fig. 9: Date of construction of tholos tombs by site

105

The Effects of the Late Third Millennium BC Climate Change on the Urbanisation Process of Southeastern Anatolia Dr. Alev Erarslan Istanbul Technical University, Faculty of Architecture, Department of History of Art Istanbul, Turkey

Consequently, apparently synchronous social collapse or disruptions lacks unifying explanations.

Introduction Climatic changes have serious effects on human social evolution. Many scholars have drawn a correlation between climatic and cultural changes and they have claimed that changes in climate are the reason for the collapse of many world civilizations. Examples of collapses that have been correlated with climatic changes are the fall of the hunter-gatherer Natufian communities in southeastern Anatolia and in the Levant at the beginning of the Holocene, the end of Pre-Pottery Neolithic cultures in the ancient Near East, the collapse of the Uruk colony system and the fall of the Akkadian, Hitite and Middle Assyrian empires.1 But in recent years, objections to this approach have been voiced by scholars with opposing beliefs. These researchers say that climate deterioration is not the only factor that can be used to interpret the collapse of cultures and that collapse was related to external or internal social and economic factors, rather than to climatic deterioration and modified environments, or to the ability or inability of societies to adapt in the face of environmental change.2 One other group of scholars assert that certain man-made effects, such as woodland depletion for fuel or building, soil erosion due to false and intensive agricultural activities, use of intensive manure for soil productivity, increased withdrawal of water for water demand due to population growth and urbanisation or heavy occupation in some regions, prevent the perception of pure climate signals and therefore blur the understanding that such effects could in fact have been caused by climatic factors.3 These researchers say that climate constraints such as accelerated ggradation in rivers and small catchments, floods, channel incision, increased erosion, high flow variations and erratic flow are in part related to climatic desiccation, but at the same time the growing impact of anthropogenic stress on the landscape.4 And other researchers speak not only of climatic desiccation but also of the growing impact of human activities on landscape exacerbate the effects of climatic degradation.5

The Earth’s climate has experienced large scale oscillations that range between glacial and interglacial conditions over the past million years. Since the last glacial maximum, climatic conditions have changed significantly. The Holocene was once thought to have been climatically stable, but paleoclimate records show that the Holocene climate was punctuated by several widespread cooling events, which persisted for many centuries and recurred every 1500±500 years.6 The earliest Holocene climatic changes occurred in 12.800, 8200, 5200 and 4200 B.P. Expressed as occurring in 4200 B.P. or 4.2 ka BP in terms of climatology, this climate change event corresponds to the archeological period of the last third millennium B.C. (2200-1900 BC). This article will attempt to discover the effects of the late third millennium BC climate change event on the urbanisation process taking place in the Southeastern Anatolian Region, the Karababa Basin, the Urfa Plain and the Halfeti-Carchemish region. The urban systems in the region The mid-late period of the 3rd millennium in northern Mesopotamia is defined as the Secondary Urbanisation Period. During this period, settlements that can be considered real cities and city-state systems with tribute systems began to appear in the region, covering 40-100 hectares, surrounded by small towns and villages – small city-state systems with regional capitals. A similar phenomenon also emerged in southeastern Anatolia. This is the time in which truly urban state-level societies ruled by independent local kingdoms first appeared in southeastern Anatolia. Under the influence of the Secondary Urbanisation Period, the region exhibits much larger and densely populated urban settlements with advanced urban planning and socio-political and economic organizations and a regional settlement hierarchy composed of central settlement, smaller satellite towns and surrounding villages in the Karababa Basin and Urfa Plain.7

1 (Weiss 2000: 75-78; Weiss and Bradley 2001: 609; Staubwasser and Weiss 2006: 1-9; Peiser 1998: 127; Algaze and Poumelle 2003: 103). 2 (Algaze and Pournelle 2003: 117; Butzer 1997: 245-246; Weiss 1997: 716-717). 3 (Weiss 2000: 75; Ristvet and Weiss 2005: 1; Staubwasser and Weiss 2006: 12). 4 (Wilkinson 1990: 104, 1997: 67-68, 100, 1999: 557; Kuzucuoğlu 2002: 272, 278-279; Kuzucuoğlu, Fontugne, et al. 2004: 204; Weiss 1997: 717). 5 (Wilkinson 1990: 104, 1997: 67-68, 100, 1999: 557; Kuzucuoğlu 2002: 272, 278-279; Kuzucuoğlu, Fontugne, et al. 2004: 204; Weiss 1997: 717; deMenocal 2001: 668).

The late third millennium BC climate change event (the 4.2. ka BP event) At the end of the third millennium B.C., about 2200-1990 B.C., a large number of major civilisations in the world,

6 (Weiss 2000: 75-78; Weiss and Bradley 2001: 609; Staubwasser and Weiss 2006: 1-9) 7 (Erarslan 2006: 85-91).

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THE EFFECTS OF THE LATE THIRD MILLENNIUM BC CLIMATE CHANGE ON THE URBANISATION PROCESS •

such as the Akkadian Empire in Mesopotamia, the Old Kingdom in Egypt, the Harappa civilisation in the Indus valley, the Hongsha culture in China and the Early Bronze Age societies in Anatolia, Palestine, Greece and Crete begin to collapse. These archaeological events coincide with much proxy evidence for a shift to a drier regime in time of the 4.2 ka BP abrupt climate change event. The 4.2 drought event was observed on a global scale and it has been recorded in more than forty paleoclimate proxies in the Old World, from Kilmanjaro, Tanzania to Rajasthan, from India, East and West Asia to North and South America, where a severe and lasting drought is indicated.8 A great deal of palaeoenvironmental and palaeoclimatic evidence suggests that uniformly, a predominant temperature drop and aridification, wind turbulence, alternations in seasonality, cooling, major forest and tree reduction, land degradation and falling lake and sea levels occured in ca. 4.2 ka BP as the regional, hemispheric and global signals for this event.9 Lasting about 250-300 years, average annual precipitation in this period dropped by approximately 20%-30%.10 This aridification period altered the hydrological regime and undermined the intensive agricultural system, leading to decreased agricultural yield from the Aegean to the Indus. Because agriculturalists are particularly susceptible to changes in precipitation, this extended drought caused major cultural upheavals. The most significant high resolution records are:11 • • • • • • • •

• •

• •

• • •

decreasing varve thickness as precipitious lessened in the North Arabian Sea a mojor drought and anomaly at Indian Gardens and Nevada a reduction in the pollen of the Mediterranean natural forest a diminution in the West Asian precipitation and the Indian monsoon

The 2200 BC aridification event has also been identified by changes in the settlement pattern data as evidenced all over the world, which explains the synchronous collapse from the Aegean to the Indus. The social response to this phenomenon are:12 • • • • • •

the abandonment of cities and towns depopulation and cultural collapses occupation on extremely limited sites disappearance of settlements in some areas population concentration along major rivers massive nomadic-pastoralist habitat-tracking to regions where agriculture was sustainable

Records of environmental changes in Southeastern Anatolia In 2200-1900 B.C., some climatic and environmental changes seem also to have started in southeastern Anatolia. Increased irregularity in the flow of the Tur Abdin stream and its tributaries suggests that precipitation on the Anatolian plateau was also reduced and that the decrease in precipitation reduced the volume of the water in the Euphrates.13 The Lake Van varves document a sharp fivefold dust spike, a radical decrease in lake level and in oak pollen, a relative humidity decline and a rapid increase in aridity14 (fig. 2). Enrichment of 18 O in Lake Van implies shrinking lake volume due to reduced precipitation and a pronounced dry spell, accompanied by a shift to a more seasonal rainfall.15 Late Holocene valley fills in the Euphrates also indicate less perennial flow, higher flow variations, increased erosion and accelerated aggradation as other signs of environmental changes.

a cold peak in sediments between Greenland and Iceland a pronounced dryness in the Red Sea a reduction og the Nile flow increased dust fivefold in the Gulf of Oman a nadir in the level of the Dead Sea a change from an open to closed basin in lake Turkana a decline of arboreal pollen lake Huleh in Palestine dry spells and drops in lake levels and a dramatic reduction in arboreal pollen in the middle and west Mediterranean, northwestern India and western Tibet a change of the course of Yellow River in China and a diminution in lake levels in the country major aridification, severe reduction of lake levels and dust events in Meso and South America an extereme drought in the West Asian lake pollens an aridification, a shrink and a precipitious decline in the Indus Valley

Other paleoenvironmental data has been documented in geomorphological evidence from sedimentological sequences in wadis and rivers surrounding the sites. Moderately stable landscapes such as soils and forest cover and perennial channel flows come to an end in this period in Titriş, Kurban and Kazane Höyük.16 Moist alluviating floodplains at the Titriş, Kurban and Kazane suggest a climate much more moister during mid-late EBA, which would have allowed high-yield cultivation of

8 (Weiss 2000: 78; Ristvet and Weiss 2005: 1; Courty and Weiss 1997: 108). 9 (Weiss 2000: 83). 10 (Weiss 1997: 712, 2000: 78, 80, 81, 83; Ristvet and Weiss 2005: 1; Staubwasser and Weiss 2006: 9-10). 11 (Weiss 2000: 80-84; Harrison, Digerfeldt 1993: Fig. 9; Shaowu 2006: 66; Staubwasser and Weiss 2006: 10).

12 (Staubwasser and Weiss 2006: 11; Weiss 2000: 84-91; Weiss, Courty et al. 1993: 1002). 13 (Weiss, Courty, et al. 1993: 997; Weiss and Courty 1993: 137-138 ; Yakar 1998: 106). 14 (Butzer 1995: 136; Weiss 2000: 78). 15 (Butzer 1997: 251; Wilkinson 2003: 20). 16 (Rosen 1998: 236, 238; Kuzucuoğlu et al. 2004: 199).

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SOMA 2007 cereals.17 At the end of the third millennium, however, this alluvial phase reverted to erosive downcutting, suggesting to onset of more arid conditions, resulted from a diminished and more erratic rainfall pattern with increased drought and heavier storms, caused by climatic desiccation.18 Increased flow peaks, flooding, erosion, erratic flow, aggradation and channel and stream incision occured at the sites of Titriş, Kurban, Kazane, Horum, Zeytinlibahçe, Şaraga and Şavi Höyük (fig 1). Diminshed and more erratic precipitation in conjuntion with stream incisions and aggradation have seriously cut grain yields and put the societies enourmous stress. The amount of water carried by the stream decreased and the base level dropped by two meters in the Titriş area, due to an overall decrease in rainfall in the region.19 The removal of woodlands in the Kurban area is synchronised within this period.20

in some sub-regions continue to exist. The occupation at Şaraga, Horum ans Zeytinlibahçe continued without uninterrupted. In the Mid-EBA, although there were few settlements in the Birecik-Carchemish area, with the coming of the EBA/MBA transition period (ca.22001900 B.C.), the region undergoes substantial demographic and socio-political growth and the number of settlements increase significantly.27 The settlement hierarchy centered at Carchemish and other settlements made up of relatively small sites were Tilvez (3.5 ha), Tilöbür (1,5 ha) and those settlement areas that were 0.5 hectates or less.28 The second-largest settlement is the 12hectare Tiladir Tepe and it may have served as an administrative suburb of Carchemish at this time.29 This was a period of initial urbanisation for the region and is an indication that urbanisation actually shifted to this region and this area appears to have entirely escaped the collapse that affected some urban centers in northern Syro-Mesopotamia and the Karababa and Urfa Basin.30 In the same way, Tell Sweyhat, Tell Bi’a and Mari in northern Syria show processes of urban agglomeration and demographic expansion in this period.31

The collapse of urbanism in Southeastern Anatolia ? In ca. 2200-1900 B.C., the agricultural plains of north Mesopotamia were abandoned and an occupational gap/hiatus is recorded at a number of state-level stratified sites in the Habur and Assyrian plain, such as at Tell Leilan, Tell Brak, Chagar Bazar, Arbit, Germayir, Mohammed Diyab, Tell B’deri, Kashkashuk, Abu Hgeira 1, Melebiya, Tell Taya, Tell al-Hawa and Tepe Gawra.21

Conclusion

Along with this, however, despite the decline in regional settlements and the adaptation of the population to a nomadic pattern of life in the Karababa Basin, settlements

It is an undeniable fact that climate and cultural changes are not independent variables, and changes in the environment and climate have an important effect on human societies. A long sequence of drought years may exacerbate internal stress and lead to the abandonment of settlements and the collapse of some civilisations. The human being is however not a passive hostage32 in the face of climate changes. Some societies have coped with climate changes in different ways, developing an adaptive social response. As can be seen, the Karababa Basin and the Urfa Plain went through changes in settlement patterns and urbanised population in the regions was dispersed into more self-sufficient villages and hamlettype sites, as an adaptative response. Thus, rather than a demographic collapse, there is a socio-economic adaptation. However, the Birecik-Carchemish area and some regions of northern Syria seem to have been less affected and weathered by these environmental changes, maybe as they adapted themselves to changing environmental conditions. In other words, there is a partial regional breakdown in the decline of urbanism in the region. Along with this, however, all region does not reflect a cultural collapse, rather shows a remarkable continuity in occupation and material culture despite the decrease in the settlements’ size.

17

Acknowledgements

A similar phenomenon also appeared in some areas of southeastern Anatolia. In the Karababa Basin, the first settlement decline is apparent at Kurban (Kurban III) and its vicinity. Site was abandoned in this period and following a brief hiatus, the southern mound was resettled by a much smaller population, so it is reduced to only 1.20 hectares.22 At Titriş as well, settlement became considerably restricted to a much smaller area. The outer and lower town sectors and extramural areas of the site were abandoned, but settlement continued on the high mound, thus shrank to the size of 3 hectares.23 It was surrounded by much smaller occupations in size as its satellites.24 Samsat Höyük was also dramatically reduced in size.25 Kazane Höyük in the Urfa Plain contracted as well, but was not abandoned.26 So, these environmental deteriorations resulted in abandonment in some settlements and in reductions in others.

(Rosen 1998: 236, 238) (Rosen 1997: 402-403, 411; Rosen and Goldberg 1995: 36). 19 Rosen, Goldberg 1995: 36. 20 (Peltenburg 2000: 186; Wilkinson 1990: 94, 103, 1999: 557, 569). 21 (Weiss, Courty et al. 1993: 995). 22 (Algaze 1990: 191; Algaze, Mısır et al. 1992: 42-43; Wilkinson 1990: 102). 23 (Algaze 1999: 552). 24 (Yakar 1998: 105). 25 (Abay 2007: in press). 26 (Algaze 1990: 103; Wattenmaker 1998: 122; Wattenmaker and Mısır 1993: 180). 18

I am grateful to Harvey Weiss, Tony J. Wilkinson, Arlene Miller Rosen, Guillermo Algaze, Nüzhet Dalfes and Eşref Abay for providing me with both their published and even unpublished manuscripts. I wish to thank Mikdat Kadıoğlu for his cordial replies to my questions. I am really indebted to all of them for their kindness, sincerity and assistance. 108

THE EFFECTS OF THE LATE THIRD MILLENNIUM BC CLIMATE CHANGE ON THE URBANISATION PROCESS and Old World Collapse, NATO ASI Series, Vol. 149, Berlin, 107-148. Cullen, H. M, P. B. deMenocal, S. Hemming, G. Brown, F. H. Guilderson and F. Sirocko. (2000) Climate Change and the Collapse of the Akkadian Empire: Evidence from the Deep Sea. Geology, 28, 379-82. De Menocal, P. B. (2001) Cultural Responses to Climate Change During the Late Holocene. Science, 292, 66773. Erarslan, A. (2006) Progress towards First Cities in Eastern and Southeastern Anatolia (2600-1900 BC): The Local Dynamics of Urbanistic Development, TÜBA-AR, IX, 81-96. Harrison, S. and G. Digerfeldt. (1993) European Lakes as Palae-hydrological and Paleoclimatic Indicators. Quaternary Science Reviews, 12, 233-48. Issar, A. S. (2003) Climate Changes During the Holocene and Their Impact on Hydrological System, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Kuzucuoğlu, C. (2002) Environmental Changes in Southern (Antalya) and South-eastern (Euphrates Valley) Turkey, at the End of the 2nd Millennium BC and Beginning of the 1st Millennium BC. IN: Fisher, B, H. Genz, E. Jean and K. Köroğlu (eds), Identifying Changes: The Transition from Bronze to Iron Ages in Anatolia and Its Neighbouring Regions (Greece, Crete, Aegean, Balkans, Cyprus, Levan Caucasus), Eskiçağ Bilimleri Enstitüsü Yayınları, İstanbul, 27182. Kuzucuoğlu, C, M. Fontugne and D. Mouralis. (2004) Holocene Terraces in the Middle Euphrates Valley, Between Halfeti and Karkemish (Gaziantep, Turkey). Quaternaire, 15 (1-2), 195-206. Lemcke, G. and G. Sturm. (1997) δ 18O and Trace Element Measurements as Proxy for the Reconstruction of Climate Changes at Lake Van (Turkey): Preliminary Results. IN: Dalfes, H.N, G. Kukla and H. Weiss (eds), Third Millennium BC Climate Change and Old World Collapse, NATO ASI Series, Vol. 149, Berlin, 653-78. Peiser, B. J. (1998) Comparative Analysis of Late Holocene Environmental and Social Upheaval: Evidence for a Global Disasters. IN: Peiser, B. J, T. Palmer and M. E. Bailey (eds), Natural Catastrophes during Bronze Age Civilizations, BAR International Series, 728, England, 167-80. Peltenburg, E. (2000) From Nucleation to Dispersal. Late Third Millennium BC Settlement Pattern Transformations in the Near East and Aegean. IN: Rovault, O. and M. Wäfler (eds), La Djéziré et L’Euphrate Syriens De la Protohistoire À La Fin Du IIe Millénaire AV.J.-C., Subartu 7, Brepols, 183-206. Pournelle, J. (2001) Titriş and Its Hinterland: EBA Landscape of the City. Anatolica, 21, 58-66. Ristvet, L. and H. Weiss. (2005) The Habur Region in the Late Third and Early Second Millennium BC. IN: Orthmann, W. (ed), The History and Archaeology of Syria, Saarbrucken, 1-26. Rosen, A. M. (1995) The Social Response to Environmental Change in Early Bronze Age Canaan. Journal of Anthropological Archaeology, 14, 26-44.

Bibliography Abay, E. (2007) Was There a Collapse or Continuity after the EBA in Southeastern Anatolia ?: A Case Study on the Karababa Dam Area. IN: Kuzucuoğlu, C. and C. Marro (eds)., Haute Mésopotamie: la Crise de 2100 au. J.-C. a-t-elle eu lieu ?, in pres. Algaze, G. (1990) Town and Country in Southeastern Anatolia, II: The Stratigraphic Sequence at Kurban Höyük, Chicago. Algaze, G. (1999) Trends in the Archaeological Development of the Upper Euphrates Basin of SouthEastern Anatolia during the Late Chalcolithic and Early Bronze Ages. IN: Olmo Lete, G. D. and J. L. Montero Fenellos (eds), Archaeology of the Upper Syrian Euphrates: The Tishrin Dam Area, Barcelona: Editorial AUSA, 535-72. Algaze, G, R. Breuninger, C. Lightfoot and M. Rosenberg. (1991) The Tigris-Euphrates Archaeological Reconnaissance Project: A Preliminary Report of the 1989-1990 Seasons. Anaolica, XVII, 175-239. Algaze, G, A. Mısır and T. J. Wilkinson. (1992) Sanlıurfa Museum/University of California Excavations and Survey at Titriş Höyük, 1991: A Preliminary Report. Anatolica, XVIII, 33-60. Algaze, G, R. Breuninger and J. Knudsad. (1994) The Tigris-Euphrates Archaeological Reconnaissance Project: Final Report of the Birecik and Carchemish Dam Survey Areas. Anatolica, XX, 1-97. Algaze, G, G. Dincan, B. Hartenberg, T. Matney, J. Pournelle, L. Rainville, A. M. Rosen, E. Rupley, E. Schlee and R. Vallet. (2001) Research at Titriş Höyük in Southeastern Turkey: The 1999 Season. Anatolica, XXVII, 23-106. Algaze, G. and J. Pournelle. (2003) Climatic Change, Environmental Change and Social Change at Early Bronze Age Titriş Höyük. Can Correlation and Causation. IN: Özdoğan, M, H. Hauptmann and N. Başgelen (eds), From Village to Cities. Studies Presented to Ufuk Esin. I, Istanbul: Arkeoloji ve Sanat, 103-28. Butzer, K. W. (1995) Environmental Change in the Near East and Human Impact on the Land. IN: J.M.Sasson (ed), Civilizations of the Ancient Near East, vol.1, New York, Simon&Schuster, 123-51. Butzer, K. W. (1997) Sociopolitical Discontinuity in the Near East C. 2200 B.C.E.: Scenarios from Palestine and Egypt. IN: Dalfes, H.N, G. Kukla and H. Weiss (eds), Third Millennium BC Climate Change and Old World Collapse, NATO ASI Series, Vol. 149, Berlin, 245-96. Courty, M. A. (1994) Le Cadre Paléoqéographique des Occupations Humaines dans le Basin du Haut-Khabur (Syrie du Nord-Est) Premiers Résultats. Paléorient, 20/I, 21-59. Courty, M. A. and H. WEISS. (1997) The scenario Environmental Degradation in the Tell Leilan Region, NE Syria during the Late Third Millennium Abrupt Climate Change. IN: Dalfes, H.N, G. Kukla and H. Weiss (eds), Third Millennium BC Climate Change 109

SOMA 2007 Djéziré et L’Euphrate Syriens De la Protohistoire À La Fin Du IIe Millénaire AV.J.-C., Subartu 7, Brepols, 207-19. Weiss, H. M. A. Courty, W. Wetterstrom, F. Guichard, L. Senior, R. Meadow. and A. Curnow. (1993) The Genesis and Collapse of Third Millennium North Mesopotamian Civilization. Science, 261, 995-1004. Weiss, H. and M. A. Courty. (1993) The Genesis and Collapse of the Akkadian Empire:The Acciendal Refraction of Historical Law. IN: Liverani, M. (ed), Akkad. The First World Empire, London, 131-155. Weiss, H. and R. S. Bradley. (2001) What Drives Societal Collapse ?. Science, 291, 609-10. Wilkinson, T. J. (1990) Town and Country in Southeastern Anatolia, vol.I. Settlement and Land Use at Kurban Höyük and Other Sites in the Lower Karababa Basin, Chicago: The University of Chicago Press. Wilkinson, T. J. (1994) The Structure and Dynamics of Dry-Farming States in Upper Mesopotamia. Current Anthropology, 35/5, 483-520. Wilkinson, T. J. (1997) Environmental Fluctuations, Agricultural Production and Collapse: A View from Bronze Age Upper Mesopotamia. IN: Dalfes, H.N, G. Kukla and H. Weiss (eds), Third Millennium BC Climate Change and Old World Collapse, NATO ASI Series, Vol. 149, Berlin, 67-105. Wilkinson, T. J. (1998) Settlement and Irrigation in the Balikh Valley, Syria from 3rd to the 1st Millennium B.C. A Preliminary View. IN: Lebeau, M. (ed), About Subartu. Studies Devoted to Upper Mesopotamia, Brepols, 151-70. Wilkinson, T. J. (1998a) Water and Human Settlement in the Balikh Valley, Syria: Investigations from 19921995. Journal of Field Archaeology, 25/1, 63-87. Wilkinson, T. J. (1999) Holocene Valley Fills of Southern Turkey and Northwestern Syria: Recent Geoarchaeologiacl Contributions. Quaternary Science Reviews, 18, 555-71. Wilkinson, T. J. (2003) Archaeological Landscapes of the Near East, The University of Arizona Press, Tuscon. Yakar, J. (1998) Environmental Factors Affecting Urbanization in Bronze Age Anatolia. IN: Westenholz, J. G. (ed), Capital Cities. Urban Planning and Spiritual Dimensions, Jerusalem: Bible Lands Museum Publications No. 2, 99-109.

Rosen, A. M. (1997) The Geoarchaeology of Holocene Environments and Land Use at Kazane Höyük, S.E. Turkey. Geoarchaeology: An International Journal, Vol. 12, No. 4, 395-416. Rosen, A. M. (1998) Early to Mid-Holocene Environmental Changes and Their Impact on Human Communities in Southeastern Anatolia. IN: Issar, A.S. and N. Brown (eds), Water, Environment and Society in Times of Climatic Changes, Kluwer Academic Publishers, Netherlands, 215-40. Rosen, A. M. and P. Goldberg. (1995) Paleoenvironmental Investigations. Anatolica, 21, 3237. Schlee, D. (1995) Paleobotanical Investigations. Anatolica, 21, 28-32. Shaowu, W. (2006) Abrupt Climate Change from Pre-Xia to Xia Dynasty and the Formation of Ancient Chinese Civilization. Advances in Climate Change Research 2006, 2 (Suppl. 1), 64-67. Staubwasser, M. and H. Weiss. (2006) Holocene Climate and Cultural Evolution in Late Prehistoric-Early Historic West Asia, Quaternary Research, in press. Wattenmaker, P. (1998) Household and State in Upper Mesopotamia, Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press. Wattenmaker, P. and A. Mısır. (1993) Kazane Höyük 1992. Kazı Sonuçları Toplantısı, XV/I, 177-192. Weiss, H. (1986) The Origins of Tell Leilan and the Conquest of Space in Third Millennium North Mesopotamia. IN: Weiss, H. (ed), The Origins of Cities in Dry-Farming Syria and Mesopotamia in the Third Millennium B.C., Connecticut, 71-108. Weiss, H. (1997) Late Third Millennium Abrupt Climate Changes and Social Collapse in West Asia and Egypt. IN: Dalfes, H.N, G. Kukla and H. Weiss (eds), Third Millennium BC Climate Change and Old World Collapse, NATO ASI Series, Vol. 149, Berlin, 71124. Weiss, H. (2000) Beyond the Younger Dryas: Collapse as Adaptation to Abrupt Climate Change in Ancient West Asia and the Eastern Mediterranean. IN: Bawden, G. and R. M. Reycrafts (eds), Environmental Disaster and the Archaeology of Human Response, Maxwell Museum of Anthropology, 75-95. Weiss, H. (2000a) Causality and Change: the Origins and Collapse of Third Millennium Mesopotamian Civilization”, IN: Rovault, O. and M. Wäfler (eds), La

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THE EFFECTS OF THE LATE THIRD MILLENNIUM BC CLIMATE CHANGE ON THE URBANISATION PROCESS

Fig 1. The Karababa and Urfa Plain Regions (Algaze 1999).

Fig 2. West Asian lake, marine and speleothem cores. Lake Van varve geochemistry, Gulf of Oman marine sediment geochemistry and Soreq Cave speleothem isotopes each document the 4.2 BP climate change event (Ristvet and Weiss 2005).

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Natural Factors that Affected the Ancient Period Settlements in Datca (Resadiye) Peninsula Assist. Prof. Dr. T. Levent Erel Istanbul University, Faculty of Education

The narrow, long and mountainous Datca-Bozburun Peninsula which is located in the Southwest of Anatolia, pushes into the Aegean Sea 93 kilometers, seperating the Aegean from the Mediterranean (Fig. 1). Beyond the central Hisaronu Peninsula, the main peninsula forms a fork, getting even narrower. The north tip of the fork is the Datca Peninsula with the Knidos (Tekirburnu) ancient town at the edge. The city centrum of Datca is placed on the graben in the middle of the peninsula. Marmaris city centrum is located on the watery fields of the Bozburun Peninsula which is the south tip.

the springs on the faults (Fig. 6) and the cisterns where the rain was collected (Fig. 7). There were also small water tanks in the houses similar to the ones that we use today. However the springs used to become weeker and even getting dry after the earthquakes. The traces in a cave above the Aphrodite Temple documents that there was a regular water flow. After this water source got dry in the Byzantian era, the temple had to be replaced (Bruns and Ozgan 202: 26-27).

The Relationship of Knidos Ancient Town with the Faults

Datca Peninsula is a high, horst field which is located between two bays that were formed after collapsions according to the general morphology. The Gokova fault in the north and the West Hellenic Arc in the south produced devastating earthquakes since the ancient times.

Earthquakes and Volcanism

Knidos ancient town which looks like an island, is located at the tip of the peninsula on the far west. The town is settled on the two curve system that lay on southwest-northeast direction. The curve on the main land forms the Knidos fault. The second curve which is parallel to the first one is the Deveboyu Peninsula, a former island which is connected to the land with a tombolo now (Strabon XIV: 2.15). The famous harbours of the city is on the hollow and shallow sea (Fig. 2). The slope on the fault at the mainland is covered with active rough-stone. There is a high risk of earthquakes in this area where the temples, theaters, main streets, marketplace, stoa and other social buildings were placed. After excavations, villa-like houses which were lined up on terraces were found on the hollowed block on the Deveburnu Peninsula. Near the harbours, gridiron planned settlement was enforced in the city where the houses were placed in a stepped way like a theater (Strabon XIV: 2.15; Love 1968: 133). There were terraces perpendicular to the fault in Knidos so as to decrease the devastation of the earthquakes. The loose material on the surface was cleared and after flattening the main rock, the spaces were filled with stone and sand for a harder surface. This solid ground used to decrease the effects of the shake as well as the devastation of the landslide and flood. The terraces where the monumental constructions were built dates 3rd and 2nd centuries B.C. and can be observed quite clear today. Although these taken precautions, the earthquakes did make huge demolitions in the region (Fig. 3-4). The traces of earthquakes and fires were observed in the temples, theater, main street and the houses (Ozgan 1997: 274) (Fig. 5).

The peninsula is surrounded by a volcanic island arc on the west with Istankoy (Kos), Incirliada (Nisyros) and Yali (Yiali) islands. The explosion in Istankoy 161.000 years before today had left many permanent traces in Datca (Piper and Perissoratis 2005: 316). The explosions of the Santorini Volcano in 1620 and 1450’s also affected the Southeastern Anatolia shores (Fig. 8-9). The Kos earthquake, which is one of the oldest earthquakes in the region in 413-412 B.C. has been devastating for the island. The earthquake in 366 B.C. has changed the structure of settlement in Datca Peninsula. The ancient town which is the Datca city centrum today has become weaker, while Knidos in Tekirburnu has become the new management and commercial center (Bean 1987: 165; Love 1968: 124). There was a huge earthquake in Rhodes that collapsed the famous Statue of Clossus in 227 B.C. while producing a tidal wave (Strabon XIV: 2.5) (Fig. 10). The damage of the earthquakes in the Roman period (142, 144, 148, 155, 240 and 243 A.D.) has been overcome with the help of the empire (Aksit 1985: 392). The earthquake in 365 damaged the temple where the Aphrodite Statue -the symbol of Knidos- was exhibited (Fig. 11). The earthquakes also weakened the water sources by changing the route of springs or even drying them. The water problem has started to grow with the increasing population and the solution has been found by building cisterns in the whealthy days of the Roman empire. The city was again affected by the devastating earthquake in 459 (Altunel, Stewart, et al. 2003: 137). The earthquakes that have occurred in the 5th and the 6th centuries tore down the monumental structures and the city has started to extinguish. Knidos was abondoned in the early 9th century where the Abbasid (or Arab) fleet raided the city (Bruns and Ozgan 2002: 26-27).

The Water Problem and the Cisterns Knidos was built on a field where there was no permanent water potential. There was no regular river in the city and its periphery. The water was supplied from 112

NATURAL FACTORS THAT AFFECTED THE ANCIENT PERIOD SETTLEMENTS IN DATCA (RESADIYE) PENINSULA The Fethiye Earthquake in 1957

Bibliography

This earthquake affected the Southeastern Anatolia, including Datca Peninsula, Marmaris, Teke Peninsula and Kalkan. The sismic activity was going on for a year. In 1956, July the 9th an earthquake of Crete origin shaked the region with two separate shocks within 13 minutes (M 7,8 and M 7). It is recorded that the sismic waves of 20 meter height had damaged the shores of the neighboring islands. On the night of April 27th, there was a prior earthquake at 09:30 P.M. The people living in Fethiye has been transported immediately. At 04:30 A.M. there was a huge wave which damaged all the buildings near the shore which were built on stuffed ground. The people of Datca stated that they also felt the earthquake where a few houses were collapsed and that they spent a few nights out in the gardens. The damaged houses were repaired by the government afterwards (Fig. 12-13).

Altunel, E., Stewart, I. S., Barka A. and Piccardi, L. (2003), Earthquake Faulting at Ancient Cnidus, SW Turkey. Turkish Journal of Earth Sciences, vol. 12, TUBITAK, 137-51. Bean, E.B. (1987) Karia. (Trans. B. Akguc), Cem Yayinevi, Istanbul. Bruns and Ozgan, C. (2002) Knidos Antik Kent Rehberi. Knidos’u Araştırma ve Geliştirme Derneği, Konya. Eyidoğan, H., Guclu, U., Utku, Z. and Degirmenci, E. (1991) Türkiye Büyük Depremleri Makro-Sisimik Rehberi (1900-1988). İstanbul Teknik Üniversitesi Maden Fakültesi Yayını, Istanbul. Love, I. C. (1968) Knidos Excavations in 1967, Türk Arkeoloji Dergisi, vol. XVI-1, Milli Eğitim Bakanlığı Eski Eserler ve Müzeler Genel Müdürlüğü Yayını, Ankara, 123-43. Ozgan, R. (1997) 1995 Knidos Kazıları Raporu, XVIII. Kazı Sonuçları Toplantısı-2. 27-31 Mayıs 1996, T. C. Kultur Bakanligi Yayini No: 1880, Ankara, 273-96. Ozgan, R., Ozgan C., Jenkins, I. and Mert H. (2002) 2000 Knidos Kazilari 23. Kazi Sonuclari Toplantisi vol: 2. cilt, 28 Mayis-1 Haziran, Ankara, T.C. Kultur Bakanligi Anitlar ve Muzeler Genel Mudurlugu Yayini No:2765/2, 351-64. Piper, G. P., Piper, D. J. W. and Perissoratis, C. (2005) Neotectonics and the Kos Plateau Tuff Eruption of 161. South Aegean Arc. Journal of Volcanology and Geothermal Research 139, 315-38. Starbon, Geographica (Cografya) (1981), trans. A. Pekman. Kitap: XIV. Bolum:II-VI, Istanbul Universitesi Edebiyat Fakultesi Yayini No: 2796, Istanbul.

In the 1957 earthquake 40 houses collapsed, 17 houses were badly damaged and 30 houses were partly damaged in Datca city center, while 79 houses collapsed, 222 houses were badly damaged and 310 houses were partly damaged in Marmaris city center. The 1957 earthquake affected Datca, Marmaris, Mugla, Koycegiz, Dalyan and Ortaca while the shakes were felt in Isparta, Burdur, Canakkale and Adana as well as Cyprus, Lebanon and Egypt (Eyidogan, Guclu, et al. 1991: 99-101). (*) The author would like to thank Aslihan Erkmen and Tolga Birkandan for their assistance.

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Fig. 1: Knidos (Tekirburnu) ancient city, with two harbors. Aegeahn Sea on the left and Mediterranean on the right.

Fig. 2: The harbors of the ancient site in Iskele Block.

Fig. 3: The surface of the Knidos fault.

Fig. 4: The fault near the theater with the downfall, Bodrum.

Fig. 6: The sulfurous lake in Ilica Region. The lake breeds from underground springs. Datca City Center.

Fig. 5: The small theater of Knidos where the earthquake destruction can be seen.

Fig. 7: Kizlan fault, the precipitate and the water tank.

Fig. 8: The area that Santorini Volcano has effected in 1470 B.C. 114

NATURAL FACTORS THAT AFFECTED THE ANCIENT PERIOD SETTLEMENTS IN DATCA (RESADIYE) PENINSULA

Fig. 9: A small hil which was formed by volcanic material, Datca-Knidos Route.

Fig. 10: The vault-based architecture in Rhodes, which was built in according to the earthquakes. The signs of destruction can be seen on the modifications of the keystone.

Fig. 11: The post-earthquake condition of the Temple of Aphroditw in Knidos (I.C. Love)

Fig. 12: General view in marmaris after the 1957 earthquake. Fig. 13: The earthquake residences.

(*) All the photos were taken by T. Levent Erel, except for those that are mentioned.

115

The Formal Analysis of Iznik Ceramics (15th - 16th Centuries) Aslihan Erkmen, Ph.D. Candidate Istanbul Technical University, Institute of Social Sciences, Department of Art History

forms according to their functions. Most of the forms and volumes are similar, almost standardized. In this paper, main forms were taken into consideration regardless of their dimensional differences. Some of the ceramic types like trays, tazzas, inkwells and pen cases are excluded from the study, since the number of samples survived until today is hardly enough to carry out and maintain a significant and realistic analysis. In this paper, Atasoy & Raby’s model of “Functional Classification” is taken into consideration (Atasoy and Raby 1989: 37-39).

Introduction The Turkish art of tile-making has a history going back to the days of Uighurs. First, the tiles were used to decorate the interior and exterior spaces of buildings. After the techniques have been improved, many special styles were formed in Anatolia and the art reached its perfection in the classical period of the Ottoman era. “Tile” and “ceramic” are two different words used for defining the same material. There are no differences between their doughs or preparation techniques. The main difference lies in their usage. Tiles are the wall ceramics which are used in decorating the architectural buildings such as mosques or houses, both by internal and external means. The word ceramic is a term taken directly from the western world and is used to define the pots crafted in tile technique. In the Ottoman records “Evani” was used instead of ceramics and “Kaşi” for tiles (Oney 1978: 78).

1.1. Pots that were used for Religious Purposes 1.1.1. Hanging Lamps (Kandil): They are vase-like pottery used for decorating the mosques and mausoleums (türbes). The pots are filled with oil and hung from the ceiling of the mosques or mausoleums by chains. 1.1.2. Hanging Balls: They are mostly egg shaped or spherical. They used to be hung over the hanging lamps on the same chain or sometimes separately. They are also named “mosque balls” or “ceramic eggs”

From the heritage of Seljuks and Timurids, Ottomans improved a unique, dense and effective style in Iznik ceramics. The inspiration of Chinese porcelains should not be forgotten though. New styles has started in Iznik workshops and spread all over Anatolia. For centuries, Iznik used to be the main ceramic center in the Ottoman period, producing many types of forms using various techniques. The dough, decoration, color palette and most of all the economic and artistic value make these ceramics unique and important objects of art. Iznik was very popular as a center of production until the 17th century. After the production in this town started to fade, Kutahya and Canakkale became new centers of tiles and ceramics.

1.1.3. Footed Basins: These large and deep, hemispheric pots with pedestals are thought to be used for ablution rituals. They are rather large and high (40-45 cm in diameter and 20-28 cm in height). 1.2. Food and Service Pots 1.2.1. Plates: They are the most widely manufactured items in Iznik workshops. There are many different kinds and shapes of plates from the 16th century. Tondinos (dated apprx. 1535), shallow plates (dated apprx. 1545), deep / hollow (çukur) plates without curled edges (dated apprx. 1530), wide-edged, flat plates (dated apprx. 1570), straight-edged, flat plates (dated apprx. 1535), standard plates (dated apprx. 1570), large service plates (dated apprx. 1510), deep / hollow plates with leaf-sliced edges (dated apprx. 1535) 1.2.2. Trays: Generally tray is a word used for large tinned copper pots that are used for the purposes of cooking or serving the food. They are mostly circular in shape. Those which are used for cooking are deeper than the service trays. Shallow plates without edges can also be defined as trays.

Within the context of this paper, only some significant samples are taken into consideration as they were able to reflect the formal, functional and decorational specialties. The technical specialties, like the ceramic dough and its components, the potter wheel, the coating, the glaze (Atasoy and Raby 1989: 49-61), the kiln-dry (Aslanapa, et al. 1989: 25-6), the color techniques (Henderson 1989: 67-8), styles and motifs (Birol and Derman 2001) were excluded. The main intention of this paper is to analyze the ceramics that reach today, by means of formal and functional relationship as well as decoration.

1.2.3. Bowls: The bowls as a product of Iznik ceramics present us extra-ordinary forms and dimensions. Surviving samples differ from each other, hinting that they might have been crafted upon special orders. Some of the bowls used to be covered and some had plates underneath (Atasoy 1997: 119).

1. The Form Types and Styles of Iznik Ceramics According to miniature paintings, document records and remained samples, it is apparent that there are numerous types and varieties of Iznik ceramics, but it is not easy to classify them where there is no certain size definition. Thus, it might be better to classify this large scale of

1.2.4. Tazzas (footed plates): Tazzas are unique Ottoman forms which are high-footed or footed shallow 116

THE FORMAL ANALYSIS OF IZNIK CERAMICS (15TH - 16TH CENTURIES) Paşa Mosque is the tallest in height with 49 cm (Atasoy and Raby 1989: 263, fig: 713)

plates, or shallow bowls. They are the most described objects in the miniatures among the other food and service sets (Fig. 1). Most are wide-edged, while some does not have edges. This type of pot has been produced in every phase of the Iznik ceramic art. The feet of the tazzaz are sometimes in medium height like the footed basins and in some samples they are very high. Both forms can be found around 1585 production (Atasoy and Raby 1989: 38, fig: 28).

2.1.1.1. The Style and Formal Analysis of Hanging Lamps In the early period, the hanging lamps were mostly in blue and white with calligraphic (hat) designs on the body and the neck. The body had to be large enough to keep the necessary amount of oil. The earliest samples can be compared with Memluk glass lamps while the later forms are similar to Ottoman style metalwork hanging lamps (Atasoy and Raby 1989: 263).

1.3. Liquid Pots (Pots with Cover) 1.3.1. Jugs and Tankards: Jugs are used for drinking liquids. They are mostly embossed in body with a slender neck and handles. Tankards have the same function as the jugs, but they have corners.

2.1.1.2. The Functional Analysis of Hanging Lamps The hanging lamps were used to illuminate the interiors of mosques and mausoleums. Despite the fact that the ceramic hanging lamps did not provide enough light for illuminating the interior, they were used as a means of decoration or it might be argued that they had a symbolic usage. It is also believed that both hanging lamps and balls were used for acoustic reasons. If they were placed over the main praying areas, they helped to dampen the echo (Atasoy and Raby 1989: 263).

1.3.2. Cups: Cups used to be named according to their functions or shapes in the records, like coffee cups. They don’t have handles and are used by holding them from their bottoms (Atasoy and Raby 1989: 34: fig: 7). 1.3.3. Ewers (ibrik), Carafes (sürahi) and Flasks: Ewers, carafes, and flasks are mostly long and slender necked objects, while there are some short and wide necked samples as well. A great majority of them have handles. They are used for storing liquids like water, juice, etc.

2.1.1.3. The Ornamental Analysis of Hanging Lamps There are specific designs on most of the hanging lamps. The size and position of the ornaments vary due to different composition trials. The group of hanging lamps from the mausoleum of Bayezid II, 1512 contains geometric bands on the necks, and big lotus flowers and rosettes can be noticed (Fig. 2). A significant sample (1549) is the one with the artist’s name on it: “Musli” (Fig. 3). The name is painted on the foot bracelet of the lamp -as well as the name of the orderer (Carswell 1998: 65).

1.4. Other Covered Pots 1.4.1. Jars: They are generally handleless pots which are used for storing dry food. They are modeled after Chinese samples. Wide and shallow footed, hollow bowl like jars are the significant objects dating from the 16th century. 1.4.2. Inkwells (hokka): These are small pots that look like miniature jars. They are used to store small amounts of ink, paint, medicine or in some cases, spices.

Hanging lamps are the only group that epitaphs (inscriptions) are used in big scales. Religious epitaphs like Koranic verses are very appropriate for the hanging lamps as they were used in mosques or mausoleums. This is also very significant as none of the other pots have such large epitaphs. (On the other hand, some samples do not have any calligraphy, which can be explained by the orders.)

1.4.3. Pen cases (kalemdan): Pen cases are ceramic objects, mostly in rectangular form, which are used for keeping pens and ink. 1.4.4. Candlesticks: Ceramic candlesticks are also very unique Ottoman forms like tazzas. Most of them are rather small than the ones encountered in the mosques or mausoleums, which leads us think that they were produced for domestic usage.

There are large and beautifully decorated hanging lamps in some special mosques like Suleymaniye Mosque in Istanbul. The size and the ornaments were carefully designed in order to underline the imperial importance of these locations. All the decoration instruments served towards the common goal of displaying the might and the greatness of the empire (Fig. 4).

2. The Formal Analysis of Some Specific Iznik Ceramics 2.1. Pots That Were Used For Religious Purposes

2.1.2. Hanging Balls 2.1.1. Hanging Lamps There are 25 known hanging lamps remained from the 16th century. The oldest one is the lamp in the mausoleum of Bayezid II, dated 1512. Most of the early period hanging lamps are rather small in size (22-28 cm in height) and reflect the style of Memluk hanging lamps which are made up of glass. The hanging lamps start to become taller by 1522. A sample from Sokullu Mehmet

2.1.2.1. The Style and Formal Analysis of Hanging Balls The hanging balls are circular, ball or egg-shaped forms which are generally used associated with hanging lamps. 2.1.2.2. The Functional Analysis of Hanging Balls The hanging balls function similar to the hanging lamps. 117

SOMA 2007 There is calligraphy (hat) or verses of Koran on some of them. This may be because these ceramics are found in association with hanging lamps and they were mostly placed in mosques or mausoleums. Another point regarding their functions is that they protect the oil inside the hanging lamps from the rats (which crawl down from the chains and drink the oil) by creating a circular, slippery base with their special forms (Atasoy and Raby 1989: 41).

The beauty in their ornaments might be a sign of their being produced for distinguished people on special orders; because both the interior and exterior sides of the footed basins used to be decorated. 2.2. Plates Plates are the most produced items in Iznik tile workshops. There are myriads of kinds and shapes of plates from the 16th century. The plates can also be observed deeply through from the miniatures and document records, as well as by analyzing the intact samples. The depth of a pot increases in proportion to its diameter.

2.1.2.3. The Ornamental Analysis of Hanging Balls The hanging balls with epitaphs should be the ones that were used combined with hanging lamps in religious spaces (Fig. 5). Others might be used for some decorational purposes.

2.2.1. The Style and Formal Analysis of Plates The plates have many different forms due to the variety of needs. Most common ones are the standardized plates which are rather shallow with an edge curving out. Their large size is very useful for keeping food. The standard forms enable them to be stored easily. The reason of the variation of forms may be the differentiation of the orders. The competition with the Chinese porcelains may also be the effect as the potter used to imitate these pots (Fig. 7).

2.1.3. Footed Basins (Bowls with Pedestal Foot) Footed basins are mistaken with tazzas mostly, but they are different and bigger in form. The basins and ewers were among the major objects in the Turkish houses before the water-circulation system was put into operation, also owing to the fact that they were the instruments of religious rituals. 2.1.3.1. The Style and Formal Analysis of Footed Basins The footed basins are bowls like pots with a short foot. As the Iznik ceramic forms generally made in order to accommodate special orders, it can be said that the differences in size occurred due to the changes in the commissioner’s needs or tastes.

2.2.2. The Functional Analysis of Plates The largest plates were probably used in big feasts as a meat server. Some plates were known to be used together with some other objects such as bowls, cups or other liquid pots. These pots are defined with units (adet) and segments (kıt’a) in the documents. The sets were called as kıt’atan (Atasoy and Raby 1989: 43). Especially in the feasts, the pots with food or liquid inside cannot be placed on the ground without a plate under them (Fig. 8).

2.1.3.2. The Functional Analysis of Footed Basins It is generally believed that the footed basins were used for prestigious reasons in the Ottoman period. But their real function remains obscure because of the lack of definite information on the matter. As they were found alongside the ewers, the idea of them being a set becomes more reasonable. The ewers are used for ritual ablusions so that the footed basins may be the pot for the water (Fig. 6). Their being registered in the Palace Records arouses the possibility of them being used for ritual ablusions by the palace denizens (Atasoy and Raby 1989: 42). The inscriptions that are observed on some of the footed basins also strengthen the idea of them being used for religious purposes.

2.2.3. The Ornamental Analysis of Plates Plate used to be the best pot for the designer as it has a flat surface for decoration. We can see almost every style of the Iznik art of ceramics on the plates. The relation between form and ornaments is basic: The plates are formed of the center (the bottom part inside the plate), the high sides around, the edges and the exterior part. The designer has enough space to apply the motifs and every style has its own tradition for decorating the plate. The inside of the plate is generally decorated more than the exterior part. This may be because the plates being a sign of wealth and often displayed in the houses rather than used in daily life (Fig. 9).

2.1.3.3. The Ornamental Analysis of Footed Basins The painstaking details of the ornaments on footed basins urges brings to mind the possibility that they were symbols of prestige in the Ottoman period, and belonged to distinguished people only. Different styles from different periods can be noticed on these ceramics. In the 16th century, various styles are used on them by combining different elements from almost every style (Atasoy and Raby 1989: 106-7).

2.3. Liquid Pots (and Pots with Cover) 2.3.1. Jugs (bardak) and Tankards (maşrapa) Jugs are the most used liquid pots. They have swollen bodies with slender necks and handles while tankards are more geometric and straight in form. Jugs remained almost the same during the 15th and 16th centuries, except for the length of the neck and proportional variety. The tankards that reached today mostly date back to the second half of the 16th century (Atasoy and Raby 1989: 45).

After multi-colored motifs became popular in the 16th century, a new ornamental style containing plant-figure decoration was formed. Cobalt blue, turquoise, sage green, greenish black and purple were the most used colors. 118

THE FORMAL ANALYSIS OF IZNIK CERAMICS (15TH - 16TH CENTURIES) gilt mounts on them. The body ornaments reflect the period’s major styles (Fig. 12). The Chinese impact on the Iznik ceramics can be observed most prominently on the flasks.

2.3.1.1. The Style and Formal Analysis of Jugs and Tankards Cylindrical tankards are straight sided with cornered / angled handles. They are thought to be derived from leather or wooden samples of the former civilizations. The basic forms that were used in Iznik ceramics generally came from common types which were used in various art environments in the Ottoman period. The various forms of objects that were produced by different cultures in Anatolia inspired the Iznik ceramics (Atasoy and Raby 1989: 277).

2.4. Other Pots 2.4.1. Jars The jars can be seen in the Ottoman miniatures as pots that are used for storing food. They exist since the end of the 15th century. They are almost standardized through the years, only some slight changes with the dimensions.

2.3.1.2. The Functional Analysis of Jugs and Tankards The main function of the jugs and tankards are their being used for drinking liquids. As they are not very big in size, they cannot be used in storing liquids like carafes. Probably they were used for drinking water or sherbet (juice). Their having handles makes us think that they were also used for handling hot beverages like sahlep, tea or else.

2.4.1.1. The Style and Formal Analysis of Jars Jars were generally handleless pots which were said to be the copies of the Chinese samples. They were wide and shallow footed, hollow bowl-like objects with or without lids. Some had handles, some did not and some of them even had double handles. At the end of the 16th century, the jars were produced in the form of a deep bowl with wide and shallow foot. Most of them had lids. Besides them there were storing jars with a large volume, which are called martaban (Atasoy and Raby 1989: 47).

2.3.1.3. The Ornamental Analysis of Jugs and Tankards In jugs and tankards, many ornamental styles were used. From 1540 to 1550 there was a multi-colored period of Iznik ceramics art. Sometimes covers / lids and metal ornaments can be seen on jugs and tankards. As samples with lids or samples that were decorated with metal didn’t come down to us in many pieces, it is hard to draw a conclusion whether they were lost or they used to be produced in two different types. The ornaments generally reflect the style specialties of the period. The daily used objects such as jugs or plates have some style differences due to the new methods and ornament types tried by the masters (Figs. 10-11).

2.4.1.2. The Functional Analysis of Jars In the miniature paintings, jars and vessels can be seen as storage units (Fig. 13). They must have been used for storing dry fruit or other dry food. The theory can be counted as realistic as most of them had lids. 2.4.1.3. The Ornamental Analysis of Jars Jars were the very rare samples which still kept the traditional style even after it has been left (Atasoy and Raby 1989: 47). They were rather large in size, so the figures could be applied easily. Most jars were the samples of the blue-and-white ceramics with a Chinese porcelain effect.

2.3.2. Ewers (ibrik), Carafes and Flasks (sürahi) The early samples of the ewers were shorter in height. By the half of the 16th century, they started to become taller while their bodies got more swollen. Carafes were generally without lids, but with handles. Flasks could be found in many different forms, mostly with a spout.

2.4.2. Candlesticks Ceramic candlesticks were among the unique pieces -like tazzas. Most of them were rather small than the ones seen in mosques or mausoleums, which makes us think that they were manufactured for in-house usage. They used to be produced according to special orders in the Iznik ceramic workshops. The metal candlesticks were very popular for ages. Ceramic candlesticks are said to be inspired by these former metal samples and they were made-to-order (Fig. 14).

2.3.2.1. The Style and Formal Analysis of Ewers, Carafes and Flasks Bottles, ewers, carafes, flasks are liquid pots. Most of them have long and slender necks with spouts. The spout is useful for pouring the liquid from the pot and it also prevents the liquid from outer factors. Both ewer and carafe groups have handles that enable them to be carried easily.

2.4.2.1. The Style and Formal Analysis of Candlesticks The candlesticks with a pedestal in the form of a large bell has reached today in very small numbers. The Islamic effect can be observed in the form of design as well as the metal handwork effect.

2.3.2.2. The Functional Analysis of Ewers, Carafes and Flasks These objects were used for storing large amounts of liquids, like water, sherbet (juice) or ayran. The lids prove this theory, as they were probably used to keep the liquid safe from outer factors like dust, flies, etc.

2.4.2.2. The Functional Analysis of Candlesticks As the name of the objects imply, they are used for holding candles. The bigger ones were used for illuminating the interior of mosques and mausoleums. The rather small ones were used for domestic purposes.

2.3.2.3. The Ornamental Analysis of Ewers, Carafes and Flasks They are “liquid pots with lids”. They used to have metal119

SOMA 2007 The form and function relation is still indefinite for the surviving ceramic candlesticks (Atasoy and Raby 1989: 47-48).

while the figurative effort became less than before. The Iznik ceramics comprised within this paper show the advanced technological level by means of ceramic production in the Ottoman period between 15th and 16th centuries while supplying a general point of view into the Ottoman art from design and form & function relationship aspects. Besides it can be said that through the ceramics export, the Ottoman economy afforded the local art and architecture progress.

2.4.2.3. The Ornamental Analysis of Candlesticks Some of the candlesticks bear the verses of Koran on them as they were used as decorational items in mosques or mausoleums. Conclusion

(*) The author would like to thank Tolga Birkandan and Baris E. Alkim for their valuable contributions.

The formal analysis of Iznik ceramics was an interesting point of view to this magnificent art as the forms could open new research areas to the spectator. The heritage of former cultures in Anatolia was met very often. For instance, hanging lamps were the continuation of Memluk hanging lamps, the candlesticks were the more decorated samples of the bronze Seljuk mosque candlesticks. Some forms like tazzas must have been produced with special orders and became very popular afterwards.

Bibliography Altun, Ara, Sadberk Hanım Müzesi Koleksiyonu Iznik Çini ve Seramikleri, P Sanat Kültür Antika, vol: 14, Istanbul, Summer 1999. Aslanapa, Oktay, Yetkin, Şerare and Altun, Ara, Iznik Çini Fırınları Kazısı II. Dönem 1981-1988, Tarihi Araştırmalar ve Dokümantasyon Merkezleri Kurma ve Geliştirme Vakfı, İstanbul, 1989. Atasoy, Nurhan and Raby, Julian, Iznik Seramikleri, Alexandria Press, London, 1989. Atasoy, Nurhan, 1582, Surname-i Humayûn, An Imperial Celebration, Me-Pa Medya Pazarlama A.Ş., İstanbul, 1997. Birol, İnci and Derman, Çiçek, Motifs in Turkish Decorative Arts, Kubbealtı Neşriyatı, İstanbul, 2001. Carswell, John, Iznik Pottery, British Museum Press, London, 1998. Henderson, Julian, “Teknik Açıdan Iznik Seramikleri”, Iznik Seramikleri, Alexandria Press, London, 1989, 64-8. Mahir, Banu, Osmanlı Minyatür Sanatı, Kabalcı Yayınevi, 2005. Oney, Gönül, Turkish Tile Art, Yapı ve Kredi Bankası, İstanbul, 1976. Oney, Gönül, Anadolu Selçuklu Mimarisinde Süsleme ve El Sanatları, Türkiye İş Bankası Kültür Yayınları, Ankara, 1978. Pasinli, Alpay and Balaman, Saliha, Turkish Tiles and Ceramics Çinili Köşk, A Turizm Yayınları ve İstanbul Arkeoloji Müzeleri, İstanbul, Temmuz 1991.

The empire orders and the taste of the palace people, as well as the sultan, might be the reason of production of some unique pots. Most of the times, a reasonable connection between form and function could be observed, and through the Iznik ceramics, information on life styles, daily needs and artistic taste of the period can also be gained. The Iznik ceramics is known to have been exported to numerous places. In the mid 15th century, a real Anatolian ceramic art was spurred by creative Ottoman enthusiasm and direct support from the Palace. Europe responded the Iznik ceramics not only by buying, but also by imitating them. In the 17th century, the Italians produced maiolica reflecting the blue-and-white effect and the helezoni tuğrakeş style also became popular imitations. The support and partonage of Mehmet II (The Conquerer) and Suleyman I (The Magnificent) helped the Iznik potters to develop new styles while improving the forms and figures. When the support of the palace decreased in the beginning of 17th century, the Iznik potters were effected economically. The form types remained the same

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Figure 1: Tazzas in “Lala Mustafa Pasha’sbanquet to the army officers in Izmit”, Nusretname, 1584, Topkapi Sarayi Museum Library H. 1365, f. 34b (Photo: Mahir 2005: Fig: 23)

Figure 2: The hanging lamps of the Tomb of Bayezid II, Istanbul (Pasinli and Balaman 1991, 10)

Figure 3: The hanging lamp with the artist’s signature “Musli” is painted on the foot bracelet of the lamp -as well as the name of the orderer, British Museum, London (Atasoy and Raby 1989: Fig: 355)

Figure 4: The hanging lamp in Suleymaniye Mosque, Istanbul (Atasoy and Raby 1989: Fig: 713)

Figure 5: The hanging lamp with calligraphy (Cinili Kosk, Istanbul) and a hanging ball with similar decoration (Walters Art Gallery, Baltimore) (Atasoy and Raby 1989: Figs: 305-306)

Figure 6: Prophet Mohammed is in ritual ablusions with a basin-ewer set, Siyer-i Nebi, ca. 1595, Topkapi Sarayi Museum Library H. 1222, f. 170b (detail) (Atasoy and Raby 1989: 42, Fig: 35)

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Figure 7: Blue-White plate with Chinese cloud motifs, Museum of Turkish and Islamic Arts, Istanbul (Aslihan Erkmen’s archive)

Figure 8: A detail from a feast, Shahname-i Firdevsi, ca. 1600, Topkapi Sarayi Museum Library, H. 1486, f. 329b (Atasoy and Raby 1989: 34, Fig: 11)

Figure 10: Jug, ca. 1520, Sadberk Hanim Museum, Istanbul (Atasoy and Raby 1989: Fig: 301) Figure 9: Vase-figured dish, British Museum, London (Carswell 1998: Fig: 53)

Figure 12: The golden horn ware flask, British Museum, London (Carswell 1998: 49)

Figure 11: Tankard, ca. 1550, Gulbenkian Foundation, Lisbon (Atasoy and Raby 1989: Fig: 362)

Figure 13: Grocery store, Cami’s Baharistan, 1595-1603, Topkapi Sarayi Museum Library H. 1344, f. 415b (detail) (Atasoy and Raby 1989: Fig: 9)

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Figure 14: Candlestick decorated in Baba Nakkas Style, British Museum, London (Carswell 1998: 35)

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The “Goddess from Beyond the Sea”: Iconographical analysis and interpretation of a group of narrative scenes involving female divinities in Minoan-Mycenaean Glyptic Konstantinos Galanakis PhD Ancient History and Archaeology, University of Birmingham, Birmingham, United Kingdom Institute of Archaeology and Antiquity

resembling a shrine probably with a part of a surrounding wall (perivolos) as well. Two small omphaloi on the upper right side and rocks on the lower right side may imply the indication of the ground line before the main representation. In the centre and on the left of the bezel, there is the representation of a ship with a prow shaped like the head of a “Babylonian dragon” and a stern like a bunch of papyrus branches. On the ship from the right to the left, a female figure is seated with her left hand bent like a farewell gesture. A two-storey cabin resembling a shrine with a tree with tufts of leaves growing from its inside, is placed in the interior of the ship.2 On the upper part of the bezel, what appear to be a “sacred heart” motif and a short pillar are also represented. A part of a rudimentary architectural-decorative latticework is represented on the lower part of the bezel.3 The representation on the Mochlos ring is unique in terms that it presents with a simple but clear way almost everything about the Minoan religious iconography. Religious architectural and decorative elements are represented all together and in relation to the representation of the female “goddess” in an excellent manner.

Introduction The present paper refers to the unique combination in glyptic iconography of the Minoan “goddess” with the sea element. It is a peculiar combination indeed, but it is intriguing in terms that the close-knit relationship of the Minoans with the Aegean sea provided the basis where innovative religious beliefs developed and gradually expanded forming a multifaceted female divinity. This divinity is eventually portrayed as the protectress of the Minoan thalassocracy, meaning the Minoan ruling of the seas. The “goddess” is often represented in connection to ships on seals, sealings and metal finger rings and she is recognised as a specific iconographic type. Seagoing ships are represented in glyptic and is not coincidental the fact that those ships often carry high masts, many oars, helms, rams, bulwarks and sometimes storied cabins. The Middle Minoan II-III “talismanic” class of seals presents an early gallery of schematic but nevertheless very clearly represented ships.1 A clay model of a ship from Agia Triada in the Messara plain is clearly equipped with a hold and a bridge deck. With their high prows and strong keels, those ships could easily avoid the dangers of the high seas. The development of harbours on the south and east coast of Crete, at Matala, Kommos, Ierapetra, Zakros and Palaikastro provided quick connection with Egypt and Near East. The circumnavigation of the island itself was equally familiar to the Minoans: it seems to have started from Knossos and eastwards with intermediary stops at Mallia, Pseira and Mochlos.

b) Amygdaloid anthracite-coloured sealstone made of steatite from Makrygialos, Crete (CMS V Suppl. 1A, no. 55) (fig. 2).4 This is a differentiated representation in basic points. A number of ridges appear on the body of the ship which may imply a decorative pattern or oars. The structure resembling a “shrine” is indicated by a gross latticework. The lack of any rudimentary architectural structure emphasizes the fact that the structure was portable, probably a type of an altar. Possibly it derives from the simplistic rendering of the overall representation on the bezel which is also evident on the representation of the tree and the rendering of the female figure.

1. Minoan sealstones, sealings and finger rings The “Goddess from beyond the sea” subject appears on the intaglios of sealstones, sealings and finger rings from Crete and the Greek mainland. Their iconographic details are analysed in relation to this subject. All the glyptic pieces in this paper are mentioned according to the Corpus der minoischen und mykenischen Siegel (CMS) catalogue series.

c) Gold ring from Amnissos or Poros near Knossos in Crete (Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, ΑΜ 1938.1129) (fig.3): From the left to the right of the bezel, a pithos or a shield in a three-quarter view is represented on the left. A frontal female figure is seated with her right arm touching her breast and her left hand bent. A male figure is standing on her right with his right hand outstretched. On the centre of the bezel and rightwards, there is the representation of a ship with five schematic rowers, a

a) Gold ring from Mochlos, Crete (Tomb IX) (CMS II 3, no. 252) (fig. 1): The ring is known today only from an electrum copy in the Herakleion Museum in Crete. It belongs to the Late Minoan IB period. On the right side of the bezel, a part of a structure is represented

2

(Younger 1988: 305, Type 6). (Younger 1988: 321; Sourvinou-Inwood, Ch. 1973: 149-158, Type 4a). 4 (Davaras 1976: 327, fig. 189). 3

1

(Onassoglou 1985: 28-35).

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THE “GODDESS FROM BEYOND THE SEA” steersman on the left and an additional male figure probably seated near the prow on the right. The central part of the ship is decorated with zigzag irregular lines. On the ship, a small female figure is floating in the air and seems to be waving at someone or something. Her posture is reminiscent of the “epiphany of the divinity” scenes in glyptic.5 Small objects shaped like omphaloi are hovering on the right. Beneath the ship, what appear to be three dolphins are also represented.6

a female figure on the right and a taller male figure on her left side seem to be waving at each other. The female figure seems to be ready to embark the ship. From the centre and rightwards, on a ship with a mast, a male figure is standing on the prow on the left and a steersman is standing next to him. Three rowers on the right side are seated under a vaulted structure which appears to be richly decorated. Dolphins are represented under the ship.9 The representation has been interpreted as an abduction scene which covers more than half the bezel of the ring but this requires further research.10

d) Clay seal-impression from Agia Triada in Crete (CMS II 6, no. 20) (fig. 4): It belongs to the Late Minoan IB period. The representation is difficult to identify. The style is quite rough and sketchy or it is the result of the bad impression of the seal. The figure with the summary outline depicted inside the ship may be hybrid (birdlike) and not necessarily female and it refers to the almost contemporaneous representations of monstrous figures known from the Kato Zakros sealings (CMS ΙΙ 7, nos. 127, 137).7 Indicative is only the representation of the ship with its conventionally depicted stern formed like a Babylonian dragon.

1.2. Miscellaneous representations on seals g) Amygdaloid sealstone allegedly from Thebes (CMS I Suppl., no. 167): A small ship with stern and prow is represented with an integrated cabin on the right side. The prow is shaped like a bunch of branches. Inside, the rough design may imply human figures, possibly sailors. h) Lentoid sealstone of unknown provenance (CMS V1, no. 184): On the right side of the intaglio, a design of what appears to be a small ship is sketchily represented. On the right, the very rough designs may imply human figures (sailors) and possibly birds.

e) Gold ring, the so-called “Ring of Minos”, allegedly from Crete (fig. 5): Today it is considered to be a forgery. The representation of the ship and the “goddess” is placed at the centre of the bezel and below, rendered in a relief latticework which may imply a sea landscape but may be also connected to the rest of the iconographic elements of the representation in general. It is unconnected though to the rest of the thematography of the ring and therefore problematic. It does not present innovative elements except for the fact that the “goddess” is standing in an upright position on the ship and she is rowing by herself. The two architectural structures inside the ship are rendered artistically stilted for the time. The same can be applied on the case of the “Babylonian dragon” figure on the stern which is not reminiscent in any case of other known similar representations (e.g. the Mochlos ring). Because of its disputable authenticity, the ring will not be examined further.8

1.3. Evaluation of the iconography and conclusion Most of the representations mentioned above lead to the assumption that the appearance of a single female figure seated in the interior of a ship was not accidental. The Minoans had a long history depicting solitary female figures in many different contexts either in relation to nature, rocky landscapes and animals or in relation to seafaring.11 The Minoan thalassocracy possibly required the presence of a single divinity, a female divinity in particular, as it was the norm during the Minoan times. This divinity, the so-called “Goddess from the sea”, was probably worshipped in specific rituals before or during important sea travels and expeditions faraway. There is a possibility that the iconographical schema of the “Goddess from the sea” may have implied the formation of a prehistoric, mainly Minoan mythology, where the “Goddess”, dressed in the Minoan formal attire with the flounced skirt and the open bodice, sailed with a mythical ship ready to inaugurate her cult in new places far beyond and following specific rituals. It was the period when the Minoans ruled the Aegean establishing colonies and new trade points. It was then that their religious beliefs involving the female divinity who ruled and subdued the nature and its forces was spread across the Aegean sea and beyond. The arrival of the “Goddess” from different parts of the universe and the introduction of a new cult in new territories may be interpreted in a way by the trading activities of the Minoans during a time when the Minoan civilisation reached its apex in the Neopalatial period. The tradition refers to the maritime enterprises of king Minos which were probably combined more or less with

1.1. Mycenaean finger rings f) Gold ring from the Tiryns Treasure from Peloponnese in the Greek mainland (CMS I, no. 180) (fig. 6): It belongs to the Late Helladic II-III period. A square structure like an entrance to a building is represented on the left side of the bezel, inside of which a male and a female figure seem to be facing each other and waving goodbye. The male figure is placing his hand on the shoulder of the female figure. Further left towards the end of the representation, three buildings, probably indicating a town, are settled upon rocks. On the centre of the bezel, 5

(Galanakis 2005: 87-9). (Evans 1928: 250, fig. 147b and Evans 1935: 953, fig. 923; Alexiou 1958: 1-5; Younger 1988: 140). 7 (For the detailed catalogue of the Kato Zakros sealings, see Pini, Platon and Müller 1998; For the possible existence and the identification of a single seal-engraver who rendered the seals from Kato Zakros, the so-called “Zakros Master”, see Weingarten 1986). 8 (Platon 1984: 65-9). 6

9

(Younger 1988: 140; Evans 1928: 245, fig. 142). (Karouzou 1999: 41, n. 6209). 11 (Galanakis 2005: 107-11). 10

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SOMA 2007 the establishing of colonies in the Aegean. Excavations revealed the Minoan presence and the existence of Minoan settlements at Melos (Phylakopi), Thera (Akrotiri), Keos, Skopelos (Staphylos), Kythera, Rhodes (Trianda) and Karpathos. It was a period when religion covered all the aspects of everyday life and ritual was redundant and performed meticulously. Rituals dedicated to the female goddess may have been performed before, during and even after important sea journeys and the establishing of new trade points and colonies. The redundant presence of the “Goddess from the sea” provided the appropriate religious background where the trading and the seafaring activities of the Minoans took place and evolved in the Aegean for centuries.

2. The survival of the “Goddess from the sea” subject in Greek historical times The survival of the “Goddess from the sea” subject in the Greek historical times can by attested by a peculiar representation, a graffiti, on a plastered wall in the island of Delos in Greece, found in connection with a Late Classical archaeological context (fig. 8).13 A tall female figure dressed in a long garment in the Minoan fashion is standing upright in a small ship holding what appear to be rays of light in her right outstretched arm. On the same plastered wall, there are also two additional sketches of Egyptian ships which seem to have been constructed of papyrus.

The Mycenaean survivals of the subject are not numerous which suggests that it may have not been quite popular in mainland Greece. The “Goddess from the sea” is not represented alone in a ship any more and additional activities seem to be taking place in the scenes. Isolated examples like the representation on the Tiryns ring (CMS I, no. 180) (fig. 6) have been interpreted as scenes of a mythological nature which may belong to the formation of the early Greek epic tradition and the seafaring adventures of the Achaeans. Thematically, it refers to the gold ring from Amnissos in Oxford (fig. 3) and the earlier Middle Cycladic (ca. 1650 BC) “Flotilla” miniature wallpainting from the West House (Room 5, south wall) at Akrotiri, Thera, which has long been considered as the best representation of ships in the Aegean (fig. 7). It is undoubtedly the work of a Minoan artist or group of artists. In spite of the festive atmosphere of the overall representations, there is a basic difference: the ships on the east part of the Akrotiri fresco are equipped with warlike accessories like emblems with wild beasts and armour pieces (shields, helmets and spears). The arrival of the fleet on the west part of the fresco, summons the population to the harbour and above the terraces of buildings -indicating a town, as is the case in the Tiryns ring. The architecture of the buildings, many corniced with double axes, and the topographical elements imply that the activities portrayed on the fresco may have actually taken place in a town in the Aegean, possibly Akrotiri itself. The naturalistic approach of the fresco painter and the detailed rendering of the figures and the landscape could be regarded as one of the earliest pieces of cartography in Europe, if not in the whole world.12 The minimalist approach on the iconography of the Tiryns ring does not provide us with many details about the subject but the artistry of the piece is excellent. It is highly probable that the scene on the ring could portray only an isolated episode of an “epic” story involving the narration of a larger-scale mythological event. From this point of view the representations on the Tiryns ring and the Akrotiri fresco are closely related and may equally portray similar events.

2.1. Evaluation of the iconography and conclusion The case of the particular representation from Delos is so peculiar that it might have been better if we considered it as merely accidental. If this is the case, probably it is clearly coincidental as far as the choice of the medium on which it was engraved is concerned, and there is no other parallel in the Greek area. It is connected with the sacred deposit of the 8th century BC. building, perhaps an older temple, behind the later temple of Artemis in Delos. The deposit contained mixed materials from various periods and the pottery and the small finds are all dated in the Late Bronze Age. Maybe they suggest the existence of a Mycenaean structure of unknown typology which survived somehow until it was replaced by the building of the 8th century BC.14 The representation is equally problematic as it will be analysed next. Maybe it represents the prehellenic goddess Leto or a variation of the goddess, the mother of god Apollo and the goddess Artemis. It may also represent the prehellenic female divinity Britomartys (“Sweet Maiden”) which was later identified with the mythological cycle connected to Artemis. Britomartys was originally an epithet of the Minoan goddess who personified nature. Her cult developed on the north and west coast of Crete and was later expanded to Delos, where the celebration of the “Βριταμάρτια” honouring the goddess, were taking place. According to the Greek mythology, the sea is presented as a central element in the adventures of Britomartys: the nymph-goddess, hunted by the love-stricken king Minos, falls into the sea but she is eventually rescued by Andromedes, a sailor who leads her to Aegina where the goddess establishes her new cult originally as “Aphaia” (the invisible one). Both Leto and Britomartys obviously seem to ascribe a Minoan or Mycenaean identity to the island of Delos during the Bronze Age. The Mycenaean presence on the island of Delos is evidenced by important buildings around the central port (Μegaron, Temple Γ, old Temple of Artemis). Possibly they provide evidence for places and expressions of the 13

(Gallet de Santerre and Tréheux 1947-1948: 148-254; Gallet de Santerre 1958). 14 (Levi 1991: 45-6).

12

(Morgan 1988: 155-165, pls. 120-145, 159-161, 168-179, 189; Christopoulos and Bastias 1994: 120-3, 314 and pls. 114-116).

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THE “GODDESS FROM BEYOND THE SEA” cult of the ancient female goddess of the Bronze Age and the Minoan times. With the appearance of the Ionian populations from mainland Greece and their gradual settlement on the Aegean islands, the cultic character of the island of Delos changed its nature. The older Mycenaean cults gave the priority to myths surrounding the Greek new god, Apollo, and his mother, Leto, or they were variations of earlier divinities. I assume that somewhere between all these points, a kind of religious syncretism exists: the Greek mythology refers to the attempt of the Titaness Leto, hunted by the envy of goddess Hera, who finally gives birth to Apollo over a wandering piece of rock which floats on the sea. Her promise that her newly born son fathered by Zeus will never abandon the place where he saw the light for the first time, the direct identification of Apollo with light (as an abstract notion) immediately after his birth, transformed the wandering island from Adelos (meaning invisible) to Delos (meaning visible) which acquired solid foundations tied in the sea bottom with diamond chains. This cosmogonic approach was probably introduced in the turn of the 1st millennium BC by the Ionian populations who initially confronted the already existent cults of the island and they assimilated some of their characteristics. The omnipotent goddess Hera pursues Leto, a prehellenic divinity of an Anatolian (Lycian) origin, and forces her to assume the secondary role of the mother of the ruling god in the newly constructed Greek pantheon. The case of Artemis (or Britomartys) is quite similar: her cult in Delos was probably earlier than that of Apollo and is connected to the prehellenic MotherGoddess. After the birth of Apollo she becomes simply his sister. This can be regarded as a good example of the process during which the Bronze Age cults gradually changed their character and became part of the Greek religion of the Geometric and Archaic periods. The crystallized personality of Leto as a goddess of nature, the “Mother Goddess” who gives birth to the god of light, certainly suited to the notion of the omnipotent prehistoric goddess who was identified with the cult of nature and the reproductive cycle of life, certainly familiar since the Minoan period and its Mycenaean survivals. These attributes equally refer to Britomartys, originally a prehellenic Cretan divinity, whose cult developed in Delos and strongly suggests the elements of sea and nature. It is highly probable that the new inhabitants of Delos from Ionia altered early some characteristics of the divinity (or divinities) –not without difficulty- and the cult continued well through the historic times. The relation of Leto and Britomartys to the water element and the wandering on the seas refer to earlier representations of the so-called Minoan “Goddess from beyond the sea”.

innovative characteristics of a historic –and not prehistoric- goddess belonging to the Greek historical times and the context of the Hellenic mythology. Bibliography Alexiou, S. (1958) “Ο δακτύλιος της Οξφόρδης”. IN Grumach, E. ed., Minoica. Festschrift zum 80. Geburtstag von Johannes Sundwall. Deutsche Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin. Schriften der Sektion für Altertumswissenschaften, 12. Akademie Verlag, Berlin, 1-5. Christopoulos, G. A. and Bastias, I. K. eds. (1994) Ελληνική Τέχνη. Η Αυγή της Ελληνικής Τέχνης. Vol. I, Εκδοτική Αθηνών A. E., Athens. Davaras, C. (1976) Guide to Cretan Antiquities. Noyes Press, Park Ridge. Evans, A. (1928) The Palace of Minos, Vol. II. Part I: Fresh lights in origins and external relations. The restoration of town and palace after seismic catastrophe towards the close of MM II and the beginning of a new era. Part II: Town houses in Knossos and the new era and restored west palace section with its state approach. Mac Millan and Co., Ltd., London. Evans, A. (1935) The Palace of Minos Vol. IV. Part I: Middle Minoan artistic and religious life: chryselephantine «Lady of Sports», «Snake Room» and full story of the cult. Late Minoan ceramic evolution and «Palace Style». Part II: «Campstool» Fresco. Long-robed priests and beneficent Genii. Chryselephantine Boy-God and ritual hair-offering. Intaglio types, MM III-LM I. Late hoards of sealings. Deposits of inscribed tablets and the palace stores. Linear B script and its mainland extension. Closing palatial phase: «Room of the Throne» and final catastrophe with epilogue on the discovery of «Ring of Minos» and «Temple Tomb». Mac Millan and Co., Ltd., London. Galanakis, K. (2005) Minoan Glyptic. Typology, Deposits and Iconography (from the Early Minoan Period to the Late Minoan IB destruction in Crete). British Archaeological Reports, International Series, S1442, Oxford, BAR Publishing. Gallet de Santerre, H., and Tréheux, J. (1947-1948) “Rapport sur le Dépot Egéen et Géométrique de L’Artémision a Délos”. Bulletin de correspondance hellenique (BCH) 71/72, 148-254. Gallet de Santerre, H. (1958) Délos primitive et archaique. Écoles françaises d’Athènes et de Rome. Bibliotheque des Écoles françaises d’Athènes et de Rome. Premiére série. Fasc. 192. De Boccard, Paris. Karouzou, S. (1999) Εθνικό Μουσείο: Εικονογραφημένος Οδηγός. Εκδοτική Αθηνών Α.Ε., Athens. Levi, P. (1991) Atlas of the Greek World. Facts-on-File, New York. Morgan, L. (1988) The Miniature Wall-Paintings of Thera. A Study in Aegean Culture and Iconography. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Onassoglou, A. (1985) Die “talismanischen” Siegel. Corpus der minoischen und mykenischen Siegel

The above myths may justify the particular representation of the female figure from Delos and her alleged connection to the sea, nature and the rays of light. The representation is hybridic from a stylistic point of view: the conception refers to the survival of older Minoan prototypes (the ship, the type of dressing, the structure placed in the ship’s interior) but her posture and her peculiar gesture refer to a new type of divinity with the 127

SOMA 2007 (CMS) Beiheft 2. Pini, I. ed. Gebr. Mann Verlag, Berlin. Pini, I., Platon, N. and Müller, W. eds. (1998) Corpus der minoischen und mykenischen Siegel (CMS) II 7: Iraklion, Archäologisches Museum. Die Siegelabdrücken von Kato Zakros. Gebr. Mann Verlag, Berlin. Platon, N. (1984) «The Minoan thalassocracy and the golden ring of Minos». IN Hägg, R. and Marinatos, N. eds., Minoan Thalassocracy: Myth and Reality. Proceedings of the Fourth International Symposium at the Swedish Institute in Athens, 31 May-5 June

1982. Swedish Institute in Athens. Paul Åströms Förlag, Stockholm, 65-9. Sourvinou-Inwood, Ch. (1973) «On the lost «boat» ring from Mochlos». Kadmos 12, 149-158. Weingarten, J. (1986) The Zakro Master and his Place in Prehistory. Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology (SIMA) Pocket Books 26. Paul Åströms Förlag, Gothenburg. Younger, J. G. (1988) The Iconography of Late Minoan and Mycenaean Sealstones and Finger Rings. Bristol Classical Press, Bristol.

Fig. 1. Gold ring from Mochlos (CMS II 3, no. 252)

Fig. 2. Anthracite-coloured steatite amygdaloid seal from Makrygialos (CMS V Suppl. 1A, no. 55)

Fig. 3. Gold ring from Amnissos (Ashmolean Museum Oxford, ΑΜ 1938.1129)

4. Clay seal-impression from Agia Triada (CMS II 6, no. 20)

Fig. 5. The “Ring of Minos” (available from )

Fig. 6. Gold ring from the Tiryns Treasure (CMS I, no. 180)

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THE FORMAL ANALYSIS OF IZNIK CERAMICS (15TH - 16TH CENTURIES)

Fig. 7. The “Flotilla” wall painting from the West House (Room 5, South Wall) at Akrotiri, Thera (available from )

Fig. 8. The Delos Graffiti (Levi 1991: 46)

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Music and sound in Punic Ibiza (Balearic Islands, Spain) Agnès Garcia-Ventura and Mireia López-Bertran Universitat Pompeu Fabra, Barcelona, Spain, Institut Universitari d’Història Jaume Vicens Vives

experienced and understood as musical phenomena may well seem alien to us.

Introduction Our paper focuses on the role of music and sound in three sites in the Balearic Island of Ibiza (fig. 1): two sanctuaries and a cemetery. The choice of these two different types of site will help us understand the ways in which people perform music and perceive sound.1 This article is in four parts. In the first, we contextualize our uses of specific terms such as music, sound and instruments. In the second, we present the geographical and chronological framework of the materials selected. In the third, we analyse the evidence of musical and sound production in the material record. Finally, we present some concluding remarks.

Clearly, the term “music” is shaped by the society that surrounds us;3 it is a cultural construction. And when we think about ancient music, we apply our own bias.4 In our attempts to describe the music of the past, we tend to look only for remains of musical instruments or of representations of musicians. Testimony of this kind is obviously of immense value to our research, but of course very little is available. At the same time, though, we should not forget that musical events used to involve more than instruments and musicians; by limiting our analysis to them, we overlook the fact that music existed primarily because there was an audience listening.

Some considerations on music and sound Indeed, it is highly important that we understand “musical instrument” in a broad sense. The term includes “any agency that can emit sound, from the use of raw materials such as wood, bone or stone, to the human body itself”.5 With this definition, it is clear that certain materials in the archaeological record – ceramics or shells, for example – should be considered as potential producers of sound, despite the fact that traditional descriptions of their functions have neglected this possibility.

The four main terms that concern us here are sound, music, noise, and musical instrument. We will not present complete or universal definitions of the concepts, but just some working hypotheses that will help us elucidate the nature and function of auditory phenomena in Antiquity. The broadest term is “sound”. As defined in the Encyclopaedia Britannica, sounds are “mechanical vibrations travelling through the air or some other medium at a frequency to which the human ear is sensitive”. They are usually classified as: -

The musical phenomenon may also be understood as a possible combination of two or more factors, and not only auditory ones. In fact playing an instrument is a performance itself, an embodied practice. In many contexts music is also linked to dance.6 In this paper, when we use the term “performance” to refer to music, the term should be understood including dancing, singing, and listening to and/or playing an instrument. Moreover, all these actions are related to the central event – the ritual activities in which they are inscribed.

“sounds” proper: of a natural origin, not caused by human action and not perceived as unpleasant “music”: humanly organized sounds2 “noise”: of natural or human origin, perceived as unpleasant

As we have seen in the first definition, a feature these phenomena share is that they are audible to humans: the differences are their origin (created by human action or by some other cause) and the ways in which they are perceived. While the origin may be the same through the ages, perceptions vary according to geography and chronology. When we try to define music and noise and to distinguish between them, the dividing-line we choose will not be the same as the one that an ancient society would have drawn. So our preconceptions about music are likely to be different; what the Phoenicians

Geographical and chronological framework Materials were studied at three sites. First, we analyse the cemetery of Ibiza city Puig des Molins; second, we study two sanctuaries from the same island, a cave-sanctuary called Es Culleram and an open-air shrine, Illa Plana (Fig. 2). Apart from these contexts and materials, we will briefly mention other sites and areas as supportive materials. Puig des Molins is located on a small hill (51 m above sea level) and separated from the Phoenician and Punic

1

Phoenician music is not currently a subject of research. The main reference works for music history (for example The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians or The New Oxford History of Music) do not analyse Phoenician sound and music as such: they deal with Jewish music or music and the Bible, and Phoenicians are mentioned only in relation to these other contexts. 2 (Blacking 1973: 3-31)

3

(Blacking 1973: 31) (Mithen 2005: 11) (Watson and Keating 1999: 325) 6 (Kilmer, 1995: 2608-2611) 4 5

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MUSIC AND SOUND IN PUNIC IBIZA (BALEARIC ISLANDS, SPAIN) city by a river bed. We will concentrate on the materials dated between the mid sixth century BC and the fourth century BC. The grave goods do not follow a fixed model. In this paper, we consider only the material culture related to music and sounds: female terracotta figurines playing an instrument, masks, small bells, jewellery, and razor-shells (Fig. 3).

states of consciousness. So masks are not passive materials, mere dedicated objects, but they may take part in embodied ritual practices. Moreover, it has been demonstrated that an intensive, repetitive percussion rhythm overstimulates the senses – another way to promote altered states of consciousness.9 The presence of numerous terracotta figurines of cymbal players is interesting in this respect. The cymbal players emphasise the roles not only of music, but also of dancing. In many cases, they are shown to be dancing or walking. It is possible that one of the funerary rituals may have been a march or procession, carrying the deceased to the cemetery; during this march, music, walking and dancing would all be significant activities. The sound of the cymbal has also been ascribed purifying properties, in the belief that it may chase away bad spirits.10

Although today Illa Plana is on solid ground, during the Phoenician and Punic occupations it was an island in the middle of Ibiza bay, not far from the harbour. Illa Plana has been defined as a sacralized natural site because no structures have been found, though there are two votivedeposits. One pit contained only several human terracottas, dated between the end of the sixth century BC and the middle of the fifth century BC. We will study these figures carefully in relation to music and sound. Es Culleram is a cave-sanctuary on the southern hillside of the San Vicente valley. The cave is divided into three main spaces and has a cistern at its entrance. It was used from the fourth century BC until the second century BC reaching its highest point of activity during the third. A large number of materials have been found, but the ones that interest us most are some terracotta figurines, pottery and the cave itself.

Most musical instruments in the Ancient world were percussion instruments. Simple to build and to play, they do not need a specific theoretical musical system and they are closely related to the physical constitution of the human body: from the beats of our heart to all our gestures, our body is constantly performing rhythmic movements. The fact that the figurines always represent women is relevant to our analysis of topics of gender and music. These women, probably of high rank, appear to have played an important role in the ritual practices. We may surmise that they were priestesses or matrons, for two main reasons. First, in many societies holders of religious posts had musical knowledge; this is particularly clear in Mesopotamia, where musicians were part of the temple staff.11 Similarly, their special function is embodied, that is, they construct their specific role through their corporeality. Indeed, some of the terracottas are elaborately decorated with headdresses, cloaks, necklaces, earrings and tattoos. Second, in some cultures many instruments are considered to have been created by divinities, and as a result, only a select minority were allowed to play them.12 Perhaps the Phoenicians applied this premise to their musical performances, especially in funerary contexts, due to the special connotations of the task.

The evidence from the Puig des Molins cemetery: description and interpretation Even though we consider music as a complex phenomenon with a variety of different components, instruments and musicians are obviously the key sources of evidence for the analysis of musical performance in Antiquity. In this regard, Phoenician and Punic cemeteries provide us with a wide range of representations of musicians and instruments. Music, religion and rituals are closely linked. Music plays a key part in the performance of rituals aiming to make contact with divinities or to create an appropriate atmosphere for worship or for other religious activities.7 In Phoenician and Punic contexts, the masks and terracotta players found has been interpreted as evidence of dancing.8 This is especially clear in the case of masks: their size, and the presence of holes, suggest that they were worn on the face for ritual purposes before being placed as grave goods.

The presence of women in funerary ritual practices may also have been related to their function as mourners, a role we find in Ancient Egypt,13 Greece and in many modern-day societies. This role is explained by the involvement of women with activities related to the maintenance and creation of life.14 Seeing death as the last step of life, and bearing in mind the fact that it is women who give birth and who exclusively take care of

The role of masks is also important to the analysis of the role of the body and corporeality in rituals. Many masks represent faces in unnatural poses: they have big, open eyes and mouths and are traditionally interpreted as kind of demonic or satirical representations. However, other interpretations are possible; they may represent faces in altered states of consciousness. Dancing, together with music, stimulates hyperventilation, raises adrenaline and lowers sugar levels, conditions that may cause altered

9

(Angrosino 2004; Pollack-Eltz 2004) (Bénichou-Safar 1982: 270) 11 (Martí 2003: 306; Duchesne-Guillemin 1981: 295) 12 (Martí 2003: 314) 13 (Capel and Markoe 1996: 15; Watterson 1998: 45-46) 14 (Picazo 1997) 10

7 8

(Mithen 2005: 13 and 271-73; Salamone 2004; Martí 2003: 309) (Bénichou-Safar 1982: 267)

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SOMA 2007 children in many societies,15 it is easy to understand why they may be responsible for the public ritual of lamenting the dead. This may explain why most of the musicians related to funerary rituals are women, whereas in other contexts we find both men and women playing the same instruments.16

Unlike Es Culleram, Illa Plana is a small island and an open-air sanctuary. Its acoustics are obviously not the same as those of a cave, but they may well have been among the characteristics that made the site attractive, alongside its visibility and the availability of useful resources .22

The small bells are interesting pieces. They were worn around the neck and had a religious and prophylactic function like amulets.17 Ringing a bell may have an apotropaic function18: like playing cymbals, it may be a way of warding off evil spirits and protecting the deceased in the afterlife. Bells may well have been played before the burial. Similarly, if we interpret the elaborately decorated jewellery of the terracottas as reproductions of real examples, we can imagine the sounds that the performance of the ritual would have made as the musicians and mourners danced and marched.

In Illa Plana, the decision to construct a shrine on a small island may have been influenced by the presence of water. The purifying qualities of water make it a very important symbolic and ritual element. It also has a powerful acoustic effect: its murmur and flow can act on our senses and emotions, relaxing or hypnotizing us.23 The whisper of the wind might also be interpreted and felt as a supernatural power.

The evidence interpretation

from

sanctuaries:

description

Numerous other sounds that would have created a ritual rhythm in caves or in open-air sanctuaries can be inferred from the material culture, such as cooking utensils and eating vessels. The quantity of faunal remains in Es Culleram shows that animals were sacrificed and eaten inside the cave. The act of cooking these animals would have produced a range of special sounds: the crackle of the fire, the cries of the animals, the pounding of mortars, and so on. All may have had musical properties because they form part of a ritualized set of activities and are, in fact, “humanly organized sounds”.

and

Moving on to the sanctuaries, Es Culleram and Illa Plana, we have less direct evidence than in the Puig des Molins cemetery. However, as our approach to music is not limited to instruments and musicians, we can concentrate on other aspects which have traditionally been overlooked: for example, the acoustic properties of both sites, the open-air shrine and the cave, the variety of sounds produced by human and natural phenomena, and the corporeality of some of the terracottas.

Some of the terracottas of Illa Plana show that the human body is a musical instrument by itself (Fig. 4). The ears of these figures are faithfully represented, indicating perhaps the importance of music and sounds in performing rituals. These materials suggest that hearing was an important activity in these ritual contexts24 in order to make contact with divinities and to receive their messages.

Let us begin with the acoustic features of the sanctuaries. Both open-air shrines and caves have specific traits that influence the ritual performance. Caves produce an echo, a phenomenon that used to be considered supernatural. In some societies echoes are interpreted as the voices of the spirits answering human inquiries.19 Indeed, the cave itself has agency; it can be considered as a producer of music.20

Similarly, most terracottas are represented with a large, open mouth, as if they were singing, praying or lamenting. Indeed, the human voice is one of the most ancient musical instruments. Singing may have been a way of preserving traditions, of transmitting ideals and education.

Most caves not only produce an echo, but are highly resonant as well. In the interior, sound is not only amplified but also carried.21 Performing music in a resonant space is totally different from performing it in a non-resonant one. The resonance contributes to the creation of the atmosphere described above, where music is a part of a complete ritual, a means of communicating with deities. The acoustic features of caves cause them to be perceived as special places; again, music, this time in the form of echo or resonance, is a way of making contact with a world of symbols.

Significantly, the figurines that bear these features represent both women and men. Both sexes participated in rituals and performed the same activities. This is also relevant because both sexes would have experienced altered states of consciousness: anthropological studies have demonstrated that singing, playing percussion instruments, praying or smelling incense or other substances are ways of achieving these states.25 Inside the cave of Es Culleram, for example, the number of incenseburners, oil-lamps and perfume bottles indicates that the people would have inhaled drugs. Moreover, the effects of smelling oils in caves, together with the absence of light and low visibility and the presence of echoes and

15

(Murdock and Provost 1973) (Watterson 1998: 51) (Fernández 1992: 197) 18 (Martí 2003: 311) 19 (Purser 2002: 28) 20 (Purser 2002: 28 and 33; Reznikoff 2002: 39-40) 21 (Ouzman, 2001: 240; Lawson, Scarre, et al. 1998: 112) 16 17

22

(Watson and Keating 1999; Reznikoff 2002: 49-52) (Strang 2005: 101) (Lawson, Scarre, et al. 1998: 124) 25 (Pollack- Eltz 2004) 23 24

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MUSIC AND SOUND IN PUNIC IBIZA (BALEARIC ISLANDS, SPAIN) other sounds would promote the altered states of consciousness. The large number of artefacts related to burning practices has both auditory and religious consequences, since fire and smoke were means of communicating with divinities.

Evolution of the Brain and Hands as Prerequisites of Music Performance in Light of Music Physiology and Neurobiology. IN: Hickmann, E., A.D. Kilmer and R. Eichmann, Studien zur Musikarchäologie III. OrientArchäologie, 10, Berlin, Marie Leidorf, 9-20. Anderson, R. (1995) Music and Dance in Pharaonic Egypt. IN: Sasson, J.M., Civilizations of the Ancient Near East. New York, Scribner's, 2555-68. Angrosino, M.V. (2004) Altered States of Consciuosness. IN: Salamone, F.A., Encyclopedia of Religious Rites, Rituals and Festivals. Routledge Encyclopedias of Religion and Society, London, Routledge, 30-34. Aubet, M.E. (1982) El santuario d'Es Culleram. Treballs del Museu Arqueològic d'Eivissa i Formentera, 8. Eivissa. Benichou-Safar, H. (1982) Les tombes puniques de Carthage. Topographie, Structures, Inscriptions et Rites Funéraires. Paris, Études d'Antiquités Africaines. Blacking, J. (1973) How musical is man? Great Britain, Farber and Farber. Capel, A.K. and G.E. Markoe (1996) Mistress of the House. Mistress of Heaven. Women in Ancient Egypt. New York, Hudson Hills Press, Cincinnati Art Museum. Duchesne-Guillemin, M. (1981) Music in Ancient Mesopotamia and Egypt. World Archaeology. Archaeology and Musical Instruments, 12, 3, 287-97. Fernández, J.H. (1992) Excavaciones en la necrópolis del Puig des Molins, (Eivissa). Las campañas de D. Carlos Román Ferrer: 1921-1929. Treballs del Museu Arqueològic d'Eivissa i Formentera, 28-29. Eivissa. Gómez Bellard, C. (1984) La necrópolis de Puig des Molins (Ibiza). Campaña de 1946. Excavaciones Arqueológicas en España, 132. Madrid. Gómez Bellard, C., B. Costa, F. Gómez Bellard, E. Grau and R. Martínez (1990) La colonización fenicia de la isla de Ibiza. Excavaciones Arqueológicas en España, 157. Madrid. Hachuel, E. and V. Marí (1988) El Santuario de la Illa Plana. Una propuesta de análisis. Treballs del Museu Arqueològic d'Eivissa i Formentera, 18. Eivissa. Kilmer, A.D. (1995) Music and Dance in Ancient Western Asia. IN: Sasson, J.M., Civilizations of the Ancient Near East. New York, Scribner's, 2601-13. Lawson, G., C. Scarre, I. Cross and C. Hills (1998) Mounds, Megaliths, Music and Mind: Some Thoughts on the Acoustical Properties and Purposes of Archaeological Spaces. Archaeological Review from Cambridge. The Archaeology of Perception and the Senses, 15, 1, 111-34. Martí, J. (2003) Tierra. Los mitos y la música. IN: Ardèvol, E. and G. Munilla, Antropología de la Religión. Una aproximación interdisciplinar a las religiones antiguas y contemporáneas. Barcelona, 275-324. Meskell, L. and R.A. Joyce (2003) Embodied Lives. Figuring Ancient Maya and Egyptian Experience. London. Mithen, S. (2005) The Singing Neanderthals: the Origins of Music, Language, Mind and Body. London,

Sometimes these altered states of consciousness may also have been related to sexual activities. Music has very often been associated with sexual practices.26 Indeed, sexuality is not separated from religion or ritual, though Judeo-Christian sentiments sought to erase this relation.27 Most of our terracottas have exaggerated representations not only of genitals, but also of other erogenous zones like the mouth or breasts. Conclusions In the contexts analysed here music was experienced as a social and cultural phenomenon, much as it is today. The examples from the cemetery and the two sanctuaries bear witness to the complexity of music. In funerary contexts, musicians would have been a specialist “elite,” entrusted with the task of playing instruments in the rituals. Interestingly, these elites are women. In contrast, at both the shrines studied here, both men and women were considered fit to play and perform music. In addition, as we have shown, it is not only music that should be analysed as an acoustic phenomenon: sounds such as water or fire, and the acoustic properties of the sites may have played a significant role in creating a ritual feeling. In Ancient times, playing music was not an aim in itself, but a way to make contact with other worlds, with divinities: together with other activities such as smelling perfumes, dancing or hearing, music can transport its players and listeners to another dimension. The focus on corporeality and embodiment is essential to an understanding of how people achieve this goal: we have seen that decoration (jewels), gestures and movements (playing, hearing or dancing) enable people to engage with music and create ritual performances. To conclude, we should note an important difference between ancient music and contemporary music which has a direct bearing on the way one responds to musical performances. Before the appearance of electronic recording, hearing music was an unrepeatable event. The fact that today we hear music everywhere, all the time, reduces its magical effect, its uniqueness. Bibliography Almagro Gorbea, J. M. (1980) Corpus de las terracotas de Ibiza. Bibliotheca Praehistorica Hispana, XVIII, Madrid. Altenmüller, E.O. (2002) From Laetoli to Carnegie:

26 27

(Mithen 2005: 176-191) (Meskell and Joyce 2003: 116)

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SOMA 2007 Reznikoff, I. (2002) Prehistoric Paintings, Sound and Rocks. IN: Hickmann, E., A.D. Kilmer and R. Eichmann, Studien zur Musikarchäologie III. Berlin, Marie Leidorf, 39-53. Salamone, F.A. (2004) Music. IN: Salamone, F.A., Encyclopedia of Religious Rites, Rituals and Festivals. Routledge Encyclopedias of Religion and Society, London, Routledge, 262-9. Strang, V. (2005) Common Senses, Water, Sensory Experience and the Generation of Meaning. Journal of Material Culture, 10, 1, 92-120. Tarradell, M. and Font, M. (1975) Eivissa Cartaginesa. Biblioteca de Cultura Catalana, 13, Barcelona. Watson, A. and D. Keating (1999) Architecture and Sound: an Acoustic Analysis of Megalithic Monuments in Prehistoric Britain. Antiquity, 73, 32536. Watterson, B. (1998) Women in Ancient Egypt. Great Britain, Wrens Park Publishing.

Weidenfeld & Nicholson. Murdock, G.P. and C. Provost (1973) Factors in the Division of Labor by Sex: a Cross-cultural Analysis. Ethnology, 12, 2, 203-25. Ouzman, S. (2001) Seeing is Deceiving: Rock Art and the Non-Visual. World Archaeology. Archaeology and Aesthetics, 33, 2, 237-56. Picazo, M. (1997) Hearth and Home: the Timing of Maintenance Activities. IN: Moore, J. and E. Scott, Invisible People and Processes. Leicester, Leicester University Press, 59-67. Pollack-Eltz, A. (2004) Ecstatic Worship. IN: Salamone, F.A., Encyclopedia of Religious Rites, Rituals and Festivals. London, Routledge, 122-5. Purser, J. (2002) The Womb of Sound. IN: Hickmann, E., A.D. Kilmer and R. Eichmann, Studien zur Musikarchäologie III. Orient-Archäologie, 10, Berlin, Marie Leidorf, 27-35. Ramon, J. (1985) Es Culleram, 1981. Noticiario Arqueológico Hispánico, 20, 225-56.

Fig. 1. Map of the Mediterranean indicating Ibiza island.

Fig. 2. Map of Ibiza indicating the sites. 134

MUSIC AND SOUND IN PUNIC IBIZA (BALEARIC ISLANDS, SPAIN)

Fig. 3. Materials from Puig des Molins cemetery: 1, 2. terracotta players, 3. razor-shell, 4. bell, 5. mask (Almagro Gorbea 1980, fig. 7, Gómez Bellard 1984, fig. 48, 3, Tarradell and Font 1975, fig. 33, 43, 40)

Fig. 4. Terracottas from Illa Plana (Almagro Gorbea 1980, plate 9, fig. 3, plate 10, fig. 1, plate, fig. plate 16, fig. 4).

135

Everyday Life in Ancient Pella, the Capital of the Macedonian Kingdom Dr Maria Girtzi-Bafas Hellenic Open University, Department of Human Studies, Greece

mentioned by many ancient writers (such as Herodotus, Thucydides, Demosthenes, Xenophon, Livy etc.). The study of the literary sources along with the ancient ruins standing in situ for 2000 years attracted the attention of the archaeologists. The first exploratory excavations took place in 1914 by Prof. G. Oikonomou, to be soon paused by the 1st World War. Forty years later, in 1957, systematic excavation began by Prof. Ph. Petsas and continued by Ch. Makaronas until 1963, when economic and political circumstances led to another pause. In 1977 excavation restarted and has been ongoing by the XVII Ephorate and Aristotelian University of Thessalonica. The symbolic significance and uniqueness of Pella, along with the excavations’ results, not only emerged to the inclusion of the site to the Network of Archaeological Sites of Macedonia (i.e. the archaeological triangle of Dion-Pella-Vergina), but also attracted funding from various authorities (e.g. E.U., Ministry of Culture, Ministry of Macedonia and Thrace, local authorities etc.) that encouraged the continuation and completion of the scheduled excavation work and the conservation of the finds to a great extent (Georgopoulou-Damiko 2003: 1-2, Lilimpaki-Akamati and Akamatis 2003: 134, Σιγανίδου and Λιλιμπάκη-Ακαμάτη 1996: 10).

Pella, being characterized by Xenophon [“Hellenica”, V.2.13] as “the greatest of all the Macedonian cities”, was initially inhabited by Bottiaioi [Strabo, VII.330.fr20], possibly bearing under them the name “Vounomos”. As a part of the broader district Bottiaia it was annexed to the newly developed Macedonian Kingdom by Alexander I or even his ancestors [Thucydides II.99]. Almost a century later (about 400BC) king Archelaos, known also as an innovator, moved his capital from Aigeai to Pella, due to the special position of the latter, that was closer to the sea, to the Eastern districts and in closer contact with Southern Greece. Moreover, along with the military and administrative reorganization of his state, Archelaos pursued its cultural development inviting to his court great artists (e.g. the famous painter Zeuxis that decorated his palace) and writers (such as Euripides, that wrote there at least two tragedies: the not well known one ‘Archelaos’ and ‘Bacchai’). In 382, during the Chalcidians’ invasion, Pella along with a few other Macedonian sites was occupied for a while by the invaders [Xenophon, “Hellenica”, V.2.13], but it was soon restored to the Macedonian kingdom. In the same period Philip was born there and becoming a powerful monarch encouraged its development into a metropolis that made its presence felt throughout the world. A few years later it served not only as the birthplace of Alexander the Great [Solinus, XL.4], but also as the point of departure of his Pan-Hellenic Campaign against the Persians and the pool that provided him officers (such as his bodyguards [Arrian, “Anabasis”, VI.28.4], the “phrourarchs” in Pelousion [Arrian, “Anabasis”,III.5.3], the generals in Babylon and Kilikia [Diodorus, XVII.64.5]). After Alexander’s death, one of his successors, Kassander, in order to secure his domination on the Macedonian kingdom over his opponents, had to occupy it [Diodorus, XIX.50.6-7], although he and Demetrios Poliorkitis, during their reigns, moved their capital –if not nominally, certainly in practice– respectively to their new foundations, Kassandreia and Demetrias. However, Antigonos Gonatas, on the contrary, restored Pella as capital, in his attempt to show that he respected the Macedonian tradition. Finally, after the defeat by the Romans in Pydna (168BC) that stroke the first blow to the city, Pella became the capital of “Macedonia Tertia” [Livy, XLV.29.9, Diodorus, XXXI.8.8-9, Strabo, VII.330.fr48]. Early in the 1st century BC “the greatest of all the Macedonian cities” was destroyed almost completely by an earthquake (Girtzy 2001: 122, Hammond and Griffith 1979: 342, Hammond and Walbank 1988: 269, Lilimpaki-Akamati and Akamatis 2003: 133-4, Σιγανίδου and ΛιλιμπάκηΑκαμάτη 1996: 7-10).

We must make clear that this paper does not aim to produce another presentation of the archaeological remains of Pella. Its actual object is the reconstruction of the historical Past, and more specifically of the daily life in ancient Pella, through the combined study of the ancient writers’ testimonies and the archaeological evidence. Namely, many different aspects of the private and public life are examined, such as: town-planning and fortifications, constructions and lay-out of residence, trades and professions, political organization, social life, religion and burial customs. Town-planning and fortifications Ancient Pella occupied an area of about 400 hectares and was arranged according to the typical classical urban design, the Hippodamian system. Thucydides [II.100.1-2] mentioned that “Archelaos traced straight streets”. In fact the excavation results confirmed that the grid plan consisted of horizontal (w=9m) and perpendicular (w=6m) streets, that bordered rectangular building blocks of equal width (46-47m) but varying depth (110, 121, 133, 152m). Moreover, there were two wider vertical streets (w=9m) paved and with raised sidewalks, the ones leading from the port to Agora, and a unique horizontal street, that bisected them, the Royal Avenue (w=15m) (Girtzy 2001: 116, Σιγανίδου and Λιλιμπάκη-Ακαμάτη 1996: 10-11).

This city, which combined in a unique way many features of the “Greek city” with unique Macedonian ones, is

The ancient city was bordered by the fortifications, that 136

EVERYDAY LIFE IN ANCIENT PELLA, THE CAPITAL OF THE MACEDONIAN KINGDOM and in many cases the base of a wooden staircase, that was leading to a second store (e.g. “house of Abduction of Helen”, house N. of the “house of Stuccoes” etc.), which accommodated ionic half columns and parastas at the façade. In distinct examples of wealthy residences a house could have two courts (e.g. “house of Dionysus”) or a huge one (500m2 “house of Abduction of Helen”). The court was bordered to the larger houses (e.g. “house of Stuccoes”, “house of Abduction of Helen”, “house of Dionysus”) with a “peristyle” (colonnade) and to the smaller ones with a “pastas” (north facing portico). The different rooms were opened to the court, while they rarely communicated with each other.

according to Livy [XLIV.46.4], including strong towers and gates, protected both the city and the acropolis. The materials used for the construction of the walls were mud bricks for the upper part and stone plinths for the crepis (Girtzy 2001: 115-6, Lilimpaki-Akamati and Akamatis 2003: 135, Σιγανίδου and Λιλιμπάκη-Ακαμάτη 1996: 123). Along with the well fortified parts of Pella (i.e. acropolis and the organized part of the city) is evidenced [Livy, XLIV.46.5-11] the existence of a distinct feature, the royal treasury known as Phakos. It projected as an island in the lake of Loudias [Strabo, VII,330,fr23], communicating with the site through a bridge and was independently fortified (Girtzy 2001: 120, Οικονομίδου 1993: 1145).

The identification of the function of every room can be achieved by the combination of architectural remains with other archaeological finds. In first place, for instance, traces of painted stucco on the walls of a chamber, a paved floor or one with a pebble mosaic, pottery sherds of symposium vases (“skyphos”, “oinochoe”, “kantharos”, “krater” etc.) and in some cases a joining antechamber with fine decoration attests that it has been an “andron” (symposium room), the most luxurious room of an ancient Greek “oikia”, located usually to the north. It is worth noticing that in some houses of Pella have been identified more than one “andrones” (e.g. 2 in “house of Dionysus”, 5 in “house of Abduction of Helen” etc.). The existence of the equivalent female room which hosted the landlady and her slaves for the most of the day, the “gynaikonitis”, is suggested by the discovery of a number of loom weights gathered in a place. However, this room was usually located at the second floor and thus it is not preserved. Moreover, the finding of pottery sherds of cooking vases and utensils combined sometimes with traces of fireplaces leads to the assumption that the room was used as an “optanio” (kitchen). On the other hand, the excavation of a room with special floor covered with “kourasani” (e.g. house N of the “house of Stuccoes”), having an inclination, and sometimes accommodating a “loutiras” (bath tab) secures the identification of the place as a “valaneio” or “loutron” (bathroom), a room usually placed by the “optanion” for practical purposes (hot water, heating). Finally, the presence of a number of “pithoi” half buried in the ground points to the existence of a “pitheon” (the storage place of the house).

Construction and lay-out of residence The “oikia” can evidently be considered as the centre of the private life of the inhabitants of any ancient city. The architectural remains unearthed to Pella (both from houses and the residential quarters of the palace) combined with the ancient sources and archaeological evidence from other sites promote the understanding of the way ancient residential premises were build (Girtzy 2001: 120, Λιλιμπάκη-Ακαμάτη 2001: 407-18, Λιλιμπάκη-Ακαμάτη 2002: 20, Lilimpaki-Akamati and Akamatis 2003: 135, Σιγανίδου 1982: 34-6, Σιγανίδου and Λιλιμπάκη-Ακαμάτη 1996: 20-7). The construction of a common dwelling started laying the stone foundations. Then, the walls were built of local stone (for the lower part) and mud brick (for the upper), plastered with stucco and sometimes painted in different colors (red, yellow, light blue, brown, black, white, etc.). Finally, the house was covered with tiled span roofs. In the best preserved examples of the residences of Pella – that obviously belonged to aristocrats– the decoration was superb. For instance, the floors were paved with stones or “opus sectile” or even ornamented with pebble mosaics depicting a great variety of topics, mythological (Dionysus riding a panther, abduction of Helen, Amazonomachy, Centaurs etc.), scenes of daily life (lion hunt, deer hunt etc.), floral or geometrical motifs etc. In addition, the walls were bearing colorful mural decoration, unique example of which constitutes the “house of Stuccoes”, where the first Pompeian style was employed.

Unfortunately, there is no evidence for the furniture of the residences of Pella, since it was made of wood, which has not been preserved until our days. It is a matter of course that the quality of the construction and the number of the chambers of a house varied according to the wealth of the owner or/and the size of the house (ranging from 200-500m2 to 2500-3000m2).

The houses of Pella were integrated into the urban tissue and their lay-out followed the principles of the typical ancient Greek house type, where the rooms were arranged around a central open court. The dwelling was accessed through the “avleios thyra” (courtyard door) that opened to a special room “thyroreio” (porter’s lodge-evidenced in the “House of Dionysus”), where a slave prohibited the entrance of the undesirable visitors. A second door (“metavlos thyra”) led to the court that permitted air and light to enter the rooms, which were arranged around it. The yard also housed an altar (e.g. “house of Abduction of Helen”) or/and a cistern (e.g. “house of Dionysus”),

Trades and professions The reconstruction of some trades and professions having been in practice in ancient Pella is enabled by the archaeological data (architectural form of buildings and nature of finds) and the literary sources that can shed light to both the private and public life. A great 137

SOMA 2007 The above mentioned archaeological record can be completed with the testimonies of the ancient writers. For instance, the “aristos Pellaios oinos” of Polydeukes [1516] must have been a product of the cultivation of the rock-cut vineyards, that were found in many parts of the area and were set out with standard dimensions (following the instructions of Xenophon’s and Pliny’s agricultural writings), obviously constituted one of the main agricultural activities of the broader area of Pella. In addition the “Vounomos Pella” of Stehanos Byzantios [s.v.Pella] should have a number of oxes and cows (depicted in the opposite side of Pella’s coins) that were bred in the area, along with the horses, that were housed in the stables unearthed to the palace (building III). Finally, the existence of a port along with the number of imported pottery and goods found in the Agora of Pella lead to the assumption that it was a trading power with commercial transactions with the rest of continental Greece, the southern Balkans and the Black Sea, Asia Minor, Cyprus, N. Africa, Italy and the Iberian peninsula.

contribution to this end is offered mainly by the excavation of the core of the economic activity in the city, the Agora (located at the city centre and consisting of a huge open courtyard, 200X182m, surrounded by stoas with rooms of several different uses), but also by the discovery of workshops in the residential areas and in the premises of the palace. Studying all the evidence some safe conclusions can be drawn for the occupations of the inhabitants of Pella (Ακαμάτης 2002: 39-51, Ακαμάτης 2003: 437-40, Ακαμάτης 2004: 485-9, Girtzy 2001: 116, Lilimpaki-Akamati and Akamatis 2003: 1379, Σιγανίδου and Λιλιμπάκη-Ακαμάτη 1996: 17-20). Namely, at first, the presence in some buildings of pottery kilns, moulds of relief vessels, abundant water, a variety of tools, a pile of vases ready to be sold, along with waste materials found in wells outside leave no doubt for the existence of pottery workshops (S. part of E. wing of Agora, residential workshops, building III of palace). Moreover, great numbers of imported pottery (e.g. “terra sigillata”) and lamps found at other places (S. part of W. wing of Agora) attest that these vases were sold along with the local.

There is of course still a lot more to be done in the archaeological sector in order to have a global picture of the trades and professions in the ancient city.

Secondly, the discovery of figurines, moulds and quantities of processed clay used in their manufacture on the floors of some buildings and in small pits in other rooms or in wells confirm the presence of terracotta workshops (N. part of E. wing of Agora, W. wing of Agora, S. wing of Agora, residential quarters etc.).

Political organization The evidence concerning the political organization of Pella remains still unfortunately scanty. Therefore, the conclusions recorded below are drawn with certain reservation from the study of the ancient testimonies and the architectural remains.

Then, the detection in other areas of metal-working furnaces, bronze artifacts, wastes of processed material, chunks of litharge or fused lead monoxide, lead to the assumption that these were metal-working shops (S. part of W. wing of Agora, S. wing, residential quarters).

In first place, the references of Scylax [66], Livy [XLII.51.1-2] and Procopius [IV.4.39] to the “vasileion”, “regia” and “vasilika” respectively combined with the discovery of a palace (located on the Acropolis and consisting of a complex of units arranged in the form of the ancient Greek house, serving simultaneously political, military, administrative, financial, residential purposes) imply the existence of a king standing on the top of the administrative pyramid not only of the city but of the whole kingdom, who could use the premises of the palace to deliver judgment, receive envoys of other cities, hold councils or give symposia (Girtzy 2001: 117, LilimpakiAkamati and Akamatis 2003: 135-7, Σιγανίδου 1988: 119-24, Σιγανίδου and Λιλιμπάκη-Ακαμάτη 1996: 14-7, Χρυσοστόμου 2003: 447-53).

Moreover, the finding of bones of pigs, sheep, goats or calf, some of which were sawn of, in certain rooms of the Agora (S. wing), or fish bones and sea shells in other (S. wing), or “amphoras” from Rhodes, Kos, Knidos, S. Italy, S. Africa, with remains of liquid or solid products, allow the suggestion that they housed butchers’ shops, fishmongers and shops selling liquid and solid products respectively. On the other hand, the discovery of many “amphoras” from Knidos, Rhodes and Italy including grains and others with flours in some rooms of the Agora (W. wing), point to the presence of “alfitopolin stoa” (the grains and flours market).

Secondly, an apsidal building with monumental entrance found in the Agora (N. wing) and identified as assembly rooms, that housed an “Assembly of Magistrates”, a large body of civic officials whose authorities are not clear. On the other hand, another set of rooms in the same area with a number of finds, such as fragments of statues, seals from papyrus documents with the symbols of the city (club and eight pointed star), an inscription “PELLA POLITARCHS” etc. leave no doubt that they formed the seat of the civic magistrates called “politarchs”, high officials with supreme authority, whose role can be clarified by the study of the evidence from other sites (Ακαμάτης 2002: 39-51, Girtzy 2001: 116, Lilimpaki-

Then, the presence of a considerable number of perfume vases varying in size and bearing remains of perfumes confirm the existence of perfume shops in the Agora (NW corner). Copper coin blanks and parts of copper bars unearthed in a building indicate that the mint was located there (Building IV of palace). Finally, the presence of the great number of the unique mosaic floors in many luxurious houses of Pella leaves no doubt that there were organized mosaic workshops. 138

EVERYDAY LIFE IN ANCIENT PELLA, THE CAPITAL OF THE MACEDONIAN KINGDOM Namely, in first place, just outside the fortified part of the city came to light a large circular sunken pit. It was an unroofed construction, lined with rectangular stone blocks (following the isodomic system and being covered with white stucco), having all over the floor a number of rectangular and oval cuttings, that accommodated smaller pits, which were filled with animal bones. The centre of the building was occupied by an altar of rubble masonry, around which were unearthed a number of offerings, such as clay “hydrias”, terra-cotta figurines (females bearing “hydrias”, figurines with characteristic gestures, “Nikes”, pigs, horses and goats, several deities: Demeter, Athena, Artemis, Aphrodite, Pluto, Heracles, Hermes, Pan, Centaurs, Erotes etc.), sherds of various vases (e.g. “pyxis”, perfume vases, “pinakia”, “skyphoi”, “lekanis”, cooking vessels), coins, etc. The sanctuary was accessed through two walls with opposite orientation that projected into the open space of the circular building and their upper parts sloped slightly. The shape of the sanctuary (circular), its location below the ground level, the existence of the cuttings on its floor (that served as “megara”) combined with the above mentioned fins leave no doubt that it was a “Thesmophorion”, where Demeter has been worshipped by the farmers and the stockbreeders of Pella. The archaeological evidence even allow the reconstruction of part of the ritual of “Thesmophoria” that were taking place in autumn and included first the sacrifice of animals (usually sheep and goat) in the “megara”, then the removal of the animal remains and their placing on the altar along with several sheds, and finally their spread all over the cultivated lands (Girtzy 2001: 118, Λιλιμπάκη-Ακαμάτη 1996: 26, Λιλιμπάκη-Ακαμάτη 2002: 13-24, Lilimpaki-Akamati and Akamatis 2003: 139-42, Σιγανίδου and ΛιλιμπάκηΑκαμάτη 1996: 28)

Akamati and Akamatis 2003: 137-9, Σιγανίδου and Λιλιμπάκη-Ακαμάτη 1996: 17-20). Moreover, the study of the decree of Kos (Herzog 1952: 15-9) referring to the Pella confirms the existence of several administrative bodies or officials, such as: i) a “Council” [EDOKSE TH POLEI] that approved some decisions, whose existence is also attested by the identification of a room in palace (building II) as the place for the Assembly, ii) “TAMIAS” (treasurer), who were occupied with financial affairs (such as the assignment of the “xenia”-the fee for the accommodation of the theoroi of the Askleipieion of Kos), and iii) the “THEORODOKOI”, that probably were wealthy citizens selected by the city to entertain the “THEOROI” (envoys). Concluding, the discovery of a unique two-storey building in the Agora (SW corner) in where came to light numbers of clay seals (that had been affixed to papyrus documents), masses of clean clay for manufacturing seals, fragments of quills, inkpots, not only yield direct evidence for an aspect of the public life in Pella (i.e. the existence of an Archive where official documents were drawn, sealed and stored) but also indirect for the political life of Pella, since some seals bore inscriptions mentioning officials such as “STRATHGOI” (military officials), “EPIMELITAI EMPORIOY” (governors of commerce) etc (Ακαμάτης 2002: 39-51, Girtzy 2001: 116, Lilimpaki-Akamati and Akamatis 2003: 137-9, Σιγανίδου and Λιλιμπάκη-Ακαμάτη 1996: 17-20). Social life There is a number of public buildings with social character in Pella, whose existence is implied by the ancient sources but are not yet traced in the archaeological site, such as the theater recorded by Plutarch [“Moralia”, 13], that should have housed the plays of Euripides, and the “Gymnasion” mentioned by Ps-Callisthens [II.15-16], that would have played an important role in the public life of the youths of Pella. However, a “Palaistra” with a “Xystos” is identified in the complex of palace (building V) that combined with adjacent premises (e.g big and small baths, scraping rooms etc.) offered facilities for sports, recreation, physical training and physical therapy for the king, the royal children and young men or other guests of the palace (Lilimpaki-Akamati and Akamatis 2003: 135-7, Σιγανίδου and Λιλιμπάκη-Ακαμάτη 1996: 14-7). Finally, Athenaios [VIII.348.e-f] “valaneio” may coincide with the organized bath complex excavated to the SE of the museum.

Secondly, immediately N of the Agora is found a complex of buildings integrated into the hippodameian system. It consisted of a large open court to the southern part that accommodated a shrine (which housed a stone altar) with service areas around and to the northern part of a large stoa, another large open court, a dinning room (where a bronze fulcrum, handle of a bronze krater, bronze ladles, iron spits, pottery etc. were discovered), a temple, an open air stone altar, and a number of rooms (including amounts of pottery or pottery kilns, metal tools, figurine moulds, or sheets of lead, masses of melted lead, etc.) that were identified as storage areas and workshops of terracotta figurines, metal objects, stone and marble sculptures etc. The large amount of figurines representing Kyvele, the mother of the gods, and Aphrodite, along with relief stelai, statuettes and inscriptions implies that the sanctuary was dedicated to those deities. The placement of the sanctuary immediately adjacent to the Agora together with the fact that Kyvele is depicted wearing a wall-shaped crown leads to the assumption that, on the one hand, the Mother of the Gods was worshiped here as the protector of the city and of the public life, while Aphrodite on the other hand had a maternal character and is venerated as the creator and sustainer of the city. A circumstantial find from another sanctuary, that is to say a gold ring with

Religion The religious life of the inhabitants can certainly be considered as another worth mentioning aspect of the public life of Pella. It is very fortunate that both the archaeological finds and ancient sources yield evidence for the worship of a pantheon of deities. 139

SOMA 2007 Kyvele, provides evidence that the sanctuary was organized with a number of persons in the service of the deities (Girtzy 2001: 118, Λιλιμπάκη-Ακαμάτη 2000: 133, Λιλιμπάκη-Ακαμάτη 2002: 13-24, Lilimpaki-Akamati and Akamatis 2003: 139-42, Σιγανίδου and ΛιλιμπάκηΑκαμάτη 1996: 27).

large pithoi, iii) cremations, where the bones or ashes were placed in stone chests or urns, iv) rock-cut cist graves, covered with horizontal or vaulted roof, sometime being uniquely decorated (e.g. a cist grave of 300 BC bearing unique wall paintings depicting gatherings of philosophers), v) rock-cut chamber tombs, that accommodated whole families either on benches hewn out of the rock upon which were put the wooden “klinai” of the earlier diseased, or in niches cut into the rock walls for later burials, vi) Macedonian tombs (monumental underground structures with one or two sometimes decorated chambers that accommodated the “kline” or “sarcophagos” of dead, covered with a vault, having usually a Doric or ionic façade, being approached through a sloping dromos and being totally covered by a mound).

Thirdly, in the area of the Kanali (S of the city) is excavated another complex of buildings that followed the grid plan. This complex included large open courts, a large rotunda (with mosaic floors) with three smaller “tholoi” attached to it, a restaurant (with mosaic floors), a megaron-type building (with supportings for a stone table), workshops, store-rooms, a fountain building, wells, reservoirs etc. and offered a number of finds, such as terracotta figurines, vessels, a marble altar and a votive inscription. The latter find that recorded the name of “DARRON” combined with the abundance of water (important for the initiation) and the existence of open space for the worshippers and the large rotunda (that is compared to the Asklipieion of Epidauros) leaves no doubt that Darron, the local healing deity was venerated there (Girtzy 2001: 118, Λιλιμπάκη-Ακαμάτη 2002: 1324, Lilimpaki-Akamati and Akamatis 2003: 139-42, Σιγανίδου and Λιλιμπάκη-Ακαμάτη 1996: 28-9).

In all the above mentioned types of graves were placed many burial offerings for different uses. For example, clay, glass and metal vessels, figurines, jewelry or tools and weapons have been meant for the use of the diseased in the underworld, since ancient Greeks believed that a dead person had the same daily needs and habits in his after death life. On the other hand, other offerings served practical needs for burial rites, such as “alabastra” and “lekytoi” for the scenting of the corpse, “phiale” for libations, “amphora” for the washing of the bones after the cremation, oil lamps and lamp holders for the lighting of the place during the ceremony etc. Finally, some burial offerings had a symbolic value, such as the golden leaves bearing the name of the diseased, so as the guardians of the spring of memory of the underworld to recognize him/her. It is worth mentioning that the number and quality of funeral offerings vary in different burials according to the social class, the financial status and the gender of the dead.

It is worth mentioning that the three testified sanctuaries were located to places related with their function (Thesmophorion-countryside, Sanctuary of Aphrodite and Kyvele-Agora, Sanctuary of Darron-water) and consisted of small temples with large open spaces (to accommodate numbers of worshippers) and their own workshops and storerooms (that served the needs of the religious rituals). Finally, the presence of the cult of a number of gods in the city is indirectly testified by the ancient sources (Livy-Athena, Pausanias-Zeus, Pliny-Pan), inscriptions (Asklepios, Kabiros, Heracles), coins (Athena, Poseidon, Apollo, Pan etc.), figurines or statuettes (Athena, Poseidon, Artemis, Heracles, Pluto, Hermes etc.) (Girtzy 2001: 119, Λιλιμπάκη-Ακαμάτη 2002: 13-24, LilimpakiAkamati and Akamatis 2003: 139-42).

Conclusions Although there is still a lot more excavation to be carried out in order to be able to reconstruct a complete picture of the everyday life in ancient Pella, however it is obvious that this city could never have been “the obscure and little village” of Demosthenes biased description (“De Corona”, 247).

However, it requires more archaeological exploration in order to form an idea of where the sanctuaries of the above deities are and how all the sanctuaries were organized, which were the rituals of each of them and so on.

Bibliography Ακαμάτης, Ι. (2002) Αγορά Πέλλας. Γνωριμία με τη γη του Αλεξάνδρου. Πρακτικά Επιστημονικής Διημερίδας 15-16/6/02, Θεσσαλονίκη, Δήμος Θεσσαλονίκης, 3951. Ακαμάτης, Ι. (2003) Αγορά Πέλλας-Ανασκαφική περίοδος 2002. Αρχαιολογικό Έργο στη Μακεδονία και Θράκη, 16, 437-40. Ακαμάτης, Ι. (2004) Πέλλα 2003-Νέα δεδομένα για την Αγορά της. Αρχαιολογικό Έργο στη Μακεδονία και Θράκη, 17, 485-92. Chrysostomou, P. (1998), Macedonian Tombs at Pella, Thessalonki, Ministry of Culture. Χρυσοστόμου, Π. (2003) Ανάκτορο Πέλλας 2002. Αρχαιολογικό Έργο στη Μακεδονία και Θράκη, 16,

Burial customs The reconstruction of the daily life in Pella can not be considered complete without the presentation of the practices for the final stage of one’s private life, death (Chrysostomou 1998: 13-27, Girtzy 2001: 121, Λιλιμπάκη-Ακαμάτη 2002: 13-24, Lilimpaki-Akamati and Akamatis 2003: 142-5, Σιγανίδου and ΛιλιμπάκηΑκαμάτη 1996: 30-32). The city accommodated a number of cemeteries or isolated tombs all over the place, dating from 5th to 2nd century BC. A great range of types of funeral architecture was by the ancient inhabitants of Pella, such as: i) rock-cut pit-graves, ii) inhumations in 140

EVERYDAY LIFE IN ANCIENT PELLA, THE CAPITAL OF THE MACEDONIAN KINGDOM έρευνες στην Πέλλα. Αρχαιολογικό Έργο στη Μακεδονία και Θράκη, 14, 407-18. Λιλιμπάκη-Ακαμάτη, Μ. (2002) Πέλλα, η πρωτεύουσα των αρχαίων Μακεδόνων. Γνωριμία με τη γη του Αλεξάνδρου. Πρακτικά Επιστημονικής Διημερίδας 1516/6/02, Θεσσαλονίκη, Δήμος Θεσσαλονίκης, 13-24. Lilimpaki-Akamati, M. and I. Akamatis eds. (2003) Pella and its environs, Θεσσαλονίκη, ΥΠΠΟ. Οικονομίδου, Μ. (1993) Ένα νομισματοκοπείο στην αρχαία Πέλλα. Αρχαία Μακεδονία, 5, 1143-1146. Σιγανίδου, Μ. (1982) Η ιδιωτική κατοικία στην Αρχαία Πέλλα. ΑΡΧΑΙΟΛΟΓΙΑ, 2, 34-6. Σιγανίδου, Μ. (1988) Το ανακτορικό συγκρότημα της Πέλλας. Αρχαιολογικό Έργο στη Μακεδονία και Θράκη, 1, 119-24 Σιγανίδου, Μ. and Μ. Λιλιμπάκη-Ακαμάτη (1996) Πέλλα-Πρωτεύουσα των Μακεδόνων, Αθήνα, ΤΑΠΑ.

447-53. Georgopoulou-Damiko, I. (2003) Network of Archaeological Sites of Macedonia, Athens, ARF. Girtzy, M. (2001) Historical Topography of Ancient Macedonia, Thessaloniki, University Studio Press. Hammond, NGL. and GT. Griffith (1979) A history of Macedonia 550-336BC, vol.2, Oxford, Oxford University Press. Hammond, NGL. and FW. Walbank (1988) A history of Macedonia 336-167BC, vol.3, Oxford, Oxford University Press Herzog, K. (1952) Asylieurkunden aus Kos, Berlin. Λιλιμπάκη-Ακαμάτη, Μ. (1996) Το Θεσμοφόριο της Πέλλας, Αθήνα, ΤΑΠΑ. Λιλιμπάκη-Ακαμάτη, Μ. ed. (2000) Το Ιερό της Μητέρας των Θεών και της Αφροδίτης στην Πέλλα, Θεσσαλονίκη, ΥΠΠΟ. Λιλιμπάκη-Ακαμάτη, Μ. (2001) Νέες ανασκαφικές

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The excavations of the Italian Archaeological Mission in the “Garrison’s Camp” of Nea Paphos (Cyprus). Achievements and Perspectives Filippo Giudice In 1956 the Swedish Cyprus Expedition1 traced an exhaustive picture of the Hellenistic-Roman Cyprus but, for Nea Paphos, focused his attention only on water cisterns2 and on the necropolis of Ktima.3 Only vague suppositions, based more on the literary than on the archaeological evidence, were reserved to the urban area of Kato Paphos.4

Cyprus, and to the underground chambers commonly interpreted as a Sanctuary of Apollo Hylates at Toumballos, Nicolaou writes: “The rooms thus arranged may be the quarters of soldiers. The fact that site is adjoining the city wall by the North gate may suggest that this complex is a military camp where the garrisons of the city or part of it was stationed”.6 To strengthen his hypothesis, he quotes a fragmentary inscription with a petition addressed to Ptolemy 6th or 8th by troops allocated in Nea Paphos. Basing himself on this hypothesis, K. Nicolaou adds: “It is most likely that the underground chambers remained in use as a sanctuary attached to the camp, and it may be that during the Hellenistic period some Egyptian god, such Isis or Serapis was introduced... Further investigation on this site is warranted, but on present data available it may be conjectured that this site was a military camp where troops of the garrison on the city were stationed”.7

When in 1988 the Archaeological Mission of Catania University arrived in Paphos, a large bare expanse and a beautiful view of the sea looking toward the distant West unfolded before the eyes of the newcomers. In the distance the lighthouse, the excavations of the Cypriot archaeologist and the villas decorated by mosaics, boast of the Polish mission, could just be distinguished. The area assigned to the Italian Archaeological Mission was vast, about a quarter of the ancient city, delimited toward the sea by the mighty town walls built with rock and square blocks and, to the North, by the Toumballos hill, that gave the name to the site, also known as “Garrison’s Camp”.

Iolanta Mlynarczk, in the volume Nea Paphos III, already questioned the hypothesis of K. Nicolau “But even disregarding the moot point of localization of the garrisons, the whole Toumballos complex is far too large and well- planned to have been just a camp sanctuary”.8 The scholar concludes: “That the Toumballos sanctuary lay at the edge of the city, far from the most busy districts, should not be considered as proof of its supposed ties with the military barracks as proposed by K. Nicolau, but rather as one more testimony to the chthonic nature of the cult accompanied by mysteries”.9

Some underground chambers emptied in the Fifties had led the Cypriot archaeologist to suppose that the area was destined, under the Ptolemies, to give hospitality to a garrison and that the underground complex was a camp sanctuary. Actually, an almost twenty years long archaeological investigation and the discovery of other underground corridors and chambers, gave a new physionomy to an area formerly considered marginal in comparison with the area of the beautiful villas with the mosaics.

The Italian mission, that started to work in 1988, renounced to express opinions on the nature of the complex of rooms now unfortunately emptied of their content, and has rather preferred to investigate the visible evidences around the sanctuary, in order to draw the elements that could serve, afterwards, to a general evaluation of the whole complex. The excavation of the area East of the staircase and of the area West of the chambers now in sight obeyed to this logic.

A staircase and a seventy meters long corridor leading into the sanctuary, a small stadium for training, porticos, have actually demonstrated that the area was occupied by a vast pagan sanctuary. In the ample expanse, near to the urban walls, other rooms arranged in circle demonstrate the presence of other cult- buildings, while thick vegetation, a green stain in the bare present landscape, signals the precious presence of the water.

In particular, some square limestone blocks emerged to the East, in the direction of the staircase leading to the underground chambers. The investigations carried out in this point from 1988 have brought to light a long dromos leading to the sanctuary, uncovered, until now, for a length of 72 meters. Before turning in North-South direction, it goes underground in two chambers and exit

But let’s be methodical. Point of departure of our investigations was the article of Kiriakos Nikolaou, The Topography of Nea Paphos.5 With regard to the area assigned to us by the Department of Antiquities of 1

Vessberg, Westholm 1956. Vessberg, Westholm 1956, p. 18. 3 Vessberg, Westholm 1956, pp. 22-23. 4 Vessberg, Westholm 1956, pp. 233, 235, 239-240, 242, 247. 5 Nicolaou 1966. 2

6

Nicolaou 1966, p. 587. Nicolaou 1966, p. 588. Młynarczyk 1990, p. 229. 9 Młynarczyk 1990, p. 231. 7 8

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THE EXCAVATIONS OF THE ITALIAN ARCHAEOLOGICAL MISSION IN THE “GARRISON’S CAMP” OF NEA PAPHOS (CYPRUS was built on the upper surface of two big rectangular reservoirs, used for the water demands of the pagan sanctuary.

following the new direction. Only the Northern wall of the dromos is fully preserved, and shows a beautiful polygonal technique with, in certain points, later refurbishments which reemployed square blocks. Only two blocks, immediately to the East of the staircase leading to the sanctuary, were the only remains of the Southern wall, while the remaining part was dismantled and employed for the construction of a populous quarter, sometimes superimposing on the Northern wall of the dromos, when, forbidden the pagan cults, the area was rearranged as urban quarter and an Early-Christian basilica was built.

The new cult building, object of accurate investigations, is acquiring little by little the aspect of an Early-Christian martyrium. Investigations under the foundations of the Northern wall of the central nave have, first of all, allowed us to date the first phase of the building to the end of the 4th century AD, thus demonstrating that it is among the most ancient of the Early-Christian Cyprus. It presents an unusual and rather rare plan: the double narthex and the central aisle are followed by an inner and an outer apse in pendant, both beginning from the walls of the nave. The ample space between them gives access to a crypt delimited, to the East and to the West, by the rocky walls of one of the corridors of the pagan sanctuary, while the rear wall is expressly built, thus realizing a perfect synthesis between the pagan sanctuary and the small Early-Christian basilica.

Some trenches on the edges of a vast roughly ovoid depression, North of the dromos leading to the underground chambers, allowed us to uncover a kind of xystos, a small stadium for training. It was probably preceded, to the North, in the area close to the town walls, by stoai, as perhaps suggested by blocks lined in East-West and North-South direction. If the next campaigns confirm this supposition, the Garrison’s Camp, till now considered an area for the garrisons, could turn out to be, instead, an area with vast sanctuaries and sport facilities connected with them.

The still partial excavation of the crypt has revealed, around a small square structure full of burnt earth, a series of vases that seem to compose a “service”. We have found a lamp, a bowl, two jugs, an unfortunately fragmentary amphora, preserving only the neck and one handle. Inside the neck, in the earth, a piece of very rough cloth and a small bony fragment were found.

Until now, still unclear is the cult practised in Toumballos. A cult of Apollo has been supposed on the basis of the resemblance of the underground chambers with those of the sanctuary of Apollo Hylates, uncovered in the Eastern part of Kato Paphos. However, it isn’t perhaps meaningless the discovering of a small blackglaze fragment with the letters ολλ (Απ]ολλ[ων?) and a fragment of a red-figure attic fragment showing Artemis with the quiver and a kanoun in her hand. In any case, the mysteric character of the cult is clear. The dark underground chambers, lighted only by narrow skylights in the ceiling, must be illuminated by the torches of the initiates that in the long underground corridors concluded the long procession initiated at the entry of the long dromos of access.

The exceptional discovery allowed the formulation of a series of interesting hypotheses regarding the Christianisation of Cyprus, and in particular the moment in which the memory of Ilarion of Gaza should be alive in Paphos. Ilarion is a saint that preached and died in Paphos at the end of the 4th century AD. A clear inscription, which permits to identify our sanctuary with that in which Ilarion preached, is still lacking by we have found a fragmentary marble inscription on which it is possible to read ION, or perhaps even PION. It is certain that the first stage of the small basilica, built with and on the walls of the pagan building, could be dated in the years immediately following the death of the hermit, who, first buried in Paphos, was subsequently exhumed by his disciples and buried in Gaza. The small basilica represents, in all probability, the “memoria” related to the life and to the miracles of the saint, and the “service” could have been put in the crypt in memory of the Saint.

The excavation of the basilica, of which at the beginning only an apse emerged, gave very interesting results, appearing as one of the most ancient Early-Christian basilicas of Cyprus. The plan so far uncovered shows that the vertical extension of the cult building is completely clear. It presents a central nave, an inner and an outer apse, and, between them, the access to the crypt. After the central nave, to the West, there is an inner narthex followed by an outer narthex, separated by a narrow corridor from the peribolos wall of the pagan sanctuary, cut in the rock that has prevented the Christian building from expanding in this direction.

St. Jerome (Vita S. Hilarionis) places in secondo ab urbe miliario the first residence of Ilarion, who preached “near the ruins of an ancient temple,” and his second residence at twelve miles from the sea. Topographical investigations, based on this testimony, allowed us to assume that the underground sanctuary of “Garrison’s Camp” must be that of the “evangelisation” and that the cave of Episkopi, on the hills of Paphos, indicated by the tradition as that of St. Ilarion, must be the place to which the Saint moved, following the advice of the faithful Esichius, to escape the overcrowding of the pilgrims.

Really, the superimposition of the Christian building on the pagan sanctuary has determined the singularity in the plan, that it is possible to attribute also to the will of reusing, as far as possible, the ancient structures. Apart from the fact that the presence of the peribolos wall cut in the rock has allowed only a horizontal North-South development, the Northern semicircle of the inner apse

In fact, it became clearer that Garrison’s Camp, far from 143

SOMA 2007 between the end of the 4th and the beginning of the 5th century AD up to the moment of the Arabic raids of the middle of the 7th century AD. A series of rooms, some of which decorated with mosaics, is built on the inner side of the Northern wall. The future investigation will clarify if this area is that of a “Christian” quarter opposed to the “pagan” one in the South-Western area of the city, in which we can admired the coeval, vast patrician residences with the beautiful images of Aion, of Teseus killing the Minotaurus, of Orpheus, of the birth of Achilles and of the triumph of Dionysus.

being a peripheral quarter of the town of Paphos, was the place of the vast pagan underground sanctuaries. Another underground sanctuary can be seen to the West of ours, distinguished by large bushes of maquis that stand out in the bare surrounding area. Just in this place, the struggle between pagans and the growing new religion must have been strong. Not without emotion, in fact, in one of the last campaigns a fragment of a marble inscription has come to light, in which it is possible to read, on two lines, “ΠΑΥ]ΛΟΥ | [ΑΠ]ΟΣΤΟ[ΛΟΥ”. This inscription could be the first archaeological testimony of the presence of the apostle in Cyprus, till now attested only by the Acts of the Apostles, which remember that the saint, arrived in the island, converted the Roman proconsul Sergius Paulus, and that in his honour the Apostle changed his name from Saul to Paul.

From the end of the 12th and the beginnings of the 13th century AD the area around the sanctuary and the small basilica, certainly abandoned after the Arab raids of the 7th century AD, start again to show traces of life, as proved by rooms built on the Northern wall of the dromos. On the other hand, explorations on the hill on the sanctuary, have uncovered a watchtower. In the middle of one of the room of the tower, a pillar, probably fallen after a traumatic, probably seismic event, has “sealed” a big amount of medieval and late medieval ceramics: the discovery of a Venetian coin of the doge Gerolamo Priuli (1559-1567) allowed us to date this event in the 16th century.

The inscription of Paphos, which is still being studied, has a parallel in a Latin inscription engraved on two plates that constituted the horizontal plan of a monument built on the tomb of the Apostle in Rome. This inscription marks another firm point of the journeys of the Saint, which was called Saulus until the meeting with Sergius Paulus, governor of Cyprus (Acts 13,7) and that, from that moment onward, is called Paulus, almost to underline the meeting of the new religion with the Hellenistic-Roman world. Unfortunately, in the inscription the first letter is missing, and we don’t know, therefore, if he was indicated as Saulus or Paulus, Greek form of the Paulus diminutive (“small”) usual in the Gens Aemilia (as is known, Saulus was a Roman citizen). Till now, the main biographical source are, together with the Letters, the Acts of the Apostles, attributed to his disciple Luke, that have as protagonist Paulus, which proclaims himself Apostle for having seen the risen Christ in the famous vision on the road to Damasus. He was born in Tarsus in Cilicia about in the 5-10 AD, and he suffered martyrdom in Rome, under Nero, between the 64 and the 68 AD Of his work as evangelist we know the stages from the Acts and the Letters, but we have scanty archaeological evidence. The fragment from Paphos gives perhaps new light on the journey of the Apostle, from Anatolia to Arabia, Siria, Palestina, Cyprus, and then to the West, to Malta, Pozzuoli and Rome, place of his martyrdom.

These, much in synthesis, are the results of the excavation. The possibility of locating here sanctuary of Artemide Agrotèra, attested by an inscription found in Nea Paphos, is emerging more and more clearly. An image of Artemis recovered in one of the votive pits of the sanctuary, together with a headless figurine of Artemis, could strengthen this hypothesis. But these interesting hypotheses will be obviously confirmed only by the execution of the excavation. Bibliography Młynarczyk 1990: J. Młynarczyk, Nea Paphos III. Nea Paphos in the Hellenistic Period, Varsovie. Nicolaou 1966: K. Nicolaou, The Topography of Nea Paphos, in “Mélanges offerts à K. Michałowski”, Warzawa, pp. 561-601. Vessberg, Westholm 1956: O. Vessberg, A. Westholm, The Hellenistic and Roman Periods in Cyprus, Stockolm 1956 (The Swedish Cyprus Expedition, vol. IV, part. 3).

In connection with the small martyrium it is possible to document a reorganisation of all the area of the sanctuary

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NICOMEDIA: Where Poseidon rides his horses Alper Gürbüz Ankara University, Engineering Faculty, Department of Geological Engineering, TR-06100, Tandoğan, Ankara, Turkey E-mail: [email protected]

the east to the Greek mainland in the west (Fig. 5). The NAFZ forms the boundary between the Eurasian and Anatolian plates. The Anatolian Plate, situated between the converging Eurasian and Arabian plates, escapes westwards along the dextral NAFZ and sinistral East Anatolian fault zones.4 Morphologically the NAFZ forms a relatively deep and narrow fault extending from Karlıova in the east to the Marmara sea in the west. To the west of Mudurnu Valley the NAFZ splits into two branches. In the Marmara sea region, it is further divided into sub-strands forming a zone of distributed deformation more than 120 km wide.5

Introduction and geological setting Between the horse and earthquake there is an obvious link in the god Poseidon.1 The horse both in legend and in art, may be a direct symbol of underground powers. Direct identification of the horse as an earthquake symbol is difficult, but the well-known stories of the ride of Curtius, and the original emergence of the horse from the striking of Poseidon’s trident indicate that there was felt to be a connection. The depiction of an earthquake can be symbolized by the figure of a horse (Fig. 1) representing either Poseidon or unspecified underground powers, especially in formidable aspect.2

Archaeological Data The city of Nicomedia owed its prominence to a strategic location at the head of a long gulf which allows ships to penetrate far into Bithynia (Fig. 2). The depression which the gulf fills continues through Lake Sophon (Lake Sapanca) to reach the plain of the Sangarius (Sakarya) (Fig. 3), and from relatively easy passes leads directly east through Paphlagonia and Pontus to the Roman frontier. The city thus stood on a major route and also served as a transhipment point for goods from sea to land. It controlled the broad and fertile plain to the east and the complementary hill country on the north, enabling it to prosper from agriculture, and, by its wealth from all sources, to develop into one of the largest cities of Late Antiquity.

When Late Antiquity began, under Diocletian, Nicomedia became the capital of the Roman Empire, probably an appreciation of its convenient location on sea frontiers, a distinction it only maintained for half a century. It nevertheless remained the capital of the rich and strategic province of Bithynia and continued to flourish through the century in spite of a series of natural disasters. The distribution of the great earthquakes of Nicomedia in Late Antiquity, as per Mercalli’s eahquake intensity scale (Fig. 6), is shown in Figure 7 and the distribution of these earthquake events in terms of intensity is shown in Figure 8. The greatest of these catastrophic events in Nicomedia was the earthquake of 358 A.D. This event was graphically described by Ammianus Marcellinus, in a passage which clearly reveals the magnitude of the disaster:6

Nicomedia is situated in a seismically active area due to strike-slip tectonics of the dextral NAFZ. The depression consists of the Gulf of Izmit and the Izmit Plain, bounded by mountain-front fault segments of NAFZ to the northern and southern sides. However, its development is largely controlled by fault movements. The surface break of the last earthquake (17 August 1999 Izmit earthquake) in this region passed through the Izmit Plain (Fig. 4).

“On the twenty-fourth of August, at the first break of day, thick masses of darkling clouds overcast the face of the sky, which had just before been brilliant; the sun’s splendour was dimmed and not even objects near at hand or close by could be discerned, so restricted was the range of vision, as a foul, dense mist rose up and settled over the ground. Then, as if the supreme deity were hurling his fateful bolts, and raising the winds from their very quarters, a mighty tempest of raging gales burst forth; and at its onslaught were heard the groans of the smitten mountains and the crash of the wave-lashed shore; these were followed by whirlwinds and waterspouts, which, together with a terrific earthquake, completely overturned the city and its suburbs. And since most of

The North Anatolian Fault The North Anatolian Fault Zone is one of the best known strike-slip faults in the world because of its remarkable seismic activity and its importance for the tectonics of the Eastern Mediterranean region. The neotectonic history of the eastern Marmara region began in post-Miocene time with the development of the NAFZ.3 The fault zone is about 1200 km long and extends from eastern Turkey in 1 Malten, op. Cit., p. 208: “Dann ist das Ross als Inkarnation des Damonishen ursprunglicher als der antropomorph gestaltete Gott neben dem Pferd.” 2 Mackay, 1996. 3 Ketin, 1969; McKenzie 1972; Sengor 1979; Saroglu 1988; Barka 1992, Bozkurt, 2001.

4

McKenzie 1972; Sengor 1979; Bozkurt 2001. Barka and Kadinsky-Cade, 1988; Kocyigit, 1988. 6 Foss 1996:7 5

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SOMA 2007 the houses were carried down the slopes of the hills, they fell one upon another, while everything resounded with the vast roar of their destruction. Meanwhile, the highest points re-echoed all manner of outcries, of those seeking wheir wives, their children, and whatever near kinsfolk belonged to them. Finally, after the second hour, but well before the third, the air, which was now bright and clear, revealed the fatal ravages that lay concealed. For some, who had been crushed by the huge bulk of the debris falling upon them, perished under its very weight; some were buried up to their necks in heaps of rubbish and might have survived had anyone helped them, but died for want of assistance; other hung impaled upon the sharp points of projecting timbers. The greater number were killed at one blow, and where there were just now human beings, were then seen confused piles of corpses. Some were imprisoned unhurt within slanting houseroofs, to be consumed by the agony of starvation. Among these was Aristaenetus, vicar of the recently created diocese which Constantius had named Pietas in honour of his wife Eusebia; by this kind of mishap he slowly panted out his life amid torments. Others, who were overwhelmed by the sudden magnitude of the disaster, are stil hidden under the same ruins; some who with fractured skulls or amputated arms or legs hovered between life and death, imploring the aid of others in the same case, were abandoned, despite their pleas and protestations. And, the greater part of the temples and private houses, and of the population as well, might have been saved, had not a sudden onrush of flames, sweeping over them for five days and nights, burned up whatever could be consumed.”7

important element in the seismicity of Eastern Mediterranean. The region did not change its seismicity over ~1500 year and witnessed a huge loss of human life. Bibliography Ammianus Marcellinus [=Amm. Mac.], ed. And tr. J.Rolfe. London 1935. Barka A, Kadinsky-Cade K. 1988. Strike-slip fault geometry in Turkey and its influence on earthquake activity. Tectonics 7, 663–84. Barka A. 1992. The North Anatolian Fault zone. Ann. Tecton. 6:164–95 Bozkurt E. 2001. Neotectonics of Turkey—a synthesis. Geodinamica Acta 14, 3–30. Foss, C. (1996) Survey of medieval castles of Anatolia II: Nicomedia. BIA, Ankara. Ketin, I. (1969) Uber die nordanatolische Horizontalverschiebung. Bull. Miner. Res. Explor. Inst. Turk. 72, 1–28. Kocyigit A. 1988. Tectonic setting of the Geyve Basin: Age and total displacement of the Geyve Fault Zone. METU J. Pure Appl. Sci. 21, 81–104. Louie, J. N. (2007) University of Neveda, Reno. Available from : < http://www.seismo.unr .edu/ftp/ pub/louie/class/100/mercalli.html> [Accessed 10 May,2007] Mackay, L. A. (1996) The Earthquake – Horse. Classical Philology, 41/3, 150-54. McKenzie DP. 1972. Active tectonics of the Mediterranean region. Geophys. J. R. Astron. Soc. 30, 109–85. Saroglu F. 1988. Age and offset of the North Anatolian Fault. METU J. Appl. Sci. 21, 65–79. Sengor AMC. 1979. The North Anatolian Transform Fault: its age, offset and tectonic significance. J. Geol. Soc. London 136, 269–82. Soysal, H., Sipahioglu, S., Kolcak, D., Antonak, Y. (1981) Turkiye ve cevresinin tarihsel deprem katalogu. TUBITAK, proje No:TBAG-341, 87.

Conclusions During Late Antiquity ten great earthquakes occurred in Nicomedia. All these earthquakes caused catastrophic and formidable results on human life. This region morphologically developed as a plain near the Marmara Sea by the tectonics of the NAFZ, which is the most

7

Amm.Marc. 17.7;tr. J.E. Rolfe.

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NICOMEDIA: WHERE POSEIDON RIDES HIS HORSES OVER AND OVER

Figure 1. In mythology, Poseidon was the god of the sea, as well as horses and, as “Earth-Shaker”, of earthquakes. Here, he figured while riding his horses over a place.

Figure 2. Location map of ancient regions in Anatolia.

Figure 3. Location map of the investigated area. NAFZ: North Anatolian Fault Zone; SR: Sakarya River (Sangarious); LS: Lake Sapanca (Sophon). 147

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Figure 4. Neotectonic map of Nicomedia.

Figure 5. Neotectonic map of Eatern Mediterranean region.

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NICOMEDIA: WHERE POSEIDON RIDES HIS HORSES OVER AND OVER

Intensity I II III IV V VI VII VIII

IX X XI XII

Description People do not feel any Earth movement. A few people might notice movement if they are at rest and/or on the upper floors of tall buildings. Many people indoors feel movement. Hanging objects swing back and forth. People outdoors might not realize that an earthquake is occurring. Most people indoors feel movement. Hanging objects swing. Dishes, windows, and doors rattle. The earthquake feels like a heavy truck hitting the walls. A few people outdoors may feel movement. Parked cars rock. Almost everyone feels movement. Sleeping people are awakened. Doors swing open or close. Dishes are broken. Pictures on the wall move. Small objects move or are turned over. Trees might shake. Liquids might spill out of open containers. Everyone feels movement. People have trouble walking. Objects fall from shelves. Pictures fall off walls. Furniture moves. Plaster in walls might crack. Trees and bushes shake. Damage is slight in poorly built buildings. No structural damage. People have difficulty standing. Drivers feel their cars shaking. Some furniture breaks. Loose bricks fall from buildings. Damage is slight to moderate in well-built buildings; considerable in poorly built buildings. Drivers have trouble steering. Houses that are not bolted down might shift on their foundations. Tall structures such as towers and chimneys might twist and fall. Well-built buildings suffer slight damage. Poorly built structures suffer severe damage. Tree branches break. Hillsides might crack if the ground is wet. Water levels in wells might change. Well-built buildings suffer considerable damage. Houses that are not bolted down move off their foundations. Some underground pipes are broken. The ground cracks. Reservoirs suffer serious damage. Most buildings and their foundations are destroyed. Some bridges are destroyed. Dams are seriously damaged. Large landslides occur. Water is thrown on the banks of canals, rivers, lakes. The ground cracks in large areas. Railroad tracks are bent slightly. Most buildings collapse. Some bridges are destroyed. Large cracks appear in the ground. Underground pipelines are destroyed. Railroad tracks are badly bent. Almost everything is destroyed. Objects are thrown into the air. The ground moves in waves or ripples. Large amounts of rock may move. Figure 6. Modified Mercalli Intensity Scale (after Louie 2007) Date ??.10.350

Latitude 40.80

Longitude 30.00

Intensity VIII

24.08.358

40.75

29.90

IX

??.11.359

40.75

29.60

VIII

02.12.362

40.75

29.60

VIII

26.01.446

40.70

29.30

VIII

08.12.447

40.80

29.60

IX

??.??.448

40.80

29.60

VIII

??.??.467 ??.??.500 18.08.553

40.80 40.80 40.75

29.90 29.60 29.10

VI VIII X

Location Nicomedia, Nicai Nicomedia, Nicai, Kalchedon Nicomedia Nicai, Nicomedia, Kalchedon Nicomedia, Kalchedon Nicomedia, Kalchedon Nicai, Diolkides Nicomedia Nicomedia Nicomedia

Figure 7. Historical earthquakes in Nicomedia during in Late Antiquity (Sosyal et al. 1981)

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Distribution of intensities of great earthquakes in Nicomedia in Late Antiquity

6 Earthquake

5 4 3 2 1 0

VI

VII

VIII

IX

X

Intensity

Figure 8. Distribution of historical earthquakes in Nicomedia in late Antiquity versus their in

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A pair of sandals depicted on mosaic floors in the entrances of private houses and churches in Israel and Transjordan in the Byzantine period Lihi Habas The Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Israel, the Institute of Archaeology

A number of mosaic pavements depicting one or more pairs of sandals are found in the entrances of buildings dated to the Byzantine period in the eastern Mediterranean basin. These depictions occur in both sacred and profane contexts. This brief article will present the finds and discuss the contexts in which they occur, other motifs that are found in entrances, parallels from the Roman period, and finally the meanings that were given to the sandals in the Roman and Byzantine world.

Madaba. The splendid hall was decorated by a composition of registers, including a geometric frieze of diamonds populated by plants and birds on the west, and two mythological friezes on the east. The easternmost frieze shows Aphrodite and Adonis accompanied by the Three Graces and cupids. The central frieze depicts an episode from the tragedy of Phaedra and Hippolytus, related by Euripides in Greek and Seneca in Latin. The figures are accompanied by identifying labels in Greek. Surrounding the carpet is a border of acanthus scrolls populated by scenes of hunting and pastoral life; in the corners are the Four Seasons, each crowned by a city wall crown (corona muralis) typical of Tyche. In the eastern entrance of the hall is a medallion containing a pair of sandals, with four birds around them. The sandals are placed next to the three personifications of the cities (Fig. 3.1-2).4 Buschhausen linked the depiction of sandals with the cult of Aphrodite and with depictions of Aphrodite taking off her sandal and beating Pan and Eros with the sandal. He also noted the similarity between the sandals on the threshold of the “Hippolytus Hall” and the sandal held by the goddess in her right hand in the scene depicting Adonis; she is using the sandal to punish Eros, held by one of the Graces.5

Sandals in mosaic pavements in Transjordan In the city of Madaba in Provincia Arabia (today’s Transjordan), pairs of sandals were uncovered near entrances in several mosaic pavements. To date the sandals have been found only in secular buildings or in structures of unclear character, though it is possible that these belong to church complexes, like contemporary parallels in Israel. The sandals, which mark the entrances to a room or building, are enclosed in a medallion and point into the room.1 The first example is in the “Hall of the Seasons” under the house of the Aqsar family. This hall is decorated with a carpet containing pairs of birds facing one another on a background of buds. There is an acanthus scroll border populated by birds and objects, with the Four Seasons in the corners. The sandals are depicted on the threshold within a medallion of meander pattern (Fig. 1.1-2).2 The second example from Madaba comes from the “Burnt Palace” complex, built and destroyed by fire during the Byzantine period. The building, so far only partially excavated, consists of several rooms and halls around a central courtyard. On the threshold of Room 2 is a pair of sandals, and on the threshold of Room 4 a depiction of Tyche (Fig. 2.1). Room 2 is the main hall of the palace and is decorated by a rich mosaic carpet of acanthus scrolls populated by scenes of the hunt, the chase and pastoral life. In the western entrance of the hall is a pair of sandals within a medallion or an elaborate wreath tied by ribbons, which wind to the sides. Within the ribbons are lily flowers facing alternately up and down (Fig. 2.2-3). Across the courtyard, in the entrance to Room 4, is the figure of Tyche with only part of the acanthus border surviving (Fig. 2.4).3 The third example from Madaba is in the “Hippolytus Hall”. Near the sandals were found personifications of three cities: Rome, Gregoria and

The position of the mosaic sandals at Madaba on the thresholds of rooms, and their connection in identical location or proximity to the figure of Tyche and the Four Seasons, hint at their significance as a symbol of good fortune, blessing and success.6 Sandals in mosaic pavements in Israel Some of the sandals found in Israel appear in clear Christian religious contexts. They have been uncovered in several churches and chapels in Jerusalem. In the sixthcentury Chapel of Stephen near the Church of St. Peter in Gallicantu on Mount Zion, the sandals appear next to the inscription: “Farewell Stephen” and next to a carpet of 4

Piccirillo presumed that the hall served as public building, perhaps the city council chamber; Piccirillo 1982a: 417-19, Pl. CL:2; 1982b: 38693, Pianta IV, Fotos 28, 60; 1989: 50-60, Figs. on pp. 51, 57; 1993: 66, Fig. 3, 24. 5 Dunbabin rejects the link with Aphrodite. One must also reject Buschhausen’s identification of the birds as peacocks, which links them with the depiction of Aphodite in the panel, since their long legs are characteristic of water birds. Delivorrias 1984: Vol. II.1: 57-9, 62, 121; Vol. II.2: Nos. 462-81, 514-17, 1252-4; Buschhausen 1986: 119; Dunbabin 1990: 102. 6 As a parallel to the depictions at Madaba, we will mention a graffito in secondary use in the Marmorstrasse at Ephesus, where the outline of the left foot accompanies the bust of Tyche, a cordiform leaf and a small bird. In Dunbabin’s opinion, the motifs symbolized good luck rather than marking the way to the lupanar; Dunbabin 1990: 105, Fig. 24.

1 The figures from Madaba are by courtesy of M. Piccirillo, to whom I am very grateful. 2 Piccirillo 1986b: 326-7, Fotos 23-4; 1989: 141-2, Fig. on p. 142; 1993: 76, Fig. 46. 3 Piccirillo 1985: Foto 2; 1986a: Fig. 2, Pl. LXVII:1-2; 1986b: 317-22, Fig. 3, Fotos 1-2, 6; 1989: 120-8, Figs. on pp. 121, 123; 1993: 78, Figs. 49-51.

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SOMA 2007 of a Greek inscription in a tabula ansata at Hurfeish.15

vine scrolls sprouting from an amphora and populated by a pair of lions and hunting scenes. Above the amphora is an eagle with an amulet or bulla around its neck, symbolizing Christ in Christian art (Fig. 4). The character of the inscription led Germer-Durand to identify this chapel as a funerary chapel. For Germer-Durand and Vincent, the sandals represent a blessing from the dead and the deceased’s departure from this life and transition to the afterlife. Vincent even claimed that the concept of resurrection underlies the entire mosaic.7 Dunbabin, on the other hand, rejects the identification of the room as a funerary chapel; in her view, the wording of the inscription is more suited to a living than a dead donor, and the sandals represent the hope for success and prosperity in this world.8 A pair of sandals can be seen in the crypt under the Armenian-Catholic church of NôtreDame de Spasme on the Via Dolorosa, dated to the fifthsixth centuries. In the medieval period the sandals were understood as the place where Mary stood waiting for Christ carrying the cross (Fig. 5.1-2).9 At Horvat Castra, dated to the sixth-seventh centuries, a medallion containing three pairs of sandals is placed in the entrance of the chapel to the southwest of the main church at the site, west of the narthex. The three pairs of sandals are of different sizes, with a cross to the right of the smallest one. It seems likely that here the three pairs of sandals represent three donors from the same family (Fig. 6.1-2). In the center of the carpet, now removed from the site, was a cross with the letters Alpha and Omega upsidedown. 10 These letters signify the words attributed to Jesus: “I am Alpha and Omega, the beginning and the ending, saith the Lord, which is, which was, and which is to come, the Almighty” (Revelation 1:8) or accompany the cross that replaces the figure of Jesus, and these letters therefore symbolize Christ. In the church at Shellal dated to the year 561/2, one sandal appears in an unusual location in the mosaic of the nave, within the border of meanders forming swastikas and populated squares (Fig. 7). Like Vincent and Avi-Yonah, Trendall saw the sandal as a symbol of pilgrimage in this world, or the transition from this world to the afterlife.11 In Israel sandals have also been found in private houses or in unclear contexts, for example two pairs of sandals in a Byzantine house in Caesarea Maritima;12 a pair of sandals with rounded toes and decorated with a St. Andrew’s cross used as a threshold motif in a mosaic in Beer-Sheva (Fig. 8);13 a pair of sandals at the entrance of the large hall decorated with a geometric mosaic at Horvat Hoga;14 and a pair of sandals in the border of a mosaic decorated with a geometric pattern of leaves and crosses and the remains

Sandals in mosaic pavements in Lebanon, Syria and Cyprus In Lebanon, a pair of sandals is depicted between animals and pomegranates in the border in a villa at Awza’ī, dated to the late fifth century or first quarter of the sixth (Fig. 9).16 In Syria, a pair of sandals is depicted next to a column near the entrance to the basilica at Rayân, dated to the fifth century. Another pair of sandals serves as a filling motif in the geometric mosaic carpet in the south aisle. Donceel-Voûte was uncertain whether one should understand sandals at the entrance to a church as a reminder to worshippers to remove their footwear, as in a mosque, but eventually preferred to see them here as a threshold motif.17 In Cyprus, two pairs of sandals appear in the geometric mosaic of the north aisle of the Basilica of Ayias Trias near Yialousa, dated to the fifth and early sixth centuries, one turned towards the inside and the other toward the outside of the church near a depiction of a pomegranate. Michaelides notes that the motif had its origins in the pagan world but during the Christian period became a symbol of pilgrimage, both in this world and from this world to the next. Dunbabin proposes that the sandals hint at the movement of worshipers in the offering procession, with the wish for a favorable passage along the aisle. 18 Blessing inscriptions at the entrances of churches and houses In parallel to the sandals located at the entrances of churches, chapels and private houses, inscriptions in mosaic pavements or incised on lintels in churches and synagogues fulfilled a similar function of blessing those who entered or left the building. The blessing “Peace to all” is on the entrance of the New Baptistery at Mount Nebo,19 and “The Lord will guard your coming in and going out, henceforth and forever” (Psalms 121:8) is found at numerous sites such as the Chapel of Elias, Maria and Soreg at Gerasa in Transjordan.20 In mosaic pavements in Israel, such blessing formulae appear at Khirbat al-Samra in the southern Golan Heights,21 in Jerusalem in the Church of St. Peter in Gallicantu on Mount Zion and the Church of Dominus Flevit, Church in Viri Galilaei and the Carmelite convent on the Mount of

15 It is possible that the remains are those of a bathhouse, since the excavations revealed next to the mosaic a plastered bench containing a pipe that terminated in a plastered pool; Hurfeish. HA 50 (1974), 1; Ovadiah 1987: 73, No. 105. 16 The pomegranate is a symbol of good luck and fertility. The border surrounds a geometric carpet containing a panel with an amphora flanked by two sheep; Chéhab 1958: 126, 139; 1959: Pl. LXXXIII. 17 Donceel-Voûte 1988: 264, 267, Pl. 12. 18 Dunbabin 1990: 104; Michaelides 1992: 79, Pl. 44b. 19 Saller 1941: 253-4; Piccirillo 1998: 298; Di Segni 1998: 433, No. 13. 20 Saller and Bagatti 1949: 287-8, Pl. 49:1; Bagatti 1952-1953: 115-16, No. 5; Piccirillo 1981: Tav. 31:33; 1993: 296, Fig. 571. 21 SEG 37 (1987): 1499; Ovadiah 1987: 98-9, No. 168.

7

Vincent 1908: 406-9, Pl. I:1; Germer-Durand 1914: 227-32; AviYonah 1933: 170, No. 125:7. 8 Dunbabin 1990: 104. 9 Macalister 1902: 122-4, Figs. on pp. 123-124; Vincent et Abel 1922: 573, Fig. 233; Avi-Yonah 1933: 178, No. 164:2. 10 I am grateful to G. Finkielsztejn for his cooperation and for permission to publish the photographs. Yeivin and Finkielsztejn 1999: 34, Ill. 42; Finkielsztejn 2005: 441-2, Figs. 8-9. 11 Trendall 1957: 16, Pl. II. 12 Avi-Yonah and Negev 1963: 146; Ovadiah 1987: 48, No. 61. 13 Avi-Yonah 1934: 49, No. 335:1, Pl. XIV:1. 14 Horvat Hoga. HA, 28-29 (1969), 19; Ovadiah 1987: 70-1, No. 99.

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A PAIR OF SANDALS DEPICTED ON MOSAIC FLOORS IN THE ENTRANCES OF PRIVATE HOUSES AND CHURCHES Olives,22 in the church at Horvat Beit Loya,23 in the church at Siyar el-Ghanam,24 and in the monastery in the Bet Shean Valley.25 On the lintel of the synagogue of Meroth, the text “Blessed shalt thou be when thou comest in, and blessed shalt thou be when thou goest out” (Deuteronomy 28:6) is incised in Hebrew on the lintel, accompanied by two eagles on either side of a wreath.26 The same scriptural verse in Greek is found at several other sites, such as Caesarea Maritima,27 ‘Evron28 and the monastery in the Bet Shean Valley.29 It is extremely common in churches in the Hauran, e.g. at Moghaire30 and Tsil,31 and is widespread in Syria as well, e.g. at Sehal, Umm et-Tine, Umm el-Halahil and Qasr elMharram.32

In the Roman period, the sandal motif appears next to the door in secular public buildings as well, and is especially common in bathhouses. In Latin these sandals are called solea balnearis (Greek σάνδαλον). A pair of sandals (soleae) shown in silhouette was uncovered on the threshold of the caldarium (Room 31) in Bath E at Antioch, dated to the first half of the fourth century (Fig. 11).37 According to Levi and Nielsen, in addition to the practical reasons for the use of sandals in bathhouses (to maintain hygiene and enable walking on a hot floor), the sandals were also seen as symbolizing a blessing and were sometimes accompanied by the inscription bene lava or salvus laves – “bathe well”. This salutation was usually expressed at the entrance to the bathhouse, while on leaving the bathhouse the formula was salvum lotum.38 One sometimes finds, in the tepidarium or another room of the bathhouse used for both entrance and exit, a depiction of two pairs of sandals pointing in different directions, accompanied by the two salutations for entering and leaving the bathhouse. Examples from North Africa are in the small bathhouse at Timgad, where they are associated with the salutation bene lava (Fig. 12);39 at Tebessa-Khalia, where the sandals appear on a threshold with two vases;40 at Kerkouane (Cap Bon), where two pairs mark the entrance to the tepidarium and frigidarium and may be a sign to the bather to put his sandals on or off and to warn of a heated floor on which sandals must be worn;41 and a pair of sandals depicted in the Baths of the Labyrinth at Thuburbo Maius, marking the threshold between the frigidarium and tepidarium.42

Sandals in domestic contexts in the western Mediterranean basin in the Roman-Byzantine period: private houses and bathhouses Depictions of sandals were common and widespread in the Roman-Byzantine period and have been variously interpreted, in accordance with their context. They have been seen as simple depictions of everyday life, as in a fresco in the Roman house on the Via dei Cerchi under the Paedagogium in Rome showing slaves welcoming guests arriving for a meal. To the right of the entrance pairs of sandals are depicted on the floor, which may hint at the custom of slaves removing the guests’ sandals. Because of this, “to sit down to a meal” was soleas deponere in Latin, and “to rise from a meal” was soleas ponere.33 Several examples have been uncovered in North Africa in domestic contexts: two pairs of sandals on either side of a mask at Bir Chana and a pair of sandals with vestigial ribbons in the facade of the entrance of a room with a geometric mosaic containing a medallion with St. Andrew’s crosses at Sicca Veneria (Le Kef).34 The same motif appears in a mosaic pavement depicting the mythological subject of the education of Achilles by the centaur Chiron at Béja in Tunisia, dated to the fifth to sixth century. The composition includes, in addition to Achilles mounted on Chiron and hunting a deer, a pair of sandals and a chimera originating in the myth of Bellerophon (Fig. 10).35 At Balzuta in Spain, pairs of sandals are incorporated between the interlacings of the border, in a similar position to those in the church at Shellal.36

The sandals sometimes appear with objects that were used in the bathhouse. Among many examples, we will note the threshold panel of the frigidarium of the private bathhouse in the villa del Nilo at Leptis Magna, which depicts a pair of sandals, strigils, an aryballos with oil and a ball. A similar depiction appears on the other door leading to the palaestra.43 In the theater at Sabratha, they are found in the frigidarium with strigils, oil-flasks and the inscriptions bene lava (“Have a nice bath!”) and salvum lavisse (expressing the hope that the bather had enjoyed his bathing).44 A pair of sandals accompanied by inscriptions was uncovered in the bathhouse at Brescia outside North Africa.45 In the context of a private house, we find a similar depiction in the black and white mosaic of the portico surrounding the peristyle of the villa at Marbella in Spain. Here there is a frieze depicting cooking and household implements, and various foods ready to cook or serve. Among the objects depicted are a pair of sandals with three strigils and two mirrors or oil-flasks. Since the

22

Vincent 1908: 409, Pl. I:2; Vincent and Abel 1922: 506; GermerDurand 1914: 227; Avi-Yonah 1933: 165, 170, Nos. 111.2, 112, 125.4; SEG 17 (1960): 786 23 SEG 35 (1985): 1540. 24 Bagatti 1952-3: 116, 126, Nos. 6, 25; Corbo 1955: 40. 25 Tzori 1971: 240, Pl. 68:3; Ovadiah 1987: 137-8, No. 235. 26 Ilan and Damati 1987: 92-3, Figs. on p. 93. 27 Bull and Toombs 1972: 179, Pl. 40:A. 28 Tzaferis 1987: 43, Ill. 9, No. 6. 29 Tzori 1971: 240, Pl. 68:2; Ovadiah 1987: 32, No. 28. 30 Dunand 1933: 253, No. 240. 31 Gildemeister 1888: 40-5; Ewing 1895: 42, No. 1. 32 Lassus 1935: 24, 26, 69, 71, 146, Figs. 25, 27, 31:2, 73, 76-7, Nos. 10, 11, 32, 36, 38, 82. 33 Wirth 1934: 128, Pl. 30a; Levi 1947: Vol. I: 262. 34 Gauckler 1910: 153, 187, Nos. 452, 565. 35 Dunbabin 1978: 45, Pl. X, Fig. 19; Feddi 1994: Fig. on p. 93. 36 Blázquez et al. 1989: 42-4, Lám 13, Núm 32.

37

Levi 1947: Vol. I: 262, Fig. 103. Levi 1947: Vol. I: 262-3; Nielsen 1990: Vol. I: 141-2. Germain 1969: 116, Pl. LVIII, No. 175. 40 Pachtère 1911: No. 12. 41 Courtois 1954: 200, Fig. 3. 42 Alexander et al. 1980: 27, No. 17D, Pl. 9, Plan 8; Dunbabin 1990: 99, Figs. 15-16 43 Guidi 1933: 33. 44 Nielsen 1990: Vol. I: 141-2; Dunbabin 1990: 99, Fig.17. 45 CIL V: No. 4500. 38 39

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SOMA 2007 sandals are not located at the threshold, they should be seen as belonging to the householder, appearing with objects related to the bathhouse.46

represent a request, prayer or blessing for good health and healing, and are substitutes for the believer himself. One can also find sandals incised in rocks as blessings for pilgrims on their journey and the hope for a safe return journey, a symbol of the route to the afterlife. Some of the depictions have a magic significance.54 On the other hand, it is possible that the footprints symbolize a divine epiphany, in which the god reveals himself to the believer, when the depiction is accompanied by divine attributes or an inscription, or when it is over life size. Castiglione linked this latter custom with the Egyptian cult, from which it passed to Ptolemaic and Roman temples. Where footprints of different sizes appear, they may be understood as the footprint of the believer and the god standing together. In any case, they hint at the presence of the believer and the god in a particular place.55

Sandals in bathhouses therefore suggest a practical use, to warn of the entrance to heated rooms, and according to Dunbabin they also act as an emblema. Together with strigils and oil flasks, they represent the enjoyment of bathing, or the wish for enjoyment as expressed by the inscriptions. In addition to the practical interpretation of the appearance of sandals in doorways of bathhouses or at the entrance to a room, Dunbabin also suggested that they should be included among the magic symbols protecting against the evil eye and bringing good luck.47 Sandals and footprints in temples Sandals and footprints with the same significance have been discovered in temples throughout the Mediterranean basin48 and particularly in Egypt,49 as footprints carved into stone slabs or incised outlines of bare feet or sandals, the latter mainly in mosaic pavements. There may be one or two pairs of sandals, with or without dedication inscriptions. Early evidence of this custom was uncovered at ‘Ain-Dārā in north Syria, dated to the tenth and ninth centuries BC,50 and they are especially common at temples related to healing, such as those dedicated to Aesculapius, Isis and Serapis in the Classical and Roman periods. Among many examples, we will note the imprint of a pair of bare feet at the Sarapeion in Thessaloniki and the Sarapeion in Delos and imprints of two pairs of feet at Maroneia (all with dedication inscriptions), two right feet with sistrums in Thrace, a pair of imprints of bare feet in front of the steps to the Temple of Isis at Belo in Spain (with dedication inscription), and two pairs of feet pointing in opposite directions on a marble slab at Lavinium (Practica di Mare), one pair of feet bare, the other shod (with dedication inscription). Dunbabin also notes numerous temples in North Africa in which footprints were found.51 Footprints appear in the mosaic pavement of the upper terrace of the sanctuary of Demeter and Kore on Acrocorinth,52 and two pairs of footprints in opposite directions appear in the relief on the threshold of the Basilica Hilariana (second half of the second century) dedicated to the Magna Mater on the Caelian Hill in Rome. The footprints are placed near an apotropaic mosaic against the Evil Eye, and an inscription with a prayer for the benevolence of the gods toward those who entered the basilica.53 Footprints in temples can thus be interpreted as a dedication to the gods, a representation of the worshiper and his pilgrimage to the temple, especially when the footprints are accompanied by a dedication inscription or a prayer. According to Doro Levi, in these temples the footprints and sandals

Conclusions In the Byzantine period in Israel and Transjordan, the motif of sandals in a medallion generally appears near doorways, with the sandals pointing into the room. Such depictions have been found in private houses, palaces, churches, side chapels connected to mother churches, and funerary chapels. The motif originates in the ancient and Roman worlds, where it appears in secular contexts in private houses and bathhouses, and in religious contexts in temples. The meaning of the sandals is linked to the context in which they were found. It appears that in Roman private houses they were understood as symbols of good luck and the presence of the householder. Their location on thresholds and in doorways emphasizes their apotropaic function, and in fact they are visual versions of the inscriptions placed on thresholds, lintels and doorposts to exclude evil influences and provide safe passage in and out of the building. In bathhouses they served as a warning to those entering a heated room. The footprints found in Roman temples were understood as representing divine epiphany or the presence of the believer in the temple. The identical locations or proximity to the figure of Tyche and the Four Seasons in the mosaics of Madaba provides a hint that sandals were a threshold motif symbolizing good fortune, blessing and success. This symbolic meaning was connected to the depictions and inscriptions expressing blessings and hopes for good health in Roman bathhouses, and in temples dedicated to the gods of healing and health. Their appearance in funerary chapels was seen as a symbol of the transition between this world and the afterlife. In the entrances of churches and chapels, the sandals were understood as a blessing on the congregation, with a similar function to the inscriptions in mosaic pavements or incised on lintels that welcomed those who entered churches and

46

Dunbabin 1990: 97, Fig. 14. Dunbabin 1989: 6-46; 1990: 101-4. 48 Guarducci 1942-43: 305-33. 49 Castiglione 1970: 95-132, Pls. VI-XXI. 50 Abū 'Assāf 1990: 14, Taf. 11a-c. 51 Dunbabin 1990: 91-4, Figs. 12-13. 52 Bookidis 1974: 278-85, Pls. 56-57; Dunbabin 1990: 85, 95, Fig. 1. 53 Stuart Jones 1929: Pl. 110, Gall. Sup. I, 19. 47

54 55

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Levi 1947: Vol. I: 263. Guarducci 1942-3: 308, 323; Castiglione 1967: 239-52.

A PAIR OF SANDALS DEPICTED ON MOSAIC FLOORS IN THE ENTRANCES OF PRIVATE HOUSES AND CHURCHES synagogues. It is even possible that the sandal motif represents believers and donors, whose faith brings them success in this world and redemption in the afterlife. In the Middle Ages, it was thought that the footprints of Jesus or Mary were depicted in some of the images.

M. and E. Alliata eds., Mount Nebo, new archaeological excavations 1967-1997, Jerusalem, 425-67. Donceel-Voûte, P. (1988) Les pavements des églises byzantines de Syrie et du Liban, décor, archéologie et liturgie. Vols. I-II. Louvain la-Neuve, Belgique. Downey, G. (1941) Antioch-on-the-Orontes III, The Excavations 1937-1939. Princeton, 83-115. Dunand, M. (1933) Nouvelles inscriptions du Djebel Druze et du Hauran II. Revue Biblique, 42, 235-54. Dunbabin, K.M.D. (1978) The mosaics of Roman North Africa. Oxford. Dunbabin, K.M.D. (1989) Baiarum grata voluptas: pleasures and dangers of the baths. Papers of the British School at Rome, 57, 6-46. Dunbabin, K.M.D. (1990) Ipsa deae vestigia… Footprints divine and human on Graeco-Roman monuments. Journal of Roman Archaeology, 3, 85109. Ewing, W. (1895) Greek and other inscriptions collected in the Hauran. Palestine Exploration Fund, 27, 41-60. Feddi, N. (1994) Les dieux, les déesses et les héros. IN: Fanter, M.H. ed., La mosaïque en Tunisie. Paris, Tunis, 60-93. Finkielsztejn, G. (2005) Les mosaïques de la komopolis de Porphyreon du sud (Kfar Samir; Haïfa, Israël): un évêché (?) entre village et cite. IN: Morlier, H. ed., La mosaïque gréco-romaine IX. Rome, 435-452. Gauckler, M.P. (1910) Inventaire des mosaïques de la Gaule et de l’Afrique, Tome 2: Afrique Proconsulaire (Tunisie). Paris. Germain, S. (1969) Les mosaïques de Timgad. Étude descriptive et analytique. Paris. Germer-Durand, J. (1914) La Maison de Caïphe et l’église Saint-Pierre à Jérusalem. Revue Biblique, 23, 222-46. Gildemeister, J. (1888) Bemerkungen zu den griechischen Inschriften Frei’s und Schumacher’s. Zeitschrift des deutschen Palästina-Vereins, 11, 3845. Guarducci, M. (1942-3) Le impronte del Quo Vadis e monumenti affini, figurati ed epigrafici. Rendiconti della Pontificia Academia Romana di Archeologia, 19, 305-33. Guidi, G. (1933) La Villa del Nilo (Leptis Magna). Africa Italiana, 5, 1-56. Ilan Z. and I. Damati. (1987) The synagogue and bethmidrash at ancient Meroth. Qadmoniot, 79-80, 87-96 (Hebrew). Lassus, J. (1935) Inventaire archéologique de la région au nord-est de Hama I. Paris. Levi, D. (1947) Antioch mosaic pavements, Vols. I-II. Princeton. Macalister, R.A.S. (1902) The mosaic in the Church of Nôtre Dame de Spasme, Jerusalem. Palestine Exploration Fund Quarterly Statement, 34, 122-24. Megaw, A.H.S. (1976) Excavations at the episcopal basilica of Kourion in Cyprus in 1974 and 1975: A preliminary report. Dumbarton Oaks Papers, 30, 34571. Michaelides, D. (1992) Cypriot mosaics. Nicosia. Nielsen, I. (1990) Thermae et balnea, I: Text, II:

Bibliography Abbreviations HA Hadashot Arkheologiyot (Archaeological News; Hebrew) CIL Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum SEG Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum Abū ‘Assāf, A. (1990) Der Tempel von 'Ain-Dārā. Mainz am Rheim. Alexander, M. and A. Ben Abed, S. Besrour-Ben Mansour, D. Soren. (1980) Corpus des mosaïques de Tunisie II, Thurburbo Maius 1. Tunis. Avi-Yonah, M. (1933) Mosaic pavements in Palestine. Quarterly of the Department of Antiquities of Palestine, 2, 136-81. Avi-Yonah, M. (1934) Mosaic pavements in Palestine, supplement. Quarterly of the Department of Antiquities of Palestine, 3, 49-59. Avi-Yonah, M. and A. Negev. (1963) Caesarea. Israel Exploration Journal, 13, 146-8. Bagatti, B. (1952-3) Espressioni bibliche nelle antiche iscrizioni cristiane della Palestina. Liber Annuus, 3, 111-48. Blázquez, J.M., G. Lopez Monteagudo, M.L. Neira Jimenez and M.P. San Nicolas Pedraz. (1989) Mosaicos romanos de Lerida y Albacete, Corpus de Mosaicos de España, VIII. Madrid. Bookidis, N. (1974) Sanctuary of Demeter and Kore on Acrocorinth, preliminary report V: 1971-1973. Hesperia, 43, 267-91. Bull, R.J. and L.E. Toombs. (1972) Caesarea. Israel Exploration Journal, 22, 178-80. Buschhausen, H. (1986) La sala dell’Ippolito presso la chiesa della Vergine Maria. IN: Piccirillo, M. ed., I mosaici di Giordania, Roma, 117-27. Castiglione, L. (1967) Tables votives à empreintes de pied dans les temples d’Egypte. Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae, 20, 239-52. Castiglione, L. (1970) Vestigia. Acta Archaeologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae, 22, 95-132. Chéhab, M.H. (1958) Mosaïques du Liban (Texte). Bulletin du Musée de Beyrouth, 14. Chéhab, M.H. (1959) Mosaïques du Liban (Planches). Bulletin du Musée de Beyrouth, 15. Corbo, V. (1955) Gli scavi di Kh. Siyar el-Ghanam (Campo dei Pastori) e i monasteri dei dintorni, Studium Biblicum Franciscanum, Collectio Maior, 11. Gerusalemme. Courtois, C. (1954) Ruines romaines du Cap Bon. Karthago, 5, 182-243. Delivorrias, A. (1984) Aphrodith. Lexicon Iconographicum Mythologiae Classicae, 2, 2-151. Di Segni, L. (1998) The Greek inscriptions. IN: Piccirillo, 155

SOMA 2007 Piccirillo, M. and B. Denton. (1996) Archaeological Remains. IN: Bikai, P.M. and T. Dailey eds., Madaba, Cultural Heritage, Amman, Jordan, 24-45. Saller, S. (1941) The memorial of Moses on Mount Nebo. Jerusalem. Saller, S.J.S. and B. Bagatti. (1949) The town of Nebo (Khirbet el-Mekhayyat), with a brief survey of other ancient Christian monuments in Transjordan. Jerusalem. Stuart Jones, H. (1929) The sculptures of the Palazzo dei Conservatori. Oxford. Trendall, A.D. (1957) The Shellal mosaic. Canberra. Tzaferis, V. (1987) The Greek inscriptions from the Early Christian church at ‘Evron. Eretz-Israel, 19, 36*-53*. Tzori, N. (1971) Four Greek inscriptions from the BethShean Vally. Eretz-Israel, 10, 240 (Hebrew). Vincent, H. (1908) Chronique: mosaïques byzantines. Revue Biblique, 17, 406-10. Vincent, H. and M. Abel. (1922) Jérusalem nouvelle, Tome II:a. Paris. Yeivin Z. and G. Finkielsztejn. (1999) Horbat Castra – 1993-1997. Hadashot Arkheologiyot – Excavations and Surveys in Israel, 109, 32-8 (Hebrew). Wirth, F. (1934) Römische Wandmalerei von Untergang Pompejis bis ans Ende des dritten Jahrhunderts. Berlin.

Catalogue and plates. Aarhus. Ovadiah, R. and A. Ovadiah. (1987) Hellenistic, Roman and Early Byzantine mosaic pavements in Israel. Rome. Pachtère, M.F.G. (1911) Inventaire des mosaïques de la Gaule et de l’Afrique, Tome III: Afrique Proconsulaire, Numidie, Maurétanie (Algérie), texte. Paris. Piccirillo, M. (1981) Chiese e mosaici della Giordania Settentrionale. Jerusalem. Piccirillo, M. (1982a) A new mosaic discovered in Madaba. Annual of the Department of Antiquities of Jordan, 26, 417-19. Piccirillo, M. (1982b) La Chiesa della Vergine a Madaba. Liber Annuus, 32, 373-403. Piccirillo, M. (1985) La ricerca archeologica lungo il cardo romano di Madaba. Liber Annuus, 35, 429-30. Piccirillo, M. (1986a) The Burnt Palace of Madaba. Annual of the Department of Antiquities of Jordan, 30, 333-39. Piccirillo, M. (1986b) Il palazzo bruciato di Madaba. Liber Annuus, 36, 317-27. Piccirillo, M. (1989) Chiese e mosaici di Madaba. Jerusalem, Milan. Piccirillo, M. (1993) The mosaics of Jordan. Amman. Piccirillo, M. (1998) The mosaics. IN: Piccirillo, M. and E. Alliata eds., Mount Nebo, new archaeological excavations 1967-1997, Jerusalem, 265-371.

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A PAIR OF SANDALS DEPICTED ON MOSAIC FLOORS IN THE ENTRANCES OF PRIVATE HOUSES AND CHURCHES

1.2 Fig. 1.1-2: The “Hall of the Seasons” under the house of the Aqsar family at Madaba (Piccirillo 1986b: Foto 23; 1993, fig. 46). 1.1

2.1 2.2

2.3 2.4 Fig. 2.1-4: A pair of sandals and Tyche in the “Burnt Palace” at Madaba (Piccirillo and Denton 1996, figs. on pp. 27-28; Piccirillo 1993, figs. 50-51). 157

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3.2 Fig. 3.1-2: The “Hippolytus Hall” at Madaba (Piccirillo 1989, fig. on p. 51; 1993, fig. 3). 3.1

5.1 5.2 Fig. 5.1-2: The crypt of the Armenian-Catholic church of Nôtre-Dame de Spasme on the Via Dolorosa in Jerusalem (Macalister 1902, figs. on pp. 123-124). Fig. 4: The funerary chapel of Stephen on Mount Zion in Jerusalem (Vincent 1908, Pl. I:1).

6.2

Fig. 7: The church at Shellal, 561/2 AD (Trendall 1957, Pl. II).

6.1

Fig. 6.1-2: Horvat Castra – Haifa. Courtesy of Gerald Finkelstein, Israel Antiquities Authority (Finkielsztejn 2005, fig. 9).

6.1 158

A PAIR OF SANDALS DEPICTED ON MOSAIC FLOORS IN THE ENTRANCES OF PRIVATE HOUSES AND CHURCHES

Fig. 9: The villa at Awza’ī in Lebanon, late fifth or early sixth century (Chéhab 1959, Pl. LXXXIII). Fig. 8: Mosaic in Beer Sheva (Avi-Yonah 1934, Pl. XIV:1).

Fig. 10: The education of Achilles by the centaur Chiron at Béja in Tunisia, fifth to sixth century (Feddi 1994, fig. on p. 93).

Fig. 11: Sandals on the threshold of the caldarium (Room 31) in Bath E at Antioch, first half of the fourth century (Levi 1947, Vol. I: fig. 103).

Fig. 12: Sandals on the threshold of the small bathhouse at Timgad with the salutation bene lava (Germain 1969, Pl. LVIII). 159

A Statistical Evaluation of the Early Bronze Age Pottery from the Erzurum Region Mehmet Işikli Atatürk University, Erzurum – Turkey, Department of Archaeology

Mahmut Bilge Baştürk Ege University, İzmir – Turkey, Department of Archaeology

the reason under the problems. In this wide region where a general cultural homogeneity can be suggested, serious differentiations appear when we look to the sub-regions. In other words, “localism” is a crucial feature for the Early Trans-Caucasian culture. In order to understand this kind of geographically extensive cultures, an increase in local investigations is essential. From this point of view, our work focuses on the statistical data of the Early Trans-Caucasian pottery from the Erzurum Region. The aim of this study is to evaluate the pottery assemblages from three key sites found in the Erzurum region, and to reach some general and local determinations about the ceramic traditions seen in the culture.

Introduction The mountainous and hilly northern part of the Near East hosts a vast “cultural unity” in the period following the midst of the 4th millennium BC. This cultural unity, regnant in the mountainous part of Eastern Anatolia to the north of the southern Taurus’s, southern Caucasus and an important part of the North-western Iran during the 3rd millennium BC, has been a popular subject amongst the archaeologists working on the protohistorical periods of the Near East. The “unity” in question reveals itself in a rich repertory, ranging from the architecture to the burial customs. Different designations were suggested by the researchers who study this culture in various regions and countries, and the most prevalent ones are; “the KuraAraxes Culture”, “Karaz Culture” or the “Early TransCaucasian Culture”.1 The culture lasts more than a thousand years with regional evolutionary variations in it, and dissolves amongst the other cultural elements at the beginning of the 2nd millennium BC, again in relation with the regional differentiations. This Early Bronze Age culture, in other words, Early Trans-Caucasian Culture is distinctive with its particular pottery, architecture, ceramic objects and settlement patterns. Nomadic and semi-nomadic pastoralism, self-satisfactory agricultural activities and limited metalworking can be said for the socio-economic dynamics of this culture. Nomadism, semi-nomadism and transhumance are important features for the mentioned culture. The bearers of this culture are accepted by most of the scholars as the earliest mobile pastoralist communities of these highlands. The researchers working on its material, settlement patterns and socio-economic structure interpret this culture as “a cultural complex embodying nomadic and semi-nomadic elements in its components”.2

Likewise all other prehistoric cultures, the most important material for the Early Trans-Caucasian culture is the ceramics. The Early Trans-Caucasian pottery is generally hand-made, and the paste is not fine refined. Sand, grit and plant (organic) are the most common seen tempers.3 The Early Trans-Caucasian pottery draws attention with its exterior colour, and especially with its elaborate burnish. Black, grey, brown, reddish and various tones of these colours are dominant. The contrasting colours between the interior and exterior surfaces of the vessels seem to be peculiar to this culture. Black or grey exterior and brown or red interior surface colours are one of the distinguishing marks of the culture. Besides, “mottling” on the exterior surface due to the firing is also remarkable. As mentioned above, fine burnishing is characteristic for this type of pottery. In some latter samples, this process has a high quality that creates a grey metallic appearance. This situation is typical for the Early Bronze III and later ceramics in the Erzurum Region.4 Up today, not any archaeological evidence could have been determined how this burnishing was done, or what kind of material was used. However, some scholars had presented a series of suggestions on basis of ethnoarchaeological researches.5 According to these, long and strong application of an organic material such as leather or a bone, a hard material such as a stone, or application of dairy products right after the firing could have maintained that kind of fine quality of burnishing.

Since the Early Trans-Caucasian culture has been known in the world archaeology from the beginnings of the last century, numerous problems still remain unsolved at present. The problems occur in every field, including the main phenomena, the chronology and the expanding process. Most scholars see the geographical and chronological hugeness and unwieldiness of the culture as

1

For the discussions on the terminology of the culture, see Işıklı 2005, 143–145. 2 For detailed information, see Cribb 1991: 222–3. Basing on the portative cultural elements and round-planned houses that remind the tents of the nomads, Burney suggests that this culture is a nomadic formation. Burney and Lang 1971: 57–59.

3

For a petrographic analyse of the pottery from the Erzurum region, see Batiuk 2000. 4 For detailed information on the re-evaluation of the Karaz, Pulur and Güzelova pottery, see Işıklı 2005: 405–478. 5 Bakır 1985: 35–53.

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A STATISTICAL EVALUATION OF THE EARLY BRONZE AGE POTTERY FROM THE ERZURUM REGION Burnishing can even be yielded as a type of decoration in the latter phases of the culture.6

milestones of the Eastern Anatolian prehistory in the time they were excavated, have been reconsidered nearly 60 years later, with a new project.12 An important part of the project is the re-evaluation of the stratigraphy with the material found in the earlier excavations. The most important starting point for the re-evaluations has been Sos Höyük, which was excavated between 1994 and 200313 by Sagona. Here, we want to share the results of the statistical evaluations, carried out as a part of the project.

The Early Trans-Caucasian ceramics are generally fine or average fired. No significant evidence related to firing process could have been uncovered in any of the excavated sites of the culture. Thus, it is though that “home type production” and “open air firing” 7 should had been prevalent in firing techniques. Home type production means the production of the needed pottery by a household, and probably because of this, workshops or furnaces, which directly indicate a specialisation on pottery production have not been discovered yet.

The number of the samples statistically evaluated from Karaz, Pulur and Güzelova mounds is 350. Almost all of the artefacts are intact or nearly intact vessels.

Decoration is an important feature in the Early TransCaucasian ceramic tradition. Splendidly decorated vessels with relief, incise and dimple-and-groove decorations especially draw attention. Some samples are so elaborately decorated that make one think that these were never used in daily life, and may be produced for special purposes. Most scholars think that the decoration is a crucial determinant for the identification of the chronological improvement of the Early Trans-Caucasian culture.8 According to these, the coarse relief decoration is common in the earlier phases of the culture, while finer and complicated relief and incise decoration becomes common in the latter phases. The decoration repertory of the pottery consists of complicated compositions of geometric figures and motifs; simply stylised plants and animals; and dimples and vertical grooves.9

The Early Trans-Caucasian form repertory from the Erzurum region is almost homogenous as supposed, and the main forms are the variations of bowls and jars (graph 1). While the percentage of the bowls is 74 percent in Güzelova, this decreases to 48 percent in Pulur and 30 percent in Karaz. The measures for the jars are clearly nominal for Güzelova and Pulur mounds, and Karaz has the most increasing amount with 48 percent. This declines to 17 percent in Güzelova, and to 6 percent in Pulur. If we reconsider that Güzelova and Pulur groups are chronologically later than Karaz group, it can be suggested that in the later phases of the culture, bowls and their variations became more popular, at least in the Erzurum region. Although the forms seen in this pottery are known to be homogenous, and it is hard to talk about large-scale diversities, the ratio for the different forms such as cups, beakers, trays and the others is not remissible. While the other forms create the 35 percent of the form repertory in Pulur, they appear with approximately 20 percent in Karaz and Güzelova.14

Statistical Evaluation of the Early Bronze Age Pottery from Karaz, Pulur and Güzelova Mounds The northern mountainous part of the Eastern Anatolia has an ecological system of low plains suitable for settlement, scattered between the mountain ranges. Such sub-regions are generally isolated from each other or have a limited access throughout the year.10 The three sites studied in this paper, Karaz, Pulur and Güzelova mounds, are located in this kind of an ecological niche, in Erzurum plain surrounded by Mount Kargapazarı from north and Palandöken Mountains from south. The mentioned mounds were excavated by Hamit Zübeyir KOŞAY on behalf of Türk Tarih Kurumu, in 1940’s and 1960’s.11 These sites and their material, which were the

The paste of the Early Trans-Caucasian pottery from the Erzurum Region has two different colours (graph 2): For all three sites, the paste colour appears as black and grey or brown with nearly 90 percent, and brown predominates in all with a ratio of approximately 50 percent. The temper is another flexible feature of the Early TransCaucasian pottery, depending to the local variations. Different studies had determined these inclusions varying from organic, especially chaff, to the obsidian fragments.15 In our case, the Erzurum Region reveals a much more homogenous structure. The common tempers are sand and grit, very mostly seen together, and rarely attested alone. The results prove that the clay was not

6

This kind of pottery was discovered in the Sos region (Sagona 2004: Fig. 27), and in a sounding with we have executed in Pulur (Işıklı, in print). 7 This type of firing is the most primitive technique known. The pottery is placed downwards on the flammable material such as wood, bush etc., and then gets fired. Whatever the quality of the flammable material is, the maximum heat can not reach more than 700-800°C. Because of this, different colours and mottling may occur on the surface (Ökse 1999: 14–5). 8 For a general evaluation about the discussions on the subject, see Işıklı 2005: 116–154. 9 For the decoration repertory, see Sagona 1984: Fig. 115–124, also see Işıklı 2005: Pl. IX-X. 10 For more information and the ecosystems in North-eastern Anatolia, see Atalay, Tetik and Yılmaz 1985; Atalay 1978. 11 Koşay and Turfan 1959; Koşay and Vary 1964; Koşay and Vary 1967; For detailed information on the history of the researches in the region, see Işıklı 2005: 387–400.

12 Within the mentioned project, all archaeological material in the depots of Erzurum Museum and AMM in Ankara were evaluated. Besides, for the stratigraphical distribution of the material, a short sounding project was carried out in Pulur in 2002. For detailed information on the project, see Işıklı 2005: 2–19. 13 For the excavations in Sos, see Sagona 2000: 329–73; Sagona and Sagona 2000: 56–127. 14 For the form repertory of the mentioned material, see Işıklı 2005: Pl. VII. 15 For some of the rare studies on the petrographic analyses of the Early Transcaucasian Pottery, see Sukenik 1947: 9–17; Mason and Cooper 1999: 25–31; Batiuk 2000: 153–63; Kibaroğlu, Satır and Işıklı (in press).

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SOMA 2007 have to reconsider the possible development in pottery production techniques of the Early Trans-Caucasian culture.

well refined, and it is hard to think that sand and grit were included to the paste on purpose. The remissible proportions for the other material support this idea (graph 3).

Finally, we need to have a look to the most characteristic surface treatment of the pottery, the decoration. Incise, relief, and dimple-and-groove decoration techniques are seen to be applied on the samples of the Erzurum region. As mentioned above, chronological suggestions depending on the decoration styles for the culture are mostly valid. This is also attested by our work. Decoration appears in all three sites of the Erzurum region, but as seen on the graph, in Karaz group, which is relatively earlier than the others, the percentage of the decorated samples is obviously high with 54 percent (graph 9).

As mentioned above, the dominant colours of the Early Trans-Caucasian pottery are black, grey, red, brown and varied tones of these. Black and red, especially black itself, are generally accepted to be the most common exterior colours. The material that we have studied exposes a different occurrence (graph 4): In Karaz, brown as an exterior colour creates the 49 percent of all, which is to say, half of the whole assemblage. Black and grey tones follow this with 38 percent. In Pulur, ratios interchange with nearly the same numbers, black and grey appear with 50 percent, which is followed by brown colour with 40 percent. Tones of red are not remissible, but appear with 11 and 8 percents, and can surely be accepted as “rare” colours, whereas buff is much rarer.

The difference does not occur only in the ratios, but also the decoration styles in Karaz group also differ from the other two sites. For Karaz group (graph 10), the typical decoration techniques are thick reliefs, and dimple-andgrooves. This situation approves the idea that in the earlier phases of the culture, thick relief and groove, especially the initial one, were popular among the decoration styles.16

The interior colours expose a clear contrast, with high proportions of brown (graph 5). In Karaz, brown reaches up to 68 percent as an interior colour, while black appears with only 13, and red with 17 percent. In Pulur, brown drops off to 58, and black rises up to 22 percent. In Güzelova, the percentages are closer to each other as 50 percent brown and 34 percent black and grey. A comparison between exterior and interior surfaces obviously points out the created contrast between the two colours. The contradiction between two colour groups and how their percentages interchange can be traced when one compares graph 4 and 5.

Pulur and Güzelova decorated groups seem not to be as rich as Karaz samples, since the percentage for the decorated samples decrease to 19 percent in Pulur and to 10 percent in Güzelova (graph 9). In Pulur group (graph 11), a severe decrease in the number of the decoration techniques can obviously be seen. Güzelova group, the latter phase of three with lowest percentage of decorated samples, reveals thin relief, incised and grooved patterns. These results are almost coherent with the theories related to the chronological processes of the pottery.

Another diagnostic feature of the Early Trans-Caucasian pottery, burnishing, is also typical for the Erzurum region. Burnishing was applied commonly in all sites with at least 86 percent (graph 6). Very fine burnished samples with a silvery metallic appearance are rarely attested, and this seems to be increased to its uttermost in Güzelova with only 9 percent, in a relatively later phase (graph 7). Fine burnishing has a high proportion in Karaz and Güzelova, with 56 and 50 percents. Average burnishing gives the same number for both, as 35 percent. This number changes in Pulur, where we see the ratios for average and fine burnishing shift. Poor burnishing quality can only be seen in some samples, like the very fine burnished ones.

To sum up; the Erzurum region, one of the most important areas for the expansion of the Early TransCaucasian culture, is still carrying a crucial role for understanding the dynamics of the Early Bronze Age cultures of the Eastern Anatolia. The results that we have acquired on the basis of statistical work have revealed both old and new information, which is going to be tested in further years. For instance, some outcomes such as the colour distributions exhibit novel and diverse issues about the different local traditions, while the others clearly verify the connections and interactions between various regions. The general homogenous appearance that can be seen at the first sight contains real dissimilarities as well as the analogies when one focuses into the subregions. Similar studies in different sub-regions of the culture like the Erzurum region, and correspondences both intra and inter of those sub-regions will be a significant step for solving the chronic problems of this Early Bronze Age culture of the “hills”.

No accurate evidence for the firing techniques of the Early Trans-Caucasian pottery could have been discovered yet. As mentioned before, the potters of this culture are believed to be dealing with “home type production” and used simple open air firing. The statistics of Erzurum material represent similar results (graph 8). In Karaz group, highly fired samples create 29 percent, where 71 percent of the rest has an average or poor firing. In Pulur group, highly fired samples reach to 44 percent. Average and poor fired ones decrease to 56 percent in total. Güzelova group presents a different view, with 56 percent fine fired vessels, and 44 percent medium or bad fired ones. When we reconsider that Güzelova group belongs to the latter phases of the culture, then we also

16

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Işıklı 2005: 410–442.

A STATISTICAL EVALUATION OF THE EARLY BRONZE AGE POTTERY FROM THE ERZURUM REGION Höyük Kura-Araxes Ceramics. EMAC’07: 9th European Meeting on Ancient Ceramics, Budapest. Koşay, H.Z. and K. Turfan (1959) Erzurum-Karaz Kazısı Raporu. Belleten 23/91, 349–413. Koşay, H.Z. and H. Vary (1964) Pulur Kazısı, 1960 Mevsimi Çalışmaları Raporu, Atatürk Üniversitesi Yayınları No: 24, Ankara. Koşay, H.Z. and H. Vary (1967) Güzelova (Turfanç) Erzurum Kazısı, 1961, Atatürk Üniversitesi Yayınları No: 46, Fen-Edebiyat Fakültesi Araştırmaları, Seri No: 20, Ankara. Mason, R.M. and L. Cooper (1999) Grog, Petrology and Early Transcaucasians at Godin Tepe. Iran 37, 25–31. Ökse, A.T. (2002) Arkeolojik Çalışmalarda Seramik Değerlendirme Yöntemleri, İstanbul. Sagona, A. (2000) Sos Höyük and the Erzurum Region in late Prehistory: A Provisional Chronology for Northeastern Anatolia. IN: Marro, C and H. Hauptmann eds., Chronologies des Pays du Caucase et de L’Euphrate aux IVe - IIIe Millenaires, Paris, 329–73. Sagona, A. (2004) Social Boundaries and Ritual Landscapes in Late Prehistoric Trans-Caucasus. IN: Sagona, A. eds., A View from the Highlands Archaeological Studies in Honour of C. Burney, Ancient Near Eastern Studies Supplement 12 (2004), 475–538. Sagona, A. and C. Sagona (2000) Excavations at Sos Höyük, 1998 – 2000 Fifth Preliminary Report. Ancient Near Eastern Studies 37, 56–127. Sukenik, Y. (1947) On the Technique of Khirbet Kerak Ware. Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 106, 9–17.

Bibliography Atalay, İ. (1987) Türkiye Jeomorfolojisine Giriş. Ege Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fakültesi Yayınları No: 9, İzmir. Atalay, İ., M. Tetik and Ö. Yılmaz (1985) Kuzeydoğu Anadolu’nun Ekosistemleri. Ormancılık Araştırma Enstitüsü Yayınları No: 141, Ankara. Bakır, T. (1985) Ananevi Seramik Yapımına Doğu Anadolu’dan Bir Örnek: Erzurum Yiğittaşı (Sos) Köyünden Nazlı Nene Seramik Yapıyor. 4. Ulusal El Sanatları Sempozyumu 21–24 Kasım 1985, İzmir, 35– 53. Batiuk, S. (2000) Petrographic Analysis of the Early Transcaucasian Ceramics from the Bayburt Region North Eastern Anatolia: An Exploratory Study. Ancient Near Eastern Studies 37, 153–63. Burney, C.A. and D.M. Lang (1971) The Peoples of the Hills: Ancient Ararat and Caucasus, London, Weidenfeld and Nicolsen. Cribb, R. (1991) Nomads in Archaeology, Cambridge. Işıklı, M. (2005) Doğu Anadolu Erken Transkafkasya Kültürü’nün Karaz, Pulur ve Güzelova Malzemesi Işığında Tekrar Değerlendirilmesi, (unpublished PhD. dissertation) Ege Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü, İzmir. Işıklı, M. (in pres). The Pulur Sounding: The Observations on Transition from Late Bronze Age to Early Iron Age in the Erzurum Region. IN: Rubinson, K. and A. Sagona eds., Ceramics in Transitions: Chalcolithic Through Iron Age in the Highland. Kibaroğlu, M., M. Satır and M. Işıklı (in pres). New Searches For Kura-Araxes Cultural Complex: The Petrographic and Geochemical Analysis of Sos

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SOMA 2007

Graph 2: Karaz - Pulur - Güzelova Paste Colour Ratios

Graph 1: Karaz - Pulur - Güzelova Form Distribution 74%

80%

48%

50%

35%

30% 22%

30%

Jars

48%

20%

30%

Other Forms

20%

17%

PULUR

KARAZ

GÜZELOVA

Graph 1: Karaz-Pulur-Güzelova Form Distribution Graph 3: Karaz - Pulur - Güzelova Temper Ratios 69% 57%

60%

55%

50%

30%

10%

16% 8% 7%

20% 12% 11%

Sand + Grit

70%

Grit

50%

Sand

26% 8%

Other

PULUR

11%

10%

11%

8%

2%

5%

2%

Black Grey Brown and variations Red reddish Buff

Brown and variations Black Grey

58% 50%

50%

100% 90% 80%

17% 13% 2%

22% 14% 6%

Red reddish

11% 5%

PULUR

not burnished 14%

12%

GÜZELOVA

Karaz

Graph 5: Karaz-Pulur-Güzelova Interior Colours

60%

burnished

20% 10% 0%

Buff

0%

KARAZ

Pulur

10%

Güzelova

Graph 6: Karaz-Pulur-Güzelova Burnishing Ratios

Graph 7: Karaz - Pulur - Güzelova Burnishing Quality 56% 50%

52%

50%

35%

40%

38%

very fine

35%

30% 20% 10%

GÜZELOVA

Graph 6: Karaz - Pulur - Güzelova Burnishing Ratios 90% 88% 86%

70% 60% 50% 40% 30%

34%

40%

PULUR

Graph 4: Karaz-Pulur-Güzelova Exterior Colours

68%

60%

10%

25%

30%

KARAZ

Graph 5: Karaz - Pulur - Güzelova Interior Colours

20%

40%

38%

GÜZELOVA

Graph 3: Karaz-Pulur-Güzelova Temper Ratios

30%

50%

49%

0%

KARAZ

70%

59%

60%

0%

80%

GÜZELOVA

Graph 4: Karaz - Pulur - Güzelova Exterior Colours

20%

11%

PULUR

Graph 2: Karaz-Pulur-Güzelova Paste Colour Ratios

40%

40%

20%

Buff

5%6%

1%

0%

KARAZ

70%

13%

10% 1%

10%

0%

80%

Red - reddish

20%

6%

10%

38%

34%

40%

Brown and variations Black - Grey

48% 41%

47%

50%

60%

40%

55%

60%

Bowls

70%

5%

4%

5%

5%

9%

6%

fine average poor

0%

Karaz

Pulur

Güzelova

Graph 7: Karaz-Pulur-Güzelova Burnishing Quality

164

A STATISTICAL EVALUATION OF THE EARLY BRONZE AGE POTTERY FROM THE ERZURUM REGION Graph 8: Karaz - Pulur - Güzelova Firing Ratios 70%

62%

high

56%

60%

average

48% 44%

50% 40%

20%

9%

10%

poor

34%

t

29%

30%

10%

8%

0%

Karaz

Pulur

Güzelova

Graph 8: Karaz-Pulur-Güzelova Firing Ratios

Graph 9: Karaz - Pulur - Güzelova Ratios for Decoration 100% 90% 80% 70% 60% 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0%

90%

81% 54%

decorated 46% undecorated 19%

Karaz

10%

Pulur

Güzelova

Graph 9: Karaz-Pulur-Güzelova Ratios for Decoration

Dimple-andGroove Incıse + Groove 8% 8%

Graph 10: Karaz Decoration Styles

Relief Dimple

2%

Nub Relief 37%

3% 1; 2%

Incise Groove Dimple + Relief Relief + Groove Incıse + Groove

Groove 23%

Dimple-and-Groove

2% 2%

Dimple + Relief + Groove

Incise 13%

Graph 10: Karaz Decoration Styles

Graph 11: Pulur Decoration Styles Hole 10%

Dimple 10%

Graph 12: Güzelova Decoration Styles

Dimple

Groove 15%

Incise

Hole 8%

Groove

Relief Incise Groove Hole

Hole Groove 40%

Relief 54%

Incise 40%

Incise 23%

Graph 11: Pulur Decoration Styles

Graph 12: Güzelova Decoration Styles

165

Clemens Mehmet Emin Bosch (1899-1955): A Scientist who Contributed to the Studies on Ancient History and Numismatics in Turkey Sevtap Kadıoğlu Asistant Professor, Istanbul University, Faculty of Arts, Department of Philosophy, Chair of History of Science, [email protected]

Gaye Şahinbaş Erginöz Asistant Professor, Istanbul University, Faculty of Arts, Department of Philosophy, Chair of History of Science, [email protected]

German originated ancient historian and expert of numismatics Clemens Bosch was born on 6th October 1899 in Cologne, Germany. His father was Friedrich Wilhelm Bosch. He completed elementary and secondary level education in Cologne and high school education in Darmstadt. After graduating from Darmstadt High School he studied ancient history, classical philology and archeology at Heidelberg and Berlin. After receiving academic diploma on 19.02.1920 he started a doctorate at Heidelberg University Ancient History Department, beside ancient historian A.von Domaszewski. He completed his doctorate thesis entitled Die Quellen des Valerius Maximus; ein Beitrag zur Erforschung der Literatur der historischen Exempla on 28.03.1925. Bosch worked beside ancient historian W. Weber in Halle University from 1927 began studying ancient Asia Minor coins again upon Weber’s encouragement and intensified his scholarly life in this field. He began to work as chief assistant in Halle University Institute of Ancient Era Sciences (Institut für Altertumswissenschaft) where Weber was the head, in 1930. With his thesis prepared on Roman Empire era Asia Minor coins entitled Die Kleinasiatischen Münzen der Römischen Kaiserzeit he became associate professor on 16.04.1932 and worked as an associate professor in Halle University until 1935.2

As it is known, 1933 University Reform is a significant turning point in the history of Turkish academy. With this reform realized under the leadership of our great leader Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, Istanbul Darülfünun, the university of Ottoman era was closed and Istanbul University was founded in its place. Together with the reform, two thirds of the lecturers of darülfünun were dismissed and a new academic cadre was created for Istanbul University. This cadre was mainly composed of three groups. The first group consisted of the remaining lecturers of the closed darülfünun, the second one consisted of youngsters who took bachelor’s degree abroad and returned to the homeland, and third and the largest group consisted of foreign lecturers. These foreign lecturers are the scientists who resigned from their occupations at the universities due to the oppression of the national socialists who were in power in Germany of those years. They were either Jewish or their spouses were Jewish or they were not Jewish at all but opposed the practices of national socialists. Some of those scientists were charged in various scientific and cultural institutions in our country. A significant number of German speaking refugees who came to our country upon 1933 University Reform began to work in Istanbul University Faculty of Literature. There were other refugees as well who were charged in Ankara University Faculty of Language, History and Geography. Furthermore there were German scientists who arrived later despite the fact that they were not refugees and worked in Turkey (in Istanbul University, German Archeology Institute and in other institutions) as well. German speaking scientists arrived at Istanbul University Faculty of Literature as refugees.1 One of those scientists who contributed to our education system at the levels of bachelor and master is ancient historian and expert of numismatics Prof. Dr. Clemens Emin Bosch who initially worked in Istanbul Archeology Museum and later in Istanbul University Faculty of Literature.

After Nazis acquired power in Germany Bosch was dismissed from his post at Halle/Saale University Institute of Archeology beacuse his wife Johanna Bosch whom he married in 1925 did not belong to the Arian race (Nichtarier). Unable to find an environment for academic development in Germany, Dr. Clemens Bosch came to Turkey with his wife and five children.3 Through the Head of Istanbul German Archeology Institute, Prof. Dr. Martin Schede (1883-1947),4 Bosch

2 Arif Müfid Mansel, “Clemens Emin Bosch (1899-1955)”, Belleten, XX/78, Türk Tarih Kurumu Basımevi, Ankara (April) 1956, pp. 295303; Horst Widmann, Atatürk ve Üniversite Reformu (Atatürk and University Reform), Transl. Aykut Kazancıgil, Serpil Bozkurt, Kabalcı Yayınevi, Istanbul 1999, pp. 182-183, 275, 425-426; http://www.catalogus-professorum-halensis.de/boschclemens.html. 3 Arnold Reismann, Turkey’s Modernization (Refugees from Nazism and Atatürk’s Vision), New Academia Publishing, Washington 2006, p. 65. 4 Head of Berlin Archeology Institute Prof. Schede caused and archeology museum planned to be administered being subjected to the central museums in Berlin to be founded in İstanbul, in Republic of

1 For detailed information on German speakinf refugee scientists who worked in Istanbul University Faculty of Literature after 1933 see Fritz Neumark, Boğaziçine Sığınanlar (Those who Took Refugee in Bosphorus), Transl. Şefik Alp Bahadır, İstanbul 2006, pp. 55-58; Ersoy Taşdemirci, Belgelerle 1933 Üniversite Reformunda Yabancı Bilim Adamları (Foreign Scientists in 1933 University Reform on Documents), Ankara 1992, p. 137.

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CLEMENS MEHMET EMIN BOSCH (1899-1955) was apponited an “expert of numismatics” at the Istanbul Archeology Museum starting from 01.11.1935, with the task of arranging antique coin collection (in order to classify the coins) in Istanbul Archeology Museum. Thus he had come to the heart of Asia Minor (Anatolia) coins which was his principal field of interest and found rich material and appropriate studying environment. Between 1935-1939/1940 he prepared a catalogue of three volumes and a guide book5 for Greek, Byzantium and Roman coins that were exhibited at the Istanbul Archeology Museum. Dr. Bosch continued his academic life in Istanbul University Faculty of Literature starting on the date of the beginnig of the Second World War, and remaind there until his death in 1955.6

scholarly papers for the academic environment on history, numismatics and epigraphy. Bosch trained many students and academicians and undertook many scholarly studies by traveling to many places (Ankara, İzmir, Bergama, Söke, Efes etc.) in Anatolia on various dates. He attended excavations (Antalya region Side excations), collected material and moreover, worked in Ankara Museum of Anatolian Civilizations Müzesi and Antalya Archeology Museum. When Ankara University Faculty of Language, History and Geography requested lectures for one semester, he went to Ankara on 17th March 1941. The document of Dean’s Office of faculty of Literature dated 07.03.1941 and numbered 437, states that he would give the course of lectures on “Hellenism” at the Ankara University Faculty of Language, History and Geography for one week (though not one semester) two hours a day (total of twelve hours).10

Dr. Emin Bosch was elected a professor of Hellenistic and Roman eras at the Istanbul University Faculty of Literature on 18.12.1939 by the alliance of Professors’ Assembly gathered on 15.12.1939.7 From that date Bosch began to lecture for bachelor students of departments of history and archeology in Istanbul University Faculty of Literature in the fields of Greek History, Roman history and numismatics;8 furthermore he supervised them during preparations for doctorate thesisl.

Professor Bosch caused two doctorate studies to be performed within the period when he worked in Faculty of Literature. One of those is the thesis by Nihal Ongunsu entitled Anadolu Sanatında ve Dininde Geyik ve Ayna (Deer and Mirror in Anatolian Art and Religion), (08.07.1947), and the other one is the doctorate thesis by Sabahat Atlan titled Küçük Asya Sikkeleri Üzerinde Aphrodite Tipleri (Aphrodite Typologies on the Coins of Asia Minor), (27.04.1948). Atlan was Bosch’s assistant from 1940 to 1950 and she translated both his lectures and his books and articles. Sabahat Atlan who later became a professor is one of the first female numismatists educated in the Republican era.11

While he was employed by the university, he prepared text books on Hellenism and Roman history in order to give the students basic knowledge9 and he published

Turkey in 1929 and to get officially activated from 1930 (Arif Müfid Mansel, “Mertin Schede (1883-1947)”, Belleten, XVI, 1952, p. 410.) 5 Eski Sikkeler Rehberi: 1. Bölüm: Yunan-Romen-Bizantin ve Avrupa Sikkeleri (Guidance for Ancient Coins: Chapter 1: Grek-Roman Byzantian and Europe Coins), İstanbul Arkeoloji Müzeleri Yayınları, İstanbul 1951, 215 p.+11 p. Picture+1 map. (We are thankful to Prof. Dr. Oğuz Tekin who caused us to reach this reference.) 6 According to the information provided by Esteemed Muazzez İlmiye Çığ, since the war broke out in those days, tablets and coin collections, as well as statues and various art works in the Archeology Museum were transported to other cities of Anatolia (Niğde etc.) with the purpose of security. In this case there was not to do for Cl. Emin Bosch in the museum. Thus Bosch continued his later academic studies in Istanbul University. 7 Istanbul University Rectorate Personnel Office files of personnel affairs: Clemens Emin Boş personnel file. 8 İstanbul Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fakültesi 1937-1938 Ders Yılı Talebe Kılavuzu (Istanbul University Faculty of Literature Guidence of Students for 1937-1938 Academic Year), İstanbul 1938; İstanbul Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fakültesi Öğrenci Kılavuzu (Istanbul University Faculty of Literature Guidence of Students) (1947-1948), İstanbul 1948; İstanbul Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fakültesi Öğretim Kılavuzu (Istanbul University Faculty of Literature Guidence of Students) (1950-1951), İstanbul 1951; İstanbul Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fakültesi 1951-1952 Ders Yılı Öğretim Kılavuzu (Istanbul University Faculty of Literature Guidence of Students for 1951-1952 Academic Year), İstanbul 1951; İstanbul Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fakültesi Öğretim Kılavuzu (1952-1953) (Istanbul University Faculty of Literature Guidence of Students), İstanbul 1952. 9 Roma Tarihinin Ana Hatları, I. Kısım: Cumhuriyet (Main Lines of Roman History, Section I: Republic), Transl. Sabahat Atlan, İstanbul Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fakültesi Yayınlarından (From Publications of Istanbul University Faculty of Literature) No. 127, Edebiyat Fakültesi Tarih Enstitüsü Neşriyatı (Faculty of Literature, Institute of History Publication), İstanbul 1940; Helenizm Tarihinin Ana Hatları, I. Kısım: Büyük İskender İmparatorluğu, Transl. Afif Erzen, İstanbul Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fakültesi Yayınlarından (From Publications of Istanbul University Faculty of Literature) No. 161, Edebiyat Fakültesi Tarih Enstitüsü Neşriyatı (Faculty of Literature, Institute of History

Prof. Dr. Cl. Emin Bosch worked in cooperation with numismatists Osman Nuri Arıdağ who then directed the coin department at the Istanbul Archeology Museum and benefited from his experience as well. Osman Nuri Arıdağ who was Bosch’s colleague in Archeology Museum translated his study titled İzmit Şehrinin Muhtasar Tarihi (Brief History of the City of İzmit) at the same time. Prof. Dr. Emin Bosch fell sick on 13.01.1951 and was

Publication) No: 13, Rıza Koşkun Matbaası, İstanbul 1942; Helenizm Tarihinin Ana Hatları, II. Kısım: Roma İmparatorluğu’na Katıldıkları Tarihe Kadar Helenizm Devletleri, Transl. Sabahat Atlan, İstanbul Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fakültesi Yayınları (From Publications of Istanbul University Faculty of Literature), No. 206, Edebiyat Fakültesi Tarih Enstitüsü Neşriyatı (Faculty of Literature, Institute of History Publication) No: 13, Rıza Koşkun Matbaası, İstanbul 1943. 10 Istanbul University Rectorate Personnel Office files of personnel affairs: Clemens Emin Boş personnel file (Istanbul University Rectorate). 11 Sabahat Atlan (1913-1984) who was appointed as assistant in the Ancient History chair of Istanbul University Faculty of Literature in 1940 began to work with Prof. Dr. Emin Bosch who lectured on Roman history and numismatics in those days. S. Atlan who would study on antique era coins in the future benefited very much from the studies she conducted with Prof. Bosch. As of 1947 she participated in Side (Antalya) excavations led by Prof. Dr. Arif Müfid Mansel, in 1951 she became associate professor with her thesis she prepared on the coins printed in Side, the largest harbor and city of Pamphilia titled Side Gümüş Darplarının Tetkiki (Scrutiny of Side Silver Coins) and in 1964 she became professor (Istanbul University Rectorate Personnel Office files of personnel affairs: Sabahat Atlan personnel file; http://www.arkeolojisanat.com/tr/author).

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SOMA 2007 under treatment in German Hospital. Since Professor Bosch did not get well after this date and his disease progressed increasingly and he was not able to spare as much time as previously for scientific studies, in accordance with the resolution taken at the meeting of Faculty of Literature Committee of Professors on 02.08.1954, with the writing of Dean’s Office of Faculty of Literature dated 02.09.1954 and numbered 3310 his contract with the university was canceled.12 Prof. Bosch, died in Istanbul 10 months after the abovementioned event, on 22nd July 1955.

2. Über die kleinasiatischen Münzen der römischen Kaiserzeit, 1931, 34 p. 3. Kaiserdaten auf kleinasiatischen Münzen, 1933, 38 p. 4. Die kleinasiatischen Münzen der römischen Kaiserzeit, Teil II: Einzelutersuchungen, Band 1: Bithynien, 1. Hälfte, Verlag: W. Kohlhammer, Stuttgart 1934, 298 p. 5. İzmit Şehrinin Muhtasar Tarihi, Transl. Osman Nuri Arıdağ, Kültür Bakanlığı Antikiteler ve Müzeler Direktörlüğü Anıtları Koruma Kurulu Neşriyatı Nr: 5, Devlet Basımevi, İstanbul 1937, 41 p. 6. Roma Tarihinin Ana Hatları, I. Kısım: Cumhuriyet, Transl. Sabahat Atlan, İstanbul Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fakültesi Yayınlarından Nr. 127, Edebiyat Fakültesi Tarih Enstitüsü Neşriyatı, İstanbul 1940, VII+170 p.+13 plans+3 plates. 7. Helenizm Tarihinin Ana Hatları, I. Kısım: Büyük İskender İmparatorluğu, Transl. Afif Erzen, İstanbul Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fakültesi Yayınlarından Nr. 161, Edebiyat Fakültesi Tarih Enstitüsü Neşriyatı No: 13, Rıza Koşkun Matbaası, İstanbul 1942, VII+164 p.+10 plans+1 map. 8. Helenizm Tarihinin Ana Hatları, II. Kısım: Roma İmparatorluğu’na Katıldıkları Tarihe Kadar Helenizm Devletleri, Transl. Sabahat Atlan, İstanbul Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fakültesi Yayınları, No. 206, Edebiyat Fakültesi Tarih Enstitüsü Neşriyatı Nr: 13, Rıza Koşkun Matbaası, İstanbul 1943, VII+184 p.+8 plans. 9. Türkiye’nin Antik Devirdeki Meskükatına Dair Bibliyografya, Türk Tarih Kurumu Yayınları, XII. Seri-No. 2, Türk Tarih Kurumu Basımevi, Ankara 1949, XII+243 p. 10. Eski Sikkeler Rehberi: 1. Bölüm: Yunan, Romen, Bizantin ve Avrupa Sikkeleri, İstanbul Arkeoloji Müzeleri Yayınları, İstanbul 1951, 215 s.+11 p.+picture+1 map. 11. 1947 Senesi Side Kazılarına Dair Önrapor/Vorläufiger Bericht über die Ausgrabungen in Side im Jahre 1947, Türk Tarih Kurumu Yayınlarından V/11, Türk Tarih Kurumu Basımevi, Ankara 1951, 80 p.+picture +XI plates (with Arif Müfid Mansel and Jale İnan). 12. Pamphylia Tarihine Dair Tetkikler/Studien zur Geschichte Pamphyliens, Transl. Sabahat Atlan, Antalya Bölgesinde Araştırmalar Nr. I (Antalya Bölgesinde Araştırmalar:1/Untersuchungen in der Gegend von Antalya Nr. I), Türk Tarih Kurumu Yayınları, V/17, Türk Tarih Kurumu Basımevi, Ankara 1957, 85 p.+1 map. 13. Sylloge nummorum Graecorum: Pontus, Paphlagonien, Bithynien, Heft 1, Nr. 1-332, Publishing: Herzog-Anton-Ulrich Museum, Deutschland 1957 (with Gerhard Kleiner and Hans von Aulock). 14. Sylloge nummorum Graecorum: Pontus, Paphlagonien, Bithynien, Heft 2, Nr. 333-676, Publishing: Herzog-Anton-Ulrich Museum, Deutschland 1957 (with Gerhard Kleiner and Hans von Aulock). 15. Sylloge nummorum Graecorum: Pontus, Paphlagonien, Bithynien, Heft 3, Nr. 677-1049,

Publications In the period when he was a lecturer in Istanbul University Faculty of Literature, Prof. Bosch produced scholarly publications (the list of which we will see later) and prepared text books for his students. Bosch contributed to the training of many Turkish students and assistants at the Faculty of Literature. He was the thesis advisor for Sabahat Atlan and Nihal Ongunsu’s doctorate theses. His assistants Sabahat Atlan13 and Afif Erzen14 translated many of his books as well. He lectured in cooperation with Afif Erzen for the students of history; two of them collaborated and collected antique inscriptions of Ankara. Bosch worked on archeological excavations in cooperation with Arif Müfid Mansel and Jale İnan and produced joint publications with them. a. Books 1. Die Quellen des Valerius Maximus; ein Beitrag zur Erforschung der Literatur der historischen Exempla, Stuttgart 1929, 113 p.

12 In the health certificate given by Prof. Dr. Necmettin Polvan from Istanbul University Faculty of Medicine dated 05.03.1953 and numbered 91 it was declared that Prof. Bosch needed medical treatment and resting ’un musap olduğu sol hemiparezi dolayısıyla 01.03.1953 tarihinden 31.05. 1953 due to left hemiparesis he suffered from, that is an evidence indicating his disease that began in 1951 continued until those days (Istanbul University Rectorate Personnel Office files of personnel affairs: Clemens Emin Bosch personnel file). 13 Roma Tarihinin Ana Hatları, I. Kısım: Cumhuriyet (Main Lines of Roman History, Section I: Republic), İstanbul 1940, VII+170 p.; Helenizm Tarihinin Ana Hatları, II. Kısım: Roma İmparatorluğu’na Katıldıkları Tarihe Kadar Helenizm Devletleri (Main Lines of History of Hellenism, Section II: States of Hellenism until They Joined in the Roman Empire), İstanbul 1943, VII+184 p.; Pamphylia Tarihine Dair Tetkikler/Studien zur Geschichte Pamphyliens (Scrutinies on Pamphilian History), Ankara 1957, 85 p.; “Bitinya Tetkikleri (I. Kısım)” (Bitinia Studies (Section I)), Belleten, X/37, Ankara 1946, pp. 29-53; “Antalya Kitabeleri” (Antalya Inscriptions), Belleten, XI/41, Ankara 1947, pp. 87-126. 14 Helenizm Tarihinin Ana Hatları, I. Kısım: Büyük İskender İmparatorluğu (Main Lines of History of Hellenism, Section I: Great Alexandre Empire), İstanbul 1942, VII+164 p.; “Bergama Kral Hanedanının Şeceresi” (Pedigree of Bergama King Dynasty), Türkiyat Mecmuası, VII-VIII/1, İstanbul 1942, pp.105-127; “Colonia Iulia Concordia Apamea Sikkeleri I” Colonia Iulia Concordia Apamea Coins I), İstanbul Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fakültesi Tarih Dergisi, I/2, İstanbul 1950, pp. 237-260; “Colonia Iulia Concordia Apamea Sikkeleri II: Kronoloji” (Colonia Iulia Concordia Apamea Coins II: Chronology), İstanbul Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fakültesi Tarih Dergisi, II/3-4, İstanbul 1952, pp. 7-16; “Colonia İulia Concordia Apamea Sikkeleri III” (Colonia Iulia Concordia Apamea Coins III), İstanbul Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fakültesi Tarih Dergisi, V/8, İstanbul 1953, pp. 55-68.

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CLEMENS MEHMET EMIN BOSCH (1899-1955) 13. “I. Gordianus’un Küçük Asya’daki Sikkeleri/Münzen Gordianus I. aus Kleinasien”, IV. Türk Tarih Kongresi (Ankara, 10-14 Kasım 1948), Kongreye Sunulan Tebliğler, Türk Tarih Kurumu Yayınları, IX/ 4, Ankara 1952, pp. 66-72. 14. “Colonia Iulia Concordia Apamea Sikkeleri II: Kronoloji”, Transl. Afif Erzen, İstanbul Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fakültesi Tarih Dergisi, II/3-4, İstanbul 1952, pp. 7-16. 15. “Colonia İulia Concordia Apamea Sikkeleri III”, Transl. Afif Erzen, İstanbul Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fakültesi Tarih Dergisi, V/8, İstanbul (Eylül) 1953, pp. 55-68. 16. “Die Kelten in Ankara”, Jahrbuch für kleinasiatische Forschung, II/3, 1953, pp. 283-293. 17. “Ankara I. Die Phylen II. Die Aera”, Anadolu Araştırmaları, I/1, eds. H. Th. Bossert, Fr. Steinherr, Türk Tarih Kurumu Basımevi, Ankara 1955, pp. 5774. 18.“Münzen Gordianus I. aus Kleinasien”, Anadolu Araştırmaları, I/2, eds. H. Th. Bossert, Fr. Steinherr, Yenilik Basımevi, İstanbul 1959, pp. 203-205.

Publishing: Herzog-Anton-Ulrich Museum, Deutschland 1957 (with Gerhard Kleiner and Hans von Aulock). 16. Sylloge nummorum Graecorum: Mysien, Heft 4, Publishing: Herzog-Anton-Ulrich Museum, Deutschland 1957 (with Konrad Kraft and Hans von Aulock). 17. Sylloge nummorum Graecorum: Troas, Aeolis, Lesbos, Heft 5, Nr. 1439-1767, Publishing: HerzogAnton-Ulrich Museum, Deutschland 1959 (with Konrad Kraft). 18. Quellen zur Geschichte der Stadt Ankara im Altertum, Türk Tarih Kurumu Yayınları, VII/46, Türk Tarih Kurumu Basımevi, Ankara 1967, XXII+383 p. b. Articles 1. “Über die kleinasiatischen Münzen der römischen Kaiserzeit”, Archäologischer Anzeiger (Jahrbuch des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts), 1931, pp. 423456. 2. “Kaiserdaten auf kleinasiatischen Münzen”, Nümismatisches Literatur-Blatt, 2, 1933, pp. 33-46, 61-66. 3. “Bergama Kral Hanedanının Şeceresi”, Transl. Afif Erzen, Türkiyat Mecmuası, VII-VIII/ 1, 1940-1942, İstanbul 1942, pp.105-127. 4. “Tarihte Anadolu Mahsusatı/Das Anatolische in der Geschichte”, İkinci Türk Tarih Kongresi (İstanbul, 20-25 Eylül 1937), Kongrenin Çalışmaları, Kongreye Sunulan Tebliğler, Türk Tarih Kurumu Yayınları, IX/2, Ankara 1943, pp. 801-811. 5. “Bitinya Tetkikleri (I. Kısım)”, Transl. Sabahat Atlan, Belleten, X/37, Türk Tarih Kurumu Basımevi, Ankara (Ocak) 1946, pp. 29-53. 6. “Eski Çağda Anadolunun Müstakil Meskükat Darbının Vüs’ati/Der Umfang der Autonomen Münzpraegung Kleinasiens im Altertum”, Halil Edhem Hatıra Kitabı, I, Türk Tarih Kurumu Yayınları, VII./5, Türk Tarih Kurumu Basımevi, Ankara 1947, pp. 161-170. 7. “Antalya Kitabeleri”, Transl. Sabahat Atlan, Belleten, XI/ 41, Türk Tarih Kurumu Basımevi, Ankara (Ocak) 1947, pp. 87-126. 8. “Nikaia (İznik) Bayram Oyunları”, Transl. Cevriye Artuk, Belleten, XII/ 45, Türk Tarih Kurumu Basımevi, Ankara (Ocak) 1948, pp. 325-348. 9. “Ankara’daki Antik Devir Hamamının Müessisi”, III. Türk Tarih Kongresi (Ankara, 15-20 Kasım 1943), Kongreye Sunulan Tebliğler, Türk Tarih Kurumu Yayınları, IX/ 3, Ankara 1948, pp. 576-581. 10. “Colonia Iulia Concordia Apamea Sikkeleri I”, Transl. Afif Erzen, İstanbul Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fakültesi Tarih Dergisi, I/2, İstanbul (Mart) 1950, pp. 237-260. 11. “Die Festspiele von Nikaia”, Jahrbuch für kleinasiatische Forschung, III/1, 1950, pp. 576-581. 12. “Kitabeler”, 1947 Senesi Side Kazılarına Dair Önrapor (Vorläufiger Bericht über die Ausgrabungen in Side im Jahre 1947), eds. Arif Müfid Mansel, Emin Bosch, Jale İnan, Türk Tarih Kurumu Yayınlarından V/ 11, Türk Tarih Kurumu Basımevi, Ankara 1951, pp. 46-80.

Conclusion Numismatics studies in Turkey started at the end of 19th century in Asar-ı Atika Müzesi (currently Istanbul Archeology Museum). The numismatics department of this museum is among the special and leading collections of the world at the moment. Prof. Dr. Clemens Emin Bosch is one of the significant people who contributed to the Turkish Numismatics studies. Prof. Dr. Clemens Emin Bosch initially worked in coins department of the Istanbul Archeology Museums after his arrival in Turkey (until 1939); he classified Greek and Roman coin collection in the museum and prepared a guide book. He never hindered his task in Istanbul University Faculty of Literature which began later (as long as his health allowed); he regularly gave useful lectures listened with pleasure by students of History and Archeology and directed successful seminar studies. This scholar made academic publications on ancient history and numismatics of Anatolia, prepared auxiliary text books on Greek History of the Hellenistic era, Roman Empire and Republican eras, in order to benefit the students. Furthermore, he published a wide bibliography regarding Turkish numismatics and a series of articles on Apameia (Mudanya) coins in İstanbul Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fakültesi Tarih Dergisi (Istanbul University Faculty of Literature Journal of History). He continuously attended study trips of Faculty of Literature Institute of Archeology and performed research in Western and South-Western Anatolia. In addition to the studies in the fields of ancient history and numismatics in Turkey, using Latin and Greek which he had learnt as a result of the education he received, he conducted successful studies in the field of epigraphy as well and from 1947 worked as an epigraphist in the site exavations led by Prof. Dr. Arif Müfit Mansel and contributed to the preparation of scientific report on Side.

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SOMA 2007 Prof. Dr. Clemens Emin Bosch did not leave Turkey, the homeland of his studying and research field until his death and made significant contributions with his studies

to the studies on Turkish ancient history, numismatics and archeology. He died on 22nd July 1955 in Istanbul.

Fig 1. Prof. Dr. Clemens Emin Bosch (1889-1955)

Fig. 3 Cover of a work of Cl. Bosch published when he was in Germany

Fig. 2. Cl. Bosch’s personnel document

Fig. 4 Cover of Cl. Bosch’s work prepared when he was working in Istanbul Archeology Museum

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Fig. 5 Cover of one of Cl. Bosch’s text books prepared for the students of Istanbul University Faculty of Arts

Predictive Modeling of Settlement Mounds (9000-5500 B.C.) in the Lake District and its Immediate Environs Tuna Kalaycı Ankara, Turkey

Advancement of information technologies has brought new dimensions and possibilities to many scientific and pseudoscientific applications. Increased processing power and storage capacities of computers transformed nonfeasible activities into practical ones. Archaeological applications, and even archaeological thought, are affected by this progress.

Data Archaeological data for predictive modeling studies locations of settlement mounds in this case- are manifestations of human locational behavior. The selection of the location of a mound for settlement represents an initiative that affects future generations of that action, assuming that there was no severe change that made the successive people to abandon the area where there are some clear examples of such cases of abandonment (Farrand, 1964, Bordaz, 1968; 44, Mellaart; 1970; 8). Workshops, in contrast to settlements, might have been set up for specific purposes such as the manipulation of raw material, butchering, etc. It can be stated that those locations do not necessarily reflect vital conditions, but the idea is to minimize the effort to access and work on the certain sources. Determinants for the locations of such workshops might be, for instance, proximity to resources or migrating animal routes. On the other hand, such kind of ‘least cost’ approach is an endproduct of the modern epoch, and it is suspicious that the modern ideology can be applied to an ancient society, where a numerous practices could be in contradiction.

Building on these advances, this study aims to construct a predictive model over a wide geographical area by employing environmental variables. Apart from its modeling aspirations, relationships between single environmental variables and site locations are also sought. Definitely, the main objective is to identify possible site locations within the study area. To accomplish this, formal statistical procedures offer the best approach. Predictive modeling is not new in archaeology, and in fact each survey is carried out with an implicitly defined set of rules about where a site might be located. What is different from the earlier process is the advent of computational power and sophisticated tools to conduct a study, such as Geographical Information Systems (GIS) (Wescott, 2000; 2). The attempts at modeling in a GIS are still in their infancy. If employed properly however, broad information and even useful knowledge can be obtained.

Data for predictive models may include clusters of spatial parameters, physical environmental characteristics, economic features, and cultural features, which can be also termed the biophysical properties of the location, the social subsystem, and the ‘cultural’ information (Moon, 1993; 2), but it can be claimed that most models only include environmental variables. This is not just because of the ease of finding the environmental determinants of the location, but due to the asperity of obtaining ‘social’ data (Brandt, et al. 1992; 269, van Leusen, 1993; 107).

Any model is constructed with many assumptions and restrictions. Those restrictions are not general, but case specific and they depend on the temporal and spatial domains of any study area. Thus, there is no single predictive model covering all archaeological questions.

Data itself provides information, and thus creates knowledge, but it is the context that changes knowledge to understanding (Tosta, 1991). Social context is a highly speculative issue, and a predictive model using a social context will create a biased end product. Environmental variables are measurable, and this is why they are widely used. On the other hand, they are used with the assumption that the environmental variables of the past are represented, at least indirectly, in the existing data (Warren and Asch, 2000; 6). In this study, as in most others, social variables are not included to the model. Rather focus is given to environmental variables.

Definition A predictive model is defined by Kohler (1988: 33) as “a simplified set of testable hypotheses, based on either behavioral assumptions or empirical correlations, which at a minimum attempts to predict loci of past human activities resulting in a deposition of artifacts or alteration of the landscape.” Archaeological predictive modeling is, then, a method for estimating the probability of archaeological site occurrence within a specific geography (Moon, 1993; 2). The casual link between site locations and natural independent variables is considered to be multivariatethat is, people positioned their sites with respect to an optimal combination of all resources in which they were tested (Altschul, 1988).

Environmental (or independent) variables in predictive modeling studies, such as elevation, soil, lithology and so forth are obtained from different institutions with different resolutions and coverage. Further, very few variables are directly used, most being proxies for 171

SOMA 2007 archaeological determinants. For instance, elevation, apart from its direct use, is a proxy for the growing season, the amount of summer rainfall or winter snowfall, and vegetation type. The use of such proxies without discussion can be misleading because the meaning can be opposite in two different models (Kohler and Parker, 1986; 415). Moreover, such embedded meanings of proxy variables can create implicit correlations of variables and distort the model. Variables obtained from the major environmental categories can, however, be used to create a predictive model, which can serve both academic purposes in terms of understanding the determinants of settlement patterns for the given time period, and management purposes for planning future land development.

Logistic regression is stimulated from ordinary linear regression. Although there are many similarities, logistic regression is differentiated by its employment of dichotomous dependent variables, namely sites and nonsites. In this case at least two assumptions of ordinary least squares regression analysis are being violated; firstly, the variance of error is no longer constant and, secondly, errors in the model are not distributed normally. On the other hand, logistic regression is not devoid of problems. First, there is the trouble of the assumption on the 0 value (non-site) pixels, where it is not always certain that a pixel coded as ‘0’ value is really free of archaeological material (Wheatley and Gillings 2002; 174, Warren, 1990). Furthermore, the interpretation of the coefficients of the logistic regression is not as easy as in multiple regression (Wheatley and Gillings 2002; 175). Also, poorly presented categorical variables are problematic. The simple solution is screening them so that weak categories can then be combined to create stronger ones (Warren, 1990; 212).

Tools There are various tools to construct a predictive model. Each of them has both advantages and disadvantages over the other, and there is no clear rule of thumb for selection. One or more ways can be used to construct the same predictive model with some success, but the performances of the tools are case specific (Ejstrud, 2002; 16). The tools can be grouped into Binary Addition, Weighted Binary Addition, Dempster-Shafer, and Logistic Regression. Among these, logistic regression is an outstanding tool for predictive modeling, but this role is mostly due to its widespread use rather than its theoretical excellence. On the other hand, its consistency and feasibility over other tools makes it a popular implement.

Apart from the theoretical constraints, some practical problems put logistic regression in a deprived position. These problems can be listed as: (i) the lack of any check on the linearity of the regression model, (ii) neglecting the autocorrelation problem (Warren and Asch, 2000; 18), and (iii) not performing a proper test of the model (Wheatley and Gillings 2002; 179). Spatial and Temporal Domain of the Study

Logistic regression creates a ‘prediction formula’ for the study area. It employs variables of ‘any scale’ of data, and provides a method to correlate variables with site locations (Warren and Asch, 2000; 8). It can be divided into probability component and score component (Warren and Asch, 2000; 18). Ratio-interval scale operates on the ordinary regression coefficient, but nominal- ordinal scale (categorical variables) works on design variable codes.

In most cases, the boundaries of predictive modeling studies are arbitrarily selected in perfect rectangles or by sudden cuts. The study area is also determined arbitrarily for the ease of use of projection systems, where the boundaries are the lines of projections which are geographical, but not archaeological. Another fallacy of a predictive model is time. Like space, time is hardly discussed in predictive modeling, or else a very wide timeframe is used to produce a precise model, disregarding the environmental and cultural changes. A better approach might be to make use of time as a fourth component in a GIS.

If it is thought that if the study area is divided into grids, then each grid (or cell or pixel) will have a potential score (assigned by logistic regression). This score is the integration of ‘attractiveness’ of the cell and the ‘disturbance’ to the cell (Duncan and Beckman, 2000; 36).

The area in concern in this study comprises the Lake District in Southwest Anatolia, southern extensions of the Konya Plain bounded by the Taurus Mountains, and western extensions of the Plain. There are significant differences as well as some similarities within the region. The Southwest of Anatolia, together with some parts of the south-central Anatolian Plateau is a well studied and documented area. Specific to the temporal domain of this study, there are some major sites excavated and published (Bordaz, 1965, 1966, 1968; Mellaart, 1970; Bordaz and Bordaz, 1976, 1982; Duru, 1994). Some surveys have produced valuable information about the distribution of sites (Kökten, 1952; Mellaart, 1961; Solecki, 1964; Bordaz, 1965; French, 1970; Özsait, 1986; Baird, 2000). It is also important to emphasize that more than 65% of the settlements have produced Neolithic and Chalcolithic

The use of regression analysis can also overcome the deficits of other tools, where 1) 2) 3)

The effect of the variables on the model is indefinite. The extent to which the model can be fitted to reality is unknown. The extent to which the ordinal or continuous variables can be predicted is unknown (Wheatley and Gillings, 2002; 171).

Moreover, logistic regression requires fewer assumptions, is more powerful, and permits the use of mixed scale data (White, 2002; 24). 172

PREDICTIVE MODELING OF SETTLEMENT MOUNDS (9000-5500 B.C.) IN THE LAKE DISTRICT material (Yakar, 1994; 144). According to Mellaart (1954; 187) there is evidence of contact between the Beyşehir-Seydişehir (sub)Region and Cilicia, where the important point is said to be the role of Taurus in the spread of painted pottery cultures from Cilicia. The subregion can give clues about transformation as well as information on contacts between Hacılar and Çatal Höyük. According to Bordaz (1973; 283) there exist more than 60 sites, which are mostly later than Suberde. Occurrences of those sites are most probably due to the traffic between Hacılar and Çatal Höyük.

Anatolian Neolithic settlement patterns study because he thought that the economy of the Early Chalcolithic was still purely Neolithic. He also suggests (1963; 199) a shift of settlement patterning after the end of Early Chalcolithic period. On the other hand Duru (1996; 55) states that in the Early Chalcolithic of Hacılar a deep change is observed in both the plan and the techniques of construction, concluding that a new group came to the area with new traditions. In any case, the C14 dates for main sites and the archaeological discussion bounds the temporal domain to 9000-5500 BC for this study.

The boundary of the study area is based on geographical limits of basins of lakes delimited by high ridges and discussions of previous archaeological research. Accordingly, to the south the Taurus Mountains acted as a natural barrier. At the eastern side the Beyşehir-Sugla Region is a transition zone to the Konya Plain. In the west, Salda Lake stands at the edge of the district, whereas the Sultan Mountains bound the northeast study area while the north-northwest is bounded by the ridges around the lakes of Eğirdir, Burdur and Acigöl.

Dependent Variable of the Study Locations of sites are all obtained from the TAY database (Harmankaya, et al. 1997), in which locations were supplied with exact geographical locations in the Latitude-Longitude coordinate system. On the other hand, accuracy is an issue since the data is not refined down to seconds. The archaeological inventory does contain physical dimensions for most sites together with some orientations. The determination of site and study boundaries are of immense importance and it is known that current measurements hardly reflect ancient settlements. The case is more problematic for multiperiod sites. Although it is claimed that mounds are the manifestations it should be clear that there is a level of ignorance on transhumance, and to the time spent off-site which cannot be tractable through archaeological evidence.

For the specified study area, the main archaeological period of concern is the Neolithic. The period is characterized by significantly increased human cognition over the environment. This epoch is also characterized by permanent settlements which reflect a final, but critical decision about locating a settlement in a proper place with using criteria. This study assumes that those criteria (or their proxies) are measurable and testable. In this respect, it can be claimed that the time of concern is the last period of human history which is greatly influenced by environment, and first period in which material culture is visible through substantial elements. The beginnings of the Bronze Age, by contrast, show a significant increase in the size and area of the settlements indicating attainment of a level of urbanism (Baird, 2000; 15). Also, palynological studies show that by the time of the emergence of complex societies East Mediterranean vegetation is heavily disturbed (Roberts, et al. 2001; 634). This was also supported by the evidence of the use of the wheel and ploughing by the beginning of the 3rd millennium BC. This is accompanied with the use of oxpower and the increased level of technology, resulting in an extreme raise in the level of the complexity of society, and manipulation of environment by humans. Specifically, in Jordan where it is indicated as heavy soil erosion, and environmental degradation between the Early Bronze Age and Classical times (Barker et al., 1999; 278) which might be due to the heavy manipulation of environment with the increased level of technology, and unlimited demand from social complexity been reached.

The model operates on grids. The grid size is based on the average mound size obtained from survey and excavation reports. Minimum and maximum area values of the sites are removed from the inventory in order to get rid of the extreme values. Then, average site size is obtained by creating 133m x 133m pixels. In this way a total number of 64 sites were transformed into 95 grid counts. Previous predictive modeling studies have focused on small areas with large sample sizes. The number of sites in this study is very few in consideration of the immense study area. To overcome this situation, a merging procedure of predictive models was employed. Randomly selected 85 pixels are used as a training sample to construct (or train) the model, whereas 10 of them are left for testing the model. Independent Variables of the Study Independent variables of the model come from various sources. Some, such as lithology and soil data, were rasterised before being put into the analysis while others, such as topographical data, were in raster format already. In any case, all of the ‘end’ raster were resampled to 133m pixel resolution.

Although the Neolithic period of the region is the main concern, there is no way to define exactly the beginning and ending of this period because each archaeological period is diffused to its temporal neighbors to some extent.

The first category of variables is related to topography. The basic source of this set is Shuttle Radar Topography Mission (SRTM) imagery. Data has 90m pixel resolution and a 16m vertical accuracy (Japan Aerospace Exploration Agency, 2006). While there are other ways to obtain general topographic characteristics of any area,

Mellaart (1972; 279) added the Early Chalcolithic to his 173

SOMA 2007 In such an extreme case, there is no clear way to construct a model. To solve this, 0 valued non-site grids are selected randomly from whole study area. In this process, there is a possibility of using sites as non-sites, which will introduce an error to the model, but considering the total amount of pixels this is unlikely to happen. The other problem is the determination of sample size for possible non-site values. To decide on the sample size, the behavior of the standard error of coefficients is observed for different sizes. A sample size around 200 produces inflated standard errors, whereas a sample of around 120 produces a considerable amount of standard errors. But then another question is raised about the coverage of sample of size 205 which is comprised of 120 non-site grids and 85 site grids. To overcome this imbalance between the number of grids of sites and nonsites, 20 randomly selected samples are used to construct 20 different predictive models. Then a resulting model is obtained from those different predictive models by merging the models.

such as GPS mapping, creating (or digitizing) contours, etc. there are several reasons for the preference for SRTM data. First, and maybe the most important, is its public accessibility. One of the mainstreams of any research is cost, and such ‘free’ data source is a gateway for researchers. Second, by using SRTM data, immense time can be saved. Although some automated or semiautomated contour identification is available, accuracy is questionable and manual correction is always needed. Although 90m pixel resolution might not be totally desirable for a study with particular research questions, for this case, when the dimensions of study area are considered this resolution is more than enough. According to the report published by Rodriguez et al. (2005) absolute error for the study area is between 5 and 10m around the ridges of the Taurus Mountains, and less than 5m for the core of study area. The satellite data is imported and combined in GIS to obtain the primary coverage (Elevation, Adjusted Elevation (Fig. 1)), and secondary coverage is obtained through GIS analysis (Slope, Aspect, Adjusted Distance to Ridges, Roughness, Distance to Roughness Junctions). Primary coverage was also used to draw the exact boundaries of study area.

Sites and non-site values are put into SPSS 13. Response variable is encoded as 1 for pixels having sites and 0 for pixels having no sites. Cut value is selected as 0.5 for each model and according to this value beginning block predicted sites around 55% when intercept values were included in the models. For categorical variables, Indicator contrast is used and as the reference, and the last category of each categorical variable is used.

The second category of variables is soil. Soil data is available in vector format, accompanied by an attribute table, from the General Directorate of Rural Services. Although this data needs extensive screening and checking, the final information is valuable. Some of the attributes, and variables produced from these attributes (Current Land Use, Soil Particle Size, Erosion, Soil Depth, and Distance to Major Soil Classes) were used in construction of the model. On the other hand, screening data raised questions about some of the attributes and these were withheld from the analysis.

Forward Stepwise (Likelihood Ratio) is the selected method, and variables entering the model are selected accordingly. ‘-2 Log likelihood’ is used as a criterion and, after deciding on the final variables with a cut value 0.5, prediction values are observed. An average of 80% total true prediction is obtained.

As a third category, rock data was selected (Lithology). This too is available in digital format, from MTA (General Directorate of Mineral Research and Exploration) in four sheets, Ankara, Konya, İzmir and Denizli, at a scale of 1:500.000. It was directly imported into GIS. Rock data was reclassified both for ease of visual improvement and statistical excellence, but this classification is geological rather than archaeological, and thus open to criticism.

As model diagnostics, VIF (Variance of Inflation Value) and tolerance levels are used to detect multicollinearity. SPSS 13.0 does not provide this tool for Logistic Regression, so model variables are treated as ordinary linear regression components whereas this is not the best way to test multicollinearity (Field, 2000). Merging Models

The fourth category was hydrological data (Distance to River, Distance to Lake) obtained from Elevation data through GIS analysis and checked against existing 1:100,000 topographical maps. As it is a very dynamic entity the use of this layer requires attention. Thus only larger lakes and higher Strahler Order level rivers in are used in the analysis.

Each predictive model employs different variables due to random selection and produces different probability surfaces. Thus there is a need to produce a final predictive model so that some archaeological inferences can be made. To do this, an average of all predictive models’ pixel values can be used to produce the final model. Secondly, a minimum of pixel values can be used to construct the resulting model. This way will produce a pessimistic model, and it will increase the gross error. A third option can be using the maximum value of predictive models. This is in contrast will produce an optimistic model with an increased wasteful error. Another way might be to use random values of predictive models which are later assigned to resultant model. While, some other

Model Although logistic regression is based on less strict assumptions, it is problematic for this particular study. There is a huge imbalance between the dichotomous dependent variable and independent variables. In more than 1 million grids, there are only 95 site grids, and 10 of these are withheld from the total for testing purposes. 174

PREDICTIVE MODELING OF SETTLEMENT MOUNDS (9000-5500 B.C.) IN THE LAKE DISTRICT methodologies can be used to merge the models, in this study models are merged together by computing the average pixel values.

of the sites are located on alluvium. This is another indicator of relation of locations of sites and where modern agriculture is practiced.

Limitations

Sites are mostly located within 5km range of river courses, but as stated earlier, only high order rivers are put to the analysis, and so domestic use of water is omitted. Although there seems to be a tendency for the locations to be close to water sources, there must be some cases where ancient people were keeping themselves away, due to erosion, regular floods or even the quality of water (Ebert, 2000; 132). This is also evident when the resulting maps are viewed in detail (Figs. 3, 4, 5).

Model suffers from a number of limitations. Firstly, the model is heavily influenced by the existing archaeological inventory. The bias in the inventory is directly reflected into the model, such as the surveyors prejudice for data collection, mistakes in the existing coordinates or mistakes for dating sites. Secondly, data obtained from Directorates have various fallacies. Topographical data obtained from SRTM imagery has some voids so that a built-in algorithm is used to fill those gaps in the elevation data. Since elevation data is the primary coverage for other data types, the errors in this layer are automatically introduced into the secondary coverage.

References Altschul, J. 1988 Models and the Modeling Process. IN: Judge, W.J. and L. Sebastian eds., Quantifying the Present and Predicting the Past, Theory, Method, and Application of Archaeological Predictive Modeling, Washington, U.S. Government Printing Office. Baird, D. 2000 Konya Plain Survey. Anatolian Archaeology, 6, 15. Barker, G.W., Adams, R. Creighton, O.H., Crook, D. Gilbertson, D.D. Grattan, J.P., Hunt, C.O., Mattingly, D.J., McLaren, S., Mohammed, H.A., Newson, P., Palmer, C, Pyatt, F.B., Reynolds, T.E.G. and Tomber, R. 1999 Environment and Land Use in the Wadi Faynan, Southern Jordan, The Third Season of Geoarchaeology and Landscape Archaeology 1998. Levant, 31, 255-92. Bordaz, J. 1965 Suberde Excavations 1964. Anatolian Studies, 15, 30-2. Bordaz, J. 1966 Suberde 1965. Anatolian Studies, 16, 323. Bordaz, J. 1968 The Suberde Excavation, Southwestern Turkey, An Interim Report. Türk Arkeoloji Dergisi, 172, 43-71. Bordaz, J. 1973 Current Research in the Neolithic of South Central Turkey, Suberde, Erbaba and Their Chronological Implications. American Journal of Archaeology, 77, 282-8. Bordaz, J. and L.L. Alpers-Bordaz 1976 Erbaba Excavations 1974. Türk Arkeoloji Dergisi, 232, 3943. Bordaz, J. and L.L. Alpers-Bordaz 1982 Erbaba the 1977 and 1978 Season in Perspective. Türk Arkeoloji Dergisi, 261, 85-93. Brandt, R., B.J. Groenewoudt, K.L. Kvamme 1992 An Experiment in Archaeological Site Location, Modeling in Netherlands Using GIS Techniques. World Archaeology, 24, No.2, 268-82. Duncan, R.B. and K.A. Beckman. 2000 The Application of GIS Predictive Site Location Models with Pennsylvania and West Virginia. IN: Westcott, K.L. and R.J. Brandon eds., Practical Applications for Archaeologist, A Predictive Modeling Kit, London, Taylor and Francis, 33-58. Duru, R. 1994 Kuruçay Höyük I 1987-1988 Kazılarının Sonuçları, Neolitik ve Erken Kalkolitik Çağ Yerleşmeleri, Ankara, Türk Tarih Kurumu Yayınları

There are also some other implicit limitations in the model stemming from the assumptions used to create the model. In short, the phenomenon (the human locational behavior) is not that trivial to be put into a model which is just based on the environmental variables. In any case, efforts for such modeling studies in any area for any time period are an asset for the discipline and should not be underestimated. The use of computational power on a well defined research question equipped with proper data can reveal more than expected. Results and Conclusions There are two major outcomes of the study. First, individual environmental variable and site location relations are revealed by means of graphs and descriptive statistics (Fig. 2). Second, by obtaining a predictive surface, possible site locations are detected so that those areas can be used in future studies (Fig. 3). To begin with, in terms of topography, it can be claimed that sites tend to be located around 1400m above sea level. After making an adjustment with respect to lake levels, it had been found that sites tend to gather around lakes, and only in a few cases sites are located far from lakes. Also, sites are located in flat areas, or to be explicitly, in areas having less than 3 degrees of slope. There is an interesting recognition on the Aspect variable. Although sites were expected to be south facing, in the study area sites are located on non south facing slopes. This fact was also significant in the regression equation so that Aspect is used in most of the predictive models. Ancient settlers actually favored quaternary alluvium, where rock categories are evenly distributed in the study area except for the volcanic class. Modern agricultural fields contain many of the existing settlement mounds. Very few sites are found at areas where very heavy erosion is observed. This can be related with survival of sites, and thus can be used for future field surveys. Most 175

SOMA 2007 Mellaart, J. 1972 Anatolian Neolithic Settlement Patterns. IN: Ucko, P.J. et al., eds., Man, Settlement, and Urbanism, Proceedings of a meeting of the Research Seminar in Archaeology and Related Subjects held at the Institute of Archaeology, London, Duckworth. Moon, H. 1993 Archaeological Predictive Modelling: An Assessment. The Earth Sciences Task Force Resources Inventory 3. Available from: [Accessed 26 May, 2007] Roberts, N., M.E. Meadows and J.R. Dodson 2001 The history of Mediterranean-type environments, climate, culture and landscape. Holocene, 11, 631–34. Rodriguez, E., C.S. Morris, J.E. Belz, E.C. Chapin, J.M. Martin,W. Daffer, S. Hensley 2005 An Assessment of the SRTM Topographic Products. Available from: [Accessed 26 July, 2006] Solecki, R.S. 1964 An Archaeological Reconnaissance in the Beyşehir-Suğla Area of Southwestern Turkey. Türk Arkeoloji Dergisi, 131, 129-48. Tosta, N. 1991 More than maps, asking the right questions. Geo Info Systems, February, 46-8. van Leusen, P.M. 1993 Cartographic modeling in a cellbased GIS. IN: Andersen, J. et al. eds., Computing the Past, computer applications and quantitative methods in archaeology, Denmark, Aarhus University Press, 105-24. Warren, R.E. 1990 Predictive modelling of archaeological site location, a case study in the Midwest. IN: Allen, K.M. et al. eds., Interpreting Space, GIS and Archaeology, London, Taylor and Francis Ltd, 226-38. Warren, R. and D. Asch. 2000 A Predictive Model of Archaeological Site Location in the Eastern Prairie Peninsula. IN, Westcott, K.L. and R.J. Brandon eds., Practical Applications for Archaeologist, A Predictive Modeling Kit, London, Taylor and Francis, 5-31. Wescott, K.L. 2000 Introduction. IN, Westcott, K.L. and R.J. Brandon eds., Practical Applications for Archaeologist, A Predictive Modeling Kit, London, Taylor and Francis, 1-4. Wheatley, D. and M. Gillings 2002 Spatial Technology and Archaeology: The Archaeological Applications of GIS, New York, Taylor and Francis. White, A.M. 2002 Archaeological Predictive Modeling of Site Location through Time, An Example from the Tucson Basin, Arizona. Available from: [Accessed 26 May, 2007] Yakar, J 1994 Prehistoric Anatolia. The Neolithic Transformation and the Early Chalcolithic Period. Tel Aviv University, Sonia and Marco Nadler Institute of Archaeology, Monograph Series, Number 9.

V. Dizi, Sayı 44. Duru, R. 1996 Göller Bölgesi'nde Neolitik Köyden Kasabaya Geçiş. IN: Tarihten Günümüze Anadolu'da Konut ve Yerleşme. Türkiye Ekonomik ve Toplumsal Tarih Vakfı Yayınları, İstanbul, Ofset Yapımevi, 4959. Ebert, J. 2000. The State of the Art in “Inductive” Predictive Modelling, Seven Big Mistakes and Lots of Smaller Ones. IN: Westcott, K.L. and R.J. Brandon eds., Practical Applications for Archaeologist, A Predictive Modeling Kit, London, Taylor and Francis, 129-34. Ejstrud, B. 2002 Indicative Models in Landscape Management. Available from: [Accessed 26 July, 2006] Farrand, W.R. 1964 Geology and Physiography of the Beyşehir -Suğla Depression, Western Taurus Lake District, Turkey. Türk Arkeoloji Dergisi, 131, 14954. Field, A. 2000 Discovering Statistics using SPSS for Windows, Advanced Techniques for the Beginner. London, Thousand Oak, Sage Publications. French, D.H. 1970 Notes on Site Distribution in the Çumra Area. Anatolian Studies, 20, 139-148. Harmankaya, S., O. Tanındı, and M. Özbaşaran. 1997 TAY-Neolitik, İstanbul, Ege Yayınları. Japan Aerospace Exploration Agency. 2006 What is SRTM? Available from:

[Accessed 26 May, 2007] Kohler, T. 1988 Predictive Locational Modeling, History and Current Practice. IN: Judge, W.J. and L. Sebastian eds., Quantifying the Present and Predicting the Past, Theory, Method, and Application of Archaeological Predictive Modeling, Washington, U.S. Government Printing Office, Kohler, T. A. and S. Parker 1986 Predictive Models for Archaeological Resource Location. IN: Schiffer. M.B. ed., Advances in Archaeological Method and Theory, 9, 397-452. New York, Academic Press. Kökten, I.K. 1952 Anadolu' da Prehistorik Yerlerin Dağılışı Üzerine Bir Araştırma. Dil Tarih Coğrafya Fakültesi Dergisi, 10,167-207. Özsait, M. 1986 Pisidya Bölgesi'nde Yeni Prehistorik İskan Yerleri III. Anadolu Araştırmaları, 10, 73-99. Mellaart, J. 1954 Preliminary Report on a Survey of Preclassical Remains of Southern Turkey. Anatolian Studies, 4, 188. Mellaart, J. 1961 Early Cultures of South Anatolian Plateau. Anatolian Studies 11, 159-84. Mellaart, J. 1963 Early Cultures of South Anatolian Plateau II. Anatolian Studies 13, 199-236. Mellaart, J. 1970 Excavations at Hacılar I. Edinburgh, University Press.

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PREDICTIVE MODELING OF SETTLEMENT MOUNDS (9000-5500 B.C.) IN THE LAKE DISTRICT

Fig. 1: Hypothetical relative and absolute site elevations according to lake levels. Although site ‘A’ and site ‘B’ differ in absolute elevation they have the same elevation distances from the lakes that they are in relation to.

Fig. 2: Among the 15 variables used to construct the overall model Aspect, Land Use, Adjusted Elevation, and Lithology comprise more than 50% of the variables that were chosen by the logistic regression to be put into the 20 predictive models.

Fig. 3: The map showing different probability zones in the area. According to the model, low probability zones indicate the regions where it is unlikely to find settlement mounds and high probability zones indicate regions where one might expect to find mounds which are not in the current archaeological inventory.

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Fig. 4: An expected situation where a settlement mound is located near the river and high probability zone (textured areas) occurs around it, while an extension of high probability zone exists where the river debouches into the lake.

Fig. 5: Although there is no known settlement mound in this close-up, the model produces a high probability zone (textured area) on the east side of the river, but interestingly, the west bank is a low probability zone.

Fig. 5: The model produces patches of high probability zones around Lake Beyşehir although there is no settlement mound in the inventory for that region. The sum of the area of the high probability zones in this close-up is around 25 sq-km.

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Rethinking Neolithic architecture: the study of structural clay fragments Styliani Kaltsogianni (M.A.) Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, Greece, Faculty of Philosophy - School of History & Archaeology - Department of Archaeology

However, their massive appearance in Thessaly is notable during the Middle Neolithic, when the use of mud-bricks and stone-foundations, which ensure the longevity of households’ lives, spreads there. The models are often found near the hearth, around the central pile or under the floor, sometimes near the corners of the excavated buildings. Accordingly, they are interpreted as offerings for the foundation of the house (Τουφεξής 1996: 161-2), in order to provide the household the desired prosperity (Pyrgaki 1987: 102).

House models as indicators of form of Neolithic buildings1 Prehistoric Archaeology has not yet succeeded in saying its last word in what concerns architecture, especially of the Neolithic era. The nature of the structural materials and therefore the fragmentary state of their preservation has resulted in only piecemeal information. Consequently, it has not been possible for researchers to make complete, if theoretical, reports on the construction of a Neolithic dwelling as a whole; satisfactory were only the finds that contributed to our knowledge of structural materials used, the plans of the excavated buildings and their internal arrangement, even of the layout of a site. Worthwhile are therefore the finds that can offer complementary elements about Neolithic architecture (Χουρμουζιάδης 1969: 36).

Neolithic house models, all made of clay, are limited in numbers and have been found, as already mentioned, principally in Thessaly, in Northern and Central Greece. They are small in size and can be distinguished in two main categories: roofed and non-roofed house models. They are square or rectangular in shape, with one room, in most cases one-storeyed and rarely two-storeyed. The latter may indicate the existence of two-storeyed houses in the greek vicinity during the Neolithic, the construction of which has been verified in Tsaggli (Thessaly), where buildings with internal buttresses have been reconstructed as two-storeyed buildings (Τουφεξής 1996: 161).

Neolithic house models are thought to be of vital importance, as they can fill the gap that the fragmentary architectural finds create. Through a critical approach they may help us outline a Neolithic house closer than the traces of a wall or the postholes permit it. They submit a proposal about the external physiognomy of a house, while our knowledge about its superstructure, e.g. the type of the roof, is scanty, as far as there is no thorough study of structural fragments (Grundmann 1953: 7-9).

Roofed house models comprise the rule for the Middle Neolithic era; their great majority comes from excavations and surveys conducted in Thessaly. In fact, they reproduce in a quite simple and “realistic” way the figure of a Neolithic building. The craftsman gives form to the most essential architectural elements and often reproduces them schematically. His interest focuses on the exterior part of the house; the interior remains empty. All the sides of house models have wide or narrow openings; whether these openings depict doors or windows, it is difficult to say. The roof is pitched and usually bears a round vent-hole in the middle. This type of roof projects over the walls of the house, as it is wider than the axes of the building: the ends of the roof’s central, horizontal beam often project over the façade’s triangle, while the ends of the lateral beams project over the long sides of the house (Τουφεξής 1996: 161).

It could be supposed that the people who intended to build their house felt the necessity to construct its model to star with. Besides, many figurines which depict furniture and other household wares have been found in the vicinity of such house models. Nevertheless, it is not quite certain that all of them had the same purpose (Pyrgaki 1987: 100-1). It could be, hence, suggested that house models are not the exact copies of the houses built; they may be the elusive work of a gifted potter, who gave the form of a house to an earthenware (Grundmann 1953: 14). Moreover, if the evolution of the house as a complex cultural institution, carrying simultaneously a social and religious symbolism, is taken into consideration, it is difficult to characterize these house models with certainty as shrines, public houses or just domestic buildings (Τουφεξής 1996: 161-2). Thanks to their static character that concentrates all the structural elements of a house in a limited space and despite their little volume, house models seem like objects destined to stand in a particular place and to impose themselves as entities with a special identity (Χουρμουζιάδης 1995: 79-80). It is more likely that they attribute the form of a Neolithic house in the way this is technologically, economically and socially perceived.

If the painted decoration of Middle Neolithic house models from Thessaly is not just of a decorative character (Θεοχάρης 1993: 180), it could be proposed that it gives emphasis to the main architectural parts of the house, i.e. the roof, the walls, the doors or the windows, while its motifs have a close connection with the contemporary painted pottery. The painted motifs, mostly red-on-white surfaces, probably sound coloured plasters that the walls would bear. The roofs are often decorated with motifs that look like chessboard. This motif reminds simultaneously of both the horizontal and the vertical beams with which the roof is constructed and which support its wooden frame (Χουρμουζιάδης 1995: 85).

1 The discussion takes into account only Neolithic house models found in the greek vicinity.

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SOMA 2007 The bases of the models remain undecorated (Pyrgaki 1987: 106).

settlement that combines the features of both the flat, extended settlements and the tells, while its habitation phases date from the Early to the Late Neolithic [AR 2000-2001: 1-144; AR 2001-2002: 1-115; Κωτσάκης και Halstead 2002: 407-15]. In the settlement we can observe three distinctive categories of architectural features: the palisades and the ditches at the periphery of the settlement, the houses both at the core and the periphery and finally the pebbled yards.

Non-roofed house models are typical during the Late Neolithic. This choice marks a development, which is in contrast with Middle Neolithic’s roofed models. In addition, this choice turns the attention of the craftsman to the internal part of the dwelling2. Non-roofed house models are limited in number and come from Northern Greece and Thessaly. They bear a transcendental character and are conceived more as a “symbol” than a figure of a specific building. Their main part is actually a base, over which the human figure is projected. Their roof is not fashioned and in every likelihood it was not even mobile. The well-known house model from Platia Magoula Zarkou (Thessaly), representative of this category, depicts the internal part of a house, its hearth and the bench nearby, standing along a wall opposite to the entrance. It contains eight mobile, schematic, anthropomorphic figurines of different size, that may represent the members of a nuclear family, and two more unidentified objects, which are rather related with the household wares. The possibility that the majority of nonroofed house models also contained mobile figurines cannot be ruled out (Τουφεξής 1996: 161).

The sample Although structural clay fragments had been taken out from all the trenches, the sample under study was decided to come from the domestic area at the core of the settlement. The uniformity in what concerns the date of these dwellings, since the study of the pottery has underlined the exclusive, if not dominant, presence of Middle Neolithic pottery, rendered the trenches of this area more indicative than those at the periphery. In addition, the technological choices for the house construction and the use of its interior space during the Middle Neolithic would be better observed there, because these houses were found not separate the one from the other but in a cluster. Moreover, the architectural remains had been preserved in greater quantities and in a more satisfactory state in contrast with those from the periphery, so that they could offer more architectural information. Consequently, they facilitated an elementary conception, if not the interpretation, of the finds and of the terms of habitation in Paliambela in general.

As a conclusion, it could be argued that the importance of Neolithic house models lies probably in their features that answer to all the models without exception, i.e. in the fundamental architectural features, such as the roof, the openings, the decoration, and which can be verified simultaneously from the architectural remains. Valuable are undoubtedly the information about the roof construction of the Middle Neolithic dwellings, in case we deduce from the excavation data that the roof of the buildings was pitched and not flat. However, we should always bear in mind that every house is a particular case, a roofed space constructed specifically for the people who live in it. Consequently, it wouldn’t be without reason, if it were supported that every house is similar to another one, as far as we can observe repeated architectural practices that correspond to structural problems resolved. Nevertheless, the house remains a particular context bearing its own physiognomy, in order to fulfill both the practical and mental needs of the hosted people. Accordingly, the uniformity of Neolithic dwellings is disrupted and the study of structural clay fragments becomes necessary, so as to identify the specific characteristics of each house separately.

Trench 25 was finally chosen for the sampling of clay fragments that were taken out, even though there were also some pieces left in situ. In this trench had been revealed the remains of a pebbled yard with clay fragments among the pebbles; the remains of a collapsed wall which was extending to trench 20 and was preserved with the form of shapeless clay fragments mixed with pebbles; an oblong “construction” found closely to the imaginary eastern border of the probable roofed space and to which we should attribute the fallen superstructure found in the west of it; an uninterpreted earthen “construction” and finally part of a superimposed layer of the former pebbled yard. The fact that all the features mentioned before comprised in every likelihood the eastern room of a two-room house and part of the pebbled yard outside, made any try to connect the data even easier, since the context of clay fragments was adequately defined.

Structural clay fragments: the method of their study The method of studying structural clay fragments was developed for the needs of the excavation at Paliambela Kolindros, Northern Greece, which is conducted under the direction of Professor K. Kotsakis (Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, Greece) and Professor P. Halstead (University of Sheffield, U.K.). The site is a

Clay fragments that came from trench 20 and specifically from the party wall between the western and eastern room of the house, were supposed to be representative of the typology of the partition and its adjacent floor, as they were found in situ. The aim of their study was, however, the comparison with the rest of the chosen fragments, so as to reach more reliable conclusions. Accordingly, only an identification number of them was submitted to study.

2 It could be proposed that the constructing techniques had already been assimilated; the acquaintance with the internal part of the house was therefore the next step.

In general, the recorded units are related with specific space features, comprise large quantities of clay 180

RETHINKING NEOLITHIC ARCHITECTURE: THE STUDY OF STRUCTURAL CLAY FRAGMENTS fragments and could be, therefore, easier interpreted. The units which have to do with the taking off of the surface deposits or the cleaning of the trench are excluded. Excluded are also the units with small quantities of clay preserved, the relationship of which with the space features of the trench is not quite obvious.

The unit it comes from, the weight as indicator of its size, the maximum thickness are also noted. More detailed is the recording of the inclusions, although it is clear that only straw and stone are the most usual and therefore the principal categories. The combination of all kinds of inclusions met results in a list of all possible cases.

The recording

The number of the surfaces preserved, the angle formed by two or more surfaces and the angle formed by the main surface, registered as surface 1, and the imprints, follow. The quality of the surfaces, that simultaneously signifies the finishing touches to which the surface was submitted, is the next to note. The main attributes of the surfaces are the smoothness, the roughness, the plaster and the number of its layers, in case there was a repeated effort to cover a surface with plaster. But there is also a kind of surface very similar to the plastered. Their difference lies in the fact that in the case of plaster the clay laid over the surface is refined; in the other case the clay laid is intentionally mixed with calcium, in order to secure the water-tightness of the surface. The fragments bearing the latter mixture are usually attributed to the roof of the house and this kind of surface must be recognized and therefore recorded separately.

The queries of the registration form are based at an elementary level on the method applied at the excavation at Karanovo (Zettler 1994), although in that case there was only one stage of recording. In both excavations the houses under study were constructed with the wattle-anddaub technique, so that the use and enrichment of the method applied at Karanovo is supposed to be reliable. The recording consists of three stages: a. the recording of the units in general, b. the elementary recording of the diagnostic fragments of each unit, c. the more detailed recording of part of the diagnostic fragments, which due to their size and state of preservation could offer valuable information about the physiognomy of the house. First stage of recording The aim of this phase is to acquire a general impression about the clay fragments of each unit. The weight has been argued to be the appropriate measurement for the quantity of clay fragments. So, in the first place the total weight of each unit is measured. The distinction between the shaped and shapeless fragments is the next step. The fragments that preserve at least one surface or imprint are characterized as shaped. The rest of the fragments are characterized as shapeless.

The number and the kind of the imprints are a fundamental category of the recording. Straw imprints are a rather simple case. For the other cases, however, it is necessary to make a conventional list of measurements, in order to discern some basic categories. The imprints of reeds are supposed to have a diameter up to 5 mm. Wood imprints are segregated to twig imprints and beam imprints. “Beam” is also a conventional term; as such are characterized woods that have a diameter of at least 40 mm. The criterion is that every diameter wider than this could be related with woods playing a vital role to the static matters of the dwelling. Every diameter narrower than this could be attributed to twig imprints, that can rather be related with the wooden network that filled the wooden frame. Traces that indicate whether wood was subject to process before its use to the house construction or was untreated, lead to the even more exact specification of the wood imprints. Flat wood imprints are thought to be the result of the use of planks and are recorded as a separate category. The last category are the imprints of pebbles, that could be attributed to floors and yards, whether they answer to clay fragments that have to do with the space inside or outside the house correspondingly, as far as the distribution of clay fragments in the trench is not disturbed and could hence help to the inference of conclusions concerning where the fragments came from.

After the weight of the shaped fragments is measured, the weight of the shapeless pieces is measured, too. Then the shapeless fragments are divided in two main categories: these with organic inclusions, usually straw, chaff or grass and these with stone as their main inclusion3. The weight of the fragments which include shells or pottery is also measured separately. The weight of vitrified clay pieces is measured, too; although there is no connection with the kind of the inclusions, vitrified clay fragments are segregated as a distinctive category, since the temperature and the spread of the fire which vitrified them can be inferred. Second stage of recording The second phase is connected with the recording of the shaped, otherwise called diagnostic fragments. Their elementary analysis would allow the inference of statistic results, valid for the total sample, rather than to attribute some fragments to specific parts of the house.

The effort to understand the function of clay fragments to the house construction and use is of vital importance. The exact specification is not easy, sometimes rather impossible. Having though as principle that a clay fragment could come from the roof, the walls, the floor of the house, from a household construction in general and a household construction formed as vessel in particular, it is clear that at this phase the only possible distinction would be between the fundamental parts of the house and

At first, a serial number is given to each diagnostic piece. 3 After a while it became clear that in almost the majority of the cases organic inclusions were the rule and when both straw and stone were included, we had to do with the use of unrefined clay, rather than the intention to combine both organic and inorganic inclusions.

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SOMA 2007 Neolithic dwelling. Taking for granted that the choice of the sample is the most important factor for the reliability of the conclusions, this study enables the comprehension of Neolithic dwellings, starting from the kind and the quantity of the exploited sources and moving forward to the processes to which they were submitted and to the precise identification of parts of the house, that can altogether reveal its figure. What is more, it is even possible to perceive the way the house was economically, socially or mentally conceived by co-estimating the rest of the finds and the way the house’s biography (construction, use, destruction) was assimilated by the landscape, too.

the household constructions. This distinction leads to a temporary, elementary interpretation of clay fragments. Third stage of recording At its final phase the recording concerns a part of the diagnostic fragments also recorded at the second phase, which are chosen among the others, because they are not fragmented enough and in every likelihood belong to the most representative parts, that could help outline the figure of the house. Their thorough approach is the aim of this stage. The third stage is based on the second one. It keeps all its queries, which are then enriched. The measurement of the maximum length and the maximum width are added to the measurements of the flat structural parts of the house, while the diameter of the rim, the body and the base of the constructions formed as vessels are measured, too.

Acknowledgements This article is based on the M.A. thesis I am preparing for the Department of Archaeology at the Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, Greece. I am deeply indebted to my M.A. supervisor and director of the excavation at Paliambela, Prof. K. Kotsakis, for giving me the chance to explore the terra incognita of Neolithic architecture through the study of such a “peculiar” material as structural clay fragments. Prof. P. Halstead, co-director of the excavation, is greatly acknowledged for his trust in my work. Much gratitude goes to Prof. Slaviša Perić, director of the Archaeological Institute at Belgrade, for his comments and his continuous guidance in the fieldwork. I would also like to thank Prof. St. Andreou, director of the excavation at Toumba (Thessaloniki), who uncomplainingly facilitated the continuation of my study at his laboratory after the end of the excavating season at Paliambela. Finally, I am particularly grateful to Prof. Arturo Vargas-Escobar (National & Kapodistrian University of Athens) for his discreet support and encouragement and especially for his technological knowledge, which he shared with me.

The clay colour of the body of the fragments and also the clay colour of the surface of the fragments, in case they have one or more layers of plaster, are noted according to the Munsell Soil Chart. The preservation state of both the surfaces and the imprints, its characterization as satisfactory, eroded or flaking off, the presence or not of sediments are also recorded, in order to conceive the post-depositional terms taking place after the house had been destructed. Also, the grade the clay was affected by fire is thought to be of vital importance. It has been taken for granted that the majority of clay fragments are unbaked by their original use and hence just dried in the sun. But in general, the same fragments are found baked because of the destructive effect of fire. In addition, having as principle that, depending on their exposure to fire, the fragments could be characterized as baked, burnt when their clay colour has dramatically changed or vitrified, it has been argued that it would be better to take into account the state to which the fragments are found rather than their original one.

Bibliography Archaeology in Greece, 2000-2001. Archaeological Reports, 47, 2000-2001, 1-144. Archaeology in Greece, 2001-2002. Archaeological Reports, 48, 2001-2002, 1-115. Grundmann, K. (1953) Eine steinzeitliche Hausnachbildung aus Chaironeia. Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts, VI, 7-14. Χουρμουζιάδης, Γ.Χ. (1969) Πήλινον ομοίωμα νεολιθικού οικίσκου. Αρχαιολογικά Ανάλεκτα εξ Αθηνών, ΙΙ (1), 36-9. Χουρμουζιάδης, Γ.Χ. (1995) Ένα πήλινο ομοίωμα νεολιθικού σπιτιού. ΣΕ: Χουρμουζιάδης, Γ.Χ. εκδ., Αναλογίες – Γραπτά μιας αρχαιολογικής ζωής, Θεσσαλονίκη, Βάνιας, 75-96. Κωτσάκης, Κ. και P. Halstead (2002) Ανασκαφή στα νεολιθικά Παλιάμπελα Κολινδρού. Το Αρχαιολογικό Έργο στη Μακεδονία και στη Θράκη, 16, 407-15. Pyrgaki, M. (1987) L’ habitat au cours de la Préhistoire (de la période précéramique à l’ âge du bronze) d’ après les trouvailles effectuées à Sesklo et à Dimini, en Thessalie, Athènes, Fondation “Sophie Saripolou”. Θεοχάρης, Δ.Ρ. (1973) Νεολιθική Ελλάς, Αθήνα, Εθνική

Regarding the imprints, their diameter or in the case of the plank imprints, their width is recorded, too. The effort to interpret the fragments is based on the same reasoning as at the second stage, being though more certain about the interpretative characterization of the fragments after the acquaintance with the sample. Each diagnostic fragment recorded at the third stage is photographed and its section is drawn, too. Concluding remarks The form of the clay is the principal criterion for its morphological recording, supposing that a primary morphological segregation of the material under study is a fundamental prerequisite for the comprehension of its function. In comparison with house models, the detailed study of structural clay fragments, which in the case of Paliambela excavation is still in progress, can help us outline in more exact terms the physiognomy of a 182

RETHINKING NEOLITHIC ARCHITECTURE: THE STUDY OF STRUCTURAL CLAY FRAGMENTS Τράπεζα της Ελλάδος. Θεοχάρης, Δ.Ρ. (1993) Νεολιθικός πολιτισμός – Σύντομη επισκόπηση της Νεολιθικής στον ελλαδικό χώρο, Αθήνα, Μορφωτικό Ίδρυμα Εθνικής Τραπέζης. Τουφεξής, Γ. (1996) Ομοιώματα σπιτιών. ΣΕ: Παπαθανασόπουλος, Γ.Α. επιστ. επιμ., Νεολιθικός

Πολιτισμός στην Ελλάδα, Αθήνα, Ίδρυμα Νικολάου Π. Γουλανδρή – Μουσείο Κυκλαδικής Τέχνης, 161-2. Zettler, E. (1994) Wandaufbau neolithischer Häuser – Befund eines mittelneolithischen Hauses aus Karanovo, Diplomarbeit, Paris-Lodron-Universität Salzburg.

Fig. 1: House model from Krannon, Thessaly, Middle Neolithic (Θεοχάρης 1973, fig. 8). Fig. 2: House model from Myrrini, Thessaly, Middle Neolithic (Θεοχάρης 1973, fig. 11).

Fig. 4: House model from Platia Magoula Zarkou, Thessaly, Late Neolithic (Τουφεξής 1996, fig. 266).

Fig. 3: House model from Magoula Balomenou – Chaironeia, Central Greece, Middle Neolithic (Τουφεξής 1996, fig. 265).

Fig. 5: Paliambela, trench 25, Middle Neolithic. Roof fragment – external side (photo: Paliambela excavation archive).

Fig. 6: Paliambela, trench 25, Middle Neolithic. Roof fragment – internal side (photo: Paliambela excavation archive). 183

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Fig. 8: Paliambela, trench 25, Middle Neolithic. Wall fragment – plank imprint (photo: Paliambela excavation archive).

Fig. 7: Paliambela, trench 25, Middle Neolithic. Wall fragment – plastered surface (photo: Paliambela excavation archive).

Fig. 9: Paliambela, trench 20, Middle Neolithic. Party wall fragment (photo: Paliambela excavation archive).

Fig. 10: Paliambela, trench 20, Middle Neolithic. Party wall fragment (photo: Paliambela excavation archive).

Fig. 11: Paliambela, trench 20, Middle Neolithic. Floor fragment – upper surface (photo: Paliambela excavation archive).

Fig. 12: Paliambela, trench 20, Middle Neolithic. Floor fragment – pebble imprints (photo: Paliambela excavation archive).

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Mycenaean Involvement on the Anatolian Coastline M. Hamdi Kan Akdeniz University Serik M.Y.O. Department of Restoration & Akdeniz , University Institute of Social Sciences Department of Archaeology. Antalya/Turkey

Mycenaeans.6 Of course the reality in the epics of Homer is questionable and the texts must be objectively interrogated. But something that should not be forgotten is that this interrogation should not lead to the wholesale rejection of all the suggestions; and indeed this approach will be very subjective. It is also very interesting that some philologists refuse to acknowledge these relations which depend upon phonetic grounds, between the languages of the second and the first millennium; but these same scholars suggest or refute equivalents that are supported by these same principals. So, if one will suggest a connection between the Bronze Age and the Iron Age, this must be supported by archaeological and geographical, more than philological data. Meanwhile, the cultural remains are the only resource to confirm or refute the inscribed records and the comments upon them.

There are numerous arguments and publications concerning the Mycenaean centres in Mainland Greece.1 However there is a lack of publications regarding Mycenaean involvement, and its extent, for the Western and Southern shores of Anatolia, which cannot be distinguished from Mainland Greece in this period and even later. Moreover all of these were only overviews from the archaeological excavation reports and their published results. A factor that should not be forgotten is the historical base, supported by archaeological, geographical and philological evidence, which must be incorporated when trying to understand the status of the Mycenaeans on these coastlines. The principal area that we have archaeological evidence for indicating the presence of Mycenaeans in Anatolia is along the Western coastline. On the shores between Troy and Müsgebi there are numerous centres that have produced both imported and locally produced archaeological material of Mycenaean origin.2 There are publications concerning the Mycenaean material in this area.3 Indeed, the main purpose of this paper is not only to count all of the settlements which provide archaeological material from this period, but also to use this material to confirm some historical data and/or to improve upon that which already exists. So the historical data, which suggests a Mycenaean presence in this area, must firstly to be explored.

There is too much to argue concerning Mycenaean/Ahhiyawan equivalence. But here, some questions that should be raised will be mentioned: It is interesting is it not, that the people whom we call the Mycenaeans, had considerable archaeological remains on the shores of Anatolia and commercial activities in the Levantine region, which was also one of the main aims of Hittite authority, and who presented gifts of swords even in Hattusas,7 were not mentioned in the records of the Hittite Kingdom – if these people were not the Ahhiyawans? Furthermore, why did not Mursilis II mention the borders of Ahhiyawa – if it was in western Asia Minor – when he was organizing the borders of all of the states and kingdoms in the region, after his great Arzawan campaign?8

Mycenaean Linear B has not been completely deciphered and also there are only a limited number of inscriptions that do not contain any data concerning relations between states.4 Also we do not have any record of inscriptions from their contemporaries in Western Anatolia. So the most informative sources are the Hittite texts. The Assyrian Kings did not show interest in this area and the Egyptian records are very limited.5 But the main problem with our primary sources – The Hittite Texts – is the variability of the interpretation of the Mycenaean/Ahhiyawan equivalence.

If there are no satisfactory answers to these questions, the most acceptable suggestion is that Hittites were in contact with the Mycenaean city states of the Aegean Islands, and the name of Ahhiyawa was employed to describe these people.9 When one looks at the settlements that provided Mycenaean material in Western Anatolia, one sees pottery becomes common in LH IIIA and continues

Scholars are divided into two main groups concerning this subject. The first group equates the Achaean people in the epics of Homer with the Ahhiyawan, from its occurrence in the Hittite texts. The second and more recent suggestion limits the Ahhiyawans to the Troas region and totally refutes the connection with the

6 For the different claims of these two groups see, Boysal 1971, 63 – 72; Niemeier 2002, 521; Macqueen 1968, 183, Fig. 11; Macqueen, 1996, 39 – 41, Fig. 22, especially note 30 – 31; Bryce 1999, 59 – 63; Mellart 1986, 226; Mountjoy 1998, 51; Easton 1980; Güterbock 1983, 133 ff. Especially 138; Mellink 1983, 138 – 141. Ünal 2002, 107 – 119 with references. 7 Niemeier 2002, 522; Cline 1996, 137 – 151. 8 Mursilis II reports that, some of the refugees of the Arzawan Dynasty escaped to Ahhiyawa by sea. But when he was organizing the status of the kingdoms in this region, there is nothing concerning the Ahhiyawa. For this organization see Kınal 1953, 13.; Mellart 1986, 218.; Dinçol 1982, 41. 9 Kan – Dündar 2005, 3, 8, notes 19, 46.

1

For a general bibliography of these publications see Mountjoy 1999 Vol. 1 – 2. 2 see Map 1. 3 Özgünel 1983, 697 f.; Mountjoy 1998, 33 f., Bayne 2000, 37 f. 4 Ünal 2002, 110. 5 Arzawan King Tarhundaradus has written a letter to Amenhotep III and this letter is in the language of Nesa (Bross 2003, Umar 1982, 57).

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SOMA 2007 without interruption until LH IIIC at most centres.10 Important is that, LH IIIA is nearly the same period as LM IIIA of Cretan chronology which fits with the date of the collapse of Knossos.11 Also, Ahhiyawans with Attarasiyas and just after this the Arzawan Kingdom with Madduwattas and Tarhundaradus – again with the support of Ahhiyawa – were in military activities on Alasiya and the Hittite homeland, firstly in the S.W. and than W. Anatolia for their bases.12 So one can say the Mycenaeans began an economic and military imperialist policy within this period. Consequently, by the end of the 15th century, Mycenaean Kingdoms targeted the trade routes of the Mediterranean. These city states show no evidence they were under the authority of one great king, they probably acted individually but cooperated to realise the same aims during this period. It can not be a coincidence that the collapse of Knossos and the occupation of the Cretan ports, the control over the W. and S.W. coastline of Anatolia with the help of the allied Arzawan Kingdom, the attacks on Alasiya again in cooperation with allies in Anatolia and some trading activities in the Levantine region, all occurred within the same short period of time.

Mycenaean pottery becomes much more common.23 This level identified as Troy VIIa covers the second half of LH IIIA and the first half of LH IIIB. From VIIb and to the end of the second millennium, the amount of locally produced pottery increases compared to the imported. So whether Blegen, Özgünel and Bayne, or Mee is correct, finds of Mycenaean pottery at Troy begins in the second half of the 16th century B.C. or at the latest at the end of this century. But the most important point is all the earliest examples are imports. It is clear that at the end of the 16th century B.C. or the start of the 15th, trade relations between Troy and the Mycenaean city states began. But this relation did not influence Troy as locally produced pottery had not occurred. So, the relationship had started, but not the interaction. During the Late VI level of Troy, both cultures underwent an explosive development. Troy enjoyed its richest times and Mycenaeans began their long term aim of dominating Mediterranean trade activity. In this short period of time, the interaction between these two cultures began and locally produced Mycenaean pottery was found in the strata of Troy. Respecting the political structure of W. Anatolia in the same period, it seems the Arzawan Kingdom, in alliance with the Ahhiyawa, became stronger and the dominant power of Anatolia, the Kingdom of Hittites, weakened in the transition period between the ‘Old Kingdom’ and the ‘New Kingdom’; at this time, the armies of Arzawa reached the river Marrasantiya and threatened the capital city Hattusas.24 In connection with all these events, the first and the only known military encounter between the Hittites and the Ahhiyawans occurred.25

Close to this same period, c. 1350 B.C., the summit of Bronze Age Troy (Troy VI) was destroyed in an earthquake and the ensuing struggle and subsequently, there was a much reduced cultural level in the Troy VIIa settlement which would be destroyed by another struggle in ea. 1250 B.C..13 Numerous scholars connect Troy VIIa with the Iliad of Homer and think that the war reported by the poet occurred in 1250 B.C..14 The Mycenaean pottery from the excavations at Troy reveals the first examples come from the Middle VI level.15 The only significant deposit dates from the end of this period and all these finds are imports.16 According to Bayne, the shapes are typical LH I – II, this dating is supported by decoration and apparently LH I evidence is very weak.17 However Mee suggests, Mycenaean influence in Troy did not begin before LH II,18 and Özgünel agrees with Bayne.19

So it can be said that the events in the Hittite records (between the last quarter of the 15th century B.C. and the beginning of the 14th) conform to the archaeological evidence from the excavations at Troy. The first settlement S. from Troy, with Mycenaean pottery, is Pitane. The excavations by O. Hamdi Bey in the 19th century, uncovered an imported Mycenaean stirrup jar decorated with an octopus motif, in a pithos burial with locally produced monochrome pottery.26 This is the only Mycenaean find from this settlement. It dates from LH IIIC and was probably a Dodecanese import.27 Pitane provides little useful data on this subject.

In the Troy Late VI, there is imported pottery but also locally produced wares.20 When the imported pottery is considered, two deposits from the first half of this level probably date to LH II ‘Palace Style’.21 In this level, just after the middle, the locally produced pottery also occurs. The Mycenaean pottery of the second half of Late VI level belongs to LH IIIA, a few spans LH IIIA – IIIB.22 After the collapse of Troy VI, locally produced

Further south, Panaztepe was a very important centre. The Mycenaean pottery of this settlement is also divided into two groups, locally produced and imported ware. Local products are more common than imports.28 These examples are dated to the second half of the 2nd

10

see note 3. see Table 1. 12 Kan – Dündar 2005, 1 – 16. 13 see Table. 14 For recent arguments on this subject see, Ünal 2002, 107 – 118. 15 Troy III, 10; Blegen 1963, 141 ff. 16 Troy III, 209, fig. 383. 17 Bayne 2000, 42. 18 Mee 1978, 146. 19 Özgünel 1983, 700 – 701. 20 Bayne 2000, 45. 21 İbid. 22 Bayne 2000, 46. 11

23

Bayne 2000, 48 Kan-Dündar 2005, 5, note 33. 25 Kan-Dündar 2005, 3. 26 Özgünel 1983, 705, note 55. 27 Özgünel 1983, 707. 28 Günel 1999, 78. 24

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MYCENAEAN INVOLVEMENT ON THE ANATOLIAN COASTLINE millennium B.C.29 and are associated in the same chronology as Müsgebi and Rhodes.30

with several other factors, in the decline of the Hatti; as the “Great Kingdom” was importing tin from Bohemia and even from Cornwall, on the route passing from Wilusa.39 As a result, the collapse of the main gate to Anatolia and the Kingdom on this route caused the Hatti to be deprived of tin.

More important than the Mycenaean pottery in Panaztepe are the pitos and tholos graves and even a Linear B stamp.31 These tholoi are not the characteristic Mycenaean type, but are important, representing some of the earliest examples of this type in Anatolia.32

It is no surprise that Piyamaradus, who came from the “Land of Ahhiyawa” and was a member of the Arzawan dynasty, was welcomed in the Seha River Land that was probably in the region of Panaztepe. The archaeological evidence from this settlement indicates, there was intensive Mycenaean activity in this region at the same time, this may well have been a suitable ground for Piyamaradus and it was also an advantage that there was no strong ally of Hatti any longer in this region.

According to Günel, the Panaztepe Mycenaean pottery indicates the Mycenaeans not only applied a trade based economical imperialism, but had settled colonies living together with the people of Anatolia and a culture influenced by local factors.33 So the influence in this settlement can be understood to be a physical Mycenaean presence of settlement size, or as an emporium.

To the south of Panaztepe is the Gulf of Smyrna, with a few centres providing relevant material in this region. The most important are Smyrna (Bayraklı), Limantepe and Erythrae. In addition there are several smaller settlements that provide a few and unsystematic finds.40 It seems the gulf was a very attractive place for settlers in 2nd millennium B.C., but this region is only mentioned in very few records. There is only a suggestion that the name Smyrna equals in the Hittite records: Tismurna.41 There are no other historical or geographical epigraphic data. This situation remains the same during later periods.42 It is clear in every period that the owners of the Gulf took strong measures to control this area. The topographical location of the gulf, providing very strong defensive advantages, must have been played a primary role in this connection, thus the reason of the absence of records except for Tismurna – if this localisation is correct.

Panaztepe was connected to Mainland Greece by sea and with inland Anatolia via the Hermos valley and these locational advantages were priceless for the Mycenaean merchants. Depending on all of these factors, this settlement that is not localised, must have been an important centre of the Seha River Land. The Panaztepe region, surely located on the northern borders of Arzawa34 or in the Seha River Land, had a very active political period in the 2nd millennium B.C. All of Western Anatolia was under Mycenaean pressure from the west and Hatti pressure from the east. Arzawa had always been an ally of Ahhiyawa, but other states had frequently changed allegiance over time. The region described as Seha River Land and probably localized to classical Aeolis35 formed a buffer region by Hatti, between the hostile Arzawa and the allied Wilusa.36 But during the reign of Hattusilis III, Piyamaradus, who is thought to be a member of the Arzawan dynasty that the legendary Hatti King Mursilis II had banished from Anatolia, had been in some activities in the Seha River Land in the name of the Ahhiyawa and threatened the profits of the Hatti.37 It is very interesting and important that the people of the Seha River Land supported Piyamaradus and rebelled against their rulers, who were the allies of the Hatti.38 Noteworthy is that Troy was at the VIIa level and had passed its apogee, and the Kingdom of Hatti was in the second and the last course of decline in this same short period of time. After the reign of Hattusilis III, this process becomes even clearer. The collapse of Troy VI must have played an important role,

At Limantepe, a Mycenaean level was uncovered during the 1997 excavation season.43 These findings are dated to the LH IIIA 2 period,44 this dating conforms with the general situation in W. Anatolia. In the 1999 excavation season, a “botros” dated to the LBA from the Mycenaean pottery inside it, has been uncovered.45 In the 2000 season, it was reported that a very rich LH IIIA 2 and LH IIIB pottery group was found in the LBA levels, of characteristic Anatolian pattern.46

39 Yakar 1976, 117. Macqueen (1996, 42 – 43) suggests that Cornish tin, beside from Bohemia, reached Anatolia on the north-western trade route. 40 For a list of these settlements and the material see Doğer 1998, 7 – 14. 41 Akurgal 1983, 103 – 107, with references. 42 Akurgal mentions the weakness of historical records for the 5th century B.C. of Smyrna (Akurgal 1983, 49.) and he suggests that the settlement was partially abandoned between 500 – 400 B.C. (Akurgal 1983, 110). According to Doğer, this is because of the defensive chain of Persian forts in western Anatolia that enclosed the gulf like a pair of handcuffs; and not let anything to happen in the area. (Doğer 1998, 25 – 30.) 43 KST XX/I, 327. 44 İbid. 45 KST 22/1, 261. 46 KST 23/1, 377, and note 2.

29

KST XI, 139. KST XI, 144. KST XI, 140, 141. 32 KST XI, 141. 33 Günel 1999, 159. 34 For suggestions on the geographical localization of Arzawa see Kınal 1953, 8, 11, 24 – 25; Forrer 1924, 113 – 118; Goetze 1927, 49, 84, 102, 148; Garstang – Gurney 1959, 84 and Map 1; Macqueen 1968, 175; Huxley 1960, 33; Bryce 1974, 103.; Ünal 2003a, 1 – 47. 35 For suggestions on the geographical localization of the Seha River Land see Bryce 1974, 112; Macqueen 1968, 174, fig. 10. 36 CTH 69 (Garstang – Gurney 1959, 93 – 95; Beckman 1996, 77 – 81; Karauğuz 2002, 132, note 8; Macqueen 1968, 173, note 38). 37 Niemeier 2002, 521; Starke 2001, 40. 38 See note 37. 30 31

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SOMA 2007 In Cape Kalem near Erythrae, C. Bayburtluoğlu uncovered four Mycenaean pieces47 that seem to date to between LH IIB and LH IIIB, one of them belongs to the earlier phases of LH IIIC with a possible wave motif on it.48 This gulf settlement is quite poor in respect to Mycenaean material and Smyrna itself offers nothing more.49

of Tapalazunauli so Puranda must be in a location easy to defend and that must have had at least one side against the sea. But Bademgediği Tepe is an inland settlement that the armies of Hatti could besiege all sides and cut all the routes. From this the location that can be offered for Puranda is on the coastline to the south of Ephesus, in the Gulf of Samos that should be connected more closely to Ahhiyawa. But such a proposal of localization must be supported by archaeological, geographical and historical data at present lacking.

A further important centre is between the Gulf of Smyrna and Ephesus. It is not exactly a coastal settlement but Bademgediği Tepe near Metropolis must be mentioned, because of the Mycenaean finds and the arguments concerning it.

In Ephesus, the LH IIIA2 pottery from the destroyed grave on the hill of Ayasoluk, is a typical mixture of Mycenaean, Minoan, East Aegean and locally produced western Anatolian styles.57 The triple trenches down the Artemision produced LH IIIB – IIIC pottery and animal figurines of Mycenaean and Anatolian types with a terracotta figurine head.58

It is reported that some 800 pieces of Mycenaean pottery dated to LH IIIC, were uncovered at Bademgediği, but there is no Mycenaean evidence from earlier periods.50 Before this material of the 2nd Level, between the 3rd and the 5th levels, some pieces of grey and orange – brown, carinated bowls with horizontal handles, contemporary with Troy VI, were uncovered.51

Özgünel mentions some Argolis and Attic features on a crater. Again according to Özgünel, the Ephesus Mycenaean pottery is a group of LH IIIA2, mostly imports.59

On the hill of Bademgediği, there are two different city walls, one dated to c. 1200 B.C., the other contemporary with Troy VI.52 It is reported that the earlier wall was destroyed by a fire, supported by the evidence of a layer of grey, ashen and soft soil.53 The excavators suggest the settlement was probably abandoned in the 3rd level54 and it can be localised as Puranda, mentioned in the Annals of Mursilis II.55

The main view of this material is the same as is general for W. Anatolia. As mentioned above, there are finds from LH IIIA2 to the later LH IIIC. Ephesus is mostly localised to the city of Apasas known from the Hittite Records.60 It is obvious that the campaign of Mursilis II to Arzawa and to Apasas in LH IIIB did not profoundly affect the Mycenaean features of the region. Indeed, neither Mursilis II nor the other Hatti kings could ever obtain control over W. Anatolia.

When the city wall mentioned above and the destruction level are considered this seems logical. However the conquest of Arzawa by Mursilis was in LH IIIB while the first Mycenaean pottery from this settlement is LH IIIC, nearly a hundred years after the conquest. It is noteworthy that the Mycenaean evidence from this settlement begins a hundred years after the collapse of the kingdom, while nearly all the centres of Arzawa provide a large quantity of Mycenaean pottery from the earlier phases of the Kingdom.

As the capital of such a dominant Kingdom and a great source of trouble for the Hatti, that enlarged its borders to the Marrasantiya River for a few decades, Ephesus does not offer strong material from this period. Even the hill of Ayasoluk provides some 2nd millennium B.C. finds, these were beneath the Byzantine castle and were not from settlement levels; so provides little information. But from future excavations and investigations, if some stratigraphic levels can be reached, it will become more possible to interpret this localization, from the archaeological evidence.

As mentioned in the Annals of Mursilis II, a prince of Arzawa called Tapalazunauli, “comes back from the sea” after the collapse of the kingdom and takes charge of the forces in Puranda to rise against the Great King, but he fails and runs away to Ahhiyawa; and it is not certain if Ahhiyawans gave the prince back to the Hatti or not.56

Just south from Ephesus and opposite Samos, there are two centres of attention from Mycenaean pottery finds. Firstly there is one on cape Yılancı Burnu, the place where the ancient city of Pygale moved to in the Byzantine period.61 The Mycenaean pottery from this centre is quite problematic as there are insufficient

If there were some activities from the sea, Bademgediği Tepe is not located in a suitable place for this. It is clear that the armies of Mursilis could not cut the retreat route 47

Bayburtluoğlu 1975, 6f. Özgünel 1983, 720, with references. 49 For the Bronze Age finds of Smyrna see, Akurgal 1983, 103 – 107. 50 Meriç-Mountjoy 2002, 83. 51 Ibid. 80 – 82. 52 Ibid. 81. 53 Ibid. 80. 54 Ibid. 55 Meriç 2000; Meriç – Mountjoy 2002, 80. 56 Mellart 1986, 218. 48

57

Gültekin – Baran 1964, 122 – 123. Özgünel 1983, 722 – 728. 59 Ibid. 60 For suggestions on this similarity see Garstang – Gurney 1959, 88 and Map 1; Niemeier 2002, 522; Starke 2001, 38; Macqueen 1996, fig. 22. 61 Mercangöz – Tok 2001, 153 with references. 58

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MYCENAEAN INVOLVEMENT ON THE ANATOLIAN COASTLINE reports and no findspots or strata are given from this survey.62

Anaia – Kadıkalesi must have had a very important position in the Arzawan Kingdom from these advantages. Although there are many place names in the Hittite records of places located in Arzawan territory, for a proposed localization all the archaeological, philological, geographical and historical evidence should support this, but as mentioned above, Anaia – Kadıkalesi at present is far from offering such detailed and qualified evidence although it may be possible to make such proposals when the excavations reveal further material.

It is interesting that the ancient city of Pygale near Yılancı Burnu has a phonetic likeness to the Piggaya [people] in the Hatti records,63 but no certain localization can be proposed from such weak evidence. Another important centre of this region is the mound of Anaia – Kadıkalesi. The excavations that started to clean the Byzantine castle have uncovered a mound that offers archaeological material from EBA I to the end of the Ottoman Period. The Mycenaean and Minyan ware form an important part of these findings. The Mycenaean pottery begins in LH IIIA2 and continues to the end of LH IIIC, even into the Protogeometric and Geometric periods.64 All of the Mycenaean and Minyan pottery was imported from different centres of the Aegean Islands, mainland Greece and W. Anatolia and there is no certain locally produced pottery. Further, the LBA settlements of Samos, lying opposite this mound, across the sea, do not offer any finds after the LH IIIB period but Anaia – Kadıkalesi exhibits this continuity, probably due to the situation of this mound, which offered a large hinterland, an economical advantage that none of the island settlements possessed.

Further southwards is Miletos, one of the most important sites of the region. The LBA levels of Miletos can be dated to between 1700 – 1100 B.C. There are three levels, each of which represents different cultural fractions. The first level carries Minoan features, the second represents a very strong Mycenaean one. The third interestingly shows some Hittite involvement.67 The first level ended in destruction around 1490/70 B.C. and then second level arose with a very strong Mycenaean influence; and according to Greaves this transition was very sharp, a consequence of the actions to remove the Minoans from Miletos.68 The second LBA level contains LH IIIA pottery, while the architecture is probably Anatolian but some Mycenaean parallels have been suggested.69 Seven kilns were uncovered in Miletos of three different types.70 The first type is found on Mainland Greece from MBA, there is only one example in Anatolia at Limantepe, except for those at Miletos.71 The other two kiln types are Minoan.72 So the transition does not look to be as sharp as has been suggested. These finds clearly indicate Mycenaean and Minoan kilns were active together in the same stratigraphic level.

If the geographical location of the mound is considered, the character of the material mentioned above becomes meaningful. It is thought that the mound, which is now a few hundred metres from the coastline, was initially a rocky island that became a peninsula, which reached the mainland with a thin connection, and over time obtained its present form.65 The LBA phase must be on the peninsular, a settlement located on a key position commanding an inevitable passageway of Aegean Sea routes, the “Samos Pass”, and offered a quite protected harbour for sailors, perhaps with two different ports on its north and south sides. An overview of the finds indicates a trade centre that was a much frequented by merchants.

There can be no suggestion that the Mycenaean influence in the third LBA level, was strong as in the second. As Niemeier suggests, there are some Hatti features occurring at Miletos.73 According to him this situation is a result of a change in the dominant power, a proposal based on three main arguments: the city wall at this level is of Anatolian-Hatti form more than Aegean-Mycenaean, with its regular quadrangle bastions; there are some Hatti swords amongst the finds from 13th century B.C. burials; and the “horned crown” is represented on a shard from a Mycenaean style crater from the end of the 13th century, that seems to have been produced in Miletos.74 Only one house was uncovered from this level and according to Greaves, it is of the “Korridorhaus” type of the Late

No certain architectural remains of an LBA settlement have been found during the excavations, as the Byzantine settlers levelled and destroyed the stratigraphy of the settlement and dug the foundations of the castle into the mound. Despite such problems, a bronze statuette of a Hittite warrior uncovered in the excavations is very important indicating the mound was an active trade centre.66

62

Özgünel 1983, 728, dn. 210. Kan – Dündar 2005, 5, dn. 31. 64 The LBA pottery of the settlement has been published by E. Akdeniz (Akdeniz 2006, 1 – 34.). He suggests that “there is nothing obviously earlier than LH IIIC” (Akdeniz 2006, 8.) although accepting that this study is incomplete. But the article mentioned above does not contain all of the excavated material and nearly a %50 of the total is LH IIIA2 – LH IIIB pottery (M.H. KAN, “2nd Millennium B.C. Pottery of Anaia Kadıkalesi”, (Unpublished Master Thesis), İzmir, 2005.); so the published results are quite misleading. 65 Many thanks to E. Doğer for his information concerning the geographical phases of the mound. 66 For the statuette and its parallels see Akdeniz 2004, 21 – 56. 63

67 For the detailed description and comments on these levels see Greaves 2002, 69 – 83. 68 Greaves 2002, 79. 69 Niemeier 1997, 30 – 34. 70 Greaves 2002, 81. 71 Ibid. 72 Niemeier 1997, 31 – 32; Mountjoy 1998, 36; Greaves 2002, 81. 73 Niemeier 2002, 522. 74 Niemeier 1997, 31 – 32; Mountjoy 1998, 36; Greaves 2003, 81.

189

SOMA 2007 Mycenaean period;75 however, Günel remarks it is not easy to comment on these houses and this subject remains problematic.76

so re-organizing the political map of Western Anatolia.80 It can also be understood that this improvement was of a defensive character to prevent Ahhiyawa from retaking its former territory. Such would explain the fortification wall of the third level, built under Hittite influence. Even though there is no historical record that mentions such improvements supported by Hattusas; the vassal king would have done this with the permission or order of the ‘Great King’. In these circumstances the third LBA level of Miletos is extremely compatible with the known historical record as is the case with the earlier two.

Miletos has a special importance in the LBA. Scholars are divided in to two groups arguing the identification of Miletos to Millawanda, as with the Ahhiyawa/Mycenae problem. One group accepts this localisation, the other rejects it.77 When the historical records are doubted the reliable evidence comes from archaeology; and with Miletos, it is impossible to suggest that it is poor in archaeological material. So the requirement is relate this material to the historical record.

As the archaeological evidence from the LBA levels of Miletos fits the historical records concerning Millawanda, clearly Millawanda = Miletos.

If the first LBA level at Miletos is considered, it is seen that this settlement was one of the most important harbours of Anatolia representing Minoan commercial colonization. In the second level, clearly the Mycenaeans gained control over Miletos, as with the other Minoan trade colonies, during the LH IIIA period. If the first type of the kilns is Mycenaean and the second and third types are Minoan, then it can be said that the influence at Miletos was in settlement size somewhat similar to Panaztepe.

To the south of Miletos, another centre of Mycenaean evidence is Müsgebi. The establishment of the chamber tomb necropolis should be dated to LH IIIA1 from the pottery from six of these burials.81 The peak in this cemetery should have been in the LH IIIA2 period when burials were quite numerous. There are inhumations together with cremations and some bronze weapons have also been found.82 Mee suggests some Rhodiot connections and supports this mainly from the pottery shapes.83

According to the Hittite records, Millawanda was been given to Ahhiyawa at the end of the 14th century B.C., by Arzawa.78 Before this, relations between Arzawa and Ahhiyawa were quite good at all times and these relations culminated in this gift. This situation was extremely adverse for the Hittite profits and although the kings of Hatti could not prevent Ahhiyawa from establishing alliances in Western Anatolia, they would not accept any direct Ahhiyawan territory in the region. So the young Hatti King Mursilis II, who has just ascended the throne, needed to intervene, probably advised by his counsellors. He sent an army under the command of two of his generals to Millawanda in the first years of his reign and he ordered them to completely destroy the city.79 These events are quite compatible with the second LBA level at Miletos.

Mee claimed that Mycenaeans settled in Müsgebi84 but the pottery is mostly imported from Miletos.85 According to Mountjoy, “…all the pottery with clay described as reddish and ‘ziegelrot’ is either local or that the better pieces were perhaps imported from Miletos, not Rhodes, as Mee suggests. The site is next door to Kos and much closer to Miletos than Rhodes, so that one would expect the ties lie here.”86 As mentioned, the origin of the material from Müsgebi is controversial. However, if one considers the geographical locations of Miletos, Müsgebi and Iasos,87 one sees the Gulf connection linking these settlements. When all the centres mentioned here are collected on a map (Map 1) it is evident all are located on the gulfs of western Anatolia, on the northern, southern and inner coasts of these gulfs. Only Troy is isolated in a most strategic pass, but with some smaller settlements around

Both the earlier two levels and the third level are compatible with both the campaign of Mursilis II and the period just after these events. It is most probable that the settlement of Millawanda was restored under the Hittite political authority after the campaign of Mursilis that removed Arzawa and divided its lands between the vassal kings that declared their loyalty to the ‘Great King’ and

80 For the information about this organization see Kınal 1953, 13; Dinçol 1982, 41; Mellart 1986, 218. 81 Boysal, 1969, T.2 no. 706, 707, T.18, T. 22 no. 635, 636, 708, T. 34 no. 991, T. 39 no. 2320. 82 Mee 1978, 137. 83 Mee 1982, 78, 89. 84 Mee 1978, 137. 85 Gödecken 1986, 312. 86 Mountjoy 1998, 36. 87 The Mycenaean pottery of Iasos has been found below the Basilica and the sacred area of Artemis Astias. Özgünel indicates Argolis for the earlier pieces and suggests the more developed examples were imports from elsewhere or local, regional productions (Özgünel 1983, 731, note 223). According to Benzi some of this material is of local production (Benzi 1985, 29 – 34). Mee reports the Mycenaean pottery of Iasos is continuous from LH I to LH IIIC (Mee 1978, 130, 150 ff.).

75

Greaves 2003, 83 – 86. Günel 1999, 10. The traditional proposal is to accept Millawanda as Miletos. For the suggestions supporting this proposal see Garstang – Gurney 1959, 80 – 81 and Map 1; Kınal 1953, 15; Bryce 1974, 107, note 37; Bryce 1999, 60 – 61 and 395, Map 3; Starke 2001, 55; Niemeier 2002, 522. The other refutes these phonetic similarities and prefers a north-western localization for commercial reasons. For the supporting publications see Macqueen 1968, 175, Fig. 11; Mellart 1986, 228 – 229 and Pl. I; Macqueen 1996, 41; Ünal 2003a, 22. 78 Kınal 1953, s. 15 quoting from Goetze. 79 Ibid. and Mellart 1986, 217. 76 77

190

MYCENAEAN INVOLVEMENT ON THE ANATOLIAN COASTLINE it.88 It is noteworthy that this settlement is in the northern part of western Anatolia, the remainder was in Arzawan territory located more to the south. All the centres within the territory of the Arzawan Kingdom, with Mycenaean evidence, are located on the key points on the gulfs of western Anatolia; and this is evidence of a conscious intent to control the commercial profit of this region with the support of allies. Only after the 13th century, when the Kingdom of the Hittites weakened, they could operate more seriously in north-western Anatolia.89

A suggestion equates Perge with Parha of the Hittite records.92 Recent excavations on the acropolis have revealed Mycenaean pottery and other settlement evidence.93 These finds could provide much important data following the full publication of these finds. As Mee mentions,94 there is no other known settlement with Mycenaean evidence from this region. Although the archaeological evidence from this region is very weak, the equation of Pamphylia with Tarhuntassa, an important vasal state of the Hittites, is indicated by the discovery of the ‘Bronze Inscription’. Further, it is known that during the reign of Muwattalis II the capital of the kingdom was moved to Tarhuntassa.95 Although the Mycenaeans used Cyprus instead of the southern Anatolian coastline for trading activities, some remains of Tarhuntassa and the capital of the Great Kingdom should be found within this region but, at present it remains unidentified.

From this data, it can be said that the historical records of the Hittite Kingdom are very well balanced with the archaeological findings from western Anatolia; and it becomes possible to understand the main principals of Mycenaean activities in the region. Concerning the southern shores of Anatolia which were as important as the western coastline, although today presenting considerably less evidence than is the case for the western settlements: The first region to be mentioned is classical Lycia situated at a very important junction of the Mediterranean and Aegean sea routes. But it is very interesting that this region which should provide extensive archaeological data, is poorer than the other regions of the southern coastline. The 2nd millennium B.C. approximates a dark age in the region. Although there are many settlements that are suggested as meaning the city names mentioned in the Hittite texts (DalawaTlos, Hinduwa-Kandyba, Xanthos-Arnna, OinoandaWianawanda, Patar-Patara, Telmessos-Kuwalapassa),90 almost none of these suggestions are supported by archaeological evidence. Some in later periods are important harbours and the numerous gulfs in this region indicate possible very useful ports for Mycenaean sailors. But it is illogical to suggest that Mycenaean commercial activities or colonies were established everywhere, at every port they frequented in bad weather conditions. Further, if it is correct that the Luwian-Lukkan population of the region was of a nomadic character, as most scholars suggest, it is perhaps impossible to find any civilization to which the Mycenaeans could relate. So this region, in difficult weather, would provide an alternative anchorage area away from the main Mycenaean sea route that extended directly from Rhodes to Cyprus.

There are some contemporary 2nd millennium B.C. settlements in the region.97 Firstly, during Mersin/Yumuktepe excavations two main levels have been determined. The first termed “Pre Hittite/Proto Hittite” by the excavators is divided into three phases: Assyrian Colonial Period, Pre Hittite Period and Proto Hittite Period. The second is dated to the New Kingdom Age of the Hittites. All of this data was gathered from a very limited excavation that attempted not to destroy the monumental city walls. The city walls of the second level are very similar to the Upper City walls of Hattusas regarded as indicating the close relations between the Hittite homeland and this region. The destruction level of this phase was dated to the 13th century B.C. and as due to a fire; thought relate to the Sea People activities and subsequent events.98

At present the only settlement that has produced a Mycenaean pottery find in the region is Telmessos (Kuwalapassa?), and the only shard is from a LH IIIA – IIIB stirrup jar, now in British Museum.91

The very few Mycenaean pottery finds from the site were published by J. Garstang99 and mentioned by Mee.100 The main character of the material is LH IIIA to LH IIIC and mostly is locally produced. However the imports are

The most south-easterly coast of Anatolia was the location of Kizzuwatna; the Cilicia of classical antiquity. This region was a very important trading area in the 2nd millennium B.C., and was valuable territory appreciated by the Great Kingdom. The region of Kizzuwatna may have been the only region through which the Kingdom reached the sea.96

East of this region is classical Pamphylia where the archaeological finds from this period are as poor as from Lycia and there are too few settlements to be equated to the place names in the Hittite texts.

92

Otten 1988, 271 – 277. The material was mentioned by H. Abbasoğlu at the 27th Excavations Symposium in Konya/Turkey but has not been published and it is impossible to comment on these finds before publication. 94 Mee 1978, 150. 95 Ünal 2003b, 26. 96 Ünal 2003b, 26. 97 Ünal 2003b, 24. 98 Sevin – Köroglu 2004, 73. 99 Garstang 1939, 100-102, 131; Garstang 1953, 243, 256 and fig. 160/1 – 2. 100 Mee 1978, 133. 93

88

Bayne 2000, 37 – 61. For the activities of Piyamaradus supported by Ahhiyawa see Niemeier 2002, 521; Starke 2001, 40; Mellart 1986, 220. 90 Bryce 1986, 7. 91 For this pottery sherd see Mee 1978, 145. 89

191

SOMA 2007 close to Cypriot ware. So the general view is very well in balance with the sea route of Mycenaeans that stretching directly to Cyprus from Rhodes and from there to the eastern Mediterranean harbours.

In the region of Tarhuntassa, the situation was the same but for different reasons. Unlike Lycia, the people of this region were not culturally backward, as the capital of the Hittite Kingdom has been moved to Tarhuntassa. The main reason of the lack of Mycenaean material was the Hittite presence in this region where they were so dominant that no Mycenaean activity could take place that threatened the control and profits of the Great Kingdom.108 In Kizzuwatna, the situation was different from in Tarhuntassa and Lycia. This region had been an important port for merchants at all times. But in LBA, Mycenaean finds are many in LH IIIC. The reason must be the strong Hittite authority in the region, the Mycenaean material increasing only when the power of the Great Kingdom weakens in this region.

The most logical localization proposal of this informative settlement was made by A. Ünal.101 Although he does not directly localise this settlement to Ura, he suggests Ura is the most probable localization. Another very important settlement in addition to Yumuktepe is Tarsus/Gözlükule. The Mycenaean pottery that was uncovered in the excavations of H. Goldman between 1934 – 1939 and in 1947 and 1948, was published in 1956,102 reassessed by E. French in 1975103 and then by P.A. Mountjoy in 2005.104 Although French attempted to place some of the material in the LH IIIB period by accepting some problems in patterns,105 the most logical dating comes from Mountjoy indicating the LH IIIC period as a definite dating for this pottery.106 The greatest problem facing scholars is the lack of stratigraphy, as is the case most of the settlements from this period.

As a result, the Mycenaean presence along the western and southern coastlines of Anatolia is balanced and responds to the degree of authority exercised over these areas by the Hittite Kingdom. They could create commercial establishments in the regions the Kingdom could not control, but could not even trade in regions under strong Hittite authority. Consequently it seems illogical to suggest that these two civilizations did not know and respond to each other, as they organized their economical and political activities in response to each other, at certain times and in some regions. Further, it is impossible to believe the Mycenaeans were not mentioned in the records of Hatti and the records concerning the Ahhiyawa equal the activities of the Mycenaeans.

Gözlükule had very close relations with Cyprus. The numerous Cyprus pottery examples found here are evidence of this.107 Considering the Mycenaean presence on the Western and Southern shores of Anatolia, it is clear that these two regions were affected very differently due to their geographical and political conditions. While the western coastline is full of Mycenaean material from north to south, the southern coastline is quite poor in comparison. Only Kizzuwatna presents a few settlements with some finds.

Bibliography Akdeniz 2004 E. Akdeniz, “Kuşadası Kadıkalesi Kazısında Bulunan Bir Hitit Heykelciği”, OLBA IX (2004), 21 – 56. Akdeniz 2006 E. Akdeniz, “A New Excavation in Western Anatolia: Kadıkalesi (Ancient Anaia) (A Preliminary Report for Prehistoric – Protohistoric Results 2001-2005) Akurgal 1983 E. Akurgal, Eski İzmir 1. Yerleşim Katları ve Athena Tapınağı. Bayburtluoğlu 1975 C. Bayburtluoğlu, Erythrai. Coğrafya – Tarih – Kaynaklar – Kalıntılar. Bayne 2000 N. Bayne, The Grey Wares of North – West Anatolia, AsiaMS, Band 37. Beckman 1996 G. Beckman, Hittite Diplomatic Texts. Benzi 1985 M. Benzi, Bolletino d’Arte Supplement to 31 – 32. Blegen 1963 C. W. Blegen, Troy and the Trojans. Boysal 1969 Y. Boysal, Katalog der Vasen im Museum in Bodrum: I. Mykenisch - Protogeometrisch. Boysal 1971 Y. Boysal, “Batı Anadolu’da son araştırmalar, Ahhiyawa sorunu”, Anatolia XV, 1971, 63 – 72. Bross 2003D. Bross, http://home.earthlink.net/~zimriel/amc/arzawa.html.

The reasons for this disparity are logical. The people of western Anatolia were political, military and commercial allies of the Mycenaeans and supported them against the Great Kingdom of the Hittites, largely due to geographical reasons. The absence of the authority of the Hittite Kings in the region likewise was due in part to these geographical factors. This generated suitable grounds for Mycenaean activities in western Anatolia. This changes when the trade route turns to the east in the Rhodes - Lycia area. The only site with Mycenaean pottery is Telmessos, only a shard from a stirrup jar. As mentioned above, the gulfs of this region formed the anchorage area for Mycenaeans in bad weather conditions, and the people of the region were of a nomadic character, far from satisfactory as trading and cultural partners. 101

Ünal 2003b, 35. Goldman 1956, 205-208, 220-229. 103 French 1975, 53-75. 104 Mountjoy 2005, 83-134. 105 French 1975, 75. 106 Mountjoy 2005, 84-85. 107 Kozal 2005, 135-144. 102

108

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MYCENAEAN INVOLVEMENT ON THE ANATOLIAN COASTLINE Bryce 1974 T. R. Bryce, “Some Geographical and Political Aspects of Mursilis’ Arzawan Campaign”, AnatSt XXIV, 103 – 116. Bryce 1986 T. R. Bryce, The Lycians I, 1986. Bryce 1999 T. R. Bryce, The Kingdom of the Hittites. Dinçol 1982 Ali M. Dinçol, “Hititler”, Anadolu Uygarlıkları Ansiklopedisi cilt 1. Doğer 1998 E. Doğer, İlk İskanlardan Yunan İşgaline Kadar Menemen ya da Tarhaniyat Tarihi. Easton 1980 D. F. Easton, “Hittite geography and the location of Ahhiyawa”, Vth International Colloquium on Aegean Prehistory, Sheffield, April 1980. Forrer 1924 E. Forrer, “Vorhomerische Griechen in den Keilschrifttexten von Bogazköi”, OLZ XXVII, s. 113 – 118. French 1975 E. French, “A Reassessment of the Mycenaean Pottery at Tarsus”, AnatSt XXV, 53 – 76. Garstang – Gurney 1959 J. Garstang and O. R. Gurney, The Geography of Hittite Empire. Garstang 1939 J. Garstang, “Explorations in Cilicia. The Neilson Expedition: Fourth Interim Report, Part I - II (Concluded), Excavations at Mersin: 1938 - 39, Part I: General Survey”, LAAA XXVI/1-2, 38 – 50. Garstang 1953 J. Garstang, Prehistoric Mersin. Yumuktepe in Southern Turkey. Goetze 1957 A. Goetze, Hethitische Texte 3. Madduwattas, MVAG 32. Goldman 1956 H. Goldman, Excavations at Gözlükule, Tarsus. From the Neolithic through the Bronze Age. Tarsus II. Gödecken 1986 K. Gödecken, Problems in Greek Prehistory. Greaves 2003 A. M. Greaves, Miletos, Bir Tarih, 2003. Gültekin – Baran 1964 H. Gültekin - M. Baran, “Selçuk Tepesinde Bulunan Miken Mezarı - The Mycenaean Grave found at the Hill of Ayasoluk”, TAD XIII/2, 122 – 133. Günel 1999 S. Günel, M.Ö. 2. Bine Tarihlendirilen Panaztepe Seramiğinin Batı Anadolu ve Ege Arkeolojisindeki Yeri ve Önemi. Güterbock 1983 H. G. Güterbock, “The Ahhiyawa Problem Reconsidered”, AJA 87, 133 vdd. Huxley 1960 G. L. Huxley, Achaeans and the Hittites. Kan – Dündar 2005 M. H. Kan - E. Dündar, “Madduwatta ve Zippasla Dağı Ülkesi”, Adalya VIII, 1- 16. Karauğuz 2002 G. Karauğuz, Hitit Devletinin Siyasi Antlaşma Metinleri. Kınal 1953 F. Kınal, Arzawa Memleketlerinin Mevkii ve Tarihi. Kozal 2005 E. Kozal, “Unpublished Middle and Late Cypriot Pottery from Tarsus Gözlükule”, Field Seasons 2001 – 2003 of the Tarsus Gözlükule Interdisciplinary Research Project, 2004, 135 – 144. KST 22/1 2000 H. Erkanal, “1999 Limantepe Kazıları”, KST 22/1, 259 – 268. KST 23/1 2001 H. Erkanal - Michal Artzy, “2000 Limantepe Kazıları”, KST 23/1, 375 – 388. KST XX/I 1998 H. Erkanal, “1997 Limantepe Kazıları”, KST XX/I, 325 – 336. Macqueen 1968 J. G. Macqueen, “Geography and History in Western Asia Minor in the Second

Millennium B. C.”, AnatSt XVIII, s. 169 – 185. Macqueen 1996 J. G. Macqueen, The Hittites and Their Contemporaries in Asia Minor. Mee 1978 C. Mee, “Aegean Trade and Settlement in Anatolia in the Second Millennium B. C.”, AnatSt. XXVIII, 121 - 154. Mellart 1986 J. Mellart, “Some Reflections on the History and Geography of Western Anatolia in the Late Fourteenth and Thirteenth Centuries B.C.”, AnadoluAraş X, s. 215 – 231. Mellink 1983 M. J. Mellink “Archaeological Comments on Ahhiyawa-Achaeans in Western Anatolia”, AJA 87, 138-141. Mercangöz – Tok 2001 Z. Mercangöz-E. Tok “Kuşadası ve çevresindeki Ortaçağ Kaleleri”, Geçmişten Geleceğe Kuşadası Sempozyumu, 147 – 155. Meriç – Mountjoy 2002 R. Meriç - P. A. Mountjoy, “Mycenaean Pottery from Bademgediği Tepe (Puranda) in Ionia: A Preliminary Report”, IstMitt 52, 79 – 98. Meriç 2000 R. Meriç, Ein Vorbericht über eine spätbronzezeitliche befestigte Höhensiedlung bei Metropolis in Ionien: Die Arzäwäische Stadt Puranda ? in: G. Bakır – J. Cobet – V. Von Greave – W. D. Niemeier – K.Zimmerman (eds.), Früher Ionien. Eine Bertrandsaufnahme. Panionion 26 September – 1 Oktober 1999, forthcoming in the series Milesische Forschungen; Metropolis Bülten, 6 vdd. Mountjoy 1998 P. A. Mountjoy, “The East Aegean West Anatolian Interface in the Late Bronze Age: Mycenaeans and the Kingdom of Ahhiyawa”, AnatSt XLVIII, s. 33 – 68. Mountjoy 1999 Vol. 1-2 P. A. Mountjoy, Regional Mycenaean Decorated Pottery. Mountjoy 2005 P. A. Mountjoy, “The Mycenaean Pottery from the 1934 – 1939 Excavations at Tarsus”, Field Seasons 2001 - 2003 of the Tarsus Gözlükule Interdisciplinary Research Project, 83 - 134. Niemeier 1997 W.-D. Niemeier, “The Mycenaeans in Western Anatolia”, Mediterranean Peoples in Transition, in Honour of Trude Dothan. Niemeier 2002 W. – D. Niemeier, “Hattuşa ve Ahhiyava Arasındaki Millavanda / Milet Sorunu, Batı Anadolu’daki Miken Yunanistan’ının Politik ve Kültürel Rolü”, Hititler ve Hitit İmparatorluğu. Otten 1988 H. Otten, Die Bronzetafel aus Boğazköy. Ein Staatsvertrag Tudhalijas IV., (Studien zu den Boğazköy - Texten, Beiheft 1). Özgünel 1983 C. Özgünel, “Batı Anadolu ve İçlerinde Miken Etkinlikleri”, Belleten XLVII, 697 – 804. Sevin – Köroğlu 2004 V. Sevin - K. Köroğlu, “Late Bronze Age at Yumuktepe: new evidence from Step Trench South”, Mersin Yumuktepe a Reapraisal. Starke 2001 F. Starke, “Milattan Önce İkinci Binyıl İçinde Troia – Wilusa Ülkesinin Tarihi”, Düş ve Gerçek Troia. Troy III C. W. Blegen et.al., Troy. The sixth settlement. Vol. III (1953). Umar 1982 B. Umar, Türkiye Halkının İlk Çağ Tarihi 1. Ünal 2002 A. Ünal, Hititler Devrinde Anadolu 1. Ünal 2003a A. Ünal, Hititler Devrinde Anadolu 2. Ünal 2003b A. Ünal, “Hititler ve Akdeniz Liman Kenti 193

SOMA 2007 Ura”, OLBA VII Özel Sayı, 13 – 40. Yağcı 1999 R. Yağcı, “M. Ö. III. - II. Binde Kilikya’da Ticaret”, OLBA II Özel Sayı I. Cilt, 17 – 26.

Yakar 1976 J. Yakar, “Hittite Involvement in Western Anatolia”, AnatSt. XXVI, 117 – 128.

Fig. 1

Fig.3

Fig.2

194

MYCENAEAN INVOLVEMENT ON THE ANATOLIAN COASTLINE

Date B.C.

Mainland Greece

2500

EH

Troy

Crete

EM I

2300

EM II

2200

EM III

2150

MM I

1900

MH

Early – Middle VI

1700

MM III

1550

LH I

1500

LH II

LM I

1450 1370

LateVI LH IIIA

LM II LM IIIA

The Collapse of Knossos 1300

MM II

VIIa LH IIIB

1250

LM IIIB 1 The Collapse of VIIa

1200

LH IIIC

VIIb

1100

Submycenaean

City Abandoned

1050

Protogeometric Table

195

LM IIIB 2

Echoes from the Ancient to Near Past: Ancient Aegean/Mediterranean Art and Art Nouveau B. Aylin Kartal, M.A., PhD. student Yildiz Technical University, Istanbul, Turkey, Department of Architectural History and Theory

naturalistic and aquatic elements in their patterns (Schmutzler 1962: 15).

Like all significant styles in the history of taste, Art Nouveau embraced a wide selection of disparate elements. The generation reaching maturity between 1890-1910 demanded a style which expressed a new vigor in the arts and design. Designers and consumers tried every other style, whether from ancient times, such as Greek and Egyptian, distant places, such as the Far East, or from sources closer to home also experienced a revival, especially Gothic and Rococo (Haslam 1989: 16). Celtic catalogue of patterns and designs are also taken as a model, as were the glass objects of antiquity. The truth is that Art Nouveau, was a puzzle of the ages, of the cultures, a collage of decadance and of the intellect (FahrBecker 1997: 22). So what did the Ancient Aegean/ Mediterranean Art bequeath to Art Nouveau?

The dominant characteristics of Cretan fresco-work are grace, delicacy and naturalism. The frescoes from the Late Bronze Age site at Akrotiri on the Cycladic island of Thera have given a new dimension to our knowledge of Aegean fresco painting. Three walls of a reconstructed room show the Theran spring landscape (Fig. 1), with colored rocks, lilies and swallows (Higgins 1997: 101). But what most surprises us is perhaps a landscape represented in The Sphinx (Fig. 2), a poem by Oscar Wilde (1854-1900) for which Charles Ricketts (18661931) designed a decorated book. Cliffs formed of jagged and sharp-aged stone slabs surround a circular lake with a flat island in its center. On the island, there are three trees in which vague reminiscences of nature are crystallized into ornaments and symbols. Apart from a total renunciation all natural objects and forms, one could scarcely imagine anything more remote from nature. Later, it was said that this book might well have been decorated by a Cretan artist of the Minoan period, though this civilization was still unknown in 1893 (Schmutzler 1962: 185).

The influence of Ancient Art on Art Nouveau and indeed on turn of the century art in general has many facets. Its various forms of adoption and orientation show themselves in many guises: in asymmetrical composition, in new motifs from nature, in clear beauty of line and in the techniques like chryselephantine. The list of artists directly or indirectly inspired by the Ancient Aegean and Mediterranean Art, reads like a hit parade of art from 1890-1910: Émile Gallé 1846-1904), Walter Crane (1845-1915), Franz Von Stuck (18631928), James Whistler (1834-1903), Aubrey Beardsley (1872-1898), Louis Comfort Tiffany (1848-1933), and all those omitted from art history’s Hall of Fame.

Cretan love of purely natural subjects appears in the Floral Style pottery, where graceful plants, flowers and reeds are arranged in an all over pattern (Higgins 1997: 105). Perhaps inspired by Minoan wall paintings, the vase with faint traces of white lilies was originally decorated with naturalistic sprays of white lilies (Fig. 3). The lilies were freely painted as if blowing in the breeze and the vase must originally have been very attractive sadly the white paint has faded and the design not preserved well (this may have been a factor in the subsequent change in fashion, to pottery decorated with dark paint on a light back ground). Art Nouveau was also established a great interest towards to flowers, especially the lilies. In Dante Gabriel Rossetti (1828-1882)’s day, lily became a heraldic flower of London aesthetes. Art Nouveau’s conception of form was, also satisfied by the lily design (Fig. 4); a long linear stem with sharply outlined and narrow leaves that bears aloft a flower of striking shape, the beauty of which is revealed especially in profile (Schmutzler 1962:262). Some glass and pottery artists of Art Nouveau, carried across into their works a “nature display” of wholly sensuous and yet at once intellectual perceptions. We encounter the whole vocabulary of “flower language” both formally and artistically in every possible branch of fin de siécle art. Facades, pictures and picture frames all bloom, pots grow in floral shapes on plant shaped etageres, it is a floral roundelay without end (Fahr-Becker 1997: 109).

Everywhere in the art and literature of Art Nouveau one finds the notion of isolation. A kind of island of art in the middle of the dull sea of daily life. In addition to this symbolical meaning, an island also has a curious significance for Art Nouveau as a geographical fact. Before any other country, England had indeed played the decisive role in the creation of the new style; and Japan, another island, had, with its art and its applied arts, similarly exerted the greatest influence on Art Nouveau. In art history the style which can be best compared to Art Nouveau is that of island of Crete in the Minoan period, especially the palaces at Knossos which were first unearthed immediately after 1900, moreover by an Englishman, Sir Arthur Evans. Obviously, Cretan art could no longer in any way influence Art Nouveau, but appeared on the contrary in the absurd guise of a consequence of it, almost like the discovery of some other style of Art Nouveau. As Wölfflin said, one sees only what one wishes to see (Wölfflin 1990: 270). But Cretan art and to a certain degree of Art Nouveau all reveals distinctive symptoms of an “insular” character: instability, a tendency toward asymmetrical arrangements, patterns, or ornaments, suggestions of the 196

ECHOES FROM ANCIENT TO NEAR PAST: ANCIENT AEGEAN/MEDITERRANEAN ART AND ART NOUVEAU ivory from the Congo. His chryselephantine sculptures were wrought, like those of his teacher Charles van der Stappen (1843-1910), as works of complete perfection. Stappen’s bust Le Sphinx mystérieuse unites all the features of fin de siécle Belgian art and antiquity (FahrBecker 1997: 150).

Cretan Marine Style pottery used motifs based on fish, sea weed, rocks and shells. In Art Nouveau, themes of water, marine life or lower organic life forms were so frequent that I need only cite two examples for presenting the relation between Cretan art and Art Nouveau. A remarkable rhyton carved in the shape of a triton shell (Fig. 5); comes from the palace at Mallia. Link this work with Gallé’s shell shaped glass bowl (Fig. 6).

Besides Cretan Art, both Ancient Greek and Roman art played their part in influencing Art Nouveau. In two English glass vessels of about 1820 which regress to the basic forms of the jug and bottle, the craftsmen who made them indeed have thought of antique Roman glass-ware, but these two pieces has an entirely independent character that reminds one of Proto-Art Nouveau (Schmutzler 1962: 54).

Once more, the vessel had a relief scene including Cretan demon, hybrid creatures well known on seals and rings (Higgins: 156). Art Nouveau was also particularly attracted to hybrid creatures, nymphs, mermaids and other. Related to them are Heywood Sumner’s Undine, the first representational figure in pure Art Nouveau, Jean Dampt’s Melusine, with her thick, jointless, snake-like arms, and the mermaid in Wilde’s Fisherman and His Soul. The French poet Henri de Régnier (1864-1936) entitled a volume of his poems Aréthuse, after the Greek fountain nymph. Odilon Redon (1840-1916) and Gustave Moreau (1826-1898) painted and repainted numerous versions of the birth of Venus. Fernand Khnopff (18581921) painted the Blood of Medusa, Moureau often depicted chimeras or aristocratic and marvelously adorned sirens. This nostalgia for creatures that are half human and half animal is characteristic of the whole style (Schmutzler 1962: 262).

Edward William Godwin (1833-1886), the architect of James Whistler’s White House, who also decorated the interior of Oscar Wilde’s house, not only staged Greek dramas, but also, “Greek chairs” (Schmutzler 1962: 86). Liberty (est. 1875)’s also produced a large assortment of “quaint” furniture in suites, One most original design, curiously, was an early one: the Thebes stool, a threelegged seat patented in 1884, but considered modern enough by Samuel Bing (Amaya 1971: 65). In The Beauty and the Beast and Baby’s Own Aesop Walter Crane, included Greek elements, in the representation of objects as well as in the treatment of his form, in his illustrations and ornaments. For an endpaper of 1887, Walter Crane took ivy shoots from Attic vases of the fifth and sixth centuries, shown there as alternating waves of leaves; spreading them out as a surface pattern (Muir 1970: 1835). Crane also used the same ivy shoots in his decorative ceramics. Besides ivy shoots, whole design reminds one of Attic pottery.

Ivory carving was one of the great arts of the Cretan palaces. An outstanding example of Cretan ivory art is a gold and ivory statuette in Boston, the so-called Ivory Snake Goddess/Boston Goddess (Higgins 1997: 34). She stands with arms held to the front and each hand grasping a gold snake. She wears a crown, gold girdle, a full skirt. The ivory figures come from the Ivory Deposit at Knossos presents some similar qualities with Jugendstil artists works. But it is not merely Cretan artist’s sense of figuration that was the inspiration for Jugendstil work of arts. In Franz von Stuck’s Sin, we sense the echo of Snake Goddess. Stuck thereby made his own contribution to the iconology of the female, eternally naked, with her ivory skin, shimmering and glittering creation of nature, a prehistoric animal, closely related to the snake and the cat (Fahr-Becker 1997: 223). An additional ivory figure of a bull leaper comes from the Ivory Deposit at Knossos in which the Boston Goddess is believed to have originated (Fig. 7). This tense and slender figure displays an athletic tautness (Higgins 1997: 35). We can link this figure, in another German artist, Ludwig Habich (1872-1949)’s silver brooches (Fig. 8).

We know that Aubrey Beardsley also used Greek elements with stylistic and ornamental features which he found in pictures painted on vases by the Attic vase painter, Douris. Beardsley could not avoid responding to the Greek technique of linear silhouettes, to the sharp, precise, and streamlined contour of the shadow less and space less pictures that decorated Greek vases. In his illustrations to Lysistrata, Beardsley enriched erotic themes borrowed from Attic vases with similar ones borrowed from Utamaro; he thus “perverted” a Greek subject by treating it in the Japanese style. This “perversion” must not be understood only in the sense of fin de siècle decadance; its more profound justification is to be found in the principle on which Art Nouveau is also founded (Schmutzler 1962: 86). The art of Charles Ricketts, turned toward antique themes such as Hero and Leander, Amor and Psyche…Like Beardsley, Ricketts learned much from Greek vase painters. But, Ricketts distinguishes himself from Beardsley by using landscape elements (Schmutzler 1962: 184).

The technique, chryselephantine, was used in the ancient world as a material for costly and fashionable statuettes for discriminating clients. Chryselephantine objects were very fashionable in Art Nouveau, too. But, the Belgian variant has, in contrast, very pragmatic back ground. King Leopold II ruled the Belgian Congo as his private estate, and so was anxious to boost sales of African ivory. To bring ivory into fashion, he offered established artists the tusks free of charge. The success was over whelming. The giant of Belgian handicrafts, Fernand Dubois (18611939), made use of “Belgian” materials such as metal and

Sometimes Greek elements can blend with Japanese ones: Japanese style of his binding for Swinburne’s Atalanta in Calydon Rossetti, not only added a Celtic ornament in the 197

SOMA 2007 during his extended trips through Europe and Africa. During his trip to Europe, in 1868, he met the Orientalist painter Léon-Adolphe-Auguste Belly and was exposed to the cultures that shaped his career. In 1870 he traveled with fellow artist R. Swain Gifford to Egypt and North Africa, visiting Morocco, Tunisia, and Algeria. He drew upon historical sources and was attracted to the arts of such exotic places as China, Japan, ancient Greece, Egypt, Venice, India, and the Islamic world. After 1893, Tiffany created his vases in favrile glass (Fig. 10). The glass is sometimes opaque, sometimes transparent. One senses affinities with Persian flasks, antique Roman glass, and shapes suggestive of Attic amphorae. Their scintillating, corroded surface reminds one of ancient glass that has been buried in the earth for centuries (Schmutzler 1962: 230). But perhaps some of Tiffany’s most inventive designs were his metalwork lamps, where a clever combination of iridescent glass and pure sculptural bronze shapes resulted in objects of unbelievable fantasy, some of them as ancient to the eye as Proto-Geometric or Archaic (Amaya 1971: 71).

shape of a circular form at the top right, but Greek patterns too. The palmette inscribed in the disk at the bottom is borrowed from Attic vases of the fifth century B.C. The example of this unexpected combination was followed in subsequent English design, where it finally leads into Art Nouveau. In many of Whistler’s pictures above all in his Symphony in White, No. IV: The Three Girls (1876-79), we find young girls with a distinctly Greek type of beauty, their hair arranged in Attic fashion, wearing draped chitons and posing in Greek attitudes. But the chitons are narrow and simplified and the maidens, holding parasols, are standing on Japanese mats with cherry three branches blossoming near them. The Ten O’clock Lecture of 1885, a confession in which every word had been carefully weighted by Whistler, ends up the words: “The story of the beautiful is already complete, hewn in the marbles of the Parthenon, and broidered, with the birds, upon the fan of Hokusai, at the foot of the Fusi-Yama (Schmutzler 1962: 85). As usual, the English influence is the most difficult to trace in French art. The first great exponent of Art Nouveau in France was Émile Gallé. Gallé in Nancy and Tiffany in New York both produced glass objects which became the prototypes of Art Nouveau. Both these artists, morover, went through periods when they were influenced by ancient art. After enrolled for lectures in art history, botany, zoology and philosophy, Gallé went to England in 1872 where he examined the techniques of antique glass at the Victoria and Albert Museum and at the British Museum (Amaya 1971: 100). His encounter with the glassware of antiquity made vivid impression on him (Fahr-Becker 1997: 112). Clear examples of this impression can be found in some of Gallé’s works. One of the early works of Gallé, a vase, a kind of pitcher, which belongs to early Art Nouveau and surely made before 1890, decorated with a design and ornaments derived from the illustrations and book decorations in Walter Crane’s Echoes of Hellas of 1888. Although entirely faithful to Art Nouveau, some of Gallé’s works attain a degree of severe beauty which shows they are free from the bonds of style and time. The sea weeds grow on a vessel (Fig. 9) in which we sense the Cretans love of marine elements or the cyclamen bloom on a bottle-shaped vase grows like a water lily on a delicately curved stem, from the transparent layers of colored glass. The seemingly simple form of the vessel is actually extremely subtle; in it we sense the echo of a Greek amphora (Schmutzler 1962: 154).

It is undoubtly true that a fair number of technical processes and decorative motives of ancient Aegean/Mediterranean art reappear in Art Nouveau in the end of the nineteenth century. These include the carving of ivory, chryselephantine, ancient glass processes, using new motifs from nature. Perhaps the greatest contribution of the Ancient Aegean/Mediterranean Art to Art Nouveau is that: an attitude of mind which could borrow the arts of past and transform them into something designed. The truth is that Ancient Aegean/Mediterranian Art, was radically different from Art Nouveau, just as the great flowering of the Classical spirit, the Neo-Classicism, was different again. But we should therefore be content to enjoy the influence of ancient art on Art Nouveau which was the beginning of the modern style. Bibliography Amaya, M. (1971) Art Nouveau, 4th ed. London, Studio Vista Publishers. Fahr-Becker, G. (1997) Art Nouveau, Köln, Könemann Verlagsgesselschaft. Haslam, M. (1989) In The Nouveau Style, London, Thames&Hudson Ltd. Higgins, R. (1997) Minoan and Mycenaean Art, 3rd ed. London, Thames&Hudson Ltd. Muir, P. (1970) The Books of Crane, Caldecott& Greenaway, X., London, The Caxton Publishing Company. Schmutzler, R. (1962) Art Nouveau, New York, Harry N. Abrams Inc. Wölfflin, H. (1990) Sanat Tarihinin Temel Kavramları, 3rd ed. İstanbul, Remzi Kitabevi.

Louis Comfort Tiffany was one of the most popular and most talented artists of Art Nouveau. He traveled to the original arenas of such art, namely Africa, Spain and Egypt. Tiffany’s understanding of art inspired by the enormous fund of “applied art” which he had acquired

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Fig. 1: Late Bronze Age frescoes from the island of Thera. Theran spring landscape, with colored rocks, lilies and swallows (Higgins, R. (1997) Minoan and Mycenaean Art, 3rd ed. London, Thames& Hudson Ltd. Fig. 111).

Fig. 2: Landscape represented in Charles Ricketts’ illustration for the “Sphinx”, a poem by Oscar Wilde (drawing: Aylin Kartal).

Fig. 4: Vase with lily by Jean Antonin Daum (drawing: Aylin Kartal).

Fig. 3: Cretan Floral Style pottery, vase with faint traces of white lilies (© The Trustees of The British Museum).

Fig. 5: Rhyton, carved in the shape of a triton shell, from the Palace at Mallia (Higgins, R. (1997) Minoan and Mycenaean Art, 3rd ed. London, Thames& Hudson Ltd. Fig. 200). 199

Fig. 6: Shell shaped glass bowl by Émile Gallé (drawing: Aylin Kartal).

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Fig. 7: Ivory figure of a bull leaper comes from the Ivory Deposit at Knossos (Higgins, R. (1997) Minoan and Mycenaean Art, 3rd ed. London, Thames& Hudson Ltd. Fig. 25).

Fig. 8: Silver brooches by Ludwig Habich (drawing: Aylin Kartal).

Fig. 9: Marine Bowl by Émile Gallé (© the Chrysler Museum of Art).

Fig. 10: Favrile vase by Louis Comfort Tiffany (drawing: Aylin Kartal).

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Island Hopping in the Eastern Mediterranean – The “Island Mosaic” of Ammaedara and the praise of cities Holger Kieburg Universität Hamburg, Archäologisches Institut

islands are fully preserved. Between the islands, there are putti on boats or swimming, several unmanned ships and fish of different sorts. The waves are represented by zigzag lines in the typical manner of maritime mosaics of the third and fourth centuries B.C.

The present paper aims to further scholarly understanding of the so-called “Island mosaic” recently discovered at Ammaedara, the modern Haïdra in Tunisia.1 It is remarkable that this astonishing mosaic has not received more attention after the publication by Fethi Béjaoui of the Institut national du patrimoine,2 because the mosaic provides important evidence of the Roman perception and presentation of space.3 The mosaic, dating from the end of the third or the beginning of the fourth century A.D., renders an unparalleled group of named cityscapes belonging to the Eastern Mediterranean. A closer examination of these allows insight and a better knowledge of a number of topoi and conventions of topographical representation in Roman art.

The cityscapes On each island is placed a more or less complex architectural representation. They show additional topographical features such as hills, trees, springs and so on. Each island includes an inscription in Latin letters naming an individual city or island of the eastern Mediterranean. Vignettes of Cytherae, Paphos, Rhodos, Erycos, Cnossos, Egusa, Lemnos, Naxos, Scyros, Cypros, Idalium and Cnidos (sic) are depicted from west to east and north to south. The most western places are Erycos on Sicily and Egusa nearby. The islands are presented in groups of three. The order of the islands shows clearly that the representation does not follow a real geographical system. Erycos and Cnossos, for example, lie above each other. Even cities that are situated in reality on the same island, appear on the mosaic on different vignettes far away from each other. For example Idalium and Paphos on Cyprus.

The so-called Island mosaic was found in the mid-1990s in Haïdra, about 200 km south-east of Carthage, nearby the Tunisian-Algerian border.4 The building in which the mosaic was found is situated on the bank of the Oued Haïdra in the neighbourhood of one of the great sepulchral monuments. The building had to be excavated because the river had already damaged a part of the structure. Though the function of the building is not established, there are indications that it was for private use.5

This gives us a first clue to the degree of realism intended.

A long corridor leads to a rectangular room of 6 x 5,30 m with three exedrae in the principal axes, which were decorated with geometric mosaics. The central floor of the room is adorned with a large polychrome mosaic of about thirty square metres, framed by a zigzag band (fig. 1). A second ribbon shows a variety of fish and other marine animals on the bottom of the sea.

The architectural representations are also rather schematic; they are constructed from a small group of pictorial elements. In every architectural complex there appears several times a kind of tower with gabled roof. These towers often stand on a stepped podium and they are always incorporated in long walls with windows and schematic colonnades. These walls show no characteristics of city walls, because they have many openings and no battlements. In some vignettes the colonnades are semicircular, as is often seen in abstract depictions of harbours.

The central panel has a light blue background, on which 15 vignettes were originally scattered, looking like islands in the sea. The western part of the mosaic is lost because of flooding, and in the current condition only 11 1 The following paper came into being during the work on my PhD project on the representations of cities in the art and literature of the Roman imperial era. The PhD project is supported generously by a scholarship of the “Gerda Henkel Stiftung”. I would especially like to thank Herbert Hoffmann for his help and comments on my text. For further help and advices I am grateful to L. Schneider, J. Breder, M. Lang and A. Ziel. 2 Béjaoui 1998. After the publication there have been following articles on the mosaic: Béjaoui 1999; Brodersen 2001: 141-145; Béjaoui 2002; Béjaoui 2003: 77-80. 3 During the last decades there is obvious an increasing interest in problems of perception of space in Roman times. Cf. e.g. Janni 1984, Brodersen (1995), Hänger 1998, Cinque 2002, Paschalis and Fragoulidis 2002, La Rocca 2004, Rouveret 2004, Talbert 2004. 4 Béjaoui 1998: 825-6. 5 Béjaoui 2003: 78.

The different arrangements of the elements ensure that the vignettes are varied in form and character. The vignettes give the impression that there are many different individual cityscapes. Only a second glance shows the uniformity and grade of abstraction of the single parts. Even the vignettes of Paphos and Erycos, which seem to be the most individual due to specific topographical additions (gabled building on a podium, the fountainhouse and the mountain in the background), are arranged in the earlier mentioned patterns. They are more or less paraphrases. It is characteristic of a fourth century work of art to try and make such a dazzling initial 201

SOMA 2007 impression that viewers become disorientated at first. There is also a fondness for depicting groups of figures that need closer inspection to be understood.

if the god is summoned from rivers, they add a description of the water, the banks, the adjacent meadows, the bands of dancers by the rivers, and the like. The same applies if the summons is from holy places.”12

The Praise of a Goddess It is conceivable that the basis for the choice of the toponyms could be a cletic, i.e. an invoking hymnus to Venus, which combined a list of her most famous cult places with a rhetorical description of the places.

Now a further question arises: Can we call the architectural vignettes representations of cities? How can we explain the connection of these iconographical patterns and the names of famous cities and islands? The the images are quite uncommon for representations of cities in contemporary Roman official art. The official art of the third and fourth century shows cities mostly with high defensive walls.6

So we should look more closely at specific topographical representations and descriptions to understand the choice and the structure of the pictorial elements in the mosaic. The Representation and the Praise of a City

There is however a long tradition in Roman art in private context of representations of villas.7 If one looks at the North African mosaics of the same period, one will find all the iconographical elements present in the “Island mosaic” (fig. 2).

We can find the closest parallels for the architectural vignettes in Roman topographical and chorographical art. There similar features for the representation of places were used. The Greek, and the Roman terms as well, for these kind of representation are topographia/topothesia13 and chorographia.14 It is very interesting that these are the same technical terms which occur in ancient topographical literature and rhetorical descriptions. In literature, a distinction of pictorial or literary topographia or chorographia is only possible if the context provides further specifications.15 The pictorial topographia is in the same way concerned with the physical appearance of a place as the rhetorical and literary topographia. Strabo (2,5,17) emphasizes the poikílmata, i.e. colourful and varied elements, of chorographic pinakes. Indeed, the chorographic and topographic representations were closer to art than to modern cartography,16 as can be seen on the basis of the scarce remains of Roman chorographical maps that have come down to us.17

Another figurative tradition should be mentioned: the representations of temene, to be found for the most part on reliefs of the early Roman empire, but also on mosaics.8 Could the vignettes be representations of temene? In his publication of the mosaic, Fathi Béjaoui noticed the link between the places represented on the mosaic: most of them are famous as important sanctuaries of Venus. Fathi Béjaoui and Maurice Euzennat have connected the mosaic with representations of the so-called navigium Veneris, or the triumph of the marine Venus.9 Béjaoui assumes that the patron wanted to commemorate a pilgrimage to the main places of the cult of Venus. But obviously Venus marina does not appear herself in the mosaic of Ammaedara. If we want to maintain Béjaoui’s convincing interpretation, how can the missing of the goddess be explained? Perhaps literary sources can give us some indications for a further going interpretation of the mosaic.

Comparing the vignettes of the Island mosaic with a certain type of vignettes to be seen on the Tabula Peutingeriana18, one gets the impression that the artist used patterns of chorographical representation and combined them in different ways to obtain an aesthetic and varied result (fig. 3 a. b).

The rhetorical treatise Diairesis ton epideiktikon (Division of epideictic speeches), traditionally ascribed to Menander of Laodiceia, belongs to the late third or the early fourth century A.D.10 Among other instructions for the structuring of epideictic speeches it provides interesting insight in the composition of so-called cletic hymns. These are hymns in poetry and in prose invoking a divinity to visit the city of the worshipper.11 Menander states in Treatise I (334 and following) that, “Sappho summons Aphrodite from Cyprus, Cnidus, Syria and many other places. And not only this: poets are also allowed to describe the places themselves. For example,

But for what do the vignettes stand? Are they pure 12

Transl. D. A. Russell, N. G. Wilson. In some ancient sources topothesia stands for the representation of fictitious places, but the terminology is not homogeneous (view for example the passage in footnote 13. Lausberg 1960: 406 § 819. 14 Leach 1988: 73-9, Brodersen 1995: 237-42, Arnaud 1996: 40, 311, La Rocca 2004. Topographia and topothesia generally concentrate on clearly definded places (e.g. a single city or harbour), while chorographia in most cases deals with regions. The third term that has to be mentioned is geographia; it treats the whole oikumene using philosophical and geometrical methods. 15 For example Cicero (Epistulae ad Atticum 13,5) states: “Topothesían quam postulas Miseni et Puteolorum includam orationi meae.” In this case, it is obvious that Cicero is speaking of a rhetorical description. 16 Arnaud 1996: 40. 17 Our most important sources are the papyrus of Artemidoros (Gallazzi and Settis 2006), the “bouclier” from Dura Europos, fol. 31v of the Vergilius Vaticanus, the illustrations of the Corpus Agrimensorum and Notitia Dignitatum (Dilke 1985) and the famous mosaic from Madaba (Piccirillio and Alliata 1999). 18 Levi and Levi 1968, Talbert 2004: 113-141. 13

6 Deckers 1988. I would like to thank very much A. Haug, Leipzig, to allow me access to her until now unpublished article (Haug, in press). 7 Schneider 1983, Grassigli 2000. 8 von Hesberg 1986, Polito 1994. 9 Béjaoui 1997: 853-5, 858 (Euzennat). Cf. Schneider 1983: 56-62. 10 Russell and Wilson 1981, Heath 2004. 11 Pernot 1993: 216-218; Witek 2006: 49-50.

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ISLAND HOPPING N THE EASTERN MEDITERRANEAN Even in descriptions of art we can find topographical descriptions. Philostratus the Elder, who wrote in the third century, dedicates an ekphrasis in Book 2 of the Imagines to a painting that shows seven great and two small islands. The last island receives the most complete description (17,7): “On this island, my boy, we have put ashore... It is only big enough to have a small basileia; for no one will plough here or cultivate the vine; but it has an abundance of springs, to some of which it furnishes pure cold water and some water that is heated. Let us conclude that it is an island so well supplied with water that the water overflows into the sea. As for this surging water, bubbling springs that leap up and bound on high as from a cauldron cause the rippling waves, and the island surrounds the springs... Let us examine the city (ta pepolisména) that has been built upon the island. For in truth there has been built there a likeness of a fair and splendid city no larger than a house, and therein is nurtured a royal child (basilikón paidíon) and the city is his plaything. There is a theatre large enough to receive him and his playfellow, and a hippodrome has been constructed of sufficient size for little Melitaean dogs to run races in…”.23

conventions, i.e. cartographic symbols for city, villa or temenos, identifiable only by the inscriptions, or do they have a further, concrete meaning? Again Menander Rhetor gives some interesting indications that there is a topical charging of the several elements. An introduction to the praise of places, countries, harbours, islands and, above all, cities, follows in great detail in the chapters after the composition of hymnoi in Menander’s Treatise I.19 A country or city is praised for its position and for its nature. Each of these may be considered under definite headings (topoi): the position of the city in relation to land or sea, nature in relation to mountains, supply of water and fertility. The geographical situation of the city itself is to be considered, also the harbours and the buildings. Everything has to be examined in respect to ‘pleasure’ (hedone, charis) and ‘utility’ (opheleia, chresimos).20 According to the rhetorical manual Peri epideiktikon (ascribed to Menander as well, but probably by another author) the epilogue of a praise should contain the schema tes poleos, the actual form of the city with its buildings and surroundings. If you are praising an island, writes Menander in 34,5 of Treatise I, the headings of pleasure and utility again apply. We know from the same passage in Menander that Aelius Aristides wrote a famous “island speech”, in which he used these topoi.

Whether Philostratus is describing a real painting or creating pure literature is in this case less relevant. Important is that the sophist uses the same topoi that are applied in topographical descriptions and praises of countries and cities for the description of art. At first, the island is perceived as a whole, both in its position and in its nature. Later the water supply is set out in detail. This is followed by a description of the buidlings and the character of the island. We can find here the same topoi of topographical description that we have already seen in Menander, namely position, nature, utility, pleasure and beauty of the nature and the buildings applied in the ecphrasis of a painting. As Jas Elsner puts it: “the Imagines are strategies of how to view, they are a culturally acceptable form of looking at pictures. The Philostratian strategy of viewing might be described as using any available means to contextualize the image and therefore to appropriate its “otherness” into the viewer’s private world.”24 This means that the viewer is allowed (and perhaps even supposed) to interpret the mosaic and to add features that are not represented explicitly but belong in this context. Examples: Venus in this case and the Royal child in the Philostratian ekphrasis. The significance is broader than the factual information of the picture. The indeterminate visual structures assume their meaning from constructions imposed by the spectator and commonly accepted values: the topoi of topographical descriptions. In this respect, both visual and verbal examples of topographic representation are analogous to the structure of the topoi. Spatial perceptions evoked by one form of art may be cautiously transferred to the other.

Regarding the same subjects, it does not astonish that similar topics are to be found in geographical writings. Polybios and Strabo, for example, use a similar classification of their topographical material. At first they describe the position of the cities, followed by a characterisation of the external physical appearance. These are described as if seen from a certain distance. Afterwards follow the distinctive features of the place: clima, fertility, water supply, buildings. The topographical descriptions in prose, poetry, history and other genres have a common source. It is in the emulation of classical writers and in the rhetorical exercises that every educated Greek and Roman passed during his childhood and youth.21 The Progymnasmata, the exercise manuals for rhetorical lessons, define the term ekphrasis as follows, here in the words of Hermogenes (second century A.D.): “Ekphrasis is descriptive account; it is visible – so to speak – and brings before the eyes the sight which is to be shown. Ekphraseis are of people, actions, times, places, seasons and many other things…, harbours, sea-shores and cities… The special virtues of ekphrasis are clarity (saphêneia) and visibility (enargeia); the style should contrive to bring about seeing through hearing…”.22

A further parallel can be drawn between the approach to the Philostrateian painting and to the “Island mosaic”.

19

The praise of countries and cities has a long tradition in ancient literature. It uses elements from different literary genres (cf. i.a. Classen 1980, Pernot 1993: 178-216, Maupai 2003). 20 Cf. Bouffartigue 1996: 56. 21 Kennedy 2003. 22 Ed. Sprengel p. 16 f, transl. G. A. Kennedy.

23 24

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Transl. A. Fairbanks. Elsner 1995: 31.

SOMA 2007 Philostratus organizes his description of the painting as a journey hopping from island to island. After entering the room, the viewer of the “Island mosaic” has to make a similar journey, if he wants to see each island from a suitable point of view. Staying motionless allows him to see only three islands at a time in the right perspective.

on the basis of shared knowledge and experience of this time. These intellectual and religious values are very much influenced by the education of the Second Sophistic. It is conceivable that the room with the “Island mosaic” served as a triclinium. A wide spectrum of table talk on literary and mythological themes could be: ranging from specific literary references as cletic hymns to more general assertions of classical culture. Some might have credited the mosaic with a religious significance, others might have regarded it simply as a pleasant and stimulating decorative subject.

Conclusion Many visual topographical features in the so-called “Island mosaic”correspond with the structure of topographical writings. The topographical picture may represent the iconographical application of the logic of topographical description. In addition, the iconography seems to be derived directly from patterns of landscape representation: in Greek words, as the Romans used them, from topographia and chorographia. The islands are seen in “bird’s-eye” view.25 The architectural representations at the centre of the vignettes are conventional and unspecific. They may depict cities or sanctuaries. Only the inscription makes it possible to identify them. Laudable qualities of the place are depicted, e.g. the fertility of the place, the water supply, the mountains, the impressive architecture, the wealth of the sea.

Bibliography Anderson, G. (1993) The Second Sophistic. A Cultural Phenomenon in the Roman Empire, London, Routledge. Arnaud, P. (1996) La cartographie à Rome, Lille, A.N.R.T. Béjaoui, F. (1997) Îles et villes de la Méditerranée sur une mosaïque d’Ammaedara (Haïdra, Tunisie), Académie des inscriptions & belles-lettres, Comptes rendus des séances de l’année 1997, 825-858. Béjaoui, F. (1999) Découverte dans l’antique Haidra : La méditerranée sur une mosaïque, Archeologia 357/6, 16-23. Béjaoui, F. (2002) Deux villes italiennes sur une mosaïque de Haïdra, IN: Khanoussi, M., Ruggeri, E. and C. Vismara eds., L’Africa romana. Atti del XIV convegno di studio 2000, Sassari, Editrice Archivio Fotografico Sardo, 503-508. Béjaoui, F. (2003) Une nouvelle école de mosaïque africaine. Récentes découvertes de la Byzacène méridionale, in : Ben Abed-Ben Khader, A., de Balanda. E., and A. Uribe Echeverría eds. Image de Pierre. La Tunisie en mosaïque, Tunis, Ars Latina, 77-84. Brodersen, K. (1995) Terra Cognita. Studien zur römischen Raumerfassung, Spudasmata, 59, Hildesheim, Olms. Brodersen, K. (2001) Neue Entdeckungen zu antiken Karten, Gymnasium, 108, 137-148. Bouffartigue, J. La tradition de l’éloge de la cité dans le monde grec, IN: Lepelley, C. ed., La fin de la cité classique, Bari, Edipuglia, 43-58. Cinque, G. E. (2002) Rappresentazione antica del territorio τϖν πινα′κων, Roma, Officina Edizioni. Classen, C. J. (1980) Die Stadt im Spiegel der Descriptiones und Laudes Urbium in der antiken und mittelalterlichen Literatur bis zum Ende des zwölften Jahrhunderts, Beiträge zur Altertumswissenschaft, 2, Hildesheim, Olms. Deckers, J. Tradition und Adaption. Bemerkungen zur Darstellung der christlichen Stadt, Römische Mitteilungen, 95, 304-382. Dilke, O. A. W. (1985) Greek and Roman Maps, London, Thames and Hudson. Elsner, J. (1995) Art and the Roman Viewer. The Transformation of Art from the Pagan World to Christianity, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. Gallazzi, C. and S. Settis eds. (2006) Le tre vite del

The “Island mosaic” cannot be called a map in the literal sense. The islands do not follow geographical order. The vignettes are however conventional and composed by decorative guidelines that are without any doubt in the tradition of topographical representations. They add an important source to our scarce knowledge of graphic conventions and symbols in Roman chorographical and topographical art. Furthermore the visual conventions are comparable with the topoi of the topographical descriptions, which are also based on conventions. The parallels between topographical descriptions in different genres of the Roman and Greek literature of Imperial times and the pictorial presentation of space show the general validity of the topoi of position, nature, utility, pleasure and beauty. They are the expression of a contemporary perception of space. The “Island Mosaic” can be viewed as an unconventional and colourful pictorial adaptation of a world dear to the educated person at the end of the third century.26 For example, also the stories of the ancient novel take place in the Eastern mediterranean and convey a similar atmosphere of a mythical and in the same time hellenized environment.27 This kind of imagery provided an opportunity for the patron of the house in Ammaedara to demonstrate his paideia visually and express his literary, cultural and perhaps even religious preferences in a subtle way. We should bear in mind the structures of a hymn to Aphrodite/Venus, of praises of cities and countries and of topographical descriptions. Then, such a mental and visual journey in the eastern Mediterranean can be judged 25

For the connotations of the view from distance and from a high viewpoint cf. i.a. Oudot 2002: 181-4. 26 On the importance of the pepaidoumenoi in the imperial time cf. i.a. Anderson 1993. 27 Paschalis and Fragoulis 2002.

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ISLAND HOPPING N THE EASTERN MEDITERRANEAN griechischer Städte in der Römischen Kaiserzeit, Bonn, Habelt. Oudot, E. (2002) Regarder Rome, percevoir Athènes : Remarques sur le vocabulaire de la vision dans les éloges de villes chez Aelius Aristide, IN: Villard, L. ed., Couleurs et Vision dans l’Antiquité classique, Rouen, Publ. de l’Univ. de Rouen, 179-193. Paschalis, M. and S. Fragoulidis eds. (2002) Space in the Ancient Novel, Ancient narrative, Suppl. 1, Groningen, Barkhuis. Pernot, L. (1993) La rhétorique de l’éloge dans le monde gréco-romain, 2 vol., Paris, Inst. d’Études Augustiniennes. Piccirillo, M. and E. Alliata eds. (1999) The Madaba Map Centenary 1897-1997, Collectio maior, 40, Jerusalem, Studium Biblicum Franciscanum. Polito, E. (1994) Luoghi del mito a Roma. Ambientazione urbana in alcuni rilievi paesistici, Rivista dell’Istituto nazionale d’archeologia e storia dell’arte, S. III., 17, 65-100. Rouveret, A. (2004) Pictos ediscere mundos. Perception et imaginaire du paysage dans la peinture hellénistique et romaine, Ktema, 29, 325-44. Russell, D. A. and N. G. Wilson (1981) Menander Rhetor, Oxford, Clarendon Press. Schneider, L. (1983) Die Domäne als Weltbild. Wirkungsstrukturen der spätantiken Bildersprache , Wiesbaden, F. Steiner. Talbert, R. J. A. and K. Brodersen eds. (2004) Space in the Roman World: its Perception and its Presentation, Antike Kultur und Geschichte, 5, Münster, Lit. von Hesberg, H. (1986) Das Münchner Bauernrelief, Münchner Jahrbuch der Bildenden Kunst, 37, 7-32. Witek, F. (2006) Vergils Landschaften. Versuch einer Typologie literarischer Landschaft, Hildesheim, Olms.

Papiro di Artemidoro. Voci e sguardi dall’Egitto greco-romano, Espos. Torino, Pal. Bricherasio, Milano, Mondadori. Grassigli, G. L. (2000) Il regno della villa. Alle origini delle rappresentazione della villa tardoantica, Ostraka, 9, 199-226. Hänger, Ch. (1998) Die Welt im Kopf. Raumbilder und Strategie im Römischen Kaiserreich, Hypomnemata, 136, Göttingen, Vandenhoeck und Ruprecht. Haug, A. (in press) Spätantike Stadtbilder – ein Diskurs zwischen Topik und Spezifik, IN: Hölscher, T. ed., Römische Bilderwelten, Gerda Henkel Stiftung. Heath, M. (2004) Menander: a Rhetor in Context, Oxford, University Press. Janni, P. (1984) La mappa e il periplo. Cartografia antica e spazio odologico, Università di Macerata, Pubblicazioni della Facoltà di lettere e filosofia, 19, Roma. Kennedy, G. A. (2003) Progymnasmata. Greek Textbooks of Prose Composition and Rhetoric, Atlanta, Soc. of Biblical Literature. La Rocca, E. (2004) Lo spazio negato. Il paesaggio nella cultura artistica greca e romana, IN: La pittura di paesaggio in Italia. Il seicento, Milano, Electa, 19-73. Lausberg, H. (1960) Handbuch der literarischen Rhetorik. Eine Grundlegung der Literaturwissenschaft, München, Hueber. Leach, E. W. (1988) The Rhetoric of Space. Literary and Artistic Representations of Landscape in Republican and Augustan Rome, Princeton, University Press. Levi, A. L. and M. Levi (1967) Itineraria picta. Contributo allo studio della Tabula Peutingeriana, Roma, Bretschneider. Maupai, I. (2003) Die Macht der Schönheit. Untersuchungen zu einem Aspekt des Selbstverständnisses und der Selbstdarstellung

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Fig. 1: The so-called “Island mosaic“ from Ammaedara (Béjaoui 1997: 830, fig. 5).

Fig. 2: Drawing of the “Island mosaic (drawing: J.-C. Golvin, Béjaoui 1997: 831, fig. 6). 206

ISLAND HOPPING N THE EASTERN MEDITERRANEAN

a

b Fig. 3: a) Vignettes of the “Island mosaic” (Béjaoui 1997: 830, fig. 5, details). b) Vignettes of the Tabula Peutingeriana (Levi and Levi 1967: 198, 204, 211).

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A ram-god in Archaic Cyprus Kathrin Kleibl Johannes-Gutenberg University, Institute of Classical Archaeology, Mainz, Germany

In the 6th century B.C., a ram-deity, represented either as ram-headed or as human with ram-horns, sometimes seated on a throne, flanked by rams, appears in the iconographical range of Cypriote sculpture (Sophocleous 1985). Figures of this type are of rather small size, from 10-80 centimetres, and mainly made of limestone but also of clay. These statuettes have been found in several sanctuaries concentrated in the eastern and central part of Cyprus, but also outside of the island, especially on Rhodes, on the Cnidian peninsular, in Miletos, on Samos and in Amrit and Makmish at the Syrian-Palestinian coast. Until today, there is no inscription or other contemporary document, which could give information about the name and the origins of this ram-deity on Cyprus.

Cyprus and the western coast of Asia Minor, features a ram-headed deity seated on a throne (Type A). The variations in this group can be represented seated on a simple throne (Type A-1) or on a throne flanked by standing rams (Type A-2). From the recently published excavations of an Apollo sanctuary in Emecik near Cnide, an example of the ram-headed type seated on a throne, flanked by rams (Type A-2, Fig. 1) should be introduced (Berges 2006: 87 Kat. 64): The ram-headed deity wears a human hair dress, which reminds of the Egyptian wig, where strains of hair falls on both sides of the shoulders. The male figure is dressed in a long girded chiton with side flaps, the so-called ionic kolphos. The arms of the throne are made of standing rams. The coat of the ram is indicated by zigzag lines. The arms of the figure rest on the ram heads, while the feet are positioned on a footstool.

The aim of my study about the statuettes of the Cypriote ram-god is therefore to answer questions of typology, chronology, the places of the devotion of the deity, his identification and the perspectives of his worship, as well as his possible meaning in a larger context within the Cypriote religion.

In addition, there is a rather small piece in size of the just mentioned type (Type A-2), which is now in the Cyprus Museum in Nicosia and was originally found in the area of Lefkoniko in the Famagusta District (Inv. 422, Fig. 2): The ram-headed figure, sitting on a ram-throne, is positioned in an upright rectangular architecture, which can be interpreted by comparison with similar statuettes, as a small naiskos (Myres 1946: 66 Nr. 422 Pl. 17). This leads us to the assumption that this piece depicts a miniature front view of a temple entrance with the statue of a god inside the building. We might therefore suppose,

The appearance of this type of the ram-god can be differentiated into two major variants (Type A and B) including several sub-variations: The first group, and at the same time the earliest type, which appears in the first half of the 6th century B.C. on

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A RAM-GOD IN ARCHAIC CYPRUS Sometime shortly after the appearance of the Type A, a more anthropomorphic image is introduced on Cyprus, which features a human-headed deity with the horns of a ram (Type B). Again this group can be represented seated on a simple throne (Type B-1) or on a throne flanked by standing rams (Type B-2) like a statuette from the sanctuary in Golgoi once excavated by P. di Cesnola, now in the Metropolitan Museum in New York (Fig. 3; Myres 1914: 181 Nr. 1137). A seated shaved male with ram-horns sits on a ram-throne (Type B-2a). The same variation can also be represented by a male with a beard (Type B-2b), like the example from unknown provenance on Cyprus (Fig. 4; Ohnefalsch-Richter 1893: 195 Fig. 169).

that also the other statuettes (without an architectural frame), which are similar to the one shown inside of the naiskos, are representations of a cultic statue. Since the most of the known statuettes are rather small of size, we should interpret them as votives, surely copying a larger cult statue. Statuettes of the Type A are rarely found very often in Cyprus, e.g. in Lefkoniko (Buchholz 1991: 114 Nr. 34, Pl. 11, 1), Golgoi (Buchholz 1991: 111 Nr. 22, Pl. 10.3; Nr. 23 Pl. 10.4. Hermary 1989: 305 Nr. 608; 306 Nr. 609; 306 Nr. 610; 307 Nr. 611), Idalion, but elsewhere in the Eastern Mediterranean, like in Rhodes (Blinkenberg 1931: 443 Nr. 1793, 1794, 1795. Di Vita 1989: 91, Pl. 19.3. Buchholz 1991: 115 Nr. 41, Pl. 10.2; 119 Nr. 51, Fig. 207), Emecik (Berges 2006, 85 Nr. 62, Pl. 39, 3-4; 87 Nr. 63, Pl. 40, 1-2; 87 Nr. 64, Pl. II.3 and Pl. 40.3-4. Hermary 1990a: 361f. Fig. 8), Knidos (Laon, Musée archéologique municipal Inv. 37.1283), Miletos (Senff 1994: 64ff. Pl. 18e) and Samos (Kyrieleis 1989: 52ff. Fig. 12). If the find spots of the statuettes are known, they are all found in sanctuary contexts. The statuette, which was excavated in Emecik is made of Cypriote limestone (Berges 2006: 195-197.), so we might assume that it was made in a workshop on Cyprus. As the statuettes from Rhodes, Miletos and Samos are quite similar to those of Emecik and to the ones found on Cyprus, it can be suggested - without going to much into a detailed discussion about production centres and workshops - that the whole group was produced in a workshop on Cyprus or at least by artists from Cyprus using limestone from their island. A. Hermary considers in this context a workshop in Salamis (Berges 2006: 87).

Later in this series, we see the attributes of the seated male expanded to include an animal-skin shoulder-cape tied in front of the chest, as well as a cornucopia (Type B2b+), like a statuette from unknown provenance on Cyprus, which is now in the Collection of Cypriote Antiquities in the Brock University (Fig. 5; Buchholz 1991: 119 Nr. 47a Pl. 15.1 Fig. 8a). A. Hermary considers the cornucopia to be a later 5th century B.C. development (Hermary 1981: 21), and despite the rather archaic appearance of some of these statuettes, I would suggest a date closer to the middle of the 5th century B.C. Statuettes of the type B are found quite often on Cyprus. The find spots align with the three places, where the ramheaded figures where discovered: Idalion (Hermary 1992: 16. Buchholz 1991: 120, Nr. 19. Pryce 1931: 90 Nr. C 224 Fig. 45.), Golgoi (Buchholz 1991: 105 Nr. 1; 106 Nr. 3;110, Nr. 21, Pl. 13,3; 111f. Nr. 23; 116 Nr. 44 Pl. 14.1. Hermary 1989: 305 Nr. 608; 306 Nr. 609; 308 Kat. 614.

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SOMA 2007 24f. Nr. 1, 35f., 44f., Pl. A 1 and 6, 1). In fact, within this same typological family of the ram-god statuettes (Type B) is a series of limestone figurines that feature the ramdeity reclining on the back of a ram, such as an example from Tamassos dated around 500 B.C. (Fig. 6). The statuette once carried a shallow bowl and thus functioned as part of the support for a thymiaterion (Buchholz 1991: 119-125).

Hermary 1992: 15f. Pl. II.8-9) and Lefkoniko (Myres 1946: 65 Nr. 411 Pl. 17 a; 65 Nr. 412 Pl. 17; 66 Nr. 414 Pl. 17; 66 Nr. 415, Nr. 416, Nr. 417, Nr. 423, Nr. 424. Buchholz 1991: 113 Nr. 27, Fig. 9), but are even more popular in many sanctuaries of the central-eastern part of the island, like in Athienou (Hermary 1992: 16, Pl. II.6-7, II.8-9. Counts 1998: 135 Nr. 35. Buchholz 1991: 111f. Nr. 23.), Tamassos-Frangissa (Ohnefalsch-Richter 1893: Pl. CXCI.4. Buchholz 1991: 107 Nr. 8.), Lythrodontas (Buchholz 1991: 107 Fig. 6a, 108 Nr. 9, Pl. 11,2), Arsos (Buchholz 1991: 112 Nr. 24), Meniko (Karageorghis 1977, 24f. Nr. 1, 35f., 44f., Pl. A 1 und 6, 1), Kythrea (Karageorghis 1977, 35 Pl. 15,1), Kition (Buchholz 1991: 109 Nr. 13) and Salamis (Buchholz 1991: 107 Fig. 7.a.b, 109 Nr. 11) far east in Rizokarpasso (Hermary 1992: 15, 18 Anm. 8, Pl. I.1-2), and Ayia Irini (Buchholz 1991: 115, Nr. 37 Pl. 13. 5) and Vouni (Buchholz 1991: 115 Nr. 38) in the north, and Amathous (Buchholz 1991:109, Nr. 17, Fig. 8 b, Pl. 13,2) in the south. As far as we know today, this type was never found in the area of the western coast of Asia Minor, where a lot of the ramheaded statuettes of type A could be detected. Instead, we can find examples of the type B in sanctuaries in Amrit (Karageorghis 1977: Pl. 15.2. Bisi 1982: 189ff. Pl. 47.) and Makmish (Stern 1973: 164 Fig. 274; 165, 271 n. 36. Karageorghis 1977: 45) on the Levantine coast.

It is obvious that the animal flanked throne (Fig. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5) has its origin in the Phoenician repertoire, but there the throne is normally flanked by sphinxes and not by rams (Gubel 1987, 37ff.). Actually, the ram-throne can only be traced in the Cypriote context (Coenaerts-Samaes 2006). But the identification of the ram-god as Baal-Hammon has one major problem: in the Phoenician context BaalHammon is never associated with rams and never appears with a ram head or ram-horns (see also Le Glay 1986: 723. Xella 1991). Even if the Cypriote ram-god is in some respect connected with the thymiateria, we can not automatically conclude, that we are looking at a Cypriote version of Baal-Hammon suddenly appearing with ram motives. Especially since we know, that in every Cypriote sanctuary, regardless of which god is worshipped in the first place, incense burners are used in the cultic ceremonies.

To sum up the Cypriote provenance of the Type A and B of the ram-deity statuettes, most of the figurines are found within the Cypriote kingdoms of Idalion, Tamassos, Golgoi and Salamis, and there almost exclusively in sanctuary contexts. These sanctuaries seem to be mainly devoted to Apollo. Outside of Cyprus the ram-god appears also in the context of Apollo in Emecik, but in addition with gods like Hera on Samos and Athena on Rhodes. Nevertheless we can assume that the ramdeity is somehow connected to the god Apollo.

In fact from the Sumerian period we have a terracotta relief from the religious centre of the city of Lagash in Telloh/Girsu (Iraq), which represents a male reclining rearward on the back of a ram (Metzger 1985: Vol. 1, 179-180 Fig.; Vol. 2, 168 Nr. 786, 787, 789, Pl. 83). The masculine is dressed in a long chiton, wears a turban around his head and holds a crook in his hand. The figure has been identified as a shepherd-deity. Aware of the great time gap, the relief from Telloh dates to 2500-2300 B.C., we find the same motive in the Cypriote ram-deity who supports the thymiateria in the 6th century B.C. This motive connection seems to be by some means more consistent than the identification with Baal-Hammon.

But what was the nature of the ram-god? Despite of the high number of the ram-deity within the corpus of Cypriote sculpture, among scholars there is very little agreement on the identification of this divine image that appears in numerous Archaic and Classical sanctuaries. The identification and origin of the ram-god is discussed because of the lack of epigraphically and other written evidences. The statuettes can only be identified on their relationship to similar images found outside the Cypriote cultural background. By some scholars, the ram-god is associated with the Phoenician deity Baal-Hammon. Studies show also a development of the type from the Egypto-Libyan Zeus-Ammon and maybe also from the Greek Apollo-Karneios. Following the opinion of some scholars (Buchholz 1992: 85ff. Karageorghis 1977) the ram-god should be associated with thymiateria - incense burners that seem to have specific connections with the Phoenician god BaalHammon. In particular, V. Karageorghis has identified the terracotta statuette with ram-horns discovered at the late archaic sanctuary at Meniko as Baal-Hammon emphasizing the archaeological context of the statuette in association with several thymiateria (Karageorghis 1977:

Most scholars (Lipinski 1986: 307-12. Hermary 1992) acknowledge some degree of influence for the Cypriote ram-deity from the iconography of the Egypto-Libyan and syncretistic god Zeus-Ammon from the Cyrenaica, which is also distinguished by a human-headed figure bearing the horns of a ram like the Cypriote Type B. Amun, one of main gods in the Egyptian pantheon, was also worshiped as an oracle god. One of his later sanctuaries was situated in the Siwa oasis (Kuhlmann 1988). Originally, this was the place where the Libyan Desert tribes worshiped a god who may have had the shape of a ram, but this elderly cult was taken over by the Egyptians, who identified the Libyan desert god with their supreme god Amun; they called him 'Amun of Siwa, lord of good counsel'. The first pharaoh said to have sacrificed to Amun of Siwa was Bocchoris (718-712 B.C.). A new shrine was dedicated to the desert god by a pharaoh between 570-526 B.C. This was probably a political act, intended to gain support from the Libyan 210

A RAM-GOD IN ARCHAIC CYPRUS conquest. The connection of Apollo Karneios to the ram is not only supported by his name but also from written evidences, which tell us about cultic rites during an annual feast in Sparta (Pettersson 1992. Berges 2006: 24f.).

tribes which had played a decisive role during the accession of Amasis, which had not been without complications. The Greek colonists from Cyrene were the first who adopted the oracular god Amun in the Oasis of Siwa and identified him with their own god Zeus, thus establishing the cult of Zeus-Ammon (Classen 1959: 349-55. Bisi 1985). In the 5th century B.C., the Greek researcher Herodotus stated that the Lydian king Croesus (560-546 B.C.) had offered sacrifices to Amun in Siwa. Besides, by now, the cult had begun to spread also outside of Egypt. The iconography of the Type B of the Cypriote ram-god can be linked to the Zeus-Ammon in Cyrene as one considers a remark of Herodotus, who states a relationship between the city Cyrene and the Cypriote King Evelthon of Salamis in the middle of the 6th century B.C. (Hdt. IV, 162). This relationship was even intensified under the reign of Battus IV of Cyrene about 514-462 B.C., when Cyrene became more pro-Persian. Important in this respect are also 5th century B.C. coins from Cyrene and Cyprus with representations of an anthropomorphic, ram-horned divinity (Robinson 1927, 233-239. Hill 1904, pl. 13.9-10).

It is possible that Apollo Karneios was also identified with Zeus-Ammon. Especially for the numismatic evidences, scholars are sometimes not sure about the identification of the depicted god as Apollon Karneios or the young Zeus-Ammon without a beard. Since only written, epigraphically and maybe numismatic evidences and some unsure verifiable cult pictures of Apollo Karneios have survived, the arguments for an identification of the Cypriote ram-deity with the Dorian god just because of the Greek clothing and the beardless representation of some of the ram-god-statuettes is not very convincing. Rather one should assume, that the Ionic-clothing which is represented in the beardless and also in the bearded figurines, swapped over to Cyprus, because of the intercultural relationships with the cities of Asia Minor, an influence to be recognized in several other medias. A new option to solve the question of the background of the ram-headed god on Cyprus may be offered, if one just takes a closer look on the heads of the Cypriote ramheaded statuettes (Type A): It can be recognized that two thick strands of hair falling down on the chest of some of the statues (ex. Fig. 2, 11). This headdress can be traced directly to Egyptian models and never appear on representations of Baal-Hammon, Zeus-Ammon or Apollon Karneios. Interesting for us is now the Egyptian pantheon, especially the representation of the god Amun as a ram (Pamminger 1992). In the sculptures of Amun as a ram, several aligning the sacred way from the temple of Karnak to the temple of Luxor, the god is represented as a ram-sphinx (Fig. 7). Herodotus claims that Amun is shown with a ram's head in memory of a trick Zeus played on Herakles (Hdt. II, 42).

The problem of this identification by comparison is that the cyrenain Zeus-Ammon is always shown as human with ram-horns and never appears as ram-headed like the early 6th century B.C. Type A of the Cypriote statuettes. It is without question, that the iconography of ZeusAmmon influenced the appearance of the Cypriote Type B, which appears in the middle of the 6th century B.C., but there is no evidence of a cult of Zeus-Ammon on Cyprus. Also the iconographical mixture does not clear the provenance and nature of the Cypriote ram-deity. Since the Cypriote ram-god is sometimes clothed with a long chiton with a girdle and the typical ionic-style kolphos as well as with a shaved beard, led some scholars to trace the roots of the ram-deity to the Dorian fertility god Apollo Karneios (Berges 2006: 86), which seems to be a syncretistic deity of an old pastoral god and the aspect of the younger, sun-god Apollon, mainly worshipped in Peloponnesus, as at Sparta and Sicyon, in Magna Graecia, on the island of Thera, in Ionia and maybe also in Cyrene (Paus. II 10. § 2, 11. § 2., III 13. § 2, 24. § 5, IV 31. § 1, 33. § 5. Pind. Pyth. 106. Plut. Sympos. VIII 1). The origin of the surname Karneios is explained in different ways. Some derived it from Karnus, an Acarnanian soothsayer, whose murder by Hippotes provoked Apollo to send a plague into the army of Ilippotes while he was on his march to Peloponnesus. Apollo was afterwards propitiated by the introduction of the worship of Apollo Karneius (Paus. III 13. § 3. Schol. ad Theocrit. 83). Others argued that Apollo was thus called from his favourite Karnus or Karneius, a son of Zeus and Europa, whom Leto and Apollo had brought up (Paus. l. c. Hesych. Karneios). Several other attempts to explain the name are given in Pausanias and the Scholiast on Theocritus. However, it is evident that the worship of the Karneian Apollo was very ancient, and was probably established in Peloponnesus even before the Dorian

So after recognizing the direct parallel to the representation of the Egyptian god Amun as a ram, one can ask why the ram-deity should have made its long way from Egypt over the Cyrenaica and the Greeks to Cyprus, if we know from many sources, that Cypriots had economical relations with Egypt since the 2nd millennium B.C., and that Cypriote soldiers were stationed in several place in Egypt, where they supported the troops of the pharaohs. Also the city of Naucratis, where many Cypriote limestone sculptures of the archaic period were found during excavations, should be thought of (Nick 2007. Höckmann-Koenigs 2007). By the way, the main god of Naucratis was the Egyptian god Amun-Baded. Interesting for the interpretation is also, that in the Egyptian city of Henen-nesut in the southern Fayum area, the fertility god Harischef was also represented as a ramdeity (Fig. 8). Harischef was again closely connected with the gods Osiris, Re and Atum. Later, in Hellenistic 211

SOMA 2007 the closest connection can be traced with the Egyptian god Amun as a ram and the ram-god Harischef-Herakles. For the ram-horned Type B, bearded and beardless, there is strong Greek and Egypto-Libyan influence to be recognized. The throne flanked by standing rams is surly a Cypriote invention.

times, the town Henen-nesut was called Herakleopolis Magna by the Greeks, who called the god Harsaphes and identified him with their own god Herakles. After looking at the potential models outside of Cyprus, a closer look to the other god-statues, which are found together with the Cypriote ram-deity in the sanctuary context. As an example, I like to introduce the sanctuary of Lefkoniko, where among other tall statues many ramgod figurines where excavated (Myres 1946). The temenos consists of a rectangular court surrounded by a wall. In the northern part the excavators found a small room packed with statues of unequal size and date. The time ranges of the statues are from the 7th century B.C. to the 3rd/4th century A.D. Next to and in front of the small room there are many bases lined up, on which some of the larger sized statues where exposed. Among these were many statues of devotees, but also representations of the so called Master of animals- Heracles and the Cypriote shepherd god Opaon Melanthios.

The combination of human and animal elements in the representations of the Cypriote ram-god, as well as his special association with the ram and the later addition of an animal-skin shoulder-cape (Fig. 5) can be assimilated to the iconography of the Master of animals-Heracles (Fig. 9) and the later Opaon Melanthios (Fig. 10). We can reconstruct the divine triad in at least five sanctuaries in the region of central and eastern Cyprus: Golgoi-Ayios Photios, Idalion, Potamia, Tamassos and Lefkoniko. These sanctuaries appear to have been devoted to the worship of a principal male divinity. The name of this divinity in the Archaic and early Classical period is not known. However, in the majority of these sanctuaries there is sufficient evidence to suggest the worship of Apollo in the later periods.

Not only for the sanctuary of Lefkoniko, but also for the others on Cyprus, in which ram-deities were found, like for example in Golgoi, the ram-god (Fig. 11) finds his place in the middle of the divine triad with the Master of animals-Herakles (Fig. 9) and Opaon Melanthios (Fig. 10) types. Interesting in this respect is that almost all the sanctuaries, where we can trace the triad are most probably devoted to Apollo.

Finally we can turn to the nature of the ram-god, which we still do not know the name of, and his implications for the Cypriote religion. In the attributes, we find a striking similarity in the imagery of Heracles (Fig. 9) in the iconography of the ram-god. The god, who is represented from the end of the 6th century B.C. with a human head, wears the ram-horns in much the same way that Heracles flaunts his lion-skin headdress. The distinguished horns express the power of the ram and let suggest, that the god wishes to control and even possess the same strength. In the case of the type seated on a throne supported by rams, the indication of the god’s domination over the rams, compelled to support the throne of their master, is quite clear.

The characteristics of the Master of animals-Heracles, which appears like the Type A ram-god since the early 6th century B.C. in the Cypriote iconography, are the lion coat above his head, his bow, the raised right arm holding a club and the lion (Fig. 9. Hermary 1990b: 192-6). Heracles is mythological closely connected to Apollo, and can even be seen as one aspect of the god.

This might bring us to the assumption, that the Cypriote ram-deity was originally an aspect of a fertility god to whom was given an iconography of similar fertility gods with the same aspect from outside of Cyprus influenced by a strong economical relationship with the surrounding neighbours. The Cypriote artists were independent enough to give their god a Cypriote or rather in the 6th century B.C. Ionic-Cypriote representation. Than, probably towards the end of the fifth century B.C., the iconographical links between the Cypriote Heracles and the ram-god are strengthened as the ram-horned god begins take over the skin of an animal. It is also at this time when the ram-god begins to carry the cornucopia, a rather generic symbol of fertility borrowed from the repertoire of Greek art. The cornucopia is surely meant to symbolize the richness and abundance of nature over which the god assumes control.

The characteristics of Opaon Melanthios (Fig. 10), who is first recognized in the late archaic period, are the long goat-ears and the horns looking like a top-knot on his head. The juvenile god is standing naked except for a goat-skin cloak knotted around his neck which hung loosely to the ground or plinth of the statuette. Scholars are not sure about the nature of Opaon Melanthios, who could be seen as the guard or even an aspect of Apollo. Remembering the Type B-2+ of the ram-deity with the cape around his shoulder (Fig. 5) we can assume that the ram-god and Opaon Melanthios (Fig. 10) adapted the cape from the earlier Master of the animals-Heracles (Fig. 9). Outside of Cyprus the picture of the triad can not be traced. To remind you, images of the Cypriote ram-god were also found in sanctuaries of Apollo, besides in temples for Athena and Hera.

As a final conclusion, we might say, that in the archaic period the Cypriotes were quite tolerant accepting iconographies from their surrounding neighbours for already existing aspects of their religious ideas, but were at the same time independent enough to give their artistic products an own language.

At this point, let me sum up the arguments for the identification of the ram-god on Cyprus: Direct roots of the Cypriote ram-god can not be found in the Phoenician, the Egypto-Libyan or the Greek repertoire. If we look on the representation of the head of the ram-headed Type A, 212

A RAM-GOD IN ARCHAIC CYPRUS griechische Plastik aus Naukratis und dem übrigen Ägypten. Kouroi, andere griechische Figurentypen und plastisch verzierte Gefäße. Die archaischen griechischen Bauteile aus Naukratis. Archäologische Studien zu Naukratis 2. Karageorghis, V. (1977) Two Cypriote Sanctuaries of the End of the Cypro-Archaic Period. Karageorghis, V. (2000) Ancient art from Cyprus. The Cesnola Collection. The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. Kuhlmann, K. (1988) Das Ammoneion. Archäologie, Geschichte und Kultpraxis des Orakels von Siwa. Kyrieleis, H. (1989) New Cypriote Finds from the Heraion of Samos, in V. Tatton-Brown (ed.), Cyprus and the East Mediterranean in the Iron Age, 52-67. Le Glay, M., 1986, Baal-Hammon, Lexicon Iconographicum Mythologiae Classicae 3, 72-5. Lipinski, E. (1986) Zeus-Ammon et Baal-Hammon, in C. Bonnet, E. Lipiński, and P. Marchetti (eds.), Religio Phoenicia (Studia Phoenicia 4), 307-22. Metzger, M. (1985) Königsthron und Gottesthron. Thronformen und Throndarstellungen in Ägypten und im Vorderen Orient im dritten und zweiten Jahrtausend vor Christus und deren Bedeutung für das Verständnis von Aussagen über den Thron im Alten Testament, Alter Orient und Altes Testament Vol. 15/1 and 15/2. Myres, J.L. (1914) Handbook of the Cesnola Collection of Antiquities from Cyprus, Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. Myres, J.L. (1946) A sanctuary site at Lefkoniko Annual of the British School at Athens 41, 54-68. Nick, G. (2007), Zyprisch-ionische Kleinplastik aus Kalkstein und Alabaster. Archäologische Studien zu Naukratis 1. Ohnefalsch-Richter, M. (1893) Kypros, the Bible and Homer. Pamminger, P. (1992) Amun und Luxor – Der Widder und das Kultbild, Beiträge zur Sudanforschung 5, 93140. Pettersson, M. (1992) Cults of Apollo at Sparta. Pryce, F.N. (1931) Catalogue of Sculpture in the Department of Greek and Roman Antiquities of the British Museum I.2: Cypriote and Etruscan. Robinson, E. S. G. (1927) British Museum Catalogue of the Greek Coins. Cyrenaica. Senff, R. (1994) Zyprische und ostgriechische Statuetten aus Milet, Cypriote stone sculptures 63-69. Sophocleous, S. (1985) Atlas des représentations chyproarchaïques des divinities. Stern, E. (1973) The material culture of the land of the Bible in the Persian Period Xella, P. (1991) Baal Hammon.

Acknowledgments: I would like to thank the German Research Foundation (DFG) for financing the project Archaic Cyprus within the conflict area of autonomy and external impulse: Sculptures as evidence of cultural identity and affinity, which is integrated in the Collaborative Research Centre (SFB 295) Cultural and linguistic contacts: Processes of change and their historical dimensions in North Eastern Africa and West Asia at the Johannes GutenbergUniversity of Mainz in Germany. Also I would like to thank the Institute of Classical Archaeology at the University of Mainz for giving me the opportunity to prepare a habilitation-thesis and also for the support of the colleagues in the SFB 295. Bibliography: Berges, D. (2006) Knidos. Beiträge zur Geschichte der archaischen Stadt. Bisi, A. M. (1985) Origine e diffusione del culto cirenaico di Zeus Ammon. In: G. Barker, J. Lloyd, and J. Reynolds (eds.), Cyrenaica in Antiquity, 30717. Blinkenberg, C. (1931) Lindos I. Les petits objets Buchholz, H.-G. (1991) Der Gott Hammon und Zeus Ammon auf Zypern. Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts, Athenische Abteilung 106, 85-128. Classen, C. J. (1959) The Libyan God Ammon in Greece before 331 B.C. Historia 59, 349-55. Coennarts, J and Samaes, M. (2006) The ram throne: A true type of Cypriote furniture? RDAC 2006, 239-258. Counts, D.B. (1998) Contributions to the Study of Cypriote Sculpture: Limestone Votives from AthienouMalloura, Unpublished Ph.D. thesis, Brown University. Gubel, E. (1987) Phoenician furniture. Studia Phoenicia VII. Hermary, A. (1981) Amathonte II, Testimonia 2: les sculptures découvertes avant 1975. Hermary, A. (1989) Catalogue des antiquités de Chypre: Sculptures. Hermary, A. (1990a) Petite plastique archaïque de Cnide Revue du Louvre 5, 359-369. Hermary, A. (1990b) Herakles (Cypri) Lexicon Iconographicum Mythologiae Classicae 5, 192-6. Hermary, A. (1992) Représentations de Zeus Ammon à Cypre: À propos d’un article resent Cahier de Centre d’ Etudes Chypriotes 18, 15-20. Hill, G. (1904) British Museum Catalogue of Greek Coins. Cyprus. Höckmann, U. – Koenigs, W. (2007) Zyprisch-

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Fig. 1: Ramheaded statuette, from Apollo sanctuary/Eme cik (after: Berges 2006: Pl. II.3).

Fig. 2: Naiskos with ram-headed statuette, from sanctuary/Lefko niko (after: Myres 1946: 66 Nr. 422 Pl. 17).

Fig. 3: Statuette with ram-horns, from sanctuary/Golgoi (N.Y. Met. Museum, author’s photo) Fig. 4: Statuette with ram-horns, from Cyprus (after: Ohnefalsch-Richter 1893: 195 Fig. 169).

Fig. 5: Statuette with ram-horns and cornucopia, from Cyprus (Brock University, Collection of Cypriote Antiquities Inv. S-75-1; after: Buchholz 1991, 119 Nr. 47a Pl. 15.1).

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Fig. 6: Fragment of a thymiaterion with a ram-god support, from Tamassos (Nicosia, Cyprus Museum Inv. 407/1975; after: Buchholz 1991, 120 Nr. 53 Pl. 16, 4).

A RAM-GOD IN ARCHAIC CYPRUS

Fig. 7: Ram-sphinx, from Amun sanctuary/Karnak, Egypt (author’s photo).

Fig. 8: Harischef (after: E. A. Wallis Budge, The Gods of the Egyptians, Vol. 2 (1904) 58).

Fig. 11: Statue of a ram-god, from Golgoi (N.Y., Met. Museum; after: Buchholz 1990: Pl. 10.4).

Fig. 10: Statue of Opaon Melanthios, from Golgoi (N.Y., Met. Museum; after: Karageorghis 2000: 261 Nr. 423). Fig. 9: Statue of Master of animals-Heracles, from Golgoi (N.Y., Met. Museum; after: Karageorghis 2000: 124 Nr. 190).

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The content of the inscriptions and the grafitti on the Greek and Roman ceramics Assist. Prof. Dr. Zeynep Koçel Erdem Mimar Sinan Fine Arts University, Department of Classical Archaeology, Istanbul , Turkey email: [email protected]

painted are called ‘dipinto’ (Figure 3, 4).4 Grafitti are also in the shape of the sketches as well as inscriptions.

Introduction With the invention of writing at the beginning of the Bronze Age (3000 B.C), the traces of the script began to appear on different materials such as stone, leather, papyrus, metal and pottery. The first vases were first produced during the Neolithic period. But the first script on vases was used in the Bronze Age, though they were quite limited. At this age, the Hittite culture of central Anatolia used some grafitti usually on the shoulders of big pithoi which held grains for storage to indicate the type of the grain, its capacity or its quantity.1 During Late Bronze Age, the Mycenaeans painted marks under the foot of the vases, applied as dipinto before firing, that were most probably the trade marks showing the trade relationships with the eastern cultures (Figure 1).

Both Greeks and Romans used script on pottery but while the Greeks’ were usually very short, the Roman scripts were sometimes lenghty.5 Beginning from the Greek Archaic period to the end of the Roman period inscriptions are found on a wide variety of pottery and are meant for various purposes: they include personal names, signatures of the potters and painters, dedications, lists of the vessels, prices, stamps of the workshops, trade marks, wishes and expressions of love and hatred, messages, miscellaneous notations etc. Therefore, we have the opportunity to learn about the alphabets, the names of the potters and painters, workshops, production centers, trade relationships, the names of the household objects and Greek and Latin names of several vessels. Consequently, we learn about social and religious beliefs of every day life of the ancient Greeks and Romans.

Besides the vases, the script is also found on different baked clay materials such as votive plaques, the potsherds (ostraca), baked clay loom weights, clay lamps and models such as house and temples.

It is possible to categorise the information gained from the most common inscriptions found on Greek and Roman pottery according to their common themes as follows:

Ostraca were one of the most prevalent materials of the ancient times. An inscriped sherd is identified as an ostracon. The written ostraca pieces are a good many as well as the vases bears grafitti on them. The ostraka found in the Athenian Agora include every possible sort of sherd, from the coarsest kind of pithos to the finest wares such as black and red figure vases and black glaze wares. The inscribed ostraca usually bears the names of the persons for different purposes such as voting. The names of the candidates such as Aristeides, Themistokles, Kimon and Perikles were writen by the voters (Figure 2).2 In Egypt, most of them were written with pen and in ink and they include lists, school exercises, religious texts etc. Household inventories like kitchen utensils were sometimes scratched on broken fragments of pottery. A saucer fragment from Athenian Agora bears the names of the daily kitchen cups such as lopas, poterion, lekythos and chous.3

Alphabets and Dialects The alphabet was learnt by the Greeks from the east in the early eighth century B.C. On the earliest examples of the Greek vases with script in the later eighth century B.C., we can see not only the earliest forms of the Greek alphabet, but also the less conventional letters of Greek dialects outside Athens6 (Figure 5). One of the earliest examples ‘The Eurytios Crater’, ca. 600 B.C., with Corinthian alphabet, the names of the figures are seen.7 Clay plaques also have some inscriptions with Corinthian letters. Some inscriptions on some of the vases were in Chalcidian script.8 On the red figure vases, Ionic forms of the letters become increasingly common as of the fifth

The inscriptions on the ceramics are usually the words, short sentences or the names, rarely long texts. The script incised or scratched on the surface usually before the glace was applied is called ‘grafitto’ while those that are

4 Figures 3, 10 and 11 are chosen amongst the ceramics which were collected during the archaeological survey of Mimar Sinan Fine Arts University, Deparment of Classical Archaeology in Denizli (Carian region of Turkey). The ceramics will be published by Zeynep Koçel Erdem. 5 A rare long text on a moulded terra sigillata bowl mentiones the achivements of Emperor Trajan. Greene 1992: 25, fig. 10, 11. 6 Lang 1988: 15. 7 Boardman 1998: 182, 198, fig. 396.1,2. 8 Boardman 1998: 217.

1

Seeher 2006: 29. Camp 1986: 59, fig. 39. 3 Sparkes and Talcott 1977: fig. 23. 2

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THE CONTENT OF THE INSCRIPTIONS AND THE GRAFITTI ON THE GREEK AND ROMAN CERAMICS century B.C. and the letters start losing their Archaic forms. The style of letters gives the approximate date for the vases.

Roman period the names are mostly found on terra sigillata vases.13 Italian terra sigillata stamps contain the names of proprietor and slave workers, sometimes in a foot-shaped (planta pedis) or in a relief panel.14 The example of Lvmbr(icii) Sextio is a stamp in two lines with the names of a proprietor and a slave.15 The names are sometimes in the form of monograms: Kallias scratches his monogam on the underside of a black glazed lamp of the third century B.C.16 Funerary urns used for the cult of the dead also bear inscriptions revealing the identity of the deceased. Hadra hydriai of Alexandria from Hellenistic period bear the names of the dead person and the date of the death.17 Some cooking wares were also used as cremation urns and bear names of the deceased such as ‘Sicabia Chreste’ from Roman period.18

Signatures of the Potters and Painters Contrary to the anonymus charasteristic of the Eastern Art, Greek artists signed almost all their works. On the vases and the votive plaques, the signatures of the potters and painters began to emerge. The signatures were written on different parts of the vases. A Proto-Attic votive plaque with potter’s signature from Aegina is known to be the earliest painted inscription in Greek: ‘..sonos epist....’9 Another earliest example with a part of potter’s signature ‘…inos’, comes on a Late Geometric potsherd from Ischia (Pithekoussai)10 (Figure 6). As pottery production became an important industry as of the Archaic period, signatures of artists increase both in number and the variety. During the black figure vases of the Greeks, the Francois Vase which is quite famous for its figures and inscriptions was signed twice, both by its potter and painter: the painter’s signature is ‘Kleitias egrapsen’ (Kleitias painted me) and the potter’s is ‘Ergotimos epoiesen’ (Ergotimos made me). During the production of red figure vases from 530 B.C. onwards, the inscriptions, including names of potters and painters, increased relatively. Some artists’ names are not Athenian e.g. Lydos and Skythes. Names of nonAthenian origin provide us with information about the structure of the Athenian society. Attic signatures reach their peak about 500 B.C. and are rare by the end of the fifth century B.C.

Kalos Inscriptions On Athenian pottery, kalos names express someone as beautiful and kalos inscriptions praise the beauty of contemporary youths. They remained popular with or without the proper names or affirmatives (karta, naichi) during the black and the red figure vases19 (Figure 7). ‘ho pais kalos’ (the boy is beautiful) was used for the boys who were the popular or historical personalities of the period.20 For example, ‘Leagros kalos’ is a very popular name between 510-500 B.C., at the time of the vase painter Euphronios and his contemporaries. Outside Athens, inscriptions on vases are few (such as Boiotian vases), but include some kalos names praising youths, as in Attica. Most of them are dated to the second and third quarters of the sixth century B.C..21

Names

Dedicatory Inscriptions

The inscriptions on the black and red figure vases help us to identify the scenes of mythological or daily life. Before ca. 575 B. C. the inscriptions naming the persons depicted or naming the artists were exceptional on Athenian vases. However, within a few decades these inscriptions on vases increased greatly in number. We find the most lavish example of their use on the Francois Vase on which every mythological figure and even the animals are named, besides some objects and furniture are labelled such as ‘… bomos’. The Francois Vase with its 121 inscriptions is a highpoint example of the Athenian black figure vases. On no later vase are the inscriptions so profuse.11 The inscriptions name figures, rarely adding an epithet, and they usually are placed in the field near the relevant figures. Not all inscriptions are identifications, some are used for decorative purpose only. In addition to mythological names there are personal names such as the owner of the vases (see ownership inscriptions). An early and intresting example is a protocorinthian aryballos which has a portrait of a young girl named Aineta on the handle plate and the names of her admirers, presented in a list.12 During the

Dedicatory inscriptions are found both on the votive plaques and on the vases. On votive plaques, they include the names of the dedicator and the deity they are dedicated to. On the very few examples of the vases either the name of the dedicator or the name of the deity is seen.22 It is noteworthy that dedicatory inscriptions, whether incised or painted, are applied on the objects after firing. For example, on a Chian votive kantharos from the Greek colony of Naucratis in Egypt, the dedicatory inscription ‘ ...inos aneteken.’. is a proof of a dedication for the sanctuaries.23 Another example from Naucratis on the inner lip of a Chian bowl is a dedicatory inscription to the goddess Aphrodite ‘....aneteken Aphrodite’ .24 Dedications are useful for identifying the 13

For some names on Eastern Sigillata A wares: Zoroğlu 1989. Hayes 1997, 50, pl.18. Hayes 1997, 50, pl.18,1. 16 Lang 1988: 22, fig. 61. 17 Williams 1985: 133, 134, fig. 95. 18 Hayes 1997: 82, pl. 32. 19 The love names on Attic vases: Robinson 1937. 20 Boardman 1978: 201. 21 Boardman 1998: 214. 22 On some Corinth plaques the name of the god Poseidon and his wife Amphitrite were signed by painter Timonidas: Boardman 1998: 203, fig. 409.6. 23 Boardman, 1998:144, 159, fig. 307. 24 Boardman 1998: 145, 160, fig. 311. 14 15

9

Boardman 1998: 89, 100, fig. 193. Boardman 1988, 53, 82, fig. 162. Boardman 1978: 34, 42, fig. 46. 12 Williams 1985: 139, fig. 99. 10 11

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SOMA 2007 as a lid and a bowl, fit correctly after firing.34

deities of sanctuaries and shrines and sometimes their cult titles.

Besides the most common inscriptions on the vases such as names, signatures, dedicatory inscriptions etc., as mentioned above, there are also miscellaneous inscriptions with special meanings describing the function or use. These can generally be grouped as follows:

Trade Marks and the Stamps of the Workshops Trade marks and/or signatures of the craftsmen are found usually on the foot of the vases, incised in a few lines after firing or stamped or sometimes in red dipinti which are the proofs of the dense trade.25 Grafitti under the foot may record prices, but many are monograms or symbols which have to do with the marketing of the vase or of other vases in a batch, and seem to have been put on earlier, by the carrier rather than by a retailer.26 Athenian vases with ‘trade marks’ were exported to the colonies on the trade route beginning from Athens to the west, to Sicily and South Italy, to the east and also to the Black Sea.27 The trade with Athens was increased during the second part of the fifth and especially during the fourth century B.C. Quite a number of vases such as black and Red Figured vases and also black glazed vases of the fifth and fourth centuries B.C. bear grafitti under their bases as on the Attic export examples of Heraion Teichos28 (Figure 8).

Self Speaking Vessels Inscriptions on some vases are given in the first person as if the vessel itself is speaking. For example ‘I’m good cup’ and ‘Exekias made me well’35 or on a protocorinthian aryballos of the seventh century B.C. bears an inscription reading ‘I am the lekythos of Tataie, may whoever steals me, become blind’36 are amongst the kind of phrases that take place on Greek vases. Panathenaic prize-amphorai also speak themselves and the inscription is ‘ton atheneten athlon’ means ‘a present from Athens’ (Figure 12). During the second and third centuries A. D. some productions of the Province Mosel have Latin phrases such as nolite sitire (thirst not); da mihi vinum (give me wine).37 According their inscriptions, they must be drinking cups, thus the function of the cups are cleared.

Amphorae are one of the most important commercial material regarding the trade relationships between the ancient cities. The stamps found on the handles of the amphorae either in Greek or Latin contain a symbol and/or the seal of the magistrate/manufacturer/city (Figure 9).29 Monograms are stamped not only on the amphora handles, but also on common wares such as cooking wares and oil lamps.30 There are a lot of workshop stamps and monograms on moulded bowls of the Hellenistic and Roman periods as well as the lamps31 (Figure 10). A moulded terra sigillata bowl bears the name of the workshop of potter Paternus from central France in the mid second century A.D.32 Besides amphorae, some potters’ marks on the common wares, such as storage jars (dolia) which are common in Italy, and mortarium type vessels often indicate the owners of the workshops as much as their physical locations. They bear producer’s or workshop stamps on their rim edges33 (Figure 11).

Speech and Phrases Pioneers of the Athenian red figure vases have speech phrases like ‘look, a swallow’, ‘yes, with Herakles’ or ‘here comes spring’.38 However, it is not clear who speaks these phrases. Buth such phrases are seen less in the fifth century B.C. and disappear entirely by the end of the red figure vase production. One special example is the phrase on a vase of Euthymides ‘ha oudepote Euphronios’ means ‘as never Euphronios’. This phrase has been considered as an expression of rivalry between the vase painters Euthymides and Euphronios.39 Ownership Inscriptions Some inscriptions, either incised or painted reveal the identity of the owner, but inscriptions of private ownership are rare. A skyphos of 400 B. C. has an inscription saying ‘Kylix of Kephisophon’. In case somebody breaks it, he will pay one drachma’.40

Besides the trade marks, some simple marks (e.g. marks with letters) were meant either to identify the workshop or to make sure that different pieces of the vessels, such

Inscriptions on the Production Centers 25

Some merchant marks on Attic pottery: Boardman 2001: 154, fig. 181. 26 Boardman 1978: 203. 27 Johnston 1980; Sparkes 1996: 143. 28 The settlement of Heraion Teichos (Tekirdağ Karaevlialtı) takes place near the modern city of Tekirdağ in Turkish Thracia. The excavations have been carried out since 2000 by Mimar Sinan Fine Arts University with the cooperation of Tekirdağ Archaeological Museum. 29 The monograms on amphora handles were published by Asist. Prof.Dr. Oya Yağız (Mimar Sinan Fine Arts University, Department of Classical Archaeology) Yağız 2007. 30 Some inscriptions on oil lamps: Kassab-Tezgör 1995: 181; monograms on common wares: Meriç 2002:101 f., pl. 57. 31 Meriç 2002: 34, pl. 92. 32 Greene 1992: 57, fig. 27. 33 Hayes 1997: 82, fig. 32.

Some inscriptions reval the origin of the production centers of the vases. On a Roman red slip ware from Aswan, ‘The plate of Suan’ is written in Coptic, is a sign of the origin of the vase.41 Another incised inscription on 34

Sparkes 1996: 72. Boardman 2001: 144. 36 Sparkes 1996: 144. 37 Orton, Tyers, et al. 1993: 219, fig. 17.1. 38 Boardman 1979: 213. 39 Boardman 2001:147. 40 Sparkes 1996: 144. 41 Hayes 1997: 16, pl. 2. 35

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THE CONTENT OF THE INSCRIPTIONS AND THE GRAFITTI ON THE GREEK AND ROMAN CERAMICS the bottom of a clay lamp bear the name of ‘Sagalassikon’ means ‘the product of Sagalassos’.42

The Prices of the Vases The prices of the vases are not frequently encountered.52 An Attic red figure pelike from Naples bears a particularly full grafitto giving a list of the vases and their prices travelling in the same batch.53 Another one on the base of an Attic red figure bell krater shows the current prices of different types of vases.54

Wishes and Curses Simple formulas of good luck wishes are not common on Greek vases, but can be find on Attic lip cups.43 They are also found on the common wares of the Romans, ‘Eutuchia’ meaning ‘good fortune’ is seen painted on a common ware.44 Stamps on Eastern Sigillata wares of the Romans also include good luck wishes: e.g. KAICV means ‘and you too’ .45 Some inscriptions have curse formulas for those who commit something undesired. The above mentioned lekythos of Tataie casts a curse for blindness (see self speaking vessels).

Dating Inscriptions on the ceramics rarely help dating the pots. One example of African red slip lamp bears the impression of a coin on it; therefore, the coin provides us with a terminus post quem and helps us with accurate dating.55

Daily Life In conclusion, we can state that abundant ceramic findings, usually in fragments, bear inscriptions of names, wishes, curses, dedications, commercial marks etc. in grafitti or dipinti and complete the frame of image of antiquity.

It is possible to follow up daily chores, every day events and feelings from the inscriptions on the pottery. On a black figure fragment, there is one man playing and another watching depicted, accompained with the inscription ‘I have four’.46 Game playing and relevant scores are depicted usually with Achilleus and Aiax from the Iliad. There are also some interesting clues about the daily life with the help of the inscriptions. For example, some potsherds recovered in a public structure at the Athenian Agora and dated to the fifth century B.C. bear an abbreviation incribed as ‘ΔΕ’. This suggest that these vessels were public property. This hall should have been the dining hall for those working nearby the Boule.47 In this context, we also learn about the food and drinks of ancient people. On some vases, the nature of the contents are given in grafitti as on a very large jar, from the fifth century A.D. Here the writing means ‘cheap wine’.48 On another example from the second century A.D. we can see the word ‘mazathos’, it may be related to the word for barley cake (maza).49

Bibliography Boardman, J. (1978) Athenian Black Figure Vases, Thames and Hudson, London. Boardman, J. (1979) Athenian Red Figured Vases. The Archaic Period, Thames and Hudson, London. Boardman J. (1998) Early Greek Vase Painting, Thames and Hudson, London. Boardman, J. (2001) The History of Greek Vases, Thames and Hudson, London. Camp, J. M. (1998) The Athenian Agora. Excavations in the Hearth of Classical Athens, Thames and Hudson, London. Carratelli G. P. ed. (1996) The Greek World, Art and Civilization in Manga Graecia and Sicily, Libri and Grandi Opere S. P. A., Milan. Cook, B. F. (1987) Reading the Past. Greek Inscriptions, British Museum Press, London. Cook, R. M. (1997) Greek Painted Pottery, Routledge, London. Cook, R. M. and P. Dupont (1998) East Greek Pottery, Routledge, London. Demakopoulou, K and D. Konsola (1981) Archaeologisches Museum Theben, Athens. Greene, K. (1992) Roman Pottery, British Museum Press, London. Hayes, J. W. (1972) Late Roman Pottery, W. Heffer and SonsLtd., Cambridge. Hayes, J. W. (1997) Handbook of Mediterranean Roman Pottery, British Museum Press, London. Immerwahr, H. R. (1990) Attic Script,: A Survey, Oxford Univ. Press, Oxford. Jeffery, L. H. (1990) Local Scripts of Archaic Greece, Clarendon Press, Oxford.

Lists On the Greek and Roman ceramics the lists are less common. Lists could be the lists of the trade wares, kitchen utensils, prescriptions, ingredients, prices etc. An example from the Athenian Agora, is a saucer fragment which might be used as an ostracon with a list of the several cups such as lopas, poterion, lekythos etc. on it.50 Another list that appears on a South Gaulish terra sigillata plate includes a potter’s name and the names and numbers of the several types of vessels fired in the kiln.51

42

Hayes 1997: 16, pl. 3. Cook 1997: 245. Hayes 1997: pl. 25. 45 Hayes 1997: 52, pl. 20, 46 Camp 1998: 136, fig. 110. 47 Camp 1998: 95, fig. 70. 48 Lang 1988: fig. 41. 49 Lang 1988: fig 75. 50 Sparkes and Talcott 1977: fig. 23. 51 Greene 1992: 53, fig. 25. 43 44

52

Boardman 2001: 157. Sparkes 1996:143. Boardman 2001: 157, fig. 183. 55 Hayes 1972: 313. 53 54

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SOMA 2007 Johnston, A. W. (1980) Trademarks on Greek Vases, Aris and Phillips, Wiltshire. Kassab Tezgör, D. and T. Sezer (1995) İstanbul Arkeoloji Müzeleri Pişmiş Toprak Kandilleri Kataloğu (Cilt I. Protohistorik, Arkaik, Klasik ve Hellenistik Dönemler), (Cataloque des lampes en terre cuite du Musee Archeologique D’Istanbul. Tome I. Epoques protohistorique, archaique, classique et hellenistique) Fransız Araştırmaları Enstitüsü (Institut Francais D’Etudes Anatoliennes D’Istanbul), İstanbul. Lang, M. (1976) Grafitti and Dipinti, The Athenian Agora 21, J. J. Austin, Glükstadt, Princeton, New Jersey. Lang, M. (1988) Grafitti in the Athenian Agora, MeridenStinehour Press, Princeton, New Jersey. Lang, M. (1990) Ostraca, The Athenian Agora 25, Austin, Glükstadt, Princeton, New Jersey. Lehmann, K. (1960) Samothrace. The Inscription on Ceramics and Minor Objects, 2, II, Bollingen. Lorber, F. (1979) Inschriften korintischer Vasen, Gebr. Mann, Berlin. Meriç, R. (2002) Spathellenistisch-römische Keramik und Kleinfunde aus einem Schachtbrunnen am Staatsmarkt in Ephesos, FiE IX/3, Grasl Druck and Neue Medien, Wien.

Orton, C and P. Tyers- A. Vince (1993) Pottery in Archaeology, Cambridge University Pres, Cambridge. Robinson, D. M. and E. J. Fluck (1937) A Study of the Greek Love-Names, The John Hopkins Press, Baltimore. Seeher, J. (2006) Hattuşa Rehberi, Ege Yayınları, İstanbul. Sparkes, B. A. (1996) The Red and the Black. Studies in Greek Pottery, Routledge, London. Sparkes, B. A. and L. Talcott (1977) Pots and Pans of Classical Athens, Meridien Gravure Co., London. von Bothmer, D. (1972) Greek Vase Painting, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. Williams, D. (1985) Greek Vases, British Museum Press, London. Yağız, O. (2007) ‘Les anses d’amphores timbrees trouvees a Karaevlialtı (Heraion Teichos) en Thrace Turque’, Studia Hercynia XI, 105-107. Zoroğlu, L. (1989) ‘Some Roman Names on Eastern Sigillata A from Samosata’, Ed. D. French and C. Lightfoot eds., The Eastern Frontier of the Roman Empire, British Institute of Archaeology at Ankara, Monograph No. 11, B.A.R Int. Series 553 (ii), Oxford Univ. Pres, Oxford, 573-79.

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Fig. 1: A Mycenaean stirrup vase from the Palace of Thebes, Linear B script on it applied as dipinto , before firing. c. 1300 B.C. (Demakopoulou and Konsola 1981, pl. 22).

Fig. 2: An ostraca piece from Athenian Agora revealing the names of the several Athenians such as Themistokles (Camp 1998, 59, pl. 39).

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Fig. 3: Grafitto letters on a locally produced Anatolian sigillata plate from a Roman Villa (Villa Rusticae) from Buldan/Denizli (Carian region of Turkey) (Photo Zeynep Erdem).

Fig. 4: A dipinto on the neck of a water jar with a painted letter ? from Heraion Teichos (Tekirdağ Karaevlialtı in Turkish Thracia) (Photo Zeynep Erdem).

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THE CONTENT OF THE INSCRIPTIONS AND THE GRAFITTI ON THE GREEK AND ROMAN CERAMICS

Fig. 5: An Etruscan bucchero jug inscribed with the Etruscan alphabet. Sixth century B.C. (Cook 1987, 10, fig.4).

Fig. 6: Fragment of Late Geometric krater with potter’s signature ‘..inos ’. From Ischia (Pithekoussa) c. 725-700 B.C. (Carratelli 1996: 193).

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Fig. 7: A kalos inscription: ‘Leagros kalos’ on a calyx krater of Euphronios (von Bothmer, fig. 19).

Fig. 8: Grafitti at the bottoms of the Attic red figured skyphoi from Heraion Teichos (Photo Zeynep Erdem).

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THE CONTENT OF THE INSCRIPTIONS AND THE GRAFITTI ON THE GREEK AND ROMAN CERAMICS

Fig. 9: A Thasian stamp on the handle of a commercial amphora from Heraion Teichos (Yağız 2007, pl. 46/1).

Fig. 11: A stamp on a rim edge of a Late Roman mortarium from Tripolis (Yenicekent/Denizli) (Photo Zeynep Erdem).

Fig. 10: A stamped monogram at the bottom of a lamp from a Roman Villa (Villa Rusticae) from Buldan/Denizli (Photo Zeynep Erdem).

Fig. 12: An Athenian black figure Panathenaic prize amphora with the inscription ‘ton atheneten athlon’. c. 530 B.C. (Cook 1987, 52, fig.45).

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The Location of Aigospotamoi Reyhan Körpe and Mehmet F. Yavuz Canakkale Onsekiz Mart University, Department of History. Çanakkale, Turkey.

and Paktye after Sestos. Strabo remarks that “after Sestos one comes to Aigospotamoi [town] . . . then comes to Kallipolis . . . then Krithote . . .”9 The ancient sources that report the famous naval battle of Aigospotamoi indicate that the stream of Aigospotamoi emptied its waters opposite Lampsakos. It is thus clear that Aigospotamoi was located south of Kallipolis and across Lampsakos. Strabo’s report that it was 110 stades east of Sestos brings us to the Modern Turkish village of Sütlüce (Galata), situated 10 km southwest of modern Gelibolu, on a plateau approximately 0.5 km inland from the Hellespont. The modern village is situated between two rivers, Büyük Dere with its tributary Kozlu Dere and Karakaova Dere. The latter has traditionally been identified with the ancient River Aigos Potamos. No ancient artifacts have been reported in in Sütlüce, though some scholars have located an ancient settlement “at the mouth of Karakova Dere, near the modern light house and small harbor” on the basis of some scattered antiquities, said to have been found there by the Turkish peasants.10

Aigospotamoi itself was an insignificant polis on the Hellespont across Lampsakos, between Sestos and Paktye. The town, however, won great fame thanks to the two important incidents that took place near the city, the naval battle of Aigospotamoi and the fall of a meteor. Nevertheless, we do not know when and by whom the polis was founded. Moreover, the exact location of Aigospotamoi remains unknown. Herodotos and the Parian Marble mention a toponym called Aigospotamoi.1 According to Xenophon and Plutarch, however, Aigospotamoi was a beach without harbor or polis.2 Neither Ps-Scylax nor Ps-Scymnus mention a polis called Aigospotamoi.3 Strabo, on the other hand, implies that Aigospotamoi was founded before the Persian war and that it was hit by a meteor sometime during the 80s of the 5th century.4 In fact, numismatic evidence suggests that Aigospotamoi did exist in the 5th century since there are “small silver coins with the head of a goat, and with an incuse reverse of Chersonesian pattern, which are certainly earlier than [405 B.C.]”.5 Ca.300 Aegospotamoi minted bronze coins with the head of Demeter wearing wreathed and ornamented kalathos on the obverse, and with the inscription ΑΙΓΟΣΠΟ ΑΙΓΟΠΟ and goat standing on the reverse.6 By the first century BCE Aigospotamoi was an insignificant ruined small city (polichne).7

One is tempted to identify Aigospotamoi with the area of Bayır or Cevizli11 since ancient sources report that Aigospotamoı was a beach without harbor and city. During the summers of 2004-5 we surveyed the Hellespontine coast of the Chersonese and further inland in an attempt to solve the problem. Both Bayır and Galata, traditionally identified as ancient Aigospotamoi, are archaeologically barren sites. We could find no archaeological remains or artifacts that would signal the location of a Classical or Hellenistic settlement at none of these sites. At Cevizli there are no archaic, classical and Hellenistic sherds. Instead there are few Roman, a lot of Byzantine and Ottoman artifacts.

We do not know the exact location of Aegospotami.8 Skylax says that after Aigospotamoi (stream) come Kressa, Krithote and Paktye. Skymnos places Krithote

1

Hdt. 9.119.2: “Artayctes and his company had begun their flight later, and were overtaken a little way beyond the Goat's Rivers, where after they had defended themselves a long time, some of them were killed and the rest taken alive.” Marm. Par. Ep. 57 (FGrH 239). 2 Xen. Hell. 2.1.21; Plut. Lys. 9.5, 10.4. 3 Scylax (67) mentions the river but does not say anything about the town. 4 “After Sestus one comes to Aegospotami, eighty stadia [The text reads "two hundred and eighty," but this is clearly an error of the copyist], a town which has been razed to the ground, where it is said, the stone fell at the time of the Persian war.” Aristotle (Mete. 1.7 [344 B 32]), Pliny (HN 2.59.149), Plutarch (Lys. 12), Diogenes Laertius (Anaxagoras 2.10) mention this incident, but they neither say nor imply that the meteor actually hit a city. 5 Head 1911: 258; Isaac 1986: 196, quoting Head, misleadingly writes that “the town of Aigospotamoi startes [sic] to coin c. 300”. Kahrstedt 1954: 20, n.47, writes that “ Ort Aegospotamoi, der im 4. Jahrhundert Polis wird, aber schon 468/7 existiert”. Again Kahrstedt’s assertion that Aigospotamoi was polis in the fourth century rests on the coins found that have been dated before Alexander. However, if minting is a criterion to be a polis then Aigospotamoi was a polis, albeit a small one, in the 5th century. 6 Head 1911: 258. 7 Strabo 7 fr. 55. 8 Bommelaer 1981: 111-113; Kagan 1987: 386 n. 35 and map at 387; Strauss 1987: 741-745

Both Bommelaer and Strauss placed Aigospotamoi to the northeast of Sütlüce at the mouth of Büyük Dere (now Münipbey Deresi). Strauss, who visited the area, notes ancient material in the dry stream beds of both Munipbey Deresi and its tributary Kozlu Dere. He adds: “the concentration was heaviest at the point where the two stream beds meet. Although the material was very waterworn, amphorae handles, classical or Hellenistic black gaze roof tile fragments, Byzantine glazed sherds and a ground stone pounder were recognized. It is possible this material had been carried by water downstream from

9

Skylax 67; Skymnos 710-12; Strab. 7 fr. 55. Havuette-Besnault 1880: 517-18. Özdogan, the head of the field survey done in 1982, does not report any finding in Sütlüce: see Özdogan 1986 for the settlements he locates. 11 Özdogan 1986: 67. At p. 33. Özdogan reports a few Roman, a lot of Byzantine and Ottoman artifacts. 10

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THE LOCATION OF AIGOSPOTAMOI further up the valley.”12 Results of our survey confirm the suggestion of both Bommelaer and Strauss. Polis Aigospotamoi must have been near Munipbey Deresi. To be more precise, ancient Aigospotamoi was likely to have been at Kalanuro Tepesi, a natural rise on the left bank of Münipbey Deresi, 50 meters from the coast and across from Lampsakos (fig. 1). It is an excellent site overlooking the Hellespont and a beach (fig. 2 and 3). Furthermore, it has two fresh water springs at the foot of the hill, which obviously makes the site attractive. Prehistoric, Archaic, Classical, Roman and late antique material (pottery sherds, head of a figurine, iron slags) on and around Kalanuro Tepesi suggest that the settlement covered a considerable area, perhaps as far as the confluence of the streams where Strauss detected sherds. Archaeological findings indicate continuous settlement from Prehistoric times to the Byzantine era, with a gap in early fourth century BCE.13

Bibliography Bommelaer, J. (1981) Lysandre de Sparte. Histoire et Traditions. (Paris). Hauvette-Besnault, A. (1880) Sur Quelques villes anciennes de la Chersonnese de Thrace. BCH 4. Head, B.V. (1911) Historia Numorum. Oxford. Isaac, B. (1986) The Greek Settlements in the Thrace until the Macedonian Conquest. (Leiden). Kagan, D. (1987) The Fall of the Athenian Empire. Cornell University Press, Ithaca. Kahrstedt, U. (1954) Beitrage zur Geschichte der Thrakischen Chersones. (Baden- Baden). Özdoğan, M. (1986) Prehistoric Sites in the Gelibolu Peninsula. Anadolu Araştırmaları 10, 51-67. Strauss, B., (1987) A Note on the Topography and Tactics of the Battle Aegospotami. American Journal of Philology 108: 741-745. Yavuz, M.F. and Körpe, R. (2006) Archaeological Support of Lysandros’ expulsion of the Athenians from the Chersonese after Aigospotamoi. Archaeological Institute of America 107th Annual Meeting Abstracts. Montreal, 107-8.

In short, our survey on the Hellespontine coast of the Chersonese between Sestos and Kallipolis (Gelibolu) suggests that Polis Aigospotamoi was most likely located at Kalnuro Tepesi on the left bank of Münipbey Deresi, across Lampsakos.

12

Strauss 1987: 742, n.8. The absence of late classical sherds may be explained by the expulsions of the Athenians from the Chersonese by Lysandros: see Yavuz & Körpe 2006. 13

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Fig. 1. Polis Aigospotamoi (Kalanuro Tepesi)

Fig. 2. Polis Aigospotamoi and its beach.

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Fig. 3. Polis Aigospotamoi and its beach on the Hellespont.

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Sigeion and its Foundation Reyhan Körpe and Mehmet F. Yavuz Canakkale Onsekiz Mart University, Department of History. Çanakkale, Turkey

Toward the end of the seventh century, Athenians, under the leadership of Phrynon, the Olympic victor of 636635, attempted to colonize Sigeion on the shore of the Troad at the entrance to the Hellespont. The Mytilenians, who considered the greater part of Troad theirs, reacted strongly and dispatched a force to the Troad under the leadership of Pittakos. Diogenes of Laertius reports that Pittakos led the Mytilenians to the battle, defeated Phrynon in a single combat and recovered the land (chorion). Later there was another clash between the two poleis, settled by the mediation of Periander, who gave his judgment in favor of the Athenians.1

Russia before the end of the sixth century to feed their growing urban centers; to argue from the Pisistratid activity one might infer that the need for foreign wheat went back toward the middle of the century.”6 Do the Athenian activities in Sigeion and the Chersonese indicate a desire to control or safeguard the grain route? Is this really behind the Athenian colonization at the mouth of the Hellespont? We doubt it. To begin with, Athenians could not control the Black Sea maritime route by founding Sigeion. To secure that route first of all the Athenians would have to have had a strong navy in the sixth century to police not only the Aegean but also the Propontis. But there is no evidence of such a strong Athenian navy, which is a phenomenon of the fifth and fourth centuries. Second, the Athenians could not control the grain route by occupying Sigeion and Elaious, or even the whole Chersonese, though they could surely harass the ships sailing in the region. If that was their aim, they should have maintained friendly relations with (and/or had control over) Euboea, northern Aegean islands of the transmarine grain route, several poleis on both sides of the Dardanelles, Propontis and Bosporos, i.e., Byzantion and Chalchedon and a few poleis on the Thracian coast, “shelters on the coastal corn route followed when bad weather made the more direct passage risky.” Insecurity in one of these regions could have endangered the grain route as happened several times in the fifth as well as fourth centuries. To illustrate, in 376 the Spartan fleet under the command of Pollis controlled the waters around Aegina, Keos and Andros and interfered with the import of the Euxine grain to Athens. Athens had to take military measures and Athenian fleet had to escort the grain fleet into Piraeus.7 In 362 and again in 361, the Byzantians and the Chalchedonians seized the Athenian grain ships and Athenians had to send warships to the area.8 Finally and most importantly, archaeological evidence has demonstrated that the “northern Black Sea could not be the main source of grain in the seventh-sixth centuries B.C.” and that there is “no evidence for the Athenian grain trade in the archaic period be it with the Black Sea or elsewhere.” The great increase of the Pontic grain trade occurred sometime after the middle of the fifth century. In short, the occupation of Sigeion and the Thracian Chersonese was not enough to control or to secure “the artery of growing commercial importance” for that they were at the mercy of Byzantines or any other strong power that could prevent the flow of the maritime traffic.

Until recently the location of Sigeion and the identity of its founders were in dispute.2 A rescue excavation conducted by R. Körpe answered the questions. Firstly, we now know that Sigeion, as proposed by Cook, is located at Yenişehir. Secondly, the results of the rescue excavation suggest that Sigeion was most likely founded by the Athenians. Careful examination of the pottery sherds showed that the earliest stratum (VI) belonged to the end of the 7th century ВСЕ. All the pottery fragments unearthed in this stratum are Attic ware. Furthermore, 90 percent of the pottery sherds found in the following stratum (V), dated to the Archaic age, are Attic ware as well. We noted that there is hardly any Aeolian grey ware, found abundantly in the archaic Troad, in stratum V. This clearly shows that Sigeion is indisputably an Athenian foundation. On the other hand, The Athenian colonization of Sigeion is still shrouded in mystery. Many scholars have advanced various proposals to explain the Athenian activities in the western Troad at the mouth of the Hellespont. Berve argued that the Athenians and Mytilenians fought for the fertile Skamander valley.3 M. Stahl proposed that Phrynon chose the site because of its historical and mythological importance, i.e., Trojan War.4 Most scholars, however, argue that Athenians colonized Sigeion to control the Hellespont. W. Leaf for example, sees the Athenian occupation of Sigeion as a “bold stroke for the command of the Euxine wheat trade, which at that early date seems to have been a vital necessity for Athens.”5 Chester Starr remarks that “[t]he key to this persistent interest [in Sigeion and the Chersonese] must have lain in Athens’ desire to hold strong points on an artery of growing commercial importance to her . . . [T]he Athenians and others were importing grain from south

Although it is not exactly clear why Phrynon and his followers founded Sigeion, we think that its close

1

Diog. Laert. 1.74; Strab. 13.1.38-9; Alc. fr. 401 B West. Cook 1973:178 “Sigeion came into the hands of the Athenians, whether as a new foundation or by capture.” 3 Berve 1937: 26. 4 Stahl 1987: 212. 5 Leaf 1923: 187. 2

6

Starr 1977: 176. Xen. Hell. 5.4.60-2f; Diod. 15.34 f. 8 Dem. 50.4-12 and 14-17. 7

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SIGEION AND ITS FOUNDATION are high.14 We suggest that the rivers that flowed from Mount Ida across the plains in the Troad were used for transporting timbers.

proximity to the rich timber forests of Mt. Ida may have influenced the decision of Athenians to found the city at the mouth of Skamandros. Thucydides’s remarks on Antandros, a polis at the foot of Mt. Ida is quite revealing. He records that the plan of the Mytilenian and other Lesbian exiles was “to free Antandrus and the rest of the Actaean towns, formerly owned by Mytilene but now held by the Athenians. Once fortified there, they would have every facility for shipbuilding from the vicinity of Ida and the consequent abundance of timber, and plenty of other supplies. . .”9

A scholar who visited the Troad toward the end of the 19th century remarked that “from the end of the plain of Avunia wood-cutters’ tracks lead through the forests of Ida over the pass between the head waters of the Aesopus and Scamander. Much timber is felled for export down the rivers to the sea, and finds its way even as far as Alexandria. The head stream of the Aesopus, choked with splinters, takes a dark tinge from the chips of bark, so that ‘the black water of Aesopus’ is a literal fact, although one would not care to drink it”.15 In addition to the testimony of a scholar, photographs taken at the beginning of twentieth century show that cut timber were floated down Sarıçay (Rhodius) in large timber rafts from Ida to the Hellespont (fig.1).16 Scamander, which join the sea by Sigeion and which is the largest river in the Troad, was surely used for transporting timbers in antiquity. In fact, as late as 1950’s timber logs were transported down the river.17

Archaeological and literary evidence suggest that the Bronze Age cities in around Scamander Valley profited from the timbers of Ida. Paleobotanical studies as well as paleozoological studies show that the immediate landscape around troy was not well forested. However excavators unearthed remains of timbers used in buildings and funeral pyres. Late Manfred Korfmann, thus, argued that the Trojans must have transported timbers of Ida in the second as well as first millennium B.C.10 Homer indeed provides decisive proof. Agamemnon, says Homer, dispatched some Achaeans to fetch wood for the funeral pyre of Patroclus:“ while yet they wailed around the piteous corpse. But the lord Agamemnon sent forth mules and men from all sides from out the huts to fetch wood . . . . And they went forth bearing in their hands axes for the cutting of wood and well-woven ropes, and before them went the mules: . . . . But when they came to the spurs of many-fountained Ida, forthwith they set them to fill high-crested oaks with the long-edged bronze in busy haste and with a mighty crash the trees kept falling. Then the Achaeans split the trunks asunder and bound them behind the mules, and these tore up the earth with their feet as they hasted toward the plain through the thick underbrush…”11

In short, we think that the inhabitants of Sigeion exploited the rich forests of Ida and used Scamander for transporting timber logs and the first Athenian settlers may have founded the town with an eye to the Idean timbers.18 Bibliography Aksu, I. (2003) Dönem Dönem. Eski Çanakkale Kartpostalları ve Fotoğrafları. Çanakkale. Berve, H. (1937) Miltiades. Studien zur Geschichte des Mannes und seiner Zeit. Berlin, Weidmann. Cook, J. M. (1973) The Troad; an archaeological and topographical study. Oxford, Oxford University Press. Leaf, W. (1923) Strabo on the Troad. Book XIII, Cap. I. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. Korfmann, M. O. (2004) Holz für Troia: zur flosserei auf dem Skamandros/Xanthos. T. Korkut (ed.), 60. Yaşında Fahri Işık’a Armağan. Anadolu’da Doğdu. Festschrift für Fahri Işık zum 60. Geburstag. Istanbul, Ege Yayınları, 427-38. Meiggs, R. (1982) Trees and timber in the ancient Mediterranean world. Oxford, Clarendon Press. Munroe, A. (1901) Gleanings from Mysia. Journal of Hellenic Studies 21, 229-237. Rostovtzeff, M. (1923) Notes on the Economic Policy of the Pergamene Kings. In W.H. Buckler & W.M. Calder (eds.) Anatolian studies presented to Sir William Mitchell Ramsay. Manchester, 359-90. Stahl, M. (1987) Aristokraten und Tyrannen im

In the Hellenistic age the forests of Ida contributed much to the economy of the Attalids, supplying wood, pitch and tar. Ida was so important that Rostovtzeff described the “possession of, or the command over the region of Mount Ida was a question of life and death for the Pergamene kingdom.” 12 That Mt. Ida was a great source of timber for the settlements in the Troad is thus beyond doubt. But how did its inhabitants transport timbers from Ida? For a small funeral pyre, like that of Patroclus, mules would do. But for other purposes another means is necessary. Strabo describes Mt. Ida as “‘many-fountained,’ for there in particular the mountain is abundantly watered, as is shown by the large number of rivers there, all the rivers that flow forth from the Idaean mountains” to the Propontis, the Hellespont and the Aegean.13 Although not navigable, most of the rivers flowing from Ida (i.a., Scamander, Rhodius, Granicus and Aisopus) are able to carry timber logs to the sea in spring when their waters

14 Pliny’s description of Scamander (HN 5. 88) as “amnis navigabilis” is incorrect. For Scamander see Leaf 1923, 158-164, 199-202; Cook 1973: passim, esp. 293-5; Korfman 2004: 427-31. 15 Munroe 1901: 235. 16 Aksu 2003: 10. 17 Personal communication with the peasants living in the region. 18 Cf. Korfmann 2003: 431.

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Thuc. 4.52.3. See also Xen. Hellenika 2.1.10. Cf. Strabo 13.1.51. Korfmann 2004, 427-38. 11 Iliad 23 110-120. Meiggs 1982: 108. 12 Rostovtzeff 1923: 365. 13 Strabo 13.1.5. 10

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Starr, C. (1977) The economic and social growth of early Greece, 800-500 B.C. New York, Oxford University Press.

Fig.1 Sarıçay (Rhodios), used to transport timbers.

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Virtual Reconstruction of an Ancient Site : Ephesus Baki Koyuncu and Erkan Bostancı Ankara University, Computer Engineering Department, Ankara Turkey [email protected], [email protected]

rotates the given profile around a boundary (i.e. square, circle etc.) to get a 3D object. Figure 5.

Introduction Nowadays, with the developments in software engineering such as modeling tools or new Internet concepts such as Shockwave, or Flash, virtual reality applications are becoming more popular. Using these tools, developers are building virtual environments in which users can navigate interactively, having the illusion that they are in the real 3D world.

Buildings such as houses are created using the extrude modifier. Initially lines are drawn at the top view which shows the walls of the building. They are later extruded to get solid walls. Figure 6. Boolean subtraction method was utilized to create the building windows and doors. Window and door profiles were created first on 3D objects and these profiles were subtracted from the walls as in Figure 7.

Turkey is one of those fortunate countries that contains many historical sites (Çimrin 2004). Unfortunately most of the sites are in ruins today. Hence archaeologists must find a way to visualize them as they were in ancient times. 3D software modeling is the best technique to realize this visualization. Ancient ruins are slowly rebuilt with modeling programs under the supervision of expert archaeologists based on photographs.

Textures are applied to the models in order to get more realistic visual effect. These textures are obtained from the color photographs of the ruins in the guide books about the ancient site. After modeling the buildings one by one, the whole ancient city was reconstructed as in the original layout of the city.

In this study, 3D modeling and virtual tour implementation of ancient buildings will be presented. The ancient site of Ephesus is modeled in the study. There are over twenty main buildings in the city. The Grand Theatre and Gymnasium, Celsus Library and Commercial Agora and the Temple of Hadrian are a few of the outstanding ancient structures. These buildings are all reconstructed as shown in figures 1, 2 and 3 according to their original structures (taken from American Research Institute in Turkey-ARIT) (http://ccat.sas.upenn.edu/ARIT/).

Models were exported to Shockwave format for virtual navigation. This format was selected to present the reconstructed image for the internet. Lingo language was utilized for the user navigation. User navigation was utilized with camera transformations in xyz space. Arrows transform the camera to left, right, forward and backward. Keys “a” and “z” on the keyboard transform the camera up and down. The script below shows a typical program- ming example for this navigation: if pUpArrow then pCamera.translate(0,0,-3) For more realistic navigation in the reconstructed image Ray-casting technique was implemented (http://www.fbe.unsw.edu.au/Learning/Director/). With this feature of the software, the distance of the virtual camera from the object was detected and the navigation was stopped. Hence a virtual citizen i.e. a gladiator could only enter the buildings and walk inside or around the buildings and not go through the walls. Figure 8.

In the first part of the study, computer users see single models of the structures. In the second part, computer users have a virtual tour among the reconstructed ancient buildings. Finally the whole tour was placed on the internet and any body in the world can move among the reconstructed buildings and feel as if they were actually living in those days.

During the second part of the study Flash animated slideshows were created to display the specific information about the particular structure. Menu driven software that was integrated into 3D MAX was also developed to select the regions of the ancient site and tour inside. The development of all these was the main part of the study.

Development procedure 3D-MAX software program was employed to reconstruct the ancient ruins. Buildings are modeled according to their original structures. These models were prepared by the archaeologists. AUTOCAD program was also utilized as a modeling tool. This tool was used to draw 2D profiles of buildings and other structures such as columns as shown in Figure 4. These profiles were later exported to 3D MAX program. 3D objects are created using modifiers (Çelik 2005) such as bevel profile, which

All the 3D MAX preparations were initially rendered by the Shockwave software. Although Shockwave program was successful in 3D rendering, it was not designed for real time rendering of huge cities like Ephesus. A better graphics card such as FX4500 was introduced to increase the render capacity and a Polygon reduction method was 233

SOMA 2007 utilized to simplify the 3D Max images and in return reduced the render time.

Conclusion The study introduced in here will bring a new perspective to the usage of 3D modelling, although the technique is very detailed and time consuming. Hence many people may choose to use camera photographs and join them by various software methods. (Advanced computer games can be classified in this category and are produced only in a few places in the world.)

Results In this study the developed software helped the users to feel the atmosphere of ancient Ephesus. Some examples were presented in Figures 1, 2 and 3 here. A general view of the city around the Agora is given in Figure 9.

Current approaches in Turkey use photographs to simulate virtual tours. Users face some navigation constraints since they cannot move among real models. Virtual Ephesus uses 3D modeling with interactive navigation. This gives the user freedom where the user can enter into Grand Theatre, walk on the Curetes Street and see the Artemission – which, of course, was one of the seven wonders of the ancient world. Users who want to be ‘virtual pilgrims’ can visit the Church of Virgin Mary online.

The panoramic view of Ephesus as it is now is shown in Figure 10. Hence the user will be able to visualize the whole city and to focus on any part by just clicking the appropriate circle. An AVI movie was prepared to show the complete tour within the city. This movie also gives a general idea of the layout of the city and the locations of the buildings in ancient Ephesus. Users are able to select any part of the city or a building.

The study also brings new initiatives for world heritage. People used to travel long distances to see a particular ancient site, but now, with the help of the internet, they can walk along ancient city streets from the comfort of their own homes.

The reconstructed images of the buildings, roads and other architectural structures were brought together and the complete Ephesus city was generated. Users can employ the arrow keys on the keyboard to navigate, enter or exit the buildings. They are also able to use the mouse for rotation (not transformation) to the right and left. Movement around the images is possible by using the “a” and “z” keys, up and down. When the users press the “i” key in front of a building, building data is displayed as shown in Figure 11.

Virtual reconstruction idea must be one of the most entertaining ways of finding out about history, and will become a more permanent way of learning because users see exact architectural structures. References Çimrin, H. 2004 Ephesus - The Metropolis of the Antique Age Çelik, E. 2005 Visualization with 3ds Max 7

Figure 1. Grand Theatre, Gymnasium and Stadium

Figure 2. Celsus Library, Mithridates-Mazaeus Gate and Commercial Agora

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Figure 3. A view from the program, Hadrian Temple

Figure 4. Column profiles for Hadrian Temple

Figure 5. Using a profile to build a 3D object

Figure 6. Extruding the lines into 3D walls

Figure 7. Using Boolean subtraction to create windows on a building wall

Figure 8. Determine the distance of the camera from the object by Ray-casting.

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Figure 9. A general view of the city

Figure 10. Panoramic view of the city for single building navigation

Figure 11. Information display in front of the Celsus Library

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Defining the impact of interventions on the characteristics of the archaeological heritage of Antiquty located in rural landscapes1 Gökçe Şimşek Kuran Ph D Candidate, Middle East Technical University, Ankara, Türkiye, Architecture

Secondly, the concept of “change” and the main changing characteristics will be defined. These main characteristics are form, spatial characteristics, authenticity, values and information. Thirdly, the relationship between interventions and changing characteristics will be examined by considering change and its types. Fourthly, impacts will be defined. As a last issue, interventions will be evaluated as tools of changes.

Introduction Interventions are among the main tools for conserving immovable archaeological heritage and have been one of the most heavily researched issues in the field of conservation. There is an agreement that interventions are technical issues providing conservation and sustainability of heritage. Interventions range from maintenance, protective measures, consolidation to anastylosis, restoration, etc.

Interventions

The issues for archaeological heritage, including what to conserve, how to conserve, who make the decision, etc., are heavily debated. Considering immovable archaeological heritage (IAH) as defunct properties from the past, interventions have great influences on the characteristics of IAH in its new lifecycle. It is possible to state that the impacts of interventions generally appear as a change in the characteristics. Stasis referring to unchanged characteristics is not generally viewed. In this paper, the concept of “change” will be the main criterion for understanding and defining the impacts of interventions on the IAH’s characteristics. IAH being generally in a ruinous state and a fragmentary form prior to excavation is completely different from gathered components after implementation of some interventions.

Interventions define the main stages in the new lifecycle of IAH and mark turning points in some characteristics. Examining these interventions is didactic for understanding the changes and their outcomes. 2.1. Excavation: There is no doubt that excavation has been the main action of archaeology. In the field of archaeology, excavation is defined as one of the main way of accessing the past and gaining archaeological data (Roskams 2001:2; Carmichael, Lafferty, et al. 2003:32). From the viewpoint of the conservation discipline, archaeological excavations are explained as “any research aimed at the discovery of objects of archaeological character involves digging of the ground or systematic exploration of its surface…” (Recommendation on International Principles Applicable to Archaeological Excavations 1956: article 1). As a result, it is fact that excavation is the way of gaining material remains of past cultures and obtaining information by digging.

This paper attempts to investigate the impacts of interventions on immovable archaeological heritage of Antiquity located at rural areas considering the concept of “change”. IAH of Antiquity allowing implementation of various intervention types are selected for examining changes in the characteristics. The heritage located at rural areas allow us to examine changes without considering other impacts made in urban areas due to development, construction and other activities. From my point of view, the “intervention”1 denotes all types of intentional actions, which have direct effects on immovable material cultures of past societies. The interventions are classified into three main groups; the first, excavation; the second, conservation and the third, interpretation and presentation. The change will be explained in relation with which characteristics are altered, how they are altered and what the outcomes of these impacts are. The investigation is based on four stages. Firstly, the intervention types will be explained.

Conservation Interventions: Variety of interventions are implemented for conserving IAH. Interventions are explained from various viewpoints. From one viewpoint, they are defined as activities providing “... to preserve essential integrity of the cultural properties for future generations” (Feilden and Jokilehto 1998:59). In another viewpoint, interventions try to decelerate the deterioration processes (Stubbs 1995:73; Balderrama and Chiari 1995:103). In general, conservation interventions aim to provide survival of heritage by using a variety of techniques. They are classified into four groups; first, protective measures and consolidation;2 second, anastylosis;3 third, restoration4 and fourth, 5 reconstruction. 2 From my point of view, protective measures and consolidation refer to various treatments providing protection of IAH as found. 3 Here, anastylosis refers to a practice of gathering survived archaeological remains and placing them in their original location on the structure. 4 In this study, restoration refers to a type of conservation interventions based on scientific information and intends not only to protect physical

1

This paper presents a preliminary study on a part of a dissertation on interventions in immovable archaeological heritage of Antiquity located at rural areas conducted in the Restoration Doctorate Programme at the Middle East Technical University. 1 In the field of conservation, interventions generally refer to conservation treatments such as protective measure, consolidation, anastylosis, restoration and etc.

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SOMA 2007 Interpretation and presentation Interventions:6 Various explanations are given for interpretation and presentation. From a viewpoint, the past is continually constructed by individuals and groups, who choose to interact with it. This construction is created according to their own social position and mores (Stone and Planel 1999:1). From another viewpoint, every presentation and interpretation is based on interpretative choices (Sivan 1997:51-2). In general, the interventions are explained as the construction of the past by the one(s) dealing with it. It is a fact that all interventions have the aspect of interpretation and presentation. Although the initial aim of excavation and conservation interventions are not interpretation and presentation, they act as tools for interpretation and presentation. In this paper, interpretation and presentation interventions is classified into two main types; interventions directly aiming interpretation and presentation (interpretation and presentation as found) and interventions acting as a tool. The first type gives emphasis on presenting IAH as the witness and document of the past. The second type includes excavation, conservation interventions, reassembling7 and refunctioning.8

abundant researches on form. Ching explains that the visual properties of form include shape, size, color, texture and so on (Ching 1979:50-1). In general, the “form” means the appearance of something and the physical structure of a building In the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, many travelers visited archaeological sites due to their ruinous state and fragmentary form. In the travel accounts, IAH is generally described as ruins, remains and fragments. In his travel notes, Hawley explains the remains of Laodicea as “... fragments of a stone aqueduct …” (1918:189). As it is stated, IAH is generally in fragmentary form prior to any intervention. In my opinion, “form” is based on two criteria; the relationship between architectural elements and completeness. When the relationship between architectural elements is considered, IAH is composed of unconnected pieces, in other words fragmentary elements. The “completeness” is based on various criteria such as number of survived architectural elements, their physical state. In this study, it refers to two basic features; having almost all parts or elements, (lacking nothing) and having a smooth contour that defines or bounds the structure. Therefore, IAH is generally in fragmentary form and incomplete state prior to interventions.

Change and Changing Characteristics

Spatial Characteristics: The spatial characteristics of IAH changes in a great extent due to some interventions. In conservation, a method for studying spatial characteristics of IAH has not yet been applied. Definition of the spatial characteristics of a ruined structure such as a Nympheum, Heroon, Bouleterion is absolutely a complex phenomenon. The concept of “space” is generally studied in architecture. Saarinen questions the spatial characteristics of a ruined structure in terms of the Greek Temple. He concludes that the outside and inside of the Temple represent the spatial character of ruined structure (1948:246-8).

Definition The term “change” means to become different than what it used to be. In this paper, it refers to alteration of some characteristics of IAH, loss of some existing ones and addition of some new ones. Starting from excavation, the characteristics of IAH as dead properties are altered parallel to the interventions and, the change continues throughout IAH’s new lifecycle. Changing Characteristics of Immovable Archaeological Heritage

It is hard to define the spatial characteristics of IAH. From my point of view, it refers to horizontal and vertical relations between spaces and architectural productions of past cultures. It is defined with two dimensions; “horizontal spatial characteristics” and “vertical spatial characteristics”. The horizontal relations of spaces inside and outside the structure is defined as “horizontal spatial characteristics”. Overlapped architectural productions of different cultures being related with the multi-layered characteristics is defined as “vertical spatial characteristics”. It is a fact that “vertical spatial characteristics” exist prior to any excavation.

Interventions are one of the main factors of causing changes. Various characteristics of IAH are altered regarding the interventions. These interventions have major influences on the characteristics; form, spatial characteristics, authenticity, values and information. 3.2.a. Form: In the field of conservation, the concept of “form” is not generally studied with respect to IAH. In this study, it is defined in relation with the explanation given in the field of architecture, where there exist state of heritage but also reveal and upgrade some values by using both authentic and new materials. 5 Reconstruction is a specific type of conservation interventions, where immovable archaeological heritage is re-erected by inserting new materials without considering scientific information. It is based on speculative information. 6 The term “interpretation and presentation intervention” is not generally used. Here, the term “interpretation and presentation interventions” involves various treatments in order to tell a particular story on heritage based on the choices of the one(s) dealing with it. 7 Reassembling is gathering architectural elements of IAH separate from their original location. 8 Refunctioning is using IAH for the current purposes of contemporary society.

Authenticity: In the field of conservation, the concept of “authenticity” is a debated and complex issue. In general, it is accepted that authenticity “...must be considered and judged within the cultural contexts to which they belong” (Nara Document 1994: article 11). Therefore, the concept of “authenticity” will be defined according to Anatolian cultural context, current world view and technological developments.

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DEFINING THE IMPACTS OF INTERVENTIONS ON THE CHARACTERISTICS OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL HERITAGE OF ANTIQUTY functional14 values.

IAH acting as original and unique documents of past Anatolian cultural history are authentic in history. From the current world view, heritage is generally viewed as a source of economic prosperity due to their tourism potentials. The Antique heritage giving tremendous information on past architectural culture have considerable tourism potentials. On the other hand, there is enormous increase in the use of information and communication technologies. It is the time of "Information Age", in relation with general trend toward growing digital information. The production of digital information is spread over various fields, archaeology and conservation as well. This technology provides virtual reconstruction of IAH and allows accessibility of information from any remote location such as office and home. However, it does not provide perception of IAH in its authentic setting and, the information presented from the viewpoint of another person is selective.

3.2.e. Information: Conservation discipline puts great emphasis on sources of information and scientific information. It is mentioned that “all remains and objects, or any other traces of human existence, which bear witness to epochs and civilizations for which excavations and discoveries, are the main source or one of the main sources of scientific information…” (European Convention on the Protection of the Archaeological Heritage 1969: article 1). In the context of archaeological heritage of Antiquity, there are various sources of information such as the writings of history, literary works, evidences of archaeology, numismatics and sources of other ages as Crawford explains (1983: ix-x). The information given by IAH is about various subjects such as architecture, daily life, religion. In this context, the information is explained in terms of two dimensions. One of the main dimensions of information is its scientific character. Another dimension is the information content. In my opinion, information content includes two main characteristics of IAH; documentary and architectural. The architectural characteristics depend on design and function. Therefore, the changes in “information” will be examined in relation with scientific information and content of information.

In this context, the perception of actual IAH in its original setting and historical context becomes significant. Therefore, authenticity is initially related with the following criteria: material, history and setting. In addition, some interventions ensure revealing of some authenticity criteria; design and function. Therefore, the changes in authenticity will be examined in terms of the criteria; material, history, setting, design and function. 3.2.d. Values: In general, values are based on both knowledge and personal approval. Values are heavily studied in conservation. In the context of management guidelines for the World Heritage Sites, a systematic value system9 is developed in relation with the values influencing interventions (Jokilehto and Feilden 1998:1821). As Jokilehto and Feilden state, interventions cause loss of particular values (1998:59). However, it does not only include loss of some values, but also transformation and addition of certain values. In other words, interventions have various impacts on the values.

Relationship Between Interventions and the Characteristics of Immovable Archaeological Heritage The relationship is generally viewed in the form of “change”. Although the extent and type of change are based on various factors (not only interventions and their types), interventions have various potentials for causing changes and its types. The extent and type of change will be investigated in relation with the characteristics explained above. In general, insignificant and most significant remains are removed from the trench parallel to the excavation. In this study, this removal is not considered as a change. Refunctioning as an extension of conservation interventions have no direct effects on the form and spatial characteristics.

Variety of value systems are developed for archaeological heritage. The values of archaeological heritage located in the Mediterranean region are explained as aesthetic, historical, social, scientific, religious, economic, and educational (De la Torre and Mac Lean 1997:7-11). In this paper, the change will be defined for documentary,10 architectural,11 educational,12 socio-economic13 and

Interventions and Form When changes in the form of IAH are considered, it is necessary to investigate the relationship between architectural elements. Completeness based on various criteria such as quantity of survived elements, their potentials of gathering is not included for defining changes. The interventions propose two relationships between architectural elements of IAH; fragmentary (unconnected pieces) and integral form (gathered pieces). In this context, interventions cause two change types in the form of IAH; almost no change and change from fragmentary form to integral form.

9

This system includes two main value types; the first, cultural values (identity values, relative artistic value and rarity value) and the second, contemporary socio-economic values (economic, functional, educational, social and political values). 10 IAH being authentic documents and witnesses of the past has documentary value. 11 Architectural value is related with the reprsentativeness of IAH as an architectural production of Antiquity. 12 Archaeological heritage are unique sources of information on past cultures. Educational value is related with the potential of IAH to convey information to contemporary society. 13 Socio-economic values are related with contemporary society’s interest in IAH and use. They are not inherited. They are contributions of contemporary society to archaeological heritage.

14 Functional value refers to use of IAH for contemporary purposes by current society. The function can be an authentic function(s) or a new function.

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SOMA 2007 characteristics of IAH. The structure having small amount of original architectural elements can have threedimensional view by reconstruction. For instance, BathGymnasium Complex At Sardis, in which the plan scheme, facades, architectural elements and superstructure partially exist, has high spatiality level. Reconstruction has potential of offering horizontal spatial characteristics out of the limits of scientific information.

Almost No Change: Interpretation and presentation as found, protective measures and consolidation provide continuity in the fragmentary form and cause almost no change (Fig 1). Change from fragmentary form to integral form: Some interventions cause changes in unconnected pieces and, an integral form occurs by gathering architectural elements. The change appears as the loss of fragmentary form and, IAH gains an integral form. Anastylosis, restoration, reconstruction and re-assembling transform fragmentary form into integral form (Fig 2, Fig 3). While anastylosis, restoration, and re-assembling change the form within the limits of scientific information, reconstruction causes change based on speculativa information.

Loss of Vertical and Horizontal Spatial Characteristics: Re-assembling causes loss in the relationship between overlapped periods. Intervened IAH generally gives an impression of a building element such as a pediment, arch or etc. However, its relationship with other building elements and its surrounding are not given. Therefore, reassembling cause not only loss in vertical spatial characteristics but also in horizontal ones (Fig 6).

Interventions and Spatial Characteristics Interventions and Authenticity The interventions have various effects on the spatial characteristics. Prior to excavation, IAH generally has vertical spatial characteristics. The multi-layered characteristics are lost, when horizontal spatial characteristics occur. The interventions have the following impacts; no change, change from vertical spatial characteristics to horizontal spatial characteristics and loss of vertical and horizontal spatial characteristics.

Prior to excavation, IAH is generally authentic in history and material. The changes in authenticity in history and material vary in relation with the intervention types. These changes are as follows; no change, change from authenticity in history to authenticity in design, addition of authenticity in function and loss in authenticity: No change: Excavation, interpretation and presentation as found, protective measures and consolidation maintain authenticity in history and material. In other words, there is no change (Fig 1).

No change: Excavation, protective measures and consolidation, interpretation and presentation as found always maintain vertical spatial characteristics. Change in horizontal spatiality does not occur. Therefore, these interventions do not cause any change in the spatial characteristics (Fig 1).

Change from authenticity in history to authenticity in design: Anastylosis, restoration and re-assembling cause loss in authenticity in history and provide authenticity in design. Therefore, transformation from authenticity in history to authenticity in design occurs. In relation with change in authenticity in material and setting, the interventions show different characteristics. Reassembling provides only authenticity in design. Authenticity in material and setting are lost. These interventions are categorized into two groups; first, interventions providing authenticity in material and setting; second, those providing authenticity in setting (Fig 4, Fig.5).

Change from vertical spatial characteristics to horizontal spatial characteristics: Anastylosis, restoration and reconstruction have the potential of causing this change. As a result, an ancient structure is partially re-erected. In some cases, the plan scheme, plan organization, dimensions and some architectural elements are generally given with anasylosis and restoration. In other cases, anastylosis and restoration provide a (partial) picture and, the impression of an ancient structure is given. However, the picture does not always give reliable information. The reliability of information changes in relation with the intervention types. Therefore, the change will be categorized into two groups; spatial characteristics changing within the limits of scientific information and those changing out of the limits of scientific information.

Authenticity in material and setting: Only anastylosis provides authenticity in design, material and setting. Authenticity in setting: Restoration distinguished from anastylosis in insertion of new material causes loss in authenticity in material. Therefore, while authenticity in design and setting continue, authenticity in material is lost.

Changing within the limits of scientific information: Anastylosis and restoration change and elevate spatial characteristics of IAH within the limits of scientific information. For instance, in the Celsus Library at Ephesus, there is change from vertical spatial characteristics to horizontal. The facade, approximate height and its impression at the site are given according to scientific information (Fig 4, Fig.5).

Addition of Authenticity in Function: In some cases, refunctioning provides use of Ancient structure in its original function. In this case, IAH gain authenticity in function. This gain occurs independent from changes in authenticity in history and material (Fig 7).

Changing out of the limits of scientific information: Reconstruction offers various levels in the spatial

Loss of Authenticity in History, Material, Design and 240

DEFINING THE IMPACTS OF INTERVENTIONS ON THE CHARACTERISTICS OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL HERITAGE OF ANTIQUTY Setting: Reconstruction causes loss of authenticity in history and material. An architectural design based on speculative information does not provide authenticity in design and setting. Therefore, change is the loss of authenticity (Fig 7).

Interventions and Information The relationship between interventions and information varies. The interventions have two main impacts on information; no change and changes from archaeological information to historical or architectural information.

Interventions and Values No change: Excavation, interpretation and presentation as found, protective measures and consolidation almost maintain the content of information. Intervened IAH still gives scientific information. Therefore, these interventions do not cause changes in information (Fig 1).

The relationship between interventions and values is a reciprocal interaction, not a one-way. Values generally change with interventions. Prior to excavation, the most dominant value is documentary value. The interventions cause various changes in documentary value. The changes are as follows: the first, no change; the second, continuity of documentary value and addition of socioeconomic and educational values and the third, change from documentary value to other values, the forth, addition of functional value and the fifth, loss of change.

Changes from archaeological information to historical or architectural information: IAH is a unique source of archaeological information prior to any interventions. The content of information changes in relation with some interventions. While some interventions generate change within the limits of scientific information, some other cause changes based on speculative information. Therefore, the change in information will be examined in terms of scientific information (Fig 2, Fig 3).

No change: IAH having documentary value maintains its values after excavation, protective measures and consolidation. Apart from removal of some remains attributed as insignificant and significant, IAH sustains its documentary value. Therefore, these interventions do not cause change in documentary value (Fig 1).

Change within the scientific information: The archaeological information is lost after excavation. IAH mainly has the potential to give information in terms of history and/or architecture. While IAH gains architectural information on design through anastylosis and restoration, it gains historical information through protective measures and consolidation. On the other hand, refunctioning provide information on function. As a result, the interventions cause considerable changes in the content of information. In this change, the common issue is the loss of archaeological information and providing historical and/or architectural information.

Continuity of documentary value and addition of socioeconomic and educational values: Interpretation and presentation as found provides sustainability of documentary value. Interpretation and presentation of IAH as the document of past gives information on cultural history. Therefore, IAH gains educational value in terms of cultural history. The intervention providing accessibility to contemporary society gains socioeconomic values. Therefore, the change is the gain without loss (Fig 1).

Changes from archaeological information to architectural information out of the limits of scientific information: Reconstruction transforms historical information into architectural information. However, it is not an accurate architectural information. In this case, change involves loss of scientific information.

Changes from documentary value to other value types: Some interventions cause the loss of the documentary value and the addition of new values. The type of new values varies in relation with the intervention type. While some IAH gain architectural value through some interventions, some others gain socio-economic and educational values. Anastylosis, restoration, reconstruction and re-assembling providing re-erection cause loss in documentary value. At the same time, anastylosis and restoration provide architectural value. Interpretation and presentation interventions gain socioeconomic values and educational value. In this context, it is possible to state that some interventions cause transformation by loosing existing values and adding new ones (Fig 4, Fig.5).

Impacts of Interventions The interventions have various impacts on the characteristics of IAH. While the characteristics of IAH are generally changed, a few of the characteristics are not changed through interventions. The type of changes vary from intervention to intervention. The change types and influences of interventions on the characteristics of IAH are explained below.

Addition of functional value: Refunctioning allowing use of IAH for contemporary purposes provides functional value (Fig.7).

Change Types Interventions cause three main types of change in the characteristics of IAH and, these changes are loss, transformation and addition.

Loss of documentary values: Reconstruction providing re-erection of IAH causes loss of documentary value without adding architectural value (Fig 7).

Loss: In some cases, change appears as a loss of some characteristics. For instance, spatial characteristics are 241

SOMA 2007 lost through re-assembling and, authenticity is lost through reconstruction.

economic values are strengthen through insertion of IAH into current life of contemporary society.

Transformation: It is the loss of some existing characteristics and the addition of new characteristics and meanings. It is the most common change type. Anastylosis, restoration, reconstruction and re-assembling cause transformation. The content of transformation can vary in relation with the type of intervention. In case of transformation, reliability of information is crucial. It is possible to classify transformation into two: transformations occurring within the limits of scientific information and those occurring out of the limits of scientific information. While anastylosis, restoration and re-assembling propose transformations based on scientific information, reconstruction offers transformation based on speculative information.

To summarize, some interventions sustain in-situ characteristics and, some others cause considerable changes. Excavation, interpretation and presentation as found, protective measures and consolidation are the interventions causing almost no change. IAH sustaining its in-situ characteristics acts as the document and witness of the past. It maintains its identity including the traces and evidences of its existence. Anastylosis and restoration cause considerable changes due to transformation. Apart from other interventions, reconstruction is the only one causing change out of the limits of scientific information. Re-assembling also cause considerable changes by partially presentation separate from original setting. Refunctioning is the only intervention, which provides new function.

Addition: Some interventions add new characteristics. For instance, socio-economic and educational values as new characteristics are addition of interpretation and presentation interventions. Therefore, some changes appear as an addition of new characteristics.

Conclusion Finally, the interventions make various impacts on the characteristics of Antique immovable archaeological heritage. Change is the common type of impact and, stasis is rare. The influence of interventions should be viewed as a relationship between loss and gain. Change, as the outcome of interventions, is inevitable. In this context, the key point considered is the reliability of change. The interventions should bring reliable changes in order not to mislead.

Influences of Interventions The influences of interventions and its extent varies from intervention to intervention. Five main influences are as follows: No change (no loss and gain): Excavation, protective measures and consolidation do not cause any change on the characteristics of IAH.

This paper proves that in contrast to the general viewpoint, interventions are not only technical issues. They can be defined as tools of changes shaping characteristics of IAH in its new lifecycle. Not only are the appearance of IAH shaped, but also new meanings and values are added through interventions. From another viewpoint, IAH, whose appearance and meanings are shaped and framed through interventions, create the past in the present. To conclude, interventions are not only technical issues, but also tools of shaping characteristics of IAH in its new lifecycle and creating the past in the present.

No change in existing characteristics & addition of new characteristics (gain without loss): Interpretation and presentation as found provides sustainability of existing characteristics, form, spatial characteristics, authenticity, values and information. In addition, it adds new values such as socio-economic values and educational value. Transformation of all characteristics (gain with loss): Anastylosis and restoration cause transformation of existing characteristics into new ones. IAH gains new appearance and meanings through these interventions.

Bibliography Balderrama, A.A. and G. Chiari (1995) Protection and Presentation of Excavated Structures. IN: Stanley Price, N.P. ed., Conservation on Archaeological Excavations with Particular Reference to the Mediterranean Area. 2nd ed. Rome, ICCROM, 10112. Carmichael, D.L., R.H. Lafferty III and B.L. Molyneaux eds. (2003) Excavation. Oxford, Altamira Press. Ching, F.D.K. (1979) Architectura: Form, Space and Order. New York,, Van Nostrand Reinhold Company. Crawford, M. (1983) Introduction. IN: Crawford, M. Ed., Sources for Ancient History. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, ix-xi. De la Torre, M. and Mac Lean, M. (1997) The archaeological heritage in the Mediterrenean Region. IN: De la Torre, M. ed., Conservation of

Transformation of some characteristics and loss of some others (gain with loss+loss): Reconstruction and re-assembling cause this type of change. Reconstruction provides transformation of form and spatial characteristics. In addition, authenticity, values and scientific information are lost. On the other hand, reassembling causes transformation of form, authenticity, values and information. The spatial characteristics are lost through this transformation. Addition of the new characteristic, function, (gain): Re-functioning adds new characteristics without influencing existing characteristics. Function, as another architectural characteristic, is added through refunctioning. While functional value is added, socio242

DEFINING THE IMPACTS OF INTERVENTIONS ON THE CHARACTERISTICS OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL HERITAGE OF ANTIQUTY Conservation on Archaeological Excavations with Particular Reference to the Mediterranean Area. 2nd ed. Rome, ICCROM, 73-89. European Convention on the Protection of the Archaeological Heritage (1969) The Council of Europe's treaties [Internet] . Available from: [Accessed 25 February, 2007] Recommendation on International Principles Applicable to Archaeological Excavations (1956) ICAHM (International Committee on Archaeological Heritage Management), ICOMOS [Internet]. Available from:

[Accessed 12 February, 2007] The Nara Document on Authenticity (1994) ICOMOS [Internet]. Available from: [Accessed 3 February, 2007]

Archaeological Sites in the Mediterranean Region. Los Angeles, The J. Paul Getty Trust, 5-14. Feilden, B.M. and J. Jokilehto eds. (1998) Management Guidelines for World Cultural Heritage Sites. Second Edition. Rome, ICCROM. Hawley, W.A. (1918) Asia Minor. London, John Lare the Bodley Head. Roskams, S. (2001) Excavation. Cambridge, New York, Cambridge University Press. Saarinen, E. (1969) Search for Form: A Fundamental to Art. Port Washington, N.Y./London, Kennikat Press. Sivan, R. (1997) The Presentation of Sites. IN: De la Torre, M. ed., Conservation of Archaeological Sites in the Mediterranean Region. Los Angeles, The J. Paul Getty Trust, 51-9. Stone, P.G. and Planel, P. G. (1999) Introduction. IN: Stone, P.G. and P.G. Planel eds., The constructed past : experimental archaeology, education, and the public. London, New York, Routledge. Stubbs, J.H. (1995) Protection and Presentation of Excavated Structures. IN: Stanley Price, N.P. ed.,

Fig 1: The Appollo Temple after intervened through protective measures and consolidation, Didyma (Nauman, fig.18)

Fig 2: The so-called Trajan Temple before conservation intervention, Ephesus (Wiplinger & Wlach 1995, fig. 88).

Fig 4: Overlapped elements of the Celsus Library and the Parthian reliefs used for transforming Roman Library into the Byzantine Fountain, Ephesus (Wiplinger & Wlach 1995, fig. 39).

Fig 3: The so-called Trajan Temple after implementation of conservation intervention, Ephesus (Wiplinger & Wlach 1995, fig. 97).

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Fig 5: Celsus Library after restoration (Wiplinger & Wlach 1995, fig. 169).

Fig 6: Re-assembled architectural elements of the south pediment of the Trajan Temple, Pergamon (Nohlen 1999 v.3, fig.18).

Fig 7: Theater after reconstruction, Metropolis (Meriç 2003, pp.80-81).

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Preliminary Spatial-Functional Analysis of the NE Building in the Middle Assyrian Fortress at Tell Sabi Abyad, Syria Piotr Kurzawski Institute of Prehistory, Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań, Poland [email protected]

Late Bronze Age / Iron Age I occupation is almost entirely connected with the presence of Assyrians at Tell Sabi Abyad. However, the archaeologists found in several places the traces of earlier occupation, dated probably to the early 14th century BC, the period of Mitannian supremacy in Syrian Jezireh.

Introduction Tell Sabi Abyad (Fig. 1) is located in northern Syria, about 80 km from the modern town Raqqa and about 30 km from the Syro-Turkish border, in the upper part of Balikh valley. The name of the site refers to not only the main mound but also to three other small mounds situated nearby. Together they form a cluster of sites Tell Sabi Abyad. Contrary to nowadays appearance, Tell Sabi Abyad is not in fact one coherent mound but a complex mound consisting of at least four single mounds. That was the situation during prehistoric periods. New inhabitants, who settled at the site in late 2nd millennium BC, largely transformed the tell mainly by filling up the depressions between the mounds.

Middle Assyrian period at Tell Sabi Abyad commences during the reign of Tukulti-Ninurta I (1233-1197 BC), somewhere around 1225 BC. In the framework of strengthening their position on the frontier with the Hititte Empire, the Assyrians founded a fortified farmstead (dunnu) at the top of the mound.5 Dunnu at Tell Sabi Abyad I belonged to a secondary branch of the Assyrian royal family. Members of this family: Aššur-iddin, Šulmānu-mušabši and Ilī-padâ, bore the titles of ‘grand vizier’ and ‘king of Khanigalbat’. They governed a province of Khanigalbat. Instead of frequently absent owner, the fortress was administered by stewards: Manu-kî-Adad, Buriya and Tamitte.6

A complete area of the site at its base measures about 4.1 ha. The height of the mound is estimated at ca. 10 m.1 First excavations in the Balikh Valley were conducted by Max Mallowan in the late 1930’s. Mallowan found remains from various archaeological periods (Mallowan 1946). Among few archaeological investigations conducted later in the Balikh Valley, two surveys should be mentioned: of J. Cauvin in 1969, and of P. Sanlaville in 1978. They showed the significance of the Balikh Valley in ancient times.2

In history of Middle Assyrian settlement at Tell Sabi Abyad, two periods could be distinguished. Almost all texts come from the first period of its significant importance, which corresponds to levels 6 and 5. It lasted from ca. 1225 BC, through the reigns of Tukulti-Ninurta I, Aššur-nādin-apli (1196-1194 BC), Aššur-nīrārī III (1193-1188 BC) and Enlil-kudurri-usur (1187-1183 BC), until ca. 1180 BC. It lost its representative function due to taking the Assyrian throne by Ninurta-apil-Ekur, son of Ilī-padâ. First period corresponds to building levels 6-5. During the second period (ca. 1180 -1125 BC), which corresponds to levels 4 and 3, Assyrian settlement at Tell Sabi Abyad was only non-fortified farmstead of limited significance.7

In 1981 University of Amsterdam archaeological project in the Balikh Valley was commenced under direction of Maurits Van Loon and Diederik Meijer. The project focused on Tell Hammam et-Turkman and its Middle Bronze Age layers.3 On behalf of this project a survey of the valley was carried out in 1983.4 The excavations at Tell Sabi Abyad were initiated in 1986 by a mission of National Museum of Antiquities (RMO) in Leiden under direction of Peter Akkermans. The project is conducted in cooperation of University of Leiden. The excavations have brought an evidence of occupational layers and architectural remains from the Late Neolithic (ca. 6800-5800 BC) in 5 operations on the slopes of the mound, and the end of the Late Bronze Age and the beginning of the Iron Age I (ca. 1225-1125 BC) at the top of the tell.

More than 400 tablets and envelopes were found at the site. Approximately a quarter of texts was more or less completely preserved. Eight ‘archives’ (concentrations of texts) with considerable numbers of found tablets were identified in the stronghold. Majority of texts concerns daily administration of the dunnu: giving out rations, the deliveries of grain and seed corn, the management of the fields, the brewing of beer, and settling quarrels. From cuneiform texts we know that

1

Akkermans 1989b, Verhoeven 1999: 4 Akkermans 1989a 3 Van Loon and Meijer 1988 4 Akkermans 1984 2

5 6 7

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SOMA 2007 the region was inhabited by un-free serfs and free-born Assyrians. Both populations are estimated for about 450 individuals. Some part of people lived outside main fortress, in neighbouring farmsteads. Apart of agricultural and administrative centre of the region, its military functions, the dunnu served as a kind of ‘customs house’ due to favourable location.8

Architecture, Spatial Organisation and Social Structure of a Late Bronze Age Settlement in Syria. Analysed building is situated in the north-eastern part of the Middle Assyrian fortress, to the north of major fortress construction – the tower (Figs. 2,3). The walls of the building were abutting to the fortress enclosing wall. The building was called ‘office’ by the excavators because of large number of tablets with cuneiform texts found there.

Sabi Abyad ceramic assemblage mainly represents standard Middle Assyrian repertoire, although some specific characteristics were observed.9 Among abundant ground-stone artefacts, especially interesting are basalt grinders in the form of schematic human figures, called stone-spirits and widely known from older and contemporary sites in various regions of the Near East. Another rather numerous category were metal objects predominantly made of bronze but iron, lead and gold items were recovered too. So far, the excavators found 19 stone and clay cylinder seals and more than 170 sealings.10

Applied method is based on various works, both theoretical and case studies, concerning spatial organisation and spatial analysis.13 The method consists of three analyses: architectural, access and context. Architectural analysis The architectural analysis of the building consists of description of architectural features according to particular building levels and strata. This description includes type of building material and type of masonry. The analysis focus especially on the rebuildings.

At the beginning (level 6; Fig. 2) the fortress enclosure, measuring approximately 60 by 60 m, was not only surrounded by a defensive wall but there was a dry moat as well, which encompassed an area ca. 80 by 80 m. Enwalled area was composed of centrally located tower, monumental building in the western part called the palace and restricted number of other buildings. The tower surely served mainly for military purposes including housing a garrison and imprisonment of detainees, although ground floor findings indicate a storage and domestic functions as well. The palace was constructed in tripartite plan with large central hall and two rows of almost identical rooms, including toilets, on both sides. The area between the moat and the fortress was gradually filled by houses, workshops, ovens and other domestic installations. Pottery production seems to concentrate to the east of the stronghold.11

There were several phases of rebuilding and use during analysed period of levels 6-5. Major changes are connected with a transition between level 6 and 5, while minor correspond to the sublevels and strata. Level 6 is subdivided in two sublevels: 6B and 6A. Two phases could be distinguished within sublevel 6A. Only sublevel 5B is attested in the NE buiding area. Two phases could be distinguished within this sublevel. The oldest part of the building (level 6B; Fig. 4) was constructed against the north-eastern corner of the fortress defensive wall. Its lay-out was rectangular. The building consisted of three rooms: R1, R2 and R3. It seems that all of them were separated from each other. All three cells had a direct access to an open area at the front of an entrance to the tower. R1 was also connected with the outside of the fortress. R2 and R3 had one doorway, while R1 three. The doorways were located regularly. The outside doorway was located not-randomly as well: on the same axis as one of southern doorways. Taking into consideration that both constructions were arched, these passageways play a crucial role in building organisation.

The whole settlement was renovated and rebuilt about 1200 BC (level 5; Fig. 3). The moat went out of use. Most of outer constructions was demolished due to prepare a space for construction of new defensive wall. The fortress not only expanded to the north, but also its interior was densely built upon by construction of new buildings or enlargement of already existing. The old gateway in the centre of northern wall was closed and an access was removed to the north-west The installations and the workshops, previously situated outside the fortress, were removed to its interior.12

All walls were made of mudbricks, predominant building material through whole settlement history in all areas. The northern wall, which served also as fortress outer wall, was a double wall. Three buttresses were partly separating the areas next to particular rooms. The builders usually plastered the walls using a mud plaster.

Analysis of the NE building This analysis was carried out in the framework of PhD project An Assyrian Outpost at Tell Sabi Abyad:

We do not have much evidence concerning the floors because they were reached only in two areas: in eastern part of R1 and in R3. Both seem to be the loam floors,

8

Akkermans and Wiggermann in press Duistermaat 2007: 260 10 Akkermans and Wiggermann in press 11 Akkermans in press, Akkermans and Wiggermann in press 12 Akkermans in press; Akkermans and Wiggermann in press 9

13

Hodder and Orton 1976; Clarke ed. 1977; Gnivecki 1983; Hillier and Hanson 1984; Kent ed. 1987, 1990; Stone 1987; Keith 1999, Verhoeven 1999, Brusasco 1999/2000

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PRELIMINARY SPATIAL-FUNCTIONAL ANALYSIS OF THE NE BUILDING IN THE MIDDLE ASSYRIAN FORTRESS Some installations, except already mentioned the staircases and toilet, were found in the walled courtyard. There were two hearths, one circular oven (1,3 m of diameter) made of half-mudbricks and the kiln (2,25 x 1,45 m), which consisted of fire chamber and arched superstructure.

although some mudbricks were found in part of R1, next to the outside doorway. It is difficult to state whether the whole surface in this room was covered by mudbricks or only part of it. The state of evidence on the floors obviously influence on our knowledge about free-standing constructions. There was a mudbrick platform (1 x 0,5 x 0,1 m) in the northeastern corner of R1.

Transition from level 6A to level 5B is marked by significant changes, rebuildings and renovations in the whole settlement. A relocation of main entrance to the fortress influenced a lot on the NE building: it occurred then far from the access to the outside.

During next period – level 6A– the building expanded significantly to the north, outside the fortress proper and to the south-east. A sequence of changes within this particular period is quite complex, which reflects probably its length.

One of the most rebuilt areas of the settlement was the NE building. It shows two general level 5 tendencies: an expansion to the north and the condensation of space inside the fortress, which means a significant reduction of open areas for new structures or enlargements of already existing. The building enlarged to the north-east, where earlier structures, were demolished and levelled, and to the south-west at the expense of open area at the front of the tower entrance. In both cases two extra rooms (R6, R7, R10, R11) were constructed.

It seems that firstly (early phase of level 6A; Fig. 6) some modifications were provided to the north-east of the fortress outer wall in order to build the staircases connecting the building with its upper story. New wall was added against the former fortress outer wall, new doorway and other walls to create long narrow corridor leading to the east, to one of the staircases. The second one was located just next to the entrance to this corridor. Simultaneously, R4 was added against eastern part of R1’s southern wall. New structure’s western wall partly blocked one of the entrances to R1. These rebuildings were contemporaneous to the construction of walled courtyard (WC) to the north-west of the fortress, which could have been connected with R1 by new doorway through former fortress outer wall. The situation in the north-eastern corner of the building is very unclear.

Similarly to level 6A, two phases could be distinguished within level 5B period, although some new architecture found can not be assigned to any phase. We can assign to early phase (Fig. 10) without any doubt a construction of a new outer wall in the north-east, which created a new rectangular R6 and enclosed cesspit (cesspit R7) connected with the bathroom. New drain was cut in outer wall, which was leading to a gutter outside the fortress. A doorway was opened in the eastern perpendicular wall to have an access to the cesspit room for cleaning purposes. Next to the doorway a step of bricks was laid. During level 5B early phase R1 was divided in two parts (R12, R13) by semi-partition wall, as well as RB, which after division into two rooms was called ‘two-roomed building’ (R7, R8).

Whatever the reason for building of the staircases, they were closed and rebuilt probably short after (Fig. 8). This area turned into bathroom space. The doorway was once again relocated. Constricted corridor was now leading to the west, to the bathroom R5. A niche for a toilet was cut into new northern outer wall and a drain connecting with a cesspit outside the building as well. Walled courtyard (WC) became a roofed building (RB). Its northern wall was strengthened by new wall founded against it. Perhaps main purpose of this construction was a prevention of a wall collapse.

Late phase of level 5B (Fig. 12) is marked by several events. In the north-eastern area, a doorway was cut in the outer wall, which gave a connection with the outside. Interestingly, R6 was not still linked with the rest of the building. Most eastern part of R13 was blocked by a partition wall, which was erected just next to the corridor C2 entrance. This event probably happened at the very end of the period and could be contemporaneous to a blocking of a doorway of R12. Possibly also two-roomed building (R8, R9) was blocked.14

Characteristic for level 6A phases was a relocation of the doorways and a strengthening of former fortress outer wall (its width ranged ca. 2,8 m), which in fact had not already served as defensive wall. This could be explained by the construction of upper story (UP). Other newly constructed walls differed significantly in terms of their width (1,1-1,8 m). Apart common mudbricks, baked bricks were used as well. That is the case of the bathroom (R5). Moreover, they were covered with bitumen to make them waterproof.

Among building activities assigned only generally to level 5B were those creating new room R10 to the southwest of R2. R10’s shape (slightly L-shape) was certainly caused by local conditions, for a silo structure adjacent to the tower15 limited much the space. Apart of a doorway connection with R2, it had a small doorway linking with new R11 to the east and most likely through it with the

Various types of floor assigned to level 6A were exposed in the building. Floor of roofed building (RB) contained mud and lime, while mudbrick floor was found in the entrance room to the corridor C1 (early phase). The archaeologists found the traces of floor covered with small stones in R1.

14 15

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SOMA 2007 outside. It is possible that another doorway, to the west, existed at the beginning of period and was blocked later on. The evidence from southern part of the building is very limited. We can only say that a new R11 was put inbetween R4 and new R10. It served probably as a kind of new hall, because whole circulation with other rooms was organised through it. R11 could have one or two doorways to the outside. R4 was most probably closed. We do not know where exactly it happened but it could be contemporary to other closings and blockings (presumably very end of the period). The situation in the eastern part of the building is again very unclear. Although, all rooms had been already blocked or were blocked in level 5B period, a room in the north-eastern corner was used as a bathroom. It seems that it was accessed from the upper part, most probably from wall tower situated to the north of it.

connected one to each other. The hypothesis that there was a linkage between central and eastern room has not been proven. Only R1 with two entrances from the tower side and one from the outside of fortress, is transitional. The passage through this room could have been an alternative to main fortress gateway, especially that both transitional doorways were arched. During the early phase of level 6A (Figs. 6,7) the access arrangement became more complex. Apart of easily accessible areas, like R2, R1 and R3 (first degree of accessibility), there were also more controlled areas – a corridor C1 leading to two staircases (second and third degree), the upper story UP (third and fourth) and possibly walled courtyard WC (second). R1 have lost its role as a transition between the area outside the fortress and the inside but it remained the main room of the building, for a passage to the corridor and perhaps to the walled courtyard also was organised through it. Eastern part of the building was completely detached from the other parts.

One of the thickest walls in the settlement was strengthened outer wall measuring totally ca. 3,2 m. The width of other newly erected walls differs considerably one to each other and between different parts of these walls (0,4-1,05 m). Like in previous phases, mudbrick was predominant building material and the only exception concerns naturally the bathroom.

The access system through late phase of level 6A (Figs. 8,9) was deprived of connections to the upper story. The way to newly constructed bathroom R5 (third degree) was rotated in comparison to earlier existing staircases, which together with the narrowing of the corridor C2, gave an impression of more isolated structure. The connection to former walled courtyard (WC), which turned into roofed building (RB), have been confirmed at that time.

There were various types of floor: ordinary mud floors, pebble floors (R8, R9 and R11), plastered floor (three layers of mud plaster in R13) and mudbrick floor (cesspit R7). Floor layers were not homogenous. Most spectacular installations of level 5B were the ovens in R10. They were placed in special niches against the southern and northern walls.

Early phase of level 5B (Figs. 10,11) was a ‘pinnacle’ in a complexity of access arrangements. Addition of new hall R11 to south of former R1 and division of the latter into two rooms (R12, R13) caused that the degree of accessibility arose to fifth. Another isolated area (fourth degree) was R8. There were at least two, perhaps even three, high transitional rooms (R12, R11 and presumably R10), each with at least three connections with other areas.

No layers assigned to BL 5A were found in the area of the NE building. The evidence from other parts of the settlement indicate for a period of crisis of unknown duration. The heaps of grain discovered in the palace indicate that it lost its representative function and turned into sort of storage building. The crisis period ends with a conflagration of large part of the fortress. It is believed that these major shifts were connected with the death of Ilī-padâ and subsequent events in Assyrian history.16

Late phase of level 5B (Figs. 12,13) is marked by growing segmentation of the building caused by series of blockings in various areas. The central part of the building composed of R12, R13, R5, C2, R8 and R9. Perhaps, R8 and R9 were closed too. Other single areas were closed as well, like R4 and most eastern part of R13. It seems that at least considerable part of NE building went out of use at the end of level 5B.

Access analysis The access analysis is based on architectural plans of the building and access graphs in different phases. The graphs attempt to save emplacement of structures within the building. In case of problematic assignments of new structures to particular phase within one sublevel, the graphs of both periods include their representations, thus they do not have to totally reflect real sequence of events.

Context analysis Most of floor contexts, which could be used in context analysis come from level 5B. There is little evidence on secure floor contexts from earlier periods.

The access arrangement of NE building in the oldest level 6B phase is very simple (Figs. 4,5). All three rooms had the first degree of accessibility (R3’s doorway was blocked in the meantime). However, they were not 16

Analysing artefacts occurrence, we could preliminarily assign some of their categories to certain activities. Six activities are certainly represented among categories of artefacts: food preparation/processing, cooking,

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storage,

administration

and

potter’s

The most important thing at this stage of study is to find the function or the functions of the building and of particular rooms. Frequent changes in building lay-out may indicate that this function fluctuated. The segmentation of the building, understood as an opposition of integration, is present from the early beginning, could have been caused by multi-functional character of the building.

Most of ceramic vessels were practically multifunctional and could have served for different activities as food processing, consumption, dry and liquid storage. Some examples of these vessels were carinated, straight-sided and deep bowls, frequently found in the NE building floor contexts. Among very few functionally specialised vessels were cooking pots made of coarse wares. They occured in great abundance in almost all rooms17, which confirms the identification of R10 as the kitchen and indicates communal character of whole building.

At the beginning (level 6B), we deal with simple structure abutted to the north-eastern corner of the fortress. R1 seem to play the crucial role, not only because of the strategic location. It seems that it was designed as a hall, transitional room. It is confirmed by three doorways linking with the outside, especially the two arched marking another way out of the fortress.

Various types of grinding stones are the objects indicative for food preparation. Considerable number of grinding stones, mainly grinders, pestles and slabs, comes from R12 and R13 (level 5B late phase), R8 and R9, and R2. Interestingly, they are virtually absent in R10 floor context (kitchen area).

Although this passage was closed in subsequent phase (level 6A early pahse), the role of R1 as a place distributing the circulation inside the building did not change. The most significant event of that time was a construction of an upper story UP, for it transformed the scale of whole structure.

Administration activities are reflected in such categories of artefacts like tablets, envelopes, sealings and jar stoppers. Two areas: level 5B floors in R8 and R9, and in R10 were especially rich in the first category of objects. Some tablets were found also in R12, R13 and R2. The problematic thing appears whether these tablets originally came from these areas. In the case of tablets from R8 and R9, as mentioned before, it is highly probable, whereas kitchen provenience of tablets found in R10 is doubtful. Some tablets were considerably damaged and fragmented and the area most probably was not roofed. The tablets could have fallen from upper story.18

I do not think that the upper story went out of use in the next phase, however since the staircases were blocked and rebuilt, the way how the access to the upper story was organised became obscure. Perhaps, it was removed to the NE corner of the building, where most probably in that time, a wall tower was constructed. Newly built bathroom R5 indicate for both growing significance of the building and its communal character, for these types of constructions are known in the settlement either from residential structures either from communal areas. Continued expansion of the building is confirmed by an annexation of former walled courtyard, a potter’s activity area. This phase seem to introduce major shift in building’s history, associated with the transition between level 6 and 5.

Potter’s workshop was functioning through early phase of level 6A in the walled courtyard WC before it turned into roofed building RB. Such designation is proved by the presence of complex pottery kiln, potter’s tool found inside this structure and pottery slag uncovered inside and next to the kiln.

Early level 5B plan is the most elaborated. Big kitchen in R10, new hall R11 some large vessels in R13 and the bathroom R5 may be ‘the puzzles’ in new image of the building of rather communal structure. The point of main circulation control was moved to the new hall (R11). Undoubtedly, considerable number of people at least worked in this building. The researchers suppose that the building served as the barracks for Assyrian soldiers.19 Parallel, we have got an evidence of administration conducted in the building. Moreover, the texts found on the kitchen floor, indicate that the building served as an office for the brewer Silli-Ištar-Nabula. They do even call it ‘the house of the brewer Silli-Ištar-Nabula’ (Akkermans 2006, Akkermans and Wiggermann in press). Brewery itself was not identified yet, however since no traces were found, we can reject the possibility that such activities were carried out in the NE building.

Discussion and conclusion The NE building through whole its existence was a quite autonomous structure. Although, it was placed inside the fortress, it saved its distinct character. Moreover, the building was one of the most expanding complexes in the settlement. During its development, the ground floor area tripled, extending to the north and south. The complete usage area was in fact bigger, because the building had at least one upper story. The sequence of its rebuildings only within BL 6 and BL 5 periods is quite complicated. Some events remain obscure and we have to choose one of the options of interpretation. Nevertheless, the building’s history can be investigated in more holistic spatial-functional analysis.

17 18

Duistermaat 2007: 257, 383-94 Akkermans and Wiggermann in press

19

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Akkermans in press

SOMA 2007 These two spheres, communal barrack-like facilities and the office, interact in the NE building. In my opinion the building was divided into two parts: the ground floor and the upper story. The former served as kind of communal area, perhaps barracks, but most probably only the kitchen, ‘dining room’ (central rooms fit to this image) and bathroom for the fortress cruise. Two-roomed building could have served as additional storage area, where some tablets were stored as well. The upper story however, was used for the office needs. This interpretation would explain why the staircases were removed from the building. Furthermore, it clearly shows that although architecturally the NE building was one structure, it was practically composed of at least two distinct areas.

Akkermans, P.M.M.G. and F.A.M. Wiggermann (in press) West of Aššur: The Life and Times of the Middle Assyrian Dunnu at Tell Sabi Abyad, Syria. IN: Rouault, O. and M.-G. Masetti-Rouault eds. After the Empire: Crisis of the State and of the Monarchy in Northern Mesopotamia and in Anatolia (XIIIth -Xth centuries BC). Brusasco, P. (1999/2000) Family Archives and the Social Use of Space in Old Babylonian Houses at Ur. Mesopotamia 34/35, 4-174. Chavalas, M.W. (1988) The House of Puzurum: A Stratigraphic, Distributional, and Social Analysis of Domestic Units from Tell Ashara/Terqa, Syria, from the Middle Second Millenium B.C. Unpublished PhD thesis, University of California. Clarke D.L. ed. (1977) Spatial Archaeology London, Academic Press Duistermaat, K. (2007) The Pots and Potters of Assyria: Technology and Organization of Production, Ceramic Sequence, and Vessel Function at Late Bronze Age Tell Sabi Abyad, Syria Unpublished PhD thesis, University of Leiden Gnivecki, P.L. (1983) Spatial Organization in a Rural Akkadian Farmhouse: Perspectives from Tepe AlAtiqeh, Iraq Unpublished thesis, State University of New York. Hillier, B. and J. Hanson (1984) The Social Logic of Space, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. Hodder, I. and C. Orton (1976) Spatial Analysis in Archaeology, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. Keith, K.E. (1999) Cities, Neighbourhoods and Houses: Urban Spatial Organization in Old Babylonian Mesopotamia Unpublished PhD thesis, University of Michigan. Kent S. ed. (1987) Method and Theory for Activity Area Research New York, Columbia University Press. 199 Kent S. ed. (1990) Domestic Architecture and Use of Space: An Interdisciplinary Cross-Cultural Study Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. Mallowan, M.E.L. (1946) Excavations in the Balikh Valley (1938). Iraq, 8, 111-62. Stone, E.C. (1987) Nippur Neighborhoods Chicago, The Oriental Institute Van Loon, M.N. and D. Meijer (1988) Foreword. IN: Van Loon, M.N. ed. Hammam et-Turkman I Istanbul, Nederlands Historisch- Archaeologisch Instituut, XXV-XXIX Verhoeven, M. (1999) An Archaeological Ethnography of a Neolithic Community: Space, Place and Social Relations in the Burnt Village at Tell Sabi Abyad, Syria Istanbul/Leiden, Nederlands HistorischArchaeologisch Instituut.

Late phase of level 5B, especially its end, reflects the process of closing of the building. Important doorways were blocked and big part of the building went out of use, then whole building was abandoned and turned into ruins. However, they were reused during later BL 4 and BL 3, when the settlement continues to exist in smaller scale, without its representative and military function.20 Acknowledgements I would like to thank very much Prof. Dr Peter Akkermans and Merel Brüning from National Museum of Antiquities (RMO) in Leiden for making the documentation available and for comments. Furthermore, thanks to Dr Albert Nijboer from University of Groningen for his remarks as well. I also wish to thank Dr Kim Duisterrmaat from Netherlands-Flemisch Institute in Cairo for the opportunity of using some results of her PhD thesis. Bibliography Akkermans, P.M.M.G. (1984) Archäologische Geländebegehung im Balih-Tal. Archiv für Orientforschung, 31, 188-190. Akkermans, P.M.M.G. (1989a) Research Objectives and Strategy. IN: Akkermans, P.M.M.G. ed. Excavations at Tell Sabi Abyad. Prehistoric Investigations in the Balikh Valley, Northern Syria BAR, IS 468, Oxford, 1-9. Akkermans, P.M.M.G. (1989b) Tell Sabi Abyad: the site and the setting. IN: Akkermans, P.M.M.G. ed. Excavations at Tell Sabi Abyad. Prehistoric Investigations in the Balikh Valley, Northern Syria BAR, IS 468, Oxford, 11-15. Akkermans, P.M.M.G. (in press) The Fortress of Ilī-padâ: Middle Assyrian Excavations at Tell Sabi Abyad, Syria. IN: Butterlin, P., M. Lebeau and B. Muller eds. Les espaces syro-mésopotamiens. Dimensions de l’expérience humaine au Proche-orient ancient. Volume d’hommage offert à Jean-Claude Margueron Subartu XVII, Turnhout, Brepols. 20

Akkermans and Wiggermann in press

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PRELIMINARY SPATIAL-FUNCTIONAL ANALYSIS OF THE NE BUILDING IN THE MIDDLE ASSYRIAN FORTRESS

Fig. 1: Map of Syria showing location of Tell Sabi Abyad (Akkermans and Wiggermann in press).

Fig. 2: Plan of Middle Assyrian settlement at Tell Sabi Abyad level 6 showing location of the NE building (Akkermans and Wiggermann in press).

Fig. 3: Plan of Middle Assyrian settlement at Tell Sabi Abyad level 5 showing location of the NE building (Akkermans and Wiggermann in press).

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SOMA 2007

Fig. 4: Plan of the NE building level 6B (Akkermans and Wiggermann in press).

Fig. 5: Access graph for the NE building level 6B.

Fig. 6: Plan of the NE building early phase of level 6A (Akkermans and Wiggermann in press).

Fig. 7: Access graph for the NE building early phase of level 6A.

Fig. 8: Plan of the NE building late phase of level 6A (Akkermans and Wiggermann in press).

Fig. 9: Access graph for the NE building late phase of level 6A.

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PRELIMINARY SPATIAL-FUNCTIONAL ANALYSIS OF THE NE BUILDING IN THE MIDDLE ASSYRIAN FORTRESS

Fig. 10: Plan of the NE building early phase of level 5B (Akkermans and Wiggermann in press).

Fig. 11: Access graph for the NE building early phase of level 5B.

Fig. 12: Plan of the NE building late phase of level 5B (Akkermans and Wiggermann in press).

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Fig. 13: Access graph for the NE building late phase of level 5B.

Neo-Hittite Helmets and their depictions1 Çiğdem Maner M.A. Koç University Istanbul, History Department

depiction before the 10th century BC in Anatolia. 2

Depictions of armies and soldiers on orthostats and reliefs in the first millennium BC, and accessories, such as helmets, shields and armor, were becoming more and more important in the Iron Age. The art and the stories depicted on orthostats in the Neo-Hittite or North Syrian monarchies were old and new, old in the sense that they borrowed from the historical memory of the Hittite Empire, new as they were influenced by different civilizations and their cultural legacies, such as those of the Aramaeans, Phoenicians and Assyrians, which also had an impact on their artistic style.

Helmet Types In the English literature on helmets there are only two types of helmets mentioned. These are conical (or pointed) and crested helmets. Madhloom, for example, who wrote a major work on the chronology of NeoAssyrian Art, distinguishes only between pointed and crested helmets.3 Dezsö, who wrote on helmet traditions in the Aegean and helmets of the Iron Age in the Near East, tries to distinguish the different crested helmet types through describing the crest and the shape of the helmet body.4 He differentiates 4 crested helmet types: 1. “hemispherical crested helmet” and 2. conical crested helmet”,5 3. “the crest curving forward” and 4. “with a crescent-shaped crest on the top of a pointed crest support”.6 German scholars who worked on helmets of the Aegean and Near East categorize helmets according to the shape of the helmet and the attachments on the top of the helmet, this is why there are much more types mentioned in these researches. Hans Bonnet is the first scholar, who has tried to describe in detail the different helmet types in Mesopotamia and Anatolia considering textual evidences, depictions and helmet findings.7 Erikki Salonen tries to distinguish between the several types of Assyrian helmets.8 He calls them: konischer Helm (conical helmet), Spitzhelm (pointed helmet), Topfhelm (pot helmet) and Raupenhelm (crested helmet). Jürgen Borchardt, who tries to show the interrelations between Aegean and Oriental Helmets in the Late Bronze Age and Iron Age, expands these terms and adds Pickelhelm, Kammhelm and Bügelhelm to this list.9 If Dezsö’s and Borchardt’s descriptions of crested helmets are put together, a table like this can be constructed:

In my article, I would like to analyze Neo-Hittite helmets in the Iron Age and their depictions, the archeological evidence of them, what types of helmets have been excavated, which types we know from the depictions, and which helmet types were worn by which army units. Furthermore, I will discuss the question of whether the archeological evidence matches the depictions. I will show that the crested helmet symbolizes the Hittite or Neo-Hittite/North Syrian infantrymen on Neo-Hittite orthostats, and that there was a second infantry unit wearing conical helmets. Finally, I will show that the conical or pointed helmet was worn by North Syrian cavalrymen and was a part of their armor, and did not belong only to Neo-Assyrian soldiers, as is always written. In Anatolia, we so far do not know of such a long helmet tradition as in Mesopotamia or the Aegean. The so-called warrior-god from the King’s Gate in Boğazköy from 15th-13th century BC, represents the only helmet depiction we know from Anatolia in the Late Bronze Age.1 The Hittites are known to have been a warrior population who were quite successful in expanding their territory during their reign, especially during the imperial period from 15th-13th century BC. Although they were very good warriors, there is only one depiction of a warrior or warrior-god from that period, the one in the capital city of the Hittites in Boğazköy (Hattuša) at the King’s Gate (Figure 4). The depicted person is wearing a short skirt with a belt, his body is undressed, and he is wearing a conical crested helmet with ear- and neckflaps. On the front there is a horn. The horn symbolizes the divine, which is why he is called the “Warrior-God”. A long fringe attached to the crest is swinging in the back. He is holding an axe in his right hand; the left hand is raised and fisted. This is the only helmet-wearing warrior

Table 1: Crested Helmet Types Borchardt 1972 Dezsö 1998 and 2001

Kammhelm

Bügelhelm

Raupenhelm

a) hemispherical and b) conical crested helmet

Crescent-shaped Crest curving crest on top of a forward pointed crest support

2 There are also depictions on Egyptian reliefs from the tomb of Amenmose in Thebes, which show Hittite soldiers wearing a conical helmet with a bush swinging in the back. N. and N. de G. Davies 1933: Nos 86, 112, 226) Plates XXXIV-V; Borchardt 1972:Tafel 24, 1-4 3 Madhloom 1970:37-44 4 Dezsö 1998: 26 and 2001 5 Dezsö 1998: 24 6 Dezsö 1998: 26 7 Bonnet 1926: 201-09 8 Salonen 1965: 187-90 9 Borchardt 1972: and Beilage F

1 I am most grateful to Prof. Dr. Joseph Maran and Chad Nagle for careful reading, advising , commenting and correcting of the article. 1 Dezsö 2001:12-15 is showing helmets from some seals from Anatolia, but these are helmets with horns, which symbolize gods.

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NEO-HITTITE HELMETS AND THEIR DEPICTIONS In order to have a very detailed list of Neo-Hittite helmets types, I will use the following different types of crested helmets: • • • •

from the early 9th–8th centuries BC (not older than 720 BC, which is the level of destruction of Palace K). These helmets are the only ones which are known to be from a Neo-Hittite settlement.

hemispherical crested helmet conical crested helmet “Raupenhelm” “Bügelhelm”

Two Helmets Said to Be of Neo-Hittite Origin Of two other helmet examples, one said to come from Luristan, now in the British Museum, and the other found in Cyprus and said to be of North Syrian origin, have winged sun discs on their front part. The Luristan helmet is pointed, has two embossed rings around the base, and has an incised sun disc on the front, but it is not clear where it is from or where it was made. Because of the sun disc depiction, it was thought to have a North Syrian origin or connection.19 The second helmet was found in Cyprus in Palaepaphos, Kouklia, Mavrommatis Tomb. The helmet has 2 embossed rings and a pair of arcs in the front, and between these arches an embossed sun disc. It dates from the Cypro-Archaic Period I (750-650 BC). This helmet looks very similar to the Zincirli helmet. According to Dezsö it was probably a direct import from North Syria to Cyprus.20 Iconographic Evidences

Dezsö did very well, in that he divided the crested helmet into hemispherical and conical. The difference is in the helmet body, not in the fitting of the crest on top. The hemispherical crested helmet we know, for example, from the Gates of Balawat from the Urartian soldiers,10 and the conical crested helmet we know from the orthostats in Carkemish depicting the infantrymen.11 Actual Finds Excavated Helmets from Zincirli (Sam’al) The only excavated bronze helmets known to be from a Neo-Hittite settlement are from Zincirli (ancient Sam’al) in the south of Gaziantep in Turkey. Felix von Luschan, the excavator of Zincirli, found 2 complete bronze helmets in Palace K behind the three big column bases12 (Figure 1 and 2), which were stuck together, pieces of a third helmet13 excavated in chamber J9 of the Kalamu building. One of them is a conical pointed helmet with three horizontal embossed rings around the base; no decorative features, according to Luschan it dates from the 9/8th centuries BC.14 The second one is pointed too. There is one embossed rib around the base. In the front of the helmet between three embossed arcs there is an engraved sun disc.15 In addition, pieces of an iron helmet16 with a chessboard decor were found in the debris from destruction in the north rooms of the fortress (Figure 3).17 Pieces of little bronze sheets have been hammered into the iron helmet, so that a chess board motif with two colors was obtained. Also, pieces of the tupe of the upper part of the pointed helmet could be reconstructed, so that these pieces exemplify a pointed helmet. Since this type of metalwork is not known from the North Syrian region, Luschan sees in this helmet an import.18 According to the excavator, all helmets date

The Crested Helmet Cerablus (Carchemish) Ten orthostats depicting infantrymen from Carchemish are known. The earliest known conical crested helmets of the Iron Age are from Carchemish, from the reign of King Katuwash (900-873 BC).21 When the infantry on the orthostats of “The Long Wall of Sculpture,”22 “Royal Buttress”23 and the “King’s Gate”24 in Carchemish are examined more closely, one can see that the infantrymen are wearing short skirts like those of the warrior-god in Boğazköy, carrying shields and weapons, such as spears, and wearing helmets (Figure 5). The helmets are crested: some have cheek- and neck-flaps. They are conical crested helmets. If one looks more closely at all depictions of the infantry on the Long Wall of Sculpture, some small differences in shape and size can be seen, perhaps because different artists were working on them. The helmet bodies are conical and topped by an attached crest with a fringe swinging at the back. Some of them have a button attached to the front. Woolley assumes that there must have been more orthostats depicting soldiers at the Long Wall of Sculpture, because at the end there is only a depiction of one infantryman, so he thinks that this went on. However, the basalt stones, which are very soft, might have been reused for other depictions.25

10

King 1915: pls. 3-4, 7, 9-12, 37-42 Woolley 1952: Plate B.41 a,b; 42 a,b; Plate B.37b; 44a,b; 45a,b; 46a,b; Woolley 1914 Plate B 1b; B 2a,b; B 3 a,b; Woolley 1921: Plate B 26c 12 Luschan 1943:75 Abb 83 (S3976) Tafel 40b, Abb 84 (S 3695) Tafel 40a 13 According to Luschan it has the same number as the helmet with the winged sun S3695 Luschan 1943:76 Footnote 1; there must have been some mistake 14 Luschan and Andrae 1943, 75-76, fig. 83; Tafel 40b; Barnett 1953:102; Borchardt 1972:100, Tafel 34:5; Dezsö 1998:11; Dezsö 2001 56,68 cat nos. 32; 15 Luschan and Andrae 1943: 75-76 fig. 84-5 Tafel 40a; Barnett 1953:102; Borchardt 1972:100 Tafel 34.6; Dezsö 1998:11; ibid 2001: 56, 68, fig.7/33, cat no 33 16 Luschan 1943: 75-77 Abb. 83, 84, 85, 88; he dates it to the late 9th8th century BC 17 Luschan 1943: 76-78 Abb. 88 (S3864), Tafel 41 18 Luschan 1943: 78 11

19

Dezsö 2001: 56-57; Fig.7: 34; Cat. No 34 Dezsö 1998: 11-2, ill.6; ibid 2001: 58, Cat No. 35 21 Hawkins 1972: 106 22 Woolley 1952: Plate B.37b; 44a,b; 45a,b; 46a,b 23 Woolley 1914 Plate B 1b; B 2a,b; B 3 a,b 24 Woolley 1921: Plate B 26c 25 Woolley 1952: 166 20

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SOMA 2007 the lower part, the same scene is shown, as if the artists’ message was: “We can kill this enemy as easy as a rabbit.”34 According to Özyar, this could be the scene of a local epic where the soldier in the middle is an officer of higher rank who is trying to stop the warriors from fighting.35 This would mean that locals also were wearing pointed helmets, not only Assyrian warriors. The warrior with the pointed helmet does not carry any weapons; he is wearing a short skirt. It is not possible to say to which unit he belongs. Karatepe NVl 11 is a duplicate of Fig. 8 (there is only a small difference in the height of the soldier in the middle, and his face is turned right).36 Figure 9 depicts two anthitetical infantrymen wearing short skirts, holding shields and spears and wearing “Raupenhelm” with neck-flaps.37 Figure 10 depicts two infantrymen wearing “Raupenhelm” with ear-flaps and short skirts, holding shields and spears. They are trying to kill a person between them (partly broken).38 They date to the early 7th century BC. 39

Zincirli (Sam’al) Several depictions of infantrymen from Zincirli are known, however some of them are divine. In two cases, the infantry is wearing a simple conical helmet with a fringe or bush attached to the top. They carry a long spear in their hands. One of them is holding a shield, the other a rabbit. They are wearing the short skirt (Fig. 6 and 7).26 Maybe this fringe indicates the crest of the helmet; there is no indication of horns on the helmet. Orthmann thinks that one of these infantry men (the one who is holding the rabbit) might be a depiction of a god (“Schutzgott”), although there is no horn attached to the helmet. He states that this helmet looks like the helmet of another warrior who is wearing a similar helmet with a horn, but this god is carrying a shield and a spear.27 Two depictions are showing divine infantrymen wearing a conical helmet with a ball on top. It has a brim, which juts out on the front and the back side of the helmet.28 Orthmann identifies these warriors as weather gods.29 Dezsö accepted this falsely as a North-Syrian helmet type and put it in his chart.30 A third depiction shows an infantryman wearing a short skirt, a sword, and holding a hammer. He is wearing a conical helmet.31 There are no other depictions of infantrymen wearing a conical helmet and holding a hammer, and I am not sure if this is an infantryman. There is another similar orthostat depicting the same scene, but this time the man is holding an axe and his helmet has 2 bands and a horn.32 If we compare these two depictions, we might think that one of them is unfinished and both are depicting gods. The orthostats from Zincirli (style groups Zincirli I and II) date to the end of the 10th/latter part of the first half of the 9th centuries BC. 33

The Conical/Pointed Helmet Tell Halaf (Guzana) Two orthostats from Tell Halaf are depicting infantrymen. Figure 11 shows a soldier wearing long armor dress and a conical helmet with one indicated embossed band. The helmet also has a neck-flap. He has a spear in his hands and is sticking it into something. Below his left arm there is an inscription in cuneiform, which says: “Palace of Kapara, son of Hadianu”.40 This kind of armour and pointed helmet is known from Assyrian reliefs of the middle of the 9th century BC. Another soldier in a long skirt is wearing a simple conical helmet and trying to stick the spear into something (Figure 12). On the right corner there is an inscription in cuneiform saying: “Palace of Kapara, son of Hadianu”.41 From cuneiform texts found in Boğazköy the armour made of small metal plates is known quite well.42 The infantry was wearing a long skirt, unless they had to run or to make quick movements, they took off the long skirt and had a short skirt underneath.43 These orthostats from Tell Halaf date to the end of the 10th century/or the first half of the 9th century BC.44 There are two orthostats from Tell Halaf depicting cavalrymen (Figure 14 and 15).45 Both are wearing short skirts and holding shields. One of them (Figure 14) is holding a spear; both are

Karatepe-Arlantaş Four orthostats from Karatepe Arslantaş in Kadirli depicting infantry. The infantry is wearing “Raupenhelm”; some of them have ear-flaps some do not. There are four orthostats from Karatepe-Arslantaş depicting infantrymen wearing helmets. Infantrymen are holding a shield in one hand and in the other a spear. Clothes are not indicated: the lower body part is covered with the shield. Both are wearing “Raupenhelm” with huge crests falling down to the bottom of the helmets, they all have ear-flaps. In the upper part of Figure 8 there is a soldier wearing a pointed helmet between the two infantrymen. In the lower part we have the same scene but there is a small rabbit between the warriors. One might think that the one wearing a pointed helmet and smaller than the others could be an Assyrian enemy. In

34

Çambel and Özyar 2003: 70, Tafel 37 Çambel and Özyar 2003: 70 36 Çambel and Özyar 2003: 80, Tafel 57 37 Çambel and Özyar 2003: 82, Tafel 79 38 Çambel and Özyar 2003: 105. Özyar assumes that this scene might have been a scene taken from a mythological story such as Gilgamesh or Humbaba. She refers to similar scenes on orthostats in Karkemish or Tell Halaf 39 Çambel and Özyar 2003: 144, Tafel 149 40 Moortgat 1955: 42 A 3,16, Tafel 17a 41 Moortgat 1955: 42 A 3,15, Tafel 16b 42 Beal 1992: 521 43 Beal 1992: 251 44 They belong to the “Altbauperiode” of the Tell Halaf orthostats; Moortgat 1955: 19 45 Moortgat 1955: 47-48 A332-,33 Tafel 25-26 35

26

Luschan 1902: Tafel XXXVIII b Orthmann 1971: 259 Zincirli B/33 and footnote 7; Luschan 1902 Tafel 38c 28 Luschan 1902: 213 Abb 103; Tafel XXXX, 213 Abb 103; Luschan 1902: 213; Tafel XXXVIIIa 29 Orthmann 1971: 236 Zincirli B/14, also Wartke 2005:71 30 Dezsö 1998: 90 III.4, 2001: Chart 2:131 31 Luschan 1902: 217 32 Luschan 1902: Tafel 38c left 33 Wartke 2005: 69, Orthmann 1971: 61, 65, 27

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NEO-HITTITE HELMETS AND THEIR DEPICTIONS wearing pointed helmets. Both have inscriptions. The inscription on Figure 14 is: “Temple of the weather god”; on Figure 15: “Palace of Kapara”. They date back to the reign of Kapara or earlier, end of 10th century/first half of the 9th century BC.46

ancestors? The answers of these questions remain unknown.

Sakçegözü

On Neo-Hittite orthostats the artillery is quite often represented. Examples are known from Karkemish, Zincirli, Tell Halaf, Sakçegözü, Tainat.53 The warriors, who are in the chariot (the charioteer and the archer) do not wear a helmet. The chariot relief from Zincirli54 has caused confusion among some scholars. Behind the charioteer stands an archer, whose hair has been misinterpreted as a hemispherical crested helmet and interpreted as an Urartian archer in the Neo- Hittite army.55 Luschan, the excavator, writes: “Er hat eine grosse Nase und einen verhaltnismässigen grossen Kopf, anscheinend ohne einen Helm oder Hut, nur mit zu einer breiten Flechte geordneten Haar. Im Nacken ein spiralig gerollter Zopf.”56 When the hair of the archer is looked at more closely it becomes obvious that some kind of curly hair should be shown, as it is known from other NeoHittite orthostats.57 This means that the archer on a chariot on Neo-Hittite orthostats was not wearing a helmet.

The artillery soldiers did not wear any helmets but sometimes armor.52

This impressive relief consisting of three stone slabs shows, on the third slab, a soldier wearing long armour (as Figure 11) and a pointed helmet. He is drilling a spear into a lion’s head. The style of the face of the soldier and the rest of the scene is very Assyrian (Figure 13). It dates back to the 8th century BC.47 Karatepe-Arslantaş There are two orthostats in Karatepe-Arslantaş depicting cavalry. In Figure 16 a cavalryman is wearing a pointed helmet.48 Figure 17 depicts two cavalrymen holding a spear in one hand and in the other hand the reins. Between them there is a man holding the reins of both horses, wearing a shield and a pointed helmet with a small crest on top, which looks like a “Bügelhelm”. According to Özyar this scene could indicate the beginning of a competition.49 They date to the early 7th century BC.

Relations Between Neo-Hittite and Neo-Assyrian Helmets

Zincirli (Sam’al)

Helmet Use

Assyrian helmets and their different types were known especially well from Assyrian reliefs. Almost all soldiers are wearing helmets. Excavated helmets, unearthed during campaigns in Assyrian cities, usually matched the depictions, but they were few in number. Layard found, during his first excavation season in Nimrud (1845-47) in the North-West Palace (Room 1), iron and bronze helmets. Pieses of “Raupenhelm” and conical helmets were among them. But he writes that as soon as they were excavated and came into contact with oxygen they fell to pieces.58

When we look at the depictions on orthostats of warriors in Carchemish, Zincirli (Sam’al), Tell Halaf (Guzana), Sakçegözü and Karatepe-Arslantaş, we can see that the armies of these small kingdoms consisted of three units: the cavalry, infantry and artillery. Helmets were worn by the infantry and cavalry, the infantrymen were wearing a conical crested helmet or a “Raupenhelm” and the cavalrymen were wearing a conical pointed helmet. It seems that some kind of special infantry unit wearing long skirts was wearing the conical helmet, too. Did they depict existing army troups, did they depict a special unit with their helmets or did they depict ancestors (or ancestor troups) and their own solidarity to these

Assyrian soldiers were wearing conical/pointed helmets. The first depiction of a pointed helmet is known from the White Obelisk, probably from the time of Assur-nasir-pal II from the 11th century BC (1050-32 BC). From depicted stories like the Battle of Tiltuba or conquering of Elamite cities and also from historical sources such as annales, we know that the Assyrian army not only consisted of Assyrian soldiers. Vassals had to support the Assyrian army with soldiers, in our special case, and the Neo-Hittite kingdoms had to send soldiers as well. In order to distinguish the auxiliary units that were nonAssyrian, they were depicted on reliefs with their own helmet type, which was the crested helmet. This was the

46 Moortgat 1955: 19 Guzana became 808 BC an Assyrian province, Kapara built all of the buildings before that date. 47 Akurgal 1995: 118a; Meyer 1965:Abb 90; Orthmann 1971: 532, Tafel 51 c 48 Çambel and Özyar 2003: Tafel 45 49 Çambel and Özyar 2003: 105; Tafel 149 50 Luschan 1902: 206 Abb 96; 226 Abb 129-30, Tafel XXXIVd 51 Orthmann 1971: 60

52

Three depictions of cavalrymen are known from Zincirli. The cavalry is wearing a simple conical pointed helmet with an embossed band.50 They have a shield and/or a weapon; one of them is carrying a head in his hand (Figures 18 and 19). According to Orthmann’s style analyses, they belong to the first phase of orthostats in Zincirli (Zincirli I) and date to the end of the 10th/first half of the 9th century BC.51

Woolley 1952: Plate B.41 a,b; 42 a,b Orthmann 1971: 398 54 Luschan 1902: Tafel 34 55 Maxwell-Hyslop 1959: 65-66 56 Luschan 1902: 212 57 For example Luschan 1902: Tafel 41 or Karkemish Orthmann 1971: C/7 58 Mallowan 1966: 341-42; Curtis, Dezsö 1991: 105-07 53

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SOMA 2007 way of portraying “Us” and “The Other”. Under the Assyrian king Assurnasirpal II (883-859 BC), Karkemish’s king, King Sangara (“King of the land of Hatti”), became a vassal of the Assyrian empire and soldiers from Karkemish had to join the Assyrian army. His son Shalmanassar II (858-824 BC) conquered several cities in Bit Adini and conquered Karkemish in 849 BC. Tiglathpilesar III was the one who conquered almost the rest of the North Syrian monarchies and Sargon II conquered the last kingdom of Sam’al (Zincirli) around 708 BC.

helmet in North Syria in depictions of orthostats of warriors, who are wearing the pointed helmet! Also, a second infantry unit depicted on orthostats in Tell Halaf and Sakcegözü is wearing conical helmets. This would mean that there are two army units on Neo-Hittite orthostats, which are wearing a conical helmet. Conclusion When excavated helmets and depictions on Neo-Hittite orthostats are compared, the following result is obtained: excavated helmet types are conical-pointed and depicted helmet types on Neo-Hittite orthostats are conical crested, pointed, “Raupenhelm” and “Bügelhelm”. The depictions on the orthostats show that there are four different army units (namely, 2 different infantry units, cavalry and artillery) and that, except for the artillery, all other units are wearing helmets.

The crested helmet was not only worn by the Neo-Hittite auxiliary units, but also by Phrygians, Phoenicians and Urartians. The hemispehrical crested helmet symbolizing Urartian troops in Neo-Assyrian art appears for the first time on the Gates of Balawat (Shalmaneser II 858-824 BC). 59 On palace reliefs the different types of crested helmet (“Raupenhelm”, “Bügelhelm”, conical crested helmet) appear for the first time during the reign of Tiglathpilesar III (745-727), the time when almost all of North Syria was conquered by the Neo-Assyrian armies.60

The only excavated helmets from a Neo-Hittite settlement are pointed. One of them has an incised winged sun, a symbol of Hittite royalty and divinity. The question wether this was a symbol for Neo-Hittite units or not is not clear. They date to the 9th/8th centuries BC. Because of their shape they have been thought to be of Assyrian orign, but depictions on orthostats show that the conical/pointed helmet was also worn by the Neo-Hittite warriors. Depictions on orthostats from Carchemish and Zincirli denote that the conical crested helmet was worn by the infantry wearing short skirts, carrying shields and spears from the late 10th/early 9th century BC on. The infantry on the orthostats in Carchemish, Tell Halaf, Zincirli and Karatepe is wearing the same style short skirt, some have their hands fisted and also they step forward like the warrior god from Boğazköy. In the early 7th century BC the conical crested helmet changed to a “Raupenhelm” in Karatepe, still attempting to relate to the Hittite cultural memory, depicting the shields and short skirts. The historical memory here seeks to show that the inhabitants of these settlements knew of the warrior-god on the King’s Gate in Boğazköy, and they wanted to show that they were Hittites as well. If the units depicted were real army units or just marginary or a sign of solidarity to the Hittite empire is not possible to answer yet. A second infantry unit known from orthostats from Tell Halaf and Sakçegözü is wearing long dresses, sometimes armour and conical/pointed helmets and holding spears. The cavalry known from orthostats from Zincirli, Tell Halaf and Karatepe are sometimes holding shields and spears and are wearing conical/pointed helmets. The earliest examples are from Zincirli and Tell Halaf and date to the late 10th/first half of the 9th centuries BC.

Von Luschan writes in his excavation report that these pointed helmets must be of Neo-Assyrian origin because of their shape and because they were found together with other Assyrian-style armour.61 He assumes that they might have been part of some Assyrian tribute taken back to the city. A picture of the third one is not published and the iron helmet with the chessboard decor might have been a special helmet for special occasions. Such helmets or pieces are known from Nimrud.62 Dezsö writes that these helmets from Zincirli cannot be considered as North Syrian helmets, because they date to the second half of the 8th century BC, when North Syria already was under control of the Neo-Assyrian Empire. Since North Syria was one of the most important metalworking centres together with Assyria, Urartu and Northwest Iran, he sees in them products of Neo-Assyrian imperial art and metalworking “which gradually assimilated the culture and crafts of the nations of the empire creating a koine at least in case of warfare, arms and armor”.63 Furthermore he states that there is no evidence of conical/pointed helmets in North Syria before the Neo-Assyrian Period. There are several depictions of pointed helmets, usually worn by the cavalry from Zincirli, Tell Halaf and Karatepe. The ones from Zincirli and Tell Halaf date from the late 10th to the first half of the 9th century BC. Hence there is iconographic evidence of the pointed

Through this short analysis it is possible to see that the conical/pointed helmet also was known and worn by the Neo-Hittite army units such as the cavalry and the second infantry unit from the late 10th/9th century BC onwards.

59

King 1915: pls. 3-4, 7, 9-12, 37-42 Waefler 1975 shows in his dissertation that “The Other” on Assyrian reliefs was depicted wearing his own helmet type from the time of Tiglatpilesar III on. 61 As we know from orthostats, the Neo-Hittite cavalry is wearing conical pointed helmets too; the shape is not a significant mark that they are Assyrian. 62 Barnett 1953: 101-2; Curtis and Dezsö 1991: 105 63 Dezsö 2001: 56 60

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NEO-HITTITE HELMETS AND THEIR DEPICTIONS King, L.W. 1915 Bronze Reliefs from The Gates of Shalmaneser, London, Longmans & Co. Luschan, v. F. (1902) Ausgrabungen in Sendschirli III. Thorskulpturen, Berlin, Verlag Walter de Gruyter&Co. Luschan, v. F. and Andrae, W. 1943 Die Kleinfunde von Sendschirli. Berlin, Verlag Walter de Gruyter&Co. Madhloom, T.A. (1970) The Chronology of Assyrian Art, London, The Athlone Press. Moortgat, A. (1955) Tell Halaf. Dritter Band: Die Bildwerke, Berlin, Walter de Gruyter. Maxwell-Hyslop, K. R. (1959) An Urartian Archer on Chariot Relief, BIA, 65-66. Orthmann, W. (1971) Untersuchungen zur späthethitischen Kunst, Bonn, Rudolf Habelt Verlag. Salonen, E. (1965) Die Waffen der Alten Mesopotamier. Helsinki, Studia Orientalia XXXIII. Pietrovski, P. (1950) Karmir-Blur, Eriwan. Wäfler, M. (1975) Nicht–Assyrer neuassyrischer Darstellungen. Neukirchen – Vluyn, Verlag Butzon & Bercker Kevelaer. Wartke, Ralf – B. (2005) Sam’al, Mainz. Verlag Philipp von Zabern. Woolley; C. L. and Lawrence, T. E. (1914) Carchemish Part I Introductory, Oxford, Trustees of the British Museum. Woolley, C. L. (1921) Carchemish Part II, The Town Defeneces, Oxford, Trustees of the British Museum. Woolley, C. L. and Barnett, R. D. (1952) Carchemish Part III, The Excavation in the Inner Town, Oxford, Trustees of the British Museum.

Bibliography Akurgal, E. (1995) Hatti ve Hitit Uygarlığı, Istanbul, Net Turistik Yayınlar Sanayi ve Ticaret A.Ş. Barnett, R. D. (1953) An Assyrian Helmet, The British Museum Quaterly 18, 101-2, plates 31-2. Beal, R. H. (1992) The Organization of the Hittite Military, Heidelberg. Bittel, K. (1976) Tonschale mit Ritzzeichnung von Boğazköy, Revue Archeologique 1, 9-14. Bonnet, H. (1926) Die Waffen der Völker des Alten Orients, Leipzig, J. C. Hinrichs’sche Buchhandlung. Borchardt, J. (1972) Homerische Helme, Mainz, Philipp von Zabern. Çambel, H. and Özyar, A. (2003) Karatepe – Aslantaş Azatiwataya, Mainz am Rhein, Verlag Philipp von Zabern. Çilingiroğlu, A. (1997) Urartu Krallığı, Tarihi ve Sanatı, Izmir. Curtis, J. E. and Dezsö, T. (1991) Assyrian Iron Helmet from Nimrud now in the British Museum, Iraq LIII, 105-26. Davies, N. and N. de G. (1933) The Tomb of Menkheperrasonb, Amenmose and Another, London. Dezsö, T. (1998) Oriental Influence in the Aegean and Eastern Mediterranean Helmet Traditions in the 9th7th Centuries B.C.: The Patterns of Orientalization, Oxford, BAR International Series 691. Dezsö, T. (2001) Near Eastern Helmets of the Iron Age, Oxford, BAR International Series 992. Hawkins, J. D. (1972) Building Inscriptions fron Carchemish, AnaSt 22, 87-114.

Fig. 1 Luschan 1943: Abb. 83

Fig. 2 Luschan 1943: 75, Abb. 83-85

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Fig. 3 Luschan 1943: Abb. 88

SOMA 2007

Fig. 5 Woolley 1914: Plate B.2

Fig. 6 Luschan 1902: Tafel 38b

Fig. 8 Çambel and Özyar 2003: Tafel 37

Fig. 9 Çambel and Özyar 2003: Tafel 79

Fig. 4 Bittel 1976: 231

Fig. 7 Luschan 1902: XXXVIIIb

Fig. 10 Çambel and Özyar 2003: Tafel 149

Fig. 11 Moortgat 1955: Tafel 17a

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Fig.12 Moortgat 1955: Tafel 16b

Fig.13 Orthmann 1971: Tafel 51c

NEO-HITTITE HELMETS AND THEIR DEPICTIONS

Fig.14 Moortgat 1955: Tafel 26

Fig.16 Çambel and Özyar 2003: Tafel 45

Fig.18 Luschan 1902: Tafel XXXXIVd

Fig.15 Moortgat 1955: Tafel 25

Fig.17 Çambel and Özyar 2003: Tafel 149

Fig.19 Luschan 1902: Tafel XXXV

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New observations about some Hittite towns and lands located in Central Anatolia and Black Sea region Leyla Murat Ankara University, Sıhhiye/Ankara, Turkey, Old Age Languages and Cultures Department

The first political union in Anatolia was the creation of the Hittite Kingdom which originated within the curved area of Kızılırmak in 2nd millennium BC and which became an important civilization in Asia Minor. The north and the northeast area of the region that extended along the Kızılırmak basin, so-called Hittite homeland, is dominated by the Gashka people. Until the collapse of the Hittite Kingdom, Gashka people lived in this region as independent clans who were always ready to rebel against to the Hittite overlord and to attack Hittite territory. According to the cuneiform texts, among the Gashka lands and towns1 which were located in the Central Anatolia and northern region of Asia Minor, are Išhupittu, Turmitta, Pišhuru, Daištipašša, Kuruštama and Gaziura.

Vs. 13 Now take the troops again 14 from Išhupitta. u. Rd 15 You, Kaššu, 16 (with) Zilapiya (and) Huilli 17 hurry up! Set the troops Rs. 18 immediately in motion ! ……… 25 Bring the troops of Išhupitta for us. 26 If. [ ] Alp pointed that the troops of Išhupitta were commanded by Kaššu in Tapikka, and therefore he considered that Išhupitta could probably be located around Tapikka.5 For this reason, the equivalence of Turmitta-Darende as asserted by Bilgiç, is seen as improbable. Because, as I mentioned above, it is understood from the texts that Turmitta often appears near Išhupitta and that these towns were in close proximity to each other.

When the cuneiform texts on Turmitta are examined within the geographical context, it transpires that Turmitta town was written as Assyrian Durh-mid in about 40 Cappadocian cuneiform texts. From these materials, it is also understood that Druh-mid town had an important role in producing a good kind of copper in the Assyrian Colonial Age.2 In most of the cuneiform texts Turmitta town is mentioned before Uahšušana and Šalatuar, and Prušhatum always appears with them. Emin Bilgiç claims that the town Durh-mid was probably located in modern Darende which has a similar reading and is close to the most plentiful copper-mine of Anatolia, and that it can explain the arrangement as Turhumit-Uahšušana-Šalatuuar.3

In HKM 71 the troops of Išhupitta appear near the troops of Upper Land, and the troops of Karahna and Šakadduwa; HKM 716 Vs. 1 UM-MA GAL LU. MEŠ IŠ 2 A-NA mKa- aš- šu-ú QÍ-BÍ-M[A] …………. 15 nu-za zi-ik Ú-UL BE-LU GAL 16 nu-mu-uš-ša-an ma-a-an ERÍNMEŠ URUG[a-r]a-a-ahna u.Rd. 17 ERÍNMEŠ UR[U] Iš-hu-pí-it-ta 18 ERÍNMEŠ HUR.SAG Ša-ak-du-nu-[u]a 19 I-NA URU Ni-ni[š]a-an-k[u-ua] Rs. 20 Ú-UL ar-n[u-ši] 21 nu-ut-ta ú-u[a-mi] 22 ma-ah-ha-an nu-u[t-t]a [pu-nu-uš-šu-ua-an-zı] 23 LÚMEŠ URUHa-at-ti u-úa-an-zi ---------------------------------------------------24 ka-a-ša-kán ki-i tup-pí 25 k[u-]e-da-ni UD-ti pa-ra-a 26 ne-eh-hu-un na-aš-ta ER[ÍN]MEŠ KUR.UGU 27 a-pé-e-da-ni UD-ti 28 ar-ha hu-it-ti-ia-nu-un 29 nu-mu-uš-ša-an zi-iq-q[a]

n Maşat-texts, Išhupitta often appears near the troops of Išhupitta (ERĺN MEŠ URU Išhupitta). Those troops were under Kaššu’s order, who was charged in Tapikka; HKM 75 4 Vs. 13 nu ki-nu-un EGIR-pa ERÍNMEŠ URU 14 Iš-hu-pí-it-ta-aš [M]E?-[te]n u. Rd. 15 nu zi-ik mKa-a-aš-šu-uš 16 mZi-la-pí-ia mHu-il-li-iš 17 nu-un-tar-nu-ut-[[te-]]ten nu ERÍNMEŠ Rs. 18 hu-u-da-a-ak ni-ni-ik-ten ………… 25 nu-un-na-aš-kán ERÍNMEŠ U[RU Iš-hu-pí-it-ta] 26 ar-nu-ut-te-en ma-a-an X - X [ ] 1

For literature, their location and the related texts s. del Monte-Tischler 1978; del Monte 1992. 2 Bilgiç 1946: 408-9 3 Bilgiç 1946: 408-9 4 Alp 1991:262-5

5 6

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Alp 1991: 13-14 Alp 1991: 254-7

NEW OBSERVATIONS ABOUT SOME HITTITE TOWNS AND LANDS 30 KARAŠ -pát hu-u-da-a-ak 31ar-nu-ut Vs. 1. As follows (speaks) the marshal (?): 2. Tell the Kaššu! ………… 15 Are you no big commander? 16 If you me the troops of G [ar] ahna, u.Rd. 17 the troops of Išhupitta and 18 the troops of the mountain Šakdunuwa 19-20 doesn't bring to Ninišankuwa, Rs. 21 As I will come to you, 22 the people of Hatti will (also) 23.come in order to interrogate you. -----------------------------------------------24-28 See, I sent you this tablet on those day, then I have withdrew on that day the troops of the Upper Land 29-31 Dispatch me the army just immediately!

19 [..... ]..., the Tupizziya Land, 20 [the Lahuwazantiya Land, the Išuwa Land, 21 [..... ]..(and, whatever troops of the Upper Land is), 22 mobilize you all. In Maşat-texts, the troops of Išhupitta Land are always mentioned apart from the troops of Upper Land. For this reason, I conclude that in Middle Kingdom period, Išhupitta Land could not have been situated somewhere in Upper Land. However there are some expressions in the “autography” of Hattušili III that make us think that Išhupitta could be placed in Upper Land. HKM 10 in which Kaššu went to Išhupitta to reunite with Gashka people, and in which the town Zikkatta is attacked by the enemy, designates that Zikkatta town might probably be located on the borders of the Land Išhupitta or its vicinity: HKM 1010 o.Rd. 1 UM–MA DUTUŠI–MA Vs. 2 A–NA mGa–aš-šu-ú Qİ-Bİ-MA ………… Rs. 33 ki-iš-ša-an-ma-mu ku-it ha-at-ra-a-eš 34 ma-ah-ha-an-ua-kán am-mu-uk 35 I-NA KUR URU Iš-hu-pí-it-ta a-ar-hu-un 36EGIR-an-ma-ua LÚKÚR URUZi-ik-kat-ta-an 37 ua-al-ah-ta ……. o.Rd. 1As follows (speaks) the majesty: Vs. 2 Tell Gaššu! ………… Rs. 33 What this involves that you wrote me: 34-35 "As soon as I arrived in the Ishupitta Land, 36-37 but then the enemy attacked to Zikkatta. ……

If these towns were enumerated according to their geographical positions in texts, than Išhupitta was situated somewhere between Karahna and Šakaddunuwa. Alp locates Šakaddunuwa to the west of Çekerek-river, thus he considers that the town Išhupitta could have been located to the east of Çekerek and also to the west of Karahna7. HKM 96 in which the [troop] of Išhupitta Land appear near the soldiers of Šakaddunuwa-highland, also confirmed the close distance between Išhupitta and Šakuddunuwa;8 HKM 96 9 Rs. 15[ti-ia-az-zi] [n]u-[z]a ú-ua-ši ERÍNMEŠ HI.A ni-ni-in-kuua-an-z[i] 16[pa-a-i-š]i ------------------------------------17[ERÍNMEŠ KUR.KU]RMEŠ KUR.UGUTIM KUR URU Iš-hu-pí-it-ta 18[. . . KUR HUR.S]AG Ša-ka[d]-du-nu-ua KUR URU Šana-hu-it-t[a] 19[….]x KUR URU Tu-u-pa-az-zi-ya 20[KUR URU La-h]u-u-ua-za-an-ti-ia KUR URU I-šu-ua 21[. . .-] X -ia [k]u-[i]t ku-it ŠA KUR.UGUTIM 22[ERÍ]NMEŠ.HI.A na-aš hu-u-ma-an-du-uš ni-ni-ı[k]

In one document within the Ortaköy materials, Kammama and Išhupitta towns are mentioned. And in an orakel-text Tapikka and Išhupitta are also mentioned together. Thus, as A. Süel indicated, Išhupitta must be looked for somewhere in between Ortaköy and Maşat. According to the Bogazköy and Maşat texts, this fixing also strengthens the location of Išhupitta as a place around Turhal in Amasya.11

Rs. 15-16 [steps]. You come (and) go in order to mobilize the troops. --------------------------------------------17 The troops of the Lands, the Upper Land, the Išhupitta Land, 18 [..... the mountains Šakaddunuwa Land, the Šanahuitta Land,

In another Ortaköy text, a number of towns performing sacrifices are numbered, as well as some routes:

7

10

8

11

Cuneiform text from Ortaköy12 I KASKAL-ma URU Ga-am-ma-ma-az I-NA HUR.SAGUšhu-pi-ti-ša nu du-um-na-an-za al-ta-an-na-an-za nu URU An-zi-li-ya One way from Kamama to Mount Uš-hi-pi-ta-ša,

Alp 1991: 13-14 Alp 1991: 13. 9 S. Alp 1991: 298-301.

Alp 1991:132-7 Süel 2002: 681 12 Süel 2002: 682-3

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SOMA 2007 KBo XIV 20 16 Vs.I 13 …..LÚKÚR URUGa-aš-ga-aš-ma 14[ki-iš-ša-an me-mi-iš-ta I-NA ŠÀ URUH]a-at-ti-ua-kán hi-in-ga-an ki-ša-at 15[nu ŠA KUR URUHat-ti URUAŠ.AŠHI.A har-ni-i]n-ki-eški-u-ua-an ti-i-ia-at 16[ -]x-iz-za URUHa-ak-piš-ša-za KUR URU Tuh-mu-ta-ru 17[ K]UR Hur-ša-am-ma Ù KUR Tu-uh-mi-ia-ra 18[ -]mu KUR URUDur-me-it-ta-az URU ŠA KUR Dur-me-it-ta 19[ S]A KUR URUTa-pa-pa-nu-ua-ia ÍD Da-ha-ra 20[nu URU ku-in LUGAL-u]š har-ni-in-kán har-kuun nu-ma a-pa-aš-ša ku-ru-ri-ia-ah-ta Vs. 13 But the Gashka enemy 14 [speaks as fallows:] “ an epidemic disease arouse in the [H]atti town”. 15 [He began to des]troy [the undamaged towns of Hatti Land]. 16 [ ] Hakpišša town, Tuhmutaru Land, 17 [ ] Huršamma Land and also Tuhmuiiara Land 18 [ ] to me in Durmitta Land, of Durmitta Land 19 [ ] and the Dahara-river [xxx]of Tapapanuua Land 20 [And I, the King] destroyed [ ] town. And he fought (against to me).

dummanza altanza and Anziliya This route, which drew a line from Kammama to the Mount Ušhupittaşa and Dumnanza and there to Anziliya, i.e. Zile, also proves that Kammama was in close distance to Išhupitta and Anziliya and that Mount Ushupittaşa could be one of the mountains in Ishupitta. In the historical prologue of treaty between Šuppiluliuma and Mattiuaza, the king of Mitanni Land, an uprising which aroused in Išuwa is mentioned, as well as the people of fifteen towns around the kingdom in the reign of Tudhalya. These are Arauanna and Kalašma (north side of kingdom territory), Zazziša (in Upper Land), Turmitta and Hazga (which belong to the Gashka territory)13: KBo I 114 Vs.I 10. ( I ), The Great King, the king of Hatti Land, (therefore) use power against to him. The Land Išuwa, rebelled in the reign of father of the king of Hatti Land. 11. The soldiers of Hatti Land marched to the Land Išuwa. The soldiers of the Land Gurtallišša, the soldiers of the town Arawanna, the Land Zazišša, 12. The land Kalašma, the land Timmina, the Mountainous zone - Haliwa, the Mountainous area Karna, the soldiers of the town Turmitta, the Land Alha, the Land Hurma, the Mountainous - zone Harana. 13. the half of the Land Tagerama, the soldiers of the town Tepurziya, soldiers of the town Hazga and the soldiers of the town Armatara rebelled in the reign of my father. 14. However the beloved of the Weather-God, the king of the Hatti Land, hero, The Great King, my Majesty, Suppiluliuma defeated them. 15. Now soldiers who run away from my hands, entered into the Land Išuwa. And all soldiers 16. and the lands which rebelled in the reign of my father, they lived temporarily with enemy in the Land Išuwa.

So this text proves that the land Durmitta was somewhere between the Tuhmiira and Tapapunuua in the same geography with Dahara-river, ie. modern Kelkit-stream. This also proves our location for Durmitta. The Muršili annals designate that Halila and Dudušga, two Gashka towns, were located in the Land Durmitta, and Humeššena, another Gashka town, was in the Land Išhupitta. Since there were Gashka towns in Dumitta and Išhupitta, and also the other Gashka Lands came to their aid, it clearly proves that those lands were somewhere close to the Gashka territory:

Since the Land Išuwa15 is located in modern Elazig, the Durmitta must be placed around Sivas, to the north of the line between Tokat and Sivas from Gashka territory to modern Elazig.

KBo III 417 Vs.I 28 nu-za-kán A-NA GIŠ GU.ZA A-BI-IA ku-ua-pí e-eš ha-at nu-za ki-e a-ra-ah-zé-na-aš 29 KUR.KUR MEŠ LÚKÚR I-NA MU X KAM tar-ah-hu un na-at-kán ku-e-nu-un ………………………………………….. 30 ŠA KUR URU Tú-mi-it-ta-mu URU Ka-aš-ka- aš ku-u-ru-ri-ia-ah-ta nu-mu [(za-ah-hi-ia) ú-it (?)] 31 nam-ma URU Qa-aš-qa-aš ú-it-pít nu KUR URU Tur-mi-it-ta GUL-an-ni-iš-ki-u- an da [-a-iš] 32 nu-uš-ši DUTUŠI pa-a-un nu ŠA URU Qa-aš-qa ku-i

Since there were plenty of copper ore-beds in the north of Tokat-Sivas line and Gökdere, Niksar, Reşadiye, Koyunluhisar, Suşehri and Hafik near Sivas, and also since, as I mentioned above, Turmitta had an important role concerned with copper in Assyrian Colonial period, I agree that Turmitta must be located into this area. The annals on the heroic deeds of Šuppiluliuma point to an epidemic disease and an uprising, which Hakmiš, Tuhmutaru, Hursamma, Tuhmiira, Turmitta, Tapapanuwa and Dahara-riverland were included in:

13

16

14

17

Garstang-Gurney 1959: 41; Schuler 1965: 33. Weidner 1923: 4 -7 15 Ertem 1990: 577-87

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Ertem 1980: 68-71 Göetze 1933: 22-7

NEW OBSERVATIONS ABOUT SOME HITTITE TOWNS AND LANDS e-eš SAG.DU MEŠ KUR.KUR MEŠ URU Ha-li-la-aš 33 URU Du-ud-du-uš-qa-aš-ša e-šir na-aš GUL.un na-aš IŠ-TU NAM.RA GUD HI.A UDU HI.A 34[š] a-ra-a da-ah-hu-un na-aš URU KU.BABBAR-ši ar-ha ú-da-ah-hu-un 35[(URU Ha)]-li-la-an-ma URU Du-ud-du-uš-ka-an-na arha ua-ar-nu-nu-un …………………………………………. 36[(ma-ah-h)]a-an-ma KUR URU Qa-aš-qa ŠA URU Ha-lila Ù ŠA URU Du-ud-du-uš-qa har-ni-in-ku-u-ar 37[(iš-t)]a-ma-aš-ta nu KUR URU Ga-aš-qa hu-u-ma-an an-da ua-ar-ri-eš-še-eš-ta 38[na-at-m]u MÉ-ia u-it na-an DUTUSİ MÉ-ia-nu-un numu DUTU URUA-ri-in-na 39[GAŠAN-IA] DU NIR.GAL EN-IA DMe-iz-zu-ul-la-aš DINDIRMEŠ hu-u-ma-an-te-eš pi-ra-an hu-i-e-ir 40 nu-za ŠA KUR URUKaš-qa ERĺNMES NA-RA-RU tar-ahhu-un na-an-kan ku-e-nu-un 41[nu-za ŠA KUR URU] Túr-mi-it-ta-ma URUQa-aš-qa-aš da-a-an EGIR-pa ÍR-ah-ta-at 42[nu.mu ERÍN MEŠ] pí-eš-ki-u-an da-a-ir ………………………………………….. 43[nam-ma DUTUŠI EGI]R-pa ú-ua-nu-un nu-mu ŠA KUR URU İš-hu-pi-it-ta ku-it URU Qa-aš-qa-aš 44[ku-u-ru-ri-ia-ah-ha-an har-t]a nu-mu ERÍNMEŠ Ú-UL pí-eš-ki-it nu DUTUŠI I-NA KUR URU İš-hu-pí-it-ta 45[pa-a-un nu URU X-] hu-mi-eš-še-na-an GUL-un na-an IŠ-TU NAM.RA GUD UDU 46[ša-ra-a da-ah-hu-un] na-an URU KU.BABBAR-ši ar-ha ú-da-ah-hu-un URU-an-ma ar-ha 47[ua-ar-nu-nu-un nu-za ŠA] KUR URU İš-hu-pí-ta URU Qa-aš-qa da-a-an EGIR-pa ÍR-ah-hu-un 48[nu-mu ERÍNMEŠ pí-eš-ki-u-an da-a-i]r nu ki-i I-NA MU.I KAM i-ia-nu-un Vs. I 28 and when I ascent to my father’s throne, 29 I overcame the all around hostile countries during 10 years. And I killed them. -----------------------------------------------------------30 Gashka town of Durmitta Land became enemy to me and fought against to me. 31 Then Gashka town came and it began to strike the Durmitta Land. 32 and I, my majesty, came against to him. The principal common people of Gashka Land constituted Halıla and 33 Duddušga ones and I stroke them. with its namras, cattle (and) sheep 34 I took up (hold up), and I carried (brought) them to Hattuša. 35 I burned the Halila town and the Duddušga town. ------------------------------------------------------------36 When it learnt that the Halila town and the Duddušga town which belongs to the Gashka Land, were destroyed, 37 all of the Gashka Land sent help (to them) (or came to their aid). 38 and they came to fight against to me. I fought against to them. My Lady, the Sun Goddess of Arinna, 39 My master, Mighty Weather God , God Mezzula and also all gods run in front of me. 40 I also overcame the reinforcement troops of Gashka

Lands and I killed them. 41 the Gashka town of Turmitta Land became slave again (in second time). 42 and they carried on to give soldiers to me. -------------------------------------------------------------43 I, my majesty, came back. Because the Gashka town of Išhupitta Land 44 began to make hostility against to me. He didn’t give soldiers to me and I, my majesty, marched to the Išhupitta Land . 45 I stroke Humeššena town. With namras, cattle (and) sheep 46 I took them above. And I brought them to Hattuša and the (Humeššena) town mentioned above, 47 I destroyed. I made them the Gashka town of Išhupitta Land as slave in secondary times. 48 And so they began to give soldiers to me. I fulfilled them during 1 year. In the first few years of reign of Muršili,18 the Hittite King struggled against the Gashka towns such as Turmitta- Išhupitta and Pišhuru. This confirms that these towns were in close geographical proximity. In the second year of his reign, in revenge for the hostile activities of the Land Tipiya, Muršili marched to the Upper Land and attacked the town of Kathaidduwa of the Land Tippiya. Muršili defeated the Land Tippiya during this campaign. The Land Išhupitta, however, became an enemy against to Muršili once again: KBo III 419 Vs. I 49 (MU-an-ni-ma) [I-NA KUR URU UGU TI] pa-a-un numu KUR URU Ti-pí-ia ku-it ku-u-ru-ri-ia-ah-ha- harta 50 [nu-mu ERÍNMEŠ Ú-UL pí-eš-ki-it] (n)u DUTU ŠI URU Kat-ha-id-du-ua-an GUL.un 51 (na-an I) [IŠ-TU NAM.RA GUD UDU URU K]U.BABBAR-ši ar-ha u-da-ah-hu-un 52 [URU-an-ma ar-ha ua-ar-nu-nu-]un --------------------------------------------53 (nam-ma) [IŠ-TU KUR URU Ti-pí-ia EGIR-pa INA URU KU.BABBAR-ši-ú-ua-]nu-un nu KUR URU İš-hupí-it-ta ku-it 54 [ku-ru-ur e-eš-ta Vs.I 49 In the following year I marched to the Upper Land . And the Tipiia Land began to make hostility with me. 50 And they didn’t give me soldiers. I, my Majesty, stroke the Kathaidduua town. 51 And I carried them with their namras, cattle and sheep. 52 I destroyed the town which mentioned above. ----------------------------------------------53 I went to Hattuša from the Tippiia Land again. The Išhupiita Land , that it 54 was enemy.

18 19

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Göetze 1933:22-7,42-5 Göetze 1933:27-31

SOMA 2007 Those expressions make us think that Išhupitta and Turmitta, which share the same geographical plane with Gashka ones, were situated in the Upper Land or not. Because, as I mentioned above, the troops of the Land Išhupitta is mentioned apart from the troops of Upper Land in the Middle Hittite texts.

also mentioned that after the attacks of some Gashka towns, like Pišhuru, Išhupitta and Daištipašša, the town Kuruštama and the town Gaziura began to display hostile activities. In Mašat-texts, some reasons for identification of places between Gaziura and Kašepura can be found:22

In the “autobiography” of Hattušili III, it is mentioned that the Gashka Lands as Pišhuru, Išhupitta and Daištapašša invaded the Land Landa and the Land Marišta (each were fortified towns), and then they crossed the Maraššantiia-river and attacked to land Kaneš

HKM 3623 u. Rd. 29 ŠA ERÍNMEŠ [UR]U Iš-hu-u-p[í-ı]t-ta-ma-mu 30 ku-it ut-tar ha-at-ra-a-e[š] 31III ME ERÍNM[E]Š -ua-kán da-[ah]-h[u-u]n Rs. 32 nu-ua-r[a-a]n-kán I-NA URUKa- ši-p[u-ra] 33 ša-ra-a tar-na-ah-hu-un ku-u-un-ma-ua [ERÍNMEŠ. . .] 34 nam-ma ERÍ[NM]EŠ ša-ra-am-ni-it da-ah-hu-un u.Rd. 29-30 What this involves that you wrote me about the issue of the troops of Ishupitta. 31 "I took 300 soldiers. Rs. 32 I left up them to Kasipura. 33 These soldiers however [I have .....-t] 34 Furthermore, I took the troops from the palace.

Hattusili Otobiyografy20 Vs.II 3 KUR URU Ga-aš-ga HI.A hu-u-ma-an-te-eš KÚR [Pí]-išhu-ru KUR Iš-[hu-pí-i]t-t[a] 4 KUR URU Da-iš-ti-pa-aš-ša BAL-i-ia-at nu KUR L[aan-da ] KUR URU Ma-ri-iš-ta 5 URU DIDLİ..HI.A BÁD-ia ar-h[a da]-a-[ir] nu-kán LÚ KÚR ÍD Ma-ra-aš-ša-an-da-an 6 za-[a-iš] nu KUR URU [. . . . . . . . . .] pa-a[n? ua-la-]ahhí-eš-ki-u-ua-an da-a-iš 7 nu KUR URU Ka-ni-eš ua-la-ah-hí-eš-ki-u-ua-an da-a-iš 8 URU Ha-[. . . . . . . . . . . . . . .-ma] URU Ku-ru-uš-ta-ma-aš URU Gaz-zi-ú-ra-aš-ša 9 pí-di ku-ru-ri-ia-ah-hi-ir nu URU.DU6 HIA URU Ha-at-ti 10 ua-al-hi-iš-ki-u-ua-an ti-e-ir LÚKÚR KUR URU Tur-miit-ta-ma 11[KUR URU Tu]-hu-up-pí-ia ua-al-hi-iš-ki-u-ua-an daa-iš Vs. II 3 all of the Gashka Land like Pİšhuru, Išhupitta and 4-5 Daištipašša rebelled. They inv[aded] the fortified towns as Landa and Marišta. Then the enemy crossed the Maraššanta river 6 The enemy also began to strike [ …….] town. 7 and began to strike the Kaneš Land (in the same way) 8 Ha.[…..], Kuruštama, and Gazziura 9 become an enemy immediately and they began to punish the occupied settlements of Hatti Land. 10 But the enemy of Durmitta Land also 11 began to punish Tuhupiia Land.

And on the basis of this, in addition to the close distance between Kašepura and Tapikka – Išhupitta, I consider that Gaziura was probably situated in the vicinity of Amasya-Tokat. In the “autobiography” of Hattušili III, Vs.1-11, the land Turmitta followed Kuruštama and Gazziura. In Vs. II 5355 24 it is mentioned that Muwattalli didn’t march over the Durmitta and Kuruštama, and assigned this duty to Hattušili. So I agree that the town Kuruštama must probably be situated somewhere between Tokat and Sivas; Hattušilis Autobiography Vs.II 53 na-aš I-NA URU DU-aš-ša kat-ta pí-e-da-aš nu URU DUaš-ša-an e-ip-ta 54 URU Tur-mi-it-ta-ma-aš URU Ku-ru-uš-ta-ma Ú-UL pa-it 55 na-aš-ta ki-e-da-aš A-NA KUR.KURMEŠ am-mu-ug anda da-a-li-ia-at Vs. II 53 and he took them to the town Tarhuntašša and he settled (them) to Tarhuntašša (as a homeland). 54 But he didn’t march to Durmitta and Kuruštama any more. 55 Moreover he left me in those Lands.

For this reason, I agreed that the Land Išhupitta (with Pišhuru and Daištipašša) was located to the upper part (north) of the Land Marišta, before arrival to the Marrašantiia-river into the Gashka-zone, ie. that Pišhuru, Išhupitta and Daištipašša may probably have been situated in the vicinity of Amasya-Tokat, and the land Landa and the Marišta also to the south of Turhal-Tokat in the direction to Kayseri. Among the lands which Muwatalli gave his brother to control, Hattušili III, the land Išhupiita appears before Marišta. If these lands were arranged in geographical order, I conclude that Išhupitta and Marišta were, most probably, in close proximity to each other.

In the “autobiography” of Hattušili III Vs. II 31-3225, it is also mentioned that the Pišhuru enemy probably made the 21

Göetze 1925:14-15 Alp 1991: 19 Alp 1991:182-7 24 Göetze 1925: 20-1 25 Göetze 1925:16-19

In the “autobiography” of Hattušili III Vs. II 1-1121, it is

22 23

20

Göetze 1925: 14-15

266

NEW OBSERVATIONS ABOUT SOME HITTITE TOWNS AND LANDS Land Takkašta as boundary, and invaded Karahna and Marišta. For this occasion, it is understood that Karahna, Marišta, Pišhuru ve Takkašta were probably in close distance with the Land Išhupitta on the same geographical plane:

brought to the town Durmitta, and then is dispatched out from ašuša-gate of Durmitta. All these data point to tehe fact that Hatenzuwa could probably have been located near Turmitta, and that there was a gate, named KA.GAL ašuša, in Durmitta:

Hattušilis Autobiography Vs.II 31 ú-it-ma LÚKÚR URUPi-iš-hu-ru-uš an-da a-ar-aš URU Ka-ra-ha-na-aš 32 URUMa-ri-iš-ta-aš SÀ LÚKÚR … nu-uš-ši a-pí-e-iz KUR URUTak-ka-aš-ta-aš ZAG-aš e-eš-ta Vs. II 31 When the enemy of Pišhuru came and invaded Karahna (and) 32 Marišta were and [ …… ] Takkasta bordered to him

KUB LV 43 Vs. I 20 nu ŠA DZi-it-ha-[ri-ia-aš] KUŠKur-ša-an-pát I-NA URU Tu-u-hu-[up-pi-ia 21 pe-e-da-an-zi na-an-kán ma-ah-ha-an URUHa-at-tu-šaaz KÁ.GAL 22 ka[t-t]a ar-nu-an-zi na-an-za-kán KUR-ia-an-da D LAMA KUŠKur-ša-[aš 23 hal-zi-iš-ša-an-zi ŠA DLAMA URUHa-te-en-zu-ua-ma KUŠ Kur-ša-aš 24 I-NA URUDur-mi-it-ta pi-e-da-an-zi na-an-kán ma-ahha-an 25 KÁ.GAL a-šu-ša-an kat-ta ar-nu-an-zi Vs. I 20-21 and (they) bring the KUŠkurša of God Zittariia to Tuhupiia and when (they) dispatch down it from the gate of Hattuša 22 and it (as) the KUŠkurša of protective-God in the country 23 (they) proclaim. However, the KUŠkurša of the town Hatenzuua 24 they bring to the town Durmitta and when they 25 dispatch down from ašuša-gate.

The “autobiography” of Hattušili III Vs. II 10-1126 in which Durmitta began to strike Tuhupiia and also, the sacrifice list about the festival of AN.TAH-SUM.SAR, KBo IV 13 21-23 in which Durmitta appears between Ankuua and Tuhuppiia, confirm that Ankuua and Tuhuppiia might probably be situated in the same region, with Durmitta: Hattušilis Autobiography Vs.II 10 ……..LÚKÚR KUR URU Tur-mi-it-ta-ma 11[KUR URU Tu]-hu-up-pí-ia ua-al-hi-iš-ki-u-ua-an daa-iš Vs. II 10 …….. But the enemy of Durmitta Land also 11 began to punish Tuhupiia Land.

This text, as I mentioned above, proves once again that the town of Durmitta was in close proximity to Tuhupiia (near Amasya-Çorum). In a text KUB XLVIII 105+KBo XII 2329 about offering to the sacred-goods belong a number of towns, and NAM.RA-peoples as a gift;

KBo IV 13 Vs.I 21 I UDU DINGIR MEŠ URU Za-al-pa I UDU DINGIR MEŠ URU Ha-an-ha-na 22 I UDU DINGIR MEŠ URU An-ku-ua [I UDU DIN]GIRMES URU Dur-mi-it-ta 23 I UDU DINGIR MEŠ URU Tu-hu-pí-ia I UDU DINGIR MEŠ URU Zi-iš-pár-na [

a) Towns of Land Uašhaniia; ……..............] -aš-ši (I 25), Šananauia (6-8), Ušhaniia (9), Kipitta (10-13) Uhhiua (14-15), Kapitatamna (10-17) b) Towns of the Land Durmitta: U-iš-šina (19-28), Nenašša, (29-30), Uvalma (31-35), Tenizidaša (36-37), Piddaniiaša (38-41), [Mall]idaš kuriia (42-43), broken context, but approximately 4 name place in here (II I II), end ] x-ratta 1 town (II 12-13), Kalašmitta (14-15), Tamettaia (16-19), Durmitta (20-22), broken context but approximately 3 name place in here (23-29) c) Towns of the Land Kaššiia: Aššuuašša (-) (II 31-33), Hartana (34-35). d) Towns of the land Tappiika: İšhupita, Gaggaduua (3940), Lapišhuna (41), Ištarua (42), Anziliia (43-46)

In the “autobiography” of Hattušili III Vs. II 50-63,27 Durmitta appears between Hattena and Pala among the towns which are arranged as Išhupitta, Marišta, Hiššešhepa, Katapa, Hanhana Tarahna, Hattena, Turmitta, Pala, Tumanna, Kašiia Šappa, IDSIG, Hakmiš and Ištahara and which were given to Hattušili by Muwatalli.28 In a ritual text, it seems that the KUŠkurša of God Zithariia is brought to the town Tuhuppiia and then is dispatched out from the gate of Hattuša. For this reason I suppose that Tuhuppiia could probably be somewhere near Hattuša. The same text also mentions that the KUŠkurša which belonged to protective-god of Hatenzuwa is

It is interesting that the town Nenašša is mentioned among the towns of the Durmitta, since those towns are located in different areas. In this text the towns of Kaššiia are mentioned after the Turmitta ones, so I consider that Turmitta wasn’t too far from Kaššiia. For this text it also seems that the NAMRA-peoples were

26

Göetze 1925:14-15 Göetze 1925:18-21 For their location and the related texts s. del Monte-Tischler 1978; del Monte 1992 27 28

29

267

Archi-Klengel 1980: 143-57

SOMA 2007 settled in the towns which belonged to the land Turmitta, and that they kept on living there.

In a Bogazköy-text, Durmitta appears near Tahurpa: KBo XI 7331 Vs.II 2 [ ]x URU Dur-[mi-it-ta] 3 [ LUGAL-]i hi-in-ka[n-zi] 4 [ ] MUN ku-gul-lu-uš 5 URU Dur-mi-it-ta-az 6 hi-in-ku-wa-an-zi ----------------------------------------7 MUNUSMEŠ zi-in-tu-hi-i-e-eš 8 URU Ta-hur-pa-ma-kan 9 KASKAL-an ZAG-na-az 10 [(t)]a-[(p)]u-ša a-ra-an-da-ri Vs. II 2 [ ] x the town Durmitta 3 (they) cu[rsty to the king] 4 [ ] salt territories. 5 from the town Durmitta 6 .(they) send. -----------------------------------7 the Zintuhi-priestesses 8 But at the town Tahurpa 9 at the right side of the way 10 they wait

Both Išhupitta and Gaggadduwa are mentioned as a province in the same text (Rs. 37). And the deliveries for the troops of Išhupitta are also dealt with in Rs. 38. However, in a Gašhka-treaty it seems that Nanaziti from Išhupitta is mentioned with Kaggadduva ones, so I consider that Išhupitta and Gaggaduwa might probably be in close proximity of each other; KUB XXXVI 11530 Rs.III 6 [Na-n]a-zi-ti-iš pi[ku-ur-ia-al-l]i? LU URU İš-hu-pi-it-ta[ 7 [kat-ti-i š- ši-ia 5? [L]U M[ES URU ..]x- pa-ah-tu-na mHimu-i-li [? M ES 8[ ] -ti [ ] LU MES URU Ka-a-kaddu (-) [wa Another text about NAMRA-people mentions that 12 NAMRA-people of mUR.ŠA [G-X] from Iİiaupapa, 2 women from İummiarina, 2 women from Iuhaštila, 2 milksop from Armapiia-house, one woman from Zalputa, totally 20 NAM.RA-peoples from the land Turmitta were gathered in all:

In this text, the expressions about shipping the salt also prove that the town of Turmitta must probably be situated around Sivas, in the north of the line of Tokat-Sivas. Today there are important rock salt-enterprises in Hafik, Zara, İmranlı and Koyunluhisar around Sivas.

KUB XXVI 69 10 nu-kán 12 NAM.RA ŠA m UR-S[AG-x 11 I-NA URU i-ia-ú-pa-pa EGIR-an[ 12 II MUNUS URU i-ú-mi-ia-ri-ni 13 II MUNUS URU i-ú-ha-aš-te-li I MUNUSURU x 14 II MUNUS É.PIŠ BA.BA.ZA É mDSIN-ŠUM [ 15 I MUNUS URU Za-al-pu-ut-ta EGIR-an 16 ŠU.NIGIN XX NAM-RAMEŠ URU Tur-m[e!-t]a 10 and 12 NAM.RA of mUR.SAG-x [ 11 after from the town İyauapapa [ 12 two women from the town İumiyarini, 13 two women from the town iúhašteli, 1 woman from [ ] 14 two women, the milksop in the house of mDSIN.ŠUM 15 one woman from Zalputta town [ 16 totally twenty NAM.RA-people from the town Turmitta [

Finally, as some scholars point out, I agree that Išhupitta must probably be located in somewhere between Ortaköy and Mašat, around Turhal-Amasya, and that Turmitta also must probably be situated around modern Sivas, to the north of the line of Tokat-Sivas where there are great amounts of salt and copper ore still in modern times. I also think that towns and lands which appear near Išhupitta and Turmitta in the cuneiform texts must be located in the same area as Išhupitta and Durmitta, the socalled Gashka region. Moreover I can draw a conclusion that Išhupitta might probably be a town in the province of Mašat/Tapikka, and that Išhupitta and Durmitta were annexed to the province Upper Land during the reign of Hattušili III, and that there were numerous towns, countries and villages in the territory of Išhupitta and Turmitta.

Since the NAM.RA-women is mentioned with Iiauappa, Iummiarina, URUIuhaštila, URUx, (and) URUZalputa and it referred to the 20 NAMRA-people of the Land Turmitta in Vs.16, it seems that the listed settlement-names were towns in the territory of Turmitta. It also establishes that the NAMRA-people were settled in the towns of Turmitta.

Bibliography

In an LÚAGRIG-list (KUB XI 28 III 13), the administrator of Turmitta is mentioned before Hakmiš, Zimišhuna and Hanhana. If these towns were arranged in a geographical order, Hakmiš, Zimišhuna and Hanhana must be searched in the same territory I supposed for the town of Durmitta.

Archi, A. and Klengel, H. (1980) Ein hethitischer Text über die Reorganisation des Kultes. Altorientalische Forschungen, 7, 143-57. Alp,S. (1991) Hethitische Briefe aus Maşat-Höyük, Ankara,Türk Tarih Kurumu Basımevi. Bilgiç ,E. (1946) Anadolu’nun ilk yazılı kaynaklarındaki yer adları ve yerlerinin tayini üzerine incelemeler. Belleten,10, 381-423.

30

31

Schuler 1965:137

268

Erkut 1990:3-4

NEW OBSERVATIONS ABOUT SOME HITTITE TOWNS AND LANDS Del Monte, G.F. and Tischler, J. (1978) Die Orts-und Gewassernamen der hethitische texte: Répertoire Géographique des Textes Cunéiformes, 6/1. Wiesbaden, DR. Ludwig Reichert Verlag. Del Monte, G.F.(1992) Die Orts-und Gewassernamen der hethitische texte: Répertoire Géographique des Textes Cunéiformes, 6/2. Wiesbaden, DR. Ludwig Reichert Verlag. Schuler, E. (1965) Die Kaškäer. Berlin, Vormals G. J. Göschen’sche Verlagshandlung. J.Guttentag, Verlagsbuchhandlung. Süel, A. (2002) Ortaköy Tabletlerinde Geçen Bazı Yeni Coğrafya İsimleri. Uluslararası Hititoloji Kongresi Bildirileri,5, 679-85. Weidner, E. (1923) Politische Dokumente aus Kleinnasien. Leipzig, J.C. Hinrichs’sche Buchhandlung.

Erkut, S. (1990) Hititlerde Tuz ve Kullanımı. Belleten,54, 1-7. Ertem, H. (1980) Hitit Devletinin İki Eyaleti PalaTum(m)ana İle Yakın Çevrelerindeki Yerlerin Lokalizasyonu Üzerine Yeni Denemeler,Ankara, Ankara Üniversitesi Dil ve Tarih-Coğrafya Fakültesi Yayınları. Ertem, H. (1990) Korucutepe’nin Hititler Devrindeki Adı Hakkında. Türk Tarih Kongresi Bildirileri, 10,577-87. Garstang,J. and Gurney, O.R. (1959) The Geography of the Hittite Empire, London, Published by the British İnstitute of Archaeology at Ankara. Götze, A. (1925) Hattušiliš: Mitteilungen der Vorderasiatisch-Aegyptischen Gesellschaft (E.V.), 29. Leipzig, J.C. Hinrichs’sche Buchhandlung. Götze, A. (1933) Die Annalen des Muršiliš: Mitteilungen der Vorderasiatisch-Aegyptischen Gesellschaft (E.V.), 38. Leipzig, J.C. Hinrichs’sche Buchhandlung.

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The Circulation of Bronze Macedonian Royal Coins in Seuthopolis: A Reappraisal Emil Nankov Department of History of Art and Archaeology, Cornell University, Ithaca, NY 14853, U.S.A. [email protected]

Introduction

Seuthopolis

The token coinage of base metal, usually bronze, was used for small denominations in antiquity. Since bronze did not have intrinsic value, in order to circulate it needed overvaluation against bullion guaranteed by the state (Price 1979: 351). Unlike gold and silver, which facilitated the transfer of significant wealth as well as the interregional exchange of goods, it was only suitable for the handling of small-scale transactions on a daily basis. Thus, it was ‘good’ money within the premises of the issuer and as such it tended not to travel far from its point of origin. Yet, in many instances bronze coins issued by kings traveled remarkably widely, especially during the age of Alexander III and the Successors. But in fact, as has been suggested, it was the people who traveled, along with the small change they carried with them (Price 1991: 66). Thus, what Christopher Howgego calls “the aggregate movement of people” adequately explains the presence of large amount of foreign cash of little value in non-local environment (Howgego 1995: 101). To place the emphasis on the movement of people rather than the movement of goods is therefore essential, since it provides the opportunity, as I will try to demonstrate, to revisit the issue of the Macedonian presence in inland Thrace from a different perspective.

I use the early Hellenistic city of Seuthopolis (Попов 2002: 122-34) as a case study. The city (5 ha) is located in inland Thrace, on the upper course of Tonzos river, 7 km west of the modern town of Kazanluk (Figs. 1-2). A team of Bulgarian archaeologists excavated the site and its necropolis during 1948-1954 (Dimitrov and Čičikova 1978). Of the foreign coins uncovered during the excavations (Димитров 1984: Кат. №10-143, 167-239, 243-307), the Macedonian royal bronzes constitute the largest number (Table 1). Of these, 380 belong to issues of Philip II (359-336 BC), Alexander III (336-323 BC), Alexander IV (323-310 BC), Cassander (316-297 BC), Lysimachus (306-281 BC), and Demetrius Poliorcetes (306-283 BC). The bronzes of Cassander (119), however, represent not only the largest number of Macedonian royal coins from the city but also provide the most secure dates, since their minting occurred between 311 and 297 BC (Ehrhardt 1973: 26-7). In addition to the foreign issues, 864 bronzes minted by the Thracian dynast Seuthes III (ca. 330-295 BC) were found (Димитров 1984: Кат №401-1249), 212 of which were overstruck on Macedonian bronzes (Table 2). Thus, before the overstriking occurred the total

Table 1. Numbers of the bronze Macedonian royal coins RULER

SEUTHOPOLIS

Philip II Alexander III Alexander IV Cassander Lysimachus Demetrius Poliorcetes Anonymous

49 34 1 119 43 5 4 255

SUBTOTAL Unidentified overstrikes on Macedonian bronzes TOTAL

NECROPOLIS (Tumuli №1, №2, №3) 87 42 129 384 133 517

Table 2. Numbers of the bronze Thracian royal coins RULER Seuthes III

NECROPOLIS (Tumuli №1, №2, №3) New Overstrikes 9 6

SEUTHOPOLIS New 643

Overstrikes 206

TOTAL New 652

Overstrikes 212 864

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THE CIRCULATION OF BRONZE MACEDONIAN ROYAL COINS IN SEUTHOPOLIS: A REAPPRAISAL campaigns, instigated by foreign kings, in Thrace and Greece are discussed below.

balance between local and foreign royal bronzes was 652 to 517. Since the number of the Macedonian coins is disproportionately large, I would like to focus on the following questions: what is the significance of such a large number of Macedonian royal bronzes found in a Thracian city from the interior, and why at some point Seuthes III decided to mint his own bronzes?

Royal bronzes abroad In 252 BC the Seleucid king Antiochus II Theos (261246 BC) crossed the Hellespont and laid siege to the Thracian city of Kypsela (Polyaenus Strategemata, 4.16). Eventually, the Thracians decided to join forces with the king who continued his march along the Black sea coast. A decree from Apollonia (IGBulg I, 2, №388) informs us that Antiochus II made an alliance with the city that was directed against the threat imposed by the Celts (contra Тачева 1987: 23). He also provided military support by leaving some of his soldiers on the spot. We do not know, however, whether the king continued his march in inland Thrace. The archaeological excavations at the Thracian city of Kabyle (Попов 2002: 111-22), located on the middle course of Tonzos river, ca. 90 km east of Seuthopolis (cf. Fig. 1), however, provide important clues. To date, 243 bronze coins minted by Antiochus II in Sardis have come to light leaving no doubt in scholars that they should be explained within the context of his soldiers’ presence in Kabyle (Юрукова 1982: 3-6; Драганов 1993: 57-8; 64; cf. also Юрукова 1992: 150).

Prior studies have dealt little with the problem of the presence of the foreign coins in Seuthopolis (cf. Dimitrov 1987: 1-3, with references cited; e.g. Dimitrov 1982: 22731), directing their efforts chiefly towards establishing the absolute chronology of the coinage of Seuthes III based on the fact that some of his issues were overstruck on the well dated coins of Cassander (Dimitrov and Dimitrov 1976; Димитров 1984: 32-40; Юрукова 1992: 85-103; Peter 1997: 189-202; Тачева 2000: 15-19; Тачева 2006: 194-201). Those seeking to explain the presence of the large amount of Macedonian coins to a great extent tended to oversimplify the phenomenon by repeatedly pointing out their “popularity” in the local market. In so doing, what needed explanation was in fact always taken for granted, thus leading to the conclusion that the inhabitants of Seuthopolis were using Macedonian coins only because they were popular (cf. Dimitrov and Čičikova 1978: 42). This may very well be true but it does not address the issue of why and how the foreign bronzes were circulating far away from their place of origin. Since the coins are of small denominations, i.e. chalkous, dichalkon, tetrachalkon (hemiobol) (Psoma 1998: 28-9) it is also difficult to agree with the opinion of Kamen Dimitrov that they should indicate the existence of trade contacts between the kingdoms of Seuthes III, Cassander, and Lysimachus (Димитров 1984: 42; cf. also Димитров 2005: 128-9). As pointed out earlier, the interregional travel of small change is often equated with the movement of people, and in this the intermediary role of soldiers has long been recognized.

In 261 BC, after the end of the Chremonidean war (Habicht 1997: 142-54), Antigonus Gonatas (279-239 BC) imposed a garrison in Athens that was to play a role in the local affairs until the death of Demetrius II (239229 BC). Not surprisingly, excavations at the Athenian agora, Kerameikos and other areas have yielded enormous amount of Macedonian bronzes minted by Antigonus Gonatas (Lönqvist 1997: 121-6). By far his coins represent 47,2 % of the Macedonian coins recovered from the city (Lönqvist 1997: 127, Table 4). Similar situation has been attested in Thessaly, where a regional study of the Macedonian bronze coins (10 000) revealed that 41,2 % of these belonged to Antigonus Gonatas (Liampi 2000: 220, Tables 1-2). Again, the paradigm of foreign military presence vis-à-vis the frequent movement and stationing of Macedonian garrisons, has been offered as the explanation for the movement of large amounts of small change over long distances (Lönqvist 1997: 136; Liampi 2000: 225).

Ancient travelers were a diverse lot: merchants, soldiers, pilgrims, tourists, athletes, officials, and so on. The way that they affect the distribution of bronze coinage can be understood through the concept of “peripatetic” versus “destination” travel. According to this model, trips made to buy and sell wares, move slowly from place to place in search of local curiosities, or engage in religious activity such as performances and proselytizing are likely to mean significant and constant turning over of the coins in the traveler’s purse. On the other hand, destination travel, which moves towards a specific goal that must be reached fairly directly, is likely to allow for less dawdling along the way, and less opportunity for coins to be spent in local markets. Destination travel would include movement to an assize capital for legal activity, to another political entity or kingdom as part of an official delegation, and to sanctuaries for specific religious festivals (Knapp 2005, 38).

During the Chremonidean war Ptolemy II Philadelphos (285-246 BC) allied with Athens and Sparta in their struggle against Macedonia. The king provided military help by sending out a fleet commanded by his general Patroklos. We know from literary sources (Pausanias 1.1.1; Strabo 9.398) that he landed on a small island, off the west coast of Attica, about 3 km. north of Sounion, where he built a fort and left a garrison. The excavations on the island (McCredie 1966: 18-25) as well as on the site of Koroni, located on the east coast of Attica, revealed temporary military installations such as hurriedly built fortification walls and barracks (McCredie 1966: 1-16). In addition, 80 % of the discovered bronze coins belong to Ptolemy II, thus proving conclusive in interpreting the architectural remains as well as the historical significance of Koroni (Vanderpool, McCredie,

In this paper, I argue that the Macedonian royal bronzes in Seuthopolis testify to the presence of foreign soldiers. In support of this hypothesis several examples of military 271

SOMA 2007 30, 42). While this fact clearly has great weight in the attempt to assign absolute dates to the beginning of Seuthes’ III coinage, I prefer to suspend judgment on the questions of chronology here. Instead, I seek to provide an alternative way for assessing the significance of the overstrikes.

et al. 1962: 56-8). Despite the silence in the literary sources, it became clear that, after landing off Sounion, the Ptolemaic soldiers continued sailing along the east coast of Attica and built the fort at Koroni. In the instances cited above the movement of small change is equated with the movement of Macedonian troops that were temporarily stationed in Thessaly and Attica. But once the campaigns ended the soldiers had no reason to stay. Recognizing their temporary presence, however, is crucial because it demonstrates how the large amount of worthless cash ended up far away from its point of origin (cf. Price 1991: 66; Liampi 2000: 225). In fact, the wide circulation of bronze coins fulfilled specific needs.

For many years ideological considerations ensured the existence of interpretatio thracica in Bulgarian scholarship. Thus, Seuthes’ III right to mint coins was predominantly seen as an expression of his royal power inextricably intertwined with the struggle for independence against the Macedonians (Dimitrov and Čičikova 1978: 42). In fact, attempts have been made to tie the striking of certain denominations to specific historical events such as the battle between Seuthes III and Lysimachus in 323 BC (Youroukova 1976: 23; Тачева 2006: 196). Such a view, however, raises more questions than it answers. For instance, why was Seuthes alluding to Zeus and his attributes, eagle and thunderbolt, on his coins,1 if he wanted to maintain an identity irrespective of a god that already had Macedonian association through the coinage of Philip II? Why were his bronzes tied to the Attic standard (Tables 3, 4) adopted by Alexander III for his silver coinage early in his reign (Psoma 1998: 28-9)? If Seuthes III was nonetheless intent on showcasing his Thracian identity through the lens of foreign imagery and weight standard (Димитров 1984: 25, n. 32-3; Тачева 2006: 201), this means that his need to coin money was non-existent before the arrival of the Macedonians (cf. Dimitrov and Čičikova 1978: 42). Thus, it is reasonable to suggest that the presence of Macedonian soldiers in Seuthopolis, bringing a lot of small change in circulation in the city, in fact also stimulated the introduction of a local coin.

The function of “worthless cash”: Military pay? During a military campaign mercenary soldiers were always guaranteed two separate payments. The σĩτος was the food allowance, paid in kind or in coin, and the μισθός was the salary. The food money, however, was always paid in advance, unlike the salary, which the soldiers received in the end (Griffith 1935: 264-5). The distinction is fundamental as well as instrumental in the attempt to assess the importance of bronze coinage in general (cf. Cook 1958: 260-1; Kraay 1984: 3). For instance, a soldier would always carry small change, except for the cases when his σίτος was paid in kind, which he could use in the country in which he was stationed (Howgego 1990: 9). For the kings the use of token coinage was also advantageous since its production was very cheap. At the same time, by issuing a bronze coin the kings doubtless reaffirmed their authority but in fact they were supplying the troops with small change (cf. Liampi 2000: 225). While the propaganda effect was most certainly sought after it should not distract from the fact that bronze coinage was issued in order to meet daily needs and cover small personal expenses (Aristotle Oeconomica, 2.2.23.1; cf. Robinson and Price 1967). Unlike σĩτος, the salary of a soldier could never be paid in bronze because of its low denominational value. Moreover, since it was always paid in the end, and in many cases the full payment was protracted until the very end of the campaign, the salary amount naturally increased with time. Thus, it was paid in gold or silver, which were conducive to transferring larger sums of money. For example, when Alexander III discharged his veterans and allied troops in 324 BC every soldier was to receive a salary equaling 1 talent (Thompson 1984: 2446, n. 17).

The influence the foreign coin had for the development of the local economy is considerable. Aside from the fact that it marks the beginning of monetized exchange, very often the presence of foreign currency contributed to the introduction and/or resurgence of local coinages. These phenomena took various forms in different parts of the Hellenistic world. For example, Thessalian cities never stopped issuing their own coins during the years of Macedonian presence in the region (Liampi 2000: 221). Several cities in Acarnania (Alyzia, Argos Amphilochikon), Epirus (Elea, Kassope) and Leukas, witnessing the influx of Macedonian bronzes in the name of Philip II and Alexander III after the military campaign of Cassander in 314 BC, eventually decided to turn them into a local coin by means of overstriking (ΚρεμύδηΣισιλιάνου 2000: 70-2). Similar process has been detected in Athens, Euboea and Boeotia (cf. Σβορώνος 1908: 231; Picard 1979: 180-1; Kroll 1993: 189-90, 205), for that matter, after the Antigonid garrisons withdrew from these areas. The foreign coin was allowed

The impact of foreign currency Another question I would like to consider is the direct impact that the influx of foreign currency had upon the appearance of a local coin at Seuthopolis. As noted at the outset, 212 of the coins minted by the Thracian dynast Seuthes III were overstruck on Macedonian royal bronzes (Tables 1, 2). Of these, however, only 73 were identified, and of those 11,9 % belong to issues of Philip II and Alexander III, and 84,9 % to Cassander (Димитров 1984:

1 The bronze coins of Seuthes III are arranged into seven types by Kamen Dimitrov (1984, 27-8) as follows (cf. Table 4): 1. Eight-ray star/thunderbolt ; 2. Eagle/wreath; 3. Eagle/thunderbolt; 4. Zeus/horseman; 5. Zeus/thunderbolt; 6. Zeus/spearhead; 7. Seuthes III/horseman

272

THE CIRCULATION OF BRONZE MACEDONIAN ROYAL COINS IN SEUTHOPOLIS: A REAPPRAISAL Table 3: Bronze coinage of Alexander III and Seuthes III compared (Price 1991: 40; Тачева 2006: обр. 28) RULER Alexander III

Seuthes III

DENOMINATION chalkous dichalkon tetrachalkon AE ¼ AE ½ AE

DIAMETER 10-13 mm 14-17 mm 16-20 mm 10-13 mm 14-17 mm 16-20 mm

WEIGHT 1.2-2.2 g 3.3-4.2 g 5-8 g 1.5-1.8 g 2.3-3 g 5-5.1 g

Table 4: Distribution of the bronze coins of Seuthes III from Seuthopolis according to the Attic weight standard of an eight-obol chalkous, by type DENOMINATION

COINS

NUMBER

Chalkous

AE ¼

Type 1, 6

90

Dichalkon

AE ½

Type 2, 5

137

Tetrachalkon TOTAL

AE

Type 3, 4, 7

622 849

scholarship (cf. Adams 1975, 44-5), this is nonetheless reliable evidence testifying to an early friendly encounter of Cassander with the northern neighbor of Macedonia. In 311 BC after the “Piece of the Dynasts” Cassander became general of Europe (Diod. Sic. 19.105.1) while Lysimachus retained his power in Thrace, which he received after the settlement in Babylon in 323 BC. We know that in 310 BC Cassander interfered in inland Thrace by supporting the Paeonian king Audoleon in his struggle against the Autariatae (Diod. Sic. 20.19.1). Eventually, Cassander made them settle as military colonists near Mt. Orbelos on the middle course of Strymon river. Probably during the same campaign he had to face one of the earliest Celtic incursions led by Kambaules in Haemus mountain (Pliny HN 31.30.53; Pausanias 9.19, see commentary in Domaradzki 1993: 46, n. 40). It is clear that the Celts, which Alexander III had to buy off in 335 BC (Arrian, Anabasis 1.4.6-8; Strabo, 7.3.8), were again becoming the most serious threat for the northern frontiers of both Macedonia and inland Thrace. In the face of the rising Celtic threat, it is conceivable for Cassander to have decided to ally with the former enemy of Lysimachus, Seuthes III. Although we do not have the exact location of the episode in Haemus,2 it seems likely to suggest that it took place in the Shipka Pass (contra Theodossiev 2000: 82) on account of its strategic importance and the fact that the Macedonian army had already used it during Alexander’s III march against the Tribaloi in 335 BC (Hammond and Walbank 1988: 34). Thus, if the Macedonians were to undertake a pre-emptive strike on the Celts in inland Thrace, it is logical to suggest that an agreement between Cassander, Lysimachus and Seuthes III had been reached at some point before the campaign. Otherwise, before fighting off the Celts, Cassander would have most certainly had to face Seuthes III, just as Lysimachus did few years earlier. In this context I draw attention to the

circulation by overstriking (Le Rider 1975: 46-55), which in the case of Athens set the beginning of a new bronze denomination of lasting importance (Kroll 1993: 36-7). Another way of dealing with the presence of considerable amount of foreign small change involved countermarking (Le Rider 1975: 37-45). Thus in Thrace the municipalities of Kabyle and Apollonia converted some of the Seleucid bronzes of Antiochus II into local money by endorsing their value through small countermarks (Юрукова 1992: 148, обр. 39a, 41a). Macedonia, inland Thrace and the Celts Of great importance is also the observation that the influx of foreign coin is always preceded by a military campaign with its own political agenda (cf. Knapp 2005: 36). In the case of Seuthopolis, however, information for such in the literary sources is lacking. Two military encounters between Seuthes III and Lysimachus have been recorded in 323 and 313 BC (Diod. Sic. 18.14.2; Pausanias 1.9.6; Diod. Sic. 19.73.13). During this period the picture portrayed is one of hostility, but if as early as 310 BC Seuthes III was no longer posing a threat for Lysimachus (Diod. Sic. 20.25.1) and in light of the fact that ever since the first coalition against Antigonus the One-Eyed in 315 BC, Lysimachus always joined forces with Cassander on the battlefield (Diod. Sic. 20.106.2; 112.2-4; 113.3; cf. Lund 1992: 76-7; Минчев 2007: 19-20), the presence of large number of bronzes of Cassander in Seuthopolis may not be so out of place. Specifically, I argue that behind the influx of the bronzes of Cassander in Seuthopolis there is another, yet little studied, historical event in which Seuthes III was possibly involved. This is based on some literary evidence pointing out to activities of Cassander in inland Thrace, as I discuss below. On the crossing to Asia in 334 BC Cassander appears as a commander of 900 Thracian and Paeonian scouts (prodromoi) in the army of Alexander III (Diod. Sic. 17.17.4). Although Arrian and Curtius Rufus do not mention this fact and often neglected by modern

2

Pliny HN 31.30.53: “Nascuntur fontes decisis plerumque silvis, quos arborum alimenta consumebant, sicut in Haemo obsidente Gallos Cassandro, cum valli gratia silvas cecidissent.”

273

SOMA 2007 fact that (1) the foundation date of Seuthopolis does not antedate 310 BC (Домарадски 1998: 58; Стоянов 2006: 87, n. 26; Nankov 2007), (2) the number of the bronzes of Cassander in the city is inexplicably high (Юрукова 1992: 95, n. 262) plus the fact that more than half were later restruck by Seuthes III (Димитров 1984: 42), (3) Seuthopolis is located in close proximity to the Shipka Pass (ca. 10 km to the south), thus betraying an intent to check the traffic along a major gateway towards southern Thrace (cf. Буюклиев, Гетов 1964: 30; Буюклиев 2006: 179-84).3 Hence, it is conceivable that the city was originally envisaged as a military checkpoint and temporary residence for both Thracians and Macedonians who united their forces against the imminent threat imposed by the Celts from the north. This is by no means an isolated phenomenon, since the archaeological surveys in the plain of Kazanluk have shown high density of sites dating to the late fourth century BC (Домарадски 1991: 129-30). In fact, not only does Seuthopolis appear as the biggest urban center within this network but it is also linked with the settlements situated on the foothills of Haemus (Fig. 3) that secured the southern approaches to the Shipka Pass (Домарадски 1991: 130, обр. 1; Христов 2002: 62).

Bibliography Adams, W. L. T. (1974) Cassander, Macedonia, and the Policy of Coalition, 323-301 B.C. Unpublished PhD Thesis, University of Virginia. Cook, R. M. (1958) Speculations on the Origins of Coinage. Historia 7, 257-62. Dimitrov, K. (1982) Circulation de monnaies Macédoniennes et monnaies des Diadoques à Seuthopolis pendant ka haute époque hellénistique. In: Actes du IX Congrès International de Numismatique, Berne, Septembre 1979, Louvain-laNeuve, Luxembourg, Vol. 1, 227-31. Dimitrov, K. (1987) Studies of the Numismatic Material Found at Seuthopolis: Problems, Research Methods and Basic Conclusions. American Numismatic Society Museum Notes 32, 1-10. Dimitrov, D. P and K. Dimitrov (1976) Le monnayage de Seuthes III selon les données de Seuthopolis. In: Actes du II Congres International de Thracologie, Vol. 2, Bucarest, 165-9. Dimitrov, D. P. and M. Čičikova (1978) The Thracian City of Seuthopolis. British Archaeological Reports, International Series 38, Oxford. Domaradzki, M. (1993) Pistiros – centre commercial et politique dans la vallée de Maritza (Thrace). Archeologia 44, 35-57. Ehrhardt, Chr. (1973) The Coins of Cassander. Journal of Numismatic Fine Arts, 2, 25-32. Griffith, G. T. (1935) The Mercenaries of the Hellenistic World, Chicago. Habicht, Chr. (1997) Athens from Alexander to Antony, Cambridge, Massachusetts Hammond, N. G. and F. W. Walbank (1988) A History of Macedonia, 336-167 B.C., Vol. III, Oxford. Howgego, C. J. (1990) Why Did the Ancient States Strike Coins? Numismatic Chronicle 150, 1-25. Howgego, C. J. (1995) Ancient History from Coins, London. Knapp, R. C. (2005) The Classical Hellenistic, Roman Provincial and Roman Coins. In: Knapp, R. C and J. D. Mac Isaac. Excavations at Nemea, Vol. III. The Coins. University of California Press, 3-179. Kraay, C. M. (1984) Greek Coinage and War. In: Heckel, W. and R. Sullivan, eds. Ancient Coins of the GraecoRoman World: The Nickle Numismatic Papers, Waterloo, Ontario. Kroll, J. H. (1993) The Greek Coins. The Athenian Agora XXVI, Princeton. Le Rider, G. (1975) Contremarques et surfrappes dans l’Antiquité grecque. In: Numismatique Antique. Problèmes et Méthodes, Nancy-Louvain, 27-56. Liampi, K. (2000) The Circulation of Bronze Macedonian Royal Coins in Thessaly. In: Mattusch, C. C., Brauer, A., and S. E. Knudsen, eds. From the Parts to the Whole, I. Acta of the 13th International Bronze Congress held at Cambridge, Massachusetts, May 28June 1, 1996, Portsmouth, Rhode Island, 221-5 Lönqvist, K. (1997) Studies on the Hellenistic Coinage of Athens: The Impact of Macedonia on the Athenian Money Market in the 3rd Century B.C. In: Frösén J. ed. Early Hellenistic Athens. Symptoms of a Change.

Conclusions To sum up, I propose that the large influx of Macedonian royal bronzes in inland Thrace reflects the movement and stationing of Macedonian troops that, among other things, may have been to a certain extent instrumental in the building of Seuthopolis (Nankov 2007), as well as the reconfiguration of the settlement pattern in its hinterland. It can also be argued that the circulation of these coins stimulated the appearance of monetized economy within the newly built city and eventually led to the introduction of a local coin minted by Seuthes III. The Attic weight standard, the Macedonian iconography and the overstrikes suggest that the Thracian coins were fashioned on the already circulating Macedonian royal bronzes. The fact that only a fraction of the foreign coins were overstruck points to the supposition of coexistence of Thracians and Macedonians in Seuthopolis. Otherwise, Seuthes III and/or his heirs (SEG XLII 661, l. 7-9) would have most certainly overstruck the entire pool of available foreign currency, thus signaling the moment of departure of the Macedonian troops (cf. Kroll 1993: 205). The hypothesis proposed here is fundamentally different from what has been hitherto suggested but, if accepted, it has the advantage to better demonstrate how the foreign military presence in Seuthopolis can account not only for the circulation of Macedonian royal bronzes, but also for the appearance of local coinage in the name of the Thracian dynast Seuthes III.

3 See discussion in Stoyanov (2000: 59-60) who notes the existence of Macedonian “fortresses” designed to defend the approaches to another major mountain pass of Haemus, the Varbitsa Pass. Several coin hoards consisting of bronze issues of Philip II and Alexander III are associated with these (Димитров 2005: 130).

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Papers and Monographs of the Finnish Institute at Thens, Vol VI, Helsinki, 119-45. Lund, H. S. (1992) Lysimachus. A Study in Early Hellenistic Kingship, Routledge: London and New York. McCredie, J. (1966) The Fortified Military Camps in Attica. Hesperia Supplement 11. Nankov, E. (2007) The Fortifications of Seuthopolis: Breaking the Mold, forthcoming. Peter, U. (1997) Die Münzen der thrakischen Dynasten (5. – 3. Jahrhundert v. Chr.). Hintergrunden und Prägung, Akademie Verlag, Berlin. Picard, O. (1979) Chalcis et la confédération eubéenne. Etude de numismatique et d’histoire (IV-I siècle), Paris. Price, M. J. (1979) Early Greek Bronze Coinage. In: Atti del VI Convegno del Centro Internazionale di Studi Numismatici, Napoli 17-22 Aprile 1977, Rome, 35165. Price, M. J. (1991) The Coinage in the Name of Alexander the Great and Philip Arrhidaeus: A British Museum Catalogue, Vol. 1, Introduction and Catalogue, Zurich and London. Psoma, S. (1998) Le nombre de chalques dans l’obole dans la monde grec. Revue numismatique 153, 19-29. Robinson, E. S. G. and M. J. Price (1967) An Emergency Coinage of Timotheos. Numismatic Chronicle 7, 1-6. Stoyanov, T. (2000) Spatial Pattern and Economic Development of the North-eastern Thrace 7-2 Centuries BC. In: Pistiros et Thasos. Structures économiques dans la péninsule balkanique aux VII e – II e siècles avant J.-C. Opole, 55-67. Theodossiev, N. (2000) North-Western Thrace from the Fifth to First Centuries BC. British Archaeological Reports. International Series 859, Oxford. Thompson, M. (1984) Paying the Mercenaries. In: Festschrift für/ Studies in honor of Leo Mildenberg, Wetteren, Belgium, 241-7. Youroukova, Y. (1976) Coins of the Ancient Thracians. British Archaeological Reports, Supplementary Series 4, Oxford. Vanderpool, E., J. R. McCredie, and A. Steinberg (1962) Koroni: A Ptolemaic Camp on the East Coast of Attica. Hesperia 31, 26-61. Буюклиев, Хр. и Л. Гетов (1964) Два нови епиграфски паметника за укрепителната дейност на Антонин Пий в Тракия. Археология 1, 29-33. Буюклиев, Хр. (2006) Археологически и епиграфски данни за охраната на Шипченския проход през античността. В: Проблеми и изследвания на тракийската култура, Том 1, Казанлък, 179-86. Димитров, K. (1984) Антични монети от Севтополис. В: Севтополис, Toм 2, София, 9-107. Димитров, K. (2005) Съкровища с бронзови македонски монети в земите на гетите. В: Хелис IV. Изследвания, резултати и проблеми в “Сборяново”, София, 124-50.

Abbreviations IGBulg SEG

275

Inscriptiones Graecae in Bulgaria Repertae, Vols. I-V, Mihailov, G. ed., Serdica, 19561997. Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum, Leiden, 1923-.

SOMA 2007

Fig. 1: Map of Bulgaria with ancient sites mentioned in the text (adapted from Dimitrov and Čičikova 1978: fig. 3)

Fig. 2: Seuthopolis and a part of its necropolis, Tumuli №1, №2, №3 (adapted from Лилова 1991)

Fig. 3: View from Shipka Pass, looking SE; approximate location of Seuthopolis marked with arrow (available from: [Accessed May 7, 2007])

276

Collapsed Walls of a Middle Bronze Age Building at Salat Tepe (Diyarbakır): Evidence for an Earthquake ? A. Tuba Ökse Kocaeli University, İzmit, Turkey, Department of Archaeology

Ahmet Görmüş Mustafa Kemal University, Antakya, Turkey, Department of Archaeology

with contributions of

Erkan Atay Ankara, Turkey

The wall is constructed with 2.5 mud bricks, yellowish light brown in colour. The northern wall of Room M13/033/M has been constructed by larger blocks of mud on a stone foundation lying higher than that of its extentions in the western part, determining two seperate buildings adjacent to each other.

Introduction Collapsed walls established during archaeological excavations reflect the fall of the buildings to which they once belonged. At Salat Tepe, which is one of the ancient settlements in the water reservoir area of the Ilısu Dam (Figure 1), several collapsed walls of a monumental building were unearthed within a wide area. The site is in the modern town of Yukarı Salat, ca. 90km to the east of the provincial center of Diyarbakır and and ca. 5 km to the north of the Tigris River, on the northern bank of the Salat Çayı (Ökse 2006; 2007; Ökse, Görmüş, et al. 2007; in press).

The wall is supported with three mudbrick piers on the southern face. Between these piers small entrances are exposed which have been closed by large blocks of mud or even by mud bricks in a later phase. These rooms probably have belonged probably to a one storey complex. Room M13/033/M have had two openings in the northern and southern walls in the early phase, one towards the courtyard and the other to an open area (M13/032/M) to its north where an ash pit belonging to the same phase takes place. In the late phase, both openings are closed by mud blocks and a secondary installation is constructed to its western wall, where probably a weaving loom has been attached. The 14C analyses on the burned pieces of the weaving loom date this late phase to the 17th and early 16th centuries BC. This room is burned and 10 broken ceramic vessels are piled on the floor. To the western part of the open area M13/032/M a narrow mudbrick wall is constructed on the ash pit. This room has been used as a storage room in the late phase, according to several pieces of large pithoi.

On the summit of the Ubaidian mound, a building complex with mudbrick walls stands on strong stone foundations. The walls are built with standard mud bricks of 35x35x8cm. which are well attached to each other. Reed remains are determined between the mud bricks in each ten or twelve rows, indicating that reed mats have been used in the construction of the complex, instead of horizontal wooden beams used in the construction of recent mudbrick buildings, to create a plain surface for the upper mudbrick rows. An upper Middle Bronze Age level is constructed on the ruins of this building without any gap. Definition

The northern walls of these buildings are collapsed towards the south. At the eastern profile of Trench L12 and western profile of Trench L13 the mudbricks belonging to this walls seem to have fallen down in an angles of 100-130 degrees against the floor; the mudbricks of the upper parts are fallen in angles of 170180 degrees.

The building complex is organized in multi-room units arranged around a large courtyard. All units have their own walls forming twin walls (Figure 2). The ca. 7m wide courtyard exposed in trenches L12-13 is more than 15m long. The floor of the courtyard with pebble stones covered by a ca. 6cm thick compacted clay floor. The southern entrance to the courtyard is exposed in Trench K12 (K12/017/M) between the units 3 and 4. The 2.24m wide and 5.70m long corridor is paved with pebble stones, similar to that of the courtyard. The side walls of the entrance is supported by mudbrick extensions.

The remains of another collapsed wall is established in the northeastern corner of Trench M13. The eastern profile of a Medieval pit (M13/027/Ç) shows that the collapsed wall is ca. 1m in thickness. From this profile, it is observed that the mud bricks have slipped towards the south, in an angle of 135 degrees on the floor. This wall must have been within the unexcavated Trench N13 which seems to have been fallen down towards the north, filling a hearth (M13/038/F) belonging to this level.

In the northern part of Trench M13, two rooms disturbed by several pits are unearthed. The northern wall of Room M13/033/M and its western extention (L13/035/D) in trenches L12-13 borders the courtyard from the north. 277

SOMA 2007 In the trenches K12-13, two rooms are unearthed. The northern Room (K13/034/M-K12/011/M) is disturbed by a large Medieval granary pit. The fill around this pit contains fallen mud bricks; a smaller Room (K13/030/T) to the south has suffered landslides. The northern Room (K13/034/M-K12/011/M) is disturbed by a large pit (K13/020/Ç), and the fill around this pit contains fallen mud bricks. The southern room has suffered landslides, however, pieces of mudbrick walls filling the room show that the fill belongs to a wall fallen asunder.

The western wall of the courtyard is a thick wall (L12/047/D) constructed in three pieces with mud bricks light brown in colour. The wall has a doorway (L12/058/D) leading to the courtyard which has been burned. The wall is the eastern wall of a unit consisting of two large and one narrow rooms. On the floor of the large Room L12/056/M pieces of crushed pithoi are collected. Room L11/010/M takes place to the west of this room where also large sherds related to several pithoi and cooking pots are also collected. The westernmost room of this unit (L11/021/M) has suffered erosion. The eastern wall of a ca. 8.60m wide room (L12/055/T) is between the doorway and the southern wall of the room. A short wall in the southern frame of the doorway reinforces this piece from the west. This piece is preserved to a height of ca. 1.65m, in other words, the lower storey is preserved in its original position, and the upper storey has fallen asunder towards west. The eastern profile of a previous sounding in 2002 in Trench L12 shows that the southern wall (K13/045/D) have fallen towards north, with an angle of 45 degrees to the floor.

Three rooms in trenches K13-14 depict the same characteristics. The southeastern room K13/032/MK14/050/M is filled with mudbrick fall. There is a tannur in the southwestern corner of the room and the eastern half has post holes on the compacted clay floor which have been heavily burned. The room is filled with mudbrick debris and an open air area with awning has been built on this debris. The Room K14/051/M to the east of this room is also heavily burned and is filled with fallen mud bricks. To the north, there is a passage room leading to an open gate with two steps descending to the courtyard. Within the mud bricks of the collapsed wall filling the passage, many pieces of a pithos, which seems to have been crushed by the wal, are collected.

The northern part of the wall is a thick piece constructed with 3.5 mud bricks at each row. A clay platform with stone foundations has been attached to the eastern face of this part. The collapsed wall lies in a semicircular shape from north towards southsoutheast (Fig. 3-4). The lower part of the wall has fallen to the floor with an angle of 85 degrees. The mud bricks of the middle part has fallen to the floor with an angle of 90-100 degrees and the upper part with an angle of 100-130 degrees. Some bricks have fallen down with an angle of 140-150 degrees, however, the mudbricks of the uppermost part of the wall has an angle of 100-110 degrees, which probably belong to another wall. The clay platform seems to have formed an obstacle, and the wall might have fallen down to this platform and the upper part fell to a distant location, or the southern edge of this piece is torn from the middle part of the wall and made a strong swing and is fallen to a more distant location forming an arc, since its southern end has been more stable. The lower part of the wall remained ca. 60-80cm on the stone foundations.

The wall (L13/032/D) bordering the courtyard from the south is exposed along the border of trenches K-L 12-13 between the entrance corridor to the courtyard. This wall has strong limestone foundations and is constructed with 2.5 mud bricks, light brown in colour. The eastern part of the southern wall is unearthed in the southeastern corner of Trench L13; only a piece of ca. 2m in length to the east of the open entrance is exposed. In the southern profile of the trench, there is an entrance to the courtyard. The wall to the west of this entrance which is preserved to a height of 1.65m is inclined ca. 15cm towards the entrance, where there is no hindrance. The pebble floor of the open courtyard is covered by crushed walls (Figure 5). In Trench L13, the orientation of the mud bricks lying on the floor show that all the walls surrounding the courtyard from the south have fallen to the north. The mud bricks have mostly fallen down with angles of 90-95 degrees against the floor. Some pieces have cracked and slided up to 100-110 degrees, as observed from the profiles of Medieval pits. According to the western profile of the trench, the walls bordering the courtyard from the north have collapsed at first, and the one from the south, on the collapsed part of the former one.

The northern wall of rooms L11/010/M and L11/021/M (L11/003/D) has fallen down towards north. A wall (L11/007/D) belonging to the upper MBA level has been built on this debris, as is obviously seen from the northern profile of Trench L11. The middle part of the wall is a thin piece constructed with 2.5 mudbricks at each row. The lower mudbrick rows (13 rows) are preserved on the stone foundations. This part of the wall has collapsed to the east and fallen to the pebble floor of the courtyard with an angle of ca. 90 degrees. The mud bricks of the upper rows have slipped and fallen to the flor with an angle of ca. 135 degrees towards the floor.

The collapsed part of the northern wall has 24 mudbrick rows, and 7 mudbrick rows are preserved on the stone foundations in their original position, so, the wall bordering the courtyard from the north has 31 mudbrick rows, and therefore it is ca. 3m high, establishing the southern wall of a one-storey building. The collapsed part of the southern wall has 40 mudbrick rows, and 13 mudbrick rows are preserved in their original position, so, the wall bordering the courtyard from the south has 53

Another unit exposed in trenches K11-12 is represented by the northeastern part. The northern wall is preserved to a height of 1.65m. The eastern wall is reinforced with mudbrick pears, since the wall has no support; this wall borders the southern entrance corridor to the courtyard. 278

COLLAPSED WALLS OF A MİDDLE BRONZE AGE BUİLDİNG AT SALAT TEPE (DİYARBAKIR the rooms might have been taken away after the collapse of the building complex and reused in the construction of the upper Middle Bronze Age level.

mudbrick rows, and therefore it is ca. 5,5m high, determining the northern wall of a two-storey building. The wall bordering the courtyard from the east has probably remained in the unexcavated lower layers of Trench L14. However, the profile of a ca. 3m deep Medieval granary pit (L14/031/Ç) depicts a similar stratigraphy to Trenches L12-13. A pebbel floor lying 553.01m above the sea level is contemporary to a similar pebble floor in Trench M13, belonging to the upper Middle Bronze Age level. The pebble floor of the collapsed building is established ca.551.36m above the sea level, similar to those in Trench K12 (551.45m above the sea level) and M13 (551.36m above the sea level). The mud bricks have fallen with an angle of ca. 45° to this pebble floor. A third mudbrick floor (551.45m above the sea level) can be paralleled to that below the wet mudbrick terrace in Trench K12 (549.25m above the sea level).

Most of the rooms depict traces of fire, however, only the wooden furniture seem to have been burned, not the walls, so, the building is not heavily burned and on the floors of these rooms crushed vessels are collected in situ. There are no human skeletons under the collapsed walls, so, either there were no inhabitants in the buildings as these walls collapsed, or the dead individuals have been removed from the ruins by the others. The site is ca. 75km to the south of the Bitlis Suture Zone close to the Narlı-Kozluk Fault (Figure 1). This zone is an overthrust and a major regional right lateral strike-slip fault zone (Perinçek et alii. 1987: 89-90, fig. 1-3). The tectonics of the region are controlled by the collision of the Arabian Plate and the Eurasian Plate. The Arabian Plate moves to the north, pushing under the Eurasian Plate. Because of the force of this collision, the Arabian Plate moves annually ca. 5-10mm to the northeast and squeeze the Anatolian Subplate annually ca. 25mm to the west (Nur and Cline 2000: 49, fig. 6; Guidobone et alii. 2004: 106; Hempton 1985), causing major earthquakes.

Discussion The collapsed walls belonging to the building complex are registered in all trenches on the mound summit (Figure 2). The mound summit is immediately reoccupied after the collapse of the building complex, hence, there is no gap between both Middle Bronze Age levels, and the walls cannot be ruined due to erosion after the abandonment of the building. It seems likely that all these walls have fallen down at the same time. The mudbrick walls of the building is preserved to a height of ca. 60cm on the stone foundations, making a total height of ca. 1m. The walls are also ca. 1m thick, so, the collapsed walls filled the courtyard and several rooms within the preserved height of the walls, producing a plain surface suitable for the construction of the upper Middle Bronze Age level.

There is few data on historical earthquakes in the region. The historical documents mention an earthquake with a Richter magnitude of 7.6 in 19.05.1156 on the TurkishIrakian border (38.3N 38.3E) which should have been felt in a wide region from Malatya to Baghdad and Israel (Guidoboni et alii. 2004: 113-114). A similar earthquake is registered on July 22, 1866 (Ergin, Güçlü, et al. 1967: 26). Another earthquake is registered in Diyarbakır on May 4-5, 1878. Other earthquakes with the value VI of the Mercali Intensity is registered in 1938 between Lice and Kulp, and on March 24, 1964 in Kurtalan with the value VII of the Mercali Intensity (Ergin, Güçlü, et al. 1967: 48, 142).

The walls preserved in their original positions depict several deformations. The walls lying in north-south orientation show some irregularities, such as descending of some parts causing wavy rows of mud bricks which should have been a straight line. Some mudbrick rows became thinner than they have normally been, thus, some mudbrick rows of these walls seem to have been crushed, such as to be seen in the eastern profiles of the walls K12/015/D and K13/021/D. Some walls are inclined towards the side, although the wall is supported by mudbrick projections from the west.

The latest destructive earthquake in the region has occurred in Lice on September 5, 1975. The strong earthquake with a Richter magnitude of 6.7 caused 7000 mudbrick houses get ruined (www.kronoloji.gen.tr) and several mudbrick houses of the modern village of Yukarı Salat cracked. Lice is ca. 75km to the north of Yukarı Salat, within the value VIII of the Mercali-Intensity (Hütteroth and Höhfeld 1982: Abb. 10-12), producing earthquakes between Richter magnitudes of 6.9-7.1 in the 20th Century (Abbott 1999: 43, Tab. 2.1) and the Upper Tigris Region is within the values VI-VII of the MercaliIntensity, hence, a much greater earthquake would ruin the houses at Yukarı Salat. On the other hand, the local Richter magnitude of the earthquake might be moderate, however, the intensity of shaking might be strong, depending on the location of the epicenter.

No wooden beams which would have belonged to the roofs of two-storey buildings are observed within the debris. The wooden furniture of rooms K13/056/M and M13/033/M and the wooden parts of the doors have been burned, however, no remains of wooden beams are found during the excavations. If the building complex had no wooden beams to support it and the building is twostoreyed, even if these were thick walls resting on strong stone foundations, they were not stable enough. This material might have been taken before or after the collapse. Several destructions caused by later pits don’t enable us to observe this action, however, the beams of

The evidence from Salat Tepe defines a destruction of the collapse of a building in a wide area (Figure 3). Most of the walls have collapsed towards the north, with the exception of the northern walls of the courtyard towards the south, pointing to a movement in north-south 279

SOMA 2007 necessary to bring the subject into light. The collapsed walls unearthed at Salat Tepe indicate an unknown major or even greater earthquake dating to the 16th Century BC. The ancient earthquakes within this region is sofar unknown and more data is needed from the excavations, so that a series of such events can be registered in different periods, to throw light on the tectonic history of the region.

orientation. On the other hand, expendable items such as doorways might cause a collapse in various directions, as it has happened by the wall bordering the courtyard from the west (Figure 3). Mud brick is a heavy material, and the absence of wooden carcas make the buildings unstable against moderate earthquakes. These might cause a total collapse of a building, as it has been observed in several Anatolian houses. The Middle Bronze Age building complex at Salat Tepe is totally ruined, therefore, the earthquake causing the collapse of this building must have been strong.

Acknowledgements The authors wish to thank the following scholars for their self-denying support different fields: Reşat Ulusay (Hacettepe University, Ankara, Turkey, Department of Geology), Hüseyin Korkmaz (Mustafa Kemal University, Antakya, Turkey, Department of Geography) and Cemal Geneş (Mustafa Kemal University, Antakya, Turkey, Department of Civil Engineering), and Ernur Öztekin (Selçuk University, Konya, Turkey, Department of Archaeology). The original drawings are made by E. Atay and A. Görmüş with contributions of B. Keleş, U. T. Kınacı and Y. Muluk, and the documentation of the collapse by A. T. Ökse with contributions of E. Atay, A. Altun, B. Aytekin, M. Z. Bürkük, M. Eroğlu, B. Keleş, U. T. Kınacı, Y. Muluk I. T. Önen, U. Zoroğlu.

The excavations in the Upper Tigris Region brought out similar contemporary buildings showing similar architectural features (Figure 1). A wall of the Sub-Phase A of Hirbemerdon Tepe is registered as associated with a highly compacted layer of collapsed debris during its earlier construction phase (Laneri et alii. 2006: 156). The Middle Bronze Age building in Trench C1 at Kenan Tepe was built on the mudbrick debris of a collapsed building dating to the beginning of the 2nd Millennium BC (Parker and Swartz Dodd 2005: 79). The excavations at the “Brightly Burned Building” at Ziyarettepe brought out several crushed vessels pressed by the collapsed ceiling on the floor, (Matney, McGinnis, et al. 2002: 63; Matney, McGinnis, et al. 2003: 183; Roaf in Matney and Rainville 2005: 22). The Gebäude A in Giricano is overlied by a rubble layer filling the rooms within the preserved heights of the walls (Schachner 2002: 15, 17, 19). The Gebäude C belonging to a later Middle Bronze Age occupation is constructed on this rubble layer. The monumental building at Üçtepe Level 11 is destructed by fire and a great amount of crushed vessels are collected on the floor of a corridor (Özfırat 2006: 19). All these resemble the collapse at Salat Tepe. However, none of these collapsed buildings are associated with an earthquake in the preliminary reports. Nevertheless, the excavations at these buildings are carried out in limited areas, so, the collapse of the whole building may not have been registered.

Bibliography Abbott, P. L. (1999) Natural Disasters. Boston, McGrawHill. Akkermans, P. M. M. G. and G. M. Schwartz (2003) The Archaeology of Syria from Complex HunterGatherers to Early Urban Societies (ca. 16,000-300 BC). Cambridge World Archaeology, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. Ergin, K., U. Güçlü and Z. Uz (1967) Türkiye ve Civarının Deprem Kataloğu (Milattan Sonra 11 yılından 1964 sonuna kadar). A Catalogue of Earthquakes for Turkey and Surrounding Area (11 AD to 1964 AD). İstanbul, Technical University of Istanbul, Faculty of Mining Engineering. Gorokohovich, Y. (2005) Abandonment of Minoan Palaces on Crete in Relation to the Earthquake Induced Changes in Groundwater Supply. Journal of Archaeological Science, 32, 217-22. Guidoboni, E., F. Bernardini and A. Comastri (2004) The 1138-1139 and 1156-1159 destructive seismic crises in Syria, South-Eastern Turkey and Northern Lebanon. Journal of Seismology, 8, 105-27. Hempton, M. (1985) Structure and Deformation of the Bitlis Suture Near Lake Hazar, Southeastern Turkey. Geological Society of America Bulletin, 96, 233-43. Hütteroth, W.-D. and W. Höhfeld (1982) Türkei. Darmstadt, Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft. Lacheman, E. R. (1937) An Omen Text from Nuzi. Revue d’Assyriologie et d’Archéologie Orientale, 34 (1), 18. Laneri, N., A. D’Agostino, M. Schwartz, S. Valentini and G. Pappalardo (2006) A Preliminary Report of the Archaeological Excavations at Hirbemerdon Tepe, Southeastern Turkey, 2005. Anatolica, 32, 153-88.

An omen text from the 15th Century BC from Nuzi deals with earthquakes (Lachemann 1937:4; Weidner 1939-41). The text is a copy of a Babylonian text, however, the presence of such an omen text points to earthquakes occurred in the region in this period. Nuzi is also close to the eastern end of the Bitlis Suture Zone. A fallen wall (Wall G 50) of Tempel A unearthed during the excavations in Nuzi (Starr 1937: Pl. 33B) resembles the collapsed walls recovered in Salat Tepe, thus a similar event might well have caused a comparable destruction in this site, although such an intrepretation doesn’t take place in the publications. Moreover, the Assyrian kings mention about rebuilding activities of towers which have collapsed during the earthquakes (Oberhuber 1972: 13). The MBA building complex at Salat Tepe is totally ruined. The earthquake most probably might have occurred at the Bitlis Suture Zone/Narlı-Kozluk Fault. However, there are also other faults of undefined nature in the vicinity of Diyarbakır and Batman which are in north-south direction, thus, a geological research is 280

COLLAPSED WALLS OF A MİDDLE BRONZE AGE BUİLDİNG AT SALAT TEPE (DİYARBAKIR Ökse, A. T., A. Görmüş and Nevin Soyukaya (in press) Ilısu Barajı Salat Tepe 2006 Kazısı. XXIX. Kazı Sonuçları Toplantısı. Özfırat, A. (2006) Üçtepe II: Tunç Çağları (13-10. Yapı Katları). İstanbul, Ege Yayınları. Parker, B. and L. Swartz Dodd (2005) The Upper Tigris Archaeological Research Project. A Preliminary Report from the 2002 Field Season. Anatolica, 31, 69110. Perinçek, D., Y. Günay and H. Kozlu (1987) Doğu ve Güneydoğu Anadolu Bölgesindeki Yanal Atılımlı Faylar ile İlgili Yeni Gözlemler / New Observations on Strike-Slip Faults in East and Southeast Anatolia. 7th Biannual Petroleum Congress of Turkey. UCTEA Ankara, Chamber of Petroleum Engineers, Turkish Association of Petroleum Geologists, 89-98. Schachner, A. (2002) Ausgrabungen in Giricano (20002001). Neue Forschungen an der Nordgrenze des Mesopotamischen Kulturraums. Istanbuler Mitteilungen, 52, 9-57. Starr, R. F. S. (1937) Nuzi. Report on the Excavations at Yorgan Tepa Near Kirkuk, Iraq, Conducted by Harward University in Conjunction with the American Schools of Oriental Research and the University Museum of Philadelphia, 1927-1931, Vols. I-II. Cambridge, Massachusetts, Harward University Press. Weidner, E. F. (1939-41) Der Erdbeben-Text aus Nuzi. Archiv für Orientforschung, 13, 231-2.

Matney, T., J. McGinnis and H. McDonald (2002) Archaeological Investigations at Ziyaret Tepe 2000 and 2001. Anatolica, 28, 47-89. Matney, T., M. Roaf, J. McGinnis, H. McDonald, K. Nicoll, L. Rainville, M. Roaf, M. L. Smith and D. Stein (2003) Archaeological Investigations at Ziyaret Tepe - 2002. Anatolica, 29, 175-221. Matney, T. and L. Rainville (2005) Archaeological Investigations at Ziyaret Tepe2003-2004. Anatolica, 31, 153-88. Nur, A. And E. H. Cline (2000) Poseidon’s Horses: Plate Tectonics and Earthquake Storms in the Late Bronze Age Aegean and Eastern Mediterranean. Journal of Archaeological Science, 27, 43-68. Oberhuber, K. (1972) Die Kultur des Alten Orients. Frankfurt/Main, Athenaion. Ökse, A. T. (2006) A Monumental Middle Bronze Age Building at Salat Tepe on the Upper Tigris (Turkey). Antiquity, 80 (309). Available from:. Ökse, A. T. 2007. Archaeological Evidence for a sixteenth-century BC Earthquake on the Southeastern Anatolian Faultline. Antiquity, 81 (312). Available from:. Ökse, A. T., A. Görmüş and Nejdet İnal (2007) Ilısu Barajı Salat Tepe 2005 Kazısı. XXVIII. Kazı Sonuçları Toplantısı, 1. Ankara, T.C. Kültür ve Turizm Bakanlığı, Kültür Varlıkları ve Müzeler Genel Müdürlüğü, 51-64.

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Fig. 1 The Fault Maps and the MBA Sites in the Upper Tigris Region

Fig. 2 The Plan of the Collapsed Walls 282

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Fig. 3 The Collapsed Wall in Trench L12

Fig. 4 The Northeastern Profile of the Collapsed Wall in Trench L12

Fig. 5 The Collapsed Walls in Trench L13 283

New Discoveries in Rural North East Lycia: Scenes of Daily Life on Roman Rural Sarcophagi Banu Özdilek Research Assistant, Akdeniz, University, Department of Archaeology. [email protected]

Prof. Dr. Nevzat Çevik Akdeniz University, Department of Archaeology [email protected]

Between 1997 and 2006 the Bey Dağları surface survey team researched and made discoveries in cities such as: Trebenna, Kelbessos, Typalia and others, and at farmsteads and villages such as: Hurma, Kartınpınar, Gedeller, where the remains of many burials were found.1 Many of these burials were in sarcophagi which are newly presented in the scientific literature from our research and these were mainly unknown until our research. The richness of the finds we made is important for the completion of the corpus of sarcophagi in this area. Many of these sarcophagi are Pisidian in architectural design and decoration. The majority of these sarcophagi were carved from the local limestone.2 It seems that these sarcophagi make a variety of sub-groups. Some of them carry relief carvings and friezes that are original, others follow the usual types. The subjects of the usual reliefs, as is known from published works on Roman relief carvings, were mythological and religious3 subjects and scenes and depictions from the life of the deceased,4 scenes of warfare, hunting and symposia scenes which are frequently found and provide us with information concerning the life of the owner.

of the region. The newly found remains of farms, farmsteads and of rural settlements in the region confirm what has been recorded in these sarcophagi relief carvings. These recorded rural agricultural practices provide a very rich iconography which will be investigated in this paper. This paper does not cover all of the known examples of rural scenes from our research, but presents some examples, a discussion of them and some conclusions. Evaluation of the form of the Sarcophagi Some of the chosen examples are from the city necropolis but the majority come from the farmsteads were they were found individually or in small groups. These are previously unknown carved sarcophagi from the region which includes the junction between Lycia, Pamphylia and Pisidia. In general the Pisidian sarcophagi type of relief consists of two shields carved either side of a tabula ansata.5 These sarcophagi are from the Roman period and are dated to the 3rd c. A.D. on the basis of the evidence provided by the inscriptions and the style of the relief carving.6

However, the exceptional sarcophagi depicting scenes of rural life form the subject of this article, as such scenes on sarcophagi found to date are exceedingly rare. Like the Osthoteks and Heroons and many other types of burials in the region where these scenes are unknown, there are only one or two examples of sarcophagi carrying these scenes and they are consequently of great important. Due to the topography in which these sarcophagi were found, which is both very mountainous and remote, earlier researchers failed to discover these examples and so these finds have been unrecorded in the literature to date. In farmsteads and agricultural areas these sarcophagi are important because they reveal the agricultural practices during the Roman period, much as they are today, and also the contemporary flora and fauna

These sarcophagi can in general be evaluated as rural sarcophagi, but this does not mean all are of a poor quality. On the contrary, and surprisingly, these sarcophagi carry a rich iconography. The stone employed is local stone and is generally limestone. Out of all rural examples none were imported or were half-fabric. There are also sarcophagi in rural locations that follow the form and fashion of the period in their decoration and are not the subject of this paper. All the independent sarcophagi stand upon an independent stepped podium. These podia have between one and three steps and many of them carry carvings of the lion’s foot. All of the sarcophagi are of rectangular form, while the lids have the form of a pitched roof. Inside the majority of sarcophagi there is a single headrest.

* Thanks are due to the T. C. Ministry of Culture and Tourism and to Akdeniz University for their permission and supports, and the other members of the Bey Dağları Survey Team, for staightening out the English translation, thanks also to T. M. P. Duggan. 1 Çevik 1996: 235-51; Çevik et. al. 1999: 401-21; Çevik et. al. 2003: 9712; Çevik et al. 2004: 265-78; Çevik et al. 2005: 101-14; Çevik et al. 2006: 141-54. 2 See for examples: Çevik et al. Trebenna; Çelgin 1990; Özdilek 2005 (in press); Özdilek 2006. 3 See Koch 1993b; Bielefeld 1997; Sichtermann 1992. 4 See Amedick 1991.

Typology In this paper the primary aim is not to define a detailed 5 6

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Koch 1993b: 544-47. İplikçioğlu et al. 2007: 206-300.

NEW DISCOVERIES IN RURAL NORTH EAST LYCIA: SCENES OF DAILY LIFE ON ROMAN RURAL SARCOPHAGI typology of groups because, firstly, of the more than 500 sarcophagi that we have discovered, perhaps less than 2% form the subject of this paper and their numbers are insufficient to provide a typology and, secondly, this paper attempts to understand the rural life, not the typology as this will form the subject of a subsequent publication.

An exception from these two main groups, a. and b., is an example from Neapolis that contains neither a tabula, nor a shield. The front of this sarcophagus is filled with relief carving and belongs to no identifiable group (Fig. 5). An exception in group a. is one example having a circular tabula surrounded by a garland from Örencik-Kırtepe (Fig. 6).

The examples discussed in this article fall into two main groups, group a. with tabula and shield, and group b. with tabula and figures. The logic of this grouping is easily understood: if the tomb owner requires his bust to be carved on the face of the tomb then the shield type was employed, as the portraits are in the center of the shields.7 If the tomb owner commissioned a full length portrait, then the shield type could not be employed as the shields would form obstacles to the carving and so no examples of shields and full portraits on sarcophagi have been found, but there are a few examples of bust portraits in shields and full length portraits (Figs. 1 and 2). It is difficult to understand the reason why a bust or a full portrait was chosen and, secondly there is the possibility of the later secondary carving of the full portrait. If the busts and full portraits are carved at the same time, then the portraits lie below the shield busts and this is the case for all the known examples of this combination. From the examples this problem is resolved by the fact that, if the full portraits and busts are contemporary then the shield busts are carved at a higher level on the face of the sarcophagus than is usually the case (Fig. 3). However on the sarcophagi without full length figures the shields are located on the horizontal center line of the tabula. Although there are minor differentiations within the a. group, it seems meaningful subgroups are not presently definable, although when the total finds are evaluated the question of subgroups will be resolved.

There are garlanded sarcophagi found in all the main groups. As is known from the main groups of sarcophagi there are garlanded examples in groups a. and b. and the best of the garlanded sarcophagi are found in the Kelbessos necropolis (Fig. 4). The garlanded sarcophagi were not used to form the typology as the shielded Pisidian type was mainly employed in this region. The existence of the shields on the sarcophagi, is the main factor in determining the typology with their presence or absence, rather than the use or absence of garlands. The other factor is the presence or absence of the figures that define those belonging to group b. Evaluation of the relief carved iconography The area of investigation forms the junction between Lycia, Pamphylia and Pisidia and consequently elements from these three regions are found in the carvings on these sarcophagi, although the majority of the motifs are of the Pisidian type. However the rural scenes are distinct from the general use of these fashionable sarcophagi motifs in the surrounding area. All of the sarcophagi carry relief carvings on the front and on both sides, there are no examples of a bare sarcophagus, while some of the lids carry architectural decoration and figures as well. The main decorative element on the front and sides were shields. Tabula ansata are situated in the middle of the front face, which is mainly inscribed and is legible.

In the majoruty of b. group of examples the tabula is in the middle and the figures are beside the tabula but there are no shields. Different sized figures are seen but this is insufficient to define subgroups, rather the number of figures can be used to defines the subgroups. However, the number of figures may relate to the size of the family or to other factors rather than a design difference. Usually a man and a woman, although sometimes three standing figures are carved, either side of the tabula. An exception is a quality example from the Kelbessos necropolis, where the male and female figures are divided by the tabula, each with an Eros and garland (Fig. 4).8

Religious, mythological and scenes of warfare are well known but there are also scenes of rural life depicted on the sarcophagi. These are scenes depicting farming activities and also shepherds, hunting, manufacturing activities, flora and fauna of the region, both wild and domestic. a) Farming scenes: The finest example was found at Kartınpınar which depicts a harnessed pair of oxen, the plough was not depicted (Fig. 9). In this scene a symbolic depiction is preferred. An example from Hurma, depicts a phallic well-endowed Pan figure9 (Fig. 1), the protector of shepherds and of fruitfulness for the shepherds flocks as also for the agriculture.

7 Around these busts there are circular floral frames that in the tomb iconography protected the interred from bad-evil spirits, and also the frames carry an apotropaeic meaning and that also indicate victory over death, Çelgin 1990: 267. The use of these portraits on these sarcophagi may indicate an external influence from Phrygia, Lycaonia, Isauria and Cilicia where portraits on sarcophagi are found. However, the general form is of the Pisidian type. : Çelgin 1990: 267. 8 The garlanded type of sarcophagi in Asia Minor during the Roman Empire forms the most important type of sarcophagi. See for example, Bielefeld 1997. Particularly during the second and third centuries during the Roman Empire it is thought that the garlanded sarcophagi originated in Anatolia, was popular and spread from Anatolia elsewhere. See. Işık 1992: 121-45. In the Kelbessos necropolis similar examples to those in the Termessos necropolii were found,: Çelgin 1990: 285-86. The

Termessos necropolii provides examples of Eros and Nike depictions with wide open arms holding garlands over their shoulders. At Kelbessos and Kartınpınarı for example you will find garlanded sarcophagi beneath the figured friezes forming rare exceptions to the usual type, similar examples are found in the Termessos necropolii, this garlanded border beneath the frieze is characteristic of the early columned sarcophagi of Asia Minor as Çelgin has reported.: Çelgin 1990: 304. 9 Dökü 2002: 37-38; Keuls 1995: 44.

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SOMA 2007 b) Shepherd scenes in addition to the above reference, are also from Hurma, in this scene a shepherd holds a stick and is herding cows (Fig. 11). These depictions are of the outline of the figures and the scene depicts a shepherd’s daily life, rather than being an example of “the good shepherd”.10

halter forward is depicted on a sarcophagus from Kelbessos and it is also being urged on by a dog behind the mule’s rear legs (Fig. 15). g) Wild animals are wild goat, deer, bear, mountain lion, panthers,13 wild pigs. These animals are generally depicted in hunting scenes and in the wild. The depictions are mainly scenes of a mountain lion14 and a struggling goat. The finest examples are found on the Hurma and on the Kelbessos sarcophagi, as a part of a scene on the front and on the side panels. In respect to the modern fauna, the mountain lion, bear and panther are today exceedingly rare in the region. However, the wild goat, pig and deer are still found in these mountains. Animal depictions of this kind are generally of poor quality.

c) Hunting scenes: many hunting scenes, as hunting formed an important part of daily life, are found on these sarcophagi. In these scenes, a hunter with a spear and hunting wild goats, deer, bears, wild pigs and mountain lions (Fig. 13) .11 d) Manufacturing activities: There is a single example on a sarcophagus from Kelbessos depicting a smithy, and in this scene one or two men hold a red hot piece of iron to the anvil while another strikes it with a sledge-hammer (Fig. 10).

In addition to the animals mentioned above, there are also depictions of dolphins. However, they do not form part of the scenes and were and are not encountered often in rural life, but are rather used as part of the decoration, at times the on the ansatas (Fig. 14). In the examples found in the larger cities such as Kelbessos, the carving is usually of a higher quality than those in rural locations.

e) Floral depictions include bunches of grapes and vine leaves that hang suspended,12 wheat or other grain ears, laurel and acanthus leaves, oak acorns. The grapes are always suspended in bunches and these are generally used as a frame for a panel, as are garlands and wreaths framing busts, that frequently occur. Some are also depicted emerging from a crater. Many Roman period wine press workshops were found in the Bey Dağları surveys supporting the frequent occurrence of this device, as grape production in this region was very large and as is to be expected that viticulture, forming such an important part of rural life, was reflected in the designs employed on these rural sarcophagi. Some olive-like leaves also appear and likewise reflect the importance of olive oil production in the region. However, a depiction of a workshop for either wine or olive oil is to-date unknown on the sarcophagi from this region. A few examples of the depictions of ears of grain are portrayed on the ansatas, the only plant to be depicted on the ansatas. Acanthus leaves and acorns are depicted on the garlands. The examples of flora on these sarcophagus reliefs are all visible today growing within this region (Fig. 12).

Examples of daily scenes of rural life are important, because of new information concerning the relief art of the sarcophagus and because they provide new evidence concerning daily life. This type of rural depiction is generally found in the smaller rural settlements while the sarcophagi in the larger settlements generally follow the contemporary fashion and do not depict rural scenes.15 This evidence defines different lifestyles between the larger and smaller settlements distinct from those of the cities, and the different lifestyles of the different tomb owners. In particular scenes containing farming and hunting activities reflect Roman rural life and the fauna and flora of this period. This new data is important, in that it offers new explanations of the Roman art of sarcophagus relief sculpture. When we evaluate the sarcophagus compared to the size of the settlement interesting results are obtained. In particular, the sarcophagi from the farmsteads are of quality and contain rural scenes which offer us probable messages from the tomb owners. Our suggestions concerning the meaning of these messages are:

f) Domesticated animals are cows, dogs, oxen and mules. The cowherd is herding the cows on the Hurma sarcophagus and oxen are generally depicted paired, indicting the ploughing of fields from the yoke around their necks. The dogs are both hunting and shepherd dogs and they are depicted on a Hurma sarcophagus. One example of an obstinate mule which is being pulled by its

a) The wish to have a good quality and permanent tomb. 13 The wild and destructive wild Panther was the animal sacred to Dionysos and was his attribute, and we find the panther in the scene of Dionysos: Çelgin 1990: 340. 14 From the oldest examples, we find lions depicted in the scenes of wild animals. The apotropaeic meaning of these lions on the sarcophagi, is reflected in the importance given to these relief depictions of lions. In the Lycian art of the sarcophagus during the classical period we find examples of these depictions: Demargne 1974, 46-60, Pl 21. 15 The cities farmsteads and settlements that were ruled over by Termessos, form the subject of this article. There are many examples in the Termessos necropolii of sarcophagi carrying shields and tabula ansata. Different from these more common types there are sarcophagi carrying mythological and also hunting scenes. There have been no examples found of sarcophagi carrying scenes of rural daily life in the necropolis of Termessos.

10

Koch 1993b: 116-120. Çelgin says that these sarcophagal scenes of wild animal combat reflect the pagan religious beliefs in the otherworld and they also show the social status wealth and power in the world of the deceased. These scenes of warfare reflected the power, glory, pride and freedom of spirit of the deceased in the otherworld. At the same time these carvings carried an apotropaeic meaning keeping evil at a distance: Çelgin 1990, 334. When death destroys power and the different bad spirits and the human spirit is victorious over them, a symbol of the immortality of the human spirit. 12 Vines and grapes were the symbol of fertility, and also scenes of immortality were represented through the green ivy which keeps its color for the entire year and consequently symbolized immortality, Çelgin 1990: 328. 11

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NEW DISCOVERIES IN RURAL NORTH EAST LYCIA: SCENES OF DAILY LIFE ON ROMAN RURAL SARCOPHAGI activity of this kind in city life. The existence of shepherds on the monumental rich city sarcophagi is connected to the symbolism of the “Good Shepherd”, but there is no example of this symbolic type on rural sarcophagi. Likewise the lack of depictions of shepherds herding large numbers of animals on sarcophagi is because the owner of the sarcophagi was not a shepherd or slave and not all of the small farmstead owners did possessed flocks of sheep and goats. However, there may have been flocks in the region and in any case, the scenes on the sarcophagi also included scenes from the rural life surrounding the tomb owner. Consequently the scenes on these tombs concerning cowherding do not belong to the life of the owner but to the rural life continuing around him. Depictions of rural life are difficult to find in city settlements but are found in Isauria on tombs and stelae, mainly scenes of hunting and warfare but also scenes depicting rural life and wildlife are found.20 The ox cart scent (plaustruma) is only found in the Hamzalar tomb in the region on the wall of a house and in this relief scene two oxen drag the cart.21 This plaustruma scene is known from other Roman period sarcophagi22 and an example of the ploughing scene is known from the Dibektaşı Yaylasi, where a pair of oxen pulls an iron toothed plough.23

b) The desire of a Roman citizen to have a decorated sarcophagus. c) The wish of the tomb owner, living in a rural settlement to obtain status comparable to a city dweller through the possession of a finely carved tomb sarcophagus.16 d) However wealthy they may be, living in the rural environment but wishing to possess the contemporary accoutrements of a fashionable city dweller. e) The wish to be seen as an important part of the culture of the region through carved sarcophagi. f) The desire to record permanent evidence of themselves, their activities and their own environment. g) The wish to erect a permanent monument within his settlement rather than erecting a plain and simple tomb. It is important that we understand the life of these rural dwellers in their daily life and the context they inhabited which we know from the inscriptions that only record their names and more particularly, from the reliefs of rural scenes that they had recorded upon their sarcophagi. Also from the decoration employed in these reliefs we can understand their connections and their relationship to the lifestyle of the cities.

The small size of the population in rural areas is reflected in the tomb numbers in these settlements as for example in Geddeler, in a large farm there are three sarcophagi but usually there are only one or two sarcophagi that fulfilled the needs of the inhabitants and consequently there are no rich necropoleis in this environment. The richness is not in the quantity but in the quality and in the iconography of these sarcophagi.

On the sarcophagi of the Roman Imperial period we find scenes of daily rural life particularly on those dating from the 3rd and 4th c. A.D. carrying scenes of pastoral life17 dating from after the reign Antonius Pius. We know of 450 sarcophagi carrying the so-called “Buccolic scenes”.18

Bibliography Amedick 1991: Amedick, R. (1991) Die Sarkophage Mit Darstellungen aus dem Menschenleben, , Vita Privata auf Sarkophagen, ASR 14, Teil 4. Andreae 1980: Andreae, B. (1980) Die Römischen Jagdsarcophage, ASR 12, Teil 2. Bielefeld 1997: Bielefeld, D. (1997) Stadtrömische Eroten-Sarkophage, ASR V, Teil 2, Fasz. 2. Çelgin 1990: Çelgin, A. V. (1990) Termessos Kenti Nekropolleri (İst. Üni. Yayınlanmamış Doktora Tezi). Çevik 1995: Çevik, N. (1995) Antalya-Hurma Köyü’nde Bir Çiftlik Yerleşimi. Lykia , 39-61. Çevik 1996: Çevik, N. (1996) Kent Antalya’nın Arkeolojik Envanteri Projesi II Hurma Köy Yüzey Araştırmaları. XIV. AST.1, 235-251. Çevik et al. 1999: Çevik, N., Kızgut, İ., Aktaş, Ş. (1997) 1997 Yılı Trebenna ve Çevresi Yüzey Araştırmaları. XVI. AST.2, 401-421. Çevik et al. 2003: Çevik, N., Varkıvanç, B., Kızgut, İ. (2003) Trebenna ve Çevresi 2001. 20. AST.2, 97-112.

During the same period, harvest, hunting and ox-cart transportation are portrayed,19 generally on the lids of sarcophagi. Because of the smaller size of the rural settlements discovered in the Bey Dağ surveys this research has enabled us to obtain more accurate information on rural life which is echoed on the relief scenes of rural life on these sarcophagi. Only a very few examples survive of ploughing scenes on Roman sarcophagi. On the sarcophagi from the region we found this symbolized by a pair of oxen and the plough harness. This scene, as also those depicting the herding of animals formed a very important part of rural life but it is not depicted on the rich city sarcophagi, as there was no 16

Çevik 2007, 192-193. Koch 2001, 100; The beginning of the depiction of bucholic scenes began in the 2nd. c. A.D. with the beginning of this mythology. With the first depictions of Endymion; Persephone’s kidnapped lover and also Niobe come the first depictions of rural bucholic scenes: KochSichtermann 1982, 117. These scenes are more frequently found in the 3rd. c. A.D. These scenes then in the 3rd. c. A. D. become combined with the beginning of Christian iconography. 18 Koch 2001, 100: The word ‘Bucholic’ was used for the poetry that portrayed rural life. 19 These kinds of scenes were termed ‘plaustruma’.: Koch 2001, 101. 17

20

For a general overview of hunting scenes, see Andreae 1980. Yılmaz 2005, 117, Res. 52. 22 Himmelmann 1973, 10, Taf.19: A 4th c. A.D. lid of a sarcophagus in the Vatican, Pio Cristiano Museum depicts a water buffalo pulling a cart and two people with wine sacks. 23 Yılmaz 2005, 106, Res. 43. 21

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SOMA 2007 Çevik et al. 2004: Çevik,N., Varkıvanç, B., Bulut, S., Akyürek,E. (2004) Trebenna ve Çevresi Yüzey Araştırmaları 2002. 21. AST.1, 265-278. Çevik et al. 2005: Çevik, N., Varkıvanç, B., Bulut, S., Kızgut, İ., Akyürek, E., Pimouguet Pedarros, İ. (2005) Beydağları Yüzey Araştırmaları 2003: Neapolis-Kelbessos ve Çevreleri. 22. AST.1, 101-114. Çevik et al. 2006: Çevik, N., Varkıvanç, B., Bulut, S., Kızgut, İ., Akyürek , E., Pimouguet. Pedarros, İ., Kunze, M., Özdilek, B. (2006) Beydağları 2004 Yılı Yüzey Araştırmaları. 23. AST.1, 141-154. Çevik et al. 2007: Çevik, N., Varkıvanç, B., Bulut, S., Kızgut, İ., Akyürek , E., Pimouguet. Pedarros, İ., Kunze, M., Özdilek, B., Akalın, E. (2007) Beydağları 2005 Yılı Yüzey Araştırmaları. 24. AST.1, (baskıda). Çevik 2007: Çevik, N. (2007) The Social Structure as Reflected Through the Necropolii of Trebenna. Dörtlük, K., Varkıvanç, B., Kahya, T., Boyraz, R. eds., III. Uluslararası Likya Sempozyumu 07–10 Kasım 2005 Antalya. Sempozyum Kitabı, 175-207. Demargne 1974: Demargne, P. (1974). Fouilles de Xanthos, Tome V, Tombes-Maisons, Tombes Rupestres et Sarcophages. Dökü 2002: Dökü, F. E. (2002) Anadolu’da Eril Bereket, Koruyucu Kültler ve Tanrılar- Phallik Sembol ve Ritüeller (Akdeniz Üniversitesi Yayınlanmamış YL tezi). Gerke 1940: Gerke, F. (1940) Die Christlichen Sarkophage Der Vorkonstantinischen Zeit .

Himmelmann 1973: Himmelmann, N. (1973) Typologische untersuchungen an Römischen Sarcophagreliefs des 3. und 4. Jahrhunderts n.Chr. Işık 1992: Işık , F. (1992) Zum Produktionsbeginn von Halbfabrikaten Kleinasiatischer Girlandensarkophage. AA, 121-145. İplikçioğlu et al. 2007: İplikçioğlu, B., Çelgin, G., Çelgin, A. V. (2007) Epigraphische Forschungen in Termessos und seinem Territorium IV, Verlag der Österrichen Akademie der Wissenschaften. Keuls 1985: Keuls, E. C. (1985) Reign of Phallus . Koch –Sichtermann 1982: Koch, G., Sichtermann, H., Römische Sarkophage. Koch 1993a: Koch, G. (1993) Grabeskunst der Römischen Kaiserzeit . Koch 1993b: Koch, G. (1993) Sarkophage der Römischen Kaiserzeit. Koch 2001: Koch, G. (2001) Roma İmparatorluk Dönemi Lahitleri (Çev. Z. İlkgelen 2001). Özdilek 2005: Özdilek, B. (2005) Neapolis Nekropolü Üzerine Bir Ön-Rapor. Anadolu Dergisi (baskıda). Özdilek 2006: Özdilek, B. (2006) Neapolis Nekropolü (Akdeniz Üniversitesi. Yayınlanmamış YL Tezi2006). Sichtermann 1992: Sichtermann H. (1992) Die Mythologischen Sarkophage, Apollon bis Grazien, ASR XII, Teil 2. Yılmaz 2005: M. Yılmaz, Bozkır Çevresinin Antik Tarihi ve Eserleri. İsauria (2005).

Fig. 1. Hurma Sarcophagus.

Fig. 2. Hurma Sarcophagus.

Fig. 3. Hurma Sarcophagus.

Fig. 4. Kelbessos Sarcophagus 288

NEW DISCOVERIES IN RURAL NORTH EAST LYCIA: SCENES OF DAILY LIFE ON ROMAN RURAL SARCOPHAGI

Fig. 5. Neapolis Sarcophagus

Fig. 6. Örencik-Kırtepe Sarcophagus

Fig. 7. Kartınpınarı Sarcophagus.

Fig. 9. .Farming Scene.

Fig. 8. Gedeller Sarcophagus.

Fig. 10. Manufacturing.

Fig. 11. Shepherd Scenes.

Fig.12. .Floral Depictions.

Fig. 13. Hunting Scenes. 289

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Fig.14. Dolphins As Ansata.

Fig. 15. Domesticated Animals

Fig. 16. Wild Animals

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A Case of Mediterranean Urban Archeology: Urban Identitiy of Adana Yekta Özgüven and Ürün Biçer Özkun Yıldız Technical Univesity, Faculty of Architecture, Department of Architecture

water supply, could imply the city’s foundation at Tepebağ which is above the water level and topographically on highest location.

Introduction Adana, one of the main civilization centers of the Çukurova region, is South Anatolia’s important transport, trade and agriculture center. The city has been founded at the point where River Seyhan emerges from Toros Mountains to the plains. It can be imagined that Adana was a stopover place on the commercial way which led to Tarsus, Mediterranean shore, via Gülek Gate, in the ancient period.

City Walls and the Castle Remains of city walls, which survive to date, determine city’s boundaries and development during the different periods. City walls dated to Roman Period were located on the west side of River Seyhan (Özmen 2000a: 211).

Furthermore, the city developed around the river passes which ran through the town center and lay on the important artery binding Middle Anatolia to Diyarbakır, Halep and the Mediterranean. Thus, due to its topographic and strategic location, it had passed through several hands and underwent many changes of cultural structure through the dominance of various powers (Özmen and Özerol 2000: 157).

It has been established that the city had a two gated castle enclosed by the city walls. One opened to the east and the other to the south (Özmen 2000b: 238). The castle bordered by the river on the east side and is surrounded by the drains through the north, west and south. The location of these drains implies that River Seyhan formed city’s east boundary (Özmen 2000a: 211). Furthermore, it was suggested that subsequently city’s outer walls were restricted in accordance to the decreasing of the development and density (Özmen 2000a: 211-212).

The first settlements and the development of the city According to several sources, the first settlements in Adana are dated to the 2nd century B.C. The city has become an important trade center during the Roman Empire (Altay 1965: 11). Today, Taşköprü -“Stone Bridge”-, the most prominent featureof the city center, could be seen as a symbol of the city’s importance.

In 17th century, there were only 37 houses and a little mosque inside the castle; furthermore the fact that 8700 houses were situated outside the walls (Halaçoğlu 2000:13) speaks of the city’s outstanding expansion.

Between 14th and 16th centuries, during Ramazanoğulları Sultanate, the city gained Islamic identity and its cultural structure changed through several architectural works (Özmen 2000a: 204), such as Taşköprü, the most determining factor of the urban layers, Ulu Camii -Grand Mosque- and Kapalı Çarşı -Grand Bazaar. These features gave the city a distinctive image in the 16th century.

Caravan route from the north to the south which begins in Syria and passes Toros Mountains and Adana and reaches Istanbul via Anatolia, indicates the strategic importance of the city. Taşköprü was a crossing point for armies and caravans (Özmen and Özerol 2000: 153). The gates on both entries to the bridge were controlling the entrances and exits to the city (Özmen 2000a: 211) and they have kept their function as late as the first half of the 20th century.

Transport and Road Network

During the dominance of the Ottoman Empire, the city fell in decline and often served as a shelter for nomadic societies (Özmen 2000a: 205).

Taşköprü has been a unique transport artery until the end of the 19th century. The importance of the bridge could be seen by its cobbling in 1889 (Özmen and Özerol 2000: 158).

Urban structure of Adana The development of Adana is determined by several factors such as the keep enclosed by city walls, the dispersal of monumental buildings in urban structure, location of trade areas and ethnical dispersal throughout the settlement.

The construction of the railway from Istanbul to Baghdad begun in the 19th century. It passed through Adana town center (Altay 1965: 10). The railway constructed to the north of the bridge and the railroad station built on the north of the old town center, the district that developed around it (Özmen 1968: 42) and their location in urban fabric have become landmarks and the very first signs of modern expansion.

Earliest settlements were located near the water, in a similar way to most other cities. The construction of water mills and aqueducts on the river, built for the city’s

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SOMA 2007 351). Sources of the late 19th century, speak of large numbers of stores, fabrics and mills that point to a pioneering role in industrialization (Erdem and Halaçoğlu 1988: 351 & Halaçoğlu 2000:13).

The Structure of Town Sections and Streets The residential structure in the traditional Ottoman city has consisted of neighborhoods and usually was founded around a religious institution. These town sections, based on some common and public features, have shown urban continuity with its names and buildings (Cerasi 1999: 71). In the 15th and 16th centuries the city developed in the southern district. Almost all the buildings of that time that we know of, were concentrated in the southern part of the old center.

The depth of River Seyhan enabled the merchantmen to set sail from Cyprus and North Syria ports to Taşköprü (Özmen 1968: 41). On the other hand, some sources imply that in early 20th century the city’s trade and industrial life remained behind some neighboring states (Özmen 1968: 42). A new hotel building was erected on the site of destroyed flour factory (Özmen and Özerol 2000: 158). It is possible that backwardness of the trade life was related to the craft branches and trade activity held by non-Muslim society and their leaving in early 20th century (Erdem and Halaçoğlu 1988: 351).

The sources mention that in the 17th century there were gates on each street in the suburban areas in the northwest of the city which were closed at nights for security (Özmen 1968: 40). Thus, in contrast to the previous century, it becomes clear that the city expanded to the north and west. The information about the existence of adobe and lime houses and the mansions of local dignitaries in gardens in these suburban districts was a sign of the growth in the city core. At the same time, these new districts could be seen as early marks of city’s development in the 18th century. And also in accordance with compulsory housing policies during 17th and 18th century, (Özmen 2000a:205) the population density was increased and new suburbs begun to emerge around these centers (Özmen 2000b: 238).

The large size of the market square and bazaar region and its stone floor has always drawn attention. (Halaçoğlu 2000:13) If it was considered that the impressions about the muddy and dirty street floor in town and in residential districts at the same period, it will become clear that the importance of the bazaar district. The fountains that were the determining factor of urban public space and social life, especially after 18th century, were basic elements of Ottoman cities. But in Adana there were no fountains found to date (Özmen and Özerol 2000: 163). The lack of the fountain architecture in urban structure is in sharp contrast to the increasing water demand due to the hot climate of the region.

The temples that the neighborhoods, the small units of city settlements, were focused and given the names have still their place in Adana’s architectural structure. The names of the neighborhoods that developed around the mosques are still in use. (Öznem 2000a:217)

Administrative Buildings

The voyagers that come to Adana in the first half of the 19th century have mentioned that buildings constructed in gardens in the suburbs have large areas in urban land, and gave wrong impressions about urban size. They also emphasized that the houses had few stories, muddy streets and lack of administrative buildings, although it was one of the biggest towns on East (Özmen 1968: 41). At this point, it would not be so wrong to tell the city has shown typical Ottoman town appearance. It must not be forgotten that some European voyagers who came to Istanbul firstly addressed muddy and narrow streets, fewstory buildings and the chaos in the town (Amicis 1993 & Pardoe M.J. 1997).

Nineteenth century, named as “modernization” or “westernization” period by historians, brought together several changes to the city. Through the attempts of the governors, especially in the last quarter of the century, monumental, large scale stone buildings were built. Military High School (today Girls College) next to river shore, Train Station Building, Government House and Big Clock Tower (Özmen and Özerol 2000: 167) were a few of them. The existence of administrative buildings, such as train station and Government House in the northern of the old center, could be translated as the first signs of modern city which was located in the north. Moreover, all the administrative buildings of the 19th century were grouped around the square. These include the courthouse, city hall, post office, police station and Government House (Mert 2000: 312).

th

But at the beginning of the 20 century, the street structure was converted to cobblestone pavements. Fewstory and adobe housing of Mediterranean character, were replaced by great stone mansions, in the context of modernization of the urban land (Özmen 2000b: 238). These mansions, owned by local dignitaries, were designed near the river with the desire for river views and proximity to water in mind.

Conclusion

Trade and Social Life

From the remains of ancient period’s city castle and walls it is clear that Adana’s urban centre was founded on the western side of River Seyhan, in Tepebağ. In the next periods, the city expanded to different sides.

Kapalıçarşı was described as the center of urban trade activity. High density of stores and inns were mentioned already in the 17th century (Erdem and Halaçoğlu 1988:

Taking into consideration the location of the monumental buildings, especially of the 15th and 16th centuries, the centre was developed to the south. In the 17th century, the 292

A CASE OF MEDITERRANEAN URBAN ARCHEOLOGY: URBAN IDENTITIY OF ADANA city expanded to the north and west sides of the old center. In this period, the nomadic society wishing to settle caused new suburbs to be added to the core area, outside of the city walls, in the north and west.

Bibliography Altay H. (1965), Adım adım çukurova. Adana, Çukurova Turizm Derneği Yayınları. Barkot B. (1965) Adana, İslam ansiklopedisi, İstanbul, Miili Eğitim Basımevi, v. 1, 127-9. Bektaş C. (1999) Sulçuklu kervansarayları, korunmaları ve kullanımları üzerine bir öneri, YEM Yayınları, İstanbul. Cerasi M. (1999), Osmanlı kenti. Yapı Kredi Yayınları, İstanbul. De Amicis E. (1993), İstanbul 1874. Türk Tarih Kurumu Yayınları, Ankara. Erdem S. and Halaçoğlu Y. (1988), Adana, İslam Ansiklopedisi, İstanbul, Türkiye Diyanet Vakfı Yayınları, 348-53. Halaçoğlu Y. (2000), Adana tarihçesi. Artun E. and Koz S. eds., Efsaneden tarihe, tarihten bugüne Adana: köprü başı, İstanbul, Yapı Kredi Yayınları, 11-26. Kurt Y. and Erdoğru M.A. (2000), Çukurova tarihinin kaynakları IV, Ankara, Türk Tarih Kurumu Yayınları. Özmen Ü. (1968), Kent kent Türkiye Adana. Ankara, Pamukbank T.A.Ş.. Özmen Ö. (2000a), Adana’nın tarihsel yapı dokusu: kaleler, kervansaraylar-hanlar ve camiler. Artun E. and Koz S. eds., Efsaneden tarihe, tarihten bugüne Adana: köprü başı, İstanbul, Yapı Kredi Yayınları, 203-33. Özmen Ö. (2000b), Geleneksel Adana evleri. Artun E. and Koz S. eds., Efsaneden tarihe, tarihten bugüne Adana: köprü başı, İstanbul, Yapı Kredi Yayınları, 235-49. Özmen Y. and Özerol M.E. (2000), Adana’nın simgeleri. Artun E. and Koz S. eds., Efsaneden tarihe, tarihten bugüne Adana: köprü başı, İstanbul, Yapı Kredi Yayınları, 157-67. Mert H. (2000), Bir seyyahın gözüyle 19. yüzyıl sonlarında Çukurova. Artun E. and Koz S. eds., Efsaneden tarihe, tarihten bugüne Adana: köprü başı, İstanbul, Yapı Kredi Yayınları, 307-13. Pardoe M.J. (1997), 18. yüzyılda İstanbul. İnkılap Kitabevi, İstanbul.

In the 19th century, by construction of the railroad, a new district was established around the railway station and urban sprawls were oriented to the north. The location of the administrative buildings supported this orientation. This direction of the city’s development kept going in the 20th century, and modern Adana was established in this section of the city. But, this expansion is in contrast to the topographic structure of Adana. The new city was founded in the north, in the mountainous district, in spite of the flat lands situated to the south of the old city center. This can be explained by the relation of city and climate. The flat district in the south is a proper marshland due to the rivers and hot climate. The northern, mountainous district, has cooler climate and provides an escape from the hot climate of the region. Moreover, due to the dam lake, orientation to provide a good view plays an effective role in architectural settlement. On the other hand, this expansion of the city development has been examined in south, west and north, by taking the ancient city as a center, the other side of the river and the orientation to the east was not looked at. The explanation for this is the lack of communication between the city center and the east side, from ancient period up to the present. In all periods, the biggest and active part of the city center has been to the west side of River Seyhan. Today there are settlements in all sides, but the name of the east side is meaningful: “Karşıyaka” which means “over side” in Turkish. The aim of this research is to cast a new light to the potential archeological investigations.

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Fig. 1: The old city center

17th-18th century

Fig. 2: The railway, city center and the bridge

Fig. 3: The city center and the expansions in 16th – 17th – 18th – 19th & 20th centuries

Fig. 4: The major roads of the ottoman period (Bektaş 1999, fig. 7)

Fig. 5: The railroad station (http://wowturkey. com/forum/viewtopic.php?t=3586)

Fig. 6: Taşköprü and one of gates in the early 20th century (Özmen and Özerol 2000, fig. 2)

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Fig. 7: Tepebağ and Taşköprü in late 19th century

Fig. 8: Taşköprü and the flour factory

Fig. 9: Present view of main arteries

Fig. 10: Pavillions

Fig. 11: Modern urban settlements

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The sunken Byzantine settlement (monastery?) – 2005-2006 underwater survey at Hazar Lake, Eastern Anatolia Çiğdem Özkan Aygün Istanbul Technical University, Istanbul, Turkey, Department of Humanities and Social Sciences [email protected]

As it was the first archaeological underwater survey on the site, our survey came away with plenty of information about the sunken settlement and there are still lots of questions to be answered. And as a result of unforeseen circumstances, the survey has had to be extended over forthcoming years.2

Introduction Lake Hazar is a volcanic lake at the foot of Mount Hazarbaba, 30 km from city of Elazığ in eastern Anatolia. The lake is 7 km wide and 22 km long and its deepest point is 230 m (measured by ‘sub-bottom profiler’ during 2006 survey). The lake is fed through two rivers from the northeast and southwest.

The findings of the 2005-2006 survey

The closest town is Sivrice, 3 km away. It is located at the western extremity of the lake. The lake gets deeper towards the east. The town of Gezin is located at the eastern extremity. According to the researches of our team of geologists it is thought that the lake formed first from the eastern point and spread towards the west.

The focus of our survey was around the island of Kilise Adası (or “Church Island”), which is located on the southwestern section of the lake (fig.1). Most probably the island was originally a peninsula and was connected to the mainland on the southern side. The inhabitants built defensive features on the southern side of the site and the lake protected the remainder of the site.

The Eastern Anatolian fault line passes under the Hazar Lake and is still active. Its activity and other climatic reasons have caused changes in the water level of the lake over the years. The lake is fed through two rivers from its northeast and southwest.

The location of the sunken settlement provided a wellpreserved fertile plain between the high mountains and the Hazar Lake. Travelers mentioned a church3 in the vicinity of Hazar Lake in an area called Surp Nshan, Cowk, or Dzovk,4 which became the katholicos site5 in the eleventh and twelfth century.

The rising water level was the main reason that the settlement on and around the Kilise (church) island was deserted. The evacuation of the area occurred between 1795 and 1830. The hydro-electricity production which began in 1957 has caused a decrease in the water level and made visible the top of the watch towers, which were know as “the church” by villagers.

The area continued to be inhabited by an Armenian population. The gradual rise of water began after the earthquake of 1784. The existence of a village called Golcuk6 with 50-60 households dependent on weaving and leather work in the XIXth century is mentioned in the municipal archives. It is also mentioned that the

The aim of this survey is to prepare the complete plan of the sunken settlement detected during our first expedition in June 2005. Our studies have continued as underwater survey in October 2005 and in September 2006, enlarging our group with members from the Geological and Geophysical Engineering Departments of Istanbul Technical University.1 Our object was to explain the geological formation of the lake and how the settlement has sunk. The team of geophysicists transported a ‘subbottom profiler’ to the area in order to make a map of the fault lines under the lake. It was the first time that this equipment was also utilized to see the sunken architectonic materials which had become invisible under the sand.

2 2006 survey could not cover the northern and eastern sides of the Island. We had to dive together with the under water police as a decision of Governor of Province and Museum manager of Elazig. It was declared by the police that they have seen bombs underwater on the second day of the research and the survey had been stopped by the Museum manager, Haydar Kalsen. We could continue only with the permission from the Municipality, restricting our research area. Also the underwater police has carried out some ceramic pots out of the water according to the directions of the museum manager which were given through the telephone without knowledge of the author so we do not have the chance to locate them on the site plan and those pots have been damaged due to the miss carriage and lacking conditions of conservation. 3 Saint-Martin 1819,Mémoire Historique et Géographique sur l’Arménie, Vol. 1, pp.49-50. Andreasyan 1964, Harput Tarihi, Polanyalı Simeon’un Seyahatnamesi (1608-1619),p.97. Evliya Celebi 1314, Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi, Vol.3. , 218. Sungurluoğlu 1954:Harput Yollarında, Vol. 1 4 ‘Dzovk’ means ‘the sea’ in Armenian. 5 Inciciyan 1804,Coğrafya ,p:240. 6 ‘Golcuk’ means ‘little lake’ in Turkish

1 Hazar Lake project is accepted as BAP (Scientific Research Project) of Istanbul Technical University under the direction of the author with the title of “Elazığ Hazar Lake Archaeological, Geological and Geophysical Research” and has been supported financially and technically. We want to express our gratitude to the rectorate of the Istanbul Technical University for their support.

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THE SUNKEN BYZANTINE SETTLEMENT (MONASTERY?) – 2005-2006 UNDERWATER SURVEY AT HAZAR LAKE inhabitants moved to the village of Surek after the rise in water level.7

on the interior where the joist holes for the floor are visible. The floor between the upper two storeys must have been separated by a wooden flat. The lower levels are accessed by a circular stairway (Fig.5). Three table amphora of different dimensions were found at the very bottom of the stairway (Fig. 6).

The level of the lake is falling again due to the construction of a private hydro-electricity central. We were informed by Hasan Karabulut, the Mayor of Sivrice that the 1255 m of water level (altitude above sea level) in 1950, has fallen to 1236m in 2005. This change in water level has enabled the upper levels of the gate towers of the ancient settlement to become visible.

The protective circuit wall, which is currently underwater, was 5 m in height as far as the mud, and constructed of brick and mortar (Fig. 7) with ashlar masonry in the lower course of the wall (Fig. 8). The thickness of the circuit wall changes from 2.2m. to 1.1m.

During our surveys, a submerged archaeological area of 2.5 km2 was explored; all of the architectural findings were measured and drawn underwater and the plan of the sunken walled settlement was prepared with the help of a total-station. The reference points (projections of submerged artifacts) were marked on the surface of the water in order to utilise the total-station (fig.2).

The main wall is divided by five vaulted rectangular rooms (fig. 8). Those vaulted buildings have a dimension of 3.7m x 3.8m from outside. They are two-storey buildings with an embrasured loophole on the upper floor. Those buildings were probably used as store houses, aside from their protective purposes as well as helping as a buttress (fig. 9).

The investigation of the site was begun from the two towers and the result of the first dives provided evidence of fortification walls as well as the main gate of the city. The two towers were the gate-houses that flanked the city gate and were built 20 m apart on an east-west axis (fig.3). The eastern gate house has an L-shaped floorplan. A raised road extends from the gate houses towards the mainland.8

The doors of those rooms are mostly covered with mud. It is possible to enter through the window over the door (fig. 10). The wall extends to the island, turns to the east and runs parallel to the southern shore of the island. There are three more rooms on the wall that runs parallel to the southern shore of the island. Then the wall disappears under the soil flowing from the island.

According to the manual measurements, which were also checked through the total-station, the total length of the city wall is 520 m and the raised road is 206 m. This raised road connects the city walls to the land from the south-east direction.

As a result of our research in September we have found the second protective circuit wall, which runs to the west of the first wall beginning from the western gate-tower and reaching the island. It is possible to see that this wall was affected by the earthquakes more than the eastern wall and it was repaired in later periods. The later constructions are made of rough stone and brick instead of simply brick.

The height of the gate-houses and towers are 5 m from mud to water level and 4 m out of water (the measurement was taken in September 2006 from the deepest point), which means 9m in height. The area is described as alluvial basin.9 Some parts of the area are covered with ~3m of mud. We can say that the towers were more than 10m high, taking into account the remains below the mud.

There are other rooms and a very well-preserved building collocated with this circuit wall. It was a long and narrow brick building that was constructed in the same method as the city walls that have a base of ashlar masonry with upper levels of brick and mortar. The building ran 26 m in length and was 4 m wide and was angled to the southwest by 70° (fig.11). The building used barrel vault construction that had eight windows on two sides (fig.12). The building is closed with an apsidal wall at the southwest.

The brick towers, or gate-houses, and the circuit walls are constructed of bricks (37 cm long, by 35 cm wide, by 4 cm thick) and are joined by a mortar 4 cm thick. The dimensions of the bricks and the way of construction reminds one of 5th-6th century Constantinopolitan work. The gate-houses seem to have been roofed with low vaults as there is evidence of a pennaculum. They are three-storey buildings, with the upper two levels containing arched windows (fig.4). The lower level walls had embrasured loopholes instead of arched windows. The floor between the two upper stories is quite distinct

The south shore of the island has 7 more buttresses, with niches of 2.1 m wide between them. It is worth noting that it is only the gate-house towers and the fortified wall that provide defensive features, as the area’s geography provides natural defenses, such as Mount Hazarbaba and the lake. Most probably the island was originally a peninsula and was connected to the mainland on the southern side; the inhabitants built the

7 The place that the inhabitants of Golcuk has moved is not the same place as modern Surek village it is actually ‘Eski Surek-Old Surek’ which is evacuated now. 8 Ç. Özkan-Aygün, “Hazar’ın Batık Şehri”, Atlas Dergisi,Vol. 157, April 2006, pp.128 9 This knowledge is given by Prof. Okan Tuysuz during our ‘2006 Archaeological, Geological and Geophysical Research Project’ which we have conducted together in September 2006.

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The Hazar Lake area acted as a boundary between the Byzantine and Arab forces after VIIth century, and then the Byzantine and Turkish forces after Xth century. This helps explain the powerful city walls. This submerged settlement is more like a garrison, and it was also protected by another castle located on Mount Hazarbaba at the point called Kesrik-Kale.12 This castle is perfectly sited in order to watch for possible enemies that might threaten the sunken settlement of our day.

A road, with a width of 1.5 m, leading from the city gate to the mainland, was found during the survey of the region. This road has a length of 206m and then is lost beneath the undergrowth close to the shore. It was an interesting find that the road had 6.4 m intervals and had conjunction points for a wooden bridge. This seems to confirm the local knowledge of a river as given to the villagers by their ancestors.

Geologists and geophysicists were added for the 2006 survey. Future results will illuminate the seismic characteristics of the region and will determine how the water level rose and eventually covered the settlement. A future objective for the survey will be to explore the area currently off limits as a result of a possible unexploded bomb lying under the water.

On the western side of the island there are many crudely worked stones, which suggest a man-made construction, but because of the nature of scatter, it is not possible to understand the plan. Ceramic sherds have been found on the island, and on the northern side the pieces of medieval green-glazed graffito plates were discovered that are now housed in the Elazığ Museum.

Finally we want to add that this project has the aim of bringing amenities and benefits to the lives of the people of the region. We have developed projects and shared them with the local authorities in Elazığ and Sivrice through ‘Valilik-Governorship of Province’, ‘Kaymakamlık- Governorship of District’ and ‘BelediyeMunicipality’, and also added those to our reports that we gave to the Ministry of Culture and Tourism of Turkey. Those projects can be summarized as follows:

Additional archaeological sites in the vicinity were reviewed with the aim of researching construction techniques, such as the monastery of Kulvenk, an 11th century church of Venk in Tadım, the fortress of Harput and the church of St Mary. A similarity between the brick-work of the 6th century Byzantine tower fortress of Harput was found with the towers on the island. Apart from that example, the all-brick construction is unique for the area.11 This can be explained by the quality of soil which is available for terra-cotta production. Still existing modern factories of brick and traditional ceramic production at Uslu village on the Mount Hazarbaba can be indicators of brick and ceramic production in the antiquity. Nowadays it is difficult to find Uslu ceramics on the market where the traditional production is nearly extinct but the villagers tell that producers come from Avanos (Nevşehir) to take soil.

1 The continuing education for the local population regarding the history and preservation of the archaeological site 2 The reintroduction of pottery production in the village of Uslu 3 Projects for encouraging underwater observation and diving tourism around the sunken city walls. We have been in contact with CEKUL (The Foundation for Preservation for the Environment and Culture) for the realisation of those projects.

As a result of our surveys in 2005 and 2006, despite the obstacles mentioned in the footnotes, we have completed the total-station measurements and underwater drawings of all architectonical finds in the area on which we could work. No church was found that could prove the writings of ancient travellers. It could be on the island which was the highest point of the peninsula before the area was submerged, but all constructions on the island are totally destroyed. It should be noted that the soda content of the lake has been a great help in protecting the finds, thanks to the calcherious layer that has covered the surface of the findings.

Bibliography Andreasyan H.D. (1964), Polanyalı Simeon’un Seyahatnamesi (1608-1619), I.Ü. Edb. Fak. Yay. No:1073, Istanbul Ardıçoğlu, N. (1964), Harput Tarihi,Istanbul. Inciciyan L. (1804) , Coğrafya, Vol.1, Vien. Özkan-Aygün, Ç. 2006, “Hazar Gölü’ndeki Batık Yerleşim”, SBT 2006 (10. sualtı Bilim ve Teknolojisi Toplantısı) Bildiriler Kitabı, 2006, pp. 79-86. Özkan-Aygün, Ç. 2006, “Hazar Lake Sunken Settlement Elazığ, Turkey 2005 Survey Report”,FeRA(Frankfurter elektronische Rundschau zur Altertumskunde) www.fera-journal.eu,August 2006, pp.31-35.

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Ç. Özkan-Aygün, “Hazar Lake Sunken Settlement Elazığ, Turkey 2005 Survey Report, FeRA(Frankfurter elektronische Rundschau zur Altertumskunde) www.fera-journal.eu,August 2006, p.32 11 Ç. Özkan-Aygün “2005-2006 Underwater Survey at Hazar Lake Eastern Turkey”, 20th December 2006, Universite Paris I-Sorbonne, Ecole Doctorale d’Histoire, Centres de recherche d’ Histoire et civilisation byzantines et du Proche-orientmédiéval, http://www.univparis1.fr/recherche/etudes_doctorales_et_financements/ ed/ed113_histoire/cr/histoire_et_civilisation_byzantines_et_du_procheorient_medieval/article6031.html?recalcul=oui

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Ç. Özkan-Aygün, “Hazar Gölü’ndeki Batık Yerleşim”, SBT 2006 (10. Sualtı Bilim ve Teknolojisi Toplantısı) Proceedings, 2006, p.85.

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THE SUNKEN BYZANTINE SETTLEMENT (MONASTERY?) – 2005-2006 UNDERWATER SURVEY AT HAZAR LAKE Özkan-Aygün, Ç. 2006, Hazar’ın Batık Şehri”, Atlas Dergisi,Vol. 157, April 2006, pp.128-132. Özkan-Aygün, Ç. , “2005-2006 Underwater Survey at Hazar Lake Eastern Turkey”, 20th December 2006, Universite Paris I-Sorbonne, Ecole Doctorale d’Histoire, Centres de recherche d’ Histoire et civilisation byzantines et du Proche-orientmédiéval, http://www.univparis1.fr/recherche/etudes_doctorales

_et_financements/ed/ed113_histoire/cr/histoire_et_civ ilisation_byzantines_et_du_procheorient_medieval/article6031.html?recalcul=oui Saint-Martin J. (1819), Mémoire Historique et Géographique sur l’Arménie, Vol. 1, Paris. Sungurluoğlu I (1954) Harput Yollarında, Vol. 1, Istanbul.

Fig.1 Kilise Adası (or “Church Island”) that is located on the southwestern section of the Hazar lake (Photo by Prof. Dr. Okan Tuysuz)

Fig.2 Plan of the sunken walled settlement which is prepared through the help of total-station

Fig.3 The gate-houses which flanked the city gate and were built 20 m apart on an east-west axis (Photo by Dr. Cigdem Ozkan Aygun)

Fig.4 The three-storied gate houses (Illustration by Engin Aygun) 299

Fig.5 The circular stairways reaching to the lower levels of the gate-house (Photo by Engin Aygun)

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Fig.6 The table amphora in the gate-houses (Photo by Engin Aygun)

Fig.7 The protective circuit wall made of brick and mortar (Photo by Engin Aygun)

Fig.8 The ashlar blocks at the foundation of the circuit wall (Photo by Engin Aygun)

Fig.9 The store house-buttresses on the circuit wall (Illustration by Engin Aygun)

Fig.11 The building with 26 m of length and 4 m of width angling to the southwest by 70° (Illustration by Engin Aygun)

Fig.12 Embrasured loophole windows Fig.10 It is possible to enter in through the window over the door of the buttresses (Photo by Engin Aygun)

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The doorframes of Late Antique buildings in Anatolia (fifth and sixth centuries) Ayşın Özügül Uludag University, Art History Department

Minare in Antalya,9 church E (fifth century) in Xanthos), church A in Perge (fifth or sixth century), churches in Amorium10 can be counted as examples of buildings in which re-used doorframes were found. In Cilicia and Isauria, the practice of using the spoils was less frequent. Alacami in Kadirli, a late fifth or early sixth century basilica is one of the few examples. The doorframes of the church were brought from earlier buildings as well as most of its ornamental elements.11

From the first centuries of Antiquity, the main characteristics of the doorframes continue up to the fifth century. They were shaped in accordance to the architectural orders of the monumental stone buildings; the architraves were taken as models for the jambs and lintels, and the lintel crowns were smaller versions of projecting roof cornices.1 The Doric doorframes were generally simply profiled; however the Ionic doorframes were more elaborate with the stepped fasciae and astragals followed by cymatiums. In the second century, following the Romanization in art and architecture, a new type of frame was introduced: the ornament of the favoured frieze of the period characterised by an acanthus or garland moulding flanked by the Ionic or Lesbian cymatiums was applied on the doorframes.2

Doorframes of Late Antique Buildings The doorframes of Late Antique buildings in Western Anatolia, in the west part of the southern coast of Anatolia and in Istanbul have some common features. They are always placed in an arched opening. They are composed of two jambs located on a threshold, and of a lintel bearing on them; jambs and lintels are identically moulded and joined diagonally at the corners, but horizontally at the back. The lintel is crowned by a second one. The surfaces of the mouldings are unpainted and undecorated, except for a simple cross or rosette relief at the centre of the main moulding of the lintel crown. The mouldings types are less various from those of earlier samples: flat band, cyma recta, ovolo or convex moulding and cavetto were used; cyma reversa was never employed. Each type of profile was shaped in relateion to the motifs of the repertory of the Classical Ages. The profile of the egg-and-dart is ovolo, acanthus or garland friezes have convex profile, the meanders and guilloches are carved on the flat bands, and cyma recta is the profile of the row of lotus-palmette.

The vast majority of Late Antique/Early Christian cities of Anatolia are the continuation of the Roman cities. The radical change was the erection of the churches and the abandonment or conversion of the pagan temples.3 Beginning from the mid-third century and during the fourth, the construction activity almost ceased. The limited number of new buildings was constructed and ornamented with reused materials. In the early fourth century, carrying the ornamental elements from the old buildings became widespread4 and the measures were taken to protect them by the laws of Empire.5 The openings were framed with spoils jambs and lintels, used generally in their original form. In the Western and Southern Anatolia there are numerous doorframes which can be dated to the earlier centuries and which were re-used in Late Antique buildings. Basilica in Priene (first phase: first half of the fifth century; second phase: late fifth or sixth century),6 the basilicas in Miletus and Didyma (fifth or sixth century), St. Mary (second half of fourth century)7and St. John basilicas in Ephesus (fourth, fifth, and sixth centuries),8 basilica near the east agora in Iasus, Selimiye, Mercimek and Göl churches in Caria, Panagia church (sixth and ninth century) known as Cumanun Camisi or Kesik

Most of the Late Antique doorframes in Istanbul and Western and Southern Anatolia are made of Proconnesian marble; vert antique, rose antique, and other sorts of decorative stones were also used. The doors were generally two aisled.12 They were attached to the frame not by the hinges as today, but by the silts or posts. In addition to the aisles the openings were also closed by curtains which were suspended by the rings attached on them, and the claps implicated on the lintel.

1 Büsing-Kolbe 1978: 85. For the first and second century doorframes in Anatolia see: Mansel, Bean and İnan 1956: 14, figs. 36, 45; Anabolu, 1970, fig.203; Butler 1925: 55, Atlas pl.III, 49, 50, Yegül 1986: 32, figs.55, 232, 233; Wilberg 1953, figs.33, 35 2 Bohn, 1896; Radt, 1999: 190; Vandeput 1997, pl.31.1-3, Anabolu 1964: figs. 215-6 3 Mango 1979: 20 4 Deichmann 1975: 5-8; Brenk 1987: 103ff 5 Codex Theodosianus, 15.1, 16.10 6 Westphalen 2000: 277, fig.2 7 Krautheimer, 1986: 109 8 Keil, Sotiriu, et al. 1951: 145ff

9

Ballance 1955: 99-114; Grassi 1988: 83ff; Grassi 1990: 73-4 Lightfoot 2001: 373 11 Bayliss 1997: 60, 64-5, 84. 12 E. Frazer 1973; Dirimtekin 1961: 10ff 10

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SOMA 2007 above, some are comparable to the Capital’s contemporary examples, and the local productions were used as well.18 This variety suggests the existence and continuity of the activities of the local workshops on the site, and the importation of the new forms from the Capital.19

The doorframes of Late Antique buildings in Istanbul More than eighty doorframes of Late Antique buildings in Istanbul (Byzantine Constantinople) remain today.13 The earliest of them are in the Golden Gate14 (c.412) (Fig.1) and in Theodosian St. Sophia15 (415) (Fig. 2). Their profiles are similar: two flat bands, a large convex moulding and an outer flat band. This is the most frequently composition of mouldings used on the doorframes during the fifth and sixth century in Constantinople and related regions. The similarity between the profile of the entablatures and the doorframes of the three fifth century building serve to explain the origin of the Late Antique doorframes.

The common profiles of the Late Antique doorframes which are composed of stepped fasciae, a convex moulding and an outer flat band can also be seen on those of St. John basilica (Fig. 4a, b). But on some of them, instead of the cyma recta, a concave moulding between two flat bands is carved (Fig. 4c). This little differentiation can be regarded as the interpretation of the carvers from Ephesus who treat them based on a model carried from Constantinople or Proconnesus Island and their established tradition.

Not far from Golden Gate, a mid-fifth century monastery church, Studios basilica (İmrahor Camisi), still remains.16 At Studios basilica, sixteen of the doorframes and a part of the entablature are visible and measurable. All of them are from Proconnesian marble and produced for the basilica (Fig.3).

The south church in Sebaste (today Selçikler Village in Uşak) is a mediaeval building which was constructed in the place of a tenth or sixth century church.20 The fragment of a marble jamb has a profile composed of two flat bands, a large convex moulding and an outer band (Fig.5). Considering the form and proportion of each moulding and their close similarity between those in Golden Gate, Theodosian St. Sophia and Studios Basilica, it seems more probable that it belongs to the fifth, rather than sixth century.

The posts and lintels offer a variation of profile arrangement which will be seen also in the sixth century examples. But some details will soon disappear. The lintel crowns gain the profiles, typical up to end of the Byzantine period and composed of alternating flat bands and one or two cyma recta (Fig.3b). The profiles of the doorframes of the church of St. Polyeuktos, St. Irene, and St. Sophia derive from those of the three earlier buildings.17

Sardis, the ancient centre of Lycia, was also settled during the Late Antique and Byzantine period. Among the numerous architectural fragments on the site, are the doorframes similar to the Late Antique counterparts of Constantinople.

The doorframes which appear in the fifth century outside of Istanbul are widely distributed in a large area extending from Thrace, Greece, the Balkans, Western and Southern Anatolia, to Ravenna in northern Italy. They were made of white marble, quarried on the Island of Proconnesos (Marmara Island), and their profiles are in general identical with their contemporary counterparts in Istanbul. On the other hand, examples from Cilicia reflect architectural impulses from Syria. They and those from Lycia have different traits than the ones recounted above; this deviation must be attributed to the local building material and local building traditions.

Pamphylia Side which is located in the Mediterranean coast, was the seat of the Bishopric of Eastern Pamphylia during the fifth and sixth centuries. A lintel fragment near the Bishop (?) Basilica (cc)21 dated to the fifth or sixth century, is made of marble and is dorned with three stepped bands, a convex moulding and an outer band (Fig.6) The comparable examples are found in St. John Basilica in Ephesus, St. Nicholas church in Demre and basilica B in Philippi.22 A fragment with the same profile but with different measures and proportions was found near the harbour basilica (aa)23 (c.400) by the temples and probably belongs to the church (Fig.7). A second one was placed in the central door of the basilica. Its profile is composed by three flat bands, an ovolo, a projecting cavetto, and an outer flat band (Fig.8). G. Grassi mentions that most of the doorframes and marble elements of the church were taken from the Athena and

Western Anatolia The remarkable monument of the Early Christian architecture, St. Jean in Ephesus contains three phases of construction. The door openings of the church are framed with the jambs and lintels which represent various characters. Some of them are re-used as is mentioned 13

Özügül 2005 Millingen, 1889: 59-73; Meyer-Plath and Schneider 1943; MüllerWiener, 1977: 297-300; Foss and Winfried, 1986, Mango 2000: 173-88 15 Schneider, 1941. 16 Ebersolt-Thiers, 1913: 3-18; Millingen 1912: 35-61; Mathews 1971: 19-27; Müller-Wiener 1977: 147-152, Mango 1978: 115-22; Mango 1979: 147-52 17 Harrison 1986, figs. E 9c[i], K 9c[ii], K 9b[i]; Özügül 2005: 38-72, figs. A.63-179 14

18

Deichmann 1974: 565-66 Butler 1989: 103 20 Fıratlı 1970: 153, figs. 3, 4 21 Mansel 1978: 267 22 Lemerle 1945, pl. LXXIII 23 Mansel 1978: 257-65 19

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THE DOORFRAMES OF LATE ANTIQUE BUILDINGS IN ANATOLIA (FIFTH AND SIXTH CENTURIES) Apollo temples constructed in the second century AD.24 If the existing fragments belong to the basilica, Grassi’s opinion cannot be valid for the doorframes. The smooth, undecorated surfaces, the large convex mouldings and high-stepped bands prove that the doorframes were contemporary with the buildings.

workmanship. The doorframe profiles of the Alakilise and Karabel confirm the suggestion of R.M. Harrison. In Lycia, in addition to the doorframes which are comparable in point of their profile, with those of the Capital and Western Anatolia, but which bear local motifs and were made from local stone, are also found. The in situ doorframes of St. Nicholas church at Demre were published by U. Peschlow, and have two main profile types.31 The door which opens from the west arcade to the south court and the one from the burial chamber to the chapel 3, are close by their dimensions and profiles. Their profiles are composed of flat bands, a convex moulding and an outer band. The counterparts of the three stepped flat band of the fragment 3, are found in St. John in Ephesus, in the south church (aa) in Side, and in Basilica B in Philippi.32 Reliefs on the lintel crown not divergent for the region indicate the local workmanship.

Three naves of the Bishop Church (cc) were divided by re-used marble columns superposed by re-used architraves blocks.25 All sorts of marble from the site were imported; the local construction material is local limestone. The limestone doorframe fragments which stand by the church must belong to the central door and the two jambs of the south door of the narthex are in situ. The upper extremities of the blocks were shaped diagonally. All of these have architrave-like profile but the surfaces of the mouldings are lacking in ornament except a cross on the lintel which accentuate the Christian character of the building. In spite of their profile, the fitting measure of the wall openings and their material suggest that the doorframes were produced for the church by local workmen. The traditional profile of the doorframes of the church can be explained by the construction date of the church or by the preference of the stone carvers.

The posts and lintels of the doors which lead from the outer narthex to the southeast room, and south aisle to the first chapel of St. Nicholas, were profiled with three fasciae, and narrow mouldings. The lintels were decorated with a ring of leaf garland and cross motifs. U. Peschlow compares these two doorframes with the surrounding Early Christian buildings in respect to their lintels which stand horizontally on the posts and their ornaments, and he avoids giving them an absolute date.33 Comparing to the parallel examples in Side and Andriake, they cacn be placed to the fifth century phase of the building.

Lycia The architecture and ornament of Lycia have some features unoque to the region. R.M. Harrison suggests that besides the rooted tradition, these features occur due to the influence from Egypt, Syria and in some details Constantinople and Thessaloniki.26

In the mouth of the stream of Demre stood the ancient harbour of Demre, Andriake (Çayağzı). The Late Antique churches of Andriake have the entrances framed with profiled jambs and lintels. The profile of the doorframes of the central door of naos in chuch A was composed of two-stepped flat band, a large convex moulding which follows them and an outer projecting flat band. At the centre of the lintel a cross was carved formed by flowers, in a circle. Close similar samples of the profile, ornament and the material of the doorframes are found in St. Nicholas church.

The Late Antique doorframes from Lycian buildings were often richly ornamented. At Alakilise,27 Karabel (No.10)28 and Alacahisar29 the ovolo, cavetto, convex mouldings of doorframes, were adorned with meander, acanthus, ivy and other vegetal motifs. The architectural ornament of Alakilise, has certain common features with the church in Muskar, Demre and Dereağzı in Lycia, and these features suggest that they were produced by the same team, whereas in Karabel the diversity of the technique, motif, and composition suggest that they were carved by another team.30 The analysis of the doorframes is not sufficient for assuming the same result, without taking into consideration the other ornamental elements.

The doors of the churches B, C and D in Andrike, are framed by the limestone posts and lintels adorned with undecorated mouldings. The church B is a basilica divided into three naves and comprises three entrances at the west wall and two at the east; another one opens from the north aisle to the annex chapel.34 The central door of the naos is profiled with two flat bands, a cavetto and a flat band. The lintel with the same profile is followed by cyma recta and terminated with flat band. There is a relief of a cross in a circle of garland.35 The doorframe of the

Certain doorframes in Dereağzı and Demre, have quite different characters from those in Alakilise and Karabel. The motifs on the lintels of the doors in St. Nicholas can be compared to the two last ones, with respect to the 24

Grassi 1990: 95 Mansel 1978: 267-68 26 Harrison 1963: 197; Harrison 1972: 186 27 Harrison 1963: 127ff, Harrison 1972: 191, fig.11, 13 28 Harrison 1963, pl.XL,c; XLII,d-f 29 Harrison 1963, pl.XLIII,d 30 Harrison, 1972: 197 25

31

Peschlow 1975, fig. 46 Lemerle 1945, pl. LXXIII 33 Peschlow 1975: 334-5 34 Tekinalp 2000: 87 35 Tekinalp 2000: 100, pl.35, 102,A 32

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SOMA 2007 shadow of the surfaces reflect the Eastern style.40 Reliefs on the western face of the lintel and Gabriel and Michael on the side surfaces of the posts are also treated in Eastern style. The posts are ornamented with degenerated Classical mouldings: an astragal between two flat bands, a cymatium, a slightly convex moulding decorated with a row of leaves and diagonal branches between them, a large acanthus frieze, a row of parallel leaves with convex profile, another convex moulding bearing garland motif, and a flat band. The ornamentation of the posts reminds of the second and third century frieze-like doorframes of Western Anatolia.

church C has a simple profile with three fasciae and a large flat band.36 The doorframes of the church at Syllion are also made of local limestone. The two doors at the western façade of the church, is higher and larger than the west entrance door. This must be caused by the function and the relation with the neighbouring buildings.37 The profile of the west door is composed of three fasciae. The posts and lintels join diagonally at the corners. The lintel is superposed by two lintel crown which have simple profiles and the basrelief volute motif at two sides.

Church A (or Necropolis Church) in Anemurium on the coast of Isauria, was constructed in fourth century as a small basilica and was enlarged in the fifth.41 A fragment of the central of the three doors at the east façade remains. Its profile is composed by two fasciae, a cyma reversa which follow a convex moulding, and an outer flat band. The surface of the mouldings is undecorated.

Regarding the profile arrangement and material, the west door of the church at Syllion can be compared to the central door of church C at Andriake. Isauria and Cilicia Most of the well preserved Late Antique buildings of Anatolia are in Cilicia and Isauria, thanks to the stone masonry and their location far from the modern settlements.

The marble fragments in Silifke Museum and at Tarsus attestto the range of dispersion of the influence of art created in the workshops of the Capital (Figs. 9, 10).

The influence of Northern Syria and Antioch is a determining factor for the major part of Isaurian and Cilician architecture and ornament, except for certain buildings which were constructed through the initiative of the Emperor and thus bear the influence of the Capital style.

The doors of the Late Antique buildings in Cilicia i.e. church in Corycian cave, church H or extra muros tomb church in Corycos, and especially dwellings, are often framed by the doorframes with flat surfaces. Another feature typical for Cilicia and Syria are the doors without additional post and lintel blocs; in this case the openings were bounded by the stones of the masonry, which can be profiled and gained an effect of frame.

St. Thecla basilica and “domed basilica” at Meryemlik near Silifke were constructed by the Emperor Zeno (474475; 476-491) in the last quarter of the fifth century. The doorframes of the west entrances of the two churches were placed between the columns such as in Studios basilica, have similar profiles, and were made of Proconnesian marble.38 The profile of the doorframes of “domed basilica” is composed of two flat bands, a cyma recta and a flat band, whereas the fragment of a door of the Thecla basilica there is only one flat band before the cyma recta. The convex moulding which follows them is smaller but more projecting than the analogues from Constantinople. A second fragment from Thecla Basilica must belong to a small door. The outer face of the jambs is profiled with flat bands, a convex moulding a large cavetto and finally another flat band. The frame of the inner face of the door, like in the domed basilica, is carved cyma recta.

The doorframes of Cilicia which relate to the Syrian examples are quite different from those of Constantinople and those in Meryemlik, Alahan and Anemurium. With a hasty generalisation, one can say that the doors of Cilician buildings are larger and lower than those of Istanbul. They were carved from the local limestone. Another characteristic that distinguishes them from the examples of the other regions is the junction of the blocks at the corner. The upper surfaces of the jambs and the lower surfaces of the lintels were cut horizontally. Generally, only the outer faces are profiled. The jambs and lintels have the same profile, and in certain examples are superimposed by a projecting lintel crown carved from the same block.

The main door of the fifth century basilica of Alahan Monastery is named “Evangelists door” because of its iconographic character.39 The elaborate reliefs of the lower face of the lintel and side faces of the posts are remarkable. M. Gough suggests that the figures of the composition of the lower side of the lintel bear Hellenistic influence, while the contrast of light and

The doorframes of the ancient buildings in Cilicia and Isauria, have architrave-like profile such as the ones from all over the Empire. In the first decade of the early fifth century, new interpretations and forms of the profiles and ornament, appear. The narrow but varied mouldings with or without the motifs, compose a lusty effect with slight projections and recession. The profiles of the mouldings are flat band, ovolo, cavetto, cyma recta and convex

36

40

37

41

Tekinalp 2000, pl.55 Lanckoronski 1890: 64 38 Herzfeld and Guyer 1930, figs. 23, 54 39 Gough 1955: 119-22; Gough, 1962: 180-3

Gough 1955: 120 Hild, Hellenkemper and Hellenkemper-Salies 1984: 270-3; Hild and Hellenkemper, 1990: 190; Russell 1977: 6-8, fig. 3-5; Russell 1980: 37, fig. 5; Russell 1989: 1627-8, figs. 6-8, 10; Hill 1996: 94-96, fig. 8

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THE DOORFRAMES OF LATE ANTIQUE BUILDINGS IN ANATOLIA (FIFTH AND SIXTH CENTURIES) band. Geometrical and vegetables motifs are on the mouldings of the posts and lintels, and generally a cross or rosace is at the centre of the lintel. The variety and richness of the ornamental repertory is due to the easy treatment of the limestone. All these properties of the Cilician doorframes are common also in Syrian samples during the Early Christian period. In Kanytelis (Kanlıdivane) (Figs. 11-12) and Corykos (Kızkalesi) (Fig. 13) a number of doorframes that show close similarities to Syrian samples and are typical for the region were found.

Butler, H.C. (1925) Publications of the American Society for the Excavation of Sardis, Volume 2: Architecture, Part 1: The Temple of Artemis, Leyden, E. J. Brill. Butler L.E. (1989) The Nave Cornices of Hagia Sophia in Istanbul, Ann Arbour, Mi: University Microfilm International, 1989, Pennsylvania, University of Pennsylvania, Phil. Diss. 1989. Büsing-Kolbe, A. (1978) Frühe griechische Türen, Jahrbuch des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts 93, 66-174. Codex Theodosianus. Pharr, C. (1952) Theodosian Code and Novels and the Sirmondian Constitutions, Translation with Commentary, Glossary and Bibliography, New York. Deichmann, F.W. (1974) Zur spätantiken Bauplastik von Ephesos. Mansel’e Armağan (Mélanges Mansel), Vol.I, Ankara, 549-70. Deichmann, (1975) Die Spolien in der spätantiken Architektur, Sitzungsberichte der Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu München, Philosophisch-Historische Klasse, Munich. Dirimtekin, F. (1961) Ayasofya’nın bronz kapıları / The bronze doors of Sainte Sophia, 42-6. Ayasofya Müzesi Yıllığ,ı III, 10-14, Figs. 1-8. Ebersolt, J. and Thiers, A. (1913) Les Églises de Constantinople, Paris, E. Leroux Eyice, S. (1979) La basilique de Canbazlı en Cilicie, Zograph-Revue d’art médievale, 10, 22-9. Fıratlı, N. (1970) Uşak-Selçikler kazısı ve çevre araştırmaları 1966-1970, Türk Arkeoloji Dergisi, 19, 2, 109-60. Foss, C. and Winfield D. (1986) Byzantine Fortifications : An Introduction, Pretoria, University of South Africa Press Frazer, M.E. (1973) Church Doors and the Gates of Paradise: Byzantine Bronze Doors in Italy. Dumbarton Oaks Papers, 27, 146-62. Gough, M. (1955) Some Recent Finds at Alahan (Koja Kalessi). Anatolian Studies, 115-23. Gough, M. (1962) The Church of the Evangelists at Alahan, A priliminary report. Anatolian Studies, 12, 173-84. Grassi, G., 1988) Precisioni sulla Panaghia di Antalya. Milion. Studi e ricerche d'arte bizantina, 1, Rome, 8397, Pls. I-VII. Grassi, G. (1990) Scultura architettonica e spolia marmoree della Panaghia di Antalya nel quadro della produzione artistica dell’Asia Minore meridionale in Epoca Paleobizantina. Milion. Studi e ricerche d’arte Bizantina, 2, Rome, 73-134. Harrison, R.M. (1963) Churches and chapels of Central Lycia. Anatolian Studies 13, 117-51, Pls.XXXVI, XLVII. Harrison, R.M. (1972) A note on architectural sculpture in Central Lycia. Anatolian Studies 22, 187-97. Harrison, R.M. (1986) Excavations at Saraçhane in Istanbul, Vol.I, The Excavations, Structures, Architectural Decorations Small Finds, Coins, Bones, and Molluscs, Princeton, Princeton University Press and Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection.

Almost all the doorframes of the basilica at Canbazlı dated to the sixth century are in situ.42 Most of them have the flat surfaces, but two are profiled with the large fasciae followed by the narrower mouldings. The frame of the central door of the naos is adorned with egg-anddart motif, and at the centre of the lintel is a quatrefoil flower which evokes a cross, in a circle. Although the profile reflect the architrave-like doorframes of the earlier centuries, the motif on the lintel can not have been added later, it must have been carved simultaneously with the doorframe, in sixth century. The difference of the Anatolian doorframe profiles is caused by the difference of their origins. The architectural norm of the western of Anatolia in the Late Antique period is, in fact, that of Constantinople. The common form of doorframe derives from the entablature of the Corinthian order which is very common in Anatolia from the first century A.D. and which occurs with little changes in proportion and treatment in the early fifth century in Constantinople. However, the origin of the Cilician doorframes is rooted in the earlier ornamental elements of Syria, formed from Roman forms and nourished by traditional local motifs. Bibliograhy Anabolu (Usman), M. (1964) Euromos (Ayaklı) Tapınağı, Istanbul, Istanbul Technical University, Faculty of Architecture. Anabolu (Usman), M. (1970) Küçük Asya’da bulunan Roma İmparatorluk Çağı tapınakları, Istanbul, Istanbul, Istanbul Technical University, Faculty of Architecture. Ballance, S. (1955) Cumanın Cami’i at Antalya: a Byzantine church. Papers of the British School at Rome, 23, 99-114. Bayliss, R. (1997) The Alacami in Kadirli: Transformations of a Sacred Monument. Anatolian Studies 47, 57-87. Bohn, R. (1896) Die Theater-Terrasse, Altertümer von Pergamon 4, Deutsches Archäologisches Institut, Berlin Walter de Gruyter. Brenk, B. (1987) Spolia from Constantine to Charlemagne: Aesthetics versus Ideology. Dumbarton OaksPapers, 41, 103-9. 42

Eyice 1979: 8; Hill 1996: 107-10

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SOMA 2007 Herzfeld, E. and Guyer, S. (1930) Meriamlik und Korykos, Zwei Christliche Ruinenstätten des Rauhen Kilikiens, Monumenta Asiae Minoris Antiqua, II, Manchester, Publications of the American Society for ArchælogicalResearch in Asia Minor. Hild, F., Hellenkemper, H. and Hellenlemper-Salies, G. (1984) Kommagene – Kilikien – Isaurien. Reallexikon zur byzantinischen Kunst, 4, Stuttgart, 182-356. Hild, F. and Hellenkemper, H. (1990) Kilikien and Isaurien, Tabula Imperii Byzantini, 5, Velag der Österreichische Akademie der Wissenchaften, Philosophisc-Historische Klasse Denkschriften 138, Vienna. Hill, S. (1996) The Early Byzantine Churches of Cilicia and Isauria, Birmingham Byzantine and Ottoman Monographs, 1, Variorium for the Centre for Byzantine, Otoman and Modern Greek Studies, Birmingham, University of Birmingham. Keil, J., Sotiriu, et al. (1951) Johanneskirche, Forschungen in Ephesos IV,3, Vienna, Verlag der Österreichischen Archaologischen Institut. Krautheimer, R. (1986) Early Christian and Byzantine Architecture, 4th ed, New Haven, The Yale University Pres. Lanckoronski, C. (1890) Les villes de la Pamphylie et de la Pisidie I La Pamphylie, Paris. Lemerle, P. (1945) Philippes et la Macédoine orientale à l’époque chrétienne et byzantine, Recherche d’histoire et d’archéologie, Paris, E. de Boccard. Lightfoot, C.S., Ivison E.A., et al. (2001) The Amorium Project: The 1998 excavation season. Dumbarton Oaks Papers, 55, 371-99. Macridy, Th. and Casson, S., 1931 Excavations at the Golden Gate, Constantinople, Archaeologia, 81. Mango, C. (1978) The date of the Studios Basilica at Istanbul, Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 4, 11522. Mango, C. (1979) Byzantine Architecture, London, Electa. Mango, C. (2000) The Triumphal Way of Constantinople and the Golden Gate Dumbarton Oaks Papers, 54, 173-88. Mansel, A.M., Bean G. E. and İnan, J. (1956) Side Agorası ve civarındaki binalar 1948 yılı kazılarına dair rapor, Ankara, Türk Tarih Kurumu Basımevi. Mansel, A.M. (1978) Side 1947-1966 yılları kazıları ve araştırmalarının sonuçları, Ankara, Türk Tarih Kurumu Basımevi. Mathews, T.F. (1971) The Early Churches of Constantinople: Architecture and Liturgy, University Park and London, Pennsylvania University Press. Meyer-Plath, B. and Schneider, A. M. (1943) Die Landmauer von Konstantinopel, Denkmäler Antiker

Architektur, 8, Archäologisches Institut des eutschen Reiches Berlin. Müller-Wiener, W. (1977) Bildlexikon zur Topographie Istanbuls, Byzantion-Konstantinupolis - Istanbul bis zum Beginn des 17. Jahrhunderts. Tübingen, Wasmuth. Özügül, A (2005) İstanbul’daki Geç Antik ve Bizans yapıları kapı profilleri (Profiles of doorframes of alte antique and byzantine buildings in Istanbul), Unpublished doctorate thesis, Istanbul Technical University. Peschlow, U. (1975) Die Architecture Nikolaoskirche in Myra, Eine Lykische Metropole in antiker und byzantinischer Zeit, ed. J. Borchardt, Istanbuler Forchungen, 30, Berlin, Gebr. Mann Verlag. Radt, W. (1999) Pergamon, Geschichte und Bauten einer antiken Metropole, Darmstadt, Primus Verlag. Russell, J. (1977) Excavations at Anemurium (1976), Echos du Monde Classique – Classical News and Wiews, 21, 5-10. Russell, J. (1980) Anemurium: The changing face of a Roman city, Archaeology, 33, 31-40. Russell, J. (1989) Christianity at Anemorium (Cilicia), Recent discoveries. Actes du XIe congrés internationale d’archéologie chrétienne, Lyon, Vienne, Grenoble, Genève et Aoste (21-28 Septembre 1986), Studi di antichita cristiana 41, Rome, Collection de l’École Française de Rome, 123, 162137. Schneider, A. M. (1941) Die Grabung im Westhof der Sophienkirche zu Istanbul, Istanbuler Forschungen, Band12, Berlin, Gebr. Mann Verlag. Tekinalp, V.M. (2000) Geç Antik Dönem sonrasında ve Ortaçağ’da (M.S. 4.-14. yy) Andriake kenti, Unpubished doctorate thesis, Ankara, Hacettepe University, Social Sciences Institute. Vandeput, L. (1997) The architectural decoration in Roman Asia Minor, Sagalassos: A case study, Studies in Eastern Mediterranean Archaeology I , Brepols Publishers Van Millingen, A. (1889) Byzantine Constantinople: The Walls and Adjoining Historical Sites, London, John Murray. Van Millingen, A. (1974.) Byzantine Churches in Constantinople: Their History and Architecture, Architecture, reprint ed., London, Variorum Reprints. Westphalen, S. (2000) The Byzantine Basilica at Priene. Dumbarton Oaks Papers, 54, 275-80. Wilberg, W. (1953) Die Bibliothek, Forschungen in Ephesos V,1, Vienna, Verlag der Österreichischen Archaologischen Institut. Yegül, F.K. (1986) The Bath-Gymnasium Complex at Sardis, Archaeological Exploration of Sardis, Cambridge, Harvard University Press.

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Fig. 1: Profile of the doorframe which stands by the northern tower of Golden Gate in Istanbul

Fig. 2: Profile of the doorframe of the central door of Theodosian St. Sophia in Istanbul

a b

Fig. 3: Profiles of the doorframes of the Studios Basilica in Istanbul a. north door of the narthex b. north door on the east wall

a

b

c Fig. 4: Profiles of the doorframes of St. Jean Basilica in Ephesus a. door on the north wall of the north aisle b.door on the south wall of the south aisle c. door on the south wall of the narthex 307

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Fig. 5: Profile of the jamb of south church in Sebaste near Uşak

Fig. 8: Profile of the central door of the harbour basilica in Side

Fig. 11: Profile of the doorframes of basilica 3 at Canytelis

Fig. 6: Profile of the lintel fragment near the church cc in Side

Fig. 7: Profile of the jamb fragment at harbour basilica in Side

Fig. 9: Profile of a lintel in Silifke Museum

Fig. 10: Profile of a lintel crown from Tarsus

Fig. 12: Profile of the frame of the door between church 1 and 2 at Canytelis

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Fig. 13: Profile of doorframe from Korykos

An Architectural Evaluation of Tigran Honents Church, Ani Dr. Hatice Özyurt Özcan Atatürk University Faculty of Arts and Sciences Art History Department [email protected], [email protected]

through Armenia.11 After 1071, the Seljuks left the administration of the city to the Şeddatlı family. It was during this period that both Islamic and Christian architecture developed.12 In 1124, in the reign of the Georgian king David II, Ani was conquered by the Georgians13 and granted to the Armenian Mkhargrdzeli (zahari) family. Under their auspices many new churches (and the city walls) were constructed.14 In 1239, the city was invaded by Mongols and the ruling Mkhargrdeli family agreed to be administered by them. The earthquake of 1319 resulted in Ani and its surrounding region loosing its importance and the city was gradually deserted.15

Ani, the ruins of a city located approximately 40 km east of Kars, lies in the centre of a triangular plain with the Bostanlar and Arpacay rivers joining to the south.1 Its commanding position made it a site of some considerable strategic importance (figure 1).2 The first settlement occurred in prehistoric times, and it went on to gain commercial and social importance during the reign of the Bagradit family.3 In 971, the third Bagradit king, Aşot,4 bought Ani and its surrounding region from the Kamsarakan family, who were then the rulers in this area, having relocated the capital city of the Armenian kingdom from Kars5 to Ani.6 During its founding, Ani seems to have been a castle town planned around the hill, but in a short period it grew to become a city with a very large population, enlarged from the southern region, which was limited in its natural resources, and rivers towards the plains in the northern region. In terms of its geographical location it was a very important staging post for merchant caravans, finding itself part of the Silk Road which was controlled by Byzantium, Iran, Syria, and central Asia. In 992 the Armenian Patriarchate moved its headquarters to Ani.7

The particular church that is the subject of this paper is located in the southeastern part of the ruins of Ani, in the rocky region where the Mıgmır river joins the Arpacay.16 It was called Tigran Honents after its builder, but it was also known as ‘Şirli’ after its frescos, and also as ‘Gregoire’, after its dedicatee, Saint Gregoire.17 According to an Armenian epigraph of 25 lines, found within the triple arches in the southeastern part,18 the church was built by a rich merchant called Tigran Honents, who dedicated the building to Saint Gregoire in 1215. During the period of its construction Ani was ruled by Georgians and therefore consecrated to the Georgian Orthodox Church. Another epigraph was found in the eastern walls of the structure. This epigraph, dated 1310, records that Mathed, the deputy of the Emperor Şahanşah, was responsible for the water pipes that brought water to the monastery complex .19 There are no epigraphs or other information detailing the construction date of the jamatun20 (chapel), which was added

In 1020, Gagik I (989-990), who became king after the death of Smbat II, initiated an extensive building programme and enlarged the borders of the city over a thirty-year period.8 After Gagik’s death, internal power struggles provided an opportunity for the Byzantine emperor to interfere in the region. During this period the Emperor Basilios II added Vaspurakan and a part of Iberia to Byzantine lands and made an agreement with the Armenian kingdom of Ani. Under this agreement, after the death of the son of Gagik I’s son, Ioannas Smbat, the kingdom itself would fall under the control of Byzantium.9 Accordingly, in 1045, 20 years after the death of Basilaios II, and during the reign of the Emperor Konstantinos Monomakhos IX, the kingdom of Ani became part of the Empire.10

11 Ostrogorski 1991: 318; Honigmann 1970: 183- 185; Köymen 1992: 210; Dirimtekin1970: 233; Kırzioğlu 1971: 111–139; Balkan1968: 39– 57; Karamağralı1995: 323- 338. 12 Barthold 1965: 435- 436. 13 Akçay 1964: 155–159. 14 Barthold 1965: 436. 15 Barthold 1965: 436. 16 Therry 1997: 5. 17 GregoireLasaroviç: person who set the principles of Armenian Orthodox Church. Please refer to, Tekçe 1993: 262. 18 ‘English version of the Epigraph: ‘In 664 (M.S. 1215) when the emperor of Ani city was Zakaria thanks to God with its strength and capability... I, human being of God, from Honents family son of Sulem Smbatorents, Tigran, built this monastery which was dedicated to Saint Gregoire for the long life of our masters and children in this place impermeable for the rocks and bushes. And purchased it from its owners with my permissible assets and protected it by spending great effort and money. I built this church for St.Gregoire Lusavoriç and decorated it with lots of trimmings....", refer to, Lynch 1965 : 374; TherryDonabetion 1989 : 487. 19 Lynch stated that epigraph was translated by M.F. Brosset. Refer to. , Lynch 1965 : 375. 20 Jamatun, means‘ the house of Church’ .it is located in the western side of the churches. ‘Gavit’ term is the synonym of it. Between XII-

In 1064, a Turkish army commanded by the Seljuk sultan Alp Aslan took Ani from the Byzantines by moving 1

Erinç 1953: 91. For the map, please look at., http: / www.Virtualani.freeserve.co.uk tigranhonents/ turkish.htm 3 Grousset 2005:373. 4 Grousset 2005: 469. 5 Muşeğ, brother of III. Aşot, established a Kingdom in Kars against his brother. This Kingdom survived until the conquer og Byzantine. Refer to Grousset 2005: 473. 6 Grousset 2005: 471–472. 7 Barthold 1965: 435. 8 Grousset 2005: 507. 9 Ostrogorski 1991: 291,292 10 Demirkent 2005: 11; Ostrogorski 1991: 318. 2

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rectangular shaped bema, there are doors opening to the diaconicon. The bema with vaults ended in an apse 3.40m deep. In Armenian architecture, the apse was the same width as the naos, with no outwards extension. Both sides of the apse were covered by a half dome, and there are cradle shaped pastophorion cells rectangular in form and two storeys high in the gaps on the northern and southern naos (figure 5).

This church is one of the oldest surviving structures in Ani in terms of its detailing and architecture, although the western and southern parts of the jamatun and western wall of the neighbouring chapel were totally destroyed.22 The city walls surrounding the structure were also destroyed (figure 2). The church extends in an east-west direction with dimensions of approximately 10 x 14m and is composed of a rectangular naos, an apse in the east side of the naos, a jamatun located in the west side, and a chapel with a single nave (figure 3).23 In front of the west gate of the structure, there is a jamatun (6.50 x 8.70m) arranged in rectangular shape and extending in a northsouth direction. From earlier photographs and sections remaining, it is clear was that the jamatun had a porticoshaped structure with arches carried by columns in three directions (excluding the east side). Given this style, the structure is classified as a gallery-planned jamatun.24 This part was built to cover grill windows in the western part of the church as well as the upper courses. This detailing defines the chronological difference between the church and the jamatun. The upper covering of the jamatun has collapsed, however descriptions in the written records and current illustrations show that the structure was covered by vaults.25 In the northern wall of the jamatun there was a chapel with a single nave and single apse which were connected to both the jamatun and western façade.

Interior illumination was provided by single windows on the tympanon, apse, and western wall, as well as eight windows around the dome. The upper covering of the structure included the high dome, which was the traditional Armenian hexagonal body with cone. Cross members featured inside the central dome, arranged as a bias roof in the upper covering. Between the bias roofs there are pastophorion cells in the east, and cradle-shaped vaults in the west. In addition, the wall abutments below the dome are reflected in the upper covering in the form of small domes in all directions (figure 6). As with all the structures in Ani, the building material of the church was grey, beige, black, and brown tufa. A fill of rubble and limestone was covered with carefully prepared rectangular slabs. The structure features decorative stone outside26 (figure 8) and frescos inside (figure 7). Indeed, the church has some of the finest and most abundant frescos in the whole region. As for the jamatun, it too was completely covered with frescos. Some are now obliterated but many scenes from the Torah and Bible can be defined. The apse has Christ on the upper level and a lower scene of Christ with apostles; the lowest section has representations of the prophets and church fathers, etc. The dome shows Mary and twelve apostles, an icon of Christ supported by four angels, and scenes of the Ascension. On the eastern side there are scenes of the Annunciation, the birth of Christ, the Entry into Jerusalem, and the risen Lazarus. The cells of the pastophorion in the southern part of the apse were decorated around the doorways and there are also four dragon figures on the medallions. Scenes of the life of Saint Krikos were placed in the western part of the structure.

The doorway (1.30m wide by 2.35m high) was located in the middle of the façade on the eastern side of the jamatun, where there was also a naos (10.50 x 8.50m). The naos was arranged in rectangular shape (2.60m in depth horizontally on the western side, and 8.50m in length. The northern and southern sides of this section were covered by cradle-shaped arches, while the central section was covered by a vertical cradle-shaped arch. Two wall abutments extended towards the north and south wall, 2.60m from the entrance. An abutment located in the eastern side extended towards the north and south wall, 4.90m away from them. These four abutments became wide arches that opened in four directions from a specific height. Above these arches that covered the facades and pendantives, there was a central dome, nearly 5.30m high (figure 4). On the wall abutments there were side branches (1.60m on the northern and southern sides, 1.40m on the eastern part, and 2.60m on the western part. The cross-arranged naos combines with the bema in apsis direction. In the northern part of the horizontal

On the exterior of the church, on the engaged columns, there were facades trimmed with circular, shallow arches. Between the circular arches that were divided by double columns on the hoops, there were plaques in geometrical forms, a double-headed eagle, and a cross-in-circle. There were other attractive decorations, such as flower reliefs and animal figures. Four sides of the structure feature engaged columns, between which are flower decorations and trimmed circular arches. The window frames have well-executed geometric detailing. The column capitals in certain areas of the structure have palmette and other decoration.

XIII. Centuries, it was started to be built monumentally. These places were called as “Darpas” after XVI. century. For detailed information please refer to., Karaca 2004: 46-51. 21 Karaca 2004: 93. 22 In the crypto placed under the chapel, human bones, wooden ruins, skin parts and glass bracelets were found by Karamaglı in the excavations executed in 2003. Please refer to Karamağralı 2004: 311318. 23 Thierry 1993: P.5. 24 Karaca 2004: 96; Therry 1989: 198. 25 Karaca 2004: 96.

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Thierry 1993: 17-21, 22-42.

AN ARCHITECTURAL EVALUATION OF TIGRAN HONENTS CHURCH, ANI covered on both sides and converted into small chambers.35 The major difference on the eastern sides was that the bema that was determined by the width of the structure was considered as not being connected to the naos. A vertical rectangular pastophorion arrangement located on both sides of the apse36 were converted into locations that were connected to both bema and apse at a later date.37 Although this plan underwent various structural changes, the dome rising on wall abutments remained the same for all periods.

The Church Plan Armenian architects favoured high domes covering a square place and did not use the traditional basilica layouts as a rule.27 They endeavoured to search for simplicity and planned central buildings with circular, clover-shaped single domes in square,28 as in the 7th century. In these structures, a square building covered by a dome lay at the heart of the complex. Another scheme that developed during this period is the plan of the Tigran Honents, where the dome rises on the four wall abutments of the naos.29 This plan was very convenient for Armenian architects aiming to create integrated interiors and it was widely used in monastery churches from the 7th to 14th centuries.

In what respects do the features of Honents and other Armenian churches conform to the standard church plan typology? A similar cross-plan structure to Honnets among Byzantine churches can be found in the monastery of Kapıkırı Island.38 In the naos of both structures, wall abutments extend through the walls and with arches on these abutments; there is a central dome placed on these arches, and the east-west cross members show a central arrangement. However it was clear from the Kapıkırı ruins that two columns were placed in front of the eastern wall abutment.39 In Honents these columns were converted to engaged columns by joining them to the wall abutments. In the Kapıkırı church ruins the difference between the pastophorions of the wall spangles in the east and the naos is that they are in the form of horizontal walls and these units only open to the bema and have no connection to the naos.40 Early examples of this type of Armenian architecture recall apsidal arrangements..41 Since cross schemes in the wall abutments of the church and corners are included in the integrity of the naos, we may consider whether we might include Honents in Greek cross-schemes, such as at Kapıkırı,42 particularly when the structure was viewed in terms of the upper covering. However, cross-form layouts with central dome which is reflected on the upper level in an east-west direction does not create the same impact on entering the building. The enclosed Greek cross-plan is used in Byzantine architecture in two ways – one simple43 and the other a developed version,44.45 The former features a dome built on the wall corners, while the latter carries the dome on four columns or spangles.46 At Honents, the

The very first examples of this scheme, which was later to be widely used in Armenian church architecture, were found in Choghakath,30 Ptghavank,31 and Vagharchapat in 7th-century examples. Two structures in the Horomos Monastery, (St. Gregoire and St. Minas32) just outside Ani, are examples of 10th-century structures built before Honents in this style. The only example of this plan type in the Ani ruins is the Honents church. Existing churches show that there are various differences between the early examples and late-period examples of this type of structure in terms of architectural organization.33 These differences included raised interior sides to the east and west. While the western extension, located in the entrance with a horizontal arrangement, is evaluated as 13th century,34 the corners were lower than the central area, covered with cradle-shaped vaults as in Honents, and this situation was reflected in the upper covering. In the similar structures of the same century, these units were 27 Basilical scheme: It was used inV-VI. centuries, it was not used in later periods except for some exceptional examples. Refer to Khatchatrian 1948: 125, fig. 1–7, 9, 11–14. 28 Khatchatrian 1948: 129, fig. 17, 130, fig. 19 -26; Krautheimer 1986: 323. 29 The very first examples of this scheme, whose core is a simple baldaken, that were converted to architectural scheme were seen in Persian temples in B.C IV.century. There are four feet that covered by vaults and connected by four big arches surrounded by fire altars that were cut inside the rock. This type of temples were found in Kazerun and Persepolis. Mausoleums that were the monumental graves of the pagan kings in Roman period, were one of baldakens composed of spangles and columns. The important examples of them were found in graves located in Dana, Brad and Alif cities in Syria in III. Century. Cihar Taklar was the example composing this scheme that was also found in Atesgede temple typology during Sasani period in Asia. For them, please refer to Tritinger 1950, s.1150– 1153; Strzygowski 1929: 35; 1936: 73; Erdman 1941: 47; 1943: 40; Khatchatrian 1971: 80; De Vague 1877: 78–93; Butler 1903: 74; 1929: 299; Lassus 1947: 117, Khatchatrian 1971: 78; Strzygowski 1936: 70–71, fig.41; Grabar 1946: 85, PL. IV.3.; Erdmann 1943: 40–41; Sedlmayr 1935: 46–47. 30 Khatchatrian 1948: 133, fig. 30. 31 Krautheimer 1987: 321, 323, fig. 286B 32 Khatchatrian 1948: 139, fig. 53, 56; Thierry 1980: fig.742. 33 However, the development in Byzantine architecture is vice versa. There are not any structural differences between early period and late period examples. Only in the late period structures, the inside branches were not reflected outside, but in the late period structures they were reflected outside on both sides of the dome. The earliest example of this type in Byzantine architecture is Boğsak Island Chapel. Please refer to Eyice 1979: 204; 1988: P.III. 34 Khatchatrian 1948: 133, fig. 30; Krautheimer 1987: 321, fig. 286B.

35 Ganjasar Church refer to Therry 1989: 526, fig.714; Horicavank Church refer to, Therry 1989: 536, fig. 738; Kec’aris Monastery Church refer to Therry 1989: 546, fig. 776 are one of them. 36 Khatchatrian 1948: 133, fig. 30; Krautheimer 1987: fig. 286B. 37 Ganjasar Church refer to Therry 1989: 526, fig.714; Horicavank Church refer to Therry 1989: 536, fig. 738; Kec’aris Monastery Church refer to Therry 1989: 546, fig. 776. 38 Mercangöz 1992: 74–90, fig.3. 39 Mercangöz 1992: 82. 40 Mercangöz 1992: 84, fig.3. 41 Khatchatrian 1948: fig.53, 56. 42 Since the two carriers are independent of the wall, cross branches are located in the square shaped place together with the cross branches, structure is joint with “closed cross planned” church type. Refer to Mercangöz 1992: 83-84. 43 The earliest example of this type is the church ruins in Amasra Büyük Adası. Refer to Eyice 1952: 469-491. 44 The earliest example of this type is the church ruins in İznik yenisehir Kaapsp. Refer to Eyice 1948: 37-51. 45 For the description of the type, refer to. Eyice 1971: 195; 1980: 115116. for the earliest example in Byzantine architecture refer to Eyice1958: 35–47; Mansel 1978: 258, fig.284. 46 Eyice 1980: 115–116.

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SOMA 2007 only on to the bema,52 or both bema and naos,53 and where pastophorions are included in this type, it is noticeable that they extend towards the exterior and they are not included in the main structure in any of the examples. In this respect, the pastophorions in the main structure in Honents and similar Armenian structures are exceptions.

dome rising above the wall abutments on the naos (and other similar structures) recalls the first type. However, this scheme was used from the 7th to 14th centuries, and in many examples there were no structural changes in the wall abutments extending through the dome. In addition, Armenian architecture included churches with the developed version of the closed Greek cross carried by four spangles in the same centuries (7th century). These examples indicate that this scheme did not belong to the Greek cross prototype.

The above-mentioned comparison shows that this type, which does not comply with any cross schemes arranged in Byzantine church architecture, is actually the closedcross scheme that developed in Armenian church architecture. Since this scheme is applied to many churches when making classifications, it is necessary to make evaluations under a different typological classification. In fact, in this type of interior side arrangement, cross-schemed architecture is a mandatory concept that occurred by extending the wall abutments and enclosure by the walls.54 In order to enlarge the interior in this type of building, architects would retract the wall abutments from the centre of the building and enlarge the diameter of the dome, and there is accordingly an inverse proportion between the arms and dome. However, the cross on which Jesus died is holy for those Armenians belonging to the Gregorian55 sect, as for all Christians and therefore those architects who did not want to lose the form found a way to enlarge the structure by deepening the west arm. Cross-schemes should be considered a true stylistic form even though they were created as a result of architectural necessity within the interior of the buildings. Therefore ‘centrally arranged closed cross plan’ is a convenient definition for Honents and similar planned structures.

It is evident that at Honents and similar planned structures the southern and northern cross arms are shorter than the eastern and western ones. This may suggest a plan type known as the ‘Atrapheid Greek Cross’47 by some researchers and ‘Kiborion’48 by others.49 The most significant features of this type of structure are very thick corner walls and arms generated between the bema and tympanon walls included in the naos. It is possible to see the same feature at Honents and other structures of similar plan. However there are three points that differentiate Honents and similar planned Armenian structures from the Kiborion schemes. First, in some of these structures, the four arms of the naos are equal,50 although the interior side extends towards the eastern one as the bemas are very deep.51 In addition the western arm is twice as deep as the other arms in Honents and similar examples. Another variation from the Kiborion plan is the lower cradle-shaped vaults that extend towards the two arms. On the other hand, in these places, where they either open 47 ‘Atrapheid Greek Cross’ naming, refer to, Krautheimer 1987: 337, 338; for the same description refer to Ousterhaut 1985: 268–269; Ousterhaut 1987: 22. 48 Kiborion was used as a form in both structural and symbolic terms limiting the roliker and their lower parts in Martyrions which had grave structures of the early times of Christian period and gained its real form in this period. In these structures closed interior areas were created by filling walls that were place between elephants feet carrying the upper covering. This form, that was used in various baptize buildings gained an importance place for being an independent church plan in the early period of Byzantine architecture, became the essence of many plan scehemes. For them, refer to Wessel 1965, :1058–1059; Klauser 1957: 70–86; Parman 2002: 148–149;Özcan 2003: 83–94; Smith 1971:55; Grabar 1946: 70; Sedlmayr 1935: 39–40; Khatchatrian 1961: 111–138, fig. 105; 106; Strzygowski 1918: 241, fig.72; Mavradinov, 1931: 43, fig.51. 49 this scheme was first names as ‘ Kiborion placed’ by Eyice refer to Eyice 1953: 194; 1969: 153; 1980: 109, deep note. 10; for the information about how this plan converted into a plan scheme after the existence of kiborio and the related examples in İstanbul, Anadolu and Balkan refer to Özcan 2002; this type of structures were called in different naos as well:for the definition of ‘domed cross’ refer to, Wulff 1918: 458-488; Ebersolt 1934: 29-30; Mavradinov stated that this type of buildings are defined as ‘Dome above the square naos’ and mentioned that they are not related with cross. Refer to Mavradinov : 161-162; Hamilton and Davies used ‘ cross in the square’ definition. Refr to Davies 1952 : 64; Hamilton 1952 :110. 50 Khora and İznik Koimesis are the examples of this. For Khora refer to., Ousterhaut 1987:14 ; Eyice 1985: 47 ; İznik For Koimesis refer to, Wulff 1903: 19 ; Eyice 1985: 50. 51 Gemlik Kurşunlu, Kırşehir Üçayak are some of the examples. For Gemlik Kurşunlu refer to, Mango 1968: 170; Tunay 1998: 67; For Kırşehir Üç Ayak refer to, Eyice 1969: 137.

Bibliography Akçay, İ.(1964) Ani’de Türk Eserleri. Türk Kültürü, 22, 155–59. Akın, G.(1990) Asya’nın Merkezi Mekan Geleneği, Ankara. Albert, (1891) Die Prizeninsel Antigoni und Aidos-Berg. Mitteilungen Des Deutschen Excursions- Clulbin Konstantinopel, 3, 12–5. Balkan, K. (1968) Ani’de İki Selçuklu Hamamı. Anadolu, 12, 39–57. Barthold, W. (1965) Ani. İslam Ansiklopedisi, 1, 251–61. Butler, H.C.( 1903) Architecture and Other Arts, New York. Butler, H.C. (1929) Early Churchs in Syria, New York. 52

Gemlik Kurşunlu and İstanbul Khora Church are the examples. For Yuşa Church refer to, Eyice 1953: 190; For Metamorphosis Church refer to Chourmouzes 1869: 60; Albert 1891: 13; Özcan 1998: 69. 54 This type of arrangements was also seen in Islamic period structures. For Kufe palace in Crown Saloon in Iraq refer to., Akın 1990 :67, fig.14: 66, fig.5; lower floor of Konya İzzettin Keykavus Tomb refer to, Önkal 1996: 66- 70, fig. 20; İsfahan baba Kasım Tomb and Hanikahı refer to, Akın 1990: fig.20. 55 Armenians accepting that Jesus has a spiritual nature against the belief of Orthodox and Catholic churches ‘ God, Son and Holly Spirit”, separated form Catholic and Orthodox churches in V.Century. Refer to Grousset 2005: 226. 53

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AN ARCHITECTURAL EVALUATION OF TIGRAN HONENTS CHURCH, ANI Khatchatrian, A. (1971) L’architecture Armenienne, Paris. Khatchatrian, A.(1948) L’architecture armenienne Essai analytique. Vostan, 1, 57–145. Khatchatrian, A.(1961) Les Baptiseres Paleochretiens, Paris. Kırzioğlu, M.F. (1968) Selçukluların Ani’yi Fethi ve Buradaki Selçuklu Eserleri. Selçuklu Araştırmaları Dergisi, 2, 111–39. Klauser, Th.( 1957) Ciborium. Reallexikon für Encyclopedia of Classical Sites, 3, 70–86 Köymen, M.A. (1992) Büyük Selçuklu İmparatorluğu Tarihi, C.III, Ankara. Krautheimer, R.(1987) Early Christian and Byzantine Architecture, Harmonds-worth, Middlesex. Lassus, J.(1947) Sanctuaires Chretiens de Syrie, Paris. Lynch, H.F.(1965) Armenia Travels and Studies, I-II, Beirut. Mansel, A.M.(1978 ) Side, Ankara. Mango, S. (1968) The Monestery of St. Abarcius at Kurşunlu ( Elegmi) in Bithynia, Dumbarton Oaks Papers, 169–76. Mavradinov, N.(1931) L’Eglise a nef unique et L’eglise Cruciforme, Paris. Mercangöz, Z.(1992) Kapıkırı Adasındaki Manastır Kilisesi Üzerine Düşünceler. Arkeoloji- Sanat Tarihi Dergisi, 6, 74–90. Ostrogorski, G. (1991) Bizans Devleti Tarihi ( çev. F. Işıltan), İstanbul. Ousterhaut, R.(1985) The Byzantine church at Enez: Problems in Twelfth-Century Architecture.Jahrbuch der Österreichischen Byzantinistik, 35, 261- 80. Ousterhaut, R.(1987) The Archirtecture of The Kariye Camii in İstanbul, Washington. Önkal, H.(1996) Anadolu Selçuklu Türbeleri, Ankara. Özcan, H.(1998) Burgazadası Methamorphosis Kilisesi. Sanat Tarihi Araştırmaları Dergisi, 14, 69–73. Özcan, H.(2004) Bizans Dini Mimarisinde Kiborion Tipinin İstanbul ve Anadolu’daki Örnekler Işığında Değerlendirilmesi, İstanbul Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsünde Yayınlanmamış Doktora Tezi, İstanbul. Özcan, H.(2004)Ortaya Çıkışı İle Birlikte Bizans Sanatında Kiborion. Sanat Tarihi Dergisi, 23, 83–94. Parman, E.( 2002) Ortaçağ’da Bizans Döneminde Frigya ve Bölge Müzelerindeki Bizans Taş Eserleri, Eskişehir. Sedlmayr, H.(1935) Zur Geschichte des Justinianischen Architektursystems. BZ, 35, 38–69. Smith, E.B.(1971) The Dome, A Study in the History of ideas, Priceton. Strzygowski (1929) Die Altslavische Kunst, Augsburg. Strzygowski, G.(1918) Baukunst Armenier und Europe, Vienne. Strzygowski, G.(1936) L’ancien Art Chrtienne de Syrie, Paris. Tekçe, F. (1993) Pazırık, Ankara. Thierry, J.M. (1980) Le Couvent Armenien d’Horomos, Paris. Thierry, J.M.- Donabedian, (1989) Armenian Art, New York.

Chourmouzes, M. (1869) He Nesos Antigoni, Constantinople. Davies, E.G.(1952) The Origin and Development of Early Christian Church Architecture, London. De Vague, M. (1877) Syrie Central, Paris. Demirkent, I.(2005) 1071 Malazgirt savaşına Kadar Bizans’ın Askeri ve Siyasi Durumu. Bizans Tarih Yazıları, İstanbul. Dirimtekin, F. (1971) Selçukluların Anadolu’da Yerleşmelerini ve Gelişmelerini Sağlayan İki Zafer I, Malazgirt Armağanı, 230- 40. Dürig, W. (1965) Ciborium. Lexikon des Mittelalters, 2, 2062–63. Ebersolt, J. (1934) Monument d’Architecture Byzantine, Paris. Erdman, K. (1941) Das Iranische Feuerheiligtum, Leipzig. Erdmann, K.(1943) Die Kunst Irans Zur Zeit der Sasaniden, Berlin. Erinç, S.( 1953) Doğu Anadolu Coğrafyası, İstanbul. Eyice, S.(1948) İznik’te Bir Bizans Kilisesi. Belleten, 13, 37–51. Eyice, S.(1952) Amasra Büyük Adasında Bir Bizans Kilisesi. Belleten, 15, 469–91. Eyice, S.(1954) Remarques sur deux anciennes eglises byzantines d’İstanbul Koca Mustafa Paşa Camii et L’Eglise du Yuşa Tepesi. Pepragmenon(=Actes) du IX eme Congres Institut des Etudes Byzantines, Salonque 1953. Atina, 577–83. Eyice, S.(1958) L’eglice Crusiform byzantine de Side en Pamphilie. Anatolia, 3, 35–47. Eyice, S.(1969) La Ruine Byzantine dite Üçayak pres de Kırşehir en Anatolie Centrale. Cahiers Archeolog, 28, 137- 55. Eyice, S. (1971) Karadağ ve Karaman Çevresinde Arkeolojik Yerleşimler, İstanbul. Eyice, S. (1979) Einige Byzantinische Kleinstaedte im Rauhen Kilikien. 150 Jahre Deutsches Archaologisches Insttitut, Berlin, 204- 8. Eyice, S. (1988) Ricerche escoperta nella regione di Silifke nelle Turchia meridionale, Milion, 1, P.III. Eyice, S.(1985) Son Devir Bizans Mimarisi, İstanbul. Grabar, A.(1946) Martyrium: recherches Sur le culte de reliques et L’art Chretienne Antique, I-II, Paris. Grousset, R. (2005) Başlangıcından 1071’e Ermenilerin Tarihi (Çev. S. Dolanoğlu), İstanbul. Guyer, S.(1950) Grundlagen Mittelalterlicher Abendlaendischer Baukunst, Zurich. Hamilton, J.A.(1952) Byzantine Architecture and Decoration, London. Honigmann, E. (1970) Bizans Devletinin Doğu Sınırı (çev. F. Işıltan), İstanbul. Karaca, Y. (2004), Doğu Anadolu Bölgesi Hıristiyan Dini Mimarisinde Jamatun Yapıları, Van Yüzüncü yıl Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü yayınlanmamış Doktora Tezi, Van. Karamağralı, B. (1995) Ani Ulu Cami (Manuçehr Camii). IX. İnternationel Congress of Turkish Art, 323- 38. Karamağralı, B.(2004) 2002–2003 yılı Ani Kazıları. Kazı Sonuçları Toplantısı II, Ankara, 26, 311–18. 313

SOMA 2007 Thierry, J.M. (1989) Monument Armeniens du Vaspurakan, Paris. Thierry, J.M.(1994) L’eglise Saint Gregoire de Tigran Honenc Ani (1215), Paris 1993. Tritinger, O.(1950) Baldachin. Reallexikon für Encyclopedia of Classical Sites, 1, 1150–53.

Tunay, İ.(1998) recent Excavations in the Church of Hagios Aberkios, Kurşunlu, Province of Bursa (Turkey), CaArch, 46, 65–72. Wulff, O. (1903) Die Koimesis Kirche in Nicaea und İhre Mosaiken, Strassburg. Wulff, O. (1918) Altchristliche und Byzantinische Kunst, II, Berlin.

Figure 1: Ani City Map

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AN ARCHITECTURAL EVALUATION OF TIGRAN HONENTS CHURCH, ANI

Figure 4: Tigran Honents Church Dome

Figure 2: Tigran Honents Church General Overview Figure 5: Tigran Honents Church Apsis Facade

Figure 6: Tigran Honents Church Upper Covering

Figure 7: Tigran Honents Church wall Painting Figure 3: Tigran Honents Church Plan

Figure 8: Tigran Honents Church Stone Decorative

315

Preliminary Observations on the Geometric Unity of the House of Augustus Caroline K. Quenemoen Rice University

notes that the emphasis on perspective in the extant wall painting is consistent with the more private spaces of the Roman domus. (Tybout 1999: 38-50) These observations have led to the search for the postulated missing public wing of the House of Augustus. Tomei seeks to identify it with Augustan era houses beneath Domitian’s Domus Augustana, among them the Aula Isiaca (Tomei 2000a: 12-16, 26-27; Tomei 2004: 6-9). She suggests that Domitian called the public sector of his palace the Domus Augustana in order to reflect the continuity of the site as a public reception space. (Tomei 2000a: 26-27) Moreover, she argues for the logic of locating the public rooms here on the basis of Ovid Tristia 3.1, in which the poet’s book arrives at the House of Augustus from the clivus Palatinus on the north. (Ov. Tr. 3.1.21-38; Tomei 2000a: 26) While her thesis is attractive, these structures lack a coherent plan among them in which to identify a singular domus, let alone grand public reception spaces. (Meyboom 2005: 258 n. 105)

In 36 B.C., as tensions in the Mediterrarean heightened, Octavian undertook a major building project on the Palatine hill in Rome—a grand residence that included a Temple to Apollo, Greek and Latin libraries, and porticoes. According to the ancient sources, constructing such an elaborate house was not Octavian’s original intention. He initially bought property to expand the House of Hortensius, which he likely acquired after the orator’s death at Philippi in 42. (Suet. Aug. 72.1; Vell. Pat. 2.81.3; Dio 49.15.5) He changed his plans, however, after lightning struck the newly purchased site and the haruspices interpreted the strike as a sign of Apollo’s desire for a temple. Octavian declared the property public for the construction of a temple, libraries, and porticoes. (Suet. Aug. 29.3; Dio 49.15.5; Hekster and Rich 2000: 149-68) In response, the Senate and people voted to build him a house at public expense. (Dio 49.15.5) Designed at the close of the republic yet employed throughout Augustus’ lifetime, this house succeeded in bridging the divide between republic and empire and is thus critical for understanding how Octavian effected this transition. In particular, the house offers valuable insights into the transformation of the Palatine from the home of the republican elite to the exclusive domain of the emperor and his family, a change that symbolized more broadly the transfer of authority in the public sphere from the oligarchic aristocracy to the imperial family (Royo 1999: 119-207; Severy 2000; Milnor 2005: 47-93). Yet, continued debate over the extent and function of the archaeological remains of this building have complicated understanding of this important issue.

Iacopi and Tedone have further complicated understanding of the house’s design in 36 by challenging the contemporaneity of the two terraces identified as a unit by Carettoni. (Iacopi and Tedone 2006: 363-75). They instead suggest that the peristyles on the lower terrace date to an amplification of the house in 36 and that these structures were filled in after 31 for the construction of the Temple of Apollo and porticoes on the upper terrace. In this paper I affirm Carettoni’s original position that the temple and lower terrace were conceived as a single unit in 36 and argue that neither the archaeological nor the literary evidence demand a search for the public wing of the House of Augustus beyond the extant ruins. I reveal that a geometric rationale generated from the critical dimensions of the Temple of Apollo governed the design process and yielded a unified structure distinct from preexisting construction on the Palatine hill. Rather than analyze this unique house through a Vitruvian lens, I suggest we draw on literary and archaeological evidence to consider how the novel inclusion of a public temple and library within the House of Augustus assumed the representional functions of the public rooms in Vitruvius’ domus and enabled the conflation of the emperor and the public sphere so critical to the social transformation from republic to empire.

Carettoni’s excavations between 1956 and 1982 on the southwest slope of the Palatine hill seemingly identified the house begun by Octavian in 36. (Carettoni 1967: 5575; 1978: 72-74; 1983; 1988: 263-7) He revealed the partial remains of a complex laid out on two terraces and dominated by the Temple of Apollo on the upper terrace. He identified the peristyle to the west of the Temple of Apollo as Augustus’ house and the partially excavated peristyle to the east as the library courtyard. Yet, several scholars have recently challenged Carettoni’s findings. Contending that the west peristyle could only serve a private function, they suggest that the house begun in 36 had to be more extensive than Carettoni’s excavations revealed. Tomei and Meyboom both argue that the rooms of the west peristyle are not consistent with the grandeur ascribed to the house by Ovid in Tristia 3.1 or with that described by Vitruvius in his discussion of elite residences in Book 6 of the De Architectura. (Vitr. De arch. 6.5.2; Ov. Tr. 3.1.33-6; Tomei 2000a: 8; Tomei 2004: 6; Meyboom 2005: 250-58) Tybout, moreover,

Several factors indicate that the Temple of Apollo and adjacent peristyles were conceived in 36 as single unit distinct from pre-existing structures on the Palatine hill. Through my analysis of the plan, I have determined that the width of the Temple of Apollo (75 Roman feet, 296 316

PRELIMINARY OBSERVATIONS ON THE GEOMETRIC UNITY OF THE HOUSE OF AUGUSTUS mm/RF) served as the starting point for generating the geometric plan of the new construction. At this point I would like to offer a preliminary reconstruction of the design process as it relates to the most current archaeological plan. (Iacopi and Tedone 2006: tav. 7) (Fig. 1) I should note that this reconstruction represents the ideal plan and does not address modifications or inconsistencies that may have resulted from the difficult process of laying out on two terraces. 1.

2.

3.

4.

5.

6.

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8.

9.

The designers began with a 75-foot square that marked the walls of the temple cella. They then drew another 75-foot square before the cella. Although the stairs of the temple no longer remain, it is both attractive and plausible to reconstruct their front limit on this 75-foot square, resulting in a temple with a total length equal to twice the width. (Fig. 1a) Another 75-foot square before and behind the Temple of Apollo determined the northern and southern extent of the Apolline precinct. The northern limit created by this square corresponds to foundations that Tomei has identified as the Arch of Gaius Octaviaus while the southern limit matches a tufa and travertine ashlar wall in situ. (Tomei 2000a: 28-9; 2000b: 557-610; Tomei 2004: 9-17; Quenemoen 2006: 243-4) (Fig. 1a) Working from the southern square, the designers drew the orthogonal axes. With compass on the lower left corner of the square, they took the diagonal of half the square (√2-1) and drew an arc to the left and to the right until its intersection with the horizontal cross axis. The intersection of the arcs with the horizontal cross axis established the center of the west and east peristyle. (Fig. 1b) Next they drew the vertical cross axis through the center of the courtyard and set out lines parallel to the cross axes at a distance of 100 feet in order to create a 200 by 200 foot square. This square marked the maximum depth of the rooms that open on the north and west side of the west peristyle and on the east side of the east peristyle. (Fig. 1b) Taking the diagonal of one quadrant of the 200 foot square (100√2), they swung this arc from each intersection of the cross axes and the 200 foot square and inscribed a square at the points at which the arcs intersected. This square established the sunken courtyard in both the west and the east peristyles. (Fig. 1c) By inscribing a circle around the courtyard square and then a square around the circle, they determined the central row of piers in the west peristyle and perhaps on the north and east flanks of the east peristyle. The evidence is too fragmentary to determine with certainty. (Fig. 1d) They then took the diagonal of the courtyard square and from each corner of the square swung the arc until its intersection with the cross axes. Connecting these points to create a square generated the location of the facade of the rooms opening onto the peristyles. The only exception appears to be the west facade of the east peristyle. (Fig. 1e) They set the compass on the intersection of the cross

axes and swung a 100 foot arc. This arc established the staggered position of the back walls of the rooms that open onto the north side of the west peristyle and perhaps on the north and east sides of the east peristyle as well. (Fig. 1f) Taking the diagonal of half the central courtyard square (√2-1) and swinging this arc from the centerpoint of the square, they set the southern wall limits of rooms on the north side of the west peristyle. (Fig. 1f)

Evident from the preceding analysis is the primary role of the Temple of Apollo in determining the layout and design of the two peristyles laid out symmetrically on the lower terrace. The evident geometric unity of the plan on two terraces forcefully argues for the contemporaneity of construction of the temple and the peristyles of the lower terrace, contrary to Iacopi and Tedone’s recent claims (Iacopi and Tedone 2006: 363-75). The similarity between the ashlar construction of the lower terrace and the temple further supports this conclusion. By generating the ground plan from the base dimension of the Temple of Apollo, the architects achieved a selfcontained building visually isolated from existing domestic structures on the Palatine. Rather than looking to earlier houses on the hill as the starting point for the design, the building stands on the basis of its own internal logic, made possible solely by the presence of the Temple of Apollo. The plan ignores the orientation of houses on the hill and makes no effort to accommodate them within its geometric rationale. Like the Forum of Caesar and the later Forum of Augustus, which were similarly designed according to arithmetic and geometric planning, the House of Augustus was intended to be perceived as a discreet urban unit (Wightman 1997: 64-9, 72-5). The dominant orientation of the design towards the southwest underscored its visual separation from existing structures. In a manner consistent with contemporary building practice, the building reserves significant dimensions and symmetries for the south facade. (Wilson Jones 2000: 74-79, 120-22) As noted, the 75-foot width of the temple served as the starting point for generating the building’s entire design. Clearly a priority for symmetry was desired for the south facing rooms of the house peristyle and, on the basis of the current evidence, of the library peristyle as well. Taking advantage of the slope to reveal the multistory facade, the designers of the house were able to emphasize Apollo’s primary generative role in the design of the complex and more importantly in the formation of Octavian’s identity. In arguing for the physical and conceptual unity of the new construction, I do not wish to deny that Augustus owned other late republican houses on the hill. Suetonius is quite clear that he did, and the series of underground tunnels connecting this new building to republican houses on the north corroborate this testimony. (Suet. Aug. 72.1; Gramm. 17; Tomei 1999: 424-8; 2000a: 17-20; 2000b: 576-82) Rather, in drawing attention to the distinctness of Octavian’s new construction in 36, I wish to offer an 317

SOMA 2007 threshold of sunny Phoebus, viewed the gifts the nations of the earth made, and he fitted them to the tall portals. Conquered races passed in long procession, varied in languages as in their dress and arms. Here Mulciber, divine smith, had portrayed the Nomad tribes and Afri with ungirdled flowing robes, heres Leleges and Carians, and here Gelonians with quivers. Here Euphrates, milder in his floods now, there Morini, northernmost of men; here bull-horned Rhine, and there the still unconquered Scythian Dahae, here, vexed at being bridged, the rough Araxes. (Verg. Aen. 8.973-86, trans. Fitzgerald 1990).

archaeological basis for calling into question recent attempts to look for the representational space of the house beyond the extant remains. At the same time, the conceptual unity of Apollo and Augustus made possible through the plan and the elevation is consistent with literary testimony on the larger historical importance of Apollo in Augustus’ public self-fashioning and begs us to reconsider how this unified structure accommodated the public persona of the emperor. Scholars who exclude public domestic space from the extant ruins assume a sharp distinction between sacred and domestic space that follows Vitruvian prescriptions. Rather than inscribe fixed boundaries between temple and domus, Apollo and Augustus, sacred and divine, ancient literary accounts suggest the interprenetrability of these categories in the House of Augustus. Ovid provides important testimony to this point: Phoebus lives in one part of the house, another part has been yielded to Vesta; in what remains, the third part, he lives himself. Long live the laurels of the Palatine, long live the house adorned with the wreath of oak; one house inhabited by three immortal gods (aeternos tres habet una deos). (Ov. Fast. 4.949-52, trans. Fraezer 1976) Instead of perceiving temple and domus as distinct structures, Ovid includes sacred space and divinity within the realm of the domus. Suetonius corroborates Ovid’s account by noting that Augustus erected the Temple of Apollo in that part (in ea parte) of his house where lightning struck. (Suet. Aug. 29.3) Although the Temple of Apollo was public space, Ovid described the god as domesticus. (Ov. Met. 15.865)

The image of Augustus seated on the threshold of the Temple of Apollo receiving the tribute of nations calls to mind the domestic ritual of the salutatio held in the tablinum of elite residences. By casting temple as atrium, Vergil effectively transforms the ritual into a public event that portrays Augustus as sole patron of the entire world. In the unified architectural space that combined public and private, sacred and divine, one man became synonymous with the state, and the new social structure of the Roman empire was realized. References Carettoni, G. (1967) I problemi della zona augustea del Palatino alla luce dei recenti scavi. Rendiconti della Pontificia Accademia Romana di Archeologia, 39, 5575. Carettoni, G. (1978) Roma-le costruzioni di Augusto e il tempio di Apollo sul Palatino. Archeologia Laziale, 72-74. Carettoni, G. (1983) Das Haus der Augustus auf dem Palatin. Mainz, Philipp von Zabern. Carettoni, G. (1988) Des Bauten des Augustus auf dem Palatin. IN: M. Hofter ed., Kaiser Augustus und die verlorene Republik, Mainz, Philipp von Zabern, 2637. Fitzgerald, R. (1990) The Aeneid. New York, Vıntage Classics. Fraezer, J.G. (1976) Ovid: Fasti, Loeb Classical Library, 253, Cambridge, Harvard University Press. Hekster, O. and J. Rich (2000) Octavian and the Thunderbolt: The Temple of Apollo Palatinus and the Roman Tradition of Temple Building. Classical Quarterly, 56.1, 149-68. Iacopi, I. and G. Tedone (2006) Bibliotheca e Porticus ad Apollinis. Römische Mitteilungen, 113, 351-78. Meyboom, P.G.P. (2005) The Creation of an Imperial Tradition: Ideological Aspects of the House of Augustus. IN: K.A.E. Enenkel and I.L. Pfeijffer eds., The Manipulative Mode: Political Propaganda in Antiquity, Leiden, Brill, 219-73. Milnor, K. (2005) Gender, Domesticity and the Age of Augustus. Oxford, Oxford University Press. Quenemoen, C.K. (2006) The Portico of the Danaids: A New Reconstruction. American Journal of Archaeology, 110.2, 229-50. Royo, M. (1999) Domus Imperatoriae: Topographie, Formation et Imaginaire des Palais Impériaux du Palatin, Bibliothèque des Écoles Françaises

The ancient sources also suggest that these public spaces accommodated the representational activities of the emperor. Whenever ancient sources describe the emperor’s public activities in the house, they occur in the space of the temple precinct and in the Greek and Latin library, two areas clearly identifiable in the new construction. In 17 B.C., Augustus hosted the ludi saeculares before the Temple of Apollo on the Palatine. Suetonius records that Augustus regularly held Senate meetings in the Greek and Latin library. (Suet. Aug. 29.3; Thompson 1981, 335-9; Royo 1999, 159-60). By the late 1st century A.C., the political function of the library had become so commonplace that Tacitus used the term curia to describe it. (Tac. Ann. 2.37.3). Significantly, when Ovid sent his book from exile to the Palatine library to request the emperor’s clemency, he not only suggested his book’s rightful place on the shelves of the imperial library but also recognized the judicial function of that space. (Ov. Tr. 3.1.60-8) Vergil’s description in the Aeneid of the triple triumph of 29 B.C. ending at the Temple of Apollo on the Palatine attests that contemporaries recognized the innovative conflation of Augustus’ private life with the state that the inclusion of public space within the house enabled. At the center of Aeneas’ new shield crafted by Vulcan, the poet offers a powerful image of Augustus: The man himself, enthroned before the snow-white 318

PRELIMINARY OBSERVATIONS ON THE GEOMETRIC UNITY OF THE HOUSE OF AUGUSTUS Tomei, M.A. (2000b) I resti dell’arco di Ottavio sul Palatino e il Portico delle Danaidi. Mélanges de l’École française de Rome, 112, 557-610. Tomei, M.A. (1999) Scavi francesi sul colle Palatino, Roma antica, 5, Rome, École française de Rome. Tybout, R.A. (1999) Malerei und Raumfunktion im zweiten Stil IN: E.M. Moormann ed., Functional and Spatial Analysis of Wall-Painting, Leiden, Brill, 3850. Wightman, G. (1997) The Imperial Fora of Rome: Some Design Considerations. The Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians, 56.1, 64-88. Wilson Jones, M. (2000) Principles of Roman Architecture. New Haven, Yale University Press.

d’Athènes et de Rome, 303, Rome, École française de Rome. Severy, B. (2003) Augustus and the Family at the Birth of the Roman Empire. New York, Routledge. Thompson, D.L. (1981) The Meetings of the Roman Senate on the Palatine. American Journal of Archaeology, 85, 335-9. Tomei, M.A. (2000a) Le case di Augusto sul Palatino. Römische Mitteilungen, 107, 8-33. Tomei, M.A. (2004) Die Residenz des ersten Kaisers— Der Palatin in augusteischer Zeit. IN: A. Hoffman and U. Wulf eds., Die Kaiserpaläste auf dem Palatin in Rom, Mainz, Philipp von Zabern, 6-17.

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Figure 1: Reconstruction of the Design Process of the House of Augustus, adapted from Iacopi and Tedone 2006: tav. 7: a) Steps 1 and 2 b) Steps 3 and 4 c) Step 5 d) Step 6 e) Step 7 f) Steps 8 and 9. 320

Tombs and Necropoleis in Crete during the Protogeometric and Geometric Periods: Some Observations about Social Structures Laura C. Rizzotto DAI Athen. German Archaeological Institute at Athens

In this paper, my purpose is to present some preliminary results of my PhD thesis about tombs and necropoliseis in Crete during the Protogeometric and Geometric periods and the evidence for social organization emerging from an analysis of the related burial data.1

into consideration has to be understood as a pure analytical tool, an archaeological effort for individualizing a trend or a direction, and not as a definite mathematical result.7 Even if we would considered all the graves, burials and necropoleis of Crete in those periods, we must remember that we would always miss something, since most tombs were disturbed or looted and the survival of graves depends on many factors apart from the chances of discovery. For Crete in these periods, except for some important sites, like the ones mentioned, we have at our disposal just old publications or several short archaeological reports, which normally refer to chance finds.

I have chosen to take into consideration two regions of Crete, i.e. the Central and Eastern ones and consequently to leave Western Crete out of the discussion. Necropoleis from the former two regions are generally well represented by research so far, while from the Western region we have at our disposal only very little data, due to a general less intense archaeological activity. More detailed information exists only for the recent partially published necropolis of Eleutherna,2 which is situated in the Central Western part of the island. Therefore, this restriction of the study area was necessary in order to acquire a geographically more coherent sample.

Crete was not so affected by the so-called “Dark Ages” and therefore it demonstrates certain continuity in settlements and cult-places and an uninterrupted stream of new ideas and products from the Eastern Mediterranean Levante, which had a formative impact on the Early Iron Age Cretan culture.8

For the same reason, which would imply a bias towards a big burial complex if included in the statistical evaluation, I decided to consider only the final results of the Knossos North Cemetery.3 Furthermore, I could not include entirely the two big necropoleis of Siderospilia` at Prinias and Haghios Ilias at Arkades.4 The first one with ca. 680 graves is still being published and is known mainly from several preliminary reports,5 while the second is known only from an old publication which does not fit present standards.6

The presence of Phoenician and other Levantine material culture in Crete of this period is undeniable; in fact relevant evidence often comes not only from finds in sanctuaries but also from grave-assemblages.9 On the other hand, in East Crete several so called Eteocretan inscriptions are attested since the 7th cent. till the 3th cent. B.C. These are texts of a preHellenic language, which some scholars have regarded as a survival form of linear A written in the Greek alphabet.10

As a result I have taken into consideration both the whole cemeteries and included those graves, which have been accurately described and whose contents and dating are attested.

Neverthless, this is not the right place to investigate in depth the much-debated question of ethnicity in Crete. In this paper I try to focus to the different societal structures and to detect various identities rather than the specific ethnicities, which emerge from the study of the funerary sphere as a whole.

It has to be emphasized from the start that the statistical evaluation of all graves, burials and necropoliseis taken

Through the examples of graves, grave-buildings and cemeteries in Central and Eastern Crete I attempt to detect tradition and innovation, and based on this material evidence I propose to interpret any modifications attested as signifiers of change in the social or, perhaps, political structures.

1 I would like to thanks my colleges Dimitris Grigoropoulos and Ingrid Keller because they corrected and improved this English text. I also want to thank my college Oliver Pilz who provided me with important feed-back. Other thanks go to Jürgen Schumann for his help with various computer matters. Final thanks go to Prof. Giovanni Rizza and the Scuola Archeologica Italiana di Atene for gently according me the reproduction permission of respectively fig. 3 and fig. 2. 2 Stampolidis 1994 and Stampolidis 2004. 3 See KNC 1997. 4 Arkades 1927-1929. 5 In general we have several preliminary reports: Rizza 1969, Rizza 1971, Rizza 1972, Rizza 1973, Rizza 1978, Rizza 1979, Rizza 1980, Rizza 1983, Rizza 1984, Rizza 1997, Rizza 2000, Rizza forthcoming. 6 The publication of the necropolis at Arkades, represents a good basis but unfortunately either all tombs are published neither the whole grave contents are described.

7 For my PhD research I studied and inserted in a database program 404 graves with all their connected burial data. 8 See on this general subject Hoffman1997. For the pottery very recently Kaiser 2006. 9 See Coldstream 1977, 99-102. KNC 1996. ADelt. 1948, 1993, Chr. 2, 445-447. 10 Guarducci 1987, 9.

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SOMA 2007 The entire island has been characterized by a long-term process of evolution in its funerary practices. A particular aspect to be developed further is how transformation of the social dynamics has affected burial practices of the communities populating these two regions.

Through mortuary analysis I propose to detect private and communal mortuary expressions and consequently, to provide diverse types of insights into the complexity of social structures of the related communities living in Crete during these periods.

Necropoliseis and tombs, i.e. burial sites are often the only evidence of a culture that remains. They are easy to identify, since one tomb is enough to be identified as a burial site. Moreover, they represent intentional human activities in a certain place and they offer therefore a more precise context than habitation sites.

Forerunners in this field are the publications of Morris 198714 and Whitley 1991.15 Both utilised analysis of cemeteries and grave assemblage in order to throw light onto processes of social development, particularly at Athens, during the Early Iron Age. They also raised also a fundamental question concerning any burial analysis: What percentage of the population of that time is represented by the identified burials or graves? This question was the centre of several disputes and very recently has been addressed again by Dickinson, who considers also Crete.16

Mortuary rituals and practices display strategies of social competition within the communities. They have an essential significance for the ancient societies due to the fact that they represent the privileged channel of the collective memory.11 In terms of spatial organization of cemeteries and differences in grave goods and ritual practices, the articulated structure of the burial evidence provides a useful context in order to reconstruct social aspects of the Cretan community.

Based on these considerations and approaches, I will present some general observations emerging from the evidence of Central and Eastern Cretan burial practices from the 10th till the end of the 8th century.

The control of the burial practices can, in fact, be seen as a social arena, where competition is being acted out, just as this is acted out in the control of products and resources in the community of the living.

Concerning the burial pattern, it can be inferred from Diagram 1 that an equal use of cremation and inhumation existed. However, the picture that emerges is incomplete because it does not include the data from the Knossos North Cemetery and from Siderospilià necropolis at Priniàs. When these data-sets are considered the picture changes substantially and the cremation becomes the most attested burial form.17 The introduction of cremation and its occurrence with inhumations not only at the same cemetery but even in the same tombs, suggest that this burial practice was not linked to any basic change in funerary beliefs.

Representation of individuals through burial has an important role in the sphere of identity formation and in events of social competition. Due to the grave goods that were deposited together with the deceased into the grave, the burying group chose to show certain objects, to represent the dead in a particular way and consequently to underline or not his/her ties to them. As a result of this, we will find in the funerary assemblage a few goods manufactured purely for the grave12 and a lot of items used in everyday life, which most probably represent possessions of the dead.13

This practice coupled with inhumation, appears very early in Eastern Crete at Olous,18 the earliest cremation cemetery in Crete, LM IIIA 2 and LM IIIB but is not attested again until LM IIIC/SubM times, and it becomes the overwhelming form of burial during the 9th and 8th cent. Cremation was the preferred practice in the earliest burials at the two big cemeteries, namely at Siderospilià, established in LM IIIC, and at Knossos North Cemetery, established in the SubM period. Furthermore, in the territory of Phaistos, in South-Central Crete inhumation was abandoned in the LM IIIC and was replaced by cremation.19

Grave goods represent more than the will of the burying agents, they incorporate many components and different levels of interpretation, which sometimes overlap. They can be: 1. Possession of the dead. 2. Goods which characterize the dead as persona sociale. 3. Items, like fire-dogs and spits which are found in and/or at the grave and are not gift per se for the buried person but are related to funerary rituals taking place at or in the grave and are reminiscent of Homer feastings. 4. Goods belonging to the emotional sphere which could also be possession of the dead or not.

14

Morris 1987. Whitley 1991a. 16 Dickinson 2006, 177:”In Crete, where the majority of graves are of relatively complex forms and involve quite elaborate burial rites, these certainly could represent a select group, as it is suggested by the relatively low numbers calculated to have been buried in the large Knossos North Cemetery over a period of more than four centuries and the generally similar burial customs that were followed.” 17 Only from the Knossos North Cemetery were recovered 363 separte deposits of cremated remains and 422 pithoi, which probably served as ash containers. KNC 1996, II, 659. 18 Kanta 2001, 59-66. 19 This is confirmed also by Cucuzza forthcoming. 15

11

D’Agostino 2000, 316 12 I refer to funerary vessels with special iconographical subjects, like the Prothesis or the rarer Ekphora generally not found in settlement or in ritual contexts. To these subjects see Ahlberg 1977. 13 Hom.Od.XI, 74-78. Ulysses met Elpenore, one of his dead companions, which has not been buried yet. Elpenore asked Ulysses to be buried with his armour and his oar. He decided in this way to determine his position within Ulysses’ following by characterizing himself as a fellow combatant as well as a member of the crew, claiming for his burial not only weapons but also a more common object, a tool, like an oar.

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TOMBS AND NECROPOLEIS IN CRETE DURING THE PROTOGEOMETRIC AND GEOMETRIC PERIODS It may be significant that most of these above- mentioned were weapons burials.

were probably carried out by their parents, wanting to affirm the social position and aspirations of their household in this way.29

Generally, it is possible to argue that cremation is not mainly a feature of male burials since female cremations are also attested, but the sex ratio has been avoided since we have little anthropological data. At least at one burial site of the LG period, at Kavousi Vronda, we have at our disposal osteological data and we can see that there was not a great difference between female and male grave equipment even though weapons were reserved to male burials .20

An exception can be observed among the LG cist graves of the Vronda cemetery, where, although the cremation practice prevails, multiple burials, both cremations and inhumations, occur in the same tomb and were used as well for the interment of children and infants. So it seems more likely that in those North Central and South Central regions cremation was first introduced to characterize some distinguished members of the society, mainly males with weapons and often provided with a rich grave assemblage. This kind of association may have continued (see Diagram 2a and 2b) and in fact in the PG and G periods more cremations than inhumations are linked to weapons burials: 37 cremations contra 5 inhumations and in 10 examples we handle with graves which hosted cremations and inhumations, whereas in most cases the cremations are linked to weapons. Considering also Knossos North Cemetery30 and Siderospilia’ the number of cremation associated with weapons increases.

Most of the infants, children and young individuals, who could be identified as such,21 were indeed inhumated. In the cases in which cremation is chosen, as at some other sites outside Crete,22 it is mostly accompanied by distinct grave offerings and/or items of status display. For example the LM III/SubM chamber tomb D at Liliana`near Phaistos was reused, and contained a PG urn cremation of a very young male individual accompanied at least by one terracotta horse figurine.23 Some pithosburials of the PG and G periods, which now belong to the II Phase24 of the necropolis at Prinias, contained the remains of single or multiple burials of young individuals, which showed a really unique taphonomic characteristic since the corpses of the deceased were cremated and the skulls were removed and inhumated.25 Some of these graves were equipped with distinct offerings, suggesting a high status sometimes possibly linked to a warrior or rider ideal. In the stones-layer corresponding to the pithos grave nr.122, were recovered two figurines of galloping horses with two terracotta disks, another, little horse figurine, a human figurine most probably an auriga and the pithos with a male figure, that could be interpreted as a warrior.26 Due to the fact that these individuals were probably children27 these burials could have also represented young individuals just undergone aristocratic initiation rituals.28 The depositions

Through time cremation acquired a wider consense in North and Central Crete: Knossos, Prinias, Arkades and Phaistos, whereas in Eastern Crete it remains often flanked by inhumation, like in the Mirabello region at Dreros, Meseleroi at Ierapetra,31 in the Kavousi area and Vrokastro. In the Siteia region inhumation seems to be the most used burial practice from the SubM through the O period. Taking into consideration the grave type, it is possible to affirm, without serious doubt, that the predominant grave type for the periods and territories considered is the constructed grave such as tholos-and chamber tomb. In fact, taken together, tholos- and chamber tombs (212) constitute more than half of the analysed graves. Nevertheless, the most popular tomb form in the PG and G periods in South Central and Eastern Crete was the tholos in all its declinations, like the so called pseudo tholos, a small stone-circle, just reminiscent of the tholos form. Indeed, in the Knossos region and in North Central Crete, there were almost no tholoi and the predominance of the chamber tomb is simply overwhelming.

20 Gesell, Preston Day and Coulson 1990, 30. “There is little correlation between the types of offerings and the sex of the interred; both men and women, for example, are buried with jewellery and household pottery at Vronda, although weapons are found exclusively with men.” 21 The identification bases on anthropological studies or on observations of the excavator during the discovery. In the second case it is assumed that the possibility of a misleading interpretation is not probable due to the small-sized skeletal remains of children and infants. 22 In the Gulf of Naples, on Ischia in the necropolis of Pithekussa, children were inhumated in pit tombs and infants were deposited in big vessels. An exception to this usus is represented by the grave in which the famous Nestor`s cup was found. The tomb in act belonged to a child. See D`Agostino 1999. 23 Monumenta Antica 14, 1904, 639-47. 24 In a very recent lecture Rizza has reconsidered the previous three sequences of the Siderospilià necropolis and has reduced them to two phases. The first one, from LM III C till PG, includes pit graves with cremations and tholos graves with inhumations, while the second one includes inurned cremations between heap of stones. Rizza forthcoming. 25 Rizza 1973, 579. Rizza 1985, 250. Rizza 2000, 48. 26 Rizza 1976, 473. Rizza 1978, 131-132. 27 It has to be underlined that the anthropological data regarding the human bones from the Siderospilia’ necropolis is being studied by Prof. F. Mallegni. Consequently the reference to young individuals is based only on the archaeological reports. 28 Interesting is the mention of red painted iron weapons, which were

This pattern does not appear to be related to any specific burial practice, since both, cremation and inhumation, are represented. Both chamber and tholos tombs contained mostly multiple burials, with the expectation of small found between the grave goods of some inurned cremations belonging to the II Phase of this necropolis. See: http://www.biblos.cnr.it/csag/04_1_7_scaprin.html. 29 Pautasso considering the riders-slabs and other material sculpture from Priniàs, identifies these riders with the representation of young men undergoing an initiation ritual. She points out their links to aristocratic initiation and gentrification strategy in a search of recognition among the society. Pautasso forthcoming. 30 Dickinson 2006, 194. 31 ADelt.47, Chr.2, 1992, 604-05. Adelt. 49, Chr.2, 1994, 749-50. BCH. 122, 1998, 953.

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SOMA 2007 tholos graves, which could have contained no more than two or three burials.

Since only few osteological analyses are available, it is difficult to know if chamber, tholos and other tombs containing multiple burials, were family, clan or category graves.

Small tholos tombs are often not round. They can be oval or square and they occur normally clustered in groups or cemeteries, like at Kourtes32 in the Messara’ region, at Anavlochos33 in the Mirabello region (both PG-G), at Chamaizi-Skopi and at Krya in the Seteia district34 (the first SubM/PG till G and the second LM IIIC-G in date), moreover at Adromyli35 near Sykia (LM IIIC-PG/G), and in the area of Kavousi ,36 where we have at Vronda 10 small tholos tombs of the SubM/PG-G periods.

Only one isolated example of possible consanguinity which would fit the family grave pattern, has been observed among the cremated bones from tomb 28545 of the Knossos North Cemetery, where three mandibular fragments in urns of the 10th, 9th and 7th centuries show an uncommon and supposedly hereditary trait. Other evidences of hereditary traits have been detected among the skeletons of two cist-graves with mutiple burials at Vronda,46 whereas evidence of group-based burial came to light in Western Crete, at Eleutherna, in the tomb A 1k1.47 This grave remained in use from the G till the A period. It contains a large number of interments (141), mainly male depositions (105), which does not display any hereditary traits but most probably represents a distinguished and honoured population group.

Generally these tholoi were built mainly in LM IIIC, SubM and PG times and only a few were constructed in later periods. Normally they were used for a relative short time span and they didn’t appear together with the larger ones in the same grave plot. The larger and most elaborate tholoi with dromos, which sometimes resemble the Mycenean fashion, normally have a round form. They often stand alone in the landscape: the PG tholos tomb at Gortyn which contains a large number of cremations and weapons,37 a big tholos tomb in the Messara at Rotasi38 with 40 cremations burials, in use from PG to the EO, the tholos tomb at Ag. Paulos-Phaistos39 and two at least at Kavousi Kastro:40 Skouriasmenos,41 Plait tou Kastro,42 the first in use during the LG-EO period, the second from SubM till EO. Sometimes these tholoi were integrated within big necropoleis: tomb R at Arkades,43 in use from G till O, the large tholos tomb at Kounavi Pediados44 PGB till G in date and some of the tholos tombs at Siderospilia`, which are LM IIIC and PG in date.

Considering this evidence and other burial features, such as duration of use, number of interments, grave offerings and location, it can be argued that there were different ties governing the collective identity in Crete: those related to the family or clan, or to other group affiliation, based on status and honour. The presence of simple cave burials is predominant in the mountain regions of Eastern Crete and mainly associated with multiple inhumations and fairly poor burial equipment. They seem to be linked not merely to the inconvenient morphology of the soil, but rather to an economical and practical funerary pattern. They may reflect the practice of small families or clans, which could not or did not need to use burial for social competition and status negotiation.

These tholoi generally contained multiple interments, quite often cremations, which were deposited within a long or a relatively short time-span and were provided with rich and metal offerings. They represent a contrasting, selective burial pattern, which point to a social hierarchy, high-status representation and social competition.

Pit, cist and pithos/vessel tombs usually denote the same idea of deposition, where single burnt interments represent the predominant burial custom. They are normally different from tholos and chamber tombs because of number of interments, size and visibility. Pit tombs and pithos/vessels burials cannot be related to a specific region or a particular period, whereas cist graves are attested so far only in the East of the island, for example at Dreros,48 Vronda,49 and at Mallia50 and they are used for single and multiple burials. In Crete no new necropoleis with chamber tombs were established after 800 B.C., instead there are several cemeteries in which only pit or pithos graves were in use from the end of the 9th cent., such as Siderospilia and Arkades. A general analysis shows that during the G and O periods the single burial cemeteries increased in a search for individualism,

32

AJA 5, 1901, 294-301. JHS 50, 1930, 252. ADelt. 14, 1931-1932, 5-11. Tsipopoulou 2005, 41-42. 34 ADelt. 27, 1972, Chr. 2, 650. BCH Suppl.30, 1997, 455-84. 35 Prakt.1954, 365 - 67. BCH. 79, 1955, 307. KretChron. 9, 1954, 511513. 36 AJA 5, 1901, 132-148. Hesperia 52, 1983, 389-428. Hesperia 60, 1991, 160-61. Hesperia 64, 1995, 76-77. 37 Ergon 1966, 152-156. ADelt. 22, 1967 B2, 485-86. 38 KretChron.12, 1958, 468. 39 ADelt. 48, 1993, Chron.2, 445-47. 40 There are 4 more tholos tombs at Aloni, near Kavousi Kastro containing precious and imported grave goods. They were used in the LG and at the beginning of the EO period and probably before but since little careful information is at our disposal they were left out in the above treatment. For a description of these graves and their content see Hesperia 52, 1983, 410-12. 41 AJA 5, 1901, 143-49. 42 AJA 5, 1901, 141-42. 43 Arkades 1927-1929, 202-304. 44 ADelt. 48 Chr. 2, 1993, 463-65. 33

45

KNC 1996 vol. II, 681. Hesperia 64, 1995, 74-6. 47 See Agelarakis 2005. 48 EC VIII 1948, 15-46, 59-66. Tsipopoulou 2005, 57-64. 49 Hesperia 55, 1987, 376-428; Hesperia 57, 1988, 279-301; Hesperia 60, 1991, 148-67; Hesperia 64, 1995, 70-89. Gesell, Preston Day and Coulson 1990. 50 ADelt. 4, 1918, 18. EC XIII, 118-21. 46

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TOMBS AND NECROPOLEIS IN CRETE DURING THE PROTOGEOMETRIC AND GEOMETRIC PERIODS which became even more pronounced in the burial customs from the end of the 8th cent. onwards. Moreover in the 6th cent. the single burial in pits and cist graves became the most attested burial form.51

In the Northern and Southern regions, especially in those sites linked to the rise of the polis, such as Knossos and Prinias, stratified social structures associated to the establishment and organization of a planned big cemetery, to a selective burial access, to weapon and rich burials with precious artefacts and to gentrification strategies were good established already during the PG period.

To sum up, the Knossos region with its universal chamber tomb as well as the universal use of multiple cremation burials deposited in urns over a long time-span, seemed to represent a very stable population, which followed clear rules in the social competition within the funerary sphere. Burial access is prerogative of a certain number of society members. In fact the number of the interments compared to the chronological extension of the cemetery-use is quite low, too low to represent a big part of the living society.52 The people who could afford a formal burial, the agathoi to quote Morris,53 have already reached an agreement and therefore, in order to negotiate their differences, they switched to other aspects of burial customs such as rich and varied grave goods and probably the possession of horses. A very similar pattern could be observed also at Prinias, where 18 horse burials came to light, 6 in the dromos of human tombs and 12 interred in grave on their own or with other little animals, in the middle of the cemetery. As at the Knossos North Cemetery, the necropolis topography hardly distinguishes a hierarchical arrangement of the graves54 and buried agathoi also seem similar. At both sites, the Homeric imagery55 was enacted and one sign of class distinction was probably the possession of horses that were also interred in the cemetery.56

In Eastern Crete, in the same period, the situation appears more complex. Here we cannot observe the establishment of extensive grave plots, which host a huge number of interments, like in the Central and Northern part of the island. The overwhelming presence of small necropoleis often clustered in small and not very well constructed tholoi, the already mentioned presence of cave burials and the lack of precious grave offerings, all this probably provides evidence for social structures based mainly on family and kinship ties, not so much influenced neither by a hierarchical social organization with an emergent elite nor by the Homeric imagery, Nevertheless the situation seems to change during the LG and at the beginning of the EO period, especially at some sites connected to the rise of the polis, like it can be observed in some areas. At Kavousi Vronda, in the LG period, there was a change from inhumations in small tholoi to primary cremations in a cist-graves cemetery, built up on the remains of a LM IIIC abandoned settlement. At the same time, at Kavousi Kastro, the large tholos in Mycenean fashion at Skouriasmenos was used and maybe built whereas the other rich tholoi at Plai tou Kastro and Aloni, containing precious and imported artefacts, continued to be used.

In the Northern and Northern-Central regions, from the PG till to the end of the LG period, the burial pattern is the most homogenous and this homogeneity decreases gradually once we reach the South, South-Central and then the Eastern regions. The mortuary variability we encounter in Eastern Crete with the prevalence of small organised cemeteries as well as the predominance of the small tholos tomb together with a certain number of simple inhumations burials in caves, are all evidence of a more conservative society or, better, of several small societies not very stratified. Furthermore it can be observed that it was mostly in Eastern Crete that tools57 were given as offerings in tombs like it is shown in Diagram 4.

At Dreros, in the LG period, an organized necropolis was established around a SubM tholos tomb. This cemetery included inhumations in pithoi and cremations in cists and was provided with paths and maybe an installation for burial rituals. In the most Eastern part of the island, at Itanos, funerary occupation in form of an organized necropolis started exactly in the LG period and remained in use till the late Hellenistic period.58 In general it is possible to observe a major attention to the organization of the space and therefore of the burial areas. New organic cemeteries are established, sometimes in a claim of territoriality or status, social competition increases in the funerary sphere and the leading group becomes more visible due to the use of differentiate burial patterns and to the partial acquisition of Homeric imagery. This reflects a growth in social complexity with an emerging elite who tries to define and assert itself.

51

Sjögren 2003, 71, Diagram 6. Dickinson 2006, 177. 53 Morris 1987, 94. 54 At the Knossos North Cemetery tombs are sometimes clustered in rows of four to six and the graves in each group were most used contemporary. At Siderospilià, in Priniàs graves of the second phase are often clustered together, delimited by little stone walls. KNC 1996 vol. II, 657. Rizza 1978, 107-12. Rizza 2000, 48. Rizza forthcoming. 55 For the sacrifice of horses as part of burial rituals, see Hom.Il. XXIII, 166-78 with the description of the burial ritual for Patroklos’ death, where Achilles sacrifices on the pyre 4 horses, 2 house- dogs and 12 sons of noble Trojans. 56 Sometimes in Knossos and in Prinias the horses are buried together with other small animals, like dogs. For some examples are in KNC 1996, III, fig.31, Rizza 1978, 122 and Rizza 2000, 48. 57 With tools I refer to instruments like knifes, saws, needles, spinnwirtels, tweezers, sickle, hook, whetstones, chisels and so on. 52

58

325

ARepLond 1994-95, 65-66; ARepLond 2006-07, 96.

SOMA 2007 history. Words and things in Iron Age Greece. Social Archaeology. Malden, Mass.: Blackwell. Pader 1982: Pader, E.J. (1982) Symbolism, social relations and the interpretation of mortuary remains (BAR-IS, 130), Oxford. Pautasso forthcoming: Pautasso, A. Forthcoming. Immagini e identità: osservazioni sulla scultura di Priniàs. IN: Prinias 1906-2006. Prinias 1906-2006: Forthcoming. Per i cento anni dello scavo di Priniàs 1906-2006. Identità culturale, etnicità, processi di trasformazione a Creta fra Dark Age e Arcaismo, Catania. Rizza 1969: Rizza, G. (1969) Nuove ricerche sulla Patela e nel territorio di Priniàs, Cronache di archeologia e di storia dell’arte, VIII, 1969, Catania, 7-32. Rizza 1971: Rizza, G. (1971) Scavi e ricerche dell’Istituto e della Scuola di Archeologia negli anni 1968-71, in Siculorum Gymnasium N.S. XXIV, 1971, Catania, 227-23. Rizza 1972: Rizza, G. (1972) Priniàs, ADelt 27, Chr. 1972, 633-34. Rizza 1973: Rizza, G. (1973) Priniàs, ADelt 28, Chr. 1973, 579-80. Rizza 1978: Rizza, G. (1978) Gli scavi di Priniàs e il problema delle origini dell’arte greca, in Un decennio di ricerche archeologiche = Quaderni di La Ricerca scientifica, 100, 1, 85-137. Rizza 1979: Rizza, G. (1979) Tombes de chevaux, in Acts of the international archaeological symposium “The relations between Cyprus and Crete, ca. 2000500 BC”. Nicosia, 16th April-22 April 1978. Nicosia, Dept.of Antiquities 1979, 294-97. Rizza 1980: Rizza, G. (1980) Gli scavi di Priniàs dal 1972 al 1975 in Πεπραγμέμενα του Δ' Διεθνούς Κρητολογικού Σινεδρίου, Athens, 473-476. Rizza 1983: Rizza, G. (1983) Priniàs nella fasi geometrica e orientalizzante, ASAtene 61, XLV, 1983, 45-51. Rizza 1984: Rizza, G. (1984) Priniàs IN: De Luca eds., Creta Antica, cento anni di archeologia italiana (1884-1984), Roma, 227-57. Rizza 1997: Rizza, G. (1997) Gli Scavi di Priniàs (Creta), Missioni archeologiche italiane 1997, 125-28. Rizza 2000: Rizza, G. (2000) Una città cretese dell’ "età oscura" sulla patela di Priniàs IN: Un ponte fra l’Italia e la Grecia, atti del simposio in onore di Antonino di Vita, Ragusa 13-15 Febbraio 1998, Padova, 39-53. Rizza forthcoming: Rizza, G. Forthcoming Identità, etnicità, processi di trasformazione a Priniàs. IN: Prinias 1906-2006. Sjögren 2003: Sjögren, L. (2003) Cretan Locations. Discerning site variations in Iron Age and Archaic Crete (800-500 B.C.), BAR International Series 1185, BAR Publishing, Oxford. Stampolidis 1994: Stampolidis, N. ed. (1994) Αρχαία Ελεύθερνα ΙΙΙ.2 Από τη Γεωμετρική και Аρχαϊκή νεκρόπολη. Ταφικές πύρες και ομηρικά έπη. Rethymnon. Stampolidis 2004: Stampolidis, N. ed. (2004) Eleutherna: Polis Acropolis Necropolis. Athens, Museum of Cycladic Art. Tsipopoulou 2005: Tsipopoulou, M. (2005) Η ανατολική

Bibliography Agelarakis 2005: Agelarakis, P.A (2005) The anthropology of tomb A1k1 of Orthi Petra in Eleutherna. A narrative of the bones: Aspects of Human Condition in Geometric-Archaic Eleutherna. Ahlberg 1971: Ahlberg, G. (1971) Prothesis and Ekphora in Greek Geometric Art. Studies in Mediterranean Archaoelogy, 32, Jonsered, P. Astrom eds. Arkades 1927-1929: Levi, D. (1927-1929) Arkades, una città cretese all’alba della civiltà ellenica, ASAtene 1012, 1927-29, 1-710. Coldstream 1977: Coldstream, J.N. (1977) Geometric Greece. London: Methuen 1977. Cocuzza forthcoming: Cucuzza, N. Forthcoming. Tombe e costumi funerari nella Festòs delle Dark Ages. Qualche osservazione. IN: Prinias 1906-2006. D’Agostino 1999: D’Agostino, B. (1999) Euboean colonisation in the Gulf of Naples. IN: G. Tsetskhladze ed., Ancient Greeks West and East, Leiden, 207-227. D’Agostino 2000: D’Agostino, B. (2000) Archäologie der Gräber: Tod und Grabritus. IN: A.H. Borbein, T Hölscher, P.Zanker eds., Klassische Archäologie, eine Einführung, Berlin, 313-331. Dickinson 2006: Dickinson, O.T.P.K. (2006) The Aegean from Bronze Age to Iron Age. Continuity and Change between the twelfth and the eight centuries B.C., London. EC VIII: Effenterre van, H. (1948), Nécropoles du Mirabello, Études Crétoises VIII, Paris. EC XIII: Effenterre van, H. and M. eds. (1963), Fouilles XIII, Fouilles exécutées a Mallia, étude du site 195657; exploration des nécrópoleses (1915-1928). Études Crétoises XIII, Paris. Gesell, Preston Day and Coulson 1990: Gesell G.C., Preston Day L. and Coulson W.D.E. (1990) Tombs and Burials Practices in Early Iron Age Crete, Expedition, vol.32, Nr.3 1990. Guarducci 1987: Guarducci, M. (1987) L’epigrafia greca dalle origini al tardo impero, Rom. Hoffman 1997: Hoffman G. (1997) Imports and Immigrants, Ann Arbor. Kaiser 2006: Kaiser, I. (2006) Protogeometric BMinoan and Oriental Influences on a Cretan Pottery Style of the Second Half of the 9th Century B.C. IN: Пεπραγμένα του Θ| Διεθνούς Κρητολογικού Σινεδρίου 2001, Heraklio 2006, 63-70. Kanta 2001: Kanta, A. (2001) The Cremations of Olous and the Custom of Cremation in Bronze Age Crete. IN: Stampolidis, N. ed., Καύσεις στην Εποχή του Χαλκού και την πρω μη Εποχή του Σιδήρου, Athens. KNC 1996: Coldstream, J.N. and H.W. Catling eds. (1996) Knossos North cemetery. Early Greek tombs.IIV. BSA Supp. 28, London, The British School at Athens. Morris 1987: Morris, I. (1987) Burial and ancient society. The rise of the Greek city state. New Studies in archaeology. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. Morris 2000: Morris, I. (2000) Archaeology as cultural 326

TOMBS AND NECROPOLEIS IN CRETE DURING THE PROTOGEOMETRIC AND GEOMETRIC PERIODS Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. Whitley 1991b: Whitley, J. (1991) Social diversity in Dark Age Greece, The British School at Athens, 86, 1991, 341-365.

Κρήτη στην πρω μη εποχή του σιδήρου. Heraklio. Whitley 1991a: Whitley, J. (1991) Style and society in Dark Age Greece. The changing face of a pre-literate society 1100-700 BC. New studies in archaeology.

Burial types 160

135

140

122

122

120

Number

100

80

60

40

24 20

0

Inhumations

Cremations

Inhumations and cremations

Not clear

Diagram 1.: Inhumations and cremations in central and eastern Crete. 10th –End of 8th B.C.

Burial types and young individuals 6

4 3

5

5

5

Burial types and young individuals 25

3

Cremation

Inhumation

15

2

10

1

5

0

21

20

4

1

0

Infants

Children

Very young individuals

Infants

Diagram 2 a. Cremations and young individuals in central and eastern Crete. 10th –End of 8th B.C.

Children

Very young individuals

Diagram 2 b. Inhumations and young individuals in central and eastern Crete. 10th –End of 8th B.C.

Burials with weapons 50 45 40 35 30 25 20 15 10 5 0

37

10

35 30 25 20 15 10 5 0

5

Cremations

Inhumations

7 Northerncentral regions

Cremations and Inhumations

Diagram 3. Burials associated with weapons in central and eastern Crete. 10th – End of 8th B.C.

Tools as grave goods 32

Eastern regions

Diagram 4. Tools as grave goods in central and eastern Crete. 10th – End of 8th B.C.

327

SOMA 2007 Grave forms 160

152

Tholos graves

140

Chamber tombs

120

Caves burials

100

Shaft graves/Pit graves

80

60

Cist graves

55

60

40 40

40

28

27

19

20

Pithos burials Vase burials Others

0 1

Diagram 5. Grave forms in central and eastern Crete. 10th – End of 8th B.C.

Fig. 1. Principal considered sites in Crete.

Fig.2. Arkades. Aphrati, tholos tomb R. (after Arkades 1927-29, pl.V)

328

TOMBS AND NECROPOLEIS IN CRETE DURING THE PROTOGEOMETRIC AND GEOMETRIC PERIODS

Fig. 3. Priniàs. Siderospilià necropolis, Grave BU with two equids.(after Rizza 1978, fig.37)

329

Landscape Learning and an Epipalaeolithic of Cyprus Sandra Rosendahl Council for British Research in the Levant, PO Box 519, Jubaiha, Amman 11941, Jordan

Introduction The ability to balance competing social and economic demands is instrumental in the successful colonisation of a new landscape, and the knowledge acquired in the earliest stages of exploration is a vital component of this. A high degree of mobility, for example, required for the exploration and mapping of land and resources available for exploitation, is opposed by a desire to remain in resource-rich environments that offer the returns needed to support the group. Small group size, ideal in an exploration phase where resource returns are uncertain and risks are high, is opposed to the benefits of larger groups with the ability to survey larger areas in shorter times, thereby increasing the odds of discovering substantial resources, as well as providing the demographic and genetic diversity to sustain a group over a prolonged period of time without contact to a different genetic pool (Meltzer 2002: 36).

Despite several claims for pre-Neolithic island exploitations (cf. Evans 1977), evidence for a full-scale hunter-gatherer colonisation of a Mediterranean island had not been readily available to archaeologists (Cherry 1990: 201-3). Recent research on Cyprus offers a first insight into a potential Cypriot Epipalaeolithic episode and its significant impact on a partially indigenous Neolithic development. The aim of this paper is to introduce some of this research as part of the theoretical concept of Landscape Learning, and to contextualise recent discoveries in the northern foothills of the Troodos massif, as well as the known sites of the Early Aceramic Neolithic (Figure 1), in terms of their potential role in this process. Landscape Learning

The most efficient practice of Landscape Learning, therefore, ought to be in the form of large scale and fairly rapid exploration (Meltzer 2002: 36; 2003: 237), while the resulting knowledge or habitus is acquired slowly because of the amount of information that has to be digested (Meltzer 2003: 224 and Figure 13.1).

The first colonisation of an island offers the rare opportunity to study the acquisition of knowledge of a truly unknown environment, given the presence of the appropriate archaeological evidence. Landscape Learning is a concept analysing the creation of shared cognitive maps of the physical and cultural environment as a vital process of adaptation in the colonisation of unfamiliar landscapes. Where an environment is encountered for the first time, this learning process is absolute; a certain similarity with general climatic events across short distances might be the only – albeit unreliable – sign of familiarity.

What does this mean for a potential colonisation pattern of an unfamiliar island? It is feasible to expect some large scale and highly mobile exploration over a very short time, followed by a slower settlement phase based on information gathered (Meltzer 2002: 36). Recurring gatherings of dispersed groups for purposes of information and partner exchange are realistic in cases of wide area coverage, and while these might depend to some extent on the social structure of the colonising party, lack of immediate access to the land of origin as a common denominator potentially makes this a significant social tool even across smaller regions.

Pre-equipped with such essential tools as a sense of direction (Kozlowski and Bryant 1977), the ability to store and readily retrieve information both cognitively and with the help of memory aides (Cowan 1988), and the ability to return to a point of origin even when the conditions of travel have changed dramatically (referred to as ‘path integration’ or ‘dead reckoning’ [Redish 1999: 69-71]), human travellers are very well prepared for the processes involved in the colonisation of unfamiliar landscapes long before setting foot in them. Add to this general background knowledge of climate and weather cycles, geology and hydrology, and flora and fauna, and it is not at all surprising that humans are able to settle successfully all over the world.

What this general pattern does not, and in itself, cannot account for is how long it actually takes to learn an entirely new landscape, its routes, resources and regimes (Figure 2). Estimates range from a few decades (Blanton 2003) to several millennia (Tolan-Smith 2003), depending, for example, on the size of the area to be covered, the amount of information to be processed as well as that already present, and the stability of such information over short and long periods (Meltzer 2003: 235). Prolonged homeland contact, in this context, has a negative impact on the speed of Landscape Learning: while frequent exchanges with an originating population have positive influences on the survival of the colonisers as well as on the time it takes to settle successfully into a particular location that is already known, they slow down the process of learning a wider landscape. The

The highly interdependent elements of Landscape Learning can be categorised into the study of routes (what is often referred to as ‘wayfinding’ in behavioural psychology and human geography [cf. Golledge 1999, 2003]); the analysis of climate and environment; the recognition, exploitation and maintenance of different types of resources; and the integration of the landscape into the social structure of the colonisers. 330

LANDSCAPE LEARNING AND AN EPIPALAEOLITHIC OF CYPRUS and activities of the colonisers. In archaeological reality, however, the traces of exploration and Landscape Learning are not necessarily detectable. Much of the cognitive mapping process is inevitably internal, and very often not even on a conscious level (Golledge 2003: 25-7; Kitchin 1994). In addition, the signposts utilised by colonisers and travellers in general are frequently natural landmarks of varying permanence such as mountain ranges and individual peaks as well as the view from them, river courses, particular trees and boulders, and other subjective control points (Hunt and Wallace 1999: 6; Raubal and Winter 2002: 245), which might be accessible to archaeologists but lack the assigned meanings they had in past situations. The same is certainly true for the symbolic nature of objects. Indeed, the only somewhat concrete form of archaeological evidence of the process might be a finely dated settlement pattern reflecting the expansion from a known point of origin (Meltzer 2003: 237), and on Cyprus, we do not even have this much for the earliest human presence.

incorporation of environmental facts and landscape knowledge into social forms transferable independently through generations to come might well be the most prolonged part of the learning process, taking a minimum of several hundred years and being continuously renewed and abstracted (Rockman 2003: 17-8). This creation, transfer and preservation of collective memory in social action and ritual is a vital part of the process of Landscape Learning. I want to emphasise a concept of memory not in the linear Aristotelian tradition of distinct acquisition and recollection stages (Rowlands 1993: 143; Yates 1966), but based on the inseparability and circularity of remembering and memory – of the practice of learning and the knowledge both achieved and constantly built upon. What is of interest here is the social and cultural expression of the evolutionary facility of memory storage and retrieval, especially in a truly pre-historic context. In the absence of textual representations of symbolic expression, the transmission of knowledge is more prominently performed by material culture (Watkins 2004a: 97-8). Archaeologically, we most commonly seek social and ritual interpretations from architecture and objects or representations, categorised in a rather generalised manner as inscribed memory or ‘inscribing practices’ (Connerton 1989: 73; Van Dyke and Alcock 2004: 4). Indeed, the architectural analogy has been invoked in memory studies since classical times (Yates 1966; Spence 1985), and most recently in the application of the ‘Memory Theatre’ as a communal record keeping and storytelling facility in the earliest sedentary communities of the Levant (Watkins 1992, 2004a, 2004b).

In the Beginning At some point in prehistory, the island of Cyprus was populated for the first time. While we can argue about when and where, for how long and for what reason, the only hard fact in this debate is that at some point, there was a first time. The first evidence for a human presence on Cyprus that has been securely dated comes from Akrotiri Aetokremnos (hereafter Aetokremnos) (Figure 1), a collapsed and badly eroded rock shelter on the southern tip of the island (Simmons 1999). Dated to the very late 11th millennium BP (Simmons 1999: 208; Manning 1991), the site is most famed for its vast assemblage of pygmy hippopotamus bones in association with ephemeral archaeological features and artefacts. It is generally accepted (but cf. for example Binford 2000; Bunimovitz and Barkai 1996) that there was some form of human involvement in the accumulation of these Pleistocene faunal remains, although its exact nature continues to be the topic of debate (Simmons 1999: 308; Ammerman and Noller 2005).

Equally, just as landmarks or architectural installations might and do serve as memory aides, material culture is interpreted as a means for external symbolic storage and the transfer of knowledge (Donald 1991: 342, 344). The introduction of new, revolutionary material forms – immediately functional such as pottery (but cf. Hayden 1995) or inherently symbolic like figurines and other abstract representations (Cauvin 1997: 44) – enables new dimensions of interacting with the increasingly complex landscape. But often, and in the first instance, artefacts are just artefacts, having different meanings for different individuals that are beyond archaeological investigation to identify (Thomas 1998). Especially in a context where distinctive symbolic material culture is not identifiable, interpreting artefacts primarily as cognitive tools may well undermine the amount and the quality of the information otherwise extractable (Thomas 1998: 153-4). The creation of collective ‘Memory Theatres’ or memeplexes (Watkins 2003) is an expression of the interrelationship between the practice of learning and the transfer of knowledge, but is not an absolute illustration of the colonisation process.

Analysis of the evidence as presented by Simmons and colleagues (Simmons 1999) suggests to me primarily one thing: that Aetokremnos was not the first site used or occupied on Cyprus, and that it more likely was one of the earliest stops in the expansion process for the purpose of resource exploitation. Several factors support this interpretation: the site is located in a remote and marginal setting, barely accessible from either above or below, and remarkably distant from any known water source (Simmons 1999: 9), suggesting that it was not chosen simply for convenience but with a particular rationale in mind (and the interpretation of Aetokremnos’ function is vital in any further discussion of this). The indiscriminate exploitation of faunal and material resources indicates an early, opportunistic stage of landscape exploration, confirmed by the presence of tortoise remains in the earliest levels of the site – an indicator for the early

In an ideal case, then, an unfamiliar landscape, especially one geographically isolated enough to rule out accidental or occasional ventures into it, captures the movements 331

SOMA 2007 The characteristic chipped stone technology of the Levantine PPNB – naviform blade cores, a primarily blade-based industry, projectile points, burins and sickles (Peltenburg et al. 2001: 49) – is equally prominent in these early Neolithic contexts, yet a statistically insignificant but typologically noteworthy element of archaic lithic forms reminiscent of the Aetokremnos assemblage is preserved at Tenta (McCartney 2005a: 218-9; McCartney 2005b: 15).

utilisation of the Akrotiri peninsula as well as the result of previous extensive foraging expeditions (Surovell 1999: 34-5). Recent investigations along the southern coast of Cyprus, focussing on aeolianite deposits (cemented sand dunes), have uncovered two sites typologically dating to the same time as, or even earlier than, Aetokremnos (Ammerman et al. 2006; McCartney pers. comm.). Nissi Beach, near Agia Napa in the east, and Aspros in the Paphos district in the west of the island may help to substantiate the Cypriot Epipalaeolithic phase and modify the notion that the Akrotiri peninsula was the initial point of landing and the target destination from the outset.

Continuity rather than complete abandonment and later re-colonisation is substantiated by a number of inland sites in the northern Troodos foothills (Figure 1). At Agrokipia Palaeokamina (hereafter Palaeokamina), an activity site on a prominent hilltop overlooking a stream, for example, the primarily flake-based lithic assemblage strongly resembles mainland Epipalaeolithic technology as well as showing links to the industry at Aetokremnos (McCartney et al. 2006: 51). Characteristic elements known from the roughly contemporary PPNA in the Levant are missing in these Cypriot contexts – Khiamian points and Hagdud truncations do not occur at all, and a uni-directional blade industry only appears in potentially Neolithic contexts.

Geological research emphasises that the sea level rise of the early Holocene would have submerged up to one kilometre of coastal strip (Gomez and Pease 1992: 4), washing away any potential evidence for the first contact of settlers with the island (Ammerman and Noller 2005). Because the mainland origin of these first occupants is equally ambiguous, attempts at reconstructing detailed journeys across the Mediterranean based on push-andpull factors, or experiments with sea currents and visibility (for example Held 1989; Cherry 1990; Evans 1977) are ultimately doomed to failure. However, it is not unreasonable to consider the Akrotiri peninsula occupation as a temporary break in the expansion and exploration phase for the purpose of resource exploitation, and to trace the progress of Landscape Learning from there. A more secure absolute chronology of the Epipalaeolithic coastal sites will provide a much finer settlement pattern.

The 10th and 9th millennium occupation of Cyprus requires a terminology that takes into account internal developments on the island beginning with Aetokremnos and the coastal sites of Nissi Beach and Aspros, rather than relying exclusively on Levantine chronologies. This allows the classification of at least part of the 2,000-year gap between the Akrotiri episode and the Early Aceramic Neolithic as Epipalaeolithic rather than a non-committal ‘pre-Neolithic’ (McCartney et al. 2006: 57).

Chronology Closing the Gap The Cypriot chronological terminology widely in use amongst scholars today (cf. Peltenburg et al. 2000; Peltenburg et al. 2001) is based on two underlying premises: first, that lithic technology and associated material culture on Cyprus are directly derived from that of the Levant, creating a facies (Cypro-PPNB) discussed exclusively in the established vocabulary of the mainland; and second, that this material similarity is most pronounced in the Pre-Pottery Neolithic B period due to Cyprus’ inclusion in the proposed ‘PPNB Interaction Sphere’ during and after the colonisation episode (BarYosef and Belfer-Cohen 1989; Bar-Yosef 2001). In their own right, neither of these assumptions is incorrect. An unquestionable phase of demographic migration and/or ideological and material importation is visible at the sites of the Early Aceramic Neolithic (see Figure 1): Parekklisha Shillourokambos (hereafter Shillourokambos), Kissonerga Mylouthkia (hereafter Mylouthkia), Akanthou Arkosyko (hereafter Akanthou) and the earliest and little explored layers of Kalavasos Tenta (hereafter Tenta). These sites have all produced significant evidence for plant and animal species not native to the island, including cattle, pig, sheep/goat, emmer and einkorn wheat, and lentil, with only barley possibly being domesticated independently from wild stands on Cyprus (Zohary 1999: 140; Colledge 2004: 54).

Despite the limited amount of work undertaken to establish the nature of occupation of Cyprus after Aetokremnos, it is possible to distinguish three types of activity on the island prior to the establishment of the Early Aceramic Neolithic; however, their synchronic as well as diachronic relationships are currently unclear. Nissi Beach and Aspros are found in locations to be expected during the first stages of exploration: close to the coast and with it access to a variety of marine resources, and in settings optimal only for short-term utilisation rather than occupation, these two contemporary sites on opposite ends of the southern shore of the island emphasise fast movements and large area coverage as a means to learn the landscape and identify subsistence options. In the northern Troodos foothills, sites such as Palaeokamina, Agrokipia Kottaphi and Pera Chorio Moutti (McCartney et al. 2006) represent a second step in the Landscape Learning process. Just as Aetokremnos appears to have been established almost exclusively for the exploitation of faunal material, these sites are ideally located to take advantage of the high-quality chert extractable without much effort from veins and outcrops 332

LANDSCAPE LEARNING AND AN EPIPALAEOLITHIC OF CYPRUS and husbandry would have been determined from memory and experience. Such judgments are not always accurate, as is evidenced by the large-scale abandonment of cattle as an efficient source of nutrients early in the Aceramic Neolithic (Horwitz et al. 2004: 39). However, the expansion of the Early Aceramic Neolithic across all of Cyprus suggests an overall successful Landscape Learning process.

in the pillow lava and limestone boundary zone. Clustered along major watercourses in a region that provided access to both raw materials and arable, potentially forested land, these sites were carefully chosen to make use of a variety of resources that must have been explored for suitability beforehand (Meltzer 2003). Based on the chipped and ground stone material recovered from survey, both flora and fauna might have been exploited for subsistence (McCartney et al. 2006: 46), adapting to the scarcity of large endemic species prior to the introduction of both domesticates and wild fallow deer (Dama mesopotamica). The dominance of the latter in the faunal record of the Early Aceramic Neolithic and beyond (cf. Croft 2005: 348-9; Vigne et al. 2003: 243-5) suggests an early introduction of this species from the Levantine mainland, most likely somewhat earlier than the establishment of the settlement sites, as fallow deer exploitation by that time appears well developed.

Conclusion Recent discoveries on Cyprus make it necessary to revise the assumption that islands could only be successfully colonised from the Neolithic onwards. Evidence from both the southern coast and the Troodos foothills suggests continued small-scale occupation from the Epipalaeolithic. The paucity of material confirmation of this activity can be explained to a degree by the concept of Landscape Learning and the movements associated with the endeavour to explore, understand and profitably exploit a new environment. Thus it has been shown that is both possible and likely that Cyprus was occupied before the arrival of the Neolithic package, before agriculture, and before year-round sedentism.

Occupying similar, if not the same, locations in the welldrained foothills, a number of sites with a largely bladebased lithic industry and typological ties to preceding phases are the most likely candidates for substantiating a partially indigenous development of the Cypriot Neolithic. Ayia Varvara Asprokremnos (hereafter Asprokremnos) and Politiko Kelaidhoni (Figure 1) show signs of at least semi-permanent occupation and heavy reliance on the processing of plant materials; unique types of flint projectile points, a uni-directional core technology quite unlike the characteristic PPNB naviform industry of the Levant and the established Early Aceramic Neolithic, and the lack of obsidian in the lithic assemblage (McCartney 2005b) are further indicators of local change rather than the result of a new colonisation episode. Asprokremnos is particularly interesting as it appears to have been used or re-used frequently into the Early Aceramic Neolithic period, and that its functions might have combined agricultural as well as hunting episodes, and raw material procurement as well as tool production (McCartney 1998). Its location, in viewing distance of some sites and in easy walking distance of both chert sources and other activity sites, makes an interpretation of Asprokremnos as a gathering place for dispersed groups very reasonable. And just as increasing sedentism and a scarcity of sufficient resources are cited as vital components in the adoption of agriculture in the Levant (Bar-Yosef and Meadow 1995), an intensified use of the landscape around such central places might have triggered the need to expand, to diversify, and to improve. It is at this stage that contact with the Levant and/or Anatolia became significant, and the timely establishment of the settlements at Shillourokambos, Mylouthkia, Tenta and Akanthou is an indication of the eagerness to adopt new ideas and to adapt them to the island context.

Bibliography Ammerman, A., P. Flourentzos, C. McCartney, J. S. Noller and D. Sorabji (2006) Two early sites on Cyprus. Report of the Department of Antiquities Cyprus: 1-21. Ammerman, A. and J. S. Noller (2005) New light on Aetokremnos. World Archaeology 37:533-43. Bar-Yosef, O. (2001) The world around Cyprus: from Epi-Palaeolithic foragers to the collapse of the PPNB civilization. In S. Swiny (ed.). The Earliest Prehistory of Cyprus from Colonization to Exploitation. (12964). Boston, American Schools of Oriental Research. Bar-Yosef, O. and A. Belfer-Cohen (1989) The Levantine ‘PPNB’ interaction sphere. In I. Hershkovitz (ed.). People and Culture in Change, Proceedings of the Second Symposium on Upper Paleolithic, Mesolithic and Neolithic Populations of Europe and the Mediterranean Basin. (59-72). Oxford, BAR International Series 508. Bar-Yosef, O. and R. H. Meadow (1995) The origins of agriculture in the Near East. In T.D. Price and A.B. Gebauer (eds.). Last Hunters, First Farmers: New Perspectives on the Prehistoric Transition to Agriculture. (39-94). Santa Fe, School of American Research Press Binford, L.R. (2000) Review of Faunal Extinction in an Island Society: Pygmy Hippopotamus Hunters of Cyprus by Alan H. Simmons. American Antiquity 65(4): 771. Blanton, D. B. (2003) The weather is fine, wish you were here, because I’m the last one alive: “learning” the environment in the English New World colonies. In M. Rockman and J. Steele (Eds.). Colonization of Unfamiliar Landscapes. (190-200). London/New York, Routledge

The Landscape Learning process did not stop with the beginning of the Early Aceramic Neolithic. However, the new wave of colonists would not have had to discover and explore everything anew; while, for example, plant and animal management strategies had to be adjusted to the Cypriot environment, locations for optimal cultivation 333

SOMA 2007 Bunimovitz, S. and R. Barkai (1996) Ancient bones and modern myths: Ninth millennium B.C. hippopotamus hunters at Akrotiri Aetokremnos, Cyprus? Journal of Mediterranean Archaeology 9: 85-96. Cauvin, J. (1997) Naissance des Divinités Naissance de l’Agriculture. Paris, CNRS Editions. Cherry, J. (1990) The first colonization of the Mediterranean islands: a review of recent research. Journal of Mediterranean Archaeology 3: 145-221 Colledge, S. (2004) Reappraisal of the archaeobotanical evidence for ‘founder crops’. In E. Peltenburg and A. Wasse (Eds.). Neolithic Revolution. New Perspectives on Southwest Asia in Light of Recent Discoveries on Cyprus. (49-60). Oxford, Oxbow. Connerton, P. (1989) How Societies Remember. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. Cowan, N. (1988) Evolving conceptions of memory storage, selective attentions, and their mutual constraints within the human information-processing system. Psychological Bulletin 104(2):163-91. Croft, P. (2005) Mammalian fauna. In I.A. Todd (ed.). Vasilikos Valley Project 7: Excavations at KalavasosTenta, Volume II. (342-367). Göteborg, Paul Åströms Förlag. Donald, M. (1991) Origins of the Modern Mind: Three Stages in the Evolution of Culture and Cognition. Cambridge, Harvard University Press. Evans, J. D. (1977) Island archaeology in the Mediterranean: Problems and opportunities. World Archaeology 9:12-26. Golledge, R. G. (1999) Wayfinding behavior: Cognitive mapping and other spatial processes. Psycoloquy 10(36). Golledge, R. G. (2003) Human wayfinding and cognitive maps. In M. Rockman and J. Steele (Eds.). Colonization of Unfamiliar Landscapes. (25-43). London/New York, Routledge Gomez, B. and P. Pease (1992) Early Holocene Cypriot coastal palaeogeography. Report of the Department of Antiquities,Cyprus: 1-8 Hayden, B. (1995) A new overview of domestication. In T. D. Price and A. B. Gebauer (Eds.). Last Hunters, First Farmers: New Perspectives on the Prehistoric Transition to Agriculture. (273-99). Santa Fe, School of American Research Press. Held, S. (1989) Colonization cycles on Cyprus 1: The biogeographic and palaeontological foundations of early prehistoric settlement. Report of the Department of Antiquities, Cyprus: 7-28 Horwitz, L. K., E. Tchernov and H. Hongo (2004) The domestic status of the early Neolithic fauna of Cyprus: a view from the mainland. In E. Peltenburg and A. Wasse (eds.). Neolithic Revolution. New Perspectives on Southwest Asia in Light of Recent Discoveries on Cyprus. (35-48). Oxford, Oxbow Books. Hunt, E. and D. Wallace (1999) Orientation and Wayfinding: A Review. Office of Naval Research. Kitchin, R. M. (1994) Cognitive maps: What are they and why study them? Journal of Environmental Psychology 14(1):1-19. Kozlowski, L. T. and K. J. Bryant (1977) Sense of

direction, spatial orientation, and cognitive maps. Journal of Experimental Psychology: Human Perception and Performance 3(4): 590-8. Kuijt, I. and N. Goring-Morris (2002) Foraging, farming, and social complexity in the Pre-Pottery Neolithic of the southern Levant: A review and synthesis. Journal of World Prehistory 16(4): 361-440 Manning, S. W. (1991) Approximate calendar date for the first human settlement of Cyprus? Antiquity 65(4):870-6. McCartney, C. (1998) Preliminary report on the chipped stone assemblage from the Aceramic Neolithic site of Ayia Varvara Asprokremnos. Levant 30: 85-90 McCartney, C. (2005a) Chipped stone. In I. A. Todd (Ed.), Vasilikos Valley Project 7: Excavations at Kalavasos-Tenta, Volume II. (177-264). Sävedalen, Paul Aströms Förlag. McCartney, C. (2005b) Preliminary report on the resurvey of three Early Neolithic sites in Cyprus. In Report of the Department of Antiquities of Cyprus: 121. McCartney, C. and E. Peltenburg (2000) The colonization of Cyprus: questions of origins and isolation. NeoLithics 1/00: 8-11. McCartney, C., S. W. Manning, D. Sewell and S. T. Stewart (2006) Elaborating Early Neolithic Cyprus (EENC). Report of the Department of Antiquities of Cyprus: 39-62 Meltzer, D. J. (2002) What do you do when no one’s been there before? Thoughts on the exploration and colonization of new lands. In N. Jablonski (Ed.), The First Americans: The Pleistocene Colonization of the New World. (27-58). San Francisco, Memoirs of the California Academy of Sciences. Meltzer, D. J. (2003) Lessons in landscape learning. In M. Rockman and J. Steele (Eds.). Colonization of Unfamiliar Landscapes. (222-41). London/New York, Routledge. Peltenburg, E., S. Colledge, P. Croft, A. Jackson, C. McCartney and M. Murray (2000) Agro-pastoralist colonization of Cyprus in the 10th millennium BP: initial assessments. Antiquity 74: 844-53 Peltenburg, E., S. Colledge, P. Croft, A. Jackson, C. McCartney and M. Murray (2001) Neolithic dispersals from the Levantine Corridor: A Mediterranean perspective. Levant 33: 35-64 Raubal, M. and S. Winter (2002) Enriching wayfinding instructions with local landmarks. In M. J. Egenhofer and D. M. Mark (Eds.). GIScience 2002. (243-59). Berlin/Heidelberg, Springer Verlag. Redish, A. D. (1999) Beyond the Cognitive Map: From Place Cells to Episodic Memory. Boston, MIT Press. Rockman, M. (2003) Knowledge and learning in the archaeology of colonization. In M. Rockman and J. Steele (Eds.). Colonization of Unfamiliar Landscapes. (3-23). London/New York, Routledge. Rowlands, M. (1993) The role of memory in the transmission of culture. World Archaeology 25(2):141-51. Sevketoglu, M. (2002) Akanthou-Arkosyko (TatlisuCiftlikdüzü). The Anatolian connections in the 9th millennium BC. In W.H. Waldren and J.A. Ensenyat 334

LANDSCAPE LEARNING AND AN EPIPALAEOLITHIC OF CYPRUS 14). Malden, Blackwell. Vigne, J.-D., I. Carrere and J. Guilaine (2003) Unstable status of early domestic ungulates in the Near East: the example of Shillourokambos (Cyprus, IX-VIIIth millennia cal. B.C.). In J. Guilaine and A. Le Brun (Eds.). Le Néolithique de Chypre. (239-52). Athens, École Française d’Athènes. Watkins, T. (1992) The beginning of the Neolithic: Searching for meaning in material culture change. Paléorient 18(1): 63-75. Watkins, T. (2003) Memes, memeplexes and the emergence of religion in the Neolithic. In H.-G. Gebel, B. Dahl Hermansen and C. Jensen (Eds.). Magic Practices and Ritual in the Near Eastern Neolithic. (41-7). Berlin, ex oriente. Watkins, T. (2004a) Architecture and “theatres of memory” in the Neolithic of Southwest Asia. In E. DeMarrais, C. Gosden and C. Renfrew (Eds.). Rethinking Materiality: The Engagement of Mind with the Material Word. (97-106). Cambridge, McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research. Watkins, T. (2004b) Building houses, framing concepts, constructing worlds. Paléorient 30(1):5-24. Yates, F. A. (1966) The Art of Memory. London, Pimlico. Zohary, D. (1999) Monophyletic vs. polyphyletic origin of the crops on which agriculture was founded in the Near East. Genetic Resources and Crop Evolution 46(2):133-42.

(eds.). World Islands in Prehistory: International Insular Investigations (98-106). Oxford, BAR International Series. Simmons, A. H. (1999) Faunal extinction in an island society : pygmy hippopotamus hunters of Cyprus. Interdisciplinary contributions to archaeology. New York/London, Kluwer Academic/Plenum. Spence, J. D. (1985) The Memory Palace of Matteo Ricci. New York, Viking. Surovell, T. A. (1999) Modeling occupation intensity and small game use in the Levant. In J. D. Driver (Ed.), Zooarchaeology of the Pleistocene/Holocene Boundary. (31-6). Oxford, BAR International Series. Thomas, J. (1998) Some problems with the notion of external symbolic storage, and the case of Neolithic material culture in Britain. In C. Renfrew and C. Scarre (Eds.). Cognition and Material Culture: The Archaeology of Symbolic Storage. (149-56). Cambridge, McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research. Tolan-Smith, C. (2003) The social context of landscape learning and the lateglacial - early postglacial recolonization of the British Isles. In M. Rockman and J. Steele (Eds.). Colonization of Unfamiliar Landscapes. (116-29). London/New York, Routledge. Van Dyke, R. M. and S. E. Alcock (2003) Archaeologies of memory: an introduction. In R. M. Van Dyke and S. E. Alcock (Eds.). Archaeologies of Memory. (1-

Figure 1. Sites of the Cypriot Epipalaeolithic and Early Aceramic Neolithic mentioned in the text.

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Figure 2. Patterns of Landscape Learning. Adapted from Meltzer 2003: 225

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Myndos underwater research - 2006 Prof. Dr. Mustafa Şahin [email protected]

Serkan Gündüz Research Assistant, [email protected]

Erdogan Aslan Research Assistant, [email protected] Faculty of Arts and Sciences, Archaeology Department, 42031 Konya - Türkiye

Myndos is an ancient city in the region of Caria, which was established in the Gümüşlük village of Bodrum within the limits of today’s Mugla (Map 1).

In addition, it was found that the breakwater to the south east, which was built to protect the harbour from rough seas and raiding enemies, was in the most part still standing. Many amphorae were found at the entrance of the harbour.

Myndos, which was rebuilt with the support of the Carian Satrap Mausolos, was among modern cities of its time and the archeological heritage of Myndos is mostly from that structuring period. Myndos’s importance comes from its location; it serves as an important defense line against the attacks of enemies from the west of the capital city, Halikarnassos. Besides, Myndos is a prime candidate for underwater research because of its location on Mediterranean trade routes in the ancient world.

Underwater research in 2006 was started after a break in the 2005 season. Priority was given to the harbour entrance where earlier had taken place. The aim of the dives at the west coast of Tavsan Island was to explore the damage caused by yachts to the ancient harbour and pollution of the sea bed. The depth on the east side of the island is 18-20 m; the south side starts with a sharp slope for 18 meters and then continues with a lesser slope until 35 m; the west side is 14m deep and the north side ranges between 0.5 to 1 m in depth, due to the foundations of the strong city walls which were connected to the island from the mainland.

The main aim of the researches we conducted during 2006 off the Myndos coast was to learn more about the shores of Myndos. Torards that aim, four diving regions were determined; first around the Tavşan Island and at the entrance of the ancient harbour; second on the west coast, which was thought to be the second harbour; third on the south bay which was thought to have been used in the Bronze Age, and the fourth on the offshore wreck of Kızıl Burun (Fig. 1).

After a comprehensive underwater research all around Tavşan Island, dense architectural masses were found. Among these architectural masses, pieces of amphorae, ceramics and a cannon ball attracted attention (Fig. 3, Fig 4). At present, there still exist traces of a watchtower, parts of the city wall, a cistern, and marble blocks which might have belonged to a monumental building on Tavşan Island. The architectural material could probably have fallen into the sea either as a result of earthquake or human intervention. Most of the amphorae and ceramic pieces were found under those architectural fragments, indicating, of course, that the stones fell into the sea later than the ceramics. If the amphorae and ceramics could be dated by further investigations it would be possible to date the destruction event. The stone cannon ball was an interesting find. It was also clear that the many visiting yachts had polluted the sea bed (Fig.5).

The research which started in 2006 was not the first research at Myndos: the first was started by the Institute of Nautical Archaeology (INA)1 in 1980. During the research, approximately 10 amphorae were found; some of them were taken out of the sea and delivered to the Bodrum Underwater Archaeological Museum. Those amphorae found offshore were quite similar to those excavated from a 4th-century AD wreck near Yassiada by the University of Pennsylvania and later INA.2 Although the amphorae were dated to the 4th century, a margin of error of a century either way is important to take into consideration.3

The second diving region was around the breakwater at the entrance of the harbour. The breakwater could be partially seen above sea level. Under the sea we found several stone blocks that were tumbled haphazardly and belonged to the breakwater. One stone with two large holes could be an anchor or line weight (Fig 6). Amphorae and ceramic pieces were also seen here among the architectural blocks. This region’s depth is up to 18 meters with a sharp slope. The huge stone blocks that we thought belonged to the breakwater were found on the sea bed in a disturbed position.

Further underwater research at Myndos continued under the supervision of Prof. Dr. Mustafa Şahin in 2004.4 In the first season only the harbour region was searched. After these dives, the transit way known as the ‘King’s Road’ between the Tavşan Island and the mainland that confined the harbour in the east, and ended at the Tavsan Island, was found to be the base of the city walls (Fig. 2).

1

Rosloff 1981, 277. Rosloff 1981, 281 Fig. 6; Bass –Doorninck 1971, 27-37. Scorpan 1976, 158; Zemer 1977, 52. 4 Sahin 2006, 176. 2 3

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SOMA 2007 survey of a Bronze Age entrance that was in front of this natural bay (Fig 11). After the searches, similar block stones, but fewer than in other places, were found in this area as well. The ceramic finds were also indicators of a possible wreck here (Fig 12).

The second region of diving was chosen in an attempt to investigate a second harbour that could have belonged to the city (Fig. 7). We found many block stones at a depth of between 5 to 7 meters (Fig 8). Three walls in the bay and a column part gave the impression of a harbour structure or its breakwater. It is possible to propose that there is a second harbour on the west coast of Myndos. However, the blocks under the sea were so close to the coast that they could considered as a breakwater. To better observe the blocks, coordinates were established with the help of buoys. This helped to plot the position of the blocks from the coast (Fig 9).

The last diving region was the wreck off Kızılburun explored in the 2006 season (Fig. 13). The wreck lay on the sea bed at a depth of between 2 and 12 meters. Columns of the same size but different lengths and architectural blocks with different sizes extend from the wreck (Fig. 14, Fig. 15). Because the region of the wreck is far from the settlement, and there is no connection to the mainland, this shows that the architectural elements on the sea ground remains from a wreck. Thus, it is possible to define these architectural elements as the cargo of the wreck. According to this wreck, there is an important indication about a possible stone trade by sea route from Koyunbaba stone quarry. The exact results are only possible after analyzing the stone samples in next years.

The city walls start from Tavşan Island and run towards the acropolis in the north, before continuing westwards and running along coast to the south. They end after taking in the Kocadag peninsula to the south. However, some parts of the city walls to the west are not visible at sea level. This situation raised the question of whether the architectural blocks that we found during our 2006 underwater research could have belonged to the lost section of the city wall. Many architectural pieces among the blocks suggest that the shoreline had changed at some time. The structural blocks had architectural profiles, brackets and wall plugs, and as it would have been extremely difficult to transport the blocks to the sea because of their size and weight, the best assumption is to consider them as the lost city walls at this part.

Consequently, the underwater work that took place in the 2006 season has been useful in giving important insights towards determining future research sites and methods. It was also shown that there was not a second city harbour after the time of Mausolos. Bibliography Bass, G. and F.H. Jr. van Doorninck, “A Fourth-Century Shipwreck at Yassı Ada”, AJA 75.1, 1971, 27-37. Rosloff, J. P. “INA’s 1980 Turkish Underwater survey”, The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology and Underwater Exploration 10.4, 1981, 277 ff. Şahin, M. “Myndos 2004 Yılı Yüzey Araştırması”, 23. Araştırma Sonuçları Toplantısı, Antalya 2006, 176. Scorpan, C. “Origini si lineii evolutive in ceramica Romano-Bizantiana”, Pontica 9, 1976, 158. Zemer, A. Starage jars in Antiquity (Haifa 1977), 52.

It was concluded that Myndos in the Mausolos period did not have a second harbour. It is noteworthy that the distance between the blocks of the city walls and the coast shows an area of the mainland that was removed by the sea. If no action is taken at this place, it is inevitable that the Kocadag peninsula will become an island in the future. The bay to the south of the Kocadag peninsula was chosen as the 3rd diving region (Fig 10). The depth of the dives ranged between 5 to 20 meters. The main reason for choosing this place was the discovery during the 2005

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Phoenicians and Greeks in the Western Mediterranean: Interpretations and Re-interpretations Gabriella Sciortino Pompeu Fabra University, Department of Humanities, Barcelona, Spain [email protected]

Michał Krueger Scholarship holder of Spanish Agency for International Cooperation Pompeu Fabra University, Jaume Vicens i Vives University Institute of History, Barcelona, Spain [email protected]

survived to present times. It is equally important to remember that one has to pay particular attention to modern concepts which influenced the perception of the past.

Introduction The interaction between Phoenicians and Greeks is an issue which has generated a long debate.1 How those two ancient people conceived and developed their mutual relationship constitutes an important aspect of the “colonial encounters” discussion. The starting point for this discussion was the interpretation of literary sources considered to be the basis for the analysis of this subject.

Ancient colonization and the use of the past When we think of Phoenicians and Greeks in the Ancient Mediterranean, the first idea that comes to mind is obviously linked with the colonial phenomenon of the first millennium B.C. The term “colonial” is used in Mediterranean archaeology to describe situations in which people lived in a settlement established in a “foreign” region at some distance from their place of origin.8

The classical literary sources provide an ambiguous picture of the relationships between Phoenicians and Greeks. It is known that Greek identity shaped itself through analogy and polarity with the Other virtually since the Persian Wars (fifth century B.C.).2 However, one cannot ignore Rome’s ideological struggle against the Punic Carthage which significantly influenced the perception of Phoenicians. It is also necessary to consider the fact that a significant amount of sources relevant to our research appeared after the historical facts themselves, which in our case means after the colonial expansion.

The colonial semantics represents a problematic issue primarily due to the misleading translation by ancient authors in which the Greek term apoikía was “wrongly equated” with the Latin word colonia.9 Still, archaeology and history apparently used the term in a neutral way without the ideological understatement of the word colonization.10

Moreover, many scholars point to the heterogeneous nature of classical sources which cover an extended period of time.3 There may be different representations of Phoenicians in these texts, but the main inspiration for establishing the Phoenician “prototype” stems from Homeric epic.

The phenomenon of colonies in the Ancient World has been widely studied since the beginning of European colonial expansion. In the course of time those studies were charged with political and economic implications. Scholars used examples of ancient Mediterranean colonialism to justify colonial enterprises of the late nineteenth and early twentieth century. Thus it became a methodological problem where ancient people and relationships between them were meant to reflect the imperial present.

On the pages of the Odyssey and the Iliad Phoenicians appear as skilful sailors,4 gifted craftsman,5 patient traders,6 but also as pirates.7 On the other hand, both in commerce and in foreign affairs they are presented as equals to their partners. Also, according to classical sources the image of the Phoenician was inseparably associated with trade and navigation. It is important to stress at this point that we only have Greek sources at our disposal since Phoenician philological record has not

In fact, in the modern colonial project the official mission was to civilize the “backward indigenous” of the “new” countries. Consequently, the so-called “colonial divide” was the principal feature of colonial situations, where the relationships evolved between two constituents: the colonizers - holding a superior role - and the colonized representing the exact opposite, according to a binary

1

(Boardman 1968; Coldstream 1982; Niemeyer 2004; 2005) (Gosden 2004: 70; Hall 1989; Hartog 1980) 3 (Aubet 1997: 34; Bondì 1990: 255; Mazza 1995: 83; Musti 1991: 161) 4 (Od. XV, 415-416) 5 (Il. VI, 289-291) 6 (Od. XV, 461-466) 7 (Od. XIV, 286-300) 2

8

(van Dommelen 2002: 121; Gosden 2004: 2; Cordano 2000: 8) (De Angelis 1998: 539; Casevitz 1985: 54) 10 (Cordano 2000: 15; Dietler 1995: 92; Finley 1976:176; Frankenstein 1997; Lepore 1988: 213) 9

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PHOENICIANS AND GREEKS IN THE WESTERN MEDITERRANEAN: INTERPRETATIONS AND RE-INTERPRETATIONS of history: the eurocentrism. In fact this term describes the binary attitude of the West to consider European culture better then others.14 The idea of Ancient Greece as the cradle of Western civilization was used to define the identity of Europe itself particularly during the formation of new political entities which developed nationalistic movements.15 As it is known, nationalism has been linked to archaeology which was divided into three categories by Bruce Trigger: nationalist, colonialist and imperialist. From the ancient history perspective the Eurocentrism was converted into a Hellenocentric reading of Ancient Mediterranean through the meaningful tool of classical archaeology which regarded literary sources as the greatest “authority”.16 From this point of view the interpretation of the relationships between both colonial groups, Phoenicians and Greeks, were also expressed by a racial dichotomy where there existed Semitic Phoenicians on the one hand and Indo-European Greeks on the other.

system of analysis. This dualist representation of a colonial society reduced the colonial actors to isolated entities where the cultural contact has been perceived in terms of acculturation.11 The term describes a unilateral anthropological model devised in the first half of 20th century. It was applied to the Ancient World for a long time, even though it implied a mechanistic explanation of cultural encounters in accordance with the idea of a holistic culture. In this concept the indigenous are viewed as passive recipients only. in a quite different way, but widely present in the studies, also the Phoenicians appear frequently as the receptors of an “higher” culture: the Greek. The limits of this theoretical approach emerged during the process of decolonization (just after WW II), at the same that we see the influence of French philosophy and post-structuralism’s rejection of totalizing and essentialist concepts.12 Its rejection of definitions that claim to have discovered absolute “truths” created the base for a critical response to colonial legacy which influenced the political, social and economic world situation.

Reinterpretating: hybridity within the archaeological record We distinguish three key issues that help us to understand better the colonial past and therefore to rethink the relationships between Phoenicians and Greeks in the West. First of all, it is important to stress the difference between the colonial stages; in fact the colonial model inspired by classical writers seems to be unsatisfactory, especially when we consider the situation in the eight century. Thus it seems useful to revise some archaeological data in order to reconsider the hellenocentric interpretation. As it known, there are some sites in the Mediterranean where traditionally it was suggested a Phoenician and Greek “metoikia”, such as Al Mina or Pithekoussai, but all the evidence it was read in hellenocentric way. Finally, the source of intellectual thought provided by postcolonial approach could be widely applied due to its social and anthropological background. By presenting the case study of Phoenician skiphoi from Carthage, Motya, Sulcis and Toscanos, we would like to apply the cultural concept of “hybridity” in order to reinterpret the archaeological data.

Until then, archaeology and the past did not participated in this debate. It was only in the eighties, during the development of postprocessual approaches when archaeologists began to speak overtly about the social and political implications related to the studies of the past.13 Consequently, it was unveiled that archaeology played a leading role in the rise and subsequent spreading of Western imperialistic paradigms through its ability to legitimize current social structures. Postcolonial theory is closely related to the Western decolonization of the so-called “Third World” and to the criticism of colonialism, the latter trying to show how colonialism, as a political tool, has influenced our society. As C. Gosden said: “We are still wrestling with the economic, social and intellectual consequences of colonialism”. Postcolonial theory also emphasized the necessity of using meaningful tools of analysis while studying the Ancient World. It was clear that complex phenomena such as colonial encounters and colonial expansion needed a framework of studies which would be able to highlight the importance of a cultural perspective. Nowadays it is important to revise the historiography and its historical background in order to re-interpret Ancient phenomena.

Influenced by postcolonial thinking term hybridity has been used to understand diverse situations of cultural contact. This concept was uses among biologists already in the nineteenth century to indicate a cross between two animal or plant species. At that time social scientists used this concept in pejorative terms to denote a lack of racial purity.17 Nowadays, cultural studies are acutely aware of these racist connotations; thus the term has taken a positive meaning and is used to define the creation of new transcultural forms within the contact zone produced by colonialism or as the process of interaction that creates new social spaces to which new meanings are given.18

The implicit ideological conditionings in the historiography are the main preoccupation for two scholars: E. Said, the author of Orientalism, and M. Bernal, the author of Black Athena. The Afroasiatic Roots of Classical Civilization. Although using a different set of sources, both intellectuals stressed a key concept based on a binary approach which influenced the interpretation

14

(Held 1997: 255, Malkin 2004: 341) (Hall 1997: 6) 16 (Morris 1994: 11) 17 (Young 1994: 25-26) 18 (Ashcroft 1998: 118; van Dommelen 2006: 136) 15

11 12 13

(Cusick 1998: 126; Grouzinski and Rouveret 1976: 160-7) (Derrida 1993) (Van Pool and Van Pool 1999: 33)

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SOMA 2007 From a cultural perspective, according to the postcolonial theorist Homi Bhabha, hybridity results from the ambivalence created within the rules of recognition of dominating discourses as they articulate the signs of cultural differences.19 Peter van Dommelen adopted the concept of hybridity for archaeological theory. For him, the Bhabha’s concept is a source of inspiration, but his vision is slightly different. According to van Dommelen, cultural hybridity has some theoretical faults. First of all, he stresses that this concept is based on holistic idea of culture seen as a coherent and autonomous entity. Secondly, culture appears as monolithic protagonist where people are less important. For this reason he is using the term hybridization with an active meaning which points to the process of negotiation and interaction between social groups in a colony. In this way he uses hybridization as an approach consistent with postcolonial theory which postulates a conceptual reorientation by creating alternative histories and knowledge. He believes that colonial situations were created by both the indigenous and those who colonised, where the mixture of differences and similarities enabled to develop new cultural norms, identities and traditions. Consequently, the archaeological record can therefore be considered as the effect of practice of mixed origins and can be regarded as a hybrid construct with a totally new meaning.

both features: Greek shape and Phoenician decoration. It is probable that the introduction of this new ceramic form reflected more complex social negotiations in the colonial settlements than the simple need for a new useful form.22 We would also like to stress that wine plant, known in the East already in III millennium, was transported by the Phoenicians to the Western Mediterranean at the beginning of the first millennium.23 The settlements where Phoenician skiphoi were found are situated mostly in the central Mediterranean: Carthage, Mozia, Sulcis and Toscanos, sites founded by the Phoenicians. The geographical position of Carthage made the development of the maritime trade possible and that is the reason for the huge presence of Greek imports, normally of Corinthian and Euboean provenience.24 In Carthage the existence of 46 fragments of Phoenician skiphoi was testified.25 They come from three urban areas and only one fragment from the local necropolis. Unfortunately, there is no data about the archaeological context in which this fragment was found. However, the stylistic similarity allows to limit its chronology to the period between the sixth and the beginnings of the fifth century. With regard to the rest of fragments, Ch. Briese and R. Docter dated them back to the third quarter of the 8th and 6th century (area of Decumanus Maximus-Cardo X), 7th and beginnings of 6th (area of Quartier Magon) and 6th and 5th century (area of Rue Seprime Sévère).26 They also claim that skiphoi represents a novelty in the Phoenician repertory. It was adopted at the end of the 8th century and developed during the 7th. The skiphos is one of the three Greek forms present in the Phoenician body of pottery with kotylai and aryballoi. Those scholars connect the large use of skiphos with the adoption of Greek drinking habits. Following the Coldstream’s classification, they interpret the Phoenician skiphoi as an “adaptation” of Greek vessel.27

Archaeological data: the case of skiphos The skiphos is a two-handled deep wine-cup with a low flanged base which belongs to the Greek set of recipients produced since the Geometric period. Its function is directly connected with wine consumption. It is well known that wine consumption was not only a simple act of drinking, it was a social act with own rules and actors: an occasion to establish social and political relationships. Drinking in the ancient society represented a ritual and, as M. Dietler wrote, “the power of feasts as a form of ritual activity derives from the fact that food and drink serve as the medium of expression and commensal hospitality constitutes the syntax in the context of a consumption ritual which is a prominently political activity”.20 The symposium was of great importance and similarily drinking cups chosen to celebrate it possessed a symbolic value.21 Now focusing attention on the drinking vessels we can differentiate between Greek and Phoenician cups.

Another settlement which shows the presence of Phoenician skiphoi is Mozia situated on the small island in a lagoon on the western part of Sicily. The Phoenician skiphoi come from the archaic necropolis showing the earliest phases of Phoenician occupation.28 The area of the archaic necropolis was divided into four topographic zones, although it was the same context: 1) 2) 3) 4)

The Greek skiphos was widely spread through the Mediterranean, then it was passed to the Phoenician repertory where we can find three own kinds of drinking vessels: Samarian bowl, “carinated bowl” and “cap shape vessel” known in the whole Mediterranean region. The last type could be an inspiration for the creation of the hybrid form which we are going to present. Effectively, among the drinking vessels in colonial contexts we can find also a different type of a drinking cup which presents

Place of blaze Archaic tombs under the protection wall Ditch Tombs found in the old excavation of Whitaker.

The Phoenician skiphoi belong to the area of archaic tombs under the protection wall29 and proceed from: 22

(Vives-Ferrándiz Sánchez 2005: 212) (Guerreo Ayuso 1995: 78) 24 (Domínguez Monedero 2003: 25-6) 25 (Briese and Docter 1998: 188-91, fig.14-18) 26 (Briese and Docter 1998: 197-9) 27 (Briese and Docter 1998: 201; Coldstream 1979: 268) 28 (Domínguez Monedero 2003: 27) 29 (Tusa 1972: 35) 23

19

(Bhabha 1985: 110; van Dommelen 2005: 117) (Dietler 1995: 97-98; Dietler 2001: 1-2) 21 (Domínguez Monedero 1995: 33) 20

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PHOENICIANS AND GREEKS IN THE WESTERN MEDITERRANEAN: INTERPRETATIONS AND RE-INTERPRETATIONS tomb 3,30 tomb 5,31 tomb 6,32 tomb 10.33 They were interpreted as Greek pottery or generically with “Greek taste”.34

Conclusions The archaeological record we have shown in this paper is not a novelty for archaeologists; recently it was deeply studied by C. Briese and R. Docter in an article of 1998. We consider that it is an interesting material to propose a new interpretation. As we have seen, the current implicit or explicit interpretations of Phoenician skiphoi appear linked with a helleno-centric framework of analysis. During our revision, we have noticed that all the interpretations masked old concepts. In fact the definitions of this archaeological data as expressions of “adaptation”, “derivation” and “imitation” belong to the approach known as acculturation. In this way Phoenician skiphos was mostly considered as an imitation of Greek prototype. The idea of imitation implicates the existence of an ideal superior prototype which is linked with a concept of supremacy of one determined culture, the Greek in this case.

Sulcis set also in a small island called Sant’Antioco near the southwest coast of Sardinia was an important Phoenician point of trade in the Mediterranean. In this site the Phoenician skiphoi were found in the Cronicario area, the archaic urban area. The scholars who studied Sulcis claimed that it had connections with Euboean world through Pithekoussai.35 The archaeologists who excavated the site have considered Sulcis as a mixed settlement with regard to the presence of a great amount of Greek pottery. P. Bernardini interprets the Phoenician skiphoi as imitations with some “formal and decorative influence of late geometric”.36 According to him they show influences from thapsos cup37 and with Euboean production38 but in a Phoenician taste where the most important referent will be in Al Mina.39 Another scholar, C. Tronchentti, in an article from 2000 analyses importations and imitations of Sulcis. When he talks about Phoenician skiphoi he specifies that it is better to use the term of “derivations” than imitations.40

The chronology of these skiphoi, dated to between 8th and 7th century, belongs to the first stage of colonial expansion. It could be possible to presuppose the existence of joint ventures of Greek and Phoenician sailors just at the beginning of colonial adventure. The dynamic colonial society created, through the contact, new kinds of social and economic relationships. From this perspective Phoenician skiphoi could be interpreted as new hybrid objects where known cultural elements flown together. Considering the “polymorphic” social situation of the first period of colonial expansion and using a multidisciplinary approach, Phoenician skiphoi could be seen as the result of a process in which this innovative “hybrid shape” could indicate a new system of social values. The drinking act connected with functional use of the skiphos could hide new social relationships.

Finally, the last settlement which indicates the presence of Phoenician skiphoi is Toscanos, situated in the Southeast coast of Iberian Peninsula. The site is set on a hill in the mouth of Vélez River, near to Málaga. Its chronology goes to the first half 8th century and shows elements of very early urbanization. In fact this site was also very important to understand colonial Phoenician architecture and it also known for his warehouse placed next to the harbour, just where Phoenician skiphoi were found. The wares, 78 fragments in total,41 should be dated to the 7th century; however the Greek forms that inspired them are older.42 The production method, the clay, the firing technique and engobe is typical for the West Phoenician products; only the shape keeps Greek form (skiphos).43 To explain the presence of this pottery, P. Rouillard claims that in Andalusian coast could be worked a Phoenician craftsman who was imitating Greek vessels for the Greeks settled in Iberian Peninsula.44

Although the previous studies concerning Phoenician skiphoi are very composite and detailed, we think that it is always important to extend the angle of our perception and view the problem from different perspectives, especially in the case of the social relations in the colonial contexts.

30

(Tusa 1972: 38-39, pl. XCI, 1) (Tusa 1972 : 41, pl. XXXI, 2) (Tusa 1972 : 42, pl. XCII, 1) 33 (Tusa 1972 : 45, pl. XCII, 2) 34 (Tusa 1972: 80) 35 About the general issue of Phoenician-Ebouean relationship in the first stages of colonial phenomena see: (Coldstream 1982; Shefotn 1982; Riis 1982; Bisi 1983; Moscati 1986). About the debite of a Greek presence in Sulcis see: (Bernardini 2000 Tronchetti 1979; Bernardini 1988; Domínguez Monedero 2003: 24-25). 36 (Bernardini 1988: 77) 37 (Bernardini 1988: 81, fig. 2 b-d, p. 87, pl. XXI 2-4; pl. XXV, 1); see also (Pelagatti 1976: 129, fig. 6) 38 (Bernardini 1988: 82, fig. 3, b-d, 88, pl. XXII, 2-4); see Pelagatti (1976: 117, pl. 18-19) 39 (Riis 1982: 240, fig. 2) 40 (Tronchetti 2000: 347) 41 (Briese and Docter 1998: 177-88, fig. 3-13) 42 (Domínguez and Sánchez 2001: 31) 43 (Rouillard 1990: 182) 44 (Rouillard 1990: 182)

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Importance of ethical archeological studies for cognitive evolution Şükran Sevimli Ph.D. Deontology and History of Medicine Department, 100. Year University Faculty of Medicine Van/Turkey [email protected]

Introduction The archeological studies have provided us the detailed information about the cognitive evolution which human beings go through. The demolition of the archeological products, their misrepresentation about representing in accordance with the original, these approaches that prevent people from understanding the values formed by the human being provide us to understand the triangle of culture-knowledge-consciousness besides the biological development in other words biological evolution of the human being. However, the individuals who did not reach to the consciousness point at issue, namely consciousness of being a human or the individuals who did not understand the human being namely himself / herself, the person who takes the celestial role on himself / herself and the societies took the mission of preventing this and did not leave any chance for this opportunity. In this context, the execution forms have been transformed parallel to the cognitive evolution of the human being and parallel to the perception and interpretation of individual about human being, nature and life in general.

The excavation studies made in the area of archeology has provided us the opportunity to get acquainted with our past, ourselves in the past, with our evolution. The discoveries, written tablets, devices, mediums and architectural structures derived from the excavations point at issue have enabled us to know our history, which also indicates the opportunity to understand ourselves, namely the human being. The real objective of archeology is to discover the achievements, architectural structures, the devices they use, their approaches to the nature, their knowledge about the nature, their lives, rituals and symbols regulated around the knowledge; to understand for what reasons they are performed and elucidate them. M. Kemal Atatürk says that: “Writing history is as important as making history”. In other words, it is the independence of archeology and it is to give opportunity to archeologists without feeling drawback, concern to elucidate without bending/crooking in other words to elucidate in accordance with the original. In this context, it is essential to grasp the understanding of ethics in Kant and his followers. “Act only according to that maxim whereby you can at the same time will that it should become a universal law”. In our article, the reasons why the archeological studies should be acceptable to the ethical principles and whether the execution forms of the societies give opportunity to the ethical studies or not will be dealt with. What is evolution and revolution? Evolution is the qualitative and quantitative changing process come into existence in accordance with the time parameter. In this context evolution includes both the biological and cognitive processes. According to time and place as it is mentioned in the study of Thomas Wynn “Archeology and Cognitive Evaluation”.1 With admitting the fact that biological evolution belongs to the all living creatures, the human being parallel to his / her mind go through the cognitive evolution2 thanks to his / her consciousness which provide thinking, understanding, collecting, accumulating, transferring, teaching and making synthesis. In other words, cognitive evolution is a result of the ability of human being in understanding and evaluating the nature and himself / herself3.4

On the other hand, different from evolution, revolution simply aims at the cognitive progress and provides fast, entrenched and qualitative change. Revolution means “any total and complete change”.5 In this context, the revolution movements intend to provide alteration in the ideological and political practices of the central authority. Whether, the revolutions provide what is aimed at or not, execution formed by it plan to affect their time period strongly and sharply in the context of the political understanding.

1

Wynn T.(2002) Archaeology and cognitive evolution, To be published in Behavioural and Brain Sciences, Cambridge University Press. 2 Donald, M. (1993) Human Cognitive Evolution: What We Were, What We Are Becoming, Social Research, 60: 143-170. 3 Sevimli S.(2005) The Concept of Hygiene and Its Evolution In Anatolian Civilizations. Unpublished PhD Thesis, University of Cukurova /Turkey . 4 Piaget Piaget’s Stages of Cognitive Development,

http://www.piaget.org/publications.html 10.04.2007 5 http://www.answers.com/revolution#after_ad1 21.05.2007

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IMPORTANCE OF ETHICAL ARCHEOLOGICAL STUDIES FOR COGNITIVE EVOLUTION kleptocracy, tyranny, dictatorship; oligarchy11 etc. On the basis of the dictating apprehension, there lays the will of the dictator to realization of only himself / herself. Dictatorship wants to create a new myth.12 The will of the dictatorship regime is presented as if it was the necessity, indispensable, what should be done for the development of the society and through this it aims to obtain followers which brings the legitimization of the politics and policies of the existing government. In other words, the regime of dictatorship is a form of government which is constituted after or/and through the process of democracy and expression of the human rights, dictated to the people, tried to impose its legitimization with using coercive power, does not recognize any legitimization out of its own and does not let to be recognized by others and accordingly impeded to the natural development process of the human being, shaped the human being according to its own desires. When the expressions have used by the dictators are taken into consideration, we see that they often use declarations like: “my people”, “ I am struggling for my people”, “my people wants armed struggle, that’s why we struggle on the mountains”, “we are killing, make killed people for the rights of my people”, “the case of my people”. These expressions have megalomaniac content and a clear declaration of the hierarchical structure. Sovereign looks for historical support to also make society accept these megalomaniac expressions. Accordingly, dictator’s providing and orienting domination not only over his / her present time but also over the past appeared as a necessity for his / her legitimacy. Consequently, he / she accept the history and archeology as one of the essential characteristics of his / her legitimization process. That’s why, they have always used archeology to serve their interests.13

The mentality brought by revolution has affected the studies carried out in the field of archeology and the expressions; and the effects would also be observed after the revolution. As a result of this, the mistakes made by the existing central authority projected on behalf of the holy reasons would generally be effective after the shift in the political system. Therefore, the expressions and the articles which include disparities have not been declared to be false, quite the reverse the holiness would be replicated. Some of the revolutions and their leaders in this context make the expression of evolution hard to grasp. For instance, Stalin and The Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, Franco Spain,6 Mao Zedong and China, Ferdinand Emmanuel Edralín Marcos and The Philippines, Adolf Hitler and Germany, Gree,7 Italy8…etc. However, it is seen that the revolutions occurred in some societies do not include formations which will effect the expression of evolution in a negative way. For instance, after the collapse of the Ottoman Empire as a result of the occupation and winning the Turkish Independence War; a revolution has been made by changing the Ottoman state system and state understanding. The leader of the revolutions, M. Kemal Atatürk, adopted the Republic and the secular mentality. For this reason, the revolution has been made in the fields of political, social, educational, economic and law. In this context, instead of ”destructing history”, the mentality of “understanding history” have been adopted. Archeology was an uncharted field in the Ottoman Empire and as a result there were not an archeology education. Several teenagers have been sent to abroad for taking archeology education. Ekrem Akurgal,9 who has a respected name in the field of archeology, is one of them. Central Authority and Archeology

The studies held in this context shows that dictators intervene the archeology area, accordingly the works of archeologists to legitimize and strengthen their own ideologies. The pressures formed in the archeology field come up under two main themes. The first one is that archeologists have been subdued; the ones who have not accepted the pressure have been fired, killed. Secondly, the archeological works have been distorted and demolished, tried to be annotated differently, attempt to be denoted with false or / and deficient information.14 The studies held on this context shows that, the dictators in the places like Europe, The Balkans, China, America and India who obtain the central government have oriented the history and archeology in accordance with their own feelings and ideas. The German archeology is

The relation between evolution and revolution, the approaches and effects of the execution forms to the archaeology studies would be briefly mentioned above. The regimes point at issue, namely the ideology and politics adopted by the central authority would always affect the studies of archeology whether in a negative or in a positive manner. The totalitarian regimes point at issue are expressed under several names according to their different elaboration qualifications. These are autocracy, fascism,10 6

Diaz-Andreu M.,, Sanchez M. R. (2004) Archaeological Resource Management Under Franco’s Spain: The Comisaria General de Excavaciones Arqueologicas. In Michael Galaty and Charles Watkinson (eds.) Archaeology Under Dictatorship, New York: Kluwer/Plenum. pp.109-119. 7 Kokkinidou D. Nikolaidou M.(2004) On the Stage and Behind the Scenes: Greek rchaeology in Times of Dictatorship In Michael Galaty and Charles Watkinson (eds.) Archaeology Under Dictatorship, New York: Kluwer/ Plenum. pp.155-190 8 Munzi M.(2004) Italian Archaeology in Libya: From Colonial Romanita to Decolonization of the Past In Michael Galaty and Charles Watkinson (eds.) Archaeology Under Dictatorship, New York: Kluwer/ Plenum. pp.73 9 Akurgal E.(2000) Akurgal A. Anadolu Uygarlıkları, 7. Baskı, İstanbul, Net Turistik Yayınları. 10 Begg I. D. J. (2004) Fascism in the Desert: A Microcosmic View of Archaeological Politics In Michael Galaty and Charles Watkinson (eds.)

Archaeology Under Dictatorship, New York: Kluwer/ Plenum. pp. 1929 11 http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kleptocracy 21.05.2007 12 Dikes O. (2004)The Trojans in Epirus: Archaeology, Myth and Identity in Inter-War Albania In Michael Galaty and Charles Watkinson (eds.) Archaeology Under Dictatorship, New York: Kluwer/ Plenum.pp.33-39 13 Arnold B. (2004) Dealing with the devil: the Faustian bargain of archaeology under dictatorship. In Michael Galaty and Charles Watkinson (eds.) Archaeology Under Dictatorship, New York: Kluwer/Plenum. pp. 191-212. 14 Michael Galaty and Charles Watkinson (2004) Archaeology Under Dictatorship, pp. New York: Kluwer/Plenum. 2004.

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SOMA 2007 deformed and destroyed in Hitler, just like the Soviet archeology in Stalin and Italian archeology in Libya, the Greek archeology again had faced with the similar situations in the dictatorship period. In this period, the archeologists had been fired, killed or / and had served to strengthen the policies, ideology of the dictatorship regime which results in the interference of the field of archeology in particular and all humanity in general. However, after situation that the dictatorship had replaced with the democratic regime, the discourse in the field of archeology and accordingly in the field of history has gone ahead without changing which reveals a contradictory situation. This situation derived from the fact that, the question of ”what is human being?” cannot be answered adequately and consequently the human being as a biological entity could not be grasped efficiently.

tended to make sentences and construct the grammar structure. However, as it is known today, they have formed differences in the grammar structures of languages, namely, differences in the construction plan of the sentences. Why the human being with the same basic biological structure put differences in the grammar structure of the language; is that situation derived from the variety of psycho-social dimension which is affected by the climate? It would be more beneficial to look for the reasons for diversifying, enriching the language rather than building up behaviors by discriminating. It would give opportunity to formation of generalized research, namely, generalized action mentioned by Kant. Conclusion and Evaluation The characteristics of archeology excavation and reporting in accordance with methodology of science and ethics of science would be helpful to make human being understand his / her past and to clarify the phases. As it is mentioned in the abstract, archeology would give detailed information on the subjects stated below: discoveries, geography, climate and natural resources, war, invasion and migrations. Moreover, it would be beneficial as it makes us understand at a certain geography in which time period or/and phase that human being had lived, it puts clear information on the development of human mind, concretizes the relation between evolution and revolution; and it provides assistance us to produce rational knowledge about future. In this context, it a necessity to decide the excavation fields of the archeologists, to initiate the excavation, to put out the discoveries without breaking, harming, to date, to prepare and publishing the laboratory examinations and reports in terms of the principles of research and broadcast ethics. The field of archeology is interested and influence human being directly without regarding religion, language, race, ethnic origins just like the other branches of science.

Central Authority and Democracy In the democratic regimes, archeology have tried to be directed towards the will of the governors. For this reason, deformed interpretations have been made in the field of archeology. However, the deformations in the secular and democratic regimes have not been permanent and made apposite to the original and have been making. Different from dictatorship regimes,15 in the democratic regimes, as the society is more susceptible to understand human being as a biological entity, these regimes have denied these discriminatory, differentiated approaches. Ethics and Evolution One of the most essential results of the ethical evaluations is in the expression of the evolutionary process. Ethics is to accept the universal values instead of the moral values and act upon the common value system which is formed without omitting the human rights.16 To put it briefly, it is to accept human kind without discriminating nationality, religion, occupation, ethnic origin or race. It is to look after the identity of being human beyond all these identities. In this context, the ethical principles17 are operating according to the principle of correct information, excavating and expressing and evaluating the archeological discoveries which obtained in the excavations,18.19 The studies in this context enable us to be informed correctly about the development steps and phases of the human being’s development; and enable us to see the interaction between the geography, climate and human being. It also helps us about grasping the differences in the development steps of the human being. For instance, the human being have made the voices, then formed the words and construed meanings to these words,

Any discoveries belong to the human being should not be demolished, there should be any dating or / and evaluation which is not conformable to the original, the discoveries point at issue should not be used for proving the legitimacy of a group or dictator and this should not be allowed. In this context, the importance of archeology in the explanation of ethics and evolution relation could be emphasized and even training could be given. Just as Kant claims, a generalized action / research is closely related to the consciousness of being human and ethical archeological studies provide appearance of the researches with the generalized results. Not interfering with the ethical principles, being helpful both to the excavation discoveries and to humanity, to treat human being of the past, present and future fair, honest who prepare the present time and future, not to violate the right of accurate information would provide the autonomy of human being for the neutral studies. When the archeology studies are performed within the framework of ethical principles, it would provide essential contributions to the apprehension of the evolution, and especially the cognitive evolution.

15

Roberts D.D.(2007) Comment: Fascism, Single-Party Dictatorship, and the Search for a Comparative Framework, Journals of Cambridge.P:455461 http://journals.cambridge.org/ 05.10.2007 16 Ucl Institute of Archaeology. (2000) The Institute of Archaeology and the Illicit Trade in Antiquities. 17 Ede J. (1998) Ethics, The Antiquities Trade and Archaeology International Cultural Property Society. pp.128 18 Dunnell R.C.(1984) The Ethics of Archaeological Significance Decisions. In: Gren E (ed) Ethics and Values In Archaeology. pp.62 19 AIMA Code of Ethics

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Dying to be Different: Performance and Social Differentiation in Prepalatial Crete Kathryn Soar University of Nottingham, Department of Archaeology

Performances are dramatisations of the moral and aesthetic values of a society. Each person involved within these performances is thus enacting and experiencing their ideologies and cultural ideals in uniquely explicit ways (Inomata & Coben 2006:22).

Introduction: Performance The role of public ceremony, ritual, and performance has often been considered epiphenomenal in terms of political and social organisation (Inomata and Coben 2006:11), with the focus of most archaeologists being on administrative and economic systems. However, in the past few years, an interest in the archaeology of performance has begun to emerge. The aim of this paper, therefore, is to analyse performance as a subject worthy of investigation in its own right. Performance, uniquely placed within society as it is, offers an alternative method for deducing ideologies and cultural attitudes.

I wish to use this idea of performance, in particular, the enactment of ideologies, to discuss a particular casestudy: performance in funerary ritual during the Prepalatial period of Minoan Crete. Prepalatial Crete The Prepalatial period of Minoan Crete lasted roughly from 3100 BC to 1900 BC, and encompassed the Early Minoan (EM) I, II, III and Middle Minoan (MM) IA periods.

Performance, as Richard Schechner put it, is ‘an organised human behaviour before witnesses’, but the backdrop to this, the social and physical conditions, also have to be understood in order to contextualise this organised behaviour (Letesson & Vansteenhuyse 2006:95). Performance is a form of cultural production. It creates its meaning by working with both material and intellectual resources. In this devised world, set apart from normal quotidian existence, all the elements – such as site, environment, technology, spatial organisation, form and content – are conceived, organised, controlled and ultimately experienced by its participants (Pearson & Shanks 2001: 27). Its meaning, both to the participants and also to the archaeologist, is defined by its emotional and communicative impact (Coben 2006: 223). Performance functions as an act of transfer – it transmits social knowledge, memory and a sense of identity through reiterated behaviour (Taylor 2002: 45).

The settings of these performances are the Prepalatial cemetery sites of south-central Crete and northern and eastern Crete – the tholos tombs and the house tombs respectively. It has been argued elsewhere (Soles, in Branigan 1995:45; Soles 1986: 60; Murphy pers. comm.) that the differences in architecture are just one facet of a distinction between the two areas. They represent an aspect of the more fundamental variations in the social structures of the associated communities. It has been suggested, for example, that the cultural groups associated with the tholos tombs in South-Central Crete were more egalitarian, with the community as a whole representing the most important social unit, while the communities associated with the house tombs of eastern Crete were divided into hierarchies (Murphy pers. comm.) The evidence for this argument comes from the material remains, such as the goods deposited within the tombs themselves, the architecture of the tombs, along with their spatial setting, and the skeletal evidence. Here, I contend that one can also observe performative differences between the tholos culture and the society that used house tombs. I argue here that the performances at the respective mortuary sites reflect the ideologies of the specific cultural groupings, and that these ideologies were born at the same time, from the same impetus, but that in outcome they were very different.

These events have a profound implication for the understanding of any society, particularly in terms of the integration of communities and the establishment and maintenance of asymmetrical power relations (Inomata & Coben 2006:12). In a pre-modern society without a writing system, or where a large proportion of the population was illiterate, performances may have had even greater social effects, acting as non-verbal communication vehicles for prevailing ideologies. Following Inomata and Coben (2006), my research focuses on the idea of performance as a large-scale nonquotidian act, which includes elements of theatricality. This focus on large scale events is not intended to marginalise smaller ones in terms of political significance, rather that the transient nature of performance means that it is those performances conducted on a larger scale that would leave a more visible trace in the archaeological record.

Let us first examine the evidence for performances at these specific sites. Tholos Tombs The tholos tombs of Crete are circular tombs, first constructed in the EM I period, c.3100-2900 BC. The primary region for the development of the tholos tombs is 351

SOMA 2007 Therefore, an analysis of the artistic and architectural evidence leads us to the conclusion that dance is the primary performance which occurred at the tholos tombs.

south-central Crete, particularly the region of the Mesara plain (Branigan 1993). The earliest tholos tombs show a remarkable uniformity in their construction, with the primary features being a rounded chamber and a small anteroom. In the EM II period, c. 2900-2300 BC, anthropo- and zoomorphic figurines first appear within and outside the tombs. It is from these figurines that we deduce that performances not only occurred at the tholos tombs, but also the form that these performances took. One particular example, although tentatively dated to considerably later than the earliest phases of the tholos tombs, comes from the site of Kamilari. This figurine depicts four people who hold each other by the arms and shoulders surrounded by a low wall decorated with Horns of Consecration. All the figures are nude. Their heads are either covered in peaked caps (Marinatos 1993:22), or have a lock of hair projecting from the top of their heads (Lefèvre-Novaro 2001:90). The latter seems more likely as hairstyles carry important symbolic significance in Minoan iconography (Davis 1986; Koehl 1986). Most archaeologists concur that this group represents people dancing (Branigan 1993: 130; La Rosa 1985: 142). Its archaeological context – the tholos tomb itself - and imagery also suggests a setting for these performances – the courtyards, or paved areas of the tholos tombs.

House Tombs House tombs are the form of burial architecture commonly found at sites in eastern and northern Crete, the cemetery on Mochlos being a classic example. These are rectangular built tombs, which can either be freestanding buildings or burial complexes (Soles 1992). Unlike the tholos tombs of south-central Crete, no representations of performance have been found here. Thus it is through the architecture itself that we must discern if performance took place, and what form it would have taken. Tomb Complex IV/V/VI from the West Terrace of the Mochlos cemetery provides the earliest such evidence for possible performance. This tomb stands at the upper northern end of the West Terrace, and consists of three separate compartments, which should be considered one building (Soles 1992: 51). The date for the construction of the tomb and the tomb architecture is estimated to be EM IIA, to which the original burial deposit in Compartment VI belongs. Here, a small court complex was discovered outside the tomb. Four steps led to a paved area, a walkway or pavement, which lay along the façade of the tomb. This paved avenue ends at a corner stand, a small rectangular platform, on which fragments of stone vases were found. This platform is situated directly outside the entrance to the tomb, and has been interpreted as an altar (Soles 1992: 57). A raised terrace, perhaps intended to accommodate spectators, overlooked this small court. Thus what we appear to have at this tomb is a paved avenue of approach, possibly a ceremonial entrance, leading to the tombs. There is an ascending ramp, a raised terrace for spectators and an altar, which may have been the objective of those following the path.

Absent from the original tholos tomb architecture, the paved area first appears in EM II at the tomb Platanos B (Branigan 1993:129). Here the enclosure extends between the two largest tombs, A and B. At other tholoi, the enclosure extends all around the tombs in the cemetery. At Koumasa, for example, bluish slate paving extends over an area of at least 50m x 6m, a size which suggests considerable effort was put into its construction (Branigan 1998:21). Other courtyards are also paved, such as Platanos, where the paving consists of slabs of green slate above a foundation of stones and clay (Murphy 2003:269). Courtyards at Apesokari A and B are also paved. Other courtyards, although not paved with slate, have other introduced floor materials. The enclosed area at Kamilari was apparently not paved, whilst at Moni Odigytria, a pebble surface was laid down within a boundary wall, and at Ayia Kyriaki, a surface of levelled and beaten soil was found within an enclosure wall (Bardsley 2004:22).

The paved area which lies alongside the façade of the tomb is between 1.40 and 1.64 m in width, while the terrace which overlooks the tomb is 1.80 – 2.00m wide. This suggests that a slightly larger group could assemble on the terrace at any one time than could approach the tomb along the pavements. This evidence indicates that processions were the form of performance which occurred here.

As previously stated the construction of these courtyards, paved or not, first develops in EM II at Platanos and Ayia Kyriaki, and continues into the MM I period, such as at Apesokari. They were a developmental feature of the tholos tombs, rather than a primary feature of the cemetery from the beginning (Branigan 1993:129). These enclosed areas do not appear at every tholos tomb site – they are represented, as far as the evidence will allow, at only 6 of over 70 known tombs. Wherever they appear, the enclosed areas are large enough to accommodate a gathering of considerable numbers of people, possibly the entire community. It is on these paved courtyards that dancing is thought to have occurred.

Similar architectural structures and layouts have been found at other House Tomb sites. At Myrtos Pyrgos (Cadogan 1977: 71), a flight of steps descends from the top of a hill to the end of a paved road, which culminates in a small courtyard in front of an EM III/MM Ia tomb. Inside the courtyard was found a bench and kernoi (ritual vessels with small vases attached in a ring, presumably for libations) (Soles 1992: 221). Similar architectural features – a paved way, culminating at a specific spot or feature – appear at Archanes-Phourni (Sakellarakis & Sapouna-Sakellarakis 1991:98), Chrysolakkos (Pelon et 352

DYING TO BE DIFFERENT: PERFORMANCE AND SOCIAL DIFFERENTIATION IN PREPALATIAL CRETE 2005:60). It has been argued that the development of sealstones marks a rise in the social role of the individual, at least for certain members of EBA society (Branigan 1995:38). Another factor which may bear this out is the change from large-sized, communal drinking vessels to the smaller, individual stemmed goblet. This has been interpreted as a development from communal, group feasting and drinking activities wherein the group would share the same cup, to ceremonies where the participants would have their own drinking vessel (Day & Wilson 2002:151).

al 1992: 83) and Gournia (Soles 1979: 161). The majority of these sites belong to the mid- to late Prepalatial, with two built in EM II, two in EM III, and three more built in MM Ia. None of the cemetery sites with evidence for processional ways can be dated after the beginning of the protopalatial period (c.1900BC-1700BC). As with the tholos tombs, the areas which are set aside or built specifically for performance are not standard features of all the tombs. Thus the architectural evidence from the house tombs concludes that processions, in comparison to dance, are the primary form of performance in these cultural areas.

The development of monumental architecture is also attested in the EM II period. Although in the Mesara region the tholos tombs are the most monumental form of architecture, elsewhere in Crete there is evidence for impressive building works. At Knossos, a monumental LShaped platform was built (Branigan 1995:35), and monumental walls have been found in buildings at Palaikastro and possibly Tylissos (Schoep 1999: 270). Also at Knossos, an ambitious building programme and large-scale reorganisation of the settlement was undertaken, wherein the hilltop was levelled for further building and houses for settlement terraced on the slopes around it (Schoep 1999:270). These developments may be the result of population growth and settlement of new sites in EM II, and they may attest to the possible emergence of a form of central authority (Wilson and Day 1991:85).

Early Minoan II We can see from an overview of the evidence that two different forms of performance – dance and procession – occur at the cemetery sites of south-central and northern/eastern Crete, presumably, although not exclusively, as part of funerary ritual. It also appears that these features first appeared in the archaeological record in the EM II period. This is not to say that these performances did not occur before this, but that by EM II they had achieved a significance which meant they would become a permanent feature in the architecture of the tombs. Thus EM II would seem to have a key role in the development of these performances. This leads to the question – what is going on in EM II? Changes in the social structure begin to appear across Crete during this period. These changes will be examined here briefly, as it is against this contextual backdrop that the development and role of performance should be understood. If these performances are in some way a reaction to these developments, then what does the form of the specific performance tell us about the ideologies of these social groupings?

So what do the divergent forms of performance which developed against this contextual background suggest about Early Minoan ideologies? Dancing We have seen that dancing is the most likely form of performance which occurred at the tholos tombs. The form these particular dances took was probably the circle dance – certainly, the Kamilari figurine would suggest that, as well as the shape of the dancing areas. Although it is quite a leap of faith to suggest that Prepalatial dance was circular in nature on the basis of few pieces of evidence, developments in the theory and anthropology of dance provide a firm basis for suggesting that the dances may have been circular. There is also much crosscultural and ethnographic evidence for circular dances in the artistic repertoire of prehistoric Europe and the Near East. One must also remember here that dancing scenes are not the direct products of dance activity but are an artistic transformation of reality into depiction (Garfinkel 1998:210), so that they are intended to communicate a message and thus be comprehensible to the contemporary viewer. By depicting these earlier dance scenes as circular activity, the prehistoric artist is emphasising an aspect of the dance which would resonate with the intended audience.

The EM II in Crete seems to be a watershed period. Large-scale and long-term developments became visible, before gaining momentum in the EM III-MM IA periods. There are major socio-political developments that lead to changes in the infrastructure and social organisation of society. There is evidence for the development of trade networks from EM IIA onwards, both internal and external. Internally, this is the first time there is a sizeable exchange in pottery, with sporadic Mesaran imports, such as fine grey ware pyxides, at Knossos in the EM I period intensifying into large-scale interregional distribution networks (Wilson & Day 1994:85). External trade is exemplified by the appearance of some of the first foreign contacts with the Cyclades, based on a small group of imported wares found at Knossos (Wilson & Day 1994:85). Ivory is also first attested in the EM IIA period at Knossos, where a small segment of a hippopotamus tusk was found, presumably imported from Egypt (Krzyszkowska 2005: 63).

So why the circle? In relation to this, the first evidence for seals appears in EM II, in burial contexts, such as Lenda, and also the settlement site of Myrtos Fournou Korifi (Krzyszkowska

Circle dances can be interpreted on two different levels, namely the individual and the community. On an 353

SOMA 2007 played (Schechner 1998:159-60). While this is certainly a valid interpretation of processions, they are more than this, especially in a performative sense. Although Schechner describes performances as occurring as and when the procession halts, a more holistic view would be to see performance within the act of procession itself as well. On a basic level, procession is simply an act of proceeding (Johnston 1999:39), but it is more than simply a means of getting from A to B. It is an act of proceeding embedded with ceremonial or symbolic importance, and it is this importance that distinguishes it from everyday movement through space. Because procession involves specific numbers of participants, normally in some orderly manner, the processional way usually moves through a restricted physical space. In keeping with the idea of restriction and accessibility, a procession can be naturally hierarchical by its very nature and arrangement, rather than a mere succession of figures (Holliday 1990:73). Processions transform the participants into a unidirectional entity, which in turn establishes a sense of order and thus acts as a representation in which the varying levels of social and political importance are located in a hierarchy (Holliday 1990:73). Procession thus acts as a representation of political ideology.

individual level, a circle dance is created by the participation of each individual, who creates the circle with their body (Garfinkel 1998:228). Thus, the individual becomes something that is greater than his or herself, and contributes to the group dynamic. On a community level, the circle acts as a symbol of the community itself. In this case, the circle as a form cannot exist without the members of the community coming together at a certain time and place, and bodily arranging themselves in the same direction. The circle delineates territory and the participants are disconnected from the outside world, and focusing solely on the event which is taking place within the circle (Garfinkel 1998:228). Thus where the circle dance is enacted is also important, as it clearly needs to convey a meaning to the participants, being a specific area which is emphasised territorially. The shape of the circle means that all participants’ attention is focused on the centre, meaning that the circle dance can be used as a method of focussing the attention of a group. As well as providing a focus for group attention, the centre of the circle is the organisational hub of the dance, and the location of the focus – be it the deity, a divine symbol, holy tree, etc (Garfinkel 1998:228).

If we look elsewhere in the Aegean, we can see how images of dance, albeit from later periods, stress this ideological notion. For example, circular dances are depicted on the LH IIIC hydria from Naxos (Vlachopolous 1999:307), the Post-palatial terracotta dancing group from Palaikastro (Kanta 1980:190), and the Geometric bronze group of male dancers from Olympia (Schweitzer 1971:155). What should be emphasised here is that LH IIIC (12th century BC), the Post-palatial period (1300-1100 BC) and the Geometric period (900-700 BC) are periods of transition in Greek history. Like EM II, these periods mark a point when the old gives way to the new, but the new has yet to be firmly established. As we can see, iconographic evidence suggests that people and communities may have bound themselves together in these transitional periods by integrating themselves in circular dances.

A further point to be stressed is not only the elite setting of processions but also elite participation. Only a minority of society took part in processions – this can be borne out iconographical by later representations of processions in Minoan art which clearly present only the elite as participants. It is also discernible in the archaeological record, where processional ways are elevated to mark them off, such as the causeways which transverse the Central Courts of the palaces of Knossos and Phaistos; narrow as to hold only a few people; or situated in positions where they are overlooked by platforms or terraces, for example the Royal Road West at Knossos. It seems possible that more people participated at the beginning, but only a select few would complete the route. Thus, participants can ascertain their position within their society by taking up an assigned place in procession (Graf 1996:58), and the procession becomes a representation of political ideology and a program of power (Holliday 1990:73). Processions would have acted as a physical and symbolic vehicle for elite propaganda, neatly circumscribing those who took part from those who merely watched. Procession thus represents a ceremonial demarcation of specific spaces, an identification of individuals and local groups with a certain territory who had powers to exercise authority over that particular territory (Zika 1988:44).

Processions

Conclusion

At the house tomb sites in eastern Crete, the evidence suggests that processions were the most likely form of performance.

At the beginning of this paper it was noted that previous analyses, using empirical evidence such as architecture and grave goods, had established a socio-political divide between the two areas in terms of burial types and ranking. On the one hand, there are the tholos tombs of the Mesara, where any form of differentiation in life was transient, with death acting as ‘the great leveller’ (Murphy pers. comm.) On the other hand, in the house

As can be seen from this brief overview, the main premise of the circle dance is the focus on group or community, rather than on the individual. Thus from a cognitive perspective and on an ideological plane, circular dances express an equality and integration between members of a community (Garfinkel 2003:94).

According to Schechner, processions are a kind of ‘natural theatre’, wherein an event moves along a prescribed path, spectators gather along the route, and which stops at appointed places where performances are 354

DYING TO BE DIFFERENT: PERFORMANCE AND SOCIAL DIFFERENTIATION IN PREPALATIAL CRETE Archaeological Reports 24, pp. 70-84 Coben, Lawrence S. 2006. ‘Other Cuzcos: Replicated Theaters of Inka Power’, in Archaeology of Performance: Theaters of Power, Community, and Politics. Eds. Takeshi Inomata and Lawrence Coben. Oxford: Altamira Press, pp. 223-260 Davis, Ellen. 1986. ‘Youth and Age in the Thera Frescoes’, American Journal of Archaeology 90:4, pp. 399-406. Day, P.M. and Wilson, D.E. 2002. ‘Landscapes of Memory, Craft and Power in Pre-Palatial and ProtoPalatial Knossos’, in Labyrinth Revisited: Rethinking ‘Minoan’ Archaeology. Ed. Yannis Hamilakis. Oxford: Oxbow Books, pp. 143-66 Garfinkel, Yosef. 2003. ‘The Earliest Dancing Scenes in the Near East’, Near Eastern Archaeology 66:3, pp. 84-95 Garfinkel, Yosef. 1998. ‘Dancing and the Beginning of Art Scenes in the Early Village Communities of the Near East and Southeast Europe’, Cambridge Archaeological Journal 8, pp. 207-37 Graf, Fritz. 1986. ‘Pompai in Greece. Some Considerations about Space and Ritual in the Greek Polis’, in The Role of Religion in the Early Greek Polis: Proceedings of the Third International Seminar on Ancient Greek Cult, Organized by the Swedish Institute at Athens. Skrifter Utgivna av Svenska Institutet i Athen, Series in 8°, 14. Ed. Robin Hägg. Stockholm: Paul Åströms Förlag, pp. 55-65 Holliday, Peter J. 1990. ‘Processional Imagery in Late Etruscan Funerary Art’, American Journal of Archaeology 94:1, pp. 73-93 Inomata, Takeshi and Coben, Lawrence S. 2006. ‘Overture: An Invitation to the Archaeological Theater’, in Archaeology of Performance: Theaters of Power, Community, and Politics. Eds. Takeshi Inomata and Lawrence Coben. Oxford: Altamira Press, pp. 11-46 Johnston, Robert. 1999. ‘An Empty Path? Processions, Memories and the Dorset Cursus’, in Pathways and Ceremonies: The Cursus Monuments of Britain and Ireland. Neolithic Studies Group Seminar Papers 4. Eds. Alistair Barclay & Jan Harding. Oxford: Oxbow Books, pp. 39-48 Kanta, A. 1980. The Late Minoan III Period in Crete. A Survey of Sites, Pottery and their Distribution. Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology, LVIII. Göteborg: Paul Åströms Förlag Koehl, Robert. 1986. ‘The Chieftain Cup and a Minoan Rite of Passage’, Journal of Hellenic Studies 106, pp. 99-110 Krzyszkowska, Olga. 2005. Aegean Seals: An Introduction. Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies Supplement 85. London: Institute of Classical Studies La Rosa, V. 1985. ‘Haghia Triada’, in Ancient Crete: One Hundred Years of Italian Archaeology 1884-1984. Rome : De Luca Editore, pp. 108-142 Lefèvre-Novaro, Daniela. 2001. ‘Un nouvel examen des modèles réduits trouvés dans la grande tombe de Kamilarii, in Potnia: Deities and Religion in the Aegean Bronze Age. Proceedings of the 8th

tombs of East and North Crete burials were employed to underline and emphasise social distinctions (Soles 1988:59). By analysing the performances inherent within these different social groupings, I would conclude that these social differentiations were not only visible in the material record, but were played out ideologically and cognitively through the use of dance and procession. In the face of growing social and political division and hierarchy that began to manifest in EM II and continued to grow in the EM III/MM IA period, the social groupings of both South-Central and Northern and Eastern Crete manifested their reactions to this through performance. In the south-central region of Crete, this growing divide was masked by performances that were reflective of a cosmological order which celebrated the group over the individual (Miller forthcoming). In the north and east of Crete, however, these differences were embraced and embellished by performances which emphasised the individual over the group. In conclusion, an analysis of performance offers a new perspective on the study of ideologies and socio-political organisation, which can bring a more subtle dynamic to the ideas derived from empirical evidence. Acknowledgements Several people have been invaluable in the writing of this paper, but I would especially like to thank Dr. E. Miller of California State University, Fullerton and Dr. J. Murphy of Akron University for kindly allowing me access to their unpublished articles. Bibliography Bardsley, Craig S. 2004. ‘Cognitive and Cultural Evolutionary Perspectives on Religion: A SocioCommunicative Approach to the Archaeology of the Mesaran Tholos Tombs’ in Belief in the Past: The Proceedings of the 2002 Manchester Conference on Archaeology and Religion. British Archaeological Reports International Series 1212. Ed. Timothy Insoll, pp. 17-25 Branigan, Keith. 1998. ‘The Nearness of You: Proximity and Distance in Early Minoan Funerary Behaviour’, Cemetery and Society in the Aegean Bronze Age. Sheffield Studies in Aegean Archaeology 1. Ed. Keith Branigan. Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, pp. 13-26. Branigan, Keith. 1995. ‘Social Transformations and the Rise of the State in Crete’, in Politeia: Society and State in the Aegean Bronze Age. Proceedings of the 5th International Aegean Conference, University of Heidelberg, Archäologisches Institut, 10-13 April 1994, Vol I. Aegaeum 12. Eds. Robert Laffineur and Wolf-Dietrich Niemeier. Liège: Université de Liège, pp. 33-42 Branigan, Keith. 1993. Dancing with Death: Life and Death in Southern Crete c. 3000 – 2000 BC. Amsterdam: Adolf M. Hakkert Cadogan, Gerald. 1977. ‘Pyrgos, Crete, 1970-7’, 355

SOMA 2007 Schweitzer, Bernhard. 1971. Greek Geometric Art. New York: Phaidon Soles, Jeffrey S. 1992. Prepalatial Cemeteries at Mochlos and Gournia and the House Tombs of Bronze Age Crete. Hesperia Supplement 24. Princeton: American School of Classical Studies at Athens Soles, Jeffrey S. 1988. ‘Social Ranking in Prepalatial Cemeteries, in Problems in Greek Prehistory. Papers Presented at the Centenary Conference of the British School of Archaeology at Athens, Manchester, April 1986. Eds. E.B. French and K.A. Wardle. Bristol: Bristol Classical Press, pp. 49-61 Soles, Jeffrey S. 1979. ‘The Early Gournia Town’, American Journal of Archaeology 83:2, pp. 149-167 Taylor, Diana. 2002. ‘Translating Performance’, Profession 7, pp. 44-50 Vlachopoulos, Andreas C. 1999. ‘Η ΝΑΞΟΣ ΚΑΤΑ ΤΗΝ ΥΕ ΙΙΙΓ ΠΕΡΙΟΔΟ. Η ΦΥΣΙΟΓΝΩΜΙΑ ΚΑΙ Ο ΧΑΡΑΚΤΗΡΑΣ ΕΝΟΣ ΑΚΜΑΙΟΥ ΝΗΣΙΩΤΙΚΟΥ ΚΕΝΤΡΟΥ’, in Η ΠΕΡΙΦΕΡΕΙΑ ΤΟΥ ΜΥΚΗΝΑΪΚΟΥ ΚΟΣΜΟΥ. Lamia: Ekdosi ID' Eforeias Proistorikon kai Klassikon Archaiotiton, pp. 303-14 Wilson, D.E. and Day, P.M. 1994. ‘Ceramic Regionalism in Prepalatial Central Crete: The Mesara Imports at EM I to EM II A Knossos’, Annual of the British School of Archaeology at Athens 89, pp. 1-87 Zika, Charles. 1988. ‘Hosts, Processions and Pilgrimages: Controlling the Sacred in Fifteenth-Century Germany’, Past and Present 118, pp. 25-64

International Aegean Conference, Göteborg, Göteborg University, 12-15 April 2000. Aegaeum 22. Eds. Robert Laffineur and Robin Hägg. Liège: Université de Liège, pp. 89-98 Letesson, Quentin and Vansteenhuyse, Klaas. 2006. ‘Towards an Archaeology of Perception: 'Looking' at the Minoan Palaces’, Journal of Mediterranean Archaeology 19:1, pp. 91-119 Marinatos, Nanno. 1993. Minoan Religion: Ritual, Image, and Symbol. Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press Miller, Emily. Forthcoming. ‘A Reconsideration of Depositional Practices in Early Bronze Age Crete’, Aegean Archaeology Murphy, Joanne M. 2003. Changing Roles and Locations of Religious Practices in South-Central Crete During the Pre-Palatial and Proto-Palatial Periods. Unpublished PhD Dissertation, The University of Cincinnati Pearson, Mike and Shanks, Michael. 2001. Theatre/archaeology: Disciplinary Dialogues. London: Routledge Pelon, O., Anderson, E. and Schmidt. M. Guide de Malia. Le palais et la nécropole de Chrysolakkos. Sites and Monuments IX. Athens : École Française d’Athènes Sakellarakis J. and Sapouna-Sakellarakis E. 1991. Crete: Archanes. Athens: Ekdotike Athenon Schechner, Richard. 1988. Performance Theory. New York: Routledge Schoep, Ilse. 1991. ‘The Origins of Writing and Administration in Crete’, Oxford Journal of Archaeology 18, pp. 265-76.

Figure 1: Area of figure 2

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Figure 2: Map of principal tholos tombs in text

Figure 3: Map of principal house tombs in text

Figure 4: Dancing figures from Kamilari. (Lefèvre-Novaro 2001)

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Underwater Archaeology in Italy: The Park of Baia (Naples) Ambra Spinelli University of Bologna, Department of Archaeology, Italy

great assistance in producing a detailed map of a small area and which have today become common practise when surveying underwater archaeological sites. Further recognition should also be given to Lamboglia for his creation of a systematic survey of the Baia area.

In the last few years underwater archaeology has garnered much recognition and attention from the public, even though it is still considered to be a fairly new subject of study. The only differences between underwater archaeology and general archaeology are the technical instruments used, since the methods implemented and the final goals of the research are the same.

In Roman times, Baia was one of the most important spa areas, which sank in the gulf of Naples after bradyseism and rests at 6 – 19 metres under water. The name of “Baia” appeared for the first time in the III century AD when Licofrone, who recalled Ulixes travel, placed the tomb of Ulixes’ helmsman, Baios, here. (Miniero 2000a: 7). Baia was one of the richest and most luxurious areas of Roman Empire where the majority of aristocracy and the Imperial family built their villas to enjoy the therapeutic properties of the thermal waters, the mild climate and the beautiful views.

Underwater archaeology has made numerous contributions with regards to particular data, relative to the techniques of naval construction, navigation and commerce in ancient times. Apart from shipwrecks, which give us important information about maritime trade and the archaeology of “production”, inhabited areas and urban settlements have also been found. These areas and settlements were all have submerged in the sea due to phenomena, i.e. bradyseism (as is the case with Baia), seaquakes and earthquakes, and have contributed greatly to archaeological research. These examples offer archaeologists privileged conditions of study, as they have been preserved in time and fossilized at their last phase of existence. These kinds of sites found in sea waters, like Baia, offer a notable contribution to archaeological research, as they have not been affected by the irreversible interventions of modification, construction and destruction by man. Instead, they have been immortalized at a precise moment of time within their existence. Two further examples of this are Herculaneum and Pompeii, which are buried under volcanic ashes after Vesuvius erupted in AD 79. This is why they can be thought of in a “closed” context.

There are numerous written sources that verify the fact that Baia was an ideal destination for the Romans of high society since the first century B.C. to the third century A.D. These sources can be confirmed by the number of impressive and luxurious remains of residential and thermal buildings, many of which sunk into the waters because of bradyseism, a seismic and volcanic phenomenon that provoked a slow but continuous oscillation of the ground, causing landslides and coastal erosion. However, this effect has also preserved a good part of the buildings that were situated along the coast, in the sea. Only a few ancient communities, like Baia, were fortunate enough to have had various classical sources which did not just praise the amenities of these places,2 but also condemned quite severely the “voluptas aedificandi”3 (frenetic building activity), which from the start of the first century B.C. pushed towards the construction of villas even on the coast. An example of this is the “Villa of the Pisoni”, whose remains are situated over 200 metres away from the ancient beach.The intention of its construction clearly shows how it was built to increment the shore by raising rows of columns for protection against the waves, whereas portico’s’ structure and those constructed for breeding fish were built directly at sea level on top of a cement cast.

The invention of the aqualung created by the Marine Official Jacques-Yves Cousteau and the engineer Emile Gagnan has had a fundamental role in underwater archaeological research, because for the first time divers could move freely underwater with no impedimen.1 The technique of underwater diving, without any type of breathing apparatus, already existed in ancient times. Today, however, the main aim of this activity is to recuperate historical artefacts in a historical context. In Italy, the important ceramic scholar , Nino Lamboglia, was very attentive with respect to the methodologies of stratigraphical archaeological research and tried to improve the techniques of underwater excavation by using similar excavation techniques of archaeology in general. In fact, Lamboglia introduced a grid frame to mark the area of the excavation site, which can be of

Ever since 1920s, many marble objects, pieces of mosaic floors and fragments of statues were found during 2

Hor., Ep. I, I, 83:« Nullus in orbe sinus Baiis praelucet amoneis» (“no other gulf shines more than the pleasant Baia”). Mart., XI, 83:« Litus beatae Veneris aureum Baiae, Baias superbae blanda dona naturae...» (“Baia, the gold coast of the blessed Venus, an enchanting gift of superb nature”). 3 Hor., Carm. II, 18, 17-22.

1 This instrumental innovation has not only allowed their to be an increase in findings of sites found under water, but also to have notably simplified the mechanisms of this technique.

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UNDERWATER ARCHAEOLOGY İN ITALY: THE PARK OF BAİA (NAPLES) dredging. These examples further testify to the existence of the ancient and luxurious area of Baia, as mentioned in historical iconographical and written sources.4

thermal springs in the area to be channelled towards various bathing establishments, thus creating the important thermal complex of Baia situated within the “Archaeological Park of Baia”. The grandeur of these ancient constructions, including those underwater, allow us to understand the splendour and richness Baia flaunted at this time.

In 1956, the military naval Official Raimondo Buscher went on a diving expedition in the waters of the gulf of Pozzuoli, after an aerial reconnaissance showed there to be a number of symmetrical underwater structures, which he discovered to be ancient Baia. Between 1959 and 1960 the first underwater surveys of the area, led by Nino Lamboglia and Amedeo Maiuri, began. To make the working conditions easier, the area of Baia was conveniently divided into 9 sectors, each 500 metres in length, and again in 25 squares of 100 metres in length. These squares were indicated by buoys so as to be topographically located from the land. (Maniscalco 1998: 50). Unfortunately, because of bureaucratic impediments and the lack of means, the realization of a systematic survey of the whole area was made difficult. However, Lamboglia and Maiuri’s project did not remain unaccomplished.5

Caesar, Cicero, Augustus, Claudius, Nero, Hadrianus and many other exponents of Roman aristocracy had a residence here to be able to enjoy otium and balnea (baths rooms) or to dedicate time in the cultivation of oysters and breeding of fish. The abandonment of the area is also shown in sources at the start of the fourth century A.D., even if this did not contribute to the direct fall of Baia,6 a large part of which foundered in the sea by the sixth to eighth century A.D. (Zevi 1983: 12). Other than the realization of the “Archaeological Park of Baia”, which protects and valorizes numerous remains of buildings that have been preserved at surface level, the “Underwater Park of Baia” was founded in 2002. The Park is considered a protected marine area and it extends along the coast of Bacoli and Pozzuoli. It covers the entire coastline as it did in ancient times, from what is now the port of Baia to “Pontile Pirelli” at Pozzuoli. The area includes also the ancient “Portus Julius”, where it is possible to see the Roman harbour and numerous buildings used as warehouses. (Benini 2005a: 14). To encourage further knowledge and appreciation of the archaeological area of Baia, it is possible to go on guided underwater diving visits. Today the area is divided in three zones: zone A (where two accompanied itineraries allow to see the Villa of the Pisoni and the Villa with Vestibule); zone B (where it is permitted to swing and angle and where the remains of Portus Julius are located); and zone C (called “Secca Fumosa” because of the presence of hot water springs). (Benini 2005b: 19).

In 1969, after the discovery of two marble statues depicting Ulixes and his companion (probably Baios) intoxicating the cyclops Polyphemus, the area of Baia was again under the spotlight. The sculptures, uncovered by rough seas, came to the sea surface still in their original positions within an apse. In the 1980s a systematic exploration and an underwater excavation of the area where the statues were found, began again. This time a sumptuous nymphaeum-triclinium (banqueting room) belonging to the Roman Emperor Claudius (AD 41 - 54) was found. The topographical survey of the area was then extended to include the whole area of Baia, from Punta Epitaffio to the Baia Castle. Further surveys then made it possible to discover other underwater ruins along the ancient coast of Baia, including: thermal buildings; the remains of a luxurious villa which initially belonged to the Pisoni family (protagonist of the plot against the Emperor Nero in AD 65) and which was later confiscated and became Imperial property. Then, the villa was rebuilt by the Emperor Hadrianus in the II century a.D.; the ruins of a villa with vestibule next to a thermal area and tabernae (shops) on the roadside; two well built walls which fixed the boundaries of canal entrance to the ancient Baianus Lacus (Lake Baiano); and other ruins and fishponds next to the Baia Castle southward that defines the area of Baia.

Between the main structures of the area A there is the nymphaeum of the Roman Emperor Claudius. Today, it lies in front Punta Epitaffio on the sea-bed at a depth of 7 metres and was probably once part of an important residential complex, with numerous terraces overlooking the sea. (Miniero 2000b: 79). The hall is usually defined “nymphaeum” because of its shape: the decorations on the walls resemble the natural rocks by utilizing pieces of natural limestone formations and seashells, as well as the presence of fountains playing, where lead pipes inserted inside the statues of Baios and Ulixes transferred the water into Ulixes cup and his companion’s wineskin. (Felici 1997: 8). The building is 9 metres wide and 18 metres long. It is rectangular in shape with a semicircular apse in the lower part and it has four alcoves along both sides lengthways. This was probably a triclinium (a banqueting room). Along the side walls, excluding the entrance side, there was a triclinium table,

Before the Roman aristocracy came to Baia, the area was a fishing hamlet. It is thanks to the Emperor Augustus (27 B.C. - 14 A.D.) that a channelling system was projected, allowing the 4 For example, the three glassy flasks of Pozzuoli coming from Warsaw, Populonia and Ampurias, that depicting many Baian buildings. 5 In fact, we cannot forget that during those years every type of underwater activity (survey, description, mesurements...) were not done by archaeologists but by underwater divers often with little experience in this matter.

6 The historian Cassiod. (Var., IX, 6,6) in the sixth century A.D. described the Baian lidos as a place of pleasant and healthy sojourn.

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SOMA 2007 which was slightly raised in height compared to the central part of the hall, where there was a big rectangular tank with running water. The banqueters then had the impression of dining suspended in the air, above the waves, while their food was served on floating plates. The rich quality and colourful mosaics and marbles which adorned the walls, other than the notable statues, conclude us to think that the building was not just used for daily use, but that it belonged to an important person.

Claudius’ daughters who died at a young age. (Felici 1997: 10). Other artefacts were found during excavations, including the bent right arm of a male, which perhaps belonged to the General Drusus Maior, the father of Claudius, some locks of hair which probably belonged to the giant figure of Cyclops and the draped torso of either the Emperor Augustus or Claudius. According to theory, these members of the Imperial family represented a sort of “gallery” of forefathers which accorded to Dionysian religious practise, in order to begin their new life. (Andreae 1983: 52-56).

The two marble statues within the apse of the nymphaeum depict the famous episode of the intoxicating of Polyphemus. The superior part of both statues had been disfigured by lithophagous molluscs; however it is possible to identify two protagonists: Ulixes holding out a bowl full of wine to the Cyclops, and a companion pouring from a wineskin. The odysseyic cycle of Baia is extremely similar to the sculptures in the grottonympheaum of the Emperor Tiberius (AD 14-37) in Sperlonga. (Maniscalco 1998: 51; Miniero 2000a: 61). The structure that gains much attention within the villa is the spelunca (origin of the name Sperlonga), in other words a natural grotto, partially transformed with bricks, where there four sculptural groups depicting Ulixes in various scenes. Like the findings of Baia, even here we can see a representation of the cyclops Polyphemus, but losing his sight. Further more, though the statue of Cyclops was not found, the stylistic similarities of the two mythological groups lead us to believe that they were probably made in the same shop.7 The myth of Polyphemus was probably used as an imperial propaganda, as it evoked the Dionysian culture of celebrating the power of the wine: in this case, Ulixes is able to beat the Cyclops, which symbolizes death, thus being born again. (Miniero 2000a: 59).

The nymphaeum dates back to the first half of the I century a.D., but traces of restoration can date back to the IV century a.D. after which people began to abandon the area due to relentless progress of bradyseism. After this date, the exportation of the nymphaeum, all the reusable materials above all marble and water piping, began. Inside the nymphaeum other ceramic and building rubble was intentionally placed. After this period, perhaps due to a halt in bradyseism events, many tombs were discovered. In one of these tombs a gold coin of Iustinianus (AD 527-535) was found. This example supplies us with a precise time as to the definitive abandonment of the nymphaeum. (Felici 1997: 10-11). The recuperated statues are today found in the Archaeological Museum in the Castle of Baia within an evocative and interesting setting that reconstructs the image of the sunken nymphaeum, allowing visitors to witness the grandeur and richness of ancient Baia. Separated by a paved road to the east of the nymphaeum, a building complex was found made up of two different nuclei for functions and orientation. It was a thermal complex with a canonical route caldarium, tepidarium, frigidarium and a gym at an axes of NE/SW. There is also a nymphaeum in the shape of a hemidecagon with three apses in a N/S direction. The nymphaeum which was built on a podium, probably dates to Domitianus times (AD 81-96). However, its particular structure, which resembles the “Octagonal Room” of Domus Aurea (the residence of the Emperor Nero in Rome), represents an “unicum” of Baia. (Lombardo 1993: 58).

Returning to the group of sculptures located in Baia, the interest in finding the missing figure of Cyclops, which was most probably situated between Ulixes and his companion, brought to the discovery of the entire nymphaeum and four other marble statues situated in alcoves along the side walls. Among the preserved sculptures there was also a statue of Antonia Minor (the mother of Claudius) depicted as “Mother Venus”, in fact, she has the diadem on her head and a small Eros in her right hand, where it is evident to see the celebration of Iulius-Claudius dynasty, as Antonia Minor was both mother of Claudius and daughter of Octavia, sister of Augustus. (Miniero 2000b: 100). There were two statues of a young Dionysus, one with a panther and the other with an ivy crown, and lastly a statue of a dead girl holding a butterfly which represents Psyche, the soul, flying away. This statue probably represented one of

At about 130 metres in a south-east direction from Punta Epitaffio, another residential villa was found, built on the remains of a previous one (first centruy A.D.), dating back to Hadrianus times (AD 117-138). It is believed it to have belonged to the Pisoni family because of a seal on one of the lead water pipes with the inscription: “L(uci) Pisoni”. (Benini 2005a: 18). The ruins of an enormous villa covers an area of over 300 metres, of which baths rooms, gardens and fishponds protected by a series of pilae (concrete pillars) were also found 6 metres under water. The building was completely rebuilt and restored to become more majestic during the second century A.D. It was rebuilt around a central rectangular garden which had a series of porticoes with alternate semicircular and rectangular niches (North and South portico) in between. The angle situated at a N/W degree of the villa is covered with the remains of baths rooms, while a fishpond, used

7 Other than the group of sculptures depicting Polyphemus losing his sight and situated at the far end of the grotto, other sculptures were found, including a group of statues of Scylla attacking Ulixes’ ship and found on a plinth in the centre of a circular pool within the grotto itself. Two other types of sculptures were found between the pool and the central tub area, one depicting the abduction of Palladius, abducted by Ulixes and Diomedes, and the other where Ulixes drags Achille’s body. A sculpture of Ganymedes, the cup-bearer of the Gods was also situated at the entrance of the grotto.

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UNDERWATER ARCHAEOLOGY İN ITALY: THE PARK OF BAİA (NAPLES) for fish farming, can be found in the southern part. The structures, dating back to Hadrianus times, gravitate around the central garden, in particular the apses and circular elements which take us back to the famous example of Hadrianus’s Villa in Tivoli (Rome). (Di Fraia 1993: 30). It is possible today to visit these submerged areas on guided underwater diving visits that include a tour of the corridor with semicircular and rectangular niches alternating along the length of the central garden, where it is also possible to see the remains of brick semicolumn.

dwellings; perhaps, Caesar’s Villa, which Nero late decided to expand and monumentalize into the waters. (Di Fraia 1993: 40-48). Consequently the vases reveal themselves to be a precious example for the reconstruction of the layout of ancient coastal structures. In conclusion, ever since the first surveys of the waters of Baia took place (1959-1960) up to present day, the knowledge of this ancient area has notably increased. Thanks to Superintendency for Arcaheological Resources in Naples and Caserta, the past few years have seen a programme of initiatives designed to achieve the institutional goals. That is why the “Archaeological Park of Baia”, which preserves monuments still found on land, and the “Baia Underwater Park”, were created. Both Parks are open to the public and are still areas of research and restoration for archaeologists. The aim of their creation is not only to emphasize and protect their environmental and archaeological existence, but also to give information about patrimony, in the hope of sensitizing an ever larger amount of the public to this wonder.

The area which extends from the canal entrance of Baianus Lacus to the Pisoni Villa is occupied by another monumental complex: it features the remains of a long street lined with bathing establishments, shops and villa. The villa has a particular entrance enclosed within two stone benches (the vestibule which gives the complex its name), and it has both a residential part and baths rooms. The wealthy appearance of this dwelling is evident in the mosaic flooring and on the walls covered in valuable marble. It is still possible to see one of these splendid mosaics which are black and white adorned with hexagon shaped motif of rosettes and vegetables.

Bibliography

The ancient outline of the coast of Baia was further out at sea than it is today and the bay that gave the town its name originally contained a lake (“Baianus Lacus”8), which was phagoticized by the bradyseism phenomena that occurred in the area.

Andreae B. (1983) Le sculture. IN: Baia: il ninfeo imperiale sommerso di Punta Epitaffio. Napoli, Banca sannitica, 49-66. Benini A. (2005a) Percorsi archeologici subacquei. IN: Baia sommersa. Underwater Baia. Napoli, Electa, 1419. Benini A. (2005b) I parchi sommersi di Baia e Gaiola. IN: L’archeologo subacqueo. Anno XI, GennaioAprile. Bari, Edipuglia, 19. Di Fraia G. (1993) Baia sommersa. Nuove evidenze topografiche e monumentali. IN: Archeologia subacquea. Studi, ricerche e documenti I. Roma, Istituto Poligrafico e Zecca dello Stato, 21-48. Felici E. (1997) Baia in mostra. IN: L’archeologo subacqueo. Anno III, Maggio-Agosto. Bari, Edipuglia, 8-11. Lombardo N. (1993) Le terme di Punta dell’Epitaffio a Baia. IN: Archeologia subacquea. Studi, ricerche e documenti I. Roma, Istituto Poligrafico e Zecca dello Stato, 55-63. Maniscalco F. ed. (1998) Mare Nostrum: fondamenti di archeologia subacquea. Napoli, Massa. Miniero P. ed. (2000a) Baia: il castello, il museo, l’area archeologica. Napoli, Electa. Miniero P. ed. (2000b) Il museo archeologico dei Campi Flegrei nel Castello di Baia. Napoli, Electa. Zevi F. (1983) Introduzione. IN: Baia: il ninfeo imperiale sommerso di Punta Epitaffio. Napoli, Banca sannitica, 9-16.

Thanks to aerial surveys it has been possible to locate the ancient canal entrance of the lake which was delimited by two long cement piers and that are still visible today, although partially covered in sand. Following the research of the area in front of Baia Castle, other structures which were buried at sea came to light, including that of a patricular type of fishpond, hemicycle in shape, protected by a series of giant aligned concrete pillars (pilae) which testify to the existence of a pier in front. These ruins could be considered similar to the “Stagna Neronis” (fishponds or dock enclosed with pillars) represented on glassy flasks from Warsaw, Populonia and Ampurias, which were a sort of “souvenir” for the tourists in ancient times. On three documents, dating back to the end of the third century A.D. and the beginning of the fourth century A.D., there are also examples of ostriaria (tubs for oyster breeding) and fishponds divided into tubs and seen from a birds eye wiew. It is likely that these “Stagna” and “Ostraria” were part of the Imperial Palace built on already existing 8

Tac. Ann., XIV, 4; Mart., Ep., IV, 30; Sen., Ep. Ad Luc., V, 51, 12.

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The Pirate Attack on Teos Jonathan R. Strang Department of Ancient History and Classics, Trent University, Peterborough, Canada

One grim night in the late 3rd century BC, while the inhabitants of Teos were sleeping peacefully, a menace swept into the town off the crests of the dark sea. Pirates had come to Teos. The Teians must have feared this day would come. Pirates had always lurked at the edge of their world. Indeed, everyone would have known some story, some evil tale of the robbers that came by sea. That night, however, the fear that they had long nurtured since childhood was set loose. As foreign men stormed their homes, the danger was real and present. The sun rose the next day to cast light down on a city both morally and physically devastated.

must be noted that this is an inexact method of dating. Şahin compared the text to other well-published inscriptions from Teos and suggested a date near the end of the 3rd century BC, shortly before the Teian decrees honouring Antiochus III, which themselves have been dated to 204/3 BC.3 Şahin suggested that the attack on Teos might have occurred during the course of the First Cretan War.4 The Cretan war, which took place between 206 and 203 BC, was fought between the cities of Crete and Rhodes. We know that some islands in the Dodecanese were subjected to attacks and raids at this time. Şahin was familiar with the corpus of inscriptions from Teos when he proposed this theory. In particular, he cited the large corpus of asylia recognition decrees for Teos. In 203 BC, the Teians sent ambassadors to nearly two dozen cities on Crete, inviting them to recognize the asylia of their city for Dionysos.5 The corpus of the recognition decrees for the asylia of Teos is a bit troubling because, outside of these Cretan cities, we have only a few decrees from north-central Greece, including the Aitolian league. On account of this extremely selective targeting of so-called pirate nations, namely Cretans and Aitolians, the Teian call for asylia has most often been interpreted as an attempt to stave off future pirate attacks by declaring their soil inviolable for Dionysos.6 So, according to Şahin’s proposed interpretation of the events, Teos was attacked by Cretan pirates and then, within a matter of years, sent ambassadors to the island to invite the Cretan cities to recognize their territorial inviolability.

It is a grim picture but not a unique one. Teos was but one of many cities subjected to a pirate attack during the course of the 3rd century BC.1 In a time when profit was made just as easily by violence as by trade, such things were expected. The evidence for the attack on Teos, however, is among the more detailed accounts of such incidents. Furthermore, the rich literary and epigraphic testimonies about the city should lead us to consider the historical context of this incident and its effect on the Teians. Who attacked them? Did the Teians make a claim of asylia, a declaration of territorial inviolability, to stave off future attacks? What sort of effects did this have on their society? All of these are important questions that merit further exploration. We are informed about the pirate attack on Teos from an inscription recently uncovered in the vicinity of the ancient city.2 The text is in poor condition. The stone, reused at least once since antiquity, is damaged on both sides and preserves only the central part of the text. Nonetheless, despite the state of the stone, the work of several scholars has gone a long way towards establishing a working edition. We have two civic decrees and a subscription list. The first decree honours the city magistrates for bargaining a ransom after the successful pirate attack on the city. The second outlines the procedure for an enforced loan on all the gold, silver, jewelry and precious women’s clothing in the city. The residents of Teos had 23 days to raise the ransom. Their contributions were inscribed on a set of stelai set up by the altar of Herakles and the city promised to repay all the borrowed money at a fixed interest rate of ten percent.

It has recently been noted, however, that the letterforms of the pirate attack inscription closely match those of the ktematonia decree of the city for the Dionysiac technitai.7 If we consider that the bold success of the pirate attack indicates that Teos was unfortified at the time of the attack, the ktematonia decree, along with its reference to the fortification funds, likely dates some few years later when the city was strengthening its defenses. The ktematonia decree has other important internal evidence for a date immediately after the pirate attack, but must date to a period of Attalid rule over the city, probably between 229 and 225 BC.8 If I am correct that the ktematonia decree dates only a few years later than the pirate assault, this would leave us with a date for the

The exact date of the pirate attack is not clear. The inscription can only be dated by its letterforms and it

3

Şahin 1994: 12-14. On the date of the decrees for Antiochos III, see Ma 1999: 260-5. Şahin 1994: 34-6. 5 Rigsby 1996: nos. 132-161. 6 Most recently argued by Kvist 2003. On the link between asylia and piracy in general, see Pritchett 1991: 125-32, who provides thorough references to earlier scholarly literature. 7 Aneziri 2003: 376. 8 On the date of the inscription, see Strang 2007: 250-6. 4

* I would like to thank the American School of Classical Studies at Athens and the Research Center for Anatolian Civilizations at Koç University in Istanbul for their generous funding of my research on the territory of Teos. 1 For a complete list of all the documented pirate attacks during the 3rd century, see Pritchett 1991: 340-6. 2 SEG 44.949 with further suggestions in SEG 49.1535.

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THE PIRATE ATTACK ON TEOS attack in the late 230s or early 220s. Importantly, the period around 230 BC was also a time of low central authority along the Ionian coast, precisely the sort of time when a successful pirate raid might take place. If this chronology is accepted, the pirate attack happened in the turbulent period following the War of the Brothers when Attalos I first began taking the cities of Asia Minor from Antiochos Hierax.9 We are, of course, dealing with a relative chronology. There are no secure dates. However, it is important to note that this earlier date uncouples the pirate attack from the Teian call for asylia.

and more profitable than selling the individuals into slavery.13 A sum was agreed upon and the city officials quickly mobilized the citizen body to raise the money needed, forcing all the residents to make a loan to the city. The citizens had 23 days to make their payment to the pirates, who then left the city mostly unharmed but significantly poorer. From these scant details, two things become clear. First of all, the pirates had easy access to the city. They sailed into the harbour with such speed that no warning was issued to the city at large. People were captured as they ran into the streets, feebly trying to organize themselves against the attack. It is possible that the city was betrayed, although we have no such indications. It seems rather likely that a lack of fortifications allowed the pirates quick and easy access to city. The grand success of the attack would not have been possible if the city had been organized and surrounded with a perimeter defense. Our evidence for the wall, a few scattered building inscriptions and a reference to a fortification fund in the ktematonia decree, all point to a late 3rd-century BC date for the construction.

The pirate attack inscription does not describe the actual events of the assault. Rather, the civic documents describe only the aftermath and the response of the citizen body. Nonetheless, we can extrapolate some important details from the text in order to outline the operation undertaken by the pirates against Teos. The pirate attack took place in late September, near the end of the sailing season. This would mean that the attack was the last great haul of the season. The pirates most assuredly approached the city at night. This detail can be inferred from the descriptions of similar pirate attacks upon Thera and Amorgos. In the case of Thera, we know that the pirates attacked the North harbour and briefly occupied Oia before being repulsed.10 At Amorgos, we hear the additional detail that the pirates scuttled many of the ships of the harbour and seized one of them to carry off captives and booty.11 The situation at Teos must have been similar. The south harbour was a particularly vulnerable point for the city. It had relatively easy access and would have permitted the pirates immediate entry into the city. Indeed, the south harbour was later equipped with stronger defenses than the other sections of the defense wall. The fortification wall extended along the entire length of the mole and continued further into the sea. The Teians must have come to realize that the south harbour was a weak point in their city’s defense and put correspondingly greater effort into securing the area against future attacks.12

The second detail that becomes clear is that the pirates were operating out of a local base. A large number of hostages were removed to a secure location and held there for at least 23 days while the Teians raised the ransom. There would be little sense in taking the hostages to a distant place only to return them in a matter of weeks. The difficulties of billeting and feeding so many hostages, whose number we cannot even begin to estimate from the high ransom, suggests the pirates would have needed a base no more than a day’s journey away from Teos. There were many places and anchorages, some very close to Teos, where the pirates could establish a haven capable of withstanding any Teian attack. Moreover, the pirates had to have had a large enough headquarters, stocked with provisions, to handle the captives for a period exceeding three weeks. Such a base could not spring up overnight and must indicate a longstanding presence of pirates in the area of Teos. As we shall see, there is good evidence that piracy had long been an endemic problem to the area. The need for a local power base inferred from the details of the pirate attack inscription suggests that these pirates were a local menace and not distant raiders from Crete.

As soon as the pirates fell upon the city, they seized many men, women and children and herded them back to their ships. These captives were then taken away to some nearby pirate haunt. Some attention may have been given to looting, but much of the wealth of the city remained intact for the evaluation that followed. It seems more likely that the pirates had intended to make off with captives rather than weighing themselves down with booty. After the attack, some pirates returned to the city to enter into negotiation with the city magistrates for the ransom of the captives. Ransoming was definitely easier

The territory around Teos lent itself well to brigandage (Fig. 1). Brigandage and piracy were undoubtedly able to flourish in the area around Teos during the 5th century BC, a troubled time for Ionia in general. Indeed, pirates and bandits were among those cursed in the Teian imprecations.14 To the east of Teos, the territory of the city ran straight into the Mastousion mountain range, an area that Teos was very much invested in securing and protecting from banditry. During the 4th century BC, the city brokered a sympolity treaty with an unknown

9

This is also the opinion of Ma 1999: 48. IG 12.3.1291 11 IG 12.7.386 12 The building inscription for the section of the harbour wall records that 3422 drachmas and 5 obols were spent as well as another 37 Alexander drachmas and 3 obols (SEG 35.1151.10-11). The next highest price recorded in the wall building records at Teos is 2200 drachmas, which is significantly lower (Maier 1959: no. 63.10 and his commentary). The harbour inscription also provides more detail concerning its section of the wall than the rest of the accounts. 10

13 Chaniotis 2005: 136. For a comprehensive survey of ransoms during the Hellenistic period, see Pritchett 1991: 245-90. 14 Nomima 104.b11-28

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SOMA 2007 settlement possibly located near the modern village of Beyler.15 Later, in the 3rd century BC, the city annexed the indigenous settlement of Kyrbissos in the mountain pass leading between Teos and the fertile plain to the south of Smyrna.16 The treaty with Kyrbissos involved the appointment of a Teian phrourarch to garrison the town. The territory in this area would have made it easy for bandits to operate and, as this is the only pass through the central Mastousion mountain range, it is an important trade and travel corridor. There must have been fear of bandits operating in the mountains there.

The Roman era was a period of great prosperity and trade in the area. The intense exploitation of the Roman marble quarries at Karagöl and Beyler near Teos is but one indication. If the shipping trade had increased in the area, what had changed in the region around Korykos? Certainly not the weather. From the time of Pompey, pirates had virtually been eliminated from the Aegean. It may be more than coincidence that we lack shipwrecks off of Korykos during the Roman era. Indeed, the greatest number of shipwrecks took place between the 5th and 1st centuries BC and the again from the 5th century AD onwards. These were times when central authorities were unable to prevent piracy from flourishing. Storms may account for some of the wrecks, but it is very probable that we have a situation where pirates attacked ships and drove them into the dangerous rocks of the coast.

The mountains to the east of Teos certainly had a problem with bandits, but relations and treaties with towns and villages in the area helped to bring this area under control. If we were to turn to the west and explore the coast of the bay of Teos, we would discover a sparsely inhabited area with many bays and coastal valleys where small enclaves of pirates might find harbour. The west end of the bay of Teos was closed off by Mt. Korykos. In a recent ethno-historical study of the Erythraian peninsula, the authors noted that the Korykos peninsula tended to be a refuge point for the Greek inhabitants of the area during the more troubled times of the Ottoman period.17 In antiquity, the situation was no different. Only the most desperate and dangerous individuals lived there.

There is no physical evidence for pirate attacks. Shipwrecks are identified by cargo and we cannot be certain of an attack. But the reputation of the inhabitants of Korykos in antiquity was not a good one. A passage in Strabo describes the criminal activities of the Korykaians.19 The 4th-century BC historian Ephoros also mentions the Korykaians. In his account, they were a ragtag group, assembled from various cities and towns, who settled themselves in a small town in the shadow of Mt. Korykos in an area stretching out to the sea.20 Most interesting, however, is that Ephoros records that they were in league with the pirates of Myonnesos, which lay just across the bay. The Korykaians would talk to merchants in the area and then report to the Myonnesians, who conducted actual attacks. In return, the Korykaians received a share of the loot.

In 2001, the Institute of Nautical Archaeology conducted a survey in the area off of the Korykos peninsula and charted over ten shipwrecks, spanning from the classical through the Byzantine period.18 The sheer number of shipwrecks uncovered in the area is clearly very high and we must imagine that even more have not been found. During the sailing season, the Etesian winds blow persistently from the north and northwest but, on occasion, a brisk south wind can pick up, creating serious storms in the area. The area is precarious with few good places to anchor, but it is not completely inhospitable. The surveyors noted that the number of shipwrecks off Mt. Korykos far exceeded what they expected. They repeatedly referred to the area as an “Anatolian Bermuda Triangle.” The only explanation they had for the number of wrecks was a suggestion that merchant captains tried to brave local storms rather than seek safe anchorage. This is, of course, possible. However, the mystery of the Korykos peninsula is only amplified by the low number of Roman-era shipwrecks. The surveyors found only one shipwreck dating in the period from the 1st century BC to the 4th century AD. This stands in stark contrast to the earlier and later periods. This hardly seems a coincidence.

All of this points to the greatest pirate threat in the area: Myonnesos (Fig. 2). Myonnesos is a small offshore island on the coast about 25 km. to the south of Teos. In 192 BC, the Romans found Myonnesos a vicious pirate haven and it posed a serious problem during their operations against Antiochus III.21 The settlement had also longtroubled Teos. Our first mention of the site comes from a fragment of Hekataios of Miletos, who mentions that it was a polis halfway between Teos and Lebedos.22 Teos tried to control the settlement during the 5th century BC and must have at least temporarily succeeded; the island is listed as a dependency of the city in Thucydides.23 Nonetheless, it must have broken away from Teos near the end of the Peloponnesian war. It was at this point, in the 4th century BC, that we first hear that Myonnesos had become a notorious base for pirates.

15

SEG 26.1305 SEG 26.1306 17 Koromila et al 1997: 32-3. 18 The shipwrecks charted by the INA-SOA project in 2001 were dated primarily by amphora types. The wrecks include: the 5th-century BC Tektaş Burnu wreck, a 4th-century BC wreck, a Hellenistic wreck, the 1st-century BC “Column” wreck, a 1st century AD merchant trader, the 5th-7th-centuries AD “Church” wreck, two 7th-century AD “Byzantine” wrecks, the Byzantine “Millstones” wreck, a Byzantine amphora carrier, a 8th-9th century AD Byzantine trader. This list of shipwrecks was compiled from the SOA Project on-line diary for the 2001 season.

Not much remains on the site. There are some mediaeval rubble and cement walls fortifying the east side. Just south of the causeway, you can make out part of the

16

19

14.1.32. Cf. Suda s.v. Korykaios. FGrHist 70 F 27. Livy 37.27. 22 FGrHist 1 F 232. 23 3.32.1. 20 21

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THE PIRATE ATTACK ON TEOS ancient harbour installations under the water. The climb to the top of the hill is precipitous and overgrown. There are scatters of ancient surface sherds and traces of walls.24 A deep cleft running east-west further isolates the high flat promontory on the southern half of the island. It would have been very easy to defend the island against any ships coming to attack. With water and provisions, a substantial nest of pirates could operate easily there with no real danger of being successfully attacked. The threat to the Roman ships in 192 BC is readily apparent.

Teians to the pirate attack should be considered in other contexts. First and foremost to consider is the construction of the Hellenistic fortification wall. The second development is the creation of a new civic division: the pyrgoi. The fortification wall can be traced around most of the circuit of the city (Fig. 3). The feature has not been excavated extensively and there is no part of the site where it is significantly exposed. The wall was on a restrained scale, and its near three kilometre circuit surrounds the settlement and extends along the harbour mole. The wall follows certain contours of the site on the western and northern sides. It is only along the low-lying eastern side of the city that the wall extends in an almost dead-on straight line. The eastern edge of the city would have been the most vulnerable part of the wall to attack. The Teians recognized this and the wall was jogged at points to allow for increased use of artillery in enfilade defense. Both the eastern and western sections of the walls were equipped with numerous small towers, some of which had sally ports. The high ground to the west of the city was not incorporated within the circuit, but this was probably because that was the area of one of the city’s major necropoleis. In short, the Teians laid out a modest plan, incorporating only the urban matrix of the city. The wall was designed to be thick in order to minimize the effect of artillery fire, since enemies could easily approach the city on the east and take advantage of the heights to the west. The numerous towers along the wall increased its defensibility.

Myonnesos was more than just an unassailable island. On a clear day, the island has an unparalleled view of the entire gulf of Teos, the city of Teos, the coast to the west at Airai, and Mt. Korykos directly across the gulf. Even the island of Samos, far to the south, is visible from Myonnesos. In the wrong hands, Myonnesos posed a serious threat to any and all ship traffic in the area. Myonnesos was a particular thorn in the side of Teos. Because Teos had failed to keep control of the city in the 5th century BC, the inhabitants felt no qualms about raiding and interfering with trade in the area. The settlement was clearly hostile to Teos and took other opportunities to threaten the city. In the middle of the 2nd century BC, the Myonnesians willingly received the Dionysiac technitai after they were forcibly expelled from Teos for inciting a rebellion.25 The Teians were alarmed by this relocation. They appealed to the Romans to intervene to prevent the island from becoming fortified against them once more. The Teians won their case and the Romans resettled the technitai just a little east at the very small polis of Lebedos.

We are fortunate to have several of the wall-building accounts.26 These inscriptions describe the construction of individual sections of the walls. Two or three epistatai were appointed from the citizens to oversee each part of the construction. The concluding sections of the texts record the budget for the individual projects. These two details are standard among all the accounts. But the inscriptions often differ in numbering, accounting procedures, and even the way that they describe the construction of the fortifications.27 This may be indicative that the sections were constructed at different times. Due to financial difficulties following the pirate attack, Teos probably had to construct the walls were in sections over a period of a number of year. The ktematonia decree is certainly good evidence for the diversion of funds from the fortifications project.28

And so, it is clear that Teos was threatened by pirates on two sides, from Myonnesos and Korykos. Moreover, this threat had been a problem for the area since at least the 4th century BC. The Teians had done their best to control the problem, but it was only with Roman control of the eastern Mediterranean that pirates truly ceased to be a threat to the polis. Unlike the Cretans, these local pirates had the means, the motive, and the opportunity to strike at Teos. We need to look no further than the bay of Teos itself to find the probable candidates of the assault on the city. The pirate attack on Teos left devastation, poverty, and fear in its wake. There is no doubt that this had an effect on Teian society. But how did the Teians react? What changes came about at Teos? The documents about asylia have long been associated with pirate activity against the city. But, as we have seen, these documents belong to a different period and the granting cities are hardly the best candidates for the malefactors. The response of the

The construction of city fortification walls was not the only change at Teos. It is interesting that around the same period, a new social unit appears in the documents of the city: the pyrgoi or “towers.” The so-called pyrgoi list is our most extensive piece of evidence.29 It is a

24 Personal autopsy, January 2006. The most substantial remains are a series of cisterns, which are no doubt contemporary with the rubble and cement harbour fortifications. In the late Byzantine period, the important fort of Hypsile was located on Myonnesos and the island was refortified by the rebel Ottoman general Juneid against Murat II in AD 1421 (Doukas, Historia Turcobyzantina, 27.12-14). Many of the remains on the island probably date from this period. 25 Strabo 14.1.29.

26 These have been collected in Maier 1959: nos. 62-68. One of these inscriptions (no. 65) was recently rediscovered and re-edited (SEG 35.1151). 27 For an in-depth discussion of the building inscriptions and their differences, see Strang 2007: 199-202. 28 Aneziri 2003: D2.12-15. 29 CIG 3064.

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SOMA 2007 fragmentary list of individuals listed by name, the tower with which they are associated, and an adjectival form of their respective symmories.30 The text as we have it consists of 35 entries, of which 29 pyrgoi can be read at least partially, none occurring twice.

the inscription lies in the manner in which the citizen body marshaled together all of their resources to preserve their fellow citizens and the other inhabitants of the city. Those who loaned the money were honored at the city Dionysia as the other benefactors of the city. And life in the city went on, forever changed. The male citizens were organized into new guard units, the pyrgoi, to defend the city during future times of trouble. The fact that we hear of the pyrgoi as late as the Roman era reflects how deeply one night of danger could affect the entire social order of the city.35 And, importantly, the walls that were soon erected around the city became forevermore a testimony of the bandit that lurked outside in the night. Bibliography

The introduction of the pyrgoi as a social division at around the same time as the construction of the wall, with its own physical pyrgoi, suggests that they had something to do with the defense of the city. Theoretical treatises often suggested that the male population of a city be divided into guard units to defend the walls during times of attack.31 In Asia Minor, both Smyrna and Stratonikeia had such a system in place; they divided their citizens into wards (amphoda), each of which were responsible for a section of the fortification walls.32 It is probable that the situation at Teos was similarly disposed and each pyrgos was assigned to protect an area of the wall.33

Aneziri, S. (2003) Die Vereine der dionysischen Techniten. Historia Supplement, 163. Béquignon, Y. (1928) Les “pyrgoi” de Téos. RA, 28, 85208. Chaniotis, A. (2005). War in the Hellenistic World. Oxford, Blackwell. Jones, N.F. (1987) Public Organization in Ancient Greece. American Philosophical Society, vol. 176, Philadelphia. Koromila, M. et al (1997) Ερυθραια. Athens, Panorama. Kvist, K. (2003). Cretan Grants of Asylia. Classica et Mediaevalia, 54, 185-222. Ma, J. (1999) Antiochos III and the Cities of Western Asia Minor. Oxford, OUP. Maier, F.G. (1959) Griechische Mauerbauinschriften. Heidelberg, Quelle & Meyer. McNicoll, A.W. (1997) Hellenistic Fortifications. Oxford, OUP. Pritchett, W.K. (1991) The Greek State at War. Vol. 5, Berkeley, University of California Press. Rigsby, K. (1996) Asylia: Territorial Inviolability in the Hellenistic World. Berkeley, University of California Press. Şahin, S. (1994) Piratenüberfall auf Teos. EA, 23, 1-36. SOA Project (2001) Work in Progress – 2001 Campaign. Available from [Accessed 9 May, 2007] Strang, J. (2007) The City of Dionysos: A social and historical study of the Ionian city of Teos. PhD Dissertation SUNY Buffalo.

There must have been an official in charge of the entire fortification.34 It seems reasonable that the pyrgoi list is an account of these officials, chosen from a new pyrgos ever year. The pyrgoi list, as it is preserved, could represent a 40-year period of such a head magistrate of the fortification defense. It seems best to take a pyrgos as a unit of defense formed by allotment from the symmories of the city. The term first occurred around the same time as the city wall equipped with many towers. The total number of towers attested in the pyrgoi inscription is 29, a fairly high number. But, as we have seen, the defense strategy of the fortifications at Teos required many straight-running sections on low-lying ground. It is a typical feature of such walls to have a large number of towers. The coincidence of the Hellenistic fortification walls and the first reference to the pyrgoi is too significant to dismiss. In conclusion, the evidence for piracy and banditry in the region of Teos is abundant. There is no need to assume that the Cretans were behind the attack. The true worth of 30

See Jones 1987: 306-7. A symmory is the Teian equivalent of an Attic deme. 31 Aristotle, Pol. 7.10.8 and Aeneas Tact. 3.1-5. 32 I.Smyrna 613c. and I.Stratonikeia 1003-4. For further discussion, see Chaniotis 2005:23. 33 Béquignon 1928: 197-8. 34 Béquignon 1928: 200-2.

35

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PEP Teos 271 and 272.

THE PIRATE ATTACK ON TEOS

Fig. 1: Map of the Territory of Teos

Fig. 2: Myonnesos, Facing South 367

SOMA 2007

Fig. 3: Site Plan of Teos

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Villanovan culture in southern Romagna (Italy) The necropolis of Viarino (Verucchio) Lara Taccini University of Bologna, Italy, Department of Archaeology

During the early Iron Age (9-12 centuries B.C.) the south-eastern Romagna was characterised by a widespread culture, called “Villanovan”, a name derived from that of a small village near Bologna, Villanova di Castenaso, where the scholar Giovanni Gozzadini unearthed a necropolis in 1858. Since the materials yielded by this necropolis didn’t find any parallel with other ancient cultures, Gozzadini thus believed he was in the presence of a new culture, still to be investigated.

Casalecchio as well as of the villages of S.Giovanni in Galilea and Calbana. Such protovillanovan materials testify to the trade circuits that from the Final Bronze Age onward connected Europe with the north-eastern Italy, with the Aegean world and with the Tyrrhenian Etruria. From the IX century B.C. onward the Villanovan centre of Verucchio was encompassed within this trade circuit. The settlement controlled the Via Maggio trans-Apennine pass through which it was possible to get to the Tyrrhenian Etruria. However its strategic position at the mouth of the Marecchia Valley, through which the settlement controlled access to the Adriatic Sea, appears to characterise Verucchio as a trade outpost relying on its own harbour, Rimini, rather than as a populating centre (Sassatelli 1996: 255). During the IX and the VIII centuries B.C. evidence points to a modest Greek presence in the northern Adriatic areas where trades were controlled by Verucchio and Fermo.

The crematory funeral rite, together with peculiar typologies of the material culture, permitted to identify some peninsular Italian regions in which it is possible to find the presence of this new cultural aspect. The areas taken into consideration are the same in which the Etruscan culture developed, such as Tuscany, northern Latium, Campania, Emilia-Romagna (Bologna and Verucchio) and Marche with the enclave of Fermo. Verucchio1 is the main centre of the Villanovan culture in south-eastern Romagna. Archaeology has provided evidence of this culture within an extension of 25 kilometers from the estuary of the river Marecchia toward its inner land. Verucchio was built on a hill rising 300 metres above the sea level, about 15-20 kilometers from the Adriatic Sea. Like most of the Etruscan settlements, this village of huts occupied the plateau on the top of the hill, Pian del Monte, while its four main cemeteries (Campo del Tesoro-Lavatoio, Moroni, Le Pegge, Lippi) lay along the lower slopes.

But how long did the Villanovan presence last in the territory of Romagna? Archaeology provides evidence of necropolises not later than the half of the sixth century B.C. Yet the supposed gap between the sixth and the fifth centuries B.C., assumed on the grounds of a lack of evidence from the necropolises, seems to have been disclaimed by the finds from the settlement of Pian del Monte. In this area residential structures, dedicated to craft activities, have been found and show an uninterrupted presence up to the late fifth century B.C. at least (Sassatelli 1996: 253). The Umbrian presence, charged with the breakdown of the Etruscan ethnic element in Romagna, should therefore be reassessed and considered contemporary to the Etruscan civilisation which thrived in this territory during the fifth and fourth centuries B.C.

The hinterland of Verucchio and Rimini was settled through small villages scattered over the territory, while the centre of Verucchio controlled the traffic in the Marecchia valley. These minor centres gathered in three main clusters of villages. A group of villages grew up in an area limited to the south-east by the Marano stream, along a road that probably allowed Verucchio to get in touch with the neighbouring Piceno region; other villages lay along the river Uso and Rubicone valleys being the north-western border of the Villanovan people in Romagna; the third group of settlements was bordered by the mouth of the Marecchia river toward the Adriatic (Gentili 1987: 208-10). All these settlements are known only through archaeological findings of burials mostly revealed by chance finds, and they have not been thoroughly examined so far.

A phase of decline, compared with the luxury of the seventh century orientalizing period, occurred when the Marecchia Valley lost its importance and Spina was founded, becoming the main centre on the Adriatic coast of the network of trade created in the Po valley Etruria. The rise of this emporium caused the decline of Verucchio and of its harbour, Rimini. Moreover, in this period the Greek presence in the northern area of the Adriatic Sea became more relevant (Von Eles 2000: 16). Within this general outline an interesting point to be considered is the relation between Verucchio and the neighbouring non-Etruscan cultures in order to understand which cultural aspects from the outside can be traced in the grave goods of Verucchio and of its hinterland. Archaeological evidence from necropolis attests contacts with cultures of the eastern shore of the

In Romagna the Villanovan culture is preceded by some evidences that date back to the Final Bronze Age, such as the depositories of Camerano, Poggio Berni, Torriana, 1

For the general outline on Verucchio see Von Eles 2000: 14-20.

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SOMA 2007 Adriatic Sea. Some types of fibulae, the rectangular broad sheet bronze belts and, most of all, the headgear made of wooden cane and bronze studs found in tomb 85 of the Lippi necropolis, recall items from the Liburnian-Iapydic areas (Sassatelli 1996: 267), while the wooden fan handle from the tomb 89 (Lippi necropolis) seems to imitate bronze types commonly found in the Histrian necropolises of Nesazio, Vermo and Pizzughi2 (Colonna 1992: 112). These cultural exchanges testify to the large networks of trade and gifts between high ranking people. Contacts with Northern Europe fostered the trading of plentiful amber, the legendary fossil resin. In the orientalizing period luxury goods were imported from the Aegean areas, while a number of weapons show contacts with the Piceno areas, particularly Novilara, such as curved-blade iron daggers and pointed helmets with a double crest (as the one retrieved in the tomb 89 of the Lippi necropolis). Despite their different funerary customs, as in Novilara the dead were inhumed while Verucchio adhered to the traditional rite of cremation, a number of parallels in grave goods show cultural and political exchange between the two centres (Sassatelli 1996: 267-8).

necklaces, earrings and ornamental objects in general, which belonged to the sepulchral equipments. Traded ever since the third millennium B.C. this fossil resin’s circulation had greatly increased during the Bronze Age, when amber was traded from the north of Europe over a number of routes to the high Adriatic. In the Final Bronze age one of the most important centres for importing and manufacturing amber was established at Frattesina di Fratta Polesine (a port near the mouth of the river Adige), where both the northern route from Baltic and the Adriatic Mycenaean route met, the latter testified by the presence of amber beads of the “small hoard of Tirinto” type. Canals and lagoons that connected the Po valley to Ravenna allowed Verucchio to take over the role of importer and manufacturer of amber works which were then redistributed even to the inner Etruria (Forte 1994: 24-6). Between the seventh and the eighth centuries B.C. amber’s manufacture at Verucchio was probably designed to satisfy the requirements of leading individuals within the aristocracy who emphasized their eminent social status by showing luxury goods. In grave goods the high rank of the dead is documented by a large quantity of precious objects. Sophisticated funerary customs are documented by evidence for the horse’s possession (bits and goads), the war or parade chariot and personal ornaments. Two burials in particular, tombs 85 and 89 from the Lippi necropolis, have yielded a wealth of objects. Among them were preserved ceremonial wooden furniture such as a throne, a footstool, tables on which were placed a set of vessels for the funerary banquet, and a gold serpentine fibula.

Most of the items recovered from burials, however, show parallels with vessels and precious ornaments found in the necropolises of the inner and southern Etruria, particularly in Tarquinia and Veii. The high crested bronze helmets with spurs (as the one found in tomb 89 of Lippi necropolis3) recall some types of south-Etruscan manufacture4 (Sassatelli 1996: 260). Their outstanding size allowed to use them only for “parade” purposes. Crested helmets made of impasto are also attested. One of them was found in tomb 52 of the Fondo Lavatoio necropolis,5 used as ash-urn lid, like commonly attested in Etruria. Horse bits, some types of fibulae and stamped decorations on vases find close parallels with grave goods from Bologna. Yet in the Villanovan necropolises of Bologna weapons are almost completely absent, while in the Verucchiese ambit both defensive and offensive weapons indicate the prestige and high rank of the deceased characterising male tombs as those of warriors.

Outstanding among them is the throne found in tomb 89, carved in the backrest with incised friezes displaying figured scenes on two superposed bands.6 Weaving, a “noble” activity in which only women were engaged, is represented on the register above. On either side of the top register another female activity, not clearly defined, takes place in front of a wooden house. On either side of the lower register two parades meet toward the centre of a complex scene. In each parade a cart, carrying a person seated and several attendants behind him, is driven by a man and is preceded by stags and soldiers at each side of the central scene in which two female figures look at each other.

Despite some common typologies, between the eighth and the seventh centuries B.C., there was a specialization in local handcraft through the re-elaboration of models in decorative arts, in engraving techniques, in the election of forms more and more sophisticated and of refined impasto.

Despite the first interpretation of the excavator, G.V. Gentili, considered all scenes linked to the entire cycle of processing and transporting wool (Von Eles 2000: 80), new interpretations have been advanced. All the scenes seem to refer to funerary ceremonies performed by the aristocratic community of Verucchio. The representation of weaving should be linked to the important role of women taking part on ceremonial activities as priestesses, as weaving is considered a noble activity with a sacred value.

Amber working was also linked to the activity of Verucchio handcraft workshops. Amber was manufactured as a quantity of ornaments such as fibulae, 2 On the Histrian fans see Archeologia e arte dell’Istria 1985: 42 (Pizzughi necropolis) and Histri ed Etruschi 1986: 56-9 (Nesazio necropolis); 60-1 (Vermo necropolis); 62-5 (Pizzughi necropolis). 3 See Von Eles 2000: 78-9, fig.79. 4 Hencken (1971) distinguishes into two different families the crested helmets attested in Italy during the Bronze Age and the Early Iron Age: the first family gathers helmets with pointed caps (78-96), while the second with round caps (97-110). 5 See Sassatelli 1996: 260, fig.14.

6 For the description of the throne and the interpretation of the friezes see Von Eles 2002: 235-72; for the photographs see Von Eles 2002: Tav. II-XII.

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VILLANOVAN CULTURE IN SOUTHERN ROMAGNA (ITALY) The complexity of the figurative scenes and the mastery in carving are accompanied by the extraordinary conservation of wood. In Verucchio tombs, indeed, wood and other perishable objects like basketwork and woollen materials are well preserved and protected from decay thanks to a particular condition of the soil.

type common in the proper Etruria, in Bologna and in the Piceno region, while chariots are not attested. The large quantity of globular-shaped pendants found here has been interpreted as horse goads used as rattles for the harness. Among the personal ornaments are two pins, bracelets, rings, a pendant in the shape of a stylized figurine (Fig. 3) which has been interpreted as nail cleaner on the grounds of similarities with types characteristic of the necropolises of Novilara (Beinhauer 1985: 706, nos. 3145; 767, no. 1481). A number of fibulae in various shapes have been found: from the archaic low bow types to the more recent swollen leech (It. sanguisuga) fibulae, with decorations incised with a graver, then developed into the boat (It.navicella) type with birds on the arch (Fig. 4) and into the dragon (It. drago) type (Fig. 5).

Having given a brief, obviously not exhaustive, outline of the development of the Villanovan culture in Verucchio and in its hinterland, I’ll focus my attention on an unpublished site discovered at the end of the nineteenth century in the hinterland of Verucchio, precisely Viarino, near Casalecchio di Verucchio. A wealth of material, presumably coming from burials, was revealed in 18817 in the field worked by the farmer Giuccioli by a chance find. Twenty years before remains of a Final Bronze age foundry were identified in a not well defined area near Casalecchio and at some one kilometer of distance other evidence turned up, presumably from Villanovan tombs8 .

Only an iron object is attested, very fragmentary, but that could be identified as a knife. The last group of items consists of personal ornaments belonging to women, made of amber and glass-paste. It includes amber necklaces, beads, spacers, a pendant, fibulae decorated with amber beads, a single fibula with the arch covered by a carved bone platelet with inlays of amber (Fig. 6), and a glass-paste spindle whorl (Fig. 7).

In this occasion I refer only to the 1881 finds which had yielded 290 items that can be classified as pottery, bronze, iron, glass-paste and amber. Chronological and cultural parallels for this materials have been traced both in the Villanovan necropolises of Verucchio and Bologna, as well as in the Piceno region.

The entire finding, fairly heterogeneous, can be surely attributed to Villanovan burials whose number, however, is hard to determine since their excavation has not been documented, except for the few accounts given by Carlo Tonini. Provenance from a sepulchral context has been confirmed both by the type of finds and by the large quantity of burnt items that were probably placed on the pyre beside the deceased. Finds are comprised within a fairly wide chronological phase, ranging in date from the beginning of the eighth to the end of the seventh century B.C. Earlier items date to the first half of the eighth century B.C. Among them are fragments, such as the ash urn decorated with meander motifs and the low bow fibulae. The pottery with impressed decoration, the axes and the leech fibulae can be dated to the full eighth century B.C. The bulk of material belongs to the orientalizing period. During this period, ranging from the end of the eighth to all the seventh century B.C., kantharoi of bucchero were produced as well as pottery with stamped decoration and with impressed circular stamps. Personal ornaments that belong to this period include amber, bronze fibulae of the dragon type and of the boat and leech types with water birds on the arch.

The pottery includes vases and objects related to spinning and weaving. Vases amount to 29 items, most of them well preserved though fragmentary. Types attested are common in the necropolises of Verucchiese ambit: kantharoi (Fig. 1), bowls with hollow lip, stemmed plates and cups, lids presumably belonging to situla-shaped vases. Almost nothing remains of the large jars and of the urns that contained the ashes of the dead, except for a single fragment of an ash-urn wall incised with a comblike tool with meander motifs and three handles, one of them decorated in the same way. Whorls (counterweight placed at the bottom of spindles) and spools, commonly found in female burials, suggest that weaving and spinning were noble crafts, prerogative of women of high rank. The bulk of material consists of bronze items, mostly fragmentary and burnt. A fundamental part of the funerary rite was indeed the pyre, where personal possessions were usually placed with the deceased to be burnt and to accompany the dead in the afterlife as signs of rank. Among the objects that must have expressed the high status of the deceased were the weapons such as axes (Fig. 2), attested here by three items of the type present in the hoard of S. Francesco at Bologna,9 objects indicating the use of the horse as bits and goads of the

Of outstanding interest is the carenated bowl with the alphabetical sign chi incised on the bottom. Graffiti diffused in a number of tombs from Verucchio dating from the seventh century show that even in the Villanovan Romagna writing was known and practised as in Bologna at the same time (Sassatelli 1996: 260-1). It appears thus that the necropolis of Viarino was in use for a period covering roughly two centuries and the retrievals can be encompassed within the Villanovan finds scattered over the hinterland of Verucchio.

7 Accounts of this discovery were published by C. Tonini (1882, XXIV), who conducted the operations for bringing to light the material. 8 Accounts of this discovery and a catalogue of all the materials found out were published by L.Tonini (1867, 119-34). 9 For the classification of the axes of the type attested in the hoard of S. Francesco in Bologna see Carancini 1984: 69-88.

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SOMA 2007 (Catalogo della Mostra), Ripatransone, Giovanni Moroni Editore, 92-123. Forte, M. (1996) Le vie dell’ambra. IN: Forte, M. and Von Eles, P.eds., Il dono delle Eliadi. Ambre e oreficerie dei principi etruschi di Verucchio (Catalogo della Mostra), Quaderni di Archeologia dell’Emilia Romagna 4, Rimini, Ramberti arti grafiche, 23-31. Gentili, G. V. (1987) Verucchio. IN: Bermond Montanari, La formazione della città in Emilia Romagna (Catalogo della Mostra), Bologna, Nuova alfa editoriale, 207-62. Hencken, H. (1971) The earliest European Helmets. Bronze Age and Early Iron Age, Cambridge Massachussets, Harvard University printing office. Histri ed Etruschi (1986), Museo Archeologico dell’Istria, Pula, Otokar Keršovani. Sassatelli, G. (1996) Verucchio, centro etrusco «di frontiera». IN: Ocnus IV, Bologna, Editrice Clueb, 249-71. Tonini, C. (1882) Quarto supplemento al volume I IN: La storia di Rimini, V, Rimini, XXIV. Tonini, L. (1867) Di alquanti oggetti Umbri od Etruschi nella maggior parte in bronzo trovati di recente in una villa del riminese. IN: Atti della Deputazione di Storia Patria, Bologna, 119-34. Von Eles, P. ed. (2000) Museo Civico Archeologico. Verucchio, English Edition, Verucchio, La Pieve. Von Eles, P. (2002), Guerriero e sacerdote. Autorità e comunità nell’età del ferro a Verucchio. La tomba del trono, Quaderni di Archeologia dell’Emilia Romagna 6, Firenze, Edizioni all’Insegna del Giglio.

The lack of prestigious objects could signify that the community of Viarino was quite homogeneous both on the political and the social level. Anyway, we have to consider it as a partial information because we don’t know the real extension of the necropolis and we don’t know if there are parts still not unearthed. Still remaining to be investigated is the relationship between the necropolis and the 1865 Casalecchio finds, probably coming from tombs, and to which settlement the cemetery was bound to. Evidence of metalworking activity briefly mentioned from one of the two 1865 finds at Casalecchio could be related to a foundry bound to a village, but the horizon to which it refers belongs to the Final Bronze age and it isn’t reliable to our nucleus. Only further excavation will shed fresh light on the entire sites of Viarino and Casalecchio di Verucchio. References Archeologia e arte dell’Istria (1985), Museo Archeologico dell’Istria, Pula, “Istarska naklada”. Beinhauer, K. W. ed. (1985) Untersuchungen zu den eisenzeitlichen Bestattungsplatzen von Novilara (Provinz Pesaro und Urbino/Italien), Frankfurt am Main. Carancini, G. L. (1984) Le asce nell’Italia continentale II, PBF IX, 12, Munchen. Colonna, G. (1992) Apporti etruschi nell’orientalizzante «piceno»: il caso della statuaria. IN: La civiltà picena nelle Marche. Studi in onore di Giovanni Annibaldi

Fig.1: Kantharoi of bucchero. Viarino necropolis. H. 10,2 cm; H. 8 cm. Rimini, Museo Comunale (photograph: Lara Taccini)

Fig.2: Bronze Axe. Viarino necropolis. L. 16 cm. Rimini, Museo comunale (photograph: L.T.). 372

VILLANOVAN CULTURE IN SOUTHERN ROMAGNA (ITALY)

Fig.3: Bronze pendant. Viarino necropolis. H. 4,2 cm. Rimini, Museo comunale (photograph: L.T.).

Fig.4: Bronze boat fibula with one bird on the arch. Viarino necropolis. H. 2,4 cm, L. 3,3 cm. Rimini, Museo Comunale (photograph: L.T.).

Fig. 5: Bronze dragon fibula. Viarino necropolis. H 4,9 cm, L. 7,3 cm. Rimini, Museo Comunale (photograph: L.T.).

Fig. 6: Leech fibula in bone and amber. Viarino necropolis. L. 6,2 cm. Rimini, Museo Comunale (photograph: L.T.).

Fig.7: Glass whorl. Viarino necropolis. H. 2,2 cm. Rimini, Museo Comunale (photograph: L.T.).

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An unknown bath-gymnasium at Kithanaura H. Onur Tibikoğlu and Emrah Akalin* Research Assistants, University of Akdeniz, Department of Archaeology, Antalya-Turkey. [email protected], [email protected]

Kithanaura is located near Saraycık. It can be found 44 km westwards along the main Antalya-Kemer road, and then 6 km down the forest track to the right (Fig. 1).

The Bathhouse is located at the foot of the stepped road leading towards the acropolis8 (Fig. 2). The Bathhouse is the last public building on the west side of the acropolis. The location of the bathhouse is at a confluence of routes, consequently indicating the conscious planning of the public buildings of the city. At the same time this road is a long-distance route used by visitors to the city. The street which is lined by various tombs on both sides, leads towards the north, passing by the west side of the bathhouse.

Many researches1 have been conducted in this city, discovered by Spratt and Forbes2 during their research in this area in the middle of the 19th century. Most research has been concerned with epigraphic remains. The name of this settlement was first recognized from a coin carrying the “Kita” legend, found by C. Lightfoot-M. Arslan-C. Tibet,3 then Nolle4 located this city, which was famous for its Heroon as Saraycık, called Kithanaura according to the information recorded in the Miliarium Lyciae, and from the coin find. Comprehensive official archaeological research was first undertaken by the Bey Dağları Surface Surveys in 2004 with a team lead by Prof. Dr. Nevzat Çevik.5 These researches are periodically continuing with this same team. The studies of this city will be completed in the 2007 season. And all of the famous buildings and remains, the heroon, other buildings and inscriptions will have been published by the team.

The highest quality building of this bath-gymnasium complex is orientated in a North-South direction. Although a ruin, this seven sectioned building’s plan has been recorded (Fig. 3,4.). The building begins with the Palaestra on its north side and continues with the bathing sections arranged in rows. The first room is the rectangular planned Palaestra (I) which lies on the East-West side, next to the Bathhouse, on the right hand side of the main road that leads to the acropolis (Fig. 3). It measures 26.20 m. by 6.00 m. The walls which determine the borders of this area in the east and west have collapsed. The entrance to this area is provided by the 1.00 m wide doorway on the north side. The remains belonging to this gate remain in situ. The lack of data without an excavation means we are unable to fully understand the plan and the structure of the Palaestra. The Palaestra opens to entrance hall II by way of a doorway in the west side of the south wall. This is the entrance room to the Baths. This section forms a 66 m² closed area and measures 14.20 m. by 6.50 m. This area is situated perpendicular in a North-South direction of the width of section III. Because of the antique road passing by and the modern way passing over this road, its walls have collapsed. Whereas smoothly cut limestone blocks are used in the construction of the sides that face the ancient road, rubble stone was employed for the interior walls. The place of this section within the general plan clearly defines its function. It provided passage into the bathing sections of the bath house complex.

The city is called Kithanaura of Termessos in the Miliarium Lyciae.6 This shows the city was under the hegemony of Termessos in the Ist century B.C. The city has strategic importance due to its geographic location upon the routes leading to Attaleia by way of the Alakır and Çandır valleys. The city is spread over a high rocky hill and its slopes (Fig. 2). The hill with the acropolis surrounded by city walls is very steep in the north and the west; but slopes less steeply towards the south. Consequently, while there is a city wall system on the south side, the steepness of the north and west sides, meant there were no need build a city wall system on these steep sides. The Acropolis is provided with three entrances with the southwest gate in the city walls being the main entrance.7 *Thanks to T. M. P. Duggan for staightening out the English translation. 1 For more information, see Ritter 1859: 766; Petersen-Luschan 1889: 150. 2 Sprat – Forbes 1847: 174 ff. 3 Aslan-Ligthtfoot-Tibet 1998: 7-8. 4 Nolle 1996: 7-29. 5 Çevik et al. 2005: 144-145. Our thanks to Prof. Dr. N. Çevik head of the Bey Dağları Survey team for the permission to publish this material and for his assistance. 6 Işık-İşkan-Çevik 2001: 39. 7 For the first detailed publication of the archaeological ruins of the city, see. N. Çevik, “Kithanaura: Doğu Likya’da Bir Kent”, Haluk Abbasoğlu Armağan Kitabı 2008 (in press).

The service section directs the bath traffic to section III (Fig. 5,a,b,c.). The entrance doorway providing access has collapsed together with the west wall. The west, north and south walls have collapsed but the east wall remains standing. This section of the bath house is the largest and contains the highest quality building material employed in the construction of the bath house. The structure and its location indicate it served two functions, as a Frigidarium 8

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For the first reporting of this Baths see. Çevik et al. 2005: 144-145.

AN UNKNOWN BATH-GYMNASIUM AT KITHANAURA space. However this section surely functioned as the caldarium given its small size and its position within the bathhouse plan. It covers an area of about 50 m2. Its west and its south walls are apsidal. These apses can be understood to function as the places where the hot water bathtubs were located. Further data related to this structure could not be obtained. The quality masonry work of the side wall continues in the west and south walls. Window sills and doorways are to be found in the middle of the west and south apses. The south wall continues straight after the apse.

cum Apoditerium. It measures approximately 17.00 m. by 8.50 m. and covers an area of 140 m². The long walls on both sides are supported by 4 monumental arches having a width of 4.50 m. and a height of 2.20 m. and these arches supported the roofing erected over this wide area, evidence for this roofing was not found. All of the arches remain standing except for the arches on the North West side and, on the south side only the one on the east remains standing. These arches stand on profiled bases. All the bases remain in situ and are largely beneath the ground. The inner sides of the arches have niches with a depth of 1.65 m. The quality of the material and the high quality of the workmanship employed are attractive. On the surface of the limestone blocks which constitute the arches are a series of 4 carved profiles, decreasing in size from top to bottom to be observed along the curvature of each arch (Fig. 5c). On top of these arches are two courses of hewn stone blocks that extend out over the profile of the arch a distance of 0.10 m. Under these blocks the spaces between the arches are filled with mortar and rubble stones. The roof cover must have been a vault orientated in an East-West direction. Directly opposite the entrance there is a postament for a statue measuring 1.10 m. by 0.70 m. leaning to one side in front of the east wall. On the front of this postament there is a relief carving of two ribbons side by side. Under this relief there is inscribed -ΑΝΤΙΝΟΩ ΕΠΙΦΑΝΕΙ- already published.

In the east there is a square planned section next to section VI which is not on the same axis as the bathing sections. No doorway or entrance could be found that provided access from section VI into section VII (Fig. 3). The entrance to this section is provided by a 1.40 m. width doorway in the south side wall. Although the walls of this section that cover a roofed area of 48 m2 have collapsed, they remain in situ. The structural features described, its location and especially the independent doorway from outside, indicate this section functioned as the furnace and firewood depot. A terrace wall orientated in a North-South direction lies 3.00 m. east of the bath house. This wall extends over 10.00 m. and that which is visible was built from rubble stone. This wall was built in order to obstruct the runoff of rainwater that pours down the north slope, and this wall would have extended along the entire side of the bath house to protect it.

The entrance to the narrower and shorter section IV from section III is through a doorway as expected in the south wall. This section IV measures 14.50 m. by 5.20 m. and covers an area of 55m², understood to be the continuation of the Frigidarium (Fig. 7). This rectangular area has an apse at its east end. The section with the apse most probably contained a cold water pool. This pool was entered by a flight of steps descending from the floor level in section IV. Both plaster and fresco remains survive in situ on the walls of the apse. The water supply would have been provided via the channel measuring 0.85 m to 0.40 m located on the south wall. There is a 1.20 m. wide window opening in the west wall.

Related to the water supply of the bath, the remains of a wall that leads to the bath straight over the hill on the west side of the forest way was found (Fig. 8). The blocks are huge and have irregular cutting work. This straight wall isn’t related to any known building and must surely belong to the aqueduct leading to the bath. Despite the fact that the connection between this wall and the bathhouse cannot be seen due to the forest way, investigations indicate the Palaestra was connected with the south wall. This suggests this wall-like structure is the remains of an aqueduct that provided the water to the bath house. Further, in all other directions around the bath house, there are neither any possible remains nor is there the suitable topography for an aqueduct as, on the east side of the complex there is an upward slope leading to the acropolis, on the south side is a steep slope and on the north side there is the inclined slope of the acropolis and there are no water sources to be found in these directions sufficient to supply this bath house. So it seems sensible to suggest this long wall which comes from possible springs in the west was the aqueduct supplying water to the bath house.

The entrance into section V of the bath house is provided by a 0.90 m. wide doorway in the south wall of section IV. Section V measures 9.60 m. by 9.40 m. and covers an area of 56 m² and was the tepidarium (Fig 3, 4). Dense infilling and the thick plant cover rendered the recording of the details of this area quite impossible. The west wall that overlooks the road remains standing. This wall built in isodomic technique from limestone blocks with bossage determines the west border of section VI lying to the south (Fig. 6, 9). A line of blocks that extends over the wall surface with its profiled structure continues along the wall, forming the sill level of the window spaces. The 0.90 m. wide doorway located near the western edge of the south wall provides entrance into section VI.

The above conclusions are drawn from the data we obtained in the course of our research. Despite these building remains providing sufficient information to record a general plan, the collapse of separation walls, the sections that contain a thick infilling and our consequent inability to observe much of the inner architectural appearance of parts of this building during our surface

The section VI is the last section of the baths in the south (Fig. 3, 4, 6). Its dense filling prevented the acquisition of any information concerning the inner arrangement of this 375

SOMA 2007 survey, made a detailed technical evaluation of the interior of the bathhouse impossible.

form to Kithanaura is on the north side of the Vespasian Bathhouse at Patara.14 For the arches and the arch footings and the beginning of the dividing walls that separate the sections from each other, smooth cut stones are used and it is understood that this is of local workmanship, employing the local Kithanauran stone. But the plan is a similar variation of the common and known type in this region.

Evaluation This bathhouse was erected with the same high quality work seen on other important civic buildings in the city. This level of workmanship is surprising for a middle sized city in mountainous Lycia at this distance from the coast. It’s estimated to display a modest structure as a medium sized settlement. Yet the settlement of Kithanaura as an important haunt on the way to Attelia, leads it to have high qualified consructions for era’s. In North-East Lycia, in the last Lycian city, Trebenna, the bath house discovered by N. Çevik can be compared with this, an another example of high quality work in a bath house in an middle sized Lycian city.9 Regarding important factors such as the city traffic, the location and source of spring waters, the topographic structure, and the direction of the sunlight at the location that was selected for the erection of the bath house within the town panning for baths in Lycian settlements, there was an established tradition in these respects that is valid for also Kithanaura. Although the orientation of Lycian Bathhouse. structures vary, there is usually a tendency to South and South-West10 in urbans where there are no difficulties in clearing the land for construction - enough financial supplies, convenient topographical structure and etc.-.

The Kithanaura Bathhouse is of the type known as the Lycian bathhouse type and there are many other examples of this type. The bathing sections are side by side and circulation route is single. There is a retroactive bathing traffic. Section III, the Frigidarium cum Apoditerium has a 140 m² closed area, and its area comprise nearly the sum of all the closed areas of the other bathing sections, about 160 m². This section is the prestige hall of the bath house with its high quality structure and its sculpture base. The confrontation of various apsidal arrangements is frequent in most of the baths of this region.15 The apsidal arrangements are founded as usually covering one portion of a short side or among the whole. However in Kithanaura we are faced with a different form. West side of Caldarium totaly, and greater part of the South are made vivacious by abscisses. While broadening the space, abscisses ensure a frontal architecture by letting optimum benefit from the daylight. Another sample of the twin apsidal arrangement from the region is Arykanda; found on the North and West sides of the location room 7 in the South bath.16

Whereas the Kithanaura Bath. is settled towards West. While the main road streches out on west, there are’nt any topographic structures to block the daylight. The west side of the bathhouse is facing acropolis hillside without any scene. It is natural on this side to experience lack of window openings.

With this bathhouse we add a significant example to the known Roman bath-gymnasium in the region and we have attempted an explanation of the bath architecture. In addition, we provided certain information concerning the nature of the town planning at Kithanaura in the Roman period.

This Bath house has a closed area of 700 m². It therefore has a larger size than many city baths. For example, Patara’s Central bathhouse is of 315 m² and Xanthos’s South bathhouse is of 295 m².11 While evaluating Lycian bath houses, the size, but also the workmanship and the quality of the materials employed are important and there is no standard size for a bath house. Both the population of the city and the number of people that may come to it on occasion from outside the city determined the size of the bathhouse that was erected.

Bibliography Aslan-Ligthtfoot-Tibet Aslan, M. Ligthtfoot, C. Tibet, C. (1998) Numismatic Circular. A Group of Unknown 1998 Coins in Antalya Museum, CVI/1, 7. Baybutluoğlu C. (1983) Arykanda Kazıları 1982. KST IV, 277 – 284. Çevik – Varkıvanç, Çevik, N., Varkıvanç, B. (2004) An Evaluation of the Roman Rural Baths of Lycia Light of Two New Examples from Trebenna and Typallia, Adalya, VII, 223-50. Çevik N., Varkıvanç, B., Bulut, S., Kızgut İ., Akyürek E., Pigmouet Pedarros, I. (2006) Bey Dağları Yüzey Araştırmaları 2004, XXIII. AST I. 141154. Farrington, A. (1995) The Roman Baths of Lycia: An Architectural Study, The British Institute of Archaeology at Ankara, 20, Oxford.

The isodomic system of dressed stone blocks forming the west and south walls that remain standing show unique workmanship. Blocks with bossage are also found in the north side wall of the Antonius Pius bathhouse at Cyaneae12 and the polygonal blocks of the south side wall of the Little Bath house at Patara.13 But closest in wall building technique and in the use of the bossage block 9

Çevik – Varkıvanç 2004: 223–50. For orientation of the Lycian Bathhouse see Farrington 1995: 7 – 13. 11 Farrington 1995: 11, table 2. 12 Farrington 1995: 54 -152, fig. 124. 13 Farrington 1995: 53–60, fig. 19, 128, 129, cat. nr. 39 ; Işık 2000: 125127. 10

14 15 16

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Farrington 1995: 156 ff., fig. 17, cat. nr. 38. Farrington 1995: 3-4; Yegül 1994: 218-284. Bayburtluoğlu 1982: 277-282; Farrington 1995:

AN UNKNOWN BATH-GYMNASIUM AT KITHANAURA Işık, F. (2000) Patara, The History and Ruins of the Capital City of Lycian League, Antalya. Işık-İşkan-Çevik, Işık, F., İşkan, H., Çevik N., Miliarium Lyciae: Patara Yol Kılavuz Anıtı / Das Wegweisermonument von Patara, Eds. İşkan, H., Işık, F., Lykai, IV, 2001. Nolle, J. (1996), Münzen und Geschichte einer kleinen Stadt in den ostlykischen. Kithanaura, Jahrbuch für Numismatik und Geldgeschıchte, 46, 729.

Petersen-Luschan, Petersen, E. and v.Luschan, F. (1889) Reisen in Lykien, Milyas und Kibyratis, Wien, Reisen im südwestlichen Kleinasien II. Ritter, C. (1859) Die Erdkunde im Verhaltnis zur Natur und zur Geschichte des Menschen usw. Theil : KleinAsien, Band II. Sprat – Forbes, Spratt, T. A. B. and Forbes, E. (1847) Travels in Lycia, Milyas and the Cibyratis I- II, London. Yegül, F. (1994) Antik Çağ’da Hamamlar ve Yıkanma. 2006 Istanbul, Homer.

Fig. 1- Routes According to The Miliarium Lyciae.

Fig. 2 – The Acropolis of Kithanaura,

Fig. 3 - The Plan of Kithanaura Bathhouse.

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Fig. 4 – The Elevation AA.

. 5a. The view of north interior wall.

5b. The view of south interior wall.

5c. The Elevation BB. Fig. 5 – The Frigidarium cum Apoditerium (III).

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AN UNKNOWN BATH-GYMNASIUM AT KITHANAURA

Fig. 6 - Exterior Facade Walls (West and South).

Fig. 7 – Section IV.

Fig. 8 - The remains of water supply.

Fig. 9 – West Facade of the Bathhouse.

Fig. 10 – The Apsis on SE.

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Phrygian Gordion in Achaemenid Context Galya D. Toteva Department of Classical and Near Eastern Studies, University of Minnesota, Minneapolis, U.S.A. Research Center for Anatolian Civilizations, Koç University, Istanbul, Turkey

studies of these artifacts have advanced our knowledge and understanding of the culture, behaviour and tastes of the elites in each of these societies.

The Achaemenid Persian empire was a dominant political power from the middle of the 6th century until the 330s B.C.E. and incorporated all lands of the Near East, from Asia Minor and Egypt to modern-day Afghanistan.∗ This vast area included a number of diverse peoples, who had formed and developed their individual cultures, languages and religions over the centuries before the Persians appeared on the historical scene. In Asia Minor in particular, the Phrygians and the Lydians had grown into powerful kingdoms during the first half of the first millennium B.C.E. The Phrygian kingdom, with its capital Gordion was dominant during the 9th and 8th centuries B.C.E., while the Lydians, whose capital was Sardis, came into power in the end of the 7th century B.C.E. and were in charge of most of Anatolia until the Persian conquest. With the conquest these old centres were incorporated into different satrapies of the empire, each taking its specific course of existence in the new political context. While Sardis continued to function as the most important city of the western empire, Gordion became a stronghold in the satrapy of Greater Phrygia, although not a center of political or administrative importance.

Along with discoveries from early periods at these important Anatolian centres, the Achaemenid period remains gradually came to light. Studies of the empire’s organization have shown that the Persians often relied on the local aristocracies as administrators in each area. For that reason, the latter had the opportunity to develop arts and architecture according to their own tastes and agendas. As analysis has shown, they were often inspired by the contemporary imperial fashions, including motifs and iconography from both the western and eastern artistic traditions. Over the last decades a new trend in scholarship of the Achaemenid empire developed: the focus of interest has shifted towards studying the material culture of the population at large alongside with the luxurious remains left by the elites. Since the 1980s a series of meetings devoted to the Achaemenid period have been organized, each with the purpose to discuss a specific aspect of the empire. Studies of different regions that were under the Persian imperial control have now revealed that the material culture of the populations inhabiting them remained little affected by the otherwise politically dominant empire.2

The Phrygian and Lydian kingdoms have long been known from the accounts of ancient authors, most notably Herodotus, Xenophon, Strabo, Quintus Curtius, Arrian, Ovid and Plutarch.1 It is largely for this reason that initial archaeological investigations in Asia Minor focused on the levels associated with their remains, and the remains of their capitals in particular. Luxury finds and monumental architecture were the most prominent and eagerly studied in the early years of excavations. The

This paper adds to the overall picture by offering a study of the ceramic material from Gordion in the satrapy of Greater Phrygia. The pottery comes from six distinct areas excavated in the 1950s and 1960s under the direction of Rodney Young. It is hard to associate the ceramics with specific structures, since later inhabitants at Gordion disturbed lower strata as they pulled building material for their own purposes and dug disruptive features such as pits. Due to the poor archaeological context, the ceramics was organized into six groups according to location at the site.3 All groups belong to the first three quarters of the 4th century B.C.E. This was determined both by the relative stratigraphy (the groups are framed by levels of the previous 5th century and the following Hellenistic period) and by absolute dates provided by the Greek (mostly Attic) imported vessels and by the amphoras.

∗

I would like to thank my advisor, Prof. Andrea Berlin, for the wisdom and energy that she put into helping me carry out this project and for supervising my Ph.D. thesis which incorporates the study of Late Achaemenid Gordion. I also thank Prof. Kenneth Sams, the project director at Gordion, for allowing me to work with the material, for his systematic help with anything I needed in relation to my work, and for his shared opinion about the pottery. Much appreciated help concerning the Attic imports was offered by the late Prof. Keith DeVries, who was also so nice to allow me to consult the Gordion Archive in the Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology at the University of Pennsylvania. I am indebted to Prof. Mark Lawall, who provided the dates for the amphoras associated with the Gordion groups. I thank the University of Minnesota for generously funding my research. My sincere gratitude also goes to the Research Center for Anatolian Civilizations at Koç University, where I was a Junior Fellow in 2006-07. I thank Prof. Andrea Berlin and Dr. Jonathan Strang for their valuable comments and suggestions concerning this article. All expressed opinions and remaining errors are my own. 1 For the wealth of the Phrygian kind Midas see Herodotus Histories I.14; for the story of the golden touch see Ovid Metamorphoses 11.85145. Arrian Anabasis 2.3.1-8 provides a short story of Gordius and his son. For the city of Gordion see Strabo Geography XII.5.3 and Quintus Curtius History of Alexander III. i.12-13. For a collection of sources concerning Sardis and the Lydian rulers see Pedley 1972.

2

Sancisi-Weerdenburg and Kuhrt (eds.) 1991, Sancisi-Weerdenburg, Kuhrt and Root (eds.) 1994, Briant and Boucharlat (eds.) 2005. 3 Located in trenches B-North extension, C and V in the area designated as Building A, and trenches SET, SET-N, SET-NW, NCT and NCT-A4. Gordion Archive, Field Notebooks nos. 6, 1950; 10, 1950-51; 18, 1951; 20, 1951; 21, 1951; 22, 1951 and 53, 1955. Not published.

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PHRYGIAN GORDION IN ACHAEMENID CONTEXT The lack of well defined archaeological context notwithstanding, the pottery from the six groups forms a substantial body of material. It consists of a minimum of 618 vessels, which constitute a number of well defined shapes. These shapes serve as the basis of a typology that allows comparisons with the pottery from the earlier periods at Gordion.4 The results reveal a strong continuity in ceramic production and dining habits of the population.

Most common in the six Gordion ceramic groups are the open vessels, represented by bowls, basins and a few cups. Together they comprise about 40% of all preserved diagnostic sherds. Open shapes were used both at the table and for service, and probably also for scooping foods and drinks or for covering larger pots.9 Closed vessels for service and storage are the second largest group (22%), followed by cooking vessels (11%). Imports comprise about 8% of the total amount of preserved vessels, with clear predominance of Attic shapes for table service. Transport containers (i.e. amphoras) comprise less than 1% of the total counts. The remaining about 18% are unidentified rims and bases.

The Gordion groups are represented by two fabrics, grey and buff. Grey ware was the hallmark of Gordion pottery, due to the popularity of reduction firing among the Phrygian potters, which had been a predominant practice since the Early Iron Age.5 In the Late Achaemenid period the grey and buff vessels are in comparable numbers. Partial reduction, in result of which the vessels had grey surfaces and brown biscuit, is very common as well, again finding its roots in the Early Phrygian period.6

The most common 4th-century B.C.E. open vessel is the carinated bowl. It comprises about 33% of all open shapes and displays a variety of profiles (Fig. 1a-d). This shape was also predominant in the Early Phrygian period.10 The incurved rim bowl is another shape with long traditions among the Phrygian potters. The preserved incurved rim bowls in the six Gordion groups account for almost 18% of the open vessels (Fig. 1e, g), which makes them second in frequency only to the carinated ones. Among the other bowl shapes, upright and thickened rims (Fig. 1f, h, i) are also found as early as the 9th century B.C.E., although in much smaller numbers. Most of the remaining open shapes are found in other Anatolian sites as well, both before and during the Achaemenid period (Fig. 1k, l).11

The grey vessels are monochrome with almost no exceptions. A large number are covered with light whitish or thin self-wash, often applied to the external surface of large vessels. Burnishing is seen on over 50% of the vessels. It is executed to different extents, often slightly just to smooth the surface, more rarely with the effect of pattern burnishing (horizontal and radial lines, cf. Fig. 1k), or to the effect of polish. This variety in the intensity of burnishing is also evident in the Early Phrygian period.7 Large vessels are usually burnished only around the rim and upper exterior parts of the handles. Up to five bowls are decorated with horizontal painted bands of brown-black to black color. Three or four of the vessels in the six groups bear short graffiti or scratches, normally on the exterior wall or the underside of the base, a tradition seen at least since the Late Bronze Age at Gordion.8

The leading pouring shape in the 4th century B.C.E. is the trefoil rim jug (Fig. 2a). It comprises almost 57% of all identified jugs from the six Gordion groups. Their state of preservation is very poor, with the exception of three vessels, which show a wide and tall neck and an elongated body – a shape that seems to be a development from the typical almost spherical Early Phrygian jugs with long narrow, or very short wide necks.12 The second most common pouring shape in the 4th century is the everted rim jug – it accounts for about 32% of all preserved jugs (Fig. 2b). The majority feature a long cylindrical neck, which ends in an everted rim. At least half of the vessels have a ridge around the middle or the base of the neck. When preserved, the strap handle starts at the rim or neck and ends in the area just above largest body diameter. The shape of the everted rim jug is not commonly seen in the Early Phrygian period, but it seems that it had replaced the Early Phrygian round-mouthed

The colors of buff vessels vary greatly from pinkish-buff through dark brown-buff. The thinnest vessels are more likely to come in pinkish or orange colors. Unlike the grey vessels, the buff ones are more often decorated. On one hand, a typical decoration technique is burnishing (Fig. 1a). Polishing is rarely seen. When it is used, the surface is of somewhat darker color than the break, which might indicate that a thin red wash/slip was applied before polishing. About 10% of the buff vessels are covered with red-brown slip. It can be applied to either or both (interior and exterior) surfaces. Another widely used decorative technique is the application of painted bands, seen on about 15% of the buff vessels (Fig. 1h). They come in lighter orange to darker brown colors, and can be either on the interior lower body or upper exterior. Less often (6%) an orange-red band covers the rim or goes around just under it (Fig. 1f).

9 Cf. Sams 1994: 43-4 for this range of functions in the Early Phrygian assemblage. 10 Cf. Sams 1994, Figs. 6-15. 11 Fig. 1i is comparable to early Gordion shapes (cf. Sams 1994, fig. 21, nos. 517, 518) and to vessels from Tarsus (Goldman 1963, fig. 126, no. 703, fig. 132, no. 975, both Middle Iron Age, ca. 850-700 B.C.E.). Fig. 1h resembles Early Phrygian Gordion shapes (Sams 1994, fig. 19, no. 497), vessels from Tarsus (Goldman 1963, fig. 136, no. 1087, 700-600 B.C.E.) and Labraunda (Jully 1981, Pl. 18, no. 76, 6th century B.C.E.). So does Fig. 1k (Goldman 1963, fig. 141, no. 1239, 6th century B.C.E. and Jully 1981, Pl. 17, no. 13, late 7th century B.C.E.). Fig. 1l finds parallels in Labraunda (Jully 1981, Pl. 17, no. 6, early 6th century B.C.E.). 12 Cf. Sams 1994: 57-63, Fig. 26, no. 745 and Plates 62-85.

4 For the Early Phrygian Period, ca. 950-800 B.C.E. see Sams 1994; for the Middle Phrygian period, after 800 – ca. 550 B.C.E. see Henrickson 1994. 5 See Sams 1994: 33 and Henrickson 1994: 112 for the Early and Middle Phrygian period respectively. 6 Cf. Sams 1994: 34 for similar examples. 7 Sams 1994: 32. 8 Roller 1987. Cf. also Henrickson 1994, Fig. 10.7b,d,f,g.

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versions (Fig. 1m). It is represented by five of the vessels (less than 1%) that can securely be associated with the six Gordion groups. Most of the local versions of foreign shapes are worked very much in the Phrygian tradition – grey vessels are covered with thin slip or self wash and burnishing, while the buff ones often bear red-brown paint, sometimes organized in bands.18

The small jars have mostly everted and less often ledge rims (Fig. 2c, d).14 Following the old tradition, the everted rim jars are seen in two versions: 56% of them have a short vertical neck and an everted rim, while 22% have a tall narrow neck and a thick lip. A sole complete vessel (Fig. 2c) attests to an elongated body, in contrast to the generally more globular Early Phrygian examples. Decoration, usually paint applied on buff surface, is used only on the smallest vessels. The largest ones are normally covered with white wash on exterior and interior rim, sometimes down to the upper part of the interior neck.

At least one of the structures (the so-called Building B) associated with one of the pottery groups was lavishly decorated with architectural terracottas and yielded large amounts of Greek imports. This might have been a public structure or a house belonging to wealthy owners. The majority of the ceramic material that it yielded, however, is of the same locally produced vessels as in the rest of the areas on the site. That is to say, although foreign goods were used by its inhabitants, predominantly Phrygian shapes were used on the everyday basis.

The predominant storage shape is the large off-set rim jar, with a wide tall neck intended to bear a lid, sometimes preserving a handle (Fig. 2e, f). This shape comprises 25% of the preserved closed vessels in the six groups. It follows very closely what Kenneth Sams calls in the Early Phrygian assemblage storage jars and amphoras,15 although the lavish painted decoration of the Early Phrygian amphoras is not attested in the 4th century B.C.E. Normally the surfaces are simply smoothed, or the exterior is covered with thin white, micaceous or self wash. The handles, with elliptical section, start in the middle of the neck and end in the area of upper body.

Items decorated with eastern motifs have also been found in Gordion. Such are jewels, accessories and especially seals. Among them are an Achaemenid style golden bracelet19 and part of an ivory comb with reliefs on both sides, depicting two sphinxes and two griffins flanking a tree of life.20 Many of the seals and seal impressions also include images from the Achaemenid glyptic repertoire, e.g. wild and mythological animals such as stags, bulls, lions, griffins, as well as hunting and heroic scenes.21 Seals with Egyptian, Babylonian, and Assyrian affiliation are found as well. Examples include a scarab seal with two crocodiles on the sealing surface, another Egyptianizing one in the shape of a monkey, a conical seal with a Neo-Babylonian worship scene, and a scaraboid which Elspeth Dusinberre considers Assyrianizing but adapted to the Phrygian taste.22 These finds show that imagery following the fashions in the empire did reach Gordion, although it was a rather humble settlement in the 4th century B.C.E. But such artifacts are not found in large numbers at the site, and imagery of Anatolian and Greek affiliation are also present among the seals and seal impressions. For example, a terracotta stamp probably used to decorate bricks or pots bears a lozenge in combination with grooves. Stamped lozenge decoration is extremely popular among the motifs used on architectural terracottas and also on pottery found both during the late Achaemenid period and earlier at Gordion.23 A stamped impression on a pithos represents a horned quadruped - a motif also found on Early Phrygian pottery.24 Two of the

The main cooking shape in the 4th century B.C.E. is the deep cooking pot with a simple everted rim, short neck and a handle starting at the shoulder and ending in the area of largest body diameter (Fig. 2g, h). The same basic shape is predominant in the 9th century B.C.E., although with a more ovoid body and a handle starting at the mouth.16 The Late Achaemenid cooking pots have smoothed surfaces, often covered with thin white, micaceous or self wash. In fewer cases there are a series of vertical burnish marks, usually on the shoulders and upper body. Horizontal shallow grooves or ridges are also around the shoulder area, normally in series of two or three. The 4th century B.C.E. imported vessels at Gordion come mainly from the Greek world. They attest to increasing trade relations with the west opened up by the Persian empire.17 Some imitations of the Greek shapes are attested as well. The largest group of them consists of vessels following Greek, particularly Attic, shapes (about 1.5% of all preserved vessels). Among them are vessels for eating and drinking (small bowls, cups and possibly a krater), and a few oil containers. The shape of the Achaemenid bowl, the originals of which were normally produced of precious metals, is here found in its clay

18

Cf. Fig. 1m - a buff painted locally produced Achaemenid bowl. Found in Tumulus A. See Sams 1979: 12, fig. 9. Young 1956, pl. 86, Figs. 23-24. 21 Dusinberre 2005, cats. 33-5, 40-50 and 55. For previous publication of cats. 33-5 see Young 1953: 14-15, fig. 10 and 1964, pl. 84, figs. 8 and 9. 22 Dusinberre 2005, cats. 36-9 with discussion. 23 Dusinberre 2005, cat. 54. Cf. Sams 1994, Pl. 149, nos. 1006-8. Lozenges are also very popular among the Early Phrygian painted motifs (Sams 1994, Pl. 75, no. 722, Pl. 108, Pl. 115, no. 135, Pl. 126, Pl. 164, no. 1025-6). 24 Dusinberre 2005, cat. 61 with discussion. Cf. Sams 1994, Plate 168, Groups 2 and 7. Horned and hoofed animals are also seen among the 19 20

13 Sams illustrated one vessel with a long neck and everted rim in the early assemblage. Cf. Fig. 2b to Sams 1994, fig. 58, no. 211. For the common Early Phrygian jugs see Sams 1994, Plates 37-61 and 94-100. 14 Cf. Sams 1994: 91-6, Plates 142-143 and Fig. 57. 15 See Sams 1994: 77-88 and 97-9 for description, Figs. 34-47, 51-5. 16 Sams 1994: 70-3 and Plates 101-3. 17 As already suggested by Henrickson 1997: 18 and Lawall 1997: 22.

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PHRYGIAN GORDION IN ACHAEMENID CONTEXT seals, one depicting a dolphin and the other a crab, find parallels in contemporary coins of the Greek poleis.25 Another seal impression depicts a nude female figure with parallels on Greek seals in the 5th and 4th centuries B.C.E., while a grey ware handle bears an image of the infant Heracles strangling two snakes. An amphora stamp depicts what looks like a Nike figure, while another impression depicting wrestlers and a seal with a horseman find parallels in Southern Anatolia.26

significant numbers. Judith Schaeffer, Nancy Ramage and Crawford Greenewalt report the finds of Greek pottery at Sardis, revealing long term trade connections with the west that also continued under the Persian empire.27 Elspeth Dusinberre, who studied the Achaemenid bowls from Sardis, reports over 400 of them in five sealed contexts belonging to the Achaemenid period. Along with this shape, the local Lydian skyphos was the second most common drinking cup in these contexts.28 Although no detailed study of the local ceramic material has come out yet, William Mierse has reported that the majority of the pottery from the Persian period levels belonged to the old Lydian tradition.29 He also reports that continuity is seen in all aspects of Sardis’ culture, including domestic objects, architecture, religion and language. Like the pottery, this continuity in all realms of life was accompanied by some foreign features as well.30 In other words, elements of local, eastern and western character are seen together in the material remains of this cosmopolitan center of the Western Empire.

The late Achaemenid ceramic corpus described above attests to steady continuity in the cooking and dining habits of the people who lived in Gordion. Like in earlier times, deep cooking vessels were used for the preparation of soups and stews, which were served in the main dining shape – the bowl, possibly used both as a personal and a serving vessel at the table. The most typical pouring vessel was the trefoil jug, accompanied by the newly spread in the Late Phrygian period everted rim jug. Foods and liquids were stored in small everted or large widemouthed storage jars with off-set rims, covered with lids. Clearly each of the shapes slightly changed in time, which is not surprising keeping in mind that almost five centuries elapsed between the two periods and some changes in formation techniques are normal. These changes, however, do not seem to imply a functional shift of the vessels.

Daskyleion, the capital of Hellespontine Phrygia, was a center with similar characteristics. Large amounts of Attic pottery attest to the strong trade relations maintained between the Hellespontine satraps and Athens.31 The shape of the omphalos phiale that originated in the Near East, has been also found in considerable numbers. Yasemin Polat, who studied the grey pottery from Daskyleion, reports that 75 ceramic omphalos phialae were found during Ekrem Akurgal’s excavations, and dozens more have come out during the new excavations under the direction of Tomris Bakır.32 Examples of metal phialae from generally the same region are reported by Nick Sekunda.33 Along with these western and eastern shapes, the site has yielded the typical local grey pottery that developed since the early part of the first millennium B.C.E.34

Continuity is also attested by the use of the same surface treatment from the Early Phrygian period to late Achaemenid times. Burnishing, washes and thick slips are part of the repertoire in Early, Middle and Late Phrygian times. But an abrupt change is attested in terms of decoration. While in the Early Phrygian period a large number of jugs and amphoras were lavishly decorated with painted and stamped motifs, the vessels of the Late Achaemenid period are to the most part plain. In other words, while the people in the Early Phrygian period could afford expensive vessels, employing a number of different decorative techniques and motifs, the population of the 4th century B.C.E. used simple and more affordable vessels. Living in a city that was now more of a political backwater under the Achaemenid empire, the late Phrygians clearly did not maintain the high standard of life attested during the heyday of the Phrygian kingdom. That is, the Phrygians of the 4th century B.C.E. followed the old ceramic tradition in terms of its practical but not aesthetic values.

This analysis has shown that all of the mentioned sites display continuity in use of local pottery, but Sardis and Daskyleion clearly received and embraced to a larger extent the use of foreign shapes at the table. This was probably due to their more prominent position as political and administrative centres, in result of which they not only housed a much more diverse population, but also received more foreign goods and ideas. Gordion, although maintaining trade relations with the outside world, experienced this on a much smaller scale. Perhaps unlike the areas around Daskyleion and Sardis, it was not densely inhabited by Persian population or people of Persian affiliation. Attic and Achaemenid-style vessels,

This picture contrasts sharply with Sardis and Daskyleion, cities of central political and administrative importance for Asia Minor that experienced a significant influx of goods and people from all corners of the Empire. The ceramics at Sardis in particular are a mixture of local, Greek and Achaemenid shapes, all used in

27

Schaeffer, Ramage and Greenewalt 1997. Dusinberre 1999 and 2003. 29 Mierse 1983: 101-2. 30 For discussion of such diverse elements, see Mierse 1983 and Dusinberre 2003. 31 For discussion of the Attic pottery see Tuna-Nörling 1999 and 2001. 32 Polat 2002: 124. 33 Sekunda 1988: 190-1. Unfortunately the finds do not come from their original contexts, but instead from the antiquities market. 34 Polat 2002. 28

painted motifs on Early Phrygian pottery (e.g. Sams 1994, Pls. 97, 113 and 126. See also Young 1981: 36, fig. 19). 25 Dusinberre 2005, cat. 51 and 52 with discussion. 26 Dusinberre 2005: the former three are cat. 56, 58 and 60 respectively. The latter two are cat. 57 and 53, with parallels in Aspendos and Kelenderis in Cilicia respectively.

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SOMA 2007 Roller, Lynn E. (1987) Gordion Special Studies. Vol. 1. Nonverbal Graffiti, Dipinti, and Stamps. University Museum Monograph 63. Series editor Ellen L. Kohler. University of Pennsylvania: The University Museum. Sams, G. Kenneth. (1979) Imports at Gordion: Lydian and Persian Periods. Expedition, 21, 6-17. Sams, G. Kenneth. (1994) The Gordion Excavations, 1950-1973: Final Reports. Vol. 4. The Early Phrygian Pottery, University Museum Monograph. Philadelphia, The University Museum, University of Pennsylvania. Sancisi-Weerdenburg, Heleen and Amélie Kuhrt eds. (1991) Achaemenid History. Vol. 6. Asia Minor and Egypt: Old Cultures in a New Empire. Proceedings of the Groningen 1988 Achaemenid History Workshop. Leiden, Nederlands Instituut Voor Het Nabije Oosten. Sancisi-Weerdenburg, Heleen, Amélie Kuhrt and Margaret Cool Root eds. (1994) Achaemenid History. Vol. 8. Continuity and Change. Proceedings of the Last Achaemenid History Workshop. April 6-8 1990, Ann Arbor – Michigan. Leiden, Nederlands Instituut Voor Het Nabije Oosten. Schaeffer, Judith Snyder, Nancy H. Ramage and Crawford H. Greenewalt, Jr. (1997) The Corinthian, Attic, and Lakonian Pottery from Sardis. Harvard University Press. Sekunda, Nicholas Victor. (1988) Persian Settlement in Hellespontine Phrygia. In: Achaemenid History. Vol. 3. Method and Theory. Proceedings of the London 1985 Achaemenid History Workshop. Edited by Amélie Kuhrt and Heleen Sancisi-Weerdenburg. Leiden, Nederlands Instituut Voor Het Nabije Oosten, 175-96. Tuna-Nörling, Yasemin. (1999) Daskyleion I. Die Attische Keramik. Izmir, Arkeoloji Dergisi VI. Tuna-Nörling, Yasemin. (2001) Attic Pottery from Dascylium. In: Achaemenid Anatolia. Proceedings of the First International Symposium on Anatolia in the Achaemenid Period. Bandırma 15-18 August 1997. Editor-in-charge T. Bakır. Associate editors H. Sancisi-Weerdenburg, G. Gürtekin, P. Briant and W. Henkelman. Leiden, Nederlands Instituut Voor Het Nabije Oosten, 109-122. Young, Rodney S. (1953) Progress at Gordion, 19511952. University Museum Bulletin, 17.4, 2-39. Young, Rodney S. (1956) The Campaign of 1955 at Gordion: Preliminary Report. American Journal of Archaeology 60, 249-66, Plates 81-96. Young, Rodney S. (1964) The 1963 Campaign at Gordion. American Journal of Archaeology 68, 27792, Plates 83-90. Young, Rodney S. (1981) The Gordion Excavations (1950-1973) Final Reports. Vol. 1. Three Great Early Tumuli. With contributions by Keith DeVries, J. F. McClellan, Ellen L. Kohler, Machteld J. Mellink, G. Kenneth Sams. Edited by Ellen L. Kohler. University Museum Monograph 43. University of Pennsylvania: The University Museum.

which the Persians are known to have been so fond of, were therefore not imported in large numbers. Since there was a shortage of luxury items at Gordion, it seems that foreign shapes or their imitations did not penetrate everyday life as much as they did in the capitals. The comparison between Gordion and the satrapal centers, in other words, reveals the importance of studying the more mundane settlements in the period. They often reveal significant differences in the material culture of settlements with distinct status in the same political and historical context. Bibliography Briant, Pierre and Rémy Boucharlat eds. (2005) L’archéologie de l’empire achéménide: Nouvelles recherches. Actes du colloque organizé au Collège de France par le “Réseau International d’Études et de Recherches Achéménides” (GDR 2538 CNRS), 21-22 Novembre 2003. Paris, Éditions de Boccard. Dusinberre, Elspeth R.M. (1999) Satrapal Sardis: Achaemenid Bowls in an Achaemenid Capital. American Journal of Archaeology, 103, 73-102. Dusinberre, Elspeth R.M. (2003) Aspects of Empire in Achaemenid Sardis. Cambridge University Press. Dusinberre, Elspeth R. M. (2005) Gordion Seals and Sealings: Individuals and Society. University Museum Monograph 124. Gordion Special Studies III. Series editor G. Kenneth Sams. Philadelphia, University of Pennsylvania Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology. Goldman, Hetty ed. (1963) Excavations at Gözlü Kule, Tarsus. Vol. III. The Iron Age. Contributors: Hetty Goldman, George M. A. Hanfmann, Edith Porada. Princeton, Princeton University Press. Henrickson, Robert C. (1994) Continuity and Discontinuity in the Ceramic Tradition of Gordion During the Iron Age. In: Proceedings of the Third Anatolian Iron Ages Colloquium. An International Colloquium at Van, 6th-12th August 1990. Ankara, British Institute of Archaeology, 95-129. Henrickson, Robert C. (1997) Major Trends in the Ceramic Industries at Gordion during YHSS 5–2. Anatolica, 23, 14-19. Jully, J. J. (1981) Labraunda. Swedish Excavations and Researches. Vol. II, Part 3. Archaic Pottery. Stockholm, Paul Åström Publishers. Lawall, Mark. (1997) Greek Transport Amphoras at Gordion. Anatolica, 23, 21-3. Mierse, William E. (1983) The Persian Period (Chapter VI). In: Hanfmann, George M. A. Sardis from Prehistoric to Roman Times. Results of the Archaeological Exploration of Sardis (1958-1975), Harvard University Press, 100-8. Pedley, John Griffiths. (1972) Ancient Literary Sources on Sardis. Harvard University Press. Polat, Yasemin. (2002) Daskyleion’da M. Ö. 8.-5. Yüzyıllar Arasında Gri Seramik. Ege University Doctoral Thesis, Izmir. 384

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Cereal processing and the performance of gender in archaic and classical Greece: iconography and function of a group of terracotta statuettes and vases Victoria Tsoukala Lecturer, Department of History, Archaeology and CRM, University of the Peloponnese Kalamata Campus, Palaio Stratopaido, Kalamata 24100, Greece [email protected]

Introduction1

The terracotta statuettes and the vases

Anthropological research during the past one hundred years has demonstrated that food is intimately linked to identity, self- or group-definition. Gender identities are commonly associated with food provision in most cultures throughout human history.2 The engagement at the household and in the community with the production, preparation and consumption of food on a daily basis provides the opportunity to establish, maintain, and/or undermine gender identities. Some of the principal ways in which gender is negotiated through food provision include its differential access and control, the gendered division of labor in the production, distribution, preparation and consumption of food, and symbolic associations to specific foodstuffs according to gender.3

The group of terracotta statuettes includes more than seventy examples.5 They are part of a wider category of terracotta statuettes that represent almost exclusively women preparing food.6 Terracotta statuettes of women engaged in the preparation of food appear as early as the Mycenean period. After a gap of a few centuries they reemerge in the 7th century B.C. Mycenean and 7th century B.C. statuettes, however, are known sporadically, and mostly from the Peloponnese.7 The greatest concentration occurs in the second half of the 6th century through the first decades of the 5th century B.C. in Greece and the Greek cities of South Italy, Sicily and Cyprus. 8 All statuettes represent females. They are very small in size, usually around 10 centimeters in height. They are either completely handmade with rough facial features, and have been made evidently without major concerns about anatomical or other details. Increasingly toward the end of the 6th and into the 5th centuries, they are handmade with moldmade faces. On the basis of their chronology and distribution, as well as technical and stylistic observations the statuettes have been attributed to various regional workshops.9

This paper explores the negotiation of female gender identities in Archaic and Classical Greece through food preparation, more specifically cereal processing.4 I argue that a series of terracotta statuettes and vase-paintings of the Archaic and Classical periods representing women processing cereal were perceived as references to feminine industriousness and virtue, and belonged to the discourse on gender. Τheir archaeological contexts further suggest that they can be explained best as the material remains of ritual performance of female gender identities.

In contrast to the terracotta statuettes, the known vasepaintings with relevant subjects are only eight, and are collected and presented here for the first time as a group.10 As with most terracotta statuettes their 5 Brian Sparkes is the scholar who brought these terracotta statuettes to the fore as a category. He collected them in three relevant publications, Sparkes 1962; 1965; 1981. Paola Pisani has also recently worked on the same subject and added more pieces to the known list, cf. Pisani 2003. References to specific statuettes are given to Sparkes’ and Pisani’s catalogues. In a forthcoming article I discuss the meaning and uses of these statuettes and add a few more pieces to the known corpus, cf. Tsoukala forthcoming. 6 That these particular terracotta statuettes are representations of cereal processing and not food preparation in general is argued extensively in Tsoukala forthcoming. 7 On the history of these statuettes as early as the Mycenean period cf. Tsoukala forthcoming with previous bibliography. 8 The catalogues in Sparkes 1962, 1965 and Pisani 2003 clearly demonstrate this. 9 cf. mainly Sparkes 1962; Pisani 2003; Szabo 1994. 10 1. Black-figured neck-amphora, St. Petersburg, Ermitage 2065, ca. 530 B.C; A: Two women pounding inside a deep-mortar; B: Hermes carrying a ram, woman standing behind him; ABV 309, 95; Amouretti 1986, 137, footnote 13, pl. 19; von Massow 1916, 57, fig. 11; Sparkes 1962, ftn. 5; Shapiro 1989, 81-83. 2. Fragment of Attic black-figured vase; from Eleusis; Eleusis 1055; ca. 530 B.C.; Two women pounding; Sparkes 1962, ftn. 5; von Massow 1916, 58 fig. 13. 3. Black-figured

1 This article is based largely on my 2004 unpublished dissertation at Bryn Mawr College entitled “The Social Context of Food Preparation and Consumption in Greek Households of the 5th and 4th Centuries B.C.” The references to ancient sources follow the abbreviation format of Liddell H. and Scott, R., A Greek-English Lexicon, Oxford, 1996. 2 Gender is generally defined as the “cultural interpretation of sexual difference”:Gilchrist 1999, 1; Sorensen 2000, 41-59 on the terms gender and sex. Counihan, C. and Kaplan, S. L. (eds.), Food and Gender is a collection of important articles written on the topic during the 20th century and contains many bibliographical references. 3 Most of these ways of negotiating gender through food provision are discussed in Counihan, C. and Kaplan, S. L. (eds), Food and Gender. Cf. also Jansen 1997 on a specific case study in Jordan. 4 Cereal processing is defined as the chain of operations that lead to the transformation of cereal from raw grain to edible food. In ancient Greece for the most part this process resulted either into bread or other similar baked goods, or into maza, another staple of the Greek diet. Scholars do not agree on whether maza was a porridge or a solid food. tOn maza see Amouretti 1986, 124-125; Braun 1995, 28-32; Brumfiel 1997, 153.

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SOMA 2007 archaeological context is also obscure, although it will be shown that for a number of them it is possible to make some plausible hypotheses in this regard. The vases first appear in the 6th century and they continue until the middle of the 5th, while only one piece belongs to the 4th century. Most of them are Attic and two are Boeotian, and they are made both in the red- and in the black-figure techniques. Undoubtedly, more examples of these vases are to emerge with future targeted research.

In representations of pounding a woman is invariably in front of a deep mortar, holding a long pestle in her two hands (figures 1, 9, 10, 12, 13).12 Pounding was very frequent among terracotta statuettes, and also the most frequent representation among vase-paintings (figure 1). Grinding is equally popular in terracottas (figure 2), while missing completely so far from vases. The manual hand mill used in Archaic and Classical Greece, the so-called saddle quern, is accurately represented in many statuettes: it consisted of two pieces of stone between which the grain was crushed: an upper stone, usually elliptical in shape, and a lower rectangular stone.13 Grinding was done sitting, standing, or kneeling in basins of various sorts. In representations of kneading a woman usually stands in front of a kneading trough, usually a basin on a pedestal (figure 4). On some statuettes emphasis was placed in the forming of the dough into various shapes. Little loaves or cakes are very often clearly defined inside the basin, sometimes with detail, thus leaving no question about the nature of the operation. The only certain depiction of kneading and forming of bread that is known to me in vase-paintings so far is depicted on the lid of a lekanis by the Eleusinian painter with a wedding scene (figure 8).14 In a multi-figural scene of a wedding preparation two figures are engaged in the making of breads, presumably the sesame cakes commonly distributed during weddings.15 Two seated figures form the flat cakes, the right figure holding one in her hand, while to their left, a woman standing in front of a shallow basin on a pedestal is most likely to be perceived as kneading the dough.

These representations on vases and terracotta statuettes depict activities that are known from literary sources to have been the standard stages in the cereal processing operation.11 According to the sources barley had to be roasted first to separate the hull from the grain. Wheat and barley were pounded inside a deep mortar and reduced to coarse meal and subsequently reduced to thin meal with the help of a grain mill. This flour was sieved to remove impurities, and used to make bread or maza. The dough was then kneaded and baking followed last. Most of these stages are depicted in statuettes and vases. On a few occasions more than one of these stages of cereal processing are depicted together on a vase, or simultaneously in terracotta groups, thus lending substance to the identification of the representations as cereal processing. The following activities are represented in terracotta statuettes: pounding inside a deep mortar, grinding, kneading, carrying breads on a tray, baking bread or similar foodstuffs, sieving or a combination of the above. On account of their low numbers the vases do not present such a diversity of images: so far it appears that pounding and baking are depicted on vases almost exclusively.

A woman at the oven is another popular category among terracotta statuettes (figure 3). In all examples from Greece the oven is of the barrel vaulted type. This is a clay oven with a barrel vaulted baking chamber.16 A firing chamber is located under the baking compartment, a detail which is clearly rendered in some of the statuettes. In terracotta statuettes of bakers loaves or cakes are often shown inside the oven. A statuette in Athens is suggestive of the significance attributed by the coroplast to the baked product: the woman tending the oven is depicted holding an oversized bread or cake, whose shape is rendered in detail (figure 5). The same type of oven is also represented in the baking scene on a black-figured Boeotian lekythos of the end of the 6th century B.C., the only representation of such an oven on vase-paintings thus far (figure 10).17

Boeotian skyphos; ca. 530 B.C.; Athens, Canellopoulos Museum inv. 384, from Boeotia. A: Two women pounding inside a deep mortar, woman spinning to their left; B: Woman washing her hair with aid of second one who pours water over her head; third woman coming from the left with extended arms; dog and lion under respective handle; part of B missing; all figures accompanied by painted names; long painted inscription, now lost for the greatest part on B; Amouretti 1986, 137, fig. 20; Maffre 1975, 467-476, figs. 29 and 30. 4. Black-figured Boeotian lekythos, Serpieri Collection; Later 6th/ early 5th century B.C. Register showing from the left woman preparing food? (possibly kneading or baking), two women pounding in the center, little figures playing the seistra, a figure in front of a fiery oven to the right; Sparkes 1962, 126, pl. VII,2. 5. Fragmentary red-figured cup by Akestorides painter; ca. 470 B.C. Paris, Louvre G476; A: Women baking bread in barrel oven; I: feasting? ARV2, 782; Sparkes 1982, 174-176, pl. 2a, 3a. 6. Fragmentary red-figure cup attributed to the Painter of Munich; ca. 460-450 B.C. The Metropolitan Museum, L. 1982.110 (N. Zoullas Collection); A; Three females conversing, two on each side of a deep mortar holding a pestle each, the third woman gesturing to them; B: Three women around a barrel cooker; one touching its interior, the other holding a basket on top of the cooker. I: two women conversing. Neils 2004, 54-62, figs. 4.1, 4.2, 4.3, 4.4. 7. Red-figured lekanis lid by the Eleusinian Painter; St. Petersburg, Hermitage St. 1791; ca. 360-350 B.C.; In continuous register a scene of preparation for a wedding; numerous women, two engaged in kneading in forming cakes on shallow basin and low table, respectively; Erotes hovering; ARV2 1476-77.3; Para 496; Add 381; Oakley and Sinos 1993, 23, fig. 44 and 45. 8. Fragmentary red-figured cup, New York (D. Von Bothmer), 500-450 B.C.; Para 360.93QUATER; The Beazley Archive, (online version) non vidi. 11 On this in detail Amouretti 1986.

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Deep mortars have been found in limited numbers in domestic contexts of the Classical period, and they are invariably made of stone. Presumably they were mostly made of wood and, hence, they do not survive. cf. houses at Thasos (Grandjean 1988, 220, 266 no. 190), Olynthos (Robinson 1938, 208, 335-336). 13 For such mills from Olynthus see Cahill 2002, 163-164. 14 supra footnote 10, no. 7 15 Oakley and Sinos 1993, 23. 16 Baking ovens are commonly located in the archaeological record, mostly with their barrel vaults collapsed. E.g. from Argilos in Bonias and Perreault 2002, 110-111, fig. 1, pl. 2. 17 supra footnote 10, no. 4.

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The barrel cooker, a different type of oven, is essentially a terracotta cylinder, portable or built, with an open top.18 This oven has a long tradition in the Near East, from where its use was probably spread to the West.19 The fire was lit at the bottom of the cooker, and flat breads were stuck against the interior walls for baking. This not frequently represented in terracotta statuettes from Greece, and so far it is only represented in statuettes from Cyprus or Magna Grecia (figure 6).20 It is interesting in this respect that two of the red-figured vases collected here show such an oven. On one side of a red-figure cup by the Painter of Munich in New York (figure 13)21 women around a barrel cooker are shown most likely removing breads from the walls of the oven and placing them in the basket. It is unclear whether the woman on the fragmentary cup by Akestorides Painter (figure 11)is placing or removing flat breads from the oven. Judging from the second figure who extends her hand to the first giving her something it is most likely that she is to be perceived as placing them in the oven. In fact, the fire is indicated at the bottom of the oven in this cup, whereas it is not in the former.

whether the woman on one side of the image is to be perceived as kneading or forming the bread or as engaged in another activity. On account of the presence of pounding and baking in the same scene is it is likely that the intention was to show her engaged in some food preparation activity relevant to preparing bread. Cereal processing as women’s work Ancient Greek diet was largely cereal-based, and the processing of the cereal took place mostly within the household during the Archaic and Classical periods. Although literary sources on the subject are not plentiful, the preparation of food is attested as one of the major domestic tasks for women in Archaic and Classical Greece as early as the 7th century B.C. 24 It was a role that society assigned to them and formed part of their gender identities. During the late fifth and the beginning of the fourth centuries B.C. Aristophanes presents the preparation of food as a de facto activity performed by women since time immemorial. Thus, his audience was presented with images of women parching the barley (Ec.221), women griding barely and singing (N. 1358), women serving food to their husbands (V. 610-612). Despite the satirical character of these representations, the wide appeal of Aristophanes’ comedies suggests that this was a situation with which large parts of his audiences were able to identify.

Carrying bread on a tray appears in a few cases among the statuettes, and it is not clear whether baking has already taken place. A statuette in Athens is a representative example of this category (figure 7).22 The cake on the pan has been rendered in detail, perhaps because the kind of cake or bread was of particular significance.

Status distinctions undoubtedly also played a role in household labor division. Xenophon and other writers of the 4th century clarify that in households of high socioeconomic status cereal processing and baking were tasks assigned to slaves.25 It was the responsibility of the housemistress to supervise them. In Xenophon’s Oeconomicus, Ischomachos urges his young wife “to try to stand before the loom as a mistress of a household should, and furthermore, to teach anything that she knew better than anyone else, and to learn anything that she knew less well; to supervise the baker, and to stand next to the housekeeper while she was measuring out provisions, and also to go around inspecting whether everything was where it ought to be” (10.10; translation Pomeroy 1994).

Simultaneous representations of different stages in the process occur in a few instances both in terracotta statuettes and in vase-paintings. Three individual statuettes found together in a tomb at Akanthos are illustrative of this (figures 1, 2, 3).23 One represents pounding, the other grinding, and a third one baking. Understood as a group on account of their intentional deposition inside the same tomb, they were likely intended to represent the most important steps in the process of making bread. In vase-painting the red-figured cup by the Munich Painter mentioned above is an interesting example (figure 13). One side of the vase shows the baking of the breads in a barrel cooker, whereas the other presents women with pestles around a deep mortar. The activity of the pounding of the grain is implied here, although the figures are not shown using the mortar. The images on the late Archaic Boeotian lekythos in the Serpieri collection, however, clearly show the connection between pounding and baking (figure 10). These two scenes can be clearly associated with the making of the bread. It remains unclear, of course,

It is very likely, as the text by Xenophon implies, that women were trained to perform such gender-appropriate domestic tasks already at a tender age in their homes regardless of socioeconomic status. Knowledge and performance would have been indicative of good upbringing and would be useful skills in managing one’s own household later in life. The preparation of food and indeed cereal processing, upon which depended the very existence of the oikos, must have figured prominently among the skills to be mastered.

18 Sparkes and Talcott 1970, 233 (no. 2023, pl. 97, mid sixth century B.C.). On barrel-cookers see Sparkes 1981. 19 It is also known in modern terms as tabun or tanur. On such Iron Age ovens from Jordan see van der Steen 1991;1992. 20 cf. Pisani 2003, cat. nos. 94-99. Certainly this must be because of the poor recording of such statuettes, and I expect more of them to emerge in the future from mainland Greece. 21 supra footnote 10, no. 5 22 Brian Sparkes 1962, cat. no. 74. 23 Pisani 2003, nos. 10, 59, 77; published in Kaltsas 1998, 65-72.

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Semon.fr.7W.59-62. For ancient Greek authors such as Aristotle for example, physical labor was appropriate for slaves, and cereal processing was also perceived as physical labor: Arist. Pol. I 1255b, 22-27. 25

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SOMA 2007 This responsibility, which society assigned to women, was further reaffirmed as part of female gender identity through participation in the religious sphere. Religious and other ritual settings offered a great opportunity for the instruction and perpetuation of gender roles through ritual performance. Only one relevant piece of information survives from the Classical period, namely a short passage in Aristophanes’ Lysistrata, a comedy first performed in Athens in 411 B.C. A chorus in the voice of an older woman reminisces on how she fulfilled her religious duties to the polis as a young girl and enumerates four different ritual roles she had assumed (lines 641-643). One of these roles was that of the aletris or grinder for the Lady, performed at the age of ten. No information exists about the nature and duration of this ritual service. Considering the context, it can be argued that the aletridai were girls who ground the flour that was used at a sanctuary of the Lady, variously identified with Athena or Demeter.26 One of the consequences of such a ritual service was that by performing the act of grinding the grain young girls internalized this task as specifically appropriate for them, as a role that contributed to the well being of their households, and, by extension, to the well being of the community. At the same time, such a performance reaffirmed this gender-specific role in the eyes of the contemporary society that served as the audience.27

of cereal processing, since all representations are elliptical. These emblematic figures that are not easily decipherable by the modern viewer were likely associated with concepts of female gender roles. In view of the literary sources examined above, I believe that they were painted statements about feminine industriousness and virtue. The images on a black-figured Boeotian skyphos of the late 6th century illustrate this point most eloquently (figure 9).29 The significance of this vase is that its painted decoration provides a firm association of an image of cereal processing with iconographic contexts that belong to the discourse on gender. On one side two women are shown pounding next to a third figure who is spinning (figure 9). Spinning and weaving were two activities particular to women in ancient Greece.30 Representations of spinning and weaving were demonstrative of a woman’s industriousness, and therefore virtue. Visual representations, particularly of spinners, occur frequently in vase-paintings since the middle of the 6th century BC.31 On the other side of the vase a woman washes her hair, while two other women help her. Washing, dressing and bedecking oneself with jewelry are associated in the literary sources with concepts of beauty and sexual allure, often with respect to young women of marriageable age.32 Bathing and washing the hair are associated in the iconography of the Archaic and Classical periods with the bride’s wedding preparation, her transformation from a child to a sexually active woman.33 It is therefore very likely that the representation of the washing of the hair on the Boeotian skyphos had sexual overtones and nuptial connotations. The potential nuptial connotations provide an attractive explanatory framework for the skyphos’ painted decoration: on one side, the cleansing of the prospective bride, an image with purificatory and erotic overtones. On the other, images of women engaged in the duties that every girl was taught and every marrying woman would come to perform or supervise once in charge of her oikos.

That cereal processing was a work for women and part of their gender identities is affirmed by later literary information, provided here with the cautionary note that it dates in the 2nd century A.D. In his Onomasticon the lexicographer Pollux mentions that Solon instructed brides to carry a barley roasting pan (frygetron) to their new homes “as a symbol of their skill of processing cereal (semeion alfitourgias)” (1.246);28 further down he says that the bride carried a sieve (koskinon) to her new home, while a pestle (yperon), such as the ones used in pounding the grain, was hung outside the bridal chamber in the first night of the wedding. Both pestle and sieve were considered, according to Pollux, indications of her industriousness, semeion autourgias (3.37-8).

The vase is covered with dipinti that provide a name for each figure, including the dog. A small part of what was once a long dedicatory dipinto in three lines survives on one side. Fortunately the work ‘edoke’ can be securely restored. This indicates that the vase was a gift either to a person, or to a sanctuary. The women of the vase are given names such as EUFARXA, EUPHROSYNE,

Images of cereal processing as signs for female industriousness Returning to the statuettes and vase-paintings, it is clear that they represent stages of the processing of cereal in a visually consistent fashion. Their makers were not interested in an accurate rendition of the actual operation

29 Supra footnote 10, no. 3. A detailed interpretation of this fascinating skyphos is the subject of a future article. 30 Hdt. 2.35.8-10; 4.162; X. Ec. VII. 21-22. Also in Homer: Il. 3.124126; 6.454; Od. 2.93-105. 31 On the figure of the spinner as a sign of industriousness and feminine virtue Ferrari 2002, 12-34, esp. 12-17 with previous bibliography. 32 Ferrari 2002, 49-52. 33 Oakley and Sinos 1993, 15-21. An examination of wedding imagery indicates that most scenes represent the procession to the bath, and the wedding loutrophoroi are clearly indicated. The washing of the hair is a more unsual representation in wedding scenes, although a part of the real ritual. Cf. a red-figured pyxis of about 420 B.C. in New York (Metropolitan Museum of Art 1972.118.148) ) with scenes of the bride’s preparation for the wedding, including the washing of the hair in Oakley and Sinos 1993, 16, 20-21, and more extensively Sabetai 1997.

26 It is impossible to surmise whether aletridai were particular to one cult or other cults as well, whether they featured in one or more festivals, and how common such a service was throughout Greece. The thought is hard to escape, however, that such a service would be particularly appropriate in a cult of Demeter, since she was the goddess responsible for the fertility of the fields, and according to myths, she was the one who taught people agriculture. So, Sourvinou-Inwood 1988,136-148; also recently on the aletridai Goff 2004, 53-55. 27 On this and other rituals for girls known from Athens, and which served to perpetuate gender roles see Brelich 1969;Calame 1977; Sourvinou-Inwood 1988; Bruit Zaidman 1992;.Goff 2004. 28 Alfita is a word that described the coarse meal produced by processing barley, cf. Rep. 372b. Moritz 1958, 149-150.

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EUFARIA, MOLPA, KODOMA. Even the dog is given a name, FILOTHERA, a sign that it was a female dog! The name EUFARXA appears twice, once on each side, attached to a different figure: on the first side to one of the pounders, on the second to the woman washing her hair. EUFARXA means ‘she who governs well’, EUPHROSYNE means ‘she with a good cheer’, EUFARIA ‘she with the pretty mantle’, MOLPA likely means ‘she who sings’. The meaning of the name KODOMA is unclear, but Pollux clarifies that it is the name of the slave who roasted the barley.34 Finally, FILOTHERA means ‘she who loves hunting’. Such names, I believe, were not accidental, nor were they intended to be perceived as those of specific persons. Rather, they were used deliberately to evoke positive qualities in the figures that they accompanied, or qualities that were descriptive of their activities. Presumably, EUFARXA would be the description of a capable housemistress. The dipinti were painted in the Boeotian alphabet before the firing of the vase, which indicates that it was made to order. A vase made to order as a gift allows the hypothesis that this gender-specific imagery and the text on it were meaningful to the person who commissioned it. It is possible, therefore, to claim that the image of one or two women pounding is equivalent to that of the spinner, and therefore denoted positive qualities of industriousness and virtue associated with women in Archaic and Classical Greece.

last century, and it is therefore plausible that the skyphos was found in one of them.36 Like the skyphos, the finding location of almost all vases examined in this article remains unknown with the exception of a black-figured sherd located in the early excavations of Eleusis (figure 12).37 Although the larger image to which the two pounders belonged is lost, a representation of women pounding grain is rather appropriate as a dedication at a sanctuary of Demeter, the goddess responsible for agriculture and the fertility of the cereal fields in particular. An intact black-figure neckamphora with two pounders on one side, the Boeotian lekythos in the Serpieri collection and a fully preserved red-figure cup were likely found in tombs and subsequently sold in the arts market.38 More information exists about the function of the terracotta statuettes, primarily on account of their higher numbers. Those with known provenance have been found either in tombs or in sanctuaries. Regional beliefs and practices were naturally defining in terms of how the terracotta statuettes were deposited, and they would have varied. In this respect it is interesting that most of the terracotta statuettes from Greek sanctuaries have been located in the Peloponnese, more specifically at the sanctuaries of Hera at Perachora and Argos, at Tiryns, at the sanctuary of Helen and Menelas at Sparta, at the sanctuary of Artemis Orthia in Sparta, at Mycenae, at Corinth, at the sanctuary of Artemis at Kombothekra.39 The few terracotta statuettes of women processing cereal of the Mycenean period have also been found in the Peloponnese. It is conceivable that there was an uninterrupted tradition reaching the Archaic period in the Peloponnese, which is presently not detectable in the archaeological record. Furthermore, the presence of these terracotta statuettes in sanctuaries of deities with special import in the world of women should not be dismissed lightly, although certainly more information from well excavated and published sanctuary sites is necessary in order to be able to draw more specific conclusions.40 The lack of such statuettes in sanctuaries of Demeter, the goddess of the grain par excellence, however, is interesting in this respect. It is possible that relevant

Cereal processing tools that were closely connected in Attic imagery with concepts of feminine virtue and industriousness could also turn into lethal weapons in the hands of women in danger, according to a couple of vasepaintings. This is illustrated on a couple of 5th century red-figured vases. This is the case, for instance, on a redfigured cup by Brygos depicting Ilioupersis, where a woman is shown defending herself with a pestle against her attackers.35 the utensil that very frequently appears in the vase-paintings and terracotta statuettes of pounders examined above. The context While the dedicatory dipinto on the Boeotian skyphos examined above certainly establishes its function as a gift, its archaeological context is unknown. The fact that most of it is preserved, however, supports the idea that it was located in a tomb. Finds from sanctuary or household contexts mostly result in potsherds, rather than entire pots. Additionally, this vase was likely bought in the market, and was not located in an official excavation. Tombs in Boeotia have been looted systematically since

36 The history of looting in Boeotia, and Tanagra in particular, is given is Higgins 1986, 37 supra footnote 10, no. 2. 38 supra footnote 10, nos. 1, 4, 6, respectively. 39 Sparkes 1962, cat. nos. 40 (three statuettes, Perachora); 42 (Hera at Argos); 41, 43 (Tiryns); 38 (three statuettes, Spartan Menelaion); 39 (fragments of over 20 statuettes, Artemis Orthia at Sparta);37, 37A (Mycenae); 35, 36 (Corinth); Pisani 2003, cat. no. 26 (Artemis at Kombothekra) with bibliography published in Sinn 1981, 70, pl. 7.6. Outside of Greece proper a Demeter sanctuary in Catania is the only place that has yielded such terracotta statuettes thus far: Sparkes 1965, cat. no. 85B; published in Rizza 1960, 253, fig. 19.1-2 (two terracotta statuettes). 40 It is clear from ancient sources that especially Artemis and Hera were goddesses that protected women, and oversaw their transitions in various significant moments of their lives, such as marriage, childbirth and others. cf. Sourvinou-Inwood 1988.; Brelich 1969; Calame 1977; Kahil 1977; and on the related material culture Kahil 1981. On a similar cult in Messene as it is known through epigraphy Themelis 1994.

34

Poll. On. 1.246; 6.64. Paris, Louvre, G152, ARV2 369.1, 398, 1649, Add 111, Add2 224, Tiverios 1996 148, 150, Figs.124, 126 (Iliupersis: woman defending herself with pestle); also Pelike by Myson, Munich, Antikensammlungen, 8762, ARV2 1638.2BIS, Add2 201 (A: Herakles with spit or spear in the house of Nereus, cup, oinochoe, amphora, sea; B: woman (Nereid?) running with pestle). 35

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SOMA 2007 material will emerge in the future. The possibility should also be entertained that some dedications in sanctuaries were likely interchangeable. For instance in some sanctuaries a real baked bread or a terracotta equivalent of it might be dedicated, whereas in another sanctuary of another region a terracotta statuette of a woman baking might be dedicated instead.41 Understandably this complicates the archaeologist’s interpretation process, but it should be considered seriously as a possibility, particularly with reference to food dedications, or images of women preparing the food.

evoked gender roles the deceased had assumed as a wife. In girls’ tombs they could have been gender-specific toys for girls, chosen to accompany them to the grave. Further, they could have been mementoes of a relevant ritual service rendered to a deity, such as that of the aletris. Whichever the case, the presence of such terracotta statuettes in girls’ tombs is indicative of deeply engrained perceptions about a female’s role in preparing food, especially in processing cereal. The same most likely holds true about the vases examined earlier, despite the fact that much less information is preserved than in the case of these statuettes. They were probably mostly dedications at sanctuaries and tombs. It is not unlikely, in fact, that the Canellopoulos skyphos was a gift on occasion of a young woman’s marriage.

Terracotta statuettes found in burial contexts were widely distributed throughout mainland Greece and the Aegean islands, South Italy, Sicily, and Cyprus. While in most cases the only available information is simply that a statuette was included in a tomb, a few recently published burials with terracotta statuettes afford more insights. The burials with published contexts are few and geographically dispersed, but there are interesting similarities among them that should be pointed out. Five tombs, one each at Akanthos, the Athenian Kerameikos, Argos, Lipari, Medma-Rosarno (Locri)42 contained burials of females.43 Combinations of objects that typically occur in tombs of women such as skyphoi, pyxides, spindle whorls, mirrors, jewelry have been found in all of them. Significantly, in three of the five tombs, namely at Akanthos, Lipari and most likely the Athenian Kerameikos the burials belonged to girls.44 The grave at Akanthos is particularly interesting as it was found intact. 45 It contained significant burial accoutrement in comparison to tombs, and, among others, three statuettes depicting different stages of cereal processing, which were mentioned earlier (figures 1, 2, 3), along with one of a figure inside a bath tub.

Conclusion The consistent visual language of the statuettes and vase paintings examined above, and their iconographic associations suggest that they were invested with symbolic meaning relevant to the discourse on feminine gender roles. They are in complete agreement with the literary sources which describe cereal processing as a role that society assigned to women, and one that was part of their gender identities. It was argued that these images were visual references to female virtue and industriousness, much in the same way that representations of weaving and spinning were in Archaic and Classical Greece. Beyond the iconographic analysis, the archaeological contexts in which some of the statuettes and probably some of the vases were found now enriches our understanding of their meaning and opens interpretive perspectives about their functions. They can be understood best as the material remains of ritual performance of feminine gender identities.

Recent scholarship has drawn attention to the fact that grave offerings are often related to roles the deceased had assumed in society, or roles he/she could have assumed later in life.46 In women’s tombs the statuettes may have

References Amouretti, M.-C. 1986. Le pain et l’huile dans la Grèce antique, Paris. Bonias, Z. and Perreault, J.-Y 2002. “Άργιλος, Ανασκαφή 1998-1999”, To Archaiologiko Ergo sti Makedonia kai Thraki 14 (2000), 2002, 109-115. Braun, 1995. “Barley Cakes and Emmer Bread”, in Wilkins, J. et al. (eds). Food in Antiquity, Exeter, 2537 Brelich, A. 1969. Paides e Parthenoi, Rome. Bruit Zaidman, L. 1992. “Pandora’s Daughters and Rituals in Grecian Cities”, in A History of Women in the West. I From Ancient Goddesses to Christian Saints, Ed. Pauline SCHMITT PANTEL, Cambridgeand London, 340-349

41

Cf. Brumfiel 1997 for terracotta images of breads and cakes at the sanctuary of Demeter in Corinth. 42 Pisani 2003 cat. nos. 10, 59, 77 (Akanthos); 50 (Kerameikos); 5 (Argos); 28 (Lipari), Sparkes 1962, cat. no. 83 (Medma-Rosarno). Three tombs, one each from Thebes, Ragusa, Megara Hyblaia have also been excavated by archaeologists but more information is needed about the contextual finds in order to be able to interpret the terracottas found in them. These are: Pisani 2003, cat. no.16 (Thebes), 88 (Ragusa), 98 (Megara Hyblaea). 43 While skeletal analysis is the most secure way to assess biological sex this was apparently done only in the case of Akanthos. Cf. following footnote. The gender of the rest was assessed on the basis of the burial offerings. 44 It is possible that this was also the case with the tomb from Argos (Pisani 2003, cat. no. 5), which contained the remains of two adults and an infant. Although the finds from this cist-tomb cannot be clearly associated with each individual burial, the excavation report suggests that the terracotta statuette is to be associated with the second adult burial, which was also accompanied by a laconian skyphos, a pyxis, a pyxis lid, a three-legged pyxis, two attic cups. 45 The tomb is published in Kaltsas 1998, 65-72. According to the publication the skeleton disintegrated apart from parts of the skull and parts of the ribs (Kaltsas 1998, 65). 46 A very important work in combining archaeological theory and practice in this respect is that of Daniel Graepler who analyzed

specifically the function of terracotta vessels and statuettes in the Hellenistic cemetery of Taranto (Graepler 1997). His findings clearly demonstrate an association of specific combinations of tomb offering with social roles, especially those relating to gender. Cf. Graepler 1997, 149-161 on a discussion of theoretical problems with respect to funerary offerings and literature. On archaeological approaches to death see most recently Rakita et al. (eds) 2005; Pearson 1999. Interesting relevant theoretical points are made by Haerke 1997.

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Brumfiel, A. 1997. “Cakes in a Liknon : Votives from the sanctuary of Demeter and Kore on Acrocorinth”, Hesperia 66, 147-172. Cahill, N. 2002. Household and City Organization at Olynthus, New Haven and London. Calame, C. 1977. Les Choeurs de jeune filles en Grèce archaïque, Rome. Counihan, C. and Kaplan, S. L. (eds.), Food and Gender, Amsterdam 1998. Ferrari, G. 2002. Figures of Speech. Men and Maidens in Ancient Greece, Chicago and London. Gilchrist, R. 1999. Gender and Archaeology, London and New York. Goff, B. 2004. Citizen Bacchae. Women’s Ritual Practice in Ancient Greece, Berkeley, Los Angeles, London. Graepler, D. 1997. Tonfiguren im Grab. Fundkontexte hellenistischer Terrakotten aus der Nekropole von Tarent, Munich. Grandjean, Y. 1988. Recherches sur l’habitat thasien de l’epoque grecque, Thasos vol. XII, Paris. Haerke, H. 1997, “Final Comments: Ritual, Symbolism and Social Inference”, in Kjeld C. and Nielsen K. H. (eds)., Burial and Society. The Chronological and Social Analysis of Archaeological Burial Data, Aarhus, 191-196. Higgins, R.A. 1986. Tanagra and the Figurines, Princeton. Jansen,W. 1997. “Gender Identity and the Rituals of Food in a Jordanian Community”, Food and Foodways, 7, 1997, pp. 87-177. Kahil, L. 1981. “Le craterisque d’ Artemis et le Brauronion de l’Acropole”, Hesperia 50, 253-263. Kahil, L. 1977. “L’Artemis de Brauron, rites et mystères”, Antike Kunst, 20, pp. 86-98. Kaltsas, N. 2003. Άκανθος. Η ανασκαφή στο νεκροταφείο κατά το 1979, Athens. Maffre, J.-J. 1975. “Collection Paul Canellopoulos: Vases Béotiens”, BCH 99, 409-520. von Massow, W. 1916. “Die Kypseloslade”, AM 41, 1117. Moritz, L.A. 1958. Grain Mills and Flour in Classical Antiquity, Oxford. Neils, J. 2004. “Kitchen or Cult? Women with Mortars and Pestles”, in Keay S. and Moser S. (eds), Greek Art in View. Essays in Honor of Brian Sparkes, Oxford, 54-62. Pearson, M.P. 1999. The Archaeology of Death and Burial, Thrupp/Stroud/Gloucestershire. Pomeroy, S. 1994. Xenophon Oeconomicus: a Social and Historical Commentary, with a New English Translation, Oxford.

Robinson, D.M 1938. Olynthus VIII. Excavations at Olynthus Part 8. The Hellenic House. A Study of the Houses Found at Olynthus with a Detailed Account of Those Excavated in 1931 and 1934, Baltimore. Sabetai, V. 1997. “Aspects of Nuptial and Genre Imagery in Fifth-Century Athens: Issues of Interpretation and Methodology”, in J. Oakley et al. (eds.), Athenian Potters and Painters, Oxford 1997, 319-335. Shapiro, A. 1989. Art and Cult under the Tyrants in Athens, Mainz. Sinn, U. 1981. “Das Heiligtum der Artemis Limnatis bei Kombothekra, II: Der Kult”, AM 96, 1981, 25-71. Sorensen, M.L.S. 2000. Gender and Archaeology, Malden MA. Sourvinou-Inwood, Ch. 1988. Studies in Girls’ Transitions, Athens 1988. Sparkes, B.A. 1981. “Not Cooking, but Baking”, Greece & Rome 28, 172-178. Sparkes, B.A. 1965. “The Greek Kitchen: Addenda”, JHS 85, 162-163. Sparkes, B.A. 1962. “The Greek Kitchen”, JHS 82, 121137. Sparkes, B. and Talcott, L. 1970. The Athenian Agora, Volume XII: Black and Plain Pottery, Princeton. van der Steen, E. 1992. “FIERY FURNACES: Bread Ovens in the Ancient Near East”, PetitsProposCulinaires 42, 1992, 45-52. van der Steen, E. 1991. “The Iron Age Bread Ovens from Tell Deir ‘Alla”, Annual of the Department of Antiquities of Jordan 35, 135-153 Szabo, M. 1994. Archaic Teracottas of Boeotia, Rome. Pisani, M. 2003. “Vita Quotidianan Nel Mondo Greco Tra Il Vi e Il V Secolo A.C. Un Contributo Per La Classificazione Delle Rapresentazioni Fittili », BdA 88, 3-24. Rakita, G. F. et al. (eds). Interacting with the Dead: Perspective on mortuary archaeology for the New Millenium, Gainsville FL. Rizza, G. 1960. “Stipe votive di un santuario di Demetra a Catania”, BdA 45, 247-262. Themelis, P. 1994. “Artemis Orthia at Messene: The Epigraphical and Archaeological Evidence”, in Robin HÄGG (ed.), Ancient Greek Cult Practice from the Epigraphical Evidence, Stockholm,101-122. Tsoukala, V. forthcoming. “Cereal Processing and the Performance of Gender in Archaic and Classical Greece (700-400)”, forthcoming issue of Food and History (Brepols).

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Fig. 1 Polygiros Museum, from Akanthos tomb 1427, after Kaltsas 1998, pl. 72

Fig. 2 Polygiros Museum, from Akanthos tomb 1427, after Kaltsas 1998, pl. 72

Fig. 3 Polygiros Museum, from Akanthos tomb 1427, after Kaltsas 1998, pl. 72

Fig. 4 Athens, National Archaeological Museum 4052, © Athens National Archaeological Museum

Fig. 5 Athens, National Museum 12637, © Athens National Archaeological Museum

Fig. 6 Paris, Louvre B302; After Sparkes 1981, pl. 4c

Fig. 7 Athens, National Archaeological Museum 4756; Photo: Author

Fig. 8. St. Petersburg, Hermitage St. 1791; after Oakley and Sinos 1993, fig. 44

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Fig. 9 Athens, Canellopoulos Museum inv. 384; after Maffre 1975, fig. 29

Fig. 10 Serpieri Collection; after Sparkes 1962, pl. VII.2

Fig. 11 Paris, Louvre G476; after Sparkes 1981, pl. 3a

Fig. 12 Eleusis Inv. 1055; after von Massow 1916, pl 58, fig. 13

Fig. 13 New York, The Metropolitan Museum of Art L.1982.110; after Neils 2004, fig. 4.4

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Contribution to the study of the ancient marble quarries of the Mani Peninsula, SW Laconia, Peloponnese, Greece: the case of the quarry of white marble at the site Aspri Plaka, Charouda, Pyrgos Dirou and of the quarry of cipollino verde Tenario at the site Paliros-Koureloi, near Cape Tainaron1 Maria Tsouli

Curator of Antiquities, 5th Ephorate of Prehistoric & Classical Antiquities, Hellenic Ministry of Culture

In the middle of the 2nd century BC, by the emergence of Rome as first political and military force in the Mediterranean world, the commerce of marbles of oriental origin becomes an international practice. At that time, the first temple completely constructed by Greek marble is erected at Rome itself,2 whereas by the beginning of the next century the same tendency applies for private habitations as well. The use of marble in architectural elements becomes a sign of appartenance to a social elite. The prices of colored marbles increase enormously, whereas those of white marbles are much lower. It is mostly characteristic that in the Edictum Diocletiani the price of 1 cubic meter of white Proconnesian marble is fixed at the sum of 40 denarii, whereas the price for the same quantity of the famous serpentine marble of Krokee (35 km SE of Sparta, at Laconia) reaches the sum of 250 denarii.3

explore the ancient quarry sites of these famous coloured stones citied by ancient authors (especially Plinius, NH XXXVI, 135, 158) and discovered by Siegel around 1850.5 On the contrary, the ancient quarries and outcrops of white and grey marble occurring along the Mani peninsula are much less well-known: they do not have ancient names or specific historical citations and only recent studies have drawn attention to them. Due to research projects realized during the last 20 years, several other ancient quarries and outcrops occurring along the Mani peninsula have been studied.6 It should be mentioned, though, that the publications of certain quarry sites lack specific features such as the detailed mapping of the ancient quarry, the description of the architectural members found in situ and of the extraction methods applied in the quarry, such as the case of the quarries at Charouda village, Pyrgos Dirou area and at the site Paliros-Koureloi, near cape Tainaron.

The Mani peninsula, in the southern part of the Peloponnese (SW Laconia) is very rich in crystalline white-grey and red marbles. Because of their attractive, red-purple colour, and of their rarity, these red hematitic marbles, called marmor Tenarium by ancient authors or rosso antico in modern terminology, as well as a variety of a blackish limestone defined as lapis Tenarius by Plinius (NH XXXVI, 135) (bigio morato or nero antico in modern terminology), were among the most precious stones in antiquity. As a matter of fact, one of the major sources of economic prosperity of Laconia in Roman times was the commerce of these “luxurious” colored marbles,4 used both for architectural elements and works of sculpture not only at Laconia but at Rome itself as well as at various cities of the Roman Empire. It was then quite expected that the objective of the studies of the first scholars, since the beginning of the 19th century, in southern Mani and the Tainaron area, was to locate and

The aim of this paper will be to present the exact location and mapping of both ancient quarries, the detailed description of the quarries themselves, the description of the extraction methods used in the quarries, as well as certain technical parameters of the quarries’ organization. Before proceeding, we should give some general geological notes on the extracted stones. The metamorphic series of the southern Taygetus mountain – Mani peninsula belt, is an area geologically linked to the Ionic-Adriatc zone, which is the continuation of the Alpine-Dybaric system.7 The rosso antico and the whitegrey marble outcrops in the Mani peninsula belong to the same geological formation of the Upper-Senonian – 5

Bursian 1853; Henzen 1857; Bursian 1862; Philippson 1892. Bruno 2002 (Mianes quarry); Bruno,Conti, et al. 2002 (Mezapos quarry); Bruno, Pallante 2002 (“Lapis Tenarius” quarries); Chiotis 2001 (“Lapis Tenarius” quarries and Charouda quarry); Cooper 1981, Cooper, Herz, Wenner, 1982, Cooper 1986 and Cooper 1998: 108-110, 114, 117 (Marmari quarries); Cooper 1988 (with catalogue of the ancient quarries at the Mani Peninsula); Dworakowska 1969 (with catalogue of a number of ancient quarries at the Mani Penisnula); Gorgoni, Kokkinakis, et al. 1992 (rosso antico and Mezapos quarries); Gorgoni, Lazzarini, Pallante 2002 (rosso antico quarries); Lazzarini 1998 (Koureloi quarry); Moschou, Raftopoulou, Xatzitheodorou 1998 (rosso antico quarry at Prophitis Elias, Dimaristika). 7 Herz, N. Carbon and oxygen isotopic ratios: a data base for Classical Greek and Roman Marble, Archaeometry, 29 (1): 35-43. Sabatakakis 1989. Gorgoni, Kokkinakis, et al. 1992: 155. 6

1

I would like to thank, from this position, Mr Ioannis Stefanou, Engineer of the Hellenic Ministry of Culture, who made the maps of both ancient quarries, Mr G. Kalapotharakos, Colleague at the 5th Ephorate of Sparta, who had been a helpful guide and companion during my research, and the inhabitants of Paliros village, who showed me at the exact site of Paliros-Koureloi quarry. 2 Temple of Jupiter Stator at Circus Flaminius. By the end of the 2nd century BC, erection at the Forum Boarium of the circular temple dedicated to Hercule Olivarius by Greek artisans. 3 Giacchero, M. (1964) Edictum Diocletiani et Collegarum de pretiis rerum venalium, 31, 210-11. 4 See Moschou, Raftopoulou, Xatzitheodorou 1998: 267-271, with extensive bibliography.

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CONTRIBUTION TO THE STUDY OF THE ANCIENT MARBLE QUARRIES OF THE MANI PENINSULA, SW LACONIA Upper-Eocene period.8 These marbles are the product of low grade metamorphism of very pure limestones (such as the white varieties of Diros, concerned here, Mezapos and Marmari), and of limestones containing organic substances, then transformed into carbonaceous matter (grey varieties of Diros, Mountanistika, Alika, Kyparissos9). The low metamorphism of slightly marly limestones containing iron pigments has produced the formation of rosso antico, an impure marble containing, among others, heamatite, which is responsible for the red colour of the rock,10 whereas the same variety of stone containing chlorite11 has a bright green colour –this attractive, bright green-veined cipolinic variety occurs only at the Tainaron area, at the sites Mianes, Marmari and Paliros-Koureloi, concerned here, and is named cipollino verde Tenario .12

as the historical era is concerned, to the late archaic period (a Doric capital dated ca. 510-490 BC, found at Thalamai, just inland from the northwest coast of Mani). The use of the quarry in the Byzantine period is confirmed by the building material of the 11th century Byzantine church of Taxiarches, situated at the NW edge of Charouda village, where large (sometimes measuring 3 m in long) roughly shaped blocks of this white marble are used – the blocks were extracted from an outcrop of the stone adjacent to the east of the church. In 2006, during a survey at the area north of Charouda village and south of the modern quarry at Lagadaki Bay, definite traces of the ancient quarry, the megalithic column drums mentioned by Chiotis and other ancient architectural blocks left in situ were located (fig. 1). Traces of ancient quarrying were located at an extensive area, measuring ca. 230 x 145 m., situated 350 m SE of the Byzantine church of Taxiarches and 80-120 m. NE of the modern quarry at Lagadaki Bay. Access to the area of ancient exploitation is possible through two roads, an old, paved one of medieval – if not earlier – construction, starting east of the Byzantine church and leading, after 450 m., to the seashore of Lagadaki Bay, and a modern one starting west of the Byzantine church and leading SSE to the modern quarry.

The quarry of white marble at the site Aspri Plaka, Charouda village, near Pyrgos Dirou The site of the ancient quarry of white marble north of the medieval village of Charouda, near the Pyrgos Dirou village, at the west coast of the Mani Penisnula and about 12 km south of Areopolis was recently located and briefly mentioned by E.D. Chiotis.13 His description of the ancient quarry is very short, without specifying its exact location, and mainly focuses on the existence of two megalithic column drums found in situ. Up until then, the location of the ancient quarry was unknown to modern researchers, due partially to modern exploitation of the site: an extensive quarry was opened at the major outcrop of this stone at the area north of Charouda village, by the seashore of Lagadaki Bay, in the late 70s, and this was thought to occupy the site of the ancient quarry. It is mostly characteristic that F. Cooper,14 in an article giving the most complete catalogue of ancient quarries at the Mani peninsula until the late 80s, mentions for the socalled “Pyrgos Dirou” quarry that modern extraction has all but obliterated any signs of ancient quarrying”. Proof of the quarry’s existence in antiquity was mostly based on pieces of sculpture and architectural members made of this marble and dated back to the Neolithic period (figurines found at Alepotrypa cave of Diros), and, as far

The first traces of ancient quarrying were located at a field between the aforementioned roads, at an area delimited by a modern wall of a sheepfold, probably built with quarry debris (Working Area A). The extraction surfaces are easily recognizable on at least 3 outcrops, preserving the bases of the extracted blocks (groups of 3 to 5 rectangular blocks) delineated by shallow trenches, as well as lines of lunate marks representing the innermost extremities of wedge-slots (fig. 2). Passing to the east side of the old paved road the main traces of ancient quarrying were located, extended to several adjacent private properties delimited by walls of sheepfolds, also built with quarry debris (Working Area B) (fig. 1). Among them, the most impressive are two megalithic column drums (fig. 3), measuring 1.70 m in diameter and 0.94 m to 1.04 m in height, which were not detached from the parent rock. A number of half-dressed items were lying all around the quarry area, among which a few parallelepipedal blocks of varied dimensions. There was located just one, unfinished, roughly worked column shaft (fig. 4), 2.42 m long and 0.42 m in diameter, also not detached from the parent rock.

8

According to Chiotis 2001: 558, 559, 561, the extent of the Upper Senonian – Upper Eocene limestone at the geological setting of Taygetos near Cape Tainaron is exaggerated. For example, the carbonates 1 km NW of the tip of Cape Tainaron, although mapped as Upper Senonian – Upper Eocene, are correlated to the upper dark layers of the Pantokrator limestone. The author also supports the theory that two stratigraphic horizons of coloured marbles are distinguished: the green to reddish cipolinic marbles of Mianes and Marmari represent the transition zone from the flysch to the underlying limestone, whereas the rosso antico extracted at Dimaristika is the equivalent of the pink limestone of the Ionian zone in the upper layers of the Vigla series 9 See the map at Bruno, Pallante 2002: 163. 10 Gorgoni, Kokkinakis, et al. 1992: 155. 11 Lazzarini 1998: 209. 12 This definition was given first because of the great similarity of this lithotype to the famous marmor Carystium or cipollino exploited in Euboea and, second, in order to be differentiated from the so-called verde antico – a variety of green marble extracted in Roman times at Thessaly, central Greece. 13 Chiotis 2001: 558, 561. 14 Cooper 1988.

The marble outcrops were not intensively exploited, with the exception of an outcrop about 8.50 m long, 3.50 m wide and 1-1.10 m. high, situated east of the large outcrop where the column drums where extracted (fig. 5). In this case, there were extracted, by cutting vertical trenches, two large blocks measuring 3.33 x 2.97 m and 1.95 x 1.80 m respectively, whereas further shallow vertical trenches, located mostly at the northern part of the stone, were intended to separate several other parallelepipedal blocks of smaller dimensions. 397

SOMA 2007 together. From the size and close spacing of the wedgeslots, as well as their internal structure, it is most probable that the wedges were made of wood and not metal. The wedge marks are confined to horizontal surfaces and are restricted to one side only of each marble block. There is no evidence for vertical wedging, or for the insertion of wedges all around the periphery of a block, in the manner reported from Roman quarries.

As a matter of fact, the major quarry traces in the area are the preserved bottom parts of shallow vertical trenches, surrounding the extracted blocks and extending below their base. In more than 10 cases trenches from all the four sides of extracted blocks are preserved. It should be mentioned, though, that on the north eastern and south eastern parts of the exploitation area, shown with dots on the map (fig. 1), extraction traces are delimited to vertical rock faces formed on natural fractures of certain outcrops, signs of wedge holes and tool traces from punches or chisels (shallow trenches next to small extracted blocks, and horizontal lines marking the outcrop from which a stone would be more convenient to be extracted).

It should be mentioned that wedge traces at Charouda quarry have close counterparts in a block from the Third Period retaining wall at the Pnyx in Athens,15 dating most probably to the early fourth century BC, as well as in wedge marks preserved at an ancient quarry site named “The Rods of Digenis”,16 situated in eastern Crete, about 3 km north of the village of Chamezi (Sitia district), dated at about the same period. These similarities in the shapes of the wedge slots clearly suggest that the Charouda quarry was used from the classical period onwards.

The Charouda quarry was preferentially worked first because of its location, facilitating transport by the sea, and second due to certain geological characteristics of the outcrops exploited; these outcrops do not surpass in height the 1-1.40 meter, they present natural flaws which could be used as upper or lower edge of the layer to be extracted as well as parallel vertical open fractures, often selected as one side of the blocks to be excavated.

The dimensions of the extracted blocks can be easily estimated from the configuration of tool traces and especially of the preserved isolating trenches. Very helpful for such estimations was the location, at the SE edge of the ancient quarry, of a half finished shaft block, measuring 1.78 x 0.66 x 0.56 m., found next to its extraction site, where isolating trenches measuring 2.10 x 1.05 m. are preserved. We can thus express the assumption that the quarrying procedure resulted in the extraction of blocks of dimensions approximately 1520% smaller than those of the preserved isolating trenches. There were mainly parallelepipedal blocks extracted, with length normally around 1,80-2,60 m and rarely exceeding 3 meters, whereas the width is around 0.50 to 0.95 m. The block height never exceeds 1 meter and is commonly around 0.40-0.70 m.

Since the quarrymen were dealing with rather flat ground, only one or two layers of blocks were removed, leaving neat “negative” impressions in the surface (fig. 2). The selection of a site with such outcrops implies that, probably, only limited, specific consignments of marble were needed. As a result, no more blocks were extracted than was necessary, and, furthermore, close to the surface. This technique resulted in a quarry system of widely dispersed, isolated spots, where only a few or even one single block had been removed. As the evidence from the tool traces and the trenches clearly testify, the quarrymen applied as primary method for isolating blocks from the parent rock the technique of laboriously cutting narrow trenches around them. The average width of these trenches is 0.12-0.20 m., as seen in their preserved bottom parts. In most cases in Working Area B quarrymen caused the stone to crack simply by cutting by means of a chisel grooves near its intended lower edge. This technique of splitting off blocks from below by causing internal cracks naturally results in many irregular breaks on the bottom surface of the block, something clearly attested on the Charouda extraction sites (fig. 5).

As far as the transportation methods used in this quarry are concerned, its location close to Lagadaki Bay makes it almost certain that transportation of the extracted blocks was made by sea routes. Unfortunately, the existence of the modern quarry south of the ancient one, on the cliffs by the seashore of Lagadaki Bay, would have erased any traces of an ancient road used for the transportation of the quarry blocks at the seashore, or of any open-air workshop for the dressing of the extracted material before loading into ships. One could only make the hypothesis that the aforementioned, old paved road leading from Charouda village to Lagadaki Bay, may have been opened at the place of an earlier construction, used even in ancient times.

The use of wedges is mainly confined to Working Area A, where the style of quarrying implies a greater sophistication than in Working Area B, in that it is more regular, systematic and successful in obtaining exactly the shapes and sizes of blocks that were marked out. The traces preserved there are solid, straight lines, representing vertical cuts, light, discontinuous lines from shallow cuttings or guidelines and lunate marks from wedge traces. The lunate marks represent the innermost extremities of the wedge-slots, which would have been cut parallel to the base of the overlying blocks, which were thus raised. There are several rows of regular lunate marks attested, each 0.10 to 0.12 m. long, a maximum of 1 cm high at the center and positioned very close

As regards the eventual destination of the marble, no obvious site exists in the immediate neighborhood of Charouda. Isotopic signatures of samples from a modern 15 Kourouniotis, K. and Thompson, H.A. (1932) The Pnyx in Athens, Hesperia, 1: 142. 16 Durkin, M.K. and Lister, C.J. (1983) The Rods of Digenis: an ancient marble quarry in eastern Crete, BSA, 78: 75-8, 80-2 (Working Area C).

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CONTRIBUTION TO THE STUDY OF THE ANCIENT MARBLE QUARRIES OF THE MANI PENINSULA, SW LACONIA quarry of Areopolis17 and from a number of architectural elements from the southern Mani area prove that the isotopic values of a number of Ionic capitals built into the churches of Haghios Petros at Kyparissos and Haghioi Asomatoi at Kisternes Bay, Tainaron, fall in the isotopic field of Areopolis,18 so confirming that certain quantities of material extracted from Charouda quarry were destined for local use. But there is no structure in the Mani region where column drums with a diameter of 1.70 m could have been used. It has recently been suggested19 that the extracted marble was intended for use outside Laconia and perhaps for the temple of Apollo at Bassai, the provenance of the marble of which had been also attributed, in most recent studies,20 to another quarry at the southern Mani region, the quarry of Marmari. As a matter of fact, the isotopic values of a considerable number of marble samples from roof tiles, coffers and frieze slabs of the Bassai temple21 fall in the isotopic field of Areopolis marble samples,22 but the height of the halfdressed column drums of the Charouda quarry (0.94 to 1.04 m) do not correlate with the height of the drums of the Apollo temple at Bassai (0.95 to 1.15 m. in their final form). Only isotopic studies of marble samples from the ancient quarry at Charouda itself would through some light on the question of the destination of this marble.

Koureloi (fig. 6). It is located east of the modern road leading from Paliros village to Koureloi, 350 m. south of Paliros village and 330 to 105 m. north of Koureloi, at a height of 125 to 85 m. above sea level. The quarry site overlooks Vathi Bay, where marble column shafts are still preserved at the bottom of the sea by the seashore, thus indicating the place where the extracted material was loaded for transportation by ship. At the quarry area 5 extraction faces were found, located at a southeast to northwest direction, extended to several adjacent private properties delimited by walls of sheepfolds. For descriptive purposes, they were numbered as Extraction Faces A to E, starting from the one located closer to Koureloi village. Extraction Faces A (fig. 7) and B are situated very close the one to the other, on the southern part of the quarry area, in a field delimited by a modern wall of a sheepfold built with quarry debris. They are separated by the northern extraction sites by a wall where two parallelepipedal blocks where placed as antae of the entrance (fig. 10). Extraction Face C is situated at the adjacent field to the north, whereas Extraction Faces D and E (fig. 8) are located further northwest – the last one very close to the top of a hill, at the southernmost extremity of Paliros village. The extraction sites, together with the main area where the ancient blocks and shafts are located, occupy an area ca. 230 x 90 m.

The quarry of cipollino verde Tenario at the site Paliros-Koureloi, near Cape Tainaron.

The extraction faces are of small size, having a length of about 12-15 meters and exceeding 20 meters only in the case of Extraction Faces B and C (measuring 27 and 32 meters respectively), whereas their width is around 3 to 7 meters and their height rarely exceeds 4 meters. Only Extraction Face A preserves a vertical quarry face, formed by ancient extraction, in its whole length [photo prin]. Extraction Faces B and E preserve partially the vertical, stepped quarry faces testifying ancient quarrying activity, whereas the other three extraction sites are very much eroded by weather conditions and a serious fire that burnt the area in 2002. They also present many vertical open fractures, half finished blocks and parts of stone completely broken and lying in the middle of the extracted area and small ancient stepped extraction surfaces, or surfaces with traces of ancient tools and trenches for the isolation of the extracted blocks. The stepped extraction of the blocks, which is exclusively adopted as quarrying method only in the case of Extraction Faces A and E, was favored by the cliff-like geomorphology of the area. It is concluded from tool marks and the stepped formation of the quarry surface that excavation proceeded stepwise. The method for isolating blocks from the parent rock by the technique of laboriously cutting narrow trenches around them is best attested at Extraction Face E, where a large shaft block, measuring 4.20 to 0.65 m., delineated by isolating trenches in four sides and still not detached from the parent rock is preserved.

The quarry at the site Paliros-Koureloi was briefly mentioned by some scholars in the 19th century.23 Its location was unknown to modern researchers until recently, when L. Lazzarini24 published the location of the quarry and a detailed petrographic, geochemical and isotopic analysis of some of its marble samples, without presenting, though, a detailed mapping of the whole extraction area. Due partly to high vegetation of the area, the various quarry faces as well as numerous architectural members found in situ were not measured, described or catalogued. The whole extraction area was visited, studied and mapped by the author of this article during research projects taking place in 2006 and 2007, thus the provisionary character of this presentation should be taken into consideration. The extraction area is located at the southern Mani region, about 1,3 km north of the ancient city of Tainaron at Kisternes Bay, between the villages of Paliros and 17 Unfortunately, the specific site from where these samples were taken is not specified. There are, though, just two modern marble quarries at the area of Areopolis, the one situated south of Pyrgos Dirou village, site “Fourniata”, and the other at Lagadaki Bay, north of the ancient Charouda quarry. 18 Bruno, Conti et al 2002: 42-3. 19 Chiotis 2001: 561. 20 Cooper 1981, Cooper, Herz, Wenner 1982, Cooper 1986 and Cooper 1998: 108-110, 114, 117. 21 As published by Cooper 1998:, 111. 22 As published by Bruno, Conti et al 2002: 42. 23 Siegel (1849) apud Henzen 1857: 156. Bursian 1855: 783. Philippson 1892: 226. For a more recent citation see Moschou, L. (1975) Τοπογραφικά Μάνης, AAA, VIII2: 173, note 19. 24 Lazzarini 1998.

The prevailing tool marks on the vertical surfaces of Extraction Faces A, B and E are inclined, short, slightly curved grooves. Quite surprisingly, they no similarity 399

SOMA 2007 either with the regular series of parallel and almost horizontal lines produced by the light pick or with the more pronounced, deep, strongly curved grooves, often arranged in a garland-like pattern (a festoni),25 produced by the heavy peak with a long handle, mostly widespread as a quarry tool during the Roman period. These so-called point or punch traces, attested in older literature at a number of ancient quarries,26 may have equally been carried out by means of a long or short hand peak, point or punch.27 As regards the use of wedges for the extraction of blocks, this is confined to just one example, an outcrop east of Extraction Face C. There is preserved one row of 4 lunate marks, each 0.10 to 0.12 m long, representing the innermost extremities of the wedge-slots, which would have been cut parallel to the base of the overlying block.

Vathi Bay. This is indicated by the spot finds of the extracted blocks as well as by the location, next to one of the aforementioned columns built into the modern wall, of a rough stone bearing the inscribed Greek letter Δ33 – perhaps this is an indication of the transportation route to be followed by ancient quarrymen. As regards the distribution of architectural members made of the cipollino verde Tenario, we should mention the paper of M. Bruno,34 publishing the quarries of green cipollino at the area of Mianes, near Cape Tainaron. The autor managed to locate column shafts made of this variety of stone at the Roman theatre of Githion, at the Church of Saint Sophia at Monemvasia, at the Church of S.Maria Maggiore at Naples, as well as at Rome itself, now exhibited in the Antiquarium Comunale del Celio.35 We should, evidently, support the theory that this specific quality of green cipollino was appreciated and imported not only in Greece but also in Italy, at the center of the Roman Empire itself, thus adding another colored stone to the list of those “luxurious” colored marbles being exported from Laconia, constituting one of the major sources of economic prosperity of Laconians in Roman times.

There were located, measured and catalogued 10 roughly worked or almost finished column shafts (fig. 9), and 17 parallelepipedal blocks (fig. 10). The extracted shaft blocks are of medium dimension, with length normally slightly more than one meter and width around 0.50 to 0.80 m. The extracted column shafts are also of medium size, with length normally around 1.30 to 1.80 meters and just in two cases exceeding 2 meters, and a diameter around 0.31 to 0.40 m.28 All columns are unfluted and a number of them bears incomplete terminal flanges or protective ‘collars’ measuring 0.11-0.15 m. at one end, a feature previously described from Roman quarries.29 Some of them also bear inscribed circular lines at regular intervals, interpreted by some scholars as guide-lines for the final elaboration of the columns.30 Most of them are not completely circular in cross section, but have one flat side extending the whole of their length. In all cases but one31 there are monolithic columns of green cipollino extracted from this quarry, a feature which may be regarded as typically Roman.32

Bibliography Bruno, M. (2002) Mianes, Cape Tainaron. A new quarry of green “Cipollino” and red “Fior di Pesco”. IN: Asmosia 5. Proceedings of the Fifth International Conference. Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, June 12-15 1998, London, 20-26. Bruno, M., Conti, L., Lazzarini, L., Pensabene, P. and Turi, B. (2002) Identification of the architectural marbles from the Chapel of Haghios Assomatos and the church of Haghia Triada at Cape Tainaron, Greece. IN: Asmosia 5. Proceedings of the Fifth International Conference. Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, June 12 -15 1998, London, 36-46. Bruno, M. and Pallante, P. (2002) The “Lapis Tenarius” quarries of Cape Tainaron (Mani Penisnula, S. Peloponnesus, Greece). IN: Asmosia 6. Proceedings of the Sixth International Conference. Venice, June 15-18 2000, Padova, 163-176. Bursian, K. (1855) Ueber das Vorgebirge Tainaron, Abhandlungen der Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, VII (1853-55), München, 773-795. Bursian, K. (1862), Geographie von Griechenland, Vol. II, Leipzig, 105-152. Chiotis, E.D. (2001), Γεωλογική θεώρηση των μαρμάρων της Λακωνίας και και νέα στοιχεία για την εκμετάλλευσή τους στην αρχαιότητα. IΝ: Basiakos, Υ., Aloupi and Fakorelles eds., Αρχαιομετρικές Mελέτες για την Eλληνική Προϊστορία και Αρχαιότητα,

The abandoned architectural members were lying mainly east of the Extraction Face C, to a direction E-SE, towards a small old path leading to Koureloi village. As a matter of fact, 3 column shafts were used as building material for the construction of a modern low wall delimiting the east side of this path. It is most probable that the route of this path was even used in antiquity for the transportation of marble artefacts by the seashore at 25

Although described as such by Lazzarini 1998: 207. Indicated by Dworakowska 1975: 121-2. 27 See Waelkens, De Paepe, Moens 1988: 102-3, with extensive references. 28 There are 3 columns of larger dimensions, with a diameter of 0.51, 0.48 and 0,74 m respectively. The total length of the last column, situated east of Extraction Face E, should exceed 3 meters (this is not visible because of high vegetation at the site). 29 For example, at the Roman quarry of Karystos (Hankey, V. (1965) A Marble Quarry at Karystos, Bulletin de Musée de Beyrouth, 18: 53-61. 30 Pensabene, P. (1998), Sulla tecnica di lavorazione delle colonne in marmot proconnesio del portico in Summa Cavea del Colosseo, Studi Miscellanei, 31, Rome: 300 (where a column shaft from the quarry at Paliros-Koureloi is referred). 31 One column drum of large dimensions, measuring 1.05 m in length and 0.84 m. in diameter, was located east of Extraction Face E. 32 Dworakowska 1975: 37. 26

33 The letter, measuring 0.95 m in high, is strongly appicated and can be dated by its form at the Roman period. 34 Bruno 2002. 35 Short references to the column shafts made by cipollino verde Tenario, being found in Rome and Naples, are also made by Lazzarini 1998: 210.

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CONTRIBUTION TO THE STUDY OF THE ANCIENT MARBLE QUARRIES OF THE MANI PENINSULA, SW LACONIA Gorgoni, C., Lazzarini, L. and Pallante P. (2002) New archaeometric data on Rosso Antico and other red marbles used in antiquity. IN: Asmosia 6. Proceedings of the Sixth Internationa Conferencel. Venice, June 15-18 2000, Padova, 199-206. Henzen, G. (1857), Tenaro e i marmi tenarii, Bulletino dell’ Istituto di Corrispondenza Archeologica, 154159. Lazzarini, L. (1998), Su un inedito Cipollino verde tenario. IN: Pensabene, P. ed, Marmi antichi II Studi Miscellanei, 31, Rome, 207-212. Moschou, L., Raftopoulou, S. and Xatzitheodorou, TH. (1998) Λίθος ερυθρός Ταινάριος. Τα αρχαία λατομεία στον Προφήτη Ηλία Δημαρίστικων Μάνης και η περιοχή τους, ArchDelt, 53, 267-287. Pensabene, P. (1998) Sulla tecnica di lavorazione delle colonne in marmo proconnesio del portico in Summa Cavea del Colosseo. IN: Pensabene, P. ed., Marmi antichi II,Studi Miscellanei, 31, Rome, 293-301. Philippson, A. (1892) Der Peloponnes: Versuch einer Landeskunde auf geologischer Grundlage, Berlin. Sabatakakis, P. (1989) Lineamenti idrologici del massiccio carbonatico della Penisola di Mani nella Regione di Lakonia (Peloponneso, Grecia). Unpublished PH.D. Thesis, Università di Modena e Bologna, Italy. Waelekns, M., De Paepe, P. and Moens. L. (1988) Patterns of extraction and production in the white marble quarries of the Mediterranean: history, present problems and prospects. IN: Fant, ed., Ancient Marble Quarrying and Trade, 1986, BAR, 81-122.

Athens, 558-561. Cooper, F. (1981) A Source of Ancient Marble in the Southern Peloponnesos, AJA, 85, 190-191. Cooper, F., Herz, N. and Wenner, D. (1982) Source for the Bassai Temple in the Peloponnesos, AJA, 86, 270. Cooper, F. (1986) The Stones of Bassai. IN: Jones, R.E. and H.W. Catling eds., Science in Archaeology, 2133. Cooper, F. (1988) The Quarries of Mount Taygetos in the Peloponnesos, Greece. IN: Herz, N. and M. Waelkens eds., Classical Marble: Geochemistry, Technology, Trade, NATO ASI Series, Vol. 153, Dodrecht/Boston/London, 65-76. Cooper, F. (1998) The Temple of Apollo Bassitas. Vol. I: The Architecture, Princeton. Cummer, W. (1978) The sanctuary of Poseidon at Tainaron, Lakonia, Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts, Athenische Abteilung 93, 35-43, tab. 17-20. Dworakowska, A. (1969) Staroźytne kamienolomy Peloponezu. Materialy do inwentaryzacji, ArcheologiaWarz, 20, Warsaw, 1-38. Dworakowska, A. (1975), Quarries in Ancient Greece, Bibliotheca Antiqua, 14, Warsaw. Gorgoni, C., Kokkinakis, I., Lazzarini, L. and Mariothini, M. (1992) Geochemical and petrographic characterization of “Rosso Antico”, and other whitegrey marbles of Mani (Greece). IN: Waelkens, M., Herz, N. and L. Moens eds., Ancient Stones: quarrying, trade, provenance, Acta Archaeologica Lovaniensia 4, Leuven, 155-165.

Fig. 1: Map of the ancient quarry at Charouda village 401

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Fig. 2: Charouda quarry, Working Area A.

Fig. 4: Charouda quarry: not detached, unfinished column shaft.

Fig. 6: Map of the ancient quarry at the site Paliros-Koureloi.

Fig. 3: Charouda quarry: two megalithic column drums.

Fig. 5: Charouda quarry: outcrop with several extraction traces.

Fig. 7: Paliros-Koureloi quarry, Extraction Face A. 402

CONTRIBUTION TO THE STUDY OF THE ANCIENT MARBLE QUARRIES OF THE MANI PENINSULA, SW LACONIA

Fig. 8: Paliros-Koureloi quarry, Extraction Face E.

Fig. 9: Paliros-Koureloi quarry: roughly worked monolithic column shafts.

Fig. 10: Paliros-Koureloi quarry: ancient shaft block built into modern wall.

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An Early Christian Basilica on Taurus Mountain Range at Cilicia Pedias Asst. Prof. Dr. Füsun Tülek Kocaeli University, Faculty of Sciences and Arts B-Blok, Archaeology Department, Eski Istanbul Yolu 10.km Kocaeli 41300 Turkey e.mail: [email protected]

A basilica leaning on the bedrock of Karasis mountain lies in east-west orientation with a single entrance on its south side. The east end of the basilica is semicircular in shape with a double window. The interior of the structure is lavishly decorated with geometric floor mosaics. A single cross relief remains on one of the engaged pilasters. The structure is a barrel-vaulted single aisled basilica, which must have functioned as an early Christian parish church dated to the fifth century.

single-aisled and barrel-vaulted basilica with a protruding semi-circular apse at its east end (Figs.7, 8). The engaged pilasters should have been supporting the springing arches of the superstructure, indicating that the structure was covered with a barrel-vault. One of the engaged pilasters supporting the arches of the barrel-vault bares a carved Greek-cross (Fig. 9). Evidently, this was a small parish church serving a modest community. Barrelvaulted single-aisled churches are abundant on the mountainous parts of Cilicia, including Isauria, where this type is common among Binbir Kilise churches. Hence, the church of Baka in Cilicia Pedias demonstrates the same plan type, a single-aisled barrel-vaulted basilica, also decorated with an aniconic polychrome floor mosaic.4

The Taurus mountain range rises high to the northeast of Cilicia Pedias to form the anti-Taurus mountains. On its flanks lies the suburb of Kozan of Adana city (Fig.1). To the north of the town on the mountains is the Çürükler district, located in a landscape beautified by a dam lake and with a magnificent view of Mount Karasis. The mountain rises dramatically on the north side of the lake, surmounted by an Hellenistic fortress on its rocky peak.2

Concerning architectural sculpture and plastic decoration, there is only a Greek cross relief found on one of the north wall pilasters of the church. The piles of large blocks of ashlar yielded only a couple of blocks with cornice molding. The basilica measures 16.60 m in length and 6 m in width. The width of the apse wall is 97 cm. The pilaster is 1.34 m in height, its depth is 20 cm and its width is 62 cm. The window opening at the apse measures 1.08 m. In Plain Cilicia churches, particularly in the churches of Baka and Domuztepe, the width of the apse wall and the size of the semicircular apse are similar.5

On the south side of Mount Karasis there is a structure on an east-west orientation, just below the high-rising bedrock of the fortress (Fig. 2, 3). There is a water source next to the structure, which presumably was also the major water source for the fortress. In the vicinity of the structure, at its east and southeast, remnants of a temple stylobate (Fig.4), a fallen column (Fig.5), molded architectural pieces, and abundant sherds of roof bricks have been detected scattered on the hill skirts, which denotes the existence of an ancient settlement. The remaining walls and the apsidal curvature at its east end identifies the structure by the water source as a small basilica.

The single-aisle nave of the church is adorned with an overall mosaic of aniconic decoration (Fig.10). Two separate geometric compositions divide the nave floor mosaic into two, almost equal east and west halves. A shaded strapwork of interlacing circles and ovals encloses the entire floor mosaic uniting the two mosaic panels. The polychrome mosaic is busy with elaborate geometric ornaments. The intricacy of the motifs indicates the usage of multi-colored tesserae.6 The mosaic panel in the eastern half is composed of an orthogonal composition of squares, each containing a different geometric ornament. The western mosaic panel is an overall decoration of an orthogonal pattern of a spaced swastika-meander motif containing squares in the spaces employed in infinite repetitions. From outwards to inwards, a crow-step ornament encloses the mosaic followed by the major border ornament, that is the strapwork of circles and ovals, and the third border constitutes of semicircular tangent discs alternating in three colors which only frames the eastern panel. The ellipses and the circles of

An illicit excavation in 2002 exposed the basilica with its lavishly decorated floor mosaics. The north wall of the structure was neatly stripped off and the dirt on the floor skilfully lifted, yielding an exquisitely decorated polychrome floor mosaic3 (Fig.6). The north wall of the basilica, which leans on the slope of the hill, remains intact, as well as the west wall. The wall of the eastern part of the structure making a semi-circular curve remains to half length. On the north wall, which leans on the bedrock, four engaged pilasters are noted. This is a 2

The survey of the Karasis Hellenistic Fortress is being conducted by Prof. Dr. M. H. Sayar of the Istanbul University in collaboration with Prof. Dr. Dip.- Ing A. Hoffman, the director of the German Archaeology Institute at Istanbul, and Prof. Dr. M. De Vos of the University of Trient in October 2003. 3 After the arrival of the security forces, they reburied the mosaics with the debris. The structure has been studied and its drawings have been made during the field research of the Cilician Mosaic Corpus project by Tülek in the summer of 2002. The floor mosaic has been examined with the photographs obtained from the locals. Tülek 2004, 109-111.

4 5 6

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Bell 1906, 23; Hill 1996, 99. Tülek 2004, 66-74; 82-88 It is difficult to discern the colors from the blue washed photos

AN EARLY CHRISTIAN BASILICA ON TAURUS MOUNTAIN RANGE AT CILICIA PEDIAS the major border ornament are superimposed with motifs such as multicolored stripes, circles, four-petal flowers quartered with a cross or lilies, and serrated diamonds.

the churches of Anemurium, Korykos, Meryemlik, and Dağ Pazarı, which have been dated to the first quarter or to the second half of the fifth century.

The east mosaic panel is framed by another border ornament, which also divides the mosaic into separate square compartments. The motif is a trellis of tassels, rendered in shades of dark to light colors, of three petals aligned in dense rows. Each square compartment contains various geometric motifs that are basically linear and multicolored, such as chevrons, zigzags, single octagons, compartments quartered by rainbow filets, single swastika motifs, quatrefoils, checkerboard, knot of Solomon etc.

The church of Kaoussie has been dated to the last quarter of the fourth century, the Misis Edifice has been assigned to the fifth century. The securely dated floor mosaic in the House of the Green Carpet has been dated to the second half of the fifth century and Bath F in Antioch has been dated to the beginning of the sixth century. As for the dating of the parallels of the border ornament with inter-looping circles and ellipses, the dates of the Rough Cilicia examples range from the first quarter to the end of the fifth century.

An orthogonal composition of spaced swastika-meander motifs has been observed in Cilicia in the Misis Edifice in Plain Cilicia, which has been employed as a broad border ornament of a central composition. An example of the pattern identical to that of the Misis Edifice has been found in a pavement of Bath F, in Antioch, also employed as a border ornament. The north aisle pavement of the church of Kaoussie contained a mosaic panel of the same pattern employed as an overall decoration similar to that of the Karasis church mosaic. The Kaoussie mosaic panel does not only contain the orthogonal composition of a spaced swastika-meander pattern, but it also contains linear geometric fillers in its squares. Thus, the Kaoussie example is more or less a combination of the east and west mosaic panels of the Karasis church pavement. A floor mosaic containing a composition identical to the church of Karasis mosaic is found in Antioch, in the House of the Green Carpet.7

The aniconic character of the mosaic decoration, the linearity of the geometric fillers, and the lack of any floral ornaments, except a couple of florets contained in the circles point to an early dating close to that of the church at Kaoussie. However, the rich use of the rainbow style and the employment of the trellis of petals/tassels denote a later period. It should be noted that the single cross relief cited is not of much help in dating, nor is the plan type of the church. Tentatively, the mosaic of the church of Karasis assignment is to the beginning of the fifth century. Bibliography Bell, G. L. 1906, “Notes on a Journey through Lycaonia and Cilicia I” RA (1906), 1-29. Levi, Doro 1947 Antioch Mosaic Pavements. Hill, Stephen 1966 The Early Byzantine Churches of Cilicia and Isauria. Tülek, Füsun 2004 Late Roman and Early Byzantine Floor Mosaics in Cilicia. UIUC. Unpublished Dissertation. 2004.

The shaded strapwork of inter-looping circles and ovals is a common border ornament found in numerous examples of the mosaics of Rough Cilicia, such as those found in 7

Levi, AMP II, pl. CXXVIII. b; AMP I, p.315

Fig.1 Karasis mountain viewed from southwest across the lake

Fig.2 The basilica viewed from west to east

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Fig.3 The basilica viewed from east to west

Fig.4 Molded architectural pieces scattered around the basilica and in the vicinity

Fig.6 The polychrome geometric floor mosaic of the basilica

Fig. 5 Fallen column and architectural blocks

Fig. 7 Plan and drawings of the basilica

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AN EARLY CHRISTIAN BASILICA ON TAURUS MOUNTAIN RANGE AT CILICIA PEDIAS

Fig.8 Plan and drawings of the basilica

Fig. 9 Carved Greek cross on the engaged pilaster of the basilica

Fig. 10 Layout of the floor mosaic

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The ports of Anxanum (Abruzzo, Central Italy) Marco Viglietti Scuola di Specializzazione in Archeologia, Università Statale, Milano. E.mail: [email protected]

to foreign market.7 In the 1876 IGM maps, Bardella is the name of a hill behind Punta della Mucchiola; in the last editions it is called Riparo and it lies along the west hillside, on the Moro river right bank. But even supposing its inner placing, it is still alive the suspicion the settlement made use of the small Mucchiola as a landing-place. A picture taken about 1970 from San Vito Chietino viewpoint, put in the first volume of “Chieti e la sua Provincia”, shows us the changes of this tract of coastline in the last 30 years. This picture shows well the real likelihood that the rocks supporting the overflow are certainly the vestiges of the ancient promontory outline. Bardella is the natural end of the ancient ridge road between the Feltrino and the Moro, trough Frisa, Guastameroli and Sant’Apollinare. This road which forks just here, forms two coastal outlet between the Feltrino and the Moro mouth, and therefore, for the moment, we cannot number the Mucchiola bay among the usable landing places along the stretch of coast between San Vito and Ortona. In regard to San Vito, i can mention the Murata Alta settlement, which lies above the structures excavated during 1994 and 1995, seems to be much more large then the considered area8 as it must spread out not only along the slops but also partly along the east hillside.

San Vito The location of the port of San Vito is still disputed. In the first half of the tenth century, in his Montecassino’s Memoratorium, Bertarius Abbas places it not far from the Feltrino mouth;2 a century later Henry the Third counts it among the abbatial possession of San Giovanni in Venere, whole Giovanna the First3 got to realize alternative structures at the end of the fourteenth century. Alfonso of Aragona renewes the licence, a generation later. In the document in question we can read “the king knew from very ancient traces and from very ancient ruines, that...there has been a port”. The excavations have brought to light part of a roman settlement, not far from the north of the Feltrino mouth. This tract of coastline, has been altered by the construction of the modern warf, and by the urban infrastructure of the Marina, east of the mouth. In 1876, the stream before its mouth, bended eastward, today that meander goes straight northward.4 In any case, the tract of the coastline to the north of the Feltrino, has been very deeply altered, not only by the construction of the modern wharf. I think the mole caused a strong wash on the north side of the mole in consequence of lack of sedimentation trough the southeast currents.5 The railway roadbed and the rocks on the shore have radically changed the look of the coastline, while the breakwater is making easy the silting up the whole tract between the mole and the promontory of Punta della Mucchiola. Having said this, let’s try to interpret what the archaeologial data shows us. Immediately to the north of the present mouth, on the slopes of the hills, archaeological excavations have brought to light some ancient structures of doubtful function, dating back to different periods: its structure dates back to the first century BC, its complete renovation, including a kiln to the first century AD. After a few centuries, we can find some data at the end of the fifth century and in the obscure eighth and ninth centuries. Since the ninth century we know about a certain Portus Gualdi at the Feltrino mouth. But let’s go not long ago. It is dated back in the fifth and fourth centuries the grave equipment from Bardella6 consisting of a bronze leaf-shaped pin with ram protome and of light baked clay, including a black paint globular oinochoe from wich we can outline the emerging of the new cultural contributions and the opening of that, community

The Moro river, the Acquabella Bay and Ortona The north branch of the ridge road from Frisa, led to the landing-place at the Moro mouth. This landing-place is fitted with load bearing depths as far as few metres from the shore and it is well sheltered from the IV quadrant winds, partly from the I quadrant sea storms, and exposed to the Scirocco but well protected from the northwest strong streams, which are real danger in case of bad weather. The most shelter landing seems to be 250 m away from the north of present mouth, which has been radically altered in anticipation of the railway construction. From the waters of the gulf a bronze anchor stock of roman age was found;9 but in the XVI century the Dominican friar Serafino Razzi reports on molti navilii at the Moro mouth to unload goods to the Lanciano fairs.10 But if San Vito is “il porto della detta 7 Cianfarani, Franchi Dell’Orto, La Regina 1978: 362; De Luca 2002: 259. 8 Staffa 2002: 161. 9 Staffa 2002: 156; Lista 1992: 93, where we read that “Cronologicamente le ancore provviste di ceppi e contro marre di piombo sono state in uso dal IV sec.a.C. al II sec.d.C. mentre quelle in ferro, pur variando la sagoma delle marre (…) si affermano sempre più nel corso dell’età imperiale sino a divenire d’uso quasi esclusivo nel medioevo”; see 94, pl. 55, little iron anchor. See also Tusa 1971: 269289, 293-295 and Santa Maria Scrinari 1979: 55, pl. 29. 10 Razzi 1968: 49, where we read “il giovedì, alli 9 di Giugno, dopo Vespro, andammo 4 miglia incirca infino a Santo Vito, porto della detta città –Lanciano, n.o.a.- alla marina, e quindi passando il fiume Morrone

2

Staffa 2002: 156-161, pl. 35-6, also for excavation data and for general information on the site. 3 Carabba 1995: 24. This author is contra that thesis: it is Charles III which authorized a new port. 4 IGM Q 147-I is a military map of reference. 5 Adamoli 1991. 6 Alessio G. and De Giovanni M. 1983: 131, 132.

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THE PORTS OF ANXANUM (ABRUZZO, CENTRAL ITALY) città”, we cannot understand why friar Razzi did not care to report on ships in the “Marina. We can relate the presence of “molti navilii” at the mouth of the Moro to the lack of reports about the “ufficiale” port of San Vito. Any deduction would be hazardous, but the suspicion that the Acquabella landing place plays a more important role then the “porto” of San Vito seems to be well grounded, bearing in mind the good road links with LancianoAnxanum. It is still not clear to whether the route from Lanciano to Acquabella is an ancient one or not, above all as a link between the town and its probable port; but if the first track from Anxanum to Sant’Apollinare coincides with the Via Flaminia (per Picenum usque ad Brundisium), the second one could be the abovementioned ridge road to Bardella. Once again Bardella reminds us of its exposure to foreign cultural influences, on the link road between Anxanum and one of its ports. The analysis of the sea-trades between Ortona and Lanciano, can be important to help define the use of the landing place of Acquabella.

between Ortona and Lanciano, by persuading the latter to choose other place instead of Acquabella, too close to the first. In the same document (dated 1422), moreover, King Alfonso allowed Lanciano to build its port along a tract of coast between the Moro and the Sinello.13 The only remark which leads us to locate the port of Lanciano at San Vito is the vertical line that can be drawn between Lanciano-Anxanum and the coastline.14 Ortona It seems that the port of Ortona moved from an early location to the north of promontory, to a well-protected place east of the hill.15 It is interesting that Alfonso of Aragona decided to move the port to the south of the castle after a Venetian raid; it is important also to remark that the castle site was frequented in the Middle Bronze Age.16 Perhaps, the urban arrangement of the present “assetto complessivamente regolare”,17 dates back to the Roman times. This hypothesis is based on data from the excavations along Corso Roma, especially the remains of the ancient urban structure, conform to the Limitatio of Anxanum axis.18 In ancient times, the port of Ortona served not only the Frentana community,19 but also that of Marrucina. We can deduce this from the Via Flaminia that led Teate Marrucinorum to the sea, through the territory of today’s Ripa Teatina, Tollo and Miglianico.20 This road runs across the Ager of Teate Marrucinorum,21 and probably gives a decumanus of reference of the second teatine cadastre.22 Ortona is the hub of a large number of ancient roads: XIII or XI milia passuum divide

The Swabian Emperors Henry the Fourth and Frederic the Second removed duty from the goods of the Lanciano fairs,11 including those unloaded in the port of Ortona, which with Lanciano organized shipping “stuoli” to trade in the Mediterranean in competition with Venice. The first conflicts between the two towns date back to the beginning of the fourteenth century, at the time of Roberto D’Angiò. In short, unlawfully, Ortona levied a tax on the goods to Lanciano; Lanciano protested and asked for a port of its own; the king gave the go-ahead in the territory of San Vito; Ortona could not start legal proceedings and it used force, provoking more and more violent reactions, until the united troops of Lanciano and Sulmona sacked it in 1580. Ortona was less powerful than Lanciano, but it destroyed the port of San Vito by sea or by land. It is unthinkable that the troops of Ortona went through the territory of Lanciano as far as San Vito and destroyed everything scot free. It is not logical to have attacked by sea, because of the strength of the Lanciano fleet.12 The point is to mark the border between the two towns: in the second half of the fourteenth century. Lanciano owned not only San Vito, but the fortress of Frisa, Guastameroli and Sant’Apollinare too. Then the border was the Moro. Therefore the Ortonenses came down the south side of Acquabella promontory, and reached a landing place very near to the port of Ortona. Lanciano could not properly defend the strategic place which was too far from the power centre. The words of Alfonso of Aragona about the port of San Vito assume a new meaning: “the king knows from very ancient traces and from very ancient ruines, that...there has been a port”, he should change a poor landing place into a port, described as a very ancient one, to lower the tension

13

Corsetti 1982: 8. Romano 1994: 60. This case of relation between Anxanum-Lanciano and “his port of San Vito” might be an uncorrect application of the regula of proximity which Romano exposed as “tirannia della distanza”. 15 De Luca 2002: 262. 16 D’Ercole 2002: 85. 17 Staffa 2002: 147-8, pl. 29; about the relation between the urban and rural cadastre centuriali, it is very interesting Antico Gallina 2000: 471, nt. 19: “…cartografia alla mano, resta per ora puramente congetturale la possibilità che una griglia centuriale prioritariamente delineata per l’intero territorium abbia funto da disegno base per la delimitazione urbana, fornendo punti di riferimento essenziali per il primo impianto quadrangolare e per il successivo ampliamento.”, arguments based on the case of Mediolanum. About the probabile cohexistence, in the Ager of Ortona, of more roman cadastres (formae), along the border-line between Anxanum e Teate Marrucinorum, see Panero 2000: 431: “Il raffronto tra la divisione agraria nell’area immediatamente a sud di Novara, che segue un orientamento coerente con quello dell’assetto urbano della città, con quello del territorio a Oriente, in cui si registra una evidente variazione, possono indurre a formulare le tesi più svariate, sino ad ipotizzare la presenza di 2 interventi agrari distinti, coevi o successivi, che si sovrapposero e affiancarono. Tuttavia, non bisogna sottovalutare l’influenza sia del fattore geomorfologico, sia delle preesistenze”; it might be the case of southwestern area of Ortonensis ager, and also of the Foro Valley (see my proceeding in Soma 2005 volume). 18 This roman cadastre (limitatio vel forma) it is not studied, but it is possible to see on the military maps (scale 1:25.000) the remains of this cadastre in a 100 kmq waide triangular area among the modern town of Lanciano (the roman municipium of Anxanum), the Sangro mouth, the town of Ortona. 19 Buonocore and Firpo 1991: 126, nt.58: Strabon. 5,4,2 (241-2). 20 Staffa 2002: 142, pl. 27, road “C”. 21 Buonocore and Firpo 1991: 392, n.5. 22 You can read about this argument in my contribution at proceedings of Soma 2005 “Le Limitationes di Teate Marrucinorum”. 14

alla foce, ove erano molti navilii, giungemmo avanti notte a Ortona a Mare”; at 45, we read “Accadde pertanto quella notte delli 6 di Giugno che passando tuttavia navilii e barche per la fiera di Lanciano (…) si abbatterono a passare certe barche le quali (…) non risposero mai alle guardie né diedono nome”. 11 Carabba 1995: 21, about this historical data. 12 Corsetti 1982: 7.

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SOMA 2007 it from Lanciano-Anxanum, in accordance with the Itinerarium Antonini and the Tabula Peutingeriana,23 XXI or XVI from Ostia Aterni/Eterni.24 Because Ortona is one of the main west coast natural landing places of the Central Adriatic and its proper harbour services are required by Teate Marrucinorum and Anxanum. In 1447 Venice destroyed its port and Ortona built a new one (a 30-metre-long wharf) on the east slopes of its promontory. The urban expansion moved northeast, but a landslide blocked it in March 1506, when the whole northeast part of the built-up area slid into the sea. Without the support of the modern and medieval reports,25 nothing might explain the ancient Ortonese port system. The promontory offers a natural anchorage and safe docking in every sea and wind condition, as the coastline of the two landing places has two different directions, with a difference of 55 degrees.

Corsetti E. (1982) I porti frentani in epoca romana, QuAssArchFrent, 5, Ortona, 3-14. De Luca U. (2002) Chieti e la sua Provincia. Vol II. I comuni, Chieti, Cassa di Risparmio. D’Ercole V. (2002) Brevi aggiornamenti sulla protostoria del territorio chietino. IN: De Luca ed., Chieti e la sua Provincia. Storia, arte, cultura, Chieti, Cassa di Risparmio, 81-92. Landini P. (1978) L’evoluzione delle attività portuali di Ortona, Roma, De Luca. Lista M. (1992) Attrezzature marinare. IN: Fratta A. ed, Il trasporto commerciale marittimo nell’antichità, III Biennale Internazionale del Mare, Napoli 1992, Genova, 93-98. Panero E. (2000) Il problema della duplice centuriazione del territorio di Novaria e le relazioni con la rete stradale per Ticinum e Mediolanum. IN: Antico Gallina M. ed., Milano tra l’età repubblicana e l’età augustea, Atti del Convegno di studi, 26-27 Marzo 1999, Milano, 425-438. Razzi S. (1968) Viaggi in Abruzzo, Pescara. Romano R. (1994) Paese Italia. Venti secoli di identità, Roma, Donzelli. Santa Maria Scrinari (1979) Le Navi del Porto di Claudio, Roma, De Luca. Staffa, A.R. (2002), L’Abruzzo costiero. Viabilità, insediamenti, strutture portuali ed assetto del territorio fra Antichità ed Alto Medioevo, Lanciano, Carabba. Tusa V. (1971) I rinvenimenti archeologici sottomarini nella Sicilia nord-occidentale tra il II e il III Congresso Internazionale. IN: VV.AA. eds., Atti del III Congresso Internazionale di Archeologia Sottomarina, Barcellona 1971, Bordighera, 263-295. Ucelli G. (1950) Le navi di Nemi, Roma. Volpe G. (1990) La Daunia nell’età della Romanizzazione. Paesaggio agrario, produzione, scambi, Bari.

Bibliography Adamoli L. (1991) Variazioni della linea di riva e cause dell’erosione del litorale abruzzese dal Tronto al Pescara, Atti del III Geological Day, Chieti, 23 Giugno 1991, Chieti, 45-61. Alessio G. and De Giovanni M. (1983) Preistoria e protostoria linguistica dell’Abruzzo, Lanciano, Itinerari. Antico Gallina M. (2000) Il suburbio e i termini della programmazione: dalla razionalizzazione degli spazi alle bonifiche geotecniche e idrogeologiche, in Antico Gallina M. ed., Milano tra l’età repubblicana e l’età augustea, Atti del Convegno di studi, 26-27 Marzo 1999, Milano, 469-480. Buonocore M. (1987) Corfinium, Supplementa Italica, 3, 93-222. Buonocore M. and Firpo G. (1991) Buonocore M.- Firpo G., Fonti latine e greche per la storia dell’Abruzzo antico, I, Padova, Aldo Ausilio Editore. Carabba F. (1995) Dal Medioevo all’Unità d’Italia. IN: VV.AA. eds., Lanciano, Città d’Arti e di Mercanti, Pescara, Carsa, 20-33. Cianfarani V, Franchi Dell’Orto L., La Regina A. (1978) Culture Adriatiche Antiche di Abruzzo e Molise, Roma, De Luca. 23

Buonocore and Firpo 1991: 520, n.4. Buonocore and Firpo 1991: 533-534, nn. 8-9. 25 Staffa 2002: 149-150, for all find data. At the Punta di Ferruccio-Punta Lunga, we found a lead anchor; two km southward, in the Scalo area, a bronze anchor; north of Faro, the garum amphora Beltran I and various Dressel 1A, found on the sea and shore. About an hypothesis of urbanisation in the Scalo area, see Staffa 2002: 151-152: “Esistevano in età medievale vari moli, magazzini, e addirittura un popolato borgo portuale con alcune chiese”; for the interesting dolio inscription Peticius Marsus, in Martino 1992: 41, “negotiator e forse navicularius dell’imbarcazione, vissuto nel I sec.d.C., e dedicatario di una statuetta in bronzo di Eracle a riposo nel Santuario di Sulmona: M. Attius Peticius Marsus”, about the potential relation between M. A. Peticius and the hydronime Fosso Peticcio, which have their mouths near to the Scalo; more Peticii attestations in Buonocore 1987: 188, n.67, and also in Plut. Pomp. 73, 5-8, about the summit between a Peticius, navicularius, and Pompeus Magnus near the Thessalian town of Tempe; this episode is also important as intermodality paradygma of the sea and river transports. 24

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The Roman road network between two rivers: the Sangro and the Feltrino (Abruzzo, Central Italy). Reflections and interpretative hypothesis Marco Viglietti Scuola di Specializzazione in Archeologia, Università Statale, Milano. E.mail: [email protected]

entirely covered by vegetation, sloping down towards the sea through a few natural openings. For example, the path from Vicende, which, by utilizing a river terrace, navigates around a 50m-deep cliff, and reaches the sea by the mouth of the Fosso di San Tommaso. Two roads runs down from Piano dei Marchi, one takes a secondary ridge northward, the other reaches the sea to the east of Foce. Foce is the destination of two others downhill routes, from the promontories of Acquarelli and Piano Favaro, which are Piano dei Marchi. These short routes do not join a coastal road, but end in the caves that are features of this stretch of the coast, and below which might be good commercial landing places from which to export the food stuffs of the coastal property, based on the evidence of the faint traces of pottery and brick fragments on the promontory of Vicende.

A landing place system and a road network We do not know much about the coastal strip to the north of Sangro but there is something we can say about the Punta del Cavalluccio and Golfo di Venere.2 The Punta protects the gulf waters from the fourth quadrant winds, and partly from the first quadrant ones; and to the south there is a small rock outcrop that makes a further sheltered inlet 300 m from Punta. 500 m towards the Sangro, the small headland of Penna is not so sheltered but is well protected from the strong southeast currents. Another favourable factor is the abundance of springs on the Piano delle Fonti. Although the water is deep the many offshore rocks do represent landing hazards. It is difficult to imaging many suitable landing places along the coast and it is not clear if a side spur of the Via Flaminia3 runs along the sea and the modern route S.S.16. There are some cases like that along the Tyrrhenian coast.4 It is possible to document several landowners who made roads for their villas. The importance of private work is explained by an example in CIC, Ad Q. Fr. 3, 1; an archaeological confirmation is provided by the hill of San Rocco at Francolise (Caserta), where several landowners worked together to build a spur of the Via Appia. Between the Punta del Cavalluccio southward and the Punta della Mucchiola northwards, there are five miles of coast where these (very expensive) works allowed non-resident landowners to move around more quickly. One road runs parallel to the coast and was useful to quicken the landowner’s movements from his place of business to his home. In our case, the possibility of utilizing the ridgeways, all invariably going to the coastal strip from Anxanum,5 must have negated any benefits to the city-dwelling landowner who wished to go to his out-of-town residence, and to utilize a road running along the coast.6 Interesting are the roads, today nearly

Mule paths There is a nexus of mule paths going to the sea. From north to south there are four main routeways: a) Punta del Guardiano, where two tracks converge; b) The mouth of Fosso di San Tommaso, there are three routes; c) the mouth of the Foce, three routes; d) the mouth of Fosso di San Biagio, between Punta del Cavalluccio and La Penna: two tracks. These supposed landing places at the end of the mule paths are at a distance of 1, 2 and 1.5 km, as the crow flies. In the area of large intensive farming properties, it would be necessary to have landing places to export the agricultural products. And here, unlike near Vasto,7 there is not a major port close to these productive places. The mouth of the Sangro might be a good place to warehouse that the structures of these roads “ne soient très développées. Au contraire dans les cas des villas elles sont éventuellement sommaires, au point de ne laisser passer que les piétons et les animaux de bat”; very interesting precisation in relation with the toponyme Lappeto, countryside of Rocca San Giovanni, near the Fosso Ponticelli, 3 kms southward Anticaglie, countryside of San Vito Chietino; the village is located in southwest basin of Acquarelli promontory, in which the only route from Lanciano (olim Anxanum) to the sea, divides in a semicircle of muletracks, in direction of San Giacomo- Acquarelli and the promontories of Bocache and Montegranaro that, based on an resonable hypothesis, might be put up the settlements like villas; the importance of Lappeto village might be related at the ThLL, II, 288, appeto,-onis: alienum a petonibus viae expeditae (perditae, codd.) deverticula s(unt), to make in relation with ThLL, V-2, 853, deverticulum,-i: DON. Ter.Eun. 635: 1) diverticulum est, ubi de via flectitur. 2) et proprie, quia –a dicuntur in via domicilia, ad quae de itinere divertendum est. SERV. Aen. 9,377 –a autem sunt semitae transversae, quae sunt a latere viae militaris. 7 Staffa 2002: 216-29.

2

About this coastal area, see the military maps IGM Q. 148-IV, 147-I Di Risio 1987: 33, about the tracing of Via Apuliensis in the X° cent. Good reflections from writing of Trasmondo I: “Item dono medietatem introytus Portus Veneris, et omnem silvam cum tenimento seminali, quod dicitur Gandulphi inter Amnium et Molariam…”, because “ab Occidente habet- the tenimentum- Viam Apuliensem”: id est, Via Flaminia– ad Brundisium, Apuliae portus. 4 Lafon 2001: 129-130. 5 Staffa 1995: 8-19, with bibliography; De Luca 2002: 210; Alessio G. and De Giovanni M. 1983: 52-3, in which Anxanum is identifiable with the hypothetical pre-roman town of Frent(r)um; 81-2: l’origine mediterranea del tema; Staffa 2002: 161-187; Buonocore M. and Firpo G. 1991: 519. 6 Lafon 2001: 129, in which we read that “une villa (et un domaine) qui ne seraient pas dès leur création reliés par voie de terre à la région et à la cité voisine, ne sont pas concevables, sauf dans le cas exceptionnel de petites îles dont l’étendue correspond à celle du domaine”. It is possible 3

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SOMA 2007 foodstuffs,8 but the port of shipment is distant from the agricultural area. However we could suppose an alternative and straight road route from Anticaglie (San Vito Chietino hamlet) to the plain of the Sangro.

and Montegranaro; the outlet of the Fosso di San Biagio serves some plots of land of less than 200 iugera (50 hectares). Therefore we can propose that these supposed ports served the whole area to the north of Anxanum too.11

On the basis of the above, the most reasonable solutions are:

B) Agricultural products were transported to a dock warehouse to comply with the commercial requirements of large carriers. In that case a rigged port was be situated a little to the north of the mouth of the Sangro, where perhaps we can locate the medieval Portus Veneris.12

A) Offshore, not far from the landing places, some navis oneraria might attend the transfer of victuals with small shuttle boats.9 Many small landing places cannot assume the role of a large sized port.10 It is necessary to abandon the idea that coastal navigation was important in the trade routes, since for reasons of economy and safety, an offshore coasting trade, or high seas ship must go with a full load. In this view, it is necessary to demonstrate the possibility that the surplus produced on the land promontories could fill the holds of a navis oneraria as large as that one brought to light by archaeological researches. The Punta del Guardiano serves an area of 320 iugera (80 hectares), the mouth of the Fosso di San Tommaso about 400 (100 hectares), while the Foce serves many more thanks to the two terraces of Bocache

C. The onerariae, even those of great tonnage, moor on to wooden landing stages.13 As with today’s wooden platforms (trabocchi), this is possible thanks to deep water and by steering clear of reefs. Were trabocchi used for fishing, the prototypes of cargo winch-cranes for moving goods?14 Such a change of use might be similar to that of the evolution of the Adriatic trawler fleet, which was, at first, a transporter of agricultural products, and only later used for fishing. It began to concentrate on fishing after the construction of the railway.15 One can still hear in modern Abruzzo the saying: “Behind every trabocco there is a farm, only a short way from the sea. The trabucchi were designed by farmers, people who have nothing to do with the sea”.16

8 Staffa 2002: 190, 194; the important hydronime Lago delle Grotte, attested in the 1808 atlas of Ricci-Zannoni, north of the mouth of the Sangro, it is may be explicable with the Fossa Ceca, medieval denomination of modern countryside of Fossacesia: De Giovanni 2002: 35. It is possible to hypothize the using, by Anxanum, of the basin north of the today’s Sangro mouth. In the case of ancient origin of the hydronime Lago delle Grotte, the Fossa might be a cutting like that attested in Vitruvius about the apulian town of Salapia: VITR. 1,4,12: His confectis lacum aperuit in mare et portum e lacu municipio perfecit, commented by Volpe 1990: 256, nt.3: “E’ interessante che Vitruvio ricordi in particolare l’apertura del porto-canale: grazie ad esso infatti la città risolveva il problema della bonifica della laguna, impedendo la stagnazione delle acque, e si dotava di un porto”. 9 Razzi 1968: 345, about the example documented at Vasto in the September 1577, where we read an interesting “E negli stessi giorni si caricò in questa istessa spiaggia del Vasto una nave di vino per Corfù da Messer Domenico Niggio Genovese, la quale portava 600 botti, che a vederle distese per ordine sopra del litto, come vidi io una sera, reca maraviglia, e pare cosa incredibile che in un legno tale, oltra a tante altre cose che vi sono, possono capire cotante botti, e pure vi capirono, di 7 in otto some l’una- De Angelis 1994: 146, 1 soma: 90 litres-. E come piene erano, se il mare tranquillo, havendole bene con pece turate, ne legavano 4 o 6 per battello, e così per mare le tiravano alla nave. Dove giunte per forza d’argano, erano alzate suso, e collocate nei luoghi loro per fila, et una sopra l’altra, in più ordini sotto coperta. Ma quando era maretta si portavano dette botti alla nave, dentro agli schifi, e battelli”; it is possible the alternative dock with the wooden landing stages: about this, see Sterpos 1974: Disegno XVIII, “Veduta della spiagga della Cattolica…”; about the ancient use of barrel instead of the amphoras or dolia: Toniolo 2000: IX, pl. “Imbarco di botti” from the reliefs on the Traian Column in Rome: “Le botti soppiantarono gradualmente le anfore nel corso degli ultimi secoli dell’impero romano, anche per i viaggi di lunga portata: il costo minore di produzione e la capacità maggiore rispetto alle anfore favorirono la loro diffusione”; cfr. Lopreato 1992: 45, about a barrel in the charge of a II-III cent. A.C. navis oneraria (dimensions: mts.18x 6) sank near Grado; see Melli, Pasquinucci 1998: 420-421, Parker 1994: 48, Sena Chiesa 1998: 363; finally, see VARRO rust. I, 13, 6: “(...) spesso, quando ci si mette il vino nuovo, gli orci in Spagna e le botti in Italia si rompono per l’effervescenza del mosto”. 10 Étienne, Mayet 1998: 53-57, pl. 3; Parker 1994: 48: “È facile considerare navi come la Madrague de Giens come un esempio tipico, e supporre che grossi carichi, trasferiti da un porto all’altro, fossero una norma nel periodo ellenistico-romano. Nulla nella mappa dei carichi di anfore Dressel 20 suggerisce passaggi costieri o frequenti fermate nei porti”.

Bibliography Alessio G. and De Giovanni M. (1983) Preistoria e protostoria linguistica dell’Abruzzo, Lanciano, Itinerari. Bruni S. (2000) Il porto urbano di Pisae e i relitti del complesso ferroviario di “Pisa- San Rossore”. IN: Bruni S. ed., Le navi antiche di Pisa ad un anno dall’inizio delle ricerche, Firenze, 21-79. Buonocore M. and Firpo G. (1991) Fonti latine e greche per la storia dell’Abruzzo antico, I, Padova, Aldo Ausilio Editore. Camodeca G. (1994) Puteoli porto annonario e il commercio del grano. IN: Le ravitaillement en blé de Rome et des centres urbains des débuts de la 11 Landini 1978: 156-157, nt 4, about hypothetical medieval use, in occasion of the Lanciano’s fairs, of the landingplaces between San Vito and Sangro’s mouth. 12 Staffa 2002: 194; Di Risio 1987: 32-3. 13 Camodeca 1994: 110-111 (based on App. Civ. 5, 71-72 and 5, 298): Appianus “parla chiaramente di tavolati di legno posti su pali infissi nel mare, dunque di pontili costruiti per l’occasione. Il porto di Puteoli doveva avere numerosi pontili di legno che dalla ripa si allungavano nel mare anche per lungo tratto per permettere lo sbarco e l’imbarco delle merci sulle navi; in tal senso una testimonianza esplicita, addirittura autoptica, anche se stranamente poco considerata al riguardo, è quella di Licinio Muciano, cos. 63/64, cos. III nel 73 (fr.12 P. ap. Plin. N.H., VIII, 6), che in occasione di uno dei suoi imbarchi per l’Oriente ricorda questi pontili procul a continente porrecti“. 14 McCann: 63. 15 To this the dimensional drop during the time, with the same condition of landingplaces; this drop is bound to double use that the important shipowners families made with the ships: more farmers than fishermen, used the paranze to agricultural produce’s transport, and secondly to fishing. When the railway make the use of heavy ships less cheap, to agricultural produce’s transport, a new generation of specialized fishermen is born: Feola 1997: 13. 16 Coarelli 1996: 325.

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THE ROMAN ROAD NETWORK BETWEEN TWO RIVERS: THE SANGRO AND THE FELTRINO ricerca a Genova e nel suo territorio. IN: Optima via. Atti del Convegno Internazionale di Studi. Postumia, storia e archeologia di una grande strada romana alle radici dell’Europa, Cremona 13-15 Giugno 1996, Cremona, Amministrazione Provinciale, 417-433. Parker, A. (1994) Relitti romani- Un tesoro storico. IN: Lentini M.C. ed., Dioniso e il mare. Atti della VI Rassegna di archeologia subacquea, Giardini Naxos 25-27 Ottobre 1991, Soprintendenza dei Beni Culturali e Ambientali di Messina, 43-54. Razzi S. (1968) Viaggi in Abruzzo, Pescara. Sena Chiesa G. (1998) Calvatone- Bedriacum: un vicus commerciale lungo la via Postumia. IN: Sena Chiesa G. ed., Optima via. Atti del Convegno Internazionale di Studi. Postumia, storia e archeologia di una grande strada romana alle radici dell’Europa, Cremona 13-15 Giugno 1996, Cremona, Amministrazione Provinciale, 345- 367. Staffa A.R. (1995) Dalla Preistoria all’Alto Medioevo. IN: VV.AA. eds., Lanciano. Città d’Arti e Mercanti, Pescara, Carsa, 8-19. Staffa A.R. (2002) L’Abruzzo costiero. Viabilità, insediamenti, strutture portuali ed assetto del territorio fra Antichità ed Alto Medioevo, Lanciano, Carabba. Sterpos D. (1974) Porti adriatici e paesi dell’Appennino nel secolo XVIII, Roma, Società Autostrade. Toniolo A. (2000) Le anfore di Adria (IV-II sec.a.C.), Sottomarina. Volpe G. (1990) La Daunia nell’età della Romanizzazione. Paesaggio agrario, produzione, scambi, Bari.

République jusqu’au Haut Empire, Actes du collôque international de Naples (1991), Naples-Rome, Ecole Française de Rome, 103-128. Coarelli F. (1996) Il commercio delle opere d’arte in età tardo-repubblicana. IN: Coarelli F. ed., Revixit ars. Arte e ideologia a Roma. Dai modelli ellenistici alla tradizione repubblicana, Roma, Quasar, 312-26. De Angelis A. (1994) Caramanico nel Settecento, Roma. De Giovanni M. (2002) Elementi di storia linguistica. IN: De Luca U. ed., Chieti e la sua provincia. Storia, arte, cultura, Chieti, Amministrazione Provinciale, 15-55. Di Risio A. B. (1987) L’Abbazia di San Giovanni in Venere, Chieti, Cassa di Risparmio. Donati A. ed. (1998) Romana Pictura. La pittura romana dalle origini all’età bizantina, Rimini 28 marzo- 30 agosto 1998, Genova 16 ottobre 1998- 10 gennaio 1999, Milano, Electa. Étienne R. and Mayet F. (1998) Cartographie critique des établissement de salaisons de poisson dans la péninsule Ibérique, Congr. Nat. Soc. Hist. Scient., 120ème, Aix-en-Provence 1995, 121ème, Nice 1996. IN: VV.AA. eds., Méditerranée antique. Pêche, navigation, commerce, Paris, CNRS, 33-57. Lafon X. (2001) Villa maritima. Récherches sur les villas littorales de l’Italie romaine (III° siècle av. J.-C. / III° siècle ap. J.C.), Rome, Ecole Française de Rome. Landini P. (1978) L’evoluzione delle attività portuali di Ortona, Roma. Lopreato P. (1992) La nave romana di Grado. IN: Fratta A. ed., Il trasporto marittimo nell’antichità. III Biennale Internazionale del Mare, Napoli 1992, Genova, 45-48. Mc Cann A.M. (2002) The Roman Port and Fishery of Cosa, Rome, The American Academy in Rome. Melli P. and Pasquinucci M. (1998) Prospettive di

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Some Hypotheses on the Prehistoric Landscapes of Settlement in the Çukurova Celine Wawruschka Koc University, Department of History, Faculty of Arts and Sciences, 34450 Istanbul, Turkey

Mediterranean. Much of the land in the hill country is in the form of slopes, which have been denuded of both forest and soil cover by years of goat grazing and overcultivation. The soils which remain are stony, thin, and ill-suited for agriculture. Along the rivers and smaller streams are narrow strings of flat land, which have been formed by alluvial deposition. The soils of a number of these valleys are fertile, but for the most part they are also stony or sandy (Hiltner 1960: 617–18).

The Setting of the Cilician Plain The core of the Cilician Plain is a lowland alluvial area, which had been deposited by the Şeyhan and Ceyhan rivers, their tributaries and several small streams, which flow directly into the Mediterranean. This lowland area is divided into four semi-isolated sub-lowlands, the Adana Plain, the Yukarı Ova, the Plain of Iskenderun, and the Plain of Erdemli (compare to fig. 1).

The climate of the Cilician Plain is in general Mediterranean, with mild, rainy winters and very hot, humid summers. Daily temperatures range at about 45° Celsius in midsummer, during the nights the heat hardly abates. Transhumance (yayla) is practiced during these summer months until mid September. Data provided by the Tarsus Weather Station states the average annual rainfall here to be 575 mm. However, this value varies significantly from one year to the next. In 25 years of observation, annual rainfalls have been measured at a maximum of 1262 mm, and at a minimum of 320 mm (Öner, Hocaoğlu, et al. 2005a: 73). Rainfall increases during the winter season.

The Adana Plain, the largest of the lowlands in the core area, extends along the Mediterranean Sea from the city of Mersin to just east of the mouth of the Ceyhan River. The area has a table-like surface and its deep, stone free, clayey soils are for the most part fertile. The rivers of the plain, the Şeyhan, the Ceyhan, and the Tarsus (Berdan), meander widely across this even surface on their way to the Mediterranean. Each is bordered by a maze of oxbow lakes, meander scars and natural levees. Near the Mediterranean, particularly in the vicinity of the rapidly expanding deltas of the Şeyhan and Ceyhan, swamps and shifting sand dunes are common. The Yukarı Ova, which lies to the north-east of the Adana Plain, is completely surrounded by hill country and is somewhat isolated from the Mediterranean. It has a flat surface, much like that of the Adana Plain. The major river of the Yukarı Ova, the Ceyhan, flows from east to west across the southern part of the area. The local relief of this area is greater than that of the former, although most sections of the plain are less than 45 m above the Mediterranean.

The high ranges of the Tarsus Mountains do not block the cold autumn winds coming from the north (poyraz) from blowing over the southern Taurus headland. The strong south- and south-west winds prohibit shipping from October to March. The high amount of rain on the Tarsus and Amanus mountain ranges used to cause seasonal flooding in the plains, which since the beginning of the 20th century has been prevented by dikes (Hild and Hellenkemper 1990: 29).

The coastal plains of Iskenderun and Erdemli lie to the south and the west of the two plains. Both extend along the Mediterranean and are backed by mountain ranges, which restrict movement toward the interior of the country. The two plains, although they are the product of alluvial deposition, are not as even as either the Adana Plain or the Yukarı Ova, since the rivers of both are short and torrential and have not meandered extensively as have the Seyhan and Ceyhan. As a result, soil, drainage, and topographic conditions vary greatly from place to place.

Due to alluvium from the three big rivers, the Çukurova has undergone dramatic geomorphologic changes. Archaeological Research in the Çukurova Since the beginning of the 20th century, the Cilician Plain has been subject to archaeological surveys and excavations which have given evidence of prehistoric settlement. From his expedition to Cilicia, Hans Henning von der Osten reported eight settlement mounds, mentioning only the site of Misis Höyük (von der Osten 1927). In 1930, Ejnar Gjerstad crossed from Cyprus to the Cilician Plain and wrote a detailed report on the sites he had examined: Bozyazı Höyük, Silifke, Hüdüde Höyük, Lamas, Tömük Kalesi, Soli, Soguk Su Tepesi (=Mersin-Yumuktepe), Çavuşlu, Tımır Höyük, Kazanlı Höyük, Tarsus, Kabarsa,

Two areas of dissected hill country flank these lowlands. The first is a foothill belt, which lies along the base of the Taurus and Amanus Mountains. The Amanus foothills in the east are narrow but the Taurus foothills to the northeast, north, and north-west are fairly broad. The second area is the Misis Dağ, an isolated group of hills, which lie east of the Adana Plain between the Yukarı Ova and the 414

SOME HYPOTHESES ON THE PREHISTORIC LANDSCAPES OF SETTLEMENT IN THE ÇUKUROVA far, whereas the archaeological records for the Neolithic period have not been uncovered yet. However, a Late Chalcolithic layer consisting of hearths and parts of constructions as well as burials and a reasonable number of artefacts of the same period were shown to be from this time. Since 2001, the archaeological work on the site has been continued under the direction of Aslı Özyar, Boğazici University (Özyar 2005).

Hacibosan, Kestelin, Tanrıverdi, Yenice und Karataş (Gjerstad 1934). In 1934, Hetty Goldman and her team, from the Amerian Expedition to Tarsus, conducted several sondages on mounds in the Cilician Plain (Goldman 1935: 526). In the winter of 1936 and 1937, John Garstang and his team from the Nielson Expedition investigated several mounds together with the staff of the Mersin Museum. In a publication, he presented the results from the excavations in Kazanlı Höyük and Sirkeli (Garstang 1938). Remzi Oğuz Arık listed a number of mounds along the main road on a journey to the Hatay with the Türk Tarih Kurumu (Arık 1944). In June and July of 1951, Marjory Vallery Seton-Williams conducted a survey in the Cilician Plain with her research team from the British Archaeological Institute in Ankara (SetonWilliams 1954). 55 of the settlement mounds she detected date back to prehistoric periods. Still, her survey represents the most extensive one of the region. In the summer months of 1952, James Mellart from the British archaeological Institute in Ankara conducted a large-scale survey in Southern Turkey, crossing the Cilician Plain from the Göksu river valley and collecting surface finds of mounds in the Erdemli and the Adana Plain (Mellaart 1954). In the early 1960s, David F. French surveyed the Göksu river valley as well, at whose exit the site of Mersin-Yumuktepe is located. In his report, he described in detail the four sites in the river valley which were already known for their prehistoric surface finds from Gjerstad and Mellaart: Sarıcılar, Silifke, Tekirköy (former Hüdüde Höyük) und Tömükkale (French 1965).

John Garstang led the archaeological excavations in Mersin-Yumuktepe from 1937 to 1939 and from 1946 to 1947 (Garstang 1953). Since 1993, Isabella Caneva has been carrying on the project. John Garstang was able to identify 33 strata, of which the layers XXIV to XII date to the Chalcolithic period. Recently, there was proof of another Late Neolithic phase showing its presence between the XXV and XXIV layers. The mound of Sirkeli was excavated for the first time from 1992 to 1996 by Barthel Hrouda, University of Munich (Hrouda 1997). In 1997, the project was continued under Hans Ehringhaus, University of Innsbruck (Ehringhaus 1998, 1999). Finally in June 2006, the archaeological work in Sirkeli Höyük was resumed by a joint venture group between Mirko Nowak, Seminary of Ancient Orientalism at the University of Tübingen, and Ekin Kozal, Department of Archaeology of Çanakkale University. Marie-Henriette Gates has directed the excavations in Kinet Höyük since the early 1990s. A sondage on the western and eastern side of the mound in 1992 and 1993 showed evidence of the first Chalcolithic settlement on the site, founded immediately on mother soil and situated about 5 m under the current surface. Some finds also date to the Early Bronze Age (Gates 1996: 293). Since 2003, an archaeological record in the form of kilns and floor levels of houses has proven this (Gates 2004: 164–165).

In 1991, Marie-Henriette Gates and Ilknur Özgen of Bilkent University, Ankara, collected prehistoric material in the region of Yumurtalık, south-east of Misis and the Misis mountain range along the coast to Kinet Höyük and Dörtyol in the Iskenderun Plain. Of the 23 sites, 6 settlement mounds date to the Chalcolithic period and the Early Bronze Age respectively: Yeniköy, Soyalı Höyük, Hesiğin, Site 2, Site 19, and Kara Höyük (Steadman 1994). Since 2001, Giovanni Salmeri and Lucia D’Agata examined the surroundings of the Misis mound for Hellenisation processes in the region. In the course of a rescue excavation on the western area of the mound (Misis 37) in 2004, some remains of buildings as well as pottery and obsidian dating to the Chalcolithic and Neolithic periods were recovered (Salmeri and D’Agata 2005). During a long-term survey project under the guidance of Mustafa Sayar, Istanbul University, Serdar Girginer from the Çukurova University collected prehistoric pottery and obsidian tools in the region between Adana and Kozan in 2003 (Girginer 2005). Within the same project, Erkan Konyar of Istanbul University, examined 33 mounds in the districts of Adana, Osmaniye and Kahramanmaraş collecting prehistoric material from most of the sites (Konyar 2007).

In 2001, the Mediterranean was surveyed by the TAYproject (Türkiye Arkeoloji Yerleşmeleri) in order to detect the destruction of archaeological sites (Tanındı 2002). In the region of Mersin (Içel) particularly, growing urbanization has been a threat to prehistoric settlement mounds. Since the introduction of the ovalaştırma projesi (“levelling project”) in the Cilician Plain in the mid 1960s, several mounds have been levelled and destroyed. The partial and complete destruction of the mounds of Anberinharkı, Çaputçu, Çavuşlu Höyük, Domuz Höyük, Domuz Tepe, Domuz I, Tenevardi I, Tekirköy, and Velican have been documented (Tanındı 2002: 13–14, 18, 27). Prehistoric Settlement Patterns in the Cilician Plain Altogether, 60 prehistoric settlement mounds in the Cilician Plain are known about so far (compare to fig. 3). Nevertheless, some of the other settlement mounds in the Cilician Plain may well have been inhabited during the prehistoric periods. But due to the huge alluvial strata or compact inhabited levels of younger periods, it has not been possible to collect prehistoric finds from these sites.

Some of the prehistoric settlement mounds of the Cilician Plain have been excavated or are currently under excavation. Hetty Goldman and her team excavated Tarsus-Gözlükule from 1935 to 1939 and from 1947 to 1948 (Goldman 1956). As for evidence of the Neolithic period of this site, artefacts seem to be the only proof so 415

SOMA 2007 located towards the centre of its tributary area, whereas the gateway city is located eccentrically towards one end. The central place possesses a compact (circular, hexagonal, or square) service area, whereas the gateway city has an elongated, fan-shaped service area, which usually extends outward in a direction away from the regional core area. Gateway cities often develop in the contact zones between areas of differing intensities or types of production, along or near economic shear lines. They tend to be located between differing homogenous regions. In contrast, the central place, at least in its idealized format, lies within a relatively homogenous productive region. Although long-distance trade ties are obviously present, the central place is characterized principally by local trade connections; although local ties are obviously important, the gateway is characterized best by long-distance trade connections. Since entrance into an extended hinterland is the essence of a gateway, such a city will tend to be located on a site where transportation routes are of considerable significance, i.e. either at a bull-breaking point or at a node of transport lines (compare to fig. 2). At least in its initial formulation, the central place, in contrast, was not thought of in terms of a site where transportation was of particular significance (Burghardt 1971: 269–70).

Looking at the landscape of settlement in the Cilician Plain, the first striking fact seems to be that there is no other settlement form other than settlement mounds known for the prehistoric periods. Still, we are aware of the fact that it might simply be an impossible task to detect any flat settlements in the region due to alluvium and erosion – as has also been stated for other landscapes of settlement in Anatolia (Summers 2002). Nevertheless, we have to ask why mounds were chosen for settlement, why labour and resources were invested in building mounds. Fran E. Hamilton investigated the Middle Archaic mounds in south-eastern United States. Besides discussing possible symbolic, socio-economic and political reasons, she suggested that according to palaeoenvironmental data, which gave proof of regular flooding for the mid-Holocene, the unstable environment and weather conditions were the primary reason for mound-building in the area (Hamilton 1999). Consider that even after the implementation of river and dam regulations, flooding is still a problem in the Cilician Plain, (compare Açanal, Haktanır, et al. 1999: 424, 425, table 1). Notice the regular change in riverbeds of the three big rivers of the plain on the topographic maps to the scale of 1:25.000, and evaluate the geographic reports as well as the descriptions of the landscape. Thus one can see that flooding has been a substantial problem in the region. Additionally, we may at this point mention the fact that according to historical sources, the city of Tarsus experienced large floods during the 6th century AD, so that the bed of the Tarsus river was moved to an ancient riverbed further east of the city with the help of an artificial canal of the same period (Öner, Hocaoğlu, et al. 2005b: 80).

For the reason that the model of gateway cities has been applied in geography, we cannot apply the term gateway cities for the settlement mounds of prehistoric Cilicia, which do not show the characteristics of a city, but resemble rather gateway communities, according to the terminology of Kenneth G. Hirth (Hirth 1978: 35–45). Since the introduction of gateway communities, by Burghardt and Hirth, this model has been applied several times to the archaeological record of the Ancient Near East. Giovanni Algaze identified Uruk enclaves in the non-homogenous landscape of northern Mesopotamia according to their specific location and the impact of long-distance trade as gateway communities (Algaze 1993). Richard L. Gorny described the site of KanešKültepe as a typical gateway community between the Hittite and the Assyrian Empires (Gorny 1989). Larry G. Herr preferred the dendritic system of gateways to the model of central places for interpreting market places – i.e. the site of Megiddo – in Iron Age Palestine (Herr 1988: 61).

To conclude, we might state that similar to the situation in the south-east of the United States (Hamilton 1999), environmental conditions were the main reason for building mounds in the Cilician Plain. If we take a closer look at the distribution and size of the prehistoric settlement mounds in the Cilician Plain, we can state another fact. Along the modern highway through the Cilician Plain and at the intersection of the big rivers of the plain, the big settlement mounds of the region are situated, namely Mersin-Yumuktepe, TarsusGözlükule, Adana, Misis and Sirkeli, which clearly show the characteristics of gateway settlements. The highway enters the plain via the Cilician Gates coming from Central Anatolia and leaves the Çukurova again at the Berdan Pass in the south-east of the plain. This corridor is still the connection through the Cilician Plain from Central and Southern Anatolia to Syria.

However, the models of central places and gateway communities can interfere with each other. If the tributary area is large, and becomes highly productive, large competitive central places will develop within the area of a gateway community, with the following results: 1) The gateway will be shorn of much of its original hinterland, and will be reduced to the position of a central place with a service area not much larger than that of its later competitors. 2) However the former gateway will retain its transport nodality and hence will probably remain one level above its competitors in the central place hierarchy. 3) If the former gateway is located between areas of

According to the methodology of settlement archaeology, there are two models, which might be applied to the settlement pattern of the Cilician Plain, the Central Place Theory (Christaller, 1933; later adapted by Hodder and Clive 1977) and gateway communities (Burghardt 1971; Hirth 1978). Alois F. Burghardt introduced the term gateway, in contrast to the central place theory, based on geographic scholarship of his time. The central place is 416

SOME HYPOTHESES ON THE PREHISTORIC LANDSCAPES OF SETTLEMENT IN THE ÇUKUROVA submerged mid-sixth millennium site La Marmotta on Lake Bracciano near Rome (Fugazzola Delpino et al. 1993). While these boats provide an example of inland water transport, equally simple vessels of reeds or logs would have been used on coastal waters. As there is no evidence for sailing anywhere in this period – the earliest evidence for sails does not appear until ca. 3100 BC in the very particular setting of the River Nile (Johnstone 1980: 25) – it is likely that these early boats would have used paddles (Robb 2005). Since not all waterways present equal accessibility at all times of the year, month, or even day, due to weather conditions, prevailing winds, currents, and tides, it might be possible to suggest and reconstruct some sea routes from the Cilician Coast to Cyprus with the help of professional mariners.

markedly differing intensities of production, the extended hinterland may be rotated from the productive area previously controlled to the more sterile area. 4) The final state, after a long period of time, will be an approximation of the classical central place distribution and the hierarchy of centres (Burghardt 1971: 272–3). The process of growing central places turning into gateway communities was applied by T. J. Wilkinson in interpreting the prehistoric settlement patterns of the Balikh Valley in Syria. Whereas during the Neolithic and the Halaf periods the large site of Mounbateh presented an excellent candidate for a typical gateway according to Alois Burghardt’s definition, during the Chalcolithic and Early Bronze Age several sites within the surrounding productive zone acted as competitive central places decreasing the predominance of Tell Mounbateh (Wilkinson 1998).

The plentiful amount of other smaller prehistoric settlement mounds within the Cilician Plain should be interpreted according to their relationship to these gateways. Comparing them in size, setting, and their distance to the gateway settlements, we might interpret some of them as developed central places later in the project.

Applying the theory of gateway communities to the Cilician Plain, we should consider harbours as another important characteristic element for gateway communities not later than the Chalcolithic period, which concerned only established long-distance trade. Due to dramatic changes in the geomorphology of the Cilician Plain, the rediscovery of prehistoric harbour sites is a nearly impossible task. However, on the basis of her research on the coast of Israel (Taffet 1999), Avia Taffet suggested some sites in the Cilician Plain which were most probably harbours. Even if she argued for the Middle and Late Bronze Age, all of the sites she suggested were already inhabited during the prehistoric periods, so that we should also consider them. She proposed the sites of Tarsus-Gözlükule and MersinYumuktepe situated close to the ancient shoreline, where docking areas or harbour installations could have been reached via the Tarsus River and Soğuk Su River. Kinet Höyük is situated on the south-eastern corner of the Cilician littoral, ca. 30 km north of Iskenderun, and operated as a seaport at least from the 2nd millennium B.C. and was in use until the 10th century AD. The continuous change of course and silting by two major rivers in Cilicia, the Ceyhan River and the Şeyhan River, have created filled-in lagoons and abandoned channels ever since the Bronze or Iron Age. Another possible example for harbour settlement is the 20 m high mound of Domuztepe located 35 km southwest of the Misis Mountains, 200 m east of the Ceyhan River and 12 km north of the present coastline, which is situated on a limestone ridge near the ancient shoreline. Due to the fact that we depend on geomorphologic research of the ongoing archaeological projects in the Cilician Plain which do not cover the entire plain, we will compare the hydrology of ancient and recent maps which show us at once frequent changes in riverbeds.

The setting of the prehistoric mounds in the Cilician Plain provides us with a first hint of regional settlement patterns. In order to prove the hypotheses we stated, it is necessary to investigate the prehistoric finds from the mounds in order to establish the patterns of interregional and long-distance trade, which are the basis of both the introduced geographic settlement models. Concerning interregional trade in the Cilician Plain, the ecological differences between the four plains within the region have to be stressed. It is obvious, that the Adana Plain was – and is – most suitable for agricultural activity, whereas the Yukarı Ova was only partly suitable due to its topography and soil conditions, and the Erdemli and the Iskenderun were not suitable at all. In order to provide as complete an idea as possible of interregional trade in the Cilician Plain during prehistory, the landscape and vegetation of the four plains as well as archaeobotanical and archaeozoological results of the sites under excavation have to be considered. Long-distance trade, on the other hand, has been shown to exist in the Cilician Plain through imported artefacts like Syrian or Central Anatolian pottery and obsidian from Central Anatolia (i.e. Cauvin, Gourgaud, et al. 1998). and by metal artefacts from ore in the Taurus Mountains outside the Cilician Plain. The examination of interregional and long-distance trade will finally illuminate our hypotheses of prehistoric landscapes of settlement in the Cilician Plain.

When considering harbours and land routes, we should also be aware of sea routes, which had been used since the time obsidian was transported from Central Anatolia to Cyprus. Only in two cases were boats found on excavations in the Mediterranean. The earliest boats from Italy are dugout canoes or log boats, found in the

Acknowledgements I am grateful to Aslı Özyar from Bogazici University, who invited me to her interdisciplinary excavations in Tarsus-Göylükule in the summer of 2005. At her invitation, she gave me the idea of working on the 417

SOMA 2007 prehistoric settlement patterns of the Cilician Plain. At this point, I would also like to mention the unpublished paper of Daryo Mizrahi in the archive of the TarsusGözlükule excavation house, which introduced me to the system of gateway societies, this being the second inspiration for my thoughts. I am also indebted to Mustafa Sayar, Istanbul University, who supports me actively and kindly in my research, as well as to Erkan Konyar, Istanbul University, who offered me the use of his survey and excavation material for my ongoing studies. I am delighted with all the kind invitations from the project leaders working in the Cilician Plain, MarieHenriette Gates, Serdar Girginer, and Giovanni Salmeri, to visit their sites and to see their material in the coming season. Last but not least, I am obliged to Julia Cooper for patiently editing the language in this article.

Goldman, H. (1935) Preliminary Expedition to Cilicia, 1934, and Excavations at Gozlu Kule, Tarsus, 1935. American Journal of Archaeology 39 (4), 526–549. Goldman, H. (1956) Excavations at Gözlü Kule 2. From the Neolithic to the Bronze Age. Princeton 1956. Gorny, R. L. (1989) Environment, Archaeology, and History in Hittite Anatolia, The Biblical Archaeologist 52 (2/3), 1989, 78–96. J. Guilaine and F. Briois (2001), Parekklisha Shillourokambos: An Early Neolithic Site. In: S. Swiny (ed.), The Earliest Prehistory of Cyprus. American Schools of Oriental Research, Boston, Mass. 2001, 37–55. F. E. Hamilton (1999), Southeastern Archaic Mounds: Examples of Elaboration in a Temporally Fluctuating Environment? Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 18, 433–55. Herr, L. G. (1988) Tripartite Pillared Buildings and the Market Place in Iron Age Palestine. Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 272, 1988, 47–67. Hild, F. and H. Hellenkemper (1990) Kilikien und Isuarien. Tabula Imperii Byzantini 5, 1. Teil, Verlag Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Wien. Hiltner, J. (1960) Land Assumulation in the Turkish Cukurova. Journal of Farm Economics 43(3), 615– 628. Hirth, K.G. (1978) Interregional Trade and the Formation of Prehistoric Gateway Communities. American Antiquity 43/1, 35–45. Hodder I. and O. Clive (1977) Spatial Analysis in Archaeology. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Hrouda, B. (1997) Vorläufiger Bericht über die Ausgrabungsergebnisse auf dem Sirkeli Höyük, Südtürkei, von 1992–1996. Istanbuler Mitteilungen 47, 91–150. Johnstone, P. (1980) The Sea Craft of Prehistory. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul. E. Konyar, The Eastern Borders of Kizzuwatna: Mound Surveys in the Provinces of Adana, Osmaniye and Kahramanmaraş in 2006. News of Archaeology from Anatolia’s Mediterranean Areas 5, 2007, 86–92. Mellaart, J. (1954) Preliminary Report on a Survey of Pre-Classical Remains in Southern Turkey. Anatolian Studies 4, 1954, 175–240. E. Öner, B. Hocaoğlu, I. Üncü, (2005a) Tarsus Ovasinin Jeomorfolojik Gelişimi ve Gözlükule Höyüğü. Türkiye Kuvaterner Sempozyumu. TURQUA-5, ITÜ Avrasya Yer Bilimler Enstitüsü 2005, 82–89. E. Öner, B. Hocaoğlu, I. Üncü, (2005b). In: A. Özyar (ed.) Field Season 2001–2003 of the TarsusGözlükule interdisciplinary research project. Istanbul, Ege Yayınları, 69–82. A. Özyar ed. (2005) Field Season 2001–2003 of the Tarsus-Gözlükule interdisciplinary research project. Istanbul, Ege Yayınları. Robb, J. E. and H. Farr (2005) Substances in Motion: Neolithic Mediterranean “Trade”. In: E. Blake, A. B. Knapp (eds.), The Archaeology of Mediterranean Prehistory. Oxford, Blackwell Studies in Global Archaeology, 24–45.

Bibliography Açanal, N., Haktanir, T., and R. Yurtal (1999), Conjunctive Optimization of Hydroelectricity Benefits and Flood Damage Costs. Turkish Journal of Engineering and Environmental Science 23, 423–32. Algaze, G. (1993) The Uruk World System. The Dynamics of Expansion of Early Mesopotamian Civilization. The University of Chicago Press, Chicago. Arık, R. O. (1944) Bitik Kazısı ve Hatay Tetkikleri hakkında Kısa Rapor, Belleten 8, 341–84. Burghardt, A. F. (1971) A Hypothesis about Gateway Cities. Annals of the Association of American Geographers 61/2, 269–70. Cauvin, M.-C., Gourgaud, A., et al. eds. (1998) L’obsidienne au Proche et Moyen-Orient : du volcan à l’outil. BAR International Series 738, BAR Publishing, Oxford, 241–58. Christaller, W. (1933) Die Zentralen Orte in Süddeutschland, Jena, Verlag Gustav Fischer Ehringshaus, H. (1998) Ergebnisse der Ausgrabungen auf dem Sirkeli Höyük, Herbst 1997. 19 Kazı Sonuçları Toplantısı 1, 467–82. Ehringhaus, H. (1999) Grabungen am Sirkeli Höyük 1997, 20 Kazı Sonuçları Toplantısı, 383–97. French, D. H. (1965) Prehistoric Sites in the Göksu Valley. Anatolian Studies 15, 177–201. Fugazzola Delpino, M. A. et al. (1993) La Marmotta (Anguillara Sabazia, RM): Scavi 1989 – un abito perilacustre di etá neolitica. Bulletino di Paletnologia Italiana, 181–342. Garstang, J. (1938) Explorations in Cilicia. The Nielson Expedition: Preliminary Report II. Annals of Anthropology and Archaeology 25, 12–23. Garstang, J. (1953) Prehistoric Mersin, Yumuk Tepe in Southern Turkey. Oxford. Gates, M. H. (1996) Archaeology in Turkey, American Journal of Archaeology 100 (2), 393–8. Girginer, K. S. , Erhan, F. (2005) Adana Yüzey Araştırmaları 2004: Kozan (Surveys in Adana-Kozan in 2004). Anadolu Akdenizi Arkeoloji Haberleri 3, 93–5. Gjerstad, E. (1934) Cilician Studies. Revue Archeologique, 6th Series, III, 155–203. 418

SOME HYPOTHESES ON THE PREHISTORIC LANDSCAPES OF SETTLEMENT IN THE ÇUKUROVA Yayinlari, 131–137. Taffet, A. (2001) The Likely Locations of Middle and Late Bronze Age Harbors in Cilicia. An Assessment Based on Levantine Models. In: La Cilice: Espaces et Pouvoirs Locaux. Actes de la Table Ronde Internationale, Istanbul, 2–5 Novembre 1999, Varia Anatolica 13, 2001, 127–133. Tanındı, O. (2002) Türkiye Arkeolojik Tahribat Raporu 2001. Istanbul, TASK Vakfı Yayınları. Von der Osten, H. H. (1927) Exploration in Asia Minor. Chicago, Oriental Institute Publications 2. Wilkinson, T. J. (1998) Water and Human Settlement in the Balikh Valley, Syria: Investigations from 1992– 1995. Journal of Field Archaeology 25 (1), 63–87.

Salmeri, G. and A. L. d’Agata (2005) Cilician Survey 2004. Araştırma Sonuçları Toplantısı 23 (2), 2005, 333–336 Seton-Williams, M. (1954) Cilician Survey. Anatolian Studies 4, 1954, 121–174. Steadman, R. S. (1994) Prehistoric Sites on the Cilician Plain: Chalcolithic and Early Bronze Age Pottery from the 1991 Bilkent University Survey. Anatolian Studies 44, 85–103. Summers, G. (2002) Concerning the identification, location and distribution of the Neolithic and Chalcolithic settlements. In: Gerard, F. and L. Thissen, The Neolithic of Central Anatolia. Proceedings of the International Table Ronde Istanbul, 23–24 November 2001. Istanbul, Ege

Fig. 1: The Setting of the Cilician Plain (on the basis of Hiltner 1960).

Fig. 2: Schematic layout of central places and gateway communities. 419

Fig. 3: Prehistoric Settlement Mounds in the Cilician Plain (according to French 1965, Seton-Williams 1954, Steadman 1994).

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Understanding the material culture of the Philistines – what pots did they use? Pawel Wolinski Department of Biblical Studies, University of Sheffield, United Kingdom

however does not justify them. All we urgently need now is fresh insight into the material culture of the Philistines: a putting aside of all presumptions and biases, a critical review of old ideas and a comprehensive study of the available material.

Material culture – why is it so important and why so abused? Basically, archaeology is the study and interpretation of material culture, or rather what has remained of it in the ground and has been preserved until the present day. And at first glance archaeology would seem to be virtually free from misinterpretations, or at least much more so than, for example, text-based disciplines. As everybody knows, a pot is a pot – could it be anything else? Yet, current debates taking place all around the world on archaeological materials make us consider the significance of everyday items and why they provoke numerous scholarly discussions. One such debate concerns the Philistines and their material culture.2

The term itself – Philistine material culture (PMC) Let us start with the terminology. The widely used term ‘Philistine material culture’ has become so popular in the literature that we risk a neglect of its significant implications.4 What actually is ‘Philistine material culture’? Is it anything either produced or used by the Philistines, or is it anything both produced and used by them? To clarify this matter, let us focus on pottery. Imagine a beautiful bichrome crater manufactured in a Philistine city – Ekron, for example. The potter was an ethnically pure Philistine, who had just arrived in Canaan with his family after a long journey from the West. The skilfully decorated crater was sold to a rich Canaanite landlord of pure Semitic stock. He subsequently took it home to somewhere in central Canaan and enjoyed it for many years, together with his Semitic friends. Can this crater then be considered a part of the ‘Philistine material culture’? Or let us take the opposite example: in a village near Ashdod there was a prospering pottery workshop run by Canaanite craftsmen producing for decades large storage jars in the local tradition. Once a Philistine commander from Ashdod came and made a deal according to which all storage jars produced in the workshop were to be sold to Ashdod and used by Philistine soldiers stationed there. Should such a storage jar - made by Canaanites yet used by the Philistines - be included in ‘Philistine material culture’?

The first question we need to ask is: why is the discussion of the material culture of the Philistines so important for scholars carrying out research on early Iron Age Canaan? Does it really matter what pots they used to drink beer or how they were buried? Yes, it does. Every scholar dealing with the Philistines complains about the lack of sufficient written evidence from them. All we are left with, in terms of written sources, are testimonies from outside: biblical texts and Egyptian records. Both of these generally represent a hostile point of view denigrating the Philistines. Faced with such a situation, scholars eagerly turned to ‘unbiased’ archaeological data to find out about the ‘true’ nature of the Philistines and their culture. This became possible when modern methodological research began in the Holy Land towards the end of the 19th cent. and excavations revealed ample strata within cities regarded in the Bible as ‘Philistine’. The second reason for intensive interest in the study of the material culture of the Philistines is that it plays a vital role in the ongoing hot debate on the origins of the Philistines. For example, clear resemblance of Philistine Bichrome Ware (which will be discussed later on) to Mycenaean pottery has become a leading argument in favour of the Aegean theory of the Philistines’ provenience.3

These kinds of dilemmas lead us to the first major problem we need to solve. How should we regard Philistine material culture: as an ethnic or geographical phenomenon? Let us juxtapose both views and give arguments from their prominent advocates: Trude Dothan (1982) and Shlomo Bunimovitz5 (1990).

While Philistine material culture calls for extensive and thorough analysis and interpretation, it also inevitably has become the object of misuse and oversimplification. Undoubtedly, its heterogeneous and highly complicated structure has contributed to misinterpretations. This

The ethnic explanation of T. Dothan:

4 The term has been widely used since T. Dothan’s book (1982) and a discussion that followed it (e.g. Mazar 1985; Bunimovitz 1990) 5 Although in his later articles (Bunimovitz and Yasur-Landau 1996; Bunimovitz and Faust 2001), Bunimovitz gradually admitted that Philistine material culture might reflect, under certain conditions, ethnic distinctiveness.

2 The first scholar to use archaeological data in research on the Philistines was R.A.S. Macalister (1913). The current discussion largely stems from T. Dothan’s major work (1982). 3 See Stager 1995; Mazar 1988: 256; Dothan T. 1997: 104.

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SOMA 2007 • The emergence and heyday of the PMC (Iron I) correspond with what we know about the chronology of the Philistines from historical sources • The sudden appearance of the PMC in Canaan makes us think that it was brought by immigrating people in this case, incoming Philistines • The PMC bears strong connections with Cyprus and the Aegean, i.e. the alleged homeland of the Philistines • The PMC is particularly abundant in places regarded in the Bible as strictly Philistine (Ashdod, Ekron)

who were the Philistines and how can we distinguish them?6 To answer questions such as these would require elaborate study far beyond the scope of this paper. For the sake of my arguments, let us assume that there was a group of immigrating people settled amidst the Semites in southern Canaan at the beginning of the Iron Age known to us as the Philistines. Then anything that was used by them, regardless of its ultimate origin, falls under the term ‘Philistine material culture’.

The geographical explanation of S. Bunimovitz: • The Philistines settled in a well-populated region with strong Egyptian and Canaanite traditions and influence • As an immigrating people the Philistines never became a majority group in Canaan, but constituted a sort of ruling class, gradually acculturating to Semitic ways and practices • The incoming Philistines did not bring with them a whole established material culture, but only a few elements of it, e.g. luxury Monochrome and Bichrome ware of Mycenaean style, as well as building styles, loomweights and hearths. They consequently adopted the remaining elements from the indigenous Canaanite culture. • The distinctive elements of the PMC are best observed in a precise territory, i.e. southern coastal Canaan (Philistia), with some exceptions reflecting trade or other means of dispersal • Philistine pottery was used by the entire population of southern Canaan

Generally speaking, we can distinguish three major sources of PMC: Canaanite, Egyptian and Cypro-Aegean. The first one can be easily understood in the light of the territory settled by the Philistines. A strong influence exerted on this region from 15th to 12th cent. BCE from the south-west explains the presence of the Egyptian component, apparently the weakest one. Only the CyproAegean part of PMC has provoked endless debates amongst scholars, because it is believed to be brought by the actual immigrating Philistines and seems to reflect their initial ‘uncontaminated’ culture, as well as their origins. And here I should once again emphasize that the structure of PMC consists of three elements: Canaanite, Egyptian and Cypro-Aegean. Some people tend to look only at the last component and forget about the others, but this leads to misunderstandings. We excavate all three components of PMC. However, the hottest debates concern, as I mentioned, the Cypro-Aegean element, so we may assume that many problems, questions and misinterpretations arise around it. Therefore, we should focus our attention on this component and see how these issues may affect our understanding of PMC.

The structure of PMC

In order to reconcile both views I would like to present a third approach combining the best elements of the arguments presented above.

Problems with the Cypro-Aegean component of PMC First we need to explain a little further the nature of this component, especially why Cyprus and the Aegean come together here.

• It can hardly be regarded as a coincidence that the Philistines arrived at the time when the locally made, Mycenaean-derived pottery made its appearance in the southern coastal Canaan. But we would be wrong in thinking that every single Monochrome or Bichrome ware potsherd actually reflects the presence of the Philistines. • The arriving Philistines did not eradicate the local Canaanite culture; instead, they adopted a great deal from it • The emergence of the PMC in the southern coastal Canaan did not take place due to particular conditions of that region, but due to the people who settled it • Consequently we should regard the PMC as a complex entity resulting from a sui generis ‘intermarriage’ between the incoming Philistines and local Canaanite people

It is widely accepted that the Philistines were immigrating people who settled in southern Canaan sometime at the beginning of the Iron Age (12th cent. BCE). The debates over why, how, and where they originated are still open. During the earlier stages, research on the origins of the Philistines was dominated by the ‘where from’ question.7 In the course of further research it has become obvious that by simply asking ‘where did they come from?’, we cannot resolve the problem of the Philistines’ origins. More and more contributions now tend to focus rather on socio-economic aspects of the emergence of the Philistines, i.e. they 6 The way in which the Philistines are regarded by scholars range from a view that they were a distinct group coming from one place (e.g. Margalith 1995) to a claim that Philistines were just another name used for Canaanite population (Drews 1998). 7 For detailed theories on the Philistines’ provenience see Singer 1988: 241-4.

Having stated that, it is high time we gave a proper definition of PMC. Philistine material culture is, quite simply, the material culture of the Philistines. Put another way, it is a set of any material aspects of everyday life of the Philistines. This however entails another problem: 422

UNDERSTANDING THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE PHILISTINES – WHAT POTS DID THEY USE? address the ‘why’ and ‘how’ questions.8 However in the debate on the Philistines’ origins one thing remains certain – some connections between Philistine culture and Mycenaean civilisation can be proven, e.g. similar pottery style, architecture. But when it comes to determining a precise region that was the source of inspiration, everybody fails. Thus it is safer to stick to a general term like ‘Cypro-Aegean’. By the second element – ‘Aegean’ – I mean mainland Greece, Aegean islands including Crete and the western coast of Asia Minor. In these two regions, Cyprus and the Aegean, the Mycenaean culture made its most prominent appearance in the transitional period between the Late Bronze and Iron Ages. And when we need to explore the ‘Cypro-Aegean’ face of PMC, it is virtually impossible to determine whether the best parallels come from Cyprus or the Aegean and where lies the ultimate source. So the ‘Cypro-Aegean’ element of PMC refers to everything that was brought by the Philistines to Canaan from the Mycenaean (or Mycenaeanized) cultures of the Aegean and East Mediterranean.

Levant, Cilicia, Dodecanese, and mainland Greece. We are faced with some serious problems when it comes to naming the producers of Monochrome Ware and establishing its date. Advocates of the Middle Chronology, like T. Dothan, would like to see the production of Monochrome Ware in Canaan sometime around the second quarter of the 12th cent. BCE.12 This is quite an early date for the established Philistine settlement in southern Canaan, given that at this time the Sea Peoples only just fought with Ramesses III. Thus, the proponents of this chronology are quite reluctant to say explicitly that this kind of pottery was made by the Philistines. Instead we hear about an enigmatic early wave of the Sea Peoples or some proto-Philistine people.13 The name ‘Philistines’ in the context of the Monochrome Ware is rather to be avoided. In contrast, I. Finkelstein, D. Ussishkin and their proponents, who wish to lower Monochrome Ware chronology to the last third of the 12th cent. BCE., are quite willing to accept an active role of the Philistines in the introduction and production of this pottery.14

Certainly the most outstanding example of ‘CyproAegean’ influence is Philistine pottery. It is divided into three main chronological groups: Monochrome Ware, Bichrome Ware and Late Philistine Decorated Ware. And already at this stage, things become complicated. Even if we put all chronological disputes aside, we still face some problems with regard to the nomenclature. For instance, ‘Philistine pottery’ is often used to mean ‘Bichrome Ware’, the two terms in many cases becoming interchangeable.9 Indeed, Bichrome Ware represents the peak stage in the development of the Philistine pottery and surpasses the others in the number of potsherds found. But it is still only one stage. The reason for this misleading equation may have arisen from the problems we have had with a proper analysis and interpretation of the remaining two groups of the Philistine pottery.

Regardless of the chronology we choose, I can see no major problem in matching the Philistines with Monochrome pottery. This is not to say that every single pot of this kind was manufactured or used by Philistines. We need only to admit that the appearance of Monochrome Ware and the Philistines at the same time and place is more than just a coincidence, especially when we look at it in the wider context of the subsequent development of Philistine settlement and the transition between Monochrome and Bichrome Ware. Another problem concerns Late Philistine Decorated Ware (earlier called ‘Ashdod Ware’), which evolved from Bichrome Ware in the Iron Age II.15 But here the question is not ‘is it already Philistine pottery?’, but ‘is it still Philistine pottery?’. The reason is that Late Philistine Decorated Ware adopted many features from local Canaanite vessels and in this way distanced itself from its Aegean prototype. The biggest concern about ascribing this kind of pottery to the proper Philistine pottery assemblage is related to the question whether or not we still have Philistine people in Iron II Canaan. Were they just Semitized mongrels, sometimes with strange names, with the real Philistines being only a memory of the past? The answer to this question also hints at where we should classify Late Philistine Decorated Ware.

Monochrome Ware belongs to a large group of Mycenaean IIIC:1 pottery10 and represents its easternmost variation manufactured in Philistia (e.g. Ekron, Ashdod).11 The other regions where the Myc IIIC:1 pottery was produced include Cyprus, northern 8

Artzy 1997; Bauer 1998; Sherratt 1998; 2003. As it seems, such misunderstanding was influenced by T. Dothan and her book on PMC (1982), where she focuses mainly on the Bichrome stage of the Philistine pottery. 10 According to the Furumark’s chronology of Mycenaean pottery (1941a, 1941b, 1944) Monochrome Ware belongs to the subgroup called Mycenaean IIIC:1b. However later contributions (Mountjoy 1986; 1993) revised the Furumark’s classification and proposed to introduce the following division: Mycenaean IIIC Early, Middle and Late. This terminology, used in the Aegean archaeology, has not been overwhelmingly accepted by the Near Eastern archaeologists who stress differences between the regions and adhere to the traditional nomenclature. Considering the weaknesses of the Furumark’s classification (e.g. Myc IIIC:1a and 1b distinction – Dothan and Zukerman 2004: 2) and series of misunderstandings surrounding the Myc IIIC:1b pottery in Cyprus and beyond (Sherratt 2006: 368-70), it is advisable to simplify this division and apply the term ‘Mycenaean IIIC:1’ for the pottery earlier called ‘Mycenaean IIIC:1b’. 11 For the comprehensive study of this type of pottery see Asaro, Dothan and Perlman 1971; Killebrew 1998; 2000; Dothan and Zukerman 2004. 9

In our interpretation of Philistine pottery we should also pay close attention to its actual quantity. And here the figures look disappointing. The overall percentage of the Philistine ware in all the pottery from a site is considerably small. At best it reaches around 25-30%, and such figures occur only at well-known Philistine sites 12

Dothan and Zukerman 2004: 43. Dothan T. 1983: 100-4; Dothan M. 1993: 54 14 Finkelstein 2000: 163; 15 For an up-to-date study of this type of pottery see Ben Schlomo, Shai and Maeir 2004. 13

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SOMA 2007 like Ashdod or Ekron.16 Other sites yielded much less, a mere few percent. In light of this evidence, we should probably redefine the image of the Philistines taking over Canaanite cities violently and imposing their own material culture throughout Philistia. If we find such percentages quite surprising, then we should look for the reasons why Philistine pottery never gained a dominant role in the ceramic repertoire in Canaan, even in main Philistine sites.

glance. Actually, this topic hides quite a few pitfalls that we must avoid. One is the myth of the cultural homogeneity of the Philistines. Many believe that the three sources (Cypro-Aegean, Canaanite and Egyptian) were somehow merged to create one Philistine culture. But every single aspect of Philistine material culture is marked by diversity and complexity. This suggests that the Philistines themselves were far from homogenous. So maybe it would be appropriate to consider whether there is indeed only one Philistine material culture. Would it be more accurate to regard it not as one entity, but rather as a composite group?

The first reason relates to the actual nature of Philistine pottery. When we look closer at the vessel types of this pottery, we note that they do not cover all the ceramic forms necessary for everyday life. All the Philistine pots fall more or less into the category of luxury ware.17 I am aware that this is not a precise term, but within basic distinctions it is useful. Primarily it indicates decorated, prestigious and expensive pottery that was used on special occasions like feasts and banquets, or for religious purposes. Philistine pottery lacks the so-called ‘kitchen ware’ forms that are essential for a household, like storage jars or cooking pots.18 It seems reasonable to suppose that the Philistines filled in this gap simply by using kitchen ware manufactured in the local Canaanite tradition.19 Having stated that, we need to redefine the phenomenon of Philistine pottery. We should not regard it as an introduction of an entire ceramic repertoire but as a replacement of the previous luxury ware, whether Mycenaean III B or local Canaanite, with the new one labelled by us as ‘Philistine’.

Many misunderstandings have also arisen from the ethnic label attached to the Philistine material culture. When we say ‘Philistine pottery’, we automatically imagine an armed Philistine warrior with a famous feathered crown on his head. But this is hardly the way we need to perceive it. Even if we agree that a certain link existed between ‘so-called’ Philistine pottery and the real Philistines, we must admit that these are two different worlds: things and people. Needless to say, they interacted and influenced each other to a certain extent, but basically, they developed quite independently. A change in the material culture did not automatically imply a change among the people and vice-versa. For example, the end of the Bichrome Ware phase does not mean the loss of ethnic identity among the Philistines.21 The discussion of ethnicity issues becomes crucial when we try to understand Philistine material culture. We need to pay close attention and be careful when matching material culture with people. If we fail to treat these issues properly, we will end up asking: ‘Does drinking Coca-Cola mean that we are all Americans?’

The relatively small percentage of Philistine sherds in excavated strata may also be due to other factors. For example, it may reflect the small number of incoming Philistines in comparison with the indigenous population. However, this assumption requires further study, based on the demography of Iron Age Canaan.20

Bibliography The abovementioned problems concerning Philistine pottery warn us against approaches towards the material culture which are too simplistic. We cannot confine ourselves only to typology, description and quantitative methods. There is much more underlying it. A thorough analysis requires complex interpretation of multiple aspects.

Artzy, M. (1997) Nomads of the sea. IN: Swiny, S., Hohlfelder, R. L. and H. W. Swiny eds., Res Maritimae: Cyprus and the Eastern Mediterranean from Prehistory to Late Antiquity, Atlanta, Scholars Press, 1-16. Asaro, F., Dothan, M. and Perlman I. (1971) An Introductory study of Myc IIIC:1 ware from Tell Ashdod. Archeometry, 13, 169-75. Bauer, A. A. (1998) Cities of the sea: maritime trade and the origin of the Philistine settlement in the early Iron Age southern Levant. Oxford Journal of Archaeology, 17, 149-68. Ben-Shlomo, D., Shai, I. and A. M. Maeir (2004) Late Philistine Decorated Ware (“Ashdod Ware”): Typology, Chronology, and Production Centers. Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, 335, 1-35. Bunimovitz, S. (1990) Problems in the “ethnic” identification of the Philistine material culture. Tel Aviv, 17, 210-22.

How to understand Philistine material culture conclusion My paper has aimed to provide clues as how to understand Philistine material culture, because in my opinion it is far more complicated than it seems at first 16 Stager 1995: 334. Only exceptionally the percentage was higher, but it occurred in the loci unrepresentative for the whole site, e.g. Myc IIIC:1 pottery from a kiln area in the Field I in Ekron (Dothan T. 1998: 152) 17 Bunimovitz 1990: 212. 18 Bunimovitz and Yassur-Landau 1996: 92. 19 Dothan T. 2000: 153. 20 A brief demographic analysis by Stager (1995: 344), who envisages a sudden population growth among the incoming Philistines, is certainly not sufficient.

21

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Stone 1995: 7.

UNDERSTANDING THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE PHILISTINES – WHAT POTS DID THEY USE? Thirteenth to Early Tenth Centuries BCE: In Honor of Professor Trude Dothan, Jerusalem, Israel Exploration Society, 379-405. Killebrew, A. (2000) Aegean-Style Early Philistine Pottery in Canaan during the Iron I Age: A Stylistic Analysis of Mycenaean IIIC:1b Pottery and Its Associated Wares, IN: Oren, E. D. ed., The Sea Peoples and their world: a reassessment, Philadelphia, The University Museum, University of Pennsylvania, 233-253. Macalister, R. A. S. (1913) The Philistines: their history and civilization. London, Oxford University Press. Margalith, O. (1995) Where did the Philistines come from? Zeitschrift für die Alttestamentliche Wissenschaft, 107, 101-9. Mazar, A. (1985) The Emergence of Philistine material culture. Israel Exploration Journal, 35, 95-107. Mazar, A. (1988) Some aspects of the “Sea Peoples” settlement. IN: Heltzer, M. and E. Lipinski eds., Society and Economy in the Eastern Mediterranean (c. 1500-1000 B.C.): Proceedings of the International Symposium Held at the University of Haifa from the 28th of April to the 2nd of May 1985, Orientalia Lovanensia Analecta, 23, Leuven, Peeters, 251-60. Mountjoy, P. A. (1986) Mycenaean decorated pottery: a guide to identification, Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology, 73, Göteborg: Åström. Mountjoy, P. A. (1993) Mycenaean pottery – an introduction, Oxford University Committee for Archaeology Monograph, 36, Oxford, Oxford University Committee for Archaeology. Sheratt, E. S. (1998) “Sea Peoples” and the economic structure of the late second millennium in the eastern Mediterranean. IN: Gitin, S., Mazar, A., and E. Stern eds., Mediterranean Peoples in Transition, Thirteenth to Early Tenth Centuries BCE: In Honor of Professor Trude Dothan, Jerusalem, Israel Exploration Society, 292-313. Sherratt, E. S. (2003) The Mediterranean economy: “globalization” at the end of the second millennium B.C.E. IN: Dever, W. G. and S. Gitin eds., Symbiosis, Symbolism and the Power of the Past: Canaan, Ancient Israel and Their Neighbors from the Late Bronze Age through Roman Palaestina, Winona Lake, Eisenbrauns, 37-62. Sherratt, E. S. (2006) The Chronology of the Philistine monochrome pottery: an outsider’s view. IN: Maeir, A. M. and P. de Miroschedji eds., “I will speak the riddles of ancient times”. Archaeological and historical studies in honor of Amihai Mazar on the occasion of his sixtieth birthday. Vol. 1, Winona Lake, Eisenbrauns, 361-74. Singer, I. (1988) The Origin of the Sea Peoples and their settlement on the coast of Canaan. IN: Heltzer, M. and E. Lipinski eds., Society and Economy in the Eastern Mediterranean (c. 1500-1000 B.C.): Proceedings of the International Symposium Held at the University of Haifa from the 28th of April to the 2nd of May 1985, Orientalia Lovanensia Analecta, 23, Leuven, Peeters, 239-250. Stager, L. E. (1995) The Impact of the Sea Peoples (1185-1050 BCE) in Canaan. IN: Levy, T. E. ed. The

Bunimovitz, S. and Yasur-Landau, A. (1996) Philistine and Israelite pottery: a comparative approach to the question of pots and people. Tel Aviv, 23, 88-101. Bunimovitz, S. and Faust, A. (2001) Chronological separation, geographical segregation, or ethnic demarcation? Ethnography and the Iron Age low chronology. Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, 322, 1-10. Dothan, M. (1993) Ethnicity and archaeology: some observations on the Sea Peoples at Ashdod. IN: Biran, A. and J. Aviram, eds., Biblical Archaeology Today, 1990, Jerusalem, Israel Exploration Society, 53-55. Dothan, T. (1982) The Philistines and their material culture. New Haven, Yale University Press. Dothan, T. (1983) Some aspects of the appearance of the Sea Peoples and Philistines in Canaan. IN: DegerJalkoltzy S. ed., Griechenland, die Agäis und die Levante während der “Dark Ages” vom 12. bis zum 9. Jh. v. Chr., Wien, Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, 99-117. Dothan, T. (1997) Tel Miqne-Ekron: an Iron Age I Philistine settlement in Canaan. IN: Silberman, N. A and D. Small eds., The Archaeology of Israel: Constructing the Past, Interpreting the Present, JSOT Supplement Series, 237, Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 96-106. Dothan, T. (1998) Initial Philistine settlement: from migration to coexistence, IN: Gitin, S., Mazar, A., and E. Stern eds., Mediterranean Peoples in Transition, Thirteenth to Early Tenth Centuries BCE: In Honor of Professor Trude Dothan, Jerusalem, Israel Exploration Society, 148-61. Dothan, T. (2000) Reflections on the initial phase of Philistine settlement. IN: Oren, E. D. ed., The Sea Peoples and their world: a reassessment, Philadelphia, The University Museum, University of Pennsylvania, 145-58. Dothan, T. and Zukerman, A. (2004) A Preliminary study of the Myc IIIC:1 pottery assemblages from Tel Miqne-Ekron and Ashdod, Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, 333, 1-54. Drews, R. (1998) Canaanites and Philistines. Journal for the Study of the Old Testament, 81, 39-61. Finkelstein, I. (2000) The Philistine settlements: when, where and how many, IN: Oren, E. D. ed., The Sea Peoples and their world: a reassessment, Philadelphia, The University Museum, University of Pennsylvania, 159-80. Furumark, A. (1941a) The Chronology of mycenaean pottery, Stockholm, Kungl. Vitterhets Historie och Antikvitets Akademien. Furumark, A. (1941b) The Mycenaean pottery: analysis and classification, Stockholm, Kungl. Vitterhets Historie och Antikvitets Akademien. Furumark, A. (1944) The Mycenaean IIIC pottery and its relation to Cypriote fabrics. Opuscula Archaeologica, 3, 194-265. Killebrew, A. (1998) Ceramic Typology and Technology of the Late Bronze II and Iron I Assemblages from Tel Miqne-Ekron: The Transition from Canaanite to Philistine Culture, IN: Gitin, S., Mazar, A., and E. Stern eds., Mediterranean Peoples in Transition, 425

SOMA 2007 Archaeology of Society in the Holy Land. London, Leicester University Press, 332-48. Stone, B. J. (1995) The Philistines and acculturation:

culture change and ethnic continuity in the Iron Age. Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, 298, 7-32.

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Thracian coins in the light of Heraion Teichos excavation coins Oya Yağız Mımar Sınan Fıne Arts Unıversıty, Istanbul-Turkey, Departement of Classical Archaeology

The department of Classical Archaeology of Mimar Sinan Fine Arts University is carrying out excavations with the collaboration of Tekirdağ Archaeology and Ethnography Museum in Heraion Teichos (Tekirdağ-Karaevlialtı district, in Turkish Thrace) since 2000.2 The coins found during the excavations seem to achieve new information about the Thracians and their hegemonial area .

Even though there is no known coin issue pertaining to Sitalkes but there are coins relating to his brother Sparadokos.9 These coins influenced by the Greek and Macedonian coins were most probably minted in Olynthos by utilising the silver mines found here. But bronze samples are also founded. Ancient sources mentions about the high taxes collected from the Greeks and Barbarians (Non-Greek) by Sitalkes’s successor and his nephew Seuthes I. Many cities, located in the region from Abdera on the Northern Aegean coast, to Byzantium and on the coasts of Black Sea, are obliged to give tax to the Odrysian Kingdom.10

Heraion Teichos thougt to be a religious and at the same time a commercial centre founded by the Samian colonies Perintos and Bisanthe, as a cult center like the Heraion of Samos.3 Herodotos mentions about Heraion Teichos as “the Heraion City near Perinthos…” and whereas Demosthenes expresses in his Speeches as “...the Heraion Castle besieged by Philippos”.4

Mesades whom we do not have much information, became king after Seuthes I but he lost his land and died. His son Seuthes II asked for help from the Greek soldiers, who were returning from the Persian expedition,11 to regain the land from Medokos. Among the negotiation subjects the name of Bisanthe is mentioned. This information tells us that Propontis coasts-including Heraion Teichos-, were under the reign of Thracian princes. Both the names of Medokos and Seuthes being mentioned as the allies of Athens12 indicates that Odrysian empire was a multi-king kingdom and not yet had been centralised even though many years have passed since its foundation. The silver didrahmi of Seuthes and the rider/horse description on the coins show similarity to the types widely used in Macedonia in the same period. However, the SEUTHA KOMMA (Seuthes’s seal) and SEUTHA ARGURION (Seuthes Silver) inscriptions shows that the domain of Seuthes extended up to the regions with precious metal mines and emphasizes that they started to mint silver coins.13

Herodotos defines the Thracians who lived in tribes with their leaders in the rural areas of the Thrace as “the most crowded nation after the people living in India”.5 Thracians, known as a warrior nation with powerful weapons, sometimes had the advantages and sometimes the disadvantages of living in a buffer zone between the Greeks and the Persians, the enemy nations of the VIth century B.C. The foundation of an organised kingdom by the thracians, coincides with the defeat of Persians in the Marathon war in 480 B.C. during the new atmosphere of authority gap in the area. This kingdom, known as Odrysian Empire, subjected the Thracian tribes to a central authority, but they never completely gave up their own way of life. There were various autonomous mountaineers tribes, who nevertheless accepted Odrysian kings as their ruler and many kings’ and princes’ names are known dominating at the same period. Hence, it is very difficult to define the boundaries of the Odrysian kingdom.

There are two names mentioned after Seuthes II, namely, Hebryzelmis ans Kotys. The “kypsele” (κυψελη), cotyle with two handles type began to shown on the reverses of Thracian coins, belong to these two kings. There are different interpretation about this new presentation: the coins bearing the image of the cypsele, are the coin type (types parlants) of the city Kypsela and they are minted in this city; or kypsele is a symbol of the mother-goddess (or Bendis) widely worshipped in this region. This mother-goddess figure will be the main type of the obverse of coins which bear the kypsele image on their reverse (Fig.1-2).

According to Thukydides6 the region from Abdera (northern Aegean) to Pontus Euksinos (Black sea) up to Istros River (Danube River) was within the boundaries of Odrysian kingdom. It can be said that the eastern boundary of the kingdom was Propontis. Again according to Thukydides their first powerful king was Teres7 (480 460 B.C). His son Sitalkes’s (after 430) expansionist policy is told in details in the ancient sources.8 2 The excavations at Heraion Teichos are conducted by Assoc. Pr. Dr. Neşe Atik and Mehmet Akif Işın, director of the Museum. 3 Weber 1976: Tabula Peutingeriana: Codex Vindobonensis 324, Segm. VII.26; Loukopoulou 1989: 101. 4 Hdt. IV, 90. 5 Hdt.V,3; Demosth. Olynthiak III,28,4. 6 Thuk., 2, XCVII. 7 Thuk. 2, XXIX 8 Thuk. 2, XCVII; Archibald 1998: 105-12

9 SNGCopThrace I, 1065-67; Also a bronze coin of Sparadokos was found in the excavations at Ainos: O. Yağız, Ainos Excavation Coins, unpublished doctorat thesis, İstanbul, 1998. 10 Thuk. 2, XCVII; 11 Xen. Anabasis, VI, 2; 12 According to Todorov (R. Todorov, The Thracian Kings, 1933) there was “a dualistic Odrysian state”: Youroukova 1976: 12. 13 Youroukova 1976: 13

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SOMA 2007 mountain of Hieron Oros (Ganos) is the tomb of his son Teres. On the basis of this data, we think that Heraion Teichos is a city having a direct link with Kersobleptes and his coins are minted here and there is a mint in Heraion Teichos, where fractional currencies of bronze coins are minted.

Hepryzelmis name is mentioned as the “King of the Odrysians” in an inscription found in 386-85 BC in Athens acropolis.14 It is thought that this king chose Kypsela as the capital city. But his reign did not last long and he died in 384/83 BC. After him, of Kotys I name, is mentioned as the “the responsable of the coastal cities”.15 According to ancient sources, this king (380-359 BC), gained the friendship of both the member cities of the Second Athenian League and Athens, but also contributed to the breaking of the same union and invaded some cities (Perinthos and Sestos) which was under the reign of Athens. Hıs ambition was to take control of Hellespont and Dardanelles. Kotys’s this behaviour may be interpretated as having good relations with Macedonia and confronting the Athens by relying on this friendship.

Amongst the examined excavation coins, most of the coins belong to the Thracian king Kersobleptes. On these coins the same figures always take place. On the obverse’s the mother-goddess Bendis and on the reverse’s, kypsele22 (Fig.3-4). Coins where the type of kypsele can be seen but the inscription can not be read and thoose on which any inscription can not be seen but we think that they are belonging to this group are also in great number. Gradual disappearance of these coins after Kersobleptes suggest that Heraion Teichos entered under the reign of Macedonia (342 BC). Even though the fate of Kersobleptes is not known, it is known that Philippos II and Alexander the Great ( Alexandros III ) act tolerantly towards the small princedoms in Thrace and they were commissioned in the army. Another Thracian prince comes to forefront in this period is the person mentioned as Seuthes III. It is understood from the recently obtained excavation results that he founded a city called the Seuthopolis in the western part of the Thrace.23 We found no coins pertaining to Seuthes III in Heraion Teichos because this city is not so close to Heraion Teichos.

Besides the kypsele type on the Kotys coins, the rider on horse figure is also seen: the usage of rider and horse figure image, which is used most commonly by the Macedonian kings, also by their contemporary Thrak kings is natural. Both types of coins are found among the Heraion Teichos excavation coins. After the death of Kotys, his land is shared by three princes under Athens’ supervision. One of these was his son Kersobleptes and the others were Berisades and Amatokos. Western Thrace must have fallen to the share of Berisades and his sons and the North Western regions of Thrace accrued by Amatokos.16 Immediately after Athens withdrawal from the region, conflict emerged between these three Thracian kings. Kersobleptes, who was blamed declaring war against his friends by Demosthenes,17 must have strengthened his reign especially over the cities on the coastline during that period. Ancient sources indicate that Philippos II, gradually captured the cities around Khersonessos and Propontis, starting from the cities close to Macedonia. Demosthenes,18 in his Speeches made to awake the patriotic feelings of the Greeks, tells the purpose of Philippos’s aggressive behaviour and how he besieged the Heraion Castle. Kersobleptes suffering a defeat against Philip and his son’s banishment to Macedonia as a captive are also the information attained from the ancient sources.19

Various coin types are found in Heraion Teichos dating to post Kersobleptes period: a silver coin with a youth head in the obverse and a nude rider at the reverse; bronzes with a head portrait on the obverse and a rider on the reverse; bronzes with a head portrait on the obverse and a horse on the reverse. They all belong to Philippos II (Fig. 5-6). Coins belonging to Alexandros III were also founded in Heraion Teichos excavations (Fig. 7-8). Between the end of IV and beginning of III century BC, Lysimakhos, Seleukos, Ptolemaios and the Celtic leaders arriving from the North reigned respectively over the lands of Thrace. Few coins have come down to us of this period. Mostis is another king, with many coins found during the 2004-2005 excavation season, who is considered to live at the end of II. Century BC but whose name is only encountered on the coins. There are various types of coins and many of them were founded on Heraion Teichos excavations (Fig.9-10).

It is understood that the Harekattepe tumulus excavated by Tekirdağ Archaeology Museum20 and located about 1 km away from the Heraion Teichos, is the tomb of Kersobleptes and; the Naip tumulus21 found near the holy

Heraion Teichos coins contribute to dating the stamped amphora handles founded during the excavations. These handles mostly belong to

14

May 1950:186; Youroukova 1976: 16; Archibald 1998: 218-26. HN, 284; Youroukova 1976 : 16 16 May 1950: 190-91; Youroukova 1976:16-17; Ulrike 1997: 112-24. 17 Demost. Kherronesos, VIII,104, 64. 18 Demost. Olynthiak III, 28, 4. 19 Demosth. Aristokrates 167-68 in : May 1950:193-4, 194 notes 1-2; Youroukova 1976: 20. 20 Işın-Özdoğan 2000: 335-348. 21 Delemen 2004:113-115. 15

22 23

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HN,284; SNGCopThrace I, 1070-71. Archibald 1998: 311-16.

THRACIAN COINS IN THE LIGHT OF HERAION TEICHOS EXCAVATION COINS Thasos amphoras. Red Figured and Black Furnıs cups24 also found in the excavations indicate intensive trading activities in the region. This demonstrates that Heraion Teichos was an important commercial centre, a religious centre as it could be understood from its name and also a castle-city with its stronghold location.

8-Alexandros III (336-323 B.C.) Obverse: Heracles in lion’s skin. Reverse: Club and bow in case, ΑΛΕΧΑΝΔ[ΡΟΣ] between. Bronze, 17 mm. 5.52gr. - Heraion Teichos 2004, İnv. N.o. 24, Fig.8.

Catalogue

9-Mostis (End of II. Century B.C.) Obverse: Diademed head of Mostis Reverse: Kerykeion, ΒΑΣΙΛΕΥΣ ΜΟΣΤΙΔΟ Bronze, 12 mm. 1.44 gr. - Heraion Teichos 2004, İnv. No. 1, Fig.9.

1-Kotys I (384-359 B.C.) Obverse: Female head. Reverse: Cotyle with two handles (Kypsele), K O Bronze, 10 mm. 1.38 gr. - Heraion Teichos 2004, İnv. No. 26, .Fig.1

10-Mostis (End of Second -Early First Century B.C.) Obverse: Head of Zeus and Hera. Reverse: Eagle on thunderbolt, [BA]ΣΙΛΩΣ [ΜΟΣ]ΤΙΔΟΣ Bronze, 22 mm, 5.72 gr. - Heraion Teichos 2005, Inv. No. 39-3, Fig. 10.

2-Kotys I (384-359 B.C.) Obverse: Female head. Reverse: Cotyle with two handles (Kypsele) , Κ Τ Bronze, 11 mm. 1.01 gr. - Heraion Teichos 2004, İnv.No. 1 A, Fig. 2.

Bibliography

3-Kersobleptes (359-341 B.C.) Obverse: Female head. Reverse: Cotyle with two handle (Kypsele), Κ Ε R Bronze, 12 mm. 1.52 gr. - Heraion Teichos 2004, İnv. No. 17, Fig. 3.

Demosth. Phil. Demosth. Kherr. Demosth. Arist. Hdt. Thuk. Xen. Anab.

4-Kersobleptes (359-341 B.C.) Obverse: Female head. Reverse: Cotyle with two handle (Kypsele), Κ Ε Bronze, 12 mm. 1.52 gr. - Heraion Teichos 2005, İnv. No. 48, Fig. 4.

Demosthenes,Philippik Demosthenes,Kherronesos Demosthenes,Aristokrates Herodotos, Historiae Thukydides Xenophon,Anabasis

Archibald,Z.H. (1998) The Odrysian Kingdom of Thrace.Orpheus Unmasked, Oxford, Clarendon Press. BMC Thrace, British Museum Catalogues of Greek Coins, The Tauric Chersonese, Sarmatia, Dacia, Moesia,Thrace, (B.V. Head-P. Gardner), Bologna,1963. Casson, S.(1926) Macedonia, Thrace and Illyria, Oxford, Oxford University Press. Delemen,I. (2004) Tekirdağ Naip Tümülüsü, Istanbul, Ege Yayınları. HN B.V.Head, Historia Numorum. A Manual of Greek Numismatics, London, Spink (Reprinted in 1977) Işın, M.A. and A. Özdoğan (2000) “Harekattepe Tümülüsü”, 21. KST 1, 24-28 Mayıs 1999 Ankara, 335-48. Loukopoulou, L.D. (1989) Contribution à l’Histoire de la Thrace Propontique, Athènes, May, J.M.F. (1950) Ainos, its History and Coinage, Oxford, Oxford University Press. Ulrike, P. (1997) Die Münzen der thrakischen Dynasten (5.-3. Jahrhundert v. Chr.).Hintergründe ihrer Prägung, Berlin, Akademie Verlag. SNGCopThrace Syllogue Nummorum Graecorum..The Royal Collection of Coins and Medals. Danish.National Museum.Thrace I,II, Copenhagen, 1942-43. Youroukova, Y.(1976) Coins of the Ancient Thracians, British Archaeological Reports, Supplementary Series 4, Oxford. Weber, E. (1976) Tabula Peutingeriana: Codex Vindobonensis 324, Graz, Akademische DruckU.Verlagsanstalt

5-Philippos II (359-336 B.C.) Obverse:Young mann wearing taenia (Apollo?) Reverse:Rider ΦΙΛΙΠΠ[ΟΥ] Tetrobol, 13 mm, 3.44 gr, - Heraion Teichos 2004, İnv.No. 118, Fig. 5. 6-Philippos II (359-336 B.C.) Obverse:Young male head, wearing taenia. Reverse: Horseman galloping, [ΦΙ]ΛΙ[ΠΠΟΥ]. Bronze, 16 mm. 5.60 gr. - Heraion Teichos 2004, İnv. No. 20, Fig. 6. 7-Alexandros III (336-323 B.C.) Obverse: Heracles in lion’s skin. Reverse: Club and bow, between [ΑΛΕΞΑΝΔΡΟΥ] Bronze, 18 mm. 6.66 gr. - Heraion Teichos 2005, İnv.No. 7, Fig. 7.

24 N. Atik, “Hellenistic Pottery From Tekirdağ/Karaevlialtı (Ancient Heraion Teichos)” III. International Eskişehir Terra Cotta Symposium. 16-30 June 2003, Proceedings Book, 298-305; Z.K.Erdem, “The Figured Vases of Heraion Teichos” II. International Eskişehir Terra Cotta Symposium. 17-30 June 2002, Proceedings Book, 55-64; O. Yağız , “Stamped Amphora Handles from Tekirdağ Karaevlialtı (The Ancient Heraion Teichos)”, III. International Eskişehir Terra Cotta Symposium. 16-30 June 2003, Proceedings Book, 389-394.

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Fig. 1 : Bronze Coin of Kotys I (384-359 B.C. )

Fig. 2 : Bronze Coin of Kotys I ( 384-359 B.C. )

Fig. 4 : Bronze Coin of Kersobleptes (359-341 B.C.)

Fig. 3: Bronze Coin of Kersobleptes (359-341 B.C.)

Fig. 5 : Silver Coin of Philippos II (359-336 B.C.)

Fig. 6: Bronze Coin of Philippos II (359-336 B.C.)

Fig. 7: Bronze Coin of Alexandros III (336-323 B.C.)

Fig. 9: Bronze Coin of Mostis (End of II. Century B.C.)

Fig. 8: Bronze Coin of Alexandros III (336-323 B.C.)

Fig.10:Bronze Coin of Mostis (End of II Century B.C.)

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Large Railway Stations from Rumelia to Hejaz in Ottoman Geography Mehmet Yavuz Atatürk Üniversitesi, Fen-Edebiyat Fakültesi, Sanat Tarihi, Bölümü, 25240 Erzurum/Türkiye

In the Ottoman period the first railways and railway stations were introduced in 1856 with the construction of the İzmir-Aydın route. After being recognized that the railways were important for political, militaristic and economic reasons, they were continued to be constructed throughout the Ottoman Empire. Among these newly constructed railways, the most important examples were evidently the Rumeli line that tied the capital Istanbul and Europe together (1872), 1as well as those which connected Anatolia and Hejaz in Arabian Peninsula passing through Mesopotamia, namely Anatolia (18891896),2 Baghdad (1903-1918),3 and Hejaz lines (19001908).4 The construction of railways was accompanied by the erection of numerous stations on certain important points. Among these railway stations, the larger ones receives a great attention in architectural studies they are important for the history of architecture in general. The most ostentatious railway stations were evidently built in the important cities in the Ottoman period, including Felibe (Plovdiv), Edirne, Istanbul (Sirkeci and Haydarpaşa), Adana, Aleppo, Damascus, and Medina. Most of these railway stations were designed by foreign architects. It terms of architectural style, they reflects Neo-Renaissance, Oriental, Neo-Ottoman and even Islamic features. This essay in this context aims to examine the architectural feature of these railway stations built along the line from Rumeli to Hejaz, starting from Felibe in Bulgaria to Hejaz in the Arabian Peninsula. The main purpose for the construction of a railway line to Hejaz was to establish connection between Istanbul, the capital of the Ottoman Empire and the seat of the Islamic Caliphate, and holy cities of Mecca and Medina. This route also helped to improve the integration of the distant Arabian provinces into the Ottoman state in terms of political and economic administration.

architectural features and spatial arrangements. The station was laid out as a long building along the railway. It has a symmetrical plan formed of five major architectural units. Y. Yavuz argues that there are several problems about the planning and spatial layout of this railway station.6 Although the main construction material of the building is mainly of brick, the exterior façade was plastered in a way to give the impressions that it was built of stone. Such a method is a characteristic feature of NeoRenaissance and Neo-Baroque styles of the period in Europe. The rectangular-shaped windows of the upper floor contrast with arched ones of the ground floor. The plasters placed between the windows, an invention of the Renaissance architects, balance this contrasting situation. The capitals of the relief decorations placed on the sides of the upper windows reflect baroque features. The façade has a cornice similar to those seen on the buildings with Classical and Neo-Renaissance elements. As a result, this building reflects a western eclectic style combining both Neo-Renaissance and Classical features. Kemalettin Bey’s adoption of such a western eclectic style for the railway station in Edirne might have been a reflection of his training at the Charlottenburg Technical University in Berlin, as well as studies he undertaken on the European architecture.7 The fact that the city of Edirne was also a part of the European geography was another factor for the adoption of western features in the architecture of this railway station. Railway Station in Edirne The railway station in Edirne was built in 1873 on the Uzunköprü-Edirne route as part of the line from Istanbul through Edirne to Felibe. The design of the railway station was completed in 1912 by architect Kemalettin Bey.8 Although the construction was completed between 1911 and 1914, it was not used because of the First World War. Because the train route to Europe was changed to Edirne-Alpullu direction because of the war, the building was never used for the purpose it was originally built for. It was used for other purposes in 1974 and onwards, which later became the property of the Trakya University at Edirne.9

Railway Station in Felibe (Plovdiv) The railway station in Felibe was a part of the Ottoman railways network ran from Istanbul to Europe, through Bulgaria and Bosnia. Under the rule of the Ottoman Empire, Felibe was an important city in the Eastern Rumeli province of the Empire. The Ottoman state assigned architect Kemalettin Bey to built a large railway station at Felibe. The railway station was begun to be used in 1909 (Fig. 1).5 Although we do not have the exact plan of this railway station, one can determine its

This station represents a three-storey with its sub6

Yavuz 2001: 837. Yavuz 1981: 14; Tekeli- İlkin (eds.) 1997: 235. Rumeli Railway Company granted architect Kemalettin Bey to construct two more railway stations after his success in the construction of a station in Felibe. One of them was started in Thessaloniki was not finished becaue of the beginning of the World War I. The second example, teh one in Edirne, was completed but never used because the route of the railway was changed. Yavuz 2001: 837. 9 Yavuz 1981: 257; 2001: 837. 7 8

1

Anonym 1937: 144, 4-40. Preissig and Klebes 1989: 21, 43-81. 3 Anonym 1934: 10, 311-19; Anonym 1935: 9-16; Pönicke 1958. 4 Denicke 1909: 760, 63-9; Buthe 1917: 3-37; Toydemir 1948: 275278, 65-8; Fiedler 1984. 5 Tekeli and İlkin 1997: 85; Yavuz 1981: 13; 2001: 2, 836. 2

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SOMA 2007 structure. The main construction material is brick. Cutstones were used only in the arches of the doors and windows, as well as the upper parts of the towers.10 The station, which is formed of five architectural units, resembles the Sirkeci station in Istanbul and other prototypes in Europe in terms of the adoption of axial symmetry (Fig. 2). A high and large single-storey hall is the most characteristic feature of the plan. This unit is connected to the towers located on the corners by twostorey transitional architectural units. The spaces of different sizes spared for the passengers and the staff of the station is lined along the long side. The right side of the main entrance is a waiting lounge for females, while the left is left for the male passengers and a restaurant.11 The use of high and pointed arched openings in the façade is notable. These arches were emphasized with the use of a cut-stone arch (Fig. 3). Although the façade is overall very plain, the use of cut-stones arches and cornices are the only elements that give aesthetic appearance to the exterior of the building.

arranged in a different angle. The main hall occupying the center of the plan emerges as the most important part of the building. The polygonal watchtower placed in the façade14 and the monastery vault represent two characteristic features of the building. The central hall is connected to side unit with two-storey pavilions. In the construction of the Sirkeci railway station, various types of stones and brick were used. Black stones were used in the base sections and corners, while white marble stones were used in the windows. Marble and brick were alternatively used in the ground floor (Fig. 5). Besides the use of various construction materials, another point that needs to be mentioned when describing the design is probably the use of arches with circular oculus-like openings in the ground floor. This type of façade treatment involved circular openings and the horseshoeand spear-shaped arches used in the main hall all recall those examples known to us from northern African, the Andalusian, and the Magrib architectural traditions. They are also known to us from the Mamluk buildings in Egypt and the succeeding Mamluk-inspired Ottoman structures built in Egypt.15 The cones of the towers, on the other hand, recall the Far Eastern parallels.16 The Arab-Magrib elements adopted for the exterior design by Jachmund may be accepted as evidence for his contradictory approach towards Ottoman architecture. One may view the Sirkeci railway station within the Oriental tradition.17 For this, Jachmund can be compared to A. Vallaury. It seems that Jachmund did realize these Oriental influences, since they do not appear in his later works. With minor changes, the plan type of the railway station at Sirkeci was adopted in other cities of the Ottoman geography, including Felibe (1909), Damascus (1911), Medina (1908/1911), Aleppo (1913), and Edirne (1914). The most notable ones among these examples are the Edirne railway station designed by architect Kemalettin Bey, while the Aleppo station designed by architect Hellmut Cuno. Nevertheless, the closest parallel for the Sirkeci railway station is an entrepot of 1910 date at the district of Galata (Galata Rüsumat Binası). This type of plan, which was probably influenced by the French palaces of baroque style, was commonly preferred in the construction of numerous railway stations throughout Europe, including Wunstorf (1844-48), Bielitz (1854), Hannover-central (1876-79), and Düsseldorf (1890) in Germany.

The use of axial symmetry and application of twin towers are features that are known to us from the works of architect Jachmund, who was the designer and architect of the railway station in Sirkeci/Istanbul and the teacher of the Ottoman architect Kemalettin Bey. This means that he was deeply influenced by the thoughts of architect Jachmund. Most of the elements applied to this railway station were derived from the religious and civil Turkish architecture. Thus, the railway station in Edirne, designed in architect Kemalettin Bey’s mature years, represents one of the genuine examples of this period’s First National Architectural Movement. Sirkeci/Istanbul Railway Station This railway station in Sirkeci on the European part of Istanbul is a terminus main station of trains running westwards. It was also inaugurated as the terminus of the Rumeli Railroad.12 Prior to its construction, there were other small installations at this locality to offer the required services. After the concession for the Rumeli Railroad was awarded to a Belgian businessman of Bavarian origin, a Prussian architect named August Jachmund (Jasmund) was appointed as the architect of the project. 13 The construction of a new railway station began on February 11, 1888. The station was opened on November 3, 1890, replacing the older one built for temporary use. The terminal building represents one of the most famous examples of European Orientalism. This railway station also deeply influenced the designs of other buildings and their architects.

Haydarpaşa/Istanbul Railway Station Haydarpaşa is a major terminus main station which was built as the terminus of the Istanbul-Baghdad and Istanbul-Damascus-Medina railways during the final years of the Ottoman Empire (Fig. 6).18 It was originally built upon the request of the Ottoman Sultan Abdülhamid

The railway station at Sirkeci is laid out in east-west direction and it displays an axial symmetric plan (Fig. 4). The long rectangular plan is broken into sections by a centrally-placed large hall and two units on both sides

14

Towers occasionally appear in the railway stations located both in Europe and the Otoman geography. They are often considered to be watch towers. See Mignot 1994: 258. 15 Bayhan 2002: 6, and 120-32. 16 Saner 1998: 84. 17 Saner 1998: 82; Batur 1992: 40 and 85 18 Özyüksel 1998; Pohl 1999.

10

Yavuz 1981: 257. Yavuz 1981: 258. Engin 1993. 13 Yavuz 2004: XIII/I, 193; 2002: 15 and 403. 11 12

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LARGE RAILWAY STATIONS FROM RUMELIA TO HEJAZ IN OTTOMAN GEOGRAPHY II. Its construction was started in 1906 and finished in 1908 by the Anatolia-Baghdad Corporation. Two German architects, Hellmut Cuno and Otto Ritter designed this large railway station by choosing a Neo-Renaissance German style.19 The structure was built on an artificial grounded formed after the hammering of 1700 wooden piles into the seabed. This helped to station to be surrounded by water on three sides. The ground was paved with pinkish granite from Hereke. The main construction material is brick, covered with dark greenish stones from the exterior.20 It basically has a U-shaped plan (Fig. 7). The west wing of the building is shorter while the eastern wing is long. There are wide corridors in the middle of the "U" shaped plan and large and highroofed rooms are located on both sides of these corridors. It is a five-storey building covering an area of 2552 m². Round towers narrowing upwards are placed on the eastern and western corner of the building. A monumental gate open on the corner of the eastern tower is anomaly for the symmetry. Such addition of towers on the corners of the buildings is a characteristic feature of European palace and castle architecture (Fig. 6). These towers emphasize the monumentality of the structures. The façade of the buildings was divided into three sections through horizontal moldings. The façade reflects Neo-Renaissance features, including the use of round arches, plain rectangular windows, twin columns, thick cornices, plasters, plasters, triangular pediments, projections narrow balconies supported by consoles, and symmetric use of rustic stones.21

The railway station in Adana is located o the Baghdad route.25 The first railway in the Çukurova (Cilicia) region was originally constructed by a French company in 1886. It was a 67 km long railway from Mersin through Tarsus to Adana. The original railway station was located on the western part of the city. The railway was bought by the Baghdad Railway Company in 1906. Then, another railway station was built in the northern district of Adana in 1912 (Fig. 8).26 Because this railway station was not a terminus, it was built as narrow rectangular in plan along the railway. This rectangular station is composed of a centrally-located main part flanked by vertically placed three-storey kiosk-like wings. The plan and project of this railway station was prepared by the Philipp Holzmann Construction Company between 1910 and 1911. The main architect is reported to be Hellmut Cuno.27 It is has a symmetric plan. Although the centrally placed main unit supported by four main pillars is of single-storey, it is quite high. The ground floor was designed to fulfill the needs of the passengers.28 This façade of this large unit facing the city has opening through a three pointed arches. Each of the space between the arches is decorated with a panel of tiles with floral motives. The main construction material is rubble stone which is plastered from the outside. However, finely hewn cut-stones were used on the corners of the walls, arches of the windows, window or door openings, and the base layer of the walls.

Railway Station in Adana

The wings flanking the central hall project approximately 5 m. in the side facing the city center. This created a large space in front of the station, the flat roof of which is supported by long wooden posts. The sides of the vertically placed wings flanking the central architectural unit of the station are decorated with niches with pointed arches, the inside of which was covered by the tiles of the Kütahya workshop. This façade is also adorned with fountains.29 This plan type used for the Adana railway station represents the only example of it kind in both Anatolia and Baghdad railway routes. However, the large central unit with a roof supported by four long posts is a feature that is well known to us from the Haydarpaşa Station. This is probably due to the fact architect Hellmut Cuno is responsible for the designing of both buildings. On the other hand, the use of fountains in the narrow sides of the Adana railway station is an uncharacteristic of such buildings. Such fountains attached to the buildings are known to us only from the Seljuk and Ottoman architecture in Anatolia. This type of plan adopted for the Adana railway station does not appear anywhere else in the Ottoman geography. It strikingly represents the earliest and the most popular plan type used in Germany. For instance, railway stations of Bahnhof Lüneburg (1847), Bahnhof Oelsnitz (1878), and Bahnhof Bützow (1879) are few of them.30 The principles of adopting such a plan type might have been similar in

19

25

20

26

There are several similar terminus stations in Europe that constitute proto-types for the U-shaped ground plan. They are of either symmetric or asymmetric plan. The best examples of this type are Berlin Stettiner Bahnhof (1874-1876), Zürich Central Station (1865-1871), and London Victoria Station. In addition, the plan of Berlin Anhalter Bahnhof (1872-80), Schlesischer Bahnhof (1869), and Frankfurt Hauptbahnhof (1883-1888) can also be placed into this category. Nevertheless, the upper structures and façades of these stations are different from each other.22 The fact that Hellmut Cuno is from Frankfurt may explain the adoption of such plan for Haydarpaşa station. It is striking that the façade of Haydarpaşa station recall that of the Siegmund Strauss’ bank - shopping building in Frankfurt. The façade of the Adriatic Bank building designed by Hellmut Cuno and Erwin Rückgauer in Belgrade also displays similar features.23 Despite these similarities, a number of similarities can be detected between the Haydarpaşa station, and those proto-types known to us from European cities, including the height of the building and the roofing of the units surrounding the courtyard.24

Yavuz 2006: 219, 220. Anonym 1908: 896, 180. 21 Yavuz 2006: 62. 22 Krings 1985: 18, 43, 44, 161-260. 23 Yavuz 2006: 64. 24 Krings 1985: 26; Yavuz 2006: 60.

Heigl 2004. Yavuz 2006: 166. 27 Yavuz 2006: 167, 168. 28 Yavuz 2006: 168, 169. 29 Yavuz 2006: 171. 30 Yavuz 2006: 173, 174; Kubinszky 1969.

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SOMA 2007 Germany and Adana, although the Adana example shows combination of local Turkish-Islamic features with the European elements. Among the Neo-Gothic elements, trefoil-shaped pointed arches, pointed arch shaped window and door pediments, profiled door and window frames, projected cornerstones and profiles separating the levels are common in the European architecture. On the other hand, slightly swollen pointed arches, panels of tiles, attachment of fountains to the façades, wide porches supported by long wooden posts are features peculiar to the Turkish-Islamic architecture. In particular, the use of such a porch with fringes is used by Kemalettin Bey in the railway station in Edirne. Based on this feature alone, it would have been wrong to ascribe this station in Adana to the First National Architectural Movement. The right inference is that this railway station is a product of European and Turkish-Islamic synthesis.

among the characteristic elements of the Neo-Gothic style in Europe. The use of wide projecting fringes supported by wooden consoles, which is characteristic of the Classical Ottoman architecture, is decorated with plain geometric motifs as seen on the examples in the Çukurova region. The use of long ground plan type aligned along the railway at Aleppo is also known to us from Sirkeci and Edirne railway stations. However, similar to what architect Kemalettin Bey used for the Edirne station, architect Hellmut Cuno also selected to use Ottoman elements on the exterior design of the Aleppo station. Thus, although the Aleppo station is a design of a foreign architect, it can be counted among the true examples of the “First National Architectural Movement”. However, the ground plan is strictly European in origin. As is mentioned above, this type of long ground plan is well documented at the stations of Germany, including Dresden-Leipziger Bahnhof (1847), Bahnhof Lindau (1854), Bahnhof Bielitz (1854), Hannover Hauptbahnhof (1876-1879), and Düsseldorf Hauptbahnhof (1890).33

Railway Station in Aleppo The city of Aleppo was one of the junction points of the Baghdad railway route. A railway route was preciously been constructed between Aleppo and the cities of Damascus and Derâ (1895, 1906). This line was subsequently connected to other Mediterranean cities through the branches of Humus-Trablus, Rayak-Beirut and Derâ-Haifa.31 The French Baghdad Railway Corporation bought a large land on a low hill 1 km. close to Aleppo railway station on the Aleppo-Damascus route. The work started in 1911 in this land considered to be an important transitional point. The architectural planning of the station after this low hill flattened was undertaken by Hellmut Cuno. The construction was started in 1913 and finished a year later in 1913.32 This building in Aleppo, which is often called as the Baghdad station by the Syrians, is one of the most remarkable railway stations of the route (Fig. 9). The building material of this long railway station of axial symmetry is limestone brought from the area of Akterin near Kargamış. This long building laid out parallel to railway has a central hole flanked by two-storey kiosk-like units, as well as transitional one-storey units that connects them. These transitional units are formed of five rooms. The high central hall is of single storey. The façade of the station facing the city has three projections, while the opposite side facing the railway has no projections on the façade. The characteristic elements of the façade are the pointed and low arched window and door openings, contrasted the rectangular ones. The use of different forms of windows created a rhythmic harmony on the façade of the building. In order to provide the interior with light, triple window openings of Ottoman style are placed on the ground level of the vestibule. The façade also contains small corner columns with geometric motifs and crescentshaped reliefs. It is also noteworthy that the trefoilshaped pointed arched windows known to us from Adana railway station also appear here. This type of arch used occasionally in Turkish-Islamic architecture was also

Railway Station in Damascus This two-storey railway station of symmetric plan is built of limestone in 1911 (Fig. 10).34 It is believed that the German architect Palmer designed the station formed of five major architectural units.35 As in the Sirkeci, Edirne, and Aleppo examples, the façade of the station facing the city has projections in the wings or sides. In terms of size, the Aleppo station is of modest size when compared to other examples. The transitional units lost its importance and the need for additional space was provided with the use of second floors. The ground floor is arranged in way to fulfill the needs of the passengers. The wings located on the sides of the building are high and narrow. Although the central hall is of the same height as the kiosk-like units located on the sides of the station, its width triples that of the wings on the sides. Astonishingly, the internal design of this building recalls the vestibule of the Sirkeci railway station. The most noteworthy feature of the exterior façade is a portico formed of four columns connected with low arches. Addition of such a portico in front of the main entrance to the central hall has not previously been documented among the large railway stations. The upper part of this portico was designed as an open balcony. By using a horizontal molding, the façade gained an appearance as if the building was of two-storey. Rectangular-framed and pointed arched opening used in the vestibule and kiosk-like side units, combined with parapets decorated in geometric motifs, are to be accepted other characteristic features of the building. The lining of blue wall tiles above the window openings in the transitional areas between the central hall and the side 33

Yavuz 2006: 203, 204; Kubinszky 1969: 93; Berger 1987: 89; Krings 1985: 50. Numan 2001: 2, 452. 35 Fahmy 1999: 372.

31

Anonim 1935: 9-16. 32 Yavuz 2006: 199, 200.

34

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LARGE RAILWAY STATIONS FROM RUMELIA TO HEJAZ IN OTTOMAN GEOGRAPHY units is another distinctive feature of the building. In terms plan and spatial lay out, this railway station in Damascus is important as its shows some experimentations by being a two-storey building and having a shortened appearance. The architectural features observed on the exterior seem to indicate that the architect aimed to create a typical Ottoman railway station type in Damascus.

factors for the selection of such a ground plan which also included a colonnade surrounding it from all sides. The use of oculus-like openings under an arch is a feature known to us from the Sirkeci station. The side units of the upper floor are designed as small kiosks formed of three rooms. In particular, the walls of these units facing the narrow sides of the station looks like monumental gates. The shape of the windows and the use of two different colors of stones for their arrangement resemble those of the Damascus railway station. These framed arches made of basalt have close parallels in the Ottoman architecture.

Railway Station in Medina This station is located to the west of the Prophet Holy Mosque, (Fig. 11). The Ottoman Sultan Abdulhamid II ordered to build a railway line in service of pilgrims for their journey to the holy places. It is planned as twostorey building. The ground floor is built of basalt stones, while the upper floor is built of alternative use of sandstone and basalt blocks. The expression of Haifa, 10 August 1911, and architect Otto Litz appear on an available façade drawing.36 İ. Numan states that the station was first started to be used in 1908.37 This twostorey railway station has a long rectangular plan. The axial symmetric ground plan of the building is again formed of five main architectural units. The ground floor is also surrounded by a colonnade or portico from all sides, which is a trait that appears for the first time among large railway stations. The vestibule of the ground floor slightly projects outwards on the side facing the city. These projections are not clearly pronounced on the sides. The central hall of the station is converted a large space by encompassing the transitional units. This led to the creation of a central room quite different than the common scheme observed in most railway stations. Seven columns connected to each with pointed arches are lined in a longitudinal way in the central hall of station. This architectural feature recalls Seljuk Han buildings (Fig. 12). The architectural units symmetrically located on the corners are used for administrative purposes. All the architectural units of the station is planned to be twostorey. The spaces above the colonnade in the second floor probably served as terraces for those male and female pilgrims waiting for their voyages. These spaces in the second floor and the terraces in their fronts were probably in the service of these pilgrims. It is likely that both males and females had their own rooms. The colonnade surrounding the ground floor of the station created seventeen arches on the long side and four arches on the narrow sides. This invention might have been due to the high number of pilgrims that need to be protected from the sun. This colonnade apparently provided the necessary shade for the crowd. Thus, it is reasonable to state climate and religion were important determining

The main arched entrance to the central hall is designed very high. The inscription placed under the arch mentions “Medine-i Münevvere”. An elliptical opening occurs just above this inscription, which was probably intended for the tuğra (sultan’s monogram) of the Ottoman sultan. When we put aside the colonnade surrounding the building, the railway station in the holy city of Medina, this railway station can be placed in to the category of axial-symmetric type. The railway station in Medina mainly contains architectural features that are in general Neo-Ottoman and Neo-Islamic styles, similar to those seen on the stations in Sirkeci/Istanbul, Aleppo, and Damascus. The fact that this station is located in a religiously very important city led to the adoption of architectural features peculiar to the Islamic cultures. In sum, examination of large railway stations above implies that three ground plan types were selected in the Ottoman period. Although they all descended from prototypes in Europe, their designs included local and Islamic elements. The Islamic elements are particularly very common in the stations of the Hejaz region. It seems that the railway stations constructed in the Ottoman geography are not as large as those proto-types found in most European cities. The declining economy of the Ottoman Empire was probably the determining factor for the preference of small size stations. Bibliography Anonym (1908) “Haydarpaşa Garı.” Servet-i Fünun 896, 180. Anonym (1934) “Die Eisenbahnen der Türkischen Republik in Asien und der Mandatsgebiete.” Zeitschrift des Internationalen Eisenbahnverbandes 10: 311-19. Anonym (1935) “Die asiatischen Eisenbahnen der Türkischen Republik und der Mandatsgebiete.” Zeitschrift des Internationalen Eisenbahnverbandes 11: 9-16. Anonym (1937) “Şark Demiryolları Tarihi.” Demiryollar Dergisi 144: 4-40. Batur, A. (1992) “İstanbul Mimarlığında Oryantalizm.” Arredamento Dekorasyon 40: 85-6. Bayhan, A. A. (2002) Mısır’da Memlük Sanatı, 6, 12032. Berger, M. (1987) Historische Bahnhofsbauten II. Berlin. Buthe, H. (1917) Die Hedschasbahn von Damaskus nach Medina-İhr Bau und ihre Bedeutung, Länder und Völker der Türkei, Leipzig.

36 Adham M. Fahmy ascribes the station to the German architect Jaschmund and his Jordanian assistant Tuqan. See Fahmy 1999: 372. Nevertheless, the chief architect of the Hejaz railway was mentioned to be Heinrich August Meissner Paşa. See Pönicke 1958. It is difficiult to know if this façade drawing exhibited at Nürnberg DB Museum actually represents an original copy. The exhibition entitled “Bagdadbahn und Hedjazbahn-Deutsche Eisenbahngeschichte im Vorderen Orient” was prepared under the curatorship of Peter Heigl between 28 September 2003 and 15 Februaryt 2004. 37 Numan 2001: 452.

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SOMA 2007 Denicke, A. (1909) “Die Hedschasbahn.” Glasers Annalen für Gewerbe und Bauwesen, 760, 63-9. Engin, V. (1993) Rumeli Demiryolları. İstanbul. Fahmy, A. M. (1999) “Between Mystical and Military: The Architecture of the Hejaz Railway (1900-1918).” Aptullah Kuran İçin Yazılar, 367-77. Fiedler, U. (1984) Der Bedeutungswandel der Hedschasbahn: Eine historisch-geographische Untersuchung. Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation, Freiburg University Gülsoy, U. (1994) Hicaz Demiryolu. İstanbul. Heigl, P. (2004) Schotter für die Wüste-Die Bagdadbahn und ihre deutschen Bauingenieure. Amberg. Krings, U. (1985) Bahnhofsarchitektur. München. Kubinszky, M. (1969) Bahnhöfe Europas. Stuttgart. Mignot, C. (1994) Architektur des 19. Jahrhunderts. Köln. Numan, İ. (2001) “Hicaz Demiryolu İstasyon Binalarının Fonksiyon ve Mahiyetleri Hakkında.” Ortadoğu’da Osmanlı Dönemi Kültür İzleri Uluslar Arası Bilgi Şöleni Bildirileri, 25-27 Ekim 2000 Hatay, 28 Ekim 2000 İskenderun, 449-54, 710-21. Özyüksel, M. (1998) Anadolu ve Bağdat Demiryolları. İstanbul. Pohl, M. (1999) Von Stanbul nach Bagdad. München. Pönicke, H. (1958) Die Hedschas- und BagdadbahnErbaut von Meissner-Pascha. Duesseldorf. Preissig, E.-Klebes, G. (1989) “Eisenbahnbau und Eisenbahnprojekte im Orient und die damit verfolgten wirtschaftlichen und politischen Ziele.” Jahrbuch für Eisenbahngeschichte 21: 43-81. Saner, T. (1998) 19. Yüzyıl İstanbul Mimarlığında Oryantalizm. İstanbul. Tekeli, İ.-İlkin, S. (eds.)(1997) Mimar Kemalettin’in Yazdıkları. Ankara. Toker, E. (1998) “Bir Dönemin Simgesi Haydarpaşa Garı.” Gezi 8: 66-87. Toydemir, S. (ed.) (1948) “Hicaz Demiryolu İnşaatı Tarihinden.” Demiryollar Dergisi 275-278: 65-8.

Fig. 1. Railway station in Felibe (Plovdiv)

Yavuz, M. (2002) “Osmanlı’da Alman Mimarlar ve Eserleri.” Türkler 15: 400-411. Yavuz, M. (2004) “Mimar August Jasmund Hakkında Bilmediklerimiz.” Ege Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fakültesi Sanat Tarihi Dergisi-Aydoğan Demir’e Armağan, 13/1: 181-205. Yavuz, M. (2006) Eine vergleichende Studie über den Bahnbau und die Bahnhofsarchitektur der Anatolischen Bahnen und der Bagdadbahn mit ihren Vorbildern im Osmanischen Reich. Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertaion, Ruhr University, Bochum. Yavuz, Y. (1981) Mimar Kemalettin ve Birinci Ulusal Mimarlık Döneni. Ankara. Yavuz, Y. (2001) “Rumeli Demiryolları ve Tren İstasyonları.” Balkanlar’da Kültürel Etkileşim ve Türk Mimarisi Uluslararası Sempozyumu Bildirileri (17-19 Mayıs 2000, Şumnu-Bulgaristan), 2, 833-38, 841-50. Source of Figures Fig. 1. Railway station in Felibe (Plovdiv) (www.travelimages.combulgaria4.html). Fig. 2. Plan of railway station in Edirne (TCDD). Fig. 3. Railway station in Edirne(www.trakya.edu.tr). Fig. 4. Plan of Sirkeci railway station (TCDD). Fig. 5. View of Sirkeci railway station (M. Yavuz). Fig. 6. View of Haydarpaşa railway station (M. Yavuz). Fig. 7. Plan of Haydarpaşa station (TCDD). Fig. 8. Railway station in Adana (Hicaz Demiryolu Fotoğraf Albümü, 105). Fig. 9. View of railway station in Aleppo (Jahrbuch Für Eisenbahngeschichte, Band 21, 1989, 511). Fig. 10. Railway station in Damascus (httpwww.alovelyworld.comwebsyriehtmfrdamas.htm). Fig. 11. Railway station in Medina (http://nabataea.net/Medina.html). Fig. 12. Plan of railway station in Medina (İ. Numan, 714, 8).

Fig. 2. Plan of railway station in Edirne

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LARGE RAILWAY STATIONS FROM RUMELIA TO HEJAZ IN OTTOMAN GEOGRAPHY

Fig. 3. Railway station in Edirne

Fig. 4. Plan of Sirkeci railway station

Fig. 5. View of Sirkeci railway station

Fig. 6. View of Haydarpaşa railway station

Fig. 7. Plan of Haydarpaşa station

Fig. 8. Railway station in Adana 437

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Fig. 9. View of railway station in Aleppo

Fig. 11. Railway station in Medina

Fig. 10. Railway station in Damascus

Fig. 12. Plan of railway station in Medina

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Miltiades and Kroisos. Another mercenary in the service of an eastern monarch? Mehmet F. Yavuz and Reyhan Körpe Canakkale Onsekiz Mart University, Department of History. Canakkale, Turkey

Sometime in the early 560s BCE the Athenian nobleman Miltiades established a principality in the Thracian Chersonese and ruled there for a long period of time, almost four decades (c. 565-527 BCE).1

Lydians and Greek Mercenaries The Lydians were famous mercenary employers of the archaic age. The evidence goes back to the first half of the 7th century BCE.8 According to an ancient tradition, Arselis of Mylasa, a Carian dynast, and his forces fought alongside Gyges in his bid for the Lydian throne.9 Assyrian and Greek sources suggest that Gyges continued the practice of employing mercenaries. For Gyges was accused by the Assyrian king Assurbanipal (668-c.630 BCE) of having dispatched troops to the aid of the rebels in Egypt.10 A famous account recorded by Herodotus suggests that the mercenaries sent by Gyges to Egypt were Greek and Carian.11 Kroisos’ father Alyattes (r. 610-560 BCE) hired Colophonian cavalrymen.12 He also employed Alcaeus, a famous poet and a leader of an aristocratic faction in Mytilene. A fragment attributed to Alcaeus records that the Lydians paid him two thousand staters to enter the ‘holy city’. Alcaeus may have even died fighting for Lydians against a certain tribe called Allienoi.13 Kroisos, as the ancient sources show, continued using mercenaries. For instance, when he faced the Persian threat Kroisos, “under the guise of sending to Delphi, dispatched Eurybatus of Ephesus to the Peloponnesus, having given him money with which to recruit as many mercenaries as he could from among the Greeks.”14 It thus comes as no surprise that the Lydians invented coinage most likely to facilitate the payment of mercenaries.15

According to Herodotus at the request of the Dolonkoi, the natives of the Chersonese, and with the blessing of Delphi Miltiades took his followers and sailed to the Chersonese. The first task of Miltiades was to build a wall across the isthmus of the Chersonese from the city of Kardia to Paktye to stop the invasions of the Apsinthians, a ferocious Thracian tribe living around Ainos, modern Enez.2 Thereafter, he founded cities and settled his followers in his cities and various settlements in the peninsula. Various sources record that Miltiades founded Krithote, Paktye and that he (re)founded Kardia.3 Though it is not mentioned in any literary sources, Miltiades may have founded Polis Agora (mod. Bolayır) between Kardia and Paktye to strengthen the wall he built.4 We furthermore know that Miltiades attacked and captured a fort called Aratos located somewhere in Thrace, perhaps in the Chersonese itself.5 Miltiades probably founded a fortress to the north of Ainos to circle the Apsinthians, and he named the fortress after his father Kypselos as Kypsela (mod. Ipsala).6 Miltiades was also involved in a protracted war wit the Lampsacenes, presumably over the peraia of Lampsakos in the Chersonese. In the course of the conflict, says Herodotus, “the people of Lampsakos laid an ambush and took [Miltiades] prisoner. Now Miltiades had come to be a friend of Kroisos the Lydian; and Kroisos accordingly, being informed of this event, sent and ordered the people of Lampsakos to let Miltiades go; otherwise he threatened to destroy them utterly like a pine-tree . . . The people of Lampsakos therefore fearing Kroisos loosed Miltiades and let him go”.7 Herodotus’ report is important as well as puzzling. How and when did Kroisos and Miltiades meet? What is the origin of their friendship? We suggest that Miltiades and his followers may have served Kroisos as mercenaries.

Kroisos and Miltiades Before his accession to the Lydian throne (ca. 560), Kroisos was the governor of the Adramyttion region. 16 He may have been interested in the developments occurring in the neighboring region, that is, he may have interfered in the prolonged war between Lampsakos and Miltiades to pacify the Troad.17 Indeed we know that Kroisos was involved in the affairs of the northwestern Asia Minor. Strabo records that Kroisos invaded Sidene, 8

Parke 1970: 4-5; Niemeier 2001: 17. Plutarch, Moralia 302A 10 Cogan & Tadmor 1977: 65-85; Braun 2000: 37. 11 Hdt. 2.152. 12 Polyaenus, 7.2.2. 13 Kaplan 2002, 235. 14 Diodoros, 9.32; Ephorus FGrH 70 F 58. 15 Cook 1958: 257-262. Nikolaos of Damascus FrGH 90 F 97: “by giving them gifts he made them mercenaries for himself.” Seaford 2004: 127-8. 16 Nic. Dam. FGrH 90 F 65. 17 Governorship of Kroisos: Nic. Dam. FGrH 90 F 65. 9

1

De Libero 1996: 335-6. Hdt. 6.34-6. 3 Krithote: Ephorus FGrH 70 F 40. Skymnos 711; Paktye: Skymnos 711; Kardia: Skymnos 699ff.; Strab. 7, fr. 51. 4 Berve 1937:14-5. 5 Pausanias 6.19.6. Graham 2001. 6 Schubring, cited in Ure 1922: 199, n.10. 7 Hdt. 6.37. 2

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SOMA 2007 a city in the western Troad, and destroyed it.18 But this does not tell how Kroisos came to know Miltiades.

Hellespont and reached Polis Agora, the seat of the Philaids in the Chersonese, to ask Miltiades for help against the Persians. Unfortunately we do not know how Miltiades reacted to the Lydian messenger. The Persians, to the shock of the Greeks, swiftly captured Sardis, neither Miltiades nor any other friend and ally could help unfortunate Kroisos.

Two tantalizing hints may explain the origin of their friendship. First, we are told that while crown prince in Adramyttion, Kroisos recruited mercenaries for the Carian expedition of his father.19 Second, Herodotus informs us that Kroisos acceded to the Lydian throne after a struggle with his brother Pantaleon.20 It is likely that Miltiades and Kroisos established their friendship during Kroisos’ governorship in Adramyttion before 560, when, as a crown prince, Kroisos was more accessible. It is quite possible that Miltiades and his followers were among the mercenaries recruited by Kroisos to help his father’s Carian expediton. Miltiades and his followers may have even served Kroisos as mercenaries in his bid for the Lydian throne.

Bibliography Berve, H. (1937) Miltiades. Studien zur Geschichte des Mannes und seiner Zeit. Berlin, Weidmann. Braun, T.F.R.G. (2000) The Greeks in Egypt. Cambridge Ancient History Vol. 3 Part 3. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Cogan, M. and Tadmor, H. (1977) Gyges and Assurbanipal. Orientalia 46, 65-85. Cook, R. M. (1958) Speculations on the origin of Coinage. Historia 7, 257-262. Graham, A. J. (2001) A Dedication from the Chersonese at Olympia. in Collected Papers on Greek Colonization. (Brill Leiden). 315-324. Kaplan, P. (2002) The Social Status of the Mercenary in Archaic Greece. In V. Goodman and E. Robinson (eds.) Oikistes: studies in constitutions, colonies, and military power in the ancient world, offered in honor of A.J. Graham. Brill, Leiden, 229-243. De Libero, L. (1996) Die Archaische Tyrannis. Stuttgart. Niemeier, W. (2001) Archaic Greeks in the Ancient Orient. Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 322, 11-32. Parke, H. W. (1970) Greek Mercenary Soldiers. Oxford, Oxford University Press. Seaford, R. (2004) Money and the Early Greek Mind: Homer, Philosophy, Tragedy. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press.

One last speculation on the relationship between Miltiades and Kroisos. After the indecisive battle with Cyrus at Halys, Kroisos returned to Sardis and proceeded to send messengers to his several allies (i.e., the Babylonians, Egyptians and Spartans) to give them notice that by the fifth month from that time they should assemble at Sardis.21 When Persians laid siege to Sardis, Kroisos, “supposing that the siege would last a long time, proceeded to send from the fortress other messengers to his allies. For the former messengers were sent round to give notice that they should assemble at Sardis by the fifth month, but these he was sending out to ask them to come to his assistance as quickly as possible”.22 It is quite possible that the messengers of Kroisos crossed the 18

Strabo 13.1.42. Nic. Dam. FGrH 90 F 65 Hdt. 1.92. 21 Hdt. 1.77. 22 Hdt. 1.81. 19 20

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Commercial activities between West and Central Anatolia regions durıng the Early Bronze Age Derya Yilmaz Research Assistant, Ankara University, Faculty of Letters, Department of Near Eastern Archaeology, Sıhhiye-Ankara 06100 Turkey, e-mail: [email protected]

these regions under control with military campaigns.8 Imported obsidian goods, which were found in Aphrodisias and Tepe Gawra show absolute connection with Acıgöl as an evidence of long distance trade before Early Bronze Age (at Fourth Millennium B.C.) between central Anatolia and neighbouring regions.9

The area through which the West Anatolian Culture spread in Early Bronze Age comprises all the Aegean regions in Anatolia, the south of the Marmara Region, southwest Anatolia, Göller region and the islands which are situated near the Anatolian cost. Central Anatolia Early Bronze Age culture appears to have dominated a large area which spread to the north. The trade routes1 (Fig. 1) that are situated between the West and central Anatolia and that stretch from the Aegean Region to Mesopotamia and Syria were determined with regard to the distribution of trade goods throughout the lands. Central Anatolia has been a kind of natural crossroads between the east and west roads throughout the history. Natural roads like Kütahya and Afyon valleys connect Central Anatolia to the west by providing cultural interaction through trading activities. The Western Anatolia, which is also known as the East Aegean, exists within the Aegean World. Furthermore, West Anatolia has a very important role between Aegean and Anatolian chronology with connection of Central Anatolia that has connections with Mesopotamia and Syria, and it also has some connections to South-eastern Anatolia with similar materials 2 (Fig. 7) . It is concluded from their historical texts that Akkadian Kings came as near as inner Anatolia.3 Akkadian empire obtained various goods4 that were strange to Mesopotamia from the military campaigns and commercial activities to Syria, Anatolia and Iran.

It is certain that contacts existed between different cultures during Early Bronze Age in Anatolia. Commercial activities, which are some of these contacts, increased the number of imported goods and local imitations in Anatolia. Consequently there was an international common style10 on goods in a widespread area from Aegean to Mesopotamia. Trade isn’t only particular to elites in this period. Generally trade is a kind of foreign goods traffic between cultures for all people in a community and a source for local inspirations.11 Domesticated animals like donkey and mule, which are known to have existed in this period according to anthropological evidence, must have been used for the purpose of land transportation between regions.12 Boat descriptions in the near east signal the presence of the maritime trade in this period.13 The presence of the overseas commercial relations between West Anatolia and Cyclades, East coasts of the Mainland Greece, Crete during the Early Bronze Age14 is known. Furthermore a maritime trade route is known between Troy and by south coast of Anatolia to Cilicia.15 Some Anatolian cities such as Troy,16 Liman Tepe,17 Çeşme-Bağlararası,18 Panaztepe

It is realized that there were large fortificated settlements with elites who supported the production of commercial goods and traders in this period in Anatolia.5 The kings of Akkad, who used the sources in east and south Anatolia ,6 built Citadel of Tell Brak in North Mesopotamia as an important north centre for long distance trade.7 Mesopotamian interest in these regions has been known since Ubeyd Period. Akkadian Kings must have taken

Prof. Dr. of Hittitology and Ancient History Sedat ERKUT for his kindly information. In this perspective it is clear that historical background of the legendary Šar Tamhari texts is true. It is very high possibility that Purushanda is Acem Höyük. See Kawakami 2006. Consequently Akkadian king Naramsin may came to central Anatolia at the end of the Third Millennium B.C.) 8 (Yener 2000: 125) 9 (Blackman 1986: 280; Dixon , Cann and Renfrew 1968, 38) 10 (Laffineur 2002 : 243) 11 (Frank 1993: 387) 12 (Satar 2004:19-20) 13 (Mellaart 1966:168) 14 (Sherrat and Sherrat 1991:367) 15 (Diffusion of Red Cross bowls show to presence of this route. The marble idols that were found some graves at Titriş Höyük in EBA show to Cilician presence of same route. G. Algaze thoughts that these idols must be came from Aegean to Cilicia by the sea or land routes and were distributed from Cilicia to Titriş Höyük see Yılmaz 2003:79, pl. 43; Algaze,Goldberg et al. 1995:fig. 35; Mellaart 1967: 381.Konya Plain Metallic wares show to presence a maritime trade route between Troia and Cilicia with similar wares which found in West Anatolia through the south Anatolian coast) 16 (Kolb 2004:578 ; Angel 1986:67; Blum 2002: 74) 17 (Erkanal,Arzty and Kouka 2004: 171-172) 18 (Erkanal and Karaturgut 2004:153)

1

(Şahoğlu 2005: fig.1; Özgüç 1986; Mellart 1982: fig.1; Kontani 1995: map 1; Efe 2002) (Mellink 1963:108-109 Diffusion of pottery shapes like depas and tankard which dated at the end of the Early Bronze Age help to make this correlation) 3 (Lewy 1947: 17-18; Yiğit 2000) 4 (Foster 1993: 60; Foster 1977: 31) 5 (Günbattı 1997: 131-135 ; Güterbock 1938 : 44-59) 6 (Stech and Pigott 1986: 54) 7 (Yoffee 1981:30. According to the cuneiform texts about North Syria Military Campaigns of Hattuşili I, When he was crossing over Euphrates River he mentioned that before him the Akkadian King of Sargon was the only king who crossed over Euphrates River about 500 years ago see Güterbock 1964; Arıkan in press. I want to thanks to Associate 2

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and Tarsus20 have harbours, which shows the existence of overseas maritime trade contacts during the Early Bronze Age. The Early Bronze Age Cilician goods or its imitations appear in central and west Anatolia.21 This case can be explained by Cilician commercial activities with Central Anatolia by land route and with West Anatolia by seaway. Metal transportation must have been used by way of sea in Early Bronze Age, to which the known case at Uluburun Shipwreck in Late Bronze Age can be an example.22 J. Garstang suggested a trade route that crossed from north of Mersin, which is located between Troy and east and it, is connected by Karkamış way to Mesopotamia.23 Trading activities must have been carried out by seaway through the northern cities like Dündartepe and İkiztepe (Fig. 1) which show the contact of Central Anatolia with North-eastern Anatolia, West Anatolia, South-eastern Anatolia and Balkans according to distribution area of ring -shaped idols24 (Fig.4). A land route is also possible have existed between these areas as another way.

The spread of the some style of spearheads32 in North, Central and South Anatolia is connected to commercial activities. This case also signals the presence of a route in Central Anatolia that stretches from the north to the south.33 It is known that bronze objects were used almost in all settlements in West and Central Anatolia during this period. Metal analyses are important at all points to show long distance commercial activities.34 Tin sources are few in Anatolia. But these tin sources were used local production.35 The Afghanistan origin tin trade between Anatolia and Ebla is known from the archive of Ebla in the Second Millennium B.C.36 Furthermore there is metal and textile trade between North Syria and Anatolia according to archive of Ebla in the Third Millennium B.C. .37 A Troad shape bronze pan that was found in a grave in Assur shows that commercial activities between Kültepe and old Assur city started at the end of the Early Bronze Age.38At the same time this Assur pan shows connections with Troy (Fig. 2,1), Kültepe, and Eskiyapar (Fig. 2,2). Two bronz pan from Alaca Höyük (Fig.2,4) and one from Horoztepe (Fig. 2,3) are similar to their Aegean counterparts39 . Gold is a very important metal for this period. Eski Balıkhane in West Anatolia shows an east -west connection for gold trade.40 Alaca Höyük gold objects have some effects from Mesopotamia and West Anatolia.41 Most of the matrix for casting small metal objects with nude female figures were found in West Anatolia Region in Troy (Fig.3,1) (Manisa) AkhisarThyateria , İzmir and an example at Sippar (Fig.3,3) in Mesopotamia and another at Titriş Höyük (Fig.3,2) in south-eastern Anatolia Region at the end of the Early Bronze Age.42 Moreover lead figures, which were used in Assyrian Trade Colony Period in Central Anatolia, are important to show the continuation of commercial activities between two regions in transition phase between III. -II. Millennium B.C..43 As indicated before by T. Özgüç,44 international commercial activities provided the diffusion of both imported new types and their local imitations in Anatolia.45 (Fig. 7) Distribution area of crescent shaped axe heads (Fig.6) implies the existence of international trade routes in Anatolia.

Density of the pottery shapes like depas 25 and tankard in settlements, where are in Eskişehir-Ankara regions show that the north trade route that extended from northwest Anatolia to inner Anatolia was used during this period .26 Anatolian glyptic art has a large-scale impact over the region towards Western Anatolia and Balkans.27 Diffusion area of seals attests this. There is some Mesopotamian cylinder seals in central and west Anatolia (Fig. 5). These rare and characteristic seals must be imported from Mesopotamia. A pottery style with light burnished inside, black burnished outside and with a geometric design with white paste, which was found in Karaoğlan in Early Bronze Age, is similar to pottery, which was found at Yortan, at Troy and some Prehistoric settlements in Mainland Greece.28 Imported North Syrian pottery that was found in Troy, Alişar, Kültepe and Tarsus29 attest long distance commercial activities. There is a form called “Topf mit Zwillingsösen” or pot with double loop-handle in the pottery forms among Mesopotamian origins in Troy even known in North Syria and South-eastern Anatolia in this period .30 The examples of central Anatolian origin “intermediate ware” were found in Troy,31 which helps to clarify commercial relation between two regions.

Kanlıgeçit46 in Thrace and Demircihöyük47 in inland West Anatolia (Fig. 1) are accepted as colony settlements 32

(Muhly 1977:76) (Bilgi 1998) 34 (Kaptan 1993:189) 35 (Kaptan 1993:192) 36 (Weisberger and Cierny 2002: 179–180) 37 (Yener 1983: 5) 38 (Maxwell-Hyslop 1971: 58; Mellink 1998: 3; Özgüç,T. 1986) 39 (Coleman 1985: 202) 40 (Jesus de 1980 :154) 41 (Maxwell-Hyslop 1971: 42) 42 (Emre 1970: 56; Same type is known from Sippar in Mesopotamia see Van Buren 1954: 110; And a similar example found at Titriş Höyük in Southeastern Anatolia see Matney,Algaze and Pittman 1997: 68-69; It is also known a female figure in Metropolitan Museum see Muscarella 1988: fig. 567) 43 (Canby 1965: 42) 44 (Özgüç, T. 1978 : 34) 45 (Jesus de 1980 : 155) 46 (Özdoğan, Parzinger and Karul 1998: 135; Özdoğan 2002:73) 47 (Bittel and Otto 1939: 30) 33

19

(Erkanal,A. 1997: 287) (Schachermeyr 1952-53:86) 21 (Jesus de 1980:155) 22 (Sazcı, D. Ç. 2002 :55) 23 (Garstang 1947: 2) 24 (Mellaart 1966: 163; Özbal,Pehlivan et al. 2002:39 -40 ; Zimmermann 2007) 25 (For the diffusion area see Rahmstorf 2006: Abb.3) 26 (Mellaart 1967: 398) 27 (Özgüç,N. 1943:75) 28 (Özgüç and Arık 1956: 1-3) 29 (Kühne 1976:48-49; Şenyurt 1995) 30 (Sazcı,D.Ç. 2002: 61; Kühne 1976: Taf. 40. This kind of vessels also were found in graves at Titriş Höyük see Matney, Algaze et al. 1999:fig. 7) 31 (Sazcı,D.Ç. 2002: 61,62) 20

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COMMERCİAL ACTİVİTİES BETWEEN WEST AND CENTRAL ANATOLİA REGİONS DURING THE EARLY BRONZE AGE because of their mixed cultures. Direct conclusion of trade is culture variation. But Kanlıgeçit must have been used for its raw materials. Demircihöyük has an important role as a mediator located in the north trade route of from Central to West Anatolia.48 There must have been two kinds of settlements in a trade route in Anatolia, one has a role as the main centre and other has a role as mediator between distances. Long distance trade must have been made between main centres as Liman Tepe, Troy, Alaca Höyük, Kültepe, Tarsus and mediators as Demirci Höyük, Küllüoba.49 At the same time the trade routes between two regions in Anatolia are a part of the international main trade route from east to west.

Archäologischen Instituts,74, 1-34. Blackman, J. (1986) The Provenience of Obsidian Artifacts from Late Chalcolithic Levels at Aphrodisias . IN: M.S. Joukowsky ed. Prehistoric Aphrodisias Vol. I,Belgium, Printed by Imprimerie É Oleffe, 279-85. Blum, S.W.E. (2002) Troia’da Biten Erken ve Başlayan Orta Tunç Çağı: Troia IV ve Troia V ‘Anadolu Troia Kültürü’.IN: Sazcı, D.Ç. ed., TROYA Efsane ile Gerçek Arası Bir Kente Yolculuk, Nildem, Kültür Bakanlığı ve Yapı Kredi Kültür Sanat Yayıncılık, İstanbul, 74-83. Canby,J.V. (1965) Early Bronze ‘Trinket’ Moulds. Iraq, XXVII, 42-61. Coleman, J. E. (1985) ‘Frying Pans’ of the Early Bronze Age Aegean. American Journal of Archaeology, 89/2, 191-219. Dixon, J.E., Cann, J.R. and Renfrew, C. (1968) Obsidien and The Origins of Trade. Scientific American, 218 (3), 38-46. Efe, T. (2002) The Interaction Between Cultural/ Political Entities and Metalworking in Western Anatolia during the Chalcolithic and Early Bronze Ages. IN: Yalçın,Ü. ed., Anatolia Metal II, Bochum, Bergbau museum press, 49-67. Ekiz, H. H. (2001) Anadolu Medeniyetleri Müzesi’nde Bulunan Eski Tunç Çağı’na Ait Bir Grup İdol. Anadolu Medeniyetleri Müzesi, 2000 Yıllığı, 243-251. Emre, K. (1970) Anadolu Kurşun Figürünleri ve Taş Kalıpları, Ankara Üniversitesi, Yayınlanmamış doçentlik tezi, Ankara. Erkanal, A. (1997) 1995 Panaztepe Kazıları Sonuçları. XVIII. Kazı Sonuçları Toplantısı, I, 281-90. Erkanal, H. and Karaturgut, E. (2004) 2002 Yılı ÇeşmeBağlararası Kazıları. 25. Kazı Sonuçları Toplantısı 2,153-64. Erkanal, H., Artzy, M. and Kouka, O. (2004) 2002 Yılı Liman Tepe Kazıları. 25. Kazı Sonuçları Toplantısı 2, 165-79. Foster, B. R. (1977) Commercial Activity in Sargonic Mesopotamia. Iraq ,XXXIX, I, 31-43. Foster, B. R.(1993) ‘ International’ Trade at Sargonic Susa (Susa in the Sargonic Period III). Altorientalische Forschungen 20 (1), 59-68. Frank, A. G. (1993) Bronze Age World System Cycles. Current Anthropology , 34/4, 383-405. Garstang, J. (1947) Mersin Kazısı. IN: Halil Edhem Hatıra Kitabı , Cilt 1, Ankara, Türk Tarih Kurumu Basımevi,1-7. Goldman, H. (1956) Excavations at Gözlü Kule, Tarsus from Neolithic through the Bronze Age,Princeton, New Jersey, Princeton University Press. Günbattı, C. (1997) Kültepe’den Akadlı Sargon’a Ait Bir Tablet. Archivum Anatolicum (E. Bilgiç Anı Kitabı), 3,131-55. Güterbock, H. G. (1938) Die Tradition und Ihre Literarische Gestaltung bei Babyloniern und Hethitern bis 1200, Zweiter Teil : Hethiter. Zeitschrift für Assyriologie, 44 (10) , 45-150. Güterbock, H. G. (1964) Sargon of Akkad Mentioned By Hattušili I of Hatti. Journal of Cuneiform Studies, XVIII, 1-6.

Payment method in commercial activities changed from bronze to silver towards the end of the Early Bronze Age almost all the Near East as silver ingots of Mahmatlar and Troy show.50 The presence of commercial activities that was understood thanks to typological studies of imported material and its local imitations can be absolutely proved by chemical analyses of some findings. Examples can be increased, but the result doesn’t change. It is difficult to make the same correlation for commercial activities between two regions in Middle Bronze Age, but the continuing studies and new findings will make it possible. References Algaze,G., Goldberg,P. et al. (1995) Titriş Höyük, a small EBA Urban Center in SE Anatolia. The 1994 Season. Anatolica, XXI, 13-65. Angel,J.L. (1986) The Physical Identity of the Trojans. IN: Mellink,M. ed., Bryn Mawr College Troy and Trojan War A Symposium , Bryn Mawr, P.A. Press, 63-76. Arıkan,Y. (in press) The Mala River and its Importance According to Hittite Documents. VI. Uluslarası Hititoloji Kongresi, Rome. Bilgi, Ö. (1998) Boğumlu Mızrakuçlarının Dağılışının Işığı Altında Anadolu Mezopotamya İlişkileri. IN: Erkanal,H., Donbaz,V. and Uğuroğlu,A. eds., XXXIV. International Assyriology Congress (6-10/VII/1987), Ankara, Türk Tarih Kurumu Basımevi, 377-83. Bittel, K. and Otto, H. (1939) Demirci-Hüyük Eine vorgeschichtliche Siedlung an der phrygisch – bithynischen Grenze, Bericht über die Ergebnisse der Grabung von 1937, Berlin. Bittel, K. (1939-1941) Bemerkungen über einige in Kleinasien gefundene Siegel. Archiv für Orientforschung, Dreizehnter Band, 299-307. Bittel, K. (1959) Beitrag zur Kenntnis Anatolischer Metallgefässe der zweiten hälfte des dritten jahrtausends v. Chr. Jahrbuch des Deutschen 48

(Sazcı,G. 2002:68-69) (Leemans 1977: 2. Long distance trade can make either direct from region to region or being composed short way with one and more mediators) 50 ( Sherrat and Sherrat 1991: 367 ; Widell 2005: 390: 399. Silver was used as money for great trading activities According to the cuneiform tablets at the end of the Ur III Period in Mesopotamia) 49

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SOMA 2007 Campaign in Clicia. Anadolu / Anatolia,VII ,101-15. Mellink, M.(1998) Anatolia and the Bridge from East to West in the Early Bronze Age. TÜBA-AR, I, 1-9. Muhly, J. D. (1977) The Copper Ox-Hide Ingots and the Bronze Age Metals Trade. Iraq, XXXIX , I, 73-83. Muscarella, O. W. (1988) Bronz and Iron Ancient Near Eastern Artifacts in the Metropolitan museum of Art, New York, Metropolitan Museum of Art Press. Özbal, H., Pehlivan,B. et al. (2002) Metallurgy at İkiztepe. IN: Yalçın,Ü. ed., Anatolia Metal II, Bochum, Bergbau Museum Press, 39-49. Özdoğan, M., Parzinger, H. and Karul, N. (1998) Kırklareli Höyüğü 1996 Yılı Kazısı. XIX. Kazı Sonuçları Toplantısı, 123-49. Özdoğan, M. (2002) The Bronze Age in Thrace in Relation to the Emergence of Complex Societies in Anatolia and in the Aegean. IN: Yalçın, Ü. ed., Anatolian Metal II, Bochum, Bergbau Museum Press, 67-77. Özgüç, N. (1943) Anadolu Damga Mühürleri. Ankara Üniversitesi, Dil ve Tarih-Coğrafya Fakültesi Dergisi, II/ 1, 73-81. Özgüç, T. and Arık, R. O. (1956) Ankara-Konya, Eskişehir – Yazılıkaya Gezileri, Ankara, V/13, Türk Tarih Kurumu Basımevi. Özgüç, T. and Akok, M. (1958) Horoztepe Eski Tunç Devri Mezarlığı ve İskan Yeri, Ankara, V/18, Türk Tarih Kurumu Basımevi. Özgüç, T. (1978) Maşat Höyük Kazısı ve Çevresindeki Araştırmalar, Ankara, V/38, Türk Tarih Kurumu Basımevi. Özgüç, T. (1986) New Observations on the Relationship of Kültepe with Southeast Anatolia and North Syria During the Third Millennium B.C., IN: Canby , J. V., Porada, E. at al. eds., Ancient Anatolia : Aspects of Change & Cultural Development, Essays in Honor of Machteld J. Mellink, Wisconsin Studies in Classics , Madison, Univ. Wisconsin Press, 31-47. Özgüç, T. and Temizer, R. (1993) The Eskiyapar Treasure, IN: Mellink, M. J. , Porada , E., Özgüç, T. eds., Aspects of Art and Iconography: Anatolia and Its Neighbors, Ankara, Türk Tarih Kurumu Basımevi, 613-628. Rahmstorf, L. (2006) Zur Ausbreitung vorderasiatischer Innovationen in die frühbronzezeitliche Ägäis. Praehistorische Zeitschrift, 81/ 1,49-96. Satar, Z. (2004) Eskişehir İli Şarhöyük Kazısından Ele Geçen Hayvan Kemiklerinin Zooarkeolojik Açıdan İncelenmesi, Ankara Üniversitesi,Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü, Antropoloji (Paleoantropoloji) Anabilim Dalı, Yayınlanmamış Yüksek Lisans Tezi,Ankara. Sazcı, D. Ç. (2002) Denizsel Troia Kültürü, IN: Sazcı, D.Ç. ed., TROYA Efsane ile Gerçek Arası Bir Kente Yolculuk, İstanbul, Nildem, Kültür Bakanlığı ve Yapı Kredi Kültür Sanat Yayıncılık , 54-65. Sazcı, G.(2002) Troia Hazineleri, IN: Sazcı, D.Ç. ed., TROYA Efsane ile Gerçek Arası Bir Kente Yolculuk , Nildem, İstanbul, Kültür Bakanlığı ve Yapı Kredi Kültür Sanat Yayıncılık , 66-73. Schachermeyr, F. (1952-53) Alischar und Kültepe in ihren Beziehungen zu Troia und zum ägäischen Bereich. Archiv für Orientforschung , 16: 83-94.

Ivanov, I. and Avramova, M. (2000) Varna Necropolis, The Dawn of European Civilization, Sofia, Agató Publishers. Jesus de, P. S. (1980) The Development of Prehistoric Mining and Metallurgy in Anatolia, BAR International Series,74, Oxford. Kaptan, E. (1993) Anadolu’da Eski Madencilik, IN: Erkanal, A., Erkanal, H., et al. eds., (Ed.) içinde , I. Metin Akyurt , Bahattin Devam Anı Kitabı : Studies for Ancient Near Eastern Cultures, İstanbul, Arkeoloji ve Sanat Yayınları, 189-97. Kawakami, N. (2006) The Location of Purušhanta. AlRāfidān , XXVII, 59-99. Keskin, L. (2004) M. Ö. III. Binyıl Sonuna Kadar İzmir Bölgesi Maden İşçiliği. Anadolu / Anatolia, I.ve II. Arkeolojik Araştırmalar Sempozyumu, supplement series Nr. 1, 141-155. Kolb, F. (2004) Troy VI: A Trading Center and Commercial City? American Journal of Archaeology, 108/4, 577-613. Kontani, R. (1995) Relations Between Kültepe and Northern Syria During the Third Millennium B.C. Bulletin of the Ancient Orient Museum, XVI, 110-42. Koşay, H. Z. (1938) Türk Tarih Kurumu Tarafından Yapılan Alaca Höyük Hafriyatı 1936’daki Çalışmalara ve Keşiflere Ait İlk Rapor, Ankara, V/2, Türk Tarih Kurumu Basımevi. Kühne, H. (1976) Die Keramik vom Tell Chuera und Ihre Beziehungen zu Funden Aus Syrien-Palästina,Der Türkei und dem Iraq, Berlin, Gebr Mann Verlag. Laffineur, R. (2002) Reflections on the Troy Treasures, IN: Aslan, R., Blum, S., Kastl, G. , Schweizer, F. and D. Thumm, Festschrift für Manfred Korfmann Mauer Schau Band 1, Remshalden-Grunbach Verlag Bernhard Albert Greiner, 237-45. Leemans, W. F. (1977) The Importance of Trade. Iraq, XXXIX / I, 1-11. Lewy, J. (1947) Naram-Sin’s Campaign to Anatolia in the Light of the Geographical Data of the Kültepe Texts. IN: Halil Edhem Hatıra Kitabı, Cilt 1, Ankara, Türk Tarih Kurumu Basımevi,11-19. Maxwell-Hyslop, K. R. (1971) Western Asiatic Jewellery c. 3000-612 B.C., London, Methuen& Co Ltd. Press. Matney, T., Algaze, G. and Pittman, H. (1997) Excavations at Titriş Höyük in Southeastern Turkey: A Preliminary Report of the 1996 Season. Anatolica, XIII, 61-85. Matney, T., Algaze, G., et al. (1999) Early Bronze Age Urban Structure at Titriş Höyük, Southeastern Turkey. The 1998 Season. Anatolica, XXV: 185-203. Mellaart, J. (1966) The Chalcolithic and Early Bronze Ages in the Near East and Anatolia, Beirut , Khayats press. Mellaart, J. (1982) Archaeological Evidence for Trade Routes Between Syria and Mesopotamia and Anatolia during the Early and the Beginning of the Middle Bronze Age. Studi Eblaiti , V , 15-32. Mellaart, J. (1967) Anatolia Before c. 4000 B.C. and c. 2300-1750 B.C., The Cambridge Ancient History Revised Edition of Volumes I & II, London, Cambridge University Press. Mellink, M. (1963) An Akkadian Illustration of a 444

COMMERCİAL ACTİVİTİES BETWEEN WEST AND CENTRAL ANATOLİA REGİONS DURING THE EARLY BRONZE AGE Layard Collection. Orientalia,23, 97-113. Weisberger, G and Cierny, J. (2002) Tin for Ancient Anatolia, IN: Yalçın, Ü., Anatolian Metal II, Bochum:179-88. Widell, M. (2005) Some Reflections on Babylonian Exchange During The end of the Third millennium BC.Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, 388-400. Yener, K. A. (1983) The Production, Exchange and Utilization of Silver and Lead Metals in Ancient Anatolia. Anatolica, X, 1-15. Yener, K. A. (2000) The Domestication of Metals , The Rise of Complex Metal Industries in Anatolia, Brill. Yılmaz, D., 2003, M.Ö. III. Binde Güneydoğu Anadolu Bölgesi’nde Ölü Gömme Adetleri, Ankara Üniversitesi, Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Arkeoloji Anabilim Dalı, Protohistorya ve Önasya Arkeolojisi Bilim Dalı Yayınlanmamış Yüksek Lisans Tezi, Ankara. Yiğit, T. (2000) Akadlar Devrinde Anadolu’nun Siyasal Yapısı. Ankara Üniversitesi Dil ve Tarih-Coğrafya Fakültesi Dergisi, 40/ 3-4,12-28. Yoffee, N. (1981) Explaining Trade in Ancient Western Asia, Monographs on the Ancient Near East (MANE) volume 2, fascicle 2, Malibu, undena publications. Zimmermann, T. (2007) Anatolia and the Balkans, Once Again-Ring Shaped Idols from Western Asia and a Critical Reassessment of some “Early Bronze Age” Items from İkiztepe,Turkey. Oxford Journal of Archaeology, 26 (1), 25-33.

Schmidt, H. (1902) Heinrich Schliemann’s Sammlung Trojanischer Altertümer, Berlin. Seeher, J. (2000) Die Bronzezeitliche Nekropole von Demircihöyük-Sarıket Ausgrabungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts in Zusammenarbeit mit dem Museum Bursa 1990-1991, Tübingen, İstanbuler Forschungen Band 44, Ernst Wasmuth Verlag. Sherrat, A. and Sherrat, S. (1991) From Luxuries to Commodities the Nature of Mediterranean Bronze Age Trading Systems, IN: Gale, N. H. ed., Bronze Age Trade in the Mediterranean , Jonsered, 351-87. Stech, T. and Pigott,V. C. (1986) The Metals Trade in Southwest Asia in the Third Millennium B.C.. Iraq, XLVIII ,39-64. Stronach, D.B. (1957) The Development and Diffusion of Metal Types in Early Bronze Age Anatolia. Anatolian Studies, vol. 7, 89-124. Şahoğlu, V. (2005) The Anatolian Trade Network and the İzmir Region during the Early Bronze Age. Oxford Journal of Archaeology, 24(4), 339-61. Şenyurt, S. Y. (1995) M.Ö. 3. binde Güneydoğu Anadolu Bölgesi’nde Metalik Seramik ve Bu Seramiğin Anadolu’daki Yayılışı, Ankara Üniversitesi, Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü, Yayınlanmamış Doktora Tezi, Ankara. Tezcan, B. (1960) Yeni Horoztepe Buluntuları. Anadolu / Anatolia, V, 1-19. Tubb, J.N. (1982) A Crescentic Axehead from Amarna (Syria) and an Examination of Similar Axeheads from the Near East. Iraq, XLIV (44), 1-12. Van Buren ,E.D. ( 1954) Seals of the Second Half of the

Fig. 1: International Anatolian trade routes and harbours in the EBA from archaeological evidence (drawing: Derya Yılmaz)

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2 3 4 Fig. 2 1.Bronze pan from Troad (Bittel 1959, fig. 1 and 2). 2. Electrum pan from Eskiyapar (Özgüç and Temizer 1993: fig. 117 3a,3b). 3. Bronze pan from Horoztepe (Özgüç and Akok 1958: fig.VII,1). 4. Bronze pan from Alaca Höyük (Koşay 1938, fig. LXXXIII,60).

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Fig. 3 1. A well-known lead figure from Troy (Schmidt 1902: fig. 6446). 2. Matrix for casting small metal objects with nude female figure from Titriş Höyük (Matney,Algaze and Pittman 1997: figs. 19-20). 3. Matrix with nude female figure from Sippar in Mesopotamia (Van Buren 1954: fig. XXIII,16).

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Fig. 4 1.Ring–shaped idol from Bakla Tepe (Keskin 2004: fig. 7). 2. Gold idol from vicinity of Sardis (Zimmermann 2007: fig. 4,2). 3. Silver ring-shaped idol from Göller Cemetery in Merzifon (Ekiz 2001: fig. II,8). 4. Shell ring-shaped pendants from Titriş Höyük (Algaze, Goldberg et al. 1995 : fig. 33). 5. Gold ring-shaped idols from İkiztepe (Zimmermann 2007: fig. 3, 1) 6. Gold ring-shaped idol from Varna Necropolis in Balkans (Ivanov and Avramova 2000: 41, fig. 5).

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Fig. 5 1. Cylinder seal from Troy (Bittel 1939-41: fig. 1). 2. Cylinder seal from Alişar (Bittel 1939-41: fig. 2). 3. Cylinder seals, light blue faience, from Tarsus (Goldman 1956: fig. 393,20-21). 4. Cylinder seal from Kültepe (Bittel 1939-41: fig. 5). 5. Cylinder seal from Alaca Höyük (Bittel 1939-1941: fig. 3).

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Fig. 6 1. Crescentic axehead from Şatır Höyük near Sakçagözü (Stronach 1957: fig. 14,1). 2. Crescentic axehead from Soloi (Tubb 1982: fig. 2, 11). 3. Crescentic axehead from Soloi (Tubb 1982: fig. 2, 12). 4. Crescentic axehead from Horoztepe (Özgüç and Akok 1958: fig. XVIII,1). 5. Crescentic axehead from Horoztepe (Özgüç and Akok 1958: fig. XVIII,2). 6. Crescentic axehead from Polatlı (Tezcan 1960: fig. XX,3). 7. Crescentic axehead from DemircihöyükSarıket Cemetery (Seeher 2000:fig.15). 8. Crescentic axehead from Bayındırköy (Tubb 1982: fig 2,9)

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Fig. 7: Diffusion area of some archaeological artefacts from Mesopotamia to Anatolia (drawing : Derya Yılmaz ).

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A Case Study on the Conservation of an Urban Archaeological Site: Conservation and Regeneration Project of Agora of Smyrna and its Surroundings Dr. Hülya Yüceer,1 Özden Özyılmaz² and Murat Özyılmaz2 ¹Cyprus International University, Lefkosa, Cyprus, Department of Architecture Municipality of İzmir, İzmir, Turkey, Directorate of Historical Environment and Cultural Property

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Introduction

Historical Background

As urban archaeological sites have been subjected to destructions due to the rapid change in economic, functional and social powers, conservation of urban archaeological sites has gained importance in Turkey. However, the conservation of these sites, especially in big cities, is not easy to manage and maintain as their populations continually grow through the migrations from other cities. In the case of Turkey, frequently, the buildings in historic urban sites had become one of the advantageous places to satisfy accommodation needs of the immigrants.

İzmir, Smyrna as it was known in the ancient period, is located in Western Anatolia, around the İzmir bay. The city has been one of the most important settlements and has eventually experienced many civilisations throughout the history because of its natural harbour and its accessibility from the wide hinterland of the agricultural areas. The date and place of the first settlement founding the city of Smyrna is one of the ongoing debates regarding the history of the city. In fact, the ancient history of İzmir has been investigated under two periods until the very recent excavations carried out on the east part of the city Yesilova. The Yeşilova Höyük excavations are currently being pursued by a dedicated team from Ege University.1

One of the reasons for such a diverse change in social structure of historic urban sites is the application of conservation plans which do not allow increase in the number of storeys and also in the total construction area for new buildings. In addition, conservation plans inevitably require the restoration of registered historic buildings which brings extra expense for the owners. Although, the governmental institutions should prepare management projects suggesting ways to obtain and provide financial sources, they could not succeed in neither providing economic aid nor in the suggestion of any advantage for the owners. Thus, the owners moved to the newly developed parts of the cities while leaving or selling their old houses to the immigrants. The change in social power brings forth other problems such as changes in land use pattern, inappropriate interventions to physical structure and destruction of historic sites together with the archaeological values they have. The original motivation of this study comes from the observation of such destruction in the historic urban site of İzmir which comprises the important archaeological values dating to the Roman period with also interventions of later periods.

The second settlement, which is dated to 3000 BC, was on Tepekule.2 As this hill supposed to be a peninsula at that time, it might have been one of suitable locations to fortify the city. It had been a significant town between early 3000 BC from 6 BC, lost its significance in 5 and 4 BC.3 The third period started with the reestablishment of the settlement on the north-west skirt of Mount Pagos. As new towns were being established due to the geo-political and strategic reasons arouse after Alexander the Great’s expeditions starting from Macedonia and reaching up to Middle East and India, the settlements of some towns have been changed. While Ephesus is one of the best known examples of such modified towns, another example is Smyrna as it was moved from BayraklıTepekule settlement, and re-established by Alexander on Pagos Hill (Kadifekale) and its slopes considering the availability of the place in terms of possessing control of the sea with its conservative inner harbour. The economical structure based on agricultural, sea food productions and its trade around the town itself and Aegean rural environment in Hellenistic and Roman Period has also reflected itself upon the macro structure of the town. Just like its contemporaries in those ages, Smyrna became a dynamic trade and harbour town thanks to its acropolis, theatre, stadium, temples, bouluterion, prytaneion, agora, aqueducts and city walls forming the urban characteristics of the city.4 Smyrna was destroyed

The historic urban site of İzmir is located in the centre of the city and presents diversities by means of social, functional and economic aspects. Such diversity leads to study the whole site in four different but co-ordinately planned stages (Fig. 1): -The historic commercial centre Kemeraltı -Agora and its surroundings -Ancient theatre and its surroundings -Ancient castle area located on Mount Pagos (Kadifekale) This paper concerns the second stage of the main project: Agora and its surroundings.

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http://yesilova.ege.edu.tr/eng/kazieng.htm Akurgal 1987, Canpolat 1953. Akurgal 1987. 4 Taşlıalan 2005. 2 3

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SOMA 2007 many times due to earthquakes. One of the most destructive was in 178 and after the city was reconstructed Marcus Aurelius. Thus, the Agora was among the buildings reconstructed.5 In the excavation reports prepared by Neumann and Kantar, the Agora in Namazgah neighbourhood is cited as a Roman state agora. Since the Agora is settled far away from the ancient harbour, the explored ruins could not be considered as a trade agora.6

The excavations were restarted by the İzmir Museum of Archaeology between 1996 and 1999.12 Documentation and determination of the problems of the monuments were done by the Directorate of Survey and Monuments in İzmir.13 Determination of the problems of such an important site in the centre of the city attracted the concern of local governments. Eventually, excavation and conservation studies were initiated in July 2002 by the İzmir Museum of Archaeology. In this period the Agora excavations attracted the attention of foreign investigators, as well as, the local ones.

Today, the historic site of Tepekule is stuck amongst the new constructions. The locations of the ancient theatre and stadium are determined. Partially exposed but well conserved Roman Street, which reaches parallel to Eşrefpaşa Street, the inner castle in Kadifekale, Water Arches in Kızılçulluk and Yeşildere are amongst the architectural features reached today. Thanks to the existence of Byzantine and Ottoman cemetery situated on it, Agora is the best preserved part of Smyrna. While all other remains from the ancient city have been destroyed by modern constructions, the central part of the Agora remained holding ruins dating to both Roman and Hellenistic Period.

The excavation and investigation studies continued under the leadership of the director of the İzmir Museum of Archaeology, Mehmet Taşlıalan until July 2005. The studies at the Agora were executed by three groups of staff consisting of archaeologists who worked on the site investigations, conservation specialists who cleaned and consolidated the found pieces and lastly architects who documented the remains and developed decisions for conservation. The excavations were supported by the İzmir Governorship and Municipality. Besides, researches from the French Institute of Anatolian Studies as well as some native and foreign investigators supported the architectural and archaeological investigations after 2003.14 These investigations were reported regularly and published in French, English and Turkish.15

Excavations in the Agora The earliest excavation investigations in the Agora started in November 1867 as Umar stated in the footnotes of his book named “Destanlar Çağından 19. Yüzyıla İzmir”.7 The Agora, then, was used as a cemetery, some columns were standing in-situ on the north and east borders. Lower parts of the columns buried in the soil were excavated. However, the excavations remained limited since the area was surrounded by buildings and graves.8 For this reason excavations were not continued and the remains were left unidentified.

Identification of the Study Area As the surrounding area has a direct influence on the success of conservation studies, it is necessary to identify the characteristics of the study area. The boundaries are identified according to the suggested area for the original structure of Agora together with the most influential parts of the close environment. The Agora is situated in the historical section of İzmir that is in the neighbourhood of Namazgah in Konak district. The quarters on the south and southeast of Agora are a traditional Ottoman residence settlement which represents one of the urban identities of İzmir. In the south and southeast of Agora, which constitutes the skirts of Mount Pagos, there are the theatre, castle, stadium and Roman road. Located over the filled ancient harbour and situated on the west of Agora, the historical commercial centre (Kemeraltı) and the theatre constitutes the backbone of the antique urban structure together with Kadifekale, Stadium and Agora. The archaeological heritage that constitutes the reference points for the historic structure of the city can be associated with the improvisation of the ancient ways. It is possible to enrich the site with today’s urban donations

After the foundation of the Turkish Republic, transportation of the cemeteries in the city and turning them into parks had been stipulated in the scope of urbanization activities.9 While the cemetery in Namazgah neighbourhood had been emptied by these implementations, the marble columns and epigraphs lead to the existence of a historical site.10 Then the excavations were started with the leadership of the director of İzmir Museum, Selahattin Bey in April 1932. These investigations were executed with the contribution of many foreign authorities of archaeology. Later on the excavations continued with the leadership of Rüstem Duyuran, the director of Museum of İzmir.11 However, the expiration date of the investigations is not exactly known.

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Gül 1998. Kuleli et al. 2000. 14 C. S. Silver (Colombia University), P. Pomey (Université de Provence), V. Drost (Université Paris), Ş. Yeşil, P. G. Kırmızıoğlu (Cumhuriyet University), A. Sevim (Ankara University), V. Lungu (Institut d’Etudes du Sud-Est Européen), R. Chapoulie (Centre de Recherche en Physique Appliquée a l’Archéologie), M. G. Drahor (Dokuz Eylül University), M. Martinaud (Université Bordeaux). 15 Taşlıalan and Drew-Bear 2005, Taşlıalan and Drew-Bear 2006, Taşlıalan 2006, Yaka et al. 2005. 13

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Toksöz 1960. 6 Naumann and Kantar 1943. 7 Yaka, 2006. 8 Oikonomos and Slaars 2001. 9 Göksu 2002. 10 Yeni Asır 1932, Göksu 2002. 11 Duyuran 1945.

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A CASE STUDY ON THE CONSERVATION OF AN URBAN ARCHAEOLOGICAL SITE – to provide social solidarity, and to improve living conditions in the area by revitalization of the commercial activity on the north part the study area, which was included in the study for that specific purpose. – to improve the scientific qualification of the excavations and to accelerate the excavation studies by introducing new techniques for the survey and documentation of the findings. – to maintain the appropriate conservation studies carried on both excavation area and historic urban site with the help of specialists from universities and institutions. – to establish a proper connection between the excavation area and the historic commercial centre as a first attempt and to maintain such connection also with the other historic spots in the boundaries of the whole historic urban site. – to investigate appropriate functions for the development of surrounding area which may also serve for public usage. – to consider the potential of the area with respect to tourism. – to enhance the identified sustainability of the historical pattern through small scale projects suggested for the certain spots possessing specific characteristics. – to solve the problems arising from the ownership pattern and to obtain financial sources of the institutions and organisations taking role in the expropriation, in a rational and planned manner. – to obtain the security by identifying a protection zone of Agora excavation area and its surrounding in order to prevent both thievery of finds and destruction of the excavated structures. This zone will be kept also for the further excavations. – to regain the unused building stock in the area which become obsolete due to the social, economic and functional changes.

such as Konak Square, hotels region, Basmane train station and fair. Due to its location and the topographic characteristics, Agora possesses the leading qualifications for regeneration of the town’s historic structure, for sustaining its existence in the urban life, and for the preservation and improvisation of these archaeological sites together with its surrounding. Currently, the main access to Agora is from Kemeraltı placed on the east and the two areas are separated by Eşref Paşa Street which is one of the dense vehicle axes of the city. As Agora is hindered behind a block of old houses, its visual even citizens do not aware of its existence (fig. 2). The area between Eşrefpaşa Street and Agora was formerly inhabited by the shoemakers. With the changing conditions of the market, it is inevitable for these functions to become unable to meet the modern necessities due to the structure they are located in. Thus, such production activities in city center were moved to peripheries which lead the abandonment of these buildings. On the other hand, Anafartalar Street lying on the north of the study area preserves its lively characteristic, since it is a significant and a historical axis that combines the residential areas in the east to the historic commercial centre located on the west. The number of monumental and historic residential buildings on this street and the ones crossing to it is higher than the other parts of the study area. in the region between Eşrefpaşa Street and 824 Street in the registered buildings. Problems related with the plan valid in 2000 When the valid 1/1000 construction plan is evaluated, it has been seen that it does not concerns with the conservation issues. Even though the registered buildings have been specified within the construction plan; it has been proposed to either demolish these buildings or rebuild them by with respect to withdrawn façade because of the proposed axial widening in the plan. Within the construction plan; the lots that oversee the Esrefpasa Street have been proposed to be given commercial usage with a four storey high adjacent order. Besides, a multi storey parking lot that corresponds to has been proposed on the lot that has formed by the intersection of the Esrefpasa and the Anafartalar streets. The construction requirements for the other parts of the study area have been three storeys in adjacent order. Apparently, the present implicational construction plan has not been sufficient enough neither to reflect the archeological value of Agora and its surroundings nor to distinguish the archeological values, their conservation and improvement (fig. 3).

Evaluation The evaluation of the survey data can be summarized as follows: – When the study area has been evaluated in terms of land usage; it has been seen that Agora and its environs has been functioned as residential and commercial usages. The buildings are in an adjacent order. The change in terms of socioeconomic structure in relation with the economical structure within the area has as well affected the physical structure of the planning area and it has been seen that the ratio of unused especially in the first floors had increased. – 74.19% of the buildings have been one or two storey high as a result of the site investigation. – Six archeological remains have been found in different locations and within the first degree archeological site area of the study area and they have been listed. – Two more monumental buildings, which are a Turkish bath and a religious structure, have been included within the present six monumental buildings. Fifty-five buildings that are representing the traditional architecture have been registered for preservation apart from the present sixty-eight exemplary buildings. The registered

Objectives of the Proposed Project The major problems related with the plan valid at that period formed a basis for the conservation project. The objectives of “Conservation and Regeneration Project of Agora and Its Surroundings” can be summarised as follows: 451

SOMA 2007 surrounded by 824 Street. These two areas is suggested to be studied in smaller scales.

buildings have been majoring upon the Anafartalar, 943 and 822 Streets. Four of these exemplary buildings are family houses. These are structures formed of single rooms and service spaces opening towards a courtyard which is suitable for ten families. – The exemplary buildings of traditional architecture include residential and commercial structures. The commercial structures have been mostly located upon the Anafartalar Street lying on the north of Agora. It has been observed that the original functions of the commercial buildings continue today, the upper floors are mostly empty and the buildings have been physically damaged. The commercial buildings have the characteristics of Levantine architecture. The one storey buildings are generally single spaced with a rectangular opening on the façade whereas the two storey ones have a single commercial space on the base floor and a space for storage or residential means on the upper floor. – The residential buildings have the characteristics of Levantine architecture in general. There are a few traditional Turkish houses. The construction system of the residential buildings of both type of houses is load bearing stone construction for the base floor and timber framework for the upper floors. – Even though there are examples to the residences of which the original plan and façade characteristics survive today, most of them have lost their plan characteristics which only have traces of original elements. Most of the structures are desolate and in poor condition.

Agora Protection Zone: It constitutes the parcels in the south of first degree archaeological site and the ones in the south of the high school building, park, mosque, bath, the primary school and 818 Street which are within second degree archaeological site. This area should be kept for the further excavations. Remaining Area: It constitutes the remaining area other than the ones defined above and is included in the third degree archaeological site. Implementation Process The implementation process is studied under five topics as follows: Expropriation: This step is essential for the exchange in the ownership pattern in and around the excavation area which is identified as the archaeological park in the prepared conservation plan. It is possible to carry out expropriation studies by establishing a committee constituted under the responsibility of Municipality of İzmir and Ministry of Culture. Other than the participant governmental institutions, sustaining financial source from other private and legal authorities is aimed as well. Application Project: All applications in the historic fabric and the new structures in the planning area are evaluated under this title. It is suggested that planning studies in 1/1000 scale is to be carried out by the Municipality of İzmir. The small scale projects are suggested to bidding.

The Proposed Project Following the analysis and evaluation of data gathered from the site survey, the proposed project was presented to Ministry of Culture and Tourism, Regional Directorate of Immovable Cultural and Natural Property in İzmir. It’s considered to be one of the stages of the future unifying and vitalising the purpose of historical cultural texture of comprising both the antique and the living city, starting from the borders of Kadifekale to the old harbour (Kemeraltı). In order to direct the implementation process five sub-project areas are determined (fig. 4):

Committee of Project Directors: The function of this committee, which is constituted of consultants form İzmir Municipality and Konak Municipality, the Directorate of Conservation of Cultural and Natural Heritage in İzmir, archaeologists from universities, chairman of Agora archaeological studies, representatives from related chambers, planning and project author of the state providence will direct the responsible project author during the production of the plan.

Agora Archaeological Site: It comprises the present excavation area together with the buildings and parcels situated on the estimated structure of agora. This area is proposed to be the first degree archaeological site. Thus, the private parcels should be expropriated.

Management: During the stages of the project such as giving license, application, permission for use of a building or at the stages of acceptance of the architectural projects should be controlled and approved by the permission of a committee which is constituted of a representative from the Municipality of İzmir, Municipality of Konak, planning author, project author, state providence and property owner.

Archaeology and History Park: It includes the area surrounded by 816 Street and 941 Street, the parking and the north and west border of first degree archaeological site. As the buildings on this area are mostly obsolete and unqualified they are proposed to be demolished. The obtained lot will be used as an archaeological park.

Fund for the Preservation of Agora and its Surrounding: The main financial support for the implementation process will be provided by the Municipality of İzmir. The other governmental institutions such as Governance of İzmir and Ministry of Culture should at least provide a sufficient amount in their responsible fields. The available accounts from private and legal authorities should be investigated as well.

Urban Design Area: With in the scope of the project two urban design areas are identified. One of them is situated in between the east boundary of the study area and the first degree archaeological site. The second one comprises the buildings on Eşrefpaşa Street and the area 452

A CASE STUDY ON THE CONSERVATION OF AN URBAN ARCHAEOLOGICAL SITE project of Agora was prepared. The expropriation procedures of the buildings which are located in Archaeological and Historical Park have been started and still continuing. Meanwhile, together with the studies carried out on the west part of Agora, the façade restoration projects of the 943 street which lies on the north-east is prepared and submitted to the Regional Directorate of Immovable Cultural and Natural Property in İzmir. For the implementation of the pilot project this street is chosen because of the number and quality of historic buildings it holds. Such pilot projects have been the primary initiatives for the effectuation of the “Conservation and Regeneration Project of Agora and Its Surroundings”. It is also aimed to implement the urban design and architectural restoration projects in the next phases of conservation plan.

The Approved Conservation Plan The proposed project was presented to the Ministry of Culture and Tourism, Regional Directorate of Immovable Cultural and Natural Property in İzmir. The committee reevaluated the site decisions for the Kemeraltı historic urban site, which also includes the Agora and its surroundings. The proposed plan was approved with some changes in accordance with the decision dated January 30th, 2002 and numbered 9728. In the approved plan (fig. 5) the first degree archeological site was enlarged as in proposed project. The neighboring area is determined to be second degree archeological site. The Namazgah district together with its environs and the Kemeraltı historic urban site were changed to become third degree archeological and urban site. Eventually the urban archeological site areas of Izmir have been specified and approved as a result of this study.

Bibliography The Project has been divided into different phases of implementation in order to reach the immediate goals such as providing a secure environment within the region and public awareness on the realization of the project. In the first phase, it is aimed to inform and raise the public awareness about the historical background of the city they live and preservation of the historical environment. In order to achieve this goal, “city history” lessons have been included within the curriculum of high schools. In elementary schools, cardboard models of important historical buildings have been handed out to students and it has been aimed for the students to make them learn about their urban culture in young ages. Also by resorting buildings with historical quality upon different regions of the city and by re-functioning them to serve for public use, it has been ensured to obtain consciousness among the citizens and support for the Project. The restoration of old fire brigade building, which was re-functioned as Izmir Urban Archive and Museum, is among the examples of this attitude. In different regions of the city, façade rehabilitation projects have been carried out in order to protect and sustain the historical environment and to gain the contribution of the private sector. These projects have been also declared in local radios and television channels in order to obtain public interest.

Akurgal, E. (1995) Anadolu Uygarlıkları. İstanbul, Net Turistik Yayınları, 300-303. Cadoux, C.J. (2003) İlkçağ’da İzmir Kentinin En Eski Çağlardan İ.S. 324’e Kadar Tarihi, Umar, B. trans., İstanbul, İletişim Yayınları. Calder, W.M. (1906) Smyrna as described by the Orator Aelius Aristides. IN: Ramsay, W.M. eds., Studies in the History and Art of the Eastern Provinces of the Roman Empire, Aberdeen, Aberdeen University. Canpolat, E. (1953) İzmir Kuruluşundan Bugüne, İstanbul, Pulhan Matbaası. Çakmakçı, A.Z. and Erdem, G. (2002) Antik İzmir’den Kalan İzler. İzmir Kent Kültürü Dergisi, 5, 44-50. Duyuran, R. (1945) İzmir’de Namazgah’ta 1944 Yılında Yapılan Kazıya Ait Kısa Rapor, Belleten, Vol. 9, 35, 405-416. Gül, Y. (1995) Agora ve İzmirli Homeros. İzmir, 1-16. Kuleli, E., Çakır, K. and Dönmez, S. (1999) Agora Ören Yeri, Report Archives of the Agora Excavations, 28.07.1999. Kuleli, E., Dalgıç, M. and Aslantaş, C. (2000) İzmir Agorası, Report Archives of the Agora Excavations, 06.12.2000. Laroche, D. (2003) İzmir Agora’da Gerçekleştirilen Mimari Çalışmaların Raporu, Report Archives of the Agora Excavations, December 2003. Miltner, F. and Kantar, S. (1934) İzmirde Roma Devrine Ait Forumda Yapılan Hafriyat Hakkında İhzari Rapor, Türk Tarih, Arkeologya ve Etnografya Dergisi, 2, 219-240. Naumann, R. and Kantar, S. (1943) İzmirde Roma Devrine Ait İyon Agorasında Yapılan Hafriyat Hakkında İkinci İhzari Rapor, Belleten, Vol. 7, 26, 213-225. Naumann, R. and Kantar, S. (1950) Die Agora von Smyrna. Istanbuler Forschungen, Vol. 17, 69-114. Oikonomos, K. and Slaars, B.F. (2001) Destanlar Çağından 19. Yüzyıla İzmir, Umar, B. trans., İstanbul, İletişim Yayınları, 84. Silver, C. (2003) Ancient Graffiti in the Agora of İzmir, Turkey: Conservation Tests and Recommendations for

Throughout the process of implementation, one of the important attempts is to excavate the unknown parts of the Agora. Thus, in the second phase, it has been aimed to expose the characteristics of Agora with the application of the urban and landscape design projects on the archeology and history park. With the initiation of second phase, the dilapidated region would be transferred to an attractive centre regarding the economic and social values. Such change in the conditions is expected to lead improvement in physical quality and living conditions. The excavation studies in Agora have been initiated and continuing with the permission of the Ministry of Culture, by Archaeological Museum of İzmir and it have been sponsored by the Municipality of İzmir. French Archeological Institute has also contributed scientifically and technically to the excavations, and the restitution 453

SOMA 2007 Conservation Treatment, Report Archives of the Agora Excavations, 18.05.2003. Silver, C. (2003) Plaster and Graffiti in the Agora of Ancient Smyrna: Summary of Conservation Work Undertaken in July, 2003 and Recommendations for a Comprehensive Preservation Program, Report Archives of the Agora Excavations, August 2003. Taşlıalan, M. (2004) 11 Aralık 2003-11 Haziran 2004 Tarihleri Arasindaki Batı Stoa Kazı Çalışmalari Raporu, Report Archives of the Agora Excavations. Taşlıalan, M., Laroche, D., Özkaban, F.A., Çakır, E.S. and Yaka, N.F. (2004) İzmir Agora Batı Galeri ve Faustina Kapısı Restorasyon Raporu, Report Archives of the Agora Excavations, 20.07.2004. Taşlıalan, M. (2005) İzmir Agora Batı Portik Cephesi Rekonstrüksiyon Projesi, Report Archives of the Agora Excavations, 18.04.2005. Taşlıalan, M. (2005) İzmir Agorası Batı portik Rekonstrüksiyon Projesi Ek Bilgileri, Report Archives of the Agora Excavations, 24.06.2005. Taşlıalan, M., (2005) Son Dönem Kazıları Işığında Smyrna Agorası, İzmir. Taşlıalan, M. and Drew-Bear, T. (2005) Fouilles De L’Agora De Smyrne: Rapport Sur La Campagne de 2004, Anatolia Antiqua, Eski Anadolu, Vol. 13, 371434.

Taşlıalan, M. and Drew-Bear, T. (2006) Fouilles De L’Agora De Smyrne: Rapport Sur La Campagne de 2005, Anatolia Antiqua, Eski Anadolu. Vol. 14, 309361. Toksöz, C. (1960) İzmir Tarih ve Arkeoloji, Ankara, Ayyıldız Matbaası, 44-50. Tulunay, G. (2002) Agamemnos Balnea-Apollon Banyoları Balçova Agamemnon Kaplıcaları. İzmir Kent Kültürü Dergisi. Vol. 5, 70-80. Vitruvius (1998) Mimarlık Üzerine On Kitap. F. Yeğül and B. Artamlı ed., İstanbul, Şevki Vanlı Mimarlık Vakfı. Yaka, N.F., İpekoğlu, B. and Laroche, D. (2005) İzmir Agorası Batı Stoa Restorasyonlarının Değerlendirilmesi. IN: Korumada 50 Yıl at University of Mimar Sinan in İstanbul, 17-18 Kasım, 2005, Mimarlık Fakültesi Yayınları, 317-327. Yaka, N.F., (2006) Evaluation of Interventions in Western Stoa of Agora in İzmir. Unpublished Dissertation on Master of Science in Architectural Restoration, İzmir Institute of Technology , İzmir. Yeni Asır Newspaper (1932) Namazgah Mezarlığında Asarıtika, 21.04.1932, No. 8018. Web 1, (2007), Yeşilova Höyük, Ege University, http://yesilova.ege.edu.tr/kazi.htm

Fig. 1: The analysis of the historic urban site of İzmir presented on aerial photo (Source: Municipality of İzmir)

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Fig. 2: The situation of the studied area in 2002 (Source: Municipality of İzmir).

Fig. 3: The development plan in 2000 (Source: Municipality of İzmir). 455

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Fig. 4: Conservation and Regeneration Project of Agora and Its Surroundings. (Source: Municipality of İzmir).

Fig. 5: The Conservation Plan in 2004 (Source: Municipality of İzmir).

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Roman tavern life - remarks on the remains of taverns in Ostia Antica Anna Ziel Kieburg, M.A. Archäologisches Institut, Universität Hamburg (Germany)

might have been used for serving, for storage or for accommodation.

Examining the taverns and lodgings in Roman towns this paper illustrates the exceptional situation in the ancient city of Ostia.1 In conjunction with the goal of interpreting the function of gastronomy in the urban context and the role of gastronomy in Roman economy and society the comparison of the harbour city of Rome with the Campanien cities of Pompeii and Herculaneum presents a number of problems.

There are six tabernae in which nothing can be seen today7 but which are claimed to be taverns because of a counter structure in the plans of Italo Gismondi from 1953.8 The mosaics which identified four tabernae as taverns are still visible and are an interesting addition to the bars identified only by counters. Three of them are leaned against the casern of the vigiles9 and the fourth lies directly on the intersection of the Decumanus and the Via della Fontana.10

When in 1960 Russell Meiggs wrote his book about Roman Ostia he closes the chapter about recreation: “In modern societies the inn, the bar, and the café are the main rivals of organized entertainment in the pattern of social recreation. The caupona and the popina took their place in Roman life.”2

These representations of vases and the inscription of Fortunatus were the striking indices that points towards an interpretation of the remains as a tavern. It is curious that there are no exsisting significant mosaics and counter structures together.

This statement makes plain one of the main methodical problems in the previous research of ancient gastronomy: the equalization with modern bars and restaurants. But that Roman gastronomy cannot be compared with modern facilities is an important factor that has been well observed in the last years from archaeologists like Ardle MacMahon3 or Steven Ellis.4 Unfortunately all of them as well as many other scientists considered mainly the Pompeian or Campanian material. The Ostian remains of gastronomy were only used as comparison, if at all. Until today it is only Gustav Hermansen, by editing the Ostian gastronomic remains in 1982, who provides a considerable range of data and analyses.5 But because of the continuing research during the last 25 years Hermansens database now seems incomplete and the gastronomy of Roman Ostia requires new examination.

The remaining 27 gastronomic outlets are identified by counter structures and about the half of them is in a very poor condition. In most cases only the shelf elements or basins from the brick built counter have survived. Only a few are widely preserved and reconstructed. The counters are covered with marble plates11 or coloured stucco.12 Facing the number and density of retail units, the socalled tabernae which count over 800 in the excavated area of ancient Ostia, the total of only 38 taverns seems very few. As well as the permanent residents of the city, there must have been a sizable temporary population, including those visiting Ostia for business related to longdistance trade, those in transit to other parts of the empire, and the contingents of vigiles and the Roman fleet stationed at Ostia in rotation. The small-scale retail market for food and drink would have been particularly high in a city with very little opportunity for private food preparation and a potentially large body of manual workers engaged for example in ship building and allied trades, dock-work and construction, many of whom

General view on roman gastronomic remains in Ostia The study of the physical evidence for gastronomy in imperial Ostia is not without problems. The archaeological material comprises 38 tabernae (Fig. 1) in which a gastronomic service can be identified through counter structures, mosaics or paintings.6 Most of them are typical tabernae (retail unit) with a wide opening to a street or a portico. The rear of a unit

7

No. 5 (Reg. I 10,2); No. 9 (Reg. II 2,2 east); No. 25 (Reg. III 17,5); Nos. 30 and 31(Reg. IV 5,7) and No. 37 (Reg. V 4,1); cf. Hermansen 1982:1345; 138-9; 161-62; 169-72; 178. 8 Plans in: Calza 1953. 9 Nos. 12-14 (Reg. II 5,1); cf. Calza, G. et al., Scavi di Ostia IV: Mosaici e Pavimenti Marmorei, 62-63, Tav. CXCII: 78.79, CXCIII: 77.79; Hermansen 1982: 143-45. 10 No. 15 (Reg. II 6,1); cf. NSc 1909: 92; Calza, G. et al., Scavi di Ostia IV: Mosaici e Pavimenti Marmorei, 63, Tav. CXCIII: 80; Hermansen 1982: 146-7; inscription: [HOSPES INQUIT] FORTUNATUS [VINVM ET CR]ATERA QUOD SITIS BIBE (CIL XIV, S 4756). 11 For example No. 3 (Reg. I 2, 3-5); No. 19 (Reg. III 5,1) and No. 26 (Reg. IV 2,3). 12 No. 29, the socalled caupona del pavone in Reg. IV 2,6.

1 My forthcoming PhD publication on Roman Gastronomy focuses the Campanian towns Pompeii and Herculaneum and Roman Ostia. This paper can only sketch an integral part of this project. I am deeply obliged to my colleagues Sarah Cappel and Holger Kieburg for their great help on editing this paper. 2 Meiggs 1960: 428. 3 MacMahon 2005. 4 Ellis 2005. 5 Hermansen 1982: 126-83. 6 For naming the bars this paper will follow the numbering 1 to 38 of Hermansen 1982.

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SOMA 2007 would have been paid in cash as daily labourers.13 It is thus likely that most of Ostia's population, permanent and temporary, relied very heavily on food and drink obtained from outlets to fulfil their needs.

Along this main entryway into the city were arrayed as many as 13 retail counters along the east side of the street, this means one every 17 m approximately. Of the 13 counters, 12 were positioned on the north side of the threshold, in full view of those walking up the hill toward the center. This pattern was not by chance. The position of the counters reflects a need to attract the custom of those entering the town, people perhaps in search of a meal, rather than the custom of people leaving. In Pompeii the spatial arrangement shows the forces of economic rationality as it is concluded by Steven Ellis:

A thorough research and reconstruction would help to get a clearer view on the distribution of gastronomy in ancient Ostia and thus on the role it took in Ostian commercial and daily life. The distribution of taverns in Ostia The landscape of Ostia shows a rather scattered distribution of bars in Ostia.

“Bars were fundamental features of the Roman daily life, and eager protagonists in the ancient economy, as is demonstrated by their distribution in areas of greatest social activity. We can recognise how, in the spatial arrangement and alignment of their facades and counters, bars competed between themselves for the custom of people entering the town and of those who gathered about a street corner. Bars and their counters were not randomly configured. Their arrangements can help to illustrate systems of urban behaviour.”20

Many of them were located in minor or dead end streets, not visible from the major thoroughfares, as for example the taverns No. 18 near the Bath of the Seven Sages14 and No. 23 in the Via degli Tecti Aurighi.15 Their location thus requires a degree of local knowledge. Close to the forum are located only four taverns, Nos. 3 to 6, but only Nos. 3 and 6 have direct access to the forum.16 This is a very low number of gastronomic outlets in comparison with the distribution of taverns around the forum at Pompeii where in closest vicinity five taverns are found in the north and three in the south.17

The tendency to align counters with areas of greatest activity and movement could be instructive of the ambulatory flow of traffic, particularly its direction. This is a component of the urban landscape for which we might otherwise have little knowledge.

The biggest street intersection in Ostia of the Decumanus and the Via della Foce has only two adjacent taverns; again very unlike the big intersections in Pompeii.18 The same absence of assumed taverns in Ostia are found around the theatre, the Piazza dei Corporazioni and most important along the whole Eastern Decumanus from the Porta Romana to the Forum.

So it would advance the research of Ostian gastronomy tremendously if it would be possible to transfer this Pompeian pattern of profit-oriented counter position in Ostia. Unfortunately the archaeological evidence in Ostia is not as well preserved as in Pompeii. But based on the premise that as well in Ostia as in Pompeii the tabernaearchitecture, this means the tabernae- rows along the streets and places, had both the same function in urban economy it should be possible to compare the Ostian with the Pompeian remains.

This lack of gastronomic evidence in certainly highly frequentated areas has surely its origin in the slow decline of the city and the hurried excavations in the 1930s by Guido Calza and Giovanni Becatti.19 The plans by Italo Gismondi show more evidence for gastronomy than can be seen today in the excavated area. So it can be assumed that all the tabernae we have along the Ostian streets and public areas contained certainly more gastronomic retail as it was the case in Pompeii.

This means for Ostia to have a close look on still existing concentration of identified gastronomic retail. Sometimes it will be necessary to undertake some reconstruction attempts to assess the orientation of the counters. In just two areas sufficient gastronomic retail can be count to make an attempt at transferring the Pompeian pattern:

Especially the areas around the city gates can help to understand the important role of taverns within the urban economy. In Pompeii one of these city gates, the Via Stabiana, provides excellent archaeological remains for examination.

The first area is the Southern Cardo Maximus which leads from the Porta Laurentina to the forum and provides three taverns in the Porticus of Hercules (Fig. 2). The first one seen from the city gate, No. 26, lies well positioned right at the entrance to the Bath of Pharus.21 The counter has the typical L-form, is covered with decorative marble plates and has the mid-set basin that is typical for Ostia. The counter position is well oriented in such a way as to

13

DeLaine 2005: 30. Reg. III 1,10; cf. Becatti 1953: 125-6; Hermansen 1982: 149-51. 15 Reg. III 14,1; cf. Becatti 1953: 237; Hermansen 1982: 150-60. 16 No. 3 (Reg. I 2, 3-5); cf. NSc 1916: 143; 399-428, Kleberg 1957: 46, Calza 1959: 79, Hermansen 1982: 130-2. No. 4 (Reg. I 10,1); cf. Hermansen 1982: 132-4. No. 5 (Reg. I 10,2); cf. Hermansen 1982: 1345. No. 6 (Reg. I 12,10); cf. Hermansen 1982: 135. 17 Ellis 2004: 376-7, fig. 3; Ellis 2005: 124, fig. 6.1. 18 Ellis 2004: 379-80; Ellis 2005: 133-8. 19 Calza 1953; Becatti 1953. 14

20

Ellis 2004: 383. Reg. IV 2,3; cf. Hermansen 1982: 162. A second entrance to this tavern from the fauces of the bath increases the flow of customers. 21

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ROMAN TAVERN LIFE - REMARKS ON THE REMAINS OF TAVERNS IN OSTIA ANTICA In Nos. 3025 and 3126 nothing of the counter structures shown in Gismondis plans has survived (Fig. 5 and 6). In No. 32, the so-called caupona di Alexander Helix, the built in elements with the stepped shelves and the basins are still seen today (Fig. 7).27 Nos. 33 to 36 only show poor remains of the basin elements (Fig. 8 to 11).28

attract customers entering the town and looking for refreshment. Two tabernae further north in the second tavern, No. 27, the counter appears equally to the previous one with the L-form, the decorative marble covering and the basin.22 But its position is a different one. It lies in the rear of the room so that nobody could see it from outside. So it does not invite to a spontaneous drink or snack. It presumes local knowledge of the customers and thus it is not meant for travellers entering the town.

So the full appearance of the counters as well as their orientation can only be hypothetic. But the position of the still standing remains points to an orientation that would mean full side view on the entrances and the counters for people coming up the street from the Porta Marina, except for No. 34. So in this case the density of taverns and the position of the counter remains could establish the profit-oriented Pompeian pattern here: The counters were oriented for economic efficiency, that is to the potential customers, and show the ambulatory flow that were directed from the Porta Marina to the city center.

For the counter in the third tavern, No. 28, there is need to take a closer look on the possible reconstruction. The remains show barely anything comparable with a counter, only the stepped shelves that we know from so many Pompeian but also Ostia counters, could have been rebuild (Fig. 3).23 The upcoming question is the same as for many other taverns in Ostia, too. How could food and drink be served here with such little work space?

Conclusion The remains of Ostian gastronomy can provide only a restricted view on the tavern life in the city. Despite the high density of tabernae along the streets and places the archaeological evidence provides not more than 38 taverns, a very low total in such a city as Ostia.

One idea could be an extension of work space which lied in front of the shelf-element and of which no remains have been found. The hypothetical reconstruction shows an additional counter element with the typical basin in the middle (Fig. 4). The composition of such a separated counter can also be found in the tavern No. 324 and in the socalled caupona del pavone, No. 29. The extension of No. 28 would have been positioned in the entrance of the tavern, not in full sight of customers coming up the street from the Porta Laurentina but from the forum.

A view on the commercial landscape of Ostia and a comparison to Pompeii - although most of the Ostian evidence is dating from a later period than the remains in Pompeii – points to the immense lack of archaeological evidence that would be necessary to give a satisfying picture of the gastronomic life. In all certainly highly frequented areas like the forum, the different baths, the theatre and the parts of the main routes we can only speculate on the basis of the density of tabernae that there was more food and drink retail as it was the case in Pompeii.

So these three taverns show a very unequal orientation of counters and only one, Nr 26, lies in full sight of the people entering the city. Although there are many tabernae at both sides of the Cardo, it remains speculative if there was more gastronomic retail in this area. The unequal positioning of the remaining counters does not let us transfer the Pompeian pattern of profitorientation on this part of Ostia. The direction of the ambulatory traffic remains shrouded and it is not possible to reconstruct the gastronomic economy in the area around the Porta Laurentina.

After examining two main routes with a remaining density of gastronomic retail, only for one – the western part of the Decumanus – can be demonstrated, that the spatial arrangement of taverns and their counters reflects the profit-oriented Pompeian pattern. The taverns show a competition between themselves for the custom of people entering the town and illustrate the direction of ambulatory flow from the harbour to the city centre.

The second examined area provides seven examples of taverns but the remains here are in poor state of conservation. It is the western part of the Decumanus, leading from the Porta Marina to the intersection with the Via della Foce.

A look on the ordinary people in ancient Ostia shows the important role that gastronomic retail must have played in Ostia. The lack of evidence of private cooking facilities points to the high importance for food and drink outlets not only for many permanent residents but for travellers, merchants, craftsmen and day-labourers, as well. Thus it is evident that taverns were much more important for basic provisions than for entertainment and recreation.

Amazingly the seven taverns, Nos. 30-36, are situated to the right of people entering the town from the shore. No gastronomic remains can be found on the opposite side of the street; a phenomena already be seen at the Via Stabiana in Pompeii.

22

25

Reg. IV 2,3 in the Porticus of Hercules; cf. Hermansen 1982: 163-4. Reg. IV 2,3 in the Porticus of Hercules; cf. Hermansen 1982: 165-7. 24 Reg. I 2, 3-5; cf. NSc 1916: 143; 399-428, Kleberg 1957: 46, Calza 1959: 79.

Reg. IV 5,7 east; cf. Hermansen 1982: 169-70. Reg. IV 5,7 west; cf. Hermansen 1982: 170-2. Reg. IV 7,4; cf. Hermansen 1982: 172-5. 28 No. 33 (Reg. IV 7,3) and No. 34-36 (Reg. IV 7,2) cf. Hermansen 1982: 175-77.

23

26 27

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SOMA 2007 place in urban environment. Diss. University of Sydney (unpublished). Hermansen, G. (1982) Ostia. Aspects of roman city life. Edmonton. Kleberg, T. (1957) Hôtels, Restaurants et Cabarets dans l’Antiquité Romain. Uppsala. MacMahon, A. (2005) The taberna counters of Pompeii and Herculaneum. IN: MacMahon, A. and Price, J. eds., Roman Working Live sand Urban Living. Oxford, 70-87. Meiggs, R. (1960)1 Roman Ostia. Oxford. Pavolini, C. (1991) La vita quotidiana a Ostia. RomeBari.

Bibliography Becatti, G. (1953) Scavi di Ostia IV: Mosaici e pavimenti marmorei. Rome. Calza, G. et al. (1953) Scavi di Ostia I: Topografia generale. Rome. Calza, R. and Nash, E. (1959) Ostia. Florence. DeLaine, J. (2005) The commercial landscape of Ostia. IN: MacMahon, A. and Price, J. eds., Roman Working Lives and Urban Living. Oxford, 29-47. Ellis, S.J.R. (2004) The distribution of bars in Pompeii: archaeological, spatial and viewshed analyses, JRA 17, 371-84. Ellis, S.J.R. (2005) The Pompeian bar and the city: defining food and drink outlets and identifying their

Fig. 1 Map of Ancient Ostia. The location of taverns are marked in black squares numbering 1-38. After Hermansen 1982: fig. 2)

Fig. 2 Ground plan of the Porticus of Hercules with taverns No. 26, 27 and 28 (after I. Gismondi in Calza 1953)

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ROMAN TAVERN LIFE - REMARKS ON THE REMAINS OF TAVERNS IN OSTIA ANTICA

Fig. 3 Rebuilt shelf element in tavern No. 28 (Picture by the author)

Fig. 4 Hypothetical reconstruction of an additional counter element in tavern No. 28. (drawing by the author)

Fig. 5 Ground plan tavern No. 30. (After Hermansen 1982: fig. 108)

Fig. 6 Ground plan tavern No. 31. (After Hermansen 1982: fig. 108)

Fig. 7 Ground plan tavern No. 32. (After Hermansen 1982: fig. 109)

Fig. 8 Ground plan tavern No. 33. (After Hermansen 1982: fig. 117)

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Fig. 9 Ground plan tavern No. 34. (After Hermansen 1982: fig. 120)

Fig. 10 Ground plan tavern No. 35. (After Hermansen 1982: fig. 122)

Fig. 11 Ground plan tavern No. 36. (After Hermansen 1982: fig. 124)

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Excavating Thorstein Veblen – Thoughts on conspicuous consumption amongst social elites in Early Bronze Age Asia Minor Thomas Zimmermann Bilkent University, Department of Archaeology and History of Art, 06800 Bilkent, Ankara, Turkey

metalworking and jewel making, or at least the access to the appropriate sources to obtain such fine products. Conclusively, one can expect that the emerging social or political elites in the “centres”, with their accelerating need for prestigious technologies and products (cf. Efe 2003: 278), also triggered off changes in the economic and social setting of smaller communities in the periphery.

The history of technology in later 3rd. millennium BC Anatolia (Early Bronze Age II-III according to Anatolian terminology) witnessed stunning advances in metalworking styles and technologies, which are best reflected at reference sites like Troy and Alaca Höyük. The precious objects from the (originally 17) Troy treasures yielded evidence for previously unattested or perfectionised craftsmanship like loop-in-loop joining, soldering and the use of exotic raw materials like amber and lapis lazuli (Laffineur 2002; Sazcı and Treister 2006; Betancourt 2006). The metal items from the “Royal Tombs” of Alaca Höyük, district of Çorum in Central Anatolia, however, in addition to that also display new experimental alloying techniques, with some examples of silver and arsenic coating that still puzzle even modern goldsmiths and jewel makers (Eaton and McKerrell 1976: 175-6) (Fig. 1 A). Although different in character and context, such metal assemblages like the ones from Troy and Alaca, together with many other similar items from unknown or insufficiently documented archaeological features (cf. Zimmermann 2006: 213-4) are believed to bear symbolic value for the emerging local elites and eager to display their social prestige to manifest their political power. Coinciding with other related phenomena like elaborate, planned structured architecture and longdistance trade connections (Efe 2002; Efe 2003; Zimmermann 2005; Erarslan 2006: 86-91), these splendid relicts of early metal production seem to appear exclusively at central places, or what is defined as having served as an “urban centre”. That said, one notices quickly that still only little is known about Early Bronze Age activities in the periphery of these “metropoleis”, and only recently extensive surveying in Northern Anatolian highlands and the Black Sea hinterland shed some more light on land use and occupation during the 3rd millennium BC (Matthews 2004; Matthews, Pollard and Ramage 1998; İpek and Zimmermann 2007: 49; Yıldırım and Sipahi 2007 and all previous reports). Moreover, new analysis and evaluation of material coming from domestic and funeral contexts of smaller EBA villages or hamlets like the sites of Kalınkaya or Resuloğlu in the Çorum district showed that fashions and technologies attested at the “urban centres” were likewise adopted by the neighbouring village communities, although sometimes (esp. regarding selected ceremonial items) accomplished on a lower artistic and technical scale (Yıldırım 2006; Zimmermann 2006a: 284-6; Zimmermann 2006b) (Fig. 1 B); however, the evidence coming from larger and better documented cemeteries like Resuloğlu, although lacking such elaborate funeral architecture like in Alaca, clearly reflects not only a stratified society, but also the presence of specialists for

Regarding metal artefacts as not only artistic indicators, but also excellent technical monuments to trace changes in raw material supply and innovative technologies, our knowledge for later EBA metallurgy in Central Anatolia is still largely nurtured by the pioneering study of Ufuk Esin (Esin 1969) and Prentiss de Jesus’ contribution in the early 80ies (De Jesus 1980). However, some inconsistencies and contradictions in the older databases that were recently addressed (Kuruçayırlı and Özbal 2005: 53-8), demanding a greater number of new and unbiased data to rely on. With regards to the current situation, a new analysis project in collaboration with Ankara University (Tayfun Yıldırım) and the Sarayköy Nuclear Research and Training Centre (SANAEM, Abdullah Zararsız) (cf. Yıldırım and Zimmermann 2006) was launched recently to retrieve fresh archaeometrical data from EBA metal objects to get a more comprehensive picture of metal exploitation and consumption in the later Early Bronze Age of Inner Turkey. Destructive spectrographic analysis –to obtain the most reliable results- with the help X-Ray Fluorescence was carried out on several jewellery items believed to be of bronze or arsenic-copper alloy (Fig. 2). With so far 16 items analysed from the Resuloğlu cemetery, one immediately recognizes the high values of arsenic and especially tin, with a current peak at 16,8% (Yıldırım and Zimmermann 2006; Zimmermann in press); Since these values appear to be a constant phenomenon –at least in the given cross-section of probed jewellery items- an erroneous casting procedure should definitely be excluded. However, alloying agents added in such high values have no more positive effect on the smelting or hardening process, since values of 3-5 % maximum are believed to be sufficient to create a high quality alloy with appropriate technical specifications (cf. Pernicka 1990: 47-56). Under this circumstances, two hypothetical explanations are left as alternatives that do not necessarily exclude each other. On an technicalartistic level, high concentrations of tin might have been used to manipulate the final colour of the object towards a golden or silver sheen, similar as attested at some ancient New World metal objects (cf. Hosler 1995: 10001; 103-04; Lechtman 1996: 506). 463

SOMA 2007 analysis project possible, and for their valuable discussions, Dr. Ulf Schoop for his comments on the “consumption” issue, and to Asst. Prof. Dr. Louise Barry for proofreading the paper; any flaws and shortcomings are, of course, solely the author’s responsibility.

The second assumption, however, touches more on a social issue: the lavish consumption or spending of exclusive, expensive or rare materials to display and maintain a certain social status, or vulgo “conspicuous consumption”, a term coined by Norwegian-American sociologist and economist Thorstein Veblen (1857-1929) in one of his major works, the “Theory of the Leisure Class” (Veblen 1994: 43-62). Although being primarily used as an expression to characterise the excessive consumption policies of the “nouveau riche” in the late 19th century AD, the term (and its underlying mechanisms) can easily be applied to pre-industrial societies (cf. Veblen 1994: 1-13), especially to fastexpanding, dynamic economies with an ever-growing need for luxury products, as observed in Asia Minor towards the end of the 3rd millennium BC. In our hypothesis, the “conspicuous consumption” of the newly emerged “urban elites” in centres like Troy or Alaca, proclaiming their elevated position with exotic materials and elaborate metalwork would resound in the village periphery with the excessive use of comparably rare alloying agents like tin. The lack of, or difficulty having access to the service of virtuoso metalworkers in the urban centres who were maybe even hired from abroad to produce luxury items for the local elite (cf. Trejster 1996: 231-4), would have provoked an alternative way to display newly accumulated wealth through “superfluous expensiveness” (Veblen 1994: 95).

Bibliography Betancourt, P. P. (2006) Joining Techniques of Early Bronze Age Trojan Jewelry, Studia Troica, 16, 2006, 89-96. De Jesus, P. (1980) The Development of Prehistoric Mining and Metallurgy in Anatolia, British Archaeological Reports, International Series, 74, Oxford. Dercksen, J. G. (1996) The Old Assyrian Copper Trade in Anatolia, Istanbul, Nederlands HistorischArchaeologisch Instituut te Istanbul. Eaton, E. R. and H. McKerrell (1976) Near Eastern Alloying and Some Textual Evidence for the Early Use of Arsenical Copper, World Archaeology, 8, 169191. Efe , T. (2002) The Interaction Between Cultural/Political Entities and Metalworking in Western Anatolia during the Chalcolithic and Early Bronze Age. IN: Yalçın, Ü. ed., Anatolian Metal II, Der Anschnitt Beiheft 15, Bochum, Deutsches Bergbau-Museum, 49-65. Efe, T. (2003) Küllüoba and the initial stages of urbanism in Western Anatolia. IN: Özdoğan, M., Hauptmann, H. and N. Başgelen eds., Köyden Kente. From Village to Cities. Early Villages in the Near East. Studies presented to Ufuk Esin, Istanbul, Arkeoloji ve Sanat Yayınları, 265-282. Erarslan, A. (2006) Progress towards first cities in Eastern and Southeastern Anatolia (2600-1900): The local dynamics of urbanistic development. TÜBA-AR, 9, 2006, 81-96. Esin, U. (1969) Kuantatif spektral analiz yardımıyla Anadolu'da başlangıcından Asur kolonileri çağına kadar Bakır ve Tunç madenciliği. Istanbul: Istanbul University. Hansen, S. (2002) “Überausstattungen” in Gräbern und Horten der Frühbronzezeit. IN: Müller, J. ed., Vom Endneolithikum zur Frühbronzezeit: Muster sozialen Wandels? (Tagung Bamberg 14.-16. Juni 2001), Bonn, Habelt, 151-173. Hosler, D. (1995) Sound, colour and meaning in the metallurgy of Ancient West Mexico. World Archaeology, 27, 100-115. İpek, Ö. and T. Zimmermann (2007) Another glimpse at “Hattian” metalwork? – A group of Bronze Age metal items from Bekaroğlu Köyü, district of Çorum, Turkey, Anatolia Antiqua, 15, 2007, 49-58. Kuruçayırlı, E. and H. Özbal (2005) New Metal Analysis from Tarsus Gözlükule. IN: Yalçın, Ü. ed., Anatolian Metal III. Der Anschnitt Beiheft 18, Bochum, Deutsches Bergbaumuseum, 49-61 Laffineur, R (2002) Reflections on the Troy Treasures. IN: Aslan, A., Blum, S., Kastl, G., Schweizer, F. and D. Thumm eds., Mauerschau: Festschrift für Manfred

The non-visibility (or virtual non-existence?) of comparable splendid (metal) assemblages or burial inventories only a few hundred years later in the following Anatolian Middle Bronze Age (beginning 2nd millennium BC) is beyond the scope of this short paper, but it should be noted here that this over-pronounced material display of newly accumulated economic and socio-political power appears at the current stage of research as a rather short-lived phenomenon of the late 3rd millennium BC (cf. also Hansen 2002). Regardless of whether we have a collapse of these early EBA elites, or a transition to a different means of displaying power and prestige that is not easily perceivable in the archaeological record: it nonetheless remains that the political geography of Anatolia in the early centuries of the 2nd millennium BC, with its mighty and influential local kingdoms the Assyrian merchants did business with (for a good overview see Dercksen 1996), owes itself to the profound social reorganisation that happened during the final quarters of the 3rd millennium BC. In conclusion, this local restructuring of society towards the end of the Early Bronze Age, visible in its architecture and the material record, effected not only the elites in the emerging urban centres, but also the thriving communities in their periphery, eager to became part or to receive a share of this economic boost. Acknowledgements I am indebted to the following persons who contributed substantially to this study: Assoc. Prof. Dr. Tayfun Yıldırım and Dr. Abdullah Zararsız for making the 464

EXCAVATING THORSTEIN VEBLEN Yıldırım, T. (2006) An Early Bronze Age Cemetery at Resuloğlu, near Uğurludağ, Çorum. A Preliminary Report of the Archaeological Work Carried Out Between years 2003-2005. Anatolia Antiqua, 14, 114. Yıldırım, T. and T. Sipahi (2007) 2005 Yılı Çorum, Çankırı İlleri Yüzey Araştırması. 24. Araştırma Sonuçları Toplantısı, 2. Çilt, Ankara. Yıldırım, T. and T. Zimmermann (2006) News from the Hatti Heartland – The Early Bronze Age Necropoleis of Kalınkaya, Resuloğlu, and Anatolian Metalworking Advances in the late 3rd Millennium BC. Antiquity Project Gallery No. 309 Available from

Zimmermann, T. (2005) Perfumes and Policies – A ‚Syrian Bottle’ from Kinet Höyük and Anatolian Trade Patterns in the Advanced Third Millennium BC. Anatolica, 31, 161-169. Zimmermann, T. (2006a) Kalınkaya – A ChalcolithicEarly Bronze Age Settlement and Cemetery in Northern Central Anatolia. First Preliminary Report: The Burial Evidence. Anadolu Medeniyetleri Müzesi 2005 Yıllığı, 271-311. Zimmermann, T. (2006b) Kult und Prunk im Herzen Hattis – Beobachtungen an frühbronzezeitlichem Zeremonialgerät aus der Nekropole von Kalınkaya/Toptaştepe, Provinz Çorum, Colloquium Anatolicum, 5, 2006, 213-224. Zimmermann, T. (in press) Anatolia as a Bridge from North to South? – Recent Research in the Hatti Heartland. Anatolian Studies, 57.

Korfmann, Remshalden-Grünbach, BAG-Verlag, 237244. Lechtman, H (1996) Arsenic Bronze: Dirty Copper or Chosen Alloy? A View from the Americas. Journal of Field Archaeology, 23, 477-514. Matthews, R. (2004) Salur North: An Early Bronze Age Cemetery in North-Central Anatolia. IN: Sagona, A. ed., A View From the Highlands. Archaeological Studies in Honour of Charles Burney, Ancient Near Eastern Studies Supplement 12, Herent, 55-66. Matthews, R., Pollard, T. and M. Ramage (1998) Project Paphlagonia: Regional Survey in Northern Anatolia. IN: Matthews, R. ed., Ancient Anatolia. Fifty Years’ Work by the British Institute of Archaeology at Ankara, Exeter, 195-206. Müller-Karpe, H. (1974) Handbuch der Vorgeschichte. Dritter Band Kupferzeit, München, Verlag C. H. Beck. Pernicka, E. (1990) Gewinnung und Verbreitung der Metalle in prähistorischer Zeit. Jahrbuch des Römisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums Mainz, 37, 21-129. Sazcı, G. and M. Treister (2006) Troias Gold – Die Schätze des dritten Jahrtausends vor Christus. IN: Korfmann, M. O. ed., Troia. Archäologie eines Siedlungshügels und seiner Landschaft, Mainz, Philipp von Zabern, 209-218. Trejster, M. (1996) Die trojanischen Schätze. IN: Tolstikow, W. P and M. Trejster eds., Der Schatz aus Troia. Schliemann und der Mythos des PriamosGoldes, Stuttgart/Zürich, Belser Verlag, 197-245. Veblen T. (1994) The Theory of the Leisure Class (originally published New York, Macmillan, 1899), Mineola, Dover Thrift Editions.

Fig. 1. Ceremonial items from the “Royal Burials” of Alaca Höyük (A) and similar theriomorphic and abstract objects from the cemetery of Kalınkaya (B); (A) after Müller-Karpe 1974. 465

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Fig. 2. XRF-chart with a cross-section of analysed metal objects from the cemetery of Resuloğlu; note the high values of tin.

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Harbor Excavation of Kelenderis (Aydıncık-Mersin-Turkey) Levent Zoroglu Selçuk Üniversity, Department of Archaeology

Hakan Oniz Eastern Mediterranean University –Underwater Research and Imaging Center who was identified with a Luwian god Shanta (Sandon). This god was later transformed into Hercules. This mythological information reflects that the city owes probably its foundation, which is mentioned above, to the Luwians and this information also implies that the foundation date goes back to earlier times, i.e. to the 2nd millennium BC, although no archaeological remains have come to light so far. Pomponius Mela mentions that the city was colonised by Samoans who had come from Ionia. The so called “East Greek” vases of the late Geometric Period from the excavations at Kelenderis had proved the connection with Ionia. It is also probable that the Ionians who were mentioned as Iamani or Yawan in the Neo-Assyrian texts were sea traders who came to the shores of Cilicia to establish emporia, and one of these was also Kelenderis. The name of Kelenderis appeared in a tribute list from 425 BC and the city seemed to be a member of Attic-Delian League. The connection with Athens in the 5th century BC is also proved by means of the Attic finds, especially Attic vases, which were obtained from the graves in the city. The Hellenistic and Roman sources mention Kelenderis as a small, but strong castle. The importance of the city decreased in the Late Roman times and in Late Antiquity. It is important that the city was mentioned in the geographical sources of mediaeval and subsequent ages.

Kelenderis is on the Mediterranean coast of ancient Rough Cilicia, where today Aydıncık is located. Recent excavations at Kelenderis have proved that the settlement there goes back to the Bronze Age. Based on the suitable location of the town with its harbor on the sea routes between east and west, and between Asia Minor and Cyprus, the underwater excavation of the ancient harbor of Kelenderis started in 2006; in particular, four carved stone blocks in the deep section of the harbour were considered important and were probably foundations of the quay. The main foundations of the quay were uncovered in 2007; it measured nearly 25 meters long and 5 m meters wide, although some elements of the construction around of the quay remain covered by sand and small stones. Kelenderis was one of the oldest towns in the region. Since the city was not able to develop properly throughout the historical periods, the sources which we have obtained are rather limited. The topography of the city was not suitable to enlarge the settlement and construct monumental buildings. Connections with other centres was realised mostly by shipping. The port of Kelenderis was important because of its location on the trading sea routes between East and West. But later, especially in the Roman period, it became unsuitable for larger fleets and the town lost its importance. In spite of this, unlike Aphrodisias and Nagidos, its two old neighbors, Kelenderis was never deserted entirely and the settlements in the city followed each other throughout the historical periods.

As a harbor city, Kelenderis was easily connected with Cyprus and other harbors of the Mediterranean. In spite of some difficulties, several main and secondary highways also connected the city with the other cities of this and other regions. The voyagers, who preferred mainly the sea routes that reached especially from Cyprus to Asia Minor, sailed to Kelenderis. Among the earliest voyagers, who sailed from Kyrenia to Kelenderis in 1796 and described certain ruins, such as fortifications, towers, graves and aqueducts in the city, was G.A. Olivier. Later explorers included M. Kinnier, W.M. Leake, Ch. Irby and J. Mangles. Captain F. Beaufort visited the harbours of Cilicia and prepared a map, in which he showed the ruins around the harbour. W.H. Barlett drew a panorama of the harbour with a huge tower on the peninsula. V. Langlois, M. Collignon and L. Duchesne were researchers from the last century, the latter collected the inscriptions for he first time. R. Heberdy and A. Wilhelm also published some inscriptions of the grave steles. More recent researchers include Ahmet Şerif, F. Stark, G.E. Bean and T.B. Mitford. A rescue excavation was conducted by the staff of Adana Museum, and they unearthed a Classical grave with various burial gifts, which were published by L.Zoroglu.

According to ancient authors, Kelenderis was a city in Cilicia Tracheia, i.e. the western part of Classical Cilicia. A Babylonian text related to the campaign to this region, mentions Pirindu (or Piriddu) Kingdom and Kirshu. According to a newly found inscription, Kirshu, the capital city of this Kingdom, was identified with Meydancıkkale near Kelenderis. In our opinion, Pirindu should not be considered as being Khilakku. This region, i.e. Pirindu, must be situated to the west of Calycadnus River and Kelenderis was one of the harbours of this region. Although Kelenderis was accepted as a city of Cetis, a part of Classical Tracheiotis, the surrounding area was also called “regio celenderitis”. In the late Roman period, Kelenderis was the city of Isauria. The location of the city never changed in the ancient geographical sources, but the locations of the cities to the west and east of Kelenderis are unclear. Some of the ancient authors, such as Apollodoros and Pomponius Mela gave information about the foundation of the city. Apollodoros mentioned that Kelenderis was founded by Sandokos, 467

SOMA 2007 As mentioned above, the voyagers and the previous researchers described very scanty remains which belonged to the ancient period of Kelenderis. The reason for the scarcity of the remains was the uninterrupted settlements which followed each other from the beginning up today. Each pervious settlement, naturally, was destroyed by the population of the following period, and the materials were generally reused. The earliest settlements were probably situated on the peninsula. Later, the city enlarged towards the land west of the harbour. This was proved not only by our excavations, which have been conducted since 1987, but also by a floor mosaic dated 5th century A.D, on which there is a panorama of Kelenderis. The main group of the remains is the graves which were mentioned by all the voyagers, the harbour-bath, the theatron, the fortification walls and the towers, a water channel and a few cisterns.

uncovering process 44 stone blocks were found. Based on the findings, the team concluded that they had found the base of the quay described above. In 2007, the team continued the process of uncovering sand and small stones using airlifts. 22 stone blocks have been uncovered and in total 66 elements of the quay are now visible (plan 2). All the elements were drawn and photographed. As of 2008, all the foundations of the quay have been uncovered except for a few elements of the construction that are still covered. It is probable that these elements could shed some light on the destruction of the quay (such as an earthquake or tsunami). The team is currently continuing the fieldwork and aims to find answers to questions about date of the remains and their functions.

Underwater excavation: The project was conducted by a team of underwater archaeologists in 2006. The team first undertook the challenge of mapping the harbor area and successfully finished this in August 2006. The team has realized the same grid system (5 x 5 m.) of the land excavation in the deep area of the harbor. (Plan 1) Subsequently, the team worked on removing sand and other remnants by means of vacuum system to uncover the huge foundation stones lying irregularly on the sea bed. The whole area was uncovered and the plan of ruins was drawn in a short time.

Friedman, Z. - Zoroğlu, L., 2006 “Kelenderis ShipSquare or Lateen Sail?” IJNA, 35.1, (2006) 108-116. ve Pomey, P. “The Kelenderis Ship: A Lateen Sail”, IJNA 35.2:326-335. http://cat.une.edu.au/page/kelenderishttp://www.esri.com/ news/arcnews/spring03articles/applications-ofmapping.html http://www.discoverturkey.com/bakanlik/b-aanamur.html http://www.kelenderis.org/index.asp?sayfa=arkaik Zoroğlu, L. Kelenderis I, 1994 Kaynaklar, Kalıntılar, Buluntular, Ankara.

Bibliography

At the beginning of the uncovering process, 3 carved stone blocks were visible in the deep water. After the

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HARBOR EXCAVATION OF KELENDERIS (AYDINCIK-MERSIN-TURKEY)

Plan 1: Grid system of the Kelenderis Harbor and position of the quay.

Plan 2: Plan of the quay of Kelenderis Harbor 469